Indian Antiquary Vol 07

Author(s): Jas Burgess
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032499/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY,
RELIGION, &C., &C.
EDITED BY
JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S.
VOL. VII—1878
Swati Publications
Delhi 1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395
and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
Authors' names arranged alphabetically.
PAGE Rxv. J. D. BATE, Allahabad :
XXXIX-Inscriptions of Satyraya, of VijayaThe WIVES of MUHAMMAD
... . 93
ditya, 8.651, of Ganga-Kandarpa, s. PANDIT BHAGAVÅNLÅL INDRAJI, Bombay
890, and of Vinayaditya, 8. 608 ... 111 The INSCRIPTION of RUDRADAMAN at Junagadh ... 257
XL.-W. Chalukya Grant of Mangala ... 161 CAPT. W. S. BROOKE, B.S.C, F.R.G.S., Bilkepur:
XLI. »
Vijayabhattårikå 163 Note on the CUSTOM of MAHAPRASAD in the Sam.
XLIL-E. Chalukya Grant of Vishnuvar. bhalpur District ... .. ... . ...
dhana II. ... ... ... ... 185 G. BÜHLER, Ph.D.
XLIII.
191 The Digambar Jainas ... ... ... ...
XLIV.-British Museum plates of Pulike i I... 206 Additional Note on Hastakavapra-Astakampron
XLV.-W. Chalukye Grant of Vikramaditya MSS. of the Mahabhashya from Kasmir ... ...
I., dated $. 532 ... ... ... ... 217 GURJARA GRANTS No. II.:-The Umetå Grant of
XLVI.-Early Chalukys Grant of Vijayarája Dadda II. ... ... .. ... .. ..
found at Kheda, Sam. 394 ... ... 241 ADDITIONAL VALABH GRANTS, Nos. IX.-XIV. ...
XLVII.-Cancelled Grant of Vijayavarma, Sarn. THE THREE New EDICTS of ASOKA ... ... ...
394... ... ... ... ... ... 251 Note-On the Inscription of Rudradimain, translated
XLVIII.-W. Chalukya Grant of VinayAditya,
$. 616 ... by Bhagavanlal Indraji Pandit ..
... ... .. ... DR. A. O. BURNELL, Ph.D., M.O.S., Tanjore
XLIX.-Devagiri-YAdava Grant of KrishnaWHERE WAS the SOUTHERN CHARITRAPURA, men
dêra, S. 1171 ... ... .. ... tioned by Hiwan Thang ? ... ... ... ... 39
A Chronicle of Torngal ... ... ... Note-On the Pagoda at Negapatam ... ... ... 227
Rev. T. FOULKES, F.L.S., M.R.A.S., Bengalur: Notes-On the late F. W. Ellis's Essay on the
Fan HIA'S KINGDOM of the DAKSHINA ... Malayalma Language... ... ... ... ... 287
Pror. B. H. JACOBI, Münster:
The KUDA INSCRIPTIONS H. RIVETT-CARNAC, O.S.I., B.C.S., M.R.A.S., &c. :
... ... .. MASONS' MARKS from old buildings in the North
DR. F. KIELHORN, Paņå :West Provinces of India ...
Arunad Yavano madhyamikam ...
"" " . 295 Rev. F. T. COLE, Taljhari :
C. S. KIRKPATRICK, B.C.S., DohliSANTAL IDEAs of the FUTURE ... ..
... ... . 273
POLYANDRY in the PANJAB E. C. G. CRAWFORD, Bo. C.8.
Rev. F. KITTEL :
Blya PERSONAL NAMES in the southern part of the Ar.
G. S. LEONARD, Saidput :MADABAD COLLECTORATE and NEIGHBOURING COUNTRY ...
NOTES on the KNPHAȚA YOGIS
.. .. ... 165 DALPATRAM PRÅNJIVAN KHÅKAR, Kachh
F. M. MASCARENHAS: HISTORY of the KANPHÂTAs of KACHE ... ... 47
FATHER THOMAS ESTEVÃO, S.J. EDITOR:
J. MUIR, D.O.L., LL.D., Ph.D., Edinburgh :Saks and Samvat dates ... ..
Metrical Versions from the Mahabharata ...137; 208, 292, Hiwan Thang's account of Harshavardhana
308 Abyssinian Kings... ...
Asita and Buddha ... ... ... ... ... 232 ...
R. M.:-- Hiwan Thang's account of Pulikest II. and Msh... ... ... ..
The PÅral Priesthood ... ... ... ... ... 263
290 · Seals from Copperplate Grants ... ... ... 308
The Firearms of the Hindas (see pp. 136, 981) ... 289 SIR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.S.I., Wolfelee :
Rev. Dr. G. U. POPE, BengalurNOTICE of a REMARKABLE HYPETHRAL TEMPLE in NOTES on the KURRA! of the Tamil poet the Hill Tracts of ORISSA; with remark on the
lluvar ... .. . .
*** IDENTIFICATION OF ANCIENT SITES ... ... .. 19
N. L. P.:The EDITION formerly known as the CHINESE or Golden Masks ... ... ... ... ... ... 160 JAINA PAGODA at NEGAPATAN ...
BABO RÅM DÅS SEN, Berhampur :Note-On the Orissa Hypothral Temple ... ... 268 The Firearms of the Hindus (see pp. 281, 289) ... 136 J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.:
HIS HIGHNESS RÁMA VARMÀ, First Prince of SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS -
Travankor : No. XXXIV.-Eastern Chalukya Grant, after Saks Sepulchral Urns in the district of Koimbatur ......... 26 867 ... ... ... ... ... 15
RÅVJI VASUDEVA TULLU, M.A., LL.B. - XXXV.-Kadamba Grant of DevavamA ... 83 TRADITIONAL ACCOUNT of KILIDASA... ...... 115 XXXVI. '» Mrigesvaravarma. 85 LEWIS RICE, Director of Public Instruction, Meisur XXXVII. ,
Mrigesa ... ... 87 and Kurg :XXXVIII.-Gsågs Inscription of Marimba- CHERA or GANGA GRANTS of A.D. 850 and 481 ... 188
deva, S. 890 ... .. . ... 101
... 224

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
PAGE Rev. GEORGE SHIRT, M.R.A.S.:
ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES: XIX.- Passing through TRACES of a DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT in SINDHI ... 293
Fire' ... ... ... 126 W. F. SINCLAIR, Bo. C.S.:
XX.-Trojan and Indian HINDU and JAINA REMAINS in BIJAPUR and the
pre-historic pottery, and NEIGHBOURHOOD ... ... .. ..
the Svastika symbol ... 170 Conti Pomiglianesi ... ...
Additions to Note XX. ... 289 The Firearms of the Hindus (see pp. 136, 289)
XXI.-The Old Tanjor Note-A Canarege Inscription ... ...
Armoury... ... ... 193 -stan-Dåghestån, &c. ... ... .. .
Hypoethral Temples ...
... ... ... ... 137 V. A. SMITH:
Contracted Burials' ...
... ... 182 Query: Saka and Samvat Dates
Ancient Burying-ground at Mungapet16, and Crosses 234 SORABJI KÅVASJI KHAMBÅTÅ:
MAJOR J. W. WATSON, Rajkot:Pârst Funeral and Initiatory Rites ...
FRAGMENTS RELATING TO ANANDAPURA in SAURASHThe Telephone ... ... .... ... ..
TRA ... ...
... ... ... .. 7 R. B. SWINTON, late M.C.S.:RAJMARALI WORDS
... ... 180
MAJOR E. W. WEST:
Golden Masks (see p. 160) ... ... ... ... 26 Prov. C. H. TAWNEY, M.A., Calcutta - Ancient superstitions regarding "meeting eyebrows" 87
Assyrian Dress illustrated by that of the Hindus ... 181 ED. THOMAS, F.R.S., &c., London -
PROF. MONIER WILLIAMS, D.C.L., Bodleian Prof. The Phrygian Inscriptions at Doganla ... ... 228
of Sanskrit at Oxford :M. J. WALHOUSE, late M.C.S., London :
Parel Funeral and Initiatery Rites (see p. 268) ... 397 ARCHÆOLOGICAL NOTES: XVI.-Chivalry in Lower
A Case of Samadh in India ... .... ... ... 284 India ... ... 21
Modern Avatleas of the Deity... ... ... 287 >> >> XVII.-Some Hindu Snake Kabir-panthla and Sat-nimis-(addition to the above) 308
Notions ... ... 40 GAIKWADI: XVIII.-Sepulchral Customs 44 L Query-Names of Countries ending in -stan..... 27, 235
MISCELLANEA. Buddhism in Putu ... ... ...
.. ... ..29 Antiquity of Insurance in India, by R. B. Swinton, MS. of the Pratitakhya of he Sama Veda ... ... 80 late M.C.S. ... ... .. Geldner and Geiger's Zend publications... .. ... 30 Archæology in Japan ... ... The blinding of ShAh Mansur by his rebellious son... 87 Banyans at Astrakhan in 1722 ... ... The Hissarlik relics-the Swastika, by H. M. Westropp 119 Mr. Henry Blochmann ... ... Polyandry in the Himalayas, by Dr. O. R. Stalpnagel, Prof. Gerçin de Tassy ... ... Lahor
"" ... .. ... 132 The Sun Worshippers of Asia ...
Ramayana-Early Italian version
BOOK NOTICES. Iter Persicum, par Etienne Kakaach Zalonkemeny ... 80 J. G. da Cunbal. Sahyadri-Khanda of the Skands Parka 208 Gesta Romanorum, by Rev. C. Swan and W. Hooper,
History of the Tooth-relic of Ceylon, -8.286 B.A., by O.T. ... .. ... .. ...... 81
1 The English and their Monuments at The Adi Granth, by Dr. E. Trampp.-M. ... ... 67
Goa, -S.... ... ... ... ... 236 MAlavikA et Agnimitrs, par Ph. Ed. Foucaux,-0. T... 60 Dr. M. Williams'. Modern India and the Indians,-S. 236 Beames's Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Rev. M. A. Sherring's Hindu Pilgrims,-8. ... ... 286
Languages of India, vol. II.-M. .. ... .. 87 Lieut. N. Powlett's Eastern Legends and Stories,-8. 286 Dr. D. Wright's History of Nepal
Morris's Descriptive and Historical Account of the Islamisme d'après le Coran, par M. G. de Tassy; Islam
Godavery District -. ... ... ... ... ... 237 and its Founder, by J. W. H. Stobart, B.A. ... 119 Histoire de l'Asie Centrale, par Mir Abdoul Kerim The Vederthayatna ... .. .. .. .. .. 189 Boukhary,-8. ... .. . ... .. 887 Prof. B. K. Douglas's Life of Jenghiz Khân ... ... 140 Viscount Strangford's Original Letters and Papers Prof. Dowson's History of India as told by its own upon Philological and kindred subjecta,--. ... 269 Historians, vol. VIII.,-8. ... ... ... ... 1&2
Prof. Tielo's Outlines of the History of Religion,-M. 269 J. G. da Cunha's History and Antiquities of Chaul and Prof. Whitney's Language and the Study of Lan.
Bassein.-S. ... ... ... .... ... ... 183 guages,-9. ... ... ... .... ... ... 270 La langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies in 1877, par Talboyo Wheeler's Early Records of British India.-9. 271
M. G. de Taasy,-E. R.... ... ...

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CONTENTS.
a toto
ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE
PAGE 1 Copper-plate Grant of the Eastern Chalnkys dy. 17 Western Chalukya Grant of the fifth year of VijayaDasty, I. to IVa...to face p. 16
bhatt&rik...(2 pp.) 164, 165 IV., V. and Soul...26, 17 18 Harihara Ganga Copper-plate Grant ...(pp.) 178, 178 of the Kidamba Devavarma ... (pp.) 82, 83 19 Eastern Chalukya Grant of the fifth year of Vishnu> Mrigésavarm ... ... 85
vardhana II. ...(2 pp.) 190, 191 Mrigleavarma I. to IIIa 20 Daggers from the Tanjor Armoury ... ... .183
(2 pp.) 36, 37 21 Old Hindu Arrow-heads ... ... ... ... 194
IIIb, IV. and Seal 88, 89 29 Western Chalakya Copper-plate Grant of Vikram 7 Umeta Copper-plate grant of Dadda II. (2 sides) 62, 63
ditya. I. S. 533 ... .. .. .. 218, 219 8 Valabhi Grant of Guhasena dated S. 240 (2 sides) 66, 67 28 Ancient Tower and Images from Negapatam (2 pp.) Dharasens IL. S. 252... (2 sides) 68, 69
224, 225 10
Dharsséna II. S. 270... (2 sidee) 72, 73 24 Chalukya Grant of Vijayaraja, S. 394...(2 sides) 248, 249 11
Dharasena IV. 8. 880... (2 sides) 74, 75 25 Date of the cancelled Grant of Vijayavarm, and
Kharagraha II. (S. 837) Plate I. ... 76 five Seals (see p. 808) ... ... ... ... 252, 253 13
Plate IL. 78 36 Mason's Marks ... ... ... ...(2 pp.) 296, 297 14 Seal of the Eastern Chalukya Grant of Ammarija 27 Western Chalukya-Grant of VinayAditya-Saty.
II. ( n p. 808, and vol. VIII. p. 78) ... ... 120
frays ....... .. ... ... ...(.pp.) 800, 301 15 (1) Shaft at Bijapur; (2) Composite Bracket radia- 28 YAdara Grant of Kanharadeva, eides I. and II. ... 804, 305 ting arches ... ...
191
III. and IV. ... 306, 307 16 Copper-plate Grant of the Chalukya king Mangala
(2 pp.) 160, 161

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
FAH HIAN'S KINGDOM OF THE DAKSHIŅA. BT THOMAS FOULKES, F.L.S., M.R.A.S., CHAPLAIN OF SAINT JOHN'S, BANGALORE.. TT was apparently Fah Hian's original inten- regarding the correctness of this identificaI tion to pass from North India to Ceylon tion. through Southern India, but on making inqui- | The limitation of the word 'Dakhan' to ries into the state of the country through that portion of South India which lies between which his ronte would lie, he was obliged, for the Vindhyas and a moveable line in the neighsome unmentioned reason, to give up this por- bourhood of the Krishna, I need scarcely say, tion of his enterprise. The short report which is comparatively modern ; in Fah Hian's time he has left of the results of those inquiries is the word 'Dakshiņa,' when used in • geogravery interesting, and contains allusions which phical sense, embraced the whole country beseem to me to be capable of being developed tween the Vindhyas and Cape Kumari(Comorin). into an outline of the condition of an important It is therefore remarkable that he should use portion of Southern India during the earliest this word as the name of a kingdom. He does centuries of the Christian era.
not indeed say that there was no other kingHe tells us that "two hundred yeouyan to the dom besides this within those limits, and south there is a kingdom called Tha-thsen," it is well known from other sources that the and he then proceeds to describe two or three whole of that region was not in his time under circumstances respecting it which had come to the rule of a single monarch; still, what had his knowledge. The object of this paper is been conveyed to his mind by his informants, to try to identify this kingdom by a develop- who were themselves people of the country, ment of the meaning of these words and their was, that there was a kingdom in the south, context, and by a comparison of the interpre- whatever its other name or names may have tation so obtained with other information re- been, which was at that time sufficiently prespecting the condition of South India at the eminent amongst its neighbours to be entitled to time to which his description refers.
be called The kingdom of the south.' PerM. Klaproth long ago recognized the word haps it may be allowable to infer that this Tha-thsen' as Fah Hian's equivalent of the word kingdom had received that name on account of "Dakshina ("the South'), a denomination its comparatively large extent of territory, or applied to the vast country called at present the from having established some kind of paramount Dakhan, which is the valgar pronunciation of authority over the rest of the kingdoms of South Dakshina :" and no question is likely to arise India.
The present paper is based on Mr. Laidley's translation of the French edition of MM. Rémunat, Klaproth, and Landresse.

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2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Fah Hian's short description" contains several indirect indications that this great kingdom was in an advanced state of civilization:
1. Architecture and sculpture were represented by the Buddhist monastery, carved out of an isolated rock, and containing 1500 cells, of which he gives a somewhat particular description. The rock was cut down to represent a building of five storeys rising above each other in pyramidal form; each storey was carved into the shape of an animal, or series of animals, culminating in a pigeon of sufficient size to contain a hundred monks' cells. This pigeon also held a reservoir of water, and the water was conducted from it in channels which ran round each of the five storeys in succession, and ultimately flowed out through the outer gate of the monastery. This colossal curiosity of architectural and sculptural art may very justly be regarded not as an isolated and entirely singular monument, but as a very remarkable instance or copy of a class of structural buildings of various degrees of resemblance to it, which were to be found in the surrounding country: since it can scarcely be thought probable that the architect and sculptor would rise at one bound to the conception of an edifice of this high character, to be carved, in the first instance, out of the solid rock. It may therefore fairly be regarded as an example of the style of architecture, whether indigenous or imported, which prevailed at the time of its construction, and which had existed for some time previously, in this part of South India.
For the sake of reference we add Beal's version of Fah-hian's 35th section in full:--
"Going two hundred yojanas south from this, there is a country called Ta-thsin (Dakshina). Here is a Sangharama of the former Buddha Kasyapa. It is constructed out of a great mountain of rock hewn to the proper shape. This building has altogether five storeys. The lowest is shaped into the form of an elephant, and has five hundred stone cells in it. The second is in the form of a lion, and has four hundred chambers. The third is shaped like a horse, and has three hundred chambers. The fifth storey is in the shape of a dove, and has one hundred chambers in it. At the very top of all is a spring of water, which, flowing in a stream before the rooms, encircles each tier, and so, running in a circuitous course, at last arrives at the very lowest storey of all, where, flowing past the chambers as before, it finally issues through the door of the building. Throughout the consecutive tiers, in various parts of the building, windows have been pierced through the solid rock for the admission of light, so that every chamber is quite illuminated, and there is no darkness (throughout the whole). At the four corners of this edifice they have hewn out the rock into steps, as a means for ascending. Men of the present time point out a small ladder which reaches up to the highest point (of the rock) by which men of old ascended it, one foot at a time (?). They derive the name which they give to this building, viz. Po-lo-ya, from an Indian word [? pârâvata]. signifying
[JANUARY, 1878.
2. The existence of this vi håra would of itself be sufficient to justify the conclusion that the Buddhist religion had taken considerable root in the 'kingdom of the south,' and that those who professed it were a respectable class of its subjects. But Fah Hian does not leave this circumstance to be merely conjectured: for he distinctly refers to the Buddhist monks, as well as to the Brahmans and heretics, who dwelt in this kingdom. Religion, therefore, regarding it here as a mark of the civilization of the 'kingdom of the south,'-was represented by each of the highest forms of religious philosophy to which the intellect of India had then risen.
3. This last circumstance involves another mark of the civilization of this kingdom: for in the fact that Buddhist monks, Brahmans, and dissenters from both, lived side by side within it, there is an indication that religious toleration was both understood and practised, in some measure or other, by both the rulers and the subjects of the kingdom of the south.' And this is the more remarkable since Fah Hian distinctly states that the masses of the people were perversely opposed to the Buddhist religion, notwithstanding their voluntary or compulsory toleration of it.
4. The presence of these 'Samanæans, Brâhmans, and Heretics' implies the corresponding existence of the voluminous literature of each of these religious denominations in 'the kingdom of the south.'
5. Fah Hian was informed by the people
'pigeon. There are always Rahats abiding here. This land is hilly and barren, without inhabitants. At a considerable distance from the hill there are villages, but all of them are inhabited by heretics. They know nothing of the law of Buddha, or Shamans, or Brahmans, or of any of the different schools of learning. The men of that country continually see persons come flying to the temple. On a certain occasion there were some Buddhist pilgrim from different countries who came here with a desire to pay religious worship at this temple. Then the men of the villages above alluded to asked them saying, "Why do you not fly to it? We behold the religious men who occupy those chambers constantly on the wing. These men then answered by way of excuse, 'Because our wings are not yet perfectly formed. The country of Ta-thsin is precipitous, and the roads dangerous and difficult to find. Those who wish to go there ought to give a present to the king of the country, either money or goods. The king then deputes certain men to accompany them as guides, and so they pass the travellers from one place to another, each party pointing out their own roads and intricate bye paths. Fah Hian, finding himself in the end unable to proceed to that country, reports in the above passages merely what he heard."-Beal's Travels of Fah-hian and Sung-yun, pp. 139-141.
This is in accordance with Mr. Laidley's version, from which Mr. Beal's differs in this particular.

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JANUARY, 1878.]
FAH HIAN'S KINGDOM OF THE DAKSHIŅA.
of the country that a service of state-guides existed in this kingdom, and that they were paid for their.services, through the government officials, at & regulated price, and that this price had to be paid in advance by the traveller on his entrance into the ounntry. This I understand to be the meaning of his words,—“Those who desire to proceed thither should first pay a certain sum of money to the king of the country, who will then appoint people to accompany them and show them the way."
6. This service of guides, considered, as it is by Fah Hian, as a remarkable feature in the character of this kingdom, could scarcely have arisen as a state institution in any but one possessing extensive territory. His description of the route through this kingdom implies as much also :-“The roads of the kingdom of Tha-thsen are dangerous, toilgome, and not easy to know :" for, written as these words were after he had accomplished the difficult land-journey from China to India, he is clearly referring to an extensive tract of country abounding in mountains and deep rivers, and jungles infested by robbers and wild beasts. The same conclusion seems to arise from the context of this description of the roads: for he proceeds at once to add, first, that the traveller had to pay down " a certain sum of money to the king of the country" before he made the journey on these ronds; and, secondly, that he was unable to proceed thither." I gather from this, first, that it was principally, if not entirely, the necessity of advancing this money which de. terred him from proceeding by the land route to Ceylon : for it seems very improbable that the great zeal and intrepidity which had already accomplished the Himalayan journey would shrink before the lesser difficulties of the Dakhan, provided those difficulties were of a similar kind. And, if this was the deterring reason, I gather, secondly, that the sum of money required to be advanced was not a' mere passenger's toll, but a considerable sum, which Fah Hian's purse was unable to meet, or which he did not consider advisable to spend in this manner.
7. Fah Hian, as a zealous Buddhist, looked at this institution, as he did at everything else during his sojourn in India, only as it affected himself and others of his own profession: he speaks of this service simply as one of guides, and of the persons who benefited by it as "the
Clergy of Reason of the other kingdoms," who proceeded "thither to practise the rites." Religious mendicants, unencumbered with pr perty, would need nothing more than to be shown the way of their journey: but I cannot imagine a powerful state setting about the establishment of an elaborate and expensive service of this kind for the benefit of these monks alone, if their travels were made for exclusively religious pur. poses. If we could learn more of this institution, it would probably turn out to be the old police service of Southern India, and the persons for whose benefit it was more especially instituted, and applied in the form to which Fah Hian refers, were the merchants who traversed the Dakhan in those days with the lighter and most precious articles of the commerce of the East. Their valuable merchandize would need and could well pay for this kind of state escort; and the rich benefits of this commerce which they brought into the kingdom would afford efficient motives to induce the state to create or to apply a police service of this kind for their protection. This service, therefore, thus regarded, suggests another mark of the civilization of the kingdom of the south,' namely, its valuable commerce, and its inland trade-routes.
These instances of the political, intellectual, and religious condition of Fah Hian's 'kingdom of the south,' taken in connection with the soveral matters which lie beneath them and lead up to them, seem fully to warrant the conclusion that it was both extensive and powerful, and that it was advanced in the best forms of the civilization which India had worked out in those early times.
Fah Hian mentions the king of the country,' and there seem to be some considerations in his description which lead to the conclusion that this or some previous ruler or rulers of this kingdom was a patron of Buddhism, if not himself a Buddhist :
1. The presence of Buddhist monks is sufficient to show that the rulers of the kingdom were not inimical to the Buddhist religion. Brahmaņs and Jains were already on the scene, ready to take advantage of any ascendancy of their religion at court to crush their bated rivals; and the common people, in at least one part of the kingdom, were avowedly rejectors of Buddhism.
2. It is much more likely that the toleration

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1878.
of these rival religions should have proceeded guish three kinds of yojana :-the great yojaną of from a mild Buddhist monarch than from a 80 l, which is used in the measurement of level king whose sympathies were with the party countries, where the absence of mountains and of innovation, whose earliest appearances on rivers renders the road easy; the mean yojana the stage of the history of the times which su- of 60 li, when rivers and mountains oppose some ceeded Fah Hian's days are associated with bit- difficulties to the traveller; and the little yojana ter controversies, and a fanatical hatred of their of 40 li, adapted to those countries where the Buddhist opponents, which prepared the way mountains are precipitous and the rivers very for their general extermination.
deep." Fah Hian says that "the roads of the 3. It is scarcely probable that a colossal kingdom of the Dakshiņa are dangerous, toilsome, work of art, like Fah Hian's rock-cut monastery, and not easy to know;" and it therefore seems could have been undertaken by any one but a natural to suppose that the little yojana of forty powerful, rich, and prosperous king, or rather, li would be selected by him as the most appliconsidering the time which such a work would cable in this instance. M. Rémusat, in fact, require for its completion, by & succession of adopts the little yojana of 4 English miles as such kings. And it is similarly improbable "applicable with exactness to the most celebrated that a costly and everlasting monument of this localities" which have been identified in these description would have been so undertaken travels of Fah Hian. For the present purpose, unless the king or kings bad religious convic- therefore, it seems reasonable to adopt this tions in harmony with the object for which measurement of 4 miles for the yojana in the such a magnificent building was constructed. interpretation of Fa Hian's report; and his words
We may now pass on to investigate the lo- then, put into plain English, will be, "Nine cality of the kingdom of Tha-thsen.
hundred miles to the south of Banaras there is Fah Hian places it" two hundred yeouyan to a kingdom called the kingdom of the south." the south"-namely, to the south of the place The question now arises, What point had he where he was when he described it. In the in his mind at the other end of his line? He preceding chapter we find him ascending the starts from a fixed point, Banfras; and it seems Heng (Ganges) from Palianfoe (Patalipatra) natural to suppose that he is referring to some until "he came to the town of Pho-lo-nai equally definite spot, which it had been his (Varanasi, Banâras), in the kingdom of Kia-shi" wish to visit in Southern India-very probably (Kashi). Banaras, therefore, is the starting the capital city of the kingdom which he is point of his measurement of the two hundred describing, or, possibly enough, the remarkable yeouyan.
rock-cut Pigeon Monastery, which he inmediateThe yeouyan, as the equivalent of the Sans- ly proceeds to describe. krit yojana, is "a measure of distance equal One more preliminary question needs to be to four kroshas, which at 8000 cubits or 4000 answered, namely, With what degree of exactyards to the krosha or kos will be almost exactly ness does Fah Hian indicate the directions of the nine miles; other computations make the yojana localities which he mentions? What is to be but about five miles, or even no more than four understood by his expression to the south'? An miles and a half." (Wilson, Sansk. Dict.) The examination of several passages of his travels Chinese appear to have used the word not leads me to the conclusion that, short only of so much as a definite measure of length, scientific exactness, he lays down the relative as to express the distance from one halting positions of places very correctly, but he does place to another during royal progresses on the not go beyond the four cardinal points of the imperial highroads, and between the relays of compass and the four intermediate points. Any the post; and the actual length of the different place, therefore, lying between south-south-east stages appears to have depended upon the level and south-south-west would be to the south, or hilly character of the country, and so to have within the usual meaning of his words. On a varied much everywhere. "The translations map of India I mark off by its scale a line 900 of Buddhist works," says M. Rémusat, " distin- miles in length. Applying this line to the map
Hiwen Theang calls the monastery Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-l, and says it was built by king So-to-po-ho (Satavahana ?).Mém. sur les Cout. Occid. II. p. 101.

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FAH HIAN'S KINGDOM OF THE DAKSHINA.
in a southerly direction from Banaras, and de- pretation with what is known of the history of flecting it a little to the west, to keep within the the portion of South India to which it refers in limits of the land, the end of the 900 miles will tho days of Fah Hian. The most northerly be found in the neighbourhood of Madras; and, locality to which his indications have brought as Madras is only about 2, degrees to the west us, namely, the deltas of the Godavari and of the meridian of Banâras, any place in the Krishņâ, lies within the limits of the ancient neighbourhood of Madras will suit Fah Hian's kingdom of Vengi; and the most southern distance and direction, according to this mode point lies within forty miles of Conjeveram, the of measurement. It seems certain, however, old capital city Kanchi, famous amongst that while we may consider Madras to be about both Buddhists and Brâhmans as the seat of a the extreme south point to which his description powerful kingdom, and the centre of the civilizacan apply, Fa Hian had a more practicable route tion of Southern India, in the earliest days of in mind than the crow-fight line; and when he its known history. says that “the roads of the kingdom of Tha- That both Vengi and Kanchi formed thsen are dangerous, teilsome, and not easy to portions of one and the same kingdom at the know," he seems to suggest an intricate inland time when the grants of the kings of the route, rather than the road by the coast. If so, Pallavas in Sir Walter Elliot's collection allowance must be made for the circuitousness were issued is abundantly evident from the and sinuosities of that route, and the end of the contents of those grants, especially when taken 900 miles will then fall a good deal north of in connection with those of their neighbours Madras. In this long distance perhaps en al- the Chera, the Kadamba, and the Chalowance of about one-fourth will be sufficient to lakya kings; and there is no likelihood of cover these deflections from the straight line ; any doubt being raised, in the present position and the end of Fah Hian's line will then fall in of our information, that those grants of the the neighbourhood of the Krishpå.
Pallavas which have already been published, The result of this method of interpreting Fah though they bear no date, certainly belong to Hian's 35th chapter may now be stated in these the time which closely bordered on that of Fah words :-Two hundred travelling stages to the Hian's visit. For the purposes of this paper, south of Banaras-that is to say, somewhere therefore, it amounts to the same thing whether between the basin of the Godavari and the the central spot of the kingdom of Tha-thsen, basin of the Palar-lay, in the year 400 to which Fah Hian's information referred, lay in A.D., the heart of an extensive kingdom, the basins of the Godavari and Krishna, or in namely, the kingdom of the south,' where the the basins of the Palar and the Pennárs, since arts of architecture and sculpture had attained the whole of these localities were in his days a high stage of progress; where religion, philoso- under the rule of the kings of the Palla vas. pby, and literature were represented by Buddhist All that is at present known of these kings monks, Brahmans, and other religious sectarians; and their dominions corresponds with the interwhere internal order was maintained by a woll- pretation which I have above offered of Fah organized police, whose services were available | Hian's narrative : for the protection of pilgrims of religion, as 1. That they were the paramount power in well as for merchants and their merchandize; the Dakhan when the first Chala kya which possessed Buddhist monuments of suf army crossed the Narmada, in or about the 5th ficient interest and importance to induce "the century A.D., has long been known from Sir Clergy of Reason of the other kingdoms (to] go Walter Elliot's earliest papers on the Chalukya thither and practise the rites;" whose material dynasties.. The earliest kingdom of the Chåprogress was apparently aided by a rich and ex- lukyas in the Dakhan was conquered by them tensive commerce; and which was governed by a from the Pallavas, and their peaceable possesmild and enlightened monarch, who, while he sion of it was confirmed by the marriage of the seems to have himself possessed Buddhist sym- Chalukya king with a princess of the Palla pathies, was nevertheless tolerant of all other vas. So that a short time after, and so, apreligions.
parently, at the very time of Fah Hian's visit, We may now proceed to compare this inter the Pallava dominions extended far up into

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[JANUARY, 1878
the north-western districts of the Dakban; most exquisite portions of the sculpture of that while at about the same time the whole of the magnificent Buddhist monument were carved seaboard from the northern limits of the Chola about the very time of Fah Hian's visit to India. kingdom at or about the southern Pennar up And this splendid example of a Buddhist tope to the southern boundary of Orissa, together forms a fitting companion to his correspondingwith the whole of the inland country westwards ly grand Buddhist vih â r &, as a twin example as far as the borders of the Cheras and the of the high style of architecture which prevailed Kada mbas, was in the possession of these in these parts in his days. kings. Vengi remained in their possession | 4. Hiwen Thsang has shown that throughfor about two centuries later than the time of out the whole course of his journey along the Fah Hian, when about A.D. 608) it was wrest- upper eastern coast the monasteries of the Buded from them by Kabja Vishnu Var-dhists abounded everywhere, many of them still dhana, the younger brother of the Chalukya flourishing, and many more of them in ruins ; king; and Kanchi continued to be the capi. and that the greatest number of ruined Buddhist tal of their curtailed but still very powerful buildings, as well as the then preponderating kingdom until a much later date, and, with numbers of Brahmaņical temples, lay in those still. further curtailment of territory, very pro- | parts of his route which had but lately passed bably, until the tenth century, when the from the Palla vas into the hands of the Cholas, taking advantage of the decay of Vishņu-worshipping Chalukya. their power, and of the anarchy which resulted 5. The identity of the Palla va style of from it, carved the new state of Tonda man architecture with that of Fah Hian's kingdom dalam out of the last remnant of their pos- of the south is strikingly exemplified by the sessions. They were in the height of their Great Rath' at Mahamallapuram, on the seapower in Southern India, therefore, at the time shore about 35 miles from the Pallava capital, of Fah Hian's visit; and their extensive domi- Kinchipuram, and apparently its commercial nions were then fully entitled to be called the port. Mr. Fergusson has called this Buddhist kingdom of the Dakshiņa.'
monument "a literal copy of the Pigeon 2. That they were at least patrons of Bud- Vihara of Fah Hian's kingdom of the south: dhism seems clear from the fact of the existence and he regards it and the other raths at that of Buddhists and Buddhist institutions in their place as "the prototypes of the style" of Dra. kingdom and their capital city; and that they vidian architecture, and "the originals from were also tolerant of the Brâhmaņical religion which all the Viminas in Southern India were is shown by the circumstance that all their grants copied." Sir Walter Elliot, many years ago, of lands which are as yet known were bestowed connected these raths with the Palla vas: and as Brahmanical endowments. These facts, there. Mr. Fergusson assigns them to the 5th or 6th fore, run parallel in this respect with Fah Hian's century, "if not indeed earlier"--a date, espereport of the Samanæans, Brihmans, and cially when it is expressed in this tentative Heretics living together in the kingdom of the fórm, which brings their construction suffDakshina.'
ciently near to Fah Hian's days to connect the 3. Whether they were themselves Buddhists “ Great Rath" with his rock-cut monastery in or not, they were at any rate patrons of Buddhist point of time, as its form so remarkably does architecture. Mr. Fergasson has shown that the in point of architectural style. culminating point of Buddhist architecture was 6. While these considerations lead to the attained, or at least most prominently represent- conclusion that the kings of the Palla vas ed, in the Tope of Amrå vati, on the banks of were powerful, enlightened, and prosperous, the Krishna, which stood in the very centre of the sources of their great prosperity are not far the dominions of the Pallava s, and that the to seek. The central emporium of the whole of
He places the monastery in Kiao-sa-lo or Kosala, the Avarakila-safighfrimas. Probably this was B jw&d. After capital of which may have been about Vairagadh or Bhan- another 1000 X to the south-west and south he came to dak; thence he goes south 900 li to 'An-to-lo or Andhra, Chu-li-ye, the capital of which Fergusson would place at the capital of which he calls Ping-ki-lo, from which he Nelur on the coast, and Cunningham at Karnal on the Tunproceeded southwards 1000 li to T'o-na-kie-tae-kia (Dha- gabhadra. May it not be the Western Chalukys kingnakacheka) or Ta-'an-ta-lo (Mahe-Andhra), at the capital dom?-ED. of which were two famous monasteries, the Parvailland

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JANUARY, 1878.)
ANANDAPURA IN SAURASHTRA.
the commerce between India and the Golden Chersonese and the regions to the farther East, and so of every sea-board beyond India between China and'the western world, was within their territory; and all the diamond mines then known to the world were also within their dominions, and had probably supplied every diamond which up to that time had ever adorned a diadem. The bulk of that commerce went southwards from that "locus unde solvunt in Chrysen navigantes" in coasting vessels around Cape Kumari to the ports of departure for the markets of the West on the western coast : but the lighter and most valuable articles, and especially the diamonds and other precious stones, would naturally find their way by the shorter land-route to those ports; and merchants laden with these precious commodities would need to be protected along the wild roads across the peninsula, and could well afford to pay for that protection Fah Hian's "certain sum of money to the king of the country."
For these reasons the conclusion seems to me to be irresistible that Fah Hian's kingdom called Tha-thsen' is the great kingdom of the Pallavas of Kanchi.
If this identification is well established, it will supply an important missing link in the history
of India between the times which are covered by the classical and the Buddhist relations, and by the evidence of coins, and the dawn of the unbroken period from the 5th century downwards which is covered by Sir Walter Elliot's Chilukya inscriptions; it will prepare the way for an investigation of the next earlier link in the chain, namely, the question of the origin of these kings of the Palla va s, which will probably fill in the remainder of the gap; it will account for the possibility of the splendid commerce of these parts up through the age of Ptolemy to the times of the Periplus, by showing the existence of a local government sufficiently powerful for its protection; it will also, I hope, contribute something towards the completion of Mr. Fergusson's almost perfect continuity of Buddhist architectural history from the topes and viháras of Gandh î ra, through the Tope of Amråvati, the nine-storeyed Chaitya of the Diamond Sands, the Pigeon Monastery of Fah Hian, and the Vihara Rath of Mah amallapura, down to the manystoreyed rihúras of Java, and the pyramidal vimanas and Goparas of medieval India; and it will help to restore an almost forgotten empire to its due place in the ancient history of India.
FRAGMENTS RELATING TO ANANDAPURA IN SAURASHTRA.
BY MAJOR J. W. WATSON. The Anandapura of Hiwen Thsâng is is about 64 miles to the north-west of Valabhi stated by that author to be 700 li, or about 135 as the crow fies; but as the hilly country miles, to the north-west of Vala bh i. General between Valabhi and Anandapura,.commencing Cuaningham, in his Ancient Geography of India near Gadh rå, was in former times not (p. 493), says that the town has been identified only covered with thick jungle, but also de with Barnagar (Vadnagar in Gujarat) by M. void of roads, it is not only possible, but proVivien de Saint-Martin ;' he, however, mentions bable, that a traveller would be obliged to that Vadnagar is 150 miles to the east of make a détour of forty, or fifty miles to reach north, and he subsequently suggests that the that town, the territories subordinate to which, kingdom of Anandapura may correspond with after making so long a détour, one might be apt to the triangular tract lying between the mouth consider of greater extent than they really of the Bank 8 river on the west, and the were. It is, therefore, just possible that the Sabarmati river on the east.
Anandapura in the Panchala is really Now Anandapura in Saurashtra, the Anandapura of the Chinese pilgrim. It is or more correctly in the Dev a-Panchala, doubtless of very respectable antiquity, and
Julien, Mém. sur les Cont. Occid. tom. II. p. 406. This logical Report on Kachidvad and Kachh, pp. 84, 85, where was on the authority of Stevenson, Kilpa Sittra, pp. 2, 15. it was suggested that the Anandapura of Hiwen Thsang Cunningham makes oli equal one mile, and so makes might be that still existing.-ED. Anandapura only 117 miles from Valabhl. Conf. Archæo. The Deva-Panchala is a fubdivision of Saurashtra.

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[JANUARY, 1878.
hus a fine temple, the founding of which is Chudisama Ananda, after whom it was named commonly attributed to Sidhraj Jaya- This, if true, would place its foundation subse singh of Anbilvå da, besides another older quent to Hiwen Thsâng's visit to Saurashtra. temple, now in ruins, which was sacred to a Naga, The following kavita celebrates the founding of or snake-deity. Three kos east of Anandapura Anandapura :was a town called Dhokalvå, and east of this
# T. is a small hill called the Dhandhan town hill. Dhundhan is now waste, but its old site can be
संवत १९२०, मास आसु नरमल; shown, and close to this spot the Bhadar वार भोम तथ बीज, नक्षत्र सुर्वात सकोमल. river rises. At this place Dhundho Rak- पांचाल देश उत्तम स्थान, नर नरंद्र गढ पतीयाँ; shasa is said to have been born; he afterwards रच्य। शहर जदुराय, पुर आणंद छत्र पतीयो. went to Chobari, the inhabitants of which
खट त्रीश वंश व्हाहर खडा, कवाट राय केदज कीयो; village ho devoured, and from this spot he
अनंतराय कनकरे, राज आणंद पर रचीयो. devastated the neighbouring villages, devouring theirinhabitants. So great were his ravages
"In Samvat 1124, in the pure month of Asu, that he rendered the Panchâla desolate,
On Tuesday the second day of the month in and a vast forest sprang up there. Dhundho
the delicate nakshatra of Suvânt, Rakshasa, was, however, at last slain by Raja
In that best place the land of Panchåla, the Risâ lu, reputed to be the eldest son of
man, a king of men, the fort-lord, Gohil Sa k à bandhi Saliv å ha na, king
The Jadav Rii founded the city, the umbrellaof Mungipur Påţan. Raja Risâlu is said
lord (founded) Anandapura. to have gone to marry at Ujjain, but there being
Brave men of the thirty-six races standing by offended broke off the match and went to
him, he imprisoned Rai Kawât. Dholka; here he played a game of chess
Anant Rii, son of Kanaka, founded the king. with the Raja for the hand of his daughter dom of Anandapura." Phulmati, and winning married that lady and And so the following duho:took her with him to the Panchala, then suffering from the ravages of Dhandho Rakshasa.
भो अनंते पांचालमा, नरपत धरीयु नाम; Here Risklu heard that the Rakshasa resided et Chobari, and an old womau informed him that
राज आगंह पर रचावीयो, करीयो ओनम काम. the Râ kshasa every morning went to the Panch- “That Ananta in the Panchala Mukhi Wåv at Chobari to bathe and pay his
Assumed the title of Lord of men ;' adorations to the Sun, and that at such times his
He founded the kingdom of Anandapura, body was turned into wax. She further added And in so doing performed a most excellent that if at that time some prince of royal blood
deed." would sever his head from his body he would
. certainly die, though otherwise he was impervious to mortal arms. The prince accordingly,
वंश रुपं भुप जदुवंशी, नरपत राखण नाम: next day, went to the wiv and smote off the head
अंतेश्वर आणंदमे, धयुं धो धर धाम. of the Rakshasa while occupied with his devo
"He, that Jaduvansi king of illustrious family, tions to the Sun, and slew him. After this Risalu Who assumed the title of Lord of men,' broaght Phulmati to Chobari and reigned there.
Built a mighty temple After some time a Wanjaro (Brinjara) named
To Anteśvara in Anandapura." Hathio, leader of a caravan of 900,000 beasts of So far for the founding of Anandapura by burden, came to Chobâri, and an improper Ananda Chudasama, and according to this the intimacy sprang up between him and Phulmati. large temple should be attributed to this AranRisála, discovering this, slew Hâthio, and a da, and not to Sidhraj who is reputed its foundlarge pile of stones (", chag) marks the spot er. But the custom of attributing all works of between Chobâri and Anandapura where he was archeological interest in Gujarat to Sidhraj or buried. As far, however, as I can ascertain, Kumara Pala is too well known to need any Anandapura was founded in Samvat 1124 by comment from me. And though the date forbida
Query-Is this the Rejs Basala of Canningham (vide his Ancient Geography) in another form?
GET,

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ANANDAPURA IN SAURASHTRA.
JANUARY, 1878.]
us to think that this can be the Anandapura alluded to by Hiwen Thsâng, it is just as likely as not that the date quoted in the duha is wrong, and it may be Samvat 624, which would place the founding of the city in 568 A.D. There is, however, one great objection to this, viz. that in A. D. 568 the Chuda samas had not, as far as our present knowledge extends, entered Saurashtra. Other solutions of the difficulty are-that this Ananda of the legend following is quite another person than the Ananda mentioned in the two duhas, and that the first Ananda was a Yadava, and the second Ananda, though a Yâdava also, one of the Chudâsamâ branch. The following verses show that the second Ânanda imprisoned R& Ka w âd of Junagadh, and in vain desired him to perform obeisance. The four duhás are evidently fragments of a longer poem, and the name Ananda, as well as the imprisonment of Râ Kawâd by a king of the name of Ananda, corresponds to the famous story of the imprisonment of Ra Kawâd on the Shial Bet by a Raja of Kalyâna, and his release from bondage by Ug â Wâlâ. As, however, the first kavita alludes to the imprisonment of Rå Kawâd, I give them for what they are worth :
दुही ३.
पाव हड मे पीयो, हवे मुळे हाथ;
जोर सघली जाणीओ, कर मजरो कवाट.
Your strength is fully known:
Make, O Kawât, a humble salutation."
लाजे गढ गरनार, नव सोरठ नीचुं जुए. "The Râ replied in a kingly manner, How should I bow myself to you? Gadh Girnår would be shamed,
And the nine divisions of Sorath would have to look down.'"
This Ananda and his successors reigned at Anandapura till Samvat 1320. It is said there were seven kings of this dynasty, of whom the last was Amarasinha. After his time the Panchala was deserted, owing first to the invasion of the emperor Muhammad Toghlak of Dehli, and afterwards to the incursions of the Sulțâns of Gujarat, and Anandapura itself became waste. In Samvat 1664, however, a Châran narned Budhasi, an inhabitant of a nes, or hamlet, in the adjoining hills, having lost his cattle in the forest which then covered the Panchâla country, wandered hither in search of them, and seeing the town wall, temple, tank, &c., on his return told the Kathi chieftains, under whose protection he lived, of the fact of Anandapura lying thus desolate. Those chieftains, viz. Khâchars Jethsur and Miâjal, who sprang from the
"Thy feet are in the stocks,
What avails it now to lay your hand on your Khâchar house of Chotilâ, on hearing this, moustache ?*
दुह ४. कवाट बोल्यो कोपकर, हठ म कर राण; अनंत सुर उगे नही, माझ छंडे मेराण. "Kawât replied angrily :
O Rânâ, do not be obstinate; Ânant! the sun would not rise, And the ocean would abandon its bed (were I to act thus).""
दुहा ५.
कर मजरो कवाट, आखे राजा अनंत;
परणावी बेसार पाट, गट थापुं गरनार पत्य.
To twist or curl the moustache is considered among Rajputs as a gesture of defiance.
The word here,means the three salams made by an inferior when saluting the Raja in kacheri.
The nine divisions of Sorath, no-khanda-Sorath, are
9
"Kawat, make your salutation,' So Raja Anant directs:
'Having married you (to some one) I will restore you to your throne,
I will establish you lord of Girnârgadh.'"
दुहो ६.
ते बोल्यो राह, केणीपर मजरो करूँ;
moved thither from their previous residence in the Thân gâ' range and took possession of the place, and ruled there for twenty-seven years, and their descendants are now to be found at Aniâli, under Jasdan, and other places. Now Khâchar Mulu Nâgâjan of Sejakapura was the son of their maternal aunt, and was therefore
cousin of the Anandapura Khâchars Jethsur and Miâjal, and constantly used to go and stay with them at Anandapura for ten and twenty days at a time. Now there was in the ruined gate of Anandapur one stone in the archway which looked as if about to fall; when the Khâchars Jethsur and Miâjal rode under this archway they used to put their horses to a gallop for fear lest this constantly alluded to in both tradition and bardic poetry.
"The Thânga range of hills is situated in the Panchala to the south of the Rajkot-Wadhwin highroad. The range to the north of this road near Chotila and Thân is called the Mandhava range.

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stone should fall on them. Mula Khachar, per- TT THIET HTETT || HITET TAT T ceiving their lack of courage, determined to a ll seize Anandapura, and accordingly attackod it सबांधवे मुलवा एमल खण अखाउशष । म्रगडा कारण रण at the head of five hundred horse. Fearing his
sa HR II prowess, Jethsur and Mikjal Khachar fled away
नगर हलवद धणी तख्त तु नागरा । हालीयो भागरा धणीat night with their property, and Khachar
ETTII Malu and his brother Lákho (sone of Nagajan) took possession of Anandapura in Samvat 1691
Jam Taman, Råņo Jaso, * and also Salabat
Khân, on Sunday, on the second day of the light half of
Led an army into Devaka," but were unsuePaush. The present tâlukdárs of Anandapura are descended from the above-mentioned Mulu.
cessful ;
Though they fought strenuously with cannonAfter this capture of Anandapura its former pro
balls they conquered not. prietors went out in barvatid (outlawry) against Mulu Khachar, and harassed the Anandapura
Even though these three kings came to Anan
dapara, country. Afterwards Jhâlâ Khetoji of Kudni
Yet the obstinate Kathi caused the descendant joined them, and Khetoji with the assistance of
of Hála" and the Jhâlâ offspring to turn the Kathis conquered Limb di from the Chuda
back, samas, but refused to give the Kåthis a halfshare in the estate, as he had promised, and they
And together with them the irresistible army consequently harassed and plandered the Limbại
of the powerful Babi. country. Finally in Samvat 1072 Khetoji made
Against your one impregnable fort, O descendpeace with them by giving them the village
ant of Ram !18 of Jhobala, after which they renewed their
The three kings erected their batteries and feud with Anandapura. Khâchars Wajsur and
departed.
Two such good brethren als Mulu and Lakhâ, Rama, however, who were the sons of Mulu, Bettled the feud by giving them some land at
skilled in athletic exercises, Dhà ri, and after this they went and settled at
Would slay the enemy in the field of battle for
the sake even of a deer. Jhobâlâ, and their descendants are called Jhobâliâs to this day. After this, Khâchars Mulu
The lords of Nagar and Halwad from your and Lakho enjoyed the permanent possession
capital, O son of Naga, of Anandapura, although they usually resided at
Turned away, as did also with them the lord
of Agrå." Sejakapura. It is said that 1800 horse were under their authority, and they were the prin
Mulu Khachar extended his raids to the cipal chiefs in the Panchâla. Lâkho was known
Chunwa 1,15 where he harassed Detroj,
then held by the celebrated Kânji Råt, and it is by the name of Lâkho Khandhår. The brothers now became very formidable, and at last
said that he exacted tribute from the forty-four Jam Tamâchi of Navânagar, Raj Jaswantsingh
villages of the Chunwâl; and the following of Halwad, and Salábat Khân Bâbi combined
rupaka is said regarding his deeds there - against them and laid siege to Anandapura, but
6 . failed to take it. The following rupaka is said that you are Il cate u T T II regarding this achievement of the Kåthis:
मोघा चेला कीया मुलुवे ।। चुडा सोया कीया चुवाळ ।। 69
इ देवोज तणी धर उपर || हर रामे कीया छत्र होळ || तमण जाम राणो जसो || सलाबतखान तेम॥ साडी वेच हुइ घर चीज || बंगडी बेच हुभा घर पोळ ॥ फोज धर देवके नके फावे || नाळ गोळे घणे वदे जीता नही || नाग तणे खुटवी आ नरपत || सरपत असपत कहे सुह॥ आणंद पर त्रण पत शाह आवे ||
बणजे घर भेर वाणीभा || हाण घरे मणीआर हुह॥ हालहर झालहर वला काठी इठी ॥ जोर पापी अटक कटक सबळा सोत कटकरण सीजन || कान तणी धर घणी की। als 11
छळे त्रीया साटवे छत्र हर ॥ तेणे नेग त्रीया साटवे नही | • Khand har means the commandant of many horsemen.' 15 This alludes to the Kathi's ancestor Rama Khachar. • Poetical license for Tamachi.'
2. Allading to Salábat Khan Babi being an imperial ser 10 Poetical license for Jaswantsinghji.' 11 The Panchala is called Devaka Panch&le.
vant. 13 J&m Ald, who gave his name to the division of the A district under Viramgam, ko named because it ori. province called Aldr.
ginally comprised forty-four villages.

Page #17

JANUARY, 1878.)
ANANDAPURA IN SAURASHTRA.
11
“ While fighting, the cymbals dashed on every Thirty-three krors of gods may be seen ; Lâkho side,
Phulani may be seen; And he dashed down the umbrellas of many But thou, O Mula, good lord of Panchala, who kings of the earth.
art very charitable and invested with authority, O Mula, thou hast caused funeral shrouds to If one meets you, O son of Naga, then one has be dear,
seen all those noble kings." But hast made chudás" (bracelets) to be cheap, | The following duhas are also in praise of in the Chunwâl.
Mulu:On that Detroj land the descendant of Rama
SCI. caused the umbrellas to shake.
गंगा जमना गोमती, काशी पंथ केदार; They who sold scarfs (sådis) had ornaments in their houses,
मुख दीठे मुलु राजरों, ए तीरथ ए उपकार. While they who sold bracelets (bangdis) were "Ganga, Jamunâ, and Gomti"; the pilgrimage overwhelmed with debt.
to Kasi and Kedarnâth; O son of Naga, thou hast diminished the number But if you see the face of Râjâ Mulu, that is the of the lords of men,
boly place, and thence you will derive ad. And also, as they say, the lords of arrows and vantage."
horses.18 The houses of the Wâniâs were filled with
मुलु मानवीये, माणो मीडवीये नहीं; merchandize, While the houses of the Maniârs were ruined.
आरस अंद्र तणे, तो नर वो नागाउत. You slew the strong together with the army
“Mulu is among men such a one that no man in the battle-field,
can be compared with him; In the country of Kano you killed many; Only in the form of Indra, there may you see The wives of the enemy's soldiers bay sálu" the form of the son of Nâga." only,
GET. But they do not purchase bracelets."
साजो सेजकपर तणो, रहो राफ झके; Hearing of Mulu's fame, a bard from Chitor
वादी वलीयां जेह, मवर नाखे ने मुलवा. composed the following kavita in his honour :
“The anthill of Sejakapara remained safe ; # r.
The vd dis" returned, O Mulu, throwing away मळे भोज वीक्रम ।। मळे जगदेव जीवारण ||
their flutes."
Mulu had a feud with the chief of Chuda, and बळ मळे राठोड ।। मळे करण राजा दोहीजो ||
defeated him with the loss of three guns, as संदण मळे परमार ॥ कंथ जाणी पृथी कहाणी ।।
described in the following duho:मळे तेत्रीश कोड || मळे लाखो फुलांणी । पांचाळ देश मुकु छपो ॥ पण दाता अधकार पणी ॥
राणारी पडीयारयां, नव गाडा त्रण नाळ%3 मंडलीक पात्रों एतामला ॥ तुंमल ते नागा तणा ॥
अत्रीया संग भावे नहीं; मुलु तणे मुबाउ.. “Bhoja and Vikrama may be found ; Jagadeva,
"There remained of the Raņa the preserver of life,
But nine carts and three cannon; Bal Rathod may be met, and so can a second
These three (cannon) cannot accompany him, Karan;
Because Mylu has them." Chandan Parmar may be found, he may be met
The following duho is said in praise of Sejakawhose fame is spread over the world ;
pura:
10 T, chela, a funeral shroud.
11 Widows break their chud de or bracelets and do not wear others, hence they would be sold cheap; while, for analogous roons, shrouds would be dear.
1 i.e. the bowmen and horsemen. 10 The dealers in female apparel.
30 Manifrs are workers in ivory, who make armleta, bracelets, &c.
si salu is a kind of muslin. The meaning is that the
widows bought clothes, as they needs must, but, being widowe, could not buy bracelets.
21 The word mandalika is used here to signify a king. 13 The Gomti is the river of Dwarka.
* Here there is a play on the word vidi. The couplet likens Mula to a cobra residing in the anthill of Sejakapar. The word vids means & snake-catcher, but also means 'enemy. It probably refers to the siege of Anandepurs hy the Jim, the chief of Halwad, and Salahat Khan, mentioned above.

Page #18

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1878.
दुहो. हीर चौरकी पनीमारीयां, गले मोतनकी माल ;
जेवो नगर जाम || राखे भजे रामडा || पोशे जाणुं इंद्रापुरी, जहाँ मुलु वसे महाराज.
तेवो तुमुलुतणा || शेजक पर प्रजशाम ||
“As the Jâm holds Nagar “The women who draw water have silken
By (the force of) his arm, O Ramdo, clothes,
So you, son of Mulu, And on their necks necklaces of pearls.
Are lord of the Kathis of Sejakapura." King! Sejakapura is Indravati, Where the great king Mulu resides."
Afterwards Ramo Khachar, at the request of When, as above mentioned, Jam Tamachi,
the Charans of Tikar, expelled two brothers, Salábat Khân Bâbi, and Jhala Jaswantsinghji
Râdho and Jago, sons of Unad, who oppressed of Halwad attacked Anandapura, Lakhâ
the Chârans. The following duho and rupala Khachar of Shahpur assisted his brother Mulu
refer to this exploit :Kháchâr, and the following rupaka is said in
दुहो. his praise:
जो गाहर जाचण तणी || धाउं कान धरे ॥ रूपक.
काठी कटक करे ।। मुलरा टीकर मारवी । पाटरीया वाद न कीजे परजे । बढवादळ सामा वहे ।।
" Thou, O descendant of Joga,
Gavest thine ear to the complaints of the हलवद तख्त शोशरा । हैदल कातो लखधीर कहे ||
mendicants%3B झाले खग उठीओ झालो || हालवण दलतणा हमीर॥
You assembled an army of Kathis, मेच पछाड आणंदपरमाथी ।। दुका कटक उठे लखधीर ।।
O son of Mulu, to strike Tikar." उठीयो ताहां गीरणभन भोडे || धजवडे हाथ मुगला घशे॥
रुपक. बाबी खसे नही अतलीवल || जसो खसे तेम जाम नाही ।।
रामा खाचरे देवाण रुठे || तेज धरता त्रोड || गाजे नाल धुवके गोला || खाँडे अरीदल थयां खलो ॥
पादर टीकर तणे पाडा || जुजवा जोडे || माणे बीजी बार माडीयो || कोरव पांडव तणो कलो॥
मुलरारे थाग माटे ॥ चोरीमा चमराय ।। "The Patrias (i.e. Jhalas of Patri) should not
तणा उनउ गया त्राशी|| भाव बनी भारय ।। ___fight with the Parjias (i.s. Kithis),
अभंग राधी जगो आगे || केता करमाल || For their (the Kathis') army will advance to
फालीया वणगा फगता ||रेवंतारे राल || oppose them (the Jhalas).
“The fortunate Rima Khichar is displeased, If I lead an army of horsemen through Halwad
Who is a very haughty man. you should call me Lakhdhir.95
At the padar" of Tikar he scattered the two Having seized his sword the Jhālo arose, the
(brethren). commander of the chiefs of the army ;
The famous robbers came to oppose the son While the Lakhdhir, drawing up his army close,
of Mulu. arose also,
The son of Unad, after fighting a battle like the To drive the Mlechhas from Anandapura.
___Bharata, fied away. When he rose up, his arms reached the sky, and
The invincible Radho and Jago had previously sword in hand he cut down the Moghuls.
___been called sword-wielders, Yet the Bâbi, of immeasurable strength, would
But now fled, turbanless, with dishonour, not move, nor would Jaso" or the Jåm move
Riding their horses at full speed." either.
____ In the great famine of Samvat 1787 (A.D. The cannong roared and the cannon-balls flew,
| 1731) Ramo Khichar distributed much grain to and the sword made the army of the enemy
the poor, and the following rupaka is said in as grain in the grainyard."
his honour:Ramo Khachar, son of Mulu Khachar, succeeded his father in the Sejak a pura and
रुपक, Anandapura girds in Samvat 1730, A.D.
प्रथी नेह मुको || जद न मेघो पतिरे ॥ 1674. The following duho is said in his साधनरा आपवा सजे सामे || सोर कर हांकीयो । praise:
धणी पांचालरे ॥ रोरना पावरे खेत रामे ॥ 25 A play on the name of Lakho.
" The pädar is the open space immediately round the 26 Jaswantsinghji of Halwad.
village.

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ANANDAPURA IN SAURASHTRA.
JANUARY, 1878.]
नेम सताशीयोजी तमुलुतणा ॥ वराकर धरा मज भांक वलीयो ।। मीटवी चारणे तणी दश मालवा || मालवो धणी चोटील मलयो ||
संवछर सतासी घणा नर छेतरा || मीश्रण सारी जदी धान मागे ॥
नागहर नाग गेणाग भोडे नजर || थोभीआं वरण अढार at 11
"Affection had left the world when the rain ceased to come;
Then in opposition he prepared to give good grain,
And thus shouting he drove it (the famine)
away.
O Râmo, lord of the Panchâla,
Thou drovest away (the famine) straight through the fields.
Thus the son of Mulu conquered the (famine of) Samvat 1787;
By giving food to large numbers you performed incalculable good in the world.
The Chârans thought of fleeing away to Malwa, But in the lord of Chotila" they found Malwâ. In Samvat 1787 many men suffered misfortune; When the whole world was begging for food, The descendant of Nâga, like a Nâga, had a mind as lofty as the skies, and kept the eighteen castes in the Thângâs."
Râmâ Khachar was succeeded by his son Ebhal Khachar, regarding whom the following verses are said:
रूपक. लंक लागा जोर || मरते लोमो ||
कलजग वात छणाणी केक || पंडमां धडक घणाने पेठो || एभल धडक न लागो एक || शामत जेम वंको गढ सजीयो ||
काठी जाडा थाट कीया ॥ नमीओ नही बडो अणनमी ॥ गेमुकै पो घणा गीया ॥ हरमुल राज न छोडे हीमत || भडनी वातो न जाये भवे ॥ रामा तणी टकावी राखी || खाचर धरती तेज खवे ॥
"A great dispute arose at the death of Lomâ,"1 In the Kali Yuga different rumours were spread; Fear entered into the bodies of many,
But Ebhal felt no fear:
Like Sâmat, who prepared his strong fort, He assembled a vast army of Kathis;
28 This probably is the famine of A.D. 1718 S. 1774.
29 So called because he was a Kathi of the house of Chotila.
so The Thâng& range of hills, of which the Chotila hill is the highest.
13
He, the great hero, who never bowed to any one, did not bow now.
Many other chiefs, leaving their pride, fled away,
But the grandson of Mularâja did not lose his courage.
The fame of the brave is never forgotten; You, Khâchar, son of Râmo, supported the earth on your shoulder."
हो.
तणरामा त्रातो नयी | भरशुं भफलते || अणनम काठीये | जो आनंद पर एभल ||
"Thou, the son of Râmâ, art never wearied Of fighting with the enemy;
An unbending Kathi
Art thou, O Ebhal of Ânandapura."
get.
ता रोजे रामा तणा || कोइ भी न झाले धींग ॥ आणंद पोर भरडींग || छो अजरायल एभला ॥ "Your powerful push,
O son of Râmâ, none can bear. At the unconquered Ânandapura,
Thou, O Ebhal, in the flower of thy youth, residest."
Ebhal Khâchar was succeeded by his son Râmo Khâchar, who had ine hundred horsemen under him and was called Râmo Melikar. 39 He used to ravage the surrounding country, but was once or twice defeated by Jasoji and Sartânji, two brave chiefs of Kot da Sângâni, who had also defeated other Kathi raiders. Râmo Khâchar, however, revenged himself on them by capturing the town of Sardhar3 from them and the Rajkot chieftain, and made it his capita, and thence contemplated the subjugation of Kotḍà Sângâni. .Both Rajkot and Kotdâ now united against him and endeavoured to recover Sardhâr, but in vain. They, however, gave him so much annoyance that eventually he agreed to surrender Sardhâr to them on condition of being paid the chauth (or fourth part of the revenue). The Jâdejâs, however, feeling insecure with so daring a neighbour, determined to crush him, and consequently, though they agreed to his terms and received
34
31 Query-Is this the Loma alluded to in Ras Mala, vol. I. pp. 455, 456 ?
melikar, means 'a person in command of a
32
large number of mounted men.'
33 Sardhar was the joint property of Rajkot and Kotda.
34 The Rajkot and Kotda chieftains are of the Jadeja clan.

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14
possession of Sardhâr, they withheld the chauth. Afterwards, when Râmò Khâchar had gone on a distant raid, they summoned the Jâm of Navânagar to their assistance, and making an unexpected attack on Anandapura overpowered the garrison and plundered the town, demolishing the town wall and the towers. They also carried away the western gates of the town, and placed them in one of the Sardhar gateways, where they are to this day. When Râmâ Khâchar on his return found Anandapura thus desolate, he commenced a warfare with Sardhar, and harassed the inhabitants by constant raids and forays until they agreed to pay him the chauth; on their agreeing to this, peace was concluded between them.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Rámá Kháchar emulated his ancestors in plundering Halwad and Navânagar territory, as the following verses testify :
दुहो
हलवद तणो हमेश || दवियो जाणे दंनी ||
नगर तणो नरेश || राहो बराबर रामडा ||
"The whole world knows that you are the enemy of Halwad;
But you, O Râmdâ, lord of men, were equal also to Nagar."
रूपक.
केता दलमे लही लोहील काठी || जाडी दल भेला जमराण || झालावाड लीभी झांझेर्डे | हलबद तल फेरो हमशांण || पोलुं दीये आडीयु पाटरीया || हाट बजारे थीयो होकार || एभलरे अजरायल आंटाले || घणु खा लीधां धरार ॥ मकवाणा राणा चडी जुवे मेडीये | बगाडे जीतरा बहु वाज || हलवद तणे गोखे नागहर || राणीए नरखीयो राम राजा || "O Kâthi, you have assembled numerous forces. And the Rânâ had also with him a mighty army.
After causing Jhâlâwâr to shake, he (Râmâ) conquered it,
And rode his mounted bands through Halwad itself.
The Pâtdiâs closed the gate against you, and confusion reigned in the shops and the bazâr,
When the young ani obstinate son of Ebhal
openly drove away large herds. The Makwânâ Rânâ climbs to his upper story, and hears from thence
[JANUARY, 1878. The music of victory loudly resounding. From the balcony of Halwad the descendant of Naga was looked upon by the Râni a Rama Raja."
Rama Khachar was succeeded by his son Visâman Khâchar, who rebuilt the town wall of Anandapura. The following rupaka commem
orates his fame:
35 g, khadun, is a technical word for a herd of buffaloes only.
रूपर्क,
आनंद पोर भुप कीयो गढइंडर || घर घर सामत शोह घणा । वसती गामे गाम वधारा || तु तालेवंत रामा तथा ॥ भ्रूण खाडु भांगण अश दुले || पेयां शधन जमे वणपार || फुली धरा सोवरणसे फुली || बवली हाटों ठाठ बजार || हर एभल भड त्रीठ जोहो || पावर पती कर मरे पाट || वधीयो करम तुमारो वीशल || घण दाता तप तेज घणे !! गुणीजन अगा गीत गण गावे ॥ थावे रोज कचेरी थाठ || नरोयन्द्र भुपतपो कर मनीले || तुटीले मुलराज तणे ॥ "The king of Anandapura has built a fort like
Idar,
In every house there are brave men like Simat,
He has increased the population of every village.
Thou art fortunate, O son of Râmâ. Herds of cows and buffaloes and horses" stand near your dwelling,
Innumerable guests dine on your good food, Your fertile land bears flowers of gold, In the bazâr the shops on both sides look splendid.
The brave descendant of Ebhal (reigns) there mercifully,
The throne of the lord of Pâwar is fortunate,
The poets sing poetry and praises before you, Every day the kacheri is well attended. Your good fortune, O Vishal, has increased; You are most bountiful, though also of a fierce temper.
King of men, like Indra, may your fortune increase,
You prince of the race of Mula!"
The sons of Visâman are Jeṭhsur, Desâ, Râmâ, and Mesur, and they are at the present day the tâlukdârs of Anandapura.
With our present scanty knowledge of the Chuda samas of Junagadh it would be premature to pronounce with any certainty as
36, dhan, means 'a herd of cows." 37 a, asha, a horse.'

Page #21

JANDA Y, 1878.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
15
to the dates assigned to Chudasamâ Ananda, and it is of course possible that he may have founded Anandapura on an old site of that name, but the probabilities seem to point out that this Anandapura is too modern to have been the Anandapura of the Chinese pilgrim and the author of the Kalpa Sútra. The dates of the
Kathi chieftains are no doubt correct within a few years, as they synchronize with contemporary history, and the above sketch may illustrate the roving, daring lives led by the Kathis for successive generations in times when their band was against every man, and every man's hand against them.
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.s., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from vol. VI., p. 142.) No. XXXIV.
time of the present inscription, the characters I have had occasion to refer, at p. 72 of the used by the Western and Eastern Châlnky a previous volume, to the separation of the Western dynasties had diverged enough for Dr. Burnell and Eastern branches of the Châlaky a family. to decide that "there is no real connexion beWith the exception of Dr. Barnell's remarks at tween them palæographically, except so far as pp. 18-20 of his South Indian Palcography, no their common origin through the Cave-characters account of the Eastern branch seems to have is in question." The chief points of distinction, been as yet published. The Elliot facsimile as noted by him, are-1, the tendency of the collection contains several grants of this dy- Eastern alphabet to preserve archaic forms; 2, nasty, and I have selected from them the pre- the greater freedom with which the Western sent inscription, the first eighteen lines of which alphabet uses cursive forms; and 3, the reare given as Plate xxv. of Dr. Burnell's book. markably square and upright character of the In preparing my transcription, I have also con- Eastern alphabet, as contrasted with the slope sulted the original plates.
given to the letters of the Western alphabet The original consists of five plates, each about from about the sixth century A.D. 7" long by 3" broad. The writing com- The present inscription is subsequent to the mences on the inside of the first plate, and ends Saka year 867 (A.D. 945-6), as it mentions that on the inside of the fifth plate. The ring, on Amma II. succeeded to the throne in that year. which they are strung, is about " thick and It records a grant by a certain Vijaya ditya; 41" in diameter. The seal is circular, about 21" but it does not explain who this person was. in diameter, and bears, at the top, a boar, However, Kollabhigan da-Vijay aditya facing to the proper left, with the moon on its was the grandfather of Amma II., and possibly right, the sun above it, and an elephant-goad the grant was made by him before his death, on its left; in the centre, the words Sri-Tri- and was recorded in writing at the time of the bhuvanáinkuća,' i.e. the elephant-goad of Sri accession of Amma II. Or, V yay aditya' Tribhuvana;' and at the bottom, an orna- may be a second name assumed by Amma II. mental device. A comparison of the facsimile The grant is of the village of Padan kalûru, plates will show that the characters of this in- in the Pennata våd i district. I do not scription are radically the same as those of the know to what part of the country these localities Kadamba and early Western Chalakya belong; nor have I any information as to where copper-plate grants and stone-tablet inscriptions the plates were discovered. that I have already published in this series, and A genealogy of the Eastern Chåluk yas, that they approximate closely to the characters with historioal notes on them, will be furnished of the later Western Châlukya and Ka- when more of their grants are ready for pubdam bastone-tablet inscriptions. But, by the lication.
Trmsription.
First plate. Svasti Srimatâm Bakala-bhuvana-samstůyamâna-Mâna vya-sagðtrâņain Hâri['] ti-putrânâm K ausiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyânâm Matri-gana-paripálitânân

Page #22

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1878.
[*] Svami-Mahasêna-påd-Anudhyâtânań
'bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samâsâ di["] ta-vara-varaha-la [riochha]n-êkshana-kshaņa-vasikrit-&rati-mandalânâm=asvamodha [] vabhrita(tha)-snana-pavitrikrita-vapashai Châlukyanan kulam-alamkarishộoh Sa[°] tyaáraya-Vallabhêndrasya bhrata Kubja-Vishộuvarddhanð shtadasa varsha(rshå)ņi Vergi['] [de]śam=ap&layat # Tad-atmajó Jayasimhastrimsatan | Tad-anaj-Êndraraja-na[*] ndand Vishnuvarddbanê nava | Tat-sûnur=Mmamgi-yavarajah pancha-vimsatim | Tat-putrô ['] Jayasimbás-trayôdasa | Tad-avarajah Kokkilish=shar=mâsân | Tasya jyështhô bhra
Second plate; first side. [O] tà Vishnuvardhanastam=achohâtya sapta-trimsatan | Tat-patrở Vijayaditya-bhattarako ["] shtådaśa | Tat-sutô Vishnuvarddhanash=shat-trimsataro Tat-sutô Vijayaditya-narendra["] mrigarajas-ch=åshta-chatvarimsatan | Tat-sutaḥ Kali-Vishnuvarddhanô ddhy(dhy)-arddha
Vårgba(rsh)ni || [1] Tat-suto Guņagâmka-Vijayadityas=chatus-chatvarimsata 1 . Ta [*] d-anuja-yuvarajah (ja)-Vikramaditya-bhüpatêh
sinub=Châlukya[") Bhima-bhúpálas-trimsatan
Tat-patraḥ Kollabhiganda-Vijaya("] dityaḥ shaņ=mâsân | Tat-sû[nu*]r=Amma-rajah sapta varsha(rshá)ņi || Tat-butar Vijaya["] dityam bâlam=achchâtya Tâlapô måsam=8kam (ID) Tam jitvå yudhi Châlukya("*] Bhima-bhůmipatês=sutaḥ Vikramaditya-bh ûpô pân=ma/må)sân=ékádasa kshitin 1 (I)
Second plate ; second side. (''Tatas-Tálapa-râjasya sūnus=sûn rita-våk=prabhuh Yuddhamalla-dharadhi[*] bas=sapta varsha(rshA)oy=ap&d=bhuvam || Nirjjity=Arijana-sannibhô janapadt=t(tan)
nirggama["] yy=6ddhatân dâyâdânzina-bhânu-lîna-bha-gan-AkÁrân=vidhấy=étaran T V(") jr=iv=ôrijita-nakam=Amma-n ripate(tør)=bhratá kanîyân=bhuva Bhimo Bhima-parâkra["'] masasamabhunat=sa (sam vatsaran-dva dajša | Tasya Mahêsvara mürttêr=Uma["] saman-aksitêh Komár-ábhaḥ Lôkamahâdêvyâh khalu yas=sama[*] bhavad=Amma-raj-akhyah
Jalajätapatra-chamara-kalas-A minkuba-lakshan-am[*] ka-kara-charana-talah
lasad-Ajány-n(A)lambita-bhaja-yuga-pari(ri)ghô girindra[*] sân-uraskah || Vidita-dharadhipa-vidyo vividh-ayudha-kövido vilin-ari,
Third plate ; first side. [*] kulah
kari-turag-agama-kušal Hara-charan-ambhôja-yugala-madhupah ["] srîmân | Kavi-gayaka-kalpataru(rur)=dvija-muni-din-ândha-bandhujana-surabbih [0] yachaka-jana-chintamanir-avaniśa-maņir=mmah-ògra-mahasâ dyumaņih [ll]
• Giri-rasa-vasu-sankhy-Abdo Saka-samaya MArggabirsha-mêsê smin [9] krishna-trayôdasa-dine Bhriguvårê Maitra-nakshatrê || Dhanushi ravan gha[88] ta-lagné dvadasa-varshårshë) tu janmanah patam(ttam) yô dhåd=udaya-giri. [*] ndrô(ndré) ravir=iva lôk-anurâ gåya | Yasmin sâsati nripe(pa)tau paripakv-aneka[] sasya-sampach-chhalih i satata-payôdhënur=abhîr=nniritir=aparuj(g)=nirasta-cho[*] rô déśaḥ Y6 rûpêna Manôjam vibhavêna Mahendram=ahimakaram=uru
Third plate; second side. (") mahasa Haram=ari-pura-ha[na]nêna nyakkurvvålrvva)n=bhâti vidita-dig-avani-rki(ki)tih
(rttiḥ 1) [88] Sa
samasta-bhuvan-asraya-Sri-Vijayaditya-maharaj-Adhiraja(jah) [""] param-êsvaraḥ parama-bhattarakaḥ "parama-brahmanyaḥ Pennatava ţi-visha[*] ya-nivåsino Rashtrakuta-pramakhân
kutumbinas=sarvvân=&= 2) hûy=étthamrajna payati (l') Viditam=astu vah | Jagati prathi
The Anusvåra and the following letter, --chha,--are omitted altogether in the original.
This letter,--20, -lno, omitted in the original. - This letter, -R4,-again, is omitted in the original.
This letter, --da, -again, is omitted in the original. . This mark of punctuation is omitted in the original. . This letter, -na, is omitted in the original. + This mark of punctuation is not in the original.

Page #23

COPPER-PLATE OF THE EASTERN CHÂLUKYA DYNASTY.
DATED ABOUT SAKA 867.
::* : , ចាំ 5- ៨) 1 1 0 បំ ១ ,,, - ។ * . ) ។ ៨ - ? .
C J G ) - ឱរទំ រឺ J. 3ស ” ។ ) 1 )
៦ ៨ យា ) * * . . | ? * ថាខ្ញុំ ៗ ) ! ! ! ... ..
-?) = $ 95 92 ។ * * :* : : បាល) * * * ៦៥០ ដ ស { " វន្ន U_ៗ ) :) * ស ១ ៣ } ថ្មី (រា * d ) ។ ១ថិ ch... - Tv 5
ស
* ២ ៣ នាងសស ល ៧៦។
ម ឲ្ចំ ៦០ - c ស្នា !! , ជា ៀ រា៤ ,
១
...

Page #24

SEAL
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Page #25

Indian Antiquary, COPPER PLATE GRANT OF THE EASTERN CHÂLUKYA DYNASTY.
DATED ABOUT SAKA 867
- នៅលj៨៧)
អ្ន កឯនTS | ទំងន៖
០០ឌ្ឍន* ទំនា? * g))))+27 17 ខាងក៏ សាន *៨ ៦:១៨ ១៩៨៧) ។ រងចា
12ៅន់ ៨២៦នៅgue ស
gឪ ២៤ រួ ឡាន513 c៌isណីជួល ផ្ទៃដី អូទ្រ១៥ ។ hd2dd978: ៥២ ៩*៩*T , - 08Eg១២៨៨៩ ៥៩៦ន្ន rៅឡS3
dy
-
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. 5 > $855) 2] $2 ដ្ឋានំ)) ។ ទ្រី”
រវាងឡ922 ១០ ចំរេះ១៦ ។
៣ - 2 ) $ ឆ្នាំទី* * 1 5 | ទ | ( 1 3 2 ផ្ទះ ពុំមឆ្នាំ
(ស្រ្តី = */ ២៩g ផ ង ។ * *** ទី
1 ) ទgo, * g d = 1 - 1 រដរ | 3 1 1 2 $ ? pn . ។ • 5 2 ? ? 4 ឬ : o : ,
* 2.៨ ១) * វិ - 3 | an os) 1 1 1 - - - - - -
g ) 6 .1 តួ ។ * * : " ។ 'j
, , តា : * :) :) : , , ” ។ *, - _ _ _ '' '' ) * * '' ' ' : 221 : * 5 ( ) ... ។ : 3 5 c d ) ។ * * រួ )) 7. c.! * : :.* :) : ^ ) : 3 ចំៗ ) 35 ; ។
w Gier Philith Lunden

Page #26

COPPER PLATE GRANT OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA DYNASTY
DATED ABOUT SAKA 867
៤ * ៦៥ ៤៩: d) ឬ A )) * * * ។ b ៦ វគ្នា ធំ 553 - 2 Tag - | រ ។ បចំដរខ ៤៩៩៨ ដ៍ 5, , Y*d / * ឯង ៖ ១); } ។
22-រៀង - 1 ។
៤៩៧ នោះ C“យរីជា (.1. : ជា | ០ . if u na31 32 ) .
ថ្មី ទី ៤ ៖ ឱ . ។ o | * * *o d g d - - - ១២ * ៤ ៨ ៩ - ធំខ្មៅ, 3 4 5 | ង & ទី ១ , ១៣៥ | PICE )
! 1 , * . . . ) ឯុជា មាសខ្ញុំ 5ៅ ថា ១៩៦៤៥៨ - ' . sោះ : -
យឯង ។ -- : ,
*
, * _ _ :
é
១ ០ . ) .. ។
J ៥ JJ C ។ សូម ោះ មិន up :.* 2 ). ) : . ថា ចាំខ្ញុំស" - s ) 8 7 1 2 3 )

Page #27

JANUARY, 1878.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
17
[*] tan=dharâmarârâm charanam Vâjasaneyam=asti bhîyaḥ L śru[+] ti-chôdita-dharmma-yuktarn vara-yôgiśvara-Yajñavalkya-grihyam !! Tatr=abhava[*] d=Bharadvaja-gôtrah påtran-dvij-ôttamaḥ 1 Kalvatorru-nivåstavyo nÂmna PA{"] liyapeddiyah Tasy=&pi Gundaśarmm=&sit=sûnur=unétaraḥ prabhuḥ 1
Fourth plate; first side. [+] guņi, ghriņi dhani dậni mânî mânava-pujitaḥ | Tasyrabhavat=Paņdi["] ya-namadhêyas=satam vidhêyo nata-rûpa-dheyaḥ
putrô yam-atra[+] sta-manah pavitras=trayi samâchåra-vichåra-nishthah Tasmai madiya[*'] påd-ârâdhana-tatparaya
brahmachariņê kârppatikaya
bha[*] vad-vishayo Padamkalûru-nama
gråmas=sarvv-akara-pariharap) m=agrâhårikritya sôma-grahana-nimittamrasmâbhir=ddattas-tat-kappa(rppa)ta-vimo[] kshanam=uddiśy=êti || Tasy=îvadhayah (1) Pûrvvârvva)tah Marupa davam tasya si[') m=aiva simâ || Daksha (kshi)ņataḥ Endalûru tasya sim=aiva sîma || Paśchima
Fourth plate ; second side. [] tah Kandra(?ộtrû)ru tasya sîm=aiva sîma | Uttaratah Alapůrnh Driņthama[S] půndi(?nti)s=cha || İśânatah Nandigâmah etad-grâma-sim=aiv=asya sima | A[5] syöpari na kênachid=badhâ karttavyâyah karoti sa pamcha-mahåpâta[0] ka-samyuktô bhavati [1] Tatha ch=ôktam bhagavata(ta) Vyåsena 1L Bahu.
7 bhir-vvasudha datta bahu[bhis-ch=anupâ lita yasya yasya ya["] da bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam | Sva-dattam para-dattim và yê ha["O] rêta vasundharam shashti-varsha-sahasrîņi vishtaya (yan) jậyatê krimih [] Anyên={py=uktam
Danam bhuvê napůlanam=ity=ubhayan dharmma-sadha
Fifth plate. [*] nam prôktam=iha rågad-dadati sarv vastasmád=anupalanam=mabîyê [83] dânât | A(Q)jõảptih Katakarajah || Kavya(vyan) Ma(må)dhavabhatta(tta)sya il Jô[**] ntâchâryya (ryyê)ņa likhitam || Translation.
Vishnuvardhana, — the son of his Hail! Kubja-Vishnuvardhana,--the younger brother, king Indra --(ruled) for brother of Satyaśraya-Vallabhêndra, nine (years). who adorned the family of the Châluk yas, His son, the Yuvarúja Mangi, (ruled) for who are glorious; who are of the lineage of twenty-five (years). Mâna vya, which is praised over the whole His son, Ja yasin ha, (ruled) for thirteen earth; who are the descendants of Hâriti; who (years). have acquired sovereignty through the excellent His younger brother, Kokkili, (ruled) for favour of Kausiki"); who have been cherished six months. by the assemblage of (divine) mothers; who His elder brother, Vishnuvardhana, meditate on the feet of S và mi-Mah â sê na; having expelled him, (ruled) for thirty-seven who have the territories of their enemies made (years) subject to them on the instant at the sight of His son, Vijayaditya, the venerable one the excellent sign of the Boar, which they ac . (ruled) for eighteen (years). quired through the favour of the holy Nár- His son, Vishnuvardhana, (ruled) for yana; and whose bodies are purified by ablu- thirty-six years). tions performed after celebrating horse-sacri- And his son, Vijay aditya, who was a fices, -ruled over the country of Vengi for very lion of a king, (ruled) for forty-eight eighteen years.
(years). His son, J a ya sim ha, (ruled) for thirty His son, Kali-Vishnuvardhana", (years).
(ruled) for one and a half years. This mark of punctuation, also, is not in the original. 11 In Veran 9 of the grant of Gurinda III., Rathor, pub. This mark of punctuation, again, is not in the original.
lished by Dr. Etihlav at op. 59 et seqq. of this volume, a 10 This letter,bhi,- is omitted in the original.
similar title, Kali Vallabha, is oplained to mean the 11 Darrge, Parvati.
beloved of the Kaliyuga.' But, in the southern inscrip

Page #28

18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1878.
His son, Gunaga nk a-Vijayaditya, (ruled) for forty-four (years).
The king, Châluk ya-Bhima--the son of his younger brother, the Yuvardja, Vikramaditya, (ruled) for thirty (years).
His son, Kolla bhiganda-Vijayaditya, (ruled) for six months.
His son, king Amma, (ruled) for seven years.
Having expelled his son Vijayaditya, (while he was) a child, -Tålapa (ruled) for one month.
Having conquered him in battle-king Vi kramaditya, the son of the king Chalukya Bhima, ruled the earth for eleven months.
Then king Yuddhamalla,--the son of king Talapa; the lord, whose speech was pleasing yet truthful, -ruled the earth for seven years.
Having conquered him, and having driven him out from the country, and having made the other claimants to assume the appearance of stars absorbed in the rays of the sun,the younger brother of king Amma, (viz.) Bhima, who was like Arjuna, and who was possessed of terrible prowess, ruled the earth for twelve years, just as the wielder of the thunderbolts (rules) the mighty (expanse of the) sky.
To him, who was like Mahê svara), from Lôkama h â d vi, who was like Um A's, there was born king Amma, who was like Kumara. The palms of his hands, and the soles of his feet, were marked with lotus-leavog and chowris and water-jars and elephant-goads"; his arms, which were as (strong and massive as) iron door-bars, were charming, and hung down as far as his knees; and his chest was as (broad as) a table-land of the king of mountains." He acquired the learning of kings, and was skilled in the use of various weapons; he destroyed the families of his enemies; he was versed in the treatises (relating to the management) of elephants and horses; he was a bee at the lo. tuses which are the feet of Hara", and he was
glorious. He was a very tree of paradise to poets and minstrels; he was a very cow of plenty to the twice-born and holy men and the poor and the blind and his relations; he was a very philosopher's stone to those who begged of him; he was a very jewel of a king, and a very sun by reason of his fierce brilliance. Like the sun on the mountain of dawn, to the delight of mankind, he assumed the crown in the twelfth year of his birth, in the year that had the enumeration of the (seven) mountains and the (six) flavours and the (eight kinds of demigod called) Vasa, in the sa ka era, in the month Mârgaśirsha, on the thirteenth day of the dark fortnight, on Friday, under the constellation Maitra, under the zodiacal sign of the bow, while the sun was in the sign of the watering-pot. While he was reigning, the country abounded in many ripened grains and rice, and had cows that were always yielding milk, and was free from fear and free from drought and free from sickness, and had all thieves banished. Patting the Mind-born to shame with his beauty, and Mahendra" with his power, and the hot-rayed (sun) with his great splendour, and Hara by the destruction of the cities of his foes-he is resplendent, having his fame recognized over the quarters of the regions and over the earth.
He, Śr -Vijay aditya--the asylum of the universe, the great king, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the most venerable, the worshipper of Brahma as the supreme God, having called together the householders, headed by the Rashtra kû tas, who inhabit the district of Pennâta vadi, thus issues his commands :
"Be it known to you! The V & ja sa ne ya charana" of Brahmans,-full of religion that is inculcated by the sacred texts, and following the domestic ritual of Yajia valkya, the excellent chief of ascetics, -is renowned in the world. In it there was Paliyape&,diya, of the Bharad vaja gôtra, a worthy man, the best of Brahmaņs, an inhabitant of the village of) Kalvatorru
tions, the word kali, when used in this way, is undoubtedly the Canarese kali, '& valiant man, a hero; brave, courage. ous,' and it has that meaning here. Conf. kali sanabhub huja,''the brave king, Sena,' in l. 29 of No. IV. of my Ratta inscriptions (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., No. xxix., vol. X., p. 813). It has the same meaning in Kali-Vikrama,' one of the names of Vikramaditya-Tribhuvanamalla. * Sive
1. Parvati.
Kürttikėya, the son of Siva and Parvati. 16 These are held to be auspicious marks. 11 Himalaya. 1 Sin 1. i.c. in the Saka year 867. 30 Kamadeva 11 Todra. * Charana,' sect, school, branch of the Vedas.'

Page #29

JANUARY, 1878.) A REMARKABLE HYPÆTHRAL TEMPLE IN ORISSA.
19
And his son was Gundas armâ, the perfect this is the boundary. On the North, (there are) one, the powerful one, -virtuous, and compas. the village of Alapúru and the village of) sionate, and wealthy, and liberal, and highly Driņthama pûn di. On the North-east, honoured, and worshipped by men. His son (there is the village of Nandig ama; the was Pandiya, -worthy to be prescribed (as boundary of this village is the boundary of it. an example) for good people, possessing a per- No molestation is to be offered to this (grant); sonal appearance that was commended, having he, who offers it, becomes guilty of the five an undisturbed mind, pure, versed in the three great sins! And so it has been said by the (Vélas), and resolute in investigating proper holy V y â sa :-Land has been given by maný, behaviour. To him, the religious student, the and has been preserved (in grant) by many : pilgrim, who has devoted himself to conciliate he, who for the time being possesses land, ing my feet, the village named Padam ka- enjoys the benefit of it! He is born for the 1 û ru, in your district, has been given by us, duration of sixty thousand years as a worm in on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, as an ordure, who appropriates land that has been Agráhara grantwith relinquishment of all given, whether by himself or by another ! A dues," in order to free him from the necessity gift of land, and the preservation of a grant of of continuing) his pilgrimages. The boundaries land),-both of these are said to be the means of it are :-On the East, (there is) (the village of performing religious duty; as to this matof) (?) Maru paduva; the boundary of ter-everyone gives from pleasure; therefore this is the boundary. On the South, (there is) preservation is more worthy than giving! The the village of Endal û ru; the boundary of specification is Kata karâ ja." The poetry this is the boundary. On the West, there is) is the composition of Madhavabhatta. the village of K&ņ druru; the boundary of It has been written by Jont & charya."
NOTICE OF A REMARKABLE HYPÆTHRAL TEMPLE IN THE HILL TRACTS OF ORISSA; WITH REMARKS ON THE IDENTIFICATION OF ANCIENT SITES.
BY SIR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.S.I. In the month of October 1853 I received a whether Colonel Campbell meant over, or actually letter from my friend Colonel Campbell, C.B.,' resting on the animals, I cannot say. The Agent for the Suppression of Human Sacrifices, figure appeared to have three faces, in the right and Female Infanticide in Orissa, who had not hand a sceptre (P), in the left a lotus, but from long before returned to Russel Konda from the imperfection of the sketch it is impossible his annual tour through the Khond MAlias, to speak with any certainty on all the minutive enclosing a very rough sketch of a singular of detail. Regarding the niches round the intemple he had met with, some months before. side of the wall, all that can be said is, that It exhibits an open circular temple or enclo- they were ranged side by side, and amounted to sure of plain cut stone exteriorly, the interior some sixty or seventy in number: of these the of the wall occupied by niches, each containing Colonel wrote, “I am not sure whether there a statue or figure, which the Colonel described was any ornamental work over these figures, or as "goddesses," but of which no exact repre- whether they were seated or standing." sentation or description had been preserved. The following is the extract I got from In the centre, fronting the single doorway, is a Colonel Campbell's journal, when I met him at shrine, or mandapa, covering a slab, on which is a subsequent period, which contains all the incarved in relief a sitting figure, with the right formation he was able to furnish: foot on an elephant, the left on a bullock; but “[Wantarla], 28th January 1853. Went to see
13 Åkara, in this sense, is a Canarese corruption of a Sang- R. As. Soc., Vol. X., No. XX., p. 348. The expression is krit wordt
one of not quite certain meaning. Conf. the amended *Ajnaptim Kata kardjak; 1. 68. Either Kata kardja
reading (noted in the Errata to Vol. V. of Il. 10-11 of may be a proper name, of some noble or official; or it may
No. XVIII. of this series (Vol. V., p. 176), Tatrajñaptın mean the king of (the country of) Kataka' (Cuttack); or it
Kulakul?rura-bhjakah, and the Amended footnote to ma, mean the king (s.e. governor) of the city. In the last
the translation of the same. Cont. slao, No. XXI., 11. case, the expression here used may be compared with
12-18, ante, p. 34), -Tatr=dridph Damaktrtti-bh/jakal, Atrandptirandurgapati Vijayardjak sasanakarta, in
Jiyantaschdyuh takah sarudayawahaca iti. 11. 14-15, PL. II., a, cft. (P Chalukya) grant Jour. Bo. Br. Now Major-General Sir John Campbell, K.O.S.I.

Page #30

20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
the temple of (...) near Surádá; there and back 22 miles. About 120 temples of from fifteen to forty feet high, built on an extensive flat (area of) rock; all of cut stone, without cement. (Among them is) a circular wall (or enclosure) seventy yards round and twelve feet high, (also) of cut stone, with sixtyfive or sixty-nine niches inside, containing (figures of about) sixty goddesses, and in the centre a square open place (or shrine) with a remarkable figure tolerably carved, as were all. Many of these figures were unknown to my people. There was also a large temple of bricks (or brick work constructed) without cement, and rapidly going to decay, as were the stone temples (also, many of which were) tumbling down.
"It was a most interesting sight. The tradition is that these were built by (a people called) the, who were driven out by the Khonds. The country has all the appearance of having been at one time prosperous and highly cultivated. On the large temple there is some writing, (apparently) in the Dêvanâgari character." The next entry in the journal is "Saturday, 29th January.-Tirtalgarh, where there is another strange temple."
Although the foregoing description is somewhat loose and vague, it indicates unmistakably the existence of remains possessing no common interest. We must remember that it was the result of a hasty visit by an officer engaged in very harassing and important duties in an unhealthy country, that no notes were made at the moment on the spot, and that the details are given from subsequent recollection.
The place is again described in a narrative printed for private circulation in 1861, in terms differing little from the foregoing, but which enable us to fix the site with more exactness. Leaving Goderi, in the Chinna Kimedi Zamindâri, to the west of Barhampur, on the 12th of
I have supplied the words within brackets.-W.. E. 3 Probably Tintalgadh.
Narrative by Major-Gen. John Campbell, C.B., of his Operations in the Hill Tracts of Orissa, &c. &c., printed for private circulation, (London, Hurst and Blackett, 1861), where at page 167 he writes as follows:
"At some distance from a village called Surâdâ may be seen a remarkable collection of pagodas, which I visited, and counted one hundred and twenty of various dimensions. They were built of cut stone, without cement, and most of them are in a state of dilapidation. On the largest temple is some writing in the "Déva nagari" character, but now illegible. In the centre of this group of pagodas was a circle two hundred and ten feet in circumference, surrounded by a wall of cut stone twelve feet high, with sixty-five niches on the inner side,
[JANUARY, 1878.
January 1853, Colonel Campbell marched to Bissâm Kataka, in the Jepur Zamindari, from which he entered the Kâlâhândi or Khârond Zamindari, the capital of which is Junagadh. North of Kâlâhândi is the Pâtan or Pattana Zamindari, into which he had passed when he discovered the temples on the 28th of January, and from which he then proceeded to (Madanpur), a district tributary to Kâlâhândi. All of these places are shown in Walker's large Map of India, published by Allen in 1871, except Bissâm Kataka, which appears, however, in the very defective sheet (as regards the hill tracts) of the Great Trigonometrical Survey 4-inch scale sheet No. 107. It may therefore be assumed that the proximate position of the ruins is a little to the north of lat. 20°, and about long. 83°.
One of the most obvious reflections sug gested by these remains is the indication they afford of the existence at an early period, in tracts now overrun with unhealthy jungle, of a high state of civilization, of the origin and decay of which no account, nor even reliable tradition, survives. Nor is this a singular instance. Colonel Dalton describes the conquest of Chutia Nagpur by an invasion of the Kôls and Hôs, people living under a republican confederation of tribes like the Kurambars of Southern India, at a period so distant that it is impossible to assign even an approximate date, but probably more than 2000 years ago. According to their own tradition, they displaced a still earlier race, vaguely called Jains and Bhuyahs (= autochthones), who appear to have made a considerable advance in the arts; for Mr. Vincent Ball, of the Geological Survey, in another paper describing the remains of extensive metallurgical operations, as well as remains of tanks, in Singbhum, found them attributed by tradifion to an extinct race called Seruks, who
containing sixty figures of goddesses in a variety of attitudes, and in the centre of the circle, placed upon a raised platform, sat a remarkable figure, tolerably carved, as were also the others, in stone. Few of these deities were recog nized by my people, though among them were two Brahmans. The tradition here is, that these temples were built by magicians; and the guide, who pointed out the way, would not go within two miles of them. Even my own people were rather uneasy. The conclusion that I came to was, that this part of the country must have been occupied by a race of Hindus of whom there is now no trace. It is now thinly inhabited by a comparatively civilized people who call themselves Khonds, though they do not speak their dialect. Their language and dress are Ooryah (Uriya), and they are very industrious."
Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. XXXV. pt. ii. p. 164.

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had been governed by a Raja with two tongues [do-jibh], which Col. Dalton explained to signify that the potentate to which it alludes must have been a Någ, or one of the serpent race. These and similar tales point to a time when Dasyus, Rakshasas, Paisachis,--monkeys, as they are contemptuously designated, --were the ruling occupants of the land, every trace of whom it is the business of the archæologist to collect and preserve.
One of the most useful functions of the Indian Antiquary is the preservation of casual notices of objects of interest which may serve to stimulate a more complete examination of them by those who have time and opportunity for the task. Curious and often extensive remains are found in many parts of India, an exact topographical description of which would help greatly to the identification of names and places still a puzzle to the archæologist and geographer.
The late Dr. John Wilson, when President of the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society, read a memoir on the Cave Temples and other ancient remains of Western India, in 1850, in which he dwelt strongly on the importance of investigations of this description. Among other desiderata he called special attention to the inspection of the sites of ancient towns in all parts of the country, and to the vigorous prosecution of research connected with their roing, and relics, their wells and tanks, and even of their foundations."
I can bear witness to the value of these suggestions from my own experience. Some years ago I published an inscription on copper, relating to the little-known dynasty of the Palla vas, whose capital was stated to be Vengipû ram, the name and site of which were till then unknown. After much inquiry, I pitched on a place in the Masulipatam district,
which, accepted as correct by General Cunningham, 10 has been considered open to question elsewhere. Subsequently I had an opportunity of examining the place in person, and satisfied myself that my first surmise was right. I found a parallelogram of considerable extent enclosed by lofty mounds within which were many ruins and the débris of ancient temples, &c. I regretted not being able to procure a regular plan and survey, but time and other avocations did not permit.
South of this spot on the banks of the Krishna is Dharanikot a, close to the recent town of Amravati. It is probably the ancient capital of the Andhra kings. The remains are extensive, and a survey and topographical description of them is greatly to be desired.
In Ganjam a remarkable site is found in the Pů bekonda h Tâlukâ near the rock inscribed with another of Asoka's celebrated edicts. It is called Jogadh. The grass-grown walls were of great height, and coins of a peculiar character are found in and around it. It would well repay careful examination.
I could name many other spots of historical interest of which little more is known than the name. Such are the old Chola capital of Gangondaram, in South Arkat; Talaka da, a seat of the Cheras in Maisnr, now half buried in the sand ; Ratnapur, in the Raipur division of the Central Provinces, where are extensive ruins; Korkei, an early Pandya city, where Bishop Caldwell has lately been making excavations; &c. &c., of all of which, and of many more that could be named, accurate plans illustrated by sketches and descriptive details would be very valuable. But my object now is only to draw the attention of readers of the Antiquary to objects, within the reach of many of them, possessing surpassing interest.
ARCHÆOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S.
(Continued from vol. VI. page 216.)
No. XVI.-Chivalry in Lower India. Europeans are apt to imagine that few races and devotion are alien to their genius. Yet the are more devoid of the spirit of knight-errantry knightly and noble customs and demeanour and chivalrous daring and courtesy than the of the Rajputs, so picturesquely related by Hindus, and that the feudal ideas of allegiance Colonel Tod, may be ranked with anything told
Proc. As. Soc. Beng. 1869, pp. 171-2. • Jour. B. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. III. pt. ii. pp. 36-107.
Ibid. p. 101. Mad. Jour. Lit. &Sc. vol. XI. p. 804.
. Ind. Ant. vol. II. p. 156, vol. V. p. 50. 10 Geography of India, p. 516. 11 Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 80.-ED.

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barons, and Viśvanâtha surrounded by his chiefs recalls, not so remotely, king Arthur and his Round Table.
Of the many stories told of king Viśvanâtha we will take that regarding how he dealt with five rebellious chieftains; it will perhaps be better told in minstrel measure, into which the words of the old chronicle readily slip:"Five chieftains in the Southland had tribute used to bring,
As vassals liege and loyal, to the great Pandion king;
But now, together banding, to their sovereign lord said they,
in the chronicles of romance; and even down in the far South, amid nations of Dravidian descent, there are stories popularly current of champions and exploits which Don Quixote would have put on the same shelf with the deeds of Amadis and Palmerin. Some instances selected from the collection of Oriental Historical Manuscripts, edited by the Rev. W. Taylor, may not be uninteresting, or unbefitting the Indian Antiquary.
Told still under village trees and at festival gatherings is the story of king Viśvanâtha, who ruled over the broad regions of Pandiyaland from Ârkât down to Travankor. His birth was not, of course, like the births of common men. In medieval romance some faery lady or enchanted princess would have been his mother, but in the East the tale goes that his father, Nå gama, whom Don Quixote would have called the Knight of the Serpent, was a great warrior and leader of armies, and, after being long childless, vowed to go in pilgrim guise to Kâsî, and try whether penitence and devotion would win his patron saint or god to grant him a son. So there he went, and after forty days of abstinence and prayer by the sacred stream the god vouchsafed a sign of acceptance, for, whilst bathing, his foot struck against a stone that proved to be an emerald lingam, and in a dream it was conveyed to him that if he returned home he should have a child. So in due time a boy was born, whom he named Viśvanatha, as a gift from the god, and who, when he was sixteen, surpassed all his peers in beauty, accomplishments, and skill in all weapons. Afterwards, when he came to the throne, he made his capital city, Madura, a moated and walled town, building a mighty rampart round it with circular bastions at intervals, seventytwo in all. Each bastion, with its adjoining wall, he gave in charge to one of his chiefs to hold, defend, and keep in repair; and, on the further condition of their raising and keeping always ready a contingent of troops for his service in time of need, he gave withal extensive districts to the chiefs in fief-liege. This was the origin of the Pâligars, a class well known to us in our early wars. Many of the bastions and much of the wall remain still, or did till lately, and many of the representatives of the chiefs survive on the lands then granted to this day. Here was feudal tenure and service established as firmly as by William the Conqueror and his
Fetch the tribute if you want it, for we will no longer pay.'
'Is it so P' said Viśvanátha; 'be ye sure we'll
not be slack
To come with men enough withal to bring the tribute back."
So with an army forth he marched, and carried war
amain
O'er all those rebels' lands; but they the contest did sustain,
For stout and fierce they were; and men on both sides thickly fell,
Till in camp and all the country round did moan
and wailing swell;
And Viśvanatha heard it, and in his heart he thought
That for him and for his glory such misery was wrought.
Forthwith he wrote a letter and bade his herald go And to the rebel leader this royal message show: Bethink ye now: ye are but five, and I one man alone,
Yet for our sakes ariseth up such grievous wail and moan.
This may not be; now list to me: let either force draw back
And a stone pillar build between, restraining all
attack;
And let us write a solemn pledge, and lay it on
the stone,
That ye five chiefs shall thither come and fight with me alone,
And if I conquer, then all ye, with but the weeds ye wear,
Yielding to me your lands and wealth, away on foot shall fare;
But should ye overcome, then I to you will render all
My kingdom and my riches, and abide your hum
ble thrall.
Now let this vow be written, and on the pillar laid,

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23
And meet me in fight before it, and so this feud his opponent, all show him to have been what be stayed.'
old Chancer would have called "a very parfait The five chiefs hearkened together, and thus reply gentil knighte." Nor was knightly feeling made they :
lacking in his opponents, rebels though they *For one to fight with five men it were no equal
were, as proved by their repeated refusal to fray; Better it were that one this quarrel with thee
accept his challenge at great advantage to themshould try.'
selves, and obedience to their vow on defeat. So answer they sont; and thus Visvanatha made
| King Visvanatha reigned till A.D. 1438, in the reply :
days of our Henry VI., when, though men could Look now; yo are five rulers and o'er oountries remember the heroic deeds of Jeanne d'Arc, the five bear sway,
institutions of chivalry were beginning to wane. And I, one king, come hither to force ye to obey, About two centuries later, when the old And to me alone yield homage: 'tis therefore meet Påndya dominion had become broken up into and right
lesser states, and the Muhammadan power had That ye five all together with me alone should
begun to overshadow the peninsula, Sri Raja fight."
Ranga Krishna was raling in Trichina palli, Howbeit they would not hearken, but chose the
which the great king Visvanatha is said to mightiest lord In chain-mail dight, and girded with the goodliest
have first fortified. He was a gay and gallant tempered sword,
monarch delighting in bold and adventurous Mounted upon a war-steed; and go in the midway exploits, not a little after the fashion of the fifth space
James of Scotland. In those days, it is said, The chief met Visvanátha by the pillar face to the Mughul Pádishah used to send to all counface.
tries one of his slippers, which was placed in Lightly the great Pandion said to that champion a state howdah on an elephant, attended by lord,
two Nawabs and several thousand cavalry and * Strike first,' and he smote, but deftly the monarch
infantry. It was fanned by chauris, shaded turned the sword.
by a royal umbrella, and attended by banners, Now strike in thy turn,' undaunted the rebel
kettledrams, and music. On reaching the foeman cried. • Be sure thou need'st not hasten,' the warrior-king
boundaries of the various kingdoms the proreplied,
cession halted, and the attendant Naw&bs sent But three more blows yet strike thou, nor stint word to the king of each country. These kings to strike amain.'
came at the head of their troops, paid homage And thrice the chieftain smote him, but ever the to the slipper, lowered their own ensigns to it, stroke was vain.
accompanied it to their capitals, and placed it on Then the Raja Visvanátha spake high to the their thrones. Costly presents were thon made to rebel foe,
the Sardars, and tribute-money delivered up to Now take good heed,' and smote him an exceeding |
them. The P Andy a country, however, being so mighty blow; No mail the dint might hinder, it clave him right
far, the imperial slipper had not hitherto reached in twain,
it. Nevertheless, whilst Raja Ranga Krishna was And the sundered trunk fell right and left upon reigning, the two Nawabs, with all the troops and the reddened plain.
insignia attendant, set their faces thitherward, Then their lands the four chiefs rendered, and all and came to the boundary of the kingdom north in sad array,
of Trichinkpalli. Halting there, the Nawabs sent Alone, as their oath had bound them, went wander. chobdárs with silver sticks to inform the king ing far away."
that the imperial slipper had arrived. The Raja Now this was a passage of arms hardly sur- kaving heard the message replied, “Return and passed in any chronicle of romance, and instinct tell the Nawabs that we are unwell, and canwith the true spirit of chivalry. The king's not come so far, but if they and all the retinue compassionate feeling for the feeble, his desire will come to the other bank of the Kåvôri river to take all the consequences of his own quarrel outside the town we will meet them there." upon himself, and unselfish offer to encounter The Nawabs received the answer with some desperate odds, his courtesy and forbearance to anger, but nevertheless advanced, and on crossing

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the Kavori and still not seeing the king became princes merely zamindars, and aimed at the excessively enraged. Messengers, however, came subjugation of all the south of India. Ferishtah and appeased them, saying that the Raja, being states that Aurangzib's general made a long exceedingly ill, would meet them in a palanquin journey to Trichinapalli and Tanjor, and rejust within the fort gate. Meanwhile orders had | ceived tribute from the zamindårs of those cabeen given to the guard only to allow the pitals. This was doubtless done with all Muelephant and slipper, with the Nawabs and hammadan haughtiness, and if the long distance principal men, inside the gate, but not the rest | emboldened a native prince to offer a successful of the troops. So the chief men in charge of check, pride might not have tolerated so humithe slipper entered, and still not seeing the king liating an admission by Ferishtah, who gives no. grew more enraged, but the others said, "Our details, whilst the narrative of the native hisking is too sick to enter a palanquin ; come with torian is very minute and circumstantial, and us to the palace, gates." Accordingly they wears much appearance of truth. came to the gates of the palace, but the king Another adventure of this gay and debonnaire did not appear. Then, filled with fury at the king is thus told. One evening he mounted a disrespect implied, they took the slipper from the very fleet horse, and going out by the eastern howdah and carried it into the hall of audience, gate of the town turned his horse's head where they found Sri Raja Ranga Krishna ar- towards Tanjor, some thirty miles distant, rayed in royal robes, seated on his throne, and and rode there at speed unattended, though surrounded by his nobles and retainers. Seeing he was not on good terms with the Tanjor that he did not make the least motion of respect king. Arriving after dark he mingled with towards the slipper or themselves, the Padi- the people returning into the city and entered shah's Nawabs and men, highly incensed, pushed within the gate. Proceeding up the bâzâr roughly forward, and coming near offered to street he went to a shopkeeper and said, "I am give the slipper into the hands of the king. He just arrived, my attendants and money are angrily bid them place it on the floor, but with coming after, meantime advance me one pagoda out heeding they again tried to put it into his (3} rupees) on the deposit of this ring, and get hands. Thereupon the king called loudly and me needful supplies." Then, having had his angrily for men with whips, saying, "We will horse tethered and fed, he entered & Bråhsee whether the Padishah's people will put the maņ choultry and partook of fruits and milk. slipper down or not." Then they became Subsequently, in the first watch of the night, he alarmed and threw it down, and the king put- disguised himself as a sepoy, entered the palace ting one of his feet in it said to them, "Has on foot in the dark, and sat down in the hall of your Pâdishâh lost his senses? When sending the throne near the king, and listened to all the foot-furniture for us, why sends he not two slip affairs under discussion. He then surveyed the pers instead of one ? Get ye back and bring whole of the palace, and wrote on the door of the another slipper." On their answering fiercely, private apartments, "To-day we, Raja Krishthe king had them beaten and driven out. na of Trichinà palli, came here, and having When they got outside they began to draw up heard all the news of the palace left it and their troops threateningly, but the king sending went away." Then quitting the palace he reout a great force fell on them and cut them ap. turned to his quarters. Early in the morning When the matter came to the Padishah's ears, he called the shopkeeper and, said, "As our on thinking it over he came to the conclusion people and money have not come, we will send that in those distant countries, if such messages you your pagoda ; you will then return the were sent, the daring of one would be imitated ring." Then mounting his horse he set off at by others; and so, after the high bearing of full speed in high glee, and soon reached Raja Ranga Krishņa, he ceased sending his slip- Trichinâpalli and entered his palace. Forthper round to the different rulers.
with sending for the ambassador of Tanjor he The editor of the Manuscripts hardly knows said, “We have been to your king's town, what to muke of this singular affair, and in- entered the palace, surveyed the whole of it, ana clines to think that, if true at all, it refers to the written our name on such a door. We also left pride of Aurangzib, who styled all native our ring with a shopkeeper ; write now to your

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25
king to get and send it us. Your king does not keep a proper look-out. He is just and charitable, so we did him no harm, but having penetrated so far we might have slain him and thrown him out of doors. Tell him, therefore, in future to maintain a good guard." So the ambassador wrote, and the king in great amazement went to the door of the private apart- ments, read what was written on it, and calling the shopkeeper gave him ten pagodas, and taking from him the ring sent it forthwith to the Trichinkpalli king. From that time forward he had the palace and fort gates very carefully watched.
Again it is told of Ranga Krishna that when a great vassal Paligår, who lived some twenty miles from his capital, had been slow in sending, as a sort of tribute-heriot, an incomparably fine elephant which the king desired to have, the latter mounted a swift white horse and rode out fast toward the PAligar's castle, ordering some troops to follow as fast as they might. Arrived at the castle, he rode in, thrusting aside the men who disputed his entrance, tied his horse to a pillar, and, sitting down on the high seat under the porch, bade the warders go and tell their master that the king was come. The chieftain was then bathing, but, hastily arraying himself, hastened with a golden dish of jewels and laid them submissive before the king's feet.
The Raja then demanded the wonderful elephant that had no fellow. The overawed Påligâr answered, “For such a trifle it needed not the king to have come hither. The elephant is my lord's, but now he is in a furious state, and none dare approach him; when the fit is past I will send him." "Do not think," replied the Raja, "that we cannot rule an elephant; let it be brought." "But," the PAligâr urged, "the elephant is exceedingly furious; if he sees a white horse he will rush at it and none can stay him. Now my lord is mounted on a white horse." The Råja, however, heeded not the caution, but commanded the elephant to be brought, and its chain cast off whilst he mounted his horse. This was done with no small danger and difficulty, and the men when the chain was loosened ran aside. So soon as the elephant saw the white horse he rushed at it foriously; but the king, eluding the attack, wheeled and galloped about with most skilful horsemanship, sometimes facing the elephant
and sometimes flying, and so drawing on the infuriated animal, till by degrees he at last brought him all the distance to Trichinâ palli and within the walls, where the elephant was mastered by stratagem and bound with strong chains-an exhibition of skill and daring well calculated to impress the people. "Long he ruled," says the chronicle, "with great courage and high justice, and much beloved was he by all folk."
We will conclude with a tale of the downfall of a royal family that shows more high resolve, courage, and devotion than Western people commonly associate with Hindus. About A.D. 1680 an octogenarian king, Achyuta Vija ya Raghava Naikar, ruled in Tanjor. He had a daughter endowed with extraordinary beauty and ability, the rumour of which reaching the neighbouring king of Trichinapalli he demanded her in marriage, but in a more brusque and peremptory way than the old king her father could stomach. So he refused in no gentle terms. Enraged at this, the Trichinapalli ruler assembled all his forces, and commanded his general to march to Tanjor, invest and storm the fort, and subdue the entire country. The Tanjor troops came out to meet them, but were defeated and driven back, and the fort invested and stormed, and the invading troops surrounded the palace of the old king. The Trichinkpalli general, being a high-minded man, now sent to offer terms, and engaged to retire with his troops if the king would ask for peace. The messengers found the ancient monarch engaged in prayer to his favourite god, Narayaņa. He disdained to speak or to interrupt his devotions, but merely made a gesture signifying, “Though all be, lost, I will neither sue for peace nor yield my daughter." So the messengers returned and reported to the general, who then advanced his troops up to the gates of the palace. Meanwhile the aged king had finished his devotions, and ordering his daughter, crowned wives, and attendants to assemble in a hall, surrounded them with great vessels filled with powder, laid a train and commanded them to fire it on a given signal. Then he arrayed himself for his last fight, and is described as young-looking for his years, with extremely overhanging eyebrows held up by gold wires, costly robes studded with gems wrapped round him, and in each hand a long brightly burnished gauntlet sword. Most of his people had fled.

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Five faithful officers of his bodyguard remained interest some in the days when Spiritualism has by him. It happened that some time before, in many adherents. The old king, when his rea fit of anger, he had caused his son to be im. lations with the Trichinkpalli ruler were friendly, prisoned, and one of his followers, reminding him need to resort regularly and pay his devotions of this, said that now was the time for pardon. at Srirangam, the great temple adjoining "It is well," said the old king, "let him be Trichinkpalli, and on the very time of his falling brought." On his appearance, the son, bowing to 1 in combat it is said that he appeared at Sriran. his father with closed hands, uttered this verse- gam with all his children, wives, and followers "The sea buries jewels and throws up a straw, who perished with him, whereat the attendant Of the treacherous element that is the law; Brahmaņa said, "See! here is the Tanjor king But, father and ruler, we'll show now to them come to pay his visit to the Lord of SriranThat a straw is a straw, but a gem is a gem." gam;" and, taking them all to the inner shrine,
Then Achyuta Vijaya Raghava they gave them the sacred tulsi, and put the Rája embraced his son, and commanded the customary crowns upon their heads, when the signal to be given to the women. Instantly a king with all his retinue, entering the inner retremendous explosion took place, and the palace cess, disappeared, and were seen no more. Therewas filled with fire and smoke,walls fell crashing, upon all the Brahmans exclaimed in amazeand flames spread fast. Again the Trichinapalliment, " Here is a miracle !" commander, coming forward, offered terms. One reflection occurs. These tales, and many "Once we have spoken," was the reply," and use like them, are told amongst the people, and the no double speech. Is life or honour greatest ? countries in which the scenes are laid now form We through all ruin will keep our honour. three contiguous zillas. Many of the palaces Cease words, and come and fight with us." and forts bailt by those bygone kings still reThen the five devoted followers, rushing in turn main, and some are used as law-courts and before the king, fell after slaying many; and dwelling-places, but though the strangers from lastly the king and his son, sword in hand, the West who sit in them deal ont peace and attacked the foe, and were slain, after each had justice, they can hardly replace in the heart and cut down several.
imagination of the people the stirring times and The ohronicle adds a circumstance which may bold deeds of the rulers of their own race.
MISCELLANEA. GOLDEN MASKS.
| mon use, and a gold one for festivals, both bearing The golden mask found by Dr. Schliemann at the semblance of an ordinary Markthå face." Mykêne has somewhat perplexed savants, who find Doubtless further investigation would show it difficult to account for the presence of such an this custom to be not peculiar to Sivaji's family. article where it was found. Without pretending but to be widely spread in India. We may have to solve the difficulty, I wish to note a use of
here the sui vival of an ancient Aryan practice golden masks in this country which may perhaps which has died out among the Aryan races in give some clue. In the royal family of Kolhapur Europe. it has been the custom to build temples, dedicated
EDWARD W. WEST. to the tutelary deity of the family, in memory of
Sangli, 12th Oct. 1877. deceased Rajas. In one instance I know of a golden mask, supposed to represent the Raja SEPULCHRAL URNS IN THE DISTRICT OF whose memory was thus to be perpetuated, being
KOIMBATUR. presented to the temple, to be affixed to the head In the Indian Antiquary, vol. VL p. 279, there of the image, and I believe this instance is not a appeared an interesting article by the Right solitary one.
Reverend Bishop Caldwell on the sepulchral In Mr. Nairne's Historical Sketch of the Konkan urns found in various parts of the district of (p. 72) he mentiong & temple (at Sindhudurg, on Tinnivelly. A well-informed friend, whose atthe coast) dedicated to Sivaji where "the idol tention I drew to that article, has favoured me which represents him has a silver mask for com. with valuable information on similar exhumations
For further information on this subject see Ind. Ant. IV. pp. 12, 18, 306; rol. V. pp. 159, 160, 256, 256 ; vol. VI. vol. I. pp. 150, 151 ; vol. II. pp. 7-10, 86-88, 223-228, 275- pp. 41 od 230.-ED. 278; vol. III. pp. 34-86, 53, 54, 277, 278, 306-308; vol.

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27
made in the district of Koimbatur, & part of But I feel doubtful if this can be the case in the the Madras Presidency with which he is inti- instances noted above. Does a Kurd know that mately acquainted. I subjoin it, in the hope that Kurdistdu' means place of Kurds,' or one of it will interest your readers :
the Mongolian tribes of the Caucasus recognise "These sepulchral urns are
D&ghestan' as the place of Daghs' P (By the found in vast quantities in the
way, does this word indicate the appellation of Koimbatur district, but the urns
some obscure or extinct tribe, or is it connected are there of a totally different
with Dagh' [113], burnt,' or Dagh' [13], shape--something like this, and
mountain')? Are these designations now used, or even more pointed at the base,
not, by the present inhabitants ? Or were they and they generally have a little
once in use, but are not so now, but only hold ornament.
their place in maps and books? Or are they "The places of sepulture are also
merely conventional terms invented by mapdifferent. Above ground the spot
makers and authors, and used for convenience sake is marked generally by a circle of
for indicating districts designated by other names rough boulders, and in digging within the circle by those who dwell in themP Does the stân' you come upon a massive stone chest, oblong income from some other root, and has it been shape and composed of ponderous slabe. On re- symmetrized' into conformity with "Hindamoving the covering slab it is found that the chest stan'P Supposing these terms to be in indigen. is sometimes divided into two compartments by ous use, do those using them retain any inkling of a transverse slab in the centre. One of the end slabs the fact of the word 'stân' meaning a place!! always has a hole of about six or nine inches in Are these names traces of the spread of ancient diameter cut in its centre, the edges of which are
Aryan power, survivals,'--the signification of polished. In these compartments urns of sizes are which is unknown to those who apply them to found full of mould, in which fragments of bones
characterize their native countries P Or is it the may be discovered. Other urns contain spear and case that though the exact meaning of 'stan' arrow heads. I think the bodies were burnt and
may be unknown to Georgian or Kurd, yet that the ashes put in the urns, as the fragments of
there is enough communication with the East to bones seemed to me partly calcined. The local
enable them to understand half-instinctively that name for these places of sepulture is Pandava As Afghanistd' and Hindustan' mean the places koji; but, notwithstanding, the legend is that they of the Afghans and the Hinds, so Gurjistán are the habitations of a race of pygmies, and and Kurdistan' must mean the places of the that the circular holes were the entrances to the Georgians and the Kurds ? dwellings."
RIMA VARM.
The whole subject of the names on the border
land of Irân' and 'Turân' is interesting, and I Queries.
think, if fully gone into by a competent hand, would NAMES OF COUNTRIES ENDING IN 'STÅN.
furnish many facts tending to form materials for We see on maps sundry countries, not now inti- another chapter in prehistoric annals, or to illusmately connected with India, and sometimes not trate obscure passages of more modern history. now occupied by purely Áryan races, but still I believe it is pretty certain that the districts mainly on the border-lands of the Aryan, Shemitic, in question have had their populations repeatedly and Turânian peoples, marked by names ending in changed within comparatively modern times. *stân.' Thus Dåghestán,' Kurdistdu,'Lazistdn,' Now, supposing the names ending with stân
Gurjistán' (Georgia), &c. The ordinary derivation to have been originally conferred by pre-historic of Hindustan' is from 'Hindd-sthana,' the place Aryans, is not the transmission of the names by of Hindus,' and here I believe it is universally so many different races a striking instance of the acknowledged the right one. The same may vitality of designations? Or have these names be said of Baluchistan, Seistar, Zabulistan, been given by Aryan races first occupying them Afghánistán,' all of which are near enough to within the comparatively late historic eras only, India for the meaning of the word to be known thongh when stân' was still in use for the and applied even within historic times.
ordinary expression of place'? Either conclusion • Than' is still used in India - the designation is now understood by people of the localities indicated of the "place" of borse or other animal. Stall is the (either positively, as being known to mesn place'; or English equivalent. Stable in English is almost identi. indirectly from deduction and connection), and whether, if cal, both in sound and meaning, with the Persian 'IstAbal.' No, this knowledge is inherited from their Aryan ancestors,
Thana' is Indian for a police station. All are un or (supporing a Shemitic or Turanian superposition of people doubtedly connected with the Aryan root 'sth' indicative Bo complete to as be almost sobatitution) by tradition comof locality including I believe, the stan,' in question. municated from an earlier race of settlers, The main point is whether the meaning of the termination

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if established would demonstrate an interesting ascetics and laymen, or Sravakas. The former exarx ple of philological phenomena.
are now divided into Bhattårkas, or high priests, Gaixvadi. and pandits, or common ascetics; and into four
gachhas, sects or schools, viz., the Nandi. THE DIGAMBARÀ JAINAS.
gachha, the Sarasvati, the BharatiAt Debli I visited the two temples of the gach ha, and the Syenagachha. In older Digambar Jainas in company with Pandit Visves- times the Digambara ascetics used to go naked, varnátha, and was received by their chief priest, and from this custom they derive the names the Bhattárka, and the ascetics (who are called | Digambara, "sky-clad, Nirgrantha 8, pandits) in a very friendly manner. They readily without a knot, Nagnatas, naked mendi. answered my questions regarding their religion; cants. Now they make a compromise with the they showed me one of their libraries which is spirit of the times and the British law. They kept in the temple near the Chandni Chouk, gave maintain, as formerly, in theory that a man me a list of the Bhattårka's books, and offered
can only obtain salvation when he is perfectly to copy anything I might require.
nirmama, free from all possessions and all During a fortnight's stay [at Jaypur] I be
desire to possess, and that hence clothes ought caine acquainted with some of the best Digam
not to be worn by a true ascetic. But the bara pandits, and obtained through them a good pandits wear the usual dress of the country, and foundation for a collection of the works of their even the Bhatparkas cover themselves with sect, and more copious information regarding a chaddar, which they put otf when eating. At their faith than has fallen to the share of other their meals they sit perfectly naked, and a pupil Sanskritists. From the statements of the Jaypur rings a bell to keep off all strangers. The laymen pandits, which agree in general with those of are divided into three Jatis, or sub-divisions, their Dehli brethren, it appears that the Digam- Khandarwal, Agrawal, and Bahirwal, who will eat bara Jainas are scattered over a great part of with each other. But each marries within his eastern Rajputâna, of the Panjab, of the North- own class. Where, as in Dehli, a portion of the Western Provinces, and of the Central India Jainas have left the faith and turned Vaishnavas, Agency, and have even some outlying settlements
still intermarriages between them and their Jaina in Gujarat. They name the following towns as caste-fellows may take place. There are, besides, the locations of their Vidyasthanas, or seats of farther sub-divisions of the three Jats. Thus learning :- 1 Jaypur, ? Dehli, and Sonpat among the Jaypur Khandarwals there are (where a large bhandar is said to exist), 3 Gw&- Vispanthts and Therapanthis. The former worlior, 4 Ajinir, 5 Någar in Rajputâna, 6 ship standing, &c., and the latter seated. The Râmpur-Bhanpur near Indor, 7 Karangi, literature of the Digambaras is divided into four and 8 Surat. These cities, together with Vedas, vis. :Karnata, and a fabulous island Jaina badh ri, 1. The Prathamdnuyoga, which comprises all which is placed 1500 kos from Jaypur, beyond works on their Itihdea, their legends and history; Râmes varam, are said to contain altogether to this division belong the twenty-four Puranas, sixteen vidyasthanas, among which that at Jay which give the lives of the twenty-four Tirthanpur is the principal one. The list does not fit the karas, the Uttarapurdna, Harivamsapurdna, etc. state of things in our days. For instance, in 2. The Karandnuyoga, which includes the Ajmir and in Surat there is now no learning. works describing the origin and the order of the There are only small Digambara communities, universe, e.g. Trilokaadra, Tulokabhishana, Jowhose spiritual wants are attended to by very tishasdra, Bijaganita, Chandrarprajnapti, Süryaignorant Bhattarkas. It is also clear that the prajnapti, etc. author of the list had no very clear idea of the 3. The Drasydnuyoga, which treats of their extent of the Jaina colonies of Southern India, doctrine or philosophy. Some of the chief works as one vidyasthána only is allotted to the Kar- belonging to it are the Jomattasára, Pravacha. nâta country. But the list seems to give the nasara, Ashțasahasri, Prameyakamala-Mártanda, gddis, or seats of high-priests, correctly for Rajavarttika, etc. Central and North-Western India. It is also 4. The Charandnuyoga, which treats of the indisputable that Jaypur is now the chief seat of Achdra, customs, worship, &c. To this subdiviDigambara learning. The Digambaras called them- sion belong the Trivarndchdra, Muldchdra, Jogaselves the Mula sa mghu, or' primitive church,' mula, Ashtapdhuda, Padmananda-pachchisi, &c. and assert that the Svetâmbaras seceded from These divisions are likewise known to the them, while the latter state exactly the opposite. Svetämbara Jainar, though they usually prefer to
Like the Svetâmbaras, they are divided into classify their sacred literature as Angaa, Upangas,

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29
Páinnds, Chheda, and Múlasútras. I was particularly anxious to find out whether the Digambaras agreed with the Svetâmbaras about any of their inspired works. I soon found that the former hold the twelve Angas, the Dvddosdngt, in as high esteem as the latter. A list of the Angas which they gave me agreed very nearly with that of the SvetAmbaras. But they asserted that their Angas, though bearing the same names as the Svetâmbara books, differed in substance. In order to test this assertion, I handed to the pandits a copy of the Svetambara Bhagavati, and they at once conceded that it was the same text which they used every day. In a like manner they recognized the Jnatadharmakatha, the Updsa. kadasdnga, and the Avasyahasútras. But they were very positive in rejecting as spurious the SvetAmbara Acháránga, Sútra Kritanga, Nisitha, Raipaseni, Kalpa, Vrihat Kaipa, Nandi, Mahamsitha Anuyoġadvdra, and Vyavahdrasutras, as well as ten Pdinnds. Of some they declared they actually possessed different versions. But, as they produced no manuscripts, I have my doubts on this subject. On the whole it would appear that their libraries are poor in Angas and other Agamas, and that they do not explain them daily, as is done by the Svetâmbaras. But the important point which my inquiries have settled is that some of the Angas, at least, are common to both Digambaras and Svetâmbaras, and that the two sects do not possess entirely different sets of scriptures, as has been hitherto supposed. I secured nearly one hundred Digambara works referring to all the four Vedas', and a few works belonging to their profane literature, among which I may mention copies of Jainendra's Grammar, with a short commentary and a long one. The former was written 1205 A.D. in the neigh- bourhood of Kolhapur; arrangements were also made with one of the pandits to get copies made of a number of works which could not be procured at once. He has since sent me several packets of manuscripts. I visited also the library of the Maharaja of Jaypur, which is extensive, but has, unfortunately, no trustworthy catalogue. I selected a few Natakas and astronomical works for copying. The collection is rich in the latter, as the Mabárája Jesingh, the founder of Jaypur, was a great mathematician and astronomer, and many of his manuscripts are still extant.
The libraries of the Digambara and Svetâmbara Jainas who live there [at Ajmir) are not considerable; still I acquired a few of the common Sátras for Cambridge. On the 20th December I proceeded to Merta, the bhandar of which town had been mentioned to me in Bikaner as one of the oldest and best of the Svetämbaras. It was very
fortunate that Mr. A. C. Lyall, the acting Agent Governor General in Rajputâna, whom I met in Ajmir, had given the most distinct orders to the Jodhpur Vakil and Darbar that the bhandar was to be shown to me. For I have seldom met with a more obstinate and intractable set of men than the Merta Panch. They first tried to deny the possession of books, then they asked for several delays in order to await the return of certain beths who had gone on a pilgrimage, and finally they flatly refused to show their treasures. Explanations, orders, entreaties by the officials of the town, offers of money, were equally fruitless. They surrendered only when the Jodhpur Minister sent arr order that if within twenty-four hours they did not show their books, the Khotwal was to undertake the task and to open the bhanddr on the part of the Raja. Thus I was kept waiting for nine days, and had finally the mortification to find that the library was not worth so much trouble. It contained about 800 well-kept and well-written manuscripts, which were neither distinguished by their age nor by their contents. The only interesting news I obtained was the name of the son of the famous B & nabhat ta, who continued the Kadambart after his father's death. He was called Bhoshona-bhatta. After copying the catalogue of the Merta bhandar I went straight back to Jaypur, and had again interviews with the Digambara pandits, from whom I collected further information and more books. Among my visitors was also the chief disciple of the present Bhattarka, who will, in all probability, succeed his master. It is rare that such people leave their mathas, and I fully appreciated the honour which he did me, though he somewhat diminished it by giving a false name.-Dr. Bühler in Bombay Administration Report, 1875-76.
BUDDHISM IN PUTU. A correspondent of the North China Herald gives an interesting account of a visit to the island of Putu, off the China coast, which is entirely given up to Buddhism. No animals are allowed to be killed there, and neither fish nor animal food may be landed. Temples occupy the most beautiful spots, and everywhere shrines are built by the roadside, or Buddhas carved upon the face of the rocks. The government of the island is in the hands of the priests, and the rents from the land all go to the temples; in fact, though presents of tea, &c. are sent to Peking, the island is more like a dependency than an integral part of China. The few graves to be seen suggested to the visitor the practice of cremation; and not far from the largest temple, and near the beach, he found one of the furnaces, which consisted of a

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small room in the hill-side, arched overhead, the conciseness. The copy he has is tolerably correct, only peculiarity about it being an excavation in and he hopes to print it shortly. He has also Asthe rocky floor about the size of a small coffin, certained the existence of a Brálnana, as yet intended for the fuel, or to create a draught. unknown, which belongs to the Jaiminiya Sakha The following is a brief description of the process, of the Sama Veda, and expects to have a copy soon, as given by a priest :-Three days after death, and also authentic information respecting the the body, seated cross-legged and enclosed in a chants of this SakhA, which differ widely from box, is taken to the furnace. Fuel is placed round those known already. What he has heard of the it, and after a suitable religious ceremony the Jaiminiya chants makes him think that they are torch is applied, and the whole pile is soon in reality far more simple, and perhaps older than wrapped in flames. It requires several hours and the others-e.g. of the Kauthumas.-The Academy. 400 pounds of wood to complete the process.The Academy
Some new Zend pablications have been brought
out by two young scholars, K. Geldner and W. NOTES.
Geiger, the arst of whom is a pupil of Roth, the Dr. A. Burnell has discovered a MS. of the long- second of Spiegel. Geldner deals with the metrical sought Prdtibdkkya of the Sama Veda. It consiste parts of the Zendavesta, and proposes a great many of about 280 sutras with a commentary, and is ingenions corrections of corrupt passages, while attributed to Sakatayana; but, as it is, it is a re- Geiger confines himself to the Pehlavi version of latively modern work, and much like the Atharva- the first Vendidda. His conclusions show that prátisakhya (edited by Prof. Whitney) in style and I this version is of no great value for the Zend text.
BOOK NOTICES. ITER PERSICUM, O Description du Voyage en Perse Grand Duke Boris Fedorovich. Leaving this on
entrepris en 1602 par E'tienne Kakasch de Zalonkemeny, envoyé comme ambassadeur par l'Empereur Rodolphe the 8th December, Salankhomeny and his suite II. à la cour du grand-duc de Moscovie et à celle de Chih proceeded by Nijni Novgorod to Kazan and down Abbas, roi de Perse. Traduction publiée et annotée par Ch. Schefer, Premier Secrétaire interprète du Gouverne
the Volga to Astrakhan, which they reached on ment, Administrateur de l'Ecole des Langues otientales 27th May. The author's account of Russia-then. vivantes. (18mo, pp. xxii and 190. Paris : E. Leroux, 1877.)
separated by the Don from the Turkish Khannte
of the Crimea-and of the court of the Grand Duke After the treaty of Madrid, Francis I. had sought is full of curious information. In August they an alliance with the Porte, which power, as well landed at Langheran, in the province of Guilan, a3 France, had a vital interest in weakening the where, from bad food and water, all fell ill. Robert influence of Austria (then Germany). This alliance Shirley met them there to conduct them, but on continued, in spite of short interruptions, till reaching Lanzan, two miles from Langheran, Sathe peace of Versailles in 1756, and during lankhomeny died on the 25th October 1603. Tecthe reigns of Henry II. and Henry IV. the tander and George Agelastes then proceeded to influence of France in Turkish councils was so carry out the mission, but the latter also died, of great as to force Austria to seek allianoes against scarlatina, at Kasbin. Tectander found Shah Abthem. In 1592 the Turks had commenced a war bas at Tabriz, which he had just taken from the on Austria, that was still being continued in Turks, and he gives an interesting account of that Hungary-which Turkey held from Presburg to celebrated Sufawi ruler and his court. He acthe Theiss-when Sir Anthony Shirley appeared companied the Persian army for some time durat the court at Prague, bearing a letter from ing the campaign in Armenia, and then returned Shah Abbas the Great, proposing an alliance. with a Persian ambassador through Circassia to The emperor Rudolf II. determined to accept Koïs on the Caspian, and thence to Tereka and the offer, and appointed Stephan Khakhas von Astrakhan, finding his way back to Moscow by Salank homeny, a Transylvanian, as his envoy to the route he had come. There he met Henry of the Shah. Khakhas took as his secretary a Saxon Logau, the Austrian ambassador, who left Moscow Protestant named George Tectander von der Ja- with him on the 24th August 1604, when Teobel, who on his return presented to the Emperor tander's narrative closes. An appendix of 27 pages an account of the journey and mission, which he contains two letters of Salankhomeny's from Mosafterwards published under the title of Iter Per- cow, his address to the Grand Duke Boris, a lotter sicum. The embassy left Prague 27th August from Boris to Rudolf, and an extract from a ro1602, and passing through Breslau, Cracow, War- port by Henry of Logau. saw, Wilna, and Smolensk arrived at Moscow on The original work is very scarce, and M. Schefer the 9th November, where it was received by the has done excellent service in preparing this

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BOOK NOTICES.
31
French version of so interesting & volume, to bassies by order of the king. Now while he was which he has added valuable notes, and an intro. away from home I lived with other men at my duction containing a short but interesting account pleasure, and so did not cheat the elements of of the Shirleys, and a bibliography of European which I was composed, and my senses of their works on the reign of Abbas. The volume forms lawful enjoyment. For considerate treatment of one of the excellent series of 18mo volnmes of M. the elements and senses is held to be the highest Lerour's Bibliothèque Orientale Elzevirienne, and duty. Therefore I have been born again in this is illustrated by a curious coloured map of Eastern world with a recollection of my former existence. Europe at the commencement of the seventeenthBut she in her former life, through ignorance, century, and a facsimile of Sadeler's portrait of confined all her attention to the preservation of Hussain A'li Beg, the Persian sent with Sir her character. Therefore she has been degraded Anthony Shirley to the courts of Russia and Ger- and born again as one of the canine race; howmany.
ever, she too remembers her former birth. The
wise Devasmitä said to herself, This is a novel GESTA ROMANORUM, or Entertaining Moral Stories, trans,
lated from the Latin, with preliminary Observations and conception of Duty. copious Notes, by the Rev. CHARLES SWAN, late of · The execrable device' employed in the Gesta Catharine Hall, Cambridge, and revised and corrected by WYNARD HOOPER, B.A., Clare College, Cambridge.
Romanorum is of a very similar character, and (London: George Bell and Sons, 1877.)
employed for similar purposes. The 'beldam'un. The only fault which we can find with this dertakes to corrupt the wife of a knight. Accord cheap and carefully annotated translation of the ingly she makes a little dog, which she possessed, Gesta is that, as might be expected in the case of fast for two days, and on the third day gives it a book published in England, no illustrations bread and mustard. The same results follow as whatever are drawn from Sanskrit literature. in the Hindu tale, and the beldam expounds them The literatures of other Oriental countries are by in a similar manner. She asserts that her no means neglected. But it is quite clear that for daughter was turned into this dog to punish her the learned and judicious corrector of Mr. Swan's cruelty to her lover. The only difference in the translation Benfey and Wilson and Weber have tales is that in the Hindu talo the temptation written in vain.
fails, whereas in the European form of the story We proceed to mention some passages in which it is completely successful. illustrations from Sanskțit writers might pro- Another incident in the tale of Devasmitâ may fitably have been introduced.
be paralleled from the Gesta Romanorum. When The first and most striking parallel that occurs Devnsmitê is obliged to separate from her husband, to us is one between the 28th tale in Swan's Gesta the god Siva gives each of them a red lotus, saying, and the story of Devasmita in the 13th taranga of “Take each of you one of these lotuses in your the Katha Sarit Sagara. This was long ago pointed hand, and if either of you shall be unfaithful out by Wilson (Oollected Works, vol. III. pp. 220ff.). during your separation the lotus in the hand of "A Buddhist priestess has been asked by four the other shall fade, but not otherwise." young merchants to corr::pt the wife of a friend A somewhat similar incident is found in the named Devasmita. The priestess pays her a visit, Gesta Romanorum, tale 69. A carpenter's motherand gains her confidence. On the day following in-law bestows on him a shirt that possesses this she pays her a second visit, and gives a bitch singular property, that as long as he and his wife which was tied up at her door a piece of meat full "are faithful to each other it will neither be of pepper-dust, which made tears trickle copiously rent, worn, nor stained." Many parallels are menfrom the animal's eyes. She then enters Deva- tioned in Wilson's note (vol. III. pp. 217 and 218). smitÂ's room and begins to weep. On Devasmita's One that he has not mentioned will be found in asking her the reason of her sorrow she replies, The Wright's Chaste Wife, edited for the Early *My friend, look at this bitch weeping outside here. English Text Society by Frederick J. Furnirall.
This creature recognized me to day as having lines 588. This nearly resembles the story in the been its companion in a former birth, and began to Gesta, but a rose-garland does duty for the shirt. weep, which made tears of pity flow from my eyes.' Tale XI. in the Gesta Romanorun is an account When Devasmith heard that, and saw the bitch of a superstition familiar to every student of outside apparently weeping, she thought for a Sanskrit literature. It runs as follows —“Alexmoment, 'What can be the meaning of this won- ander was a prince of great power, and a disciple derful sight P' Then the ascetic said to her, My of Aristotle, who instructed him in every branch daughter, in a former birth I and that bitch were of learning. The queen of the North, baving the two wives of a Brahman. And our husband heard of his proficiency, nourished her daughter frequently went about to other countries on em. from the cradle upon a certain sort of deadly

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poison; and when she grew up she was considered | which he did not, for he came again and lost his 80 beautiful that the sight of her alone affected tail. Moreover, having lost his ears and his tail, many with) madness. The queen sent her to had he possessed a particle of heart he would have Alexander to espouse. He had no sooner beheld thought; but he did not think, for he entered a her than he became violently enamoured, and with fourth time and was killed. For these several much eagerness desired to possess her; but Aris. reasons I am confident he had no heart. The totle, observing his weakness, said, 'Do not touch emperor, satisfied with what he had heard, apher, for if you do you will certainly perish. She plauded the man's judgment." has been nurtured upon the most deleterious food, This reminds us in the most forcible way of the which I will prove to you immediately. Here is second story in the 4th book of the Panchatantra. a malefactor who is already condemned to death. There a jackal persuades an 898 to visit a sick He shall be united to her, and you shall see the lion; the lion wounds him, but the ass escapes. truth of what I advance. Accordingly the culprit The cunning jackal persuades the ass to visit the was brought without delay to the girl, and scarcely lion a second time, when he is killed. The lion had he touched her lips before his whole frame then goes to bathe, like a good Hindu lion, before was impregnated with poison, and he expired." making a meal off him. In the meanwhile the The editors of the Gesta illustrate this story jackal devours the ears and the heart. When the copiously, but no parallel is adduced from Sans- lion taxes him with making his food impure in krit literature. The notion is a very familiar one this way, the jackal replies that the ass had neiin Sanskrit literature, and readers of the Mudra ther ears nor heart, otherwise he would never Rakshasa cannot fail to remember how the visha have run into danger after he had had one narrow kanyd was employed against Chandragupta. On escape from destruction. The same story is found this occasion Aristotle's place was taken by Chl- in Babrius' fable 95. There the ass is represented nakya. The king of Banâras employs similar by a deer, and the jackal by a fox. The fox dedevices aprinst the king of Vatsa in the Kathdvours the heart only, which makes M. Wagener Sarit Ságara (taranga 19, 6l. 81). Numerous illus- remark that Babrius is plus conséquent compared trations might be quoted to show that the story with the Indian fabulist. The fox's defence is most is, as the commentators on the Gesta seem to sus- triumphant :pect, of Indian origin.
"Olk eixe martws' oncl" w rámy Chret. In the 115th tale of the Gesta we read of an « ποιην δ' έμελλε καρδίην έχειν, ήτις elephant that no one dared approach, but which was é devrépou déortos Bev eis oikovs ;" Julled to sleep by two chaste virgins. The same no- Possibly this story suggested to Shakespeare the tion of elephants being peculiarly affected by the chastity of women is found in the 36th laranga of "Cæsar should be a beast without a heart the Katha Sarit Sagara, where a chaste woman is If he should stay at home to-day for fear." able to raise up the white elephant Svetara mi, An incident in the 18th tale, p. 46 of the prethat had fallen down apparently dead.
sent edition of the Gesta, reminds us of the story The 83rd tale in the Gesta Romanorum contains of Pandu in the Mahabharata ; and one, in the 5th an incident found in the Panchatantra:
tale, p. 91, of that of Sridatta in the Katha Sarit "A boar devastates a garden belonging to Trajan. Ságara, taranga 10, ślokas 140-150. Numerous It is wounded three times and then killed. When other parallels would no doubt present themselves the cook was preparing it for the table, he reserv. to those better versed than the writer of the preed the heart for his own eating. This annoyed sent article can pretend to be in Sanskrit folklore. the emperor, and he sent to inquire after the But we have said enough to show that the faheart. The cook declared that the boar had no shionable neglect of Sansksit literature which preheart, and when called upon to justify this state- vails in England has detracted considerably from ment defended it in the following 'way - The the value of this edition of the Gesta. boar in the first instance entered the garden and • This collection of tales must always be interest. committed much injury. I, seeing it, cut off his ing to Englishmen, as from it Shakespeare drew left ear. Now if he had possessed a heart he the plot of at least two of his plays. would have recollected the loss of so important a The present edition contains much curious and member. But he did not, for he entered a valuable illustrative matter, though, if it had been second time: therefore he had no heart. Besides, revined by a scholar well read in Hindu folklore if he had had a heart, when I had cut off his right it might have contained a good deal more. ear he would have meditated upon the matter,
C.H. T.
This trait recalls the tale of Unmadini (Katha Sant Sagara, taranga 15, sloka 65).

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Indian Antiquary. COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE KADAMBA MRIGÊSAVARM.
[' t 3/?ཆ་ཉR: མgd33།3 ༼༡༤༣ 03 ཀ ན;ཛིན821 v 1seda) ཀཱསནའ་ན་
༄༅3 jxནg,83gམར་པ བ3)༢l«་ཀ2) ༣༢ པོ་ ༤133ཏg0 བ མ ཙྪཁབ་ནz2& དུ༣3= ནུ7 ug འགྲ༧ཝ2༣ : ༄༅འཛྲ ༣༧jsbauཤུལལ Pag3-10 པt ཎཝཱ་ཝzj ༧༠༢ e༡༧ujs3 ༤-03)ཀྱིན་༧༣༣ ནུ། གྷཱ་ཏུ ༧ ཉིནིཤ uaཉ ཊ 08:4ཙུའུ33 Jaཕྲུ་ཅུ75)
༡༣aཚོ ༧༤༦apཚ ཉsup?༧༣ * 9༈ »༩ s/༡༧2323 %2] an 3, 4:1f3ཎྜc2.
ja གt༠ ༧jམཚga༡།:ལོཝཛེ་ཉམི༡༢:༡)g ཀ ཀཱ༧གྷ སས ༡༤11 ཙིཏིག ནis 24 23Fརཱཏཱ བྱཏཱ་ལརཱབྷཱནཱརཾ །སྒྲགས་ a**jg38 ཉྙོ ༢༠23 2zམྱ།2):༄༅༎ རིa ནཱརཾ ཤཱཀཱནྟxc
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Page #44


Page #45

FEBRUARY, 1878.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
33
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 19). No. xxxv.
The device on it, a good deal worn, is that of THIS and the following two inscriptions are some animal standing towards the proper
I the remaining three early Kada mba right, but with its head turned round to the Sanskrit copper-plate grants, of which I have left, with the figure of a god or a man leaning already made mention at p. 22 of the preceding against it or sitting on it. volume. It appears that they were found in The grant is by Dôva, or D&va varma, excavating the bed of a tank at Dêvagiri, in the son and Yuvarkja of the Kadamba Mathe Karajgi Taluka of the Dharwad District. hárája Krishna varma, and is issued at They were referred in the first instance to Mr. Triparvata, a locality which I cannot idenPândarang Venkates Chintamanpetkar, Cana- tify. I place these two kings in early times, rese Translator in the Educational Department, either slightly antecedent or slightly subsequent whose paper on them, after being submitted to to theK Akusthavarma and his successors of Government, was made over to Mr. Burgess, as Nos. XX. to XXVI. of this Series. But I must Archæological Surveyor, and sent on to me to be abandon the specific argument on which, at vol. recast for this journal. I found it necessary, VI., p. 23, I arrived at Saka 360 (A.D. 438) as however, to wait till I could obtain the originals about the date of Krishna varma. For, in a themselves for inspection. In the meantime stone-tablet inscription from Lakshmêswar, Saka Mr. K. T. Télang has published transcriptions 890 (A.D. 969-8) is given as the date of Mâra&c., of the same plates in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. simha dê va, the younger brother of the As. Soc., Vol. XII., pp. 300 et seqq. I have Ganga king Harivar må of the Merkára, found his versions, as well as those of the Ca- Nagamandala, and Mallóballi plates. And if, as I narese Translator, useful to refer to in respect think is the case, this date is the true one, and of a few doubtfal points.
not that of the Merkara and Nagamandala plates, The present grant is on three plates, about then it follows that the present Krishna71.5 long by 11.8 broad. The ring connecting varm â cannot be the same KỊishņa varma the plates is 09-2 thick, and is an oval, 2-4 by whose sister, according to the plates, was married 1".8. The seal, also, is oval,-1".7 by 1"-4. I to Madhava, the grandson of Harivarmà.
Transcription.
First Plate. [') Sri-vijaya-Triparvvate Svámi-Mahasêna-matri-gan-a(a)nudhyât-Abhishiktasya Månavya
sagôtrasya ['] pratikrita-svâdhyâya-charchyâ(rchcha)-pâragasya adi-kâla-râjarshi-bimbânâm åśrita-jan
Âmbẩnam Kadambinam dharmma-maharajasya aśvamêdha-yajinah samar-arjita-vipul-aiśvaryyasya [*] sâmanta-râjaviśôsha-ratnasu(sya)* Nâgaj-ânákramya-day-anubhūtasya sarad-amala
The Canarese Translator takes it to be a horse or bul. Mr. K. T. Telang roads samantardjavidsharatnasundgalock. The head, which is the only part at all clear, seems jinakamyaddy anubhdtasya, and does not offer any explato me more like that of a deer with short horns.
nation of it. But he reads two letters wrongly; for, the An asterisk, attached to a letter or mark of punctua- fourteenth is jų, not ji, and the sixteenth is kra, not ka. tion in square brackets, denotes that such letter or mark The Canarese Translator is altogether wide of the mark, - of punctuation is not in the original at all. An asterisk, sutágajandkamuddydkabhdtasya. From the context of attached to a mark of punctuation not in brackets, denotes the other genitive cases, I have no doubt that we must that in the original mark is used which it is not con- take the eleventh letter, su, to be a mistake for sya. And venient to represent in the printing, and for which the or the remaining letters form words intelligible by themselves, dinary mark of punctuation is substituted.
thongh not so as a whole, because there is no apparent res. * This word, Srl, is close to the margin of the plate; son why persons of Naga descent should be referred to here. the vowel is distinct, and parts of the other two letters are However, I see no other suitable way of explaining the clear enough to be read in the original, though not enough passage. It is, indeed, just possible, as the eleventh letter so to come out well in the facsimile. In No. XXXVI., 1. 2, may be either su or 4, that-1, the sya of ratnasya has and No. XXXVII., 1. 1, Vijaya-Vaijayantydm is not pre- been omitted altogether,--and 2 jd being by mistake for ceded by the honorifio prefix srl. But the word can have no ma, the second word should be anagaman-Akramya, &c., other application in the present case; and we have ans- i.e. a heritage, not to be arrived at by title-deeds, but logous instances in stre-vijaya-Palasikäydri, No. XX., 1. 8, posaessed from time immemorial' (see Monier Williams, 8.0. and No. XXI., 1. 9, and in Srt-vijaya-Vaijayanti-nivist, andgama); but this is probably going too far for an explaNo. XXI., 1. 12..
nation, and I do not know whether Agamatta is capable of • This passage is corrupt, and is difficult to deal with. being used in this technical sense, in the same way as agam

Page #46

34
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Second plate; first side.
mahim-artthain
[] nabhaayadita-éaći-sadți-aik-tapatrasya dharmma-mahirkjasya Sel-Krishnavarmmanah [] tanayê Dê[va*]varmma-yuvarajah sva-punya-phal-abhikamkshaya trilôka-bhûta-hita-dêsinah ['] dharmma-pravartanasya Arhatah bhagavataḥ chaityalayasya bhagnasamskâr-ârchchana[] yâpaniya[sa*]nghêbhyah Siddhakêdarê raja-mânêna dvâdaśa nivarttanâni kshetram dattavân [*] Yo sya Second plate; second side [] apahartta sa pamcha-mahâpâtaka-sa(sain) yukta (ktô) || bhavati yô sy=âbhirakshitâ sa punya-phalam-akuutỗ [*] [*] Uktam cham(cha) [*] Pa(ba)hubhir-vya(vra)sadh bhukta rajabhis-Sagar-dibhi(bhib) yasya yasya yada bhûmih tasya tasya [] tadha(di) phala (lam) || (a)dbhir-ddatta tribhir-bha(bha)ktath sadbhis-cha paripálitam êtâni na nivarttantê pûrvva-raja-kritâni cha [II*] [1] Svam dâtum su-mahach-chhakyam dub'kha[m=a*]ny-ârttha-pâlanam dânam và pâlanaṁ v-êti dânâch-chhrêyô nupâlana[m*] [*]
Translation.
At the glorious and victorious (city of) Triparvata, through a desire for the reward of his own meritorious act, the Yuvaraja Dê vavarm â,-the beloved son of the pious Great King Sri-Krishna varma, who was consecrated by having meditated on the assemblage of the mothers of S v â m i-Ma hâsêna; who was of the kindred of Mâna vya; who was thoroughly well versed in the system of private study and inquiry that he had adopted; who was the pious Great King of the Kadambas, who (in their achievements and behaviour) are the counterparts of saintly kings of pri
[FEBRUARY, 1878.
Third plate.
[1] Sva-dattâm para-dattâm và yê harêta vasundharam shashtim varsha-sahasrâni narakê pachyatê tu saḥ It [] Sri-Krishna-nripa-putrêņa Kadamba-kula-kêtunâ rana-priyêņa Dêvêna dattâ bhûmis= Triparvvatê || [] Day-Amrita-akh-svida-pâta-punya-gun-n(3)pound Dévavarmm-aikavîrêņa datta (tta) Jainâya bhûr-iyam || [1] Jayaty-Arhams-trilok-êśaḥ savva(rvva)-bhûta-hitam-karah râg-âdy-ari-harô nantô nantajina-dri-arab mitive times, and who are as fathers to their dependants; who celebrated horse-sacrifices; who acquired great wealth in battle; who was a very jewel among chieftains and excellent kings10; who enjoyed a heritage that was not to be attained by persons of N âg a descent10; and who possessed the sole umbrella (indicative of universal sovereignty), which was like (in the purity of its whiteness) to the moon when it has risen in the cloudless sky of autumn,-gave a field, (of the measure of) twelve nivartanas by the royal measure, at (the village of) Siddhakêdara, to the sects of the Yapa niya s", for the purposes of the glory of repairing anything
A correction has to be made in the transliteration table at vol. VI., p. 136. The diacritical mark of the letter used to represent the Jihvamaliya has dropped out in printing; it should be '.'
There is a mark below the line, which may, perhaps, be part of this letter,-m,-the rest being effaced; but the letter seems rather to have been omitted altogether.
sc. 'the city of the three hills.'
This epithet, dharma-maharaja, is also intended to compare him with Dharmaraja, sc. Yama, and also Yudhishthira, the king of justice."
Rajarshi a person of the Kshatriya, or regal and military class, who has also acquired the status of a Rishi, or saint, by devoting himself to religious observances and austerities.
10 See note 4 to the transcription.
priya
"This word, yapantya, occurred in No. XXI., 1. 9, and No. XXII., 1. 17, in a way that led me to interpret it as meaning to be supported.' It now seems, however, to be the name of a sect, and the translations of those two passages should be altered accordingly. In the translation of No. XXI., instead of 'for the purpose of supporting the Kurchakas, who are naked religious mendicants', read (for the benefit) of the Yapaniyas, the Nirgranthas, and the Kurchakas'; and, in the translation of No. XXII, instead of that ascetics should be supported during the four months of the rainy season; that the learned men, the chief of whom was Kumaradatta,, should according to justice enjoy all the material substance of that greatness; read that the learned men, the chief of whom was Kumaradatta, who are ascetics of the Yapaniya sect, ...., should according to justice enjoy all the material

Page #47

COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE KADAMBA DEVAVARMA
Indian Antiquary, Vol VII
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Page #48

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KADAMBA GRANT OF DEVAVARMA. 4th. Bide.
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Page #49

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Page #50

KADAMBA GRANT OF MRIGESAVARMA.
3rd & 4th Sides.
a 31 3: > m: 12 ສີ 2 3 4 ຊ: oາ |
ນ ນອນ 3 ) 2 3 4: • ສບໃນນ ານ ນ ຂ ອນກບ
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Fະ 7 apame 42 4 = Red ' (1346 ລະ ກ4ປີຜ່ານຊີ້-as = 3 = 4

Page #51

FEBRUARY, 1878.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
35
that may be broken and performing the family of the Kada mbas, and who was worship of the temple of the holy Arhat, fond of war. This land was given to the who points out that which is beneficial to the Jain a' by Dê va varmâ, the bravest of inhabitants of the three worlds, and who propa- mankind, who desired his meritorious acts and gates religion.
virtues to be purified by tasting the happiness He, who confiscates this (grant), incurs the of the nectar of compassion. guilt of the five great sins; he, who preserves Victorious is the Arhat, the lord of the it, enjoys the reward of a meritorious act! three worlds, the worker of the welfare of all And it has been said :-Land has been enjoyed people, the destroyer of passion and other by many kings, from Sagara downwards; (mental) enemies, the eternal one, the lord he, who for the time being possesses land, who knows eternal knowledge! enjoys the fruits of it! That (grant) which is
No. XXXVI. bestowed with libations of water, and that This grant is on three plates, about 5.2 which is enjoyed by three (generations), and long by 2.3 broad. The ring connecting the that which is preserved by good people,-these plates is about 03 thick, and is almost a circle are not resumed ; and, also, (grants) that have
2.3 in diameter. The seal is oval,-1".5 by been made by former kings! It is very easy! 0":9; whatever device or writing may have to bestow one's own property, (but) the preser- been on it is now illegible. The characters are vation of the property of others is difficult; small and neatly cut, and are for the most part (if the question is) whether giving or preserving very well preserved. (is the more commendable act),-preservation is The plates record a grant by Mpigê sabetter than giving ! He is tormented in hell for varavarma, the son of Såntivarathe duration of sixty thousand years, who con- varma, in the third year of his reign, which fiscates land that has been given, whether by was the Paush a year. This Msigê sahimself or by another!
varavarma is undoubtedly the same person Land was given at Triparvata by as Mrige sa, the grandson of K Akust haDéva, who was the son of the king Sri. varma, who bestowed the grant recorded in Krishna, and who was the glory of the No. XXI. of this series.
Transcription.
First plate: [?] Siddham Jayaty-Arhams-trilók-êsah sarvva-bhůta-hitê ratah råg-ady-ari-haro ['] nantô nanta-jñana-drig=iśvarah || Svasti Vijaya-Vaija(ya"]ntya[m ] Svâmi-Mahâsêna[!] mâtri-gan-anuddhya(dbyâ) t-abhishiktân âm Mânavya-sagôtråņam Hariti-patrânâm [o] Aangirasám pratik rita-sväddhya (dhya)ya-charchchakanâ[m"] sad-dharmina-sad-amba
nâ (nâm) Kadambanam aneka-janmântar-6[°] párjjita-vipula-punya-skandhaḥ Åhav-årjjita-parama-ruchira-drida (dha)-satvah visuddh
AnvayaSecond plate; first side. [°] praksity-aneka-purusha-para(ram)para-gatê jagat-pradipa-bhûtê mahaty=''dit-ôditê Kiku['] sthânvayê Sri-Sântivaravarmma-tanayah Sri-Mpigêśavaravarmma åtmanah rajyasya [ ] tritîyê varshê Paush samvatsarê Karttika-masa-bahula-pakshe daśamyam [] tithau Uttarabhadrapadê nakshatrê brihat-Paralûrê tridaśa-pati-makuta-paripri(ghri)shţa[o] chåru-charaņēbhyah param-Arhad dôvôbhyah samarjjan-Opalepan-Abhyarchchana-bhagna
samskårasubstance of that greatness during the four months of the much the same as khanda-sphufita-jim-ddhara of other rainy season. Yapanfya, as the name of a sect, is not ex. inscriptions.
15 se. the Arhat. plained in Monier Williams' Dictionary. Mr. K. T. Télang 1. See the remarks at vol. VI., p. 226, and p. 244, note I. suggests that it may mean those who are to go away, 6.e. 15 This letter,m,seems to have been omitted in the mendicants who are going about and not stationary. The original, and the place left blank in which it should have Canarese Translator takes it as equivalent to Kshapanaka, been written. *a Jain mendicant, who wears no garments'; but this 10 This letter, m,-is followed in the original by the would only give it the same meaning as Nirgrantha, where- letter na. This last is superfluous and unmeaning, and aa, from the two terms being both used in No. XXI, 1. 9, seems to have been partially erased after baving been they must have distinct and separate meanings.
engraved. 17 The same remark as note 15 above. Bhagwa-sarhskara, here and in No. XXXVI., 1. 10, 1 The vowel, -,--is faintly discernible in the original, and bhagna-kriya, in No. XXXVII., 1. 24, seem to mean but does not come out well in the facsimile.

Page #52

36
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 1878.
Second plate ; second side. [") mahim-årttham gråm-apara-dig-vibhaga-sîm-Abhyantarê râja-mânêna chatvarimsan-nivart
tanam krishna-bhumi[") kshêtram chatvari" kshetra-nivarttanamcha chaityâlayasya bahih ekaṁ nivarttana
pupp(shp)-arttham [187 dêva-kulasy-angana-cha @karn ivarttanam=ôva sarvva-parihara-yuktar dattavan [") maharajah [ll*] Lobhád=adharmmad-vå yâ(y) sy=&bhibarttá sa paricha-mahapataka
samyuktô bhavati ["] yô sy-abhirakshità sa tat-punya-phala-bhag=bhavati [ll*) Uktañ=cha [1] Bahubhir=
vvasudha bhukta
Third plate. [*] râjabhis=Sagar-adibhiḥ yasya yasya yada bhůmiḥ tasya tasya tadâ phala[m] [11] Sva
dattam para-(da)ttam(ttam) và ["'] yo harêta vasundharâ(râm) shashțim varsha-sahasrâņi narakê pachyatê tu sah (11*] Adbhir
ddattam tribhir=bhuktam [18] sadbhis-cha paripálitan êtîni na nivarttanto púrvva-raja-kritâni cha [ll] Svan=dátum [") su-mahach-chhakyam dulkhan-any-arttha-på lanam dânam và pâlanam v=eti danach=chhrêy8
nopålana[m] [11] [ ] Parama-dharmmikêna Dâmakîrtti-bhôjakếna likhit-êyam pattika [l*] Iti siddhir-astu [ll} Translation.
I pad a constellation, at the village of the greater It is accomplished ! Victorious is the Arhat, Paralúra, gave to the divine supreme the lord of the three worlds, who delights in Arhats, whose beautiful feet are rubbed by the welfare of all people, the destroyer of pas- the tiara of the lord of the gods (who bows down sion and other mental) enemies, the eternal to perform obeisance to them), for the purposes one, the lord who knows eternal knowledge of the glory of sweeping out the temple) and
Hail! At the victorious (city of) Vaiju- anointing the idol with ghee) and performing yanti", Sri Mrigo śavara varma---who worship and repairing anything that may be was the Great King of the Kadambas, who broken, a black-soil field, (of the measure of) are consecrated by having meditated on the forty nivartanas by the royal measure, within mothers of Sv á mi-
M h a sê na, who are of the boundaries of the western division of the the lineage of Manavya, who are the de- village,--and a field of the measure of four scendants of Hariti, who are of the sons of nivartanas", -and (a field of the measure of one Angiras, who have adopted the system of nivartana outside the chaitya-hall, for the purpose private study and inquiry, and who are as good of decorating the idol with) flowers,--and the fathers to the true religion ; who acquired a courtyard of the temple, (measuring) one nivargreat quantity of religious merit in many other tana,-entirely free from taxation. (previous) births; who achieved brilliant and | He, who confiscates this (grant) through greed steadfast courage in battle; and who was the or impiety, incars the guilt of the five great son of Sri-S antivara var mâ, in the family sins; he, who preserves it, enjoys the reward of Kakustha, which has been continued by of that same meritorious act! And it has a succession of many men according to the been said :-Land has been enjoyed by many nature of a pure lineage, and which has be- kings, from Sagara downwards ; T&c.)! Ha come the lamp of the world, and is great, and is tormented in hell for the duration of sixty has risen higher and higher, --in the third year thousand years, &c.)! That (grant) which of his reign, in the Paush a year, on the tenth is bestowed with libations of water, (&c.)! It lunar day in the dark fortnight of the month is very easy to bestow one's own property, Karttika, under the Uttar Abhadra-(&c.)!
10 Probably what is intended is chatur-anivarttanaris kshetrari cha.
9) This word is followed by a mark, which resembles the letter ta, but the meaning of which is not obvions. It may have been engraved by mistake for the letter de, the first
sed by mistake for the letter ds the first of the following word, which was then repeated, and formed
correctly, in the next line. 91 Vanavdi; the modern Banawasi.
Maharajah has to be brought back to this place from 1. 14, in order to govern the genitive case Kadarband.
* See note 19 to the transcription.

Page #53

SEAL

Page #54

KADAMBA GRANT OF MRIGĒŠAVARMA.
Sth & 6th Sides.
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Page #55

FEBRUARY, 1878.7
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
37
This charter has been written by the very other era. The grant is also dated in the eighth pious Då ma kirtti, the Bhojaka. May there fortnight of the rainy season. I have had ocbe success!
casion to remark on this at vol. VI., p. 28, and No. XXXVII.
should have noted there the expression in No. This is another grant of Mrigê śa, or Mri- XXII., 1. 17, várshikarité chaturů másán,' during gôśa varma, as he is here called, on four plates, the four months of the rainy season. A signi. about 80 long by 2.5 broad. The ring, on ficant trace of the primitive division of the year which the plates are strong, is rather bent, but into three seasons only is to be found in the saseems to be properly circular, about 21.5 in crifices called cháturmásya, or four monthly' sa. diameter; it is 0.2 thick. The seal is oval,- crifices, performed on the full-moons of Phål. 11.2 by 1".0. The device on it is very indistinct, guņa (February March), Asha dha (Junebut seems to be a sitting or kneeling figure of July), and Karttika (October-November). a god or man, probably of Jinêndra. The It is worthy of remark, in passing, that, characters are large and bold, and extremely whereas in No.XXXVI. Mrig és a's third year well preserved.
is called a 'Pausha year', and in No. XXI. The grant is dated in the fourth year of his eighth year is called a 'Vaisakha year' Mrigesas reign; but, as in the other Ka- -no such term is applied in the present grant damba grants, there is no reference to any to his fourth year.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Siddham | Vijaya-Vaijayantyảm Svåmi-Mahasêna-mâtri-gan-a(â)nuddhyâ(dhya)t-a ['] bhishiktasya Manavya-sagotrasya
Haritî-putrasya
pratikrita1 charchchâ-pâra[gasya vibudha-pratibimbânam Kadambanan dharmma-mahârâja['] sya Sri-vijaya-siva-Mrigesavarmmaṇaḥ
vijay-ayur-árógy-aiśvaryya
Second plate; first side. Il pravarddhana-karaḥ samvva(va) tsarah chaturtthah varshå-pakshah ashtamah tithin
paurnnamási [1] Anay=knupûrvy-&nai(ne)ka-janmântar-ôpârjijita-vipula-pu['] oya-skandhah su-visuddha-pitri-matri-vamsah
u bhaya-lôka-priya-hita[] kar-ânêka-sâstr-årttha-tatva-vijñâna-vivêchcha(cha)na-vinivishta-visal-dara-matih [°] hasty-asv-aröhana-praharan-adishu vyâyamikishu b hůmishu yatha
Second plate; second side. (10) vat-krita-śramah dakshồ dakshiņah naya-vinaya-kušalah nai(an8)k-ha["] v-arijita-parama-drida (dha)-satvah udatta-buddhi-dhairyya-viryya-tyaga-sampannah [") su-mahati samara-sankatê
sva-bhuja-bala-parakram-&vâpta-vípu[1] l-aiśvaryyah samyak-praja-pålana-parah
sva-jana-ku"*muda["] vana-prabodhana-sasankah dêva-dvija-guru-sådhujanêbhyah
gô-bhú Third plate; first side. [15] mi-hiraṇya-sayan-achchhadan-ann-âdi(dy)-nai(anê)ka-vidha-pradana-nityaḥ vidvat-suhri[-] t-svajana-sâmâny-Ôpabhujyamâna-maha-vibhavalcoy
â di-kala["] râja-vritt-ângsåri dharmma-maharajah-Kadambânâm
Sri-vijaya[1] siva-Mrigéśavarmma Kalavanga-gråmam tridhân vibhajya dattavan [II ]
Third plate ; second side. [1] Atra
půryvam=Arhach-chhâlâ-parama-pushkala-sthåna-nivåsibhyah L"] bhagavad-Arhan-maha-Jinêndra-dévatabhyah
êko
bhagah dvitiyo Rhat-prokta-sad-dharmma-karana-parasya?
Svêtapata-mahåśra["] mana-sangh-ôpabhôgâya
tritiyo
Nirgrantha-mahasramaņa-sangh-0[] pabhôgây=éti
[ *]
Atra dêva-bhåga-dhânya-dêva-půjà-bali-charu
14. Retween the letters ku and mu there is the letter da. partially engraved and erased as being out of place..
95 In the original bhya was first engraved, and it was then altered into tá, by partial erasure of the ya and part of the bh, and by the addition of the vowel d.
26 The meaning is clear, but the construction is bad and should be either karana-parasya svetapata-mahaframana. sanghasya upabhôgdya, or karana-para-Svétapata. mahasramana-sangh-pabhôgaya.

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Fourth plate. ) dēva-karmmakara-bhagnakriyâ-pravarttan-âdy-artth-payôgâya
êtad=êvam L") nyâya-labd har dêva-bhônga-samayêna yô bhirakshati & tat-phala-bhî. (") gabhavati yê vinasay@t-sa pancha-mahậpåtaka-samyuktô bhavati [*] ["] Uktañ=cha [1* ] Bahubhir=v vasudha bhaktå râjabhis-Sagar-adibhih yasya yasya [*] yada bhumis-tasya tasya tadâ phalam | Naravara-sênâpatina likhita [1] Translation.
| subjects; who was a very moon to cause to It is accomplished ! At the victorious (city of blossom the lotuses which were his own relaVaijayanti, (it was") the lanar day of the tives; who was constant in making gifts of cows full moon, the eighth fortnight of the rainy and land and gold and couches and clothing season, and the fourth year, productive of and food and many other things to gods and victory and long life and health and wealth, the twice-born and spiritual preceptors and (of the reign) of the victorious and prosperous holy men; whose great wealth was being enSri-Mrig a variâ, who was consecrated joyed equally by learned men and his friends by having meditated on the assemblage of the and his own kindred; and who imitated the mothers of Sv å mi-Ma ha sena; who was conduct of kings of primitive times--divided of the lineage of Manavy a; who was the the village of Kåla vangå into three pordescendant of Hariti; who was thoroughly tions, and bestowed it. Among them, firstly, well versed in the system of inquiry that he one share was for the holy Arhat and the adopted; and who was the pious Great King great god Jinêndra, who inhabited the suof the Kada mbas, who are the counterparts preme and excellent place (called) 'the hall of of gods.
the Arhat.' The second was for the enjoyThe victorious and prosperous Sri-Mși- ment of the sect of eminent ascetics called gesa var mâ, the pious Great King of the $ vêta pata", which was intent on practisKada mba s-who had acquired great reli- ing the true religion declared by the Arh&t. gious merit in many other births antecedent to The third was for the enjoyment of the this (date mentioned above); who was of a pure sect of eminent ascetics called Nirgran. lineage on both the paternal and the maternal tha." side ; whose great and noble mind busied itself He ruaps the reward of that same (act of in learning and investigating the true meaning | piety), who, on the understanding that it is for of the many sacred writings which effect that the enjoyment of the god, preserves this (grant) which is pleasant and that which is beneficial which has been duly acquired, and applies it) in both worlds; who had properly exercised for the use of the grain which is the portion of himself in manly sports, comprising the riding the god, and the worship of the god, and the on elephants and horses, and the use of weapons, oblation, and the charum, and the performer of and other things, who was clever; who was the rites of the god, and the maintenance of skilful; who was expert in the art of govern. the repair of whatever may be broken, and ment and in propriety of conduct; who ac- other objects; he, who may destroy it, incurs quired great and steadfast courage in many the guilt of the five great sins! fights; who was possessed of noble intellect And it has been said :-Land has been enjoyand firmness and courage and liberality; whoed by many kings, from Sagara downwards ; achieved great wealth by the strength and (&c.)! prowess of his own arm in great stress of war; (This charter has been) written by the Genewho was devoted to properly protecting his ral, Naravara.
"Asit, or abhat, has to be supplied after paurmamasi in l. 6.
1 fultapata, or softambara, sect of Jain macetics who wear white clothes.
* Nirgrantha, - sect of Jain scetics who wear no clothes.
30 Charu,- preparation of rice, barley, and pulse, I boiled with butter and milk, for presentation to a god.

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HIWEN THSANG'S SOUTHERN CHARITRAPURA.
39
WHERE WAS THE SOUTHERN CHARITRAPURA MENTIONED BY
HIWEN THSANG,?
BY A. C. BURNELL, PA.D., M.C.S. It is well known that Hiwen Thsang men- au sud-est, on arrive au royaume de Seng-kia-lo tions' two ports on the Coromandel coast both (Simhala--Ceylon). of which he calls Charitra pura, and from It appears that Hiwen Thsang returned to which, he informs us, the traffic with the further Kanchipura from Malaküta, and thence went to East was conducted. The most northern of Konka ņa pura, the modern Konkaņathese was in the far north;' the southern Charitra- halli, in Maisur. It is thus evident that Mapura has been usually asserted to have been what duri and the extreme south of India cannot be inis now called Negapatam, but the reasons for tended by Mala k û ţa; and again, if this be this position appear to me to be without founda- assumed to be Madara, and Charitrapura be tion, and the identification seems a mere guess. assumed to be Negapatam, it is difficult to unHiwen Thsang describes this port as being in derstand the statement that Charitrapura was the north-east of the kingdom of Malakůta in the north-east of the kingdom. (as Stanislas Julien rightly rendered the name), No doubt the Pandya kings of Madurâ for but this kingdom has not as yet been identified some time held in subjection what is now the I shall now show that a Tamil inscription of the Tanjor province, and what was once the best 11th century A.D. helps to clear up the matter part of the Chola kingdom, but how could their in a satisfactory way; but it is first necessary to northern limit bo ever about Negapatam? It take the excellent Chinese monk's account of must either have been north of the delta of the the kingdom of Mala k úta and its surround- Kaveri, or have been south of the almost anings, for his statements in this respect afford inhabited country which separates the fertile substantial proof of the correctness of the new parts of Tanjor from the fertile parts of Maidentification which I shall here propose. durâ. Again, Hiwen Thsang (even making
He mentions, first of all, the kingdom of great allowances for his necessarily defective Drâ vida, the capital of which, he says, is Kien- geography) could hardly have said that the chi-pr-lo, which corresponds to Kanchipura Malaya mountains are south of Malakūta if the or Conjeveram. This is, therefore, the neigh. last be Madura : for if he had visited that place bourhood of the modern Madras, and corresponds he would have seen them, and would necessarily to the territory of the Pallava kings, with have put them in the west. Orientals nover err whom Sir Walter Elliot first made us acquainted. in directions, at all events. Hiwen Thsang adds of himself: "En partant Again, if we look at the text of Hiwen Thsang de ce pays, il fit environ trois mille li au sud, a little closely, it will be evident that in speaket arriva au royaume de Mo-lo-kin-ch'a (Mala- ing of the kingdoms of the south of India he kûta)."
did not intend that they should be regarded as He says (p. 122): "Au sud . . . . . s'élèvent conterminous. His kingdoms--as the measureles monts Mo-la-ye (Malayas) .....(p. 124) ments he gives show-were composed of the Lorsqu'on sort de Malakúta dans la direction deltas of rivers and similar fertile tracts; the du nord-est, sur le bord de la mer, on rencontre large extent of barren and almost uninhabited une ville (nommée Che-li-ta-lo-(Charitrapura); land which then, as now, separated the fertile c'est la route des voyageurs qui vont dans le tracts was regarded by him as neutral land. royaume de Seng-kia-lo (Simhala-Ceylon), que Thus his Dravida is the small Pallava kingdom baigne la mer du midi. Les habitants de ce composed of the fertile territory near Kanchipays rapportent que, lorsqu'on s'embarque pour puram; the next kingdom would naturally be le quitter, après avoir fait environ trois mille li in the delta of the Kaveri and Kolerûn.
Pelerins Bouddhistes, tom. I. p. 184; tom. III. pp. 90, 194.
Che-li-ta-lo (Charitra)-in Chinese Fa-hing-ch'ing'the city of departuro'-in the south-east of the kingdom of U-ch'a (Uda) is placed by M. de St. Martin at the northern mouth of the Brühmant in Oriana Cunningham supposes it was at Puri (Anc. Geog. p. 510).- ED.
Pélerins Bouddhistes, tom. II. p. 121.
This is much the same description as is given by Hoci Li-ibid. I. pp. 193-4.
• Kong-Ken-na-pu-lo (tom. III. p. 146), which Cunningham tries to identify with Annagundi on the Tungabhadra (Anc. Geog. pp. 552-3); Fergusson with the capital of the Kõigũ kingdom (Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S. vol. VI. pp. 266, 396), and V. de St. Martin, with Banavasi (Péler. Bouddh tom. III. p. 401).-ED.

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Hiwen Thsang gives his measurements of Malakútachudamani,' or 'an ornament of the distance with a great show of accuracy in li, kingdom of) Mala kata,' and indeed it comes but the great difficulty is to ascertain what linearly first in the list of endowments by prihe used, for the value of this measure has varied vate persons; it was in the subdivision (kúrram) enormously in China at different periods. It of Avûr, which was, therefore, in Mala kûta. is also unsafe to attach any great value to these Now Avûr is still a well-known place, and distances given by him, as it is obvious that he it is situated some five or six miles south-west could have had no means of accurately deter- of Kumbakonam. All the other places mentioned mining the distances he travelled, and that he in this part of the inscription are also near must have used round terms.
Tanjor. Thus the only safe data to be derived from It follows, therefore, that Malakata was Hiwen Thsang's journal as regards the position the name of the kingdom comprised, roughly of this Charitrapura are:-(1) It was in the speaking, in the delta of the Kaveri ; the name north-east corner of Malakūta; (2) Malakata itself appears to be that of a former suburb of was the kingdom next on the south to the Dra- the actual Kumbakonam, which was probably vida kingdom, of which the capital was Káñ- then the capital; perhaps Suvâ mimalai is chipuram. Other considerations render it very the modern representative of it. If, then, we unlikely that Charitrapura is the modern Nega- look to the north-east of the K& veri delta, patam,' but it is unnecessary to mention them and recollect that Charitrapura is a mere here.
epithet, there can be no difficulty in identifying The new information that I am able to bring Hiwen Thsang's port with Ka veripattato bear on this question is derived from the great nam, the once-famous port at the mouth of the Tamil inscription of Kulottunga (Vira) Kaveri, and which is mentioned by Ptolemy Chola which surrounds the shrine of the chief (in the second century) as Chaberis emporium. temple at Tanjor. Kulottunga (who reigned Legends of its importance are still current, from 1064 to 1113 A.D.) was a great benefac- and it was the native place of a famous Tami! tor to this temple, and the inscription records poet-Pattanattu Pill It seems to have gifts and endowments made by him, as well finally ceased to be a place of importance in as others, from about 1067 to the end of the the fifteenth century, partly owing to the gracentury. Among the endowments by others dual silting up of the bed of the Kaveri ; and than the king we find one by the community nothing now remains but a few sandy mounds (Sabhaiyar) of Malakútachûdâmaņichaturvedi- with fragments of brick strewed over them, and mangalam, which is said to be in the Avůrkûr- traces here and there of temples. The establishsam of Nittavinodavalanadu. The meaning ment of Negapatam by the Telugu chiefs of of the name of the village is plain: the Brah- Tanjor as their chief port was probably a remaņical settlement of Chaturvedimangalam was sult of the decay of the original Pattanam.
ARCHÆOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S.
(Continued from p. 26.)
No. XVII.-Some Hindu Snake-notions. An attempt is here made to bring together some treatises by great Orientalists, warn amateur notions and superstitions respecting snakes that intruders from such ground. I would only I have met from time to time in India. It is not remark that the dread of the snake is as strong presumed to do more than touch the deep and amongst peoples of all nations and colours as difficult subject of the origin and meaning of ever it was in the ages of fetish or totem worthe old Naga worship, Nág a races, and ship. Amongst the civilized it is generally & Nâga soulptures and mythology. Works like sentiment of unreasoning horror at the sight or Mr. Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, and idea of any snake, whilst amongst the uncivilized,
I owe this important information to my friend Mr. Groeneveldt.
Conf. Cunningham's Anc. Geog. p. 560; and Jour. R. As. Soc. N. 8. vol. VI. p. 266.- Ep.

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religious awe and veneration are superadded. been that men have everywhere looked with In all ages and degrees of culture, however, fear or veneration upon the snake. mere observation of a snake is sufficient, to a The Hindus have notions of their own too. very considerable extent, to account for this. They say that snakes have twenty-four legs, It is seldom, perhaps, that a snake is seen, which are invisible to the eye of men,-possibly especially by Europeans, when unsuspicious and taking this idea from centipedes. For twentyunalarmed. Notice of the neighbourhood of one six days after birth, moreover, they have no is always the signal for immediate attack and poison, but on the twenty-seventh day they pursuit. But whoever may have watched a ser- spread out their hoods to the sun and dance, pent that perceived not that it was observed and the rays striking upon the four upper fangs will know what a different feeling it excites to ripen and fill them with poison. Each of the that aroused by any other creature, however four fangs has its own name,-Kâli, Kalasti, ferocious. The presence of neither tiger, leopard, Y & man, and Y a math û ta n-all names of nor wild elephant calls up a like sort of appre- deadly meaning, and each inflicts its own pecuhension. The fixed malicious intelligence of its liar sort of wound, and the poison from each has eyes, so different from the eyes of other animals, its own way of operation. The first-nati fang the mystery of its motion, and the idea sug- leaves a mark like a cross, and a clearli xades gested of swift, unescapable deadly attack, all from the wound; the poison instilled (which convey a peculiar thrill of alarm. There were in all cases remains stationary for a hundred three things that were too wonderful even for seconds, except in the case of a bite from a the wisest of kings, and one of them was "the young snake whose venom has just been ani. way of a serpent upon & rock." Weird and mated by the sun on its twenty-seventh day, unearthly indeed it is, and the serpent-priests of when death is instantaneous) rises in the skin. Epidauros and Asia Minor watched for it as The second fang leaves a triangular wound, they sang their adjuration, “Come! come! whence a yellow fluid issues, and the venom como ! emerge from thy cavern! Swift one rises in the flesh. The fang Yaman makes a who runnest without feet, captor who takest hook-shaped mark; blood comes from it, and without hands! Sinuous as the rivers, coil the poison rises in the bones. The fourth fang orbed as the sun, black with spots of gold like inflicts a curved puncture, a whitish fluid exudes, the sky bown with stars! Like the tendrils of and the poison goes up into the marrow. Somethe vine and the convolutions of the entrails ! times a small sharp tooth grows with the four Unengendered! eater of earth! always young! fangs; a wound from this, as also from the good to men! Come! come ! come ! emerge fourth fang; Yamathûtan, is always deadly. from thy cavern !" Its secret and silent habits But it is consolatory to reflect that both are and long endurance may have inspired its au- | imaginary, and that only two poison-fangs can be cient renown for subtlety above all beasts. From found in the jaw of the worst-disposed snake. its dwelling in caves and crevices, it knew all A bite is held to be fatal on any of these places, the secrets and treasures of the under-world, the head, the lip, the chin, the breast, the navel, and often bore the choicest gems upon its fore- the palm of the hand, and the sole of the foot ; head; and when men saw the "quick cross fatal also if inflicted in a ruined house or unlightning" of the storm, or the silent wavering | inhabited place, in a temple, cemetery, or dry streamers of the evening sky, they believed that tank, amongst reeds or bamboos, near a banyan serpents were in the gods' world too. Because or tamarind tree, by an idol-car or cross-ways; the canning of all creatures of the fields, woods, at morning, evening, or during sleep. Again, a and waters was gathered together in the snake, wound is fatal if, after biting, the snake spreads any one who tasted its flesh or blood forthwith its hood and dances, lies motionless, or chases knew the speech of all fowls, and became wise the man: also if the wound bleeds and the limbs in the ways of beast-kind. So it has always tremble, it will be fatal; or if the eyes sink and
1 When it is considered that the deaths from snake bites officially reported in 1869 in Malabar alone were of men 186, of cattle 625, and the total number of deaths of men in British India in the same year were 11,416; that such
totals are concluded from very inadequate returns, and that it is more than probable the annual deaths from bites ate not fewer than 20,000, another great and obvious CRUSO for the dread of serpents will be recognized.

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the limbs swell, and the lips, nails, and palms fair is also held at the foot of the mountain. grow dark, death will follow. Effects, too, de- The temple has no architectural pretensions, pend upon the state of the snake; a bite from being indeed mostly constructed of laterite, one laying her eggs causes the eyes of the suf- the sanctuary in the centre, containing the ferer to become red and inflamed; if the snake idol Subbaraya, being of granite. It is be a strong young female the left eye is lost: if square in form with an open cloister running a male, the right eye. A bite from a black round the four sides, and numbers of the snake makes the ears deaf.
coiling folk' reside in it in holes and crevices There are some other notions respecting snake- made for them. Numbers of persons who have bites, so fantastic as to be hardly worth setting made vows roll and wriggle round the temple down were they not a part of folk-lore. The serpent-fashion, and some will even roll up to Tamil people have eight cardinal points, named it from the foot of the hill, a mile distant. after eight deities : to wit, Indran (north-east), They also take home with them some earth Varunan (east), Agni (south-east), Y & man from the sacred serpent-holes. This earth is (south), Katu (south-west), Sivan (west), believed to cleanse from leprosy if rubbed on Niruthi (north-west), Kuveran (north). the parts affected, and to remove the stigma Now if a messenger bringing intelligence of any of barrenness from women if a little be daily person having been bitten comes from Indran, put in the mouth. This serpentine body-rolling, Varunan, Yaman, or Kuveran, the snake that bit
called angá-pratáchinam, is practised also furwas a male; if from Agni, Sivan, or Niruthi, a ther south, where small snake-temples--in Tamil, female; if from Katu, a man has not been bitten, Nag a-kovil-are not unfrequent. I have but a beast. If a messenger from the east seen one not far from the town of Madura, begins his announcement with broad A, one on the bank of the Vaigai river; the only fang has entered; if with U three fangs; if images in it were large painted cobras with with long A, two ; if with E, all the four; and gaping red mouths; and there are men in so on, with variations according to the point Madarå who for payment will perform any from which the message came. But from number of rollings round it as proxies for perwhatever point an announcement may come sons who have vowed them. These rollings that begins with 0 it is not to be believed. are done very rapidly, with great fury and More fautastic still, it is to be understood that vociferation. I may also mention another reno one breathes through both nostrils at the markable serpent-shrine. Deep in the Trasamo moment, but alternately, using them in vankor forests, on the bank of one of the turn for an hour and a half each. Now if a many rivers flowing thence to the western person announcing a snake bite comes first on sea, there is a small granite temple wonderthe side of the breathing nostril, and then, fully sculptured, considering its situation; and whilst speaking, crosses over to the other side, in the bed of the river opposite there rises a the bitten person will have died; if contrari- tall rock called Pâ mbu-pårer (Snake-rocks'), wise,--that is, if the messenger approaches on a glistening band, suggestive of a serpent's trail, the side of the stopped nostril, and, after telling winding round and round it from bottom to his tale, crosses to the breathing side, the bitten top in a very curious manner, apparently caused one will recover!
by micaceous veins in the rock. It is held exThere is a great deal of serpent-worship in tremely sacred, but I know not what ceremonics South Kinara, on the western coast; and on are practised there. one of the highest mountains of the Ghats, To return to South Kanara: a species of sernamed Subramanya, there is one of the pent-worship is in use there which I never heard most famous serpent-temples in India. The of in the interior districts. The following locality is extremely wild and feverish, exces particulars respecting it were obtained from a sively so during the cold and dry seasons; I very intelligent native. Threo afflictions are nevertheless great numbers of pilgrims resort looked upon as due to the wrath of serpents for thither, especially during the December festival having killed a snake in a former life, namely called Kukka Shasti, when a great cattle. leprosy, childlessness, and sore eyes. People so
* Subbaraya = serpent-lord; the image is said to be a sbapeless block.

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afflicted often perform costly ceremonies to remove the curse, which are superintended by the Madhava Brâ h m ans, originally fishermen, and not acknowledged as Brahmans out of Kânara. There are two ceremonies in ordinary use. The first, generally performed by a childless. man, is Sarpa Sampośkara, or the serpent's funeral. The fifth, sixth, fifteenth, or thirtieth of the month is chosen, and the family priest called to preside. The childless or afflicted penitent bathes and dresses himself in silk or linen attire, a spot in the house is chosen and the priest sprinkles some consecrated rice about it, to drive away any lurking devil, and then he and the penitent sit side by side on two wooden stools, kneading rice or wheat flour into dough. He then makes the figure of a serpent, and with many muttered holy mantrams is believed to animate the figure, and transform it for the time into a live serpent. Milk and sugar are then offered to it, and it is worshipped as a deity. After this other mantrams are said, undoing the spell previously wrought, and taking away the life that was given. The serpent being dead, the penitent assumes the garb of mourning, and shaves off his beard and moustaches. He then carries the figure on his head to the bank of a river, where he reverentially places it upon a pile. The figure is then fenced round with chips of sandalwood and camphor, and melted butter poured over all. The pile is then lit with fire brought by the penitent from his own house with a vow that it shall be used only for burning the serpent-god. When burnt the ashes are thrown into the river. The penitent is considered unholy and must not be touched for three days. On the fourth day the funeral of the serpent-god ends with an entertainment to eight unmarried youths below the age of twenty; they are held to represent eight serpents, and are treated with the utmost respect. This curious symbolical ceremony evidently denotes penitence and amends for the supposed killing of one of the sacred creatures in a former life, and the temporary ascription of serpent-nature to the young men seems a trace of the very ancient and wide
3 Other accounts of snake-worship in India will be found in the Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 6, and vol. IV. pp. 83, 196-7, where it will be seen that in Kathiâvâd the idea of serpent transformation is still in full force. See, too, vol. II. p. 124, and vol. IV. pp. 5-6. To these must especially be added the very full and learned account of "Serpent-worship in Western India" given by Rao Saheb Viśvanatha Narayana Mandlik at pp. 169 et seqq. of vol. IX. of the Jour. Bo. Br.
43
spread idea of the transformation of men into serpents, and serpents into men, which appears almost extinct in Lower India.
The second ceremony, called Nagamandala, is resorted to when that first described has failed in producing the hoped-for results. The penitent gives a great feast to his castemen and unmarried youths, who are again supposed to personate serpents. In the evening-bruised rice is scattered over a spot previously selected, and the figure of a great serpent traced out in it. The figure is then worshipped, and a band of musicians summoned and well primed with toddy to sustain them in their work. They dress themselves in women's clothes and put on jewels, drumming and piping go on furiously, and the leader imitates the deity, reeling and writhing about frantically, and at times uttering words, which are devoutly attended to as though spoken by the deity; yet the musicians are low-caste people. The wild discordant music is often prolonged throughout the night. In the Government Annals of Indian Administration in 1867-68 there is the following notice :"The Manipuris are nominally Hindus, and their only priests are women called Naibis, who are treated as oracles. The Raja's peculiar god is a species of snake called Pakung ha, from which the royal family claims descent. When it appears, it is coaxed on to a cushion by the priestess in attendance, who then performs certain ceremonies to please it."
Snake-worship does not appear to be distinctively an Aryan cult; the Brahmans, who doubtless found it flourishing, allowed and adopted it to a certain extent, but grudgingly. Indications of this may be perceived in the facts that Brahmans avoid the sight of a snake, and hold meeting one to be the worst of omens, sufficient immediately to stop any undertaking. No Brahman acts as a priest in any serpent rites, and there are no temples where the walls and pillars are so crowded with snake sculptures as the temples of the Jains in Southern India, ever the deadly foes of the Brahmans. It is within and around Jaina temples, too, that the snake
R. As. Soc.; the ceremonies detailed above are recounted by him so minutely as to render my notice superfluous but for some local variations and particulars. See, too, Tree and Serpent Worship, 2nd ed. Appendix D.
Even when depicted in connection with Brahmanical gods as overshadowing or guarding Siva, Narayana, &c., it is in a subordinate capacity.

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stones,' of which a typical collection will be seen delineated at page 5, vol. IV. of the Ind. Ant., are most numerous. These stones, which mostly have an appearance of extreme antiquity, were thought by the late Mr. Boswell to be possibly a remnant of the earliest tribes who preceded the Skythian invaders, and the oldest representations of native art existing in the country (Ind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 150, 372). However this may be,--and probably investigation and evidence would fail to support the hypothesis, there is yet something strange and mysterious about these serpent-stones. They mostly have an appear. ance of extreme antiquity, blurred, worn, and mouldered by age, and though all castes regard them with some sort of awe or superstitious re- spect, none appear to claim them as specially pertaining to themselves. None will point at them, as it is believed the finger that so pointed would rot and drop from the hand. Women lay offerings of flowers before them and touch the sculptured heads with paint, believing they will be thereby blessed with children, but men very seldom appear to offer them any sort of adoration. They seem apart from existing systems, and, as it were, the fossils of an extinct generation. The enigmatical figare, in what Mr. Boswell called a Skythic cap and tunic, that so often accompanies the sculptured serpent, also appears to have nothing in common with Hindus.
It may be observed that in the neighbourhood of Hassan and Hâlabid, in Maisur, & frequent subject amongst the Jaina remains is the figure of a naked woman twined with a serpent encircling the right thigh. This is always accompanied by a smaller figure, clothed as for a cold climate, in a posture of adoration. I have more than once heard stories of snakes showing love for women, and in 1871 the following account appeared in the Western Star :
“A very extraordinary incident was lately reported to have occurred a few miles from Bépur, in Malabar. A native femalo of very attractive appearance, whilst sweeping the yard of her house, heard a hissing noise behind her. Turning to see, she found to her terror a large cobra advancing towards her. Before she could fly or call for help, the snake darted at her and coiled round one of her legs, rising swiftly higher and higher till it brought its
open hood in contact with her face, there moving it to and fro like a screen. In this pitiable and frightful position she had to remain for nearly two days, without being able to lie down or sleep. None but females could approach her to feel her with milk and plantains, when it is said, the cobra turned its head to one side, allowing her to nourish herself. But on any men coming near the cobra would hiss fearfully and tighten its hold round her body in such a manner as to make her feel breathless. Many conjurors came to relieve her, but none succeeded, till a Nair from the interior, by certain charms and spells, disentangled the poor woman from her venomous lover. The snake then crept back into the bushes whence it came, and the woman is now doing well. The above occur. rence is now a general talk amongst the natives."
Such an occurrence, with whatever foundation, real or fancied, may throw some light upon the Jaina sculptures, as well as upon the stories current all over the world of serpenthusbands and serpent-wives, or deities assuming serpent-shape-"& dragon's fiery form belied the god." Numberless kings and conquerors, besides Alexander, sprang from such ancestry, and the mythology and folk-lore on the subject are endless. No. XVIIL-Sepulchral Customs, existing
and prehistoric. Mr. James Fergusson, in the Introductory Observations to his work Rude Stone Monuments, insists forcibly on the unprogressive character of savage tribes, even after long contact with the white man. They are everywhere dying out, and in all the civilized parts of Europe have long been exterminated by the progressive Aryan races, who have usurped their places. The stone implements they used, and the megalithic monuments they raised, remained, and are to-day objects of deep interest to their civilized successors, as the only clues to conjecturing their habits and history. As Mr. Fergusson remarks, it is infinitely more philosophical to reason from the known backwards; and if tribes should be discovered living in primeval wildernesses, where they may well have existed from unknown ages unchanged in habits, aloof from higher races, and if moreover amongst them monuments shculd be in use much resembling the vestiges of what must have been similar tribes in Europe, all such monuments and ceremonies and usages

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connected with them must have a strong interest, as possibly throwing a faint light on the usages of prehistoric Europe. Elsewhere (p. 478) Mr. Fergusson has indicated the central plateau of India, especially the Nizâm's dominions, as containing probably the solution of half the difficulties, ethnological or archæological, that are now perplexing us; and it is on the north and east of that region, in the same ethnic area, that Colonel Dalton, in his Ethnology of Bengal, has described existing customs, which may easily have come down unchanged from stone-age periods. As his magnificent quarto, published by the Government of Bengal, is not generally accessible, a few extracts may be anthropologically and archeologically interesting.
"On the death of a respectable Ho or Munda," a very substantial coffin is constructed and placed on fagots of firewood. The body, carefully washed and anointed with oil and turmeric, is reverently laid in the coffin, and all the clothes, ornaments, and agricultural implements that the deceased was in the habit of using are placed with it, and also any money that he had about him when he died. Then the lid of the coffin is put on, and fagots placed around and above it, and the whole is burnt. The cremation takes place in front of the de
ceased's house. Next morning, water is thrown on the ashes, search made for bones, and a few of the larger fragments are carefully preserved, whilst the remainder, with the ashes, are buried. The selected bones are placed in a vessel of earthenware, we may call it an urn, and hung up in the apartment of the chief mourner,-generally the mother or widow,-that she may have them continually in view, and occasionally weep over them." Thus they remain till the very extensive arrangements necessary for their final disposal are effected. A large tombstone has to be procured, and it is sometimes so ponderous that the men of several villages are employed to move it; and some wealthy men, knowing that their successors may not have the same influence that they possess, select during their lifetime a suitable monument, and have it moved to a handy position. to be used when they die. When required for use, it is brought to the family burial-place, which with the Hos is close to the houses, and near it a deep round hole is dug for the reception of the cinerary urn. When all is ready, a funeral party collect in front of the deceased's house-three or four men with very deep-toned drums, and a group of about eight
The Hos and Mundas, branches of the great Kol family, inhabit Singbhum and the hilly tracts bordering on Châtia Nagpur.
45
young girls. The chief mourner comes forth carrying the bones exposed on a decorated tray, and a procession is formed. The chief mourner, with the tray, leads; the girls form in two rows, those in front carry empty and partly broken pitchers and battered brass vessels; and the men with the drums bring up the rear. The procession advances with a very ghostly dancing movement, slow and solemn as a minuet, in time to the beat of the deep-toned drums-not directly, but mysteriously gliding now right, now left, now marking time, all in the same mournful cadence-a sad dead march.
"The chief mourner carries the tray generally on her head, but at regular intervals she slowly lowers it, and, as she does so, the girls also gently lower and reverse the pitchers and brass vessels, and looking up for the moment with eyes full of tears, they seem to say, 'Ah! see! they are empty."
In this manner the remains are taken to the honse of every friend and relative of the deceased within a circle of a few miles, and to every house in the village; and, as the procession approaches each habitation in the weird-like manner described, the inmates all come out, and the tray having been placed on the ground at their door they kneel over it and mourn, shedding tears on the remains, as their last tribute of affection to their deceased friend. The bones are thus also conveyed to all his favourite haunts, to the fields he cultivated, to the grove he planted, to the tank he excavated, to the threshing-floor where he worked with his people, to the akhra or dancing arena where he made merry with them, and each spot which is hallowed with reminiscences of the deceased. When this part of the ceremony is completed, the procession returns to the village, and, slowly circling round the great stone slab, gradually approaches its goal. At last it stops; a quantity of rice, cooked and uncooked, and other food, is now cast into the grave, and the charred fragments of bone, transferred from the tray to a new earthen vessel, placed over it. The hole is then filled up and covered with the large slab, which, however, does not rest on the ground, but on smaller stones, which raise it a little. One such slab over the grave of the wife of the head-man of the village of Pokuria measured 17 feet 2 inches in length, its greatest
Compare accounts of Toda funerals-Ind. Ant., vol. III. pp. 93 and 274.

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width was 9 feet 2 inches, and thickness from Chaibasa. They are almost grotesque in apten inches to a foot. Its weight was estimated pearance, the highest 8 feet 4 inches above at about six tons. This slab was procured in the ground; the first in the group is to the memory of bed of a river about three miles off. It was Khunda pater, the father of Paseng, the brought on a wagon constructed for the pur. present mánki (head-man) of Pokaria; the next pose, from three to four hundred men having two are to the memory of Kanchi and Samari, been engaged in its transit.
young daughters of the manki, and the last in Now here was a stone of truly megalithic memory of his son. This practice of erecting proportions, placed over a sepulchral urn, just memorial stones may throw some light on the in the same way as so frequently occurs in the origin of Menhirs and of stone-worship : for British Islands, Northern and Southern Europe, it is easy to imagine how worship might come Northern Africa, Western Asia, and Southern to be paid to the memorial stone of a famous India. In all those regions, however, such monu- man; and indecil one of the very wildest of ments are ascribed to prehistoric peoples and these jungle tribes, the Kharrias, are described periods of which nothing certain is known; but as "setting up in the immediate vicinity of in the wilds of Central India we find them used their houses tall rough slabs of stone, and to to-day, with rites nothing inconsistent with these, as representing the deceased, they make what may have prevailed in megalithic periods, daily oblations." by tribes who may in all probability have Colonel Dalton also reports another prehischanged but little since those times, with which toric practice prevailing amongst the A bors these tribes, rites, and monuments may quite on the Dibong river, in the valley of the possibly display an unbroken thread of connec- Brahmaputra, on the N.E. frontier of India, tion. Neither does it seem too strained an infer- which European antiquaries will at once recogence that the urn-covering megaliths in Britain nize as the contracted form of burial :-" The may have been procured and placed in a manner, ragged rocky soil on which their villages are and with ceremonies, nearly resembling those built has probably originated a unique custom we hear of prevailing to-day in the most primi. of sepulture, by which very small graves are tive region of the oldest country of Asia.' required. The dead are trassed up so that the
In addition to the slabs on the tomb, Colonel chin rests on the knees, and are placed in the Dalton reports that “a megalithic monument is small chamber prepared for them, in a sitting set up to the memory of the deceased in some posture." Could the desire to save labour, to conspicnous spot outside the village. The which Colonel Dalton ascribes this now existing pillars vary in height from 5 or 6 to 15 feet, custom, have had any weight in determining and apparently fragment of rock of the most the contracted posture and small cists of prefantastic shape are most favoured. Close to the historic interments in Europe? It is notestation of Chaibasa, on the road to Keon- worthy, that the anti-Brahmaņical sect known ghar, may be seen a group of cenotaphs ofunusual as Jangams, Vira Saivas, or Liñgavants, size-one 11 feet 2 inches, another 13 feet, and a also bury their dead in a sitting attitude. This third 14 feet above the earth, and many others is noticed by the Roman knight and traveller of smaller dimensions. The groups of suchPietro della Valle, who, when at the court of stones that have come under my observation in Venkatapa Nayik at Ikkeri, writes, under the Munda and H o country are always in line. date November 13th, 1623,"Returning home The circular arrangement so common elsewhere I met a corpse going to be burned without the I have not seen."
city, with drums sounding before it. It was Colonel Dalton gives a sketch by Mr. Ball, carried sitting in a chair, whereunto it was of the Geological Survey of India, of a group of tied that it might not fall, clothed in its four such memorial stones at Pokuria, near ordinary attire, exactly as if it had been
Elsewhere Col. Dalton describes similar customs pre- stone placed over it. Then all must batt. The money vailing amongst the Oraons or Dhangars of Chůtis Nagpur, that was placed in the mouth of the corpee, and saved Singbhum, and Sambalpur. After burning the dead, the from the ashes, ia the fee of the musicians. The person fragments of bones are collected and placed in an urn. "The who carried the bones to the grave has to undergo purificaburial-ground is always near a river, stream, or tank. As tion by incense and the sprinkling of water." the procession proceeds with music to this place, offerings of rice are continually thrown over the cinerary urn till it Figured in Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 292, with account by is deposited in the grave prepared for it, and a large flat | Mr. Ball

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alive. The seat was covered behind and on the sides with red and other colours. It was open only before, and there the dead person was to be seen. All dead people are carried thus, as well such as are buried (as the Lingavani, whom they also put into the earth sitting) as those that are burned." Pietro della Valle is the first European who mentions the Jangams. At Ikke ri, he says, “I saw also certain Indian Friars, whom in their language they call Giangama, and perhaps are the same with the sages seen by me elsewhere; but they have wives, and go with their faces smeared with ashes, yet not naked, but clad in certain extravagant habits, and a kind of hood or cowl upon their heads of dyed linen of that colour which is generally used amongst them, namely, a reddish brick-colour, with many bracelets upon their arms and legs, filled with something within that makes a jangling as they walk. I
saw many persons come to kiss their feet, and whilst such persons were kissing them, and, for more reverence, touching their feet with their foreheads, these Giangamas stood firm with a seeming severity, and without taking notice of it, as if they had been abstracted from the things of the world : jast," he adds quaintly, "as our Friars use to do when any devout persons come out of reverence to kiss their habit, but with hypocrisy conformable to their superstitious religion." Whether the good knight meant to include both sorts of friars in
their' does not seem clear. He also says that the king, Venkatapa Nayaka, was a "Giangamo." So was the last Raja of Kurg, the Raja of Sûudå, in Kanarâ, and the Raja of Punganûr, near Chittur. In the days of Haidar Ali, Nanda Råja, ruler of Maisur, was a Liñgavant, and the late Raja of Maisar is stated to have worn the linga and also the Brâhmaņical thread.
HISTORY OF THE KÂNPHÂTÂS OF KACHH. BY DALPATRÅM PRANJIVAN KHAKHAR, EDUCATIONAL INSPECTOR, KACHH. The origin and history of the Kanph- account of the interesting stories sung about tâs of this province is shrouded, like the him by the stray musician. origin and history of similar old orders of The genealogy of Machhendranatha is given many countries, in fabulous accounts, specially as under :invented to impose upon the credulity of the 1 Niranjan Nirakar. 5 Achetnatha. ignorant, with a view to inspire them with 2 Adhika Somanâtha. 6 Adinatha. awe and reverence. However cautious the 3 Chet Somanatha. 7 Machhendranatha. inventor of the legend may have been in plac- 4 Omkaranatha. ing the origin of these Kân ph â tâs at a very This Mach hendra travelled throngh the remote period, and in ascribing to the founder world, and visited many holy places, and made of the sect the miraculous power of turning a host of disciples. Among thèse was Go.. the sea between Kachh and Sindh into the raksha na tha, who surpassed his gurú, or prosent Ran, human imperfection has left adopted father, in meritorious deeds. He is its mark, to enable the present generation to fix venerated throughout Hindustan, and there are the probable time of the origin of these, in this many religious places where temples are dedicountry at least. The history of the Kâ n- cated to him. In Kathiawad there is a small ph â t à s of Dhinodhar is traced to Dharma- temple called Gorak-Madh, where he is wornátha, who is said to have been one of the shipped; but the chief places of his worship are twenty-two disciples of Machhendran a- in Gorakhapur near Haridwar, in Nepal tha, or Matsyendranatha, among whom and in the Panjab. He is the eponymous deity was Gorakhnatha, one of the most of the Görkhålis, or people of Görkhå, in Nepal. celebrated of the nine Nathas or ascetics of He came to Kachh also, where there is a well ancient India, and about whose austerities, near Dhamad kâ, called after his name. He miracles, and resignation of the world almost is said to be chiranjivi, i.e. ever-living.' every Hindu in India is well acquainted, on The word Kanpháid comes from kán, the
The NepAlese make him the same as AryAvalokites. History of Nepal, pp. 140-152, where a legend of Padmavara-PadmapAni Bodhisatva. Gotakshan&tha is said to
pani-Aryavalokitesvara-Matayendranatha is given; Hodg. have lived in Nepal in the time of Roja Baradeva orson's Essays (Trübner's reprint), ii. p. 40.-HD. Bala-deva, about the fifth or sixth century. See Wright's

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ear, and phátá, 'to slit,' thus signifying 'a person having his ears slit.' At what time and by whom the practice of slitting the ears was introduced is not known; but most of them declare that they do it after Śiva, whose followers as Yogis they are.
Dharmanatha is said to have come from Peshawar to Kâthiâwâd, and thence to Kachh, in search of a secluded place to perform tap or penance. He had with him a Sádhaka (or helping friend) named Sarannâ tha, and a disciple named Garibnâtha. Another account gives the name of the latter only. He selected Ryân, on the eastern bank of the river Rukhamavati, about two miles north of the present town of Mânḍavi, where, according to one account, there reigned a chief named Gadhesing, the father of the celebrated Vikrama of Ujayant, and according to another account one Râmadeva, of the tribe of Châvada Rajputs. The former is an invention of the people, wherever old coins bearing the device resembling an ass are found; while the latter is more probable, as there appear to have been many small principalities of the Châvaḍas about the time the ancestors of the present Jhâdejâs entered the province as adventurers, and even subsequently. This is corroborated by the Bhâts, who are said to possess some rude poetical compositions on the subject.
Having selected an umbrageous tree, as is the case with the people of his order, at some distance from the palace of the Chief, Dharmanatha made his dhunt, or fire, and began to perform his penance, at the same time ordering Garib na tha to go into the town with his jhol, or wallet, for alms; but the latter found the people so impious and hardhearted as not to give him any countenance. There was only one woman, of the carpenter caste, who gave him a cake of bread. He had, therefore, recourse to fetching wood from the neighbouring forests and selling it in the town. From the proceeds of this he purchased corn and took it to the old woman, who prepared bread from it, and, adding to it a cake of her own, gave them to him without taking any remuneration. These he took to Dhundhaimall,
Some say Dhundhnîmall was Dharmanatha's fellowdisciple and companion.
It is the hard shell of a very large oval fruit from Zanzibar, and used by Yogis, Fakirs, and anchorites as an alms and dinner plate throughout India. Its colour is black, and it is said to be the shell of a poisonous cocoanut,
[FEBRUARY, 1878.
to which Dharmanâtha had changed his name, and both partook of the frugal meal. They passed twelve years in this manner, D harmanâtha believing all the while in the charitable character of the people. After the penance was over, one day Garibnatha was asleep, covered, as usual, with a cloth, to hide an ulcer made by the constant lifting of bundles of wood. The wind blew off the cover, and Dharmanátha, who happened to see it, was mortified to learn, after much persistence, the cause of the ulcer, in which maggots had begun to appear. He was all wrath, and resolved to test personally the inhospitable and impious character of the people. He found that none but the old woman would give any charitable contribution. He determined to overthrow the whole town, and bury the people in the ruins. He advised the woman to leave the town, with all that she valued. Garibnâtha remonstrated with him, as the loss of so many lives would bring upon him those very sins which he had tried to wash away by penance. Dharmanâtha upset his pattar, or alms-shell,' and pronounced the curse "Paṭṭan sab dáṭṭan!"-"Be buried all the Pattan cities!" when all the eighty-four Pattans sank underground, with all the people and valuables except the woman. On the ruins is the present village of Chotâ Ryân, repeopled in the time of the first Rao, and given in charity to Châran Bâgchand, whose descendants enjoy it to this day. For about two miles brick foundations of buildings, jars, instruments, &c. have been discovered, and I myself have purchased some old copper and silver coins found in the fields. This same story is told of all the rained cities in Kachh and Gujarât; but the destruction may have been caused by some violent earthquake, and, as Pattan was a seaport town, the people must have removed themselves to the present site of Mandavi when they found that the sea had receded on account of the rising of the land.
Dharmanatha appears to have repented of his rash deed, and resolved to perform a second tap or penance. With this view he proceeded to a hill, which could not bear the weight of his sins, and was thence called Nanau ( meaning weighed down'). Then he
called jhert nariyela. It must be the fruit of a kind of palm. The town of Mandavi was founded by Rao Khengårji through a Bhatia named Topan on the 11th of the month of Magha, Samvat 1686. Before this there were some fishermen's huts on the site.

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repaired to another hill, which broke down the end, which brings out the water, of which with his weight-hence called Jhuryo (a)= there must be a reservoir the level of which 'broke'). At last he came to a third hill, which must always remain a little below the hole. Those could bear his weight provided he ascended it who ascend the hill can find water on their rewith his back turned towards it. He did so, and turn only when they come to this place. The as the hill bore the weight of his sins he called water is rather brackish, being impregnated it Dhinodhar (i.e. holder of car = dhirand, or with salts. They then came to another place,
patience. He went to the highest peak and where all the Siddhas combined got water out began to perform tap standing on his head, miraculously, and called it the Siddh-Vidi which rested on & conical ball of hard stone (lat), or "saints' pool.' It is said never to called Vajra Sopdri. He continued in this state fail, and is held in great reverence; but when I for twelve years, during which time Garib- visited it there was no water. My guide looked nåtha and a Châran woman called Deval surprised, and ascribed this to its having been remained beside him, the latter supplying polluted by a low-caste person. The Pir, he said, him with milk and ministering to his other would come there and burn incense to the Dåda wants. When the period of his penance was or Father Dharmanatha, who would refill it. drawing to a close, the throne of Indra began to Thence they came to the foot of the eastern side shake, and he was alarmed. He went to Bhaga- of the hill, which they selected as the spot for vîn, who counselled him to devise means to stop the present establishments. The Nathas and his tap. Thereupon Bhagavån himself, the nine Siddhas departed, and Dharma nátha mado Nathas, and the eighty-four Siddha s assem- his dhuni or fire, built the monastery and estabbled together and alighted on the hill. They lished the Order of the Kân phát â s, and praised the austerity of his penance and besonght commenced that charitable distribution of food him to rise, when he said that in whichever the refusal of which had caused the destruction direction his eyes would open, that portion of the of the Pattans. Then he went away, no one country would be burnt. Then Gorakha- knows where. He is even said to be still living. nátha, one of the nine Nathas, after consulting Garib na tha, thinking that some share of the others, told him to open his eyes towards the the sin of destroying the Pattans must fall
sca on the north-east. Upon this he turned to his lot,, determined to perform penance by - towards the sea and opened his eyes, when the standing for twelve years in Bhadli, 18 miles
Bca was dried up and all the animals therein de- west of Bhuj, in a jungle, which is even at the stroyed, leaving nothing else but the present Raņ. present day very thick and mountainous. At When so many lives began to be destroyed, this time the Jats were powerful near the Dharman åtha declared he was losing the hill of Vârâr. The children of the Jats har. merit of his penance, whereupon Gorakhanatha assed the ascetic and disturbed his penance by asked him to turn his eyes towards his foot, but pelting him with mango-stones. Being in. instead of doing so he turned them to the hill, censed, he went in search of some warrior tribe which split into two valleys, leaving the part to expel these marauders, when, fortunately, obstructed by the nose entire in the shape of the ancestors of the present Jha dejas bad the nose, by which name it is known at the just entered the province and were trying to pesent day.
establish their authority. According to one Then Dharmana tha, with the Nathas account, Jam RÂyadhan, the son of Lakhî and Siddhas, descended. While doing so they Jhâdeja, who was reigning in the small principroposed to have a treat of bhang (infusion of pality of Lakhiar Virâ, went to seek his blessCannabis indica), but no water was to be had ing, when he encouraged him by his benedicabout the hill, when one of them, Pir Patha tion to expel the Jats out of the province, and (Gopichand), brought out water by striking his in this the Jam was successful. This Rayadhan kunari or dagger into the side of the hill, and pre- flourished between Samvat 1231 and 1271 pared the 'green beverage.' The hole was shown 1 = A.D. 1175-1215), and there is a couplet to me by my cicerone, but the water does not on the subject in the Kachhi language : come out till & stick is thrast into it. The stick, गरवो गरीब नाथ. आयो मुख आवाज । कुडा जत which is a rude branch of a tree, has a knob at af lovit raya TGT.

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temperate habits, the time of the destruction of Ryan could not be earlier than 1450. Dharmanatha, then, must have come to Kachh about Samvat 1438, and not in Samvat 790 as found from the Pir's genealogy, but he went away after laying the foundation of the present Order. He himself belonged to the sect of Santanâtha, whose places of worship are in Nepal and in the Panjâb. After the penance he desired the Châran Deval to ask for a reward. She said she was childless; would he be gracious enough to bless her with a son? This he said was not in her lot; when she replied that his word as well as her devoted services were equally lost. On this he said he himself would be born to her from a blister in the palm of her hand, but that she should never think of marrying him. He was afterwards born, and became the celebrated Râval Pîr, who is worshipped in a temple on the coast three ailes east of Mandavi.
i. e. "Solemn Garibnâtha gave utterance through the mouth, and, expelling the treacherous Jats, gave dominion to Râyadhan."
Another account places him in the time of Jam Hamirji, the father of the founder of Bhuj, who flourished in Samvat 1528-1580 (A. D. 1472-1524). At this time Hamirji was reigning at Lâkhiâr Virâ, not far from Bhadli, and his brother Ajoji at Bârâ, near Terâ. The fame of Garibnatha had excited these predatory chiefs to obtain from him some benediction to extend their dominions. Ajoji used to minister to the wants of the ascetic, and serve him regularly. One day the latter, being pleased with his devotion, ordered him to bring a can of milk early in the morning for his benediction. This a Langhá or musician of Hamirji's happened to hear, and at once reported it to his master, who came to the ascetic early in the morning with the milk. The ascetic, taking him for Ajoji, accosted him as the Lord of Kachh.' Subsequently came Ajoji with the milk, when the deceit was discovered, but it was too late, as Garibnatha's words could not be changed; but he said that Hamirji had practised deceit and he should have deceit in exchange, and his posterity would not be able to rule the province peaceably without the aid of his Bhayads. These have reference to the murder of Hamirji by Raval Jâm, and to the privilege of the Bhâyâds to sit in the Jha dejâ Court. This latter tradition is generally believed, and is corroborated by many facts. Even at the present day the descendants of Ajoji, who enjoy the village of Khedoi, relate the deceit played by Hamirji. Hamirji began to reign at Lakhiâr Virâ in Samvat 1528 (A. D. 1472), and he could not have received benediction earlier than 1500. Therefore the time of the penance of Garib natha being deducted, we come to Samvat 1488 (A. D. 1432), the time when the dhuni and the present establish ment at Dhinodhar were first instituted. After this Garibnâtha is said to have buried himself alive in a standing posture up to the crown of his head at Bhadli, where is a small temple which was rebuilt recently. What they call his skull is daubed with red lead and ghi, and worshipped at the present day. The temple has no inscription on it. Considering that ascetics live long lives on account of their
Garibnatha obtained as a reward the villages of Bhadli, Tharâudo, Kotdo, &c., together with some imposts on the neighbouring villages, from the Jhâdejâs, which his descendants enjoy at the present day. He had two disciples named Ornâtha and Panthanâtha. The former, becoming a Siddha (deified), has a separate temple in the monastery of Dharmanatha; while the latter had a disciple named Bhikharinåtha, who was highly revered by Râo Khengârji, who installed him as the first Pir in Samvat 1545, on his agreeing to leave his wandering habits and to settle in one place. He also promised to give him a village, but both died soon after. He was succeeded by Prabhâtanâtha, who obtained the village of Ryân, in Samvat 1665, as a grant. The village has a temple built by Râo Bhârmalji, in which I found the following inscription:
f
संवत १६६५ ना वरषे कारतक खुद १५ पीर श्री farrer de ger der पारीना चेला पीर परभातनाथ सघ घोरमनाथना पीर आद नाथ आ पीर परभात राजश्री बेंगारजी सुत राजश्री भारमलजी वारे पीर आया. गाम रायण पराजत नुपत धीणे/धरजी ये जे पादर - राजश्री बॅगारजीये सदावृ
हिंदूआ गाय तरकाणे सुअर जे कोई अ गामनी पचार करे तेहेने गरीबनाथना भवोभवना पाप इ राजश्री भीमनो धरम छे. आई दावो धीणोधरनो छे. श्री राजश्री भाHe is said to have also peopled the village of Angio, which they enjoy at present. The present Pir, Hanjanâtha, the 25th in descent, was

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HISTORY OF THE KÅNPHÂTÅS OF KACHH.
51
installed in Samvat 1920 by His Highness the late Râo Pragmalji.
The hill of Dhinodhar is situated in the thickest jungle, and surrounded by a tract of country inhabited by pastoral tribes, who are generally very poor. At the foot are situated a number of buildings intended for the residence of the Pir and of disciples, who have always assigned to them some duties. Among these buildings is a small rudely built and domed temple dedicated to Dharma na tha, on a raised platform facing the east. It is about seven feet square, and its walls are as many feet high. In the temple itself is a marble image of Dharma na tha, three feet high, with the darsana or rings of the sect in the ears. There are, besides, small lingas of Siva and images of gods, either of brass or stone. A lamp fed with ghi is said to have been first lighted by Dharmanátha, and to have been kept constantly burning ever since. A man is appointed to make the půjd twice every day, in the morning and evening; who, after washing the images and offering rice, flowers, or leaves, burns incense mixed with ghi, and then waves the arti or light amidst the sounds of bell, gong, and drum, and after prostrating himself several times he retires.
In another part is a large pandal in which is the dhuni, kept constantly burning since it was first lighted by Dharma natha. It is fed with large logs of wood, for which a man is specially kept. There are, besides, four very large cauldrons placed on hearths, each capable of cooking a khandi of food. On ordinary days these are worshipped, but on Gokalashtami and Nava-rátri days, which are held sacred, more wood is thrown into the dhuni, and rice and lápsi (a dish of wheatflour sweetened with sugar) are cooked in these cauldrons, which never fail for the people who assemble on those days.
There are, besides, several temples as sa- mádhs or tombs of the Pirs, but without any inscription, in the monastery, which is enclosed with a high wall with turrets.
On the highest peak, which is 1268 feet, is the temple of Dharmanatha, on the spot where he is said to have done penance. It was built by Brahma Kshatri Shet Sundarji Sivaji
Formerly Meghvala or Dhede were admitted, and one of their Pirs, Meghnátha, Wie of this caste. The Yogis are therefore regarded as very low, though the practice of adopting Meghváls has long since been discontinued.
in Samvat 1877 ( A.D. 1821), after the great earthquake. The materials used are limestone and mud, with a plaster of chunam. It faces the east. It is 6 feet high and 54 feet square, with a Muhammadan dome. The entrance is only 4 feet high and 2 feet wide, and has no door. The wall is only a foot in thickness. In the temple is a triangular concave stone, in the cavity of which Dharmanatha is said to have rested his head at the time of the penance. It is daubed with red lead and ghi. Near it is a small stone fixed as a páliya. Outside the temple is the original dhuni, which is lighted for three days in the month of Bhadrapada, when the Pir resorts thither for the annual pújá, and people from the surrounding villages assemble to do homage. Those who cannot come or ascend the hill satisfy themselves by looking at the fire of the dhuni, which can be seen from villages several miles round. I saw that the temple was cracked in several places, and in a state of dilapidation ; and on my questioning the Pir about repairing it, he said it was very difficult to get water thore, on account of the difficulty of access. He said Sundarji, a very rich and great man, could do it, but he himself, though possessed of twelve villages, was unable to defray the expense of the repairs, unless copious rains were sent by the Dádd ( Father' Dharmanatha). The peak commands a beautiful view of the surrounding country up to the opposite shore of the Ran. It is composed of basalt, limestone, and sandstone.
their tenets appear to be those of the YogaSastra, or the abstract devotion practised by the Yogis of the Natha sect, and in which Dharmanatha aud Garibnatha were well versed; but the Pirs of Dhinodhar, except the first two or three, were ignorant of their tenets. They themselves, being generally converts from the shepherd' tribe, are quite illiterate and ignorant, and know nothing but the name of the Dáda. They worship Siva and follow the ritual of the Mâtâ, whose stotra the Pir repeats on the 2nd of every month. They are celibates, and allow no woman to enter their precincts. I could find no works like those of the Nathas of the north and the Dekhan
On the KinphâţAs see H. H. Wilson's Essays, vol. I. pp. 212-13, 216-18; Orient. Mag. 1824. D. 11: Postans. Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. V. pp. 268-71.-ED.

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watched for eight months. His Gurú, or spiritual guide, makes him wear while a novice a black shel, or sacred thread of wool with Rudra knot, corresponding to the Yajnopavita of the Brâhman, round his neck, with a two-inch horn called Sringi-náda, or bugle. Through this bugle he is made to say Okára, Upadesa, and Adeśa, which he has afterwards to repeat twice every day at dinner, before the god and the Guri. In fact it is a form of salutation to the superior. If after the appointed period his conduct is found satisfactory, he is taken before the god Bhairava, where a brother slits the cartilage of the ears, in which circular plate-like rings of agate, glass, or horn, called darsana, are suspended. After the ears are cured by thrusting in a nimb stick, dressing with nimb oil, his head, beard, and moustaches are shaved, never to be worn again. The Gurú then whispers in his ear the Upadesa mantra, or mystic instruction :-" Be wise, perform religious duties, and keep yourself prompt in the service of the Gurd." Now he becomes a Yogi, and has a name terminating in Nátha. He spends his life in repeating the name of the Dádá, serving his Guru, and doing the duty assigned to him. The disciple is the adopted son of the Gurú, and he succeeds his father on his death. The Yogi is buried, and on the twelfth day after his death a feast is given and alms distributed by the son.
The Pir cannot wear an angarakhá, or coat, but he throws over his body a red shawl or brickcoloured scarf, has a turban of gold-bordered blue silk, with a sheli, and a langota with a white digoji over the loins. He cannot put on leather shoes, but walks in chakhadi, or wooden shoes. This dress is given to him by the Râo at the time of his accession to the Pirship. He also wears a number of gold ornaments of great value, but of rude old fashion. His darsana, or earrings, are covered with gold in which precious stones are set. He is highly respected by the people, and even by the Râo, who first pays a visit to his place (where the Pîr has the privilege of retaining his seat) before the latter comes to him. The dress of the others is simple, and dyed with ochre, but now it appears to be going out of fashion. There are about fifty Yogis in Dhinodhar.
The head of the sect of Dhinodhar is is called the Pir, while the heads of the branches
written by them. Their great aim appears originally to have been to feed suffering humanity, to whatever caste or creed the persons might belong, and for which they had obtained from the former Râos and others villages and lands. In this respect they resemble the order of St. Bernard in Europe, and are regular hospitallers. But after obtaining the grants they gradually lost their character as, disinterested Yogis, and brought upon themselves, as it were, the very worldly cares they had renounced. They began to lend money at interest, perhaps originally with the object of relieving the distressed by the accommodation; but at present I found the Pir involved in managing the estates, collecting revenues, litigating about boundary disputes, and collecting outstandings, which are quite incompatible with the doctrine of the Yoga. I noticed, however, one feature in the order of Dhinodhar which is wanting in all the others in Kachh. The Pir is a chaste man, and enforces celibacy with strictness among his disciples, by prohibiting any female from entering the precincts of the monastery.
In the large hall of the residence recipients of charity are twice fed, the low castes and Muhammadans being served in the compound. The food consists of bajri (millet) bread and khichadi of bajri and math (Phaseolus aconitifolius). I saw the Pir himself serving ght with a ladle of a two-pice measure. Those who cannot partake of the cooked food receive it uncooked. Besides the members of the establishment, I saw about twenty-five persons from the surrounding villages, and stray travellers, answering to the call for dinner, which is loudly made twice a day by a man from an eminence. In times of drought and famine the number increases to three hundred. Besides the food, the Pir, who always sits with a copper canister of opium, treats them to a few grains of it, according to their wants. I saw one paralytic, and another lame, who had sought shelter in the asylum.
The method of adopting disciples is very simple, as may be expected from their general ignorance. Persons of indolent habits, or afflicted with domestic calamities, generally become Yogis at an advanced age, but parents unable to support their children give their young boys to the Pir. Orphans also are received. Before giving him his name he is called Oghad, or novice, and his conduct is

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are called Ayesa. There are three such branches -the Ayesa of Baladhiâ, which is next in importance to Dhinodhar, the Ayesa of Arla, and the Ayesa of Mathal. The Pir of Shivra Mandapa, in Bhuj, is separate. The last place was built by Rão Desalji the elder in Samvat 1805, and given to a Yogi of Dhinodhar; while the others have received their villages from Dhinodhar on their separation. The Yogi of Dhinodhar was expelled the monastery of Shivrâ Mandapa, which was given in charge of Shevânâtha, a Yogi from Srinagar, who was installed as Pir and given a village. These also, like the Yogis of Dharma nå t h a, are of the Santanâtha sect, but are Saktas and worship the horse image of Naklank. They do not have intercourse with the Yogis of Dhinodhar, whom they consider low, but keep it with the Atits. The annual income of Dhinodhar is about 50,000 koris. There is one monastery of Dharmanatha in Jodhpur, in Mârwâd, held in high honour by the Maharaja of that place. It was established through the influence of a Pir from Bhuj who had been there.
MISCELLANEA.
The only other monastery of Kân phâțâs in Kachh is that of Kanthaḍnatha of Manpharo. Their origin is from Kanthad na tha, who was residing in Kanth kot with his dhuns about Samvat 900. About this time Mod and Manâi had come into Kachh, after killing their brother Unad in Sindh. Mod had tried to build a fortress on the hill of Kanthkot, but it was thrown down by Kanthaḍnatha on his being asked to remove his dhunt from that part of the foundation which crossed it. On the death of Mod his son Sâd appeased the wrath of the Nâtha, and built the fortress and called it Kanth kot, from the Yogi. He also built a large temple and dedicated it to him, which was destroyed by the great earthquake, and replaced by a small but
AN ADDITIONAL NOTE ON HASTAKAVAPRAASTAKAMPRON.
The letter of Major J. W. Watson regarding the identification of Hastakavapra, or Has tavapra, with the modern H &t hab, published in Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 314, imposes upon me the duty of saying a word on the subject. In fact, I
beautiful temple. Kantha ḍnâ tha's descendants used to tend herds of cattle wandering about the hills, which abound in grass. Generally their wándha' was near a well called Manphariyo.
53
The present village of Manpharo was founded by Ude-Kanth. The land was given to him by Rao Bhârmalji in Samvat 1705-7 (A.D. 1649). When he was passing by their wandha, the Nâtha invited him to dinner, and miracnlously fed the whole army from a small dish. On this the Rao installed him as a Pir, and gave him the land about the well Manphariyo for the expense of the establishment.
MISCELLANEA.
The Pir removed the monastery from Kanthkot to this place, and began to feed travellers and other needy persons. The monks resemble in their peculiarities, manners, and customs those of Dhinodhar. They call each member a Kantha d, instead of Nâtha; they are selected from Rajpûts, Ahers, &c. They worship Kanthaḍnâ tha, and repeat his name with a rosary. They also worship Gaṇeśa, and are called Ganesa upúsi. They are sworn to celibacy, but their morality is depraved. Their chief temple is at Kanth kot, where one of the members worships Kanthaḍnâtba's image of marble, which sits cross-legged, twice a day. Once these Kân phâțâs were very powerful in Kachh. Besides Kanthkot and Dhînodhar they had the monasteries of Kotesar, and Aje pâ 1 in Ânjâr, in their possession. They caught Atits and other Sádhús coming on pilgrimage and forcibly slit their ears. But they were afterwards conquered by the Atits from Junagadh, about three hundred years ago, who took possession of their monasteries of Kotesar from Ringannâtha, and of Aje pâl from the Nathas of the Râval sect, which have remained in their hands ever since. Their influence declined from that time.
ought to have apologized to Major Watson long ago for having omitted to mention that the identification both of Hastava pra and of Kukkata is not my property. I should have done so at once if I had not been convinced that my learned friend is fully aware that the omission of his name was due to no other cause than careless
'A temporary residence made of rushes and leaves near watering-places.

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ness. In now performing this prdyaschitta, I makes Colonel Yule's identification also with beg to add a few remarks which, I think, tend to Astaka mpron more plausible. For, if Hasstrengthen Colonel Yule's important identifica- takava pra during the first centuries of our era tion of Hastakavapra with Astaka mpron. was a really important town and a port, it is not
Major J. W. Watson has suggested in his note astonishing to find that the Greek traders knew it. (1. c.) that Hât hab once must have been an
The other point to which I wish to call atimportant harbour, and have taken the place tention is the etymology of the two forms of the which Gundi-Koliak held during the Middle town's name. Both are compounds the last part Ages. I am now able to confirm this statement, of which is vapra, which means'an embankment, and to prove that when the place belonged to the an earth-wall, the steep bank of a river,' &c. The kingdom of Valabhi, it certainly was more first part, Hasta or Hastaka, must be a proper noun. than a small village. Both in the inscription of For it is a rule in Sanskrit that common nouns Dhruvasena I. and in that of Dharasena which are used as proper names may receive the II. it is asserted that certain villages were
determinative affix ka. Thus, if afva,' a horse,' is situated hastakavapráharanydm or hastavapra
used as a proper noun, it may be either afva or haranydm, and I have explained these compounds
aávaka. As hasta is a common noun, meaning 'the to mean 'in the territorial division of Hasta
hand,' and as in the compound both hasta and vapra.' I have now to add that the name occurs
hastaka occur, it may be safely concluded that it is in a third inscription, the grant of Dharasena
used as a proper noun. Possibly the whole may IV., an abstract of which has been published by
mean the embankment of Hastaka,' or 'the steep Prof. Bhandarkar-Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 45. There
bank on the Hastaka,' according as Hastaka is we read, instead of Hastavaprdharani, Hastavapra
taken as the name of a man, a river, or a hill. Furhara, and it is stated that the village of Yodha
ther investigations regarding traditions or legends Faka was included in it. Now three unpublished
current at Hathab will probably furnish certainty Valabhi grants, which have been discovered at
on this point. The Greek word Astaka mpron, Alina, in the Kheda Zilli, show the word
I think, is not derived immediately from the Khetakahara, and mention three different Pathakas
Sanskrit name of the place, but from an interwhich formed parts of the Khetakdhdra. Pathaka
mediate Old Prakrit Hastakâmpra, which had been is known from Valabhi and Chaulukya plates formed by the contraction of the syllables ava to to have had the meaning of a small territorial
d, and the insertion of a nasal, according to the division,' and its modern representative pathi,
habit of the Gujaratis. The loss of the initial h as Mr. W. F. Sinclair informa me, still sometimes
may be explained by the difficulty which Gujaratis occurs in the same sense. If an dhdra contained
have now, and probably had 1600 years ago, in several pathukas, it is clear that it must be a
pronouncing the spirans in its proper place. larger territorial division, and corresponds to our
The modern H&thab, for which the lower modern silla. It follows further from the varia
castes, as Major Watson has informed me, use an lectio-Hastavapráhdra, that the word dharani was
older form, Hát hap, I take to be a corruption of a synonym of thdra, and that the compound in the
the shorter Sanskřit name Hastavapra. two older grants may be translated by in the
G. BÜHLER. zillå of Hastavapra.' This being once established, MSS. OF THE MAHABHASHYA FROM KAŠMIR. it follows also that if a zillâ was named after We have already (vol. VI. pp. 294-274) given Hasta vapra the place must have been of some interesting extracts from Dr. Bühler's Report some importance-that, probably, it was not a vil- of his Tour in search of Sanskrit MSS., and in vol. lage, but a town. For territorial divisions are V. pp. 27-31 a general outline was given of the invariably named after the town which at the time results; the following further extracts, however, when the name was given was the most important
will interest some of our readers :in it, and the seat of the local government."
"In the collection of grammatical MSS.," says This result agrees very well with Major Watson's
Dr. Bühler, " those belonging to Panini's school theory that H&th a b originally was a barbour take the precedence. Among the latter the Vydde. which took the place of Gundi-Koliak. It further yaparibhashávyitti (two MSS.) bears the most
1 The word is disfigured in the passage quoted by a | मिष्यामः । इयमस्मिन्सूत्रे सिद्धेयमस्मिसिद्धेति । किं कारणम् misprint and a faulty division of the syllables, which make it Hestava-prahara.
| अत्र हि ज्ञातपरिभाष: स्वयं शास्त्रं प्रतिपादयितुं समर्थो भवति । - Compare Kheda, Bharuch, &c.
स तावत्सुखं ज्ञातपरिभाषो भवति । अतो व्याख्यानं द्रष्टव्यम् । Detailed Report, pp. 69-73.
तत्रादित एव तावदियं परिभाषा भवति ।। अर्थवदहणेनानर्थक• Beginning :-3 TH ATTI are of E TA: arreurfrat: End :-*
ftirf T: TATII T49 of t h e form af ug waarall-Extract by Vámanacharya.

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MISCELLANEA.
55
ancient nadie. The Kasmirian pandits are unanimous in declaring it to be a production of the author of the Sagraha. But Dr. Kielhorn, to whom I submitted the book immediately after its discovery, tells me that he cannot discover in it any proof of groat antiquity, and that it contains only the well-known Paribhashas. He thinks it not unlikely that the title has been given to it because some pandit believed the Paribhdshds to belong to Vyâdi. I must leave the question to the decision of those Sanskritists who make the Vyakaranasástra their speciality."
Three incomplete Sårada paper MSS. (one of I. 1. 103--2. 63, another I. 4-VI. 1)" represent the meagre result of a long and laborious inquiry regarding Patanjali's Mahabhashya, a work which for the present is, as it were, the corner-stone for the history of Sanskrit grammar and literature. As the controversy regarding the genuineness of our present text of the Mahabhashya had been going on for some time before my visit to Kaśmir, I was particularly anxious to obtain a trustworthy and complete Kasmirian MS. of the work, in order to ascertain if Kasmir possessed a redaction different from the Indian one. When I began my inquiries the pandits told me that the Bhdshya was not studied in Kasmir, and that they knew only of two complete MSS. of the work. One of these belonged to Pandit Keśavram, and the other to the sons of the late Pandit Sahebrim. With some trouble I got a sight of both these copies, and found that they were Devanagari MSS., brought from India. Kesavrâm's copy had been imported into the Valley by a pandit of Baramala who had resided for some time in Banaras. His heirs had sold it for one hundred Kasmiri rupees (of ten annas each) to its present owner. After this transfer had been effected, Pandit Sahebrâm also had found it necessary to procure a copy, and had finally obtained one from the Panjab. Both these copies are new--not older than fifty or sixty years. They contain Kaiyata's Pradipa also. As soon as the origin of these two MSS. had been determined, I told my friends that I neither desired to acquire them nor to have them copied, and that they must hunt for Bharja or old Sarada paper MSS. They grumbled a good deal, and complained of my unreasonableness. But gradually they produced the three MSS. which now belong to the collection. Each of the three is certainly more than a hundred years old, and most probably copied from older Bharja MSS. I sent them, immediately after I received them, to Dr. Kielhorn, for compa
rison with his Indian MSS. He informs me that they do not differ materially from the latter. I think that this fact is not without importance for the question regarding the genuineness of the text of the Mahdoháshya, though it is desirable that it should be confirmed by the discovery and collation of an old Bhurja MS. Just when I left Kasmir I heard that such a MS. had been found in the library of an ignorant Brahman, who believed it to be a MS. of the Kathasaritsgara, and used it. as is frequently done with MSS. of that work, for purposes of divination. Efforts have been made to obtain the book, but hitherto without success.
"In connection with the snbject of the Mahdbhdshya I may also state that I have examined with particular care in all accessible MSS. of the Rijatarangint the verso I. 176. which refers to its introduction into Kasmir. Most MSS. read chandrdchdryadibhir labdhud desdttdsmút tadigamam pravartitan mahdbhdshyar svari cha vydkaranari kritam|l. But some, and among them Keśavrâm's codes archetypus, read prima manu, labdkvddesam tasmdt, &c. I think that this is the original but corrupt reading of the MS., and that the vulgata desdttasmdt is purely conjectural, The Kasmirians felt, and now feel, that the reading ladhdhuddesain does not readily give any sense. The attempt to restore the passage by writing debdt tasmára is, in my opinion, not a happy one. I accept Dr. Kielhorn's' emendation, desdutardt, as the most probable, both on account of the analogy of the passage in the Vakyapadiya and on account of Rdjat. IV. 487, where debdntarat actually occurs. As to the translation of the word dgama, I think with Dr. Kielhorn that it means 'the tradition' or the tra. ditional interpretation of the ádstra. I have consulted the most learned grammarians in Banaras, Indor, and other parts of India on this point. All unanimously declare that dgama must be taken in the sense for which Dr. Kielhorn contends, and some even go so far as to deny the possibility that agama can ever mean grantha. Though they are un. doubtedly correct as far as the usage of the Vaiydkaranas is concerned, and dgama is not used in the senge of a grammatical work, still their assertion goes too far. For the Jainas speak of their fortyfive agamas or sacred works, and the Saivas recognize the authority of eighteen dgamas. In these two cases the word is certainly used as a synonym of grantha, and is frequently, by lakshand, applied to designate MSS. As may be inferred from these remarks, I stand on the side of those who are
SA pin is driven into the MS., and the verse in which the point sticka is supposed to give some clue to the future fate of the inquirer. The practice is well known in Europe too.
• The copy in the Government collection has dešaus taondt tadagamat. Here the last t is a clerical mistake.
Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 107. • See Kielhora, Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 248.

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[FEBRUARY, 1878.
disposed, until the very strongest proofs to the 9th century. For that town was built by Padma contrary are adduced, to consider the present text in the reign of Ajit&pida, 844-849 A.D. Dr. of the Mahabhashya to be genuine.
Kielhorn has lately stated in his pamphlet on the "My search for copies of Kaiya ta's Pradipa Mahabhashya that he does not think Kaiyata an were attended with still scantier results than the old writer. I agree with him on this point, and do inquiry regarding the Mahabhdshya. One MS. not believe tha) he is older than the 13th century (No. 306) of 99 folios of 20 lines each contains A.D. The earliest Indian grammarian who quotes a very small portion of the Navdhniki. The him is, as far as I know, Sayan a-Madhava. MS. dates, I think, from the same time as the I have heard it asserted by Indian pandits that pieces of the Bhashya. The Kasmirians tell an Kaiyata was a brother of Mammaţa. anecdote regarding Kaiyata, which is perhaps 1 "The small fragment of Chandra's Grammar worth mentioning. Kaiyaţa was, they say, an (one leaf) is more curious than useful. As Chandra inhabitant of one of the smaller towns of the Val
was a Kasmirian,or at least taught in Kasmir, there ley-according to some of Pâmpur, according is no reason to doubt of its genuineness. Dr. Kielto others of Yechgâm. He lived in great pover
horn thinks that, to judge from the fragment, the ty, and entirely gave himself up to the study of
arrangement of Chandra's grammar must have the Mahabhdshya and of grammar. In this editra
resembled that of the Kaumudt, or, as Dr. Burnell he acquired so great a proficiency that at last he would say, that of the grammarians of the Aindra could explain the whole Bhashya to his pupils
school. without looking at a MS., and he understood "The MS. of the Kdfikdvritti (No. 283)20 is a real even those passages which Vararuchi (P) had
gem. It is the most correct and best-written marked by kundalas (O) as unintelligible. Once a birch-bark MS. in the whole collection, and almost foreign pandit from southern India, named ac- without a lacuna. I collated a small portion of its cording to one authority Krishnambhatta,
contents with Professor Balasastri's edition, and came into Kasmir and went to see Kaiyata at his found not inconsiderable differences. The read home. He found him sitting before his house ings of the Kasmirian MS. appeared to me the engaged in manual labour, and explaining at the
better ones. It also gives the correct statement same time to his pupils the most difficult portions regarding the authors of the work. In the coloof the Bhashya from memory. Amazed at the
phons of the first four adhydyas Jay &ditya is pandit's great learning and his abject condition,
named as the author, and in those of the last four the foreigner hastened to the king of Kasmir and Vamana. Professor Balasastri told me that he obtained from him a 6dsana granting to Kaiyata had found the same statement in one other MS.11 a village and an allowance of grain. But when he
He considers the authors to have been ndstikas brought the deed to the pandit the latter stead- and men of small grammatical learning, who had fastly refused to accept the gift, because he not penetrated to the deepest depth of the adstru. considered it unlawful as coming from a king. The Kasmirians think that probably Jayaditya Later Kaiyata left Kaśmir and wandered to is another name of the learned king Jay&pida, Banaras. There he vanquished the pandits at al and that V âmana is his minister, who is menrabhd by his great learning, and composed the tioned by Kalhana. Be that as it may, the KibikáPradipa at the request of the Sabhåpati. Accord vritti is not a modern work, and most probably has ing to this story the Pradipa was not written in been written by a Kasmirian. The Government Kasmir, and if the statement that Kaiyata lived MS. has been made over to Professor Balabastri to at P&mpur is true it cannot be older than the
be used for his edition of the Katiká. Rajat. IV. 699. The date is General Canningham's
वृत्तौ भाष्ये तथा धातुनामपारायणादिषु । correct one. 10 Beginning :
विप्रकीर्णस्य तन्तस्य क्रियते म सङ्कहः ।। FUET 11 2 79:at Hall
अथ शब्दानुशासनम्। स्त । ओं नमस्सरस्वत्यै ॥ओं नम:।
End :परमात्मने । औं नमो ब्रम्हणे नमो नमः॥ ओं येनाक्षरसमानायमधिगम्य महेश्वरान् ।
इति काशिकायां वृत्तावष्टमस्याध्यायस्यस्य चतुर्थ पादः ॥
समाता काशिका वृत्तिः ॥ कृतिर्जयादित्यवामनयोः ॥ शुभमस्तु ।। कृत्स्नं व्याकरणं प्रोक्तं तस्मै पाणिनये नमः॥
श्रीनृपतिविक्रमादित्यराज्यस्य गताब्दा: ११. श्रीसप्तर्षिमते संयेन शब्दमहाम्भोधेकृतो व्याकरणप्रवः।
# 1 at 7
T :11
heatrit
far riquesa y (u) -
मस्तु लेखकपाठकेभ्यः॥ अज्ञानतिमिरान्धस्य ज्ञानाञ्जनशलाकया। चक्षरुन्मीलितं येन तस्मै पाणिनये नमः॥
Compare also Dr. Kielborn's pamphlet on the Mahabhashya.

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FEBRUARY, 1878.]
BOOK NOTICES.
57
“The pieces of Jinendrabudd hi's Nyasa | dhana. Still it is quite possible that Prabhi(No. 284, adhy. I. II. 2-43 285, adhy. IV. ; and 286, | karavardhana may have had a second name. In adhy. VII.) have been transcribed from a dilapidated like manner I am doubtful if the Savarabirch-bark volume belonging to P. Bal Kol. svå min of the Lingdnuédsana is the same as the Other portions of the work have been acquired in famous commentator on the Mimarsdsútras. It is former years, in the Dekhan, in Ahmadabad, and in a curious fact that the name of the father of the Bikaner. But the Government collection does not latter is not mentioned in any of the MSS. of the yet contain copies of the VIth and VIIIth adhydyas. Mindsdbhdshya accessible to me, and that the Jinendrabuddhi lived, according to the Kasmirians, | best Såstris at Pani and Banfras do not know it. at Varahamala-Hushkapura. He was a This question, too, cannot yet be decided. But Bauddha ascetic, and is certainly not later than I think there is a chance that the MSS. of the the 12th century, as the Nyasa is quoted by | Lingdnuldsana may finally settle the date of the Vopadeva.13
famous Mimamsist." "Among the smaller works explaining the appendices to Pånini's grammar, the Dhatupátha, the nipdta-avyaya-upasargapathas, and the lingastitras,
IN M. Rénan's Report to the Société Asiatique Kshirasvamin's treatises Avyayavritti, Kshirdtaran. special praise is bestowed on M. James Darmestegint, Kshíratarangisariketa, and Nipdtavyayopasar- ter's Ormard et Ahriman, in which the Mazdean yavritti, are of some interest, as the date of this dualism is accounted for by a natural development, author is known. He is, according to the perfectly and not by a violent rupture between the two credible Kasmirian tradition, the grammarian
branches of the Aryans; on M. Bergaigne's thesis Kshira, who instructed king Jayapida. The on Les dieu souverains de la religion védique, which Linganwadsanased. sarvarthalakshand (Nos. 310- is a complete repertory of Vedic ideas on the physi11) shows as authors two well-known names cal and moral world; on M. Guyard's Théorie nou-Savarasvam in, the son of DiptasvAmin, and
velle de la métrique arabe; and the second part of M. Harsha vardhana, the son of Srivardhana. de Vogüé's Syrie centrale, containing 400 inscripThe latter appears to have been a prince. I am, tions from Safa, the relation of the characters of however, doubtful if it is permissible to identify him the most puzzling of which to the Himyaritic, M. with the patron of Bån a and Hiwen Thsang, as Renan fully expects will be cleared up within anthe latter's father is called Prabhakaravar. | other year.
BOOK NOTICES. The ÅDI GRANTH, or the Holy Scriptures of the Sikhs, cannot be perfect, as it is a first attempt to render translated from the original Gurmukhi, with introductory essays: by Dr. Ernest Trumpp, Prof. Reg. Orient. Lang.
a most difficult book. But it forms an excellent Munich. Printed by order of the Secretary of State for commencement of scientific investigation in a reIndia. pp. CXXXVI, and 715. (London: W. H. Allen &
gion in which we have hitherto had little else Co., and N. Tribner & Co. 1877.) We are very thankful for this valuable work.
but In the nature of things Dr. Trumpp's translation
"Conjectures, fancies, built on nothing firm." 19 Aufrecht, Ouf. Catal. p. 176.
लिड्यनामनुशासन रचितवानर्थ्यर्थसंसिद्धये ।। ९६ ॥ 13 Rajat. IV. 498: compare also S. P. Pandit, Trans. Or. Congr. 1874,p.252.
सूकातिविधीन्विचार्य पर्यालोच्य तेभ्यः सार गृहीत्वा 1. The Lingan ulasanavritti begins :
सुगम श्रव्य व्यापि चेद लिनुशासन रचितवान् । श्रीगणेशाय नम: ओं नमो विग्रहः ॥ ओम् ।
अन्यच कीदृशा स्पष्टीकृतप्रत्ययम् । अस्पष्टाः स्पष्टीकृताः नमो मथितदुरिदैत्यचकाय चक्रिणे।
प्रत्ययाः किन्घ हुन् इत्यादयो यत्र । प्रत्ययानां सोदाहरणानां सभूधरधरागारस्तम्बी [म्भी] भूतैकबाहवे ॥५॥
प्रदर्शनासुस्पष्टतां पर्यालोच्य मन्दमतयो न मुद्यन्तीति भावः । मनोरमतमैर्वनैः सज्जनानन्दवर्धनम् ।
इति भावीलस्वामिसूनोर्वर्णवागीश्वरस्य वरस्वामिनः कृतौ लिनुशासन स्पष्ट यथाबुद्धि विधीयते ॥२॥
हर्षवर्धन कृतलिङ्गानुशासनटीकार्या सर्ववर्णकणायां त्रिलिङ्गप्रकरबाबार्यमतैयापि श्रब्य लालित्ययोगतः। स्पष्ट स्पष्टीकृतैरथैरिद लिङ्गानुशासनम् ॥ ३ ॥
णम् ।। समाप्तमिति लिनुशासनटीकायामिति शुभं भवतु शुभ
मस्तु । इदानीं श्रीप्रकरणमाकारादिक्रमेण दर्शयत्राह ॥
---णाप्रतिमः श्रुतेन न मम शौर्येण पार्थोपमः आदीदूतः मियां प्रायो गड लक्ष्मीभमूर्यथा ।
काव्येनातिमनोरम: प्रणयिनामासत्रकल्पद्रुमः। पर्यायसहिता भूमिवशिविद्युत्रदीदिशः॥१॥
जातः संपति हर्षवर्धन इति प्रख्यातकीर्तिः सतां End: व्याडे: शंकरचन्द्रयोर्वररुविद्यानिधेः पाणिने:
तेनेदं रचित परोपकृतये लिभिधानं शुभम् ॥१॥ सूक्कानिविधीवि[वि] चार्य सुगम श्रीवर्धनस्थात्मजः।
* Compare concluding verse of the Iing dmvidsans quoted अन्य ब्यापि च हर्षवर्धन इदं स्पष्टीकृतप्रत्यय
in the preceding note.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1878.
The Adi Granth, or Granth Sahib as it is often Baba Nanak' was born A. D. 1469. He was reverentially called, has a twofold claim on atten- | not a man of education, nor possessed of any retion. First of all, it is invaluable in a linguistic markable force of mind. He was simply a devout point of view. It is a perfect treasure-house of old mystic. His teaching was chiefly drawn from the Hindi words and forms. It thus gives great writings of the celebrated Kabir, who lived not assistance in tracing the origin and progress of the very long before him. The sayings of B&b & NAmodern vernaculars of Northern India. How nak, which were all preserved in verse, were these arose out of the ancient Pråkpits is still & collected along with those of other holy men by dark problem, but one on which the Granth throws Guru Arjuna, who lived about a century after considerable light. Secondly, it gives an authorita- Baba Nanak (1581-1606). From the time of Guru tive statement of the teaching of the early Sikh Arjuna, Sikhism sustained an important change. gurus. Much has been written about Sikhism; His predecessors had been quietists, but he was a but documentary proof has seldom accompanied man of capacity, who affected the pomp of a great assertion.
leader, and intermeddled with political affairs. The Indian Government deserves praise for The Sikhs gradually grew into a nation of war. agreeing that the Granth should be translated; and riors, inflamed with rancorous hostility to the it made an excellent selection when it appointed professors of other creeds, especially the followers Dr. Trumpp to the performance of the task. Dr.
of Muhammad. The most remarkable of the later Trumpp is not only a good Sanskṣitist, but he has gurus was Govind Singh, who slighted the made a special study of Sindhi and the cognate Granth as infusing a tame humility into the hearts dialects of Northern India.
of men. Ho produced a second Granth, called The labour which the rendering of the Granth "The book of the tenth king (or reign)," which involved was very great. Of the dialect in which breathes throughout a fierce and warlike spirit. it is composed- an old form of Panjabi - there is
In several points Guru Govind receded from the neither grammar nor dictionary. The interpreta
doctrines of the Adi Granth (the original Granth), tion is very imperfectly known to the most learned and turned back towards Hinduism. This last Sikh gurus; while the Brahmans, whose acuteness of the great gurus died in 1708. and patience in research would have done excellent The Granth has been said to inculcate Monoservice, have never condescended to study 80 theism. But this is a mistake, if the term heretical a book. Dr. Trumpp left Germany and monotheism is used in its ordinary sense. The proceeded to India to obtain what help he could in teaching of the Granth is prevailingly pantheistic. his arduous task. He found three commentaries on It declares that God and the universe are not disthe Granth which were of considerable uge, but, on tinct; as "in a wave the froth and bubbles are not the whole, he worked, we may say, single-handed. distinct from the water." The notion that the He spent seven years in executing the translation. universe is distinct from God arises from mdyd.
We do not at present enter into any linguistic According to Dr. Trumpp there are two forms inquiries. The volume presents the Japji (more of Pantheism in the work-a finer and a grosser. accurately, Japu-jf)--the first, and according to the The grosser holds that the universe is an expanSikhs the holiest, portion of the Granth-in the ori. sion of God. The finer considers the universe to ginal. Let us hope that some of the readers of the be an emanation from God. But the Granth is selfvolume may overcome their repugnance to the contradictory, and occasionally (for instance, when Gurmukhi character, which looks so like a perverse it asserts the Supreme to be distinct from the unimetamorphosis of Devanagari, and work through verse, as the lotus is distinct from the lake it floats these seven pages as & commencement in master- in) it is not properly pantheistic. The Supreme ing the language.
God is never-or scarcely ever-prayed to in the In addition to a translation and sufficiently full Granth. The subordinate gods are prayed to; and annotations, Dr. Trumpp has given a short preface so is the guru. Indeed, the exaltation of the guru and five valuable introductory essays. Thus we is one of the most characteristic features of the have the Life of Bâbâ N&nak translated from the system. The saints also are to be greatly reverJanam Sakht; which appears in two forms that are enced. The chief end which man is to desire is the remarkably contrasted. We have next a sketch of cessation of individual existence; and the great the lives of the other Sikh gurus ; then an outline means of attaining this longed-for goal is the of the Sikh religion; then a short essay on the repetition of the name of Hari. But the right composition of the Granth; and finally, a disserta- knowledge and utterance of this all-powerful name tion on the language and metres used in it.
can be obtained only from the true Guru There are some slokas of Teg Bahadur's written in See a sketch of his life, Ind. Ant. vol. III. pp. 296-300. pure Hindi.
3 It is written not in Panjabt, but Hindi.

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Caste is slighted rather than attacked. It is a mistake to suppose that Bâbâ Nanak sought to blend the chief dogmas of Islam and Hinduism. The Sufiism of the Persians is very similar to Vedantism; and the pantheism of the Granth may be classed with either system. Dr. Trumpp is more than half disposed to think that Kabir was originally a Musalman (see note, p. 682). It is a vexed question, on which we pronounce no judgment. On the whole, however, the effect of Islam on the Sikh system has been considerable. No reverence is paid to the holy books either of Hindus or Muhammadans. The Granth is an allsufficient teacher.
BOOK NOTICES.
It will be seen, even from what has now been said, that the Granth contains little or nothing that is really new. The readers of the poetswhether Hindi, Bangali, or Marathi-of the Vaishnava school will very seldom come on a sentiment in this book which is not familiar to them. Indeed, several of the poems of Nâmâ, or Nâmdev, who was one of the earliest Marathi poets, are embodied in the Granth. This subject deserves the attention of Marâțhî scholars. In the mean time we assume that in the form in which they appear in Panjâbî these can only be transla tions, and are not the original compositions of the tailor poet, (an Oriental " Alton Locke," shall we say?) who lived at Pandharpur. Moreover, the influence of Kabir has been very great in the Maratha country, as well as in the Panjab and Northern India generally, so that the coincidences now referred to need excite no surprise.
Dr. Trumpp often speaks disparagingly of the Granth. He says, "It is a very big volume, but incoherent and shallow in the extreme, and couched at the same time in dark and perplexing language in order to cover these defects." (Preface, p. vii.) Again he says that "as regards its contents, it is perhaps the most shallow and empty book that exists, in proportion to its size." (p. cxxii.) Certainly it cannot be rated high either as a philosophical or poetical production. Yet it has a value. These old gurus and devotees were feeling after God. There seems to us earnest religion in Bâbâ Nanak and several of his successors. We confess to a feeling of exceeding sadness as we read the outpourings of their hearts. They hungered for bread, and Hinduism gave them a stone. They needed union with a loving, conscious God in mind, heart, will; and Hinduism told them they must seek to be absorbed and lost in the immeasurable All.
59
ideas and even illustrations recur perpetually. Baba Nanak himself is one of the least attractive of the sages of whose sayings the book is made up, being in point of clearness and force decidedly inferior to Ka bir. We are much inclined to agree with him when he says in one place, "O Nanak, the telling of it is hard iron." At least we have felt it oftentimes as difficult to hammer out a definite meaning from his words as to hammer out a piece of hard cold iron! But we shall let our readers judge. Take the commencement and conclusion of the Japu :
"OM! The true name is the creator, the Spirit without fear, without enmity, having a timeless form, not produced from the womb. "By favour of the Guru!
"Japu.-At the beginning is the True One, at the beginning of the Yuga is the True One. The True One is, O Nának, and the True One also will be.
1. "By meditation (and) meditation it (i.e. the knowledge of the True One) is not effected, though I meditate a hundred thousand times.
"By silence (and) silence is not effected, though I keep a continual absorption of mind. The hunger of the hungry does not cease, though I bind together the load of (all) the worlds.
"There may be acquired a thousand, a hundred thousand dexterities; not one goes with (at the time of death).
"How does one become a man of truth (knowing the True One)? how is the embankment of falsehood broken ?
"He who walks in his (i. e. God's) order and pleasure, O Nának! (and) with (whom) it is (thus) written."
38. "Continence is the workshop, patience the goldsmith. Understanding the anvil, the Vedo the tool. Fear the bellows, the heat of austerities the fire. The vessel is love; in this melt Amrita (nectar). (Then) the sabda is formed in the true mint. This is the work of those on whom his look and the destiny is (fixed). O Nanak, the looker-on is happy by the sight.
"One loka.-Wind is the Guru, water the father, the great earth the mother. Day and night the two are female and male nurse; the whole world sports.
"Dharma-rajâ rehearses the good and bad works in the presence (of God). By their own actions some are near and some are afar off (from God). By whom the name (of God) has been meditated upon, they are gone (to the other world), having cast off their labour.
"O Nanak, their faces are bright, and with them
It is difficult to read much of the Granth at a sitting. Its repetitions are endless;-the same
Dr. Trumpp (pp. cxix., 93) affirms that he was a calico-printer; the Marâthâs called him a simpl.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1878.
(after them) how many people are saved (liberat- tion itself. It seems to us to be full of point and ed)!” (p. 13)
grace, but this is a question which none but The following two extracts will afford fair speci- Frenchmen are qualified to decide. It is as difficult mens of the general style of the Granth :
for a Briton to discover Sanskritisms in French as "O beloved, mutter Hari, Hari! Having taken
to point out the objectionable Patavinities in Livy. the wisdom of the Guru, say Hari!
One thing, however, is certain-that it is a very "O mind, if the touchstone be applied to the
faithful representation of the original. In one or True One, if he be weighed by a full weight: his
two points we feel disposed to differ from M. Fou
caux. For instance, on page 54 we find the value is not obtained by any one, O heart ! he is a
stage direction Iravati entre en simulant l'ivresse. priceless gem." (p. 33.)
This does not seem to us quite literal. We believe "The nectar-speech of the Guru is sweet. Some
that there was no simulation' in the case. M. rare disciple has tasted and seen it. In (his) heart
Foucaux seems to agree with us a little further on. there is light; he drinks the great juice (of Hari); We find on the same page Iravati s'avançant aussi at the true gate he makes himself heard." (p. 158.) vite que le permet son état d'ivresse. In a note on
M.
the Intermezzo we find the Mandakini explained
as l'un des bras du Gange. Mr. Shankar Pandit's MALAVIKA ET AGNIMITRA, Drame Sanscrit de Kalidasa
view seems to us the true one :-" There is no traduit pour la première fois en Français par Ph. ED.
doubt that the Mandakini of the present passage FOUCAUX, Professeur au Collége de France, etc. etc. Paris : Ernest Leroux, 1877.
is a river of the Dekhan. And further it is proProfessor Weber and Mr. Shankar P. Pandit, bable that it may here stand for the Narmada, in who have dared to reverse the decision of the late conformity with a practice, still very common all Horace Hayman Wilson, that the Malavikagni. over India, of designating any sacred river by the matra is not the work of the great Kalidasa, the most sacred river-name, as Ganga, &c." He author of the Sakuntala, may claim M. Foucaux goes on to observe that one of the MSS. he has as an ally. He gives forth no uncertain sound on used gives the Prakpit equivalent of Narmada. this point :-"Sans mettre Malavika et Agnimitra This view harmonizes better with the other geosur la même ligne que Sakountala, nous nous graphical notices in the play. But both of the paspermettons de n'être pas de l'avis de l'illustre sages we have quoted may be literary economies.' Wilson. D'accord avec M. A. Weber, l'auteur
It cannot be denied that, among Englishmen d'une élégante traduction allemande du drame si at any rate, there exists a belief that no Sanskrit sévèrement jugé; d'accord aussi avec M. Shankar literature will repay perusal. This is due to the Pandit, l'éditeur du texte Sanskrit de Bombay, fault of the Sansksitists themselves, who, as a gennous dirons que dans les pensées, et jusque dans eral rule, show no judgment in selecting for translala manière de les exprimer, dans le dialogue et tion works which possess literary merit and are of dans les stances tout présente avec le style de
general interest: The three Sanskrit compositions Sakountala et d'Ourvaci un air de famille si
which have been selected to form part of the marqué, qu'il est impossible de n'y pas recon
Bibliothèque Orientale Elzévirienne are perhaps as naitre le même auteur."
favourable specimens of the Hindu muse as could We must confess that this profession of faith be chosen. The first to appear, viz. the Stanzas on the part of M. Foucaux gives us considerable of Bhartřihari, by M. Regnaud, has already been satisfaction. We have occasionally felt twinges of
have occasionally felt twinges of reviewed in our columns scepticism on discovering some of the expressions The Malavikugnimitra, though the plot turns on and thoughts, on which Mr. Shankar Pandit lays a mere palace intrigue, is interesting as a picture great stress as characteristic of Kalidasa's style of Indian manners at a time when Buddhism was in Sanskrit dramas not ordinarily attributed to
still a favoured religion, and the Hindu genius the author of the Sakuntald. The traditional be- possessed an élan which is now lost. It is written lief is the more comforting doctrine, and it is in a witty and animated style, and is one of the pleasant to find it supported by such good critical least tedious of Sanskțit dramas. The interest authority.
scarcely ever flags, except perhaps in the third act, The translation at present before us is evidently
where the foot-painting process is rather weariintended for the general reader, and therefore we some to a European reader. shall not criticize the transliteration of the Sans- M. Foucaux has adopted the admirable expedient krit names. The spelling 'Sakountal' wears a of enclosing those passages, which are metrical somewhat unlovely aspect to a British eye, but is, in the original, in inverted commag. This will we suppose, justified by sound phonetic reasons in enable his readers to form a better idea of the the Gallic land. Tchandrika' is, no doubt, & peculiar character of the Sansksit drama. The notes choice of evils, but we should prefer the other are just wliat is required, without any unnecessary alternative, however terrible it might be.
parade of learning. We believe that this attracWe feel, too, that our nationality is somewhat tive little volume will do much to interest the in our way in passing judgment upon the transla- European public in Sanskrit literature.

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MARCH, 1878.]
THE UMETÅ GRANT OF DADDA II.
61
GURJARA GRANTS, No. II. THE UMETA GRANT OF DADDA II.
(See Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 110 ff.)
BY G. BÖHLER. THE subjoined grant of Dadda II. of instances the elements of compound consonants
1 Bharoch was discovered in 1875 by the are placed not vertically, the one below the other, Rev. Joseph Taylor, of Borsúd, in the house of but horizontally, side by side. Thus we find a & Vânia at U metâ (Kheda zilla). Mr. Taylor for tta. (Pl. I. 1. 14, Pl. II, 11. 5, 13.) Worthy at first presented me with a paper impression of notice is also the occurrence of the viráma of the plates, and later very kindly moved the in the shape of a horizontal stroke placed below owner (not without considerable trouble) to lend the vowelless consonant (PI. I. 1. 1., Pl. II. 1. 13). the original for a few days. During that time I The peculiar shape of the letters occurring in had a half-size photograph taken, which, as the the signature of the king have been noticed in plates were in a very fair condition, came out my article on the Kåvi plate of Jay a bhata, very distinct and clear. It is from a copy of and I still adhere to the opinion that these this photograph that the annexed photozinco- letters represent the forms used in everyday graph has been prepared.
life. I may add that, since the article on the The measurements of the plates are 12 inches Kävi inscription was written, I have received by 17}. The left-hand ring with the seal is news of a Jaina palm-leaf MS., preserved in the still in its proper position. The latter appears Sanghavinâ pâda Bhandar at Anhilvádto bear the same inscription as that of Dr. PÅthan, which dates from the end of the tenth Barn's Kheda plates, Šrísámantadaddah. But century A.D., and shows the usual Jaina-Devathe letters on the seal are so much corroded that någari forms. The lately published grant of it would be impossible to decipher them with the first Chaulukya king of Pathan, Malaraja out the help of the earlier grants. Both the I., which belongs to the same period, is written plates and the seal are very massive, and the with the much more antique-looking Kayastha former nearly free from verdigris. They have Devanagari character. This fact proves that been well kept, and probably have been cleaned in the tenth century, at least, the characters with tamarind juice. The letters are large and used for literary purposes differed from those deeply incised, with the exception of the last line employed for official documents. It consequentof Plate I. and of the beginning of the last line Jy confirms the interpretation which, first, Prof. of Plate II. For in the latter the strokes intended Dowson, and myself later, have put on the occur. to form the last syllables of the word madhava renge of two alphabets in the Gurjara plates. run one into the other, and the name is not The varnádvalf furnishes no new informaclearly distinguishable even on the photograph. tion. It gives the well-known three kings of
The grant itself closely resembles the Ilâo the Gurjara dynasty-Dadda or Dada I., grant, likewise issued by Dadda II., which Jayabhata, surnamed Vitaraga, and has been published by Professor Bhandarkar in Dadda II., surnamed Prasantarâga, whose the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. X. pp. 19 names were first correctly given by Professor seqq., as regards both the letters and the word- Bhåndärkar. Little information regarding the ing. As might be expected from the proximity events of their reigns can be gathered from of their dates—Saka 8. 400 and 417—they are the inscriptions of Dadda II. An allusion to the both copies of the same model form. Professor war with Valabhi, of which Jayabhata Bhandarkar's remarks on the characters of the speaks in the Kdvi grant, is, in my opinion, conIl&o plates are all applicable to the Umet & tained in the epithet payonidhéritobhayatatavagrant also. I have only to add that in a few nalekhavihritanirankuéadánapravdhapravrittadig. Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 110.
1. 8) for samaya, wistrimfa (ibid.) for Wistritsa, sanwach. • The information comes from Pandit Nardyaninkar
chhara (PL. II.1.6) for samvatsara, belong probably to the
writer of the original, whose ignorance of Sanskrit is also of Surat, who spent more than six months at P/than and attested by such grammatical mistakes as gramah.. prati. carefully examined the palm-leaf MSS. preserved there. paditam, likhitaróchaitat, &c.
The spelling is worse in our grant than in the Illo I consider the latter merely & misspelling. Dadd. sasana. A good many mistakes are due to carelessness corresponds to the modern D & Ajt, and the first syllable on the part of the engrayer. Others, c.g. bomaya (PI. I. ought therefore to have two consonante.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
dantigunasarahah (P1. II. 11. 9-10). But it is so dark that without the Kåvi plate nothing could be made of it. My explanation of the epithet adhikagurusnehasampatkavimaladisodbhásitajiva- lokah, "who possesses an exceeding store of affection for his spiritual guide, and has illuminated the world of the living by his pure precepts' (Pl. I. 1. 12), especially if taken together with the preceding and following sentences, permits perhaps the inference that Dadda II. was a particularly pious ruler, and something of a re- ligious reformer. But it is impossible to say what he really did in this direction, as it is not even clear to which sect he belonged. It is more satisfactory that the discovery of the situation of Nândipuri of the Gurjara plates allows us to determine the exact site of the capital of these kings. Professor Bhåndarkar asserts that the seat of the Gurjara dynasty was Bharoch,' and adds that this appears to have been the name of the city, as well as of the country around it.
The latter statement is quite correct, the former nearly so. The town and the district have, no doubt, borne the same name from very early times. But the Gurjara kings did not reside in the town itself; they lived in a fort just outside the gates. The two Kheda grants of Dadda II. are both dated nandipuritah, from Nândipuri.'' The analogy of the expression valabhítah, from Valabhi,' which occurs on many Valabhi grants, led me to conjecture that this must be the name of the Gurjara capital. My inquiries for an old site bearing this appellation remained for a long time without result. At last Râo Saheb Gopalji G. Desai, Deputy Educational Inspector of Bharoch, learned from Bharoch Brâhmaņs that an old fort of this name had existed just outside the Jhadeśvar gate, to the
east of Bharoch. This statement, which is said to be supported also by the Revámáhatmya, fully agrees with the information regarding Dadda's residence derived from the Ilâo and Umetå plates. Both open with the phrase On svasti vijayavikshepát bharukachchhapradvárandsakát. It cannot be doubtful that vásakát must be read for násakát, which latter word is utterly without meaning. The document from which the coppersmith who incised the inscription copied was probably written throughout in the current-hand characters which he has preserved in the signature, and in these the va had, without doubt, the form d, which appears in svahasto and vitarága (Pl. II. 1. 16) and on the Rathor grants. Thus he came to read and to write d instead of X. But, independently of this consideration, the correction is made extremely probable by the occur. rence of phrases like jayaskandhávárdt khud. davediyavásakát or bhadropattavásakát on the Valabhî plates. The meaning of the corrected phrase can only be " Om. Hail! From the camp of victory which dwells, i.e. is fixed, before the gates of Bharoch." This fits the fort of Nândipuri, outside the Jhadeśvar gate, exactly. It may therefore be considered certain that the seat of the Gurjara government was located not in Bharoch itself, but close to its eastern gate. I may add that in many other cases the palaces of Hindu râjâs lie just outside the gates of the chief towns of their dominions. A particularly striking instance of this kind is the residence of the Raja of Bikaner, which lies at a distance of several hundred yards, and entirely separate from the town, towards the north-west.
The date of the grant, Vaibak ha Paurņamási or suddha 15 of Saka samvat 400, teaches us nothing new, as we know from the Ildo grant that
See below, and Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 111. • Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. X. p. 21.
See Jour. R. As. Soc. N. 8. vol. I. p. 278, where Pro. fessor Dowson has mistranslated the word.
Professor Bhandarkar, misled by the unusual expres. sion vikshepa for skandhavira, and the mistake näsakat for vásakát, changes the latter to nášakat, and translates, "Security (freedom from interruption in the race of victory calculated to violate the gate of the city of Bharukachchha." The objections to this rendering are: (1) That svasti at the beginning of inscriptions is always used as an interjection, and never connected with the following words. (2) That pradvára does not mean "gate,' but the place in front of the gates' (vide Pet. Dict. 8. v.), and that pradvdra on the plate cannot, as he thinks, be read pard vana also, as pa on the Gurjars plates is (vide parita, PL. I. 1. 5). The form 9 for p is known to me only from the Chaulukya and similar plates in Kayastha-
Devangari, as well as from the Sarada and Jaina Devangart MSS. (8) That ndsakåt does not mean calculated to injure.' (4) 'That the analogy of numerous other grante, especially of all those issued by Valabhi and Gurjara princes, requires that the place where the grant was issued should be named. With respect to my own translation, I have to state that I have been unable to find a lexicographical authority for the meaning, camp,' which I have assigned to vikshepa. I base my interpretation chiefly on the fact that the word occupies exactly the place where other inscriptions have skandhaudra, camp. Possibly vikshepa may be a hitherto untraced technical word which possesses a meaning slightly different from akandha: vara. It may mean cantonment or permanent camp.' The final decision of this question must be reserved for the future. It ought, however, to be noted that balanh nikship is used in the sense of 'to cause an army to pitch camp' (see Pet. Dict. s. v. kship + ni).

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MARCH, 1878.]
THE UMETÀ GRANT OF DADDA II.
63
Dadda II. reigned at least until Saka samvat 417. Madhava's name on our plate is a strong proof I have not the slightest doubt that the Saka in favour of its genuineness. era meant here is, as Professor Bhandarkar has In conclusion I will repeat what I have alfirst shown, the era beginning in 78-9 A.D., | ready stated in a note to the article on Jaya. and that the Umeta plate is just 1400 years | bhata's Kavi plate,° viz. that the Umeta shold.
sana possesses great interest, because it is the The grantee was a native of Kanyaku bja original according to which a Valabh i grant or Kinoj, a Bahvricha, i.e. Rigvedi, Bhatta attributed to Dharasena II. has been manuMadhava, son of Bhatta Mahidhara, who was factured. This forgery belongs to the Bombay conversant with all the four Vedas. The village Branch Royal Asiatic Society, and was first of Niguda was granted to him for the pur noticed by Dr. Bhâû Dâji. I have only once pose of defraying the expenses of an Agnihotra | been able to get hold of it, for a few minutes, and other sacrificial rites. It is a matter of But the first glance satisfied me that it is almost great regret that, in spite of numerous inquiries an exact copy of the Umetâ grant, in which nomade in Central and Northern Gujarat, it has thing but the kings' names seemed to have been been hitherto impossible to identify the Bhakti altered. The characters even are Garjara, not and the villages mentioned in the grant. I Valabhi letters. As this forgery is probably suspect that they were situated in the Gaikvadi ancient, it may assist in settling the initial date districts. Of some importance is the name of of the era of the Valabhî plates. For it may the official Mâdhavabhatta, who wrote the be presumed that the forger chose the name grant, as the writer of the Ilâo grant was Reva, of a king whose times were not too far distant the son of Madhava. The occurrence of from those of the real donor.
Plate 1. ['] ओ स्वस्ति विजयविक्षेपात् भरुकच्छप्रद्वारावसकत् सकलघनपटलविनिर्गतरज-" [4] निकरकरावबोधितकुमुदधवलयशप्रतापस्थगितनभोमंडलोनेकसमरसंकटप्रमु[] खगतनिहतशत्रुसमंतकुलावधुप्रभातशमयरुदितफलोद्रीयमानविमलनिस्तूंशप्रतापो [*] वद्विजातिगुरुचरणकमलप्रणमोशष्टवबामणिकोटिरुचिरादिधितिविराजितमकुटो[] द्वासितशिराः दिनानाथातुरभ्यागतार्थिजनसिष्टपरिपूरितविभवमनोरथोपचीयमानतृ[१] विष्टपैकसहायधर्मसंचयः प्रणयपरिकुपितमानिनीजनप्रणामपुमधुरावचनोपपा['] दितप्रसादप्रकाशिकृतविदग्धनगरकस्वभावो विमलगुणपंजरक्षिप्तबहलकलितिमिरनिचय श्री[१] महदस्तस्य सूनु समदप्रतिद्वंद्विगजगटाभेदिनिस्तृशविक्रमप्रकटितमृगपतिकिसोरविर्य[१] बलेपः
पयोनिधीकृतउभयतटप्ररुढधनलेवविहृतनिरंकुशदानप्रवाहप्रवृतदिग्द[१] न्तिविभ्रमगुणसमुहः स्फटिककर्पुरपिण्डपण्डुरयशश्चन्दनचञ्चितासमुन्नतगगनलक्ष्मीप["] योधरोसंगः श्रीजयभडस्तस्यत्मज प्रतिहतसकलजगद्वयापिदोषाधिकारविविभितसं. ["] ततातमोवृत्विरधिकगुरुस्नेहसंपत्कविमलदिशोद्भासितजिवलोकः परमबोधसमनुगतो [विपुलगुर्जरनुपान्मयप्रदीपतोमुपगतः समधिगतपंचमहाशब्दमहाराजाधिराजश्रीमहहः
• Ind. Ant. rol. V. p. 110.
सून, घटा निस्त्रिंश किशोरवीर्या - L.9, rend कृतोभय - 10 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. VIII. p. 244. VL. 1, rend ओं वासकात्. The used here is the cur
प्ररूढा -वनलेख nccording to Prof. Bhandarkar's correcrent-hand letter : 100 remarks below. L.2, road यशःप्र. L.a,
tion)-प्रवृत्त according to the same. L. 10, read समूह : read प्रमुखा-सामंतकुलवधू--समय:-निस्त्रिंश'. L..
कर्पूर-पाण्डुर. L. 11, read रोत्संग -जयभट स्याread प्रणामी बजी-रुचिरदीधि- मुकटां. L.b, read त्मज : विज़म्भित . L. 12, rend 'तत-वृत्तिर', according to दाना-तुराभ्याग'-शिष्ट, त्रिविष्टपै. L. 6, read पूर्वमधुरव- Prof. Bhandarkar's correction जीव. L. 18, road नपान्वयचनी . L.7, rend प्रकाशीकृत नागरक', 'निचय..L.8, read | प्रदीपतामु.

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64
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
[4] कुशली सर्वानेव राष्ट्रपतिविषयपतिग्रामकुटायुक्तकानियुक्तकाधिक महत्तरादीन्समाज्ञपयति" ["] अस्तु ये विदितं यथा मय मातापित्रोरात्मन सेवामुष्मिक पुन्ययशोभिवृद्धये कान्यकुजा[''] स्तव्यतचतुर्विद्यसमान्यवशिष्ठसगोत्र बहुच सब्रह्मचारिभट्टमहिधरस्तस्य
भट्टमधव
Plate II.
['] वलिचरुवैश्वदेवानिहोत्रपञ्चमहायज्ञदिकृयोत्सर्पणार्थं
कमनीयशोडशनं"
[१] भुक्त्यन्तःपातिनिगुडग्रामोस्य घटस्थनानि पुर्वस्यं दिशि वघौरिग्रामः दक्षिणस्यां दिशि [] फलहवद्रग्रामः प्रतिच्यां दिशि विहाणग्रामः उतरस्यां दिशि दहिथलिग्रामः एवमयं स्वचतुराघट[] विशुद्धो यामः सोदृ सपरिकर सधान्यहिरन्यादेव सोव्यदद्यमानविष्टिक समस्वराजकियानमप्रवेश्य [] अचन्द्रार्कवर्णवक्षितिसरित्पर्वतसमकालिन पुत्रपौत्रान्नयमोपभोग्य
पूर्वप्रत्तदेवब्रह्मदायव
[] मभ्यान्तरसदच शकनृपकालातीत संवत्सरात चतुष्टये वैशाखपौर्णमास्यां उदकातिसर्गेण प्रतिपा [2] दिवं यतोस्पोचितय ब्रह्मदायस्थित्या कृषतः कर्षयतो जो भोजपतः प्रतिदिशतो वा न व्यासेध [") प्रर्तितम्य तथागामिभिरपि नृपतिभिरस्मद्वंश्यैरन्यैर्वा सामान्यभूमिदानफलमवेय बिन्दुलोलान्य [] निव्यन्यैश्वर्याणि तृणयलय जलबिन्दु चञ्चलम्य जीवितमाकलय्य सदापनिर्विशेघयमस्मदायो नुम
न्तव्यः पा
[10] लयितव्यश्च तथा चोतं बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः यस्ययस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्यतस्य तदा फलं [+] यश्वाज्ञानतिमिरवृतमतिराच्छींद्यादाछिद्यमानमनुमोदेत वा स पञ्चभिर्म्मापात के वरुपपातके [4] संयुक्तः स्पदिति उक्तं च भगवता वेदव्याशेन न्याशेन पष्टि वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः आच्छे.
[] ना चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् यानीह दत्तानि पुरातनानि दानानि धर्म्मार्थयशस्कराणि ["] निर्भुक्तमाल्यप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत स्वदत्तां परदत्तां वा यत्नद्रक्ष नराधिपः महीं महीमतां श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छ्रेयोनुपालनं लिखितं चैतत्पदानुजीवि श्रीवनाधिकृत गिलकसूस्वहस्तीयं माधव भट्टेन श्रीप्रसंतरागस्य मम श्रीवितरागशूनो [10] ना when he issues forth from a dense bank of clouds, veiled the firmament; the might of his bright sword was always loudly proclaimed by its result, the morning-wail of the wives of crowds of hostile chieftains who had gone forth to meet him in numerous battles and had been
Translation. Om. Hail! From the camp of victory fixed before the gates of Bharukachchha. There was the illustrious Dada; the splendour of his fame brilliant like the water-lily that uncloses to the rays of the regent of the night
सुनु
13 L. 14, read ग्रामकूटायुक्तकनियु as ayuktakas and niyuktakas are frequently mentioned together in other grante; समाज्ञापयति. I. 15 read मया पुण्य L.. 16, read तच्चातुर्विद्यसामान्य- वसिष्ठ :- महीधरसूनुभट्टमाधवाय.
23 L. 1, read बलि : - यज्ञादिकियो : - perhaps षोडशन. L. 2, road 'स्याघाटस्थानानि पूर्वस्यां. L. 3, read प्र तीच्यां. Possibly विहाणग्राम: Read उत्तरस्यां राधाटन॰. L. 4, read सोहङ्कः; सोपरिकरः सधायहिरण्यादेय :-विष्टिक : - कीयानाम L. 5, read आचन्द्रार्कार्णव कालीन :भोग्य : पूर्व I. 6, read आभ्यन्तरसिद्धया 'संवत्सर' It ought to be noted that the second in of looks like a
3'
dental in L. 7, read दितः तया. L. 8, read प्रवर्तितव्य: सामान्यं. L. 9, read 'तृणाम ; instead of अ in चडवल and other words a sign resembling T occurs on these and on the Illo plates. Read यमस्मद्दा L. 11, read राच्छिया ' Dele in 'महापातकेच. L. 12, read स्यादिति व्यासेन षष्टिं. L. 14, read यत्नाद्र. L. 15, read प नराधिप:लिखितं चै. L. 16, read नुना;-madhava looks on the facsi mile and on the photo. like mala श्रीवीतरागसूनोः श्री प्रशान्त: 14 Regarding the translation of this passage see above. 15 This and the following sentences represent each one Balveerthi compound. Professor Bhandarkar takes yatay pratapa as a Dvandva compound, which is also possible.

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UMETA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF DADDA II. 1ST. PLATE. Indian Antiquary,
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Page #84

UMETÂ GRANT. 2ND PLATE,
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Page #85

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VALABHI GRANT OF GUHASEN

Page #86

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VALARHÍ GRANT OF GUHASENA-ILATI: II.

Page #87

MARCH, 1878.]
THE UMETÀ GRANT OF DADDA II.
65
slain 16 on his head glittered a diadem that shone with the refulgent rays of millions of diamonds, polished by his prostrations at the lotus-feet of gods, Brahmans, and other venerable persons ;" his store of religious merit, the only friend in heaven, was always being increased in consequence of his liberally fulfilling the desire for wealth of the poor, of the helpless, of the sick, of the wayfarer, of beggars, and of the distressed; he proved his cleverness and polished manners in settling his love-quarrels with proud damsels through prostrations and sweet words; and he threw the dense darkness of the Kali age into the cage of his bright virtues.
His son was the illustrious Jayabhat a, who showed the proud valour of a young lion, since by the strength of his sword (nistriisavi- krama) he destroyed troops of hostile elephants mad with rut, just as the lion with fearless stride (nistrinsavikrama) kills numbers of rutting elephants which attack him. He possessed in the highest degree the sportive qualities of the guardian elephants of the quarters of the horizon, because he made expeditions in the jungles growing on both the shores of the gulf of Khambay), just as the elephants roam in the forests growing both on the shores (of the western and eastern oceans), and because his bounty flowed constantly and without stint, just as the elephants constantly shed copious ichor (nirankusadanapraváhaprorritta)." He covered with the sandal-ointment of his glory, which was brilliant like crystal or like a lump of camphor, (his own)
body and the high bosom (samunnatapayodhara) of Fortune who resembles the sky with its high. rising clouds (samunnatapayodhara). 20
His offspring is the great king of kings the illustrious Dadda, who has dispelled the intense darkness that had grown thick through the power of evil and had overspread the whole world", --who possesses an exceeding store of affection for his spiritual guide, and hasillaminated the world of the living by his pure precepts", - who possesses true spiritual knowledge,--who has become the luminary of the extensive Gurjara dynasty, (and) who has obtained the f great titles.
(He) being in good health, addresses these commands to all governors of zillâs, governors of tâlakás, headmen of villages, officials and employés, great men, chief men, and others :Be it known to you, that, for the increase of my parents' and of my own merit in the next world and fame, I have granted, with heartfelt” devotion, confirming the gift by a libation of water, on the day of the full-moon of Vaisakha, in the year four hundred of the Sa ka era, to Bhatta Madhava, the son of Bhatta Mahidhara, aninhabitant of Kanyaku bja, who belongs to the Chaturvedis of that (town), and to the Vasishthagotra in general, and studies the Bahvricha (sákhá of the Veda), for the performance of the Bali, Charu, Vaišvadeva, Agnihotra, the five Mahayajñas, and similar rites, the village of Niguda, situated in the Kama niya sodasata Bhukti, the boundaries of which areto the east the village of Phalaha vadra, to the west the village of Vih âņa, to the north
10 Professor Bhandarkar changes phala to chhala, I think, unnecessarily. His translation omits the word pranmukhágata, Prabhatasamayarudita refers both to the fact that the widows of Dadda's enemies naturally renewed their lamentations on re-awakening to a conscious. ness of their sorrows, and to the custom that the kings of ancient India used to be awakened by the hymns of their bards: compare, e.g., Vikramankacharita XI. 78 et segg.
11 The diamonds, I think, received an additional polish not by being rabbed against the feet of gode, &c., but by touching the ground during the king's prostrations. Guru includes, besides preceptors, parents and other persons to whom reverence is due...
15 In my opinion wistrimsavikrama is intended to convey a double meaning, though Prof. Bhandarkar renders one only. A pandit would hardly allow to pass so splendid an opportunity for a pun. Vikrama, if referred to the lion, may either be translated by stride or jump,' or by "attack."
10 Regarding this passage see also Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 111.
90 Professor Bhandarkar's translation omits the word anga, body,' which must refer to the king. The links of this chain of puns are the following:-The king gained glory according to the custom of the Kavis, glory is compared to every substance of white or brilliant colour. To the latter belongs also sandal-ointment. Sandal-oint-
ment is rabbed over the body, especially over the breast. Hence the king's body may be said to be covered with the sandal-ointment of his glory. Lakshmi (Fortune) is, according to Hindu ideas, the spouse of the king. In embracing Lakshmi the king transfers portions of the sandal on his breast to her bosom. The double meaning of payo. dhara, cloud' and 'bosom,' finally suggests the comparison of Lakshmi with the firmament, which is considered particularly fitting, because the king's glory, may also be said to cover the sky (compare above, the description of Dadda I.).
* Dosha, which I have translated, with Prof. Bhandarkar, by 'evil,' means, strictly speaking, 'faulty activity, which prevents the attainment of final emancipation. *** My translation differs considerably from Prof. Bhandar. kar's, and this difference is partly caused by the new reading sampatka instead of sampanna. Vimala, which Prof. Bhandarkar leaves out, proves, in my opinion, that disa does not mean the quarters, but precepts.'
93 This translation is tentative, and based on the analogy of the phrase paramiabhakty, which appears on the Rathor and later plates exactly in the position where the earlier ones have abhyantarasiddhya. But I am not in a position to prove that siddhi is used elsewhere M synonym of bhakti. Professor Bhandarkar omits the compound from his translation.

Page #88

66
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
the village of Dahithali. The grant of) who, by virtue of the rights conferred by this this village-which is not to be entered by any gift to a Brahman, cultivates (the land of this royal officials, and to be enjoyed by the grantees' village), causes it to be cultivated, enjoys it, sons, grandsons, and (remoter) descendants-de- causes it to be enjoyed by others, or assigns it to fined by the (above-stated) boundaries, includes others" ................. and this the ...., the rent paid by outsiders," the in- has been written by the servant of the king) come in grain and gold, and the right of forced Bhatta Madhava, the son of the illustrious labour, with the exception of former gifts to commander of the forces, Gilaka. This is gods and Brâhmang, is to be valid as long as | my sign-manual, (that) of the illustrious Pra. inoon, sun, sea, earth, rivers, and hills endure. ś antaraga, the son of the illustrious Wherefore nobody is to cause hindrance to him Vitarâga.
ADDITIONAL VALABHI GRANTS, Nos. IX.-XIV.
BY G. BÜHLER. The first of the six new grants now published devotee of Mahesvara, the illustrious Maharaja. was made over to me by the Editor. The Guhasena, who has removed all stains by the second, which was found in Sorath (Kathiâvâd), power of his prostrations at that (Dhruvasena's) I owe to the courtesy of Mr. Bau'd-dîn, Divan feet; who resembles Krishna, as he has defeated of H. H. the Navâb of Junagadh. The re- the armies of his enemies; who resembles the maining four have been procured from a Vânia ocean, since he is replete with pure... and in Alina (Khedá Zilla), through the good valuable gems;' who resembles the full moon, as offices of Mr. Harivallabh, Assistant Deputy he is lovely in the sight of all mankind." Educational Inspector, Kheda and Bharuch. It The most puzzling point in this passage is is stated that these plates had been lying in the that Guhasena's own father, DharaVåņia's shop for some time, and that they were patta, is not mentioned at all, and that he is found either in Alinâ or in the neighbourhood. placed immediately after his uncle Dhruva
No. IX.-A GRANT OF GUHASENA. sona I. This is so much the more curious as in The plates containing this new grant of the granta of Guhasena's son, Dharasena, DhaGuhasen a measure 11.9 inches by 7-7. The rapatta is not only named, but receives the rings and seal belonging to them are missing, and title Maharaja, and is spoken of as if he verdigris and carbonization have considerably had really ruled. It is perhaps premature to injured them, especially the second.
attempt a solution of this difficulty. But from The characters differ not inconsiderably from the analogy of similar cases, e.g. that of the those of the other grants issued by Guhasena. omission of Vallabharaja on some Chaulukya They are larger and bolder, and come nearest to plates, I am inclined to conjecture that Dhathe style adopted in the plates of Dhruvasena I. rapatta reigned for a very short time only,
It is a curious fact that, contrary to the cus- and that the writer for this reason did not tom observed in all other Valabhî plates, the think it worth while to insert his name. The place whence this grant was issued has not been date of the new grant-Samvat 240, árávana marked, and that the word svasti has been left buddha-is of some interest, as it reduces the out.
gap between Dhruvasena I. and Guhasena by The vaníávali, too, differs from that given on six years. other plates. The description of Guhasena is The grantee was the community of Buddhist entirely new, and runs as follows:
monks residing in the vihara founded by "(After him, Dhruvasena rules, the ardent Dhruvasena's sister's daughter Dudda in
3. I take soparikara as the correct form, and dissolve this into upari.kara-sahita. Upari, usually spelt upri, is a Maratha revenge term which denotes 'a temporary holder wlo cultivates laud in a village where he does not reside. It seems to me very probable that the upari of the plates is the same word. Compare the Gujarati uparvadiâ and Hindi wparvar, Wilson, Glossary Ind. Terms, sub v.
15 The portion not translated contains the usual admoni. tions addressed to ocessors, and the comminatory, verses against & resumption of the grant.
See vol. VI. p. 9.
One epithet of ratna, which follows visuddha and looks like adrana or adrina, I am unable to make out.
See, e.g., below, grants Nos. 10 and 11.

Page #89

MARCH, 1878.]
Valabhi. The monastery is mentioned in several other inscriptions.
The name of the village given has been lost. The purpose is the usual one for which grants. were given to Bauddhas, viz. repairs to the viha ra, food, clothing, &c. for the monks, and
[4] ओं [4] लब्धप्रतापः
[14] परममाहेश्वरः
[15]
[1]
[2]
[']
[+]
50000
ADDITIONAL VALABHI GRANTS.
[$]
[] बल [[]वाप्तराज्ज्यश्रीः
[+] पवित्रीकृतशिराश्शिरोवनतशत्रुचूडामणिप्रभाविच्छुरितपादनखपंक्तिदिधितिर्दीनानाथकृप
[2] णजनोपजीव्यमानविभवः
परममहेश्वरः
[8] स्वयमुपहितरज्याभिषकः [१] नुजस्वभुजबलपराक्रमेण
विहितविनयव्यवस्थापद्धतिरखिलभुवनमंण्डलाभोगैकस्वामिना परममाहेश्वरः श्रीमहाराजद्रोणसिंहस्तिह परगजघटानीकानामेकविजयी
[[1] शरणमवबोद्धा शास्त्रार्थतत्वानां कल्पतरुरिव सुहृत्प्रणयिनां [1] मफलोपभोगदः परमभट्टारकपादानुध्यातः परमभागवतः इव
[24] स्तत्पादाभिप्रणामप्रभावप्रक्षालिताशेषकृष्णः कृष्ण
[15] सागर इव
[]
प्रसभप्रणतामित्राणां
[] दाभिप्रणामप्रशस्तत्तरविमलमोलिमणिर्म्मण्वादिप्रणीतविधिविधानधर्म्मा
[[ इव
[7]
[]
materials for the worship of the Buddhas. In addition the acquisition of books of the holy faith' (saddharmasya pustakopakra...) (Pl. II. 1. 7) is mentioned.
TRANSCRIPT.
Plate. I.
The fact that the Valabhî monasteries possessed libraries is of some interest.
मैत्रकाणामतुलबलसंपन्नमण्डलाभोगसंसक्तसंप्रहारशत- ' प्रतापोपनतदानमानार्जवोपज्जितानुरागानुरक्तमालभृतमित्रश्रेणी
परममाहेश्वरः श्रीसेनापति भटार्क स्तस्य
[दी [नन्यांश्य] [भी] पुरे
प्रत्याय सर्व्वहिरण्यादेयः
चरीवर्त्तेषु चतुर्षु
विशुद्धाद्रणमहार्हरत्नपूर्ण पूर्णचन्द्र इव श्रीमहाराजगुहसेन x कुशली सर्व्वानेव -
67
सुतस्तत्पादरजोरुणावत
श्रीसेनापतिधरसेनस्तस्यानुजस्तत्प[[]
सदशापराधः
[सह ---र - श्व [मा] तापित्रो : पुण्याप्यायननिमित्तमात्मनश्चैहिकामुष्मिक फलावा [तये]
--तस्य गन्धपुष्यधूपदीपतैलादिक्रियोत्सपणार्थं सद्धर्म्मस्य पुस्तकोप'नादेश समत्वागताष्टादशनिकाय [[ भ्यन्तरा ]र्य्यभिक्षु [ संघ ] स्य चीविरपिण्डपा [त] --- भ जाय विहारस्य च खण्डस्फुटितविशीर्णप्रतिसंस्कारणार्त्यमाचन्द्रार्कार्णवक्षि [तिस्थिति][8] [सरि] [पर्व्वतसमकालीनः भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेन सोदकेन कमण्डलुना विसृष्टः यतोस्योचित-
परिपन्थना वा कार्य्यागामिनृपतिभिश्वानित्यान्यैश्वर्य्याण्यस्थिरं मानुष्यं सामान्यं च भूमिदानफ[लम] [10] [वगच्छ]द्भिरयमस्मद्दायोनुमन्तव्य : पालयितव्यश्च यश्चाच्छिन्द्यादाच्छिद्यमानं वानुमोदेत स [पञ्चभि]
धर्मराज परमस्वामिना
तस्याशरणेषिणाम यथाभिलषितकाश्रीमहाराज ध्रुवसेननिरस्तारातिसनासंगर: सर्व्वजनतादर्शनाभिरामः
er [i] बध्यमा[न पूज्य दुड्डाकारितवि[हार]स्य
इव
- राजस्थानीया मात्यायुक्तकविनियुक्तकद्राङ्गिकचाटभट
Plate II.
क
'सेना' L. 13, विशुद्धाद्रण is certainly corrupt.
+ L. 1, several letters are indistinct. L. 2, road वोपा ज्जेिता . L. 3, rend 'गावनत'. L. 4, read दीधिति. L. 5, read माहेश्वर:. 1. 6, rend प्रशस्ततर:- 'मौलि ; - मन्वादि L. 7, dele anusvara over मण्डल'. L. 8, read राज्याभिषेra is visible. L. 6, नानादेश क; स्सिंह. L. 9, read 'नुज: ; - शरणैषिणां L. 12, read / doubtful; read समभ्यागत L. 7, भवजाय indistinct.
• L. 2, टु indistinct, but not doubtful, on account of parallel passages. L. 4, चरोवर्त्तेषु वतुर्षु indistinct. 1. 5, तस्य doubtful. Only the

Page #90

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
["] महापातकैस्सोपपातकैस्संयुक्तस्स्यादपि चात्र श्लोका भवन्ति यानीह दारिद्रभयानरेन्द्र र्धिनानि [१] [धर्मायतनीकृतानि निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधु पुनराददीत विन्ध्याट वीष्व][15] (arra) Carret: UTEUTRE 574 goals T ll (Fİ TERİ) [14] (a atja aarti sai TTHCETE Engu atafa Paragrafa il qatilT --- [15] ------- galacgfheara 116 [1] (FEET) 44 HETTI STUETTII
380 Ft --- No. X.-A Grant of DHARASENA II.
the village of Sûrya dâ sa, and two more
fields in the villages of Jotipad raka and This grant of Dharagena II. is written
Lesu'da ka. on two plates, each 12.5 inches by 8.5. The
As regards the geographical position of these right-hand ring, which bears the seal with the
villages, as well as of those in the other grants usual device and inscription, is in its proper
now published, a separate article will be pubplace. The characters resemble those of the
lished later, when the results of inquiries in grant of Dharasena, published below.
Kåthiávåd have been received. The plates are well preserved, and at present
The measurements of the fields are given in free from verdigris. But it is evident that they feet, páda, just as in the grant of Dharasena have been cleaned by the finder.
IV., published in Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 16. The The execution is extremely bad and slovenly. khattakhattádtatithita (Pl. II. 1. 7) is new and No distinction is made between i and i, u often unintelligible to me. stands for , a d standing before dh is not The grantees are two Brâhmans, D û sa and marked, and visarga, anunásika, and i are fre- Shashthi (PI. II. 1. 9), belonging to the Sân. quently left out or misplaced. Besides, there dilya gotra, and students of the Chhandogaare other numerous mistakes in the spelling, Kauthuma súkcha, .e. of the Kauthuma school and some little lacunc. In their incorrectness of the Samadeva, which at the present day is our plates resemble those of Siladitya V.
not unknown in Gujarat. Shashti occurs published in Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 16. The
as a Brahmaņical name in Kasmirian works. Sanskrit of the grant is not quite correct. The Duša is not a Sanskrit word; possibly it may oncertainty in regard to the gender of many l be a Debi nickname. words, and the frequent substitution of or
Two sets of officials are mentioned in the list for sha, show that the writer was more ac- (Pl. II. I. 4), vartmapálas and pratisarakas, customed to Prakrit than to Sanskrit.
who do not occur in the other grants. VartmaThe vamádvali teaches nothing new. But pála means literally "a protector of the road, the date-Vaisakha, badi 15, of Samovat 252-is and probably denotes a watchman who is historically interesting. For the last known stationed on the road to prevent robberies. At grant of Dharasena's father, Guha- present, too, the highroads in Kathiâvad and se na, is dated Samvat 248,' and the interval Rajputânâ are guarded by such men, whose huts during which the death of the latter and the are placed at intervals of two or three kos. former's accession to the throne must have Pratisaraka means 'watchman' in general, and taken place is thus reduced to four years. seems to be used here to designate the night
The objects granted are a field and a well in watchmen attached to the villages.
TRANSCRIPT.
Plate I. ["] ओं स्वस्ति वलभीत प्रसभ प्रणातामित्राणा मैत्रकाणामतुल]बलसंपन्नमण्डलाभोगसंसक्तसप्रहारशत.
लब्धप्रतापःप्र
• L. 16, fast indistinct. "Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 207.
L. 1, the plates show no distinction between short and long i. Read Toma t : ÉTER

Page #91

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Page #92

VALABII GRANT OF DHARASENA JI SAM 252
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Page #93

MARCH, 1878.]
ADDITIONAL VALABHI GRANTS.
69
["] तापो पनतदानमाना वोजितनुरगनुरक्तमौलभृतमिवश्रेणीबलावप्तरजश्री परममहेश्वरः श्री.
सेनापतिभटर्क[७] स्तस्य सुतस्तत्पदरजोरुणावनतपवित्रीकृतशिरा शिरोवनतपशत्रुचूडमणिप्रभाविच्छरितपादनखप
__क्तिदीधितिदीनानायक[*] पणजनोपजीव्यमनविभव परममाहेश्वरः श्रीसेनापतिधरसेनस्तस्यनुज त्यपदपणामप्रशस्ततर
विमलमौलिमाणि[1] मन्वदिप्रणीतविधिविधानधर्मा धर्मराज इव विहितविनयव्यवस्थापधातरखिलभुवनमण्डलाभोगै
[क] स्वमिना पर[१] मस्वमिना स्वयमुपहित रज्यभिशेको महाविश्रणनावपूतराजश्रीः परममहेश्वर महाराजाश्री.
द्रोणसिंह: सिंह इव ['] तस्यनुजः स्वभुजवलपराक्रमेण परगजघटनीकनामेकविजयी शरणेशिणा शरणमवबोध्या शस्त्रा
वंतत्वा[9] ना कल्पतरुरिव सुहित्प्रणयिना यथाभिलशितफलोपभोगदः परमभागवतः महारजध्रुवसेनस्त
स्यातुजः [२] स्तचरणारविन्दप्रणतिप्रविधौताशेशकल्मशः सुविशुधस्वचरितोदकक्षालितासकलकालिकलंकः प्र
सभनिजिता[१] रतिपक्षप्रथितमहिमा परमदित्यभक्तः श्रीमहारजधरपट्टस्तस्यात्मजस्तत्पादसपर्यावाप्तपुणोदयः
शैशवत्पभृति खडुद्धि["] तीयबहुरेव समदपरगजघटास्फोटनप्रकाशितसत्वनिकशस्तत्प्रभावप्रणतारतिचूडरत्नप्रभसंसक्तस
ख्यपादनखरश्मि[1] संहति सकलस्मृतिपिणीतमार्गसंम्यकपरिपालनप्रजाहिदयरजनादद्वयंराजशब्दो रुपकांतिस्यै
र्यगाम्भीर्यबुधिसंपद्धि ["] स्मरशशाद्रिरजोदधितृदशगुरुधेनेशानतिशयान शरणागताभयप्रदानपरतया तृणवदपास्ताशेषस्व
कार्यफल प्र[14] र्थनाधिकार्यप्रदानानन्दितविद्वमुहित्प्रणयिहिदय पदचरीव सकलभुवनमण्डलाभोगप्रमोदःपरममा[1] हेश्वरः श्रीमहाराजगुहसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पदनखमयुखसंतननिपृतजन्हवीजलौघविक्षालिताशेशक[७] ल्मश प्रणयिशतसहस्रोपजीव्यभोगसंपत रुपलोभदिवश्रितः सरसमाभिगमिकैर्गुणे सहजशक्ति["] शिक्षाविशेशविस्मपिताखिलधनुर्धरः प्रथमनरपतिसमतिसृष्टनामनुपालयिता धर्म [19] दायानामपकर्ता
Plate II. [१] प्रजोपघतकरिणामुपप्लवान दर्शियिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिवासस्य साहातारतिपक्षल-10 [] क्ष्मीपरिक्षोभदक्षविक्रम क्रमोपसप्रप्तविमलपार्त्यिवश्रीः परममाहेश्वरोः महाराजश्रीधरसेन •L.s, road पार्जितानुरागान-वानराज्यश्री माहेश्वरः। | बाहु स्फोटनः सत्त्वनिकष तारातिचूड़ा प्रभा° सय. भटार्क. L.8, read ल्पाद" शिरा, dele before शत्रु, | L. 19, rend संहति प्रणीत सम्यकी प्रजाहदयrend चूडा; पङि, L.4, rend °जीव्यमानविभवः; स्तस्यानुजः, रंजनादन्व, रूप बुद्धिसंपद्रि.. L. 18, rend बिरातत्पादन. L.b, read र्मन्चादि; पद्धति स्वामिना- L.6 त्रिदश धनेशा शयान: ; फल: प्रा. L. 14, rend विद्वत्सुroad स्वामिना; राज्याभिषेक राज्यश्री, माहेश्वरः; | हत्या हदयः पादचारीव. L. 16, rend त्पाद, मयूखसं. महाराज. L. 7, read तस्या-ब° घटानीका शरणैषिणांतानविसतजा-ताशेष. L. 16,ल्मष मानभोगसंपद 'बोद्धा शा. L. 8, read नांदपणयिनां; लषित-महारा- रूपलोभादिवा, सरभसमा भिगामि . L. 17, rad ज:- dele visarga at the end of the line. L.D, road स्तच- [विशेषविस्मा मष्टा. रणा ताशेष सविशद्ध; क्षालित. ल्मष:. L. 10, renal L. 1, rond 'पघातका प्लवानां दर्श; राति. Larend राति परमादि महाराज पुण्यो शवाम. L. 11, rend | दक्षविक्रमी विक्रमेपिसंपात. Dole visargaatter माहेश्वरां.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
["] xकुशली सर्वानेवायुक्तकद्राकः महतरचटभटभुवाधिकरणिकदण्डपशिकभोगाधरणिकशौ-" [*] ल्किकवर्मपलप्रतिसरकराजस्थानीयकुमारमात्यदीनन्याछ यथासबध्यमानका समाज्ञापयत्य
स्तु वस्स[*] विदितं यथा मया मतापित्रोः पूण्याप्यायनायात्मनश्चैहिकामुष्मिक यथाभिलशितफलावाप्तयेः = सुर्य
दासग्रामे दाक्ष[७] णपूर्वसीम्नि पदावर्तशतद्वयः वापी च जोतिपद्रकग्रमे उत्तरपूर्वसीनि क्षेत्रपादावर्तशतद्वयः विशोत['] रः लेभुदकग्रामे खट्टखट्टावत्थितपादावर्ताः पञ्चात्रिशः एतसोदृङ्गं सोपरिकरं सवातभूतधान
हिरण्या[१] देयः सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिकः समस्तराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयं भूमिच्छिन्द्रनायेन = शाण्डिल्य[१] सगोत्रच्छदोगकौथुमसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणदुशाय तथा ब्राह्मणषष्ठये ॥ बलिचस्वैश्वदेवामिहोत्रा[19] तिथिपचमहायज्ञिकाना क्रियाना समुत्सर्पणाय॑माचन्द्रार्कार्णवसरित्क्षितिसमकालीन पुत्रपौत्रान्व["] यभोग्य उदकसर्गेण ब्रह्मदेय निखिष्ट यतो-सोचिताया ब्रह्मदेयस्थिस्या भुजतः कृशत
कर्शयतः ["] प्रदिशतो व न कैश्वित्प्रतिषेधे वार्त्ततव्यमगामिभद्रनृपतिभिश्चास्मद्वशत्रैरनित्यान्यैश्वर्याणस्थिर
__मानुश्य सामान्य च [""] भूमिदानफलमवगछद्विरयमस्मदायोनुमन्तव्यः परिपालयितव्यश्छ यश्चैनमाच्छिद्यादाच्छि["] [द्यमान वानुमोदेत स पंचभिर्महापातकैः सोपपातकैः संयुक्त स्यादित्युक्त च भगवता वेदव्या
सेन व्यास्येन [15] षष्ठिवर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्टति भूमिदः [0आच्छेता चानुमतां च तानेव नरके वसेत [u] पूर्वदता
द्विजतिभ्यो [16] यत्नद्रक्ष युधिष्ठिर महीमहीमता श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छ्रेयोनुपालनम् । यानीहि दारिद्रभयानरेन्द्रैर्द्धनानि ध["] आयतनीकृतानि निर्माल्यवातप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधु पुनराददीत लिखितस्सद्धिविग्रहा. [19] धिकृतस्कन्दभटेन-स्वहस्तो मम महाराजश्रीधरसेनस्य ।। दू=चिदिर सं २५२ वैशख
No. XI.-A GRANT OF DHARASENA II. śásana of Samvat 240, are distinct and well The grant of Dharasena II. is written on incised. The number of clerical mistakes is not two plates measuring 12.8 inches by 6-5. The very great. only damage which the plates have sustained is The variávali is the usual one. It ought, the loss of the two rings which connected them. however, to be noted that Dharasena II. receives They were, however, covered with a thick layer in this grant also the epithet mahásúmanta, "the of verdigris, which in some places withstood great feudal chief.' One grant of Dharasena all attempts at removal, and makes a few letters | II. being dated Samvat 252," and one Samvad doubtful.
269," the new date 270 does not add much to The letters, which resemble those of the our knowledge of the length of the reign of the plates of Dhruvasena I. and of Guhasena's
donor. 1 L. 3, read द्वामिहत्चरचाट, दण्डपाशिक. L. 4, read शाण्यस्थिर; मानुष्यं सामान्य. L. 18, read मवगवर्त्मपाल रामात्यादीनन्यांचा कान्समा . L.b, rend च्छद्रि दायो' व्यच माच्छिन्द्या व्यासेन. L. 14, read माता पुण्या", "भिलषित posibly आयंदास. L.8, |मान युक्ता. L.16, rond षटिं। तिष्ठति। छेत्ता; मन्ताःतान्येव; read anuavdras instead of the visargar, च्छिद्रन्यायेन | वसेत् दर्ता, L. 16, यन्नाद युधि महीं; मतां यानीह. L. 9, rend °च्छन्दोग. L. 10, read पञ्च; यज्ञादीनां |
| L. 17, read वान्त, साधुधिविग्रहा. L. 18, read चि. क्रियाणां : कालीन. L. 11, read भोग्यमु, देय
| बिरः; वैशाख
यतोस्योः Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 80. भुजतः कषतः कर्षयत.. L. 12, rend वा मागामि | WInd. Ant.rol. VI. p.12.

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ADDITIONAL VALABH GRANTS.
71
The grantee is a Rigvedi Brâhman of the has been met with in the grant of Dhruvasena sarkarákshi gotra-Vishņumitra, son II. (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 13), and in the inscripof . . . . mitra, who, a native of An arta- | tions of the Chaulukyas." pura, had settled in Khetaka (Pl. II. 11. 4-5). The purpose for which the grant has been
The object granted is the village of Abildgiven is, as in the case of all Brâhmanical pallika, in the taluka (pathakka) of Bandari- | recipients, the performance of sacrifices. jidri, which belonged to the zilla (dhara) of The officers specified by name are the Dataka, Khetaka. The word dhára, which is closely the Samanta or feudal chief silâdity &, and connected with the dharami occurring in the the sandhivigrahika and divirapati, i.e. Diváņ and sásana of Dhruvasena I., and Dharasena II. (of chief secretary, Skand a bha ta. Among the Samvat 269), and which appears also in a grant officials addressed by the king in the preamble of Dharasena IV. (Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 45), is to the grant occurs a new class, the ka thebarika. evidently asynonym of vishaya, 'zilla,' which | I can only register the word, as I am unable here is added to it. Pathaka, its sub-division, I to explain it.
TRANSCRIPT.
Plate I. [[1] ओं ॥ स्वस्ति विजयस्कन्धावारात् भर्तृटाहनकवासकात्प्रसभप्रणतामित्राणां मैत्रकाणामतुल.
__बलसपत्रमण्डलाभोगसंस[] तसंप्रहारशतलब्धप्रतापः प्रतापोपनतदानमानार्जवोदाजतानुरागोनुरक्तमोलभृतमित्रश्रेणीबलावप्त[] राज्यश्रीः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीसेनापतिभटार्कस्तस्य सुतः स्तत्पादरजोरुणावनतपवित्रीकृतशिरः
शरोवन त शत्रु[*] चूडामणिप्रभाविच्छुरितदादनखपतिदीधितिः दीनानायकपणजनोपजीव्यमानविभवः परममाहे.
श्वरः श्रीसे[*] नापतिधरसेनः तस्यनुजः तत्पाद[प्रणाम]प्रशस्ततरविमलमौलिमाणमन्वादिप्रणितविधिविधान
धर्मा धर्म[१] राज इव विनपविहितव्यवस्थापद्धतिरखिलभुवनमण्डलाभोगेकस्वामिना परमस्वामिना स्वयमुप
हितरा['] ज्याभिषेक महाविश्राणनावपूतरज्यश्रीः परममाहेश्वर महाराजश्रीद्रोणसिंहः सिंह इव तस्यानुजः [9] स्वभुजबलपराक्रमेण परगजघटानीकानामेकविजयी शरणैषिणां शरणमवबोद्धा शास्त्रार्थतत्वानां [] कल्पतरुरिव सुहृत्प्रणयिनां यथाभिलषितकामफलभोगदः परमभागवतः महाराजश्रीधवसेनः
तस्या[10] नुजः तच्चरणारविंदप्रणतिप्रविधीतावशेषकल्मषः सुविशुद्धस्वचरितोदकप्रक्षालिताशेषकलिक
["] सभविर्जितारतिपक्षप्रथितमहिमा परमादित्यभक्तः महाराजश्रीधरपट्टः तस्य सुतः तत्पादसप
व्वाप्त[12] पुण्योदयः शैशवात्प्रभृति खन्तद्वितीयबाहुरेव समदपरगजघटाकोटनप्रकाशितसत्वनिकषः तत्प्रभाव. . [11] प्रणतारातिचूडारत्नप्रभाससक्तसह्यदादनखरश्मिसंहतिः सकलस्मृतिप्रणीतमार्गसम्यक्परिपालन
प्रजाहदप1. Ind. Ant. vol. VI. pp. 194 et seqq.
| L.b, read तस्या, प्रणीत'. L. 6, read विशिविनयः. " L. 1, read संपन्न. L. 2, read पाजित 'वात'. L.7, read राज्यश्री: L.11, read निर्जिताराति: L. 12, L. 3, road सुतस्त, शिराः; शिरो'. L.s, read पाद. | read खा. L. 18, read °सभ्यपाद".

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
["] रंजानादन्वय॑राजशब्दोभिरूपकान्तस्यैर्यधैर्यगांभीर्यबुद्धिसंपद्भिः स्मरशशाकाद्रिराजोदधितृदश
गुरुधनेशानति[""] शयानः शरणागताभयप्रदानपरतया तृणवदपास्ताशेषस्वकार्यफलिः प्रार्थनाधिकार्थप्रदानानंदि
तविद्वसु [1] ह-दयः पादचारीव सकलभुवनमण्डलाभोगप्रमोदः परममाहेश्वरः महाराजश्रीगुहसेनस्तस्य
सुतस्तत्पादन["] खमयूखसंतानविसृतजाहवीजलौघप्रक्षालिताशेषकल्मषः प्रणयिशतसहस्थोपजीव्यमानभोगसद्रपलोभा[18] विवोश्रितः सरसमाभिगमिकैर्गुणैः सहजशिक्तिशिक्षाविशेषविस्मापिताखिलधनुर्द्धरः प्रथमनरपति
सृष्टानां [19] अनुपालायिता धर्मदायानामपाकर्ता प्रजोपघातकारिणामुपप्लवानां दर्शयिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिवस[29] स्य संहतारातिपक्षलक्ष्मीपरिभोगदक्षविक्रमः विक्रमोपसंदाप्तविमलपास्थिश्रीः परममाहेश्वरः
Plate 11. [] महासामन्तमहाराजश्वीधरसेन x कुशली सर्वानेव स्वानायुक्तकविनियुक्तकद्राङ्किकवाहत्तरभट" [१] चारभटध्रुवाधिकरणिकशौल्किकचोरोद्धरणिकबण्डपाशिककाथेबरिकविषयपतिराजस्थानीयो [१] परिककुमारामासहस्त्यश्वारोहादीनान्यांश्च यथासंबद्धयमानकान्समनुदर्शयत्यस्तुवस्संविदितं यथा [*] मया मातापित्रोः पुण्याप्यायनायात्मनश्चैहिकामुष्मिकयथाभिलषितफलावाप्तये आनर्तपुरविनि[२] गर्गतखेटकनिवासिशार्कराक्षिसगोवबहुचसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मण - मित्रपुब्राह्मणविष्णुमित्राय खे[१] टकाहारंविषये बण्डरिनिद्रिपथकान्तर्गत अशिलापल्लिकाग्रामः सोदृङ्गः सोपरिकरः ['] सवातभूतप्रत्याय सधान्यभागभोगहिरण्यदेयः सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिकः सदशापराधः समस्त[9] राजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेन बलिचस्वैश्वदेवापिहोवातिथिपंचमहा["] यज्ञिकानां क्रियाणां समुत्सर्पणार्थमाचन्द्रार्कार्णवसरिक्षितिस्थितिपर्वतसमकालीनः पुत्रपौत्रान्वय['°] भोग्य: उदकातिसर्गेण ब्रह्मदायो निसृष्टः यतो स्योचितया ब्रह्मदेयास्थत्या भुंजतः कृषतः कर्ष["] यतः प्रदिशतो वा न कैश्चिद्वयाघाते वर्तितव्यमागामिभद्रनपतिभिरस्म(शजैरन्यानित्यान्यैश्वर्याण्य["] स्थिरं मानुष्यं सामान्यं च भूमिदानफलमवगच्छद्धिरयमस्मदायोनुमन्तव्यः परिपालयितव्य[1] श्च यश्चैनमाच्छिन्द्यादाच्छिदामानं वानुमोदेत स पंचभिर्महापातकैस्सोपपातकैश्च संयुक्तस्स्यादि
त्युक्तं च भगव["] ता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन ॥ षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि श्वगर्गे मोदति भूमिदः आच्छेत्ता चातुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके [""] वसेत् बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजमिस्सगरादिभिः यस्ययस्य यदा भूमिः तस्यतस्य तदा फलं ।। वि.
___ध्याटवी[] वतोयासु-शुष्ककोटरवासिनः कृष्णाहयो हि जायन्ते ब्रह्मदेयापहारकाः ॥ स्वदत्ता परदत्तां वा ["] पो हरेत वसुन्धरा गवां शतसहस्रस्य हन्तुः प्रामोति किल्विषं ॥ पूर्वदत्तां द्विजातिभ्यो यत्रादक्ष
युधिष्ठिर "L. 14, रंजाना dele भि before रूप; read कान्ति' | "L.1, read "महत्तर dele भट. L. 2, read चाट-निदश". L. 15, read फल विद्वत्सु. L. 18, read | दण्ड; L.s, rend 'नन्यांच. L. 6, read °टकाहारविइत्मणविहदय:, the upper part of the sign after hi is not बण्डरिजिद्रि in doubtful, possibly it may be बखोरिजिदि. rendable, the lower is ra or ri. L. 17, read °सहस्रो '. | L.7, read प्रत्याय:;-°ण्यादेयः. L. 9, rend सरित्पर्वतL. 18, read 'दिवाश्रितः-माभिगामिकै-शकिसम- क्षिति'. L. 18, dele u after सोपपातक.. L. 14, read स्वर्गे, निवष्टानां. L. 10, rond Rकाधिवास. L. 20, rend संप्राप्त'. I L. 17, read वसुंधरा

Page #97

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Page #98

PL. 1
. VALABHI GRANT OF DHARASENA II, SAM 270. (O) ལc) A ics - Y , བ བ ' ༢) :་ " ) ta nyi21 ཀ༔ འ ༩ ཀ ༩ ར ༣
རཾ ༧༨༡ ༢ ༣ ༢་༩ - -14 བ ༡ ཙམ ་ན།.p༢ ན J༣༡ ༢ བཤེ09 Ja 17 ( 1:|:y༢༡? ༡༡:༢༧ཟླ་ ༧༢ ཀ༩ : རྨད་ལ ༣:མཱཏཱ} t:༠༡ ན ༢ ༧3 ༢.,:༽ ༡༧༢༩།
3)༤ ཙ༼ 12 །འ༤18213 64:3 དར་༩ ༈ ༧zczc38573:2.jsཀ3 |- ༢ 8༩༡༧༩ ། •ན་ནི ༩/?: སྡུ༩ པ ། སཱ ་ད་ ༼༢༽ 13832)s
༡ y ། J7:237,4j ༡༣ 4། ༡ :;192-iའ དུ 32r༢ pན་ ༧ །པདྨ ནy 82: Qན་ ཀ? ༈ 《s ༧༡) ༡ཝཾ! s:༧ j༧༢ 】.j: T:ན 2 3?? ཀ 3): ༡: (༡༧༩༧.J:རུ༩ |jo-
J༢ བར་ : P -).12 པ ༩༽ ༼ ༢༩༧ ཀ ༨༩༡ ++། ༣༩༨༡ ར། ; ༢༡༩ ན .༡༠.༢༧༢ ༈ པའTX) ཀ,:༧:༡༣༡༡:༡༨ ཅ༩ ༢༢.༢༦ན་ sr ༡༩:༢9 །ཆོ་། • 2 v.u༡༩ ༽༧ A༧ ༣ :|:མ: 1 2 – 2 ༈ * ༧༣ཡུprrཉི:?fe : “ ཀ9:། ༧རྒྱུ9 ༦ ༧ ༡ ༢:༢ 7, ༩༡༧ ཟླ:འ མཱ།། : -- ར ཎ: ཕུ: |:2༽༩)ཀ་ ༢2༢ ཀ༽y ༡༡༩ u༩ ༣༩༨༩༣ ༩ ) *u: na | ལྟr? ༡ © J་ན་ མ༴ དུ༔ 82 13 མ༴ ༢: མ (>y - བཀ རིམ ཙུ ༧]?A༤༡ ! ། Jeoverenler DO231961 og ypadre JEAN FODA GA 2,1) སྙ: 2) 1 ཏབྷཱ༡༧:༣ Jཀའ། ༡༢/༡cམེ ད ༧སྣf 12071: ཉོནཙ(y༩༤ རོ i༧ ཟླ ། གབ : , , ༈ ༔ མ ༈ ། ནས(༢ད་༢༣ ཟླ:/ ༼ 21:༥༨ Jc ༢ ༡)< མི a མྱ །] ༣ ར ༧ ༧༣ ཀྱི།། 2 ༢ ༽ 3ར། ༢༩ cti° ༡ ༡༩༩༧ (༡༧༩.f) ༠༣ ༢) ༨ ? 2,99ང >ད་(༨ ༢ ) ༦ J°་ ༧༧ : ! ༨/ -7 སྟེ ཥ བུ༠ - ༡༣ ཀྱི་ ༠༨ ༈ འི ན sཀ ལ་ ༧ཀ3) 28yi 1:༼༦) • ན ་འོ) མན། ༩ J༧) ° ༡ 50. 2 1 ཀྱིg - ༧༧༧༢ F- ༈ U77 རྟc༩) * ༢/j༔ 2 ༼༡༩ Wསོ་, Z1 u ཀ ༨༡ ༢.jY:ཀྱི རྒྱུ 3.༦ (231 :/D }v52 J་
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Page #99

MARCH, 1878.]
ADDITIONAL VALABHI GRANTS.
73
[18] महीं महिमतां श्रष्ठ दानाच्छेयोनुपालनं ॥ यानीह दारिद्यभयानरेन्द्रैः धनानि धर्मायतनीकृतानि" ["] निर्माल्यवान्तप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददीतेति-स्वहस्तो मम महाराजश्रीधरसेनस्य ।। [2] दू सामन्तशीलादित्यः ॥ लिखितं सन्धिविग्रहाधिकरणाधिकृतदिविरपतिस्कन्दभटेन ।। सं २५०
फामुन ब १०No. XII.-A GRANT OF DHARASENA IV. native of Anartapura, who dwelt in the The plates on which this grant is written village of Kåsara. It is interesting to note measure 145 inches by 11. The rings and the that he receives the epithet Anurtapura-Chdturseal are missing. Otherwise the plates are vidya, '& Chaturvedi of Anartapura,' which well preserved. The letters resemble those of apparently shows his bheda, or the sub-division the grant published in Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 16, of the Brâhmaņical community to which he beand are very clear and distinct. Very few longed. On other plates we have before the clerical errors occur, but a considerable portion word cháturvidya the word tat, ie. tachchiof the description of Khara graha I. (Pl. I. turvidya. Our grant shows that in every case 11. 20-23) is merely a repetition of a passage re- the tat refers to the name of the home of the ferring to Dharasena II. The error has been Chaturvedi. caused by the occurrence of the word शतसहस्रो' The object of the grant (Pl. II. 1. 17) is the in both places.
village of Desurakshitijja, situated in The variávali offers nothing new. The two the tâlukâ of Simha pallik a, and in the published grants of the supreme sovereign, great zillâ of Khetaka. The parpose for which it king of kings, supreme lord and emperor Dhara. is granted is the usual one. The two officers sena IV. are dated Samvat 326 and 328.10 named are the data ka, the princess Bhd på I have seen two damaged plates, one preserved (Pl. II. 1. 25), and the divån and chief Secretary, at Walâ, and one now in the collection of the Skanda bhata. The appearance of a female Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society, which in an official capacity is rather startling. It is are dated Samvat 322 and Samvat 328. The date explicable only if we assume that she discharged of our grant, Samvat 330, is probably not far the duties of her office vicariously. distant from the end of Dharasena's reign. For an The Skanda bha ta mentioned here is not unpublished grant of his successor, Dhruva- the same as the minister of Guhasena and sena III., is dated Samvat 332. The begin. Dharasena II., as I have formerly conjectured." ning of Dharasena's reign is less certain, as The proof that they are different persons lies only one grant of his predecessor, Dhruvasena partly in the impossibility that one man could II., dated 310, has been found.
hold office during ninety years, from Samvat 240 The grantee is a Rigvedi Brahman of the to Samvat 330, and in the fact that Siladitya Sárkarákshi gotra, N & r & yana mitra, son of I. had Skandab hata's father, ChandraKeśa vamitra (Pl. II. 11. 15, 16), a bhatti, for his Divån in Samvat 286."
TRANSCRIPT.
Plate 1. [1] ओ स्वस्ति विजयस्कन्धावारादर --- वासकात्प्रसभप्रणतामित्राणां मैवकाणामतुलबल[१] [संपन्नमण्डलाभोगसंसक्तप्रहारशतलब्धप्रतापात्प्रतापोपनतदानमानाजवीपाजिता[२] नुरागादनुरक्तमौलभृतश्रेणीबलावाप्तराज्यश्रियः परममाहेश्वरश्रीभटाळदव्यवच्छिन्नराजव[*] Tafecorreferuaufshafts+49: daarmufa agradati: HC[१] परगजघटास्फोटनप्रकाशितसवनिकषः तत्प्रभावप्रणतारातिचूडारत्नप्रभासंसक्तपादनखरश्मि[9] संहतिः सकलस्मृतिप्रणीतमार्गसम्यक्परिपालनप्रजाहृदयरञ्जनान्वर्त्यराजशब्दो रूपकान्तिस्यैर्य
गाम्भीर्य
L. 20, read
out.
L. 18. read TÉLIGT N: 20 Ind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 16, 46.
20 Compare, ...., Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 209, vol. VI. p. 17. 99 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. XI. p. 362.
1

Page #100

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
[1] बुद्धिसम्पद्भिःस्मरशशाङ्गादिराजोदधिविदशगुरुधनेशानतिशयानःशरणागताभयप्रदानपरतया तृणव-" [9] दपास्ताशेषस्वकार्यफल प्रार्थनाधिकार्थप्रदानानन्दितविद्वत्सुहृत्प्रणयिहदयः पादचारीव सकलभुवन[१] मण्डलाभोगप्रमोदः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीगुहसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादनखमयूखसन्तानविसृतजाहुवी
जलौघ[1] प्रक्षालिताशेषकल्मषः प्रणयिशतसहस्रोपजीव्यमानसम्पद्रूपलोभादिवाश्रितः सरभसमाभिगामि[क].
गुणैस्स["] हजशक्तिशिक्षाविशेषविस्मापिताखिलधनुर्द्धरः प्रथमनरपतिसमतिसृष्टानामनुपालयिता धर्मदायाना
मपाकर्ता [*] प्रजोपघातकारिणामुपप्लवानां दर्शयिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिवासस्य संहतारातिपक्षलक्ष्मीपरिभोगद
क्षविक्र[1] मो विक्रमोपसंप्राप्तविमलपार्थिवश्रीः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनस्तस्य सुतस्तत्पादानुध्यातः सकल
जगदानन्द[*] नात्यद्भुतगुणसमुदयस्थगितसमग्रदिङ्गण्डलः समरशतविजयशोभासनायमण्डला[य]द्युतिभासुरत
रान्स[] पीठो ब्यूढगुरुमनोरथमहाभार[] सर्वविद्यापरापरविभागाधिगमविमलमतिर[पि] सर्वृतस्सुभाषितल["] बेनापि सुखोपपादनीयपरितोष-समग्रलोकागाधगाम्भीर्य्यहृदयोपि सुचरितातिशयमुव्यक्तपरमकल्या["] णस्वभावः खिलीभूतकृतयुगनपतिपथविशोधनाधिगतोदग्रकीर्तिर्द्धानुपरोधोज्ज्वलतरीकृतार्थसुखस
म्पदु[18] पसेवानिरूढधर्मादित्यद्वितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीशीलादित्यस्तस्यानुजस्लत्पादानुध्यातः
स्वयमुद्रि][१] गुरुणेव गुरुणासादरवता समभिलषणीयामपि राजलक्ष्मी स्कन्धासक्तां परमभद्र इव धुर्य्यस्तदाज्ञा
सम्पा [८][१०] नैकरसतयेवोद्वहन्खेदसुखरतिभ्यामनायासितसत्वसम्पत्तिः प्रभावसम्पद [शी कृतनृपतिशतसहस्रो[21] पजीव्यमानसम्पद्रूपलोभादिवाश्रितः सरभसमाभिगामिकैर्गुणैस्सहजशक्तिशिक्षाविशेषविस्मापिता[५] खिलधनुर्द्धरः प्रथमनरपतिसमतिसृष्टानामनुपालयिता धर्मादायानमपाकर्ता प्रजोपघातकारिणामु. [2] पप्लवानां दर्शयिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिवासस्य संहतारातियक्षलक्ष्मीपरिभोगदक्षविक्रमो विक्रमो[*] संप्राप्तविमलपार्थिवश्रीः परममाहेश्वर श्रीखरग्रहस्तस्य तनयस्तत्पादानुध्यातः सकलविद्याधिगम[2] विहितनिखिलविद्वज्जनमनःपरितोषातिशयः सत्वसम्पदा त्यागौदार्येण च वि[ग]तानुसन्धानश
माहिताराति[0] पक्षमनोरथाक्षभङ्गः सम्यगुपलक्षितानेकशास्त्रकलालोकचरितग[स] रविभागोपि परमभ[१] द्रप्रकृतिरकृत्रिमप्रश्रयविनयशोभाविभूषणः
समरशतजयपताकाहरण
Plate II. [1] प्रत्यलोदग्रबाहुदण्डविध्वन्सितनिखिलप्रतिपक्षदर्पोदयः
स्वधनुअभावपरिभूतास्त्रको-" [9] शलाभिमानसकलनृपतिमण्डलाभिनन्दितशासनः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनस्तस्यानुजः [] तत्पादानुध्यातः सच्चरितातिशयितसकलपूर्वनरपतिरतिदुस्साधानामपप्रसाधयिता विषयाणा मू[*] तिमानिव पुरुषकारः परिवृद्धगुणानुरागनिभरचित्तवृत्तिभिर्मनुरिव स्वयमभ्युपपन्नः प्रकृति
3 L. 8, rend 'फल:. L. 14, read रास. L. 20, the | description of Kharagraha hna been left out. L. 24, read passage from सहस्रोपजीव्यमान down to पार्थिवश्री: (line 28) समाहित. has been repeated by a clerical mistake, while the correct | "L.1, read 'विध्वंसित . L.s, rend मपि,-विषयाणां.

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VALABHI GRANT OF DHARASENA IV SAM 330
PL. I
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Page #102

VALABHI GRANT OF DHARASENA IV. SAM. 350
PL II
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Page #103

MARCH, 1878.]
ADDITIONAL VALABHI GRANTS.
[9] भिरधिगतकलाकलापःकान्तिमानिर्वृतिहेतुरकलङx कुमुदनायः प्राज्यप्रतापास्थगितदिगन्तरालप्रध." [9] सितध्वान्तराशिस्सततोदितसविता प्रकृतिभ्यः परं प्रत्ययमवन्तमतिबहुतियप्रयोजनानुपन्धमागम[] परिपूर्ण विदधानः सन्धिविग्रहसमासनिश्चयनिपुणः स्यानेनुरूपमादेशं ददद्गुणवृद्धिविधानजनि
तसंस्का[१] रस्साधूनां राज्यसालातुरीयतन्त्रयोरुभयोरपि निष्णातः प्रकृष्टविक्रमोपि करुणामृदुहृदयः श्रुतवानप्य[१] गम्वितः कान्तोपि प्रशमी स्थिरसौहदय्योपि निरसिता दोषवतामुदयसमयसमुपजनितजनतानुरा
गपरि['"] पिहितभुवनसमत्थितप्रथितबालादित्यद्वितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीध्रुवसेनस्तस्य सुतस्त
त्पादकम["] लप्रणा [मध] राणिकषणजनितकिणलाञ्छधनललाटचन्द्रशकलः शिशुभाव [एव श्रवणनिहितमौक्ति
___ कालङ्कार["] विभ्रमामलश्रुतविशेषः प्रदानसलिलक्षालिताग्रहस्तारविन्दः कन्याया इव मृदुकरग्रहणादमन्दीकृतानन्द[] विधिर्वसुन्धरायाः कार्मुकधनुर्वेद इव सम्भाविताशेषलक्ष्यकलापः प्रणतसामन्तमण्डलोत्तमाङ्ग
धृतचूडा["] [र] बायमानशासनः परममाहेश्वरः परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरचक्रवर्तिश्री
धरसेन कुशली ["] सर्वानेव समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वस्संविदितं यथा मया मातापित्रोः पुण्याप्यायनायानर्तपुरविनिर्गत कासर
ग्राम["] निवास्यानर्तपुरचातुर्विद्यसामान्यशर्कराक्षिसगोत्रबहुचसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणकेशवमित्रपुत्रब्राह्मणना
रायणा["] मित्राय खेटकाहारे सिंहपलिकापथके देसुरक्षितिज्जग्रामः सोदृङ्गः सोपरिककः सभूतवातप्र
त्यायः सधान्य[10] हिरण्यादेयः सदशापराधः सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिकः सर्वराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः पूर्वप्रत्तदेव[१] ब्रह्मदेयब्राह्मणविंशतिरहित भूमिच्छिभ्रन्यायेनाचन्द्राार्णवक्षितिसरित्पलतसमकालीनः पुत्रपौत्रा[2] न्वयभोग्यः उदकातिसर्गेण धर्मदायो निसृष्टः यतोस्योचितया ब्रह्मदेयाग्रहारस्थित्या भुञ्जतः कृ
षतः कर्षयतः [21] प्रदिशतो वा न कैश्चिद्वचासेधे वर्तितव्यमागामिभद्रनृपतिभिरप्यस्मदंशजैरन्यैर्वा अनित्यान्यैश्वर्याण्य
स्थिरं मा[°°] नुष्यं सामान्यज भूमिदानफलमवगच्छद्भिरयमस्मदायोनुमन्तव्यः परिपालयितव्यश्चेत्युक्तञ्च[2] बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभिः यस्ययस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्यतस्य तदा फल ॥ यानीह दारि
द्यभया. [24] अरेन्द्रर्द्धनानि धर्मायतनीकृतानि निर्भुक्तमाल्यप्रतिमानितानि को नाम साधुः पुनराददीत ॥ षष्टिवर्ष[*] सहखाणि स्वगर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् दूतकोव राजदुहित
भूपा ॥ लिखितमि[6] दं सन्धिविग्रहाधिकृतदिविरपतिचन्द्रभाट्टिपुत्रदिविरपतिश्रीस्कन्दभटेनेति । सं ३३० मार्गशिर श्रु ३
स्वहस्तो मम || "L.s, rend °पतापम्थगित....6, read प्रध्वंसित-नुबन्ध. L. 16, read शार्कराक्षि नारायण . L. 19 rend च्छिद्र'. L. 28, read फलं..

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76
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
No. XIII.-THE GRANT OF KHARAGRAHA II. the first notice of the famous Någara Brâhmans,
The size of the plates is 15 to 15.5 inches by the most distinguished and influential caste 12. Both are broader at the end where the which Gujarat contains. rings were fixed than at the other. The rings The object granted is (Pl. II. 11. 15-16) the and the seal are missing. The plates are, on the village of Pangalapalli ka, situated in whole, well preserved, a few spots only being the district (bhúmi) called Gh rita la y a, and defaced by verdigris. The letters resemble in the zillâ of Siva bhagapura. those of the published plates of Silâditya II. The purpose for which the village is given and Silâditya III. With the exception of the is the usual one, viz. the performance of last lines of plate II., they are clearly incised sacrifices. and distinct. Clerical errors are numerous. The officials named in the grant are the The grant is dated from a camp of victory' dútaka, Pramåtri-Srînâ, and the Divân, Sri situated at Paliņdaka, or perhaps Alin. | mad-An a hila, the son of Divån Skandada ka.
bhata. The former appears to be a female, The varnsávali offers nothing new. But the like the rajaduhitri-bhúpå of Dharasena's grant. grant is important, as it is the first document But I do not know what to make of the epithet issued by Kharagraha II. which has been pramátri, which seems to be composed of pra found. Its date, Samvat 337, if taken together + matri, 'mother,' and not to be derived from with that of the preceding grant of Dhara- pramd,to judge rightly.' Professor Bhandarkar sena IV., Samvat 330, and with those of (Jour. Bo.Br. R. As. Soc. vol. X. p. 71) gives the Dhruvasena III., Samvat 332, and of name of the Divån, which occurs again on the siladitya II., Samvat 348, shows that plates of Siladitya II. (Samyat 348), as Madathe reigns of the two sons of Dera bhata nahala. That would be a highly indecent were of short duration.
name. In favour of my reading, SrimadThe grantee is (PI. II. II. 14-15) a Rigvedi Anahila, the illustrious Anahila' instead of Brahmaņ of the Sarkarákshi gotra,--Nårå. Sri Madanahila), it may be urged that Aņayaņa, son of Kesava, a native of Anand - hila, or Ana hilla, is known to have been a pura, who settled in Khetaka. He is also Gujarati name borne by the shepherd who called Anandapura cháturvidya, 'a Chaturvedi showed Vang raja the site of Anhalof Anandapura.". This is of some interest, Vâ d a-Pathan, and that it occurs among the because, if this Anandapura is the same as Rajputs : see, e.g., Tod, Annals, vol. I. p. 708 ; Vadnagar (vulgo Barnagar), we have here Mad. ed. p. 607.
TRANSCRIPT.
Plate 1. [1] ओं स्वस्ति विजयस्कन्धावारात् पूलेण्डकवासकात्प्रसभप्रणतामित्राणां मैत्रकाणामतुलबलसंपन्न
ACCETTHHOTERETA] ogar[*] पात्प्रतापोपनतदानमानार्जवोपाजितानुरागादनुरक्तमौलभृतश्रेणीबलावाप्तराज्यश्रिय परममाहेश्व
Feftutaicourist (ra). [3] मातापितृचरणारविन्दप्रणतिप्रविधौताशेषकल्मषः शैशवात्प्रभृति खड्द्वितीयबाहुरेव समदपरगजघटा
स्फोटनप्रकाशितशत्वनिकषस्तत्प्र[*] भावप्रणतारातिचूडारत्नप्रभासंसक्तपादनखरश्मिसंहति सकलस्मृतिप्रणीतमार्गसम्यकपरिपालनप्रजा
हृदयरजना न्वर्थराजशब्दो रूपकान्तिस्थैर्यगाम्भी["] Mबुद्धिसंपद्धि स्मर [शशाङ्कादिराजोदधितृदशगुरुधनेशानतिशयानः शरणागताभयप्रदानपरतया
तुणवदपास्लाशेष स्व कार्यफल प्रार्थनाधिकार्त्यप्रदा[ना]*6 Compare also above, p. 78, note 20.
fora:. L. , read paramet. L. 4, read #ef:. * L. 1, for 03 may be read arugh. L. 2, read L. 6, read ;- ;-976:

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VALABHI GRANT OF KHARAGRAHA II SAMVAT 33;. PLATE L
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Page #106


Page #107

MARCH, 1878.]
ADDITIONAL VALABHI GRANTS.
[१] नन्दितविद्वत्सुहृत्प्रणयिहृदयः [पादचारीव]सकलभुवनमण्डलाभोगप्रमोद परममाहेश्वरः श्रीगुह-"
सेनस्तस्यसुतस्तत्पादनखमयूखसन्तानविसृतजाहवीज["] लौघप्रक्षालिताशेषकल्मषः प्रणयिशतसहस्रोपजीव्यमानभपद्रूपलोभादिवाश्रित सरभसमाभिगामिकै.
र्गुणै सहजशक्तिशिक्षाविशेषविस्मापि. [9] ताखिलधनुर्द्धर प्रथमनरपतिसमतिसृष्टानामनुपालयिता धर्मादायानामपाकर्ता प्रजोपघातकारिण.
मुपप्लवानां [दर्शयिता श्रीसरस्वत्योरेकाधिवासस्य स[१] [ह तारातिपक्षलक्ष्मीपरिभोगदक्षविक्रमो विक्रमोपसंप्राप्तविमलपार्थिव श्री परममाहेश्वर श्रीधरसेन
___स्तस्या सुतस्तत्पादानुध्यात सकलजगदानन्दना[] त्यद्भुतगुणसमुदयस्थगितसमग्रदिङ्गण्डलः समरशतविजिय]शोभासनाथमण्डलायद्युतिभासुरतरासपीठो
बूढगुरुमनोरथमहाभारः सर्वविद्यापराप. ["] रविभागधिगाविमलमतिरपि सर्चत सुभाषितलवेनपि सुखोपपादनीयपरितोष समग्रलोकागाधगाम्भी
र्यहृदयोपि सुचरितातिशयसुव्यक्तपरम[1"] कल्याणस्वभाव खिलीभूतकृतकृयुनृपतिपथविशोधनाधिगतोदग्रकीत्तिर्द्धर्मानुपरोधोज्वलतरीकृतार्थ
___ सुखरपदुपसेवानिरूढधर्मादित्याद्वितीयनामा परममाहेश्व[] रः श्रीशीलादित्य तस्यानुजस्तत्पादानुध्यातः स्वयमुपेन्द्रगुरुणेव गुरुणात्यादरवता सम भिलषणी
यामाप राजलक्ष्मी स्कन्धासक्तां परमभद्र इव धर्यस्लदाज्ञासंपा["] दनैकरसतयेवोदह खेदसुखरतिभ्यामनायासितसत्वसंपत्ति प्रभावसंपदशी कृतनृपतिशतशिरोरत्नच्छा
योपगूढपादपीठोपि परावज्ञाभिमानरसानालिङ्गितमनो[1] वृत्ति प्रणतिमेका परित्यज्य प्रख्यातपौरुषाभिमानरप्यरातिभिरनासादितप्रतिकृयोपाय कृतनिखिलभु
बनामोदगुणसंहति प्रसभविघटितसकलकलि[विलसित गतिींच[16] जनाभिरोहिभिरशेषर्दोषैरनामृष्टात्युनतहदयः प्रख्यातपौरुषास्त्रकौशलातिशयगणतिथविपक्षक्षि
तिपतिलक्ष्मीस्वयंग्राहप्रकाशितप्रवीरपुरुषप्रथमसंख्याधिगम पर["] ममाहेश्वरः श्रीखरग्रहस्तस्य तनयस्तत्पदानुध्द्यात सकलविद्याधिगमविहितनिखिलविद्वज्जनमन
परितोषातिशय[] सत्वसंपदा त्यागौदार्येण च विगतानुसन्धानाशमाहितारातिपक्षम[१] नोरथाक्षभङ्गः सम्यगुपलक्षितानेकशास्त्रकलालोकचरितगहरविभागोपि परमभद्रप्रकृतिरकृविमप्रश्रय
विनयशोभाविभूषणः समरशतजयपताकाहरणप्रत्य[१] लोदग्रवाहुदण्डविध्वन्सितनिखिलप्रतिपक्षदर्पोदयःस्वधनु: प्रभावपरिभूतास्त्रकौशलाभिमानसकलनुप
तिमण्डलाभिनन्दितशासन परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनः [°°] तस्यानुजस्तत्पादानुध्यात सच्चरितातिशयितसकलपूर्णरपतिरतिदुस्साधानामपि प्रसाधयिता विषयाणां
मूर्तिमानिव पुरुषकार परिवृद्धगुणानु["] रागनिर्भरचित्तवृत्तिभिमनुरिव स्वयमभ्युपपन्नः प्रकृतिभिरधिगतकलाकलापः कान्तिमानि तिहेतुर
कलङ्कः कुमुदनाथः प्राज्यप्रतापस्थगितदिगन्त[2] रालप्रध्वन्सितध्वान्तराशिस्सततोदितस्सविता प्रकृतिभ्य परं प्रत्ययमय॑वन्तमतिबहुतिथप्रयोजनानुबन्ध
मागम परिपूणं] विदधानः सन्धिविग्रह"L.6, read प्रमोदः. L. 7, read संपदूर्गुणैः. L.8, | L. 18, वृतिः-पायः; संहतिः. L. 19, rend विध्वसित read संहता.. L. 9, read पात्थिवश्रीः स्तस्य; ध्यातः. शासनः. L. 20, read °ध्यात, सकलपूर्वनर'-कार: L. 10, rend रांसपीठोन्यूट. L. 11, read विभागाधिगमवि: L.21, read 'वृतिभिर्म'. L. 22, read प्रध्वंसित प्रकृतिभ्य। सर्वतः "तोषः. L. 12, rend भावः; कृतयुगा धोज्ज्व ल | after विदधान : half a line has been left out. सुखसंपदु. L. 13, read °शीलादित्यः. L. 14, °दहन्। संपतिः .

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78
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
[25] समासनिश्वयनिपुण: स्थानेनुरूपमादेशं ददद्रुणवृद्धि विधानजनितसंस्कारस्साधूनां राज्यशालातु-' रीयतन्त्रयोरुभयोर्निष्णातः प्रकृष्टविक्र [मो] [**] [पि] करुणामृदुहृदयः श्रुतवानप्यगर्द्वित कान्तोषि प्रशमी स्थिरसौहृदय्योपि नि [रसि] ता दोषवतामुदयसमय सदुपजनितजनतानुराग[5] परिपिहितभुवनसमत्थितप्रथितबालादित्यद्वितीय [नामा] परममाहेश्वरः श्री ध्रुवसेनस्तस्य सुतः तत्पादकमल [ प्रणा] मध[१०] रणिकषणजनितकिणलाञ्छनललाटचन्द्रश [कलः] शिशु [भाव ए ] व श्रवणनिहित [ मौक्तिका ] लङ्कारविभ्रमामलश्रुतविशेषप्रदान [स] लि[27] ल[क्षा]लिताग्रहस्तारविन्द कन्याया इव मृदुकरग्रहणा [दमन्दी ] कृतानन्दवि [धि]र्व्वसु [न्धरायाः ]का [] के धनुर्वेद इव संशोधिताशेषलक्ष्य[२७] [कला]पः प्रणतसामन्तमण्डलो [त्तमाङ्गधृतचूडारनायमानशासनः ] परममाहेश्वरपरम भट्टारकमहाराजाधिराज [ परमेश्वर ]
Plate II.
29
30
[[] चक्रवर्त्ति श्रीधर सेनस्तत्पितामहभ्रातृश्रीशीलादित्यस्य शार्ङ्गपाणेरिवाज [न्मनो भ] क्तिबन्धुरावय- " वकल्पितप्रणतेरतिधवलया दूरं तत्पादा[१] रविन्दप्रवृत्तया नखमणिरुचा मन्दाकिन्येव नित्यममलितोत्तमाङ्गदेशस्यागस्त्यस्येव राजर्षेर्दाक्षिण्यमा_तन्वानस्य प्र [] [] धवलिम्ना यशसां वलयेन मण्डितककुभा नभसि यामिनिपतेर्व्विनिम्मताखण्ड परिवेषमण्डलस्य पयोदश्याम [शि ][५] खरचूचुकरुचिरसह्यविन्ध्य स्तनयुगायाः क्षितेः पत्युः श्रीदेरभटस्याङ्गजः क्षितिपसंहतेरनुरागिण्याः गुचियशोशु[] कभृतः स्वयंवरमालामिव राज्यश्रियमयन्त्याः कृतपरिग्रहः शौर्य्यमप्रतिहतिव्यापारमानमितप्रचण्डरिपुमण्डलं मण्डलाग्रमि[] वावलम्बमानः शरदि प्रसभमाकृष्ट [शि ]लीमुखबाणासनापादितप्रसाधनानां परभुरों विधिवदाचरितकरग्रहणः पूर्व्वमेव विवि['] धवर्णोज्वलेन श्रुतातिशयेनोद्भासितश्रवणः पुनः पुनरुक्तेनेव रत्नालङ्कारेणालङ्कृतश्रोत्रः परस्फुरत्कटकविक कीटपक्षरत्नकिर
[१] णर्विच्छिन्नप्रदानसलिलनिवहाव सेकविलसन्नव शैवषैङ्करमिवाग्रपाणिमुद्वहनधृतविशालरत्नवलयजलधि
वेलातटायमानभु[१] जपरिष्वक्तविश्वम्भरः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधुवसेनः तस्याग्रजेोपरमहीपतिस्पर्शदोषतगणधियेव लक्ष्म्या स्वयमतिस्पष्टचेष्टमाश्चि[1] ष्टाङ्गयष्टिमतिरुचिरतरचरितंगरिमपरिकलितसकलनरपतिरतिप्रकृष्टानुरागरसरभ सवशीकृतप्रणतसामन्तसामन्तचक्रचूडा
20 L. 24, read 'गर्वित :; समुपजनित. L. 26, read विशेष : भुवां. L. 7, road 'ज्ज्वलेन; परिस्फुर L. 8, read सचिव I. 28, rend रविन्दः . शैवलाकार :- हन्. L. 9, read नाशनधियेव. L. 10,
30. I. 3, read यामिनीपतेर्विनिर्मिता; the vowel signs are very indistinct. I. 4, read श्रुचि: L. 5, प्रतिहत, read
read टि.

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VALAKHI GRANT OF KHARAGRAHA I SAMVAT 37 PLATE 11
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ཝཾ ༡ : 2 j༧ ; མདr,t,: ་: ) 1*་ ༧ ; ༢ | : , ཏེ 1:12:༽དུ ༧༤) ''' 1 》: 1:| ༧༩3;) ད - ; 1)
བྱེ ་ - , : s, པོ .: 919 -jཙྪནྟི ༥༩ ? » ༧། ༩ ལདྷཙ: : :: ༧༽ 3 .
. ༤ ནy ; L+jབད། ད 6、,1274 རྒྱུ js::་ ༧༠ " ་ཉེས པ 1 ་་ , ་ ་་ ཟ''' ༢ ཏོ 1:: 91: 1:48. : cfc | 13 ) ༧ ༨ ་ ་ ་ ་ ་ , ་;:: , ,, cti ། འ 1 is:ངjec༩) དེཊཱ- » ལe ༦
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་ ་ | | j ༡༡ t' ༧ [ ཥ ས 11: 1:| ༔ ། 1:32:::༠ ? ་. ་. ༧ ག:|: - : སྤྱོད| པད.༦ཉa ༑ ༥ རྣཔོ-j:༡ ཙཏུ ཡུ ༔༧ 41:|:
.d; t, ༡ :དཔོ༤ * 11) 3 » ] 17 ཀ -|:ཀ༧) 1:|: :| །༢པ -j། ༢ . : ,་, 1w༢ ལ 1:|:༤༢ ལྟ་:མེ་བྱ" , 5. 1:མསྶTec༧ , ༩ སྙ
; པེ 'o | ནི ༧ པྲག ) བ དབུ ; s. ༥ བདེ ༡༨Eས
: ༧,༣༤༥ -- པ : པ་ བ , , , , *, ༔ 1 (༢༧༔ བྱཔའི་ ་ ་ན ། ༨:༤, ཟ , ཕཊ ༧n, , 11 1 7:༡༧ ༧ fic༧ ཀ སྐྱོ 24 ;' c") ་ J. ད ༡༩) - ; :5:ཀྱི ་། བྱ ་་་
1
། སྐྱིད་ : , ངུ ༦༩:. བྱ་པ; i༧ 0 •)གླ༴༧5 94& ;ཙ(] ༤3) 1 ༡ ཕྱིsvg: 1:3:3: 1:j: |: སྤྱི་. , ༣ ༧ དེ་ ཧ་གླུ བi༧ ༧༡་
ན་ལབ༡ ན པ ༩ པ) (38.1 p: ཉཊི:མི་ 92 ཐ ༩ ཚེ །

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ADDITIONAL VALABHI GRANTS.
[[]] मणिमयूखखचितचरणकमलयुगलः प्रोद्दामोपारदोर्दण्डदलित द्विषद्वर्गदर्पः प्रसत्पटीयः प्रतापप्लो-: पिता शेषशत्रुम [] "शः प्रणयिपप्रनिधिप्रलक्ष्मीकः प्रेरितगदोत्क्षिप्त सुदर्शन चकः परिद्वतवालकी डोनधः कृतद्विजातिरेकवि क्रमप्रसाधितधनिधिः [5] सलोनकीकृत जलशय्योपूलं पुरुषोत्तमः साक्षाद इन सम्यगुपस्थापितवर्णाश्रमचारः परममाहेश्वर श्रीखरग्रह x कुशली [] सनेव समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वस्संविदितं यथा मया मातापिचेोः पुष्पाप्यायनायानन्दपुर विनिर्मातखेटकवास्तव्यनन्दपुरचातुर्विदद्यसा[''] मान्यशर्कराक्षिसगोत्रवद्वृचसब्रह्मचारिब्राह्मणकेशवपुत्रब्राह्मणनारायणा शिवभागपुरविषये मृतालयभूमी पडुलपति[""] कायामः सोदृङ्गः सोपरिकरः सभूतवातप्रत्यायः सधान्यहिरण्पादेयः सदशापराधः सौत्पद्यमाननिष्ठिकः [17] प्रक्षेपणीयः पूर्णप्रत्नदेन ब्रह्मदेवब्राह्मणविंशतिरहित भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायेनाचन्द्रार्णवक्षितिसरित्पर्व्वतसमकाली[नः] पुत्रपौत्रान्वयभोग्य उदकातिसर्गे[[ ] ण धर्मदायो निसृष्टः यतोस्यो चितया ब्रह्मदेयस्थित्या भुंजतः कृषतः कर्षयतः प्रदिशतो वान कैश्विद्वासेधे वर्त्तितव्य मागामिभद्र नृपतिभिर[12] [प्यस्मद्वैशजेरन्यैर्व्वा अनिवान्यैश्वर्य्यायस्थिरं मानुष्यं सामान्यञ्च भूमिदानफलमवगच्छद्विरवमस्मदापोनुमन्तव्यः परिपालयितव्यश्चेत्यु[40] कं च । बहुभिर्व्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिस्सगरादिभिः यस्ययस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्यतस्य तदा फलं ॥ यानीह दारिद्र्यभवाभरे र्द्धनानि धर्म्मायतनीकृतानि [1] निर्भुतमाल्यप्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधु पुनराददीत पठिं वर्षसहस्राणि स तिष्ठति भूमिद आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ दूतकोत्र प्रमातृश्रीना || [+] लिखितमिद सन्धिविग्रहाधिकृतदिविरपतित्रीस्कन्दभटपुर्वादिविरपतिश्रीमदनहिलेनेति सं ३३७ आषाढ व ५ स्वहस्तो मम ||
सर्व्वराजकीयांनामहस्त
ed grants. Fortunately the most important part of the inscription, the lower half of the second plate, is in a better condition, and can be read with tolerable certainty.
MARCH, 1878.]
No. XIV. GRANT OF SILADITYA VI., SURNAMED _DHRUVABHATA.
The plates are exceedingly massive, and measure each 15 inches by 13.5. The rings and the seal which connected them are missing. The plates are not very well preserved. When I received them, they were covered with caked mud and verdigris, and not a single letter was readable. The cleaning cost, therefore, a great amount of labour and trouble. But, notwith. standing this, a great part of the first plate and the upper portion of the second plate have remained, as a whole, illegible; single letters and words are recognizable, but the context could not be made out without the help of the publish
31.11, read प्रोदामोदार'; 'शत्रुवश: L. प्रणयिपक्ष : - प्रसाधितधरित्री. L. 13, road 'माचार
12, read L. 14,
•
79
31
The letters on these plates closely resemble those of the grant of Siladitya V. published in Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 16. But they are larger and incised with more care than those of the Lanávadi plates. They deserve a careful study on the part of those who are interested in the history of the Indian alphabets.
The text of the grant is not so full of clerical errors as that of the fifth Siladitya Still a considerable number of mistakes occur, and several lines have been left out. These lacunæ corre
road वास्तव्यानन्द शार्कराक्षि. L. 17, read रहितो. L. 19, road गच्छद्भि. L. 21, road को नामसाधुः. L. 22, road मिद.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
spond exactly with those on the Lunavadå plates, elephants. He is the abode of spiritual merit, all and this agreement, as well as the recurrence over the world his great prowess is celebrated in of a number of phrases and corruptions," prove songs. The illustrious Dhrûb hata conthat both plates were copied from the same quers,' he who is born in the line of the kings MSS. For our grant cannot be copied im- of kings and supreme lords, he who is suprememediately from the earlier one, because it shows ly happy." fewer mistakes.
There is only one statement in this long The grant is dated from a camp of victory rigmarole which is of great importanoe, viz. that located at Anandapura. The donor, sila. Siladitya VI. was also called Dhrû bhata. ditya VI., is the 19th king of the dynasty of This word stands apparently for Dhruva. Bhatarka who has become known. Contrary to bhat a---literally the constant warrior.' The the usage prevailing in other Valabhi grants, the first part of the compound has been contracted, description of this new ruler is given in poetry. because the pandit wanted a long syllable for It consists of four verses in the Vasantatilaka his metre," and because Dhríl was, no doubt, at metre, which are preceded by the word parama- the time of the composition of this poetry, just mdhesvarah, and followed by the usual titles and as now, the vernacular Gujarati for Dhruva. the name. The former word is, I think, merely Now this name Dhruva bhat a resembles due to a mistake of the Kansår, who, in his im- the form 'u-lu-po-po-tu, which Hiwen Thsanges patience to have done, first skipped the whole gives as the name of the ruler of Valabhi whom description, and afterwards neglected to indicate he visited, more than any other royal name that the word written by mistake is superfluous. which has become known. As the transcription
The translation of the passage referring to of Sanskrit Abhidharma by Chinese Opi-ta-mo, Siladitya VI. (Pl. II. 11. 19-24) is as follows :- of bhadra by Po-ta-lo, and similar instances
"His (the fifth Siladitya's) son is the ar. show, T"u-lu-p'orpo-tu may stand just as well for dent devotee of Maheśvara, the supreme Dhruvabhata as for Dhruvapatu, the rendering sovereign, the great king of kings and supreme which M. St.-Julien las adopted. Against lord, the illustrious Siladit y adeva, who this it may be urged that the Chinese translameditates on the feet of the supreme sovereign, tion of the word 'Ch'ang-jui, constamment the great king of kings and supreme lord, the intelligent,' does not suit the compound Dhra. illustrious Bappa. He is famous on account vabhata. But this translation may have of his irresistible valour, he is the abode of been caused by a mistake of Hiwen Thsang's, Fortune; he strives to annihilate hell. He who may either have mixed up the two words makes it his only purpose to save the earth; bhata,' a warrior,' and bhatta, 'a pandit,' or have his fame shines pure as the full moon. He is been told the name incorrectly. For the fremade up of the qualities of the famous triad quent mistakes on the plates by which Bhatarka (of powers)," he has conquered his enemies. is changed to Bhattarka, and Derabhata to He gives enjoyment to the poor, he always Derabhatta, show that the Valabhians themgives happiness. He is the abode of knowledge. selves were not very accurate in this respect. All the guardians of the world praise him, the If the identity of Hiwen Th-ang's contemporary Vidyadharas serve him. He is famous on earth. and of Siladitya VI. could be proved for He is resplendent with jewels, beautiful in certain, we should be able to fix, at least apperson, a conglomerate of jewel-like qualities. proximatively, the initial date of the eras in He is endowed with lordliness, valour, and which the plates are dated. As our grant is (other great) virtues; he is always engaged in dated 447, and Hiwen Thsang's visit fell in conferring benefits on living beings. A real the fifth decade of the seventh century A.D., Janardana, as it were, he humbles (urdayati) the the year 1 of the era of the plates must fall pride of the wicked. He is exceedingly skilful either shortly before or shortly after the year in shaking again and again in battle troops of 200 A.D.
31 Compare, e.g., TTC Chura Pl. I. 1. 1. 33 Compare Kämondaki, niti, XV. 32.
3. There is a fine precept which authorizes the distor. tion of words in order to avoid an offence against the
metre, and which deserves to become known. It is a followe - mashamapi mashars kurydd writtibhangarh na karayet.
36 Mémoires, II. 163.

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ADDITIONAL VALABHT GRANTS.
I am at present inclined to believe that this village of Mahila bali, situated in the taluka view is the correct one. But, as the question (pathaka) of Uppaia heta (Upletâ ?) and in is by no means simple, and as a number of the zilla (ahara) of Sri Khetaka. The purother points have also to be considered, I do pose for which the grant was made is the usual not wish to do more, for the present, than to one. point out that the occurrence of the name __ The passage regarding the officials (Pl. II. Dhrabhata or Dhruvabhata on our | 11. 36-37) is, unfortunately, not quite in order. grant requires the consideration of those who wish I think those mentioned are to settle the beginning of the era of the plates. | 1. The dataka : the grand chamberlain (maha.
The date, Samvat 447, Jyeshtha, buddha 5, pratihára) the illustrious Detaha. or fifth day of the bright half of Jyeshtha, 447, 2. The akshapatalika, or keeper of the records. is given both in words and in ciphers, and is Daftardâr : Rájakula, the illustrious Siddhatherefore indisputable. It settles definitively natha, son of the illustrious Sarvata. the question regarding the value of the Valabhi 3. The writer: Amâtya, i.e. councillor Guha, sign U, and proves the correctness of Pandit son of Hom bata. Bhagvanlal's and General Cunningham's ex- The name of the 'grand chamberlain' is planation, who maintained that it stands for a curious one, and I do not consider the reading "forty.' This date corroborates also my reading | to be certain. of the figures on the Luņå và da plates The word akshapatalika does not occur on issued by Stladityav. as Samvat 441. | any of the known Valabhi grants, but it is com
The grantee is (Pl. II. 1. 25-26) Bhatta mon on those of the Chanlukyas of Anhilvad." Akhandalamitra, son of Bhatta Vishnu, The word Rájakula, which is placed before the a Rigvedi of the Sárkardkshi gotra, a native of name of the Daftardâr, is a title which like'famous Anandapura, and a Chatur- wise occurs or the Chaulukya plates.s It is vedi of that town.
probably the Sanskrit form of the modern Raul The object granted is (P1. II. 11. 26-27) the or Rával.
TRANSCRIPT.
Plate I. [१] ओं स्वस्ति श्रीमदानन्दपुरसमावासितजयस्कन्धावारात्प्रसभप्रणता[मित्राणां मैत्रकाणामतु]लबलसं
पत्रमण्डला भोगसंप्रहारशत लब्धप्रतापा]["] प्रतापोपनतदानमानार्जवोपार्जितानुरागादनुरक्तमौलभृतश्रेणीबलावाप्त राज्यश्रियः परममाहेश्वर
श्रीमाटाळदव्यवच्छिन्नवंशान्मा[१] तापितचरणारविन्दप्रणतिप्रविविक्ताशेषकल्मषः शैशवात्प्रभृति ख इद्वितीयबाहुरेव समदपरगजघ
टास्फोटन[प्रकाशितसल]निकषः तत्प्र[] भावप्रणतारातिचूडारनप्रभाससक्तपादनखरश्मिसंहतिः सकलस्मृतिप्रणीतमार्ग[सम्यक्रियापालनप्रजा
हृदयरंजना न्वर्थराजशब्दो रूपका[२] न्तिस्यैर्म्यगाम्भीर्य्यबुद्धिसंपद्धिः स्मरशशाङ्कादिराजोदधितृदशगुरुधने शानतिशयानः शरणागताभय
प्रदानःपरतया तृणवद्वपास्ताशेषस्व वीर्य[°] फलः प्राय॑नाधिकार्त्यप्रदानानान्दतविद्वत्सुहृत्प्रणयिहृदय पादचारीव सकलभुवनमण्डलाभोगप्रमोद
परम["] माहेश्वरः श्रीगुहसेनः तस्य सुतः तत्पादनखसंतानविसृजजाबीजलौघप्रक्षालिताशेषकल्मषः प्रण
_ यिशतस30 Regarding the Anandapurm Chaturvedta see above. I 0 .4, read चूडारत्न,-संसक्त. L.b, rend ादिः37 See " Eleven Land Granta," &o. Ind. Ant. vol. VI. pp. 194et seqq.
विदश प्रदानप; तृणवदपा'. L.s, road हृदया-प्रमोदः, "See loc.cit. p.206.
L.7, rond नखमयूखसं विधत.

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[१] हस्रोपजीव्यमानसंपद्रूपलोभादि वाश्रितः सर भसमाभिगामिकैः गुणैः सहजशक्ति शिक्षा विशेषवि
स्मापित योद्धधनुर्द्धरःप्र[थमन-]40 [१] रपतिसमतिसृष्टानामनुपालयिता धर्मदायानामपकर्ता प्रजोपघातकारिणां उपप्लवाना शमयिता
श्रीसरस्वस्योरेकाधिवासस्य सहितारातिप[१] क्षलक्ष्मीपरिभोगदक्षविक्रमो विक्रमोपसंप्राप्त विमलपाय [व] श्रीः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनः तस्य
सुतः तत्पादानुद्ध्यातः सकलजगदानन्दनायाङ्क["] तगुणसमुद्रस्थगितसमयदिग्मण्डल समरशतविज[य]शोभासनाथमण्डलागातिभासुरान्सपीठो व्यू
ढगुरुमनोरथमहाभारः सर्वविद्यापारपरम. [१] भागाधिगमविमलमतिरपि सर्वतः सुभाषितलवेनापि स्वोपपादनीयपरितोषः समग्रलोकागाधगांभीर्य
हृदयोपि सच्चरितातिशयसुव्यक्तपरम[3] कल्याणस्वभावः खिलीभूतकृतयुगनृपतिपयवि[शोधनाधिगतोदग्रकीर्तिः धर्मानुरोधावलतरीकृतार्थ
संपदुसेवानिरूरढधादिसद्वितीयनामा [1"] परममाहेश्वरः श्रीशीलादित्यःतस्य सुतःतत्पादानुध्यातः स्वयमुपेन्द्रगुरुणेव गुरु-गुरुणात्यादरवता
स्वयमभिलषणीयानामपि राजलक्ष्मी[] स्कन्धासक्तपरमभद्राणां धुर्य्यस्तदाजासंपादनकरसतयोद्वाहनखेदसुखरतिभ्यां अनायासितसंपत्ति प्र
भावसंपदशीकृतनृपतिशतशिरो[] रत्नच्छायोपगूढपादपीठोपि परामावज्ञाभिमानिर]सानालिंगितमनोवृत्तिःप्रणिति]रेका परित्यज्य प्रख्या
तपौरुषा[
भिभा नैरप्यरातिभिरनासादि["] तप्रक्रितयोपायः कृतनिखिलभुवनामोदविमलगुणसंहतिः प्रसभविघटितसकलकलि[विलसितगतिर्नी
------ रशेषैः दोषैरनामृष्टा[1] त्युन्नतहृदय प्रख्यातपारुषः शास्त्रकौशलातिशय गुणगणतिथविपक्षक्षितिपतिलक्ष्मीस्वयंस्वयंग्राहप्र
काशितप्रवीरपुरुषप्रथम संख्या[19] धिगमः परममाहेश्वरः श्रीखरग्रहः तस्य सुतः तत्पादानुद्वयातः सर्वविद्याधिगम- पवितनिखिलवि
____ द्वज्जनमनः परितोषितातिषय सत्व[१] संपत्त्यागैः शौर्येण च विगतानुसंधानसमाहितारातिपक्षमनोरयरथाक्षभगः सम्यगु]पलक्षितानेक
शास्त्रकला लोकचरितगडरवि[1] भागोपि परमभद्रप्रकृतिरक योपि विनयशोभाविभूसणः समरशतजय पताकाहरण[प्रत्यलो]
___ दग्र बाहु]दण्डविध्वंसितविपक्ष[29] दोदयः स्वधनप्रभावभूतास्त्रकौशलाभिमानसकलनपतिमण्डलाभिनन्दितशासनः परममाहेश्वरः
श्रीधरसेनः तस्यानुजः तत्पिादानु] [1] द्वयातः सच्चरितातिशयितसकलपूर्वनरपतिः दुस्साधानामपि प्रसाधयिता विषयाणां मूर्तिमा
निव पुरुष] कारः [परिवृद्ध] गुणानुरा[गनिर्भ-]
L. 8, road शकि. L. 9, road संहता. L. 10, read | नरसानालि-प्रणतिम. L. 17, read प्रतिक्रियोपायः-the 'नन्दनात्यगु. L. 12, read कागाध. L. 13, read °संपटुप
six syllables have not been filled in, as it seems clear that
the plate did not exhibit the usual reading. L. 18, read सेवानिरूद. L.14, read तस्यानुज:/-perhaps वागुरु - टयः प्रख्यातपौरुष: 'तिशय::-dele गण: dele one स्वयं. read लषणीयामपि 'लक्ष्मी. L. 16, rend स्कन्धासनां परम- L:19, readधिगमविहित-पातिशय:- L.21, read कृत्रिभद्र इव योदहन.-सत्वसंपनि:. L. 16, read परावज्ञाभिमा- | म-विभूषण:. L. 22, read प्रभाव

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ADDITIONAL VALABHI GRANTS.
MARCH, 1878.]
[**] रचित्तवृत्तिः मनुरिव स्वयमुपपन्नः प्रकृतिभिर विगतकलाकलाप कान्तितिरस्कृतसलांछनः कुमुदनाय प्राज्यप्रतापस्य [[गित ]दिग[न्तरालः]" [25] [प्र]ध्वंसितध्वान्तराशिः सततो [दिं] तसविता प्रकृतिभ्यः पर प्रत्ययमर्त्यवन्तमतिबहु तिथप्रयोजनानुबंधमा[गम] परिपू[र्णं विदधान]: सन्धिविग्रह[20] समासनि [श्व] [निपु]ण स्थानमनुपदेशं [ ददतं ] गुणवृद्धिराजविनितसस्कारसाधूनां राज्य [शालातुरी[यत] न्त्रयो[रुभयोरपि] निष्णातः प्रकृ[*”] [तिवि]क्रमोपि करु[णामृ]दुहृदयः श्रु [तवान] प्यगार्वृतः कान्तोपि प्रशमी शिरसौ [हार्दो] पि [ निरसितादोषवतामुदय] समुपजनि[28] [तजनानुरागपरि] बृंहितभुवनसमत्थितप्रथितबालादित्यद्वितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीधरसेनः [तस्य सुतः तत्पा] दरदेलप्रणा[9] [मधरणिकषणजनित] किणलां [छन] ललाटचन्द्रसकल शिशुभाव एव श्रवणनिहित मौक्तिकालंकारविभ्रमामलश्रुतविशेष प्रदानसलि[50] [लक्षा]लिताग्रहस्तार [विन्दः व्यास इ] व मृदुकर [ ग्रहणाद] मन्दीकृतानन्दविधिः वसुधरायाः कार्मुकधनुर्वे [द इव संभावि [ ताशेषलक्ष्यक] लापप्र[51] [णत] समस्तसामन्तमण्डलोपमनिभृतचूडामणनियमनशासनः परमश्वरः परमभट्टारकमहारा[जाधिराजपरमेश्वरचक्रवर्त्ति ] श्रीधर[4] [सेनः] तत्पिता[मह]भ्रातृश्रीशलादित्यस्य शार्ङ्गपाणेरिवाग्रजन्मनो भक्तिबन्धुरावयवरतिधव [लया ] तत्पा [दारविन्द] प्रवि[त्या] चरणनखमणि [रु - ] [5] [चा म]न्दाकिन्येव नित्यममलितो [तमां ] गदेशस्यागस्त्यस्येव राजर्षेः दक्षिण्यमातन्वानस्य प्र [बल ] धवलिना यश [स] वलयेन म[*] [[ण्डित ] ककुभानवयाथर -- शेषः खण्डपरिवममण्डलस्य पयोदश्यामशिखरचूचुरकचि [स] ह्यविन्धा[ स्तनयुगा] याः क्षितेः पत्युः श्री [देरभट ] - [5] स्याग्रजः क्षितिसहतेः स्य शुचिय्यशो शुकभृतः स्वयंवराभिलाषिणीमिव रा[ज] श्रियमयन्त्या [ः कृतपरिग्रहः शौर्यमप्रतिह] [30] त[व्यापार]मानमितप्रचण्डरिपुमण्डलमण्डलाग्रमिवालं [बमा ] नः शरदि प्रसभमाकृष्टशिलीमुख [बाणासनापादितप्रसाधनानां] ["] परभुवां विधिवदाचरितकरग्रहणः पूर्वमेव विधिवर्णोज्वलन श्रुतातिशयनोद्वासि [तश्रवणयुगलः पुनः पुनरुक्तेनेव रत्ना ] [१७] [लङ्कय]रेणालंकृतश्रोत्रः परिस्फुरत्कटकविकटकीटपक्षरज़किरणमिवच्छिन्नप्र[दान ] सलिलनिवहानवसेकविलसन्भव[शैवलां][39] कुरमिवाग्रपाणिमुद्वह धृतविशालरत्नवलयजलधिवेलातटायमनभुजपरिष्वक्तविश्वम्भरः परममाहेश्वरः श्री ध्रुवसेनः तस्याग्रजो
83
41. L. 24, road रधिगत: कलाप:: सलांछन कुमुदनाथ: L. 25, read परं. I. 26, read निपुण: स्थानेनुरूप वृद्धिवि धानजनितसं . L. 27, road स्थिरसौ. 1. 28, read श्रीध्रुवसेन :: - तत्पादकमल. L. 29, read शकल; विशेष: L. 30, rond कलापः. L. 31, read मण्डलोत्तमांग मणीकियमाण) परममाहेश्वरः. I. 32, read बाङ्गजन्मनो; after
|
रावयव six syllables have been left out. I. 33, read दाक्षिण्य. L. 34, read नभसि विदलिताखण्ड परिवेश : पयोद :रुचिरसह्यविन्ध्य. L. 85, read स्याङ्गज; क्षितिसं'; 'गिण्या : ; श्रुचियशो°. L. 37, read ज्ज्वलेन शयेनो. L. 38, read किरणविच्छिन्न निवहनाव L. 38, read मिवाप्रमुद्वहत्; |तटायमान .

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84
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
Plate II.
['] [परमहीपति]स्पर्शदोषनाशन [धिदेव लक्ष्म्या स्वयमतिस्पष्टचेष्टमा[श्लिष्टाङ्गयष्टिरतिरुचितरचरित - रिमपरिकलितसकलनरपतिरति][f] प्रकृष्टानुराग[सरभस] वशीकृतप्रणतसमस्त [सा] मन्तचक्रचूडामणिमयूख [खचितचरणकमलयुगलः प्रो दामोदारदोईण्ड दलित द्विषद्वर्ण[] द]र्पः प्रसर्प्पत्पटीयः प्रतापलेोषिताशेषशत्रुवंशः प्रणयिपक्ष[निक्षिप्तलक्ष्मीकः प्रेरितगदोत्क्षि] प्तसु [ दर्शनचक्रः परि] हृत[*] बालक्रीडोनद्धःकृतद्विजातिरेक विक्रमप्रसाधितधरित्रीत लोनङ्गीकृतजलशय्योपूर्व्वपु [रुषोत्तमः साक्षा. " द्धर्म इव सम्यग्व्य]वस्था[] [पित]वर्णाश्रमाचारः पूर्वैरप्युर्विपतिभिः तृष्णालवलुब्धैः यान्यपहृतानि दे [व] [ह्मदे] यानि [तेषा ] म [प्यति सरलमना ]: प्र[°] [स]रमुत्सङ्कलनानुमोदनाभ्यां परिमुदिततृभुवनाभिनन्दितोत्च्छ्रुतोकृष्टधवलधम्मध्वजःप्रकाशितनिजवशो [देवद्विजगुरुप्रति यथा]र्त्य [मनवरत['] प्रवर्त्तितमहोद्रङ्कादिदानव्यसनानुप[जात]संतोषोपात्तोदारकीर्त्तिः परपरादन्तुरितनिखिल [दिक्चक्रवा] लः [स्पष्टमेव यथार्थे] धर्मादियि[2] द्वितीयनामा परममाहेश्वरः श्रीखरग्रहः तस्याग्रजन्मनः कुमुदषण्डश्रीविकासिन्या कलावतश्वन्द्रिक[येव कीर्त्त्या धवलितसकल[दिङ्कण्ड[१] लस्य खंडितागुरुविलेपनविडश्य । मलविंध्य शैलविपुलपयोधरायाः क्षितेः पत्युः श्रीशीलादित्यस्य सूनु[र्नवप्रायकिरण इव] [10] प्रतिदिनसंवर्द्धमानहृदयकलाचन्द्रवालः केसरीन्द्रशिभुवि राजलक्ष्मीं [स] कलवनस्थलीमिवालं कुर्वाणः शिखण्डिकेतन इव रुचिमच्चूडामण्डनः
[1] प्रचण्डशक्तिप्रभावश्य शरदागम इव द्विषतां परममाहेश्वरः परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपर मेश्वर श्रीबप्प पादानुध्यातः परमभट्टारक महारा[2] जाधिराजपरमेश्वरः श्रीशीलादित्यदेवस्तस्य सुतः परमैश्वर्ण्य कोपाकृष्टनिस्तृशपातवेिदेलितारातिकरिकुंभस्थलोलसत्प्रसृत [महाप्रतापानलप्रकारपारंगत ][] जगन्मण्डललब्धस्थितिः विकटनिजदोर्दण्डावलंबिना सकलभुवनाभोगभाजा मन्यास्फालनविधुतदुग्धसिन्धुफेनपिण्डपाण्डुरयशो [वितानेन ] [*] विहितातपत्रः परममाहेश्वरः परमभट्टारक महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीबष्पपादानुयातः परमभट्टारक महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्री शीलादित्य [देवः तत्पुत्रः ] [''] प्रतापानुरागप्रणतसमस्त सामन्तचूडामारिनखमयूखनिचितखजितपादारविन्दः परमेश्वरः परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर श्री [वप्पपादा]
[10] बुद्धचातः परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर श्रीशी लादित्यदेव तस्यात्मजः प्रशमिताशेषबलदर्प्पः विपुलजयमंगलाश्रयः श्रीसमा लिं[गनलालि ]त
** L. 4, road 'डोनध: कृत. L. 6, road त्रिभुवना; 'गुरून्प्रति. out. Read श्रीबावपादा L. 12, after सुत: two lines have I. 7, read किर्तिपरंपरा धम्र्म्मादित्य L. 9, read पिण्डश्या been omitted; read पारमैश्वर्य: ; निस्लिश. L. 15, road मल, L. 11, after शरदागम इव half a line has been left | चूडामणिमयूखनिचित L 16, read देव : •

Page #117

MARCH, 1878.]
ADDITIONAL VALABAI GRANTS.
["] वक्षा समपोढनारसिंडविग्रहोजितोधुरशक्तिः समुद्धातविपक्षभूभृत्कृतनिखिलगोमण्डलारक्षः पुरुषो-"
तम] प्रणतनाभूतपार्थिवकिरीट[""] [माणिक्यमसृणितचरणनखमयूखजिताशेषदिग्वधूमुखः परममाहेश्वरः परमभधारकमहाराजा.
धिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीबज्यपा[19] दानुदरंतःपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरेमश्वरश्रीशीलादित्यदेवः परममाहेश्वरः तस्यात्म
जः प्रथितदुस्सहवीर्य्यपको लक्ष्म्यालयो [20] नरकनाशकृतप्रयत्नः] पृथ्वीसमुद्धरणकार्यकृतैकनिश्वः संपूर्णचन्द्रकरनिर्मलजातकीर्तिः [॥१॥]
ज्ञातव्रयी श्रुणमयोजितवैरिपक्षः संपत्रि[1] निर्द्वमसुखः सुखदः सदैव[]ज्ञानालय सकलवन्दितलोकपालो विद्याधरैरनुगतः प्रथितः पृथिव्यां
[॥२॥] रत्नोज्वलो वरतनु[१] गुणरत्नराशिः ऐश्वर्यविक्रमगुणैः परमैरुपेतः। सत्वोपकारकरणे सततं प्रवृत्तः साक्षाजनाईन
इवातदुष्टदर्पः [॥३॥] [2] युदे सकृद्गजघटाघटनैकदक्षः पुण्यालयो जगति गीतमहाप्रतापः[0] राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरवंशजन्मा
श्रीधूभटो जयति जा[*] तमहाप्रमोदः॥४॥]परमेश्वरः परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरामोद्धरश्रीबप्पपापानुद्धचात
परामभट्टारकमहाराजा[] धिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीशोलादित्यदेवः सर्वानेव समाज्ञापयत्यस्तु वः संविदित यथा मया मातापित्रो
रात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृ[6] द्वये ऐहिकामुष्मिकफलावप्त्यर्थं श्रीमदानन्दपुरवास्तव्यतचातुर्विद्यसामान्यशर्कराक्षिसगोत्रबहुचस.
ब्रह्मचारि[9] भट्टाखण्डलभित्राय भविष्णुपुत्राय बलिचस्वैश्वदेवामिहोत्रऋतुकृयायुत्सर्पणाब]श्रीखेटक
हारे उप्पलहेट[29] पथके महिलावलीनम ग्रामः से रेकर सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिकः सभूतपातप्रत्यादायः सदा
शापराधः स[] भोगभागः सधान्यहिरण्यादयः सर्वराजकीयाना अहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः पूर्वपत्तदेवदायब्रह्मदायवर्ज भूमि
च्छिद्न्यायनाचन्द्रार्का[s °] पर्णवक्षितिपळतसमकालीनः पुत्रपौत्रान्वयभोग्य उपपातिसर्गेण ब्रह्मदायत्वेन प्रतिपादितः यतोस्योचित
या ब्रह्मदा[यस्थि] [31] त्या भुंजतः कृषतः कर्षापयतः प्रतिदिशतो वा न कैश्विद्वयासेधे वत्तितव्य ॥ अगामिभद्रनृपतिभिः अ[१] स्मद्वंशजैरन्यै नित्यनित्यान्यैश्वव्ण्यस्थिर मानुष्यकं सामान्यं च भूमिदानफलं अवगच्छद्भिः अयम[3] स्महायोनुमन्तव्यः पालयितव्यश्च उक्तंञ्च वदव्यासेनव्यासेनः बहुभिर्वसुधा भुफा राजभिः सगरादिभिः [*] यस्पयस्य यदा भूनिस्तस्यतस्य तदा फलं यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रः धनानि धर्मायतनीकृतानि
निर्माल्यवान्त 1. 17, read वक्षाः समुपोढनारसिंह तोडुर-समुद्धत:-| read परममाहेश्वर:-पादानुध्यातः. L. 25, read संविदितं. पुरुषोत्तमः. L. 19, rend 'वीर्यचक्रो. L. 20, read° कृतैक- L. 38, read बलीनामा. सभूतवात L. 29, according to the निष्ठ :-गुणमयो. L.21, rend रत्नोज्ज्व लो. L.22, rend सा- other plates. Read °ण्यादेयः वज; न्यायेना. L. 29, read साज. L. 28, read युद्धसकृद्ध. But the sign which looks | उदकाति. L. 81, read वर्तितव्यम्. L. 32, dele first नित्य like visarga may be intended for the avagraha. L. road स्थिरं. L.as, read वेदव्यासेन. L. 38, read पुरा नरें.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
["] प्रतिमानि तानि को नाम [ साधु प्रतिराददीत पछि वर्षसहस्राणि स्वम तिष्ठति भूमिद आच्छेला " चानुमंताच तान्येवनर[0] [४] सेत् । भुवीवतीयासु मुष्ककोटरवासिनः कृष्णाची हि जायन्ते भूमिदा हरन्ति ये । दूतको महाप्रतीहा[7] श्रीदेहाक्षपटलिकत्रराजकुलश्रीसिद्धनाथश्रीशर्व्वटसुतः तथा तत्रियुक्तव्रतिनानर्त्तक कुलपुत्र मा[30] अगूहेन हेम्बट पुत्रेण लिखितमिति || संव[स] रशतचतुष्टये सप्तचत्वारिंशदधि [क] ज्येष्ठशुद्ध पंचम्पां
अङ्क
[39] त सवत ४४७ ज्येष्ठ श्रु ५ ॥ [0]] स्वहस्तो मम
MISCELLANEA.
POLYANDRY IN THE PANJAB.
SIR,-I have just read in the Indian Antiquary, vol. VI. p. 315, Dr. Muir's paper "On the Question whether Polyandry ever existed in Northern India," and in response to the last sentence of his postscript the making known of a few facts I have gleaned may not be without interest.
Having occasion in 1872 to visit Ropar, a town in the Am bâ la District at the point where the Satlaj' debouches from the hills, I was induced by hearing that a dák of some kind was procurable at the Sirhind station of the Sindh, Panjab, and Dehli Railway to alight there, as the most convenient place for getting across the twenty miles between the railway and Ropar. No dák of any kind was, however, procurable, and I was compelled to send for a common country-cart to pursue my journey in, and entered into conversation with the driver, a Panjabi Jat, who was as good-humoured and communicative a man as the majority of his race. He let fall some remarks which induced me to question him on the subject of polyandry (of the existence of which I had not previously the faintest conception), and from his replies, as well as from subsequent inquiries, I have ascertained that there exists at this present time a system of polyandry among the Jats. The same institution is not unknown among the Cha mârs and other low castes at the foot of the hills and in the lower hills, and its existence in the higher hills is well known. My own inquiries have been in the CisSatlaj districts of Ambâla, Ludhiana, Firozpur, and Sirea, and the Trans-Satlaj districts of Jalandar and Hoshiarpûr.
Whether the Ja ts are Aryan or Turânian I do not know, but I have always remarked two distinct kinds of them-not, however, living apart from each other. One is the typical Sik h, tall and light
** L.. 35, read साधुः पुनरा; षष्टिं; ब. L. 38, read वि - L. 37, letters 3-5 uncertain. Probably to be read. Read . L. 39, read ar
complexioned, with a purely Caucasian type of face, and often with an aquiline nose; the other is shorter and darker, and essentially Tatar in feature. They are, so to speak, fused together, and the former type generally prevails, although the latter is very strong in particular families. The words of Prof. Weber, vol. VI. p. 317b, describe exactly the differences between the Panjabi Jat and Hindustânî Jât. To such an extent does the former (in every respect the superior and manlier) carry his disregard of Brahmanism that without the slightest compunction he cuts off pipal branches (Ficus religiosa) to feed his camels-an act the Jât would shrink from in horror as nothing less than sacrilege. My Panjabi camel-men have often been set upon and beaten for this act by the Hindustâni Jats of the Dehli, Gurgaon, and Rohtak districts.
When a Jat is well-to-do he generally procures a wife for each of his sons, but if he is not rich enough to bear the expenses of many marriages he gets a wife for the eldest son only, and she is expected to, and as a rule does, accept her brothers-in-law as co-husbands. There is no attempt to conceal the fact, and it is even a common thing when women quarrel for one to say to the other, "You are one so careless of your duty as not to admit your husband's brothers to your embraces !" It is true that Brahmanical influence prevents open cohabitation with an elder brother's wife, but no great pains are taken to conceal it.
The custom of forcing a younger brother to take the elder brother's widow (to raise up seed to his brother) is well known. Many tribes practise it. I have even heard of the thing being done among poor B any&s in Dehli.
C. S. KIRKPATRICK.
Dehli, 1st January 1878.
ङ्कतः read संवत्. The त of Sarvat stands under tho व. 1 Always pronounced Satlaj by natives.

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87
ANCIENT SUPERSTITIONS REGARDING No stingless honey in her mart we buy, "MEETING EYEBROW 8."
No thornless dates her garden will supply. Sir Henry Maine's article on South Slavonians If lamp she lights, as soon as it grows bright and Rajputs has recalled to my mind & curious The wind extinguisheth the spreading light. parallel between Hindu and Slavonian folklore. Who careless doth his heart on her bestow,
In the 20th Lambaks of the Katha Sarit Sdgara Behold, he cherishes a deadly foe: a witch is mentioned who undertook to confer The warlike king, who made the earth his prey, on her disciples the power of flying in the air, by His sabre dripping from the bloody fray, means of the eating of human flesh (mahamansa). Who with one onset put a host to rout, She is thus described :-" She was of repulsive Or broke & centre with a single shout; appearance. Her eyebrows met, she had dull eyes, Who chiefs unjustly into prison threw, a depressed flat nose, large cheeks, widely parted
Beheading heroes when no crime they knew; lips, projecting teeth, a long neck, pendulous
Who made the lioness untimely bear breasts, a large belly, and broad expanded feet."
In deserts when his name but sounded there; The only point I desire to call attention to in
Who made Shiraz, Tabriz, 'Irak, obeythis inventory of the lady's charms is the fact of Succumbed at last on his appointed day: her eyebrows meeting. For I find that Mr. Taylor, For one who his world-scanning eye made bright in his Primitive Culture, vol. II. p. 176, speaking With stabbing awl destroyed that piercing sight. of Slavonian superstitions says.--"A man whose
Bicknell's Selections from Hafiz eyebrows meet as if his soul were taking flight to enter some other body may be marked by this sign either as a werewolf or a vampire."
A Professorship of Zend has been founded at In both superstitions we find this notion, that
the Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Paris. It is the meeting eyebrows are the outward sign of a
first cbair established in Europe for the special predilection for human flesh.
study of the ancient language and literature of
C. H: T. Persia. The first professor is M. James DarmeCalcutta, 15th Jan. 1878.
steter, the author of two works of great interest on the old Persian religion, the first an essay on
the mythology of the Avesta, entitled Haurvatat THE BLINDING OF SHÅH MANSUR BY HIS
et Ameretét, published in 1875; and the second a REBELLIOUS SON.
volume, published last year, on the origin and his Let not thy heart the World's vain goods pursue, tory of the two principles, and styled Ormand et For no one yet has found her promise true.
Ahriman.
BOOK NOTICES. A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR of the Modern Aryan Lan-1 statements in the book the truth of which we
guages of Indus: to wit, Hindi, Panjabi, Sindhi, Gujarati, Marathi, Oriya, and Bangali. By John Beames, Bengal
doubt, and some which we feel disposed to deny; Civil Service, &c. Vol. II. The Noun and Pronoun. but, take it all in all, the production is in a high (London: Trübner & Co., 1875. pp. 348.)
degree creditable to the author. The first volume of Mr. Beames's work was The volume contains Book the Second, which reviewed at considerable length in the Indian comprises four chapters. The three first chapters Antiquary (vol. IV. p. 186). Our notice of the discuss the Noun; the fourth the Pronoun. second volume shall be brief.
In addition to the seven dialects which formally Mr. Beames speaks of the great and ever- come under investigation, we have remarks on growing pressure of work in Government offices, cognate forms of speech, such as Kaśmiri, Neas "the machinery of Government becomes more pali, and the Gipsy language. Mr. Beames thus complex." This compelled him to lay aside attraverses a very extensive field, in which the report one time all literary work for six months together. of a pioneer (which in truth he is) cannot reasonWe have reason, then, to congratulate Mr. Beames! ably be expected to be either perfectly accurate and the public that the second volume issued from or exhaustive. But we are very thankful for the the press only two years and a half after the first mass of information which be has supplied. On the soore of this pressure of official duty the In some of his opinions Mr. Beames strongly author asks indulgence for "the disjointed and dissents from the Pandits and even some Euunfinished appearance of some parts of the work." ropean scholars. For example, Bangalt has been Certainly there are marks of haste, and a want of represented as the eldest daughter of Sanskrit, artistic finish in the book; but we do not deem and as retaining the mother's character more fully these to be unpardonable faults. On the other than the younger sisters. But, says he,"it is in hand, the merits of Mr. Beames are great. They truth one of the youngest grand-daughters." Its are such as these-extensive knowledge, great phonosis and organic structure prove it to be "a pains and patience in investigation, & quick and very poor and rustic patois" which of late has generally accurate perception. There are many been deluged with resuscitated Sanskrit words

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is one of the most interesting in the volume) he suddenly asks-"Had the Gipsies only learnt to count as far as six when they left India?" This, because above six the resemblance between the Gipsy and other Indian numerals nearly vanishes. Mr. Beames's question, if seriously put, is absurd, and as a joke the thing will hardly pass muster.
But we cannot let our closing remark be one of censure. We must heartily congratulate Mr. Beames on his having, on the whole, well sustained the position-and it was a high one-which he won for himself as an Orientalist by his former volume.
and forms. We submit the interesting question to those who have studied Bangali deeply; but meantime we hold with Mr. Beames, and with him also we reprobate the pedantry of reproducing dead Sanskrit forms ir. living Bangali speech.
The presence of Arabic and Persian words in the vernaculars of India has been to many a stumbling-block, and they have proposed to weed them out as interlopers-as invaders of recent date. Mr. Beames, however, justly reminds us that many of these words were naturalized very long ago. The influence of Arabic in India began with the conquest of Sindh in the early part of the 8th century; in the 11th the expedition of Mahmud of Ghazni extended the knowledge of Arabic (Mr. Beames should have added, and Persian') to all north-western, India. The seven sister dialects had foreign elements thus woven into their structures from the very commencement; and often, even in sequestered rural places, the Arabic or Persian term is more familiar to the mass than any synonymous word of Indian origin.
Mr. Beames is much of a utilitarian. In the vast complications of classic grammar he has no complacency; he rejoices in the simplification which marks the modern dialects. English is "our own beautiful and practical language," which has "emancipated itself from awkward and cumbersome swaddling clothes." Thus, in regard to gender, he pities the 'stilted' Marathi and Gujarati for having retained masculines, feminines, and neuters; he thinks that Hindi, Panjabi, and Sindhi have done well in rejecting the neuter; and that Bangali and Oriya are to be congratulated on having no gender at all. We hardly know whether he prefers our English mode of designating natural (as distinguished from grammatical) gender to that which prevails in the languages which have retained the distinction he dislikes. For instance, is it better to have horse for the masculine and mare for the feminine, than with the Marathi to say ghoda, ghoḍt? We cannot think 80. Mr. Beames, it is plain, must immensely prefer the constancy with which the English article the does duty in all circumstances and connections; while he must pity the ever-shifting forms of its German representative-der, die, das, des, dem, den. What say the Germans to this? And will our friends in Western India rejudge his judgment when he ventures to speak of "the usually ornamented with carvings, painting, and gilding," ill-luck of Marathi" P
Dr. Wright's sketch of the valley of Nepal surrounding the capital, about 20 miles in length by 15 in breadth, which is the only portion of the country open to the investigations of Europeans, occupies 75 pages, but, for want of a map, is not always very intelligible. Kathmandu, the capital, known also by the names of Yindêsi, Kantipur, and Kathmaḍa, is "said to have been founded by Raja Gunakâmadeva, in the Kaligat (sic, for Kaliyuga) year 3824 (A.D. 723)." It is built on no regular plan, and its shape is very irregular, but "is said by the natives to resemble the Khora or sword of Devi." Its population is estimated by Dr. Wright at 30,000. "The better class of buildings is elaborately ornamented with plaster and paintings, and the houses in general possess large projecting wooden balconies, which are richly carved;" the temples "are several stories in height and profuse
Mr. Beames in his first volume showed a good deal of a skipping spirit,' and refreshed himself and his readers with a very passable joke now and then. Hard official work, we fear, is taking the fun out of him; which is a pity on all accounts. In a discussion on the numerals (which, by the by,
HISTORY OF NEPAL, translated from the Parbatiya by Munshi Siva Sankar Singh and Pandit Sri Gunânand: with an introductory sketch of the country of Nepal, by the editor, DANIEL WRIGHT, M.A., M.D., late Residency Surgeon at Kathmandu. Rl. 8vo, pp. 324. (Cambridge University Press, 1877.)
Our information respecting Ne pâl is still very defective, and, as Dr. Wright remarks, it is hardly possible to give it any degree of completeness "while our relations with it remain as they are at present," but for this very reason this work is all the more valuable. It is only to be regretted that the editor did not bestow more pains, while in the country, upon the revision of the Vanédvali or Genealogical History of Nepal, according to the Buddhist recension, which he has here edited with only a few notes regarding the customs and places mentioned.
but the carvings on many, and even on private houses, contain most obscene groups, the only reason assigned for which filthy custom being 'that such figures are supposed to protect the buildings from being struck by lightning" (pp. 910). The streets are narrow and the whole town is very dirty: in short "Kathmandu may be said

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to be built on a dunghill in the midst of latrines" ! (p. 12).
P&ta n, the next city, about two miles S.E. of Kathmandd, was built by Raja Bir Deva in the “Kaligat” year 3400 (A.D. 299), and is called by the names of Yellondêsi and Lalita Påtan. Its population "is said to be 30,000" (p. 16). Bhåtgaon, about nine miles E. from the capital, was founded by Raja Anand Malla, A.D. 865, and was at first named Bhaktapur, but was also known as Dharma Patan and Khopodesi : its population is also "estimated at about 30,000."
The principal races of Nepál are the Gôrkhas or Görkhålis, Néwårs, Gorungs, Limbus, Kirátis, Bhôtiyâs, and Lepchâs. The Gorkhali is the dominant race, and derives its name, says Dr. Wright, "from the town of Gorkha," which is about 60 miles W.N.W. from Kathmanda, but this again is derived from the eponymous deity of the royal family, viz. Gorkha nåtha. They conquered Nepal in 1768. "The Limbus and Kirátis occupy the hilly country to the eastward of the valley," and are famous as hunters. "They are both short, flat-faced people, powerfully built, and decidedly Mongolian in appearance" (p. 27). Like the Ne- wars and Bhotiyâs, they are Buddhists. In very early times the chronicle relates that the Kirátis came from the east and conquered the Ahir prince, establishing a dynasty which gave 29 princes to the throne, but was at last overthrown by the Somavansi Rajputs.
The second chapter of the introduction concludes with a very brief account of 22 of the principal jatrds; the third gives some account of the occupations of the people, laws and punishments, trade and manufactures, agriculture, revenue, &c.; the fourth sketches briefly the history of the country during the past hundred years; and the last remarks on the political aspect of matters in Nepal, and the periurious, avaricious, rude, and jealous character of the Gôrkhas.
The History' is sadly deficient in details and dates. The valley, we are told, was formerly known as Nag Hrad—the tank of the serpent.' In the Trêtåyuga, Visvabhu Buddha came from a country called Anupam to worship Svayambhu Buddha, and showed his disciples the place through which the waters of the Nag Hrad should be made to run out. In later times the Rishi N 6 performed his devotions at the junction of the Bågmati and Kebavati rivers, and ruled over the country, which derived its name from him. After this Manjasri came from Mahl-chin, and cut through the mountain and let the water run out with several N&gas ard other animals, but he per
Thomas's ed. of Prinsep's Essays, vol. II. Useful Tables, pp. 268-71.
suaded Karkotak, king of the Nagas, to remain, and pointed out to him a large tank (called TandAh) to live in; but afterwards Dinasur dammed up the passage again, and Bhima the Påndava came from Dolkh & and amused himself in a stone boat upon the lake. Vishņu re-opened the passage, and a thousand years after, Raja Svaya mbrata was made king. Vir Vikramaditya took service under him, and ultimately became king and "ruled a thousand years," leaving the kingdom to his son Vikrama Kesari. Later still Rani Pingala, the wife of Sudatta of Marwada, came and performed penances to Gubajéávari, but was taken back by her husband (pp. 104-5). These events, however, are all relegated to very early ages. Nê Nurmi installed a cowherd named Bhuktamâna as king, who founded a Gupta dynasty. We could have wished for a better chronology than Kirkpatrick's, but that does not seem available; in fact the earlier dynasties have either been manufactured, or, which is quite as probable, and of which the case of the Simraun dynasty is an instance, two or more of them were contemporary, and none of them of any very great antiquity. The following are the lists of the dynasties with the dates derived by Mr. Prinsep from Kirkpatrick-and his names -where they differ from the Vañéduali:
1. Gupta Dynasty, 521 years. B.C. 3803 Bhuktamânagata, reigned 88 years (K. BurimahagAh, 18 years; Prinsep supposes about B.C. 844).
3795 Jaya Gupta, his son, ruled 72 years. 3722 Parama Gupta 1 , 80 3631 Bhimagupta 93 (Sri Harkh 67), 3564 Bhimagupta 3526 Manigupta
37 , 3489 Vishnugupta
42 » 3423 Yaksha Gupta , 71 (Jayagupta II. overcame the Rajputs near Janakpar about B.c. 700 ?)
2. The Ahir Dynasty from Hindustan. B.C. 3351 P Vara Smiha, Ahir (Bal Siñha, de. scendant of Mahipa Gopala).
3302 Jayamati Siñha.
3281 Bhuvana Siñha, overcome by Kiratis from the east.
3. Kiráti Dynasty. B.C. 3240 Yalambara, 13 years, Yellang (Prinsep B.c. 646 P).
3150 Pavi (Daskham), in whose reign the Kaliyug began, B.C. 3102).
- Skandhara. 3113 Valamba (Balâncha). 3086 Hriti (Kingli). • Prinsep by a clerical error has 3911 bere. 3 The names in italics are wanting in Kirkpatrick.
→
38
,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1878.
B.C. 3040 Humati (Henanter).
B.C. 688 Sivavriddhi-varma. 2990 JitôdAsti (Tuskhah joined in the Maha 611 Vasanta-varmå. hhârata).
550 Siva-Farmà (Deva). 2949 Gali (Srupast).
Rudradeva-varma. 2910 Pashka (Parb).
493 Vriksha-deva-varma; Sankaracharya visit2854 Suyarma (JetydAstri).
ed Nepal. 2794 Parva (Panchem).
436 Sankara-dêra Raja. 2723 Bunka (Kıng-king-king).
386 Dharma-deva (Brahmadeva). 2667 Swananda.
335 Mån-deva. 2627 Sthunko (Thumu,cotemporary with Asoka, 297 Mahadeva. B.C. 260P).
247 Vasantadeva-varma II. crowned K. Y. 2800. 2558 Gighri (Jaigri).
190 Udayadêva-varma. 2498 Nanê (Jenneo).
143 Månadeva-varma II. Luk.
98 Gunakâmadêva-varma (Sukam). 2365 Thôra.
48 Sivadeva-varma removed the capital to Deva 2294 Thôko (Thamu).
Påtan. 2211 Varma.
B.C. 6 Narendradeva-varma, brother of Siva2138 Guja (Gunjeh).
deva. Pushkara (Kashkan).
A.D. 27 Bhimadeva-varma (displaced by the 2065 Kesa (Tesha).
Ahirs). 2019 Suga (Sungmia).
43 Vishnudeva-varma (Visbņu-gupta). 1950 Sansa (Jusha).
117. Visvadeva-varma contemporary with Vikra1887 Gunan (Gontho).
maditya, gave his daughter in marriage to Ansu1813 Khimbu or Shimbu.
varma, a Thakuri or legitimate Rajput (Krishna- Patuka attacked by the Somavansa Rajputs. gupta). 1739 Gasti (Galijjang subdued by the Soma- 6. The Thakur Dynasty, capital Madhyalakku (p. 133). vansis).
A.D. 259 Ansu-varma (Anghu-varma). Bibhu4. Somavanka Dynasty.
varm built an aqueduct on the left side of the B.c. 1658 Nimika or Nimisha (Nevesit, B.C. road leading southward to Ranf-pokhri; in his 178).
time 3000 years K.y. had elapsed B.c. 101. 1608 Matâksha (Mattarktio).
301 Krita-Farm. 1517 Kåka-varma.
319 Bimarjuna-deva. 1441 Pasupresha-deva rebuilt the temple of 368 Nanda-deva. Salivahana Saka introduced Pasupati K.Y. 1234 (Pasupushadeve).
into Nepal. 1386 Bhaskara-varma, a great conqueror.
2999 Vira-deva (Śiva-deva 371) founded Lalit5. Suryavansa Dynasty, ruling at Banekvara. I pur. B.C. 1311 Bhumi-varma, a Khetri, crowned in
Chandrakétu-deva, the country suffered K.Y. 1389.
from invaders. 1270 Chandra-varma.
387 Narendra-deva, 7 years (37 years). 1249 Chandra-varma (Jaya-varma).
424 Vara-deva, 8 years (Bala-deva, 17 years); 1187 Varsha-varma (Vrisha-varma).
moved his capital to Lalit-P&tan; Gorakhnath came 1130 Sarva-varma.
to Nepal; 12 years' drought; Machchhindranatha 1081 Přithvi-varma.
came to Nepal K.x. 3623, A.D. 522.5 1025 Jyeshtha-varma.
441 Sankara-deva, 12 years. 977 Hari-varma (Kuvera-varma).
453 Varddham&na-deva, 13 years (Bhima Arjuna 901 Kuvera-varme (Hari-varma).
16 years). 824 Siddhi-varma.
469 Bali-deva 13 years (Jaya-deva, 19 years). 763 Haridatta-varma built the temple of Nila- 488 Jaye-deva, 15 years (Sribala-deva, 16 years). kantha Narayana.
504 Bal&rjuna-deva, 17 years (Kandara-deva, 724 Vasudatta-varma.
27 years). 691 Pati-varmá (Sripatri-varma).
(807 Vikrama-deva, 12 years.)
• Kirkpatrick gives Bhumi-gupta A.D. 178 M the 3rd Ahir king expelled by Sivadora-varma A.D. 918, adjusted by Prinsep to A.D. 470.
'S These date cannot both be correct; if we accept the second it would tally well enough with the next date under Gunak Ama-dova k.. 8894,-only that date is perhaps con siderably too early.
Kirkpatrick's hista supply after Kondars-A.D. 531 Jaya-devs II.; 574 Bala-deva III. ; 586 Balerjan-deva; 629 Ragbobs-devs said to have introduced the Newar era, adjusted to A.D. 880); 686 Sikar-devs; and 778 Soho-deva. After Vikrama he gives 808 Narendra-deva; 810 Gunakema. dors; 896 Udaya-dova ; 901 Narbhay.devs.

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years).
A.D.810Gunakâma-deva, 51 years; founded Kanti- A.D. 1352 Matisiñha-deva 15 years. pur or Kathmandu as his capital K.Y. 3824, A.D. 723. 1367 Saktisisiha-deva 22 ,
908 Bhoja-deva, 8 years (Bhojadevabhadra). 1389 Syâmasiñha-deva 15 years; a great earth917 Lakshmikåma-deva, 22 years.
quake in a.d. 1408 (1398 P) destroyed the temple 938 Jayakama-deva, 20 years; he died without of Machchhindranatha, &c. issue, and the Vaiấya Thakuris of Noêkôt elected
Restored Malla Dynasty of Bhátgáor. from among themselves. 958 Bhaskara-dera (Udaya-deva).
1 Jayabhadra Malla 15 years, son-in-law of Sya. 966 Bala-deva.
masiñbadeva. 977 Padma-deva.
2 Näga Malla 15 984 Nagarjuna-deva.
3 Jayajagat Malla 11 , 987 Sankara-deva, expelled by
4 Någêndra Malla 10 , The restored Rajput Dynasty.
5 Ugra Malla 15 ,
6 Asoka Malla 19 A.D. 1004 Vâma-deva.
.. 1006 Harsha-deva.
7 1386 (?)" Jayasthiti Malla 43 years, a legislator 1022 Sadasiva-deva; restored the Pasupati tem
8 1429° Yaksha or Jayayaksha Madla 43 years. ple ky. 3851, A.D. 750.
kingdom divided. 1050 Mâna-deva ruled 10 years (Indra-deva 12
9 1472 Raya Malla, eldest son of Gaksha, 15 years).
years. 1062 Narasifiha-deva 22 years (Mân-deva 5
10 Suvarna Malla 15 years. years.)
11 Prana Malla 15 years. 1067 Nanda-deva 21 years (Narendra-deva 6
12 Visva Malla 15
13 Trailokya Malla 15 1073 Rudra-deva 7 years (80 years).
14 Jagatjyoti Malla 15 1153 Mitra-deva 21 years (Amrita-deva 3 years).'
15 Narendra Malla 21 , Ari-deva 22 years.
1653 Jagatprakasa Malla 21 years. - Abhaya Malla, introduced the new Samvat
1674 Jitâmitra Malla 21 >> A.D. 880 ?
1695 Bhupatîndra Malla 34 1246 Jaya-deva Malla 10 years.
1721 Raņajit Malla; Narbhupala of Gôrkhå in1280 Ananda Malla, brother, 25 years; founded
vaded Nepál 1729. Bhâtgaon A.D. 865, where he ruled.
Rája of Banépa. Karnataki Dynasty, capital-Bhaktapur or Bhatgdon.
9 Rana Malla, second son of Yaksha Malla, 21 1 Nanya-deva came from Kårnataka, bringing years. Newâras from Näyêra, and defeated the Malla råjas A.D. 889; ruled 50 years.
Rajas of Kathmandu. 2 Gangå-deva 41 years.
9 Ratna Malla, youngest son of Yaksha, 71 3 Narasitiha-deva 31 years; founded Chåpâgfon years. A.D. 991.
10 Amara Malla, 47 years. 4 Sakti-deva 39 years.
11 Sürya Mulla. 5 Råmasisiha-deva 58 years.
12 Narendra Malla. 6 Hari-deva removed to Kantipur; invaded and 13 Mahindra Malla; temple of Tuljadevi built slain 'by Mukunda-sena, whose troops were de- at Kathmanda A.D. 1549, and of Narayana at Lastroyed by pestilence. Then the Vaisya Thakuris lit-Pâtan 1566. of Noakot established many petty chiefships and 14 Sadasiva Malla, expelled. ruled 225 years.
15 Sivasitha Malla, his brother; temple of ChanAyodhya Dynasty.
gu Narayana repaired 1585, and that of SvayamA.D. 1324, Harisiñha-deva of Simraungarh, 28 | bhu 1594. years.
16 Lakshminarayana Malla, became insane,
After this Kirkpatrick's lists differ greatly from these, and it is evident that previons to the time of Harisiihs. deva, A.D. 1324, the chronology is in inextricable confusion; from that date Dr. Wright's book helps greatly to rectify our previous knowledge. This dynasty in doubtless placed three centuries too early by the Vanavali, which apparently makee Gunakama-deva of a previous list contemporary with SadAiva-deva of this one.
It will be observed that this Karnatakl dynasty preaenta us with the same names in nearly the same order n they occur in the Samangarha or Simraun dynasty, viz. 1, Nanyupe deva, who, according to Hodgson, founded
Simran A.D. 1097 ; 2, Ganga-deva; 3, Naruifiha-deva; 4, Remssifiha-deva; 5, Saktisifiha-deva; 6, Harusifiha-deva.
The dates of the inscription Newâr Sam. 542, the Kotykhati-yajna 615, and Jayaathiti's death 549 (pp. 188, 187), are probably in error by 100 years. Prinsep places the noontion of Jayayakshs in Newir Sam. 371, or A.D. 1610, but this appears to be too late.
10 Three dates are cited in this reign-8.775, 782, 787 (pp. 191-2)-but the accuracy of them is questioned by Dr. Wright; they are in accordance, however, with what fol. lows.

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17 Pratâpa Malla A.D. 1639"; abdicated for & time in favour of his sons :
A.D. 1666 Parthipendra Malla 1 year. 1667 Nřipendra Malla 1 year. 1668 Mahipêndra Malla 1 year. 1669 Chakravartendra Malla 1 day-died. 1689 Mahindra or Bhupalendra Malla 5 years.
1694 Sri Bhaskara Malla 8 years ; a plague raged for two years.
1702 Jagajjaya Malla, a distant relative.
1732 Jayaprakasa Malla A.D. 39 years ; war with Prithvinarayana, who took Kantipur in 1768.
Kings of Patan. Hariharasifiha Malla, son of Sivasiña, No. 15 of Kathmandu.
1654 Siddhi-narsisha Malla. 1667 Srinivasa Malla (Nirman Indra Malla). 1702 Yoganarendra Malla.
1706 ) Mahipatindra or Mahindra Sifiha Malla of Kathmanda,
1722 Jayayoga prakasa Malla. 1729-31 Sri Vishņu Malla, grandson of Yoganarendra. 1742 Rajya Prakasa Malla.
- Ranajit Malla of Bhâtgåon 1 year and expelled.
- Jayaprakasa Malla of Kantipur lor 2 years and expelled.
1749-50 Visvajit Malla, grandson of Vishnu Malla, 4 years ; murdered.
Dalmardan Säh, a Görkhâli of Noåkôt, 4 years ; expelled.
Tej Narasiðha Malla, 3 years; expelled by Prithvinârâyan. Görkhalt Rájas claiming descent from the
Udayapur family (p. 276). 1 Michá Khân ruled 4 Mich Khân.
at Nuvákot. 5 Vichitra Khân. 2 Jayan Khan. 6 Jagdeva Khan. 3 Surya Khân. 7 Kulmandan Sâh ruled over Kaski. 8 Yasovam šah, Raja of Lamjung.
A.D. 1569 Sri Drabya sah, subdued Gorkha, Saka 1481, and reigned 11 years.
1570 Śri Purandar Sah, his son, 35 years. 1605 Sri Chhatra Sah, his son, 7 months. 1606 Sri Râma Šah, his brother, 27 years. 1633 Sri Dambar Sah, son, 9 years. 1642 Sri Krishna Sah, son, 11 years.13 1653 Śrt Rudra Sah, son, 16 years (11 on p. 290). 1669 Sri Prithvipati Sah, son, 47 years. 11 Dr. Wright gives a facsimile of the Mantra composed by him and inscribed on the temple of Jagannath, dated N.S. 774, or A.D. 1853.
19 This date and that of his death, 1722, do not accord with the rule of Mahindra 1689-1694, but Kirkpatrick gives 1685, Nirman Indra Malla; 1689, Yoganarendra Malla;
AD. 1716 Narbhupala Sah, his grandson, 26 years 8 months.
1743 Prithvinarayana sah, his son, 32 years ; conquered Nepál A.D. 1768.
1775 Pratapasiñiha Såh, son, 2 years 9 months.
1778 Rana Bahadur Såh, son, 22 years; retired to Banáras; assassinated A.D. 1804.
1799 Girvânyuddha Vikrama Såh, son, 17 years.
1816 Rajendra Vikrama Śâh, son, 30 years 5 months, resigned.
1847 Sri Surendra Vikram sah, son, the present ruler,
The appendices contain lists of musical instruments, agricultural implements, coins, weights and measures, a vocabulary of Parbatiya and Newâri words, 5 Newari songs with interlinear versions, a recapitulation of the lists of rulers, and a catalogưe of about 360 MSS. procured by Dr. Wright for the University of Cambridge, some of them apparently of great age. All the older among them are on palm leaves and are dated in the Nepalese Samvat. Among them may be noted two copies of Ashtasdhasriká dated respectively in the 3rd and 5th years of the Nepal Samvat, or A. D. 883 and 885, and a third A. D. 1008, also a copy of the Kdeya Kanda-kramdvali dated in the 10th year of the era. There is also a fine copy of Yasomitra's commentary on the Abhidharmakosa of Vasubandhu. The Tantra literature is especially well represented; and among others is a copy of the Arya-Manjusrimalatantra, the historical value of which was noticed by Burnouf.
The book is well got up and illustrated by sixteen plates : four are portraits from photographs of Nepalese celebrities; one double-page coloured plate gives the Five Buddhas, their Tarks or female counterparts, and Bodhisatvas, scarcely differing from the same figures as given by Mr. Hodgson ; another double-page plate gives the prayer of Pratápa Malla to Kalikå (dated New. Sar. 774) inscribed in fifteen different languages; a lithograph is given of the pádukas of Buddha and Man. jubri (p. 78), and the rest (nine) are views chiefly of temples.
Dr. Wright, in his part of the work, does not show much acquaintance with what has been before written on the subject by Kirkpatrick, Dr. Buchanan Hamilton, and especially Hodgson. To none of these authorities does he even refer, and this must be felt as a defect by every one interested in the subject, who will have to fall back on these earlier writers for fuller information.
1695, Mahipatindrs; 1696, Jayavira Mahendra ; 1706, J&yaindra Malla-deva; 1715, Hridiya Narasifiha; 1716, Rishi Nirmal-deva to 1722.
13 Thus on p. 279, but 16 years on p. 290. 1. Trans. As. Soc. vol. II. p. 283.

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THE WIVES OF MUHAMMAD.
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THE WIVES OF MUHAMMAD. BY J. D. BATE, ALLAHABAD.
WH HEN the manner of Muhammad's rela- | Pharaoh, Mary the mother of Jesus and daughtionships with persons of the gentler ter of 'Imrân, and his own daughter Fâ tima. sex is subjected to investigation as a historical 2. His second wife was Sa uda, daughter of study, the topic naturally divides itself into Zam'ah. Sauda was a widow at the time of her several sections. marriage to Muhammad, but she had been only
I. We may enumerate, in the first place, his once married. Her husband, Sakrân bin'Umar, lawfully-married wives. was her paternal cousin. Like Khadija, Sauda was of Qoraishite blood, but through a stock remote from that of Muhammad, and, with her husband, was among the earliest adherents of Islâm: they were among those who, on account of the persecutions of the Muhammadans at Makka, fled to Abyssinia as exiles. Sauda may therefore be regarded as having been more than ordinarily devoted to the cause of the new faith. There is some uncertainty about the question of Sauda's offspring by the first marriage: the best authorities, however, seem agreed that she had had but one child,—a son 'Abdu'r-rahmân, whose death is believed to have occurred before that of her husband. It is related that when her husband Sakran lay ill on his dying bed, Sanda mentioned to him one morning a dream from which she had just awoke; the prophet of God' had approached her and placed his foot on her neck. Her husband replied, "I am about to die; thou wilt soon be the wife of another." Her marriage with Muhammad took place in February 620, within two months of the death of his first wife. For three or four years Sauda continued to be the only woman with whom he cohabited. There was no issue by this marriage; though it is said that motives of affection, rather than of worldly self-interest, dictated the union. However this may have been, the Moslim historians relate that when age began to advance upon Sauda, Muhammad was on the point of divorcing her. It seems a doubtful point whether the desire to divorce Sauda was occasioned by her advancing age, or by some uneasiness in Muḥammad's mind as to her fidelity. It is a somewhat remarkable circumstance that it was only a year before this time--viz. at the conquest of Khaibar-that he assigned to Sanda her portion from the revenues of this victory. The desire to divorce her arose only nine years after the marriage. One legend relates that divorce was actually effected, and this through no misde
1. The first of these was Kha dîja, daughter of Khawailid. At the time of his marriage to this lady, in 595 A.D., Muḥammad was in his twentyfifth year, and Khadija was a widow of forty. Before this marriage she had been twice a widow, her first husband having been Abû Hâlah, and her second Aliq bin 'Abad: some of the Moslim historians reverse the order of these two names. By each of her former husbands Khadija had borne two children, a son and a daughter, who had all of them died before her third marriage. By this marriage six children were born to Muḥammad, the first and the last of whom were boys, and the remainder girls. There is a want of harmony in the statements of Muhammadan historians in regard to this point, some of them affirming that Muḥammad had at least four sons by this marriage: the above-mentioned statement, however, is the one upon which there is a pretty general agreement, and according to that statement the names of the children, in the order of birth, are given thus:-the eldest, Qasim; then, the girls, Zain a b, Ruqaiyya, Fatima, and Umm Qolthûm; then, lastly, "A b d-Man â f, who is called also 'Abdu'l-lâ h, Tayib, and Tâhir. The male children died in early childhood; the girls grew up, and at length married. When Muhammad was fifty years of age he lost Khadija: she died at the age of sixty-five, in December 619, in the month of Ramazan, and was interred near Makka. Her tomb, which is enclosed by a square wall, is still in existence, and is regularly visited by pilgrims to Makka, especially on Friday morning.
Khadija is known in Moslim legend under the title of the chief of women,' she having been the first of her sex (as she was, indeed, also the first human being) who avowed herself a believer in the mission of Muhammad. There is also a legend that Muhammad considered her one of the only four perfect women that ever lived, the other three being Asia wife of

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meanour of hers, but solely on the ples that her ship which already existed between him and time of life was now such as to preclude the her father, Abu Bakr. Such things could not hope of offspring. She, however, accosted him have been so revolting to the minds of the in the public street, and entreated that she might Arabians as they are to ours, for according to not be cast out of house and home in her old age, one authority we find that Muhammad gave his and begged her husband that, if such was his de- own favourite daughter, Fâtima, in marriage sire, he would bestow upon his favourite 'Aisha when she was but nine years of age ; some, how. her share of his company, -resorting to the ever, say that she was about fourteen at the time. society of his more youthful wife on Sauda's day. Moslim traditionists are not agreed as to the To this suggestion the prophet of God' magnani- precedence of the marriage with Sauda and with mously acceded; and, revoking the sentence of Aisha: all of them are agreed in assigning divorce, he permitted Sauda to continne hence- these marriages to a period early in the same forward to be nominally his wife. What may year-viz. 620 A.D. The truth seems to be have been her age at the time of her being that the alliance with 'Aisha was contracted united in marriage to Muhammad is a point first in the order of time, and that the circumthat cannot be ascertained; she must, however, stance of the marriage with Sauda having been have been comparatively young, for she did not consummated prior to that with the child of die till the end of the Khilafat of 'Umar, some Abd Bakr furnishes the only claim in Sauda's ten years after the death of Muhammad.
case to priority to her in a chronological list of 3. Muhammad's third wife was 'Aisha, the nature of the present one. The marriage usually written Ayesha, and less frequently with 'Aisha would appear to have been suggested Asha. 'Aïsha was the daughter of 'Abdu-l-lah in the first instance by a desire on Muhammad's bin Uthmân Abû Qabáfa, better known in Moslim part to attach to his own interests her father, history under the name Abu Bakr (lit. the who was somewhat younger than Muhammad, spinster's father'),-a title which was bestowed and who, after his death, became the ecclesiasupon him in allusion, apparently, to the fact that tical and political chief of Islam, and first of he was the father of the only spinster whom the the Khalifas. At the time of his marriage to prophet of God' had taken into his haram. It 'Aisha, Muhammad had just turned tifty years is not ascertainable at what period this name of age, so that at the time of his death, at sixtywas given to the father of 'Aisha; most proba- three, she was about nineteen. That he was bly it was not given till after the Hajira, when influenced in this case by ordinary conjugal the marriage to Muhammad of such a large num- emotion can hardly be supposed the disparity ber of widows would give distinction to the in the matter of age is very striking; and it is circumstance of 'Aishâ being the only one not supposable that the charms of the poor child among all his wives who had been married to were so duly unfolded at the age of six as to him in her virginity,--a circumstance of which have effected a conquest over the heart of one Aïshî never failed to boast. She was the most who had already known more than a quarter youthful of his wives, having been married to of a century of married life. There seems every him at the age of six years, and Muhammadan ground for believing that this was merely a historians' relate that the prophet of God' con- mariage de convenance,--an alliance mainly desummated his marriage with the child when signed to secure, by the strongest ties available, she reached her ninth year (Arab. suhbat, the attachment of her father-a powerful and ijtima', zaji; Pers. hambistar). Some of the well-to-do citizen-to the then wavering and Moslim authorities, however, make each of these doubtful cause of Islam. With but few interevents to have occurred one year later in her missions, 'Aisha, though childless, maintained life,-thus substituting seven for six, and ten through the whole period of her married lifo for nine. What may have been the impulse which the position of favourite wife; and the traditionled Muhammad, then more than half a century ists delight to relate how that it was on the old, to form this outré alliance, it is not easy floor of her house and in her arms that the proto conjecture: thus much, however, may be phet of God' breathed his last, and that her said, that the immediate practical effect of it apartment in Madina bas been the one only restwas to draw yet more closely the bond of friend. I ing-place of his remains. She lived to a tolerably

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good age, for she survived Muhammad about forty-seven years, and did not die till the fiftyeighth year of the Hajira (= 680 A.D.), when she would be about sixty-seven years of age.
Partly on account of her having always been so great a favourite of her husband's, and partly on account of her having become after his death so great an authority for legends concerning him, 'Aisha is known in Moslim literature as An-nabiya, the prophetess,' and Ummu-l-Muslimin, mother of Moslims.'
4. His fourth marriage was with Hafsa, daughter of 'Umar, the immediate successor of Abu Bakr in the Khilâfat. The name of this lady appears in various forms: thus, Hafsah, Hafza, Haphsa, Haphza, Haphsah, Haphzah, &c. The marriage took place in the third year of the Hajira (i.e. in 624 A.D.), when Muḥammad was in his fifty-fifth year, Hafsa being from eighteen to twenty years of age. This was her second marriage, her former husband, Khunais the Ethiopian (some name him Jaḥsh the Egyptian), having died six or seven months before her marriage to Muhammad. Whatever may have been the real purpose of Muhammad in contracting this alliance, it had the effect of drawing into still closer friendship to himself her father, 'Umar. The course of this marriage was not unchequered; it was Hafsa who, on one of her own days, discovered the chief of the prophets' on her own bed with Mary the Coptic slave: she is, moreover, said to have been one of those two of Muhammad's lawfully-married wives whom he divorced, -the other, as we have seen, was Sauda. The occasion of her being divorced was his displeasure at her determination not to observe secrecy in relation to the circumstances of his amour with the Egyptian girl: afterwards, however, when 'the apostle of God' perceived the deep offence which the divorce had occasioned his friend 'Umar, the angel Gabriel was sent down with a special revocation of the sentence of divorce, the matter was made up, and the daughter of 'Umar was restored to favour. Hafsa died at Madina, at the age of sixty, about the forty-first year of the Hajira, and was childless in both of her marriages.
5. His fifth wife was Zainab daughter of Khuzaima. This alliance was contracted in the ninth month of the fourth year of the Hajira (Dec. 625 A.D.). At the time of her marriage to Muḥammad, Zainab had already been thrice married: her
95
first husband, Tufail bin Hârith, divorced her ; the second, 'Ubaida bin Hârith, a paternal cousin of Muhammad's, was slain at the battle of Badr; and the third, 'Abdu-l-lâh bin Jahsh, was slain in the battle of Uhud. The exact age of this lady at the time of her marriage to Muḥammad does not appear to be known she died soon after her marriage,-some say eight months after, and others say a year and a half,and with the single exception of Khadija was the only one of his wives who did not survive him. Zainab was childless in all her marriages. She is said to have been one of the three whom Muḥammad took in marriage at their own request. The beneficence of her disposition towards destitute converts won for her the epithet Ummu-lmusakin, 'Mother of the poor.' Some, however, record that this epithet was applied not to this Zainab, but to Zainab bint Jahsh.
6. The sixth wife was a paternal cousin of his, Umm Sala m a, daughter of Abi Umaiyya. This alliance took place in the fourth year of the Hajira, in January 626 A.D., within one month of Muḥammad's marriage with Zainab bint Khuzaima. At the time of her marriage to Muḥammad she was twenty-eight years of age. and had been once a widow. Her husband, Abû Salama, died from a wound received at the battle of Uḥud,-death supervening some eight months after the infliction of the wound. She brought with her four children, the offspring of her late marriage, but she had no issue by her second. Umm Salama had been twice to Abyssinia with her husband, who had emigrated thither on account of the persecutions and hardships which, as adherents of Muḥammad, they experienced at Makka. Though not young at the time of her marriage to Muhammad, she still is said to have been very beautiful. She at first excused herself from complying with his proposal, partly on the ground of her maturity in point of age. Muhammad, however, removed her objections by urging that he too was well advanced in years, and that as for her children, they should be his care. Notwithstanding this, however, it is recorded by some of the traditionists that this lady was one of the three who were taken in marriage by Muhammad at their own request. This marriage of Umm Salama was consummated four months after the death of her husband, and within one month of Muhammad's marriage to his fifth wife. After

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his marriage in the present instance, he remained in her society for a period of three days; and his example in this particular was ever after followed by "believers' when they added fresh inmates to their harams. From the circumstance that Muhammad was wont to have Umm Salama accompany him on the march and in his travels generally, it has been inferred that she was one of his special favourites. The exact period of her death is not known: it occurred, however, at some period between the fifty-ninth and sixty-first years of the Hajira, when she had reached the advanced age of eighty-four.
7. Muhammad's seventh wife was Zainab the daughter of Jahsh. Zainab was a cousin of Muhammad's, being daughter of Amirna, who was a sister of Mohammad's father, 'Abdu'l-lah. Her former husband, Zaid bin Harith, was at one time a slave of Muhammad's, and, being afterwards freed by him, was adopted by him as his own child. Zainab was diyorced from her husband in order that she might be united in marriage to
the prophet of God.' This marriage was effected a few months after the former one with Umm Salama-viz. in June 626, in the fifth year of the Hajira, Muhammad being then fifty-five years of age. Zainab, in common with 80 many of his other wives, was childless, and died at the eye of fifty-three. There are certain exceptional features in connexion with this marriage : in the first place, the four witnesses required by Islamic law in order to legalize the marriage were dispensed with. The reason was that when, in consequence of the displea- sure generally felt in regard to the whole transaction, the difficulty of finding witnesses in this case arose, Muhammad declared that Gabriel had been sent down to him with a message from God, “We have joined her in marriage unto thee." Thus was Zainab his divinelyappointed bride,-a circumstance on which she was wont, on occasion, to vaunt herself in the presence of her co-wives, saying that, whereas the other wives were given away by their relatives, she had been bestowed upon the prophet' by an express divine revelation and behest. Another exceptional feature is found in the extreme difficulty that exists in arriving at a harmonious statement of figures. Accord ing to one account, the divorce took place a year after her marriage with Zaid, and when she was only nine years of age, or as some say seven;
according to another account Zainab was over thirty at the time of that event. Again, as to the time of her death, it is said by some that she survived till the fiftieth year of the Hajira; by others that she survived Muhammad only ten or eleven years, or till about the twentieth year of the Hajira. It seems most likely that she was thirty at the time of her divorce; and, her age being fifty-three at the time of her death, she would have survived Muhammad about seventeen years.
8. The eighth wife of Muhammad was Ju. wairiya, daughter of Bani-Harith, chief of the tribe of the Bani-Mustaliq. Juwairiya was a widow at the time of her marriage to Muhammad,-her unfortunate husband, Ziu-l-Shafrain, who was her paternal cousin, having just been put to death at the battle of the Bani-l-Mustaliq. On lots being cast for her as a trophy of war, she fell to the share of Thabit bin Qais. She is said, however, to have been particularly beautiful; and it is related that the prophet of God, overpowered by her beauty, purchased her from Thabit for a sum of money, and without further delay consummated marriage with her. This event occurred in the fifth year of the Hajira, December 626 A.D.; and, as she died in the fifty-sixth year of the Hajira, at the age of sixtyeight, she would be about seventeen at the time of this marriage.
9. His ninth wife was a Jewess, Safia, daughter of Hayy bin Akhtub. Safia is said to have been a beautiful damsel of seventeen or eighteen years of age at the time of her marriage to Muhammad. She had been twice married, and had been divorced by her first husband, Salam bin Shikam. Her secoud husband, the Jewish chief Kinana bin Rabi', was slain by the party of Muhammad in the battle of Khaibar. On returning from the battle the prophet of God' seated her, as his favourite trophy in the war, behind himself on his own camel, and covered her with his own mantle, in token of having made her his wife. The marriage took place immediately after the battle in which her husband had been slain,that is, in the seventh year of the Hajira (= 628 A.D.). Safia died childless in the fifty-second year of the Hajira, having survived Muhammad forty years: by that time she would be about sixty-three years of age.
10. Muhammad's tenth wife was Umm Habiba, daughter of Abû Sofiân. At the

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time of her marriage with Muhammad this lady was the widow of 'Ubaidu-l-lah bin Jalsh, by whom she had become the mother of one child, a girl. 'Ubaidu-l-lah was, in the first instance, a Muhammadan; but, in consequence of the growing persecution of Muhammad and his adherents in Makka before the Hajira, he removed to the Christian province of Abyssinia, where he gave up Islâm and embraced the religion of the country, and at length died a Christian. This man was one of the Four Inquirers,' so called,-that is, persons who are said in Moslim legend to have been in a state of expectancy of a prophet just prior to the time when Maḥammad announced his mission. 'Ubaidu-1-lâh was a maternal cousin of Muḥammad's,-his mother having been a daughter of 'Abdu-l-Muttalib, Muhammad's grandfather; he was also a brother of Zainab bint Jahsh, the divorced wife of Zaid. On hearing of his death, Muḥammad sent for his widow, and took her in marriage. This event took place at Madina in the seventh year of the Hajira, in the autumn of 628 A.D.,-their ages being respectively fifty-six and thirty (or, as some say, thirty-five). This lady had no issue by the second marriage; she lived to see the good age of sixty-four, dying in the fortieth year of the Hajira (=652 A.D.)-thus surviving Muḥammad about thirty years, and dying during the Khilafat of her brother Muavia.
11. The lady who is generally believed to have been the last of his married wives was Maimuna, daughter of Hârith, and maternal aunt of Ibn Abbas. This was the third marriage of Maimûna, her former husbands having been Mas'ûd bin 'Umar, and the second Bûraham, from the first of whom, from some cause not now ascertainable, she had become separated. She was joined in marriage to Muḥammad in the seventh year of the Hajira (=629 A.D.), his age and hers being respectively fifty-eight and twenty-six. This lady Maimuna, together with Umm Salama and Zainab bint Khuzaima, are the three who are said to have bestowed themselves, unsolicited and of their own will and request, upon the apostle of God' to be his wives. Some of the authorities do not allow to Maimuna a place among his lawfully-married wives, maintaining that in this instance there was no formal
It is proper to observe in this p'ace that facts, figures, and names regarding this person are stated by different Moslim
marriage. At the time of his marriage to her, Muḥammad had already in his haram eight wives, besides ladies of other descriptions: Khad ja and Zainab bint Khuzaima were the only two who had died. Maimuna lived just fifty-five years after the celebration of her third marriage, and was childless in all her marriages. Surviving, as she did, to the sixty-third year of the Hajira, and to the advanced age of eighty-one, Maimuna was thus not only the last of Muhammad's wives, but also the oldest, and the one who survived him the longest.
II. We come now, in the second place, to the case of those of Muhammad's womenfolk who do not fail under the above description of lawfully-married': these cases arrange themselves naturally under two heads :
1. Those ladies with whom he shared connu
bial rites, but to whom he was not formally married.
In most of these cases the revolting nature of the details must be our excuse for giving no more than the bare names. The women were some of them slaves of Muhammad's household, and others were captives taken by him among the spoils of war, and appropriated for himself; others, again, were given to him as presents by persons who desired his favour and good-will. The numbers in this list do not indicate the chronological order in which the women were introduced to his acquaintance,-that is a point which it seems impossible to settle with any degree of certainty.
(1) Khaula, daughter of Hakim. (2) Rihana the Jewess.
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(3) Salama. widow of Hamza. (4) Umm-Râ fi'.
(5) Rizwa.
(6) Amima.
(7) Um m-Zamir.
(8) Agima.
(9) Umm-Iman (also called Barkat). (10) Umaima.
(11) Mariam Qabti (Mary the Egyptian).
(12) Shirin (sister of Mary the Copt).
The two last-named persons were slaves, the property of Maqa u qas, king of Egypt: they had been selected by him on account of their extreme beauty, for presentation to the prophet authorities with such exceptionally strange diversity that what we give below must be received with some reservation.

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of God' for his own private haram. Ultimately Muhammad decided to retain for himself Mary, the more beautiful of the two, and magnanimously bestowed her sister upon Hassan the Poet, one of his own generals.
2. Those ladies, not lawfully married to him, whom, after having taken, he, from a variety of causes, put away without their having shared with him connubial rites :
(1) Fátima, daughter of Zabâk. (2) Malaika, daughter of Qa'b. (3) Laili, daughter of 'Azim. (4) Ghuzia, daughter of Jabar (surnamed
Umm Sharik). (5) Umm Hâni, daughter of Abu Talib. (6) Asmâ, daughter of Na’mân. (7) Anna, daughter of Zazid (of the tribe
of Kunda). It is important to observe, in regard to these lists, that no small uncertainty rests on the question as to the exact number of ladies who properly appertain to each description given in the headings. Thus, for example, as to the number of those who were formally married to him, some Moslim authorities maintain that they were not more than seven in number; others say eight; others nine; others eleven; others fourteen; others fifteen; others seventeen; others eighteen ; others twenty-one; while some of them inform us that the prophet of God' paid his addresses to as many as thirty ladies. As to this last number it is added that with seven out of the thirty no formal marriage took place, and that Muhammad consummated connubial rites with only twelve of the entire number. The variation in the statements of traditionists as to the number of ladies appertaining to each of the headings given above is partly owing, no doubt, to the indiscriminate mixing op of the names of the women who in the various ways above mentioned were associated with him. There is also a want of agreement among authorities as to the exact order in which the marriages took place : thus, some of them put Umm Salama fifth, Umm Habiba sixth, Juwairiya seventh, Safia eighth, Zainab bint Jahsh ninth, Maimûna tenth, and Zainab bint Khuzaima eleventh. Three of the lawfullymarried wives of Muhammad are said to have been taken by him in marriage at their own request, and Zainab bint Khuzaima, Umm Salama, and Maimûna are named as the persons
in question : but as to this point, again, there is the most bewildering diversity of statement. A woman thus 'self-bestowed' is technically termed in Arabic Wahabtu-n-nafs (Persian Nafsbakhsht). Several of the ladies whose names come under the different heads of our second list also are termed nafsbakhshis : for example, Khaola bint Hakim, Ghuzia bint Jabar, Laili bint 'Azim, Asma bint Na'mîn, etc. Further, though the names of some of these ladies imply maternity, it must not be supposed that any of them bore offspring to Muhammad : the circumstance shows rather that they had become mothers before they were introduced to him:
It is a remarkable fact that, notwithstanding the overflowing plenitude of his haram, no child was born to him after the death of his first wife,-with the single exception of Ibrahim, who was born of Mary the Egyptian, and who died at the age of fourteen or fifteen months. The former of the lists will show that there is no truth in the statement sometimes made, that most of the divorcees whom Muhammad took in marriage were women whose husbands were still alive; the only case of this nature was that of Zainab bint Jahsh. The details, however, of some of these instances-notably the instances of Safia and Juwairiya, --involuntarily recall the case of Uriah the Hittite, with which the reader of the Old Testament history is familiar. Six only of Muhammad's married wives were of his own tribe of the Qoraish-vis. Khadija, Sauda, Aisha, Hafsa, Umm Salama, and Umm Habiba, -and of the others, two were Jewesses. With the exception of 'Aishâ, there was not among his wives a single spinster ;-they were all of them widows excepting Zainab bint Jahsh. Moslims frequently attribute the tendency of Muhammad to marry widows to his magnanimous compassion for their forlorn condition : however this may have been, it is to be noted that the widows he married are described as young and beautiful. If magnanimous compassion had been his only sentiment towards them, a set of almshouses and guaranteed support would have fulfilled the dictates of such an emotion; and widows who were neither young nor beautiful would have been sharers of his bounty. The first three of Muhammad's marriages took place prior to the Hajira,--that is, they took place at

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THE WIVES OF MUHAMMAD.
children were respectively born to him is still one of the unsettled points of Moslim history: the order we have given is the one generally received by learned Muḥammadans.
There were certain hardships connected with the case of Muhammad's womenfolk which could hardly escape the notice of the most cursory reader. In the first place, it was not lawful for any woman who had ever been united to him to become united afterwards to any other. This is expressly taught in the Qor'ân: none, therefore, of his widows ever re-married; nor, with but one exception, did any of those whom he divorced, however brief may have been the period of their connexion with him, or however innocent they may have been as to the immediate occasion of separation. This it was, in part, that made divorce from him seem so cruel a measure to them, as we see in the case of Sauda and others. The exception we refer to appears to be the case of Laili bint 'Azim. The reason was that all those women whom Muḥammad took to himself were thereafter called Ummahátul-mûminin, Mothers of the faithful': the interpretation of the epithet is given in the Qor'ân,
Makka, and the remainder at Madina. What may have been the largest number of contemporary women (wives and others included) whom he may have had at any given period of his life after the death of Khadija, it is impossible to state with certainty. It is very worthy of note that the outbreak of Muhammad's mania for women occurred at a period of his life subsequent to his announcement of himself as the chosen favourite of God; and notably after the Hajira, when his pretensions were more distinctly avowed than during the comparative quietude of his married life in Makka during the lifetime of Khadija. The exact classification of the unfortunate little girl 'Aisha is a matter which must be left to the judgment of the reader: making all due allowance for differences said to be occasioned by the climate of southern Arabia, to describe her as a spinster could hardly, without legal quibbling, be deemed an exact application of the terms of our mothertongue, it surely is not an application of the term which would commend itself to persons of ordinary sense of propriety. How to describe the case of Zainab bint Jalish is, again, a problem which we must leave to the good-Moslims were to "regard the prophet's wives sense of our readers. The former of our lists as they would regard their own mothers." Anreveals the circumstance that Muhammad other thing that made it hard for the unfortunate observed no rule as to any relativity between women was that Muhammad claimed the special the ages of his wives and himself, nor as to privilege of unlimited licence, he was auany consanguinity that may have previously thorized by Heaven to summon to himself any existed between himself and them, nor as to the woman he chose. It is laid down in the Qor'ân, elapsing of any specific period of time either as one of his distinguishing privileges, that he between his marriages, or between the decease was at liberty to appropriate to himself--by of a woman's former husband and her union force, if force were necessary-any member of with himself. It has sometimes been maintained the gentler sex whom he might take a fancy to,that, on grounds supplied by the Qor'ân itself, and this irrespective of her own inclinations. some of the names mentioned in our first list Should he, moreover, become enamoured of any belong properly to the second: thus, the Qor'ân female whatsoever who chanced to be an inlays down the rule that a period of not less mate of his establishment,-whether she were than four months must be the minimum of there in the capacity of servant or of slave,-he widowhood. Now, this rule, as we have seen, was even at liberty to dispense with the forwas ignored by Muhammad in the case of mality of lawful marriage. This same priviboth Juwairiya and Safia. Some are even lege of his extended in all particulars to other disposed to include in this same category Zainab women besides those who were inmates of his bint Jaḥsh. However this may be, his marriage own domestic establishment. There was but one with Zainab was a clear infringement of at qualification in connexion with this privilege least one other law of the Qor'ân, inasmuch as in of his, and that was that no woman was to be this case the requisition that every marriage, to permitted to become his until she had first be considered lawful, must be witnessed by four acknowledged herself a believer in the divinity witnesses, two on each side, was dispensed with. of his mission. He had also the express perThe question of the order in which Muhammad's mission of God to relieve himself at any mo
99

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ment of the presence of any one of his womenfolk, and of the burden of her support; but should any of them cease to be desirous of continuing their relationship to him, they, in like manner, were at liberty to follow their own wishes, -always bearing in mind, of course, that the law of the new religion rendered farther conjugal alliance criminal. Without intending any rudeness to the memory of the ladies, it is but natural to suppose that it was, no doubt, this circumstance that gave so much poignancy to their grief at the prospect of being separated. from him, and which made them willing (as in the case of Sauda) to themselves propose the abdication of their conjugal claims provided they might be permitted to continue inmates of his haram. Though the rule laid down in the Qor'an for his followers was that the number of their wives was not to exceed four, yet there was no limit to the number allowed in his own case : the only passage in wbich there is so much as a hint on the subject of limitation in his case, was not revealed' till a short time before his death, at a time when the history of his relations with tho occupants of his harum was at an end, and as an old worn-out man, exhausted and enfeebled by physical ailments, he might be supposed to have attained satiety. Special divine permission was, he assures us, granted to him (“and," as he expresses it, "to none besides"') in all these particulars, as also that he was at liberty, if he were so inclined, to receive in any capacity whatever any person who might offer herself to him for the purpose of cohabitation, privilege of which, as we have seen in the case of the sufsbakhshis, he did not hesitate to avail himself. Among the spoils of the conquest Muhammad almost invariably secured in his share of the plunder the most beantiful of the captive damsels, and on his triumphal entry into Madina with the trophies of war the inmates of bis establishment were wont to peer from their privacy to catch a glimpse of their new rival.
It will not be surprising to learn that the above lists contain what many will hold to be inaccu- racies. Some of the dates we know to be dis- puted. There are but few points in history that are more disheartening to the student than the bəwildering diversity of statement which we find in Moslim records regarding the sobject of Muhammad's domestic relationships. The case
presents a very fair sample of the difficulty in which Muliammadan authorities have beclouded all subjects relating to their religion and its founder. It is only regarding the barest outlines of Mohammad's life thai there is even the semblance of agreement among them; the moment the student inqnires into details he perceives bow loose and unsatisfactory the whole fabric is. Honest inquiry for historical fact is baffled at every turning, --and this through the inability of Muhammad's biographers to agree among the selves. Seeing that his own admirers differ 80 widely concerning even mere matters of fact, the impartial investigator must labour to do his best in a judgment of charity, and must give up much as hopelessly involved in contradiction. If it is difficult to arrive at anything like certainty regarding the wives-proper of Muhammad, it is still more difficult to do so in regard to those women whose intended marriage with him was broken off at various stages before consummation. To the narratives of all such cases a certain degree of doubt attaches, for the relatives of such women would naturally seek to suppress the tradition of such abortive negotiations, as not creditable to them: there seems, in fact, every reason for doubting the details of such cascs as mentioned in tradition. Moslim tradition abounds in legends concerning these women, and dwells with delight upon Muhammad's relations with them. When we state that very few indeed of those legends reflect upon bim other than whąt ordinary men would call disgrace, notwithstanding that they were written by his own admirers and adherents, we state what is merely a cold, unvarnished fact. We shall not undertake the recital of such legends, for in so doing we should surely awaken in the minds of his followers emotions of irritation; for, however paradoxical it may seem, a calm and unbiassed inspection of Muhammad's deeds, and a careful analysis of his personal character, are processes which no Moglim can endure without being irritated almost to the point of frenzy. We therefore purposely repress all those inquiries and reflections which evolve themselves out of a study of the above lists, and content ourselves with placing on record the cold facte, which no duly-informed Mahammadan will call in question. The whole subject of Muhammad's relations to his womenfolk is so beset with contradiction, that any

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
101
man who is possessed of a due regard for met with the good fortune of universal apmatter-of-fact accuracy must feel the extreme proval; and the result is the same whether the delicacy of the position. No account of these account be prepared by a Moslim or by a nonladies has ever yet been prepared which has 'Moslim.
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 38) No. XXXVIII.
ancient name of Lakshmêswar. They were In the Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I, pp. I made for the benefit of a Jain temple, which, to 7, a copy is given of a long stone-tablet in- being called 'the shrine of Jinêndra of king scription at the temple called Sankha-basti Gang -Kandarpa', seems to have been at Lakshmeswar, the chief town of an outlying founded or restored by Marasimhadeva Taluka of the same name of the Miraj State himself. near the south-east corner of the Dharwad Dis- The genealogy is given thus :trict. I obtained also a tracing of the inscrip
Madhava-Kongañivarma tion by means of a local schoolmaster, and, by
(or Madhava I.). comparing this with the MS. copy, have succeeded in making a sufficiently accurate
Madhava II. version of the text to edit it. My version may be capable of improvement here and there by personal examination of the original stone. But there are very few doubtful passages in- Harivarma.
Mârasimha, volving matters of importance.
Mârasimbadêva-SatyavákyaThe tablet is about 5' 2high by 2' 3'' broad,
Konganivarma, and contains 82 lines of writing in neatly
or Ganga-Kandarpa. formed Old Canarese characters of the tenth As regards the spelling of the subsidiary century A.D. I have no information as to title or family-name of these kings,-in l. 5 whether there are any emblems at the top of there is no Anusvára, either in the tracing or the stone. It includes three separate inscrip- in the MS. copy, and the vowel of the second tions.
syllable is a in both, and it reads Kogani. First Part.-Lines 1 to 51 contain an inscrip- varma.' But in 1. 23 the Anusvára is very ton of the Ganga or Kongu dynasty, which distinctly legible in the tracing and is also given has already been introduced to our notice by in the MS. copy, and the vowel of the second Mr. Rice in the Merkâra copper-plates at syllable is u in both, and it reads Konguņi. Vol. I, pp. 360 et seqq., the Nagamangala copper- varma.' In the four sets of copper-plates the plates at Vol. II., pp. 155 et seqq., and the two vowel of the second syllable is always a, except sets of Mallohalli copper-plates at Vol. V., pp. in the Nagamangala plates, III, 6, 1.7, where, 133 et seqq.
unless there is a fault in the facsimile, it is . In The grants recorded in it were made by the Merkâra plates, I., 1. 4, and II.a, 1. 5, the Marasin bad ê va-Satya vakya Kong-guttaral nasal i is used, not the Anusvára, and nivarmA, also called Ganga-Kandarpa, it reads 'Kong ani.' The same is the case in when the Saka year 890 (A.D. 968-9) had ex- the Nâgamangala plates, -I., 1. 3, where Mr. pired, and while the Vibhav & sarivalsara was Rice transliterates 'Kodgaại' in error for current, to a Jain priest named Jayad & v&. Kongaội',-and III.6, 1. 7, 'Kong uņi' or According to the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Kongani', as the case may be. And the Okrondlogy, the Vibhava sasivatsara was same is the case in the Mallohalli plates, Saka 890, and Saka 891 was the śukla sasivat- in the first set, I.a, 1. 3, II.a, 1. 4, and III.a, sara. The grants were of some lands at the city 1. 1,--and in the second set, I., 1. 4, and III.6, of Puligere, or the city of the tank of the 1. 7, though in IV.a, 1. 5, the Anusvára is tiger', which, I presume, must be taken as the used. In the Nagamangala plates, II. a,

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1. 6, and III. a, 1. 4, there is no Anusvára or guttural nasal, and it reads 'Kogani.' Undoubtedly, either the Anusvára, or the guttural nasal, is required before the g, and, when it does not occur, it is omitted through carelessness. Accordingly, I have entered it as a correction in 1. 5 of my transcription. As to the vowel of the second syllable, a or u, it is possibly liable to variation, as is the case in so many Dravidian words; and in one instance, referred to more particularly below, it occurs as i
Down to the end of the description of Harivar mâ, the present inscription follows very closely the wording of the copper-plates, except that the first king is not mentioned in the plates by his name of 'Madhava. And there can be no doubt that the first three kings are the same persons who stand first in the genealogy of the plates. Mâ rasimha, the younger brother of Harivarm â, is not mentioned in the plates, the direct succession being continued by the son of Harivarmâ:
Now, however, the ever-recurring question of discrepancy of dates crops up again; and in this instance the discrepancy is a very wide one indeed. The Mallôhalli plates are not dated in any era save that of the reigning king. But the Merkâra plates purport to record a grant of the time of the great-grandson of Harivarmâ, in the year 388, which is taken by Mr. R. G. Bhandarkar to be the Saka year 388. And the Nâgamangala plates purport to record a grant by the eleventh or twelfth in succession to Harivarma, in the Saka year 698. And, in his paper On the Inscriptions of Southern India, of which an abstract is given at p. 38 of the Report of the Second International Congress of Orientalists, Prof. Eggeling refers to a copperplate grant, in the Elliot facsimile collection, of Arivarmâ,-the Harivarma of the Merkâra, Nagamangala, and Mallôhalli plates, and of the present inscription,-dated Saka 169. Whereas, we here find Harivarm â's younger brother making a grant in the Saka year 890 or 891. And the date, in 1. 24, is expressed in words, not in figures, and the words recording it are very distinctly legible in the tracing, though they are omitted in the MS. copy.
I am not prepared at present to suggest any explanation of this discrepancy. But, if the present inscription were a forgery, made in Saka 890 or 891, the forgers of it would certainly have
[APRIL, 1878.
given it a much earlier date, and would probably have endeavoured to imitate the more ancient characters. In my opinion, the date of the present inscription is more probable than the date of the Merkåra plates, if it is to be referred to the Saka era, and than the date of the Nagamangala plates, which is expressly said to be in the Saka era.
And we have to notice here three Ganga or Kong u stone-tablet inscriptions from the Kiggatnad forest, published by Mr. Kittel at Vol. VI., pp. 99 et seqq. They are inscriptions of Satyavà k ya-Kongunivarma, or 'Kongiņivarm â', as the name is spelt in one of them, No. I. The same name, Satya vakya', is given to the king who stands twenty-sixth in the list made out from the chronicle called Kongudésa-charitra and published at Vol. I., p. 361. And Marasimha dêva, again, is called Satyavâkya-Kong univarm â in 1. 23 of my present inscription. Now, satya-vákya, 'of truthful speech', is a title, rather than a proper name. And it does not necessarily follow that Mârasimha dê va is the same person as the Saty a vâ ky a of the Kiggatnâd inscriptions, or of the traditional, and possibly rather inaccurate, list of the Kongudesa-charitra. At the same time. I consider that he is to be identified with the Satya vaky a of one of the Kiggatnâd inscriptions. I have seen the photographs of the originals, from which facsimile plates have been prepared; and I consider that they are not to be allotted all to the reign of one and the same Satyavâkya-Kong univarma. One of them, Mr. Kittel's No. III., at p. 103, is entirely undated. In another, No. II., at p. 1026, the date runs :-Sa(sa)ka-nṛip-a (á) titá(tá)-kálasamvatsaramga!-entu-núr-ombattaney avarsham= pravartlisutt-ire, i.e. "while the eight hundred and ninth year, of the years of the era which had expired of the Sa ka kings, was current"; and it is further stated to be the eighteenth year of the reign of Satya våk ya. This Satya vaky a, therefore, commenced to reign in Saka 791; and it follows that he cannot be the Marasimhadêva-Satya vakyaKongunivarmâ of my present inscription now published. These two inscriptions, Mr. Kittel's Nos. II. and III., are to be grouped together, the characters of both of them being of the same square and upright type and of the same age. The date of the remaining Kiggat

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nåd inscription, Mr. Kittel's No. I., at p. 102a, is unfortunately somewhat hard to decipher in the photograph, though it would seem to be legible enough on the original stone. So much of it as can be read at first sight runs :Salba)ka-ipa-hd-delta-asustara-su(ja)tanya
....t.. aneya Îsvara-samvatsaram pravarttise. The vowel attached to the of satangal, the Anusvára, if any, and the following letter, are indistinct, and the second t of tta in ttaneya is effaced. Mr. Kittel proposes to complete the passage by reading either ombhattaneya, 'ninth', or embhattaneya, 'eightieth',-it is not quite clear which, and submits Saka seven hundred and eighty as the translation. But there is nothing, either in the text, or in his proposed completion of it, to justify 'seven' being taken as the number of the hundreds; and, as he himself points out, the date, even if interpreted thus, does not harmonize with the date of his No. II., as it should if they are both inscriptions of one and the same Satya vâkya. That supposition, however, is not to be made, and the dates are not to be expected to harmonize in that way. For the characters of this inscription are of a very different standard from those of his Nos, II, and III., being of a round type with a very decided slant to the right, and they belong to a more developed stage of the alphabet. As to the uncertain letters, of which the photograph shows only indistinct traces, we must of necessity read either satangal-ombhattaneya, ninth hundred', or satangal-hattaneya, 'tenth hundred.' It is not likely that the last expression was used; we should rather have the ordinal form of ondu sásira, one thousand', if that were the date to be given. And, as a matter of fact, the indistinct consonant appears to me, as to Mr. Kittel, to be undoubtedly bh. Accordingly, I read the entire passage as-Sa(sa) kaaripa-kál-alita-samvatsara-sa(sa) tangal-ombhat[t]aneya favara-samvatsaram pravarttise, i.e." the Isvara samvatsara, which was the ninth of the centuries which had expired of the era of the Saka kings, being current",-sc. "the Saka year 900, the Isvara samvatsara, being current." And, by the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, Saka 899 was the Isvara samvatsara, which is close enough for the purpose. The date of this inscription being thus so near that of the inscription now published
103
by me, I look upon this SatyavâkyaKongi (u) nivarmâ as in all probability identical with the Marasimha dêva-Satyavâkya-Konguni var må of my inscrip
tion.
Second Part.-Lines 51 to 61 contain an inscription of the Sên dra family.
It commences with the mention of a Chalukya king named Ra naparakramanka, and his son Ereyya. Neither of these names has as yet been met with in the genealogy of either the Western or the Eastern Chalukyas. But Ranaparâkramânk a is perhaps intended for Ranarà ga, the son of Jay asimha I., and the father of P ulikê sî I. Jayasimha I., the first of the family in the Dekkan, is occasionally referred to. But I know of only four inscriptions in which the genealogy in a connected form is carried back beyond Pulikêéi I.;-1, the Aihole stone-tablet at Vol. V., pp. 67 et seqq.,-2, the forged or copied copper-plate grant of Pulik si I. in the British Museum,-3, the Yêwûr stone-tablet, of which a copy is given at Vol. I., pp. 258 et seqq., of the Elliot MS. Collection, and 4, a copper-plate grant of Jayasimha-Jagadôkamalladêva from Miraj, dated Saka 946, the Raktâkshi samvatsara, published by Mr. Wathen in the Jour. R. As. Soc., Vol. II., p. 380, and Vol. III., pp. 258 et seqq.;-and we may take it that the information of most people on the subject was only traditional and rather hazy.
It then mentions a certain king Satyaéraya. But there is nothing to show which of the several Western Chalukya kings who bore that title is intended.
It then mentions, as the contemporary of Satyâ śraya, king Durga sakti, - the son of Kunda sakti, who was the son of Vijayasakti,-of the race of the Sên dra kings, who belonged to the lineage of the Bhujagendras, i.e. the Nâ ga family.
And it records a grant of land at Puligere, by Durga sakti, to the Chaitya shrine of the god called Sankha-Jinêndra.
The inscription is not dated. It is probably one of early date, repeated here for the sake of confirmation or of preservation. I find the Sêndrakas referred to in one of my early Kadamba copper-plate grants, No. XXVI. of this series, 1. 10, at Vol. VI., p. 32, and in 1. 3 of a stone-tablet inscription at Balagâmve of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1878.
Vinayaditya-Satyasraya, No. 98 of vasa ti of the city of Palikara,--the PaliMajor Dixon's Collection.
gere of the preceding two inscriptiong, and Third Part.-The rest of the tablet, 1. 61 to the temple called the white Jindluya', were the end, contains an inscription of the Western embellished and repaired, and that certain land Chalukya Vikramaditya II. It is was given for maintaining the worship of dated in the second year of his reign, when the Jina. Saka year 656 (A.D. 734-5) had expired, and In its genealogical portion, it agrees with must consequently have been copied here from the Western Chaluky a inscriptions puba previous stone-tablet or copper-plate, for the lished by me, Nos. XXVII. to XXXI. of this sake of confirmation or of preservation. It is series, in Vol. V., and it carries the genealogy issued from his victorious camp at Rakt &- two steps further, in the persons of Vijay âpura, a city which I cannot identify
ditya and Vikramaditya II., the son It records that the. Sankhatirtha and grandson of Vinay aditya.
Transcription. ('] Śrîmat-parama-gambhsra-syâdvåd-âmôgha-lâmchhanaṁ jiya(yât)=traiļokya-n&thasya śâsanam [*] Jina-båganaṁ Svasti Jitam bhagavata gata-ghana-gagan-abhêna Padmana[') bhôna [ll') Srimaj-Jahnavê(vi)ya-kul-Anala-vyôm-åvabhâsana-bhaskarah sva-khadg-aika
prahara, [*] khandita-mahA-bilåstambha-labdha-bala-paråkramô dârun-ari-gana-vidaran-Ôpalabdha['] bra(vra)ņa-vibhûshaņa-vibhúshitaḥ Kanna(nva)yana-sagðtraḥ sriman Ko(kom")ganivarmma
dharmmamaharaj[°] j-adhiraja-paramêsvara-Śri-Madhava-prathama-namadhồyaḥ | Tat-putraḥ pitur=an vågata
gunayuktô ['] vidyâ-vinaya-vihita-vrittaḥ samyak-praja-påļana-mâtr-adhigata-râjya-prayôjanô vidvat-kavi
kâmchana-ni[') kash-opala-bhůtâ(t) niti-sastrasya vaktri-prayőktri-kuša!8 dattaka-sútra-vřittêh=praņêta
brimån=Madhava-maha[] ráj-adhirajaḥ | Tat-putrah pitri-pai(pi)tâmaha-guna-yukta(któ) nêka-châ(cha)turddanta
yudah-a vâpta-chatur-udadhi-salil-âsva dita-ya["O] sâh srimad-Dharivarmma-mahârâj-adhirajaḥ | Api cha | Vșitta || Asij=jagad-gahana
rakshana-raja-siṁhah kshma-maudal-Abja["] vana-mandana-rajahamsah | Sri-Mårasimha iti brimbita-båhu-kirttistasy=ânujaḥ Krita
yuga-kshitipala-ki[""] rttiḥ || Adésåd=d&va Chol-antaka-dharanipatêr=Gganga-chüđâmaņisztvåm vêgåd=abhyêti
yoddhum tyaja gaja-turaga-vyuha-sanna[") ha-darppam Gamgâm=attirya gantum para-balam=atu!am kalpay-êty=&pa důtair=vvijñaptam
Gürjjarâņam patir-aksiti tatha yatra [*] jaitra-prayâņê | Påd-ambhôraha-bhřimga-bhritya-bharaṇa-vyâpåra-chintamaṇiḥ santrasa
graha-vihvaļikrita-ripu-kshmâ["') påla-rakshåmaṇiḥ vidvat-kantha-vibhâshaņikrita-guņa-prodbhási-muktamaņir=ddêvas=saj
jana-varnnaniya-charita-Sri-Garoga-chůdá[m] maņih || Mandåkinya. Jindřdra-snapana-vidhi-payas-syanda-sampaditâyâh Kalimdyås=chanda
vairi-prahata-gaja-mada-évêta-nirvvarttitâyâh ["] sambhede Sri-nikot-angana-bhavi bhavat8 Gamga-Kamdarppa-bhupa-vyatanyo' dig-vadhd
nám vidhu-vijayi yako haram=&-chandra-táram || [1] Api cha | Vțitta || Nirvvåd-ojva(ijva)la-bôdha-pôta-balatag=siddhanta-ratnákaram chåritr.
Ôtpluta-yanapatra-balatasaramsara-minikaranh [") attirņņas=samadirạna-bhakti-vinatair=vvandy-abhidhânð badhair=&sid=Dėvagan-agranir=
gguņa-nidhir=Ddêvêmdra-bhattarakah | Uddama
1 See note 8 to Inscription No. XXXV., p. 88. * See para. 6 of the introductory remarks.
• The correct reading should probably be 'bhapasy Atene.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
105
["0) kâma-kaļi nirddaļan-aika-viras=tasy=Aikadêva iti yôgishu dêva @kah sishyô babhůva hridi
yasya dadhâti bhavyo ["] ratna-trayam sirasi yach-charaṇa-dvayam cha || Mahitasya tasya mahitairemmahatam pratha
masya cha prathama-sishyataya Jaya["] dêva-padita iti prathitaḥ prathamâna-sastra-mahima-dravinah | Api cha || Gadya | Tasmai
sa bhuvan-aika-mamgala-Jinêmdra-nity-Abhishe. [*] ka-ratna-kalasah satu Satyavákya-Kongunivarmma-dharmmamaharaj-adhiraja-parameśvara
SriMarasimhadêva-prathama-namadhêyah Ganga["] Kandarppahl. Saka-nripa-kal-atîtarsamvatsara-satêshv=ashtasu navaty-uttarêshnpravartta
månd Vibhava-samvatsari Samkhavasati-Tirtthavasati-mandala-manda[*] nasya Garga-Kandarppa-Jinêndra-mandirasya dana-půjà-dôva-bhoga-nimittam Puligere
nagaratpurv vasyårn disi tala-vrittim datté sma [ll] Tasyâssima [") samåkhyâyatê tad=yatha | Kamâri-sarasah=půryvasyâm=aśâyâm=@ka-nivarttan-Axtarâd=upala
yugalâd=dakshiņa["'] syâm disi Boļkanûr-grâma-paschima-sîmnah=pâvaka-disi Köśi-tataka-purô-varttinas=si!á
sarasas-samîrana-dik-ka(ko)ņê hasti-prastarât=paśchimasyâm [") disi vata-tataka-purð-nikața-nimn-êttara-dig-varttinaḥ krishņa-påshåņâd=uttarasyam disi
Någapura-grâma-märggåd=dakshinasyân-di[") såyam Maligamârttanda-griha-kshêtråd=aiśânyân=diśâyâm=ânila-silâyâh=punah-paschima
syam disi Krishna-sarasa uttara-jala-pra[RO] vâha-nirggamâd=attarasyam disi Nilikâra-tatak-agata-pravâhâd=uttarasyâm=aśâyâm-eka
nivarttan-ântare vâyavya-dik-kõna-vartti[*]rakta-påshâņa-pårsva-varttinyås=śamyaḥ purvva-dig-mukhên=ågaty=ôtkirņņâd=aruņa
påshâņân=Nagapura-grâma-márggasy=ôttara-pârsyê purvva[*] dig-mukhêna gatv=ottara-disa prati nivrittât=paschima-disâyâm=@ka-nivarttan-ântaro pūrvv.
Ôttara-disi krishna-påshåņåd=dakshiņasyam-ask[*] yan sami-kanthåri-gulm-Antarggat-anila-siļâyâh=paschimata(tah) pur-okta-vyakta
påshåņa-yugale samgatâ sîma [ll*] Prák-prakásita-Krishna-sarah-pu["] rô-bhäga-varttini shan=nivarttanâny=abhyantari-kritya sushthi(sthi)-kțitâni shashti-satam
nivarttanini | Tasmád=êva nagarâd=Varuna-dig-bhaga-varttinyås=ta| la-vrittés sima samâmniyati tad-yatha | Dosa-grima-kata-kshêtrâd=vậya(ya) vyâyam
kakubhi tri-sami-rakt-ôpalád=vâyâ(ya) vyâyâmeâ[] bâyâm=êka-samya Akhari [da* ]]a-diśâyâm=ôka-dand-antarâd=aruņa-påshånâd=âgnêya-koņa
varttinô viśâla-sami-kanthari-jâlât=paschimasya[*] n=disi érêshti-tataka-dakshiņa-jala-praváha-nirggamåd=Vallabharaja-mârggåt=pûrv vasyâm=
Abayam kanthiri-gulmát=Savasi-gråma-mârggâd-dakshinata["] ś=śami-kanthåri-kumjât=Kubêra-kakubhô vậyavyâyâm=åśåyåm Jyêshthalimga-bhůmi(mêr)=
nnairririotyam hari(ri)ti krishna-påshåņ&t=purvvasyam disi Valla[] bharaja-marggåt=paschimasy&m=aśâyâm=uttara-dig-mukha-pravritta-maha-pravah-Antarggata
Kinnara-påshånâd=dakshinasyåndiśâyâm=Andhaka["] ra-kshêtråtæpaschima-sîmni pråk-prakatik ritâd=desa-gråma-küta-kshêtråd=vậyavyâyam disi
tri-sam-gôna-påshånê simâ samagata | Evatn paschima[•] dig-varttini chatvarimsach-chhatam nivarttanani || Samkha-vasatêr=Vvå sava-disi nivarttanamåtrah pahpa-vatalpaschima-disi cha nivarttana-dtaya-dvayado(?) pul pa-vâțah || Tasya chaitya["] layasya pura-pramâņam=åkhyâyatê [*] Parvvatah Balabesvara-pasohima-pråkkrah påvaka
dibi Charmmakâra-dóva-griha-simântam [*] Tat-paschimataḥ (“) Väri-vâraña-sîmâm kritvå dakshinasyân=disi puh pa-vât-Am(?)ga(?)ja-chaitya-pura-pura(rah)
Sri-Mukkara-vasatéh paśchimasyâm disi gồpura-paryyantât paschima-dig-vartti-de
. For some reason or other the worda katishwashtasu navaty-uttardshu are omitted in the MS. copy, a blank space being left me if they were illegible or doubtful, and Prabhasa-samvatsand is read instead of Vibhava-sari.
vatsare. But in the tracing every letter of the whole passage is perfectly clear and is indubitably just as transcribed by me..
This syllable,-ri-is superfluous.

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["] va-griha-dvayam-abhyantari-ksitya Marudêvi-deva-grihasya paschad-bhagâd=uttarasyam
diới Chandrikambika-dêva-grihât=pûrvvatah Mukkara-yasatim ["] pravishtî-kritya Râyarâchamalla-vasatim(ti)-dakshiņa-prâkârah tatah pûrvvatah Sri-Vijaya
vasati-dakshiņa-pråkârah i(ai)śângâm di["] si Karmmatesvara-deva-griham tad-dakshinatal pûrvv-okta-Ba labêśvara-paschima-sima [ll]
Déva-nagarat-paschima-disi pahpa-vâta-dvaya-nivarttanackshotram dattam ||* [W] Tasya simâ prithåk-kri(kri)yatê [ 1 ] Parava-sarasah pûrvva-disi Tapasi-grâma-pathâd=
uttaratô pulpa-vâta-nivarttanam=ekam | Ganga-Permmadi-chaitya[*] laya-pulpa-vátad-uttaratê nivarttanam=ekam naga-valli-vana Éva Ganga-Kandarppa
bhů på la-Jinêndra-mandira-deva-bhôga-nimittam nivarttana-sata-traya-matra-kshe[*] trampuhpa-vâta-trayam=urvvisa-desa-grâma-kût-kåra-vishti-prabhsiti-badha-pariharam mano
haram=idam | Slôka || Bahubhiruvvasudhâ datta rajabhis-Sagar[50) dibhih yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam || Mad-varsa-ja Gab) para
mahîpati-varsa-ja vâ pâpâd=apêta-manasố bhuvi bhívi-bhậpah yê palaya[!]nti mama dharmmam=imam samastam têshâm maya virachitô=mjalir=ésha mûrdhni *
Jayaty=atiśaya Jinair-bbhâsuras sura-vanditah srimân=Jina-patissrishter=A"] deh karttâ day-8dayah || Dehabisario | Châlukya-prithvivallabha-kula-tilakeshu bahushy =
atitéshu RanaparAkramanka-mahardjo bhavat-tad-ra[") ja-tanayah rajita-nayô vivarddhit-aiśvaryyas-chatus-samudranta-snâta-turang-êbha-padâti.
sênå-samûhah Ereyya-nâmadhêyah sriman | [4] Api cha SÅsat-imam samudr-antam vasudhar vasudh-Adhipo! Satyasraya-maharaja rajat.
satya-samanvité | Bhujagêmdr-anvaya-Sêndr-avanindra-santatau 5) aneka-ntipa-sattamshy watitosha tat-kula-gagana-chandramah bahu-samara-vijaya-labdha
patak-avabhâsita-dig-antaraļa-valayah Vijayasaktirannána n ripatir=bba[5] bhůva [ll] Tat-sûnur=udita-taruņa-divakara-kara-sama-prabhah sau(sau)ryya-dhairyya
satva-gun-Opapannah samanta-bri(vri)nda-mauli-mal-avalidha-charanah Ku'ndasa[01] ktirannama ráj-abhût-tasya priya-tanayah || Advitiya-purushakira-sapannah | dharmm
arttha-kama-pradhanah aneka-rana-vijaya-vîra-patak-âgrahaņô. ["] ddhata-kirttiḥ [11*] Tena Durggasakti-nâmadhêyêna Sarkha-Jinêmdra-chaitya-nityapůj-artthan.puny-abhivriddhayê cha | Puligere-nama-nagarasy=ôttara-pårøve pamohásan
nivarttana-parima[s] na-kshetram dattar || Tasya simå samakhyâyatê [1] Purvvatah Kinnari-kshetram på vaka-disi Jyêghthalimga-bhumih dakshiņatah Ghatika-kshetram | nairrityår disi Dam(pam)[") disa(ha)-érêshthi-bhůmih paschimatah Râmèśvara-kshetram vayavyâm HŐbesvara-kshetram uttarataḥ Sindêśvara-kshetram 1(ai)śângâm disi Bhattari-kshetram tad-dakshinatah
púryv-okta-Kinnao ri-kshôtram || Dêva-svam visham lokêna visham na visham=uchyato | visham=ekakinam
hanti deva-svam putra-paatrikam || Svasti (lI*] Jayaty-avihkritam Vishạôr=vväraham kshôbhi. [*] t-arnnavam dakshiņ-Ônnata-daṁshtr-&gra-viśranta-bhuvanam vapuh || Srimatam sakala
bhuvana samstûyamâna-Manavya-sagôtrâņam Hariti-putrâņam sapta-lô[ ] ka-måtribhiḥ sapta-mâtribhir=abhivarddhitanam Karttikėya-parirakshana-prapta-kalyana
paramparânar bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samasadita-varkha-lam. [+] chchha(chha)n-6kshaņa-vasikrit-âśêsha-mahibhritâm Châlukyânîn kulam-alamkarishņôr=
aśvamêdhavabh ritha-snâna-pavitrikrita-gåtrasya Sri-Polikébivallabha-mahararos) jasya priya-sûnuh Sri-"Kirttivarmma-prithvivallabha-mahârâjas=tasy=âtmajasya Satyasraya
sri-prithvivallabha-maharaj-adhiraja-parame7 svarasya Priya-tanayah(yasya) prabhava-kulisa-dalita-Pandya-Chola-Kerala-Kadamba
prabhriti-bhůbhřid-udagra-vibhramasya nity-avanata-Kamchi-pati-makuta-chumbita-på
These letters are unintelligible. The MS. copy reads the first letter is rather uncertain, and might stand for ma hahi Swasti, of which the first wori is equally unintelli- | as much as for ku.
From here down to priya-stenu (nol), inclusive, in + This is the reading of the MS. copy. In the tracing 1. 67, is omitted altogether in the MS. copy.

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107
[0]d-Ambujasya Vikramaditya-Satyasraya-sri-prithvivallabha-maharaj-adhiraja-paranêśvarasya
priya-sûnuh(nôh) sakal-ôttarâpatha-natha-mathan-ôpárjjita-pâli[] dhvaj-adi-samasta-pâramaiśvaryya-chihnasya Vinayâditya-Satyáśraya-sri-prithvivallabha
mahârâj-adhiraja-paramèśvara-paramabhattarakasya priy-ktmajah sâ["] hasa-rasa-rasikah parkimukhikrita-satru-mandalas=saka!a-på ramaišvaryya-vyakti-hêta-pâļi
dhvajady-ujva(ijva)la-rajya-chihnð Vijayadi. [") tya-Satyasraya-sri-prithvivallabha-maharaj-adhiraja(jah) [ll] [Tat)-priya-sanob pratidine
pravarddhamana-ya(yau)vano(nasya) ripu-mamdal-Åkranti-rajy-abhyudayah (yasya) ["] kastüri-kiáðra-vikram-aika-rasô(sasya) Vikramaditya-Satyåśraya-bri-prithvivallabha-mahåráj
Adhiraja-paramosvara-bhattarakasya vijaya-skandhåvard Raktapuram-adhivasa[") ti shat-pamchâsad-uttara-shat-chhatëshu Saka-varsheshv=atîtêshu' pravarddhamâna-vijaya
rajya-samvatsarê dvitiyê varttamânê Mágha-paurņnamasyam Málasamgh-inva[**] ya-Devagan-ôditah(tîya) parama-tapa(palı)-śruta-mûrtti-vibê(66)ka-Ramadêrâcháryyao.
sishyô(shyâya) vijita-vipaksba vådi-Jayadêva-pamdit-antêvasi(sine) samupagat-aikava[*] ditv-adi Sri-Vijayadôva-padit-acharyyaya Jina-pûj. abhivsiddhy-arttham BAhubali-śrêshthi
vijñâpanêna Pulikara-nagarasya Samkha-Tirttha-vasatêr=mmandana-mamditam ["] tasya dhavala-Jinalayasya jirnn-ôddharaṇam kritvå khanda-sphuțita-nava-saṁskâra-bali
nimittam dana-sal-adi-pravarttan-arttham nagaråd=uttarasyam disi gavyûti-prami[*] na-vyavasthitam Karppati-tata kadedakshiņasyam dişi râja-mânêna sat-årddha-nivarttana
pramâna-kshetram sarvva-badha-pariharam dattam [*] Tasya sima samakhyâyatê (1) "11 Pârvva-disi tat-sadbita-Kinnara-påshånadedakshiņasyâm=isayam dhavala-påshåņa-parśva
Samyah | paschimasyâm diśi śvêta-påshåņád=&ka-sami uttarasyân [""] disi inila-påshåņât=pråk-prakasita-tatakát=půrvvasyam dißi aruņa-pishaņåt=púryv-okta
vyakta-Kimnara-påshåņa-samgatâ sima || ["] Svam dâtum su-mahach-chhakyam duḥkham-anyasya pålanam dâuât=pålanâch-ch=êti"
dânâch=ch hrôyô nupâlanam | Na visham visham=ity=ahuh de[50) va-svam visham-uchyatë visham-ekâkinam hamti dôva-svam putra-pantrikam | Sva-dattan
para-dattâm và yô [?] harêta vasundharam shashti-varsha-sahasråņi vishthayam jậyatê krimiḥ 11 ["] Prathyatâm Jina-sasanam Ell* Translation.
ornaments which were the wounds sustained in First Part, Lines 1 to 51. May the scripture massacring the forces of his pitiless enemies; of the lord of the three worlds,-the scripture belonging to the lineage of the Kan va yaof Jina, which has for its efficacious charac- nas; (such was) the glorious Kolgaại. teristic the glorious and supreme and profound varmâ, the pious Great King, the supreme science of the assertion of possibilities,-be king, the supreme lord, whose first name was victorious!
Sri Madhava. Hail ! Victory has been achieved by the holy His son (wus) the glorious Madhava, the one, Padmanabha," who resembles (in the Great King, the supreme king, who was poscolour of his body) the sky when the clouds have sessed of virtuous qualities that imitated (those left it!
of) his father; whose conduct was regulated A sun to irradiate the clear sky which is the by knowledge and modesty; who attained the glorious family of Jahnava", possessed of objects of sovereignty only by properly govern(a reputation for) strength and prowess acquired ing his subjects; who was a very touchstone by cleaving asunder a great pillar of stone by for testing) the gold which was learned men a single stroke of his sword; decorated with and poets; who was skilled among those who
• Here, again, for some reason or other, the words shat- pilj-abhiuridhyarthanh &c., as in 1. 74, and omits all the parchasad-uttara-shat-chhatisha saka-varsheshratite. intervening matter. shu are omitted in the MS. copy, a blank space being left
11 sc., danas od pålanan ch=&ti. as if they were illegible or doubtful, and pravartamdnd Vijaya-sain vatsare is read instead of pravarddhamana
13 The name of an Arhat, -also of Vishpu. vijaya-rajya-sathutsare. But in the tracing every letter!
cing every letter! Visvamitra. of the whole passage is perfectly legible.
** The descendants of Kapus, who was the son of Ghora 30 The MS. copy reads Ramadev.dcharyydyd (sie) Jina and belonged to the family of Angiras.

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pronounce and those who apply the science of necklace for the women which are the distant polity; and who was the promulgator of a regions, so as to last as long as the moon and treatise on the law of adoption.
stars might endure. His son (was) the glorious Harivarma, And again :-There was the venerable D 8. the Great King, the sapreme king,---who was vendra, the receptacle of virtuous qualities, possessed of the virtuous qualities of his father the leader of the sect called Dê vaga ņa,and his father's father; and whose fame was who traversed the ocean of the Siddhanta by flavoured with the waters of the four oceans, the strength of his boat which was his know(the sovereignty of) which he had acquired in ledge that shone in deciding controversies, and many battles (in which use was made) of ele- the ocean of worldly existence by the strength phants.
of the boat which was the excellent result of his Moreover :-His younger brother was Sri. good behaviour; and whose name was worthy Marasimha, who was a very lion of a king to be praised by learned people, who bowed in guarding the thicket which was the world; down to his devotion when it was declared. who was a very royal swan (of a king) in His sole disciple was Ekad êva, a very god adorning the lotus-pool which was the circle of among ascetics, preeminently brave in destroythe earth; the fame of whose (sirength of) arming the demon of unbridled lust; (every) worthy was great; and who had a reputation (equal person bears his ratnatrayal in his heart, and to that) of a king of the Krita age. At his takes his feet upon his head. victorious journeying forth, the lord of the The wise man Jayad ê va, who possessed Gurjaras received a rough command from the wealth of the scriptures, which are extolled, messengers :-“O Sir!; at the order of the was celebrated by being the first disciple of king" who destroyed the Cholas, the chief him, who was honoured by honourable ones, of the Gangas comes quickly against thee; and who was the foremost of great people. cease to fight with the unequalled force of And again :-Eight centuries of years and (thy) enemy, which possesses the pride of the ninety (years) having expired in the era of the array and accoutrements of elephants and Sak a kings, while the Vibhava samvatsara horses, and prepare to depart across the (river) was current --he, Ganga-Kandarpa,--who Ganga.” A very philosopher's stone in sup- was a very jewelled pitcher wherewith to perporting his servants, who were as bees at the petually besprinkle Jinêndra, who is the lotuses which were his feet; a very amulet of most auspicious (god) in the world; (who was protection against the hostile kings, who were called) Satyavá kya-Kong univarma, disquieted by the apprehension of fear; a very the pious Great King, the supreme king, the pearl to make lustrous the virtuous qualities supreme lord ; and who had the first name of that were the omaments of the throats of learn- sri. Marasimhad êva-gave to him a ed men; divine; performing achievements that plot of ground, to the east of the city of Puli. were worthy to be praised by good people;- gere, for the purposes of the charity and the (such was he), the chief of the Gangas. worship and the enjoyment of the god of the When he was staying in the courtyard of the shrine of Jinêndra of Ganga-Kandarpa, habitation of the goddess of fortune, at the con- which is the ornament of the circuit of the fluence of the Mand a kini's, which was pro- temples called Sankhavasati and Tir. duced by the trickling of the water (used) in tha vasati. the rite of ablution of Jinêndra, and of the The boundaries of it are described, as Kalindi, which was made to cease to be follows:-On the east of the lake of Kumari, white by the rut of the wounded elephants of there are two stones at the distance of one his fierce enemies,--the fame of the king Gan- nivartana. On the south of them, there is the ga-Kandarpa, which surpassed the moon western boundary of the village of Beka nûr. (in the purity of its lustre), spread abroad as a On the south-east of that, there is the lake of
15 Chaturdanta, 'having four tusks', is an epithet of Airavata, the elephant of Indra, but seems here to mean elephants in general.
18 Akritin, clumsy, unoouth.' » Probably Harivarma.
16 The Gangs, or Ganges.
10 The jewel-triad,' or three excellent things of Jainism, via.-1, samyak.charitra, correct conduct; 2, samyag. jina, complete knowledge, and 3, sanvyaj-darsana, mcurate perception.

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the stones,' in front of the tank called) Kosi. On the east of this, there is the road of Valtaţå ka. At the north-west corner of that, labharaja. On the west of this, there is there is the littering place for elephants. On the stone of the Kinnara', in the large the west of that, there is a dark-blue stone, on stream that flows to the north. On the south the north of the depression in the ground of this, there is the field of Andha kara. which is close in front of the tank of the On the west of this, there is the field called) sacred fig-tree.' On the north of that, there Désa grâma kata-ks hêtra, which has is the road to the village of Nagapura. been already specified. On the north-west of On the south of that, there is the field of this, the boundary joins at the red stone near the house of Maliga'm ártan da. On the the three sa mi trees. Thus there were given) north-east of that, there is a slightly blue- one hundred and forty nivartanas in the westblack stone. Again on the west of that, there ern quarter. is the north outlet for water of the tank of On the east of the San kh a vasati, (thera Krishna. On the north of that, there is the was given) a flower-garden measuring one nivarstream that joins the tank of Nilikara. On tana ; and on the west, a flower-garden measurthe north of that, there is a Sami tree, beside ing two nivartanas. a red stone which is in the north-west quarter The measure of the city of that same Chaitya at the distance of one nivartana. Coming to hall is declared :-On the east, the west wall of the east from that, and going to the east on the the enclosure of the temple of the god) B & !anorth side of the road to the village of Nâga-besvara. On the south-east, the boundary of pura from the (above) mentioned red stone, the temple of the god Charma kara.?! On the and turning towards the north, on the west, west of that, on the south of the boundary of at the distance of one nivartana, there is a the enclosure of the harlots, there is the temple dark-blue stone in the north-east quarter. On called) Sri Mukkara vasa ti, in front of the south of that, there is a slightly blue-black the flower-garden and the city, of the Chaity. stone in a clump of Samitrees and Kanthari of Angaja (?). On the west of this, trees. On the west of that, the boundary joins at there is the back of the temple of the goddess) the two stones first mentioned and specified. Marudê vi, including two temples lying in Having included six nivartanas (of land) lying the west quarter, as far as the ornamental in front of the lake of Krishna, one hundred gateway. On the north of that, there is the and sixty nivartanas were excellently laid out temple of the goddess) Chandrik ambika. (and thus given)
On the east of that, having entered the (temple The boundaries are recorded, as follows, of a called) Mukkara vasati, there is the south plot of ground on the west of that same city:- wall of the enclosure of the temple called) On the north-west of the field called) Desa Ra ya râ chamall a-vasati. On the east gráma k û ta-ks hôtra, there is a red stone of that, there is the south wall of the temple near three Sam i trees. On the north-west of called) Sri-Vijay a vasati. On the norththat, there is one Sam i tree. On the east of east, there is the temple of the god) Karmatesthat, at the distance of one danda", there is a vara. On the south of that, there is the prered stone. On the south-east of that, there is viously mentioned west boundary of the temple a large clump of Sam i trees and Kanthari of the god) B ala bê svara. trees. On the south of that, there are the On the west of the city of the god, there was southern outlet of water of the tank of the given a field measuring one nivartana and inmerchant' and the road of Vallabharaja. cluding two flower-gardens. The boundaries On the east of these, there is a clump of Kan- of it are specified :-One nivartana of flowerthâri trees, and the road to the village of garden, on the east of the Parava lake, and Sa vasi. On the sonth of these, there is a on the north of the road to the village of clump of Sami trees and Kanthâri trees. Tapas i; (and) a betel-nut plantation of one On the north-west of the north of this, there is nivartana, on the north of the flower-garden of the land of Jy @sh thalinga. On the the Chaitya hall of Ganga-Permadi. south-west of this, there is a dark-blue stone. Thus (there were given), for the enjoyment of
30 Lit's staff"; - 4 hastas, or cubits; = 96 finger-breadths. 1 Or of the god of the workers in leather.

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the god of the temple of Jinên dra of king Ganga-Kandarpa, a field of the measure of three hundred nivartanas, (and) three flowergardens, free from the hereditary perquisites of the king and the country and the villages, and forced labour, and other dues. This is pleasing!
Land has been given by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he, who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the benefits of it! Those future kings, whether born in my lineage or in the lineage of other kings, who, with minds free from sin, preserve this my act of piety in its integrity,-to them I join my hands on my forehead (in respectful salutation)!
Second Part.-Lines 51-61.
Victorious is Jin a pati, who is resplendent with (attendant) Jinas, possessed of superhuman powers; who is praised by the gods; who is the maker of the first creation; and who displays tenderness!...
93
Many ornaments of the family of the Châlukyas, who are the favourites of the world, having passed away, there was the Great King Rana paråkra månka.
The son of that king was the glorious Ereyya, who was possessed of brilliant statesmanship; whose dominion was increased; and whose array of horses and elephants and troops of foot-soldiers was bathed at the margins of the four oceans.
Moreover:-While the Great King Satyaśraya, the lord of the earth, possessed of brilliant truth, was ruling this earth, which is bounded by the ocean;
Many most excellent kings having passed away in the race of the Sêndra kings, who are of the lineage of the Bhuja gê ndras, there was the king Vijayasakti, who was the moon of the sky which was that family, and who irradiated the circuit of the regions with the banners that he had obtained by victory in many battles.
gible.
His son was the king Kunda sakti, who was as lustrous as the rays of the (newly) risen morning sun; who was endowed with the qualities of bravery and steadfastness and courage; and whose feet were touched by the garlands on the tiaras of the crowd of chieftains (who bowed down before him).
Dehahisari, or ihahi svasti, 1. 53,-not intelli
[APRIL, 1878.
His dear son was he who was possessed of unequalled manliness; who abounded in religion and wealth and pleasure; and whose fame was heightened by capturing the banners of heroes through victory in many wars.
By him, named Durgasakti, a field of the measure of fifty nivartanas, on the north side of the city of Puligere, was given for the purposes of the perpetual worship of the Chaitya of Sank ha-Jinêndra, and in order to increase his religious merit.
The boundaries of it are declared:-On the east, (the field called) Kinnari-kshetra; on the south-east, the land of Jyeshtha linga; on the south, (the field called) Ghatikakshetra; on the south-west, the land of the merchant Dan disa; on the west, the field of Râmê é vara; on the north-west, the field of Hobês vara; on the north, the field of Sin dêévara; on the north-east, the field of Bhattari. On the east of that, (there is) the previously mentioned (field called) Kinnarikshetra.
The property of a god (is called) poison by mankind; poison is not called poison: poison kills a single person; the property of a god, (if confiscated, kills) sons and sons' sons!
Third Part.-Lines 61-82.
Hail! Victorious is the boar-like form that was manifested of Vishnu, which agitated the ocean, and which had the earth resting on the tip of its uplifted right-hand tusk!
The dear son of the Great King Sri-Polikêsivallabha,-whose body was purified by ablutions performed after celebrating horsesacrifices, and who adorned the family of the glorious Chalukyas, who are of the kindred of Mâna vya, which is praised over the whole earth; who are the descendants of H âriti; who have been nourished by seven mothers, who are the seven mothers of mankind; who have attained an uninterrupted continuity of prosperity through the protection of Kârttikêya; and who have all kings made subject to them by the (mere) sight of the banner of the Boar, which they attained through the favour of the holy Nârâ ya na,(was) Sri-Kirttivar må, the favourite of the world, the Great King.
His son was Satyâéraya, the favourite
3 Bhujag-endra, or nag-endra, a snake king.' 2 Lit. licked.'

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
111
of the world, the Great King, the supreme out by the measure of a gavy úti" to the north king, the supreme lord.
of the city and to the south of the (tank called) His dear son was Vikramaditya Kar pa ţi-tatâ ka, was given to Sri-VijayaSatyasraya, the favourite of the world, the dê va panditâ charya, -who belonged to Great King, the supreme king, the supreme the (rect called) Dévagana of the lineage lord,-who, (like Indra), cleft open with the of the Mala sam gha; who was the disciple thunderbolt which was his prowess the over- of Râma de vâ charya, who performed the Weening precipitation of the Pandya and most austere penances, and was a very incarnaChola and Kerala and Kadamba and tion of holy learning and was free from sorrow; other kinge, (which was like the lofty summits who was the house-pupil" of Jaya devaof mountains); and whose feet were kissed by 1 pandita, who overcame those that opposed the diadem of the lord of Kanchi, who him in argument; and who had attained singlealways bowed down before him.
ness of speech and other (qualities),--for the His dear son was Vinay aditya-Satya- purpose of repairing breakages and of making sraya, the favourite of the world, the Great new embollishments and of providing the obKing, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the lation, and in order to maintain & hall of most venerable,-who was possessed of the almsgiving, &c. The boundaries of it are debanner of the sword-edges and all the other clared :-On the east, some sa mi trees beside tokens of supreme dominion, acquired by crush- a white stone on the south of the stone of the ing the lord of all the region of the north. Kinnara' already spoken of. On the west,
His dear son was Vijay å dit yu-Satya a Sami tree near a white stone. On the śraya, the favourite of the world, the Great north, the boundary comes back to the stone of King, the supreme king, who was flavoured the Kinnara', already spoken of, from a red with the quality of impetuosity ; who drove back stone on the east of the tank already referred the bands of his enemies; and who possessed
to, (which is reached) from a slightly blue-black the banner of the sword-edge and all the other stone. brilliant tokens of sovereignty which indicate
It is very easy to give one's own property; supreme dominion.
the preservation of the grant of) another is While the victorious camp of his dear son, difficult; (if the question is) whether giving or Vikramaditya-Satyasraya, the favour- preserving is the more meritorious act), preite of the world, the Great King, the supreme servation is better than giving! They say that king, the supreme lord, the venerable one, poison is not poison; the property of a god is whose manhood was increasing day by day; called poison : poison kills a single person; the who enlarged his dominions by invading the property of a god, (if confiscated, kills) sons territories of his foes; and the chief flavour of and sons' sons! He is born as a worm in whose heroism was like the scent) of musk and ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, of the Kibôra plant,-was located at the city who confiscates land that has been given, of) Raktapura,--six hundred and fifty-six whether by himself or by another! of the Sa ka years having expired, the second May the scripture of Jina become famous ! year of his increasing and victorious reign being
No. XXXIX.. current, on the day of the full-moon of the month) At Vol. I., p. 22, of the Elliot MS. Collection Magha-having embellished the temple there is given a copy of a stone-tablet inscription called) Sa i khatîrth a-vasati of the city of the Western Chalukya Vijay aditya, of Pulikara, and having repaired the white also from the San kha-basti temple at Jinálaya (which was an outbuilding) of it--at Lakshmôgwar. I sent for a tracing of this also, the request of the merchant Bahubali, (which with the following results. was made) for the purpose of increasing the The tablet is about 5' 3" high by 2' 1' broad, worship of Jina, a field of the measure of half and contains 87 lines of writing, more or less a hundred nivartanas by the royal measure, laid perfect, in Old Canarese characters of the tenth - 95 Pali; the word has various meanings, of which the 20 Gavyati, or gauyts, measure of length = 2000 sharp edge of a sword' noems most suitable in such a danas or 1 krisa, or 1000 dandas or 3 krdias. passage as this.
1 Anttolain, a pupil who dwells near or in the house of his teacher.'

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century A.D. The average number of letters in sheshv=atitéshu pravarttamána-vijaya-rajya-sarthe line is about fifty-four.. I have no informa- vatsaré chatus-trinse varttarnáné Sri-Raktapution as to whether there are any emblems at the ram-adhivasati vijaya-skarndhávarê Phálgunatop of the stone. The tracing is not so good as mdsé paurnnamásyan. The day of the week the preceding one, and only a portion of the is not given. entire inscription has been copied, and that im- Third Part.--Commencing in l. 53, and perfectly, in the MS. Collection. I am, therefore, ending with 1. 68, is another Ganga or unable to edit this tablet, but can give the gene- Kongu inscription of king Ganga-Kanral contents of it; which must suffice until the darpa. Here, again, though the tracing is original can be examined by some one compe- very indifferent, the original is evidently very tent to read it, when the greater part of it can well preserved. Like the first part of the prebe satisfactorily deciphered. The tablet includes ceding inscription, No. XXXVIII., it is dated four separate inscriptions, which, from their in the Vibhava saivatsara," eight centuries varying dates and the age of the characters, of years, in the era of the Sak a kings, and must have been copied here from previous stone- ninety (years), having expired." It records a tablets or copper-plates, for the sake of confirma- grant of land at the city of Paligere to tion or of preservation.
the same person as in the first part of No. First Part.-There are fragments of twenty XXXVIII., Ja ya dê va, on account of the lines, and seven lines, 21 to 27, perfect but temple of San kh a-Jinên dra. The date is very indifferently traced, of which I can only in Il. 62-3, and reads :-Saka-nripa-kal-lititamake out that it is an early Western Chalu- sannvatsara-satéshv=ashtasu navaty-uttaréshu kya inscription of one of the Satyasrayas, pravarttamáné Vibhava-sauvatsaré. The month, other than the first of that name. The name of the lunar day, and the day of the week, are not the individual king, the date, and the details of given. Undoubtedly it is a grant of the same the grant, are effaced somewhere between 1. 14 king who is called Marasimha deva in the and 1. 20.
first part of No. XXXVIII. Second Part.—Commencing with I. 28 and | Fourth Part.--Commencing with 1. 69 is ending in l. 53 is the Western Chalukya another Western Chala kya inscription. inscription copied in the MS. Collection. It is Here, again, the tracing, though very indifferwell preserved, and the whole of it could be ent, shows that lines 69 to 82 are well preedited from the original stone. It carries the served ; below that, there are marks to indicate genealogy from Polike si vallab h-a, i.e. five lines of which the characters are too faint Pulike si I., down to Vija yâditya- to be traced. It carries the genealogy from Satyasraya, and records that in the thirty- Polik esivalla bha down to Vinayafourth year of his reign, "six centuries and dity a-Satyasraya, and records a grant fifty-one of the Sak a years" having expired, made by him to some Achárya of the Dê vaon the full-moon of the month Phålguna, gana sect of the Mula sa mgha lineage, on while his victorious camp was at the city of the full-moon of the month Magha, in the Raktapura, he gave the village of Kar- fifth or the seventh year of his reign, "six dama, on the south of the town of Palikara, centaries and eight of the Sak a years having to his father's priest U day adê va pandita, expired", while his victorious camp was at the also called Nirav adyapan dita, who was city of Raktapura. The date is in 11. 77-8, the house-pupil of Sripajyapada and be- and reads :--Asht-óttara-shat-chhatéshu Sakalonged to the Dê vagaìa sect of the Mala- varsheshv=atitéshu pravartta(Prddha) manasa mgha lineage, for the benefit of the temple vijaya-rdjya-panchama-(? saptama)-sainvatsaré of Saikh a-Jinêndra at the city of Puli Sri-Rakta-puram=adhivasati vijaya-skandhávaré kara. The date is in 11. 42-4, and reads :- Mágha-másé paurnnamásyan. Here, again, the Eka-parchásad-uttara-shat-chhatéshu Saka-var. day of the week is not given.

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MAHAPRASAD IN THE SAMBALPUR DISTRICT.
NOTE ON THE CUSTOM OF MAHAPRASAD IN THE SAMBALPUR DISTRICT,
CENTRAL PROVINCES.1
113
BY CAPTAIN W. SAURIN BROOKE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., BILASPUR, CENTRAL PROVINCES.
novation is said to be of recent introduction, and certain races and castes are now recognized as not entitled to the equality which in the case of all others the presence of Jagannath demands.
MAHAPRASAD denotes a boon or favour of the highest degree, and as such conferred by a deity. Prasad is equivalent to anything given by a god, or by a Gûrû, and carries with it a blessing. It further signifies the food presented to a god and afterwards distributed to the worshippers. It also denotes the offerings when an idol is consulted. The prefix Mahá ('great') is used to mark especially the prasád of Jagannath ('the Lord of the Universe'), to whom the great temple at Puri, in Orissa, is consecrated. The food cooked within the holy precincts at Puri, presented to the idol and sold to pilgrims, is familiarly known, not only in Orissa, but throughout India, as Maháprasád, or 'the great offering.' Hunter's Orissa gives a graphic account of this holy food, and mentions the large profits which accrue from its sale.
The general belief among Hindus is that the holiness and purity of the deity is imparted to the food which has been eaten, or 'smelt,' as the expression runs, by Jagannath, and that by partaking of the Mahaprasád the human soul is sanctified, and becomes in a measure impregnated with the divine essence. This being the conception, it follows that this holy food is much reverenced; its possession is tantamount to the spiritual and personal presence of the deity; neither putrefaction nor impurities can defile it or alter its virtue. All castes and races of men are alike welcome to the advantages which its use confers. In theory, at least, the purest Brahman would not disdain to eat it from the hand of a Chamâr. The estimation in which the holy food is held, and the equality of all men which it asserts, present some curious marks of similarity to the highest of all rites in the Christian churches. It is well known that in an area of about five square miles surrounding the temple of Jagannath at Puri all distinctions of caste are in abeyance within the holy limits. According to one of the Puranas, men of all nationalities, castes, and creeds may unreservedly eat together of the food which has first been offered to the god. In practice a more exclusive system has grown up. The in
It is far from easy to determine how so unique a phase of Hinduism grew up. By some it is set down as a relic of the Buddhism which once prevailed throughout Orissa. Further research would probably show that some ground exists for this explanation. By others, the more cynical view is entertained that it arose from a device of the Brahmans to widen the field from which worshippers are drawn, and with increase of numbers to swell their gains. Be the origin what it may, the loosening, under religious sanction, of the customary rules of Hindu life was probably in its inception based, and is even now maintained, on a noble assertion of the equality of man before God. The wide popularity of the worship of Jagannath can perhaps only be accounted for by the existence of a deep-rooted feeling of this kind. The sale of the sacred food forms no mean addition to. the gains of the temple servitors. Pilgrims from all parts of India purchase and carry it to their homes, where it is consumed, or distributed as a much-prized gift to relatives or friends, and even sold. An oath on the Mahaprasád is considered to be more than ordinarily binding, and seems to be known and common throughout India. This form of sanction is often adopted when a mixed body of men band themselves together with the object of effecting some common purpose. The universally binding character of the oath on the Mahaprasád is thus recognized, it not being believed that a Hindu when so pledged can by any mental reservation evade his self-imposed obligations.
In Orissa, including Sambalpur and the Garjat states, the sacredness of an engagement entered into on the Mahaprasád has given rise to a curious and, from some points of view, a graceful custom. This consists in two persons becoming what is popularly known as mahá. prasad one to the other. The tie is one of a close and indissoluble brotherhood. The con
1 Reprinted from a Supplement to the Central Provinces Gazette.-ED.

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tracting parties consider themselves, and are thought by others, to have formed an offensive and defensive alliance. The essence of the bond is that in evil report or good report, for weal or woe, the newly created brothers are to stand by each other, and seek each other's welfare. According to the theory, loss or injury should be accepted, rather than by any action to affect adversely the interests of the brother by the sacred food. The basis of the friendship is unequivocally a religious one. Anything done to aid or help forward the aims of the brother' is regarded in the light of homage to Jagannath. Like most things in India, from Fairs to Thagi, the people have, to their own satisfaction, man- aged to combine the service of God and mammon.' Friendships analogous in their features, such as those that derive their sanction from the holy water of the Ganges, the Tulsi leaf, and other sacred objects, are found elsewhere in India ; but for the most part they are rather the amusement and interest of women than the business of men, and nowhere do such ties appear to have developed into an institution embracing in its effects both private relations and public affairs. Although I would be the last to urge that an unselfish longing for true friendship, strengthened by a tie beld peculiarly sacred, may not often be the motive that impels to the union, its aspects as exhibited to outsiders are strictly utilitarian. There seems now none of the chivalrous spirit which still lights up the Rakshbandan custom of Rajputånâ. There the gift of the bracelet makes the recipient first and most important-the champion of the donor's honour and fair name, and the giver, in the highest sense, a sister. However pare the idea out of which the maháprasad brotherhood grew, the tie is not unfrequently debased to unworthy purposes. An avowedly selfish object in entering into the contract is now the rule rather than the exception. Once formed, the union is supposed to be ungeverable, and should be maintained by the interchange of amenities from time to time between the brothers. In practice, however, where some specific purpose was the end sought, this accomplished, the tie is commonly allowed to sink into abeyance.
I have not been able to ascertain that the custoin prevails elsewhere in India, except in Lower Bengal, where it is said to occur, though
rarely. In Sambalpur it is 80 common and so widely spread as to engage attention from an administrative point of view. On taking charge of the district, the recurrence of the word maháprasdd in official documents struck me. I was warned that one person could not be trusted in relation to some one else, because he was his maháprasád. In cases before the courts the evidence of witnesses is almost daily objected to and discredited, on the score that they are maháprasáds of the persons in whose favour they are deposing. The most experi. enced native officials have assured me that the uncorroborated testimony of a known mahdprasád must at least be looked on with suspicion. Unfortunately no individual is restricted in the number of his maháprasáds; men of wealth or in, fluence have many, and, as might be expected, native Government officials, from their position, are eagerly desired. Rumour also says that the tie is bought and sold. Instances are known of the connexion being established on the eve of a trial, to secure the neutralization of hostile evidence. Practically, then, in the daily life of the people the custom has almost come to assume the character of a business arrangement. Some warrant for this may be found in the well-known couplet
"Sura nara muni ki yahi riti
Svartha lage káren saba priti," which, freely translated, might run
“Gods, men and sages to this assent, That all love and friendship for private
ends is meant." In addition to purposes less excusable, the tie is often utilized for more legitimate ends, such as to make up a long-standing quarrel, or to borrow money. In the latter case the lender feels that a loan to the maháprasád has a security which an ordinary transaction would not offer. When means are available, such an application is seldom refused.
The development of the maháprasad tie as visible in Sambalpur is far from healthy, and unquestionably, in many points of view, has a pernicious effect on the habits of the people. It adds to the difficulties of the courts by contributing another to the many under-currents, the force and strength of which are difficult to stem or to gange. The indigenous native officials seem peculiarly imbued with a lust for this sacred friendship, and it may be questioned if

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TRADITIONARY ACCOUNT OF KÅLIDÅSA.
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among them there is a single individual whose sacred food. It is said that on occasions maháprasáds are not in a measure proportionate Muhammadans have not scrupled to contract the to his position and standing in the Government obligation with Hindus. However repugnant service. The ceremonies observed when the to a true follower of Islam such a profession of tie is contracted are sufficiently simple. When belief in the great idol at Puri may be, in Sam. the position of the parties warrants it, the balpur, and probably throughout Orissa, the occasion is recognized as one of rejoicing; guests bulk of the Muhammadans are strongly imbued are invited, and often comparatively large sums with the spirit of Hinduism. Unconsciously of money are spent in largesse, gifts to Brâh- perhaps, but none the less certainly, the mind mans, and costly presents are exchanged be- often takea up much of the colour of its surtween the maháprasáds. It does not appear roundings, and a latent belief may redeem the that any ritual or religious ceremonies are pre- obligation from the grossness of open perjury. scribed as necessary to the occasion. When two It is related that, in times gone by, a European persons agree to sit in maháprasád,' as it is lady, in anxiety about the health of one dear to called, they bathe, and the Vedic rite of Kalsaher, was induced to propitiate Samlai, the prijd may or may not be performed. The parties blood-loving goddess, at Sambalpur. then sit opposite one another; one holding in When the tie is once formed the parties his joined palms a portion of the holy food cease to mention each other's names, using drops it into the hands of the other, held below instead the title maháprasdd. Similarly the to receive it; the position of the hands is then parents and relations are called mitra búpa, reversed, and the first holder now receives the mitra má, &c,-friend's father, friend's food from the second. This is done seven times; | mother,' &c.,--and the kinsmen of each are each person then eats a small portion of the supposed to stand in the same relation to the maháprasdd. The new-made brothers embrace, newly constituted brother. The connexion thus and the ceremony is complete. The operation formed is said in some instances to have con. of passing the maháprasád from the hands of tinued to unite families for more than one geneone to the other is accompanied by appropriate ration. Blood relations and persons of the expressions, such as I throw myself upon same name are by usage debarred from conyon,' I seek protection from you,' 'I abandon tracting this friendship. On the death of a all cause of quarrel,' 'I will never cause you maháprasád the family of the survivor not unany harm, I will aid you,' &c. &c. Even frequently mourn as for a relative. this amount of ceremony is clearly not essential Such is a brief view of this curious custom. to the due contraction of the tie. The commoner Much may yet remain to reward inquirers more form is for each party to eat in company a small competent and with greater opportunities. As portion of the sacred food, and then and there it affects public business it is doubtless of some each to acknowledge the other as his mahd. importance, while if in describing it any light prasád. The necessary condition underlying has been thrown on the inner life and feelings the bond is faith in the great Jagannath, and of the people, the sketch may in that measure acceptance of his presence as manifested in the be not altogether wanting in instruction.
TRADITIONARY ACCOUNT OF KALIDASA.
BY THE LATE RÅVAJI VÅSUDEVA TULLU, M.A., LL.B. What little can be gleaned from popular old. In this helpless condition, he was seen by or traditionary accounts of Kalidasa cannot a cowherd, who brought him up as a member of fail to interest, however inaccurate or scanty his family till he was eighteen years of age. the sources of our information. For this The natural beauty and delicate make of his reason, I give the following traditionary ac. person, distinguished him from the rest of the count:
family, as one presumably born of superior Kálidasa was born a Brâhman, and was lineage. But having had no education he was left an orphan by, the sudden, death of both little better than the illiterate class of people his parents, when he was scarcely six months among whom he was brought up.

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Now the king of the country had a daughter who was the most beautiful and accomplished lady of the age. Having arrived at years of dis. cretion, she would accept no one as her husband who was not versed in all the arts and sciences. Such a man could not be found. And several kings and princes that came to ask her hand had to return disappointed, much against the will of her father, who had proposed them one after another for her choice. Thus the king got tired, and resorted to his minister for advice. The minister said, "Your highness's daughter is impetuous and self-willed; as she has already refused so many persons, who have been proposed for her, I feel sure she is destined to be married to an idiot. If your highness permits, I will practise my art and find out a person who would suit her." The king consented, and the minister while sitting upon his terrace, saw a beautiful man in a cow. herd's attire, returning home from the woods with his cows. He beckoned to him, and the man accordingly went to him. The minister was glad to see that he had lighted on the object of his search, and next day reported the event to the king, who was glad to hear it. It was afterwards communicated to the princess that a learned Brâhman had come from Banaras to court her, and that he had numerous pupils and followers equally learned with himself. With her permission, the new Brahman, the minister's protégé, was brought to the palace richly dressed with a number of pupils and followers. These last were examined by the pandits of the court, and were found to be invincible in their arguments. Thus the princess was deceived, and fixed her choice upon the handsome youth, who was quite illiterate. The marriage was accordingly solemnized, but, not long after, the princess discovered her mistake. Then with a sword she threatened to kill him, if he did not reveal to her the truth. This was soon told, and the bridegroom felt ashamed of his total ignorance and utter in equality with the accomplished princess. The princess was a favourite devotee of the goddess Kali, and at her advice he proceeded to the temple of that deity, worshipped her with devotion, and ultimately promised to make an offer.
1 V danti, the daughter of Bhimasukla, king of Vårsmaal: Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 103.-ED.
- Vararuchiut sup. → This is substantially the same account as is transmitted
ing to her of his own head if she did not vouchsafe to bestow upon him the gift of learning. The goddess Kali took pity on the worshipper and his bride, and marked upon his tongue the letters aftfor, which endowed him with a ready wit in speaking and versifying. Hereafter the young Brahman became known to the world as Kalidasa, or the devotee of Kali,' and his original name became lost.
Kalidasa, with his new gift of learning, returned to the princess, who was almost in raptures at seeing her husband thus endowed. Kalidasa also felt conscious of the great change in himself, and ascribed it all to the princess, to whom he felt very grateful for her advice, and even threats. Henceforth he regarded her as his mother and preceptor, and vowed to treat her as such. The princess grew wroth at this, and cursed him by saving. "Thon shalt maat thy death at the hands of a woman." Henceforth Kalidasa led a single life, although it is said, he spent a great deal of his time in the company of courtezans and persons of low company of courtezane degree. It was here he enjoyed those pleasures he so vividly describes in his poems, and more especially in his Ritu Sannhara and Sringáratilaka.
With reference to the 199th verse in the first book of the Panchatantra (Calcutta edition), it is said that Bhavabhuti, who led an ascetic life, passing by the house of a courtezan, happened to say the first half
मधु तिष्ठति वाचि योषितां हृदि हालाहलमेव केवलम् Kalidasa, who was just then inside, very wittily completed the verse, saying
अतएव निपीयते ऽधरो हृदयं मुष्टिभिरेव ताड्यते With reference to verse 17 of the Sringaratilaka the following is a traditionary account :Once upon a time it happened that king Bhoja attered the line :
- कुसुमे कुसुमोत्पत्ति श्रूयते न तु दृश्यते and asked if any of his pandits could complete the verse. None in the court could do it, as Kalidasa had for some reason concealed himself in the house of his mistress, and was absent from court. A large reward was offered to any one who should complete it. KAlida sa by Táránátha, given in Ind. Ant. vol. IV. pp. 103, 104, and conf. p. 363; also vol. I. p. 245; vol. IIl. pp. 24, 817 vol. IV. p. 84.-ED.

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FATHER THOMAS ESTEVAĎ, S.J.
117
heard this, but, not choosing to discover himself Bhavabhuti:- :01 af rata in public, merely wrote on a wall the other
नाभी कुर्वन्निखिलजगतीनाटिकासूत्रधारम् half
तल्पे तादृक्प्रदपरिमला सारगर्भधिरङ्गम् बाले तवं मुखाम्भोजे कथमिंदीवरद्वयम्.
निद्रा मुद्रा रसमभिनयन्नीलिमा कश्चिदिन्धे. His mistress read the complete verse, and Dandin :-
T
a raft wishing to appropriate the prize to herself, and
पाथोराशितपःफलेन महसा कैनापि भूषावती to gain the credit of having completed the verse,
रंगे तुंगभुजंगपुंगववपु : पर्यङमासेदुषी was tempted to kill her lover, thus fulfilling
निद्रा मुद्रितलोचना विजयते मुद्रा मुरद्रोहिणी. the curse pronounced upon Kalidasa by the
On another occasion, a learned paņdit named princess.
Damaruka, came to the court of the king, and Kalidasa was a great traveller, as appears
challenged the pandits to complete a verse, the from his correct krowledge of places as de
first line of which wasscribed in his poem of the Megha-duta. Once
अंभोधिर्जलधिः पयोधिरुदधिर्वारनिधिर्वारिधिः it happened that Kalidasa, Bhavabhuti, and
None could do it but Kalidasa, who added the Dandin travelled together on a pilgrimage to
following lines :Sri-Rangapuri, near Trichinâ palli, to see
अंबा कुप्यनि तात मूर्ध्नि विधृता गंगेयमुत्सृज्यताम् the shrine of Sri Ranganatha, or Vishnu lying
विद्वन्धण्मुख संतनं मयि रता तस्या गतिः का बद। on Sesha. Each of them composed in honour of the deity a verse characteristic of his own
कोपाटोपवशाद्विववदनः प्रत्युसर दत्तवान् ।
Such is the account of Kalidasa handed down peculiar style :
by 799, i.e. by a line of preceptors to pupils, Kalidasa :- **4*** TH gt:
and generally current in Mhaisur (Mysore). आशा मौलिकिरीटरत्ननिकरैः पाशायुधीयामपि I am indebted for it to Pandit Ramanujâchůrya,
Sanskrit Teacher in the Indor High School, पर्य) पवमानतूलभरिते पारे कवेरात्मजम्
who had it from his preceptor, the late Sajja451 45197 1927 Steará T. yacharya, the well-known rhetorician of Mysore."
FATHER THOMAS ESTEVAO, S.J.
BY F. M. MASCARENHAS: According to Father Francis de Sousa, S.J. College, Oxford. On the 4th April 1579 he (Oriente Conquistado, tom. II. p. 29), Father Estevao sailed from Lisbon, and the following October (Stephens, or Stevens) was a native of London, and reached Goa, where he lived many years. A letter according to the Rev. Theodore Hauser, S.J. which he wrote to his father, a London merchant, (Bombay Catholic Examiner, No. 43, 1875), Father soon after his arrival, is printed in Hakluyt's Estevaõ was born in Wiltshire. His father, Thomas | Collection of Voyages. It contains not only a par. Stevens, was a London merchant, and sent him ticular and interesting description of his perilous for his studies to New College, Oxford. In the navigation round the Cape, but many sage reyear 1575 he was in the noviciate of the Society of marks are made in quite a mercantile spirit on the Jesus at St. Andrew's in Rome, where he spent state of Portuguese trade, of which he evidently four years; during the two last he was most desires that his countrymen should obtain a share. probably engaged in the study of philosophy. The reader is surprised to find a Roman ecclesiasF. Estevao was sent to Goa, which he reached tie entering with such eagerness and penetration on the 24th October 1579. "Thomas Stephens," into commercial affairs. Probably Stephens' adsays the Rev. Philip Anderson (History of the vices were the strongest inducements which Settlement of the English in Western India, pp. 6, London merchants had been offered to embark in 7), “is the first Englishman of whom we are Indian speculations, and certainly they began from sure that he visited the western shores of India. this period to fit out expeditions for the East." When there he was only known as a Jesuit, "The narrative of his travels," says Dr. Pope but he had been originally educated at New (Text-Book of Indian History, p. 244), “excited
. Conf. Monier Williams, Wisdom of the Hindus, p. 361, Dji in the sixth. Soe M. Williams, Wisdom of the Hinnote.-ED.
dus, pp. 474, 75, and Conf. Trans. Internat. Cong. Orient. LABeen and Monier Williams place Kalidhan in the third 1874. p. 254; Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. VI. pp. 19. century A.D., Weber in the third or sixth, and Dr. Bhau 207, Lassen, Alterth II. 1167 (or 2nd ed. 1170).-ED.

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immense interest in England." Mill (History of India, vol. I. p. 12) says that Stephens wrote an account of his voyage, which was read with avidity, and contributed to swell the general current of enterprise which now ran so vehemently towards India (Harris's Voyages, vol. I. p. 875). Murray (British India, vol. I. p. 151) states that Stevens sent home a most favourable report of the fertility of the region in which Goa was placed, the opportunities it afforded for trade, and the liberality with which the port was opened to vessels of every nation. Father Estevao is the only Jesuit who ever worked in the missions of India before the suppression of the Society. He represented his nation worthily, as well by his zeal as by his learning and obliging manners.
According to Anderson (p. 7), (Francis) Pyrard de Laval, who was a prisoner at Goa in 1608, states that Stephens was then rector of a college (of Rachol) in Salsette-by which he probably means the province of that name in the Goanese territory. The English Jesuit was a kind-hearted and true friend in need to several of his countrymen, who within the space of a few years found their way to India." (Histoire Générale des Voyoges, par C. A. Walckenger-Hakluyt's Voyagee.) Two English travellers, John Newbery und Ralph Fitch, were intimately acquainted with F. Stephens and received many favours from him during their stay at Goa. Their letters are dated 20th and 25th January 1584. John Hugh van Linschoten (born 1553 and died 1633), a Dutch traveller, who was a page to the Archbishop of Goa, D. F. Vicente de Fonseca, and came out with his Grace in 1583, praises very much the kindness of F. Stephens. Amongst the missionaries of those days he was one of the most distinguished, and a chief means of converting the island of Salsette, near Goa. His thorough knowledge of the Końkaņi language, joined to a great zeal for the salvation of souls, fitted him best for the mission of Salsette, which was considered the most difficult the Society had up to that time undertaken in any part of the world. Father Stephens must have been still young when he reached Goa, and apparently a scholastic only. He spent forty years on the mission of Goa, as Mulbauer remarks (Geschichte der Indischen Missionen, referring to the History of the Society by Orlandini). Father Stephens died in the year 1619, probably at Rachol, and must have reached a good age; *** for if," says Father Hauser, "we suppose him to have been at least twenty-five years of age when he came to India, he was about sixty-five or about seventy years when he died." The following works were published by this English Jesuit :
1. Arte da Lingua Canarim: Art of the Kanarese (i.e. Konkani) Language, by Father Thomas Estevao. Printed in the College of St. Ignatius at Rachol, in Goa, in 1640, with additions by Father Diego Ribeiro, S.J., and four other Priests of the same Society. Only two copies of the original edition are known to exist.
2. Doutrina Christaá em Lingua BrahmanaCanarim (ie. Konkani), ordenada a maneira de dialogo para ensinar 08 meninos. Rachol, 8vo. Christian Doctrine in Brâhman-Kanarese Language, arranged in dialogues to teach children. 8vo, Kachol. This Catechism is a translation of that of Father Marcos Jorge, commonly known under the name of its improver, Father Master Ignacio Martins.
3. Discurso sobre a Vinda de Jesus Christo nosso Salvador ao Mundo, dividido em dous Tratados, pelo Padre Thomas Estevaš, Inglez, da Companhia de Jesus : Discourse on the Coming of Jesus Christ our Saviour into the World, divided into two treatises, by Father Thomas Esterao, of the Society of Jesus, an Englishman. This famous book of religious instruction is a selection from the Bible. It is entitled a Purana, and is an abridg. ment of the books, accompanied by explanatory remarks and a good account of the mysteries of the incarnation, passion, and resurrection of our Saviour. Father Thomas Estavao wrote his work in 1614. It was afterwards revised, in 1647, by Father Fr. Gaspar of St. Miguel, of the Order of St. Francis of Assisi. The work was printed in 1626, 1649, and 1654. In Kanara there are only a few manuscripts, of 1000 pages in folio, and it is understood by those who know the Marathi or higher dialect of the Konkani language, in which it is written. The work was dedicated to D. Fr. Christovao de Sa e Lisboa, Archbishop of Goa and Primate of the East, on the 29th April 1616. All the three editions of this excellent work were approved by the ecclesiastical authorities at Goa. Father Francisco Vieira, Provincial of the Society of Jesus at Goa, approved it on the 22nd June 1615. It is divided into two treatises or puranas, the first of which contains licenses, dedi. cation, introduction, and 36 cantos. The second treatise, divided into four parts, contains 59 cantos. The whole of the work has 11,018 stophes, 4296 of which belong to the first purdna, and 6722 to the second. Father Pascoal Gomes de Faria, Priest of the Order and Habit of St. Peter, a native of Bathim, in the parish of N. Sra. de Guadalupe, of the island of Goa, added in the year 1729 two hundred and thirty-seven strophes to cantos 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, and 51 of the second treatise (see Ensaio Historico da Lingua Concani, pp. 119-120, por Senhor J. H. da Cunha Rivara).

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APRIL, 1878.)
BOOK NOTICES.
119
MISCELLANEA. THE HISSARLIK RELICS-THE SVASTIKA. invariably, according to Mr. Beal, the reverse of
As the relative antiquity of the objects found at the Greek archaic cross, thus H. Hissarlik by Dr. Schliemann, and now exhibited at 1 The date of the two crosses are also very difSonth Kensington, is under discussion, allow me ferent. The Greek archaic cross is found on to point out what is the origin and date, as I Greek coins and pottery of the seventh century believe, of the Greek archaic cross, which so fre- B.C., while the Buddhist symbol, the Svastika, quently occurs in the pottery found at Hissarlik, cannot be earlier than the sixth century B.C., as and its distinction from the Buddhist Svastika or Buddha died about 540 B.C. Aryan symbol, so called, with which Dr. Schlie- At page 103 of Dr. Schliemann's work on Troy, mann appears to connect it. The Greek archaic he gives Burnouf's explanation of the origin of the cross it appears to me to be evidently derived Svastika. There is every reason to doubt his exfrom the punch-mark on early Greek coins. The planation; the very meaning he assigns to it, punch-mark was originally composed of four Ülori, 'it is well,' shows that General Cunningsmall squares, B, the centre assuming the form ham is correct in deriving it from the two PAli of a cross, but in the stamping of the coin the characters su, ti, 'it is well,' and that it is a squares went a little on one side, and made the Buddhist symbol of a date not earlier than the punch-mark take the shape of the archaic cross sixth century B.C.
2. In this manner it is found on the coins of At p. 102 Dr. Schliemann tells us that the Chalcedon and Cyzicus, and on early coins of Rev. W. Brown Keer assured him that he k Syracuse the archaic cross appears in a more defi-| seen the Svastika innumerable times in the most nite form. This form was thence adopted as an ancient Hindu temples, and especially in those of ornamental device on early Greek pottery, as we Jains. According to Mr. Fergusson, the mean see it on that of Athens, Samos, Cyprus, and date of the earliest Buddhist monuments is 230 Hissarlik.
B.C., while the date of the oldest known Hindu The Buddhist Svastika is a monogram. Ac- monument cannot be carried further back than cording to General Cunningham, it is composed of the sixth or seventh century of our era, and the two PAli characters su, and ti, or suti, which oldest Jaina monument may be of the tenth is the PAli form of the Sanskrit Svasti, which century. Mr. B. Keer's assurance is, therefore, means "it is well." It is a symbol of resignation of no value with regard to the antiquity of the among the Buddhists. The svastika is almost Svastika in India. HODDER M. W ESTROPP.
BOOK NOTICES. 1. L'ISLAMISME d'après le Coran, l'enseignement doctrinal Musulinan doctors regard as having reference to
et la pratique. Par Garcin de Tassy, Membre de l'In- Muhammad and his mission. Their interprétations stitut, Prof. à l'école spéciale des langues Orientales
are of course forced in the extreme: thus, the vivantes. 3me ed. 8vo, 412 pp. (Paris : Maisonneuve et
"twelve princes" in Gen. xvii. 20 they make the Cie. 1874.) 2. Islam and its FOUNDER, by J. W. H. Stobart, B.A., "twelve imams;" "their brethren" in Deut. xviii. Principal, La Martinière College, Lucknow. 12mo, 254 pp.
18, the descendants of Ishmael the brother of Isaac; (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, “Paran" in Deut. xxxiii. 2 and Habak. iii. 3, being 1877.)
the generic name of the mountains round Makka, The first of these works is by a well-known they hold that the revelation of the Kordn is reveteran in Oriental scholarship, and contains four ferred to, and that the Gospel was given from short treatises. The first, on the doctrines and Mount Seir'; in Isaiah xxi. 6, 7, they make the duties of the Masulmán religion, is preceded by a man in the chariot drawn by asses to be Christ, collection of the texts from the Bible which the him drawn by camels Muhammad ; in John xiv.
From the Athenaeum, Jan. 12, 1878. 2 Bhilsa Topes, p. 356. Suasti in the Vedas means welfare, prosperity, &c.; its later sense is nearly the same
happiness, bliss,' &c.; Svastidevi is the mythological wife of Vayu. Among the Jainas, the Svastika is one of the twenty-four auspicious marks, and is the chihna or cognizance of Suparsva, their seventh Tirthankars of the present cycle (see Ind. Ant. vol. II. p. 135). The symbol in the oldest Bauddha inscriptions, as well as in
Jainn works, is, as Mr. Beal had noted, the reverse of the old Greek cross; but there is no sufficient reason for supposing that it was first invented or introduced by the Buddhists. It is probably of for older date than the time of Buddha : it was one of the chief of the mangalyalak. shana, or marks on his feet (Hardy, Manual of Buddhism,
p. 867). Conf. Ind. Ant. vol IV. pp. 75, 803; Burnout, | Lotos de la Bonne Loi, p. 625; Fergusson, Tree and
Serpent Worship, p. 246.-ED.

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16 and xv. 26, they change mapakintos into me pokAvròs and apply it to Muhammad, as they make him also the last' who'shall be first' in Matt. xx. 9, 10, 16. The other tests referred to him are Isaiah xlii, 1, 7, 17, &c.; lsiii. 1, 6, &c.; Dan. vi. 13, 14; John xxi. 7, 13, &c.; and Rer. vi. 4.
The teaching and duties are presented in a series of quotations from the Korån, classified under various heads, such as God, Angels, In- spired Books, The Gospel, the Koran, Jesus Christ, Muhammad, The worship of one God, Social Duties, Infidels, Unbelievers, Purgatory, Hell, Paradise, Prayers, &c. &c. It is evident that in such an arbitrary arrangement there is a danger of representing the religion under an aspect which is not strictly a correct one; it is apt to bring into strong prominence, for example, the ethical teaching of scattered and incidental precepts, while, unless the classification were far more comprehensive than M. de Tassy has attempted to make it, many ethically important features, such as the position of woman, slavery, the discipline of the heart and will, private virtues, &c., may be left out. Yet this treatment has its uses, as it brings together all that is said in the Korân on each of a number of important topics, from which we can at once judge of the character of its teaching respecting each individually, and, as the arrangement is pretty exhaustive of the contents of the book, we see at once the areas that it leaves entirely blank.
The second treatise is a translation of the Turkish Ripals-i Berkevi, a religious catechism written in the sixteenth century, treating chiefly of dogma and morality, but mixed with minute details on ablutions and rules respecting prayers. The third section is a Sunni Euchology, translated from the Hidayat-ul Islam, which is known in India both in an Arabic and a Persian version, and contains most of the prayers in use, the Suras from the Korân employed in prayer, the Fatihas, and special prayers used in the pilgrim- ages to Makka and Medinah. The fourth and last division of the volume is a memoir on the special features of the Muhammadan religion in India, drawn from Hindustani works, and gives a pretty full account of the feasts and principal saints of the Indian Musulmans. M. de Tassy has given us an interesting, instructive, and valuable addition to the literature of the subject, though, like most books written by those who know Muhammadanism only from its literature, the author, by dwelling principally on its better features, gives a more favourable view of it than it really deserves.
The small volume by Mr. Ştobart is an excellent handbook, at once popular in its style and ac-
curate in its condensed details of facts. It opens with a brief but clear outline of the Geography, Early History, Ethnology, and Religion of the Arabian Peninsula ; then the bulk of the book is devoted to the life and teaching of the "Prophet;" and this is followed by a chapter on Islâm, and another on its spread, after which the author sums up briefly and honestly on some of those features which more forcibly strike a Western observer. It is not intended as a work of original research, but the author has selected and employed the most trustworthy European authors on the subject, and by confining himself chiefly to a narrative of facts, has produced a volume full of information, and the best introduction to a knowledge of Islâm and its founder that we know of.
" However much, under the then degraded condition of Arabia," he remarks, "the code of Mahomet was a gift of value, and however much it may have succeeded in banishing those fiercer vices which naturally accompany ignorance and barbarism, still can it be forgotten at how dear a price the boon was acquired ? In the place of temporary and remediable evils . . . . the nation was delivered captive to the guidance of an unchangeable law, which, whatever the excellence of some of its precepts, poisons domestic life, stifles honest inquiry, crushes the right of private judgment, has hitherto been found, and is essentially, incompatible with constitutional freedom. and has been followed by that train of national degradation and evil which the story of the past and the example of the present show to be the constant, and it would seem the inevitable. attendants wherever Islam holds sway. History, indeed, but too truly records that the faith of Mahomet is altogether powerless to ennoble or to regenerate a nation. The partial and specious reforms which it may effect are vitiated by the fact that they serve to exclude the highest; and as the inner life of families, the whole tone of society, and the intellectual and moral standard of a people depend on the principles diffused by the ruling religion, it seems, from past experience, hopeless to expect that Islam will ever cease to be what it has hitherto proved, the most formidable obstacle to the dawn of a progressive and enlightened civilization."
The book is one of a series published by the Christian Knowledge Society on "Non-Christian Religious Systems," is illustrated by a mapshowing the limits of the Muhammadan empire at its greatest extent under the early Khalifs in the 8th century, the present limits of the empire, and the spread of the religion, and has an excellent index, fitting it for easy reference.

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SEAL OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT
OF AMMARAJA II.WITHOUT DATE.

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Fig. 2. Composite Bracket-radiating arches.
Fig 1 Shaft at
Ind Antiquary. Vo! VII. p. 121. Bijapur.

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MAY, 1878.]
HINDU AND JAINA REMAINS IN BIJAPUR.
121
HINDU AND JAINA REMAINS IN BIJAPUR AND THE NEIGHBOURHOOD.
BY W. F. SINCLAIR, Bo. C.S. TT must serve for excuse for the extreme rough- this form may have been used in the building,
ness of the following notes that they are or at least that it was known to the artist as a derived from such observations as could be made structural device. There is also in this end a in the scanty leisure of a Famine Officer. Apo- deep and wide square mortice-hole, showing logy would seem almost as much required for that the pillar was meant to support some ponmeddling at all with a region which has already derous stone superstructure. Had it been, as been in such hands as those of Colonel Meadows has been imagined, a mere pillar of illumination Taylor, Messrs. Fergusson, Fleet, and Sankara (dipmála), or a lát supporting a single figure, Pandurang Pandit, but the fact is that the I should have expected a narrower hole; but attention of the two former gentlemen has been at any rate I know of no lar, dipmdla, or Jaina chiefly attracted by the magnificent works of the shrine pillar having the square and massive Adil Sh à hi kings, while the two latter have form of this shaft, nor do I believe that any been busied rather with inscriptions than with Indian architect would have used so unsuitable architecture. I hope, therefore, that I may be a form for that purpose. able at least to indicate the materials for a new Close to this pillar stands a slightly omaand interesting chapter in the architectural his- mented base, generally supposed to belong to it. tory of the Dekhan.
In proportions it is indeed suitable, being 38 It seems certain, from the number and variety inches square and 44 deep to as far as I could of the remains, that the site or neighbourhood excavate,-probably, from the proportions, 8 or of modern Bijapur was occupied, before the 10 more below this. Examination, however, Muhammadan invasion, by a group of temples of shows on its upper surface the mark, not of considerable size and beauty; and that one, at such a shaft as I have described, but of an least, was of high antiquity will be proved, I octagonal drum of 13} inches to the side; which, think, by the description of the first fragment after some search, I found built into a guardwhich I have to notice. This is the shaft of a house platform belonging to the inner gate of column lying outside the east gate of the citadel, the citadel, about fifty yards off, and which, I nearly opposite the old Kotwal Chauri. It is am tolerably certain, belongs to a Châlukya 3 feet square throughout, and 14 feet long, building of the 11th or 12th century, which I besides a basal tenon of 9 inches. Of this great shall have occasion to notice further on. It is mass 11 feet 10 inches and the tenon are in one indeed, not only possible, but probable, that the block. Just above the moulding this is so building, of which the great prostrate shaft is finely united to another length of 2 feet 2 inches now the sole remnant, served as a quarry to the that the point of a hunting-knife can hardly be Chalukya architects; but, if so, they completely got into the joint; and in fact the shaft has re-wrought the materials. hitherto enjoyed the reputation of a monolith. Their successors, however,-the earliest Mu
The moulding, as will be seen from the ac- sulmán invaders, were less industrious, and companying sketch, is of a festooned pattern erected in the citadel of Bijapur three buildings common to the caves of Bâdami and the Durga composed as far as possible of the fragments of Dewal, at Aiho!e, only sixty-five miles away. Hindu temples. The first of these is a small The square massiveness of the pillar agrees with colonnade, probably meant for a guard-house, or this indication; and, so far as one is justified in shelter for witnesses, petitioners, and other assigning a date to a solitary fragment, I must loiterers about the citadel. It requires no conclude that this pillar belonged to a building further individual notice, but must be undernearly contemporary with the Durga Deval- stood as included in the scope of remarks touchthat is, certainly not later than the 7th century. ing these appropriated materials as a whole. It may be added that the upper end is finished The second was certainly the corps de garde of with an ornamental bevel showing the distinc- the main gate of the citadel. It consists of two tive double flexure of the Dravidian cornice; or three arcaded chambers and verandahs, in from which it is permissible to conjecture that some of which fragments of ancient Hindu

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pillars support arches, while others are uti- lized in the trabeate Hindu style. The former method suggests what might have happened here, had it not been for the importation of a purely arcuate masonry style by the Western Adil Shah i dynasty and their foreign follow ers. Similar adaptations occur at one or two other places in the district, notably at Dhôl. kher, on the Bhîma ; but the general question can be more fitly discussed at the close of this article. This guard-house contains no less than four inscriptions in the Halle Kanadi, or old Kanarese character, all incised on the suprabases of columns. "The oldest inhabitant" assured me that all four had been copied for Sir Bartle Frere. Two of them are mentioned in the Architectural Committee's account of Bijapur (p. 65)-one as recording that Mula Devara Châluk ya made a grant to a temple of Narasinha in Salivahana Sake 1114 (A.D. 1192), and one to the same purport of “Sankarapa Danda Nayaka, minister to Nårâyana Yadava," $. S. 1162 (A.D. 1240). I am not myself sufficiently learned in Kanarese (had even the terrible exigencies of the public service at the time of my stay in Bijapur allowed the time) to attempt a translation on my own account, but I believe that they have attracted the attention of Messrs. Fleet and Sankara Påndarang Pandit, and a photograph of part of one (all I could get done) was taken. The octagonal drum of a great pillar, mentioned above as belonging to a base still standing outside this gate, is built into a platform of this corps de garde, on the north side of the entrance.
The third building is that known now as the Jaina temple,' lying between the inner citadel and the remains just described. The epithet has probably been derived from the local habit of referring all ancient buildings to * the Jainas,' of whom, I may bere remark, I found no trace whatever in the city of Bijapur, though their remains are not uncommon in the neighbourhood. I did at one time imagine that a stone now standing outside the Juma' Masjid might have been the capital of a Jaina columnar shrine, but was subsequently obliged to admit that it must have been part of a fountain still existing within the mosque. The building now referred to has been unfortunate in its historians; for the compilers of the official volume on Bijapur photographed it from two
different points of view, and described it as two separate buildings, viz. as a Hindu Agrahara and as a Musulmân mosque (pp. 65-66). The latter is the correct designation. It consists of & rectangular courtyard, flanked right and left by blank walls, faced by a pillared façade, and having at the rear or western side a pillared wall with mihráb, or azimuth niche, and mimbar, or pulpit. There are fragmentary inscriptions in the Persian, Nâgari, and Kanarese characters. The Government Reporters mention the second only (or condense the whole, for they are not explicit), as expressing that in Saliva hana Sake 1242 Mâlik Karimu'd-din Kh â n built the mosque, -Revaya, carpenter of Salhaodage (probably Salotgi, tâluka Indi), being the architect. In the Persian inscription I made out the name of the Mâlik in the Persian, but read it, with such assistance as I could get, " Karim-u'ddaulah Khân." The point is not important; and I hope that the inscriptions, which are very rough, will ere. long receive the attention of a more competent and less harassed interpreter.
The hall has a trabeate stone roof covered with concrete, and a covered skylight bearing exactly the same relation to the large central compartments of Chalukya temples as the dome of a typical mosque at Ahmadâbâd does to the central domed compartment of a great Jaina porch. How any one could ever have taken it for aught but a mosque,-even desecrated, ruined, and encumbered with vegetation as it is-passes my comprehension. Besides these three buildings there are fragments of Hindu sculpture lying all about the city and citadel; the most notable are some broken pillars (one apparently part of a ld or dipmdla) lying in a corner of the Ashar Mubarak palace, where now is the shrine of the Prophet's beard.' There is a fragment of a frieze or pediment-course of elephants-built into the revetment of the inner citadel ditch ; and two small stone elephants, similar to those shown in Mr. Fergusson's plate of the Temples at Somnathpur (Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 394), still survive, though mutilated. One was, in July last, lying opposite the door of Karim. u'd-din's mosque. The other has been set up in a modern temple of Dattatre (the Hindu Triad), between the inner and outer ditches of the citadel, where it occupies a position similar to that of the bull Nandi in Saiva temples.
In the whole body of remains the traces of

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three distinct large buildings can be made out. The first was that of the 7th century, or there abouts, of which nothing is now left to us but the one great shaft already described. The second was-if the inscriptions read by the Government Reporters were identical, as I suppose, with two of my four-a temple of Narasinha, the Man-Lion incarnation of Vishnu, built probably in the 12th century, of the same dark basalt as its predecessor-very likely on its site and of its remains. It was certainly Chalukya in style, adorned with courses of figures, windows of stone tracery in geometrical and foliage patterns (I found none into which figures had been introduced), and standing on a plinth about two feet high, with small free-standing elephants at the corners. In short, the best idea of it can be obtained from the woodcut already quoted in Mr. Fergusson's work, or from the volume by the Architectural Committee of Western India upon Dharwad and Maisur, where the Chalukya style has now its best representatives. It may be added that the mixture of Saiva and Vaishnava emblems throughout the fragments of this temple (sometimes together on one column) shows a very different feeling between these two Hindu sects to that now existing in the same country, though the total absence of Jaina emblems in such a large collection of remains would lead us to infer that the entente cordiale did not extend to this religion; and, finally, that the work of decorating the temple was probably still in progress when the Musalman invasion broke upon the country.
The third traceable building was a temple built of what is called on the spot red sandstone, though apparently belonging rather to the schists. It seems to have been of the same style and age as the temple of Narasinha, but its inferior material has suffered much more from time than the hard basalt of the latter; and the indications are in this case more scanty. Fortunately the surviving remnants include the members of a gateway high enough to admit an elephant (now utilized for its original pur- pose, in the citadel), and the lintel of a shrine door on which Ganapati is still to be recognized. There is, therefore, no doubt that it was a Saiva temple.
These three buildings-if one may form a conjecture from the concentration of their re- lics-stood, two of them, as friendly contem-
poraries upon the ground now forming the eastern or inner part of the citadel of Bijapur. How many smaller buildings of the sort may have existed in the immediate neighbourhood it is hard to say-probably a considerable number. For the earlier Muhammadan architects would naturally utilize all those within easy carriage of the city in their own buildings; and in fact it is just at a radius of a day's march from Bijapur that one begins to find such remains still in situ, while without that limit they are numerous in every direction. However, it is certain that they did, in the very earliest period of their rule, destroy the buildings which I have essayed to reconstruct, so as literally not to leave one stone upon another. During the past year the clearance of the citadel of Bijapur has been carried out as a famine work, and much of the oldest masonry in the place has been exposed to view ; but in no single case could I find a Hindu wall, or even foundation.
Our friend Karimu'd-din and his companions built the fragments into their mosque and fortifications with so little regard to their original positions that they frequently made up one column with the disjeota membra of three, or filled the place of deficient members with very rough-hewn stop-gaps. It may be remarked that the pillars in the mosque have suffered more in this way than those in the other two buildings, and in examining them the more closely on this account one notices that the missing sections are the bracket capitals and square lengths of the pillars,-that is, the parts which were most apt to be adorned with figure sculpture, which of course was more particularly objectionable in the house of the One God. Still, almost every stone is used for its original purpose-base and capital, slab and lintel, support and overlie just as they had done in their original sites. A partial exception is to be found in the great skylight-I can find no better word than this for the central construction. It is not a dome or an upper storey, but simply a piece of the flat roof pushed up some eight feet, and supported in that position by great slabs which had been pilasters of the temples, and whose position is now so far altered that their uncarved side, which had originally been imbedded in side-walls, now grins in its native roughness towards the terrace of the mosque,-the sculptured side, however, remain

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ing still visible to any worshipper who might It did not, however, die without to some exhappen to look upwards from within.
tent influencing what we now know as the BiOne may, I think, recognize in these two japur style of architecture. In the windows buildings the work of different, though contem- of many Adil Shahi buildings the simple forms porary, influences and architects. It is pro- of Chalukya tracery are reproduced with good bable that while Revaya the mistri was doing effect; and the beautiful Ibrahim Rozah, built his best with Hindu ideas and Hindu materials by a king who did not die till 1636', owes much to build such a mosque as might entitle him to of its charm to the employment of Hindu pilhis fee of "twelve chavars of arable land rent- lars, brackets, and flat ceilings, modified indeed free for ever," and the Sayyid or Maulana of by the use of cement and concrete, both prac. the garrison was overlooking him with antically unknown to the indigenous race of iconoclastic eye, some Persian or Turkish royal architects. The Musulmans of Bijapur, moreengineer was at work on the fortifications close
over, used one architectural device which was by, utilizing what materials he could, with as due to the influence of their predecessors, and great a contempt for everything but economy deserves a very distinct description. They and defence as could be produced in the 19th found, as everywhere in India, the horizontal or century by the training of Woolwich and Chat
bracketed arch. They brought with them, as ham. Our hypothetical Persian was familiar with everywhere else in India, the radiated or true the arch; he had very likely seen old Roman arch, so well known to the Western world, and buildings in which arches were, or seemed to be, they used the former occasionally, the latter supported on pillars; so, when he ran short of in a style which has seldom, if ever, been surstolen goods,-to wit, great slabs and complete passed. But they alone, I think, ever combined pillars suitable to the trabeate style of his these two forms of construction-not only in a Hindu masons,-he utilized the smaller stones single arch, but in a single stone. This was at hand, in accordance with the lessons of his effected by using in their abutments, above youth, but, to the last, economized labour by the spring of the arch, long stones, with short supporting his arches on the stumps of Hindu elbows turned downward in the form and columns, in some cases turning them upside angle necessary for voussoirs (as shown in the down rather than go to the trouble of cutting a diagram Fig. 2). It is obvious that an arch new capital.
built in this manner contains the elements and We have here the incunabula of a distinct merits of both systems, and avails itself of every style of civil and ecclesiastical architecture, element of stability which can be found in cut which would, if left to itself, have grown up stone. It could not, of course, be practically much as that of Ahmadabad did, from a similar applied throughout such an arch as that of the origin. This, however, was put a stop to by the Gaggan Mahal, 83 feet in span, but in the flood of foreign influence which accompanied lower part of even such arches, and throughout the Adil Shahi dynasty which succeeded Karim- those of less dimensions, it is as ingenious and u'd-din and his like as provincial governors, and efficient a structural device as can well be coneventually made of Bijapur the metropolis of ceived, and has probably much to say to the a great kingdom, and the centre of a great wonderful vitality of the monuments of Bijaarchitectural school, essentially Western in its pur,-for hardly any other word is applicable love for the dome and pointed arch. Consider to the way in which these have survived every ing how far they excelled all the rest of the form of ill usage, from Moghul bombardment to world in their chosen style, and the distinct Marathả pillage, which, with a thoroughness inferiority of the local architecture to that of characteristic of that predatory race, extended Gujarat for the purpose of great buildings, we here even to building materials. need not spend more than a passing regret I have already said that the immediate neighupon the death in its cradle of the nascent Cha- bourhood of the city of Bijapur is barren of lakya-Saracenic style.
Hindu and Jaina remains—for the reason, proIbrahim Adil Shah II., said to have been nicknamed when supposed by his followers (during the first siege of by his Musulman subjects Jagad Gura, in derision of his Multán) to favour the English and Pathan interest, was toleration for the Hindus. A converse modern case is that contemptuously styled "Raja Sheikh Singh." of the famous Sikh Raj& Sher Singh Atariwala, who

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bably, that they were used up by the conquering 17th century, to which this building probably race. In the course, however, of a few months belongs. As his object, moreover, was not to service in the country to the north-east, now relieve a huge square building with an almost forming the tâlukâs of Indi and Sindagi, semi-globular dome, but to bear up into the I have come across many of both religions. night air a column of light, he did not hold Temples still stand at Horti, on the Solapur to the perpendicular form of king Mahmûd's road, and at Nim ba l-Khurd, six miles east towers, but tapered his away by diminishing of this, which cannot date from an earlier period the diameter of each successive story; and than the thirteenth century, and would well repay finally he departed still further in detail from the examination of any one who may have the his model by adorning his exterior, not only with luck to visit them in times of leisure. There are the carved stone brackets needed for his lamps, probably others as complete as these, and as but with the supplementary sculpture, which old, which I did not come across; and in almost was almost as necessary to support the effect every village there are numerous fragments, often of these when viewed by daylight. Although utilized in buildings of the composite character all of this is coarse in execution, and some of it already noticed. One of the most remarkable of obscene in design, the general effect by daylight these is the temple of Khandobâ at Hipargi, is exceedingly good, and would be more so 24 miles east of Bijapur. The cloisters of this were the building complete. Its legend says building surround a court cut into the side of a that the builder was a Raja of Satara, that it low hill; and some of them back up' into the had originally seven stories, besides the plinth hill itself in a way which reminds one of the and finial story (agreeing with the form of the caves of Elurâ. This impression is heightened minárs of Mahmûd's tomb, which have seven by the square and massive trabeate style of | stories, a dome and plinth; further, that when these cloisters themselves, though upon exami- | the uppermost lamps were lit, their radiance lit nation they show plain signs of having been up the tomb of king Mahmûd, whose ghost built long after Musulman influence had be- and successors were so much disgusted at this come dominant; while they are faced by a set incidence of idolatrous 'light on the subject' of arches which would not be out of place in that they forced the architect of Hipargi to any Saracenic courtyard in Bijapur. In the truncate his tower till it was shut out from centre is the temple itself, a modern building of Bijapur by the intervening hills of Sivanagi. no beauty or pretensions, but eccentric in A small pillar about two miles off upon the that, though it appears to be raised upon a De û r road is pointed out as being the amstone plinth two feet high, the floor of the putated top of the tower, but upon examination shrine and porch is on a level with that of the turned out to be of a different style, material, court, and the approach is by a path cut down and probably generation. to this level through the stone work of the I could get no historical evidence whatever plinth. Opposite this a stone horse, capari- to corroborate or contradict this tradition. The soned but unmounted, occupies the pavilion period which it points to i.e. the end of the 16th which in a Saiva temple would belong to the or the first half of the 17th century-is likely bull Nandt. Above the whole, and without enough from the internal evidence; and though the enclosure, though practically belonging to no chief could have been called 'Raja of the temple, stands a dipmála, or illumination- Satârâ till long after the kings of Bijapur had tower, unique in these parts, and worthy of de- lost the power to pull down any one's tower, scription in detail. The builder had evidently the ancestor of that family, Shahji Bhonsle, in his eye the construction of the four great was a feudatory of the Bijapur state at that ninárs which flank the tomb of king Mah- very time, and may possibly be the person almûd at Bijapur, and he composed his tower luded to. At any rate, truncated by Moslem of pierced stories closely resembling theirs. bigotry, and defaced in later days by modern But, as a Hindu, he did not care to use true Hindu valgarity, the tower still dominates, not arches for his openings, which are accordingly unpleasingly, the group of trees and temples in spanned by single stones cut into a pointed the hollow at its foot (for Khandoba has several arch-a common form throughout India in the divine neighbours); and on the other side it

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presents a resting point to the eye wearied with the dismal monotony of the ugly brown plains of Kalâdgi.
The lower part of a smaller temple in the same village (which I used as a relief kitchen), with its 'plinth and well, seem to be pre-Muhammadan in style; and at Sindagi, 12 miles off, there survives a complete Chalukya temple of Khandoba, apparently of about the 13th century, but absolutely buried in whitewash, and surrounded by a bad modern wall. It has, however, an amusing gallery of sculptured figures, gods, Rishis, and later saints, besides a whole row of lingas in a side chapel, and is altogether worth a visit.
At Almela, near the Bhîmâ, 12 miles north of Sindagi, a very fine temple-probably of the 11th century-was destroyed by some old Nawab to build the embankment of a tank, which was repaired this year as a famine work. The mischief done was past remedy, but I did save one fine figure of the Cobra-king, armed with sword and shield, and set it upon, not in, the dam; which is, besides, surmounted by an ugly and ruinous little temple, said to have been built by a European officer. This gentleman, it is said, being encamped under the
[MAY, 1878.
tamarind trees of the old embankment, thought fit to insult the image of the goddess Lakshmi, who was stuck up under another tree near the tents. She, being wroth, punished him vicariously by sending cholera upon the villagers, and refused to be appeased till he had granted a sum sufficient to erect her present fane. The hero of this legend is still alive, but, as neither the temple nor the tale (if true) says much for his taste, it is not necessary to name him here.
I have already (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 230) referred to the erection of small dolmens by the Shepherd caste of these parts, and have since seen two a little larger-that is, about three feet cube. One of these exists near the village of Hanat gi, 12 miles east of Bijapur; and the other just outside the Fateh Darwajâ, or Victory Gate, of the city itself. Both are of the same pattern, having one back, two side, and a top stone, the fourth side remaining open,. and being flanked by two small upright stones; and both now serve the purpose of shrines for Grâma devata s-in all likelihood deified ancestors, "rude forefathers of the hamlet," whose remains may lie below, or perhaps we were burnt there or thereabouts; but not even a tradition could I pick up about either.
ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES.
BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S. (Continued from p. 47.) No. XIX. Passing through Fire.'
Treading on fire and leaping through flames, either in honour of a deity or in fulfilment of a vow, seem to be among the most ancient and universal of superstitious customs. They exist in every part of the Madras Presidency, and doubtless elsewhere in India. Excellent accounts of the custom have been given in the Indian Antiquary by Mr. Stokes, vol. II. p. 190, and by Captain Mackenzie, vol. III. pp. 6-8, and are of special value, one as containing the evidence given in a judicial inquiry respecting the custom by parties concerned, the other as a detailed description by an eye-witness of a very full ceremonial of the kind at Bangalore. Both occurred in 1873. In 1854 the Madras Government called for a report from every zillâ as to the prevalence of the custom, and whether it appeared to be attended with such an amount of hurt or danger as to warrant measures being
taken for its discouragement and suppression. From the replies received, it appeared that firetreading was known in every district, but only locally observed in most, and not general in more than two or three. It was reported to be falling into disuse, practised only by the lower orders, and its performance to be unattended by danger or instances of injury sufficient to call for interference by Government, who thereupon ordered that it would be enough for European officials to use their influence in discouraging the custom, and endeavouring to obtain the assistance of the more educated classes of the native community in the same object.
When not done in discharge of vows made in time of sickness or disaster, the fire-walking seemed to be performed (generally in March or June) in most places in honour of Virabhadra,

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the portentons flame-clad progeny of Siva, who is especially feared as presiding over family cliscord and misfortune, or else of Dharmaraja, the elder Påndava, to whom there are five hundred temples in South Arkat alone, and with whom and Draupadî the ceremony has some par. ticular association. In Ganjam and Maisur it is performed in honour of a village goddess, and everywhere seems connected with aboriginal rites and Siva-worship, Brahmans always dis- owning it. Messrs. Stokes and Mackenzie have described how it is carried out, and the reports to Government speak of the fire-pit as a narrow trench, sometimes twenty yards long and half a foot deep, filled with small sticks and twigs, usually tamarind, which are kindled and kept burning till they have sunk into a mass of glow ing embers. Along this the devotees, often fifty or sixty in succession, walk, run, or leap, barefooted; and not unfrequently the precaution is taken of forming a puddle of water at each end of the trench, for the devotees to start from and leap into. Such a trench I have seen the day after a fire-treading had been performed in it, and cne of the actors went along it with a hop, skip, and jump, to show how it was done. Sometimes, to make the rito more imposing and meritorious, devotees will pierce their eyelids, tongues, the fleshy part of their arms, &c. with long slender nails having a lighted wick attached to each end, and so accoutred tread the fiery path. This seems repulsive, but there is no real danger in the ceremony, as the reports to Government were obliged to admit; and Captain Mackenzie in his account observes that there "never was, nor could be, the slightest danger to life." Nor would there be orclinarily. In the case reported by Mr. Stokes, a sickly boy fell in the pit and received burns from which he died: the accident and result were owing to his condition; and, when it appears from Mr. Stokes's paper that the practico is now prohibited in Madras, the antiquary will be inclined to regret interference with primeval customs not essentially more dangerous than hunting or racing. Amongst similar exhibitions it may be mentioned that in the demon-worship so prevalent on the western coast, when celebrations are held in honour of
A century ago Sonnerat (Voyage aus Indes Orientales, Paris, 1782) described the Indians walking on fire in honour of Dharmaraja and his wife Draupadi,-first following their images carried in procession three times round a fire,
Chamundi, a much-dreaded female divinity (vide Ind. Ant. vol. II. p. 169), the dancer, who represents and is supposed to be possessed by her, dances and rolls upon a pile of burning embers without any injury, as is asserted. In the Nilgiri Hills, too, there is a sect of outcaste Brahmans denominated Jumpers (Haravar), from a rite in which they used to leap over a fire. Though claiming to be Saiva Brahmaņs, wearing the thread and abstaining from meat, they really have no caste, but live and marry amongst the Badagas, and work as coolies.
When official inqniries were made into the fire-treading practices in Madras, surprise was evidently felt that they should turn out to be so harmless. The minds of many probably reverted to passages in the Old Testament (e.g. Leviticus xviii. 21 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 10) where children are spoken of as being passed through fire to Molech, which have been generally regarded as denoting cruel sacrifices of living children, -an idea Milton has gone far to confirm by his well-known lines"Moloch, horrid king, besmear'd with blood Of human sacrifice, and parents' tears, Though, for the noise of drums and tim
brels loud, Their children's cries unheard, that pass'd
through fire To his grim idol." Commentators have usually adopted the same view, and drawn frightful pictures of a huge brazen idol in whose arms, heated glowing hot, children were placed and cruelly consumed. It is most probable, however, that the rite was as harmless as the Indian fire-treading, or as when children were passed through fire" by their mothers, almost in our own days, on St. John's Eve in our own islands, and still in Brittany. The Rabbinical commentators have strongly repudiated the common interpretation, and insisted that in all the Scripture passages on the subject there is no word used signifying to burn' ordestroy,' but' to pass' and 'to offer,' and they ask whether, when so wise and beneficent a king as Solomon is spoken of as permitting his strange wives'' worship of Molech, it can be believed he would have sanctioned the murder of little children. Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus,in Upper Syria, and then passing through it, slowly or quickly according to their zeal, and often carrying their children in their arms. -Tom. I. p. 153.

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who wrote in the 4th century, took the same and over fires to a survival of Arabian and view, and there is an interesting passage in his Syrian idolatrous ceremonies, such as are decommentary on the Old Testament, where, in his scribed by Theodoret, older than the Prophet! 47th query on 2 Kings iii., as to how the expression Indian Muhammadans partake largely of Arab "Ahaz made his son to pass through fire" is to descent, and it is no more surprising that strict be understood, he observes-" Josephus says that Musulmans should, though doubtless unconAhaz offered one of his sons as a burnt-offering; sciously, keep up customs of idolatrous origin, but I think this is an error that has come down than that Christians should, up to our own times, to our own times. I have myself seen in certain have maintained the pagan festivities of Beltane cities that once in a year fires were lit in the and St. John's and St. Peter's Eves. Indeed, streets, and people leaped and bounded over the coincidence is remarkable and strikino them, -not boys only, but men also; and infants long old customs linger, and how hard they die, were carried through the flame by their mothers. is exemplified in a curious passage of Captain It appeared to me to be an expiatory and puri. Frederick Burnaby's amusing book On Horseback fying rite, and I think that this was the sin through Asia Minor, vol. II. p. 2012"I have of Ahaz." Such, probably, were the Molech often wondered whether something connected rites; they were condemned by the Old Testa- with the old fire-worshippers' superstition has ment writers as idolatrous, not as destructive, a lurking-place in the minds of the Persians and and the observances described by Theodoret Kurds. Day after day, and at the same hour, were forbidden to Christians at the 6th Council I have seen the entire inhabitants of a village of Constantinople, in A.D. 580, as superstitious turn out and gaze intently upon the great orb follies merely.
of light slowly sinking on the distant horizon. The result of the Madras inquiries was to I have questioned them about this subject. show that fire-walking was almost as much prac- They indignantly repudiate the idea of any act tised by Muhammadans as by Hindus. Indeed, of worship to the sun : they say they do so in one district (Karnal) it was only known at the because it is their habit, and because their fathers Muharram; and fire-dances were reported to be and ancestors did the same thing before them." regularly observed at that festival in 120 villages Again, in close connection with the subject of in Nellur; in that district, also, Muhammadan this note, and showing how the origin of ancient Fakirs were said to walk and roll on fire at observances may be forgotten, Ovid expressly two places in the month Madhu, in honour of a mentions leaping through flames as amongst Pir or saint named Bandar Shah Madur. Her the rites of the Palilia (Fasti, lib. iv. 781), klots, in his Qanoon-e-Islam, when describing and then, proceeding to explain the meaning, the Muharram, says that the fire-pits then used acknowledges that the multitude of reasons poare called allawa ( bonfires'), and are dug pularly assigned makes it doubtful, and adduces annually on the same spot. Fires are kindled some which only show that, even in his time, in them in the evening, and," of those who have the signification of the rite was really unknown. vowed, some leap into the still burning embers Some instances of analogous customs may be and out again, others leap through the flame, and here recounted. The late Professor H. H. some scatter about handfuls of fire." He gives, Wilson, in his “Essay on the Festivals of the however, no account of the origin and meaning Hindus"(Works, vol. I.), when describing the wild of the custom. Muhammadans are unable to revelries of the Holi, as observed in Hindustan explain it, and the more educated amongst them Proper in the month Phálgana, or March, says regard it with aversion, as they do many of the of the bonfires then lit in all the towns and Muharram extravagancies. It has hence been villages, -"When the flames break forth, the surmised by many that such wild ceremonies spectators crowd round to warm themselves, an may have been imitated from Hindu obsery act that is supposed to avert ill-luck for the rest ances, as intimated by Mr. Sinclair in his Notes of the year. They engage also in some rough on the Muharram (Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 79). gambols, trying to push each other nearer to the It may indeed be so, but I know not whether it fire than is agreeable or safe, and as the blaze would be too hazardous to refer this leaping into declines jump over it and toss about the burning
+ The Muharram existed as a feast before Muhammad, who enjoined ten additional customs during it.

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embers." The following are selected from many instances of ancient customs in the British Isles. Sir John Sinclair, in the Statistical Account of Scotland, published in 1794, states, from the re- port of the minister of Loudoun, in Ayrshire, that "the custom still remains amongst the herds and young people to kindle fires on the high grounds in honour of Beltane" (vol. III. p. 105); and, again, the minister of Callander, in Perthshire, relates that on "Beltein day" (old May-day) the people kindled a fire and toasted a cake, which was divided into as many parts as there were people present, and one part blackened with charcoal ; the bits were then put into a cap and drawn blindfold, and he who drew the black bit was considered devoted to Baal, and obliged to leap three times through the flame (vol. XI. p. 620). In the Gentleman's Magazine for February 1795, an eye-witness relates that on the 21st June 1782 he saw, from the top of the house in which he was staying in Ireland, the fires burning at midnight on every eminence for a radius of thirty miles all around, and that the people danced round the fires, and made their sons and daughters, together with their cattle, pass through them,-reckoning this to ensure good fortune during the succeeding year. The dancing round and leaping over fires probably did not survive long into the present century, but the kindling the Midsummer fires is hardly yet extinct. I remember, a few years ago, a notice of them having been seen in some of the Scottish Isles; and in 1833 there was a riot in Cork on account of some of the soldiers quartered there refusing to subscribe to the Beltane bonfires. There is not a county in England, from Northumberland to Cornwall, in which there was not some trace of the custom existing in the last century; and in Wales, Devonshire, and Cornwall it lingered to within living memory, if indeed it be yet wholly extinct. In Brittany it is still in force; there the peasantry still vigor- ously dance round and leap over the St. John's fires, and two years ago a fine painting by the eminent artist Jules Breton was exhibited in London, entitled La Saint Jean, vividly pourtraying the scene from life. One of the old navi
3" In the month Muharram the first rain fell, Adam and Eve descended on earth, and species were propagated." Herklots.
The sanctit- of fire-treading would also be heightened by its being used as a solemn ordeal. In Asiatic Resparches, vol. I. p. 390, there is & paper on ordeals communicated by Warren Hastings containing this passage:
gators, Johannes Lerius, avers that passing through fire was practised even by the people of Brazil; but, though the Rabbins trace its origin up to Ham, the idolatrous son of Noah, I have been unable to find any notice of its existence in Africa. In all the many records of exploration, from Livingstone and Burton to Schweinfurth and Baker, there is no allusion to it, albeit Africans are tho most saltatory of nations. It can hardly be but that rites existing with so much likeness in far separated ages and countries must have had some common origin, and it does not scem beyond bounds to seek that origin in ages of which the Vedas are a late expression, before that Aryan dispersion which, issuing from the Central-Asian dwelling place, may have carried these primeval observances to the confines of the Western world. But, whether in classic, medieval, or modern times, -whether Palilia, Muharram, Fire-treading, Holi, Mayday or Midsummer festivities, -all seem vestiges day or Midsummer festivities, of the primordial adoration of Spring, and the natural gladsomeness that greets the revival of Nature. As religions change and fade, sach ob. servances become transferred to sun-worship, or associated with local deities, Muhammadan martyrs, or Christian saints, and ideas of expiation or symbolical cleansing by fire obscure the original motive, which would, however, be latent at no great depth, and manifest the common source of its variant forms in many points, as the seasons of celebration, making cattle leap over fires, -as Ovid, at the passage cited in the Fasti, intimates was done, and as was the custom 'in Ireland, and in Maisur, where Captain Mackenzie saw buffaloes driven over the fire-pits; appearing also in the Irish and Indian belief that dancing round the fires ensured good fortune. Established priesthoods would sometimes sanction such customs, sometimes frown on them; as in Upper India Brahmans bless and inaugurate th Holi bonfires, but in the south stand aloof from fire-treading, because usually done in honour of un-Brâhmaņical deities. Antiquarian and mythological research is but the record of the decline, survival, transformation, and interchange of religious observances. "For the fire ordeal an excavation, 9 hands long, 2 spang brond, and I span deep, is made in the ground, and filled with a fire of pipal wood; into this the person accused must walk barefooted, and if his feet be unhurt they hold him blameless; if burned, guilty." In medieval Earope accused persons walked barefoot over heated ploughsharee placed in a line at unequal distances.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Mar, 1878.
RÂJMAHALI WORDS.
BY R. B. SWINTON, LATE.M.C.S. In Dr. Hunter's Comparative Dictionary of respond in name with any of Dr. Hunter's list the Languages of India and High Asia nearly under the heading Central India, though some two hundred words have been selected for com- classified as belonging to Western Bengal are parison in more than a hundred and forty lan- to be found in Dr. Hunter's list. The words in guages and dialects-one word to a luxurious the Bengal book have been better selected than page. Twenty of these dialects are bracketed those in Dr. Hunter's, and the sentence illustratogether as belonging to Central India, but tions are to be found only in the former; but, including the Chentsu and Yeru kala of as Dr. Hunter's book was printed six years the south; and there are seventeen under the earlier, it would have been better if the same Southern India division, including Tamil, Ma- words had been adhered to in the later volume. layalam, and Karnataka, ancient and The dialect of the Rajmahal hills appears in modern, Todu va and Toda. Malabar, as a both vocabularies, and as it has been always dialect distinguishable from Tamil and Mala- stated to be connected with the Dravidian lany alam, has been included by mistake; neither guages, though so widely separated by distance, has Siñhalese any relationship to any South- it may be interesting to see to what extent this Indian language. The Keikâdi dialect, wherever is borne out by vocabulary comparison. it may come from, has three words out of four the Among the numerals, only the name for 'one' same as one or another South Indian language. in Rajmahali-ort, ondong, kivong-will bear
The blue book entitled Specimens of Lan- comparison with the Tamil onru and the Kanaguages of India, published in 1874 under the rese ondu; all the other numerals are Hindi. authority of the Government of Bengal, has The pronouns in Rajmahali, as they are given about a hundred and fifty words, and under the by Dr. Hunter's informants and in the Bengal division appropriated to Central Provinces collection, are put down below for comparison languages' twenty-two names of dialects or of se- with those of the South Indian language to lected centres. Unfortunately none of these cor which they bear any resemblance.
Rájmahali English (Bengal Book) Hindi Rájm. (Hanter)
South Indian (Tamil) Ayn Main, ham En
Mân or yân, Kanarese (anc.) nâ We Aym Ham, hamani Nam, om
Nam, nangal Thou Nin
Tu, tou Nin
Ni Nin Tum
Nir, ningal He Ah
Wuh Ath
Avan Ahaber We, ohney
Asabar
Avargal, avar Of me Aynki Mera
Ongki
Ennudeiya, Telugu Na-yokka Of us Emsubki Hamara, ham- Emki, nâmki Nammudeiya
sobinkaer Of thee Ningkid Tera Nimki
Unnudeiya Of you Ningkid Tohåni
Ummudeiya Of him Ahikid Uska
Avanudeiya Of them Ahibkid Unka
Åsa-beriki
Avargaludeiya Mine Aynki Hamara
Ongki
Ennathu Our Emsobki Hamara
Nammathu Thine Ningkid
Ningki
Unathu Your Ningkid
Tumara Nimki
Ummathu His Ahikid Uska Ahiki
Avanathu Their Ahibkid Unka
Åsa-beriki Avargaluthu Apart from the different modes of spelling in other list ahaber. The sort of lisp which I am the two Rajmahali lists, there is an interchange informed a Bhill uses in trying to say the Hinof h for 8, or 8 for h. The word 'they' has been dustani word hdzir may have appeared to one taken down for Dr. Hunter asabar, and for the hearer ans, and to another an h. The words
I
You
They
Тcra

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RAJMAHÅLI WORDS.
131
I am
He is
No
for I,' thou,' and 'they' are most like the cor- List of similar words from the Bengal Selection. responding words in the Dravidian languages, English Bijmahali South Indian but it may be observed that thou' in Chinese Mouth Toro Telugu Nôru also is ni. The mode of the addition of the post
Eye Kanu Tamil Kan positions is as like Hindi as Tamil or Telugu.
Tooth Palu Tam. Pal
Father Abbas After the pronouns, I have gone through all
Tam. Appan
Sun Beru Tam. anc. Birgh the words in Dr. Hunter's lists, with the results
Ainoo Tam. Nân irukkiren in the small catalogue below.
Thou art Ninoo Ni irukkiray List of similar words from Dr. Hunter's Dictionary.
Ahoo
Avan irukkiran English R@jmahali South Indian
We are Aim Sebem Nangal irukkirom Above Meche $ Tamil ano. Misei
Ye are Nin Seber Ningal irukkirirgal Tamil mod. Mêle
They are Åseber Avargal irukkirärgal How much Ina Telugu Enta
My father lives in that small house. Near Atgi Malaydlam Atukko Rájm.-Na ada mâkono eng âbbá doki. Malla Tam. Alla
Tam. En thagappanär antha sinna vittil vâsam Within Ule Tam. Uue
pannukirar. Tooth Pál Tam. Pal
Toda--Yenu enin & kinnud Arzhulg udi. Cow Oi Tel. Åu
He is sitting on a horse under that tree. Eye Kane Tel. Kannu
Rajin.-Ahmon kolorno goro meche oki. Ear Khetway Tam. Kathu
Tam.-Avan kuthirai mêl utkánthu kondu antha Fish Min Tam, Min, Sanskrit Mina
marathin kil irukkiran. Mother Aya
Toda-Adum à men erk kadare mok erschf. Tam. Ayi Mouth Toro Tel. Nôru
A comparison of the inner structure of two Come Bara Mal. Våru
dialects can only be made by those (otherwise Tree Man Toda Men
tompetent and practically acquainted with Father Åba Kanarese Appa
both, but nobody knows both Rajmahali on the The time had not arrived when Dr. Hunter one hand and Tulu or Toda (of the Nilgiris) wrote, as he remarks in his preface, to render on the other. The Toda would be the most init safe to make a table of non-Aryan phonetic teresting for comparison, as the upheaval to the changes, but from the instances of changes and tops of hills in both cases would be more likely substitution of letters given I do not see how to have given the words similar twists, supposTelugu moru, a mouth,' becomes toro, or vice ing they started from the "one rude homogeneous versd. Min, the word for ' a fish,' is Sanskrit ; dialect" hazarded first by the Rev. Mr. W.
father is a dissyllable, with a b, a p, and an Taylor. The annexed list is interesting as a in it in many languages.
comparing the changes in the South Indian The next list has been taken out of all the languages with the Rajmahali. words in the Bengal vocabularies, with two There is a dialect called Bråhui or Brahuiki sentences from Rajmahali, Toda, and Tamil. in the extreme west of India, but in no word The residuum of similar words is very small does it resemble any South Indian language. Tamil Malayalam Tolugu Kanareso Toda Badaga Rájm. Rajm.
(Bengal Book.) (Hunter.) Hand Kai Kei
Cheyyi Kai Kei Kei Tetu Sesu Foot Adi, pådam Kal Padamu Adi or Påda Kál Kalu Kedu Kal Nose Mukku Mokka Mukku Mūgu Mituff Muku,mugu Muiêd Eye Kan
Kannu Kannu
Kann Kannu Kanu Kåne Month Vây Nôru Båyi Bài Bài
Toro Soro Tooth Pal Palla Pallu Hallu Parzh Hallu Palu
Pal Ear Kådu Cheni Chevi Kivi Kev Kivi Kaiệdba Khetway Hair Máyir Rômam Ventrukalu Kadalu
Mir Kudalu, Tali
Tali
meiru Head Thalai Tala
Tala Tale Madd Mandei Kuku Kupe Tongue Nakû Nåva Náluka Nålige Nav Nalange Tartay
The BrAhnts of Kalat speak a language different from the Baluchi of other tribus in Makrin, and which is called Kardi or Kardg8.11.-ED.
Kanna Váy

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1878.
Belly Back Iron Gold Silver Horse Cow
Pon
Velli
Dog Cat Cock
Duck
Tami! 'Malayalm Telugu Kanarese Toda Badaga Rájm. Rájm.
(Bengal Book) (Hunter.) Vayiņu Vayara Kadupu Hotte Bir Hotte Kocho Mudugu Madhuga Vipu Bennu Uf Bênnu Kokeh Irumbu Irumba Inumu Kabbiņa Kabban Kabbuna Loha Loha Pon
Bangaru I' Chinna Chinna Chinna Sona Velli Vendi Belli Bilti Belli Chandi Kudirai Kudhira Gurramu Kudure Kadare Kudure Ghoro Goro Pasu Pashu Åvu Åkalu, Govu Danam Dana Oyou Oi Nây Nay Kukka Nåy Nai Nai Aleh Allay Panai Pacha Pilli Bekku Kotti Kotti Bergeh Berge Sêval Pavankorhi Punju Hanju Huja Hunja Chayokkera Kulla vattu Târâva Båthu, Båthu, Båt Simo batu Batekeh
adabûtu tadiga Kazhudai Kanhudha Gadide katte Klatte Klatte Gadagoro Pakshi Pakshi Pakshulu Pakshigalu Belt Hakkilu Puzu Puj
Ро Hogu Atfo Hogu Kalah Eka,kalah Sappidu Tinnuga Thinu Unnu Tinn Tinnu Lapa Vutkåra Irikkuga Karcho Kutukollu Neshkir Kuli Okah Oka Vå Varuga
Ba 'twa, 'itva Ba
Bârêh Barah Adi Adikkuga Kottu Hodi Pui Hui Bajia Nillu Nilkkuga Niluvu Nillu Nellu Nilla Eldh Savu Châruga Chivu Säyu Kett fo Kett hogu Tadura Kodu Kodukka Yiggi Kodu Ta, kodu Ta, kodu Kata Kata Oduga Parugethu Ódu Voda Vodu Bongah
Bonga Mêlê Midhe Paina Mêle Mok Mel Mainieh Meche Kilê Tazhe Kintha Kelige Erg Kelage Pichhi
Ass Bird Go
Po
Poga
Est
Zapa
RA
Sit Come Beat Stand Die Give Run Up Down
Odu
POLYANDRY IN THE HIMALAYAS.
BY DR. O. R. STULPNAGEL, LAHOR. If immorality of the worst description existed in ascribed to many nations; Martini says they prejuxtaposition with the most brilliant civilization vailed in Yunnan; Garnier makes a similar observaof the Greeks, it will create surprise in uo one to tion respecting Sifan; Pallas mentions that young hear that chastity, as we understand the term, is women among the Mongols are esteemed in propora virtue scarcely known among the Mongoliang tion to the number of their love affairs; Japanese who inhabit the northern confines of India. It is ideas of morality are not very different, and the true, little is known of the Tibetans, very little in- most recent traveller in Eastern Tibet, Mr. Cooper, deed; and this is to be regretted, for they seem an makes a similar observation about the people he intelligent people--capable, no doubt, of good and came across." great things if brought under the continual influ- What has been said of the immorality of the ence of a higher life. But the little that is known Mongolians holds good in some respects of their of their state of morals does not prepossess us in neighbours the Paharis, inhabiting the Himalaya their favour. When Marco Polo, in the twelfth cen- mountains. Whether of Mongolian, Tatar, or of tury, reached that country, it had been recently mixed Mongolian and Åryan descent, these highravaged by Manku Khân, the grandson of the landers have extremely loose ideas concerning mogreat Jhangiz Khân; but though his knowledge was rality generally, and matrimony especially. Obliged limited,- for he does not pretend to have travelled by their life of seclusion to adhere to the principle over the 30,000 square miles of Tibet.--- he still had of absolute conservatism, it is by no means his attention attracted to the extraordinary immo- strange that their customs should still be primitive rality prevalent all over the country, so much so -as they may be called with a euphemistic license. that he observes that no man of that country would, But their primitiveness is not the primitiveness on any consideration, take to wife a girl who was a of innocence. The Abode of Snow' might lead maid. Colonel Yule adds to that passage learned one to expect, from a partial inspection of its note pointing out that similar corrupt practices are fertile mountain slopes, flowing rivulets, irrigated
Extracts from an article in the Indian Evangelical papers in Ind. Ant. vol. VI. pp. 251, 315; and Mr. Kirke Review, vol. V. (Oct. 1877) pp. 198ff.; conf. Dr. Muir's patrick's letter, vol. VII. p. 86.
? Yule'a Marco Polo, vol. II, pp. 83,38-40.

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valleys, and wooded glens, that the people who live Every accident or misfortune, however trifling, is among them would excel the natives of the plains connected with the evil agency of the genii loci, in body as well as mind. And though, generally who are very numerous, having peculiar fonctions speaking, natural fearlessness, frankness, hardi- attributed to each: for example, some are believed ness, and a superior physique may be conceded to to preside over the crops, and some to exercise an them, they are certainly far behind the people of influence over the heart of man, como over the the plains in intelligence, shrewdness, quickness summits of mountains, sources of rivers, forests, of intellect, and in that virtne which ought to exist &c., and large flocks of goats are carefully kept in the relation between the sexes. Although I have in most villages for sacrificial purposes. never found an instance of hereditary cretinism, “The sale of females, for the worst purposes of still there is an extraordinary heaviness about the slavery, though carried on with secrecy and caubrains of a Pahârî which makes him in many tion, is continued in various parts of the hill respects a totally unworthy opponent to a native of territory; and a frightful evil, which will be nothe plains when it comes to an encounter of wits. ticed below, may in a great measure be traced to A Banyâ coming from the plains has little difficulty, 1 this pernicious system. It is a notorious fact that even without necessarily resorting to dishonesty, for ages past the zananas of the rich natives of in enriching himself at the expense of the impro- the plains have been supplied with females from vidently stupid hill-people. How far intellectual the hill regions; which, together with the cruel. obtuseness is connected with moral unconscious- custom of female infanticide, has caused a disproness is a question of some nicety, but the difficulty portion between the two sexes, and given rise to lies in striking the balance, as, after all, innumera- the monstrous evil of polyandry, a practice which ble instances for and against such a proposition obtains throughout the country. Where females can be brought forward. However the case may are so scarce, and where they are almost sure of be, the filth, the objectionable customs, the mental commanding a price, it is not difficult to trace the and moral obliquity of these hill tribes, attracted motive for the perpetuation of such a crime as early the attention of Christian persons, with a that of female infanticide. It seems improbable view to establishing missionary centres, so as to that the same feelings of jealous honour and false bring them gradually to a better and nobler life. respect for family, which actuate the mind of the Thus Dårjiling was made a mission station in high-caste Rajput in India, can in any way in1840, Ålmord in 1850, Sabathu was taken up by fluence the people of the hills, whose habits and the American Presbyterians in 1837, Chamba by practices are at total variance with their ideas. the Established Church of Scotland in 1863, Kân- "The very marriages of the people are strongly grå by the Church Missionary Society in 1854, tainted with slavery, for no man can obtain a wife and the Moravians established in Kyelang a sta- without paying a sum of money to her father. If tion in 1855. But perhaps the most important seat she be turned out without a cause assigned, the of missionary enterprise is Kôtgadh, situated on purchase-money is retained until another marriage the extreme northern frontier of the British terri- is contracted, when the first purchaser receives tory, on the highroad from the plains past Simla back his purchase-money. Thus the females in to Tatary.......
no respect appear to be above the condition of The deplorable state of morality obtaining slaves, being considered as much an article of among the people of the Kôtgadh valley thirty- property as any other commodity. We conld five years ago is graphically described in the Rev. adduce other facts to show that vice added to W. Rebsch's mission report published in 1873; ignorance goes hand in hand in reducing this class and, being an authentic record, it may with advan- of human beings to the lowest level of existence." tage be here reproduced :
A little further on, the report states that"The hill states prior to the British conquest “Since the influence of the English government, had for many years boen subject to all the miseries based largely upon Christian morality, has been of ruthless rapine and tyranny, both under the brought to bear upon these tracts, the disgusting Gurkbi rule and under the goverument of their custom of polyandry has disappeared. Not a own native chieftains. The prevalent superstition
single instance can be now adduced in Kôtgadh betrays the most extreme ignorance. No ceremony of course) of many men having one wife, although is undertaken without duly offering a propitiatory increase of wealth has resulted in many persons sacrifice to somo devata. Human sacrifices in acquiring by right of purchase more than one wife, former times were not unfrequently immolated at because women, who all take their share in field the shrines of their temples, but it is believed that, work, are very valuable in these agricultural since British sway has been established, these districts, where manual labour is an important impious barbarities are no longer practised. consideration. But the British territory onco

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1878.
passed, especially towards the east, polyandry will still be found in Kanawar. The cause assigned is, however, not poverty, but a desire to keep the common patrimony from being distributed among a number of brothers. The result is that the whole family is enabled to live in comparative comfort."
Any one who has attempted to obtain original information from people who suspect evil intentions in every action or question of a European stranger will understand how difficult it is to verify statements, not to spsak of collecting facts only conjectured. Dut, taking the observation of former travellers as a fact respecting the low state of morality among the hill people, it would be strange indeed to learn that they had become in course of a generation convinced of their per- nicious practices, and had turned over a new leaf. And so it actually is. Though slavery is now abolished, the marketable value of a wife still exists. Moral perception is now no acuter than formerly, for it is nothing extraordinary to hear that two men disgusted with their wives have agreed to interchange them, hoping that a new arrangement in their domestic affairs would conduce to greater peace and comfort. But far worse, and a vice unknown to the Hindus of the plaing, is the marriage within the prohibited degrees of relationship. Not that this practice is indeed very common, but its existence at all without being visited by the severest social penalties is a sign that domestic ties are not considered of a very sacred character.....
In a thoroughly conservative country like India, habits do not change per saltum, nor can much be effected in a decade; even half a century will produce no perceptible change in the more remote corners of the Himalaya. As regards polyandry, a glance at Fraser's Journal of a Tour through part of the snowy range of the Himala Mountains will give the reader a fair idea of its present condition. Speaking of the hill people it is stated" Their custom of marriage and the general system with respect to their women are very extraordinary. It is usual all over the country for the future husband to purchase his wife from her parents, and the sum thus paid varies with the rank of the purchaser. The customary charge to a common peasant or zamindêr is from ten to twenty rupees. The difficulty of raising this sum, and the alleged expense of maintaining women, may in part account for, if it cannot excuse, & most disgusting usage, which is universal over the country. Three or four or more brothers marry one wifo who is the wife of all; they are unable to raise the requisite sum individually, and thus club their shares, and buy this one common spouse."
This account was printed in 1820. It is not surprising that when Fraser heard of this very revolting custom in the course of his travels he was further attracted, and made inquiries into the cause of the origin and continuance of 80 remarkable an inconsistency with all Hindu manners. He therefore relates that his informers, who were, on the whole, sensible and intelligent men, "unani. mously admitted the universality of the custom, that it was usual to purchase wives, and that the zamindårs were too poor to be able to give from ten to twenty rupees for a woman, and therefore contributed their quota, and each enjoyed his share of the purchase. They often explained the modes usually adopted to prevent quarrelsome interference, and described everything as already detailed; but when I came to put questions relative to the disposal of the surplus of females they could give me no satisfactory answers whatever."
Supposing the above account to be correct,and there is little reason to doubt it.-we have two things that require confirmation before the statement can be accepted as applicable after a lapse of more than fifty years--the universality of polyandry, and its causes. Fraser seems to think that the custom of having a community of wives would not exist but for the poverty of the hill people. But in that case it would have disappeared long since, or, if not, it could not possibly exist side by side with polygamy; whereas the fact is that instances have come to my notice of these two practices existing in one and the same family Poor the hill people undoubtedly are, but there are few who are destitute. Ever since the English government was firmly established in the Panjab, the inhabitants of the plains as well as the hills have benefitted by the gradual rise of the price of labour or of agricultural produce. If, therefore, any man finds that there are too many mouths to feed in his household, one or more of the grown male members must leave for a time their home and obtain work in the larger farms of a prosper. ous neighbour, or else go in quest of service in one of the numerous hill sanitaria. This, however, he abhors. He is constitutionally lazy, improvident, dirty, and immoral. If a crop is plentiful he will wastefully consume the whole outturn, instead of laying by a store for a possible bad season. He will not move twenty miles, A8 rule, to earn livelihood, and he does not cultivate more ground than is absolutely necessary to maintain himself and his family. Moreover, besides ploughing the fields and sowing the seed, he leaves the field work to be performed by the women--the woeding, the reaping, the thrashing, the garnering. The household duties, of course, fall upon the women.

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POLYANDRY IN THE HIMALAYAS.
MAY, 1878.]
If, then, the Pa hâri is poor, it is chiefly his own fault, and the promiscuous and complicated connections he enters into cannot fairly be charged to his poverty. On the contrary, most of the cases of polyandry in the villages of the Kôtgadh district, in Bussahir and Kulu, are found among the well-to-do people; it is the poor who prefer polygamy, on account of the value of the women as household drudges.
Nothing, perhaps, will give a more vivid insight into the state of polyandry than one or two cases as they have actually occurred. In Pomelai, near Kôtgadh, there are two brothers, the elder of whom, Jhar, got properly married to his wife. Being of the Kanait caste, the ceremony was performed in the usual manner by a Brahman. But, as these two brothers had a house and fields in common, it was privately arranged that the woman should also be the wife of the younger. The fruit of such a union does not generally give rise to disputes; the first-born child is always considered that of the eldest brother, the second that of the next. Legally, I believe, the children all belong to the eldest. No European would probably have become aware of the case at Pomelai, but for a violent quarrel which obliged Jhar to leave his wife to his younger brother, and seek for employment in the house of the missionary at Kôtgaḍh.
In another village, Mongsu, not far from Pomelai, there live three brothers in a family of high caste, the eldest of whom, Primu by name, married a woman who became afterwards the wife of the second, Gangå. The third brother, on the other hand,-Ratti,-has a separate wife.
The most complicated case of polyandry that has come to my notice is that at Kilba, in Kanawar, about a hundred miles from Kôtgadh. Râm Charn, the mukhid or head-man of the village, had three brothers,-Khatti Râm, Basant Râm, and another, and these four brothers had only one wife in common. Her eldest son, Premsukh, was in 1870 about five-and-twenty years old, and her youngest seven or eight. These two, besides a girl called Sundri Dâsi, were the acknowledged children of Râm Charn, the mukhid. Khatti Râm had no children, but Basant Râm, the third brother, had first a girl, Amar Dâsi, aged eighteen, and two boys about fourteen and eleven. All six children acknowledged Râm Charn as head of the family. When Premsukh, the eldest son, who officiated as mukhid in the absence of his father, was married, it was well understood that his wife
135
would become the wife of all the brothers as they grew up, including the child then in his infancy. I hear this Premsukh lately married a second wife, as he had no family by the first. Again, the girl Amar Dâsi, daughter of Basant Râm, was not married until she was eighteen, because her father could not find any family which contained a sufficient number of brothers to make it worth his while to part with her. Eventually, however, she was married to an only son who was wealthy.
These three instances of polyandry are culled from a large number I made a note of, and it is hoped they will afford a general insight into the working of the system. But, with all due consideration to the high authority of Mr. Fraser, it is contended that polyandry, as it now exists in the Himalaya, is owing rather to the avarice and the brutish insensibility to, and absence of, general morality than to the poverty of the people. When several brothers agree to have a wife in common, it will be found that, though individually rich enough to keep a wife, there is some property they have, and which they do not wish to
divide.
Fields, grazing-lands, or a forest, or all together, produce sufficient to keep a combined family in respectability, but if divided and again subdivided each part would at last be too small to support two or three people. Polyandry is thus in reality nothing more than a mere custom of community of wives among brothers who have a community of other goods.
Next, I must modify another statement in The Journal of a Tour quoted above. The practice of polyandry, so far as I have been able to learn, is not universal,-it can scarcely be called very common; and, considering what was said by the committee of the Kôtgadh Mission in 1841, there are visible signs, though small, that the custom is falling into disuse. If diligently searched, single cases of polyandry will be found in the Kôtgadh parganâ, in Kulu, in the territory of the R &ņas of Komarsen and Kaneti, and in Bussahir, and this not confined to any special caste, but among Brahmans, Rajputs, and Kanaits without distinction. Though common enough in Kanawar at the present day, it exists side by side with polygamy and monogamy. In one house there may be three brothers with one wife; in the next three brothers with four wives, all alike in common; in the next house there may be a man with three wives to himself; in the next a man with only one wife.

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186
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1878.
MISCELLANEA. THE FIREARMS OF THE HINDUS. If this Nalika is thick and has no wooden frame Many were the weapons of war in use amongst attached to it, it is called the Brihat-Nalika. the Aryans, even so early as the Vedic period, प्रवावं शकटास्तु सुयुतं विजयप्रदम् । such as the pas sela, bagra, chakra, It is sometimes so big that it requires to be drawn dhanu, &c.; and many more were invented in by a cart. It graces war and secures victory. the ages of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata.
Gunpowder. The classification of these weapons, according to
अग्नि चूर्ण। the Agni Purana, is four-fold :-(1) Yantra-Muk
सचिलवणत पञ्चपलानि गन्धकात् पलम् । ta, (2) Pani Mukta, (3) Mukta-Mukta,
अन्तर्धूम चिपकार्कस्मुह्यद्यडारतः पलम् । and (4) Amukta. Besides these weapons, there is mentioned
शुद्धासंग्राह्य सञ्चूर्ण सम्मील्य प्रपुटेद्रकैः। another called the Agni Astra (firearm),
स्मार्कणां रसेनास्य शोधयेदातपेन च। but no description of it has been found in any
पिष्वाशर्कर वचेतदग्निचूर्णं भवेत् खलु॥ Sanskrit work. The Sataghni, Professor Jaba-khar (saltpetre), sulphur, charcoal of Akanda Wilson supposes to be a firearm; but he gives no (Calotropis gigantea) (soaked in the milk of Eudescription of it. The Hindus had also another phorbia nivulia, and dried and then burned in closed kind of weapon, called the Maha-Yantra. It pottery). All these ingredients should be reduced would thus seem that instruments like the cannon to powder and then mixed together in due proporand the gun were early in use among them. tions, and used as gunpowder in the Nalika.
We shall describe the Agni Astra as given गोलो लोहमयो गर्भगुटिक केवलोऽपिवा। in the Sukra-Nits, a work said to have been writ- सीसस्य लघुनालार्ये ह्यन्यधातुमयोऽपि वा। ten by the sage Sukra-Acharya; and we find लौहसारमयं चापि नालास्त्रं वन्यधानुजम् । mention of it in the Agni Purana and in the Mudra
नित्य सन्मार्जन स्वच्छमस्तं पत्तिभिवावृतम् । Rakshasa. From the description we have here of
Round and made of iron and fired with smaller the Nalika-Yantra and gunpowder, we are bullets, or it is solid. It is used in the Bșihatled to believe that these were in use amongst the Nala. For the smaller, one small bullet of lead or Hindus at an early date.
other metal should be made. The Nala should be Nalika Yantra.
made of iron or of like metal, and kept constantly नालिक विविधं ज्ञेयं बृहत्क्षुद्रविभेदतः।
clean. This instrument is for infantry and cavalry. तिर्यगृथ्वं छिद्रमूलं नालं पञ्चविसस्तिकं ।
क्षिपन्ति चानियोगा गोलं लक्ष्येषु नालगम् । The Nalika is of two sizes--the larger and the नालास्तं शोधयेदादौ दद्यात्तत्राग्निचूर्णकम् । smaller. It is about five spans in length, slightly निवेशयेत्तहस्तेन नालमूले तथा दृढम् । bent in the middle and bored towards the bottom.
तंतु सगोलकं वह्यात ततःकर्णेऽग्निचूर्णकम् । मूलापयोर्लक्ष्यभेदि तिलविन्दुयुतं सदा ।
कणेचूणनिदानेन गोलं लक्ष्ये निपातयेत् । यन्त्रावातानिकृन् पावचूर्णधृक् मूलकर्णकम् ।।
The manner of firing the Nalika with bullets is सकाष्ठोपाडावुष्णञ्च मध्याङ्गलिविलान्तरम् । as follows:-First clean the Nalika well, then स्वान्तेऽमिचूर्ण सन्धात्री शलाका संयुतं दृढम् ।।
pour in powder and shot, and stuff the bore with It should have, moreover, two notches, one at
a little gunpowder. Thus loaded and fired, it is
sure to do execution. the top and the other at the bottom, for securing
लक्ष्यभेदी यथा वासोधनुा विनियोजितः। the aim, and an ear near the bore, and the flint
भवेत्तथानुसन्धाय -: for striking fire inserted near it. It is set in a
The bullet flies with the velocity of an arrow wooden frame which elongates into a thin blade
from a bow. upwards, and has a hole in it of the width of the middle finger. It has further a ramrod for beating
समं नूनाधिकैवंधैरमिचूर्णान्यनेकाशः। and settling down the powder.
कापयन्तिच सद्विद्याश्चन्द्रिका भादि मन्तिच।
Besides the materials mentioned above for preलघुनालिकमप्येत् प्रधाय्य पत्तिसादिभिः।
paring gunpowder, many other ingredients were यथापाथातु त्वक सारं यथास्थलविलान्तरम्
also known to adepts in the art, and used यथादर्षे बृहत् गोलं दूरभेदी तथासथा।
in different proportions for the same purpose : This is the smaller Nalika. It should be used
Sukra-Niti, Section 4. by infantry and cavalry. It is as thick as it is
The slokas, quoted here from the Sukra-Niti, do long, and thus capable of taking a long aim.
not seem mere modern interpolations; but we stop मूलकील द्रमालक्ष समसन्धानभाजि यत् ।
here for want of sufficient corroborative evidenco. बहनालिक संडुतन् काष्ठवुन विवर्जितम् । Berhampore, Bengal.
Rix DiS SEN.

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METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE MAHABHARATA.
MAY, 1878.]
ANTIQUITY OF INSURANCE IN INDIA.1 SIR,-I think "Cantab" has hardly evidence for saying that" the practice of insurance was common in India for many centuries before the Christian era." The text out of the ordinances of Manu; in the translation accredited by Jones, is"Having ascertained the rates of purchase and sale, the length of the way, the expenses of food and of condiments, the charges of securing the goods carried, and the neat profits of trade, let the king oblige traders to pay taxes." One would think that if the king or his minister had got the neat profits' he would not trouble himself with the details; but, says the next verse, "As the leech, the suckling calf, and the bee take their natural food by little and little, thus must a king draw from his dominions an annual revenue."
I do not think we know enough of the state of mercantile law and custom in the days of these kings to assert that anything like a modern system of insuring goods was in vogue. Manu is very general; some of his dicta are like that decree of king Ahasuerus that "All the wives shall give to their husbands honour, both great and small." Just before the order for taxing the merchants, he says-" In every large town or city let him appoint one superintendent of all affairs, elevated in rank, formidable in power, distinguished as a planet among stars."
There is one other order very similar to that cited first, establishing what indeed has descended to very modern time, called mostly a nirakh :-"Let the king establish rules for the sale and purchase of all marketable things, having duly considered whence they come and whither they must be sent; how long they have been kept; what may be gained by them, and what has been expended on them." In the translations of other ordinary authorities on Hindu law there is no trace of a system of insurance of goods, though much about deposit and bailment; and in practice in modern times, apart from an occasional copying of English
How Women ought to gain, and keep, their Husbands' affections.
METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE MAHABHARATA. BY J. MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., &c.
137
practices, there is no such thing as insurance, and there are no insurance companies.
The word Yoga-Kshemam is in every-day use among Brahmans for welfare,'-a complimentary expression, but the dictionary also gives insurance as a meaning.
Dec. 27th, 1877.
A free translation of parts of the Mahabharata. Book iii., verses 14649-14721.
[Of the two ladies who figure in the following dialogue, the first is Satyabhama, the wife of the renowned Krishna, the ally of the Pânḍava princes; while the second is Draupadi (as she is most commonly called by her patronymic, as the daughter of Drupada, although her proper name was Krishna), the wife of the five Pândava princes,
1 From the Times.
R. B. SWINTON, late Madras C.S.
HYPETHRAL TEMPLES.
There appears to be a considerable resemblance between the remarkable hypæethral temple lately described by Sir Walter Elliot (Ind. Ant. vol. VII. p. 19), and the Trimurti Kovil at the foot of the Anaimalai Hills in Koimbatur, noticed at page 35, vol. III. The Orissa temple is evidently much larger and more important, but the other one, so much further to the south, is situated in a locality of old doubtless equally wild, and even now sequestered and remote. The circle of images with faces turned inward-an arrangement I have never seen elsewhere-corresponds with "the open circular temple or enclosure of plain cut-stone" in Orissa, and, to the best. of my remembrance, the images were backed by a low wall not reaching to their shoulders -an approach to an hypæethral structure. The principal figure in the Orissa temple "appeared to have three faces," and the figure indis. tinctly graven upon the great boulder overlooking the Koimbatur circle indicated three figures, doubtful whether united, but the place is called Trimurti Kovil or Temple. It had all the look of extreme antiquity, was regarded with awe by the natives, who generally disliked approach. ing it, and seemed something quite apart from the ordinary temples and sacred resorts of these days. It were much to be wished that the locality could be visited and accurately described; it is but a morning's ride from the tâluka Kasba town of Udumalapêta.
M. J. W.
Yudhishthira and his brothers. Here we have a case of polyandry, which the Mahábhárata, in accommodation to later ideas, explains as originating in accidental and miraculous causes, although the custom is allowed, by some of the personages who appear in the poem, to have been one immemorially practised. Some indications of its (at least) occasional occurrence in the Panjab in ancient times are found in two passages adduced in two papers communicated by me to the Indian Antiquary (vol. VI. pp. 251f., 315). It is See also M. Williams' Indian Epic Poetry, pp. 99f.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(May, 1878.
What art is thine, which fame ensures, And full connubial bliss secures ? For I, too, seek to rule my lord : Thy methods tell; thy help afford."
These words when noble Krishna heard, She spake with grief and sorrow stirred :
worthy of remark that Satyabham& is represented in the passage before us as seeking to bring her husband, Krishna, under subjection by some of the philtres which she supposes Draupadi to have found effectual with the Pandavas, although Krishna was, either at the time when this section of the Mahabharata was composed, or somewhat later, regarded as an incarnation of Vishnu, or of Brahma (the supreme Spirit), and (unless his deification was a later event, or unless his higher was not supposed always to permeato his human nature), might have been supposed, by his divine omniscience, to be incapable of deception by the wiles of his wife. I may add that, at the time when the dialogue is related to have occurred, the Påndavas were living in the forests, in pursuance of an engagement to exile themselves from their kingdom for a certain period. (See Professor Monier.Williams' Indian Epic Poetry, pp. 23 and 103.) The passage before us may doubtless be held to prove that in ancient days the women of India were in the habit of employing philtres of various kinds to gain or keep their husbands' affections. In other respects, and irrespectively of the dutiful, though exaggerated, sentiments which the second speaker expresses, it may possess some interest as a picture of ancient Indian manners.]
Two ladies fair, of high estate, Long parted, now again had met. The one herself could justly pride On being noble Krishna's bride; The other ruled five princes' hearts With loving sway, by honest arts. Rejoiced each other now to see, They laughed and chatted, full of glee. In thought o'er all the past they ranged, And ancient memories interchanged. When this at length had found an end, The former thus addressed her friend :
Satyabhama. "How is it, dearest Krishna, say,
That thou thy husbands so canst sway, Those godlike princes, youthful, bold, Strong-limbed, and proud, and uncontrolled, - Who ever watch thy looks, to tind What thoughts are passing in thy mind, And ne'er against thy rule rebel? Reveal, I pray, thy potent spell. By what devices, what finesse, Canst thou their proud self-will repress, And make them all thy power confess P Where lies thy strength? What philtres rare Avail to gain thine end P declare. Do rites, oblations, prayers, conduce To work thy will, or lore abstruse ? Or is thy grand success the fruit Of any drug, or herb, or root P
Krishna (Draupadi). « Such questions vain befit not thee,
A dame esteemed so sage to be. For all but heartless wives eschew Those wicked arts thou hast in view. Could any female merit praise For acts so shameful, schemes so base P Whene'er a hapless husband knows His foolish wife is one of those Who ply their lords with drugs and charms, His soul is racked by dire alarms, As any one is ill at ease Who in his house a serpent sees. How can be lead a happy life Who lives in dread of such a wife? How many men whose wives thus sin,Who seek by drugs their lords to win,To fell diseases fall a prey, Grow dropsied, leprous, pine away In sad and premature decay!. Such madness could'st thou dare to share For thine own lord such ills prepare P No wife has e'er, by drugs or charms, Won back a husband to her arms.
Now, calmly hear how 'I proceed, Avoiding every tortuous deed. I seek to win my husbands' hearts By none bnt open, honest arts. And so their willing hearts I rule : I ne'er cajole them, or befool, Nor e'er on charms or drugs depend, Their independent wills to bend. From anger, pride, and passion free, I serve my lords most zealously. Without parade of fondness, still, Submissive, I their wish fulfil. By fitting gestures, gentle speech, And mien, and acts, my goal I reach. Those lords, whose glance alone could kill, I please with all my might and skill. Though they are never harsh or rude, But always kind, and mild, and good, I act as if constrained by awe, And treat their slightest hint as law. No other object draws my love, On earth beneath, or heaven above. No handsome, wealthy, jewelled youth, No god, could shake my plighted troth. For no delight or joy I care, Unless my lords the pleasure share.

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MAY, 1878.]
BOOK NOTICES.
139
Whene'er their home they chance to leave, Dejected, pale, I fast and grieve. Their homeward safe return I greet With sparkling eyes, and welcome meet. Till all their wants are well supplied, I never for my own provide. At meal times, I, without delay, The food they love before them lay, Served up in golden platters fair, All burnished bright with constant care. My house is clean, and fairly swept, Well stocked and ordered, neatly kept. As friends I own, and talk with, none But virtuous women: bad I shun.
From all such acts I ever shrink As wellbred dames unseemly think. Loud laughter, foolish jests, I hate, And constant loitering at the gate. My lorde behests I all observe, From these I could not bear to swerve. Just issued from the bath, and bright In fair attire, with jewels dight, Before my lords' appearing, I Delight their eyes to gratify.
Whatever usage, rule or rite, Whatever courtly forms polite, My husbands' sires observed of old, And they themselves in honour hold, All these with never-ceasing care I carry out; no toil I spare. And here the way their mother shows, Who all the past exactly knows. Her will I follow; her revere; And hold the noble woman dear.
By constant care, alertness, zeal, I seek to work my husbands' weal. Base women's wicked arts I shun; By nobler means my ends are won.
In happier days,' at sumptuous feasts We entertained eight thousand priests. Those Brahmans, learn'd and grave, in state
Their food from golden platters ate. And many other guests beside Were every day with food supplied. Whate'er within our household passed Was known to me from first to last. I knew the servants, one by one, And all they did or left undone. My husbands' hoards of gold I knew, Their income, all their outlay too; To me they left all household cares, A mass of manifold affairs. On me this burthen all was thrown; This load I bore without a groan, And sacrificed my rest and ease, My work to do, my lords to please. I rose the first by dawn's faint light, Retired the last to rest at night. Such are the philtres, such the spells, Whose power my husbands' love compels. To please her lord a virtuous wife Should deem the object of her life. To him her thoughts should ever turn; With love to him her heart should burn; Her hope is he, her refuge, god; And all her acts should wait his nod.
In vain by ease is pleasure Bought; By pains and toil alone 'tis bought. Strive, then, thy lord's esteem to win; A new career of love begin. Whene'er his step without the gate Is heard, start up, and on him wait. With cheerful tact his wishes meet, His palate please with viands sweet, His every sense with pleasure sate; Within thy home a heaven create. So doing, thou shalt make it clear That he to thee is very dear; And then, thy love perceiving, he With answering love will cherish thee. This course will bring the high renown, - Thy life with bliss connubial crown.
(To be continued.)
BOOK NOTICES. THE VEDERTHAYATNA, or an attempt to interpret the Vedas, and notes, as well as one of the translations, are in
(Ankas 1-11, April 1876 to February 1877). Bombay: InduprakAsa Press.
Marathi, and only the second translation of the We had intended noticing this monthly publica- Vedic texts is given in English, it was difficult to tion at an earlier date, but as the commentary
find a qualified and independent critic. Scholars, Compare the Troades of Euripides, 647#f., where An- to a woman or not) this very conduct is sure to bring ill dromache says of herself :
repute in ita train, when one does not keep (literally, to πρώτον μέν, ένθα κάν προσή κάν μή προση
her who does not keep) at home; giving up the desire of
this, I used to stay within the house, and did not bring into ψόγος γυναιξίν, αυτο τούτ' εφέλκεται
it the clever sayings of women (1.6., their gossip, and roκακώς ακούειν, ήτις ουκ ένδον μένει,
mantio notions), but having my mind a good teacher by τούτου παρείσα πόθον έμιμνον εν δομοις
its own instinct, I was content with myself."-Paloy. είσω τεμελάθρων κομψά θηλειών, έπη
That is, while the Pandavas were at home, and in posουκ εισεφρούμην, τον δε νούν διδάσκαλος
session of their dominions. Some of the preceding details οίκοθεν έχουσα χρηστονν εξήρχουν εμοί.
alao, though expremed in the present tense, should--if the
story is to be regarded as self-consistent-be referred to "In the first place, where (whether a slur already attaches this earlier period.

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140
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1878.
repelled still more by English. The Marathi translation will find its way to the educated classes among the natives; the English is intended for that small but important class of Indian society which has adopted the language of the ruler as the lingua franca of the day. It is to be hoped that this important work may be continued, though it will probably take at least ten years to finish it."
both European and native, have testified their ap- probation of it. Its object is chiefly social and religious. "There are thousands of Brahmans," the editor remarks," who know the whole of the Rigveda by heart, and can repeat it in Sarhite, Pada, Gata, Ghava, and Krama, without making any mistakes [these are different methods of learning the Veda, by either reciting each word separately, or by repeating the words in various complicated ways]; there are probably not more than a dozen who have ever attempted to understand what the Veda contains. There are quite as many who can repeat the Yajus and also the Sama Veda, though Atharva-Vedis are very few, at least in the Bombay Presidency."
Prof. Max Müller, in a paper on "The Veda and its Influence in India," taking this publication as his text, speaks of it thus:-“The translation now offered to the natives in Sanskrit, Marathi, and English is chiefly intended to show what the Veda really contains, and especially to prove that those texts which are supposed to authorize modern rites and beliefs among the people do not authorize them. To this object the greater part of the notes are devoted. Thus the verse i. 6, 3, Ketum kringan aketave is repeated in a ceremony now performed to avert the ill-will of the imaginary planet Ketu. An ignorant priest, who only knew how to repeat the verse, at once connected the ketum of the verse with the planet Ketu, and accordingly taught that all the Purdnas tell about Ketu was authorized by the Veda. A note of the translator fully explains this, and shows the simplicity of the religious conceptions of the Vedic Rishis as compared with those of their modern interpreters.
"We are told that, if the authority of the Veda is regarded as invulnerably sacred, the belief that it is impossible for any human being not inspired, like the old Rishis, to interpret the Veda, is almost as invulnerably firm. Hence the editor has adopted the following plan. He gives first the Samhitâ text of the Rig Veda with the Pada text, because the Vaidik Brâhmans regard the Samhith text alone as quite incomplete. He then gives a translation based as much as possible on the re- cognized commentary of S&yana. He does not, however, follow Sâyana slavishly, but if he finds that the explanation of a word which that infallible commentator gives in one passage is impossible, he takes, whenever he can do so, another explanation of the same word given by the same writer in some other passage, thus shielding his departure from Sâyana by the authority of Sayana himself. This rendering of the Veda into Sang- ksit is chiefly intended for the old Shastris, who despise all vernacular speech, and who would be
The Life of JENGRIZ KHAN. Translated from the Chinese. With an introduction by Robert Kennaway Douglas, of the British Museum, and Professor of Chinese at King's College, London. (London: Trübner & Co. 1877).
This little volume on the Life of the great Tatar conqueror Jenghiz Khân supplies, from Chinese sources, a record of his early life and of his victorious career in China, which are treated but cursorily in the Persian and Mongol historians, who concern themselves principally with his more western conquests. "It has been translated from the Yuen She, or "The History of the Yuen dynasty,' by Sung Leen; the Yuen she luy peen, or "The History of the Yuen Dynasty classified and arranged,' by Shaou Yuen-ping; and the She wei, or The Woof of History,' by Chin YunSeih. Each of these works contains facts and details which do not appear in the other two," and the translator has judiciously woven the three narratives into one connected history. But, to make the account of the conquests of Jenghiz more complete, he has preceded it by an introduction of about twenty-five pages, giving a brief sketch of the campaigns in Western Asia and Eastern Europe, drawn principally from the third chapter of Howorth's excellent History of the Mongols.
The translated narrative extends over 105 pages, and is a thoroughly readable chapter of a history that, with the exception of a few incidents, may doubtless be accepted as authentic and tolerably accurate in its details of the life of the man "whose armies were victorious from the China Sea to the banks of the Dnieper." It was the march of his Mongols that displaced the Ottoman Turks from their original home in Northern Asia, and thus "led to their invasion of Bithynia under Othman, and ultimately to their advance into Europe under Amurath the First."
The Chinese materials for these annals have been already drawn upon by continental scholars such as Pauthier, Hyacinthe, D'Ohsson, Erdmann, Gaubil, Schott, Kavalevsky, and others, but this is their first appearance in an English dress. We hail the volume as an evidence of a growing interest in Oriental research, and hope Professor Douglas will be encouraged to undertake other versions.
The Acauler, Sov. 18, 1876, p. 501.

Page #175

JUNE, 1878.]
THE THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA.
THE THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA. SECOND NOTICE.
BY G. BÜHLER.
(See Ind. Ant. vol. VI. pp. 149f.)
My translation and analysis of General A.
Cunningham's new Aśoka edicts, published in vol. VI. pp. 149ff of the Indian Antiquary, have called forth two reviews in the London Academy, one by Mr. Rhys Davids,' and one by Professor R. Pischel," in which my explanations of several important words have been found fault with, and the correctness of the historical inferences drawn from the inscriptions has been disputed. Mr. Rhys Davids has also devoted a couple of pages to the new edicts in an appendix to his work "On the coins and measures of Ceylon" (Numismata Orientalia, Part VI. pp. 57-60). As the latter work contains an analysis of the statements regarding Buddhistic
Sahasrám.
Devânâm piye hevam â[há: sátilekáni aḍhit]iyâni savachhalâni, am upâsake sumi, na cha bâdham palakamte.
Savimchhale sâdhike, am [sumi báḍham palakam]t[e].
Etena cha amtalena jambudipasi ammisam deva [hu]sam, ta munisâ misam deva kațâ.
Pala[kamasi hi] iyam phale, [n]o [cha ilyam maliatata-vachakiye pâvatave.
Khudakena hi palakamamînenâ vipule suag[e] [sa]kiye âlâ [dhayita]v[e]. Se etâye athâye iyam sâvane:
Khudakâ cha uḍâlâ cha palakamamtu, amtâ pi cham
janamtu; chilathitike cha palakame hotu. Iyam cha athe vadhisati, vipulam pi cha vadhisati, diyaḍhiyam avaladhiyena diyndhiyam vadhisati.
Iyam cha savane vivuthena; duve sapamnâlâtisatâ vivuthâ ti (sun phra) 256.
Ima cha atham pavatesu likhâpayâ thâya; [yata] vâ athi hete silâthambhâ tata pi likhâpayà thayi.
The Academy, July 14, 1877, p. 37. Ib. Aug. 11, 1877, p. 145.
3 Corrections and vv. 11. :
Sahasrâm.
Savachhale-amisam, devâ,-cha janamtu, savane. Mr. Rhys Davids in addition reads sapamnálatisatâ, a correction regarding which I am still as doubtful as when I wrote my first article.-Num. Or. VI. p. 57, note 1.
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chronology, given in the Dipavamsa and Mahávamsa, as well as a very ingenious attempt to fix the date of the Nirvâna somewhere about 410 B.C., the author very naturally felt it necessary to deal with the somewhat inconvenient three edicts, which, if the interpretation given by me were right, would make his deduc. tions valueless. The importance of the questions connected with the new inscriptions, and the consciousness that in my first notice some important points have been either entirely omitted, or rather touched than fully discussed, induce me to reply to the strictures passed on my article.
For the sake of ready reference I reprint the texts of the Sahasrâm and Rûpnâth edicts.
Rúpnáth.
Devânâm piye hevam âhâ: sâtirakekâni aḍhitisâni va[sá], ya sumi pâkâ sa[va] ki, no cha bâdhi pakate.
Sâtileke chu chhavachhare, ya sumi haka samgha-papite, bâdhi cha pakate.
Yi imâya kâlâya jambudipasi amisâ devâhusu, te dâni masa katâ.
Pakamasi hi esa phale, no cha esâ mahatatâpâpotave.
Khudakenà hi kapi paramaminenâ sakiye pipule pi svage ârodhave.
Etiya athaya cha sâvane kate:
Khudakâ cha uḍâlâ cha pakamaṁtu ti, atâ pi cha
jânamtu; iyam pakâre cha kiti ? chirathitike siya. Iya hi athe vadhi vadhisiti, vipula cha vadhisiti, apaladhiyena diyadhiyam vadhisati.
Iya cha athe pavatisu lekhâpeta vâlata hadha cha; athi silâṭhubhe silâthambhasi lâkhâpeta vayata.
Etinâ cha vayajanenâ yâvatakatu paka ahâle, savara-vivase tavâyati. Vyuthenâ sâ vane kate; (sú phra) 256 satavivâsâ ta.
Rapnath. satilekani,-haka-pakamaminenâ,-vipule-ârâdhavepakare ?-lekhåpeta thâyi ti-tapayati ? tapâyati ?-vyathena P
Mr. Rhys Davids suggests for sa(va)ki, su-ko, I think unnecessarily. His correction vyuthena, is also unnecessary as the inscriptions show three instr. in end. The real reading of the inscription is kate, not kata as he supposes.-Num. Or. VI. p. 57, note 2.

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He further stated that even if my interpretation were correct, and the era used were that of the Nirvana, the inscription would only prove that the Buddhists believed the Nirvana to have taken place 257 years before the 34th of Aśoka's conversion, and not that it actually did take place at that time. He finally suggested that the opening sentence of the edicts might mean. that the gods of Jambudvipa, who had hitherto held aloof from men (i.e. the Buddhistic deities), had been caused to mingle with them.*
Secondly, that this king probably belonged to the third century B.C., and to the Maurya dynasty, on account of the title, which we know to have been a Maurya title, and on account of the alphabet employed in writing the inscription.
Thirdly, that he must have been a Buddhist, because the Mauryas were patrons of that sect, and because we have no evidence that the Jainas, the only other known sect which the terms employed in the inscriptions would fit, were patronized by a Maurya.
Fourthly, that as the author of the inscription was a Buddhist, the author of the sermon which the inscription quotes, the Vivutha or Vyutha, must be Sakyamuni Buddha, and that vivutha must mean 'the Departed,' or he who has passed away,' on account of the phrase duve sapannálátisatá vivutha (Sah. 6, 7), and that the word probably corresponded to Sanskrit vivritta.
Next, Professor Pischel, in a note on the inscription (Academy, Aug. 11, 1877) objected to my view that the edicts belonged to A é oka. He declared my explanations of vivutha, vyutha, and sata to be inadmissible. The former two words he identified with the Sanskrit vyushita, the past part. pass. of vivas, 'to depart,' and translated them by he who has departed from life.' Sata he declared to be the Sanskrit sattva, 'life,' and explained the phrase satavivásá by sattravivását, since his departure from life.' He further contended that, as neither of these terms nor any other word was clearly of Buddhistic origin, nothing remained to connect the inscriptions with Asoka. He therefore took them to be Jaina, and expressed his conviction that the Vivutha must be Mahâ
Fifthly, that if the Vivutha was Buddha, the era used must be that of the Nirvana, and that the explanation of satavivásá by sástri-vira, for which view he adduced a phrase, from
vivását, from the departure, i.e. the death, of the teacher,' which I regarded as probable, confirmed this view.
the departure,' occurring in Stevenson's Kalpasútra, p. 95. He finally ascribed the inscriptions to Aśoka's grandson Sampadi, whom, as I had stated, the Jainas represent to have been a patron of theirs.
Finally, Mr. Rhys Davids, in the appendix to the Numismata Orientalia, Pt. VI. pp. 57-60, once more reviews the whole question. Influenced by Professor Pischel's criticism, he no longer confidently attributes the edicts to Asoka, but thinks that my arguments for that view are not sufficient. He repeats Professor Pischel's assertion that the terms employed in the edict may be Jaina as well as Buddhistic; he also points out that Devámuppiya, the Jaina form of Devánám piye, is used by the latter as a polite form of address to inferiors and women. Hence he thinks that my strongest argument for the identity of the author of the edicts with Aśoka, drawn from the fact that he was the only Devânâm piye who in the third century of the Buddhist
In my analysis of these edicts I statedFirstly, that the author must be a king, because he uses the ancient royal title, Devanampiye, speaks of his greatness, and asserts that he caused a change of religion throughout India, and incised his edicts on rocks and pillars.
Sixthly, that as the inscription belonged to a Buddhist and Maurya king, no one but Asoka could be the author, as no other Maurya had ruled as long as thirty-four years, or been for so long a time a Buddhist; and
Seventhly, that the statements of the Mahavansa, if correctly interpreted, showed that Aśoka had been a Buddhist for about thirty-four years, and might have been alive during the greater part of the year 257 after the Nirvana.
In his first review (Academy, July 14th, 1877) of my article, Mr. Rhys Davids demurred to one point only, viz. to the explanation of the word vivása by 'death,' preferring to render it, in accordance with classical usage,' by abandoning his home' or becoming an ascetic,' and assumed that the era used was not that of Buddha's Nirvana, but that of the Great Renunciation.
As I shall not recur to this remark, I may as well state that the explanation of misam, by miéra, seems to me very improbable.

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era was a zealous Buddhist, and reigned more than thirty-four years, falls to the ground. He, however, does not go so far as to absolutely reject the authorship of Aśoka; but he would, in case that were proved, adhere to his former explanations of vivása by abhinikkhamana, or turning ascetic,' and take vivutha-vyutha for an equivalent of vyushita-vyushta, and in the sense of pravrajita. He combats Prof. Pischel's explanation of satavivásá, and he also gives Professor Jacobi's authentic text of the passage from the Jaina Kalpasútra to which Professor Pischel had referred, and shows that it affords no countenance to the identification of the Vivutha with Mahavira or, to call him by his correct name, Nirgrantha Jñâtiputra. The result at which Mr. Rhys Davids arrives is that the inscriptions afford no assistance for determining the date of the Nirvâna, that they may be either Jaina or Buddhistic, and that everything connected with them is exceedingly uncertain and doubtful."
These reviews contain the following points which require consideration :-(1) whether the inscriptions really contain nothing that connects them with Aśoka, and shows them to be Buddhistic; (2) the etymology of the terms Vivutha-Vyutha and Sata; (3) the explanation of the word vivása by abhinikkhamana, 'the Great Renunciation.' To the discussion of these points I shall have to add an inquiry regarding Mr. Rhys Davids's adjustment of the date of the Nirvana. For it is evident that if his deductions from the texts of the Dipavamsa and of the Mahávamsa are correct, and the Nirvana has to be placed about 410 B.C., the Ceylonese date for Aśoka's coronation, 219 A.B., with which, according to my interpretation, the date of the inscriptions agrees, must necessarily be wrong. I shall also have to consider his remark that in the most favourable case the new edicts prove only the belief prevailing in Aśoka's time regarding the date of the Nirvâna, not the actual date itself; and to add a
The discovery of the real name of the founder of the Jainas belongs to Professor Jacobi and myself. The form Juâ tiputra occurs in the Jaina and Northern Buddhist books; in Pali it is Nataputts, and in Jaina-Prakrit Nayaputta. Jäta or Jñati appears to have been the name of the Rajput clan from which the Nirgrantha was descended.
Mr. Rhys Davids does not discuss Professor Pischel's conjecture which makes Sampadi the author of the edicts. I shall follow him in this respect, and merely remark that Sa mpadi is, according to the Buddhists and
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few further facts bearing on the interpretation of the edicts, which I omitted in my first notice.
As regards the first point, I regret that I cannot agree either with the method employed by my critics in their discussion of the authorship of the edicts, nor with their results. In my opinion, the question if the terms saigha, upasaka, sávaka, vivutha-vyutha, sata, Devánám piye are exclusively Buddhistic, or if they have been used by Jainas, Brahmans or other sects also, as well as the etymology of vivutha-vyutha and sata, affect the chief problem very little. I have myself stated that some of these words were used by two sects, and I have no doubt that all of them were current in the fourth and third centuries B.C. among the adherents of various sects. In some cases actual proof for this belief can be furnished. I have given two possible etymologies for vivutha, and nine for sata, and I now regret that I did not add two more for the former word, as my doing so might have made it clearer how little I relied on them. The chief problem-the question who was the author of the new edicts-has to be solved in an entirely different manner, viz. by a careful comparison of the old A sok a edicts, and of the other known Prakrit inscriptions with the new edicts. If that comparison is duly made, I think it will be found that there is a good dea! to connect the new inscriptions with Aśoka, and that their authorship is not even doubtful. If my critics, in answer to this defence, charged me with having neglected to state my case clearly, and to put forward in a prominent manner all the points which prove Aśoka to be the author of the three edicts, I should feel obliged to plead guilty. But I should urge in extenuation that I trusted to their knowledge of the old Aśoka edicts, which would enable them to recognize at once the family likeness existing between the old and new sets, and to supply my omissions. I must also confess that the decided opinion of General Cunningham, who, long before the inscriptions came into my hands,
the Jainas, the grandson of Asoka, and that the first author of certain date who gives the history of his conversion to Jainism by Suhasti and of his benefactions is Hemachandra, the contemporary of Kumarapala (1173 A.D.). Hemachandra's account is purely. legendary and unhistorical. The tradition that Sampadi was a protector of the Jainas is, however, old. Sampadi may be merely another name of Dasaratha, who appears in his stead in the Brahmanical rájávalis, or he may be a distinct person. But the information regarding him is too vague to afford a basis for any historical speculations.

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recognized their origin,' as well as the agree- ment of other eminent epigraphists with his and my conclusions, influenced the manner in which I put the case. I can now only express my regret that I have not been explicit enough, and arrange the decisive arguments in the proper manner. The case may be stated as follows:
We possess a large number of inscriptions which, according to the consensus communis of all competent scholars, belong to the Maury a A soka. These inscriptions are written in the peculiar characters which are usually called Pali
elly called Pali or Låt, and which I prefer to style Maurya. These inscriptions, further, are written in a number of Prakrit dialects, which differ from all those known from other sources, and which vary according to the provinces where they are found. They are distinguished by a very peculiar style, and by their moralizing, sermonizing contents. In the latter respect they are unique, utterly different from the inscriptions of all other Indian princes. They are further incised both on rocks and pillars, in slightly varying recensions. Their author calls himself usually De vân âm Piye Piyadasi, and in some cases simply Devå nam Piye.
If we now turn to the new edicts, we find that they closely resemble the old ones in every one of the details mentioned. The new edicts, too, are written in the Maurya characters; they, too, show different dialects, according to the districts where they were incised. Their vocabulary is, with the exception of two or three words, identical with that of the old edicts. The grammar of the Sahasråm edict per. fectly agrees with that of Asoka's Magadha edicts. The Rûpnåth edict, which comes from the Central Provinces, agrees in some particulars more with the Saurashtra inscriptions of Gir. nar, and is in other respects independent, though it comes nearer to the Asoka forms than to any other. As regards the style, we find the
well-known formulas and turns : " The beloved of the gods speaketh thus", "This manner of acting should be what ? of long duration", and so forth. The contents, too, agree so far with those of the old pillar or rock inscriptions that they are a sermon,--not historical matter, such as we are accustomed to find in other inscriptions. The new edicts, just like the old ones, further give variations of one and the same text, and contain the explicit statement that they too were incised on rocks and pillars. Finally, their author, too, calls himself Devânâ Piye.
Where we have so many points of agreement between two sets of inscriptions, the obvious inference is that both proceed from the same author. The only way to bar this conclusion would be to show that the facts on which it is based are susceptible of some other explanation. My critics have not done much in this respect. Professor Pischel is entirely silent regarding the close resemblance of the new edicts to the old ones. Mr. Rhys Davids occupies himselfonly with the title Devánán Piye, which he thinks may have been used by Jaina kings and others also. In support of the latter assertion he adduces the Jaina-Prakrit term Devánuppiya, which in the Agamas of the Jaina sect is frequently used as a polite form of address. I, too, believe that Devánari piye was not a title peculiar to Buddhist kings, but one common to the Mauryas and their contemporaries, whether they were Buddhists or not. Originally, it seems to me, it must have been invented by Brahmans, because Buddhists or Jainas would hardly care much whether they were the beloved of the gods, i.e. of beings to whom they paid but little reverence, and whom they considered perishable like themselves.
That, however, is not very important. Taken by itself the title does not prove much. It merely shows that the author was a king of the fourth or third century B.C. But it is of
See now Corp. Inscr. Ind. vol. I. pp. 20 et seq., which were printed before my article was written.
Though I thus agree with Mr. Rhys Davids in his chief statement, I regret that I cannot see the force of the argument employed by him. I am unable to understand what the Jaipa address Devonuppiya, which, as far as my observation goes, is invariably used by superiors speaking to inferiors, e.g. by Yatis speaking to their pupils or to Sravakas, by husbands to their wives, &c.,-is to prove with rospect to the self-given title of great kings. It seems to me that the royal title, the Jaina mode of address, and the Brahmanical use of Devandni priya to denote 'an idiot,'
are caused by three entirely different currents of thought, and that a derivation of the one from the other is very improbable. Devändni priya means, etymologically, 'dear to the gods. The early Indian kinge, who elsewhere are declared to be incarnations of deities, called themselves 'dear to the gods' in order to indicate their divine right. The early Jainas employed it as a form of polite, or rather humane address, recommending thereby the person spoken to to the protection of the gode, you who may be dear to the gode. Compare the use of ayushman, you who may live long. The later Brahmans, finally, called idiots by this name, because such peraons were considered to stand in the particular keeping of the gods.

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great value if taken as a link in the long chain the edicts not only contain something connecting of circumstantial evidence which connects the them with Asoka, but that they furnish as inscriptions with A soka. The same remarks strong proof as circumstantial evidence can apply to the alphabet used. Other kings be- afford that they actually proceeded from the sides Asoka did use it, and its occurrence in the great Maurya Buddhist. new edicts shows only, like the title Devándpiye, As regards the question whether the edicts the period to which the inscriptions belong. It contain any Buddhist terms, I will point out may also be contended that other kings besides one word, which my critics have overlooked, Asoka used some of the words and the gram- viz, ahale (R. 5). I have translated this by matical forms occurring in the two edicts. We thought,' relying on the explanation of dhara have some evidence to this effect in the Khand- given in Childers' Pali Dictionary." I do not giri and the Dasaratha inscriptions, and the think that the passage can be taken otherwise supposition is not more than reasonable. But than I have done, and the silence of my critics with respect to the peculiar turns of expression seems to indicate that they agree with me. and the style of the inscriptions, the same But if that is so, then ahale is a specially Budreasoning does not hold good. The style of a dhistio word, which in this sense has been man reveals, as is generally allowed, his indivi. traced neither in Brahmanical nor in Jaina books. duality as much as his handwriting or his The matter is, however, of small importance. general deportment. If, therefore, particular For, as the inscriptions belong to Asoka, all the resemblances in this respect are observable be- doubtful terms must be Buddhistic. Upasaka tween two sets of compositions, something more and sdunka must mean'a lay Buddhist," definite than a vague assertion that others too saingha must denote the community of Buddhist may have employed phrases like Devánári piye ascetics, and the Vivutha or Vyutha, whatever havari dha, vipule stage sakiye aradhave or iya the etymology of the words may be, must be pakdre kiti chirathitike siya, is required in order Sakyamuni-Gautama. to preclude the obvions inference to be drawn In turning to the consideration of Professor fron their occurrence in both. In like manner, Pischel's criticisms on my explanation of these there is only one way to account for the fact two terms, I must premise that I fully agree that both sets of edicts contain sermons preach. with his assertion that Sanskrit vyushita and ed by a ruler of "all the Indias" to his subjects, vyushta phonetically correspond to vivutha and and that both give original texts, different re- vyutha. I may add that this phonetic corredactions of which were placarded, so to say, in spondence was known to me from Childers' Pali different places and dialects on "rocks and Dictionary when I wrote my first article, as pillars" for the enlightenment of the multitude. well as the phonetic identity of Sanskrit We have many hundreds of Indian inscriptions, vyuttha (vi+ut+sthá+a) with the same two issued by hundreds of different kings, but there terms of the edicts, and that several scholars is not one document which resembles Asoka's had pointed it out to me before Professor Pisedicts in this respect, and there is not one king chel's letter appeared. But I must demur to who tried to convert his subjects to a particular Prof. Pischel's statement that, on account of creed, and to keep them in the paths of virtue this phonetic identity, my explanation is "quite and morality by means of affiches officielles. untenable." For, considering the fact that PraHere, too, the individuality of the author reveals krit words are corruptions, which may have itself, and, as long as it is not shown that others originated in many ways, and that all Prakrits, besides Asoka actually adopted the same plan, but especially those used in the inscriptions, the resemblance of the two sets of edicts in frequently show a want of fixedness both as to this respect admits only of one explanation, orthography and grammar, phonetic identity is viz. that they belong to the same author. If, neither the only nor even the chief point to now, the other points mentioned above, the look to in the interpretation of doubtful words. identity of the alphabet, of the vocabulary and In attempting to explain Vivuthend and Vyugrammar, and of the author's title, are taken into thend, the correct method is to begin, not with account, it is, I think, not too much to say that the etymology, but with the sentence duve
See also Sp. Hardy, Manual, pp. 499, 500.

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sa panndlátisatá vivutha, in which, as well as in vivatto or vivutto, whether taken as past part. the parallel passage of the Khandgiri inscrip- of vivatt, or as a compound formed of the particle tion, tatho vivuthe va se, vivutha is used, not as an vi and the noun vatta, is a suitablo name for appellative noun, but as a verbal form, and Sakyamuni, and it may be reasonably expected cannot mean anything but passed, gone.'|| that a more complete investigation of the This is a translation, with which neither Professor Bauddha Agamas will show its actual occurrence. Pischel nor Mr. Rhys Davids finds fault. The next But, whether this expectation is fulfilled or not, question is whether the same meaning answers the existence of the neuter affords a powerful in the case of Vivuthend. There can be no doubt support to the proposed etymology. The that it does. For Buddha may fitly be called "the | phonetic difficulty which the latter presents, Departed,' or 'he who has passed away,' since at viz. the irregular appearance of an aspirated his death he obtained freedom from future births tha i.e. ttha, instead of unuspirated ta (tta), by entering Nirvana, whatever notion the appears less important in consequence of the early Buddhists may have connected with this following considerations. Firstly, in the various term. This is the way in which I arrive at the Prakrit dialects aspirated letters do frequently meaning 'by the Departed' for Vivuthena, appear for the corresponding unaspirated ones. which of course must also be that of Vyuthena. Secondly, there are several cases where this I do not rely on any etymology, as Professor change is observable in past part. pass. Thus Pischel thinks. As the meaning of the term is we find in Jaina-Prakrit pasadha for prasmi. thus. fixed by the aid of parallel passages, the ta, risadhu for utsita, and samosadha for samaetymology has only a secondary importance, vassita (Müller, Jaina Prakrit, p. 26). Further, though, of course, it must be looked to. Now in modern Gujarati there is a whole series of the Sanskrit: vyushita or vyushta, no doubt, verbs which form their past participles in dho, phonetically corresponds to vioutha-vyutha. dhi, dhui : e.g. khá-vuin, khádho, pi-vuit, pidho, This etymology might also suit the noun vivutha, de-vun, didho. The last example is most to the but it does not fit the participle vivutha, in the point, as didho stands for an ancient Prakrit form Sahasrâm date. For dve shatpanchéadatike ditta, which, though hitherto not traced, can be šate vyushite or vyushțe is a phrase inadmissible inferred from Kasmiri dyutu, genitive dit-is, and in Sanskrit, where vivas is not used for to also, from the corresponding Sindhi form. elapse,' and vyushta-a derivative of vas 'to Thirdly, it must not be forgotten that in all Prashine,'-means 'having broken or begun.' Norkrits the letters and si cause aspiration, has it been shown that the verb acquired this though the dialects of Asoka's edicts do not meaning in any of the Prakrits. It is there usually show this influence, like the Pali and fore necessary to look for some other etymology, the dialects employed in the dramas and poetry. and the verb the past participle of which comes The ri or r which stood in the original of vivunearest to the two forms, is the Sanskrit virpit. tha may therefore also have contributed to the
In the Prakrits of the dramas writ asually development of the aspirate. Finally, the demakes vuta, and in Pali vutta, vatta, or vatta. rivation of the two forms from vivritta has this The compound verb vivsit means in Sanskrit 'to advantage, that it will fit vyatha, which may turn round, to roll away, to pass,' and the bo read, and has been read by General Cunningmeaning of its past participle exactly corre- ham, instead of vyutha. For we have in Jainasponds to the sense which vivutha has in the Prakrit viyatta for vivsitta. I have adopted the Sahasrâm date, and in the passage of the Khand- reading vyutha in the transcript of the text, begiri inscription. This etymology also fits the cause a little stroke seems to protrude únder noun Vivutha-Vyutha perfectly. For, though the vy, but the reading is not beyond doubt. Śå kyamuni is now here called vivutta or I do not think that it can be settled definitively vivatta, still the neuter vivattam, according to without a fresh and very careful examination Childers' Dictionary, means 'absence of valta or of the stone. It may remain doubtful even transmigration, Nirvana.' Hence the masculine after that has been done, as the group of letters
10 This will become clearer by & comparison of santa santa, the neuter of which santan means Nirvana, while the masculine santo is used as an epithet of Buddha, and
occasionally as a proper name. Now santan : santo vivattam: vivaffo.

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seems to be damaged. In concluding this dis- one technical meaning, viz. to go into exile,' cussion I will repeat that I do not consider the and its causative vivásay accordingly means etymology proposed very important for my to banish.' If Mr. Rhys Davids is unable to chief point, and will add that I consider it is a bring forward passages which show that our dicpis aller. I should prefer one where the pho- tionaries are defective, and that vivas means also netic correspondence with the Sanskrit would "to renounce domestic life, to turn ascetic,' his be exact, if it were suitable in other respects. appeal to classical usage is useless. Classical If it could be shown, for instance, that vitas usage supports neither his nor my rendering. had the meaning of 'to elapse,' I sbould be But analogous transitions of meaning in the ready to accept the derivation from that verb. | case of other verbs may be brought forward Without that proof I feel unable to rely entirely in support of both translations. Some Sanson the phonetic laws, because, as stated above, krit verbs which mean to depart, to go the Prakrit dialects, and especially those of forth,' acquire the secondary signification to Asoka's inscriptions, are deficient in that fixed- renounce domestic life,' and some develop the ness of orthography and grammar which is meaning to die. To the first class belong required in order to give to phonetic cor- pravraj and nishkram, to go forth,' as well as respondence a paramount importance.
abhinishloram, literally to go forth towards.' Professor Pischel's rendering of the last The second change is much more common. We word of the Rūpnâth edict, satavivúsd, I am have firstly pra-i, "to go forth,' which is one of likewise unable to agree to, though I admit that the commonest terms for 'to die.' There is sata does phonetically correspond to sattva, and secondly gam, which, like the compound vigam, ought to be added to my list of possible Sanskrit means to die,' while anugam means to die after equivalents. The sense requires that the first & person,' and sahagam to die with somebody.' part of the compound should contain the desig- Prasthú, too, and its derivative prasthána are nation of the person whose vivdsa or departure used for 'to die' and for death.' Pravas also is referred to. Sattvarivását would mean 'since appears to have developed the same secondary the departure of life,' pránasya apagamát,
meaning (though I find no passages quoted for not since his departure from life,' as Professor it), as pravúsand, a derivative of its causal, is Pischel renders it. The numerals together with stated to mean 'killing. This list might be this compound form one sentence, and are not enlarged, but the examples quoted are sufficient connected with the preceding vyuthená sávane to show that Sanskrit, like all other languages, kate. Hence the his does not readily saggest
ses words meaning 'to depart' for 'to die.' I itself. If, however, it is considered too unsafe may add, however, that even in the present to interpret sata by sústri, it may be taken as day it is usual among Pandits, when speaking an equivalent of sánta or sat, which both suit of the decease of Gurus or parents, to use the Buddha very well, and which, according to the tenderer and more reverential expressions, svaranalogy of pukute for pakrántah, and yavata gavási ablut, karlásari gatah, or prasthitah para (katu) for yávanta, would exactly correspond to lokam gatah instead of the more matter-of-fact sata. I, for my part, however, adhere to the mritah. If we now return to the phrase sataexplanation by sústri, which, as Pali atta for asta vivásá, both Mr. Rhys Davids and myself agree shows, might become satta or sata.
that the first part of the compound denotes a I, now, come to the meaning of the word vivása, person-either Sakyamuni or somebody else which Mr. Rhys Davids, appealing to classical The second part cannot, therefore, have its etyusage, takes as an equivalent of abhinikkhamana, mological and primary meaning departure, or
the departure from home, the renunciation of starting.' It must have been used in a secondary domestic life. I am unable to understand on sense. Now, as has just been shown, on purely what classical usage he bases his interpretation. philological grounds two explanations are possiI have never found the verb vivas or any of its ble. Virása may either mean "the renunciation derivatives used as a synonym for pravraj, nor of domestic life' or death.' Which, then, is the has Mr. Rhys Davids brought forward anyone to be adopted ? I answer the latter, bepassages supporting 'is notion of the classical cause we know that both Banddhas and Jainas usage of vivas. As far as I know, vivas has only I began their eras with the death of their found

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ers. If Mr. Rhys Davids wishes to make his portance. It is, on the contrary, as essential as explanation probable, he will have to show that the arguments given above. In order to show the Bauddhas, or at least some other Indian sect, the full importance of the fact mentioned in reckoned also from the Great Renunciation of the edicts, that Devânám piye, a ruler of the whole their founders. The same objection must be of Jambudvipa, was a member of an heretical made to his explanation of Vivutha-Vyutha. sect for more than thirty-three years, I will Supposing it were proved that these two terms point out that according to the Buddhistio corresponded to vyushita-vyushta, they could only chronicles the only kings in the first three cenbe rendered by the Departed,' or 'he who is turies A.B. who reigned longer than thirty-three dead.' These remarks will suffice to show that years were Bimbisâra and A sok a, and that neither Professor Pischel's objections, which according to the Purâņas no Maurya king except are quite worthy of his reputation as a gram- Asok a occupied the throne for so long a period. marian, nor Mr. Rhys Davids' new rendering The second point, the very remarkable fact of vivása, can exactly be called unanswerable, that, while the inscriptions are dated in the or be said to render my explanation of the edicts year 257 A. B., the statements of the Ceylonese untenable.
chronicles permit us to infer that Asoka was I now turn to the consideration of Mr. Rhys alive during a portion of the year 257, has not Davids* date of the Nirvana, which, if correct, boen noticed at all by Mr. Rhys Davids. The would entirely destroy the emarkable agree- reason for this omission probably is his distrust ment between the edicts as interpreted by myself of the date, 219 A.B., which the Dipavainsa and the statements of the Ceylonese chronicles. and the Mahávavisa give for Asoka's coronation. This agreement is visible especially in two According to Mr. Rhys Davids, this is an invenpoints :
tion of the southern Buddhists, or rather a 1stly, in the length of membership of the mistake caused by an erroneous addition of Buddhist sect assigned to Asoka both by the certain figures in their list of Theras. The edicts and by the chronicles; and
real distance between the Nirvana and Asoka's 2ndly, in the fact that the year 257 A.B., accession to the throne is, according to his calwhich I have taken to be the date of the edicts, culation, not upwards of 218 years, but 150 apparently was, according to the statements years only. If Mr. Rhys Davids were right, of the Mahavarisa, the last year of Asoka's life. and the genuine tradition of the southern
The force of the former point has been church showed the shorter period only, the acknowledged by Mr. Rhys Davids, who de- agreement between the edicts and the chronicles clares (Num. Or. VI. p. 59) the fact that while would certainly be of no importance for my the Dev â nám Piye of the new inscriptions view. It would, on the contrary, tend to prove speaks of his having been an upásaka for thirty- that my explanation must be wrong. For the three years and a half, and that we know of no latter can only hold good if the date 219 A.B. king of the third century A.B. but Asoka who for Asoka's coronation either is really genuine, reigned more than 34 years,--to be my strongest or at least is derived from a calculation made argument for the identification of the two. I during the reign of Asoka and before the have already stated that the strongest argument incision of the three edicts. It must be wrong for the identification of our Devånam Piye with if the coronation date had been settled later in A śoka lies in the family likeness of the old Ceylon and were based on a mistake. Under and the new edicts. But, as we have a case of these circumstances I am compelled to examine circumstantial evidence only, it is no doubt closely Mr. Rhys Davids' chapter on the Cey. indispensable that the results gained by inter- lonese date of Buddha (Num. Or. VI. paras. pretation should agree with the facts known 82-124), and to institute an inquiry as to from other sources. I do not consider this whether his objections to the date 219 A.B. for agreement, therefore, as a matter of small im- Asoka are really valid.
11 I must add that the date of the inscriptions may be 256 A.B., if we assume that the figure refers to the current year. In my first article I referred it to the number of completed years in socordance with Prinsep's dictum,
Essays, II. 165, note 1. I did this, not because I WA fully convinced of the correctness of Prinsep's rule, but because I wished to take the most unfavourable alternative.

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Mr. Rhys Davids begins his essay by giving were respectively twenty and eighteen years old, a few facts which make the early use of the they came to Ceylon 12 years afterwards, and now prevalent Ceylonese era of the Nirvana, died.there, at the ages of sixty and fifty-nine, and the general acceptance of its initial date in the eighth and ninth years after Tissa. Hence 543 B.c., somewhat doubtfol. He shows that it may be concluded that Mahinda lived in Ceylon even modern inscriptions in Ceylon are not 27 years, eight of which were subsequent to Tissa. always dated in the era of Buddha, while the The reign of the latter must therefore have lasted oldest known in which that era occurs, belongs twenty, not forty years as stated in the chronito the twelfth century, and that the Chinese cles. Mr. Rhys Davids remarks that Turnour pilgrim Fa Hian, who visited Ceylon in 412 and his Pandits, who are apparently supported by A.D., speaks of a Ceylonese proclamation or a passage of the Dipavarsa, have got over the sermon in which the Nirvana was mentioned difficulty with Mahinda by explaining the figures as falling 1497 years earlier. Adverting, then, 60 and 59 to refer to Mahinda's and his to the fact that the elements of the calculation sister's spiritual ages, but that under this for the date of the Nirvana are contained in the supposition, too, there is a discrepancy of two Dipavarisa and in the Mahavarisa, he further years, as the correct number for Sanghamitta points out that its beginning in 543 B.C. de- would be 61 (12+ 40 + 9). Mr. Rhys Davids pends on three periods, viz. the period from next expresses & doubt regarding the correctDutthagamini, 161 B.C., down to the pre- negs of the period of 218 years stated to have sent time; the period from the coronation of elapsed between the Nirvana and Asoka's coroDevana mpiya Tissa, 236 B.C., to Dut-nation, because the number of kings and of patri. tha gå mini, 161 B.O.; and the period from archs or chiefs of the Buddhist church placed the Nirvana to Devånampiya Tissa, between the two events is too small for the ---the total of the three (236 + 146 + 161) being length of the period. Taking first into consi543. Accepting the period which begins with deration the list of the Magadha kings, who Datthagâmini as correct, he proceeds to an ex- fill the space between Buddha and Asoka, amination of the other two. Travelling over oft- he admits that it involves no absurdities. But trodden ground, he shows, with the help of the it appears suspicious to him, because a num. Greek notices of Chandragupta and of ber of kings are said to have murdered their A foka's inscriptions, that an error of more fathers, and because the years assigned to some than sixty years exists in the Ceylonese chrono- are multiples of 4 and 8, and finally because the logy of the oldest period of 236 years, as the Parâ nas have a shorter list. The list of the kings latter places Chandragupt a's accession in of Ceylon between 1 and 236 A.B., which he 381 B.C., and A sok a's in 325 B.C. Next, turn- takes up next, clearly shows traces of an undue ing to the second period of 146 years, he finds lengthening of the reigns, as only five kings are that the great number of years assigned to named, the last of whom, Mutasiva, must have Mutasiva and his nine sons likewise indi- reached the respectable age of 147 years. After cates the existence of a serious error, point this, Mr. Rhys Davids passes to the list of the which other scholars, too, have noticed, -and Theras or Buddhist patriarchs from 1 to 285 A.B. that the statements of the chronicles regarding He extracts the data regarding them from the Mahinda and Sanghamitt å show De Dipavainsa, and, reducing all the years given vânâ m-Piya Tissa's reign to have been there according to the reigns of the Ceylonese donbled. Mahinda and Sanghamitta were and Magadha kings to years of the Buddha era. ordained in the sixth year of Asoka, when they he arranges them in tabular form as below:
se at 1pa- Length of Age at Upa. Length of
Age at Date of Upa. Name. Date of Birth
Date of sampadá of sampade, A.B.
Member
Death. successor.
Death, A.B.
ship. Upali................. 44 Bef. B.
74
80 D&saka ............... 14 A.B.
50
80 Sonaka ...............
124 Siggava ........... 100
100 Ti888
158 Mahinda .............
285
60
II888.............
234
204

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19
This table, as Mr. Rhys Davids points out, ages at their death (col. 5) from the number of abounds in absurdities, as it places the birth years during which they were members of the and the ordination of most Theras too close church (col. 4) the length of time may be found together, and in the case of Sonaka the latter during which each was head of the church. If event before the former. He, however, thinks to the total of these figures the sixteen years are that the absurdities may be removed by taking added which elapsed between Buddha's death the statements, which are merely based on the and the ordination of the second Thera, Dasaka Therdvali by themselves, and by separating (col. 2), as well as the eighteen years which lie them entirely from those of the first two and the between the sixth, Mahinda, and Aśoka's council, last columns, which depend on the Rajavalis of the interval between the Nirvana and Asoka's Ceylon and Magadha. After doing this he finds council is not 236, but 168 years. As the that the figures no longer involve any absurdity, council took place after Asoka had ruled and that by deducting the difference between the eighteen years, the coronation falls in 150 A.B. ages of the four Theras beginning with Dasaka These calculations are embodied in a second at the ordination of their pupils (col. 3) and their table, which, for clearness' sake, I reprint :
Years during Years of his full Age when he perform Age when he
No. of years which he and membership Name. ed the Upasanispada of
died.
he was a full his successor before his suc. successor.
member. were full
cessor's admembers.
mission. Upali ............... Dasaka ................ Sonaka............... Siggava ............ Tissa............
217 Dåsaka admitted to full membership ............
16 A.B. The second council was in the twelfth year of Mahinda's full membership Date A.B. of Asoka's council
18 Date A.B. of Asoka's coronation ..........
150 It thus appears that in reality the Dipavansa, Ceylonese chronicles the Sibunagas reigned just in its Therávali portion, allows for 168 years only 68 years, and that if they are placed before as having elapsed between the Nirvana and Bhatiya and Bimbisåra and their descendants the Asoko's council. At the same time the same number of years of the Mâgadha kings down to work places the council explicitly in 236 A.B., Asoka will be exactly 150, and thus fully agree and Aboka's coronation in 218 (?) A.B. The with the sum of years gained by the adjustment question now arises whether the shorter or the of the Therávali. An explanation may be offered longer period is the more credible one. Mr. Rhys for the insertion of the longer period also. For Davids declares himself in favour of the former, as the sum of the figures in column 3 of the second because the number of the Theras (five) is not table makes 217, it becomes not improbable sufficient to fill a period of 236 years; because, that Buddhist chronologists, in calculating the further, the number of the Ceylonese kings is also distance of Asoka from the Nirvana, by mistake too small for more than two hundred years; and added up the periods daring which each Thera because, finally, the Brahmanical lists of the kings was upasampanna, instead of those during which of Magadha which place the Siśunagas before he was sole teacher of the Vinaya, or head of Bhatiya and his descendants, likewise speak in the church. favour of the shorter interval. Mr. Rhys Davids On first reading Mr. Rhys Davids' deductions, further shows that the Buddhists possessed it is impossible to avoid being fascinated by his a number of ancient works which probably con- eloquent and ingenious pleading, to which my tained the Therávalis, and that the latter have abstract does but scant justice. Still one cannot therefore & claim to be considered historical help feeling a certain distrust against so very He, also, points out that according to the startling results, and the discovery that the an
168

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cient Buddhists must have been such utter fools. is the correct interpretation of the seemingly A number of objections against, and difficulties inconsistent statements of the chronicles. We with, certain details also present themselves at ! shall see, farther on, that the latter, when speakonce. Thus, with respect to the alleged in- ing of the ages of Theras or Upasampana consistency of the chronicles regarding the ages Sadhus always refer to the period after the of Mahinda and Sanghamitta and the reign of upasampadd, or, to adopt Mr. Rhys Davids' Devânâm-piya Tissa, one cannot help seeing appropriate term, to the spiritual ages just as that it has only been caused by Mr. Rhys references to the ages of anointed kings refer to Davids' method of interpretation. Both the the time after their abhisheka. Dipavavisa and the Mahávarsa state that Ma- If we now turn to the chief portions of Mr. hinda and Sangha mitt å received the Rhys Davids' calculations, it becomes impossible first or pabbajjd ordination at the end of or in the to accept without a re-examination the statesixth year of Asoka, and that Mahind a alone ments contained in his first table, though they received the second or upasampadá ordination at agree with Mr. Turnour's analysis of the the same time. Afterwards it is alleged that Ma- Dipavassa." As it has been found that hinda died in Ceylon,'having completed sixty the seeming contradictions in the case of years,' in the eighth year of king Uttiya ;" Sanghamittà disappeared, as soon as and Sanghamitta, after having completed the chronicles were correctly interpreted, the fifty-nine years', in the ninth year of the same question arises whether a reconsideration of the king. Now as Asoka was crowned after the text of the Dipavansa would not clear away completion of the 218th year of the Nirvana the stupendous absurdities contained in the era, his sixth year corresponds to 224-225 table which gives the data regarding the Theras. A.B., and the eighth year of Uttiya to 284- But even supposing the first table to be correct, 285 A.B. The interval between Mahinda's a consideration of Mr. Rhys David's second table upasampadů and his death is thus exactly sixty raises numerous difficulties. One cannot help years, as stated by the chronicles. It is clear asking how he gets the sixteen years between that the sixty years can only be referred, as Mr. Buddha and Dåsa ka without the help of Turnour has done, to the spiritual age, or the the Rájávali, which he considers to be unworthy period after the upusampadá,-- not to the natural of reliance; or how, if he gets them from that age, as Mr. Rhys Davids wishes to do. This source, he can reconcile that with his promise to explanation is confirmed, as Mr. Rhys Davids rely on the Therávali alone. One must further himself has shown, by a verse of the Dipa- ask why he adds the sixteen years in col. 5 of vansa where it is stated that Mahinda had com- table II., and not in col. 3, where they are pleted twelve years when he came to Ceylon.18 evidently also required. If he had added the The case of Sanghamittà is no less clear, if the sixteen years in col. 3, the total would become statement that she died after completing fifty- 283, and it would have appeared at once that the nine years' is referred to the period after her chroniclers could not have made the mistake second or upasampadá ordination. The interval imputed to them. (paras. 115, 116). Finally, between the sixth year of A sok a, 224-225 A.B., on comparing the two tables a serious discrepUttiy a's ninth year, and 285-286 A.B., is, as ancy is observable between the figures given for Mr. Rhys Davids has stated, 61 years. But as Dá saka's age at Sonaka 's upasampádd in Sangha mitt & was in 224-225 only eighteencol. 3 of the first, and col. 1 of the second table. years old, she had to wait two years before she In the former place it is stated to be 40, and in conld receive the second ordination, which gave the second 45, and no explanation is offered. her fall membership. If we deduct these, the Similar vacillations occur, too, in the date of figures agree, and she really had completed fifty- Asoka's coronation, which sometimes is stated to nine years after the upasampadá at the time have occurred after the completion of the 218 of her death. There can be no doubt that this years of the Nirvana era (i.e. in 219 A.B.), and
13 According to the Diparansa, when Uttiys had completed eight years' : see below.
13 Compare also Dip. VII. 27, where it is stated that Mahinda was four years of age (i.e. spiritual age) when
Asoks had ruled ten years :Asokassa das savisamhi Mahindo chatwassikosabbarte sutapariyattila ganipáchariyo ahus 27
Jour. As. Soc. Bong. vol. VII. pp. 919 seqq.

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sometimes in 218 A.B.,15 and that the latter incorrect statement is used in order to convict the chroniclers of an inaccuracy (para. 114).
These and other doubts which it would be too long to enumerate induced me to ask Dr. Oldenberg, who is preparing an edition of the Dipavamsa, for the loan of his text, and to examine the work once more. A cursory inspection showed to me that Mr. Rhys Davids' first table does not accurately represent the statements of the Dipavamsa, but, besides a number of minor inaccuracies, contains three important mistakes. The heading of col. 4 ought to be "Chiefship of the Vinaya (vinayaṭṭhána or pámokhatta);" the heading of col. 5 should be "Spiritual Age at Death, i. e. Age reckoning from the upasampadá ordination," and hence the figures put against the names of the first five Theras in col. 1 ought to be removed. I found that the Dipavansa left not the slightest doubt on the necessity of these alterations, and that, if it is interpreted rightly, its history of the Theras contains no absurdities. The text,
though less corrupt in the Therávali than in other portions, nevertheless shows a few mistakes in the figures which can be easily corrected. In order to enable the reader to judge if my interpretation is correct, I give the text of the chief passage, Bhánavára V. 76-106, in full, together with a translation. The text is Dr. Oldenberg's, with whose permission it is published. The translation is my own:
16
nibbute lokanathassa vassâni solasam ahů | samasaṭṭhi tadâ hoti vassaṁ Upâli panḍitam | 76 | 17 Ajâtasattuchatuvisam Vijayassa solasam ahů | Dâsako upasampanno Upâlitherasantike | 77 | chattâlis'eva vassâni Dâsako nama pandito | Nagadâse dasavasse Pakuṇḍakassa visati | 78 | 19 upasampanno Sonako thero Dâsakatherasantike chattâlisavasso dhiro thero Sonakasavhayo | 79 | 10 Kalasokassa dasavasse Tambapanni-antarâvâse vassam ekâdasam bhave | Siggavo upasampanno Sonakatherasantike | 80 | Chandaguttassa dve vasse chatusaṭṭhi Siggavo tada aṭṭhapaññâsa vassâni Pakundakassa rajino |
15 The first date occurs, e.g. paras. 84, 86, and the second 114 (twice).
[JUNE, 1878. upasampanno Moggaliputto Siggavatherasantike | 81 |
18 Dr. Oldenberg, very judiciously, has not attempted a restoration of the original work, but merely of the coder archetypus, from which the existing modern MSS. have been prepared. He has collected a good many various readings, from which I have selected a few particularly important ones.
17 Second half probably corrupt,-perhaps samasat!ht
Asokadhammassa chhavasse chhasaṭṭhi Moggaliputto aha | aṭṭhachattârisa [vassâni] Mutasivassa rajino Mahindo upasampanno Moggaliputtasss santike | 82 | 30
20
uggahesi vinayam cha Upâli Buddhasantike | Dâsako vinayam sabbari Upâlitherasantike | uggahetvâna vâchesi upajjhayo.va sâsane | 83 | vâchesi Dâsako thero vinayam Sonakassa pi| pariyâpunitvå vâchesi upajjhâyassa santike |84| Sonako buddhisampanno dhammavinayakovido | vâchesi vinayam sabbam Siggavassa anuppadam | 85 |
Siggavo Chandavajjo cha Sonakasaddhiviharika | vâchesi vinayam thero ubho saddhivihârike | 86 | Tisso Moggaliputto cha Chandavajjassa santike | vinayam uggahetvâna vimutto upadhisamkhaye | 87 |
Moggaliputto upajjhâyo Mahindam saddhivihari. kam vâchesi vinayam sabbam theravadam anûnakam | 88 |
parinibbute sambuddhe Upâlithero mahâjuti | vinayam tava vâchesi tinsa vassam anúnakam |89| saddhivihârikam theram Dâsakar nama panditam vinayaṭṭhâne thapetvâna nibbuto so mahâmati | 90 |
Dåsako Sonakam theram saddhivihârim anuppadam katvå vinayapámokkham chatusaṭṭhimhi nibbuto | 91 |
Sonako chhalabhiññano Siggavam ariyatrajam | vinayatthâne thapetvâna chhasaṭṭhimhi cha nibbuto | 92 |
Siggavo finasampanno Moggaliputtan cha dârakam | katvå vinayapâmokkham nibbuto so chhaBattati | 93 |
Tisso Moggaliputto cha Mahindam saddhivihârikam katvå vinayapâmokkham chhâsitivassambi nibbuto | 94 | 1
chatusattati Upâli cha chatusaṭṭhi cha Dâsako chhasaṭṭhi Sonako thero Siggavo tu chhasattati | asiti Moggaliputto sabbesam upasampadâ | 95 | sabbakalamhi påmokkho vinaye Upâlipandito | paññâsam Dâsako thero chatuchattârisam cha Sonako panchapaññâsavassaṁ Siggavassa aṭṭhasatthi Moggaliputtasavhayo | 96 | Udayo solasa vassâni rajjam kâresi khattiyo | ehhavasse Udayabhaddamhi Upâlithero nibbuto | 97 |
99
tada hoti thero Upali pandito, or satthivasso t. h. samam Up. 18 The first line is corrupt, see below. For Pakundakassa, Pandurájassa must be read, as Pakundaka is a name of Pandukabhaya.
19 The second line is corrupt, see below.
so Corrupt, see below.
1946. Corrupt, see below.-v. 1. affhatishsamhi. 32 966. Corrupt, see below.

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Susunago dasavassar rajjar karesi issaro attha- had passed), then Siggava (had completed) sixtyvasse Susunagamhi Dasako parinibbato 98 four years, (and) fifty-eight years of PakundaSusunagass' achchayena honti te dasa bhataro ka's (reign had elapsed). Then Tissa-Moggasabbe b&visativassam rajjam kAresu vansato | liputta received the upasampadd ordination imesam chhatthe vassinam Sonako parinibbuto from Thera Siggava." | 99
82. When Dharma soka had (reigned) six Chandagutto rajjarn karesi vassâni chatavisati years, (then) Moggaliputta had completed tasmisi chuddasavassamhi Siggavo parinibbuto sixty-six years, (and) forty-eight years of king | 100
Mutasiva had passed. Then) Mahinda Bindusarassa yo putto Asokadhammo mahayaso received the upasampadá ordination from Mog. vassâni sattatiņsam pi rajjarn kâresi khattiyo| 1011" galiputta. A sokassa chhavisativasse Moggaliputtasavhayo 83. And Up&li learned the Vinaya from sâsanan jotayitvâna nibbuto &yusankhaye 102 ** Buddha; Då saka, having learnt the whole chatusattativassamhi thero Up&lipandito saddhi. Vinaya from Thera U pâli, recited (it) like (his) viharikan theram Dasakam nama panditar vina- teacher in the Faith. yatthane thapetvâna nibbuto so mahagani 103 84. Då saka, the Thera, instructed Sonaka Dásako Sonakam theram saddhivihårikar anup
also in the Vinaya, (and he), having mastered it, padam katvå vinayapámokkham chatusatthimbi repeated it before his teacher. nibbuto 104
85. Sonaka, endowed with intelligence and Sonako chalabhiññano Siggavam ariyatrajarvi
acquainted with the law and the Vinaya, taught nayatthâne thapetvâna chhasatthimhi pari nibbu- Siggava the whole Vinaya, sentence by sentence. to 105
86. Sigga va and Chanda vajja (nere) Siggavo Tanasampanno Moggaliputtañ cha dara
the pupils of Sonaka. The Thera taught both kam katva vinayapamokkhar nibbuto so chha
his pupils the Vinaya. sattati 106
87. And Tissa-Moggaliputta, having Tisso Moggaliputto so Mahindar saddhivihari.
learnt the Vinaya from Chandavajja, was kam katvå vinayapámok khan chhâsitivas sambi
emancipated by the destruction of the substrata nibbuto 107"
(i.e. became an Arhat). Translation.
89. Moggaliputta, the teacher, taught 76. Sixteen years had elapsed after the pro
Mahinda, his pupil, the whole Vinaya, the tector of the world (Buddha) had entered Nir.
whole, entire doctrine of the Theras. våna, then the learned Up&li had just com
89. After the Bambuddha had entered Nirvana, pleted sixty years ; 28
"Phera U páli, endowed with great lustre, taught 77. Then twenty-four years of Aj&tasa
the whole Vinaya during thirty years. tru's (reign) and sixteen of Vijaya's had
90. Having appointed his pupil, Thera Đáelapsed, (and then) Då saka received the upa
saka, to the office of Chief of the) Vinaya, that sampadd ordination from Thera U p&li.
high-souled man entered Nirvana. 78. The learned Dasaka (had completed), just
91. Dá saka made his pupil, Thera Sonaforty years, when Någada sa (had reigned) ten
k a, in his tarn, Chief of the Vinaya, and died in years, and twenty years of) Panduraja's (reign
(kis) sixty-fourth year.88 had passed);
92. Sonaka, possessed of the six superna79. Then) Thera Sonaka received the upa
tural faculties, appointed Sigga va, of honoura. sampadd ordination " from Thera Dá sa ka.
ble descent, to the office of Chief of the Vinayo, The wise Thera called Sonaka had completed and died in (his) sixty-sixth year. forty years.
93. Siggava, possessed of (true) knowledge. 80. When KalAsoka had completed ten
made Moggaliputta, the youth, Chief of the years, and the eleventh year of the interregnum Vinaya, and died after completing) seventy-six in Ceylon was the current one), (then) Sig.
years. gava received the upasampadd ordination from 94. And Tissa-Moggaliputta made his Thera Sonak ajo
pupil Mahinda Chief of the Vinaya, and died in 81. Two years of Chandragupta's (reign
(his) sixty-eighth year.
93 The first line seems to be corrupt, as the figure is wrong. Perhaps attha cha has to be read for issaro.
** Probably 'Dhe masoko' should be read. *s Perbapa Moggali-sarhayo is to be read.
* Probably nibbuto to be read. s1 Corrupt, see below. v. 1. astivassamhi.
* The construction is apparently a mixture of the loc. and gen. absol., and occurs frequently.
20 Upasa mpad4, 1.. second or full ordination. 30 Regarding these dates more will be said below. 31 Pakundaka is another name of Panduk Abhaya.
3The years are to be counted from the wpasampada : see below, v. 95.
33 v. I. in his 38th year.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
95. And Upâli seventy-four, and Då saka sixty-four, Thera Sónak a sixty-six, but Siggava seventy-six, Moggaliputta eighty (that is, the number of years elapsed between) the
pasampada ordination of each (Thera and his
death).
96. The learned Upâli is chief of the Vinaya for all time. Thera Da saka (held that office) tifty (years), and Sonak a forty-four, Sigga va fifty-five years, and he who is called Moggaliputta sixty-eight.
97. The Kshatriya Uday a reigned sixteen years; when Udayabhadra had (completed) six years, Thera Upå li died.
98. Sisunaga, the lord, reigned ten (?) years; when Sisun& ga had (completed) eight years, Dâ saka died. 3+
99. After Sisun & ga's death came those ten brothers; according to hereditary custom, they reigned all (together) for twenty-two years. In the sixth year of their (reign) Sonaka died.
100. Chandragupta reigned twenty-four years; when he had (completed) fourteen years Sigga va died.
101. Famous Dharmasoka, the son of
Bindusâ ra, of royal race, reigned thirty-seven
years..
102. When Asoka had (completed) twentysix years, he who is called Moggaliputta died of old age, after having exalted the Faith.
103. The learned Thera Upâli, the great chief of the school, died in his seventy-fourth year, after appointing the learned Thera Dâ saka, his pupil, to the office of (Chief of the) Vinaya.
104. Dasaka, in his turn, made his pupil, Thera Sona ka, Chief of the inaya, and died in (his) sixty-fourth year.
105. Sona ka, endowed with the six supernatural qualities, appointed Siggava, of hon
ourable descent, to the office of (Chief of the) Vinaya, and died in (his) sixty-sixth year.
106. Siggava, possessed of (true) knowledge made young Moggaliputta Chief of the Vinaya, and died, having (completed) seventy-six years.
107. Tissa-Moggaliputta made his pupil, Mahinda, Chief of the Vinaya, and died in this) eighty-sixth year.35
[JUNE, 1878.
2. A statement of the teachers under whom each of the six Theras studied the Vinaya-vv. 83-88.
3. A statement regarding the persons whc appointed each to the office of Chief of the Vinaya, or head of the church-vv. 89-94.
4. A statement of the number of years which elapsed between the upasampadá ordination and the death of each, i.e. the length of the life of each while full member of the Samgha-v. 95.
5. A statement of the number of years during which Dâ saka, Sonaka, Sigga va, and Tissa were Chiefs of the Vinaya or heads of the church,-which must be completed as far as Upali is concerned from v. 89
96.
This passage contains:-1. the dates of the upasampadá of each of the five Theras, from D âsa ka to Aśoka's son Mahinda, according to the chronology of Magadha and of Ceylon, together with the spiritual age of the teacher who performed the ordination-vv. 76-82.
3 See note to text. 55 v. 1., in his eightieth year.
6. The dates of the Magadha kings in whose reigns the five Theras died, together with the year of the death-vv. 97-102.
7. A repetition of the information given. above under 3 and 4.
Two other passages of the Diparusa (IV. 2746 and V. 69-73) give the same details, the first regarding Upâli, Dåsaka, Sonaka, Siggava, and Chanda vajja; and the second regarding the last two teachers and Tissa-Moggaliputta. These two passages mostly agree word for word with that given above. But they add a few particulars and show some variations, which it will be necessary to quote. Firstly (IV. 31), it is said that Buddha himself appointed Upâli to be Chief of the Vinaya :samghamajjhe visákási Buddho Upálipanditam aggo vinayapámokkho Upáli mayha sásane | 31 | Secondly, it is stated (IV. 41) that Då saka's spiritual age was forty-five years, instead of forty, when he ordained So na ka. Thirdly, the date of the ordination of Sigga va is specified more exactly as having taken place ten years and half a month (according to the varia lectio of bad MS., ' and eight months') after K âlâ soka's coronation :
chattáriseva vasso so thero Sonakasavhayo Kálásokassa dasavasse adḍhamásan cha sesake 141
A corrupt verse adds the statement that at that time eleven years and six months of Pakundaka-Pandukâbhaya's interregnum had
elapsed,
38 v. 1. aṭṭhamasan cha sesake.

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THE THREE NEW EDICTS OF ASOKA.
155
sattarusannan vassándın thero ási pagunako 1" | tathera upasampanno Mahindo dipajotako 22 atikkantekádasavassai chhamdsari chávasesake Sanghamittà tada yeva sikkháyo vasam adiyi | 42 |
ahu Moggaliputto va theravá do mañágani 23) The information regarding the career of chatupaññásavassamhi Asokadhammo abhisitto A sok a's son, Mahinda, finally, is completed Asokass'ábhisittato chhasatthio Moggalisavhayo in the following passages :-(1) VI. 20, where tato Mahindo pabbajito Moggaliputtassa suntike his birth is stated to have taken place after 204 124 years of the Nirvana,
(3) XVII. 91-93, where the date of his death dve vassa satáni honti chatuvassash pan' uttari
is given as occurring after the completion of the samantaramhi so játo Mahindo Asokatrajo | 20 eighth year of Uttiya, and of the sixtieth year (2) VII. 21-24, where it is said that Mahinda after his ordination, became an ascetic when he was fall twenty
Uttiyo dasavsassamhi rajjan káresi khattiyo|91 years old, and when Asoka had reigned atthadassábhisittassa nibbuto dipajotako six years after his coronation); that Mahin
akási sariranikkhepain Tissáráme puratthime |92| da received the upasampadd ordination at the
paripunnadvádasavasso Mahindo cha idk' agato same time; and that Moggaliputta was fifty-
satthivasse paripunne nibbuto Chetiyapabbate 193
satthivassa parinunn four years old when A sok a's coronation took
The contents of these passages are most easily place, and sixty-six (?) when Asoka had
intelligible if they are given in tabular form, reigned six years. The last verse 18, however, and it is therefore advisable to imitate Mr. Rhys corrupt, and must be corrected as proposed be
Davids in this respect. It will also be advisable low:
to exhibit the information of the Dipavansa paripunnavísativusso Mahindo Asokatrajo
exactly in that form in which it is given, with Sarighamittá cha játéya passam atthárasar out correcting any of the inconsistencies of the bhane 21
text. If that is done we obtain the following chhavassamhi Asokassa" ubho pabhajitá pajal results :
Spiritual Agel Spiritual Age
Length of Name. Date of Upasampada. at Pupil's
Date of Death. at Death.
Chiefship of t'pasampada.
Vinaya. 1. Upâli
60 years D. 74th year [D. V. Udayabhadra 30 years [D. IV. 27, V. 103]
6=30 A.B. (D. IV. 34, V.
76]. 74 years [D. V. 95). IV.38, V.97]. 89). 2. Då saka ...... Ajátaśatru 24 = Wijaya:
24 = Vijava, 40 years [D. 64th year (D. V. 91, Sisunaga, 8= 50 yrs [D. 16 = 16 A.B. D. IV. V. 76).
761 1 04 IV. 43).
104 ; IV. 43). 80 A.B. [D. V. V. 96). 26, 27; V. 76, 77.] 45 years [D. 64 years [D. V. 95). 98.]
IV. 41). 3a. Sonaka....... Nagadása 10 = Pan. 40 years [D. 66th year [D. V. 92, Nandas 6 = 44 yrs [D. durája 20 = 58 A.B. IV. 44, V. 105].
124 A.B. [D. V. 96). (D. IV. 41; D. V. 78, 70). 66 years [D. V. 95). V. 99.]
79.] 36. Chandavajja The same. Not stated. Not stated. Not stated. Not stated. 4. Siggava...... KAlasoka 10, or 10 + + 64 years [D. 75 years [D. V. 93, Chandragupta 55 yrs [D.
month Inter. V. 69, 811.106).
14 = 176 A.B. V. 96). regnum, 11 or 11 +
[D. V. 73, 6 mos. = 100 A.B. [D.
100.] IV.44, 45; V. 80.] 5. Tisss - Mog- Chandragupta 2 = Pa- 66 years [D. 86th [D. V. 94, 107]. Asoka 26 = 68 yrs (D. galiputta. kunda 58 164 A.B. V. 82, VII 80th [D. V. 95, 107) 244 A.B. DIV. 96).
[D. V. 69, 81.] 24). 38th D. V.94). 6. Mahinda, 204 Aboka 6 = 224 A.B. [D. Not stated. 60 years [D. XVII. Uttiya 8 = 284 Not stated, A.B. [D. VI. V. 82, VII. 22-24.]
93].
A.B.[D. XVII. but may be 20.]
93.7
• calculated
at 40 yrs.
66
CD. 86th D.
96, 1073
102.]
31 Dr. Oldenberg's very probable emendation is, choro dsi Pakundako.
5* The genitive stands for the locative, as above. 30 . 1., and the correct one, theravade.
40 Dr. Oldenberg proposes Asokabhisitte chhavasse, and I read in addition sathi for chhasathi, as required by the metre and the sense.
* Not stated, but 4 before B. may be obtained by doducting length of chiefship from spiritual age.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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The first glance at this table shows that the In the case of Dasaka, the date for his figures given there are intended to form a chain, spiritual age at Sonak a's upasampadá has not each link of which is closely connected with been given correctly in the text, which in one some of the others. The connexion is established passage reads forty years, and in the other in this wise, that the difference between the forty-five years. The correction can be made dates of each teacher's and his pupil's upasam- only with the help of the dates of Dâsak a's padá gives the age of the former at the latter own and Sonak a's upasampadd. The former is ceremony; that, further, the difference between placed in A gata satru 24 = Vijaya 16 = 16 the date of the upasampadd and of the death gives A.B., and the three periods agree exactly. The the length of the spiritual life; and that finally the date of Sonak a's upasampadá is given as having difference between the dates of the teacher's and taken place N agad a sa 10 and Pandu raja the pupil's death gives the length of the latter's 20. The former date corresponds with 58 A.B., chiefship of the Vinaya. But the most cursory and the latter, if it is taken to refer to completed inspection also shows that some of the figures years, with 59 A.R. For Vija ya ruled full thirty. given are corrupt and do not answer.
eight years; after his death came an interregnum In the case of U pâli the date of the upa sam- of one year, and then only followed Panduva sa's padá is not given, but may be calculated by de- abhisheka." The Depavarisa (XI. 10) says also ducting the length of time during which he was expressly that Någa då sa had completed Chief of the Vinaya after Buddha's death from twenty-one years when Pandu vasa died ; his spiritual age : 74-30 = 44. His spiritual age ekavísari Nágadáso Panduváso tadá gato. The at the upasampadá of D à sa k a, sixty years (col. text of the Diparansa does not seem to be corrupt 4), is given, and the correctness of the statement in the two passages which contain the equation can be controlled by the dates for his own and Någa dâ sa 10 = Pandu vâs a 20 (IV. 41 his pupil's upasampadd, the difference between and V. 78, 79). Still the date 58 A.B. is rewhich-41 B.B. and 16 A.B.-must, and does give quired for Sonaka's ordination, as he is said to exactly 60. The length of his spiritual life, which have died at the end of Nandas 6 = 124 A.B., is once given as full seventy-four years and as the and the difference between 58 and 124 A.B. seventy-fourth year, i.e. seventy-three years plus exactly agrees with the length of his spiritual an indefinite number of months, can be tested by life, or nearly sixty-six years. The discrepancy the figure given for his spiritual age at Sonaka's therefore, must be, either real and owing to a
pasampada and the difference between the date slip of the author, or it may have been caused by of the latter and the date of Upåli's death, which his using round numbers instead of exact together amount to 60 + 14=74. The discre- dates in his calculations. An author who talks pancy between the two statements which mention as loosely as the Ceylonese chroniclers do might both the seventy-fourth year and seventy-four perhaps say that at the close of Buddha 58 years, may be got over by assuming that he died Någadása had ruled ten years, and Paņduvâsa in his seventy-fourth year, but that his death took twenty, though in reality the former counted place towards the end of the year. As the author three or four months in excess of ten years, and of the Dipavansa nearly throughout uses round the latter seven or eight months less than twenty. figures, he found it more practical to substitute He further might assert that eleven years later, in his calculation seventy-four full instead of at the close of 69 A.B., ten years of N &gad & sa's seventy-three full years. This explanation reign had elapsed, and that Pandu vas a died applies also to the spiritual ages of Dâ'sa ka, after ruling thirty years. This explanation apSonak a, and Tissa. In the case of Sigga vapears to me the most likely. For it may be consiseventy-six complete years (chhasattati) are given dered certain that in very few cases only the everywhere. Hence it may be concluded that initial dates of the reigns of the Magadha kings his death occurred either exactly at the end of and of the Ceylon kings fell on the initial dates the seventy-sixth year or in the beginning of of the corresponding years of Buddha. It seems the seventy-seventh. The same remark holds also, from the case of the date of Siggava's good for Mahinda, whose age is always given ordination, which will be discussed below, that as sixty years. .
the chroniclers possessed more exact figures, but Dipavaniusa IX. 42, XI. 2, X. 6, and XI. 3-10.

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mostly thought it unnecessary to use them. If now the ordination of Sonaka must be placed at the end of 58 A.B., and that of Dâsaka fell at the close of 16 A.B., the age of the latter at Sona ka's upasampada must. have been forty-two years, not forty or forty-five. The number 42 has therefore to be entered in col. 4, and in the text of the Dipavassa dvechattálisa has to be written for panchattálisa (IV. 41) and for chattáliseva (V. 76). The emendation suits the metre in both passages.
The length of Dâsaka's spiritual life, (nearly) sixty-six years, corresponds with the difference between the dates of his upasampadá 16 A.B. (col. 3) and of his death 80 A.B. (col. 6). The length of his chiefship of the Vinaya, too, agrees with the difference between his own and Upâli's death 80 A.B.30 A.B. 50 years (col. 7).
In the case of Sonak a all the figures agree, with the exception of that for his spiritual age. at the upasampadá of Siggava, which, though twice given as forty, must be forty-two. For the difference between the dates Nâ gadasa.10 Pandurâja 2058 A.B., and Kâlâsoka 10 interregnum 11 100 A.B., is 42 years. The text of the Dipavansa again may be altered accordingly, viz.
IV. 44. dvechattálisavasso so thero sonasakasavhayo, instead of the nonsensical chattáriseva vasso so, &c.
V. 76. dvechattálisavasso so thero sonakasavhayo | instead of chattálisavasso dhiro thero, &c. The latter alteration recommends itself, because corresponding passages are mostly given in exactly the same words.
As regards Siggava the date of his upasampadá requires a remark. In one passage (V. 80) we have the equation K âlâ sok a 10= Interregnum (Ceylon) 11: in the other passage (IV. 44-46) Kâlâéoka 10+ month= Interregnum 11 + 6 months. Immediately after the last verse it is further stated that "But at that time, forsooth, one hundred years after Buddha's death," the Ves âliya schism occurred. It seems, therefore, that the author meant to place Sigga va's ordination just at the end of the first century after Buddha. The discrepancy in the dates of the kings may be adjusted by assuming that the beginning of Kalâsoka's reign, as well as that of the Interregnum, did not fall exactly in the beginning of the ninety-first
=
=
and of the ninetieth year of Buddha, but that the former began fifteen days, and the latter six months, after the beginning of the corresponding year of Buddha. If that was the case, it would seem that the author gave in the first passage the exact figures, and in the second, according to his usual manner, round figures only. The difference between Sigga va's upasampadá (100 A. B.) and Tissa's upasampadá ChanPakundaka 20 164 A. B., is dragupta 2 exactly 64, and agrees with the number of years allotted to him in col. 4. The length of his spiritual life (seventy-six years) likewise corresponds with the difference between the dates for his upasampadá and for his death. But he cannot have been Chief of the Vinaya for fifty-five years, as the difference between his death and that of his predecessor amounts to fifty-two years only. It seems certain that in this case also we have to deal with a corrup tion of the text only. Besides the total of the figures entered in col. 7 for the first five Theras must agree with the date of the last in col. 6,-244 A.B. This agreement can only be obtained if we substitute 52 for 55. If the latter number is retained, we get 247-244, which is obviously nonsense. Finally the half-verse (V. 966) in which the date occurs is obviously corrupt. I propose to read for paschapshideavassam Siggavassa afthasthi Moggalipullasarhayo pannúsavassam Siggavo atthasaṭṭhim Moggalisavhayo |
157
In order to make out the metre, it is necessary to elide the first syllable of aṭṭhasaṭṭhim, and to make a disyllable of Moggali, as has to be done in.other cases.
In the case of Tissa the figure given for his spiritual age at the upasampadá of Mahinda is wrong. For the difference between Chandragupta 2 Pakundaka 58 164 A.B. and Aśoka 6 = 224 A.B. is sixty years, not sixty-six as given in the text and in the table. Though the faulty figure occurs in two passages (V. 82 and VII. 24c), still the latter verse 24a contains a certain proof that the mistake belongs to the copyists, not to the author, of the Dipavansa. For in that line it is explicitly stated that Moggaliputto was fifty-four years old at Aśoka's coronation. It is obvious that six years later he could not be sixty-six years old, but must be sixty.
45 tena kho samayena vaasasatam hi nibbate bhagavate vesilika Vajjiputtak, &o.

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The length of his spiritual life (col. 5) is given variously as 86, 80, and 38 years. The second date is the correct one, because this figure agrees with the difference between the dates for his upasampadá and for his death. The dates given
Birth.
Name.
Upâli
Dâsaka
Sonaka
Siggava
Tissa
Mahinda.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Not stated.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
204 A.B.
Date of Upasampada.
44 bef. B. 16 A.B.
58 A.B.
100 A.B.
164 A.B.
224 A.B.
[JUNE, 1878.
for Mahinda all agree, and require no remark or rectification. The subjoined second table gives a summary of this discussion, and shows the corrected figures, as well as the faulty ones in brackets.
Spiritual Age at Upasampada of Pupil. 60
42 years (40,45). 42 years (40) 64 years.
60 years (66). Not stated.
If we compare the above passages of the Dipavamsa with Mr. Rhys Davids' first table and his remarks thereon, the mistakes which I imputed to him, and to Mr. Turnour before him, are perfectly clear. The terms Vinayapámoskkha, 'Chief of the Vinaya,' and Vinayaṭṭhána, the office (of Chief) of the Vinaya, occur frequently, and in V. 96 the former is expressly connected with the periods of 50, 44, 52 (55), and 68 years which occur in col. 4 of his first table, and in col. 3 of his second table. Further Dip. V. 95 precludes the possibility even of a doubt whether the natural or the spiritual age of the Theras is indicated by the figures in col. 5 of Mr. Rhys Davids' first table. The period after the upasampada ordination alone can be referred Hence the whole basis for Mr. Rhys Davids' deductions, by which the chronicles are shown to give really 150 years, not 218 years, as the interval between the Nirvâna and Aśoka, disappears. The Dipavamsa gives, on the contrary, a very simple history of six Theras, the fifth of whom was a contemporary of A é o ka, and died about the middle of his reign. If the four corrections proposed by me are accepted, the story shows not only no absurdities, but not even the slightest inconsistency. As regards the date of Asoka's coronation, 219 A.B., it is clear that it cannot be the result of an absurd mistake in addition, made, as Mr. Rhys Davids supposes, by the Ceylonese Buddhists.
to.
It is no less evident that this date is the only one for the coronation of Asoka which the Ceylonese tradition supports, and that the Dipavassa does not contain any evidence in favour
Spiritual Age Date of Death.
at Death.
cir. 74 years. cir. 64 years. cir. 66 years. 76 years. 80 years (86, 38). 60 years.
30 A.B.
80 A.B.
124 A.B.
176 A.B.
244 A.B. 284 A.B.
Length of Chiefship of Vinaya.
30 years.
50 years.
44 years.
52 years (55).
68 years. 40 years.
of a shorter interval between the Nirvâpa and Aśoka's accession. Nor do I think that the other points which Mr. Rhys Davids brings forward in order to show its incredibility carry much weight. When he points out that the number of Theras enumerated in the Dipavamsa is too small to fill a space of more than two hundred years, the obvious answer is that the correctness of this list is by no means proved, and that, as Mr. Turnour** has pointed out and he himself admits, another and longer list is in existence. But even if the shorter list were proved to be correct, it could not be said that the account of the Dipavansa involves impossibilities. If we assume that each of the five Theras received the upasampadá ordination at the legal age of twenty, the longest-lived among them would have reached the age of one hundred years, and the shortest-lived the age of eightyfour. The succession of five very long-lived Chiefs of the Vinaya would certainly be something remarkable, but it is not absolutely impossible. Again, Mr. Rhys Davids' objection drawn from the small number of Ceylonese kings (para. 107) who are stated to have reigned between the Nirvana and Aśoka has very little weight. He himself, like all other scholars who have written on the subject, has seen that the Ceylonese history from Vijaya to Duṭṭhagamini is untrustworthy. It is impossible that Mutasiva lived to the age of 147 years, and that his sons reigned after him, with interruptions, 102 years. Hence no portion of a story which contains such statements can be used in order to discredit another independent tradi
Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. VII. p. 791; compare also Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. II. p. 92, 2nd ed.

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159
tion, or to support an adjustment. It is quite thodox ascetics against this state of things led true that the number of kings is too small for to the council in Asoka's seventeenth year. the interval of 236 years stated to lie between Its immediate consequence was a purification Vijaya and Devânâ mpiya Tissa. But of the Buddhist Church from the foreign ininstead of reducing that interval, we may just as truders, and a new redaction of the sacred well assume that Vijaya's invasion falls later texts. Another result was the appointment of than the Nirvana, or that the chroniclers did not missionaries for the conversion of foreign, and possess the names of all the princes who ruled even Mlechchha, countries, -an undertaking between Vijaya and Dutthagamini, and were which in later times gave to Buddhism & place tempted by the legend of the synchronism of among the great religions of the world. It Vijaya's conquest and Buddha's death to spread seems only natural that the Buddhist Theras, the soanty materials over too large an area. at such a period, the importance of which for Finally, it seems inadvisable to bring fozward their faith they must have fully felt, should (para. 110) the Brahmanical tradition in order have revised, together with their sacred books, to prove that Sisu någa, Kalasu ka and the lists of their teachers, and of the data referhis ten sons reigned before B hatiya, and to ring to the chief events of their spiritual career, allow the number of years given by the Bud. and that they should have connected the hisdhists to stand. An indiscriminating combina- tory of their patron and of his predecessors in tion of portions of two contradictory traditions, Mågadha with the history of their sect. These however much its results may agree with precon- considerations make it, in my opinion, more ceived notions, has not hitherto been recognized probable that a Therávali and a Màgadha Rajaas being in accordance with the principles of vali similar to, if not identical with, that which historical criticism.
the Ceylonese chronicles give, were arranged in These remarks may suffice to show that India and carried to Ceylon by the first missionhitherto no evidence, be it external or internal, arica, than that fragmentary materials only, out has been bronght forward which proves the of which the Ceylonese later manufactured their date 219 A.B. for Asoka's coronation to be account, came over from the continent. This spurious. It may, therefore, be either really hypothesis, though it would not prove that historical, or at least go back to Asoka's own | every one of the figures and events contained time, i.e. have been calculated by the Indian in the Ceylonese chronicles has remained unBuddhists from the Mâgadha Rajávalis and their changed, would make it probable that some conTherávalis, when Asoka became a patron and siderable portion of the southern tradition might adherent of their faith, and have been carried by be ancient and of Indian origin. The date of the missionaries to Ceylon. Several points can Asoka's coronation, against which no particular be adduced in favour of the latter hypothesis. objection can be urged, would probably have to Firstly, it seems only reasonable to suppose that be included in the latter category. the Buddhists, who, through Asoka's protection, Secondly, a much stronger argument for the obtained a fresh start in the race for spiritual Indian origin of the same date is furnished influence, should have tried to ascertain the by a fuct which first has been brought forward distance of the royal ddyada or relative' of by M. Burnouf (Introd, à l'Hist. du Bouddh. their faith from their first teacher. If their pp. 432-36), but has received little attenaccount of this period is at all to be trusted, tion. This is the statement of a fragment of their sect was, just about the time of Asoka's an Avadána, entitled the Council,--that Asoka conversion, in a somewhat fallen condition. lived not, as the northern Buddhists usually Quarrels had taken place among the Bhikkhus, Assert, one hundred, but two hundred years after and not less than eighteen mutually hostile sects the Nirvana. The story begins: "Deux cent ans had arisen. Asoka's conversion at first made après que le bien-heureux Buddha fut entré matters only worse, as it induced numerous fol. dans le Nirvâņa complet régnait dans la ville de lowers of other faiths to pass themselves off for Pâtaliputtra un roi nommé Asoka." It contains disciples of Buddha in order to participate in in the sequel an account of the birth of Kuņa la Asoka's bounty, and to create confusion in the and the story of Sundara, which agree with Buddhist doctrines. The resistance of the or the common northern traditions. M. Burnouf

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1878.
has pointed out that this fragment shows that a strong additional proof for the correctness of the northern Buddhiste, too, originally recog- the proposed interpretation of the edicts. nized two Asokas, of whom most of their I do not see that there is at present any posbooks have made one person, and that it consibility of saying whether the belief, prevailing firms the authenticity of the southern tradition. in Asoka's time, that between the Nirvana and I do not see how this conclusion can be avoided, the king's coronation upwards of 218 years had and how it can be denied that the date for elapsed, deserves implicit credence or not. That Asoka's coronation, according to the era of the would depend on a knowledge of the nature of Nirvana, must have been settled in India before the materials which were at the disposal of the Buddhism was introduced into Ceylon. As the Buddhist chronologists, and this knowledge we assertion of the southern Buddhists that the do not possess. Mr. Rhys Davids. is therefore conversion of the Ceylonese took place during right in pointing out that the new edicts do not Asoka's reign has not been doubted, and as there absolutely prove the length of the interval beis no reason to doubt it, the date, if calculated tween the Nirvåņa and Asoka, but merely the in India, must have been calculated just during helief on this point entertained by Asoka and Asoka's own reign, and must be, as far as the be- his contemporaries. But the smallness of the lief of those times is concerned, perfectly genuine. period, sixty years of which are besides covered The effect of this conclusion on the question of by the reigns of Chandragupta and Bindusara, the authorship of the new edicts is obvious. As where Brahmans and Buddhists agree in the the date of the edicts agrees with the date for the figures, makes a considerable deviation from the coronation of Asoka in 219 A.B., and as the latter truth improbable, and for practical purposes is shown to have been settled during Asoka's the number of years given by the Buddhists may reign, the agreement of the dates itself becomes be accepted as a fact.
MISCELLANEA. GOLDEN MASKS.
unknown, it being looked upon as an image of Major West, in the Indian Antiquary, vol. VII. Siva only. Masks with five faces are also to be seen p. 26, expresses his belief that the practice of using
here and there, and I hear the practice is common golden masks will appear on further investigation
enough with the Marathas. If such be the case, to be widely spread in India. He is right in his ! it is most likely that ti
it is most likely that the masks are only intended conjecture as far as Gujaråt is concerned; for, to image forth the idea of the Five-faced god (Siva) being myself a native of this province, I can say in a more tangible manner than is done by the with some confidence that the practice of using linga. This also leads me to suspect the high masks is here prevalent to a great extent. There
antiquity assigned to the practice, and to look is hardly a temple of Siva in Surat which does not
upon it as a very late innovation. The Dharma possess a mask, and though the practice is not so Sindhu, a standard work upon Hindu ceremonies, general in Ahmadábåd or Khedå, masks are by
seems to be ignorant of the existence of such a no means uncommon there, being found even in
practice. I simply mention this fact for what it village temples. In this part of Gujarat also the is worth, without laying any undue stress upon practice prevails, and but a few days ago I had it, as I am aware that numerous works must be occasion to see it at Rajkot.
consulted before one can build any argument I may note that the practice is confined to the upon their silence to prove the non-existence of temples of Siva only, and the masks are only this practice among the old Aryans. gilt or plated-evidently on account of the poor
N. L. P. endowments in Gujarat. There is, however, one Rajkot, 14th March 1878. circumstance connected with this practice which inclines me to believe that it has been imported The third and concluding volume of Spiegel's from the Dakhan into Gujarat. Whenever the Eranische Alterthumskunde, a work worthy to rank masks are used, a turban like that of a Maráth& by the side of Lassen's great work Indische Brahman is always placed over its head, and the Alterthumskunde, has appeared. Besides concludpractice appears to be more prevalent as we ad- ing the Eranian history, it describes the political vance towards the Konkana.
and family life, and the state of kpowledge and As in the Dakhan, they are here used only on art. In a lucid chapter the author gives his refestive occasions. The idea that a mask repre- sults as to the origin and date of our text of the sents the founder of a temple is here entirely Avesta.- Academy, March 9th.

Page #195

COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE CHALUKYA KING MANGALA.
೩ಸ್ಥಿತಿಗೆ
ತನ್ನನಿತ೩ (ಹಳglಟಿ೯ಸ್ತಿಇನಿತಿ: ಇತGತ್ತಿಕ್ಕಿ ತಿಣ: ಐತus. ಇಳುಗಿ ಸತತ : ೧ಣಕ್ಕೆ ತಣಿದಿಲ್ಲ: ಸುಳ ತುಟ೫:ಬಾತ್‌#ತನು _ಮಾರ್ತ ಹುತ : #@# ಇತ್ರ'ಅಂತ:
lla.
}h h.....
ಜಟಿ ಬಿಚಿರ್ತ :{ಅಗಿ ತಮAKA 2:ನಿಶಿತಿಗೆ ಇಳಿಸಿ,:dhಶala ಕೃತಿಸಲಿವು: ಸಬಶjತಿಗತಿ . ಚಿರ್ತ dia: TAವಗತರ್ಗತಗಿರಿ
ಪತಿ ಶಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ೫೭ುರಿಬಿ ರ್&ಕತೆ ಇತರ ಆಆ
ಪತ್ನರ್ತಯತ್ನಿಸಿ...

Page #196

1lb.
“
COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE CHALUKYA KING MANGALA.
T
ਕਰ ਕਰ ਨਾਜਾਈਜਰ ਬਣ ਹਨ। ਟਰੱਥ ਹਨ ETH @Sur ਨਾ ਬਣਾਈ ਹੋ ਜਾਏ ਜਾ JAB ਲਗਾ ਲੋਕਾ ਲਈ ਸ ਪਹ
ਕਰ
ਬਣਾਇਓaujalya ਜਦ ਬਣ ਨਾ ਭਾਬਰ ਦੀ ਹੋਈ ਹਲ ਨਾਲ ਹਵਾ ਕੋਟ: ਲਾਲ ਮਨਾ ਚਾਰ ਚਰਚਾ ਨੂੰ ਚਮਕਦਾ ਸਮੇਂ ਬੁਲਾਉਣ ਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋ

Page #197

JULY, 1878.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS
161
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 112). No. XL.
nasty, anterior to the separation of the Western TN the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. III., and the Eastern branches. The name of the 1 Part II, p. 203, there is a paper by Major. dynasty is here spelt Chalik ya.' The first General Sir George LeGrand Jacob on seven king mentioned is Vallabh a-the Puli. copper-plate grants dug up in April, 1848, at kobi-Vallabha or Pulikogi I. of my Nerûr in the Kudal' division of the Sawant previous inscriptions of this dynasty. The wadi State. The originals belong to the India second is his youngest son, Mangala-the Office Library, from which I have obtained Mangalia or Mangaliśvara of my them to prepare reviset transcriptions and trans- previous inscriptions. No mention is made in lations.
this grant of Mangala's elder brother Kirt The third of these grants is the earliest of the tivermål. The donor is Mangala; and set. It consists of three plates, about 6" long the grant made is of the village of Kundi. by 3" broad. They have no raised rim for the vâ taka in the district of the Konka na s. purpose of protecting the writing, such as is the grant is not dated in any era. But spoken of by Dr. Barnell in his South Indian Mangala is spoken of as having driven out Palæography (p. 72, para. 4). The ring con-king Buddha, the son of Sam karagana, necting the plates is uncut. It is about and having slain king Svami of the Chathick, and 2'' in diameter. The seal of it has liky a family, and as these facts are not rethe representation of a boar, facing to the proper | ferred to in his stone-inscription (Ind. Ant. right. The language is Sanskrit. The charac- Vol. VI., p. 363) dated in the twelfth year of ters are square and upright, and of the same his reign, when Saka 500 had expired, I would standard as those of my Kadamba grants place the present grant slightly subsequent to (Ind. Ant. Vol. VI., p. 22), agreeing most closely. that inscription. Who these two kings, Budwith the characters of No. xxv. (id., p. 30). dha and Svå mi, were, I am not at present The grant is one of the early Chalukya dy able to suggest.
Transcription.
First plate. r' Svasti Srimatâm Svåmi-Mahasôna-pad-anudhyâtânam Mânavya-sagô[*] tråņâm Hâriti-patrâņam Chalikyånám vamse sambhůtah Mänava-pu[') råna-Ramayana-Bharat-êtihasa-kusalah
nitau
Brihaspati-samah (*) agnishtôma-vÂjapoya-pauņdarika-bahusu varnnasvamðdh-avabhritha [] snana-pavitrîkrita-sariral sva-guņair=116ka-vallabhô Vallabhah [11] Tasya pu[*] trah parama-brahmanyah para-ráshţr-ávamarddi sva-rậptré(shtrë) ngây-ânuvartti dêva-dvija['] guru-pâjâ-niratah
sakala-mahi-mandala-vyâpi-vimala-yaśaḥ
Second plate; first side. ("] sva-bhuja-bala-paråkkra (kra)m-ôpárjjit-anya-raja-vittah vsishabha-gamana-nayana-nina['1 dah samada-vara-varaņa-vilásah simha-vikramah n aya-vinaya-dana-day[") dAkshiṇya-satya-sampad=ôpôtah sakti-traya-sampannah parama-bhagavatah [TM] Mangala-rajaḥ [11] Babhau sa Vainya-pratimâna-kirttis-tamah-pramidnat-ova["') gun-Arbo-jâlaiḥ [11] Têna rajña Samkaragana-patram gaja-turaga-padâti["] kośa-bala-sampannam Buddha-râjam vidrávya Chalikya'-vamsa-sambhavam ashta["] daśa-samara-vijayinam Svâmi-raja cha hatvå samvatsara-půjyatamâyâm
Second plate; second side. ["S) KArttika-dvadasyam krit-Ôpava(vâ)sên=îrchchita-Vishnuna Kaśyapa-sagôtrasya vôda
• The Konksnas were seven in number,sapta-Konkana. The first syllable looks somewhat like chą, but this is The word is used in the plural, though without the owing, I think, only to a slip of tho engraver's tool. The numeral prefixed, in transcr. l. 10 of No. XIII. of this vowel is properly sbort. Series, Vol. V., p. 67.

Page #198

162
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1878.
[] vêdânga-vidushah Sumati-svâminah p utraya vôda-vôdânga-pâragâyah(ya) ["] Priya-svâmine k ula-bila-vritta-sampannaya Komkaņa-vishaye niśre["] yasam=udaka-purvva Kundivâtaka-gråmô dattah [11*] Uktam cha tôna rajña [1] [1] Vô smat-kul-abhyantarô nyô và rấga-dysha-lô-ha-môn-abhibhatô hi(him syl [o] sa pañcha-mahâpâtak-papåtakais=samyuktas=syât [ll*] Dharmma-bastréshv=apy=uktan [1]
Third plate. ["] Bahubhir-yvagudha bhukta rajabhig=Sagar-Adibhiḥ yagya yasya yada ["] bhumiḥ tasya tasya tadà phalam [lo] Sva-dattâm para-dattam và yê harôta vasu[*] ndharam shashtim varsha-sahasrâņi vishthâyâm jấyaté krimiḥ 11 Shashtim ["] varsha-sahasråņi svargge tisbthati bhůmi-dah a chchhêttà ch=anumantâ "] cha tâny=éva narakê vasêt | Svan=dâ tum su-mahach-chhakyam duhkha[*] m=anyasya palanan dânam và palanum vầati dânấchschhrêrô :nupalanam=it[i] Translation.
By that king-when he had driven out king Hail! Born in the family of the Chali. Buddha, who was the son of Sam kar & kyas, who are glorious, and who meditate on gana, and who was possessed of the power the feet of Svâmi-Mahâbêna, and who of elephants and horses and foot-soldiers are of the lineage of Månavya, and who are and treasure; and when he had slain king the descendants of Håriti; conversant with Svâmî, who was born in the family of the the code of laws of Menu and the Puranas and chalik yas, and who had been victorious in the epics of the Ramayana and the Bharata ; eighteen battles, having fasted on the twelfth equal to Brihaspati in philosophy; having day of the month) Kârttika, which is the most his body purified by ablutions performed after worshipful (lunar day) in the year, and having celebrating the Agnishtôma and Vájapéya and done worship to the god) Vis hņu, the village Paundarika (sacrifices) and horse-sacrifices that of Kundivå taka, in the district of the cost much gold ; the favourite of the world on Konkaņas, was piously given, with libations account of his meritorious qualities,-(such was) of water, to Priya s vami, who was thorVallabha.
oughly conversant with the Vedas and Védángas, His son (was) king Mangala, who was an and who was possessed of character and behaviexcellent worshipper of the god) Brah må; who our such as is honourable to a family, the son of devastated the countries of his enemies; who Sumatis vámi, of the Kasya pa gôtra, who adhered to justice in his own country; who was acquainted with the Vedas and Védángas. delighted in worshipping the gods and the | And it was said by that king :-"He shall twice-born and spiritual preceptors; whose pure incur the guilt of the five great sins and the fame pervaded all the countries of the earth; minor sins, who may injure (this grant), being who acquired the wealth of other kings by the overcome by envy or enmity or avarice or folly, strength and prowess of his own arm; who had whether he be born in my family, or whether the gait and the sight and the voice of a bull; he be another person !". who had the actions of a choice elephant in Moreover, it has been said in the sacred furiated with passion; who had the valour of writings :--Land has been enjoyed by many a lion; who was endowed with the wealth of kings commencing with Sagara; (&c.)! He statesmanship and modesty and charity and is born for the duration of sixty thousand years tenderness and sincerity and truth ; who was as a worm in ordure, &c.)! The giver of land possessed of the three constituents of power; and abides for sixty thonsand years in heaven; the who was an excellent worshipper of the god) confiscator (of land), or one who connives (at Bhagav ån.• He was glorious --being pos- such an act), dwells for the same number of sessed of fame that resembled (the fame of) years in hell! It is easy to give one's own Vainya', -with the rays of his virtues, which property, but the preservation of the grant of) dispelled the darkness (of sin).
another is difficult; (&c.)!
The preceptor of the gods.
• Vishnu.
Vninya, or Vainya, - patronyurio of the Parlnic king Prithu.

Page #199

JULY, 1878.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
163
No. XLI.
dity a's brother. The reading, in 1. 14, is un The first of the Nêrûr inscriptions is the doubtedly Srindráditya, which, if divided as it next in point of age. The plates are three in stands, would give 'Sri Indraditya.' But number, about 7" long by 31' broad. They this person is mentioned again in the 'Kochre' seem to have a very slightly raised rim to grant, which is given by General Jacob after protect the writing; but it is not very decided, the Nérür series, and the reading there seems and may have been accidentally caused in quite plain:-Anivdrita- Vikramadityas-tasya jyébeating out and shaping the copper. The ring, shtha bhrátá Śri-Chandráditya-prithivivallabhawhich is uncut, is about " thick and 3'' in mahardj.adhirajas-tasya priya-mahishi Kalidiameter. The seal has, as before, the repre- kdla-pratipaksha-bhita Sri-Vijayamahadevi (four sentation of a boar, facing to the proper right. letters uncertain) sarvván=djñdpayati. Had the The language is Sanskțit. The characters are name been 'Indr&ditya,' the composer of decidedly rude and irregular, compared with the inscription would certainly have avoided the usual standard of the Chalu kya alphabet an awkward coalescence of vowels by writing of this period. The most noticeable points are: Srimad- Indráditya, just as in Srimad-Upendra, -1, The triangular shape of the va; 2, the which occurs in l. 82 of another of the Něrůr method of marking the vowel é by a stroke above grants to be noticed below. I myself feel confithe consonant, instead of at the side of it; and dent, with General Jacob, that the name is really 3, the form of the tha, which,-instead of being Chandraditya,' the first syllable, cha, being like dha, with a side stroke inside it, as in other omitted here through carelessness on the part early instances, or with a bindu inside it, as in of the engraver. later instances,- is like dha with a loop formed The grant is not dated in the Saks era; but on the bottom stroke. These three special pecu- the details of the date,-at the autumnal equinox, liarities may be seen distinctly in, for instance, on the second day after the full-moon of the the words prithivi, 1. 10, and paramézvára, 1. 11. month As va yuja,-may perhaps suffice, if Though only a few letters are absolutely illegible, a calculation is made, to fix its date in that era. yet the plates are so very much worn and If this grant stood alone, the expression svaabraded that, but for the recurrence of well- rájya, in l. 15, might indicate the reign of known expressions, many passages must have Vikramaditya, as much as that of Vijaremained doubtful.
yabhattârika. But, taking this grant with This grant gives us two new names in the the Kocbrê' grant, it appears that VijayaWestern Chaluky& genealogy, Chan-bhattårikå did reign after her husband's dråditya, the eldest son of Pulikasi II., decease, probably as regent during the child. and the elder brother of Vikramaditya I., hood of a son, whose subsequent death -and his wife Vijayabhatt å rikâ. Some led to the accession of Vikramaditya doubt may be felt as to the name of Vikram &- I.
TEXE
First plate. ['] Svasti Srimatâm
sakala-bhuvana-samstůyamâna-Mânavya-88[') gôtråņam Hâriti-patrâņam
sapta-lôka-mêtribhis-sapta-mâ tribhir-abhi[°] rå(ra)kshitânâm
Kka(ka)rttik@ya-parirakshaņa-prâpta-kalyâha-param parâ*]ņâm [] bhagavan-Nârâyana-prasada-samâsâdita-varáha-lañchban-êkshana ksha[°] na-vabikțit-abesha-mahibhri(bhri)tâm Chalukyanam k ulam-alankarishạôr=asvamê[°] dh-avabhritha-snâna-pavitrikrita-gâtrasya
Sri-Pulakési-Vallabha-mahârâja
Second plate; first side. ['] sya prapautraḥ parâkkra(kra)m-akkrå (kra)nta-Vanavâsy-adi-paransipati-mandala
praņibaddha[') viénddha-kîrtti-Śrl-Kirttivarmma-prithivivallabha-mahârâjasya
pautrag=sama[°] ra-samsakta-sakal-Ottarapri(pa)th-eśvara-Sri-Harshavarddhana-parêjay-Opalabdha[*] paramébyar-apara-nâmadh@yasya
Satya-raya-bri-prithivivalla

Page #200

164
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1878.
["] bha-maharaj-Adhiraja-paramèśvara-bhatâ (tta)rakassya(nya)
priya-tanayê ["] râjâ ripu-narendrá[n*] hatvà disi [diśi*] jitvå sva va[nsa-jânâm] lakshmim prâ(?)pya
Second plate; second side. ["] prâpya cha paramèsvaratâm=a-nivårita-Vikramadityah [ll] Tasya jyështha"7 bhratah Sri-[Chandråditya-prithivivallabha-maharajasya
priya-mahi[""] shî Vijayabhattarika [11*] Sva-rajya-panchama-ssam(sam) vatsara Aasva["] yaja-paurņņamåsasya dvitîyâyam vishuyê bahu-pany-artthamm(rttham) ["j Na(?)rakågâhare Vatsassa (sa)gôtrậyah (ya) Grihapatêḥ pautrâya Svami-Cha["] turvédasya
patrảya Åryyasyâmi-dîkshitaya
PaliyamaThird plate. [] pa(P)thadigi(P&i)ri(?)k A-prabbri(bhri)ti-dakshiņê pårisvashta(Pehu)dd8-kshetrah-udaka-pû
"] rvvam dattâh [ll*] Tasya vansa-jô nirvviseshan pari(ri)pålá(la)yati sa [] dâtuh punya-phala-bhag=bhavati y ê sy=&paharttá sa pañcha["] bhir=mmahấpåtakais-samyuktô bhavati [11*] Uktañ=cha bhagavata Vya[*] sena [*] Sva-dattam para-dattâm và yê harêta vasundharam shashtim varsha["] sahasråņi vishthåyår jâyatd krimih 11 Translation.
(was) the king Vikramaditya, the unreHail! The great grandson of the Great King pulsed, who, having slain the hostile kings, and Sri-Palake si-Vallabha, whose body was having conquered in country after country, repurified by ablutions performed after celebrating couped the fortunes of those of his family, and horse-sacrifices, and who adorned the family of attained the supreme lordship. the Chaluky a s, who are glorious, and who His elder brother (was) Śri-Chandra are of the lineage of Manavya which is ditya,' the favourite of the world, the Great praised over the whole world, and who are the King; whose beloved queen was Vijay descendants of Hariti, and who have been bhattarika. preserved by seven mothers who are the seven In the fifth year of her reign, on the second mothers of mankind, and who have attained an day after the fall-moon 10 of (the month) A suninterrupted continuity of prosperity through vayuja, at the equinox, for the sake of much the protection of Kârttikeya, and who religious merit, at (the village of) Nara kå gåhave had all kings made subject to them on the hara, the fields of ............", to the south of instant at the sight of the sign of the Boar Påliya mapathadigirikâ &c., were which they acquired through the favour of the given by her), with libations of water, to holy Narayana ;-the grandson of the Great Aryasvâmidikshita, the son of Svà miKing Sri-Kirttivar må, the favourite of Chaturveda, and the son's son of Gpihathe world, whose pare fame was established in pa ti of the Vatsa gôtra. the territories of the hostile kings of Vana- He of that (king's) lineage, who preserves våsi and other countries that had been in this grant) withont distinction. eniove the vaded by his prowess ;-the beloved son of the reward of the religious merit of the giver'; he, favourite of the world, the Great King, the who confiscates it, incurs the guilt of the five supreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable great sins! And it has been said by the holy one, Satyaéra ya, who was possessed of the Vyasa:-He is born as a worm in ordure for second name of Supreme Lord,' acquired by the duration of sixty thousand years, who con. defeating Sri-Harsha vardhana, the war- fiscates land that has been given, whether by like lord of all the country of the north ;- himself or by another! See para. 2 of the introductory remarks.
There are perhape two letters, now illegible, after this General Jacob's Pandits read Poliyama pathadigirika. prabhritidakshin parisvash!áttékshikd, and translate * the privilege of supervisicn (i.e., benefice) of the eight 10 Or perhape, "on the second day of the fortnight of marketa, Pôliyama, Adigiriks, &c." I do not quite see the full-moon, i.e., of the bright fortnight." how that translation is made out of that reading. I cannot 11 See note 7 above. Parif.shta(? shuddy is uninmuch improve on their reading; but the last two syllables telligible, but perhaps contains the names of some fields, seem to me ksh&trd, not kshikd.
since kshetra, which is a neuter noun, is used in the masc. or fem. nomin. plural.

Page #201

.
separus melano bancarti per il consentime KEPALA SORI Crese Bergen SDAMO Ryzeral
A
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.
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WESTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF THE FIFTH YEAR OF VIJAYABHATTARIKA.

Page #202

AREA ASEDATB HDDHA
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Page #203

JULY, 1878.) PERSONAL NAMES IN THE AHMADÅBÅD COLLECTORATE.
165
PERSONAL NAMES IN THE SOUTHERN PART OF THE AHMADABAD COLLECTORATE AND NEIGHBOURING COUNTRY.
BY C. E. GORDON CRAWFORD, BO.C.S. This is a revisal of the lists published in Bhânkhar.ji, R. Bhârâ, - mal, Ko. Mus.;-ji, Gr. the Indian Antiquary, vol. IV. p. 236, with
Bhåwå, Ko. R. additions. The gathering-ground may be said
Bhatta, Ko.
Bhâusing. R. to be now Gohilwad, Jhâlâwâd, Kathiâwâd pro
Bhawan, Kan. Raw. R. W. Ko. Mus. per, and the Bhål; the former list was pretty
Bhaya, So. Ch. Kåth. ; ji, Gr.
Bhima, Bhim, Ko. Kath. Bh. R. Kan. Kum. Raw nearly confined to the tâlukås of Dhandhuka and
Sat. D. W.; ji, Gr. Gogha, which are arbitrary political divisions.
Bhoja, Ko. Kath. Rab. Cham. Experience having shown that attempts at
Bholâ, Lr.; -bhai, Gr. classification are premature, one list in dictionary | Bhupat-sing, Gr.
Bhurâ, W. order has been substituted for the four lists Bijal, Wág. Ko. Rab. Åh. Dh. Bhang. formerly given. In it the specification of caste Boghá, Ko. Jogi, W. Kun. Wâg. Bh. R. Sat. is only meant to show the uses which have Buta, Bh. Ko. come under the compiler's observation, without Chhagan, Ko. Br.
Chaku, Ko. W implying that other uses are non-existent. Champa, Kath.; -si, W. Chela, Kath. Wâg. Dh. Abhe-sing, Gr.; -chand, W.; -ji, Kåth.
Chauthiya, Ko. Abuji, Mol.
Chika, Ko. W. R. Chomla, Käth. Chonda, Ko. Ada, Ko. Ch.; -sing, Gr.
Adit, Ba. |
Dâdî, Kath. ;-bhai, Mol. Gr.; -ji, Gr. Agabhải, Gr.
Agarsing, Gr.
Dåji, R. D. Ch. W. Bhang. ;-bhái, Gr. Åja, Ko. Wâg.; -bhai, Mol. Akubha, Mol.
Dalå, KO.; -bhai, Gr. All, Kath. Bh. Ko. Dh.
Dânâ, Ko. Kath. Ah. Kh. R.; -sing, Ko. Alaiya, Kath.
Daśá, Kath.
Daya, Kaņ. Ko. Alek, Kath.
Depålji, Gr.
Desal, R.; -ji, Gr. Amâbhâi, Gr.
Deva, Wag. Kath. R. Kum. Cham. Ko. Sat.; -dân, Amba, Ko. Kum. Kan.; -lál, Ksh. ; -râm, Kaņ.
Wag.; -råj, Rajgar; -ji, -bhai, Gr. ; -karan, Ch. ; Ambaidas, So.
-si, -chand, W.; -shankar, -ji, Br. ; -das, Rab. Ami-ji, Mol. V.; -chand, W.
Devi-sing, Gr. Deså, Åh. Kath. ; -bhai, Gr. Amra, Kath. Bh. Ko. Kum. Dh. Wâg. ; -sing. Gr.; .
Devit, Kâth.
Dewal, W. -si, Sut. Sat. ; -chand, W.
Dhana, Kan. Bh. Jogi, D. Ko. Ch. Kum. R. Sat. Anand, Khad. Khoja; -ji, W.; -râm, Br.
Dhårsi, W.
Dipa, w. Anda, Ko. Kum. Dh. Ma.
Dosk, Ko. R. Kath. Kh. Sat. Bhang. : -ji, Gr. ; Anubhài, Gr.
Aprub, Ko. | -bhải, Gr. ; miân, Mus. Arjan, Wag. Ko. R. Kur. Sut. Kath. LA. ; -IAI, Br. Dudha, Ko. Kan. Kum. Sat.; -bhai, Gr. Åshâbhâi, Gr. Åtábhái, Gr. Dungar, -ji, Gr.
Dyâlâ, Bh. D. Bahadar, Ko.
Baká, Bå. i
Ebhal, Kath. Baliâbhâi, Gr.
Bâpji, Gr. Gadhâ, Ko. Banå, R.; Bane, Bâ.; -sing, Gr.
Gaga, Wag. Ko. Bhau. Râw. Gagu-bhải, Mol. Bâpu-bhải, Gr.; -miản, saheb, Mol.
Gagal, W. Gall, Ko. Gaja, R.; -bhai, Gr. Bawâ, Kath. Ko Bh. Wag. Kum. Dh. L&. W.
Gåndå, Ko. D. -ji, Gr. Mol. ; -mián, Mus.
Ganesh, Kan. Ko. Kum. Sat. Bhang. Bechar, Wåg. Ko. Jogi, Bhau. W. Kan. Kun. Ganga-bbâi, Gr.; -ji, Gr. Gemalsing, Gr. R. Sat. Kh. Bhang. ; -sing, -ji, Gr.
Ghehell, Wag. Kath. Ko. W. Kan. R.;-bhái, Gr. Ba. Bhâbhâ, Ko. R. Bhai-ji, K.; -chand, W. Kum. Giga, Kho. Meh. Ko. W. Kåth. Sut. Râw. Bhagå, Bhagu, Ko. Ch. Cham. R.
Gobar, Ko. Åh. Kum. Gedad, Kåth. Godbhải, Gr. Bhagwân, Ko. D. Br. Kum. R. Bh. Sat.
Goîtå, Kh.
Gokal, Ko. Kum. Sat. Ch. Bhalâ, Ko.
Golan, Kath.
Gopa, Ko. Bhava, Kath. Kan. Ko. Kun. MA.; -ji, R. Gopal, W. Ko. Kan. Lâ; -ji, R.; -sing, Gr.
• The following abbreviations are used: Åb. Åbir
Ch. Charan Ko. Koli Ksh. Kshatri Mol. Molesalám So. Soni Bå. Barot
Cham. Chamar Kh. Kbawas LÀ. Luwina Ms. Musalman Sut. Sutar. Bh. Bharwart D. Darzi (Sai) Khal. Kharlak Lr. Lawar
R. R&jput
V. Vohra Bhang, Bhangiya Dh. Dhed Kho. Khoja. MA. MAli
Rab. Rabari W. Wåniya Bhau. Bhausar. Gir. Gråsia Kun. Kurobhår Meh. Mehman Råw. Rawal Wag. Wágbri Br. Brahman Kath. Kathi Kan. Kabi Mo. Mochi Sat. Satware.

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166
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1878.
Gordhan, W. Lr. Govind, Wag. Ko. Kun. Bh. Lr. Sat. ;-ji, W. Goya, Kan. Dh. W. ;-bhai, Gr. Guman, Ko.;-bha, Mol. Gultân, Bhang. Gumânbha, Mol. Gusa, Bh. Hada, W. Hadbhai, Gr. Hagabhái, Gr. Haja, Ko. Wåg. R. Haka, W. Kh. Br. ; -bhái, Gr.
Hala, Ko. Hâlubhâi, Gr. Hâmå, -ji, Ko. Bh.;-bhậi, Gr. Hamir, R. Ko. Kath. Åh.; -ji, Gr. R. Hanji, - bhài, Gr. Bå.
Hansraj, w. Hanubhải, Gr. Hari, Ko. R. Kan. Br. W. D. So. Wåg. ; -bur,
Kath. Ch. Harji, Ko. W. Kum. La Harkha, Ma. So.; -ji, W. Kan. Hathi-ya, Ko. R.; -bhai, Gr. Hathi, Ko. Bh. Kath. R. Kan. Bhang. ;-ji, R. Hima, Ko..chand, -raj. W. Hiri, Ko. R.; -ji, Sat. Hothi, Bh. Mol. Ichchha, -ji, R. Jádra, Kath.
Jag&, Ko. Jaga, R.; -malji, Mol. Gr. Jagubhai, Gr.
J&ïta, or Joïta, Käth. Jalu, W. Jámá, Ko. Jamâbhâi, Gr. Jaså, Ko. R. Wag. Kåth. Sat. Ch.;-ji, -bhái, Gr.;
- râj, W. Jasmat, Ko. Kun.; -sing, Gr. Je-raj, Ko. Bhang.; -malji, Gr. ; -sing, R. Ko. W.
Kan. ;-chand, W.; -shankar, Br. ; -karan, Ko.; -rám. Kan. Br. Jesa, Ko.
Jet, R. Jethå, Kan. R. Ko. W. Kum. Kath. Khad. MA.
Dh. Cham.; -sar, Kath. ; -si, W. Jethi, R. Mus.; -sing, -bhái. Gr. Jhåhåla, Wag. Jhalam, Wag. ; -sing, Gr. Jhaver, Kan. W. LA.' Jhina, Bh. Mus. Ko. Bhang.;-bhái, Gr. Jhunjhâ, W&g. W. Bhan. Jiji-bhái, Gr. Cha.
Jibawa, Gr. Jiva, Ko. Kath. Bh. Mus. Kur. Åh. Cham. Sat:
Dh. ;-bhai, Gr. ; -raj, Ko. W. Jivan, Mus. R. Ch.; -ji. Gr. ; -, Kath. Jodha, Ko. R. Mo.; -bhai, Bå. Jutha, Kan. Kath. W. Kabá, Ko. R.
Kabhii, Ко. Kadwa, Wag. Dh. Ko. W. Kâhânâ, Wag. Ko. Bh. Kan. Kum. Kh. ; -ji, So. Kåka, Kân. Ch. ; -bh&i, Gr.
Kåkal, Ko. Kalâ, Ko. W. Kum. Kan. Cham. Sat. ;-bhậi, Gr. Kala, Ko. Kath. Kum. R. Bhang. Kálu, R. Ko. Mus.; -bhải, Gr. Kalyan, Ko. W. Br. Sut.; -sing, Gr. Kamâ, Ko.;-bhai, jibhai, Gr. Kanthad, Kath. Åh.; -bhai, Gr. Karamsi, Sat, Lâ. Karmal, Rab. Karna, R. Karsan, Ko. Kan. W. Kun. R. LA. BA.
Kasla, W. Ko. Mus. R. Ph. Bhang. Kan. ; -bhải,
-sing, -ji, Gr. Kawa, Ko.
Kayabhài, Gr. Kesa-bhải, Gr.
Kesar, R. Keśav, Ko. So. Lr.; -ji, So. ; -lál, W. Ksh.
Keswaji, R. Kesri, -sing, Gr. Khengâr-bhái, Gr. Kheng, Bh. Kheta, Ko. Bh. Sat.; -si, W. Khimâ, Ko. Cham. Dh. W.;-bhai, Gr. ;-chand, W. Khima, Ko. Cham. ;-chaad, W.;-bhai, Gr. Khoda, Ko. W. Lr. Kan. Käth. Sat.; -bhai, Gr. Khumânsing, Gr. Khuśål, W. Kan. Kuber, So. W.;-ji, Br. Kikâ, W.;-bhái, Gr.
Kumpå, Kath. Kumbhai, Gr. Kunwara, Ko. Kam.; -ji, W.; sing, Mol. Ladha, Kum.
Ladha, W.;-bhâi, Gr. Lagdhir, Kath.
Lakha, Ko. Kh. Meh. Lakha, R. Ko. Bh. Kum. Kath. Ch. ;-bhai, Gr. Lakshman, Kath. Sut. R. LAA, Ko. Mus. Kum. ; -chand, W. Lalu, So. Lomi, Kath. Lunâ, Ah. Kath. ; -vir, Kâth. Mâchů, Kath.
Madársing, Gr. Madhû, Ko. Sat. Kan. Sut. Madhav-ji, W. Kho.; -sing, Gr. Magha, Ko. Sntâr. Makan, LA, W. Sat. ; -dås, Kan. MAIA, Ko. Bh. Wåg. R. Kum. Bhang. Mámaiya, Kath. Mâna, Ko. R. Bhang.; -sing, R. Ko. Wag. ; -ji,
Gr. ; -sûr, Kath. Mándan, Ko. Kuni. Sut., Kath. Waland, Manga, Ko.
Manor, Br. D. Mânsiya, Kåth.
Manubha, Gr. Masru, Ko. Kath. Mathura, Br. W. Må. Mátrå, Kath.
| Mân, Ch. Mawa, K. R. Kun. Cham.; -ji, W. Sut. Kan.
Sat. ; -singji, -bhải, Gr. . Mechar, Ch. MeghÂ, Ko. Cham. Bhang. R. Sat. Ch.; ji, Kho.
Koligor ; -råiji, -bhải, Gr. Meha, Kath. Mehtab, B. Meka, Ch. Melabhái, Gr. Mepa, Ko.; -ji, - bhki, Gr. Merâm, Ko. Kåth. Meru-bhải, Gr. ; -ji, R. Mesur, Kath. Ch. Mitha, Ko. W. v.
Modbhai, Gr. Mohon-ji. Gr. Moti, Kum. ;-bhai, Mol. Gr. -lal, W. Moka, Kåth. ;-ji, Gr.
Mujajal, Ch. Mula, K.; -ji, Sat., Ko. Lr.; -chand, W. Mulu, Ko. Kath. Khad.; -bhái, Gr. Mol. Bhât. ) Någ, Kath. Bh.;-ji, W. Ko. Gr.; -jan, Kath. Nagar, W. Nájha, Wag. Ko. Bh. Kåth. Rab. Waland. N&na, Ko. So. Kan. D. Cham. W., Kath. V.; -bha,
Gr.; -ji, Sat. Gr. Nanu, Ch.
Napa, Kath. Náran, Bh. Br. Ko. Dh. R. Cham. Wåg. Kun.
Kan.; -sing, Gr.

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PERSONAL NAMES IN THE AHMADABAD COLLECTORATE.
JULY, 1878.]
Narsi, Kan. D. Kum. Narsingji, Gr.
Nâtha, Ko. Kum. Kan. Sat. Bhang.; -ji, Mol. Mus.; -bhâi. Gr.
Nathu, R. Kâth. Mus. W. Ko. Jogi, Kum. Dh. Koligor, Bâ. D. Mo. Bhang. Wag.; -râm, Br.; -bhâi, Gr. Noghanbhâi, Gr. Odha, Kath. Ko. Oghad, Kath. R. Bâr. Pachân, Bhang.; -ji, Gr. Panâ, Cham.; -ji, W. Pânchâ, Ko. Bh. Kum. Parmâ, Ko. Ch. Kum. Parsottam, W. Sut. Kan. Pâthâ, -bhai, Gr.
Pathâ, Ko. R. Wâg.; -bhâi, Gr. Pathu, Ko.; -bhâi, Gr.
Petha, Kum. Châ.
Phaljibhai, Gr. Pitambar, Ko. Lâ. Pitha, Dh.
Prag, Kan. Ko. Mâ. Sat. Prabhatsing. Gr.
Pratap-sing, Gr.
Odhav, W. Rajgar.
Okha, R.
Pârvati-sing, R.
Theba, Kath. Pânâ, W. Tida, Ko. Ugâ, Kâth.
Phate, Mus. ; -sing, Gr. Phulâ, Ch.; -ji, W. Mol.
Pomla, Kath.
Premâ-ji, Ko.; -bhâi, Gr.
Punâ, Ko. Jogi, Bh.
Punja, Ko. Kum. Kâth. R. Rab.; -bhâi, Gr. Råghâ, Bh. Ko.
Raghâ, Ko. W.; -nâth, W. Kh.; -bhâi, Gr. Raghav, Kan. Raimal, Mus. Bhât. Raja, Ko. Rab. Ch. ; -sur, Ch. ; -bhâi, Gr. Raje,
Mus.
Râm, Râmâ, Ko. R. Kum. Bhau. Wåg. Kath. Bhang. bhai, -sing, Gr.; -ji, Br.; -ji, sing, R. Ko. Ch. Mo. ; -si, Rab.; -râo, -sur, -dâs, Ch. ; -chandra, Br.
Ramtu, Ko.
Rânâ, Kân. Kath. Ko. Bh.; -bhâi, Gr. Ranchhod, Ko. R. Kum. Kan. W. Wâg.; -ji, Gr. Râning, Kath.
Râsâ, Kh. Ko.; -bhai, Gr.
Ratna, Bh. Ko. Rab. R. Mo.; -sing, Gr.; -ji, Br. -si, W.
Rawa-bhâi, Gr. Raya, Ko.
Ruda, Bh. Jogi, Ko. Dh. Sat.; -bhâi, Gr.
Rawat, Kath. Rewâ, Ko. W.
Rukhad, Ko. Kâth. Rab.; -bhâi, Gr.
Rupâ, Ko. Rab.; -sing, Ko. R.; singji, Gr. Sada, Jogi.
Saga, Bh.
Sâdul, Ko. Ah. Kath.
Gr.}
Sagrâm, Ko. Bh. Gr.. Sajan, Ch.
Sâmâ, R. Kum. Sut. Bhang. W. Dh. Cham.; -ji, So. Lâ. Br.
Sambu, Kan. Sâmta, Sâmat, Ko. Kêth. Cham. Sânga, Ko. Kâth.; -bhâi, Gr. Sanga, Ko.; -ji, W.; -jibhai, Gr.
Sârâ, Ko. Sartânsing, Gr. Satâbhâi, Gr. Sawa, Ko. Bhang. Bhau. Cham. Wag.; -bhâi, Gr. Selår, Kath. Sesâ, Kâth. Sibhai, Ko. Somâ, Ko. Somlâ, Kath. Subhag, -chand, W. Sujâbhâi, Gr. Sundar, -ji, W. Surâ, Ko. Kâth. Rab. Cham.; -sing, Ko. Surang, Kâth. Takhâ, Ko.
Surbân, Ko. Takhtsing, Gr. Teja, W. Ko. Bh. Kum. Sat. R.; -bhâi, Gr. Thâkar, -si, W. Kan.
167
Thobhan, Wag. Ko. Sut. Trikam, Dh. Sat. Khoja; -ji, Br.
Uka, Wag. Dh. Ko. W. Kan. Rab. Sat. Bhang. Unao, Kath.
Vehelâ, Kath. Ko.; -si, W.
Vijâbhâi, Gr.
Vikamsi, Kath. Vikabhâi, Gr.
Virâ, Ko. R. Sut., Kath. Kum. Lr.; -bhâi, Bhât.; -ji, Sat.
Visâ, Ko. Rab.; -bhâi, Gr. Vithal, Lâ. Kan.
Voldân, Kath. Wagha, Kath. R. Ko. Kum. Ch. W. Rab.; -ji, W.; -bhâi, Gr.
Wâhâlâ, Ko.; -ji, W. Waja, Bh. Ko. Wag. Sat.. R.; -bhâi, Gr.
Waja, sur, Kath.
Wakht&, R.; -sing, bhâi, Gr. Warjâng, Bh.
Waju, Ko. R.; -bhâi, Gr.
Wanmâli, Sut. Warsâbhâi, Gr. Warsing, R. Wasan, Kan.
Wasrâm, Ko. D. Ch. Kum. R. Sut. Mâ. Rab. Cham. W.
Warsi, Ko.
Wasa, Ko.
Wastâ, Ko. Khad. Khoja, Sat. W. Names of Females.
Ajubâ, Gr.; Ambi, So.; Andibâ, Gr.; Bâjirâj, Gr.; Bâkunwar, Gr.; Bâlubâ, Gr.; Benâ, Ko.; Devdebâi, Kâth.; Dhani, Ko.; Dhanubâ, Gr.; Godavari, Lâ.; Harakh, Mâ.; Hari, Kan.; Hirbâ, Gr.; Jekor, Br.; Jhakal, Sat.; Kâsi, W.; -bâ, Gr.; Kasli, Sut.; Kanku, Mâ.; Kesar, Ko.; Lâdu, Ko.; Lakshmi, Ko. W.; Lâkhu, Ko. Rab.; Mâideba, Kath.; Mâjibâ, Gr.; Me, Ah.; Monghi, Gr.; Nânibâ, Gr.; Påmbâ, Gr.; Pân, Ko. Kum.; Pârvati, W.; Phaibâ, Gr.; Photri, Ko.; Phul, Kum.; Pan, Ko. W.; Punji, Ko.; Rådhâ, Kum.; Râju, Kum.; Râni, Ch.; Shambâ, Gr.; Sujâbâ, Gr.; Tâjubá, Gr.; Teju, Ko.; Uji, Br.; Wakhtubâ, Gr.; Walu, Ko.
The following names were collected by the compiler in the northern tâlukâs of Ahmadâbâd (Daskrohi and Parântij):
Anda, Agrâ, Alu, Bhâiji, Dosâ, Gobar, Gokal, Hari, -bhâi, Hira, Hamir, -ji, Hema, -chand, Jagu, -ji, -Jodhâ, Juma, ji, Kâlâ, Kamâ, Kâhânâ, Kishor, Maga, Mânâ, -sing, Raghu, -ji, Ranchhod, Saga, Vira, Ko.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1878.
Band, -ji, J&ma, -ji, Thákardá, Ko.; Bechar, Ko. Kan. W. Dada, Desgi, -bhai, Kan.; Dev-karan, Bå.; Gopal, Lr.; Kálidas, Kan.; Kuber, Bhan.; Mulu, -ji, Gr.; Nâhâlâ, BA.; Natha, Bhan. ; Nathu, Kan. Ko.; Paswa, Bhoï (this is a diminttive of Parsotam); Raiji, Bå. ; Râmå, Bhan. Ko.; Wakhtâ, -chand, W.; Wasa, -ji, Gr.; Wasrâm, Bhoï; Wasta, Bhoï; Leju, a Koli woman.
Experience justifies the following notes and hints :
Of affixes, lai, chand, rám, dds, are high-caste; ji is universal, bhái and sing are chiefly used by the Râjpût Grâsias ; aspiring Kolis also use sing, or sang as it is locally pronounced. The diminutives lá, da, iya are usually appended to the names of Kolis, Dheds, Waghris, and the like, by members of other castes; ká is used for boys.
Only such Musulman names are given as are plainly Hindu. These are found very numerously among the Molesalâm Gråsiâs, and point to the imperfect character of their Muhammad. anism.
In many cases final o is represented by a in these lists; it often disappears before an aflix.
Such uncomplimentary names as Gânda and Juthân may be given to denote the qualities of their bearers. In one instance I had a name before me which was certainly due to such a cause,-a deaf and dumb Bharwad boy was called Muga.
By Rajput all through, as opposed to Gräsiâ, is meant the non-land-owning Rajputs-mere cultivators, servants, and hangers-on.
Does not the affix-sur, which is used only by Kathis and by the Chârans of Kathiâwâd proper, point to sun-worship?
The Käthis always prefer the forms Bhim, Bhoj, Ram, Bhân, c. to Bhima, Bhoji, Râma, Bhånå. Nor do they ever use affixes such as -sing, -bhái, -ji, but are always spoken of with the name of their tribe, as Alê Khachar, Bhoj Khachar, Bhân Khảchar; Jivá Dhandhal, or 'dhal ; Rukhad Khawad.
A correspondent of the Bombay Gazette took exception to -sing on the Dehli banners of some chiefs, saying it should be -sinh or -singh. Doubtless, but the Gujaratis at least always write it sing, or even, as it is often pronounced, -sang.
Sawa is sometimes pronounced Sawa, and with the diminutive Sivla. Is then Sawa a form of Siv, and another instance of Gujarati fondness for changing i into a ?
The following, which have been given above as independent names, would seem to be, in origin at least, diminutives :
Jaså for Jasmat - Jaswant; Kall for Kalyan; Lakha for Lakshman; Bhaga and Bhagu for Bhagwân; and Gopå for Gopal.
CHERA OR GANGA GRANTS OF A.D. 350 AND 481.
BY LEWIS, RICE, BANGALOR. Two more important inscriptions have come are strong together on a metal ring, secured to hand relating to what have been denominated by the figure of an elephant, about an inch the Chera kings, but whom it seems more cor- long, the ring passing between the four legs, rect to call the Ganga kings,-a designation which are closed together below. The most given to them in all the inscriptions yet dis- remarkable feature about this inscription is the covered, not one of which contains any mention singular admixture of characters in which it is of the title Chera.
written. There are certainly two, if not three, The first of these inscriptions was produced alphabets used; the chief one, which appears to at Harihara before Major Cole, Superinten- me of much importance, a very primitive form dent of the Inâm Settlement, in support of an of Hale Kannada; another a slightly later form, alleged endowment by Bukka Raya of but only used in a few letters; the third a form Vijayanagar (!),-a sufficient evidence of Devanagari. that its possessor had not the remotest The date of this inscription, it is calculated, notion of its contents, for they purport to be must be A.D. 350. It is therefore 116 years a thousand years older than Bukka Raya, older than the Merkara plates, and-with the and relate to a part of Maisur diametrically exception of one, mentioned by Prof. Eggeling opposite to Harihara. The grant is en- as contained in Sir Walter Elliot's collectiongraved on three copper plates (64 in. by 24 in.), the oldest yet discovered of this line. which are in a fair state of preservation. They! The second grant was found among the old
The accompanying facsimile plate will best exhibit the characters in which these plates are inscribed.--ED.

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July, 1878.]
CHERA OR GANGA GRANTS OF A.D. 350 AND 481.
169
ALPHABETS OF THE HARIHARA PLATES (A.D. 350).
3
18 Eco
ch SU chh23 je
टट
asीमा जी -८
s
pm, 7. 3. q.
bh ind. 4. De
A
rt
to
es,
,
ean
uke
h DJ G IR
Doubtful characters :- Po, 63. 3. 2) Unless included in the foregoing, the following letters do not occur :-gh, i, th, dh, th, ph.
It is conjectured that the following letters show the original forms of vowels in combination with consonants :
$ tio å , $ v bhe, ñ gni, lo.

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170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
JULY, 1878.
records of the Assistant Commissioner's Court 288, and the reign of Madhava, his successor in Bangalor, while removing to new premises, on the throne, ended in 425. The Sadharana in and has been placed in the local Museum. It question must evidently be one falling between consists now of four copper plates (74 in. X 24these two dates as extremes, and it will thus in.) a good deal worn, strung on a metal ring be found that we have only two years to choose as usual, but the seal is gone, and a fifth plate- from, -either S. S. 272 (A.D. 350) or S. S. 332 the last-has evidently been abstracted. The (A.D. 410). That the former is the right one inscription is very lightly engraved in thin seems to me antecedently more probable. For but distinct and well formed Hale Kannada between 288 and 425, taking it for granted we characters. The last side, however, is quite know of all the kings who ruled then, we have illegible. There is no information as to how, to allow, first, for the conclusion of the reign of when, or whence the plates found their way Hari Varmma, already for certain at least to where they were discovered.
41 years on the throne; second, for the entire In the first inscription we have the record of reign of Vishnu Gopa, which must have a gift of land in the village of Deva nûru, been a very long one, for the expression regard in Karena d, within the government of Tala- ing him in the first of the grants of this line vanapura, made by the ruler of that district, last published by me (Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 137), a prince who was the son of Vishnu Gopa, that "his mental energy was unimpaired to the and whose name was apparently Raja Malla. end of life," seems only consistent with a career The endowment was a reward for a gallant prolonged beyond the usual limits; third, for exploit performed by Rama Deva, the son of a the reign of Madhava. Now the donor in Gavuda, a village chief or head-man, of the Yera- the present grant is the son of Vishnu Gopa, kula caste, in rescuing the prince's wife and at- and we may conclude from the way in which tendants from the hands of some enemy and con- he is mentioned that he was a provincial govducting them in safety to the capital. The date ernor under his father, who was still alive. of the transaction is given, as far as I can make Assuming that Vis hņu Gopa came to the out, according to the Saka, here written Saga, or throne about 290, he would in 350 have reigned era of Salivahana, followed by the name of the 60 years. If, on the other hand, the date 410 cycle year, which is Sadhârana. Guided by this is adopted, we must keep him on the throne I calculate that the date is S. S. 272 (A.D. 350)"; 120 years! Whether Madhava, declared in the but some of the characters used in this part various inscriptions to have been the son of are so strange and unfamiliar that I am un. Vishnu Gopa, was the same as this Raja certain whether they are numerals or letters, or Malla seems very doubtful. The Tamil chrothe latter used for the former. An old cave- nicle relating to these kings describes a break numeral occurs in the Merkara plates, but the in the succession after Vishņu Gopa, and, alcharacters here do not correspond with any of though the inscriptions hitherto found give no the old numerals that have been published. The countenance to such a break, there certainly letters nayana, which if eyes' would stand for seems room for one or more kings between him 2, alone seem plain. If the next word is gir, and Madhava, and Raja Malla may have "language, it would be 3. But, I have failed so intervened. The second of our present into decipher this sentence to my satisfaction, scriptions abstains, it will be noticed, from calland possibly it may not be a date at all. ing Madhava the son of Vishņu Gopa, but
Bat, in whatever way this may be read, there the next king is also treated in the same way, is little doubt that the date above given must be though there seems no doubt that be succeeded arrived at. For we are limited to the year his father. Sadharana, and, according to the only informa- The genealogy of the kings is not given in tion we have, Vishnu Gopa's predecessor on this inscription, which mentions only the founder the throne, Hari Varmma, was reigning in of the line, and the donor's father. The royal
. It is pretty generally agreed that the cycle of sixty plates professing to be of the reign of Pulikoki I. and dated years is a comparatively recent invention, and was not used Saka 411 ; but that grant is a forgery-probably of the tenth before the tenth centary: see Jour. As. Soc. Beng.
or eleventh century.-ED. vol. II. p. 57; Reinaud, Frag. Arab. et Pers. p. 140. The 3 Though I once thought 332 might be made of it, or samvatsara year Vibhuva is given in the British Museum
even 989 forood ont.

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CHERA OR GANGA GRANTS OF A.D. 350 AND 481.
171
prince, Raja Malla, as we have assumed, has among others the title lord of Kôļalapura' or Kolar, and this title continued to be borne by the same line of kings long after, as may be seen in the Coorg inscriptions of the 9th century, one of the kings in which was also called Racha Malla.
The site of the grant can be easily identi- fied. The village Deva nuru is still known by the same name, and is situated about fifteen miles south-west of Talavanapu raor Talkad u. It now forms one of the endowments of the temple of Chámarâjeśvara at Chamrajnagar. It is interesting to note that the subdivision to which it belonged was called Karenad, literally black country,' -no doubt on account of the black cotton soil which there aboundsfor this is exactly the form conjectured by Dr. Gandert to be the original of Karnata, and he gives the same reason for the name. Another village, that of B a da nevåla, mentioned in describing the boundaries, is close to Devanûr u, and still bears the same name. The grant is witnessed by the Head of the Edenad Seventy. This sub-division has already been identified in connection with two inscriptions (Ind. Ant. I. 362, V. 135), but in the first of them, owing to a slight mistake of the engraver of the grant, it was described as saptari, seven,' instead of saptati, seventy.' The latter is undoubtedly correct, as we have similar divisions mentioned in various parts of Maisur in old grants, such as the Jiddudige or Jidduļige Seventy, the Ara- bela Seventy, &c.
But, as before stated, the great peculiarity of this inscription, and what seems to me to con- stitute its chief interest, is the primitive old characters, different from any yet published that I have met with, in which it is mostly written, and the singular changes from that to Devanagari, apparently without any rule. I think this may perhaps be partly accounted for on the ground that the grant was not one made, as usual in such cases, to a temple, a Brâhmaṇ, or u member of a learned class, but to a Ganda's son. He probably knew as little of Sanskrit or the orthodox .forms adopted by the genealogists of the court as the same class do now: hence a sort of patchwork introduction, contributed it
may be by different persons, themselves imperfectly acquainted with the forms and language. On the other hand, the exploit of which he was the hero, and for which he obtained the reward, is described in the most straightforward manner, in the plainest Kannada : for this part he could fally comprehend, and there was no mistake about it. The boundaries again run off into Sanskřit, and were perhaps written down by some Brahman shanbhog.
The primitive old character, to which I have referred, evidently has an affinity to those used in the edicts of Asoka, but still does not correspond with either the earlier or the later alphabets employed in them. I am strongly inclined to believe, from the uniform reference in the inscriptions of these Ganga kings to the first Kong ani's achievement in overthrowing a cortain pillar, that one of those columns erected by A so ka and inscribed with his edicts, of which several have been found in the north, may be referred to, and still awaits discovery in the south. The pillars were called fila stambha, or 'virtue-pillars,' and on referring to the Merkara plates I find that sild is the term most distinctly there used. It is true it is written sild stambha in the present grant but one peculiarity of this is that no distinction is made between long and short , and no conclusion, therefore, can be founded on it. The term sila stambha would be unintelligible, as a rule, to Brâhmans and the uninitiated, and hence its conversion into silá stambha, as used in nearly all the grants—the most natural in the world.
Having gone so far as to hazard the prediction that a pillar inscribed with the edists of Asoka may yet be found in the south, it may be allowable to venture a step further, and anticipate that the most ancient alphabet nised in the prosent grant may prove to be the one in which it is written, so much does it resemble in general style those deciphered by Prinsep.
The second inscription attached to this paper records a grant by a king whose name is general. ly given as Avinita or Durvinita, but who is here simply styled Konga ni Maharâjâ. In the second of the grants last published by me (Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 133), most of the
• Published in Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 100. Mr. Kittel will no doubt permit me to suggest a correction in the third inscription, line 5, which should read Ereyanga Gamundana
wagange, 'to the son of Ereyanga Gámunda.' The word gamunda, 'a village chief or headman,' has passed throagh yaunda into the modern gawda.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1878.
particulars of which are confirmed by this one, Raja Malla Deva he was called Kongaại Vsiddha. The Ganda Deva ................. present grant was made in the third year Râ cha Malla, Satya Vå kya of his reign, which, according to the calculations Kongani ...........
857-869 in connection with that one, gives us the year Permman adi, do.
869A.D. 481, and consisted of a gift to the Soma- Malla Deva II. ............... -878-894yaji Vása Sarmmana, a resident of Mah& sena- About this time the dynasty was overthrown pura. The particulars of the gift are totally in Maigur by the Cholas, and not long after illegible, and the conclusion is missing. There the Hoysal a Balla! as of Dorasamudra rose is no clue, therefore, to the situation of Mahâ- to power in this country. Of the inscriptions at senapura.
the foot of the statue of Gomateśvara at Sravana The description of the various kings corre- Belgola, one which precedes a Balla la grant sponds with that given in the chief grants already informs us that a Gañga Raja built the sutpublished. But with regard to Madhava II., talayam or enclosure. An inscription at Nir. Kongani II., and A vinita, or Kongaņi gunda, dated A.D. 1065, exhibits a GañgaIII. (as it now seems we should call him), fresh rasa still retaining the sounding titles of Koninformation is supplied, confirmatory of what was guli Varmma Dharmma Maharajadhiraja, but obtained from
the grant of A. D. 513 already
the grant of A. D. 513 already as a petty officer of the Hoysaļa Ballkļas, rulreferred to. Such are the Brahmanical revival ing the Arabela Seventy. About the same time under Madhava II., the coronation of Kon-the Hoysala king Ereya nga assumes the gani II. while an infant on his mother's lap, name of Vira Gañga; and U day aditya, and the romantic attachment which gave Avi- at first a general and then governor of Banavase nita his wife. Regarding this king it is under the Chalukya king Bhuvanaika further added that “though not matured in age, Malla, 1069-1076, calls himself a Gaiga, yet he was ripe in virtue," than which no ex- “lord of Kolâla pura (Kolår) and Nanpression could more fully confirm the accuracy dagiri (Nandidurga), and possessor of the of the calculations as to his age made in connec- elephant crest." tion with the grant above mentioned.
It thus appears that when the final catastrophe Our advancing knowledge regarding the occurred the family dispersed to the northreigns of the Gaiga kings of Maisur, as I wards. Some members of the same line, I think will now call them, may be summed up as it is evident, founded the Gangå vam á a follows:
dynasty of Orissa, acknowledged to have come Kongaại I. ............
from Karnataka, and also called Gajapatis or the Madhava I. ............
239
elephant lords, which, commencing at the end of Hari Varmma ..........
-247-288- the 11th century, ruled that country till subdued Vishnu Gopa .......
-350- by the Muhammadans in 1534. Wilson shows ?Raja Malla .......
(Macken. Coll. vol. I. p. cxxxviii.) that the Madhava II.
founder was Ananta Varmma, "also called Kongani II. ...........
Kolabala, sovereign of Gangar & rhi.” Avinita, Kongani III. ... 478-513
This I am convinced should be "lord of KolaMushkara ....
hala (the same as Kolála-pura) and sovereign of Śri Vikrama.............
-539
Gañgav å di." Bhd Vikrama .......... 589
The province of Gangavadi, or the GanVilanda, Sri Vallabh â khya
gav å di Ninety-six Thousand, occurs so freNava Káma, Siva má ra,
quently in the Maisur inscriptions as to be as Ko nga ni IV. ......
-668
familiar to me as the name Maisur itself. I have ? Bhima Kopa
also determined its limits as embracing almos ? Raja Kesari ........
the whole of the southern half of Maisur westPrithivi Kongani ...... 727-777- wards. It formed a principal province under . Among the epitbeta applied to him is also nanniya
It is true that Wilgon seeks to bring them from the Galgd, 'Gang of truth,' which beurs in evident reference low country on the right bank of the Ganges, or Tamlak to the title of Satya Vakya given to one or two of these and Midnapur," but this is untenable in the face of the kings.
evidence we now have. Cf. Dr. Hunter's Orissa.
...A.D.
188-239
Kattalandlaalled
425
.......

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HARIHARA GANGA COPPER PLATE GRANT.
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HARIHARA GANGA COPPER-PLATE GRANT.
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JULY, 1878.]
CHERA OR GANGA GRANTS OF A.D. 350 AND 481.
173
the Ganga kings, and may be the same as sand is afterwards enumerated among the prothe Gañgåkunde mentioned in the Vikramánka vinces of their empire. The large body of Deva Charita : the curious Begur stone in the Gañgaạikära rayats are, it is conjectured, the old Bangalor Musenm, which may belong to the subjects of this territory. interval between the overthrow of the Ga n- The Gangas eventually turn up again in their gas and the rise of the Hoysaļas, pre- old dominions in the sixteenth century, in the sents us with a kingo ruling Gangav å di as persons of the Gafiga Râjas of Sivasa muan independent sovereign (eka chhatra chha-dram, the island at the Falls of the Kåvêri, yeyő!): an inscription at Kandeya describes the about twelve miles north-east of Talkad, and the Hoysalas as originally kings of Ganga- line was here extinguished in the third genevà di; and the Ga 5g8 v di Ninety-six Thon 'ration.
HARIHARA PLATES.
Transcript. I. Śyati . Jitam bhagavata gata gaganâbhenâ Padmanabhena sri
maj JÄhnaviya kalamala bhyomâvabhasana bhaskara sva khadan gaika prahâra khandita maha bila stambha labdha ba
la parákrama [kanni kshura sya] laļatakatfodbhasita sriman Ko[n]guli Varama Dhirama mahârâjâdiraja tasya patra Vi.
Gopa maharajadhiraja taśya putra Kolalapúra varâdhiśvara Ganga kula mârattanda madha gajendra la[n]chhana Padmavati Ila. Deviya labdha vara praśâdha tadangâltada parama Tala vana pura
madye Sagat nayana gineya] Sadharana sammachhchharada PalgaPa
må amavåse Adivaradandu Karena da Dhevanuran u
gge Yarakuļadha Madhi gavadana su-putta Rama Dhevanu He ran iridha Raja Mallana hendati bhantar avanu ba
1 valâtind oppisidh allige mechhchhu gotta bhůmi půIIb. rubbaágândisi krishna mrittikahäkorbba chiñchâ vri
ksha tatAkadahákorbba kavalastaņa Devanura dvisandiya vata vriksha dakshiņaby&ndisihkkorbba kupa tataka la chiñchâ vriksha prälgola Ka!kontina Devanura dvisandhi.
ya kapit vriksha Pachchimasyändisaharorbba chiñcha. vriksha Bade
na vâla Devan ûra dviếandiya chiñchá vriksha uttarasya - III. ndisihkkorbba chiñcha vriksha krishna muttike - Alani
va ichiya Devanura dvibandiya iśânâm ândudutta.
sakshiņam
Edena de
Eppattga
så kshi.
Translation.
stroke of his sword, ..... resplenMay it be well! Success through the ador- dent as a jewel on the forehead, was Sriman able Padmanabha, resembling (in colour) the Konguli Varmma Dharmma mahacloudless sky.
ráj Adhiraja. A sun illumining the clear firmament of the His son was Vishnu Gopa mah & rajaJÄhnavi kula, of mighty valour acquired by the dhiraja. great pillar of stone divided with a single His son, the lord of Kolla pura, a sun to
• Named Eroyappa, and described as "brilliant as light. The sign indicates a letter not deciphered. Words in ning descending among the stars in the clear firmament of brackets doubtful. the world-renowned Ganga kula', by which it is perhape 1 to be understood that he was an usurper.
• The characters read rbb are precisely the same as bbe, '& is used throughout for 8, except in one word, stoma. but the word must be orbba, ono.

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[JULY, 1878.
the Gañga kula, having the sign (or crest) of banyan tree at the common boundary of the a lusty elephant, having received a boon from guard-house and Devanúru; the southern the goddess Padmavati,- in the middle of the boundary runs by the tamarind tree of the excellent Talavanapura which he was then shining pond and the old watercourse to the ruling, [in the Saga year, 'eyes' .... wood-apple tree at the common boundary of . ] the year Sådhårana, the month Phalguna, Kalkonte and Devandru; the western full-moon day, being Sunday,--within Deva- boundary runs by & tamarind tree to the tamanûru in Karenad, -Rama Deva, the good rind tree at the common boundary of Badeson of Madi Gavuda of the Yarakula (caste), navala and Devanaru; the northern having slain He. . .and with great boundary runs by a tamarind tree and field of devotion conducted Raja Malla's wife and black soil to the common boundary of Alani. guards thither, (he) being pleased thereat be. vanchi and Devan uru, and thus ends on stowed the following land:
the north-east. The eastern boundary runs along a field of Witnesses He of the Edenad Seventy, black soil, a tamarind tree and & pond, to the witness.
BANGALOR MUSEUM PLATES.
Transcript. 1. Jitam bhagavata gata ghana gaganabhena Padmanabhena. Srimaj JASvasti. hnaveya kulêmala vyomávabhâsana bhaskarasya svaja java ja
ya janita janapadasya dâruņâri gana raņalabdha (vyraņa vi. bhushaņa bhúshitasya Kânvåyanasa gotrasya srimat Kongani
Varmma. Dharmma mahadhirajasya Putrasya pituranvâgata guna Ila. yuktasya vidya vinaya. .... sya samya prajá pala matrådhiga
ta rajya prayojanasya vidvat kavi kañchana nikashopala bhūtasya viseshatopy anaviseshasya niti sastrasya vaktri prayoktri kasalasya suvibhakta bhakta bhritya janasya dattaka sůtra vritti pranaina srîmat Madha ya mahadhirajya. Putrasya pitrupaitâmaha guna
yuktasya aneka chaturddanta yuddhâvâpta chatur udadhi salilaIIb. svadita yaśasah sama dvirada turagadhirohanátiśayotpanna tejaso
chatur abhiyoga sampadita sampad višeshasya śrîmadd-Hari Varmma mahadhirajasya Patrasya gura go brahmana půjakasya Narayana charanánudhyâtasya srimad Vishņu Gopa mahadhirajasya. Triya mbaka charanâ(m) bhoruha raja pavitrikritottamingasya vykyamodvșitta pina kațhina bhuja dvayasya sva bhuja bala parakrama kraya krita rajya chira pranashta deva bhoga brahmâdeyaneks sa
hasra visarggågrayana. ... kariņa parabhaya hariņa vitata kârmuka IIIc. ghâtikiņa manih vidyottamana bhuja yugasya kumudi dalabhikara sisira kara kirana
samudaya bhavad utara yasa pratâna vibhâsyamana jätah srimat Madha va mahadhirajagya. Avikalasvamedhavabhridabhishiktah srimat Kadamba kula nabhastala gabhasti malina Sri Krishna Varmma mahadhirajasya priya bhagineyasya janani devatänka pariya(n)
ka tala samadhigata rajyabhishekasya parasparânavamarddopabhajamâna tri vargga sârasya vidyâ vinayati sampanna paripûtântarâtmanah aneka vara vijayopajjita vipula yasa kshirodaikarnnavikrita jaga trayasya samadana sara patana vidhura vanità nayana ma
dhukara kulakula kropäravinda jalasayasya kavi janggraganasya ati patushu III). patutasya srimat Kongani mahadhirajasya. Patrena tad gunanagamina pitrApara
suyârthe samâjjitayâpilashya sagrahanâlingita vipula vaksha stalena vijrimbhamana sakti trayopanamita samanta sâmanta mandalens nirantara prema bahumânânurakta prakriti mandalena nisita nistrimsa kara kararddita bhujonmålitari maņdalena prati dinâbhivarddhyamâna purusha vara guņa mani sanatha satysittabharaṇavabhâsyamanavapurusha -
Literally, 'stabbed' or 'pierced.'
(t)

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175
pariņata vayo vilásenâ pityapariņata satva sampada prithitáneka
guņa gana nidhana bhûtens gathậrba danďatayânukrita VaivasvateIVa. na varnnåáramábhilakshana dakshin disabhigoptum pariyêptavatá pratijana
tena suprajaså parama dhårmmakena bhagavan Kamalodara charananudhyâtena kim bahuna khali yugena Yudhishtirana srimatk Kongani maharajena åtmana pravarddhyamana vipulaiśvarye tritiye savatsare Śråvane mase tithâ våma...
syâyâ âhitâ gnaye Mahasonapura vastavyâya Vå sa Śarmmañ e mathu.... IVb. (totally illegible). V. (wanting). Translation.
(ágrayana), both his arms shining with the May it be well! Sucoess through the ador- gems of hard knobs produced by the drawing able Padmanabha, resembling (in colour) the of his bow for the destruction of (or against cloudless sky.
the deer) the fear of the enemy, his race illumiA sun illumining the clear firmament of the nated by his great and widespread glory, was Jahnavi kula, master of countries born from the Śrimat Madhava ma hadhiraja. rapidity of his own victories, adorned with the The beloved sister's son of Sri Krishņa ornament of a wound obtained in war with Varmma ma hadhiraja - who, being hosts of terrible enemies, was Srimat Kon- anointed with the final ablations of a completed gani Varmma Dharmma mahadhi- ašvamedha, was the sun to the firmament of råja, of the Kanvâyanasa gotra.
the auspicious Kadamba kula-having obtainHis son, inheriting all the qualities of his 1 ed his royal anointing (or coronation on the father, possessing a character for learning and couch of the lap of his divine mother, enjoying modesty, having obtained the honours of the the essence of the three objects of worldly desire kingdom only for the good government of his without one interfering with the other, of a subjecte, a touchstone for testing) gold the mind purified by the acquisition of learning learned and poets, skilled among those who and modesty, his fame acquired by the conthoroughly expound and practise the science of quest of many mighty kings surrounding the politics in all its branches, preserving due lis- three worlds like the unbroken expanse of the tinction between friends and servants, author milk ocean, a lake to the lotus of compassion of a treatise on the law of adoption, was for the bees the eyes of fair women disturbed $rimat Madhava mahadhiraja. by the shower of Kama's arrows, reckoned the
His son, possessed of all the qualities in highest theme of poets, the ablest among the herited from his father and grandfather, having most able, was srimat Kongani mahaentered into war with many elephants (80 that) dhiraja his fame had tasted the waters of the four By his son, successor to the qualities of oceans, of a glory acquired from the equal skill his father, his broad chest embraced by the with which he rode on elephants and horses, arms of one who desired him though assigned of enormous wealth aoquired by the practice of by her father to the son of another, surroundthe four modes of policy, was Srimad Haried by bands of feudatories from all sides subVarmma ma hadhiraja.
jected by the growth of the three powers of His son, devoted to the worship of gurue, increase, having parties of counsellors attached cows and Brâhmaņs, praising the feet of Nára- to him by constant affection and gifts, having yana, was Srimad Vishnu Gopa ma with the sharp sword in his hand cut down the hadhiraja.
hosts of his enemies and with his arms plucked His head parified by the pollen from the them up by the root, of a form glorious with lotuses the feet of Tryambaka, his two arms virtue and set with the gems of the daily imgrown stoat and hard with athletic exercises, proving qualities of the best of men, though having purchased the kingdom with his per- not matured in age yet possessed of ripe virtue, sonal strength and valour, the reviver of many a mine of clusters of distinguished qualities, thousands of long-coased donations for the in punishing according to desert the superior festivals of the gods and endowment of Brih. of Vaivasvata, able in protecting the castes and mans, performer of the offering of firstfruits religious orders which prevailed in the south,

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friend to all, of good descent, of the highest in the third year of the great wealth increased religious merit, praising the feet of the adorable by himself, the month Srâvaņa. . . . . to the Vishņa,—what more the Yudhishthira of the Somayaji Vasa sarmmaņa, a resident Kali yaga, Srimat Konga ni maharaj &, of Mahasenapura.....
ARCHÆOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S.
(Continued from p. 129.) No. XX.-Trojan and Indian Prehistoric Pottery, and the Svastika symbol. While lately looking over the extraordinary numbers; and miniature urns and utensils collection of antiquities disinterred by Dr. have also been largely found in the Coorg Schliemann at Hissarlik, the supposed site of graves. Examples are figured in the Indian old Troy, now in the South Kensington Mu- Antiquary above referred to, and a passage is seum, I was struck by likenesses between some quoted from Mr. Fergusson's Rude Stone Monnof the pottery and the earthenware found in ments, in which he observes that such miniaIndian cairns. In some remarks on “Minia- ture pottery was probably made and placed in ture and Prehistoric Pottery," chiefly from the tombs as symbols of traditions and primegraves in Coorg, in vol. IV., pp. 12 and 13, of val usages that had died out. I ventured the Indian Antiquary, I have mentioned certain rather to dissent from this hypothesis, which urns or jars standing upon three or, occasion- hardly seems strengthened by the quantity of ally, four legs-specimens are figured in the miniature vessels discovered in ancient Troy. plate at the place referred to,--and observed They are smaller even than the Indian dwarfthat modern Hindu pottery is generally with- ware, and their use more problematical, unless out feet. Indeed I knew of no other prehis indeed they were the toys of Astyanax and his toric pottery with any but the slightest indica- playmates! Chattis of the true Indian form tions of feet, and that very rarely. But in Dr. also appear in the Schliemann collection, and Schliemann's collection one is struck by the there is one mediam-sized black chat perfectly number of vessels, of all shapes and sizes, that corresponding with those often found in Madras are supported on legs. Three or four large cairns. There are also two or three vessels urns, figured at pp. 152-3 of the doctor's with side-sponts like that numbered 7 in the book, Troy and its Remains, especially recall plate in the Indian Antiquary, vol. IV. previously the legged Coorg Vases, differing chiefly in the mentioned. Earthenware platters or saucers, legs being longer and the bodies rounder and so abundant in Indian cairns, are also frequent, fuller, and moreover in being furnished with a of the same shape and size, amongst the pottery loop-handle, a feature never seen in Indian from Hissarlik, as well as heads of oxen and cairn-pottery, and very rare in European. In other animals in terra-cotta; and similar objects the Trojan collection, however, legged vessels of the same size have been found in scores are most abundant and various in shape, and in the cairns on the Nilgiri Hills; while the frequently have handles on one or both sides. quaint pieces in the Museum, termed by Dr. Some of the most striking are figured at Schliemann" Juno and Minerva idols", strongly pp. 166, 229, 282, 285 of the doctor's book. recall some clay figures depicted by Captain Even miniature vessels no larger than coffee- Congreve and Mr. Breeks in their works on the cups are furnished with legs; but, as far as I antiquities of the Nilgiris. could see, the number never exceeded three, Far surpassing the rest of the fictile assemwhereas the Indian urns not unfrequently have blage in bulk and height, a very Ajax Telamon four.
in earthenware, an immense jar is conspicuous Another resemblance was the large amount in the Museum. Nearly six feet high and taperof miniature pottery : cups, jugs, and vases no ing from the shoulders, where it is 44 feet larger than walnut-shells are exhibited in lacross, to a point at bottom, it is marked as Vesela standing on round bottom-rims, m in modern basins, occur in the Trojan ware Dever, I think, in Indian,
Ancient or modern.

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probably a “substitute for a cellar," and con- sidered by Dr. Schliemann to have been used as a magazine. He gives an illustration (p. 290) of a row of these colossal jars, found side by side underground, as though used for storing wine, oil, and perhaps grain. Such indeed may have been their intention. Hage jars have served such purposes in the East long before the days of Ali Baba. This Trojan example, however, reminded me of the great burial.jars often found in the south of India, which it resembled in size, shape, and general appearance. These have been lately touched upon by Bishop Caldwell in the Indian Antiquary, vol. VI. p. 279, and a further notice of them may be read in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N. S. vol. VII. p. 31. I have often found them, buried with the mouths at no great depth under. ground, and a large flat stone laid above, they were of coarse red ware, five feet or more high, tapering to the end, and within filled with earth, and pieces of bone at the bottom. In Travankor they are said by the natives to contain the remains of virgins sacrificed by râjas, on the boundaries of their estates, to protect them and confirm their engagements. Near Chaughåt a large vault was found full of these jars, which recalls the row of jars underground depicted in Dr. Schliemann's book. Upon this subject, and with reference alsc to Bishop Caldwell's remark that from the smallness of the mouths of the urns it would seem the bodies must have been put in piece-meal, I beg to subjoin & curious communication which appeared in the Athenceum in February 1876, and shows that the idea of burying in earthenware vessels was not unknown in Rome :
"I cannot yet state anything definitely about the beautiful rains found in the Villa Aldobrandini,' for their name, their destination, is still a mystery to the topographers. I shall simply mention, as a matter of curiosity, the discovery of a common wine amphora of terra. cotta, which had been used as a receptacle for a human skeleton of mature age. As the orifice of the jar was simply three inches in diameter, the different parts of the body, and especially the largest bones, had been cut, and forced through the opening. This strange process had certainly some connexion with sorcery, or rather with the superstitions of the lower
classes in the fifth and sixth centuries; for I have gathered myself among the bones one of those thin rolled sheets of lead containing a formula of imprecation on a matter of love. The document, written in Greek, has not yet been deciphered, and probably will not be, owing to the corrosion of the lead, but there is scarcely any doubt of its design. This reminds me of the discovery related by Count Caylusa discovery of the same nature, but on a gigantic scale. Abont the middle of the last century, he says, under the walls of the Pincio, facing the Villa Borghese, a subterranean corridor was found containing some thousand amphorce still fixed in the earth. In each was the most strange collection of objects-human bones mixed with those of horses, oxen, and monkeys, teeth, lizards, coils of serpents, and small hands of wax. No satisfactory explanation has ever been given of this discovery, and I hope that the recent instances of the same kind will turn the attention of the archæologist towards the study of this very peculiar ancient custom."
Lastly, the extraordinary frequency with which the Svastika symbol rappoars on the Trojan prehistoric pottery gave occasion to Dr. Schliemann obtaining a remarkable and striking communication from the distinguished Orientalist Emile Burnouf, author of La Science des Religions," &c., which he prints in the earlier part of his book. M. Burnouf holds that this mysterious and much-debated symbol is intended to denote the invention of the firedrill, and preserve the sacred remembrance of the discovery of fire by rotating a peg in dry wood. It representa, according to him, the two pieces of wood laid cross-wise, one apon another, before the sacrificial altar, in order to produce the holy fire. The ends of the cross were fixed down by arms, and at the point where the two pieces are joined there was a small hole in which a wooden peg or lance (pramantha, whence the myth of Prometheus the fire-bearer) was rotated by a cord of cow hair and hemp till the sacred spark was produced. The invention of the fire-drill would doubtless mark an epoch in human history. Mr. Tylor, in his Early History of Mankind, has largely shown its use at some period in every quarter of the globe, and it is conceivable that its invention would be commemorated by a holy symbol.

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But in the Atheneum of 12th January last' common origin of the early Greeks and Norge. Mr. Hodder Westropp altogether discredits the After the 6th century it disappears from Greek origin assigned to the symbol by M. Burnouf, earthenware, and is found on early Latin, and considers the Greek archaic cross, as he Etruscan, and Sicilian ornaments, coins, and terms it, to have been evidently derived from pottery, as well as in Asia Minor and North the punch marks on early Greek coins, which Africa, especially where there had been Phoenimarks were originally composed of four small cian colonies. It is remarkable that the symbol squares, the centre assuming the form of is not found on Egyptian, Babylonian, or Assya cross; but in the stamping of the coin the rian remains : crosses are frequent, but not the squares went a little on one side, and made the svastika ; neither does it occur on Mexican punch mark take the shape of the archaic monuments. crosst, so found on old Greek coins, and In the museums of Sweden and Denmark thence adopted as an ornamental device on there are several hundred gold bracteates, which early Greek pottery, as in Samos, Cyprus, appear to have been worn as amulets or medals, and Hissarlik. Mr. Westropp goes on to and, according to Professor Stephens of Copenremark that the Indian or Buddhist svastika is hagen, belong almost without exception to the almost invariably drawn , the reverse of the heathen period of Scandinavia, ranging from Greek archaic cross, and is a monogram or the 3rd or 4th to the 7th or 8th century of our character composed, as General Cunningham era. They are mostly after Byzantine models, has pointed out, of two Pâli characters, signify- and many of them have a marked Indian ing 'it is well. As a Buddhist emblem it character. They frequently bear the svastika, cannot be older than the 6th century B.C., drawn both ways, and Professor Stephens Buddha having died about 480 B.C., and the remarks that in the earliest runes the letter earliest Buddhist monuments are placed by Mr. G is drawn thus 45, and appears so on graveFergusson at about 250 B.C.
slabs in Denmark of the 8th or 9th century. There appears, however, reason to think He also calls attention to the resemblance bethat on the first appearance of the symbol in tween the runes and the Himyaritic alphabet, Europe it was used not merely as an ornament, used in Arabia during the first six centuries. but as an emblem peculiar to some deity, A character, 45, nearly resembling the runic G, generally connected with the air, or sometimes occurs in a Pali inscription, and reversed, , in water; Mr. Newton of the British Museum & rock-inscription at Salsette : see Jour. R. As. designated it the Meander, and considered it Soc. vol. XX. page 250, &c. emblematical of water. Its first appearance is 1 In the Roman Catacombs the svastika on the pottery of archaic Greece, as on that occurs not unfrequently, so placed as to have in the British Museum ascribed to between the been then evidently adopted as a Christian years 700 and 500 B.C., and now on that dis- symbol, and is seen in Roman mosaio work in interred by Dr. Schliemann on the site of Troy. England, France, Spain, and Algeria. It is On all this pottery and on its earliest examples abundant on pottery, ornaments, and weapons the sign occurs profusely, and is found drawn of Romano-British and Anglo-Saxon times, and both ways, occurring so on the same archaic of corresponding periods in Scotland, Germany, Greek urn in the British Museum; hence the Switzerland, and Denmark. A sepulchral urn distinction made by Mr. Westropp between found at Shropham, Norfolk, and another prethe Greek and Buddhist forms hardly seems served at Cambridge, bear the svastika in tenable, especially as it is found drawn both continuous lines; the latter urn is peculiarly in. ways in India, as well as all over Europe. As teresting as exhibiting the symbol surrounded an emblem it appears to have been associated by almost every other device of cross, circle, with the Sky-god Zeus, the chief deity of the and solar emblems, and occupying, as it were, archaic Greeks, and to have symbolized his the place of honour. As Christianity spread the thunderbolt, as subsequently in Scandinavia it svastika disappears, and when found again has was called the hammer of the Thunder-godbeen adopted as a Christian device. It is so used Thor,-nor is this the only indication of a l in heraldry, where it is termed the croix cram
* Reprinted ante, p. 119.-ED.

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179
ponne. Planché, in his Pursuivant of Arms, tika " is the Manji badge of the Hachisuka says of it: "It is a mystic figure called in the family, Daimiôs of Ava, sometimes drawn it, Greek Church gammadion. It is very early and sometimes, but less frequently, 457It is seen in heraldry, and appeared in the paintings taken from a Chinese character meaning 'ten in the old palace of Westminster. Its significa- thousand,' and is a Buddhist symbol supposed tion, is at present unknown." It was constantly to be emblematic of good luck. It is frequently introduced in ecclesiastical vestments, and, to be seen on Buddhist temples as a sign of doubtless with a belief in its talismanic efficacy, Fudô Sama, or the motionless Buddha.' It is is often found on ancient bells in parish church- often marked upon the lids of coffins, being supes, --so keeping up its connection with the posed to act as a charm to protect the corpse air, our forefathers, firmly believing that de- against the attack of a demon in the shape of a mons--the powers of the air-were driven cat, called Kin'asha, which is said to seize and away by the clang of church bells. In our mangle the dead bodies of human beings." In own day it has become a favourite ornamental China it is common, enters largely into ornament, device-we may be sure with no thought of and is often worn as a charm. It is curious insymbolism,--and the archæologist returning deed to find the same symbol used with a mystic from India may observe it covering ceilings, meaning both in English and Japanese heraldry, cornices, fenders, and other iron-work.
and, for the same office of repelling demons, In India the svastika is found on Buddhist on Japanese coffins and English church-bells ! coins referred by Mr. E. Thomas to about 330 But, whatever may have been the origin of this B.C., and also appears in Prinsep's engrav- most archaic and wondrously wide-spread symings of Hindu coins. It is a sacred Buddhist bol, there seems little to support the theories of emblem in Tibet, is the chinha or device of Messrs. Emile Burnouf and Westropp. Mr. E. Suparáva, the seventh Tirthankara of the Jains, Thomas (Jour. R. As. Soc. N.S. Vol. I. p. 486) and is said to be used by the Vaishnavas also as a thinks it may have been a mere ornamental mark on their sacred jar. (Moor's Hindu Pan- variation of the simple cross, that might have theon.) But probably its most remarkable exist- suggested itself anywhere, without any definite ing use is in China and Japan, respecting meaning, but singular enough in outline to which we will quote a passage from a very attract professors of magic and cabalistic rites. interesting article on Japanese Heraldry in Still this hardly explains its adoption in Volume V. of the Transactions of the Asiatic countries so widely separated as Norway and Society of Japan, premising that heraldry has Japan, and its strange defect in the far older existed in Japan from a period far earlier than intermediate lands of Egypt and Mesopo900 A.D., and every daimió family had its own tamia, the very nurseries of magic and mysti. cognizances. At page 12 we read that the svas- | cism.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
PARSI FUNERAL AND INITIATORY RITES. term for Dasturs and Mobeds. The title of Her
SIR, -Allow me to correct a few errors in the bad is affixed to the name of one who has passed valuable paper that appears in the Indian Anti- the NÂvar ceremony, to distinguish him from Osta quary, vol. VI. pp. 311-315, on " Pârst funeral and (in or non-Herbad. Thus, a Dastur as well as initiatory rites, and the P&raf religion," by Prof. a Mobed is a Herbad, which is not, as Professor Monier Williams.
Williams says, the name of the lowest order of It appears that the learned professor was wrongly priests. Parsis are divided into Herbad and informed that the priestly race among the Parsis is | Ost A, according as they have or have not perdivided into three classes of Dasturs, Mobeds, formed the ceremony called Ndvar (192). Again, and Herbads. Herbad, or Erwad Herbads are either Dasturs or Mobeds by virtue (296) as it is more commonly called, is no of their office, the former being superior to the separate division of priests, but a mere generic latter. But these divisions do not engender any
. Poor worshippers in Jaina temples may often be seen laying down a few gtains of rice before the image, and arranging them into the form of the svastika while repeat
ing a mantra.-ED.
Some Herbads are neither Dasturs nor Mobeds, for they do not choose to enter the holy order.

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difference in civil or social rights, as is the case among the Hindus. Females are all Ostâ. They cannot be Herbad so long as they are not eligible to the holy order.
In another place the learned writer confounds the corpse-bearers with Nasasalars. The former are called Khandhias (MM), from khandh, meaning a shoulder,' and their office is to carry the bier on their shoulders from the door of the deceased's house to that of the Tower of Silence. They are held inferior to Nasasâlârs, who cannot strictly be called corpsebearers.
When a Pârsi dies the Nasasâlârs bring an empty bier from the Nasankhaná (1444)-a house where they and Khândhiâs are required to be present to attend any instantaneous call for service-to the house of the deceased. An hour before starting for the Tower, they enter the room where the body is deposited on a smooth slab of stone. The Nasasâlârs take up the body from the slab and place it on the bier, which then rests on the slab. Then, after the Mobeds have chanted some prayers, the Nasasâlârs remove the bier to the entrance door of the house, where the Khåndhiâs wait to receive it. This delivered, the Nasasâlârs, who are always two, except when the corpse is very heavy, walk with the bier, one on each side to the door of the Tower. Here the Nasasâlârs again receive the bier and carry it into the inner part of the Tower. The Khândhiâs are on no occasion permitted to enter the Tower. None but Nasasâlârs can do so. The Khåndhiâs are "well cared for and well paid;" but to say that they "are not associated with by the rest of the community" is far from true. They associate freely with the rest of the Pârsis, can reside in the same house with them, can eat at the same table-in fact there is nothing to prevent them from so associating with the other members of the community.
Prof. Williams considers feeding the dog with bread a part of the ceremony called Sag-did. In this also he is mistaken. The ceremony of Sag-did is nothing more than showing the corpse to any dog, and not necessarily a white one or a four-eyed' one. The very etymology of the word fully explains the ceremony. It is derived from Persian sag, meaning a dog,' and did, from didan, 'to see.'
Again, "the fire sanctuary of the sagri," as the writer says, "has a window or aperture so arranged that when the sacred fire is fed with sandalwood fuel by the veiled priest, just before the corpse-bearers enter the Tower, a ray from the flame may be projected over the dead body at the moment of its exposure." This is not correct. With no such design is the sagri built. The pro
[JULY, 1878.
fessor himself admits that "a ray from the sacred fire had barely opportunity to fall on the corpse at all."
The bread with which the so-called funeral dog is fed is supposed by Prof. Williams to be a substitute for the flesh of the dead body. Here, too, he is mistaken. Nowhere even in the whole of the Zand Avasta is bread ever supposed to be a substitute for the flesh. To feed a dog at the Tower of Silence is a practice sanctioned by convention, rather than by religion. Of all animals the dog is most dear to the Pârsis, on account of its undeviating faithfulness, and consequently they keep up the practice of feeding a dog as almost a sacred obligation.
In another place the learned professor has said that the soul of the deceased man is supposed to hover about in a restless state for the three days immediately succeeding death, in the neighbourhood of the dakhmas. This is not quite. correct. Only the soul of a sinful man is supposed to do so.
Again, it is not necessary that the initiatory ceremonies on admitting a young boy into the Parsi religion should take place in a fire-temple. For this purpose, a private dwelling is as good as a fire-temple. Nor is it necessary that the ceremony should be performed by a Dastur presiding over several Mobeds. In many cases, when the parents are not well off, only one or two Mobeds perform the ceremony.
About the bull whose urine is drunk at the initiatory ceremony I have to add that the bull is called Varasto (921), and must be of a white colour: if a single hair on its body be found other than white, the animal is rejected as unfit for the purpose. I will conclude with the remark that I cannot discover what Prof. Williams means by "the second shirt."
SORABJI KAVASJI KHAMBATA.
SAKA AND SAMVAT DATES. SIR,-Some authorities give 79 A. D., and some give 78 A.D., as the date of commencement of the Saka era; and similarly the Samvat era of Vikramaditya is by some dated from 57 B.C., and by some from 56 B.C. Which is the correct date in each case, and why ?
2. What is the correct method for converting Samvat and Saka dates into years A. D. ? Ordinarily the conversion is made by simply adding 57 (56), or subtracting 79 (78), to or from the date A.D., as the case may be; but, since the Samvat, Saka, and Christian years do not begin on the same day, I do not understand how the ordinary simple method can be correct.

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3. What rules fix the day on which the Samvat and Saka years respectively should begin ?
4. Does a year Saka comprise the same number of days as a year Samvat? and what is the exact length of a Samvat year? V. A. SMITH.
Hamirpur, N.W.P., 22nd April 1878.
The Hindu Saka year is properly sidereal, commencing with the sun's entry into the sign Mêsha or Aries, and, as its length is 365 days 6 hours 126 minutes, its commencement moves very slowly forward on the European solar year. Thus the epoch of the Saka era was 14th March 78 A.D., but the sun's entrance into Mêsha now falls on the 11th or 12th April, so that the Saka year 1800 began on Thursday, 11th April 1878,-the sidereal year having gained 28 days on the solar one in 1800 years.
From this it will be seen that, for the approximate conversion of a date,-if it fall within the first three months of the Christian year, we find the Saka year by subtracting 79; if in the last nine months, by subtracting 78. The first nine months of the Saka year correspond to the last nine in the Christian, and the last three in the former to the first three in the succeeding year of the latter reckoning, making the approximate equation to the Saka era + 784 to bring it to the
Christian date.
The Samvat year is reckoned exclusively by the Chandra-mâna or luni-solar system, and over Northern India begins with the new-moon which immediately precedes the sun's entrance into Mêsha. But, as twelve lunar months (354 days 8 hours 48 minutes) fall about 11 days short of the sidereal year, an intercalary or 'lound' month is supplied, on a particular principle, about thrice in eight years-making such years consist of 383 days 21 hours 32 minutes. The epoch of this era was the new-moon of March 57 B.C., whence its equation is 56; or we subtract 56 from the Samvat date during the first nine or ten months of the year, but 57 during the last two, to obtain the year A.D.
In Gujarât and south of the Narmada, however, the year commences with the new-moon of Kârttika (Oct.-Nov.), whence we have an equation of -564; or we subtract 57 from Samvat dates falling in the months of Kârttika, Mârgasîrsha, and part of Pausha (to 31st Dec.), but 56 for dates falling within all other Hindu months, in order to obtain the Christian year, and vice verad. For fuller information on details Warren's Kála-Sankalita, Jervis's Weights and Measures of India, &c., Prinsep's Useful Tables, and Cowasjee Patell's Chronology may be consulted.-ED.
181
ASSYRIAN DRESS ILLUSTRATED BY THAT OF THE HINDUS.
In reading lately Rawlinson's Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient World I came across a passage describing the dress of the Assyrian foot archers (vol. I. p. 430), part of which is as follows:
"Their only garment is a tunic of the scantiest dimensions, beginning at the waist, round which it is fastened by a broad belt or girdle descending little more than half-way down the thigh. In its make it sometimes closely resembles the tunic of the first period, but more often it has the peculiar pendent ornament which has been compared to the Scotch phillibeg (Layard's Nineveh and its Remains, vol. II. p. 336), and which will here be given
that name."
On this passage I would observe, firstly, that tunic' is a misnomer as applied to the garment in question, as the word is more properly used of a garment covering the body, whereas the article of dress in the illustration is fastened round the waist and falls over the thighs. Secondly, I think that any resident of India, looking at the illustration given on the page from which the quotation is taken, would at once remark the similarity of the archer's solitary garment to the Indian dhoti. For those readers who have not been in this country, I may explain that the dhoti consists of a strip of cotton cloth wound round the waist, the outer extremity being gathered into a thick fold or pleat, of which one end is tucked into the cloth that has been passed round the waist, while the rest of the fold hangs down in front or at the side, looking exactly like the so-called ornament' which is supposed to resemble a Scotch phillibeg. The same pendent fold is to be seen in the illustrations on pp. 436 and 477 of the same volume.-E. W. W.
"
ARCHEOLOGY IN JAPAN.
Japan has an active archæological society. bearing the title of Kobutzu Kai (Society of Old Things). Its members, numbering 200, are scattered throughout the land, but meet once a month in Yeddo. They consist chiefly of wealthy Japanese gentlemen, learned men, and priests; the latter especially have been the means of bringing before public attention a vast number of ancient objects which have been hidden in the treasures of the temples, or preserved in private families. H. von Siebold, Attaché of the Austrian Embassy at Yeddo, and a member of the society, has lately published a brochure which will serve as a guide for the systematic archeological study of the land. Von Siebold has lately made a most interesting discovery of a prehistoric mound at Omuri, near Yeddo, containing over 5,000 different articles in stone, bronze, &c. In a recent communication

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to the Berlin Anthropologische Gesellschaft, he describes the origin of the terra-cotta images found in old Japanese burial-grounds. It appears that up to the year 2 B.c. it was the custom to surround the grave of a dead emperor or empress with a number of their attendants, buried alive up to their necks, their heads forming a ghastly ring about the burial spot. At the date referred to, the custom was abolished, and the living offerings were replaced by the clay figures which have hitherto attracted so much attention. Nature.
es of Dr. Schliemann at Mycena, who found skeletons compressed into extremely narrow graves--not, he thinks, 9 some have surmised, by way of insult, though it is difficult to conceive the cause, as there was no apparent necessity for such a habit. However, in pre-historic interments both in Great Britain and Germany, bodies are not unfrequently found in large graves placed on one side, or huddled up in a corner, in sitting postures-certainly through no lack of space. Bodies, too, are frequently found in roomy barrows compressed into "the attitude of one who curls himself up to sleep," and it has also been proved that bodies were placed in the contracted position for burning, as well as for burial. If the Abors of the Brahmaputra have any reason, traditional or otherwise, for their custom of putting their dead 'trussed up, face and knees together, in such small graves, it might throw some light on the origin of this very wide-spread, ancient, and anintelligiblo practice. Perhaps some archaeologist, who has an opportunity, might inquire.-W.
CONTRACTED BURIALS.' With regard to the remarks at page 46 of the Current volume on the practice of contracted burials existing amongst the Abors of the Brahmaputra valley, where the dead are placed in very small graves in a sittiag posture, it may be noted that Herodotus (IV. 190) reports that in his time. "all the Libyan Nomads, except the Nasa- monians, bury their dead sitting, as the Greeks do." This is curiously confirmed by the research-
BOOK NOTICES. TAE HISTORY OF INDIA na told by its own historians: the ing; though this latter fault is to a certain extent
posthumous papers of the late Sir H. M. Elliot, K.C.B., edited and continued by Prof. John Dowson, M.R.A.S.,
remedied by the excellent double Index which Staff College, Sandhurst. Vol. VIII. London: Trübner accompanies the present concluding volume. & Co., 1877.
This contains also the Musulman authorities for The volume before us completes one of the most the decline and fall of the Mughal Empire (some of valuable contributions ever made to Oriental the writers are Hindus, but they all affect the science. Eleven years, says Professor Dowson, style of Islam). The decay of literary power was, have now passed since he took up the work of unfortunately, as marked at this period as that editing Sir Henry Elliot's reliques.
of political and military talent; and the best of The labours of his predecessors in possession of | the later native chronicles, the Siyaru'l muta those papers, though not without value, were
akhkhirin, is excluded from the volume, because it unimportant as compared with what remained to was impossible to devote much space to a work, do; for the MSS. left by Sir Henry were quite however excellent, which is elsewhere attainable insufficient for the accomplishment of his great
to the student. Probably the most interesting design. The labours of the editor, therefore, have
extracts given are those relating to the miseries been to a great degree original; and he is entitled
suffered by the last puppet emperors before our to far greater credit than might be supposed from
entry into Delhi, those showing the native opinion the title of the work.
of the invading English and French, and the This, as it now stands, contains at least a notice
accounts of the last battle of Panipat. None of of every Muhammadan chronicle relating to India these equal in value that of "Kasi Rai," in the known to be worth the trouble of opening, with Asiatic Researches, but several of them confirm extracts of greater or less bulk from most; so it, and mention the writer in terms which show that the student is not only presented with that he has not at all exaggerated his own opportolerably completo History of India from the tunities of observation." Musulman point of view and knowledge, but is Oriental students will be glad to hear that also furnished with a valuable guide for individual Prof. Dowson has been commissioned to suppleresearch. It to be regretted, indeed, that in a ment the valuable work now completed by two work with such a title there should be no extract volumes on the southern Musulmân states of from any Hindu or Buddhist author writing in his Bijapur, Ahmadnagar, &c., and we may express the own sacred or vulgar tongue,-e.g. the Mahdvariso hope that those possessed of rare MS. histories of or the Rájatarangini,--and still more that the any of the Bahmani dynasties will communicate arrangement of the extracts is sometimes confus- with him respecting them.
Prof. Dowson, under one of these accounts, devotes a considerable respectability, it is probably incorrect, a note (p. 154) to Ibrahim Khân Gârdi, and quotes (it does Ibrahima was a Sayad. His family still hold a small jag hir not appear from where) a statement that that commander near Puns, and are highly respected. Prof. Dowson "in times of yore ran with a stick in his band before the rightly derives the word Gardi from "guard, but does not palankin of M. de Bussy" at Pondicherry. Unless this seem to know that it is still in occasional use, and so means that he was a chobdar, or mace-bearer, an office of derived by nativos.

Page #223

CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
JULY, 1878.]
NOTES ON THE HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF CHAUL AND BASSEIN, by J. Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S., &c., &c. Bombay: Thacker, Vining, & Co.
"Save me from my friends," says a Spanish proverb, with which Dr. Da Cunha, as a member of a kindred race, is doubtless acquainted, and which must have recurred to him pretty often since the demand for his monographs upon the two most ancient ports of the North Konkan induced him (as he tells us in his preface) to unite them in a serious volume, apparently with some slight alterations, and the addition of 26 illustrations and a map. The result is that we have, in an unhandy and costly volume, a large amount of information upon the cities of C haul and Bassein, "and the domains which there adjacent lie," which would have been far more convenient to the few inquirers interested in the matter in the form of two octavo pamphlets. The illustrations might well have been left out. The photographs, as Dr. Da Cunha seems to be aware, are execrable; the engravings mostly very little better; and the map, with its orthography of no system (and generally different from that used in the body of the work), and its scanty and incorrect topography, is, if possible, worse; and there is no index.
The public (of Bombay at least) has heard so much, and yet so little that was pleasant, of Dr. Da Cunha's method of using his authorities, that we would not willingly enter upon the subject if we were not forced to do so by the fact that we have ourselves been worse handled by him than almost anybody else. A writer on scientific subjects necessarily, and by his own act of publication, places his ideas or opinions (let the value of the same be more or less) at the disposal of other inquirers; and a compiler who does not quote authorities wrongs rather his readers than his informants, though his conduct is reprehensible enough. But when the ipsissima verba of any writer are used by another, the former is entitled, by the courtesy of letters, to inverted commas and a marginal citation; nor is his right to be avoided by a mere mutilation or paraphrase of the passage. Of this rule, we regret to say, Dr. Gerson da 1 Our note runs as follows:A very large gun is said to have been given by the English Government to the Habshi of Zinjira from the Pusauti Burj or S.E. Bastion. The Patil family of Korlê still worship the remaining gune once a year," &c. Dr. da Cunha inserts as a present after 'given. Pusanti is a printer's-devilry for Pusauti.
Probably deeper water then rendered Thânê and Kalyan more approachable. Dr. Da Cunha falls into the common error of attributing the gradual shoaling of their approaches to silt'. But the fact is that the constant encroachment of man on the Koikan creeks has a tendency to narrow the channel, create scours,' and prevent 'silt." We have no scientific records as to the rise of the west coast by upheaval, though observations are now in progress; but that excellent observer Mr. Thomas, late Collector of Malabar (in his work on Indian angling), and most
183
Cunha is either ignorant or negligent. To quote one instance out of many, an editorial note has been bodily conveyed,' including a misprint, from Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 182, to his p. 88,1 and enriched with a pleonasm, but acknowledged in no way whatever.
There is some pleasure in turning from the demerits of an old contributor to his virtues, and there is no doubt that Dr. Da Cunha's work is a better guide to the Portuguese remains around Bombay than any other yet accessible. He troubles himself little with the Hindu period, of which we have, indeed, no very authentic records. The name of Bassein we know to have been from its earliest mention Wasai, which title it retains in modern Marathi. Nor does it appear at an earlier period to have been so well known or prosperous as might be expected from its position. Chaul, on the other, hand, has been known for about two hundred years as a great port, and apparently always under its present name. Dr. Da Cunha speaks of "the ancient city of Chaul, now called Rewa danda"; but the fact is that Chaul is still a recognized name for the whole ancient city, which encloses two sides of Rewadanda, as the sea does the other two, and is now chiefly covered with palm gardens. The relation between the two would seem in their best days to have been that of London in general to the parts below bridge.'
Chaul, says our author (restricting the name to the parts without Portuguesified Rewadanda), was originally called Champawati. Be this as it may, the Greek name was certainly Simylla"; the modern Marathi name (s) is (Jonesically transliterated) Chenwal: the local pronunciation may be best phoneticized to the English ear as Tsemwal'. It is impossible to conceive a modern Greek getting much nearer to the native orthoëpy than by using his ancestors' phrase; and the later writers who called it Chivil, Chivel, Cheul, &c., as exhaustively enumerated by Dr. Da Cunha, were evidently all aiming at the same pronunciation, and led Colonel Yule to an identification of which there can now be no doubt. The second syllable, wal or wali, is
coast officers, believe in it. From a letter of Mr. Farmer, Bo. C.S., dated from Poons, and quoted by Grant Duff, vol. II. p. 348, it may be concluded that about 1790 Chaul bar had 4 fathoms of water. Horsburgh in 1817 gives 3 only; and we think the present depth is 24 on rock.
Cl. Ptolem. Geog. VII. i. 6, VIII. xxvi. 3, and I. xvii. 3, 4. In the latter place, speaking of the mistakes of Marinus, Ptolemy says: "He places Simylla (rà EíuvλAλa), a seaport and commercial city of India, to the west, not only of Cape Komara, but even of the river Indus. Yet that city is mentioned only as south of the mouths of that river by those who have sailed to that country and spent much" time there in those parts, and by those who have returned we have been informed that the natives call it Timúla (Τίμουλα).”-ED.
See Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 282.

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184
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1878.
common in the nomenclature of Western India, p. 255, and particularly the nse of the name . Vira as Virdwal,' Bhusåwal,' 'Lâkiw'li, &c., and Chola' for Eldra, rest on obsolete surmises of apparently means 'a street of huts. The first or Dr. Wilson's, and are of no value. characteristic syllable is more mysterious, but Leaving, however, this ground, we come to the our author's conjecture that it designates "Chinna Portuguese period, in respect to which, probably, Deva Silahara" is as unlikely a derivation as is Dr. Da Cunha's opportunities are only equalled possible to conceive, seeing Chhittadeva (as by those of some of the Catholic clergy, one of his name is now properly deciphered) lived long whom, we believe, assisted him somewhat in his after the name had become well-known. Choul' labours. It is a pity that none of the reverend is modern Cheechee' language, and it is most Fathers of the Company of Jesus have as yet unfortunate that this 'pigeon' term should have favoured us with any treatise upon subjects been selected for 'Hunterization' and official and which must be amply treated of in their own scholastic use as 'Chaul.'
archives. For there is no chronicle of Portuguese Dr. Da Cunha, however, as we have said, India which does not bear witness to the untroubles himself comparatively little about the ceasing activity of the Paulistines (Indian early Hindu period, and, indeed, is hardly the Jesuits), and even now their position in the Presisafest guide upon it. For instance, on the authority dency of Bombay is one which must give every (apparently) of the Bhånddp plates, he says that the opportunity for research. Sil& håra family reigned ' at Sri Stha naka, An error may be noted at p. 181, where our which, as far as nomenclature can be trusted, | author quotes (without acknowledgment) from must be the modern Thân ê or Tanna, the capital this journal certain fortifications near Bhivandi of the island of Salsette. Now there is no evidence as built by the Portuguese at Thân. They are in the plates that they reigned at Sri Sthânaka ten miles from that place, and stand to it as at all, but merely over it; and the grantee is called Kars or Batoum, and not as the castles of the * sovereign of 1,400 villages'; whereas Salsette or Dardanelles, do to Constantinople. It is quite Shatshash ti seems never to have contained evident the doctor has either not seen them, or not more than 66 (as its name implies), so that it was studied military engineering and topography. The but a small part of his dominions, and Thànê forts built'at Think' were doubtless those still was but the head-quarters of the sub-division invisible from the railway bridge. The great fort which the grant was made; strictly analogous are there, now the jail, was begun after 1728, and was the cases of the Portuguese and English, under both still incomplete in 1739. of whom grants have been made of land in Salsette The late English and French authorities are by authorities not ruling in Thånå, in which the available to most students on the spot; and Dr. latter refer, like the old copper-plate grantors, to
like the old copper-plate grantors, to Da Cunha would seem not to have been partithe local authorities of Thånå. The conjecture cularly well qualified to deal with the latter, since therefore taken up by Dr. DaCunha, that Puri, he speaks, apparently on his own authority, of which the Silahara plates mention as their capital, the spiritueua Du Perron,' a term not admitted was Thân, the capital par excellence,' has no by the Academy as applicable to any wit--except foundation; and, as most authories are agreed in perhaps Monsieur Ponch.' the opinion that Gharapuri, ' Eleplanta,' never can It is unnecessary, therefore, to follow him further, have been the site of a capital city, R&japuri, I and most of his readers will, we think, agree with which was, within our own days at least, the capital the conclusions that he could have done a good of a tAluks in the North Konkan, under the Mari- deal more if he had tried to do less; and that it thâs and English, may be taken as the most likely is a great pity he did not, as we have certainly place, the more so as there is some shadow of no other work on the subject equal to his; and royalty hanging about the name.
he blocks the way so effectually that unless he A still more obvious improbabability attaches should take advice, cut his book again into the to the identification (p. 167) of Kalyan in the original two portions, and substitute for his useKonkan with the capital of "Raja Bhuvar the less illustrations some sort of an index, and a Solankhi, in the year of Vikrama 752", derived few notes on the Hindu and Mohammadan periods from the Ratnamdid. Surely Dr. DaCunha knows approaching the present state of knowledge on the that the name of the royal Solankhi race conjures subject, we are not likely to get anything better up no memories of the western sea-board. for a good while. Similarly the observations on cave-temples at Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. V. pp. 276, 277.
Kanya kubja, and Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 41, vol. IV. p. • Conf. Ratnam did in Jour. Bo. B.R.As. Soc. vol. VIII. 146, vol. VI. p. 188.-ED. p. 76, where Bhavad is distinctly said to have come from
S.

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August, 1878.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
135
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 161.) No. XLII.
formity with the custom of the Chalu ky a s, AT p. 15 of the present volume, I gave a Mangaliśvara assumed the government
copper-plate grant of the Eastern Cha- only because Pulike si II. was of too tender lukya dynasty. I understood, at that time, that years to be recognized as king at the death of this dynasty had been noticed in print only by Kirttivarma I., and that he voluntarily Dr. Burnell in his South-Indian Palmography. restored the throne to Pulike si II., as soon But I now find that an earlier account of it by as the latter became of mature age. Whatever Sir Walter Elliot is to be found in his second may be the circumstances under which Maipaper on Numismatic Gleanings at Madr. Jour. galiśvara succeeded, -whether as a usurper, of Lit. and Sc., N. S., Vol. IV, p. 75.
or as regent,--the facts that he, by the Badami I find, also, that the first of two copper-plate
inscription at Vol. VI., p. 363, succeeded in grants published by Bal Gangadhar Sastri at Saka 488 or 489, and that Pulik ési II. (by Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. II., p. 1, is a grant No. XXVII. of this series at Vol. VI., p. 72) of the founder of this dynasty, Vishņu var. did not succeed till Saka 531 or 532, and (by dhana I., or Kubja-VishŅuvardhana, the Aiho!e inscription) was still reigning in or, as he is named on the seal of the grant, Saka 556, show,-1, that Pulikêsî II. must Sri-Bittara sa, i.e. the king Sri-Bitta certainly have been of very tender years at the or Bitti. It deduces his genealogy from his death of Kirttivarma I., and, -2, that, grandfather Raņa vikrama,--the Puli- consequently, Vis hņu vardhana I., being kési I. of the Aihole inscription at Vol. V., his younger brother, must have been a mere p. 67, and his father, Kirttivarma I. infant at that same time, and cannot have The donor is Vishnuvardhana. But beon installed as Yuvardja. I would therefore he is only styled Yuvarája; and the grant hold,-1, that the formal separation of the is dated on the day of the full-moon of the Western and the Eastern branches took place month Karttika in the eighth year of the at some time after the accession of Pulike si reign of the Maharaja, and without any re- II., and also after the date of this grant; 2, ference to the Saka era. The Maharaja must that the Maharaja of the grant now noticed be Kirttivarma I., or Mangalis- is Pulike si II., though he is not mentioned vara, or Pulike si II. If it is Kirtti- in the genealogy; and 3, that, in accordance with varma I., the inference would be that the this, the date of the grant is Saka 539 (A.D. 617-8) formal division of the Chaluky a kingdom or 540. The full titles of Vishnuvar. into the Western and Eastern territories was dhana I. in this grant are Sri-prithivivallabha, carried out before the death of Kirtti- or favourite of the world'; Yuvardja; and varma, and that his youngest son, Vishnu- Vishamasiddhi, or he who is successful under vardhana I., was his Yuvarája for the East- difficulties.' The last was adopted as one of the ern division. This inference might be drawn standard mottoes of the Eastern Chaluk yas, without necessitating any conflict with the and appears on the seals of some of the grants statement of the Aihole inscription that Man- of subsequent kings of that dynasty. galiśvara became king on the death of Kirt. Another copper-plate grant of Vishnu var. tivarma, and that the succession after- dhana I. is given as Plate xxiv. of Dr. Burnell's wards went back to Pulik 8 41 II., the son South-Indian Palæography. The only other of Kirttivarma, because he was preferred name mentioned in this grant is that of his elder by the people to the unnamed son whom brother Satyasraya, i.e. Pulik ési II. Mangaliśvara destined to succeed himself. An explanation of the title Vishamasiddhi is But it is hardly compatible with the state given in l. 3, in the words sthala-jala-pana-giriment of the Yêwûr inscription that, in con- vishama-durggéshu labdha-siddhityád=Vishama
I shall shortly explain my reasons for altering my reading of the date of the Aihose inscription from " when Sake 506 had expired" to " when Saka 556 had expired."

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186
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1878.
siddhih, i.e. (he who is called) Vishama- the top, the moon; in the centre, the motto siddhi, because ho acquired success by land Sri Vishamasiddhi ; and at the bottom, a lotus. and by sea, in the woods and on the mountains, The plates are well preserved, except towards under difficulties, and against fortresses,' or, the ends of the lines, where they are rather perhaps, because he acquired success against corroded, though they are sufficiently legible. fortresses, difficult of access, (which were situated) The language is Sanskrit, -ungrammatical on land and in the sea and in the woods and on in the details of the grant. The characters are the mountains. In these plates Vishnu var of the usual early Eastern Chaluky a type. dhana I. is styled Mahárúja; the grant must, The Anusvára is written usually above the line, therefore, be subsequent to the formal establish- bat is sometimes irregularly placed ; and in a ment of the Eastern branch of the dynasty. It few cases it is written on the bottom line, was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the e.g., in Chanthirboyasya, 1. 24, Anjasarm mana, moon in the month Sråvaņa. And the date, 11. 28 and 29-30, Vennisarmana, 1. 34, and Manthough it is not referred to the Saka era, is duboyasya, 1. 59. specified more fully in numerical symbols in the It is a grant of Vishnu vardhana II., last line, in the words sain 16 má 4 di 15, i.e. the grandson of Vishnuvardhana I.,
in the sixteenth year and the fourth month (of with whom the genealogy commences. It is his reign), and on the fifteenth day of the dated on Wednesday, the tenth day of the month).
bright fortnight of the month Chaitra, Also, translations of two more copper-plate under the Magh â nakshatra, in the second grants of this dynasty have been given at Ind. year of his reign. The date is not referred Ant., Vol. II, p. 175.
to the Saka era, but it must be somewhere about The inscription now published is another Saka 590 (A.D. 668-9). Eastern Chaluky a grant, from the original This grant, and No. 5 of Major Dixon's r lates, which belong to Sir Walter Elliot, and copper-plates,--a grant of the Western Chafure marked as having been obtained from J. R. luk ya king Vinay aditya-SatyasPringle, Esq. I have no information as to where raya, which is dated when Saka 614 had they were found.
expired," in the thirteenth year of his reign, The plates are seven in number, about 7" on Saturday, at the time of the sun's commencloug by 2" broad. The ring connecting them ing his progress to the north, under the had been cut before they came into my hands ; Rohini nakshatra, -are the earliest instances it is about thick, and 3}" in diameter. The that I have as yet met with of the day of the Noel is rather oval than circular, and has,--at 1 week being named
Transcription.
First plate. ?] Svasti Śrimatâm sakala-bhuvana-saṁstůyamâna-Mânavya-sagôtrâņam Hâriti-putrâņâm sa[] pta-loka-måtribhir-måtribhir-abhivarddhitanamo Kärttik@ya-parirakshana-prâpta-rajyavi
bhavânâm bhaga[°] van-Narayana-prasÂda-sam(sa) và (ma)sâdita-varába-lářicha(iichha)n-êkshana-kshaņa-vasiksit
Asesha-mahi(hi)bhri[ ] tâm mahi(hi)-bhritâm=iv=ichala-sthitinâm asvamedh-avabhřita(tha)-ena n-a panita-Kali
malânâ m Chalu['] kyânîn kulam-alamkarishạnh(shņõh) anka-samara-sâ mghatt-Opalabdha-vijaya-patak
AvabhAsit-abesha-di[°] g-mandalasya Vishnuvarddhana-mahârâjasya paatrah sakal-avati(ni)pati-makata
ta[ta*]-ghatita-maņi-mayûka(khs)-puīja(?)
Second plate; first side. ['] mañjarita-charana-sarôrubasyah(sya) samadhi-kri(kri)gå-samasdita-sarvva-siddhêh
Jayasimha-Vallabha-ma
Perhaps two letters, containing the name of another nakshatra also, have been broken away after the word Maghu in l. 66.
. Here, and in a few places below, the mark over the line seems to be, not the Anavara, but the final form of m.

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August, 1878.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
187
[°] hârâjasyah(sya) priy-anujasy=Endra-sama-vikramasy-Endra-bhattárakasya priya
tanaya(yah) sakti-tray-knamit-a. [°] nêka-rajanya-mukha-kamala-sabh-abhyarchchita-charaña-yugalah chatur-udadhi-vêla
valaya-pa[] ryyanta-prâpta-kirttiḥ Manv-ádi-praņita-dharmma-sastra-pracharita-sarvva-lok-asrayaḥ
Chakrå (kra)dhara iva ["] chakravarttita(tk)-lakshan-âlark rita-sarira(rah) parama-mahesvarô måtâ-pitri-pad
Anudhyâtah Sri-Vishņuvarddhana[**] mahârâja (jah) sarvvân=ôvam=&jõâpayati [1*] Viditam=asta sarvvêshảm [1*]
Karmmarâshtra-vishayê Pasindi-Pamrunidu(pļu).
Second plate; second side. [**] Mrânumi(?)-Delkontha-Ravinûyu ity=étasya grâ[ma*) madhyamasya Rēgûru-nâma
| grầmamah) Bharadvaja-gố - [") tråya Nagasarmmañaḥ pantrầya Agniśarmmaņa(nah) patra(tra)ya Kundišarmmaño
dváda sâmsa (sah) [ll*] Ba (bhâ)radvå ja*)-go["'] trậya Nagasarmmaņa(nah) pautrâya Samkaraśarmmaṇaḥ putrậya Mandaśarmmanê [1] dakamsah [I] Puna Bharadvaja-gôiraya Nagasarmmanah putrayah (ya) Kumarasarmmany [") ashtamsah Kaun dilya-gôtrêya Sarkaraśarmmanê dvayamsah | Kaundilya-gotrêya Kuma[**] raśarmmaņê dvayamśaḥ [II*] Tasy=knuja Agniśarmmaņê dvayamśaḥ | Alaböyasya
KaundilyaThird plate ; first side. [""] gôtrasya Kattiśarmmaņa putra Kandaśarmmaņa putra Kappaśarmmana chatári
amsah [l *] Puna [] Kappaśarmmaņa eka amśaḥ [ll] Pana Rêvasarmmaņa dve amśaḥ [ll ] Puna
Kandaśarmmana dve ["'] amsah [ll ] Puna Kandasarmmaņa arddhâmśaḥ || Kôyilabôyasya Bhâradvâja-gôtra Bå[a] disarmmana muyyarddhamsah | Utpitorubỏyasya Kanva-gôtra Palasarmma. ["] na ekâmśah | Kavilabôyasya Gautama-gôtra Kondisarmmaņa ekkamsah || Ala["]'bumnabôyasya Kåsyâ(sya)pa-gôtra På(ba?)disarmmaņa ekamśaḥ || Chimthûrbûyasya
Third plate ; second side. ["S] Bhârad vâja-gôtra Sarvvasarmmaņa ekkamśaḥ || Mudubambôyasya Kaundilya-gôtra Sarvvasa[] rmmaņa patra Jettiśarmmaņa ekkamśaḥ [11*] Puna Kandisarmmaņa ekkamśaḥ [11*]
Pana Samkaraśarmmaņa ekkan[ r] śaḥ [11*] Puna Sarvvasarmmaņa ekkamśaḥ [ll*] Pana Luddaśarmmaņa ekkamsah (11*]
Kattiśarmmana putra [ S ] Amjasarmmaņa putra Kattiśarmmaņa ekkamsah [11*] Puna Sarvvasarmmana
tiņņi amśaḥ [ll] Deva[") sarmmaņa patra Samudraśarmmaņa ek kamśaḥ [11*] Puna Jettiśarmmana
ekkamsah [11] Anantaśarmmaņa putra A. [") mjasarmmaņa ekkamśaḥ [118] Pålasarmmaņa putra Rövasarmmaņa timại
amśaḥ [11*] Pulolürboyasya
Fourth plate ; first side. [") putra Vasuśarmmaņa ekamśaḥ [11*] Benbidibôyasya patra Aruvasarmmaņa
ekkamsah (11) Puna Veda[""] sarmmaņa ekkamsah [11] Pen bidibôyasya Kaundilya-gótra Jakkisarmmaņa
@kamsah [10] Kéśavaboyasya Vê. [*] basarmmaņa ekkamsah [1] Bhåradvâja-gôtra Agniśarmmaņa putra
Vinayaśarmmaņa putrầya Sarvvasarmma
• så was first written and then corrected into da.. • The final form of n is used here, though it is in the middle of a word.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[] nê dvayamsah
[AUGUST, 1878. Kaundilya-gôtra Vemnisarmmana putra Nandisarmmana putra Vasudevasarmmanê [3] dvayamśaḥ | Kaundilya-gôtra Vinayaśarmmana putra Nandisarmmana [putra*] Nigalarmma dvayamiah [] ["] Paummuddibyasya Kandilya-gotra Devaśarmmana dvayamśaḥ [*] Puna Bâdisarmmana ekka mśaḥ || Fourth plate; second side. [*] Didiblynaya Kannilya-gutza Gabótasarmmaga kalab | (1) Tonḍadarbôyasya Kausika-gôtra Rê[3] vasarmmana êkaṁśaḥ || Cheyûrbûyasya Kaundilya-gotra Rêvasarmmaņa muyyard-dhamśaḥ | Miribô[3] yasya Kasya (sya)pa-gôtra Anantaśarmmana dvayamśaḥ || Mudugonthabôyasya Bharadva[] jogi Daggalaramana ekkaa [*] Chanthrûrbûyasya Kâsyâ(éya)pa-gôtra Pâlasarmmana chata
188
[]
Fifth plate; first side.
na Miralaboyasya Kaundilya-gitra Vennilarmmana ekkariah | Maddamürböyasya [*] Kasya (sya)pa-gôtra Rôvasarmmana ekkaṁśaḥ [*] Puna Rêvaśarmmana ekkaṁśaḥ || Boppiboyasya Kiyk(y)[] pngtra Kumiralarmmago okkathiab (1) PonnalArblyasya Kädy(ya)pa-glera Sarvvasarmmana dvayamśaḥ (. ["] Vegiblyasya Kabyü(kyn)po-gltra Kundilarmmapa ekkathish (1) Kutmurblyssys Bharadvija-gôtra [**] Luddaśarmmana ekkamśaḥ (1) Kondâlibôyasya Kâsyâ(sya) pa-gôtra Kundisarmmana ekkamśaḥ () Mu[+] ttinthibôyasya Kaunḍilya-gôtra Vennisarmmana ekkamśaḥ () Alabumnaboyasya Kau[] ndilya-gôtra Bhattiśarmmana arddhamśal (1) Kesavaboyasya Bharadvaja-gôtra VinAyalarmmans [**] ekkaṁśaḥ [*] Puna Vinâyaśarmmana ekkamśaḥ (1) Râ(râm)pum(pu)rbôyasya Kaundilya-gôtra Jeṭṭiśarmmana êka mśaḥ [*] Fifth plate; second side.
[] Pulkonthabbyasya Käsyi(sya)pa-gltra Rêvalarmmaga ekkahia (1) Pandiriblya[ay] Bharadvaja-gôtra Pavvaśarmmana e[5] kkamsah Kesavabôyasya Vinayaśarmmana ekkamśaḥ [*] Puna Vinayasarmmaņa ekkamśaḥ () Mâraṭaboyasya [] Kaundilya-gôtra Châmuṇḍiśarmmana ekkarśaḥ [*] Puna Śivva (va)śarmmana okkaṁśaḥ || [2] Rêkâdibôyasya Kiky(y)pa-gita Donaśarmmana ekkaṁśaḥ [5] Rêkâdibôyasya Rêvaśarmmana ekkaṁśaḥ || Manikolboyaya Bharadvija[**] gôtra Chebumdothibôyasya Kiky(kyn)pa-g
Puna
Kandaśarmmana ekkamśaḥ Sixth plate; first side.
| Eddondibûyasya Kiyi(ya)pa-gltra NâgaLuttalûrbôyasya Kiya(ya)pa-gütm Niga Chichehakudibdyasya Kâsya (sya)paekkamśaḥ || Sama tibôyasya Venniśarmmaekkaa Mahdabûyasya Bhadrija-gotr Kattilarmmaga dvayashish dvayamśaḥ Sixth plate; second side. [0] Bala-vijay-ârôgya-nimittam-asmâbhiḥ sapipta(ptab) [U] Gamyâ raja-va[1] llabhah (bhâḥ) sarvva-parihârai(raiḥ) pariharantu parihirayanta [*] têshah(shim) ślôkinh [*] Bhumi-dânât=paran=dinam na bhutan-na tasy=aiva haranât pâpan-na bhutan-na bhavishyati || Mma was first engraved, and the lower m was then partially erased.
[**] Api cha [**] bhavishyati
Viraśarmmana ekkamsal
[55] tra
[5] sarmmana
[57] śarmmana
[*] gotra [59] na
ekkamśaḥ ekkaṁśaḥ Nandisarmmana
11
||
||
||

Page #229

Auguer, 1878.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
189
Seventh plate. [] Bahubhir=vvasudha datta bahabhis-ch=anupalità yasya yasya [°] yada bhûmi(mil) tasya tasya tathâ(da) phalam | Varddhamâna-rajya-dvadvi)[ti][60] ya-samvatsarê Chaitra-masê sukla-pakshê | daśyamyam Magha-......... 1011 nakshatra Budha-vårêshu va-mukh-ajñaña)pta[a*] Dirgôchâyi .............. ["] velayilkanmarakundi Erasya patra Vinayakasya likhitam sasanamn=idam || Translation.
like the Wielder of the discus, has his body Hail! The grandson of the Great King decorated with the marks of the status of a Vishnuvardhana who illumined all the universal emperor; who is a zealous worterritories of the regions with his banners of shipper of Mahê śvara; and who meditates victory acquired in the contest of many battles, on the feet of his mother and his father, thus and who adorned the family of the Chalu kyas, issues his commands to all people :who are glorious; who are of the lineage of Be it known to all! The village of Mânav ya, which is praised over the whole Reyûru, in the midst of the villages of world; who are the descendants of Hâriti; Pasindi and Parunidu and Mrâwho have been nourished by mothers who are numi and Delkontha and Râvin ûyu, the seven mothers of mankind; who have acquir. in the district of Karmarashtra, has ed the dignity of sovereignty through the protec- been apportioned by Us, for the sake of tion of Karttikoya; who have had all kings strength and victory and freedom from sickness, made subject to them in the instant at the sight (in the following manner). Twelve shares to of the sign of the Boar, which they acquired Kondisarma of the Bharad vaja gótra, through the favour of the holy Narayana; the son's son of Nagasar mâ and the who are of immovable stability like the mountains; son of Agnisarma. Ten shares to Man. and who have had the guilt of the Kali age daśarma of the Bharad vaja gôtra, removed by ablutions performed after celebrating the son's son of Nagasar mâ, and the horse-sacrifices--the dear son of Indra, the son of Sam karasar ma. Again, eight venerable one, who was equal in prowess to shares to Kumâraśarma of the Bha(the god) Indra and was the dear younger rad vaja gôtra, the son of Nagasarma. brother of the Great King Jayasimha Val- Two shares to Sam kara sarma of the labha, whose feet, which were as lotuses, Kandilya gôtra. Two shares to Kumara. were covered with clusters of flowers which sarma of the Kaundily a gôtra. Two shares were the rays of the jewels set in the tiaras of to his younger brother, Agnisarma. Four all kings (who bowed down before him), and shares to Kappaśarma of the house of) Alawho attained success in all things by practising bôya'' and of the Ka un dily a gôtra, the on profound meditation,-(viz.) the Great King of Kandaśarma who was the son of KatVishnuvardhana, -whose two feet have tiśarma. Again, one share to Kappahonour done to them by the court of the lotuses sarma. Again, two shares to Rê vasarma. which are the faces of the numerous kings who Again, two shares to Kandasar ma. Again, are bowed down by his (possession of the) three balf a share to Kandasarma. Three and a constituents of regal power; whose famo ex- half shares to Badisar må of (the house tends up to the circuit of the shores of the of) Koyila bôya and of the Bhå - four oceans; who practises being the refuge dvaja gôtra. One share to Palasarma of of all people in accordance with the sacred (the house of) Utpitoru bôya and the writings composed by Manu and others; who, Kan va gôtra. One share to Kundisar mî
There may be two letters broken away here ; see note 2. Caldwell in his Grammar of the Dravidian Languages; but . Two or three letters are broken away here.
it is one of the forma given by Mr. Kittel in his Notes con
cerning the Numerals of the ancient Dravidians (Ind. Samprapta(ptah), 1.60, lit. "effected, accomplished.'
Ant., Vol. II, p. 24). Sanderson's Dictionary gives two 10 Böya appears to be some sorpame or class name.
words containing it,- muyy-erad-adi, the carpenter-bee, Since it occurs in 11. 32, 47, and 50 affixed to the proper Dame which has six feet', (or lit., three two of feet'); and muyy: Késava, probably all the names to which it is affixed are
fr-moga, Shanmukha, the god of war, who has six faces proper names,-80 of them being taken from names of (or lit.,three two of faces'). On the analogy of these two villages.
words, muyy-ardha may possibly mean three halves', i.e. Muyy-arddha; a hybrid word, muyyu being Canarese, one and a half"; but it seems to me to be used in the and ardha Sanskrit. Muyyu, three', is not given by Dr.I sense of maru-vari, 'three and a half.'

Page #230

190
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Avgust, 1878.
of the house of) Ka vilaboya and the the Kaundilya gôtra: One share to Re. Gantama gòtra. One share to Padisarma vasarma of the house of) Muddamûrof the house of) Alabuanaboya and the boya and the Ka sya pa gôtra. Again, one Kasya pa gótra. One share to Sarvašarma share to Rêvasarma. One share to Kumaof the house of) Chinth û rbôja and the Bha- rasarma of the house of) Boppibô y a and rad vaja gótra. One share to Jettisar- the Kasya pa gôtra. Two shares to Sarvamå of the house of) Mud u bam bô ya and the sarma of the house of) Ponnad úr bô ya Kaun dily a gôtra, the son of Sarvašarma. and the Ka sya pa gôtra. One share to Again, one share to Kundisarma. Again, Kundisarma of (the house of) Végim bô y a one share to Samka rasar ma. Again, one and the Ka sya pa gôtra. One share to Ludshare to Sarva sarma. Again, one share daśarm & of (the house of) Kutmurbôya to Luddaśarma. One share to Kattisar. and the Bharad v aja gôtra. One share to mâ, the son of Anjaśarm å who was the Knndisarma of the house of) Kondason of Kattiśarma. Again, three shares to li boya and the Ka sya pa gôtra. One share to Sarvasar ma. One share to Samudra-Vennisarma of the house of) Muttinthi. śarma, the son of Dê vasarma. Again, bôya and the Ka undilya gôtra. Half a share one share to Jettisar ma. One share to to Bhattisar må of the house of AlabunAijasarmi, the son of Anantaśarma. na bôya and the Kaun dily a gôtra. One Three shares to Rê vasar mâ, the son of share to Vina ya sarma of the house of) Palasar mâ. One share to Vasuśarma, Kesa va bô y a and the Bharad vaja gótra. the son of Pulolůrboya. One share to Again, one share to Vinâ y aśarma. One share Åru vasarmà, the son of Benbidiboy a. to Jettisar mâ of the house of) RâmpurAgain, one share to 'Vedaśarma. One share boya and the Kaundily a gótra. One sbare to Jakkisarma of the house of) Pen bi- to Rêvasarma of the house of) Pulkonthadibôya and the Kanndilya gátra. One bôya and the Kasya pa gôtra. One share to share to v obasar må of the house of) K & sa- Pav vasarma of the house of) Pandiri. và bô ya. Two shares to Sarvasarma of bôya and the Bhâ rad vaja gôtra. One the Bharad våja gótra, the son of Vinaya- share to Vin á y asar må of (the house of) śar ma who was the son of Agnisarma. Kesava böya. Again, one share to Vinay &Two shares to Vâ su dê vas ar mâ of the šarma. One share to Chamundisarma Kauņdily a gôtra, the son of Nandisarma of the house of) Marata boya and the who was the son of Vennisarma. Two Kaundily a gôtra. Again, one share to Śivashares to Nagasarma of the Kaun dilya śarma. One share to Dôņa sarma of the göra, the son of Nandisarma who was the house of Reka di bôy a and the Kasya pa son of Vina ya sarma. Two shares to gâtra. Again, one share to Rêvasarmâ of Dê vasarma of the house of) Paummud. (the house of) Rok à di bôya. One share to dibêya and the Kandilya gôtra. Again, Kandasarma of the house of) Munikol. one share to Badisarma. One share to bôya and the Bharadv â ja gôtra. One share Ga'bô tasarma of the house of) Dûdiboya to Viraśarm â of the house of) Chebum. and the Kaundilya gôtra. One share to Red/thibô ya and the Kaśya pa gôtra. One vasarma of (the house of) Tondad û rbô ya share to Nâga sarma of the house of) and the Kausika gôtra. Three and a half Eddondibô ya and the Kasya pa gótra. shares to Rêvasarma of the house of) One share to Nagasarma of the house of) Chey û r bôya and the Ka undilya gôtra. Luttaļ ar bôya and the Kasya pa gôtra. Two shares to Ananta sarma of (the house One share to Nandisarma of the horse of) of) Miribô y a and the Kâ sya pa gôtra. Chichcha ku dibô y a and the Kâsya pa One share to Duggaśarma of the house of) götra. One share to Vennisarm â of the Mudugonth a boya and the Bhârad- house of) Sama tibô ya. Two shares to vâja gótra. Four shares to PAlasarm â of Kattiśarma of the house of) Mandu boya (the house of Chanth rúr bôya and the and the Bharad vaja gótra. Kas y apa gôtra. One share to Venni. Let future favourites of kings treat this śarma of (the house of Maratab ô y a and grant), and cause it to be treated, with all

Page #231

Indian firtiquary Vol.VII p. 191 EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF THE FIFTH YEAR OF VISHNUVARDHANA II.
“
ತನಿ ತಪಸ್ಸು ಮಾಡಿತ್ತು
ಸುಚಿಕೆಇಸಿಸಿರ್ಸಿಗೆ
ತ
ತ
:
ಸದಾಶಿಕಣಲತ್ತಳ್ಳಿ *. ಮಂತ್ರ ಸಾಸtakಚಿಕಿತಲೆ) ೩ ಆಗ ಆ ಕತೃಸ್ಥಾನಿಕ ಶಸ್ಸು ಸೆಕ್ಷಣಕ್ಕೆ
* ಅಸ್ಥಿ: ಕೆಕೈಕಿಣ, ಸಾಸfಆಸೆಬಕ್ಕCSCಬಡಿತ ಸಪ್ತ ಸ ಶ್ರಮಸಂಸಾರ್ತಸ್ಥತ : Tಕೃತಿ ಸಪ್ತಸಶಸ್ತಬರ್ಬಮ ಸಿಒಪ್ಪಿಸಿರ್ಶ * ಆಮಶುಕಿ ಮೈರ್ಕ ಮಣಿಕಕರ್ತೆಟಕ ರಕy.

Page #232

EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF THE FIFTH YEAR OF VISHNUVARDIANA. II.
:58 9:20 25 308 အ3;+: ဝါ “အnes |
ခံ 5:
lla.
သင်အလွန်
WGRIGGS PHOTO-LITH. PECKHAM
-
,

Page #233

AUGUST, 1878.)
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
191
exemption (from taxation). Moreover, there was forwarded by Mr. Porter. The ring conare these verses for them :-There has not necting the plates had been cut before they been, and there shall not be, any gift better came into my hands; it is about thick, and than a gift of land; there has not been, and 3Y" in diameter. The seal is circular, about there shall not be, any sin worse than confiscat- | 18" in diameter, and, as in the preceding case, ing such a gift! Land has been given by has,--at the top, the moon; in the centre, the many, and has been continued in grant by motto Sri-Vishamasiddhi; and at the bottom, a many; he, who for the time being possesses lotus. The language, is Sanskrit. The chaland, enjoys the benefits of it!
racters are of the usual early Eastern Chalu. This charter is the writing of Vina ya ka, kya type. The Anusvára is written above the the son of Dirgh ôch âyi............vela y il. line,-except in vådánga, l. 17, and suvatsara, kan marakundi-Era, from Our own word 1. 20, where it is on the line from want of of mouth (given) in the second year of Our space in which to insert it above the line. augmenting reign, in the month Chaitra, The genealogy commences with Kirttivarin the bright fortnight, under the Magh â mâ I. It is another grant of Vishnuvarnakshatra, on Wednesday.
dhana II., and is dated in the fifth year of his No. XLIIL
reign. Here, again, the date is not referred This is another Eastern Chaluk ya copper to the Saka era. But, the statement, that the plate grant, from the original plates, which grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse belong to Sir Walter Elliot, and are marked of the sun, which occurred on the day of the as having been obtained from Mr. Porter. I new-moon of the month Phalguna, enables have no information as to where they were us to determine that the date of it is probably found.
Saka 581 (A.D. 659-60). The details of this The plates are about 6" long by 2 brood. calculation will be explained fully hereafter. They are numbered ; and, contrary to the usual This inscription gives the earliest instance rule, the writing commences on the first side that I have yet met with of the use of the epithet of the first plate. Two plates only are now samadhigata-pancha-mahásabda, and the only forthcoming; the rest of the grant has been lost, instance in which I have as yet found it applied and seems to have been already missing when it to a paramount sovereign.
Transcription.
First plate; first side. ['] Svasti Srimatan
sakala-bhuvana-saistůyamâna-Mânavya-sagôtrânań [*] Hâriti-putrâņam sapta-loka-måtribhir=mmatribhir=abhivarddhitanam
Kartti[] key-anugrah-åvåpta-kalya na-parampara(ra)nar
bhagavan-Narayana-prasad-asadita-varaha-lážchhan-átmîkrit-abesha-bhubhțitam
bhů-bhritâm=iv=achala-sthi [*] tinam abvamddh-avabhritha--snîn-úpanita-Kali-malanan Chalukyanam k ulam-a
First plate ; second side. [] lamkarshnôh(rishņoh) Sri Kirttivarmmanah pranaptá sakal-Avanipati-makuta-tata-ghatita['] maņi-mayúkha-puma-pi(pin)jam (ja)rita-charana-yugalasya
Sri Vishộuvarddhana
mahârâjasya [*] naptâ Sakti-traya-samAsâdit-Asosha-bhu-mandal-Adhipateh
sva-guna[°] nurakta-prakriti-sampâdita-sarvva-sampadah Sri-Jayasi(sim)ha-Vallabha-va(ma)harajasy[*] priya-bhrâtur=anô"oka-yuddha-labdha-vijay-alamkrita-sarirasy=Endra-bhattârakasya
Second plate; first side. u priya-tanayah samadhigata-pañcha-mahasabdah sakal-Ondar-iva sakala-kal-adhi["] shthànô Vishnur=iva Sri-nivå sah sriman=Vishnuvarddhana-mahârâjah Gudrahara
Tirst
13 See notes 2 and 7.
13 Here, and in aindvdsydyam, 1. 20, the mark on the apper line is probably, not the Anusvara, but the final form of m.
** Ya was first engraved, and then the stroke denoting the & was partially erased.
15 In the same way, al was ongraved and corrected into 3a.
This letter, n, was first omitted, and then inserted above the line, with a cross-mark to indicate the omission.
11 Between the vi and the slot is a faint sha, where sln was commenced and then partially erased through want of room because of the hole for the ring.

Page #234

192
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Arutankûr-âśrayê
[1] vishayê [] sarvvân-êvam-a(â)jñâpayati yathâ
[] Navachatti-trivėdasya
agnishtôm-âdi-paundarika-pa
putraya
adhita-vêda-dvayâya
Translation.
[10] sa-purana-nyây-ânêka-dharmma-śâstra1"-vidaḥ [] ryyant-neka-krata-yashtub Dhruvaśarmmanah pautraya vêda-vêdamga-vidaḥ [1] Dochisarmmanah Dhruvaśarmmanê [19] asmin=gramê asmat-puny-abhivṛirddha (ddha)yê a()tmand vijaya-pañcha [*] mê samvatsarê Philgus-mis amãvâsyiyam sûryya-gra[ha* ]na-nimipower, and who achieved all prosperity through his subjects being devoted to his virtuous qualities, (viz.) the glorious Vishnuvar dhan a, the Great King,-who has attained the five great sounds (of musical instruments), and who possesses all accomplishments, and who, like (the god) Vishnu, dwells with the goddess of fortune,-issues his commands to all who reside at the village of Pallivada in the district of Gudra hår a and in the vicinity 20 of (the village of) Arutankûr:
Hail! The great-grandson of Sri-Kirttivarma who adorned the family of the Chalukyas, who are glorious; who are of the lineage of Mânavya, which is praised over the whole world; who are the descendants of Hariti; who have been nourished by mothers who are the seven mothers of mankind; who have attained an uninterrupted continuity of prosperity throngh the favour of Karttikêya; who have had all kings made their own (feudatories) by the sign of the Boar, which they acquired through the favour of the holy N ârâ yana; who are of immovable stability like the mountains; and who have had the guilt of the Kali age removed by ablutions performed after celebrating horse--the son's son of D hru vâéarmâ, who insacrifices, the grandson of the Great King SriVishnuvardhana whose feet were made to appear of a reddish-yellow colour by the rays of the jewels which were set in the diadems of all the kings (who bowed down before him), -the beloved son of Indra, the venerable one, whose body was adorned with victory acquired in many battles, and who was the dear brother of the Great King Sri-Jayasim. ha-Vallabha who acquired all the regions of the earth by means of the three constituents of
At this village, in the fifth year of Our victorious reign, in the month Phalguna, on the day of the new-moon, on account of an eclipse of the sun, [there has been given] to Dhruvaśarm â, who has studied two Védas,
habited (the city of) A s a n apura, and who was of the K â sya pa gotra, and who was a fellowstudent of N û vu chutti, the knower of three Védas, in the school of the Taittiriyas, and who knew the Védas and the Védángas and the epics and the Puránas and the Nyaya and the numerous sacred writings, and who performed many sacrifices commencing with the Agnishtôma and ending with the Paundarika,-the son of Dochisarmâ, who knew the Védas and the Védángas..
Taittiriya-sa-brahmachariṇaḥ Second plate; second side.
[AUGUST, 1878.
Palli(? ddi, or ddi) vâda-grâmam-âdhivasataḥ [*] Asana-pura-va(vâ)stha (sta)vyasya
ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES. BY M. J. WALHOUSE, LATE M.C.S. (Continued from p. 179.) No. XXI.-The Old Tanjor Armoury.
Maharaja Sivaji, the last king of Tanjor,
died in October 1855.
An eye-witness has recorded the stately and solemn spectacle of his funeral, when, magnificently arrayed and loaded with the costliest
18 The curve in the vowel-stroke attached to the k is intended to make it equivalent to a repetition of the stroke itself, and thus to give the long form of the vowel.
19 Strd was first engraved and then altered into stra by partial erasure of the stroke denoting the 4. In all such
Ka(ka)sya(sya)pa-gôtrasya vida-viding-étibi
jewels, his body, placed in an ivory palanquin was borne by night through the torchlit streets of his royal city amid the wail of vast multitudes lamenting the last of their ruling race. The change of death, it was said, cast an
cases, where the correction is made by paring down the copper on each side of the wrong stroke or strokes, the facsimile will, and can only, show the mistake of the engraver, and not his method of correcting it.
20 Araya.

Page #235

ep21)
+
DAGGERS FROM THE TANJOK ARMOURY.
DOMINI **

Page #236


Page #237

ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES.
AUGUST, 1878.]
air of power and majesty over the old king's features, so that he almost seemed to acknowledge the salutations of the crowds as he passed in state for the last time through the embattled gateway of those wide-circling ramparts round which so many famous commanders and the armies of so many races have met in fight. There, on the bank of the sacred river, without the walls, a huge pile of sandalwood was laid, and with great weeping the royal robes were taken off one by one, and the body, wrapped in a simple muslin garment, placed upon the pile, and heaped over with the fragrant fuel. The nearest descendant, a boy of twelve, was carried thrice round the pile, and at the last circuit a pot of water was dashed to pieces on the ground, emblematic of the life of man. The boy then lit the pile, and the loud long-sustained lament of a nation filled the air as the flames rose.
With this king the raj became extinct, but eventually all the personal and landed property, the palace, treasury, jewels, &c., were made over by Government to the chief Rânî,-everything in the palace, except the contents of the old armoury, which, as useless to the family, the Government decided to remove and disperse. The need of preparation for war and all its pomp and circumstance had long since disappeared from Tanjor, and the armoury' consisted of great heaps of old weapons of all conceivable descriptions, lying piled upon the floor of the Sangita Mahal music-hall,' a large detached building within the precincts of the palace, entered by a low massive antique portico. The floor of the interior was sunken, much resembling a huge swimming-bath, and a covered gallery ran round the wall above, whence, it was said, the ladies of the court in old days used to look down upon games, wrestling-matches and the like. But the bottom had long been occupied by many tons of rusty arms and weapons, in confused heaps, coated and caked together with thick rust. Hundreds of swords, straight, curved, and ripple-edged, many beautifully damascened and inlaid with hunting or battle scenes in gold; many broad blades with long inscriptions in Marathi or Kanarese characters, and some so finely tempered as to bend and quiver like whalebone. There were long gauntlet-hilts, brass or steel, in endless devices, hilts inlaid with gold, and hilts and guards of the most tasteful and elaborate
193
steel-work. There were long-bladed swords and executioners' swords, two-handed, thickbacked, and immensely heavy. Daggers, knives, and poniards by scores, of all imaginable and almost unimaginable shapes, double- and triple-bladed; some with pistols or spring-blades concealed in their handles, and the hilts of many of the kuttars of the most beautiful and elaborate pierced steel-work, in endless devices, rivalling the best medieval European metalwork. There was a profusion of long narrow thin-bladed knives, mostly with bone or ivory handles very prettily carved, ending in parrotheads and the like, or the whole handle forming a bird or monster, with legs and wings pressed close to the body, all exquisitely carved. The use of these seemed problematical: some said they were used to cut fruit, others that they had been poisoned and stuck about the roofs and walls of the women's quarters, to serve the purpose of spikes or broken glass!
Eventually the whole array was removed to Trichinapalli and deposited in the arsenal there, and after a committee of officers had sat upon the multifarious collection, and solemnly reported the ancient arms unfit for use in modern warfare, the Government, after selecting the best for the Museum, ordered the residue to be broken up and sold as old iron. This was in 1863. Being on the spot at the time, I was able to inspect and purchase a quantity of the weapons. A curious point about them was the extraordinary number of old European blades, often graven with letters and symbols of Christian meaning, attached to hilts and handles most distinctively Hindu, adorned with figures of gods and idolatrous emblems. There was an extraordinary number of long straight cut-and-thrust blades termed Phirangis, which Mr. Sinclair, in his interesting list of Dakhani weapons (Ind. Ant. vol. II. p. 216) says means the Portuguese,' and were "either imported from Europe by the Portuguese, or else made in imitation of such imported swords." Mr. Sinclair adds that both Grant Duff and Meadows Taylor have mentioned that the importation was considerable, and that Raja Sivaji's favourite sword Bhavani was a Genoa blade. This sword is figured in the History of the Mahrattas, and is said to be still preserved as a sacred relic in the Satârâ family. It is curious to note how ancient and wide-spread the custom of giving names

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to favourite swords has been; there was the Prophet's sword Zualfakir, the Cid's Durindana, King Arthur's "brand Excalibur," the Dwarf-sword Tirfing of Scandinavian Sagas, and many another celebrated in the annals of chivalry. The Tanjor armoury strongly confirmed the statements of the great importation of European blades; it contained hundreds, whole or in pieces. Two phirangis in my possession have double-channelled blades, one set in a beautiful hilt of copper inlaid all over with ornamentation in gold, including four figures of griffins and ten of gods, the blade bearing on one side this inscription, repeated in each groove, X CKNEO SOE NVS X and on the other side the letters
OEN BCг
also twice repeated. The blade of the other phirangi, set in a hilt covered with tasteful gold foliage-work, spread also over hold-fasts prolonged four inches up the blade, bears these symbols and letters in one line on each side
*** NOVA E * * * These, as well as scores of others, were evidently European blades, and the signification of the letters may probably be obvious to antiquaries conversant with old weapons. And besides these there were multitudes of uttars with handles of very exquisite pierced steel-work, in which were set blades evidently formed of pieces of European swords bearing various inscriptions. I have seen no medieval or modern steel-work surpassing these Hindu hilts in excellence of workmanship, artistic ingenuity, and tastefulness of design and ornament. The fancy shown is endless, and the execution minute and admirable. The sides of the handles, the crossbars between for grasping, the tops of the handles, and the hold-fasts running from them up the blades, are all wrought in steel, generally pierced, and hardly any two designs the same. All the mass of weapons when taken from the armoury were thickly caked over with rust, and too many lamentably corroded and destroyed. It was only after great and persevering labour that the incrustations, perhaps of centuries, were more or less successfully removed, and the designs and inscriptions disclosed. One kuttar of fantastic design now by me has the grasp covered by a shield-shaped guard of pierced steel, bearing a griffin on each outer
[AUGUST, 1878.
rim, from whose backs small blades project on each side at right angles to the central blade, which bears this inscription on both sides :xx INTI xx DOMINI XX (See Fig. 6 in the first of the accompanying plates.) Another fantastic dagger has three long narrow blades parallel to one another, the middle one longest, and on it are the letters EDRO. A kuttur (Figs. 3, 3) with a handle throughout of beautiful workmanship, the openwork sides an arrangement of griffins, phoenixes, and clustered fishes, and the hold-fasts of the blade each four fancifully grouped parrots, bears on one side the blade, which is broad and three-channelled, the letters S. M. V. N., and on the other C. V. M., with a human face in a crescent further up. A second kuttar (Fig. 5) has the handle of fine pierced steelwork covered with a guard representing a cobra with expanded hood between two rampant griffins; the long narrow blade exhibits a single deep groove, in which on one side are the letters 10 HANIS VLL, and on the other four or five indistinct letters and then ALIV N. A third, with a handsome well-wrought steel hilt, after the thick layer
of rust that coated it had been removed, dis-.
closed, to my surprise, in two deep channels on
each side the blade, the well-known name ANDREA FERARA (sic).
It seemed strange to meet the famous Italian swordsmith of three centuries ago in such an association, but Sir Walter Elliot has informed me that when a notorious freebooter was captured in the Southern Maratha Country many years since, his sword was found to be an "Audrea Ferrara." So widely have these old European blades been spread over India; whether frequently found in Bengal and the North-West I do not know; but in the extensive collections of Eastern weapons in the India, South Kensington, and Bethnal Green Museums there are very few-less than a dozen-blades that appear unmistakably European, whereas in the Tanjor armoury they were numbered by scores; perhaps they had been collected there for a long period. One noticeable feature was the immense number and variety of arrows and arrowheads: the former, as usual, of reeds, with bone or ivory nocks and spike-heads of all possible 2, 2, and 4, 4, on the plate represent two others.
11, 1, are the side aud front of one handle; and

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OLD HINDU ARROWIE ADS
ACTES! SIZE

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shapes, short and lengthened, rounded, three- or four-sided, channelled, or bulging in the centre; many were barbed, and many flat-tipped or ending in small globes,-perhaps for killing birds without breaking the skin; and there were some headed with hollow brass balls perforated with three or four holes, which were said to be filled with some inflammable composition and shot burning on to roofs and into houses. (See No. 13, on the accompanying plate of Old Hindu ArrowHeads.) Under the head each arrow was elaborately gilt and painted for six inches down the stem, and also for the same length above the nock, and each bore above the feathers an inscription of two lines in Marathi characters, in gold.
ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES.
But besides the arrows there were extraordinary quantities of detached heads embedded in the mud of the floor, apparently of more antique types and still more fantastic forms, some not a little elegant: for example,-No. 4 on the same plate,-two paroquets joined beak to beak and breast to breast, their tails meeting in the point; No. 12, a flat blade with both edges rippled; No. 10, a double prong with barbed points; Nos. 3, 5, 6, 9, and 16,-several heads broad and tapering to a point, with curious openwork centres, sometimes all the centre open, the head indeed being merely a steel rim drawn to a point; these open-work heads were declared to be peculiarly dangerous, the flesh closing into them, and rendering extrication very painful. Some long spike-heads (Nos. 8, 14, and 15) were grooved on the sides or roughened under the point, for the purpose, it was said, of carrying glutinous poison. There were also crescentheads (Nos. 1 and 7), a very antique form, used in the Roman circus-games; with such an arrow Anantaguna-Pandion, the king of Madurâ, is said to have destroyed an Asura sent in the form of a striped serpent by the Samunals or Jains to devour the inhabitants of Madurâ. Some small elegant heads inlaid in gold (No. 11), with an elephant and monograms, appeared intended for royal use. A considerable number of the large heavy arrow-heads used by native huntsmen was also found, some four or six inches long and more than an inch wide. Several were identical in form with arrow-heads brought by Commander Cameron from the interior of Africa; a barb with only one tang is common to both continents, and so is the crescent shape.
The demand for blades of European make
195
formerly existing in India seems rather strange when it is remembered how skilful Indian smiths were, and how famous Indian steel has been from remote antiquity. The workmanship of the native hilts can scarcely be surpassed, and it might be supposed that the smiths who made them could also have forged blades as good as those of Earopean origin which they actually bear; moreover, the districts of Salem, Koimbatur, and North Arkat, in which the best Indian steel has been manufactured from time immemorial, are almost contiguous to Tanjor, where so great a collection of European weapons had been assembled, and the name of Arunâchellam of Salem has been known all over India for the last fifty years: the shikárknives and spear-heads made by him could not be excelled, hardly equalled, in temper and finish by any English smith, and the same might be said of him in all iron and steel work wrought by hand. It is in this region that the famous ferrum Indicum was probably produced, a hundred talents of which was held a fitting present to Alexander the Great: for, though the now well-known fusing and smelting process is said to be practised all over India, it is in these southern districts that the ore is richest and most magnetic, and hence the much-prized grey-steel ingots, whose production was so long a puzzle to the scientific, were exported far and wide to Damascus and Europe. There are many casual allusions which show how highly Indian steel was estimated in antiquity; for example, Clemens Alexandrinus, discoursing of luxury, observes, "One can cut meat without Indian iron." And when, in venturing some remarks (Ind. Ant. vol. V. p. 239) upon the occurrence of Roman coins in the neighbourhood of aqua-marina mines in Koimbatur, and observing that I knew of nothing they were likely to have been used in purchasing except the gems, I might have added the steel so abundant and excellent both there and in the bordering district, Salem. When at the end of the past century some pieces of Indian steel were sent to the Royal Society, none could conjecture the method of their preparation, and it remained long unknown; even now somewhat of the more delicate manipulation is a secret amongst the native smiths, but the general method is understood, and may be read, well described, in Ure's Dictionary of Arts and Manufactures, art. 'Steel,'

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ore.
and elsewhere. Nothing can be more simple and primitive than the native process, which, albeit involving a recondite chemical application, is probably the same now as in the days of Alexander the Great. The ore used is the magnetic oxide of iron, which, though sometimes forming small hills, is generally dug out from various depths. Occasionally it forms regular octahedrons yielding 72 per cent. of iron. The furnace is formed of clay, four or five feet high, cone-shaped, with a hearth at the bottom, round, and about twenty inches in diameter, the mouth at the top half that breadth. A pipe is inserted at the bottom of the cone, the outer end of which is connected with a pair of bottleshaped skin-bellows. A layer of charcoal is placed at the bottom of the furnace and lit, on that a layer of ore, and this is repeated till there are seven layers of charcoal and as many of Two men then work the bellows for two hours, when all the ore fuses, and the metal runs together in a mass. It costs less than a rupee to construct a furnace, and about thirty rupees' worth of iron can be made in it in a year. But a further process is necessary to convert the iron into the famous steel, and that process hardly yet seems thoroughly understood; its success probably depends upon a manual instinctive dexterity handed down from generations. The iron cake is again fused, and some uncharred wood and green leaves of the Asclepias gigantea are enclosed with it in the crucible. The fusing takes twenty-four hours, and on breaking the crucible the steel is found in a sort of button, the surface radiated as though crystallized. It has increased in weight, is extremely hard, of compact texture, and brilliant white colour at the fracture, and requires to be annealed three or four times, and exposed to a red heat for twelve or sixteen hours.
This is the far-famed 'wootz,' or Indian steel, whence were forged those Damascus blades that would shear asunder fine muslin webs floating in the air, and sever sheets of paper drifted against them on running water. The success of
[AUGUST, 1878.
the forging is said to depend on the due application and proportion of the Asclepias leaves. This plant grows, dock-like, in profusion over the plains and waste ground of the dry central districts of Madras. In Malabar and on the rainy western coast it is hardly ever seen, and there, though the laterite soil is richly charged with iron and extensively smelted, the Malabar smiths cannot produce the steel,-they lack the secret of the mysterious leaf. The Asclepias plant throughout its stem and broad bluegreen leaves is filled with a milky juice, and its effect on metal depends on a recondite chemical cause, very far from obvious; and it is difficult to imagine how it could have been discovered in an unscientific age and country: its use and application were probably hit upon by accident, like the making of glass and the Tyrian dye.
But the Indian steel has one defect which goes far to explain the rarity of its appearance, and the profusion of European steel, in great armouries of old date, like that in the Tanjor palace, and that, defect is its exceeding brittleness. Worked up in the European style it would break like glass. Hence, doubtless, the preference shown for the tougher and more enduring European blades. Moreover, the ancient Indian smiths seem to have had a difficulty in hitting on a medium between this highly refined brittle steel and a too-soft metal. In ancient
HIWAN THSANG'S ACCOUNT OF HARSHAVARDHANA.
The reigning king is of the Fei-she (Vaisya) caste; is surnamed Ho-li-sha-fa-t'an-na (Harsha
sculptures, as at Srirangam, near Trichinapalli, life-sized figures of armed men are often represented bearing kuttars or long daggers of a peculiar shape; the handles, not so broad as in later kuttars, are covered with a long narrow guard, and the blades, 24 inches broad at bottom, taper very gradually to a point through a length of 18 inches, more than three-fourths of which is deeply channelled on both sides with six converging grooves. There were many of these in the Tanjor armoury, perfectly corresponding with those sculptured in the old temples, and all were so soft as to be easily bent,-recalling the fault noted by Tacitus and Caesar in the weapons of the ancient Gauls and Germans.
MISCELLANEA.
vardhana); he rules over and holds the whole country. They reckon three kings in two generations. His father's surname was Po-lo-kie-lo-fa-t'an-na (Prabhakaravar
* In Chinese Hi-tseng, 'increaser of joy. See note 9 below.

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dhana);" his elder brother was called Ho-lo-she-fa- your father: what merit will be comparable to t'an-na (Rajyavardhana). Wang-tseng as- yours P We supplicate you, do not spurn our cended the throne as eldest son, and ruled in a wishes." virtuous way. At that time She-shang-kia (Sa- "In all times," replied the royal prince, "the ś & nika)," king of the realm of Kie-lo-na-8-fa-la-na inheritance of a kingdom has been a heavy load. (Karnasu varna)'in Eastern India, said daily to Before mounting a throno one ought to consider his ministers: "When there is a wise king in the maturely. For myself, in truth, I have only modeneighbourhood it is dangerous for the state." Upon rate ability; but now, that my father and my that he treacherously invited him to a meeting and brother are no more, if I decline the inheritance killed him (Rajyavardhana). The inhabitants (of of the crown, shall I thereby do any good to the Kanyakubja) having lost their prince, the state people? It is right that I should obey public became a prey to disorder. Then a minister named opinion, and forget my weakness and incapacity. Po-ni (Bhani).' who enjoyed much authority, Now, on the banks of the Ganges there is a statue spoke thus to his colleagues: "The fate of the king of Kwan-Tsen-ts'ai-pw-80 (Avalokitesvara dom should be decided to-day. The eldest) son of | Bodhisattva). As it works many miracles, our first king is dead; the brother of that prince is I wish to go and pray to it." He went at once to benevolent and humane, and Heaven has undowed the statue, fasted, and made fervent prayers. The him with filial' piety and reverence. From the Bodhisattva, touched by his heartfelt sincerity, apimpulse of his heart he will revere his parents and peared to him in person and asked thus: “What have confidence in his subjects. I desire to see him do you ask for with such pressing importunity P" inherit the throne. What think you of it? Let "I have done nothing but accumulate evils," reeach speak his own opinion."
plied the royal prince; "I have lost my father, As all admired his virtues, no one had a different who was good and affectionate, and my elder opinion. Then the ministers and magistrates be- brother, a pattern of gentleness and kindness, has sought him to ascend the throne: "Royal prince," been shamefully massacred. Their death has said they, "condescend to listen to us. Our first been to me a double affliction. I perceive that I king had accumulated merits and amassed virtues, have but little ability; however, the inhabitants and he reigned with glory. When Wang-tseng of the state wish to raise me to honours, and (Rajyavardhana) succeeded him, we thought that require that I should succeed to the throne, to he would continue to the end of his career. But by render famous the heritage of my father. But, as the incapacity of his ministers he has gone and my mind is dull and devoid of knowledge, I venfallen under the sword of his enemy; that has been ture to ask your holy opinion." a great disgrace to the realm. It is we who are to The Pu-sa (Bodhisattva) said to him: "In your blame. The opinion of the public is manifested in previous life you dwelt in a forest: you were the the songs of the people, and all the world sincerely Bhikshu of a hermitage, and you discharged your submits to your resplendent talents. Rule, then, duties with indefatigable zeal. By the effect of that gloriously over the country. If you can avenge virtuous conduct you have become the son of this the injuries of your family, wipe out the disgrace king. The king of the state of Kin-eul (Karnaof the state, and render illustrious the heritage of suvarna) having destroyed the law of Buddha,
In Chinese Tso.kwang.tseng, i.e. 'the increase of that which makes light. In place of Po-lo, Po.lo p'o (Prabha) is required. He is also called Prat spasila by Bang, Bee note 6.
* The Chinese translation of Rajyavardhana, i.e.,' increase of the king.'
• In Chinese Yuei, 'moon.' This is Saskóka Narendragupta of Bana's Harshacharita.
Kin-eul, golden-eared' or 'having gold in the ears. The town of Rangåmatti, 12 miles south of Murshidabad, stands on the site of an old city called Kurusona-ka-gadh, supposed to be a Beng&li corruption of the name in the text: Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. XXII. (1858) pp. 281, 282; Jour. R.As. Soc. (N. S.) vol. VI. p. 248.
. From the incomplete Harshacharita of B &na, a poet who seems to have lived at the court of Harsbavardhana, we learn that Pushpabhati, a native of the country of Srikanth, in which was the town of Sth&ovisvara, that is, Th&nesar, was the ancestor of Prat pasila or Prabhakara vardhana, king of Kapagi, who is said to have subdued the Hunas, with Sindha, GØrjar, Lata, and MAlave. He married Yasovati, and "his family consisted of three children: two sons, R&jys. vardhana and Harsha," and a daughter, Mahadevi
or Rajyasri. To Bhandi, a subject of high rank, Rajyavardhana and Harshavardhana were entrusted for their education. Rajyasri was married at Kanyákubja to Graha varm, the son of Avantiverm, of the Maukhara family; but on the day of Prabh Akaravardhana's death Grahavarm was massacred by the king of M&ls va, and Rajyasrt carried off. Rajya vardhana, taking Bhandi with him, and an army of ten thousand horse, followed the king of Malaya and slew him; but he himself was defeated and killed by Sasanka Narendragupta, king of Gauda or Bengal, and succeeded by his younger brother Harsha, whom his officers urged to avenge his brother's death. But the Hindu epic breake off on the recovery of Rajyairt among the Vindhya mountains.--See Hall's Vasa. vadatta, pp. 51, 52; Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. X. Pp. 88-45.
Bhandin-according to Bana.
The Padmapini of Nepâlese Mythology, and Kwan-lin of the Chinese. Conf. Burnouf, Introd.d l'Hist. du Bouddh. Sme ed. pp. 101, 121, 196-206, 212; Vassilief, Le Boud. pp. 125, 176, 178, 186, 197; Jour. R. As. Soc. (N. S.) vol. II. pp. 136AP. 418ff.; Hodgaon's Illust. pp. 68, 78, 185, or reprint, pt. i. pp.47, 54, 95; Laidlay's Fuh-hian, pp. 115.117; Beal's Buddhist Pilgrims, pp. 60, 167; Journal of Philo. logy, vol. VI. (1876) pp. 222-231.

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it is right that you should succeed to the crown, to the indigent. These benevolent distributions never restore the splendour of the kingdom. If you fill cease. Wherever the Saint (Buddha) had left the your heart with affection and compassion, if your mark of his feet, he erected Kia-lan (Sanghårdmind sympathize with distress, before long you will mas). Every five years he convokes an assembly rule over the five Indies. If you wish to prolong called Wu-che-ta-hoel (the great assembly of Deliv. the duration of your dynasty, it will be necessary erance-Móksha mah& parishad). He empties the to follow my instructions. Through my secret treasury and state stores to do good to everybody; protection I will obtain for you distinguished he only reserves the arms, which are not suitable honour, and no neighbouring king will be able to to give in alms. Every year he collects the Sharesist you. But do not ascend the Siñhâsanamen (Šramanas) of the various kingdoms. On the (throne), nor take the title of Mah & rå ja." third and seventh day he makes the four offerings.
Having received these instructions he returned. He decorates richly the Chair of the Law, and He then accepted the inheritance of royalty, called causes seats of exposition to be arranged in great himself by the name of prince royal (Ku må numbers. He orders the monks to argue together, raraja), and took the title of Shi-lo-'o-t'ie-to and judges of their force or weakness. He rewards (siladitya). Thereupon he gave the following the good and punishes the evil, degrades the ignoorders to all his subjects :-" The death of my rant and promotes men of ability. If any one brother is not yet punished, and the neighbour- faithfully observes the rules of discipline, if he is ing states are not obedient to my laws; I do distinguished by the purity of his morals, the king not know when I shall be able to eat in peace. makes him ascend the Siñhdsana (lion's seat of Let all you magistrates unite your hearts and his throne), and himself receives from his lips the arms."
precept of the law. If any one, however, who leads Immediately he collected all the troops of the a pure and irreproachable life be deficient in knowkingdom, and caused the soldiers to be exercised. ledge and learning, he is pleased to give him He had an army of five thousand elephants; the proofs of his esteem and regard. cavalry numbered twenty thousand horse; and If a man forget the rules and discipline, and the infantry fifty thousand men. He marched allow his vices to appear in open day, the prince from west to east to punish the insubordinate expels him from his kingdom, and wishes to see or kings. The elephants did not put off their hear no more of him. When the petty kings of the housings, nor the men their cuirasses. Finally, neighbouring states, their ministers and their in the middle of the sixth year, he made himself principal officers, unweariedly practise good, and master of the five Indies. After increasing his strive after virtue with unabated zeal, he takes them dominions, he still further added to his army; the by the hand, makes them sit on his throne, and elephant corps was raised to sixty thousand, and calls them his "good friends. As for those who the cavalry to a hundred thousand. At the end pursue a different course he scorns to speak to them of thirty years the war ceased, and, by his wise face to face. If he require to consult any one about administration, he spread union and peace every. a matter, he puts himself in connection with him where. He applied himself to economy, cultivated by means of a continual exchange of couriers. virtue, and practised doing good at the risk of Often he himself visits his dominions, and exaneglecting food and sleep. He forbade through- mines the manners of the inhabitants. He has no out the five Indies the use of meat, adding that if fixed residence; wherever he stops, he causes a any one slew a living being he should be con- cottage to be constructed and there stays. Only demned to death without hope of pardon. Near the in the three months of the rainy season (Varsbás) banks of the Ganges he caused to be raised many he suspended his excursions. Daily at his travelthousands of Stúpas that were each a hundred feet ling abode he caused choice victuals to be prepared high. In the cities, large and small, of the five to support men of different creeds, namely, & Indies, in the villages, in public places, and at the thousand monks and five hundred Brahmans. He crossing of roads, he caused almshouses to be divided the day into three parts: in the first he built, where are placed food and drink and medicines was engaged with public affairs and the governto be given in charity to travellers, the poor, and ment; the second he devoted to meritorious deeds,
In Chinese Kiar-jt, 'sun of moral conduct.' Hall China in A.D. 648, when Harsha was dead and a usurper had remarks that he has not found this title in Bana's Harsha. seized on the government, this very slight alteration in the charita, and questions its accuracy, because the titles of
translation removes all difficulty. Kshatriyas only end in aditya, whilat Hiwan Thang informa us that Harsha wasa Vaisy-Vasav. pp. 53, 54.
10 In Chinese, T'sing-lin ' pure rooms' PunyasAlde. Bat in Renaud's Mémoire sur l'Inde the first sentence of 11 We may bere understand the seat of the president this extract is translated this "The actual king is of the charged to expound the Late (or teaching), and the seats Vaisya caste; the late) king bore the honorific title of of the clergy who should saint or take part in the exposition Harsha-Vardhana (the increaser of joy); he reigned over of the texta. In Chinese these are i-yen, 'the mats of that country." As Hiwan Thaang wrote after his return to sense' (vulgo justice).

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and cultivated goodness with unremitting fervour: (the great Thangs) is that of the ruling dynasty. the entire day is not sufficient for him.
Now, before the sovereign had inherited the At the beginning (Hiwan Thsang) having re- throne, he was called the King of Thsin'; now ceived an invitation from the king Kew-mo-lo that he enjoys the supreme power, he is called (Ku mera), he replied, "I go from the kingdom Thien-tseu (the son of heaven--the emperor). of Mo-kie-t'o (Magadh a) to the kingdom of Kia
"At the termination of the preceding dynasty mo-liupo (K & marapa).'
the people were without a master; civil war preAt that time the king Kiai-ji (siladitya) was
vailed and men were slain. The King of Thein, visiting his states. As he was in the kingdom of
who had received from heaven a great soul, maniKie-chu-u-ki-lo" (Kajaghira), he gave this order fested his good will and mercy. Thanks to the to the king Kew-mo-lo (Kumâra): "Come with power of his arms, the wicked were destroyed, the foreign monk from the convent of Nolan-t'o the eight regions began to breathe, and the ten (N &lan da) and see me at once."
thousand kingdoms came to offer him tribute. The above (monk) in company with Kew-mo-lo(Ku
Bountifully he sustains all creatures; he revermara), proceeded to the king. After refreshing him- ences the three precious things; he lightens the self from his fatigue, the king Kiai-ji (Siladitya) said taxes and mitigates punishments; the realm has to him: "From what kingdom do you come; what superabundant resources, and the people enjoy do you seek for P"_"I come," answered the travel undisturbed peace. It would be difficult to enuler, "from the kingdom of the great Thang, and merate completely his great views and his grand ask your permission to inquire after the law of Bud- | reforms." dha."_"In what country is the kingdom of the
"Wonderful !" exclaimed Kiai-ji (siladitya): great Thang ?" asked the king; "how far is it from "the peoples of that country (China) owe their this P"_"It is situated," replied he, "to the happiness to their saintly king." north-east from this country, and is distant many At this time king Kiai-ji, being about to retens of thousands of lis. It is the country which turn to the city of hunchbacked maidens (Kanyathe Indians call Mo-ho-china (Mah & china)."- kabja), summoned au Assembly of the Law. "I have heard it said," rejoined the king, " that Preceded by a multitude of several hundreds of in the country of Mo-ho-chi-na (Mahachina) there thousands, he stopped on the south bank of the is an emperor called the king of Thein. In his Ganges. The king Kew-mo-la(Kumara), preceded youth he distinguished himself by marvellous by & multitude of some tens of thousands, occusagacity; having become great, he displayed a pied the northern bank. Then the troops, remarkable ability in the art of war. During the | separated by the river which flowed between preceding reign the empire was the prey of anar- them, advanced at the same time by water and chy; it was divided and fell to pieces; every one by land. The two kings opened the procession. flew to arms, and people were immersed in mig. The four corps of the army formed an imposing fortune. But the emperor, styled the King of escort. Some on boats, others on elephants, Thsin, who at a fortunate moment had devised advanced to the sound of drums, marine conches, great plans, manifested all his kindliness and tenderflutes and guitars. At the end of ninety days mercy. He saved the people from shipwreck, and they arrived at Kanya kubja, in the middle of stilled the interior of the seas (the empire). His a great forest of trees in blossom, on the west laws and benefactions were spread abroad. The bank of the Ganges. At this juncture twenty peoples of other countries and strange lands kings of different districts, who had previously received his reforms with delight, and avowed received the orders of Silâditya, each brought the themselves his subjects. The multitude which most distinguished Sha-men (Sramanas) and Po-lohe generously supported eang musical pieces in men (Brahmany) of their kingdoms; magistrates honour of the victories of the King of Thein. For a and warriors had come to join the great assembly. long while past I have heard his praises cele- The king (Śiladitya) had already constructed brated. Has tbe commendation of his splendid an immense Kia-lan (Sangharima). On the east virtues a real foundation P Is that indeed what is of the Sanghåráma he had raised a tower richly called the kingdom of the great Thange ?"
ornamented and nearly a hundred feet high. In "Yes," was the reply, "Chi-na is the name of the middle was a golden statue of Buddha, of the the dominion of our first kings, and Ta-thang same size as the king. To the south of the tower
19 Another form of the Chinese is Kie-shing-kie-lo abont Rajmahal, which district went by the name of Kank. (Kajif sra); the geographical list in the Mahabludrata jol (Gladwin's Ayeen Akbery, vol. II. p. 178; Hamilton's mentions the Kajingas among the peopl) of Eastern India Gazetteer, B.v. 'Rajamahal'), from a town 18 miles south (Wilson's Vishnu Purana, 4to ed. p. 190, note 168, and in of Råjmahal (Cunningham, Anc. Geog. p. 479), conf. also the Singhalese chronicles mention is made of Kajanghele. Jour. R. As. Soc. (N. S.) vol. VI. p. 237; M. Julien, Mém. Niyangame (Upham's Sac. and Hist. Books, vol. II. p. 141). sur les Cont. Occid. tom. II. p. 387. The place mentioned above must have been somewhere . 13 The dynasty of the Sui.

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he had set up an altar made of precious materials, where to bathe the statue of Buddha.
Fourteen or fifteen li to the north-east of this place he made also a travelling palace. It was then the second month of the spring season. From the first day he had delicious viands presented to the Sha-men (śramaņa s) and Po-lo-men (Brahmans). On the twenty-first day, from the travelling palace to the great Kia-lan (convent), ho caused tents to be placed on both sides of the road, which shone bright with the richest ornaments. Musicians who stayed there constantly made concerts of harmony in turns. The king sent out from his travelling palace a golden statue, hollow inside and in alto-rilievo, about three feet high. It was carried on a huge elephant covered with a bousing of great value.
Ning Alar. Suaditya), in the character of Tishi (Indra), carried a precious parasol and went on the left of the image. King Kew-mo-lo (Kumâra), in the character of Fan (Brahma), took a white fly-flap in his hand and went on the right. Each of these had for escort body of five hundred elephants covered with armour. Before and behind the image of Buddha were a hundred great elephants. They carried musicians who beat the drum and filled the air with sounds of harmony. King Kiai-ji (Šiladitya) scattered at every step fine pearls, precious stones of every sort, and flowers of goid and silver, in honour of the three precious things. Forthwith he stood on the altar, made of precious materials, and bathed the image with perfumed water. The king took it himself upon his shoulders and carried it to the top of the western tower. Then, to do it honour, he offered tens, hundreds, thousands of vest ments of silk decked with all sorts of precious stones. At that time there were only twenty Śramaņas who followed the statue; the kings of different countries acted as an escort.
When they had done eating, the king re-assem. bled in a conference) the men of different studies (the monks and the Brahmans), who discussed the most abstract expressions and handled the most recondite principles. Towards evening the king returned to his travelling house. Daily the statue was thus conducted and accompanied in great pomp as at first. But when the last day of the assembly had come, all at once the great tower took fire, and the double-storeyed pavilion which rose over the gate of the convent became a prey to the flames. The king then said: "I have spent the wealth of my kingdom in alms. After
the example of our ancient kings I have built this convent, and have desired to distinguish myself by meritorious acts; but my weak virtue has found no support. At the sight of such calamities, and so sad omens, why should I care to live P"
Then he burnt perfumes, addressed humble prayers to Buddha, and pronounced these words :"Thanks to the good deeds of my previous life, I have become king of the five Indies. I desire by the power of my virtue to extinguish this terrible fire. If this vow be without effect, may I die at this instant!"
At these words he threw himself before the gate; the fire was extinguished as if it had been at once smothered, and the smoke disappeared. The kings, witnesses of this marvel, felt redoubled fear and respect; but he, without change of countenance, and in the same tone of voice as before, questioned the kings in these terms:
"This fire suddenly has reduced to ashes the work which I had succeeded in making. What do you think of this event P"
The kings prostrated themselves at his feet, and answered him with tears in their eyes. “We hoped," said they, " that the sacred monument you had finished would last to future ages. Who would have imagined that on the first day it would be reduced to ashes ? Add to this that the Brahmans might rejoice at it in secret, and are congratulating one another."
The king said to them: "By what has happened one may see the truth of Buddha's word. Brahmans and men of other studies obstinately hold that all is eternal. But our great master (the Buddha) has shown us the impermanency (of all). As for me, I have completed my alms and have fulfilled the wish of my heart. In seeing this fire quenched, I recognize anew the truth of the words of Ju-lai. Here has been great happiness, and there is no cause to yield to tears."
Having finished these words, he followed the kings and ascended by the east side to the top of the great Stúpa. Having reached the summit, he looked around, then he descended the steps. But all at once a strange man ran to meet him with a dagger in his hand. The king, closely pressed, retreated some steps and remounted the stair, then descending he seized the man to give him over to the magistrates.
At this moment the magistrates, filled with fear and dismay, did not delay to run to his sid. All the kings demanded that the man should be killed. But king Kiai-ji (SilAditya), without showing in his
1. The Chinese has here Chi-ch'ang-kien, upholding the idea of the eternity (of men and things).' The Dic. tionary San-thsang-fa-su (lib. vii. fol. 7) thus explains this expression : "Chang-kien signifies, for example, that our body is born again after death; since it continues to die
and to be renewed without interruption." In this passage, the king undoubtedly alludes to works made by man, namely, to the tower and pavilion which the fire had destroyed.

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manner the least anger, prevented his being put to death. The king himself questioned him thus:"What wrong have I done to you, that you should make such a criminal attempt P" "Great king," said he, "your goodness is free from partiality, and men from within and from without owe to you their happiness; but I, fool that I am, and incapable of forming noble aims, I have allowed myself to be duped by a word from the Brahmans. All at once I have become an assassin, and bound myself to kill your Majesty."
The king said to him: "Why have the Bråhmans formed so wicked a purpose?"
"Sire," answered he, "after bringing together the princes of all kingdoms, you have emptied your treasury and stores to honour the Sha-men (Śramanas) and to make a statue (in gold) of Buddha; but the Brahmans, whom you have made come. from far, have received no mark of attention from your Majesty. They have felt greatly disgraced by it, and charged the madman with whom you speak to make this shameful attempt."
Further, the king severely questioned the heretics and their partizans. There were five hundred Po-lo-mea (Brahmans), all endowed with superior talents, who had presented themselves at the call of the king. Jealous of the Sha-men (Śramanas), whom the king had loaded with honours, they had thrown a fire-arrow which had set the precious tower in flames. They hoped that during the efforts that would be made to extinguish the fire the crowd would be scattered in disorder, and they would take advantage of the occasion to kill the king. Having missed the opportunity they hoped for, they had hired this man to run upon him in a bye-path and stab him.
At this moment the ministers of all the kings demanded the extermination of the Brahmans. The king punished the chiefs of the plot and pardoned their partizans. He banished five hundred Brahmans beyond the limits of India, and returned to the capital.15
On the north-west of the city is a Stúpa, built by king Wu-yew (Asoka). At this place Ju-lai (the Tathagata) had expounded the most excellent laws. Near by are places where the four past Bud
15 Hiwan Thsang tells us that, in accordance with a prediction made ten years previously, "the king Kiai-ji (SIAditya) died at the end of the period Tong-hoei," or A.D. 650 (Vie et Voyages, p. 215); Ma-twan-lin places his death, however, in the 22nd of the years Ching-kwan, or A.D. 648 (Pauthier's Examen, pp. 53, 54, or Jour. Asiat., 30 sér., 1839, pp. 309, 310); and, as he had probably ruled upwards of forty years; we may place the beginning of his reign about the same time as that of Pulikêst's, or a little before it, in A.D. 607,-the date given by Reinaud, Mém. sur l'Inde, pp. 136-143; Frag. Arab. et Pers., p. 139, note 1. Canningham (Bhilsa Topes, p. 164) places To ra mâna in A.D. 520 to 550, while Bhau Dajt (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. VIII. p. 249) places him about 500. There seems little reason to doubt that this was the brother of Hiranya (Rájatarangint III. 102-104, 122). Matrigupta, the
201
dhas had sat, and where they had walked in exercise. There is, besides, a small Stúpa which contains the hair and nails of Ju-lai (the Tathagata), and another called the Stúpa of the Exposition of the Law.16
On the south side and close to the Ganges are three Kia-lan (Sañghârâmas), which have walls alike and the gates different. The images of Buddha are of striking beauty; the monks are grave and given to silence; they are served by many thousands of Brâhmans. In a casket ornamented with precious stones, which occupies a pure house (Vihara), there is a tooth of Buddha, an inch and a half long. It is of remarkable brilliance and extraordinary colour which changes from morning to night. It is visited from everywhere; the magistrates and representatives of the people unite in giving their homage to it. The daily crowds are reckoned by hundreds and thousands. The keepers, observing the noise and confusion increasing daily, have imposed a heavy tax, and have made it known everywhere that whoever wishes to see Buddha's tooth must pay a large gold piece. Nevertheless the devotees who come to see and worship the tooth are still as numerous, and willingly pay the tax of the piece of gold. Every fastday it (the box?) is brought out and placed on a raised pedestal. Hundreds and thousands of men burn perfumes and offer handfuls of flowers. But though they do so the tooth casket never disappears under the heap of flowers.
Before the Kia-lan (convent), right and left, there are two Vihâras, each nearly a hundred feet high. The foundations are of stone, and the building of brick. The statues of Buddha which are set up inside them are decked with many precious stones. They are cast partly of gold or silver, and partly of yellow copper. Before each of these two Viharas is a small Kia-lan (convent) to the south-east, and at a little distance from the Kia-lan is a great Vihara, built of brick on stone foundations. In the middle of it is the image of Ju-lai (the Tathagata), represented standing. It is nearly thirty feet high. It is cast of brass, and decked with precious stones of exquisite beauty.
On the stone walls which surround the Vihara
successor of Hiranya, is represented as having been placed on the throne by Harsha-Vikramaditya of Ujjain, who is described as ruling over all India (ib. III. 125, 242, 265, 281-2, 285, 307, 323). And Harsha's son and successor is called Prat&pasila and Silâditya (ib. III. 325). This Siladitya of Milava seems to be the same as is spoken of by Hiwan Thsang (Vie et Voyages, pp. 204-206; Mém., tom. II. p. 156) as having lived sixty years before his time, and who had reigned fifty years, probably about A.D. 530-580,-but who must not be confounded with Harshavarddhana of Kanauj. Conf. Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. VI. p. 226; Ind. Ant. vol. II. pp. 128, 194, note; vol. IV. p. 365.
10 A stapa raised in the place where the law had been expounded.

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clever sculptors have represented in full detail all the acts of the Ju-laï (the Tathagata) whilst he led the life of a Pu-sa (Bodhisattva).
A short distance south of the stone Vihara is a temple of the Sun-god.
To the south, and not far from this monument, is a temple of the God Ta-tseu-ts' aï (MahêsvaraDêya). These two temples are constructed of a blue stone, beautifully bright, and ornamented with wonderful sculptures. They are of exactly the same form and dimensions as the Vihara of Buddha. Each of these temples has a thousand attendants to water and sweep it. The sound of the drum and of chants accompanied by the guitar are continued day and night without interruption.
Six or seven li to the south-east of the capital, and on the south of the Ganges, is a Stúpa about two hundred feet high, which was built by king Wu-yew (Asoka). Formerly in this place Ju-lai (the Tathagata) preached for six months on the non-eternity of the body," and on the emptiness (uselessness) of mortifications of it, and its inherent impurity.18
Near by are various places where the four past Buddhas had sat, and where they had walked in taking exercise. There is, besides, a small Stúpa which contains the hair and nails of Ju-laï (the Tathagata). If a sick person reverently makes the circuit of it with active faith, he never fails to recover health and to secure felicity. From Stanislas Julien's Mémoires sur les Contrées Occidentales, tom. I. pp. 247-265.
CONTI POMIGLIANESI.
"Pomigliano d'Arco is a large village lying at the foot of Mount Vesuvius, on the road from Naples to Nola," which, moreover, has an illustrious citizen, Signor Vittorio Imbriani, not above collecting and publishing the folklore of his neighbourhood, and has further had the good fortune to attract the notice of Signor De Gubernatis and M. Marc Monnier, to the latter of whom (apud the Revue des deux Mondes of 1st November 1877, pp. 133ff.) I am indebted for the above information, and for the two stories appended. The resemblance of one to the Rámáyana is commented on by the authors quoted; that of the other to the story of Turi and Basanta (Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 260) is almost as striking; but for my part I am shy of drawing conclu
sions.
17 We know that, according to the Buddhists, man runs ceaselessly through the circle of transmigration (Dict. San-thsang-fa-su, bk. iv. fol. 27): see above, note 14.
18 The Dict. San-thsang-fa-su, bk. xlvi. fol. 1, enumerates thirty-six sorts of impure things inherent in the human body, e.g. tears, spittle, perspiration, urine, fæces, &c.
[AUGUST, 1878.
The story of the prince who had an ill stepdame, and who slew the giant with ten heads.1
In the days when all men were healthy, wealthy, and wise lived a great king 9000 years old. His first wife had left him a fine brave son. But having wed a second queen he had in a loving moment promised her a boon, be it what it might; and she required that the eldest son should be banished, and her own son have the crown.
Expelled by his cruel stepmother, the prince fled to the greenwood with the princess his wife. But one day that he had chased a deer till he was a long way from his hut the ten-headed monster carried off the princess.
The prince, not finding her on his return, was in a bad way, and set off in pursuit. After a long tramp he met the king of the monkeys, who complained to him of being vexed by a monster. (In those days beasts had speech.) To do him a good turn, the prince faced the monster and slew him. In those days beasts had gratitude too; the king of the monkeys, having learnt that the tenheaded monster had carried off the princess, sent his subjects to see what had become of her. The monkeys lost their way and were famished, but a good fairy gave them victuals and put them in the way.
They seek long and hard; at last they meet the vulture, who tells them that the ten-headed monster has carried off the princess beyond the sea. But how will they cross the ocean? The monkeys, in their distress, seek the king of the bears; he is too old, and advises them to apply to the son of the wind. This last flies over the sea, sees the princess and brings back news of her. Then the prince, by means of a marvellous bridge, crosses the sea himself, meets the ten-headed monster, himself slays him, and brings back his unlucky wife.
The story of two boys who ate the heart and liver of a fowl, whereby the first became a pope, and the other won a purse of fifty ducats daily.
Once upon a time there was a man who, having naught to do in the streets, set off for the country. He chanced to look up at a tree and saw the nest of a certain fowl. He climbed up and took the mother-bird and two eggs, whereon was written, "Whoso eateth the heart of this fowl will become a pope, and whoso eateth its liver will win a purse of fifty ducats daily;" but he saw naught of all that. He went home and said to his wife, "What shall we do with this fowl? Our children perish of hunger.
1 Revue des deux Mondes, tome XXIV. (1 Nov. 1877) p. 164.
Sic in "francisco." If the definite article or an equivalent is used in the original Italian or patois, it is a curious testimony to the wide-spread renown of Ravana. 3 Ibid. pp. 147ff.

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METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE MAHÅBHÅRATA.
203
I will carry it to our gossip, and we will make a cats apiece and let them go. Off they went, and trifle of porridge for the weang." He went to his as they went they found themselves that night in gossip, and quoth he, "Gossip, I bring you this a wood, and for want of better shelter they sat fowl and her two eggs to amuse your children." | themselves down under an oaktree. When they The gossip said he wanted none of it; but, as the got up in the morning, down fell the purse of fifty other insisted, at last told him to be off with his ducats. "Ah, ha! that's why our dad's gossip bird. The man took it and went off in a huff, wanted to have us at home--for this luck that's in forgetting the two eggs on his gossip's table. us.' And off they went again, and came to cross
He, looking on his table, finds the two eggs, roads; and if they did, it chanced that one was bereads the inscription, and says he, "Bad luck to hind just then; and they were parted and couldn't it! what have I done P I let my little gossip find each other. He who should win the purse of carry off the fowl, and here's all this written on the fifty ducats every morning got to one town, and eggs." He runs to the other and says that his he who should be pope to another; and he was on children are crying for want of the fowl. "Then the street, for naught had he to eat; so to win the man answered him, 'You are late, the his living he would be sexton of the church. fowl's eaten.' His gossip went home and took Now one day there was a pope to be made in that counsel of his wife, and said, 'What shall we do town, and they loosed a dove; and when she now, old woman P' She said that he should take it on that sexton's head they made him the the things (the poor man's children) and say that pope. he'd rear them; and that was what the gossip "Voilà," says M. Marc Monnier, "un nouveau did. He went to the man and says he, 'Little genre de conclave qui se retrouve dans plus d'un gossip, I want your two youngsters because you conte populaire au Italie et d'ailleurs P Pareillecan't feed them; and I'll rear them. He brought ment quand les rois sont embarrassés pour them home and put them to school; and every trouver un gendre, ils laissent tomber du haut morning his wife made their bed, and every d'un tour un mouchoir sur la foule," &c. morning she found in it a purse of fifty ducats; In India we should have let out the late lamentand she used them right well. After six or sevened's elephant to find his successor in the first years the gossip had laid in lots of money, and case; and in the second we have the Svayamthe weans were well grown. One morning the two vara. In both, the Eastern procedure seems the lads set to playing one with the other in their more dignified, and in the latter it has the addi. bed, and if they did, out fell the purse of fifty tional merits of chivalry and common sense-things ducats. When they saw that, they said, 'This is no more easily combined than most people seem to place for us now; our father's gossip has put the think, purse here to see if we'd take the money'; and To cut a long story short, after adventures of that same day they said to him that they would little import to the purpose of this note, the be off. Now he wasn't willing to let them go, bnt brothers met at the court of him who had become after many words he gave them two hundred du- 'pope, and lived happily ever after.
METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE MAHÅBHÅRATA.
BY J. MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., &c.
(Continued from p. 189.) VIDULA AND SANJAYA.
And, all his host dispersing, drove A Kshatriya heroine's exhortation to her son. The prince in foreign lands to rove. Mahabhdrata, vv. 4494-4637.
There, stunned by fortune's crushing blow, There lived a Kshatriya queen of old,
He lived, and pined, in want and wue. Well known to fame, far-sighted, bold,
Desponding, sad, he deemed it vain Who sate in councils, heard debate
To seek to raise his head again. Proceed on grave affairs of state,
His spirit seeing so depressed, Who, studying much and long, a store
The mother thus her son addressed :Possessed of rich and varied lore.
Vidula. She dwelt with joy 'mid war's alarms, " Of all thy friends the grief and bane, And loved to hear of feats of arms,
Of all thy foes the joy and gain,How Kshatriyas' power the proud subdued, No real son art thou of mine, And blessed the subject multitude.
No scion of the kingly line. It chanced, a foe's superior might
A Kshatriya thou wast never born; Once overcame her son in fight;
Of every warrior thou the scorn.

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Whence spring'st thou ? from what outcast race? All nobler sires thou would'st disgrace. Who can of thee with honour speak PIn spirit faint, in act so weak. Desponding thus, hast thou no care Thy shattered fortunes to repair? Contemn thyself no longer; rise, Awake to deeds of high emprize. Why liest thou prone, as if the dread Forked bolt of heaven had struck thee dead ? Start up, aspire to high renown; By knightly deeds regain thy crown. By force of will respect command; Blaze fiercely, like a glowing brand. Like smouldering chaff, that only smokes, A weakling men's contempt provokes. Whoever strikes a manly blow, And strives to lay his foeman low, Has done his duty: though he fail, That failure let him ne'er bewail. For duty wage a constant strife; Than this, what other use has life ?
Thy pious acts have borne no fruit; And cut is now thy welfare's root. If all thy hopes of good are gone, In life why should'st thou linger on? Though hardly pressed, a warrior ne'er Should yield to sad and weak despair. Though fell'd to earth, a man should seize With deadly grasp his foeman's knees, Should drag him down with all his might, And, smiting, end the deadly fight. The sons who earn no honoured name Can bring their mothers only shame. Whoe'er in splendour, valour, lore, Stands forth all other men before, He justly claims-no other canThe high and noble name of man. He's falsely called a man whose heart Is weak, who plays a woman's part.
On this our sad condition think: We stand on utter ruin's brink, From home and country driven, laid low, Of joy bereft, and plunged in woe. And wilt thou, nerveless, thus lie low, Nor dare to strike another blow ?
I called thee son, but now I see
I bore the Kali age in thee.1
May woman never bear again A son so base, so dire a bane!
The Kali, which is the present Yuga, is the last of the four immense periods into which the Indian system of cosmogony divides the duration of the existing creation. The first, or Satya Yuga, was the age of perfection; and during those which have followed, the world is conceived to have been undergoing a gradual course of deterioration to the extent of one-fourth in each succeeding Yuga. In
[AUGUST, 1878.
Submission, meekness, ne'er can raise The sunk, or bring them happier days. Fierce, energetic, strife alone Can win thee back thy father's throne. Ambition only, restless, proud, Can lift a man above the crowd. Steel, then, thy heart:-a hero grown, From haughty foes wrest back thy own." Sanjaya.
"What worth has earth, its wealth, its joys, Its power, its state, its glittering toys,What worth has even life,--for thee, My mother, if thou hast not me? Then urge me not to peril life, Ia fruitless, bootless, desperate strife."
Viduld.
"Their lot is base who once were great, But now have fallen from high estate, Who, masters once, dependent now, To others' wills must humbly bow, Whom none regards, and who, by need Constrained, on others' bounty feed. To such a servile life as now Thou lead'st, my son, no longer bow. Win back those days,-alert and brave,When thou wast lord, and not a slave, When all men watched thy kingly nod, And bent before thee as a god. Like heavenly bliss is kingly sway, Like hell their lot who must obey." The prince whose arm his rule assures, And well his kinsfolks' weal secures, He during life enjoys renown, And earns at length a heavenly crown. Yet thou continuest faint of heart, And wilt not act a hero's part. But know, whene'er from love of life, A Kshatriya shrinks from battle's strife, With no fierce warlike ardour burns,His tribe that recreant soldier spurns.
Yet why should I my speech prolong? No pleas of mine, however strong,
Can sway, poor youth, thy wavering mind, To all bold action disinclined.
Just so, no drugs his death can stay Whose life is ebbing fast away.
Yet hear another reason why Thou still in war thy chance should'st try. The foe who now usurps thy throne The peoples' love has never known.
the Kali age corruption and calamity are thus regarded as attaining their climax. The word Kali as used in the text may thus be considered as denoting an impersonation or incarnation of all evils.
This line, which has nothing corresponding to it in the original, is given as a counterpart to the preceding.

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Too weak to rise,-with none to guide, They watch the turn of fortune's tide. But if men saw thee bent on war Allies would flock from near and far. With these combined, thy plans prepare, Thy standard raise, and war declare.
Thy foe is mortal, bears no charm To guard his life from deadly harm. Go forward, then; to battle stride; Successes yet thine arms abide. Thy name is Victor; prove thy right To bear it: triumph now in fight. Whilst thou wast but a child, of old A Brahman seer thy lot foretold, That after dire reverses thou
Once more in pride should'st rear thy brow. The sage's word remembering, I Expect thy coming victory.
But what a life is this we lead, Starvation dreading, sunk in need! What sad vicissitudes I've seen! A princess born, a wedded queen, Resplendent once with jewels bright, My husband's joy, my friends' delight, In splendour nursed, I knew no care; And now!-but yet I'll not despair.
Should'st thou continue still to see Thus plunged in woe thy spouse and me, What joy could life then have for thee P
Our servants, all attached and good, Have left us, forced by lack of food. Our honoured teachers, Brahman priests, Enjoy no more their former feasts. What comfort have I yet in store P Shall glad bright mornings dawn no more ? It rends my heart, augments my woe, To say a needy Brahman "no." In happier days my spouse and I A Brahman's suit could ne'er deny. We stand before a trackless sea, We have no raft, no guide but thee: Be thou our pilot, steer us o'er, And land us on a happier shore. A dying life is this we live ; Do thou full life and vigour give. What joy have I if thou disgrace By shrinking fear thy fathers' race P I could not bear to see thee act
A flatterer's part with servile tact.
A manly Kshatriya, highly born,
All base unworthy arts should scorn; By fawning, cringing aspect meek
His name," Sanjaya," means "victorious," or "victory."
In the original these ideas are repeated here.
5 Dharma and Artha, or Duty and Prosperity.
205
For others' grace should never seek. Think what our race's law requires,A law observed by all our sires, On all their hearts inscribed, divine, And why not, too, engraved on thine PA Kshatriya bold, with lofty brow, To lower men should never bow,
But always grandly stand erect With conscious, noble, self-respect. And even when nought can doom forefend Defiant let him meet his end;
By force be broken,-never bend..
To duty, Brahmans, gods above, A Kshatriya bows with reverent love: To these alone he homage pays;
All humbler men he lord-like sways."
Sanjaya.
"Thou hast a hard, an iron heart,
And play'st no loving mother's part,True daughter of a warrior line; A fierce unbending soul is thine. To all thy Kshatriya instincts true, Thou dost not yield to love its due; Nor seek to guard me as thy one Supreme delight, thine only son! But spurr'st me on, devoid of ruth,As if I were an alien youth,To join again in hopeless strife, And all in vain to peril life.
What worth would earth, its wealth, its joys, Its power, its state, its glittering toys,What worth would life,-possess for thee, My mother, if thou hadst not me?"
Viduld.
"Life has two aims,-with zeal pursued By thoughtful men,-the right, the good." These worthy ends of life to gain I've urged thee on, as yet in vain. The time has come, the favoured day For action,-long it may not stay;Improve it e'er it pass away: Thy fame is perilled by delay.. Should I to warn thee now decline, I'd show a fondness asinine."
Thou cravest love, then prove thy right To be indeed my heart's delight. When thou shalt play the hero's part, I then will clasp thee to my heart.
The Kshatriya race was formed for fight, In martial deeds should take delight; For heaven is earned by warriors all,
By those who conquer, those who fall."
This follows the original: "Were I not to address thee when thou art affected by infamy, this would be the weak, causeless fondness of a she-ass."

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Sanjaya. "I lack all means, have no allies,
To aid my hostile enterprise. From home and empire rudely driven, My forces into fragments riven, How can I face my conquering foe, Or think, unhelped, to lay him low ? Alone, could even a giant hope With fierce embattled hosts to cope ? But thou art fertile in resource; Do thou direct and shape my course. Thou bidd'st me now the strife renew; What thou commandest, I will do."
Viduld. "Let not thine ancient ill success
In war, my son, thy soul depress. To self-distrust no longer yield; Once more thy sceptre hope to wield. Misfortune lasts not always long; The strong grow weak, the weak grow strong. But trust not chance; by strife alone, And toil, canst thou regain thine own. Heroic men, awake, alert, Spring up, and all their force exert. Resolved to win, with stubborn will, Despising risk and braving ill, They never rest, but struggle on Till all the good they seek is won. A well-starred prince, religious, wise, To high estate must surely rise. On such Sri' smiles, benignly bright, As rising suns the Orient light. But listen yet, while I reveal, How thou with other men should'st deal; How thou with art, and tact, and skill, May'st always mould them to thy will, By varying means may'st all persuade, Thy will to work, thy schemes to aid. Men's several natures sharply note, The various loves on which they dote, Gold, splendour, pleasure, honour, fame, Revenge, and every other aim;These mark, indulge, to these give scope; And, swaying all by fear and hope, Their passions use to serve thine ends, To thwart thy foes, attach thy friends. By such means, too, the wise man knows To sow dissension 'mong his foes. And never, son, evince alarm, Whate'er may rise to threaten harm. The goddess of good fortune. • The original verse (4634), literally translated, runs thus "This earth must be supported in the water. ! muat die, (plunging) down into an abyss, or precipice." This is thus explained by the Commentator: "This land, my paternal kingdom, sinking as it were in the water, ...
A ruler fear should never know, Or, if he feels, should never show; For if he shows he danger dreads, O'er all his host a panic spreads. I've shown thee how, if thou wilt dare, Thou may'st thy logges yet repair. I've stirred thee up to flee from shame, To gain thyself a glorious name. I've sought thy soul with hope t'inspire, With martial glow thy breast to fire. I've told thee how, though now forlorn, Thou wast for future glory born. And now, my son, at length arise, Arise, and snatch the envied prize. Now, last of all, my secret hear, That thou no more may'st doubt or fear. We yet possess, to thee unknown, Large treasures, known to me alone. And many hundred friends remain, Good friends, who've borne misfortune's strain, Whom no reverse of ours could shake, Who common cause with us will makeThey surely will not leave us now, When fortune comes to crown thy brow. What need for more, my son, what need ? So on to fight, and victory speed ! "
Sanjaya. "O thou, thy race's joy and pride,
Heroic mother, sagest guide,
Fond prophetess of coming good, . How thou hast roused my timid mood !
Whilst thou didst strive, in long discourse, My languid soul to nerve with force, In war of words I strove in vain O'er thee the mastery to gain. For thou couldst all my pleas refute, And leave me stunned, abashed, and mute. With thee to lead, sustain, and cheer, How can I longer shrink or fear? Drunk with the nectar of thy word, To superhuman valour stirred, I must, with thee to show the way, Impossibilities essay. I will not see the ocean whelm My own, my dear, paternal realm, But lift it high above the wave, Yea, death itself with joy will brave My cherished heritage to save." Thus by his mother's tauntings stung, By these her exhortations fired, Away the youth his weakness flung,
And snatched the prize her soul desired. must be supported by me, or the sunken kingdom must be raised; or I must die in the gulf called battle; and not thus remain inactive." Supposing the word "earth" to stand for the world, the phrase might perhaps be under. stood of a superhuman effort, as I have done in the lines which precede.

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BOOK NOTICES.
207
The women of Rajputâna, a represented by Colonel Tod in his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (see chapter xxiii. vol. I. pp. 6074.), maintain in more recent times the character of heroism ascribed to Vidul in this passage of the Mahdbhdrata. I give a few extracts. Vol. I. pp. 609r. (Madr. ed. pp. 523, 526, 528, 530, 537, and 543) :"C'est aux hommes à faire des grandes choses ; c'est aux femmes à les inspirer,' is a maxim to which every Rajput cavalier would subscribe, with whom the age of chivalry is not fled, though ages of oppression have passed over him. He knows there is no retreat into which the report of a gallant action will not penetrate, and set fair hearts in motion to be the objects of his search." P. 610 :-"Like the ancient Germans or Scandinavians, tho Rajput consults her in every transaction; from her ordinary actions he draws the omens of success, and he appends to her name the epithet of deví, or godlike." P. 613 :-"Nor will
the annals of any nation atford, more numerous or more sublime instances of femalo devotion than those of the Rajputs; and such would never have been recorded were not the incentive likely to be revered and followed." P. 614 :-" The annals of no nation on earth record a more ennobling or more magnanimous instance of female loyalty than that exemplified by Dewaldé, mother of the Binafur brothers," &c. P. 617-Dewalde says, 'Would that the gods had made me barren, that I had never borne sons who thus abandon the paths of the Rajputs, and refuse to succour their prince.in danger.'” P. 633 :-"The Rajput mother claims hor fall share in the glory of her son, who imbibes at the maternal fount the first rudiments of chivalry; and the importance of this parental instruction cannot be better illustrated than in the ever recurring simile, Make thy mother's milk resplendent,'" &c.
(To be continued.)
BOOK NOTICES. LA LANGUE ELA LITTERATURE HINDOUNTANTES EN 1877: shahadat, or Explanation on the Law of Testi
Revue annuelle. Par M. Garcin de Tassy, membre de l'Institut, professeur à l'école spéciale des langues
mony. orientales vivantes, président de la société asiatique, So. Some polemical works have also made their
The venerable M. Garcin de Tassy has again appearance, and the most important of them apinaugurated the advent of another year by pears to be the Khudt-i Ahmadiyah, or "Adissuing his Revue annuelle of the past. As the dresses of Ahmad," written by the eminent Sayyid first and great event was the Imperial Assem. Ahmad Khan, who some years ago published an blago of Dehli, some space is allotted to the de- English work under the title of A Series of Essays scription of the literary productions connected on the Life of Muhammad, and subjects subsidiary with it. The chief publications of the year are a thereto. This Urdu work, M. Garcin de Tassy canto of the Ramdyana of Tulsi Dâs, printed with thinks, has for its chief object to refute The Life the greatest caro and an accurate translation by of Muhammad of Sir W. Muir, which has been very Mr. F. S. Growse; the Adi Granth of the Sikhs well received, and of which a new abridged edition by Dr. Trumpp, consisting of cxxxviii. and 716 has just come out. According to Sayyid Ahmad, pages; the Grammar of Oriental Hindi by Dr. the work of Sir William is based on the recital of A. F. R. Hoernle; and a Hebrew Grammar in Waqidi, who, he says, is a much-esteemed author, Urdu by the late Dr. Warren. These appear to but undeserving of any credit-a somewhat have been the only works published by Euro- dubious criticism. peans, all the others being by natives, except East- The number of books, of all sizes and subjects, wick's Kaipar-náma-i Hind, which, however, is is as large as ever, and we must refer the reader only announced as being in course of preparation. desiring to learn their titles, &c. to the Revue
The Pandit Pyari LAI, well known by his itself, as there is no other work which summarizes numerous publications, has now issued a complete the publications of the whole peninsula. Besides Urdu translation of the Bhagwat Purdna in twelve the various notices scattered about in the Revue, skandas or parts. The Hakim Amanat A'li, Rais there are seven special lists, namely,-Ist, works of Saharanpår, has produced a History of the printed in the N.W. Provinces ; 2nd, in Lakhnau Khalifs-Tazkirat ulkhulafd--in Urdu verse, ac- and Oudh ; 3rd, in the Panjab; 4th, books lately cording to the Futůh ushsham of Waqidi and other published in Calcutta and other towns of Bengal ; celebrated works. The titles of three works uses 5th, in Bombay ; 6th, the works of Muhammad ful to Government servants are:-The Uçúl-j- Nusrat A'li Qaiçar; and 7th, the list of Musulmán akhláp-o-Qovánin, trenting on general principles of polemic works by the same. law, on civil tribunals, and on police; the Qánún-i-. Due notice is taken of independent native ruolim-i a'dálatha-i Hindi, or Code of usages in schools, such as the Aligarh College, Sir Salar the Law Courts of India, and the Sharh-i gánún-t Jang's Female College at Haidardb&d, and the Pat
. Madras ed. p. 521.

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shdła of Allahâbâd established by Narayana Singh, for teaching the Vedas in Hindustani ; also various associations, such as the British Indian, the Anjuman-i Panjab, the Sarvajanik Sabha of Pana, &c., are commented on.
In the necrology for the past year the first notice respects Mr. A. H. Bleeck, a former pupil of the author's, devoted to Oriental literature, and well known to the Parsis of Bombay as the author of an English version of the Zend-Avesta from the German translation of Dr. Spiegel, made and printed at the expense of Mr. M. H. Cama.-Sir Jang Bahadur, the prime minister of the Raja of Nipål, died on the 25th February 1877; he was personally acquainted with M. Garcin de Tassy.- The Qadi Abd-ulbari, President of the Musulman Literary Society, expired in Calcutta on the 9th April 1877, at the age of 79 years.-The Rev. Dr. R. C. Mather, formerly editor of the Khair Khwah-i Hind, or "Well-wisher of India," died on the 21st April; and on the next day Mr. Allen, the proprietor of Allen's Indian Mail, expired.-Miss Mary Carpenter, the philanthropist, well known and remembered all over India, to which she paid no fewer than four visits within a few years before her death, died on the 15th June, aged 71 years.-Almost simultaneously with hers, the death of the Maharaja Råmanath Tagor, the brother of Dwarkanåth, took place at Calcutta, at the age of 77 years. He was a member of the Viceroy's Legislative Council, and a C.S.I.-The death of J. O. Marshman, at the age of 83 years, took place in England, whither he Lad retired. He is chiefly known by his History of India, which has become a text book. He established the first Bengali journal at Serampur,-the Samdchdr Darpan,-as well as the Friend of India. On account of his proficiency in several Oriental languages, he was for many years the official translator to the Government of India.---Lastly, Miss Toru Dutt left this world at Calcutta on the 31st April, aged 20 years. She was a poetess of great promise, and, besides the pieces scattered in various periodicals, is known as the authoress of A Sheaf gleaned from French Fields. She had just obtained permission from the authoress of La femme dans l'Inde antique, or Woman in ancient India, to tranglate it, when she was overtaken by death.-E.R.
translations, either complete or partial, of Wilson (and Hall) and Burnouf. Portions of the others, more or less considerable, have, it is true, been published; but it is to be hoped that complete editions will in course of time appear of all of them, to enable us to extract from these texts what useful matter they contain. Though we cannot, perhaps, expect from the as yet unpublished Pauranic literature much actual gain of trustworthy historical and geographical knowledge, we must not forget that these works constitute a by no means unimportant chapter of Sanskrit literature, and that a much fuller acquaintance with them is required to fill up many blanks in the history of religious and speculative thought in India. of the great mass of separate treatisce that claim to form part of the Skanda-Purdna, the most extensive of these medieval depositories of Brahmanical lore, comparatively little has hitherto been published. Dr. Haag, in his Catalogue of Printed Sanskrit Books in the British Museum, mentions fifteen separate titles under this heading, most of them consisting of single mdhatmyas or kathds contained on a few leaves. A few more treatises have been noticed and analyzed in Prof. Aufrecht's Catalogue of the Bodleian Sanskrit MSS. Under these circumstances Sanskrit scholars cannot but feel grateful to Mr. Da Cunha for his convenient edition of a complete Ichanda of the work, together with the supplementary mdhatmyas bearing on the foundation of temples along the Sahyadri range. To Western archæologists especially the book cannot fail to prove very useful and interesting, and they will look forward with interest to the appearance of the translation which Mr. Da Cunha promises. That the edition cannot be regarded as a critical one, in the strict sense of the word, the editor himself must be quite aware. The various readings of the MSS. announced in the title-page extend only over a small portion of the work: with the exception of one solitary note at p. 369, no varie lectiones have been noted from p. 78 to p. 490. There are also a good many mistakes in the text. Thus some couplets of the seventh alhydya at pp. 23 and 24 are unintelligible as they stand; moreover, there seems to be a half-bloka wanting somewhere in the beginning.--at any rate the verses from 2 to the end have been wrongly divided : thus the second half-bloka of couplets 9-11 should form the first half of couplets, and in each of them tasmdt should be changed to yasmd. If we might venture to make a suggestion to Mr. DaCunha, we would advise him to go again carefully over his text, and print a list of errata along with his translation. He would thereby do more justice to himself, and save a good deal of trouble to those who make use of his edition.
The SAHYADRI-KRANDA of the SKANDA-PURAYA: a Mythological, Historical, and Geographical Account of Western India. First edition of the Sanskrit text, with various readings. By J. Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S. &c. Bombay, 1877.
Our actual knowledge of Pauranic literature is still very fragmentary and unsatisfactory. Of the eighteen chief Puranas, only two, the Vishnu and Bhagavata, have hitherto been made accessible through editions published in India, and by the

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
209
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 192.) No. XLIV.
silhasya had to be interpreted as a proper name THE date that has hitherto been accepted by at all, it would be a title of Jayasi ha, not
1 Sir Walter Elliot and other authorities, for of Ranaråga. the era of the early Chaluky a king Puli. The grant then mentions a feudatory of his, kesi I., is Saka 411 (A.D. 489-90), based on a Sâmiyâ ra, of the Rundranila-Saincopper-plate grant presented by Captain T. B. draka family, who was his governor for the Jervis, of the Bombay Engineers, to the British Kuhun di district. It then purports to record Museum. A transcription of this grant is given that Samiyar a built a Jain temple at the city at Vol. I., p. 9, of the Elliot MS. Collection, and of Alaktakanagara, which was the chief has also been published, with an abstract trans- town of a circle of seven hundred villages in lation, by Mr. Wathen, at Jour. R. As. Soc., that district, and, with the permission of the Vol. V., p. 343. The authenticity of this grant king, made grants of certain lands and villages has been questioned by Mr. Fergusson and Dr. to the temple on the occasion of an eclipse of Eggeling. I now reëdit it with the object of the moon on the day of the full-moon of the dispelling any doubt that may remain as to its month Vais A kh a irr the Vibhava saivatbeing really a fabricated document of compa- sara, when the Saka year 411 had expired. ratively modern date.
It is just possible that Saka 411 is the corThe plates are five in number, each about 8" rect date for Pulike sil. Bat I am inclined long by 45" broad. The edges of the plates to doubt even this. For, he was succeeded by are raised into rims to protect the writing. Dr. his son Kirttivarma I.; and he, again, Burnell tells us, at p. 72, para. 4, of his South- by his younger brother Mangaliśvara, at Indian Palæography, that the earliest instances whose death the succession went back to of this practice belong to the ninth or tenth Pulike si II, or Satya éra ya, the son of century. But I find it, accidental or not as Kirttivar må I. I know of no other inthe case may be, in the plates of the grant of
scription purporting to be of the time of PuliVijayabhattarika, No. XLI. of this Se- kasi I., and of none of the time of Jay &ries, at p. 163 above; and two other sets of simha, Raņar & ga, or Kirttivarma I. the Nerar grants, which, also, I have no reason Of the time of Mangaliśvara, there is only for assuming to be forgeries, have very decid- one that bears a date,--the stone-tablet inscriped raised rims, undoubtedly intentional. The tion in Cave No. III. at Badâmi, my transcription ring on which they are strung is about thick and translation of which are published at Vol. and 31" in diameter. It has the appearance of IV., p. 363. It is dated in the twelfth year of his not having been cut; but, as both photographs reign," when Saka 500 had expired." This and casts have been taken of these plates, it makes his reign commence in Saka 488 or 489. must have been cut and very carefully joined Of his successor, Pulike si II., again, there are again. The seal of the ring is oval, and has two inscriptions with dates ;-one, a copper-plate the representation of a boar, facing to the grant, No. XXVII. of this Series, at Vol. VI., proper right. I have no information as top. 72, dated in the third year of his reign, where the plates were found, except that it was " when Saka 534 had expired"; and the other, somewhere in the Southern Maratha Country, the stone-tablet inscription at the Mégati or in the Karnataka.
temple at Aihole, No. XIII. of this Series, at The grant gives the genealogy of Pulikesi, Vol. V., p. 67. When I published this latter from his grandfather Jayasinha, and his inscription, I took the date of it to be " when father Rana råga. In 11. 7-9 occurs the pas- Saka. 506 had expired"; but, for reasons that sage, Jayasinhasya rája-siinhasya sunuh... I shall explain on a future occasion, I now Ranarágô bhavat, from which Sir Walter Elliot, hold, and will show, that it is dated" when at Madr. Jour. of Lit. and Science, Vol. VII., Saka 556 had expired", and that Pulike si p. 200, deduced, but doubtfully, 'Rajasimh a' II. did commence to reign in Saka 531 or 532. as a second name of Ranaråga. If rája. From the mention in l. 8 of the Aihole inscrip

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tion of a chhatra-bhanga, or 'interruption of the succession',-lit. 'a breaking of the umbrella (of sovereignty)',-it would seem that a period of anarchy ensued between the death of M a ǹgalisvara and the accession of Puliksi II. But it follows, from the above dates, that Mangalisvara reigned for at least forty years. He cannot, therefore, have been much over thirty years of age, if indeed so old, when he succeeded. Taking him to have been then thirty years old, he was born in Saka 458. And then, even if we assume that Pulikêś i I. was not more than twenty years of age when he succeeded, and that Saka 411-the date of the present grant-was the very year of his accession, it follows that he was at least sixtyseven years old when his second son, Ma ngalisvara, was born, to him. And this, I apprehend, is hardly probable.
But, apart from any such argumentative reason, there are substantial grounds for disputing the date assigned to Pulikê sî I-1, The plates are more numerous, and the language is more prolix, than is usual in grants of this early date.-2, The name of the dynasty is written Chalukya', in l. 5, with the vowel of the first syllable long. Whereas, in all genuine grants of early date, it is written either 'Cha lkya', or 'Chalik ya' and 'Chalukya', with the vowel of the first syllable short. Now, Sir Walter Elliot, in his paper On Hindu Inscriptions at Madr. Jour. of Lit. and Science, Vol. VII., p. 193, tells us, and on ample authority, that from the middle of the eighth to about the middle of the tenth century A.D., "the power of the Chalukyas was alienated for a time, or suffered a partial obscuration." It was restored in the person of Taila pa II., in Saka 895 (A.D. 973-4) or thereabouts. And I find from inscriptions that, unless metrical reasons required the use of the form 'Chalukya', he and his successors are always called 'Châlukyas', and that this form of the name is peeuliar to them. There seems, too, to have been a special reason for this; inasmuch as 'Chalukya' means 'the descendant of a Chalukya', this second derivative form points, not only to a temporary eclipse of the Chaluky a power, but also to an actual break in the direct line of hereditary succession.-3, In 1. 15, Pulikêsi I. is called 'SatyasrayaPulakêsi', and, in 1. 31, he is called simply
[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
Satyasraya.' In no other inscription is this title applied by itself to anyone anterior to Pulikesi II., who, as we learn from the Aihole inscription, was the first to acquire the name. And only in No. XXVII. of this Series, transcr. 1. 5, is it elsewhere applied to Pulikê si I. at all; and it is coupled there with his own proper name, and, I suspect, is introduced by the writer without any authority, save that it was one of the titles of the similarly-named grandson, Pulikê sî II.-4, The mention of the horse Chitrakantha, in 1. 11, is at variance with all the other inscriptions, which tell us that it was Vikramaditya I. who was the owner of "a horse of the breed called Chitrakantha", or "of an excellent horse named Chitra kantha."-5, The mention of the Kuhun di district in 1. 22 is another anachronism. For in 1. 27 of No. II. of my Ratta Inscriptions at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. X., p. 194, we are told that it was the Ratta Great Chieftain Karta virya I., about Saka 970, who, "when king, fixed the boundaries of the country of Ku hundi"; and I have not found this district spoken of in any other early inscription.-6, This grant is dated in the Vibhava samvatsara. By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, the Vibhava samvatsara would be Šaka 410,quite near enough for the purpose. But, let the time at which the cycle of sixty samvatsaras was first devised and used by astronomers be what it may, the cycle was not in use in public documents in the Chalukya kingdom at the date to which these plates purport to belong. The earliest instance of its use that I have met with is in an Old Canarese inscription on stone at Nandwaḍige in the Kalâdgi District; part of the name of the king, and the word expressing the centuries in the date, are unfortunately effaced, but I shall show hereafter that it is an inscription of the Rashtrakuta king Dhârâvarsha-Kalivallabha, or of his son Govinda-Prabhutavarsha or Gôvinda III., and that the date of it is Saka 722, the Dundubhi samvatsara. The earliest indisputable instance to which I can refer is an Old Canarese copper-plate grant of the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III., dated Saka 727, the Subhanu samvatsara; the original plates belong to Sir Walter Elliot and afe now with me, and a transcription of

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
211
the first plate is given by Dr. Burnell at p. 88 of simile to which I can refer for purposes of combis South-Indian Palæography. I am inclined parison. But, out of the unpublished materials to think, en passant, that it was the R&sh- that I have on hand, the characters of this trak û ta kings who first introduced the use grant resemble most nearly the characters of two of this cycle into the Chaluk ya dominions. grants of the Chôļa successors of the East-7, Saka 411 is A.D. 489-90. Mr. Burgessern Chaluky a dynasty; one is a grant of informs me, as the result of calculation, that Raja raja II., dated Saka 944, and the other no lunar eclipse such as that spoken of occurred is a grant of Kulôttunga-Chôdad ê va in A.D. 489, 490, or 491.-8, The almost II., dated Saka 1056. Among all the inscripinvariable use of !, whenever it can be used in tions of the Western dynasty, I can find none the place of I, is quite opposed to ancient ortho- with the characters of which those of the pregraphy, and is in itself a strong indication of sent grant may suitably be compared.-In the modern composition of the inscription.- fine, I place the composition of this document And finally, 9, The characters, instead of belong. at certainly not earlier than the tenth cening to the fifth century A.D., are fully developed tury A.D. Old Canarese characters of at least the tenth or I have not succeeded in tracing on the map eleventh century A.D. I have no published fac- the localities referred to in the grant.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Svasti || Jayanty=ananta-samsåra-pârâ vâr-aika-stavaḥ Mahavir-dha(rha)tah=pûtâś=charan
Ambuja-rônavah || Srimatûm visva-visvambhar-Abhisarstůyamâna-Mânavya-sagðtranám Hârîti[°] putranam sapta-!0(16)ka-mâtsibhis=sapta-matribhir-abhivarddhitanan Karttikêya
parirakshaņa-pra[*] pta-kalyana-paramparânâm b hagavan-Narayana-prasada-sama sådita-varaha-lâmchh[°] n-ékshaņa-kshaņa-vasikrit-aśêsha-mahîbhritânam( sc. bhritâm) Châļukyânâm kulam=
alamkarishnôh || sva-bhuj-ô. [°] pârjjita-vasundharasya nija-yasas-śravana-mâtrên=aiv=avanata-rajakasya kirtti-pata[') k-ôvabhasita-dig-antaraļasya Jayasimhasya râja-simhasya sûnus=sůnrita-va[] granavarata-dán-årdrikrita-karas=sura-gaja iva praśama-nidhistapô-nidhir=iva dri[°] pta-vairisha prapta-rana-rågô Ranarågô bhavat [ll] Tasya ch=âtmajê śvamêdhat
äva(sc. 'mêdh-åva)bhrita(tha)-snâna-pavi[W] trikrita-gâtre pranata-para-nripati-makuta-tata-ghatita-hatan-mani-gaņa-kiraņa-var-ddha[] rå-dhauta-châru-charana-kamala-yugalê Chitrakanth-abhidhana-turamgama-kanthiravêņ=
otsari["] t-ârâti-stambhêrama-mandaļé varņn-aśrama-sarvva-dharmma-paripå lana-parê Gamgå
Sêtu-madhya[1] vartti-des-adhiśvarê sakti-traya-pravarddhita-prajya-sâmrajyê Gamgå-Yamuna
påļiSecond plate ; first side. ["] dhvaja-dadakk-di-pamcha-mahasabda-chihnê karadikrita-Chô!a-Chêra-Kerala-Simbala
Kalim[*] ga-bhupaļ8 daņdita-Påndy-adi-mandi(nda)like a-pratiślsano Satyasraya-Sri
Pulakèsy-a[] bhidhâna-pțithivivallabha-maharaj-adhirajê prithivim=ek-atapatram
sâsati
sati [ll] Raja Rundra[""] nila-Saindraka-vamsa-sasamkâyamânah=prachanda-dôr-ddaņda-maņaita-mandal-agrô Gonda[""] sit [IJ Aya-naya-vinaya-sampannastanayo sya sa (sa)mara-rasa-rasikas=
Sivâr-akhyaya ["] kbyâtah [ll] Putrô sya bhůta (tó) dhatri-tilakayamanah-paråkram-Akrânta-vairi
nikurumbah
nấmâ=

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[] avâryya-viryya-samanvitaḥ
kiry-Akryyn-nipunab
Hanûmân-iva
Râm -
["sy-bhiramasya tasya barilyas-satya-sandha dhirmmikas-Simiyårs-samabhût [*] Sa tat-prasâ[*] da-samâsâdita-Kuhundi-vishayas-tam paripâ[la]yaṁ tad-antarbhût-Âlaktak-âbhidhâna
nagaryyyy) sâli-vrîhîkshuvana-cha
[] naka-priyamga-varak-ôdâraka-syâmâka-gôdhûm-âdy-anêka-dhânya-samriddhâyâm tad-dêsa[] vilâsini-mukha-kamalam-iva virajaminàyẩm dhana-dhinya-paripārņṇa-krishivaļa [*] prâyâyâm || Aindryâm disi Mahendr-âbhah-prâsâdam pravaram=mahat
Jinêndr-â
"grima-captasata-rajadhinyâm-aálsha-vishaya-viščahakiyamânåyåṁ
[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
Second plate; second side.
[""] yatanam
tilakam
Ji
bhakty=âkârayat-su-manôharam || Prôttumga-prâsâdam Tribhuvana[**] nâlayaṁ pravaram nânâ-stambha-samuddhṛita-virâjamânam chiram jagati || Saka-nripâbdêshv=ê["] kâdas-ôttarêshu chatuś-satêshu vyatitêshu Vibhava-samvatsarê pravarttamânê || Kritê cha Jinâla[y Vaisakh-ôdita-pürgṇa-punya-divasê Râhô (hau) vidhau(dhor) mandalam élêshtêndêrtthika'-majjanâd-u[*] pagata(tam) anihid-grihamh bhabheja Sri-Satyairayam-lárayam gupavati vijay [**] m=âsa sa taj-Jainalaya-pujan-dchita-nuta-kabitriya dharmma-priya(yah) Aya | [3] r=jjanmavatâm=idam nanu tadi (di)t-sandhy-êndrâchâp-ôpamam jñâtvâ dharmma-ma(dha)nârjjanam budha-ja[] nair-mmártya (rtyai)h-phaļaṁ manyate ityvam pravibidhya sabhya-jana Satykray vallabhô bha[*]ktyâ taj-Jina-mandir-ôpama-kriyê kshetram dadau sâsanam || Vaisakha-paurṇṇamâsyâm Râhau vi[*]dhu-mandala(lam) pravishtavati Sel-Satyraya-aripatie-tribhavana-tilakiya dattava[n] kshetram [*] Kanakupala-sambhúta vriksha-Mülagup-a(4)avayê
[] n-isvarah Tasy-âsît-prathamas-śishyô dêvatâ-vinuta-kramaḥ śishyaih-pamcha-satair= Third plate; first side.
[] 6-Chitak-Acharyya-sa(sam)jitah Srimat-Käköpal-imnäy khyāta-kirtir-bahn-śrutah [] n-Nagadv-khyas-Chitak-ichiryya-dikshitaḥ
[*] samasta-tra-abdhi(dhl)
|| Śrimad-vividha-rajêndraprasphuran-makut-â. [*] libhiḥ nighrishta-charan-âbjâya prabhavê Jinanandinê || Jinanandy-acharyya-sûryy â[*] ya duśchara-tapô-viśêsha-nikashopala-bhú tâya samadhigata sarvva-striya naga[*] râms=tala-bhôgâmś-cha pradadau [*] Tatra tala-bhôga-simâny-âha [*] Chaityâlayâd= vâyavyam
[] disi tatakam tato riju-sûtra-kramêņa paśchim-âbhimukham gatva patnam tasya madhyê [] nikhâta-pashanam tasmâd-dakshin-âbhimukham-anu-patham gatvâ pravâham tasyam(sya) madhye nik hâta-på["] shâņam pûrvv-âbhimukham gatvâ timtriņika-vriksham yavat-tasmâd-uttar-âbhimukham gatvà purvy-ô
bhûtas-samagra-råddhântas-Siddha
Jinanandily-prakrititab
1 Probably the correct reading should be slishte nvartthika-majjand.
nandi-mu
yukta
Någad÷ra-guróé-siahyah-prabhata-guna
lakshmivâ
vâridhiḥ

Page #259

SEPTEMBER, 1878.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
213
{"] kta-tatAkar yâvat=sthitam étan=nagara-nivesana-kshetram [ll] Tatra ta!a-bhôga
kshetra-sîmâny Aha (1 *] ["] Nagarasya dakshiņasyam diśi sêta-bandhât=prabhsityann-jala-váhalaṁ půrvv
abhimukhanga[] två yåvad=aumchhika-kshetram tat-paschima-simni nikhâta-påshåņam yâvattasmad:
and-sim . Third plate; second side. ["] ttar-ábhimukham gatva yâvach-chhami-valmikam tasmåt=punah=pûrvv-abhimukham
gatvå yåvat [") sthala-giri tasmât=punar=anu-giryy=uttar-abhimukhaṁ gatvå yâvad=girêr=achcha
pradékam tasmât [*] paśchim-abhimukham gatvå yåvad-giri tasmât=paśchim-abhimukham gatvå yåvat
ta(stha)la-giri ["] tasmâd=dakshiņ-abhimukhaṁ gatva yâvat=sêta-bandhana(nam) sthitam râja-manêna
pamchåśat n(sc. Osad-u)ttara[") nivarttana-satan tala-bhôga-kshetram chatus-sima-viruddham | Narindaka-nama
grầma(mê, nairrityên poj disi Narindako-Samarivada(da)-grâma-pathi madhya-vartti-Singatoga-tataka("77 dərija-sútra-kramôna Narindaka-gråma-patham yâvattávat sthitam chatvaritsat "] ni(8c.'san-ni) varttanam kshetram dakshiņa-disi raja-manêna || Kiņayige-nama-gråmê pů[] ryvasyår disi asiti-nivarttanaṁ kshetram raja-mânêna Piśâch-araman-narrityam [] disi yavach-chham i-jhâta-valmikam tasmåt=pûrvv-abhimukham gatva yavat-patham
tasmapo dakshin-Abhimnkham gatva yavat=sthala-giri tasmat-paschim-Abhimukham-and-stha["] la-giri gatvå yåvach-chhami-sthalam tasmad=uttar-abhimukham gatva yâvach-chha[ ml-jhâta-valmikam sthitar chatus-sima-viruddha
Pantiganage-nama-grame
Fourth plate; first side. [o] nairfityam disi manyasya kshôtra uttarasyâm diói chatvarimsat(n)-nivarttana kshetram
raja-ma[") nêna paschimâm (masyar) disi sthala-giri tasmad=anu-simam parvv-abhimukham gatva
yâvach=chbami[°] valmikam tasmad-dakshiņabhimukham gatva Komaramche-grâma-sîma tasmât=pů. [] rvv-abhimakham-anu-simam gatva yâvaj-jala-váhalam tasmad=uttar-abhimukham=["] nu-váhalam gatva yâvach-chhami-jhâta-valmîkam tasmât=paschim-abhimukham gatva [P] yâvat-tatâ k-ôttara-kôdi(Pti)
tasmad-dakshin-âbhimukham-and-sthala-giri ["') gatva yâvat-tavat=sthitam chatus-sîma-viruddham L. Mamgali-nama-grama[") paschima-disi raja-mânêna chatvarimsat(n)-nivarttanam kshtra tasya simâ [") nyaha sthala-girêh-paschim-abhimukham=anu-patham gatvê yavad-Růvika-grima-s[**] ma tasmad=uttar-abhimukham-anu-sima gatva yâvat=sthala-giri tasmât=pûrvv-abhi["] mukham-and-sthala-giri gatvà yâvat=sthala-giri tasmad=dakshin-abhimukham
anu["'] sthaļa-giri gatva sthitař chatus-simå-va(vi)ruddham Karandige-nâma
gråma (me) paFourth plate ; second side. [") schimasyah disi Chandavura-Pardarngavalli-nama-gråma-margga-madhy8 avattha[") tataka (kad) våyavyår disi raja-mânêna parcha-vimsati-nivarttanam kshetram !! [*] Davanavalli-nama-grama(me) paschimasyên diśi Alaktaka-nagara-Kumba["] yija-nama-gråma-mârgga-madhyê Bimbalaya-Piśâch-ârâmát-paschimo r[*]ja-mânêna chatvarimsat(n)-nivarttana kshetraṁ | Punar=api tasminn=@va grâma( iné)
dakshi

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[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
m] masyam disi Himguti-tatakâd=uttara-samîpa-stham r ilja-mânêna sa[] tam ni(ac. sata-ni)varttanam kshetram | Nandinige-nama-grâma(mê) pûrvvasyam
disi Bara{") valika-sîma-Śripara-margga-madhyê rajamânêna chatvarimsat(n)-nivarttana kshếtram ["] Siripatti-nama-grama(mê) paschimasgâm diśi śripura-marggato dakshinatô raja["] mînêna chatvårimsat(n)-nivarttanam kshetram | Arjunavádn (da)-nama-grâ ma(mé) pa[] échimasyam disi Sripura-marggató uttaratô raja-manona pamchåśat(n)-niva[""] rttanam kshotram Grâma-nâmâny=kha || Kumbayija-dvådaśasy=0(A)ntah Rdviknama
Fifth plate. [] gråmah prathamah | Samarivado(a) nama gråmah dvitiyah | Badhamâļe-dvadaśasy=ântah [*] Lattivádô(20) nîma grâmah tri(tri)tiyaḥ || Sripura-dvådaśasya madhyê Pellidakô nâma
"O gramah chaturtthah Ity=été chatváró gramah chatus-sima-va(vi)raddha-kshêtrâh [") sôdraingåh sa(so)parikarâh a-châta-bhata-pravêśyah [ll] Tad=agimibhir=asmad-varo[2] syair=anyaiś=cha râjabhir=&yur-aišvaryya[di]na (na)m=bi(vi)lasitam=achhirâmsu-chan[] chaļam(!a)m-avagachchhadbhir-a-chandr-arkka-dhar-árņnava-sthiti-sama(ma)kåla(lam)
yaśam(sa)śmchi[] chi(chi)shubhih sva-datti-nirvvisesham paripalaniyam-uktam cha Manv-ådibhiḥ || [°] Bahubhir=yvasudha bhukta rajabhis(s)=Sa(sa)ka(gar-adibhir=yyasya yasya yada
bhůmim(mil) tasya ["] tasya tadà phaļa Svam dátum sumahad(ch)-sa(chha)kyam duḥkham-anyatra(sya)
pålanam dânam vê pêla[*] nam srêpô srêpô dângsya palanan || Sva-dattain(ttâm) para-dattan (tấn) và vô
harêti(ta) va[") sundharam shashtim varsha-sahasrâņi vishthâyâm jậyatê krimiħ || Translation.
charities, thus resembling the elephant of the Hail! Victorious are the pure particles of gods, whose trunk is moistened by the ceaseless pollen of the lotuses which are the feet of the flow of his rut; who, like an austere devotee, Arhat M a há vira',-which are the sole bridge was the receptacle of tranquillity; and who for crossing from bank to bank of the ocean acquired a fondness for war against his proud of) endless existence!
enemies. The son of Jayasimha,--that lion of a And while his son, the favourite of the world, king, who adorned the family of the Châ- the Great King, the supremo king, who was !uk yas, who are glorious, and who are of named Saty a śraya SriPula ke si, the lineage of Mânavya which is praised whose body was purified by ablutions performed over the whole earth, and who are the descend- after celebrating horse-sacrifices; and whose ants of Hâriti, and who have been nourish- beautiful feet, which were like lotusos, were ed by seven mothers who are the seven mothers cleansed by the trickling drops of water which of mankind, and who have attained an uninter- were the rays of the many sparkling jewels rupted continuity of prosperity by the protec- that were set in the diadems of the hostile tion of Karttikeya, and who have had all kings who bowed down before him; and who kings made subject to them on the instant at drove away the troops of elephants of his enethe sight of the sign of the Boar which they mies by a very lion of a horse that was named acquired through the favour of the holy Nára. Chitrakantha; and who was intent on yaņa; and who acquired the earth by his preserving all the regulations of the (four) own arm; and who had kings bowed down classes and the four) stages of life; and who before him by simply hearing of his fame; and was the supreme lord of the conntry lying who irradiated the intermediate spaces of the between the (river) Ganga and the Bridge regions with the banner that was his fame,- (of Rama); and whose mighty universal was Ranaråga, of true yet pleasing speech, sovereignty was ir.creased by his possession of) whose hands were moistened by his ceaseless the three regal attributes; and who possessed
* The last of the twenty-four Jain teachers of the present age.

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
SEPTEMBER, 1878.]
the signs of the banners of the Gangâ and the Yamuna and the sword-edge, and the five great sounds of the Dadakka" and other (musical instruments); and who made the kings of Chôla and Chêra and Kerala and Simhala and Kalinga to pay tribute; and who punished the Pândya and other chieftains; and whose commands were unresisted,-was governing the earth under one umbrella ;
There was a king named Gonda, who was the moon of the family of Rund ranila-Saindraka, and whose scimetar was adorned by his mighty arm. His son,-who was endowed with good fortune and, skill in polity and modesty, and who delighted in the flavour of war, was renowned by the appellation of Sivara. His son was the truthful and pious Sâmiyâra, who was the forehead-ornament of the earth,-who attacked the assemblage of his enemies with his prowess,-who was possessed of bravery that could not be withstood, who was well versed in what things should be done and what should not be done, and who was the servant of him, (Pulakes), as Hanûmân (was the servant) of Rama.
Having acquired the district of K uhundi through his favour,-while governing it, he, who was as glorious as Ma hên dra, in his piety caused to be made an excellent and large and very charming temple, a shrine of Jinêndra, in the east quarter, in the city which was named Alaktaka and was included in that (district); and which was the chief town of (a circle of) seven hundred villages; and which was the glory of the whole district; and which abounded in sali-rice and vrihi-rice and groves of sugar-canes and chick-peas and priyangu plants and varaka-beans and udaraka-grain and śyámáka-grain and wheat and many other kinds of grain; and which shone like the lotus which is the fan of the lovely woman which is that district; and which was full of husbandmen who abounded in wealth and grain.
The excellent shrine of Jin a (which was thus constructed), that very lofty temple, (named) 'the ornament of the three worlds', decorated with many columns,-(endures) for a long time in the world.
I do not find this word in the dictionaries. But Monier Williams gives dhakka, a large or double drum'; and Sanderson gives the same, and also dakka, dakki, or dakke, 'a small drum, shaped like an hour-glass."
215
And this shrine of Jina having been built,when four centuries and eleven (years) had elapsed in the years of the Sa ka king; while the Vibhava samvatsara was current ; on the holy day of the full (moon) of (the month) Vaisakha; when Râ hu had closed upon the orb of the moon,. . . . .
he, who was fond of religion, asked the king, Sri-Satyasraya, the asylum of virtuous people, who through friendship had come to his house, for a field fit for the worship of that shrine of Jina.
Having known that the life of those that are born is (transient) like the lightning and the evening rainbow, and having impressed on his courtiers that the acquisition of religion and wealth is esteemed the (only true) reward by wise people, who are but mortal,-the lord Satyasraya in his piety bestowed a field (and) a charter, worthy of that shrine of Jina. On the day of the full-moon of (the month) Vaisakha, when R â hu had entered the orb of the moon,-the king, Sri-Satyaśraya, gave a field to the ornament of the three worlds.'
In the lineage of the (sect called) Mulagana, a tree which sprang from Kanakôpalâ, there was born that lord of saints, Siddha-nandi, who possessed (a knowledge of) all demonstrated truths. His first disciple was Chitakacharya, whose observances were praised by the gods, and who was attended by five hundred disciples. He, whose name was Nâ gadêva,-who was renowned in the traditions of the glorious Kâkôpala; and who possessed much (knowledge of) sacred lore; and who enjoyed good fortune,-was initiated by Chitakacharya. The disciple of the preceptor Någa dêva was the famous Jin anandi, who was a very ocean of meritorious qualities, and who was acquainted with all the sacred writings.
To the excellent master Jina nandi, whose feet, which were as lotuses, were chafed by the glittering diadems of many glorious kings, (who bowed down before him),-to Jinanandi, a very sun among Acháryas, who was the touchstone by which to test the value of penances that were hard to be performed, and
Ndartthika-majjanat, or perhaps nvartthika-majjanat, 1. 30; meaning not apparent.
This must be the founder of the sect.

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who had mastered all the sacred writings,--he Pisacha', there is an ant-hill at a clump of gave towns and the enjoyment of sites of land. sami-trees. From that, going to the east as far
There he declares the boundaries of the (right as the road, and then to the south as far as the of) enjoyment of sites of land. On the north- athala-giri, and then to the west, along the west of the Chaitya-hall, there is a tank. Going stha!a-giri as far as the place of the sami-trees, in a straight line to the west from there, there and then to the north, (we come) to the Ant-bill is the road, in the middle of which there is a at the clump of sami-trees. stone set up. Going to the south from that, At the village of Pantigan age, in the along the road, there is a stream, in the middle south-west quarter, and in the northern quarter of which there is a stone set up. Going to of the manya-field, there was given) a field, (of the east (from that), as far as a tamarind-tree, the measure of) forty nivartanas by the royal and then going to the north, there is the tank measure, encompassed by its four boundaries mentioned above. That which is thus sita. and constituted thus On the west there is the ated is the field of the entrance of the village. | sthala-giri. Going along the boundary to the
There he declares the boundaries of the fields east from that, as far as the ant-hill near a sami(which are the objects of the right) of enjoyment tree, and from that to the south as far as the of sites of land. - Starting from the bridge on boundaries of the village of Ko maraiche, the south of the city and going along the stream and from there along the boundary to the enst to the east as far as the gleaning-field, on the as far as the stream, and from that along the west boundary of it there is a stone set up. stream to the north as far as an ant-hill near & From that, going along the boundary to the clump of sami-trees, and from that to the west north, there is an ant-hill near a sami-tree. as far as the northern weir of the tank, and From that, again, going to the east, there is the from that to the south along the sthala-giri. sthala-giri. From that, again, going to the In the west quarter of the village of Man north along the hill, there is the high part of gali (there was given) a field, of the measure the hill. From that, going to the west as far of) forty nivartanas by the royal measure. He as the hill (eatends), and then to the west as far declares the boundaries of it. Going to the as the sthala-giri, and then to the south, (we west from the sthala-giri along the road as far as come to the place where) the bridge stands. the boundary of the village of Ravik a, and (Thus is constituted) the field (which is the object from there to the north along the boundary as of the right) of enjoyment of a site of land, far as the sthala-giri, and from there to the (measuring) one hundred and fifty nivartanas east along the sthala-giri as far as the sthalaby the royal measure, and encompassed by its giri (extends), and from there to the south along four boundaries.
the sthala-giri,-(thus is it) situated, and encomAt the village of Narinda ka, in the south- passed by its four boundaries. west quarter, (there was given a field, (of the In the village of Karandig e, in the west measure of)forty nivartanas by the royal measure, quarter, (there was given) a field, (of the measure in the south quarter, encompassed by its four of) twenty-five nivartanas by the royal measure, boundaries, and constituted (by a boundary-line on the north-west of the tank of the asvatthadrawn) up to the road to the village of Na- tree between the roads to the villages of rinda ka in a straight line from the Singa- Chandavura and Pandarigavalli. toga tank, which is in the centre of the roads In the village of Då vanavalli, in the to the villages of Narinda ka and Sama- west quarter, (there was given) a field of the rivada.
measure of forty nivartanas by the royal At the village of Kiņayige, in the east measure, on the west of the grove of the quarter, (there was given) a field (of the measure Pis a cha, Bimbalaya, between the roads of eighty nivartanas by the royal measure, to the city of Alaktaka and the village encompassed by its four boundaries, and lying of Kumbay ija. And again, in that same thus:-At the south-west of the grove of the village, in the south quarter, there was given) a
• Sthala-giri, 'a hill on the plain', perhaps denotes one The name of a class of demons. of those isolated masses of heaped-up boulders that are to If the reading is kodi, it is the Canarese word meaning be found all over the black-soil fields in the eastern part a' weir, outlet of a tauk. If the reading is köti, the of the Dharwad District, and probably still further inland. translation will be "the northern edge, i.e. bank."

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
217
field of the measure of one hundred nivartanas presented by him to the Royal Asiatic Society. by the royal measure, situated close to the In the genealogy at Jour. Madr. Br. R. As. Soc., north of the Hingut i tank.
Vol. VII., p. 199, he gives Saka 514 as the In the village of Nandinige, in the east commencement of his reign. In describing the quarter, (there was given) a field of the measure grant, at id., p. 201, he writes, “It bears date of) forty nivartanas by the royal measure, the thirty-second [year] of his reign, Saka 530; between the boundary of the village of) Bara- and his accession is thus fixed as having occurred vulika and the road to the village of) in [Saka] 515.” The first part of this statement Śripara.
is owing to some confusion on the part of his In the village of Siripatti, in the west Pandit in interpreting the date. In a footnote to quarter, (there was given a field of the measure the latter passage, he speaks of it again, and as
f) forty nivartanas by the royal measure, being dated "in Saka 530, on the eighth day to the south of the road to (the village of) of the sixteenth royal victorious year." Dr. Sripura.
Burnell, again, has given the first side of this In the village of Arjuna v ad a, in the west grant as Plate xxii. in his South Indian Paleoquarter, (there was given) a field (of the measure graphy, and, in transcribing it, at p. 87, has of) fifty nivartanas by the royal measure, to the entered the date as A.D. 608, which would be north of the road to the village of Sripura. Saka 530. The real date, as will be seen from
He declares the names of the villages.--The the facsimile and transcription, 11. 20-21, is first village is Rûvika, in the Kumba yija " when Saka 532 had expired, in the sixteenth Twelve. The second village is Så mariva da. year of his victorious reign." The third village is Lattiva da, in the I have obtained the original plates to edit Badhamale Twelve. The fourth village is from. Only two plates are forthcoming; the Pellida ka, in the Sripura Twelve. These third, probably the last, is missing. They are four villages (were given), together with their rather thick plates, not very regularly shaped, fields encompassed by the four boundaries, and and with several flaws in the copper; they with the udranga and the uparikara, and not measure about 12'' long by 57" broad. They to be entered by irregular or regular troops." have a peculiarly high and broad raised rim
This grant should be preserved as long as the to protect the writing. The ring connecting moon and the sun and the earth and the ocean them had been cut before it came into my hands; endure, just as if it were a grant made by them- it is about " thick, and 3}in diameter. selves, by future kings, desirous of acquiring The seal, which is very massive, is square,fame, whether they are of my lineage, or whether about 1' each way; it has the representation they are others, -bearing in mind that the of a boar facing to the proper left, with the sun charms of life and riches, &c. are as transient as and moon above it. Through some mistake the lightning! And it has been said by Manu the seal properly belonging to the grant of and others :-Land has been enjoyed by many Rajaraja II. has been printed off with the kings, commencing with Sagara; (&c.)! It is facsimile of these plates. A facsimile of the very easy to give one's own property, but the right seal will be supplied hereafter. preservation of the grant of) another is difficult, It is unnecessary to offer a full translation of (&c.)! He is born as a worm in ordure for the so inaccurate and mixed-up a document as this duration of sixty thousand years, (&c.)!
is; and there are, in fact, several passages in it No. XLV.
of which no sense can be made at all. I shall Sir Walter Elliot's date of Saka 514 (A.D. confine myself to giving an abstract of its con592-3) or 515 for the accession of the Western tents. Down to the commencement of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya I. is details of the alleged grant, in l. 20, it follows, based on a copper-plate grant, said to have been or rather tries to follow, the corresponding discovered in digging the foundations of the portion of the other copper-plate inscription of house a Kulkarni at Kurtaköti in the Vikramaditya I. already published, No. Gadag Taluka of the Dharwad District, and XXVIII. of this Series, at Vol. VI., p. 75. It
A chata.bhato-pravekyan. The meaning of this term is disputed. I follow the translation given by Dr. Bühler at Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., p.7i.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
first mentions Pulikêsi I. or PolekêsiVallabha, as he is here called; then his son, Kirttivarma I.; then Satyâśra y a, i.e. Pulikê si II., the son of Kirttivar mâ I.; and finally Vikramaditya-Satyasraya, or Vikramaditya I., the son of Pulikêsi II. It then purports to record that, when five centuries and thirty-two years of the Saka era had expired, on Sunday, the day of the new-moon between the months Vaisakha (April-May) and Jyaishtha (May-June), under the constellations Rô hini and the Great Bear, when the sun was in the sign of the Bull, and at the time of a total1o eclipse of the sun, Vikramâditya I., in the sixteenth year of his reign, while residing at the city of Kisu volal," bestowed upon Ravisarmâ of the sect called Basari-samgha and the Agastya gôtra, the son of Jayasarmâ who was the son of Madhavaśarmâ, the village of Kûrutakûnte," which was in the Belvola country and in the centre of the seven villages of Beneyitavura, Annigere, Iṭṭage, Pasundi, Muguli, Paranti, and Mulgundu.
According to this inscription, therefore, the reign of Vikram â ditya I. commenced in Saka 516 or 517.
But I reject it entirely, as a forgery and of no authority, on the following grounds.-1, The date is completely at variance with the dates of all the other early Western Chalukya inscriptions. For, Pulikêsi II., the father of Vikramaditya I., commenced to reign in Saka 531 or 532, as in No. XXVII. of this Series, at Vol. VI., p. 72, and was still reigning in Saka 556. And Vinayaditya, the son of Vikramaditya I., commenced to reign in Saka 600 or 601, by Nos. XXIX., XXX., and XXXI., at Vol. VI., pp. 85, 88, and 91, and by the Fourth Part of No. XXXIX., at p. 111 above, which is probably dated in the seventh year of his reign. And Vijayâditya, the son of Vinayâditya, commenced to reign in Saka 617, 618, or 619, by the Second Part of No. XXXIX., and by three unpublished inscriptions that I have in hand. And Vikramaditya II., the son of Vijay â dity a, commenced to reign in Saka 654 or 655, by the Third Part of No.
10 The literal reading in the text is sarvvamási (st)-bhaté, 'lasting for a whole month.'! This, of course, is only a mistake for sarvvagrási-bhaté, swallowing or engulfing all', which is the usual expression for a total eclipse.
[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
XXXVIII., at p. 101 above.-2, As in the case of the forged grant of Pulikê si I., published im mediately above, the name of the dynasty is spelt, in l. 4, Châļukhya', sc. Chalukya', with the vowel of the first syllable long.-3, The word ba-trimsa, thirty-second', used in expressing the date, is a hybrid word, part Prakrit and part Sanskrit, and I have not found an analogous instance of such a word in any other early grant.-4, Whereas Saka 532 is A.D. 610-11, Mr. Burgess informs me, as the result of calculation, that no solar eclipse did occur, on the date given, in A.D. 610, 611, or 612.-5, The language and orthography are far more inaccurate than I have ever yet found to be the case in any other grant of early date. But this, of course, might by chance be due to the ignorance or carelessness of a copyist or the engraver.-And finally, 6, In the letters ja, except in 1. 1, and ga and sa, an attempt is made to imitate the ancient forms. But, with this exception, the characters are fully developed Old Canarese characters of at least the ninth or tenth century A.D. And I have to draw especial attention to the fact that, except in the words paramésvara, once in 1. 7 and twice in 1. 8, and turamgamena, in 1. 9, there is used for the letter ma a character which, with the corresponding forms of ya and va, is purely medieval. The earliest genuine instance in which I have found this form of the ma used is the copper-plate grant of the Râshtrakuta king Govinda III. spoken of above,-e.g., in para-dattam-bá, sc. para-dattám vá, 1. 14, Pl. II. b. The corresponding forms of ya and va, the former, however, not very clear,-may be seen in the Munôli stone-tablet inscription, Pl. LXXIV. of Mr. Burgess' Second Report, in Balligereyal, 1. 55, and Bannivúral, 1. 56.
After rejecting the present plates, we have no dated inscription of the time of Vikramâditya I. Consequently, and because we do not know how long his father, Pulikêéi II., continued to reign, and whether his elder brother, Chandraditya, did actually reign or not, his date cannot be determined with much certainty. I would place him, however, somewhere about Saka 580 (A.D. 658-9). We have not to search far, I think, for the reason
11 The Pattada-Kisuvolal of other inscriptions, and the modern Pattadakal on the banks of the Malaprabha in the Bâdâmi Taluk of the Kalâdgi District.
12 The modern Kurtakoti.

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Indian intiquary
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Page #266

Indian Antiquary
WESTERN CHÂLUKYA COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA I, DATED SAKA 533
យ៤២០ x 3. "ត់ / 45 , ៗៗ, ^ឌ្ឍរជង់ប្រដ៏ផ្ទុយ>Jeop] A ( 8 ) NEគឺ សឺន ? | ប្រorea ឲ្យ ម្ហូប2៨១ , រជ្ជមéថិ??) ។ យ២៨៩ x{C ២))
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SEPTEMBER, 1878.]
why there is no dated inscription of his time, and why probably none such will be found. For, as I have previously had occasion to point out, Nos. XXVIII. to XXXI. of this Series indicate very plainly that, after Pulikêsi II., the succession was interrupted by the hostility of the Pallavas of Kâ ñchi, and by a confederacy of the three kings of Chôla and Pandya and Kerala, and that, at least, Vikramaditya I. did not immediately succeed his father, but was ousted for a time. The authority of him and of his elder brother,
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
219
Chandrâditya, must have been confined, at the best, to the country of the Konkanas. Both Vikramaditya I., and his son, carried on the war against these enemies. But, though Vikramaditya I. seems to have been to a certain extent successful, it was probably not till the time of Vinayâditya that the Western Chaluky a power was thoroughly restored, and the kingdom consolidated again, in such a way that the head of it could refer to any specific date as the commencement of his reign.
Transcription. First plate.
[] Jayaty âvishkṛitam
[*] kala-bhavana-[am]stkyamina-Manarya-sagotrà
matribhis-sapta-matribhir-abhivs
[] rddhitânâm Kârtti(rtti)kêya-parirakshana-prâpta-kalyana-paramparânân-Narayana-prasâdasama(mâ)sâditânâm (sc. sâdita)-varâha-lâmcha (chha)[*]-kshana-kahapa-vada-valik pit-46sha-mahlbyitan("him) Chalakhy(ky)nim kulam-alamkarishnôr-aśvamêdh-âvana-padêpadê Gamgå-ja
Vishvväraha(ham) kshôpi(bhi)t-ârnṇavan-dakshin-ônnatadram(dam)shtr-âgram (gra)-viśrântam (nta)-bhuvanam vapuh [*] Śrimatâm saHiriti-patriam sapta-lô[ka*]
[*] la-na-pavitrikrita-ghi(g)trays
Sri-Polek(i)-Vallabha-mabirúj-kdi(dhirajaparamvara-paramabhattáraka[aya] [pastrmaya] para(r). [] kram-a (4) krânta-Ba(va)nava (vá)sy-âdi (di)-para-nṛipati-mandala-prani (ni) baddha viśuddha[kirttêḥ] Kirtti(rtti) varmma-sri-prithu (thi)vivallabha-mahârâj-a (â)['] di(dhi)rkja-paraméévara-paramabhaṭṭāraka[sya*] putraḥ(trasya) samara-samsa (sa)ktasakal-ôttara(ra)path-êśvara-Sri-Harisha (harsha) varddhana-parâj[*]y-dpalabdha-paraméérarn-parama-namadhyasya Satykrayn-il-pritho(thi)vivallabha maharij-idi(dhi)rija-paramôpri(pri)ya-tanyah
[*] varasya
Chitrakanta(ntha)-pravara-turamgamên-aikên=aiva pratitâ (prêritô?) nêka-samara-mukhê ripu-nripati-rn[10] dhira-jala-svâdana-rasa-nâya-mâna-jvalana-niśita-nistrimśa-dhârâ (ra)ya (ya) da(a)vabhṛitadharanidhara-bhu
Second plate; first side.
["]jaga-bhoga-sadrisa-nija-bhuja-vijita-vija(ji)glaho(shuḥ)
mavady(c. magn)-ânéka-praha(h)rab sva-guru-árifiri)y(ya)m-avani[] pati-tritay-antarita(t)m=ta(tma)sita(tkr)tya kpit-bai)ka(k)dhishthit-a()isha-rajya
cha(bha)raḥ tasmin rajya-trayô(yê) rana-si(si)rasi ripu-narêndra (ndrân) di[1]si [diśi*] jitva sa (sva)-vamsa-lakshmim (kshmim) prâpta[vân*] paramêśvaranâ(tâ)m= a[ni]dhâ (vâ)rita-Vikramadityam=(tyah) [*] a(A)pi ta(cha) mridita-Narasimgha (ha)- yaśênâ (yasasâ) vihita-Ma[**] hendra-pentapa-vilaylaa nayana-vijit-vara-rapa-pragana-Sri Vallabhna jita(tab) kritaPallav-âvamarddana (no) dakshinâ (na)-dit(g)-yu[1] vatim=âpta[vân*] Kamch-isa-kayônvas masiravayânn-api sutarâm Śri-vallabhatvam= itaḥ vahati śramalavanta [1] rê(ra)na-rasika-śrîyagurupara-skandha(ndhe) yô rajamalla-sê (sa)bda-vihita-nahâ-Pallavakula-nasal [*] Darllamgha(ghya)darnnama(durggâdha)-dustha(sta)ra-brihat[a]bhri(gr)hi yêna Jayatéévara-pôta-raja
[] dusva(sta)ra-vinê(bhê)da-visâla-sâla(la)
parisita(parikha)-pari(ri)tà
âtma-kavacha

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
SEPTEMBER, 1878.
[1] Kamch=ivara(sc. iva) dakshiņa-diśaḥ kshitipêna [kamchi*] [*] Vikram-a(a)kranta
sakala-mahiman dal-adi(dhi)rajya (yo) Vikramaditya-Satya[""] śré(śra)ya-sri-prithu(thi)vivallabha-maharaj-adi(dhi)râja-paraméśvara (rah) sarvvam=êva
ajñaSecond plate ; second side. [9] payati [] Viditam=astu số (vỏ) smabhi(bhil) ba-tring-ôttara-parncha-satasha
Sa(sa)ka-varsheshv=f(a)titishu vijaya-rajya" [^] samba(mva)chcha(tsa)ra-shosha (da)sa-varshê pravarttamâna(ne) Kisuvolal-maha
nagara(re) vikhyata(te) sthitva tasya Vaisakha-J&(iyai)shthi (shtha)-masa-ma["] dhyam-a(k)ma(ma) vâsya(sya)- Bhaskara-dinê Röhinya Ri(Rôhiņ y-Ri)kshể madhy-ähna
kalê Vikramadityasya atma cha atma-vinite nama [*] maha-devi(va)tay (y)r=abhayôr=Vvrishabha-råśau tasmin Vpishabha-rašau suryya
grå(gra)hana(ne) sarvvami (grâ)si(sl)-bhûtê gavâs(gavas)-cha nara(ra)["] ś=cha na charanti tavandhå (?nvâ) madbhûtu sarvva-jiva-disk-mu(?) davabhuvuḥ
mahậvismam cha asth amânavabhuvah iti ga[ "S] vam gråma(mam) pravišanti tasmåt tadâ kâlê śrêshti-sênâpati-sachiva-nêtâh
komâra-pártti(rtthi) v-anikama[°C] dhyaksha-sahitam tadà Basari-samgham-A(samgh-Â)gasthi(stya)-gôtra(trasya) Sámavêda
på ragasya tasya Madhavasa (sa)rmmarmma(nah [] tasya putrasyâ(sya) Jayaśarmmarah tasya pri(pri)ya-tanaya(yâya) shashanga (shadamga)
vide Ravisarm manah (nê) tasya tasmai) Vikramaditya (tyab) pûrvva[*] m=udakam pâda-prakshålanam kritvå Sri-Beļvola-vishay-abhyantara(rê) Beneyitavaram
Annigere Ittage [""] Pasundi Muga?i Paranti Mulganda êtêsham saptama(sapta)-grama(mânâm)
madhya-sthitô Sri-Kurutakûnte-grama(m) nAmasya [*] tasya adêya dattaṁ [ll*] Dhâ(dha)rmma-yaśô vộishdhi(ddhi)r=astu [Il*] Dânam=
atty (ty)-uttaram sri(sri)y-îyar(yû)-rajya-varddhanam śri-yuktam [ll*] Tasya tada
NOTES ON THE KURRAL OF THE TAMIL POET TIRUVALLUVAR. BY G. U. POPE, D.D., M.R.A.S., and of the German Oriental Society, and Fellow of the Madras University. No. I.
the subject of his excellence with every variety The name Kurra!' is given par excellence of hyperbole. to a very celebrated poetical composition in the Several of these are neat. One says that as Tamil language consisting of 133 chapters, Vishnu, when he appeared as Vamana or the each containing 10 couplets or kurrals. It thus dwarf, strode in two steps over heaven and numbers 2660 lines.
earth, so with the two lines of his diminutive Kurra! means anything short'; (v kurr, S. verse has Tiruvalluvar transcended the uni. v krit, Lat. curt-us, Gr. kors. A. S. sceor-t), verse. and is properly the name of the couplet, as Complete in itself, the sole work of its author, being the shortest species of stanza in the Tamil it has come down the stream of ages absolutely language.
uninjured, hardly a single various reading Tiruvalluvar's poem is thus by no means being found, and every rival sect in the Tamil a long one; though in value it far outweighs the conntry claims the Kurra! as its own. whole of the Tamil literature, and is one of Meanwhile Tiruvalluvar furnishes anthe select number of great works which have other illustration of the saying that the world entered into the very soul of a whole people, knows nothing of its greatest men. The name and which can never die. According to a even of the great bard is unknown, for tirucustom not unknown in Europe, a series of verses va!!war moans sacred priest, and is simply his bearing the names of all the great Tamil title as priest of the Pariah class. Tradition poets is prefixed to the Kurra! under the nanie makes him the son of a Brahman father and a of The garland of Tiravalluvar,' and exhausts low-caste woman, and represents the poetess

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SEPTEMBER, 1878.]
Avvai as his sister, while several other poets, a few of whose verses are preserved, were his brothers. There is no foundation for these stories. He certainly was a Pariah, lived at St. Thomé, or Mayila pûr, and appears to have had an intimate friend, probably a patron, called Elêla-Singan, a sailor.
He is said to have composed his Kurra! at the request of his neighbours, that the Tamil people might have a Védam of their own. It was doubtless intended to become the authority on all ethical subjects for the Tamil country. The author must have already possessed a great reputation, or this request would not have been made; yet there are no traces of any other writings of his.
The Kurra! when finished is said to have been taken by its author to M ad urâ, where there was a college of learned Tamil scholars. Lists are given of the forty-eight members of this academy, but there are no genuine remains of their writings. The result of the appearance of Tiruvalluvar is variously stated. The general idea is that the high-caste assembly would not permit him to take his seat on the bench with the learned pandits, on account of his want of caste, but that, meekly acquiescing in his own exclusion, he simply requested permission to lay his book on the end of the seat. On this being granted, the book was placed where the poet should have been seated, and the whole bench at once disappeared, leaving the learned professors afloat in the Lotus-tank. This story is inconsistent with the idea, which is equally prevalent, that the president was Kapilar, himself a Pariah, and a brother of Tiruval ļu var.
NOTES ON THE KURRAL.
The truth seems to be that the southern school of Tamil literature was supreme till the advent of the St. Thomé poet, whose fame eclipsed that of the southern sages.
There are no data whatever which may enable us to fix the period at which our poet flourished. I think between A.D. 1000 and 1200 is its probable date. The style is not archaic far less so than that of the Sivaga Chintamani. Remembering that its author was not fettered by caste prejudices, that his greatest friend was a sea-captain, that he lived at St. Thomé, that he was evidently an eclectic,' that Christian influences were at work in the neighbourhood, and that many passages are strikingly Christian in
221
their spirit, I cannot feel any hesitation in saying that the Christian Scriptures were among the sources from which the poet derived his inspiration. I think that even Muhammadan influences are not to be excluded.
The edition published by the late Dr. Graul, in Leipzig and in London, in 1856, is likely to be in the hands of all who care to read this paper. Dr. Graul has incorporated Beschi's Latin translation.
Mr. F. W. Ellis, an Oriental scholar of extraordinary ability, a member of the Madras Civil Service, printed a large portion of the Kurral with copious notes and illustrations. The sheets of this unfinished work can still be had. The Rev. W. H. Drew, a missionary of the London Society in Madras, published an edition with the Tamil commentary of Parimêla ragar. This is the best edition.
The purely native editions issued under the editorship of the late learned pandit Sarvanapa rumalaiyar of Madras are very correct and valuable.
Twelve native commentators have illustrated by verbal commentaries the whole text; but the student will do well to disregard the meanings read into the verses by persons, native or European, who are anxious to prove that the Tamil sage taught their own favourite dogmas.
Tiruvalluvar is generally very simple, and his commentators very profound.
In regard to the philosophico-theological system taught in the Kurra! various opinions have naturally been held. Of course every Hindû sect claims the great poet, and strives to interpret his verses so as to favour its own dogmas. The Jainas especially claim him, and he has used several of their terms. He seems to me to have been cognizant of the latest developments of that system.
Dr. Graul's account of the spirit of the work is fair and accurate. He says: "The Kural breathes throughout the atmosphere of Buddhism, or rather Jainaism, although the Brahmans have thought fit to appropriate it to themselves, by making Tiruvalluvar an incarnation of Śiva.
"The monotheism taught in it is that of the later Buddhists or Jainas, who acknowledged an Adibuddha or Adiśvara, called sometimes even Âdidê van, 'primordial god.' Nothing is said about the dignity of Brahmans, who are

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
not even mentioned by their exclusive official and the mythology of the Mahabharata comname; the real greatness of man is independent prised the entire creed of the majority of Hinof birth, and rests on purely moral grounds. dûs. The author of the Kura! is claimed with Among the four Brâhmanical stages of life we nearly equal reason by Saivas, Vaishnavas, and see only those of the householder and of the Jainas. On the whole the arguments of the ascetic treated of; the Brahmanical pantheon Jainas appear to me to preponderate, especially retreats to the background, and, when made to that which appeals to the Jaina tone that advance on the stage, sometimes appears in the pervades the ethical part of the work :-e... garb of allegorical figure, and sometimes even is scrupulous abstinence from the destruction of lightly spoken of. Besides, the poet lavishes life is frequently declared to be the chiefest praise beyond measure on the ascetic life; ab- excellence of the true ascetic. Nevertheless solate abstinence from destroying any animal from the indistinctness and undeveloped characlife in a direct or indirect way (ahinsli) is en t er of the Jaina element which is contained in forced ; only general rules for moral conduct are it, it seems probable that in Tiravalluvar's age given, while no mention is made of any special | Jainaism was rather an esoteric ethical school caste-rules. Such is the character of the Kura!, than an independent objective system of reand every single feature of it testifies to its ligion, and was only in the process of developessentially Buddhistic or Jainaistic spirit."
ment out of the older Hinduism." There is one couplet, however, that is quite These reasons led the learned writer to assign destructive of the idea that Tiruvalluvar was a to the Kurra! a date not later than " the ninth Jaina. In ch. III., fourth couplet, a story re- century A.D." He adds, however, that "the garding Indra is referred to as proving that reasons for this conclusion are rather negative ascetics have power over the gods. The sage than positive." was Gautama, who cursed Indra for To my own mind the internal evidence is all deceiving the sage's wife, A haly â. Now in favour of a much later origin. I understand according to Jaina ideas a sage could have no that Sankara's chief work as appears from wife, nor could he feel the emotion of anger, the only real authority on the subject, the nor had he the power to inflict punishment. A Sankara digvijaya) was, in the words of Dr. Jaina would not believe the story, nor use it as H. H. Wilson, to secure "the recoguition of the author of the Kurra! has done.
Brahme Para Brahme as the sole cause and Dr. Caldwell says: "The Kura! contains no ruler of the universe." He left other things trace of the distinctive doctrines of Sankara untouched. I know of no other doctrines taught Acharya. It teaches the old Sankhya phi- by him which Tiruvalluvar could have recoglosophy, but ignores Sankara's additions and nized than this, which is implied throughout developments, and would therefore appear to the Kurra!. Tiruvalluvar's teaching is just have been written before the school of Sankara such as the study of Hinduism, in the light of had risen to notice, if not before Sankara Sankara's reforms, combined with that of the himself, who lived not later than the ninth Jaina system in its later developments, and of century.
the Bhagavadgitá, might have produced. "There is no trace in the Kura! of the mysti. There is no trace in the Kurra! of many things cism of the modern Paurânic system ; of Bhakti, current in South India at different periods, beor exclusive, enthusiastic faith in any one deity cause, I suppose, they had been eliminated from of the Hindû pantheon ; of exclusive attach- the snge's own eclectic system of faith and pracment to any of the sects into which Hinduism tice, and because his work is didactic, and not has been divided since the era of Sankara ; or controversial. even of acquaintance with the existence of any I cannot subscribe to the statement that "it such sects. The work appears to have been teaches the old Sånkhya philosophy;" for I written before Saivism and Vaishnavism had find in it no hint of purusha or of prakriti, or been transformed from rival schools into rival anything that looks like a reproduction of any sects; before the Puranas, as they now stand, of the Aphorisms of Kapila. What philosophy had become the text-books of Hindú theology; he teaches seems to me to be rather of the eclectic and whilst the theosophy of the early Vedanta school as represented by the Bhagavadgitá.

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Of Bhakti-thatcompound of rioris and dyámn, the introduction of which into India I think (with Weber) is due to the influence of Christianity-the first chapter of the Kurra! is a beautiful exposition.
These topics will be further illustrated when we proceed to the consideration of the text itself.
The Kurra! owes much of its popularity to its exquisite poetic form. A kurra! is a couplet containing a complete and striking idea expressed in a refined and intricate metre. No translation can convey an idea of its charming effect. It is truly an apple of gold in a network of silver. Something of the same kind is found in the Latin elegiac verse. There is a beauty in the periodic character of the Tamil construction in many of these verses that reminds the reader of the happiest efforts of Propertius. Probably the Tamil sage adopted it as being the best representative ia Tamil of the Sanskrit sloka.
The brevity rendered necessary by the form gives an oracular effect to the utterances of the great Tamil Master of the sentences.'
NOTES ON THE KURRAL.
The choice of the most difficult metre in the language for a long work showed that the author intended to expend upon it his utmost of power, and to make it a 'possession for ever,' a 'delight of many generations.'
Of the laws of this metre, as a great curiosity, and as being quite unique in prosody, I will try to give the English reader some general ideas. I venture to refer the student of Tamil to my Third Tamil Grammar for a more complete exposition. In the Clavis humaniorum litterarum sublimioris Tamulici idiomatis, by the great Beschi, the whole subject of Tamil poetry is discussed. Dr. A. C. Burnell, M.C.S. (among his very many benefactions to Oriental learning), has issued a reprint of this valuable work, which is most faithful to its native sources, some of which I have printed in my Third Grammar. A. The feet admissible in the kurra! metre are called
I. 1. témá
2. pulima. II. 3. kúvilam 4. karuvilam...
III. 5. témángái
...
6. pulimángái.
a spondee. an anapæst. a dactyl. a proceleusmaticus.
a molossus. an ionicus a minore.
IV. 7. kúvilangái.. 8. karuvilangái u
a choriambus.
the same with first long resolved.
V. The last foot in the second line of a kurra! may be
9. nál a single long syllable.
10.
11.
223
-
ka su: the same with a very short ú. mălăr: a pyrrhic.
12. pirup pu: the same with a very short i, hardly sounded at all.
B. Of these feet the former line of the kurra! contains three, which may (observing the proper sequence-see I. below) be any of those numbered 1-8; the latter line consists also of three feet, of which the last must be one of the short feet numbered 9-12.
C. Classical ideas of arsis, thesis, and ictus must be dismissed; each metrically short or long syllable is simply pronounced, without any accent, a slight pause marking the end of each foot. The voice lingers on the long syllable, and hurries over the short, but with no inflexion or emphasis, except that of the tune or chant.
D. There must be no caesura: in no part of a line can the end of a word coincide with the middle of a foot. Very closely related words-words in construction with one another
may be taken as one word; but every foot is. with this explanation, a single word.
E. The difficulty arises that a word may consist of three short syllables, or of a long syllable followed by a short (trochee). What feet are these? The former is pulima, the latter téma: every tribrach is treated as a dactyl, and every trochee as a spondee-the single short syllable is lengthened in the pause.
The first kurra! of Tiruvalluvar transliterated runs thus:
ăgără mădălă | ĕrutt' ellām; | ādi păgăvän müdăṭṭě | ülăgă | This is scanned
pulimâ pulimâ pulimângâi | têmâ pulimâ pulimâ 1 pirappu |
The rhythm is anapastic.
F. Syllables are not generally long or short, in Tamil, by position; the vowel alone counts.
G. Tamil verse has a rhyme at the beginning, never at the end-a peculiarity found in some Celtic poetry.
H. There must also be, in general, an assonance or alliteration in each line, as in Saxon and Scandinavian poetry. To this the Tamil

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(SEPTEMBER, 1878.
ear is very sensitive. This has many rules, with which I need not weary the reader.
Here the first foot begins with a and the third with d, which is a sufficient assonance.
1. There still remains to be considered the talai (=bond, S. dhar, L. firm-us), or sequence of feet.
The rulo for this is: “The two feet ending in má (1, 2) must be followed by a foot beginning with a short syllable (2, 4, 6, 11); the other feet (3-8) must be followed by a foot beginning with a long syllable (1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 10)."
This gives an inexhaustible variety to the rhythms.
THE EDIFICE FORMERLY KNOWN AS THE CHINESE OR JAINA PAGODA
AT NEGAPATAM.
BY SIR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.S.I. Till within the last few years there was to Hard by, in a small building, I found several be seen on the Coromandel coast, between one French Jesuits, who had established themselves and two miles to the north of Negapatam, a on some waste ground near the tower when the tall weather-beaten tower, affording a useful Order was expelled from the French territory at landmark to vessels passing up and down the Pondicherry some time before. On my expresscoast. It went by various names, as the ing surprise at their scanty accommodation, the Pudu veli-gopuram, the old pagoda, Chi- superior-a gentleman-like, intelligent mannesel pagoda, black pagoda, and in the map informed me that they intended to build a of the Trigonometrical Survey (sheet 79) it college on the same site, of which the apartstands as the Jeyna (Jaina) pagoda. But save ments I saw formed a part, and he showed me in name it has nothing in common with Hindu a plan and elevation of an extensive building or Muhammadan architecture, either in form which they hoped to complete in time, and or ornament. Tradition is silent as to its meanwhile all their work was constructed in origin or purpose, and, although it has been the subordination to the general plan. subject of frequent speculations, no satisfactory Before returning on board I met a sergeant theory has been formed to account for it. of the Department of Pablic Works, & good
In the year 1846 I took a sanitary trip on draughtsman, who undertook to make a sketch board the Government steamer Hugh Lindsay, of the tower for me. (Fig. 2.) This I showed ordered down the coast to touch at several afterwards to Col. Yule, who has introduced it ports on the public service, which gave me an op- into the first edition of the Travels of Marco portunity of seeing the great temple at Rames- Polo (vol. II. p. 273, 1871). varam and other places of interest. On the Several years later-in 1859-the Jesuit way back we touched at Negapatam for treasure, Fathers presented a petition to the Madras and I gladly embraced the occasion to pay a Government representing the tower to be in a hasty visit to the old pagoda. I found it to be dangerous condition, and requesting permission a somewhat four-sided tower of three stories, to pull it down and appropriate the materials to constructed of bricks closely fitted together their own use. This was referred to the local without cement, the first and second stories officers, and soon afterwards (in June 1859) a divided by corniced mouldings, with an open. report was received from Captain Oakes, the ing for a door or window in the middle of each District Engineer, who stated that the building side. At the top of the lowest story. were was an old ruin, crumbling to decay, which did marks in the wall, showing where the floor of not deserve the name of an ancient monument, for the second had been fixed. The top was open. it had neither sculpture nor inscription, and the The base of the ground-story was worn at the tops of the doorways and windows had been angles, from collision with passers-by and cattle, supported by timber, which was still remaining but the structure was solid and firm. No trace in some places. He therefore recommended of sculpture or inscription was visible.
that an estimate of Rs. 400 which had been
_ It is mentioned under this (Pagood China) name by 1 of the timber remaining in the
of the timber remaining in the K&rlê cave, where the climate Valentyn (1725), vol. vii. p. 21.
has not the dryness of the coast of Coromandel. See Mr. That this circumstance does not militate against Fergusson's remarks, Hist. Ind. Arch., pp. 119 and 120, the antiquity of the building is proved by the preservation note.

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SEPTEMBER, 1878.] THE CHINESE OR JAINA PAGODA AT NEGAPATAM.
225
sanctioned for its repair should be cancelled, and the building demolished.
Against this proposal, being then in Council, I protested; and the Governor, intending shortly to visit the southern districts, agreed to suspend the issue of final orders until he should have an opportunity of seeing it himself.
Meantime I left India, and Sir Charles Trevelyan went to Negapatam. He does not appear to have been impressed with a high opinion of the antiquity of the structure, and considered that any expenditure on its repair would be a waste of public money. At the same time he did not concur in the recommendation for its demolition, but directed that it should be fenced round with an enclosure, to secure it from wilful injury, and that good photographs should be taken of it in its present condition.
These orders were never carried out, owing to obstructions thrown in the way of their execution by the Jesuit missionaries, and the building remained in statu quo until 1867, when the Fathers renewed their application for leave to remove it, on the following grounds : "1st, because they considered it to be unsafe in its present condition; 2nd, because it obstructed light and sea-breeze from a chapel which they had built behind it; 3rd, because they would very much like to get the land on which it stood ; and 4th, because the bricks of which it was built would be very useful to them for building purposes."
The Chief Engineer, who meanwhile had himself examined the edifice, and had directed the District Engineer to prepare a small estimate for its repair, reported that the first only of the above reasons had any weight, and that it would be met if Colonel O'Con- nell's estimate, prepared under his own orders, received the sanction of Government. He therefore recommended that this should be given, and the tower allowed to stand, since, he added, "there is no doubt that it is used as a landmark
for vessels approaching the Negapatam roadstead." The Master Attendant of the port, however, was of opinion that the inconvenience would be diminished by sighting the five white columns at Nagore, four miles further north, but, he added, "the native population objected to its removal, and if it be ordered would petition against it."
The Chief Engineer's proposal did not meet with approval, and on the 28th August 1867 the following order was made on the Jesuits' petition :-"The Governor in Council is pleased to sanction the removal of the old tower at Negapatam by the officers of St. Joseph's College, at their own expense, and the appropriation of the available material to such schoolbuilding purposes as they appear to have in contemplation."
The Fathers were not slow in availing themselves of this permission. The venerable building was speedily levelled, and the site cleared. Some time afterwards, when Lord Napier visited Negapatam, they presented him with the bronze image represented in Fig. 3 of the plate, which had been found in making excavations connected with the college. It represents a Buddhist or Jaina priest in the costume and attitude of the figures in wood and metal brought from Burma. A band enciroles the neck, and the lobes of the ears are pendent and elongated, as if by wearing heavy earrings. The hands are open, the right upraised, the left turned down, as if in the act of preaching. On cleaning the pedestal some ancient Tamil characters were discovered, occupying the greater part of the front and right sides, which are represented in the plate 28 Fig. 4. These have been deciphered by Dr. Burnell, who writes-“The inscription is Tamil of the 12th century, or perhaps the beginning of the 13th. It runs Srasti sri [This] Agamapan dita (dedicated] Uyyakkonda Nayak. There are only two words, the first in the 2nd (aocusative) case, the second in the 1st (or nominative) case. The meaning is plain; but who was
* Chief Engineer's Report, pars. 4, in Cons. 28th Aug. 1867.
Ibid. p. 7. From the last edition of Horsburgh's Sailing Directory, 1874, p. 453, it appears that Negapatam being now the terminus of the Great South Indian Railway, the trade, which was before considerable, has greatly inoreased, bringing & large number of ships and steamers to the roadatead. The anchorage is from 1 to 2 miles off shore, the flagstaff bearing W. or W. S. in 6 or 7 fathoms. To the sopth of the anchorage is an extensive shoal of hard sand or stones, with a depth of 19 to 24 feet water. It is between
6 and 7 miles in length, ranning N. and 8., and from 8 to 4 miles distant from the shore. Ships bound to the north must not come into less than 7 fathoms until the Nege patam flagstaff or the Black Pagoda bears NW. by W. The town lies to the N. of the Fort near the entrance into little river and about it miles NNW. from the fort stands the old Black Pagoda, which is one of the most conspicuous objects in approaching this part of the coast, the whole of which has a low, drowned mapoot when firut seen from the offing, consisting wit does of sandy, barren soil planted with OOOOonat trece; do do

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226
Agama pandita? I took the image some years ago to be Buddhist. There was, however, a Saiva teacher Umâpatisivacharya, also called Sakalagama pandita, and it may represent him."
It can hardly be doubted that the statuette is connected with the character of the building, and the purpose for which it was erected. Now the general aspect of the figure, the loose mantle, the crisp chevelure, the conical headornament, the pierced and elongated ear-lobes, savour strongly of a Buddhist (or Jaina) origin, which would imply a corresponding relation between the structure and that faith. Granting this, it may be set down as a Vihara, or as a memorial of some holy man.
I did not omit to consult Mr. Fergusson on the subject, but he finds a difficulty in pronouncing a decided opinion from a mere sketch without plan or measurements, and adds, "The only buildings I know in India at all like it are the tombs of the Jaina priests at M uḍubidri (Hist. of Ind. Arch., p. 275, woodcut 154). If it be not a tomb I do not know what it is."
The fate of this "interesting building," as Col. Yule calls it, strikingly illustrates the importance of forming an Archæological Survey Department for the Madras Presidency, as has been done for every other part of India and for Ceylon. It cannot be supposed that the Government would have thus ruthlessly consigned to destruction a monument unique of its kind, which had never been carefully examined by a competent observer, if they had been aware of its claim to protection. Nor is this a solitary example. The work of demolition is daily going on, and too late it will be found that other precious relics of the past have been lost for ever through simple ignorance of their value.
I am convinced, from my own observation, that if this one had only been left to itself it would have stood for years. All that was wanted for its protection was to enclose it with a substantial wall, at the cost of a few rupees, to hinder cattle and passing vehicles from destroying the angles at its base. The state in which I saw it, as depicted in the plate, Fig. 2, twenty years before it was reported to be in danger of falling, shows that the lower story had
See Moor's Hindu Pantheon, p. 251, plates lxx..lxxi. Mr. Rayne at present fills the post of Chief Engineer
[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
only suffered externally from the attrition to which its exposed situation made it liable, without damaging the stability of the structure.
Since the foregoing was written I have received Middleton Rayne when employed on the Great a photograph of the College taken in 1866 by Mr. Indian Peninsula Railway. In this the tower appears in the background (as represented in Fig. 1 of the plate) to the left of the College, which has now assumed an imposing appearance.
A livraison of the 1st volume of the Athenée Oriental (Paris, 1871) has likewise come to hand, in which (at pp. 79-86) there is an article entitled "La Bouddha Sakya Mouni," by M. Ph. Ed. Foucaux, Professor of Sanskrit. in the College of France. In this he has introduced woodcuts of three Buddhist images found in the grounds of the College of St. Joseph at Negapatam, copied from sketches communicated by the Academic Society of St. Quentin, through the kindness of M. Textor de Ravisi, late Governor of Karikal, whose acquaintance I had the pleasure of making at the International Oriental Congress of 1874.
The circumstances under which the images were discovered are stated in the following extract from a record made at the time :
"Not far from the tower is an old Mohwa tree (Bassia latifolia, L.), the diameter of which above the root is more than a metre-indicating, according to the usual growth of the tree, an age of 700 to 800 years.
"In March 1856 the missionaries, having cut it down for the requirements of their work of construction, discovered five small Buddhist idols at a depth of somewhat more than a yard below the
surface.
"From the position in which they were found,
they appear to have been concealed, with a view of being again used in religious worship, for they were carefully placed in a chamber under a cover
ing of bricks arranged for their protection.
"Four of the idols are of bronze, the fifth of a mixture of porcelain and clay, of exquisite workmanship."
M. Foucaux adds that one of the idols had been
retained in the College, and that the fifth had been sent to Rev. Fr. Carayon, in Paris, but he does not state what became of the remaining three. One of these, No. 16, is almost identical with that figured for our article (Fig. 3), differing only in the absence of the square pedestal bearing the inscription, which, however, forms a separate piece from the lotos stand common to both, and in the disposition of the mantle, which is pendent from the
of the Sindh and Panjab Railway, and is now at Multan. The Tamil name is Iluppai-maram.

Page #275

285RKINFOFT OR BST KIFID
4. INSCRIPTION ON THE PEDESTAL OF No, 3.
1.
2.
HTT
THE TOWER AS IT EXISTED IN 1846,
ANCIENT TOWER AT NAGAPATNAM.
3.
BRONZE IMAGE, PRESENTED TO LORD NAPIER IN 1868.

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FIG. 5. INDIAN BUDDHA.
FIGS. 6, 7. BAUDDHA IMAGES.

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SEPTEMBER, 1878.]
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
227
left shoulder only, and not from both as in ours. The left hand, also, is held up, instead of pointing downwards. In all other respects they are identical.
It is probable that these three (figs. 5, 6, 7) have been 'deposited in the Academy of St. Quentin, and that the one retained by the Fathers is that which was given to Lord Napier.
No. 5 represents Buddha, seated in the usual attitude under the sacred tree. No. 7 appears to be a female devotee, of very rude workmanship. Copies of the three are introduced into our plate.
The discovery of these relics places tho Buddhist origin of the tower beyond dispute.
Note by Dr. Burnell. As I several times in 1866 visited the ruin referred to, I may be permitted to say that it had become merely & shapeless mags of bricks. I havo no doubt that it was originally a vimana or shrine of some temple; there are some of precisely the same construction in parts of the Chingleput district.
Sir Walter Elliot's remarks about the destruction of ancient monuments in the Madras Presidency must be a source of great satisfaction to all interested in South Indian antiquities : for my own part, I am confident that, if something be not soon done, there will not be anything left in a few more years that has the least historical inter
est. I may mention a lamentable instance of the destruction of a relic of much interest which occurred some four years ago : I refer to the blowing up of the flagstaff tower at Cochin. This was the tower of the old Church of the Cross (afterwards the Cathedral of Cochin), where St. Francis Xavier preached, and was the last known building that could be connected with the history of a man whose name will always survive in South India. The cathedral was once a very fine church (see the view in Baldæus); the Dutch used it as a storehouse, but it remained for the English to destroy the body of the church early in this century, and then (in 1874) to remove the still remaining tower. (See, as regards the first, Mr. Anstey's indignant remarks in Lord Stanley's Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, Hakl. Soc. 1869, p. 429).
I have searched, and had search made, to ascer. tain if Agamapandita can possibly be a Buddhist or Jain title used in South India, but cannot find the least trace of such use. It is tolerably cortain that the image is that of a Saiva devotee, and it certainly was the practice to dedicate such images in temples (see, e.g., the great inscription at Tanjor). I may remark that the Saiva monks (Tambirdn) in this district are hardly to be distinguished from Buddhist monks, except by the ashes they smear on their foreheads and by their matted hair.
Tanjor, 27th June 1878.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. PÅRSI FUNERAL AND INITIATORY BITES. likely to be better informed than I am. If I now
I am glad my paper on the above subject bas at criticize some of his criticisms, it is not so much length elicited a little criticism. My intention with a view of vindicating my own accuracy as of was to give a lecture or lectures on the Pârst re- stimulating further discussion, that the real truth ligion before the University of Oxford immediately may be ascertained in regard to certain points after my return from ay second Indian journey. which evidently admit of some difference of But on referring to my notes I found that so opinion. many different opinions existed on various knotty For in the course of my inquiries into the requestions that I felt obliged to postpone the ful- ligions of India few things surprised. me more filment of my design till I had gained further than the difficulty of obtaining a satisfactory er. information, or, at least, cleared up some of my planation of many ambiguities in the creed and chief doubts.
practice of modern Indo-Zoroastrians. Though Of course, I know that the researches of German no class of Indians can boast better educated or scholars are at my command, but I am most more cultivated and enlightened men than the Paraf desirous to examine the PÅrsi religion from the community, very few have studied their own point of view of the Parsts themselves, and to as- religion in the original documents, and even those certain the opinions of their most learned men in learned men to whom I appealed.confessed their regard to all controverted points.
inability to answer some of my queries. While, My article in the Indian Antiquary was intended therefore, I willingly defer to Mr. Khambata's to provoke criticism. Of course, therefore, I feel superior knowledge of his own religion, I feel grateful to Mr. Sorabji Kavasji Khambat&. for bound to suspend my judgment in regard to ques setting me right in matters about which he is tions still at issue among the PÅrsis themselves.
· Vide vol. VI. pp. 811-816, and rol. VII. p. 179.

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[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
Let me take Mr. Khambata's criticisms in order, attended me on both occasions of my visit to the He says I have been wrongly informed that the
Towers. priestly race among the Pârsis is divided into With regard to the bread with which the funethree classes of Dasturs, Mobeds, and Her- ral dog is fed, I owe the rational explanation I ba ds. But, according to his own showing: have given of this remarkable custom to a well"Some Herbads are neither Dasturs nor Mobeds, known scholar and distinguished living authority, for they do not choose to enter the holy order." Mr. K. R. Kâm. Let others judge if Mr. KhamIs not this tantamount to a division of the priestly båtå's explanation is preferable. race into three classes ?
Again, Mr. Khambât& calls in question my In the next place Mr. Khambåtå says that I am assertion that the soul of the deceased man is wrong in calling the Nasas & lårs "corpse- supposed to hover about in a restless state for the bearers." Yet again, according to his own show- three days immediately succeeding death, in the ing, they are quite as much corpse-bearers as the neighbourhood of the dakhmas. Mr. Khambâtå Khånd hias: "The Nasas&lârs," he writes, informs us that the souls of only sinful men are
take up the body from the slab and place it in supposed to do so. Will he tell us what becomes on the bier" ..... "The Nasasklárs again of the souls of the righteous during these three receive the bier and carry it into the inner days ? part of the Tower." It appears that I ought L As to the initiatory ceremonies, I must remind to have distinguished more clearly between the Mr. Khambata that my description had reference Nasasálars and the Khåndhiâs or bier-bearers. to the highest form of these ceremonies. This is But I must here observe that my description of a what I meant by their "due celebration." Parsi funeral in my letter to the Times of 28th I quite admit that I ought to have mentioned January 1876 was reprinted with alterations by the white colour of the bull. the Pârst Panchayat, yet no corrections in regard In conclusion I must express my surprise that to that point were made. The following sentence Mr. Khambåtå should not have divined from the was also allowed to stand :-"As the bearers are context that 'second' was a mere misprint for supposed to contract impurity in the discharge of sacred'; still I do not excuse myself for having their duty, they are forced to live quite apart from overlooked this error in the proofs. the rest of the community."
MONIER WILLIAMS. Mr. Khambâtâ says: “Professor Williams con- Oxford, 28th July 1878. siders feeding the dog with bread a part of the ceremony called Sag-did. In this also he is mis
THE PHRYGIAN INSCRIPTIONS AT taken." No, my only mistake has been in ex
DOGANLU. pressing myself too loosely. It should be ob- SIR, -The question of the geographical course, served that the hyphen in Sag:did was mine. I advance, and development of the Aryan languages knew I was writing for Oriental scholars, and the will have so much interest for your Indian readers hyphen seemed to me quite sufficient to indicate that I venture to ask for a small space, in your that Sag-did meant dog-gaze.' In my Times close columns, to originate a new line of inquiry, letter I said: "The corpse is exposed to the which has lately presented itself to me, in the gaze of a dog, regarded by the Parsis as a interpretation of the Phrygian inscriptions at sacred animal. This latter ceremony is called Doganlu, near the old Nacoleia. The site Sag-did."
of Doganlu lies SE. of the prominent town of Again Mr. Khatabâtê takes exception to my Kutaiya : it is more immediately associated with words, “The fire sanctuary of the sagri has a the traditional Metropolis, which is identified, in window or aperture so arranged that when the Smith and Grove's Atlas, with Gurdjaro Kaleh sacred fire is fed with sandal-wood fuel by the (Lat. 39° 18 N., Long. 30° 36' E.), Doganlu being veiled priest, just before the corpse-bearers enter placed in the same map, under the designation of the Tower, a ray from the flame may be projected Castellam et sepulcra regia, in about Lat. 39° 8 over the dead body at the moment of its ex- N., Long. 30° 53'. posure." Mr. Khambat says "this is not cor- H. Kiepert's map, attached to the valuable work of rect. With no such design is the sagri built." | P. de Tchihatcheff,-- Asie Mineure (Paris, 1860),But what I stated was that the aperture (not the gives the emplacement of the three sites of Kumbuilding of the sagri) was arranged with that bet, Yapouldak, and Doganly, the posidesign. This, however, was not my statement, tion of the latter being defined as Lat. 39° 16' N., but that of the Secretary to the Panchayat, who | Long. 30° 37 E.
The proximity of these historical remains to the ancient Synnada (Afiam-Kara-higsar), Lat. 38° 43' N., Long. 30° 31'- E., is also noteworthy.

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I must frankly tell you that these inscriptions have been copied, recopied, and commented on from the days of Walpole, Leake, &c., and, as I now find, put under critical solution in Rawlinson's translation of Herodotus. I am glad to say that I was altogether unaware of this last excur sus, or perhaps I should not have undertaken a new and independent examination of these archaic writings. Nor do I wish now to controvert other people's readings, but to suggest the exercise of free thought to which end I shall be prepared to submit to your readers the full text of some ten or eleven inscriptions with the derivation and associate adaptation of other forms of the old Phoenician alphabets. In the mean time, perhaps, you will allow me to give a general outline of the results I have arrived at. These inscriptions are written in an early form of Greek character very little removed from the archaic type of the Phoenician alphabet on the stèle of Mesha of Moab (B.C. 896), and are arranged, in the boustrophédon form, reading from right to left and from left to right. The alphabet when compared with the full scheme of the Greek series of 25 letters is found to be deficient in the letters e, x, and w; the seems to have been a subsequent incorporation, and the indeterminate use of the , &, and indicates a
very imperfect appreciation of the true value of the
adopted letters. One very significant sign of the adaptation of the Semitic alphabet to its new requirements is seen in the simple elaboration of the ordinary E into H by the convenient addition of a fourth side-stroke. The E is the Latin E, distinguished from the F, for which it might otherwise be mistaken, by the retention of the down-stroke of the latter in a directly perpendicular line, as opposed to the slope given to the down-strokes of the E and E. This peculiarity is preserved in the formation of the contrasted F and E of the Etruscan alphabets.
The F (vau) of the Semitic series seems to have held an anomalous position in its new place, having to do duty for f, v, p, ph, as well as sometimes serving as an accent, and being occasionally employed also as a means of separating Vowels, as in the Carian tongue, where vowels were so persistently severed and isolated, as opposed to ordinary Greek rules.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
W. Hamilton, Egyptiaca, London, 1809. Chandler's Asia Minor, 1817, p. 272.
Travels in the East, edited by R. Walpole (London, 1820), p. 207.
Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, by W. M. Leake (London, 1824), p. 21.
Keppel's Journey, 1831, vol. ii. p. 117. Cramer's Asia Minor, 1832, vol. ii. p. 5.
Grotefend, Transactions R. As. Soc. (1885), vol. iii. p. 328.
Ancient Monuments with Inscriptions still existing in Lydia and Phrygia, by J. R. Steuart: London, 1842. C. Texier, L'Asie Mineure, Paris, 1849, vol. i. p. 210.
229
But the main point for consideration for Aryan scholars is the curious predominance of Latin forms and inflexions in the texts themselves, which, as affecting the affiliation of languages, is of the highest importance in the present state of our philological knowledge. The alphabet in like manner abounds in many of the early identities which were retained intact in the Etruscan and other Italian alphabets.
The texts themselves, as I read them, result in the preservation of the names of several of the old kings of Phrygia, endorsed on the tombs or rock-cut surfaces wherein their ashes may have been enshrined, or in secret places around. The names appear in the following order :
a. Manes (in the Latin form of BABA MEMEFALE).*
b. A second king called B a b a Manes, discri minated by a different title.
c. Atys.
d. Midas, and
e. EPEKYN, or preferentially FPEKYN (pekuv?). But by far the most important contribution to ancient archæology which these epigraphs permit me to cite are the dates, which have been hitherto consistently ignored or misunderstood. We have in the first place a distinct record of a life AAVIT,
lapsit (), ending at the age of 23 (FA). Next
we meet with a specific date in the form of AT 301, which is appended to the name of a certain Chersonesian, outside the rock-cut face of the earliest temple front, which bears on its frieze the name and titles of FPEKYN.
The date itself will not therefore apply to the epoch of any given king, but it may be freely accepted as a record made subsequent to the execution of the possibly votive sculpture, and thus indicates the priority, recent or remote, of the ornamental device within whose pattern the leading designation is engraved. The inquiry may now be raised as to what era these latter figures refer. To my understanding there can be but one system of reckoning at all applicable to the circumstances in the race which made its mark and held its continuity from father to son for 505 years, as Herodotus tells us was the case with the proximate Phrygian Heraclidæ,
Asia Minor, Pontus, &c., by W. J. Hamilton (London, 1842), vol. I. p. 459.
Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, &c., by W. F. Ainsworth (London, 1843), vol. ii. p. 59.
The History of Herodotus, by G. Rawlinson (London, 1858), vol. i. note p. 666.
Manual of Oriental History, by F. Lenormant (Lon. don, 1870), vol. ii. p. 73.
"Kavvaías Cave-ne-eas," Cicero De Div. ii. 40.
The Latin text given by Cory from the Armenian version, with variations from the old Latin version of Hieronymus, uses Mames' as the equivalent of the Greek Mins. See also Eusebius, p. 95.

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whose dynasty was finally extinguished on the accession of Gyges, in 716 B.C.
The dates, therefore, arrange themselves thus: 716505 1221 B.C. for the accession to power of the Lydo-Phrygian kings. The recorded date of 505301 204 amounts to 204 +716 = 920 B.C., or so much before the anomalous reckoning by the Olympiads of 776 B.C., or the local era of the foundation of Rome, A.U.C., which dates only from 754 B.C.
There is one possible objection to the reception in full faith of the initial date of the Heraclidae as the determining epoch of the period to which we are to assign the execution of these monumentsthat is, the highly advanced stage of the alphabetical characters, as opposed to the retarded progress, in that direction, of the Greeks of the islands.
I am not disturbed at all upon this point. If the Egyptians recognized the Phrygians as older than themselves, there must have been some very civilized focus in the latitude in which these rock-cut frontages are preserved to the present day. Mr. Fergusson, as the latest commentator from the architectural point of view, pronounces them to be the very earliest examples of quasiwooden designs extant!"
In regard to the more matured forms of the alphabetical characters at Doganlu, it is to be remarked that, although they are obviously very much in advance of the Greek of the Homeric development, there is nothing inconsistent with an earlier local civilization, and a more direct land intercourse with the nations who used Phoenician writing as their ordinary method of literary communication. In this respect we may continue the comparison with the Phoenician record on the stèle of Mesha. This document is now generally conceded to belong to the close of the 9th century B.C., and to exhibit the alphabet in an advanced stage of maturity. But with the exception of a natural advance upon the special exigencies of a Semitic language, and a mechanical re-adaptation of the outlines of the normal forms, there is nothing in the Phrygian alphabet that is inconsistent with the immediate improvements necessitated by the larger requirements of Aryan speech. Those who care to compare a parallel rate of progress may find identities in the development and adaptation of the Baktrian Semitic alphabet of Asoka's inscrip
Herodotus i. 7. See also i. 14, 85,94; iv. 45; viii. 138. History of Architecture, vol. I. p. 224:-They may have been dated as far back as 1000, and most probably 700 years, at least, before the Christian era."
F. Lenormant, L'Alphabet Phénicien, Paris, 1872, tom. I. p. 128.
Prinsep's Essays, vol. i. p. 144; Numismatic Chronicle, 1868, p. 295.
Gesenius (1887), p. 30, speaking of the Phoenician
[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
tions, and see how readily an Aryan tongue improved upon its Semitic teachings, and advanced towards a more perfect, though utterly inconsistent and unsuitable alphabet, in respect to the configuration of the outlines of its letters.
I need not say that this subject is likely to attract much attention among the critical classic authorities of the present day, who may be disposed to agree with Max Müller, who seeks to reduce Greek literature to as comparatively low a level as he assigns to Vedic writing and Indian alphabets.
Indeed, signs of opposition have already manifested themselves, but I have been, strange to say, greatly strengthened in my leading argument by one of the primary objections, which took this form-"How do you know that the letter was the recognized letter equivalent of 300 in these early times P" It is confessed freely that the later Greek numeral stands, in figures throughout, for 300, and has never meant anything else in their arithmetic; but how, it is added, can I establish so primitive an application of the use of the letter for the purposes of dates? My reply is, simply, that the Phrygian dates-in their double entries-were clearly wellunderstood records, where letter figures sufficed for all purposes of identification without further definition.
As regards the doubt about the r and its value then and afterwards as 300, a most curious and instructive piece of consecutive evidence crops up.
The learned world who rely upon Greek priority have long ago admitted that the drop or loss of the F, or digamma, amid the early numbers of the Greek numeral system, afforded conclusive evidence of derivation from the consecutive order of the Phoenician alphabet.
That is clearly so, but a new proof of the antiquity of the Phrygian epigraphs may probably be established from the contested T.
Perhaps your readers are not in possession of all the data which I hope to submit to them, but I may prepare the way by saying that in the Moabite stone and in the Phrygian inscriptions, with which we are more immediately concerned, there is no such letter as the Hebrew , teth, or the corresponding Greek e, and the same remark holds good in regard to most of the Aramaan alphabets.
teth, remarks, Ante tria lustra hujus litteræ figura Palæographis ita ignotus erat.
M. de Laynes (Prinsep, pl. ix a), has only one teth, that under Sidon, from Sargon to the epoch of the Romans 145 B.C.
Madden, Coins of the Jews, 1864, finds no such letter in the "Assyrian Laon weights," nor in the "old Hebrew from Coins." M. de Vogüé, Mélanges, 1868, has none in his Phénicien Archaique, but plenty in the Egyptian Alphabeta.

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In these cases, therefore, the final letter of the alphabet counts as 21, and not as 22. No. 21, in the ordinary course of Eastern letter notation, is equivalent to 300, and as such the Greeks received the T, out of its regular Phoenician order, and adopted it into their own system, which goes far to suggest that this Phrygian medium was the true channel of communication, in opposition to the tentative numerals of the Egyptians, which the Phoenicians perhaps suggested to the Latins. So much avowedly depends upon the sequent order of the letters that we find in the proper Hebrew alphabet then tau = 400, and where the current Hebrew adds a second D p (=of), then grows into 500.
To reiterate somewhat, in order to test and check the dates bearing upon the mechanical adaptation of letter figures. I will re-state the case from another point of view. The missing of the Aramean writing regains its place in the ac cepted Greek scheme under the Phænician influ. ences, to which it was so largely indebted, and from whose alphabetical notation the letter perhaps had never been absent. So also the Hebrew
yod =10 is constant in the Greek series of letter numbers. The Greek scheme of amalgamation evidently experienced a second jerk in the number of 90, where it had to supply a figure like a reversed P or a revived (koph), as inconsecutive a form as the revised equivalent of the sia, in order, perchance, to retain or bring back the = P to its proper numeral position as 100, the fixed succeeding to its ancient function as 200, and the T to its coincident value of 300, from which, as the 21st letter of the primitive Moabite and Phrygian order of notation, it ought never to have been displaced.
E. Thomas.
But, in the first instance, all the external evidence goes to show that no foreign invaders found the Hindus in original possession of anything of the sort. The scanty records which we have of Greek and Roman contact with ancient India may be ransacked in vain for any positive evidence on the subject, while their silence is strong negative testimony per contra.
No Muhammadan historian mentions gunpowder before A.D. 1317; and Sir H. Elliot thinks the earliest date at which it can have got to India A.D. 1400, and does not put much faith in a Chinese account of something like a firearm in A.D. 1259 (Elliot and Dowson's Hist. Ind. vol. VI. pp. 456, 459, 460). Col. Yule, referring to a
Fire-Pao' used in China in the 13th century, agrees with MM. Favé and Reinaud that it was probably a sort of rocket. Now, if the Hindas ever had anything of the sort, how did they come to forget all about it before they came in contact with Western races capable of bearing testimony to the fact P or, if they had not forgotten it, how is it that Greek, Arab, and Persian are equally silent on the subject? The Hindu armourer is conservative enough. The sword, the battle-axe, the war-quoit, are the same to-day in steel that they are in the stone of sculptures 1200 years old; and, in respect of the first weapons, the Muslim invaders had no sooner settled in India than they adopted the peculiar and inconvenient Indian hilt. It is hardly likely that so important an art as that of the artillerist would have dropped out of sight, and its only record be found in a Sanskřit manuscript not very well known; and this is the next point to which I wish to draw attention.
"The sago Sukra Acharya" has already appear, ed in these columns as the contemporary of the V&man Avatar and of Brihaspati (Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 243, vol. V. p. 5). Was he the author of the work quoted by Babu Râm Dås Sen? And if not, who was? The Babu says that the Slokas quoted do not seem mere modern interpolations. His authority upon this point is superior to mine, and I must bow to it till some scholar of weight has examined the MS. and given his opinion on it. But, from the evidence above given, it seems to me that if they are not such interpolations the whole work must be a forgery of, at best, the 17th century--a period which I am led to select by the mention of the flint.
W. F. SINCLAIR.
THE FIREARMS OF THE HINDUS. SIR, -Under the above heading Babu Ram Das Sen (ante, p. 136) appears to claim for the Hindus of some unknown but very ancient period a knowledge of military projectiles at least equal to that possessed by their descendants in the last century. He speaks of the Agni-Astra as mentioned in the Agni Purana and Múdra Rakshasa, and as more particularly described in the Sukra-Niti, a work said to have been written by the sage SukraAcharya; from which he quotes descriptions which as translated undoubtedly refer to true firearms.
M. Lenormant detecta no teths in the Moab stone, in the Lions of Nimrud, or the Inscriptions in Cyprus and Malta, nor is the letter entered in any of the four varieties of Hebrew Archnique" in Pl. vii, though he discovers the letter in some pierres gravées, the widus of which is not defined.
Finally, under the Italian aspect, though the Umbrians and Etruscans used the e, the Romans and Oscans mado up the letter of the ordinary combined TH.
Marco Polo, vol. I. p. 334.

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ASITA AND BUDDHA, OR THE INDIAN SIMEON.
In the Lalita Vistara- legendary history in prose and verse of the life of Buddha, the great Indian saint, and founder of the religion which bears his name--it is related that a Rishi, or inspired sage, named Asita, who dwelt on the skirts of the Himalaya mountains, became informed, by the occurrence of a variety of portents, of the birth of the future lawgiver, as the son of king Suddhôdana, in the city of Kapilavastu, in Northern India, and went to pay his homage to the infant. I have tried to reproduce the legend in the following verses. The similarity of some of the incidents to portions of the narrative in the second chapter of St. Luke's Gospel, verses 25ff., will strike the reader.
I may mention that the Buddhist books speak also of earlier Buddhas, that the word means the enlightened,' or the intelligent, and that Buddha also bore the appellations of Gautama, and of Så kyasiñba, and Sakyamuni-i.e. the lion, and the devotee, of the tribe of the sakyas, to which he belonged.
That I have not at all exaggerated the expres. 'sions in the text which speak of Buddha as a deliverer or redeemer, or assimilated his character more than was justifiable to the Christian conception of a saviour, will be clear to any one who can examine the original for himself. Kumarila Bhatta, a renowned Brahmanical opponent of the Buddhists, while charging Buddha with presumption and transgression of the rules of his caste in agsuming the functions of a religious teacher (with which, as belonging to the Kshatriya, and not to the Bråhmanical class, he had no right to interfere), ascribes to him these words--"Let all the evils (or sins) flowing from the corruption of the Kali age" (the fourth, or most degenerate, age of the world) "fall upon me; but let the world be redeemed !" If we might judge from this passage, it would seem that the character of a vicarious redeemer was claimed by, or at least ascribed to, Buddha. I was informed by the late Mr. R. C. Childers, however, that in his opinion the idea of Buddha's having suffered vicariously for the sing of men is foreign to Baddhism, and indeed opposed to the whole spirit and tendency of the system.
Another esteemed correspondent is unable to think that the sentiment ascribed to Buddha by Kumarila is foreign to his system, as it is thoroughly in accordance with the idea of the six paramitas. He does not understand it as implying any theological notion of vicarious atonement, but rather the enthusiastic utterance of highly-strung moral sympathy and charity, and would compare it with St. Paul's words in Romans ix. 3, and explain each in just the same way as, he thinks, Chrysostom does. He further refers to the existence of numerous
Buddhist stories in the Kathdsarit-sagara, among which is one from lvi. 153, viz. the story of the disobedient son with a red-hot iron wheel on his disobedient son with a red hot iron head, and he says—"Påpino 'nye 'pi muchyantâm prithvyam tat-pâtakair api! & papa-kshayam etad me chakram bhramyatu murdhani," "Let other sinners on earth be freed from their sins; and until the removal of (their) sin let this wheel turn round upon my head." In either case it is only a wish, and it is not pretended that it really had, or ever could have, any effect on other men. It only expresses a perfection of charity. The same idea (borrowed, as the writer supposes, from Buddha) comes in in the Bhagavata Purdna, ix. ch. 21. On Himalaya's lonely steep
There lived of old a holy sage,
Of shrivelled form, and bent with age, Inured to meditation deep. He-when great Buddha had been born,
The glory of the Sakya race,
Endowed with every holy grace, To save the suffering world forlornBeheld strange portents, signs which taught
The wise that that auspicious time
Had witnessed some event sublime, With universal blessing fraught. The sky with joyful gods was thronged :
He heard their voice with glad acclaim
Resounding loudly Buddha's name, While echoes clear the shouts prolonged. The cause exploring, far and wide
The sage's vision ranged; with awe
Within a cradle laid he saw Far off the babe, the Sakyas' pride. With longing seized this child to view
At hand, and clasp, and homage pay,
Athwart the sky he took his way By magic art, and swan-like flew And came to King Suddhôdan's gates,
And entrance craved—"Go, royal page,
And tell thy lord an ancient sage To see the King permission waits." The page obeyed, and joined his hands Before the prince, and said-"A sage,
Of shrivelled form, and bowed with age, Before the gate, my sovereign, stands, "And humbly asks to see the King."
To whom Suddhôdan cried—“We greet All such with joy; with honour meet The holy man before us bring." The saint beside the monarch stood,
And spake his blessing-"Thine be health, With length of life, and might, and wealth; And ever seek thy people's good."

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With all due forms, and meet respect,
The King received the holy man,
And made him sit; and then began"Great sage, I do not recollect “That I thy venerable face
Have ever seen before ; allow
Me then to ask what brings thee now From thy far-distant dwelling-place." "To see thy babe," the saint replies,
"I come from Himalaya's steeps."
The King rejoined -"My infant sleeps ; A moment wait until he rise." "Such great ones ne'er," the Rishi spake,
"In torpor long their senses steep
Nor softly love luxurious sleep; The infant Prince will soon awake." The wondrous child, alert to rise,
At will his slumbers light dispelled. His father's arms the infant held Before the sage's longing eyes. The babe beholding passing bright, More glorious than the race divine,
And marked with every noble sign, The saint was whelmed with deep delight; And crying-"Lo! an infant graced
With every charm of form I greet!"
He fell before the Buddha's feet, With fingers joined, and round him paced.' Next round the babe bis arms he wound,
And "One," he said, "of two careers
Of fame awaits in coming years The child in whom these signs are found. "If such an one at home abide,
He shall become a King, whose sway
Supreme a mighty arm'd array On earth shall stablish far and wide. "If, spurning worldly pomp as vain,
He choose to lead a joyless life,
And wander forth from home and wife, He then a Buddha's rank shall gain." He spoke, and on the infant gazed,
When tears suffused his aged eyes;
His bosom heaved with heavy sighs ; Then King Suddhôdan asked, amazed
Certain corporeal marks are supposed by Indian writers to indicate the future greatness of those children in whom they appear. Of these, thirty-two primary and eighty secondary marks are referred to in the original as being visible on Budaha's person.
• The word here, imperfectly translated, means, accord. ing to Professor H. H. Wilson's Dictionary, "reverential salutation, by circumambulating a person or object, keeping the right side towards them."
The term here translated insight' is derived from the same root as the word Buddha, and means 'intelligence,' or 'enlightenment.'
"Say, holy man, what makes thee weep,
And deeply sigh? Does any fate
Malign the royal child await ? May heavenly powers my infant keep!" "For thy fair infant's weal no fears
Disturb me, King," the Rishi cried ;
"No ill can such a child betide; My own sad lot commands my tears. "In every grace complete, thy son
Of truth shall perfect insight gain,
And far sublimer fame attain Than ever lawgiver has won. “He'such a Wheel of sacred lore
Shall speed on earth to roll as yet
Hath never been in motion set By priest, or sage, or god before. “The world of men and gods to bless,
The way of rest and peace to teach,
A holy law thy son shall preachA law of stainless righteousness. "By him shall suffering men be freed
From weakness, pain, and grief,
From all the ills shall find relief Which hatred, love, illusion, breed. "His hand shall loose the chains of all
Who groan in fleshly bands confined ;
With healing touch the wounds shall bind of those whom pain's sharp arrows gall. "His potent words shall put to flight
The dull array of leaden clouds Which helpless mortals' vision shrouds, And clear their intellectual sight. "By him shall men who, now untaught,
In devious paths of error stray,
Be led to find a perfect wayTo final calm at last bo brought. "But once, 0 King, in many years,
The figtree somewhere flowers perhaps;
So after countless ages' lapse, A Buddha once on earth appears. "And now, at length, this blessed time
Has come: for he who cradled lies
An infant there before thine eyes Shall be a Buddha in his prime. • The term thus rendered, dharmachakva, expresses a somewhat singular figure. It denotes the wheel of the law, or the wheel of righteousness,' or the wheel of religion.
The word in the original is nirudna, a torm of which the sense is dispated-some scholars esteeming it to mean absolute annihilation; others explaining it as the extinction of passion, the attainment of perfect dispassion. Mr. Childers considers nirvana to signify active bliss on earth for a brief period, followed (upon death) by total annihilation.
The tree referred to in the original is the Udumbara, the Ficus glomerata.

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"Full, perfect insight gaining, he
Shall rescue endless myriads tost
On life's rough ocean waves, and lost, And grant them immortality. "But I am old, and frail, and worn,
I shall not live the day to see When this thy wondrous child shall free From woe the suffering world forlorn. 'Tis this mine own unhappy fate Which bids me mourn, and weep, and sigh;
The Buddha's triumph now is nigh, But, ah ! for me it comes too late!" When thus the aged saint, inspired,
Had all the infant's greatness told,
The King his wondrous son extolled, And sang, with pious ardour fired“Thee, child, th' immortals worship all,
The great Physician, born to cure
All ills that hapless men endure; I, too, before thee prostrate fall." And now-his errand done--the sage,
Dismissed with gifts, and honour due,
Athwart the æther swan-like flew, And reached again his hermitage.
J. MUIR.
similar style are scattered over the surrounding country, but the group of tombs which he describes is of special interest from the presence of the crosses, which is quite an exceptional feature.-- The Academy, 29th December.
Mr. King observes that the crosses are distinguished from those of Christian origin by the different size of the limbs, and by the curved janction between the arms and the lower limb. Another similar cross is reported to exist in the Hazaribågh district at Basatpur, near Leiyo, in the valley of the Bikaro river. Near it there are a number of dressed memorial stones of truncate pyramidal shape.
It is not clear whether the Mungapettå group of crosses are the same with those at Katapur and Nirmal, in the Nizâm's country, described and figured at pp. 486-8 of Fergusson's Rude Stone Monuments. Mr. Fergusson inclined to ascribe them to a Christian origin; see too Ind. Ant. vol. IV. p. 306, where the same view is taken, and the circumstance of their being of dressed stone tells against their belonging to a prehistoric period. But Mr. King does not appear to regard the Mungapett& crosses as Christian, and the pyramidal memorial stones accompanying another cross are also spoken of as dressed, and they would not be claimed as Christian ; the localities, too, of these crosses in only recently penetrated jungles seems against Christian derivation, and it must be remembered that the cross-shape is a pre-Christian symbol, seen on the breasts of Assyrian statues, and among the ruins of Palenque, in Mexico. Meanwhile it seems strange, considering how long these venerable Indian crosses have been known, that the question of their association has not been decided
W.
ANCIENT BURYING-GROUND AT MUNGAPETTÅ,
AND CROSSES. It is well that officers of geological surveys who are working in unfrequented districts should keep their eyes open to any prehistoric remains which may come under their notice. Mr. W. King, of the Indian Survey, has shown himself fully alive to the value of archæological observations, by the notes which he has recently communicated to the Asiatic Society of Bengal. These notes describe a prehis. toric burial-place, which he visited in the course of his geological work, near Mungapetta, in the Nizam's dominions. The cemetery consists of an assemblage of about 150 stone cists, enclosed in megalithic rings, with four large monoliths in the shape of crosses. Each tomb is formed of four upright slabs of stone, with another for a covering-lid, the largest cist measuring 9 feet in length by 9 feet in width, with a height of about 5 feet. Thb stone slab which forms the floor of each cist is hollowed into one or more cavities for reception of the bodies, which were probably embalmed. The surrounding circle of stones is in some cases 30 or 40 feet in diameter; and one of the crosses measures 16 feet in height. The cists and crosses are all of dressed stone, the material being the sand stone of the country. It is suggested by Mr. King that this burial-place is of pre-Aryan age, or be longs to Hindu-Kolarian times. Ruder remains of
NOTE.-CANARESE INSCRIPTION. In February 1874, rambling about Chaul, the old Grook Simylla, (or Tipova) I came upon an unfinished Saiva temple, commenced, it was said, in memoriam of one of the Northern or Kuldb& branch of the pirate house of Angria. Just to the east of this, beautifully embosomed in the coconut orchards, was a fine temple of the 18th century, with tank and ghats, of which I was told the following legend :
"In the quasi-reign of one of the earlier Peshvås a Dravidian Brâhmân dwelling at Chaul was warned in a dream, by I forget what god, that he should proceed to Punâ and demand from the Government money wherewith on this spot to dig a tank and build a temple. He obeyed, found that a corresponding dream had simultaneously visited the ruler, and faithfully applied the grant;

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"and the bricks are there to this day to testify bility the Zoskalēs mentioned by the author of of it."
the Periplus Marie Erythræi, $ 5. Between the temple and the cenotaph toddy- 1 The Axomites are correctly distinguished from drawers were whetting their knives at the time of the Homerites by Philostorgius, by the appellation my visit, upon a loose slab bearing a Kanarese of Æthiopes; and Procopius (De Bello Persico), inscription--a thing of itself (philologically speak- Cedrenus (Hist. Comp. p. 364, Paris, 1647), Cosmas, ing) very remarkable in so thoroughly Marath& and John Malala (Hist. Chronica Joannis Antioch., & country as the North Konkana. A little money Oxon. 1691, p. 163), though all apply the word Indi and a good deal of diplomacy enabled me to place to both people, confine the epithet Æthiopes to the it'in the collection of the Bombay Branch of the Axomites. The term Ethiopians, too, or Itiop. Royal Asiatic Society, where it has remained un- jawan, is the favourite appellation by which the heeded from that day to this, upon a landing-place, Abyssinians designate themselves. (Conf. Salt's where scholars pass it every week.
Abyssinia, pp. 460ff.; Ludolph, Histor. Æthiop. II. W.F. SINCLAIR.
4; Corpus Inscrip. III. p. 513; Tellez, Travels of the Jesuits, Lond. 1710, p. 74.)
STÅN-DÂGRESTÅN, &c. It may be interesting to 'Gaikwadito know that a century and three quarters ago, and on the spot, Dåghestên was considered to be derived from Dagh," which in their language signifieth a moun. tain." My authority noted below," always calls it "the Dagestan," and the inhabitants "the Dagestans" or "Dagestan Tartars." He states that they spoke in his time (1722) the same language as the neighbouring Tatars of the plains.
W. F. S.
ABYSSINIAN KINGS. The following is a list of the kings of Abyssinia during the greater part of five centuries from B.c. 139:B.C.
A.D. 139 Menilek or Ibn' Ha- 70 Za-Malis ... 6 yrs.
kim reigned 29 yrs. 76 Za-Hakale...13 , 110 Za-Hendedyu 1 yr. 89 Za-Demahe, 10 , 98 Awda ......... 11 yrs. 99 Za-Awtet ... 2 » 87 Ze-Awsyu ... 3, 101 Za-Elawda, 30 » 84 Za-Tsawe...3y. 10m. 131 Za-Zigen and 80 Za-Gesyu, half a day. Rema ......40 , 80 Za-Maute ...8y. 4m. 171 Za-Gafale... 1 yr. 72 Za-Babse ... 9 yrs. 172 Za-Bæsi-Serk 4 yrs. 63 KAwuda....... 2 176 Za-Elas61 Kanazi ......10 ,
guaga 76 » 51 Haduna ...... 9, 252 El-Herka ...21 42 Za Wasih ... 1 yr. 273 Za-Bæsi Tsa41 Zah-dir ...... 2 yrs. wesa ...... 1 yr. 39 Za-Awzena. 1 yr. 274 Za-Wakens. 2 days 38 Za-Berwas... 29 yrs. 274 Za-Hadus ...4 mts. 9 Za-Mabasi... 1 yr. 275 El-Segel...... 2 yrs. 8 Za-Besi
277 El-Asfeh ...14 » Bazen, 16 yrs.
291 El-Tsegaba 23, A.D 8 Za-Senatu,26 , 314 El-Ahiawya 3 .
34 Za-Les ......10 322 El-Abreba and 44 Za-Masenh ...6
El-Atzbeha, 50 Za-Sutawa ...9, or Aizana and 59 Za-Adgaba...10, Saizana, bro69 ZA-Agba ...... 6 mts. thers ......263,
In the 8th year of Abreha, A.D. 330, Christianity was introduced into Abyssinia. There is some confusion in the lists as to the rulers between Tsegaba and Abreha.
Za-Hakale, who ruled A.D. 76-99, is in all proba
BANYANS AT ASTRAKHAN IN 1722. The Banyans "are a sort of pagan Indians whose principal pursuit is trade, and have their factory within the city of Astrakhan). One of their chief merchants dying at this time (1722), his widow desired leave of the emperor to burn herself with his corpse, according to the custom of their country; but his majesty, unwilling to encour. age so barbarous a custom, refused her request, and the Indian factory withdrew from the city with their effects. His majesty, finding no argument could prevail on the woman to alter her resolution, at last gave them leave to do as they thought proper. The corpse, being dressed in his clothes, was carried to some little distance from the town, where a funeral pile of dry wood was raised, and the body laid upon it; before the pile were hung Indian carpets, to prevent its being seen. The wife, in her best apparel, and adorned with earrings, several ringe on her fingers, and a pearl necklace, attended by a great number of Indians of both sexes, was led by a Brahman, or priest, to the
Ante, p. 27.
Memoirs of Peter Henry Bruce, Esq., a Military Officer in the service of Prussia, Russia, and Great Britain, 1 vol. 4to, London, printed for the Author's Widow, and sold by T. Payne and Son, Mewagate, &c., 1782. A second edition, in 1 vol. 8vo, www published by Sheppard, Colles, and Co.,
Dublin, 1783. Bruce was of Scotch descent, born in Westphalia in 1692. Among other details, he says he surveyed the Caspian for Peter the Great, and expressly mentions the Oxus (4to ed., p. 814)," a river both large and rapid, and a musket-shot broad at its entrance," as flowing into that sea.

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funeral pile, which on her approach was kindled; she then distributed her apper apparel and jewels among her friends and acquaintances, of whom she took her last farewell with a great deal of ceremony, and the pile being in full flame, and the carpets taken down, she leaped into the midst of
BOOK NOTICES.
MEMOIR on the HISTORY of the TOOTH RELIC of CEYLON, with a preliminary Essay on the Life and System of Gautama Buddha. By J. Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S., &c. Bombay, 1875.
Dr. Da Cunha's Memoir on the Tooth Relic of Ceylon is now two years old-which is as much as to say that in the light of later researches there is no difficulty in finding faults, particularly with the chronology. It is, however, a useful little pamphlet for any one approaching the subject as a beginner; and the conclusion, viz. that the tooth is bogus,' is incontrovertible except by a good Buddhist relying upon faith as against reason. The photographs, though not original, are good enough; and the index is more than we usually expect in so modest a work.
THE ENGLISH and their MONUMENTS AT GOA. By J. Gerson da Cunha, M.R.C.S., &c. Bombay, 1877.
Dr. Da Cunha has compiled into a pamphlet of 28 pages an account of transactions almost forgotten, although they took place within the memory of men still alive. His knowledge of the Portuguese language gives him an unusual advantage in this ground, of which he will, no doubt, be found in sole possession if the course of political events should ever bring the subject before the public.
MODERN INDIA AND THE INDIANS: being a series of Impressions, Notes, and Essays. By Monier Williams, D.C.L. London: Trübner & Co., 1878.
[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
the fire; her friends then poured quantities of oil over her, which soon suffocated her, and reduced both corpses to ashes, which were carefully gathered and put into an urn, to be conveyed to their relations in India."-P. H. Bruce's Memoirs, 4to ed., pp. 252, 253.
Professor Williams has collected and remodelled a number of papers communicated to this and other less exclusively Oriental periodicals in a modest octavo volume-perhaps, of all works of recent Indian tourists, that most suitable for the Griffin' who is not also a Philistine.' His long study of Oriental subjects has enabled him to assimilate and reproduce with unusual success his impressions de voyage; and no Old Indian who remembers how little he knew of the country after an equal time spent in it will be hypercritical in respect of the errors into which our author has here and there fallen. We are glad to see a book so different from most of the rubbish with
which the press was inundated immediately after the Prince of Wales's tour, and shall be prepared to welcome the further volume which Professor Williams promises us, as the result of his "researches into modern Indian religious life." A good many of us know too well the extreme difficulty that attends such inquiries to hope for any very important results from those of Professor Williams, conducted under the least favourable circumstances; but we can rely upon his recognition of the danger of hasty generalizations, and may fairly expect that his forthcoming volume will be suited for students of a somewhat larger been written. growth than those for whom the present work has
THE HINDOO PILGRIMS. By M. A. Sherring, M.A., &c. London: Trübner & Co., 1878.
The title of this work led us to expect a treatise upon the curious phenomena of the Hindu mania for pilgrimage-the contrast between isolated expeditions undertaken in consequence of a vow, or even to spend a holiday, and the lives of travel spent by regular devotees in wandering from end to end of the peninsula; the strange ceremonies of the holy places; and the legends which account for or create their sanctity. The subject would be most interesting, and Mr. Sherring has already given proof that he could deal with at least a portion of it. It is not, therefore, without considerable disappointment that we find his pilgrims and their travels a mere connecting thread for a series of legends interesting themselves, but conveyed in the most prosaic verse imaginable, and supposed to be recited over the camp fires of their nightly halting-places. Our readers would hardly thank us for samples.
EASTERN LEGENDS and STORIES in English verse. By Lieut. Norton Powlett. London: H. S. King & Co., 1873.
This modest little collection of poems does credit to the author, and is a good sign of the times. There is perhaps hardly a classical scholar in England who has not tried to render in verse the Odes of Horace; and the young Artillery Officer

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who has made the same attempt upon tales from the Ampar í Suhaili and other Persian and Arabic stories was evidently not merely cramming for an examination when he sat with his Munshi. Such books, too, do some good in familiarizing the Eng. lish public with the lighter forms of Oriental literature, and may stimulate a few young scholars to make themselves acquainted with the original; while the metrical talent of the translator is certainly much better employed in such exercises than in writing slangy Lays. Some of the translations are very spirited; and the following extract is interesting as exemplifying a curious system of mnemonics not yet entirely superseded by the drier methods of our Government schools. The subject is a young Tatar learning his alphabet.
"He marked the ranked letters go
In ordered lines as warriors do.
or even Orientalist students, can find no possible interest in the matters which seem to Mr. Morris of first-rate importance—the exact gate of a town where the police-barrack or school is situated, or the wreck of an ill-managed steamer near CocoDada, and the suspension of its skipper's certificate.
On the other hand, writing of the great Eastern Chalukya dynasty, and of their very capital (Rajamal.endri), he thinks that there would be little use in giving here the bare list of these sovereigns," though he does bestow upon the site a notice which seems to have been translated from a Tehsildar's report-a remark which applies moro or less to the whole of this bulky volume except a few extracts from the Madras and India Office records. As long as any encouragement is given to the compilation of district manuals in this Philistine style the Government of India need not be surprised to find few scholars among its servants.
There Alif lifted high the spear, And Ha the moony shield did bear,
And Ba his bended bow. The crooked sabre Lam did wield; And Mim, conspicuous in the field,
His helmet crest did show." The allusion, of course, is to the forms of the characters.
The worst fault of the book is that some of the pieces show the influence of too severe a course of the Ingoldsby Legends, the style of which is hardly congenial to the subject.
A DESCRIPTIVE AND HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OY THE GODA.
VERY DISTRICT, in the Presidency of Madras. BY HANBY MORRIS, formerly of the Madras Civil Service, author of "A History of India for the use of Schools in India," and other works. (London: Trübner & Co. 1878.)
It is much to be regretted that the time, trouble, and cost which have been spent on the work under notice have been almost wasted. Mr. Morris's book abridged by two-thirds and bound in paper would have been valuable to subordinate officers in the collectorate of which he has constituted himself the vates sacer. It contains a great bulk of tabulated returns-which no one will ever read who has not equal access to the original materials in the Collector's office, a great many quotations from works equally accessible to any one ever likely to want them, and no spark of original matter worth reading at all.
All this would be nothing if the book was not published in an expensive form at & first-rate publisher's, and under the supposed patronage of the India Office, instead of getting its deserts at a Secretariat press in Madras. The general public,
HISTOIRE DE L'ASIE CENTRALE depuis les dernières années du règne de Nadir Chah (1153) jusqu'en 1233 de l'Hégire (1740-1818). Par Mir Abdoul Kerim Boukhary, publiée, traduite, et annotée par Charles Schefer, premier secretaire interprète du gouvernement pour les langues orientales, &c. &c. Paris : Emest Leroux, 1876.
Mir Abd'ul Karim Bukhari, it appears from the preface to the translation of the work before us, was a Sayyid of Bukhåra in the diplomatic service of the Amir Shah Mahmud of that Khinate. In this character he visited Kasmir, Earopean and Asiatio Russia, and a large part of the intervening countries. Finally, in company with Mirza Muhammad Yusuf, Ambassador of Bukh&ra, he arrived, in September 1807, in Constantinople. In one year more he was the sole survivor of the embassy, and apparently took this as a hint from Providence that he had wandered far enough, took to himself a wife (he does not say whether he had left any at home), and settled in the village of Beshik-Tash, in Roumelia, "whereof the charms are equal to those of Paradise."
While here he became acquainted with Arif Bey, then master of the ceremonies at the Porto. For him the Mir compiled a sort of joint Gazetteer and Almanach de Gotha of Central Asia, of which a single manuscript exists. This, at the sale of the Bey's library in 1851, fortunately fell into the hands of a worthy possessor, M. Charles Schefor, who has had the text printed at Bouldk, and now publishes it with a French translation, numerous and valuable notes and appendices, and a tolerable map. It is much to be regretted that there is no index-a capital fault in a work purely of reference.
The author, after a short preface, enumerates the districts of Afghánistán, and gives tables of
1 Of these be treata Laghman, JelAlAbad, and one or two others which we consider extra-Indian, M'in Hindo
stan. The same fiew may be troed in several of the e arlier MualmAn authors quoted in Elliot

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their revenues in rupees, and of the principal routes in farsakhs. He then proceeds with the history of the Saduzai dynasty, which he brings down to the date of writing, A. H. 1233 (A.D. 1817), and concludes with the question, "What will happen next P" To which the answer of Time has been strange enough
Next follows a similar account of Bukhara, which is very full, the author being naturally well up in his subject. Thirdly, Khiva is described in the same way. Fourthly, Khokand, a good deal mixed up with Kashgar and Yårkand. Fifthly, Khurassån, Tibet, and Kåśmir divide & chapter among them. Here ends the work of Mir Abd'ul Karim, but not that of M. Schefer, who has, to supply the deficiencies of his author, added 52 pages of appendices, consisting of translated extracts from original Asiatic works, except only a short notice of the citadel of Kabul taken from Mayson.
Mir Abd'ul Karim seems to have been a diligent observer and collector of materials, and, when not Blinded by his religions passions (like most Tajiks of the Khânates, he was a violent Sunni), to be a tolerably candid and trustworthy historian. His great fault is that he hardly ever gives a date. Several of his geographical statements are corro borated by more recent European travellers, and he deals little in the marvellous. The following account of the Yak seems worth transcribing :"There is found in these mountains an ox called Kathas; it hath a great brush like a fox's, whereof the hairs are as long as those of women, and which is used in Turkistán to mount upon the Tughs. These oxen are found in great numbers all along the route from Tibet to Yårkand. In Tibet they are tamed and used for burden; they work as well as buffaloes; their flesh and milk have a very sweet savour. ... On the road to Tibet I caught a young Kuths napping, and slew him with a pistolshot; his fesh was delicious." Delicious' as the ydk veal is the Mir's brief and candid ac. count of his sporting feat. A real Persian would have given a chapter to the chase, and finally shorn off the head of the mighty mountain bull' with one sweep of his shamsher. His historical style is equally brief and matter-of-fact, bar & few pious remarks and indifferent verses; and he gives fow anecdotes. One is introduced in illustration of the character of the Yomud Turkomâns,
on whom so much sympathy has of late been ex. pended. Abd'ul Karim would have wasted little on them; he calls them 'perverse brigands, whose habits reminded him of those of the Janissaries'
it will be remembered that he wrote for an officer of the court of Mahmud the Reformer), and Bays, "A preacher was describing paradise. There was in the congregation a certain Turk, and quoth be, 'Do they go on alaman (foray) there P' No,' was the answer. Then,' retorted / the Turk, 'would I liefer be in hell.' The Yomuda are of his opinion.” A much worse infidel, however, was 'Alam Khân of Khokand, whose seal illustrates M. Schefer's title-page. "It is related," says the Mir, " that a certain Shaikh had many disciples in Khokand, and asserted that his holy life had procured him the privilege of revelation, and the power of thaumaturgy. One day, 'Alam Khan, who was sitting by a cistern, bade stretch a rope across it and call the Shaikh. The latter came, with some disciples, and sat down before the Khân. After a short time, 'Alam Khan said, O Shaikh ! Shortly, on the day of resurrection, thou wilt pass thy disciples over the bridge Al Sirat, under which is hell. At present do thou walk along this rope, that I may be witness to one of thy miracles."" The Shaikh protested, the Khan insisted; and the end of it was that the holy man made the attempt, failed ignominiously, and got not only & ducking, but such a thrashing, in the character of a detected impostor, that he died of the effects. “Whenever 'Alam Khan caught a dervish he seized him and set him to drive camels." This irreligious prince, naturally, was dethroned and murdered by his brother and uncle.
We give the following genealogies of the reigning families :
The House of Saduzai is said by Abdu'l Karim to have come from Multân. Though they were certainly powerful there during the time of the last Nawabs and the Sikhs, this is unlikely, and it is more probable that their settlement there dates from 1731 A.D., when Nadir Shah banished their chiefs thither.
The following is the genealogy of the family :Zaman Khån Abd&li Durani Saduzai came from Afghanistan proper to Herkt about 1708, and joined his tribesman Asad u'lla Khan,' governor of Heråt for Shah Husain
To wit, Khurass An, from the Fihris u't Tamarikh of Riza Kuli Khan, tom. ix.;Turkestan (Khokand), from the end of the Tarikhi Ahmad of Munshi Muhammad Abd'al Karim Turkistan and Desht (i kiptchak) from the Jahan Nama of Højt Khalifs; the Kalmak, Tibet, K&shg&r, the Kazaks, and Tura, from Saifi's History of the Kings of Hind, Sind, Khita, Khoten, 8c.
Tugh = the famous 'horse-tails' of Tatar armies.
• On the other hand he records the devices of a great many coins and seals...
. Probably one of those which are common in courtyards and gardens all over the East. The locale indicates that the Khan was taking his ease, and very likely drunk.
Elphinstone's Hist. (1st ed.) p. 842. Elphinstone calls him Abdu'lla.

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Safávi: killed about or after 1760. His brother 1807, made prisoner and confined in the citadel of was Muhammad Khân,
KAbul 1816. Had one son, Malik Kasim, and a Zamân Khân's sons were: (1) Zu'lfikar Khen- daughter who poisoned herself rather than marry end uncertain. (2) Ahmad Khân, afterwards a Shiah, 1807. Ahmad Shah, became chief of the tribe; fol. (6) Abbas: Abdu'l Karim says he was remarklowed Nadir, founded the Durani empire on N&- able for courage, strength, and skill in the use of dir's death in 1747; died at Murgha, Toba hills, the sword. Strangled in prison in the citadel of Achakzai country, June 1773. He had eight | KÅbul, under Zamân Shah. sons:
(7) Shậpur, poisoned in the citadel of Kabul. (1) Timur Shah, succeeded 1773, died 20th These two princes were children of the daughter May 1793 at Kabul.
of Sharbat 'Ali Khan Jindawal, Kazalbagh, the (2) Suleiman made an abortive attempt to chief Sultâna of Timur. Abdu'lla Khân, styled secure the succession, and was imprisoned for life Ján Nisar Khan, governor of the citadel, paid imin the Bala Hissar or citadel of K&bul, where he proper, addresses to her in the time of Zaman died about 1796, leaving four sons.
Shah. Shkpur stabbed Jân Nisar to avenge his (3) Mahmud, (4) Gohar, (5) Humayun, all died mother's honour, and was murdered in consein confinement in the citadel of Kabul.
quence at the same time with her and Abbas. (6) Sikandar-strangled in the citadel of Kabul, (8) Jahîn WALA; (9) Ayub; (10) Hasan; (11) in consequence of a plot in his favour, 1779. Hamid; (12) Gohar; (13) Kaisar; (14) Akbar; (15) (Elphinstone, however, says he was spared.) Alamgir; (16) Ahmad; (17) Yakub; (18) Salim ;
(7) Darab-escaped from the Bala Hissar with (19) Fåghfar; (20) Jahân ; (21) Shah Rukh; (22) other confined princes about 1809, but afterwards Muhammad; 23) 'Usman; (24) 'Umar; (25) Kanreturned to Kábul of his own accord, and died var; (26) Rustam ; (27) Dary& Dil; (28) Kohan there before 1818.
Dil; (29) Rahmat; (30) Farukh; (31) Aurangzib; (8) Shahâb-was alive at Kabul in 1818. (32) SÅbir ; (33) Tipa; (34) Daráb; (35) Zakariâ ;
Timur Shah had 300 wives, all foreigners; (36) not named. Abdu'l Karim says that the 35 the seraglio was maintained on the revenues of survived their father. Jelâlâbâd, amounting to four lakhs of rupees per - Names of the Amirs murdered by Zaman Shah annum. He had thirty-six sons :
and his vazir, Rahmat ulla Khân Saduzai, in 1799, (1) Humayun, endeavoured to succeed his father, which massacre led to Zamân's downfall:defeated by his brother Shuja 1793, captured near (1) Payanda Khan Barakzai, father of Fateh Leia 1795, blinded and confined in the citadel of Khân, Dost Muhammad, and 20 others, and grandKábul. His son Ahmad was killed in battle 1793. father of Sher 'Alt Khân now reigning.
(2) Mahmud, assumed royalty in Herkt on (2) Hukumat Khan, governor of Balkh. his father's death in 1793; expelled by Shah (3) Rahim Dad Khân, (4) Kamar u'd-din Khân, Zamân 1797 ; returned and expelled Shah Zaman (5) Amir Arslan Khan, (6) J&far Khân, (7) Shakar 1800; expelled by Shah Shuj& 1803; escaped from Khân Jindawal. Kabul in the same year; returned and recon- (8) The son of Mir Hazar Khân 'Alikuzai, (9) quered the kingdom 1803-9; was still in power Muhammad A'zam Khân, (10) Zaman Khân, (11) 1818 (?) Had' one son, Kamran, who was in Zabad Beg 'Alfkuzai, (12) Rahim Khan Ndrzai, power in Heråt in 1841.
(13) Aḥmad Khan Panni. (3) Za mân, succeeded his father 1793; de throned and blinded 1800; was in Baghdad in 1817.
Mangit Dynasty of Bukhard. He had four sons,-Kaisar, murdered in prison by Khudayar Beg, Mangit Uzbak, claimed his cousin Kamrån 1800; Haidar, Mansur, and descent from Toktamish, who was defoated by Faghfar.
Timur Lang. Had two sons ;-(1) the father of - (4) Shuja, expelled and succeeded Mahmud I. Muhammad Rahim Bog, an officer 1803; expelled by him 1809; returned with the in the service of Nadir Shah, detached by him to English; defeated and murdered by his nephew
assist Abu'l Faiz Khan walad Subhân Kuli KhânSultan Jan 1841(P).*
a chief of the White Bone ruling as Nadir's tribu(5) Firoz u'd-din, turned out of Heråt 1797; tary in Bukhara-against Ibadu'lla Khân, an regained its defeated by the Persians at Chade Uzbak plunderer. On hearing of Nadir's death
» But see Vincent Eyre's account for this last event. Mukhtar u'd-daula; rebelled against him afterwards, and
• Abdu'l Karim contradicts himself about this, saying was killed in action. His son Atta Muhammad was vicein one place that Abbas was spared ; and in another that roy of Kasmir for Sheh Shuja after the death of Abdu'lla he was strangled, which is more likely.
Khan. He made himself practically independent, but was Shah Wali Khan B&rakzai was vazir to Shah Ahmad. eventually conquered by a joint invasion of Ranjit Sing and His son Sher Muhammad took a principal part in enthroning Fateh Khan, valad Payanda Khan Barakzai (his own Shah Shuja, and was vazir to him; is called by Elphinstone maternal uncle).
cent
in one del

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(1747) he dethroned and expelled Abu'l Faiz, and seized the sovereignty. Issue-two daughters. (1) married to Abdu'l Momin walad Abu'l Faiz, who was murdered by Muhammad Rahim: she had a son. (2) The other daughter had also
a son.
II. Danyal Beg, succeeded his nephew Muhammad Rahim Beg. He had ten sons:
III. (1) Shah Murad Beg, Amir Ma'sum, superseded and succeeded his father, June 1784. (2) Mahmud Beg, living in exile in Khokand in 1818.
(3) 'Umar Beg and (4) Fâzil Beg, put to death with their families by their nephew Amir Haidar Turê.
IV. (4) Sultan Mur&d Beg, died at Maskât on the Haj, 1803. He had three sons (see inf.). (5) Rustam Beg, died at Bukhârâ.
(6) Ganj 'Ali Beg, alive in 1818.
(7) Rajab 'Ali Beg: insane.
(8) Toktumish Beg, died at Kabul in the reign of Timur Shah; i.e. before 1793.
Shah Murad Beg had three sons:
V. Sayyid Haidar Turê, styled A mir Sayyid, succeeded his father Sultan Murad Beg 1803. He had six sons:
(1) Muḥammad Husain, by a Sayyid lady. VI. (2) Bahadur Khan Nasiru'lla succeeded his father 1826. He murdered Stoddart and Conolly. His son
VII. Muzaffar u'd-d'in succeeded him 1860. (3) Abdu'lla, (4) 'Umar,-sons of a slave woman. (5) Zubair.
(6) Jahangir, son of a lady of the Khwajahs of Juibar.
Din Nasir Beg, second son of Sultan Murad Beg (supra), was an exile in Russia in 1818. Muhammad Husain Beg, third son, an exile at Shahr-i Sabz.
Kungusát Dynasty of Khiva.
I. Aḥmad Beg Ink (chief) of the Kungusât' Uzbaks in 1717 (period of Bekovitch Cherkaski's expedition), had at least one son,
II. Muḥammad Amin Beg, succeeded 1755, had sons,
(1) Fazil Beg, blind from disease, was alive in 1818, and
III. (2) 'Iwaz, succeeded his father, died in 1804.
IV (3) Iltazar, succeeded Ivâz; superseded the Khans of the White Bone, under whom his predecessors had been maires du palais, and was the first Kungus&t Khân killed in battle, with Amir Haidar Turê of Bukhârâ.
Haidar Ture was the son of a lady of Abu'l Fair Khan's family, which must have been Sayyid, as he thus styles himself for the first time in the pedigree.
[SEPTEMBER, 1878.
(4) Muhammad Rahim, succeeded Iltazar; was still reigning in 1818.
(5) Niyaz Muhammad and (6) Muḥammad Rizâ, put to death by Muhammad Rahim before 1818.
(7) Jan Murid and (8) Hassan Murad, killed with Iltazar in 1806.
(9) Muhammad Niyaz, died a natural death before 1818. (10) Kutli Murâd, alive in 1818.
Uzbak Dynasty of Khokand.
I. Nar Bata Beg, Uzbak, governed Khokand in the time of Shah Murad of Bukhârâ. Did not strike money or put his name in the khutba subsidized by the Emperor of China. Had three
sons :
II. (1.) 'Alam Beg, succeeded him, struck money and read the khutba in his own name; had one son, Shahrukh, murdered by his uncle 'Umar Beg.
III. (2.) 'Umar Beg, defeated, killed, and succeeded 'Alam Khân. Still reigning in 1818.
3. Rustam Beg, murdered by his brother 'Alam.
Of a different charaster was the pious Shah Murad, our author's own first patron. He was the son of a rough but good-tempered soldier, Dânyål Beg, Amir of Bukhara, who was so lost to all sense of religion that he allowed Persians openly to smoke 'hubble-bubbles' in the court and city. Horrified at this and similar enormities, Shah Murad became the disciple of a Shaikh, who imposed upon him during his novitiate the duties of a bazâr porter. From this point on, his career presents a singular analogy with that of the hypocrite Aurangzib. The penitent waded through blood and intrigue, till he superseded his good-tempered sinner of a father. Onlyto the credit of both be it spoken-the father exacted, and the son kept, an oath not to shed the blood of his brethren. This was an isolated instance of mercy in the history of Shah Murâd, and indeed in the whole book, in which almost every page has its tale of blood or treachery, related as naïvely as the surprise of the Yak calf, and often immediately before or after a general certificate of the virtues of the first murderer. It is not the province of a scientific journal to digress upon the politics of the day, but the student of history may be permitted to regard with satisfaction the fate of these cut-throat little dynasties, which are now falling, one after another, under the heavy hand of a civilized power.
W. F. S.
Kungusât, i... Chestnut Horse, was the name of t great Mongol class under Jinghis Khan, probably inherited from them by the Uzbak tribe.

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from.
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 220.) No. XLVI.
The charter is issued from the victorious camp THE copper-plate grant, of which & revised at the city of Vijayapura, a place which I
1 transcription and translation are now given, do not know. The grant is made by Vijayahas been published by Professor J. Dowson at râja', the son of Buddha varma, who was Jour. R. As. Soc., New Series, Vol. I, p. 247. the son of Jayasimha of the Chalu kya It appears that this grant,-with two of the family. It confers the village of Pariyaya Gûrjara king Dadda II. or Prasa n- upon the priests and religious students of tarága, and one more, the details of which Jambû sa ra. This is the modern Jambûsar, are not specified, --- was found, about A.D. 1827, almost in a direct line between Kaira and in the town of Khêdå or Kaira. “The river Broach, about fifty miles to the south by east
Watrual runs close to the walls on the north- of Kaira, and twenty-five miles to the north by west side, and was the cause of the discovery, west of Broach. I cannot identify Pariya ya. by washing down the walls and earth." The The grant is dated in the year three hundred original now belongs to the Royal Asiatic and ninety-four, on the day of the full-moon, Society's Library, whence. I obtained it to edit | or the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight, of
the month Vaisakha. The plates are two in number, about 133" The date is first given in words in 1. 32, and long by 87" broad. Their edges are slightly is then repeated in figures in l. 34, where we raised, so as to form a rim to protect the writ- have the numerical symbols for 300 and 90 ing. They are pierced with holes for two rings; and 4, whereby to express the year, and for 10 but the rings are not now forthcoming, and I and 5, whereby to express the lunar day. The cannot trace any mention of them, or of symbols used here agree, except the 4 and the seal that must have been on one of them. the 5, with the Valabh i and Chalu kya The language is Sanskrit. The characters numerals given by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji are radically the same as, and differ bat very in the table that accompanies his paper On little from, those of the early Chalukya the Ancient Nagari numerals at Ind. Ant., Vol. and Kadamba copper-plate grants which I VI., p. 42. As in the instances given by him, have published in this Journal. The chief the lower part of the 4 is the letter ka. It points of difference are:-1, The letters are is difficult to say what the upper part is meant slightly cursive, which is not the case in the for; but it certainly is not na, sha, or h, and earliest grants from the south' ;-2, The vowel it resembles ya more than any other letter, é, as attached to a consonant, is carried rather though it is not exactly the ya of the rest lower down than in the southern grants, of the inscription. The symbol for 5 is theoand the curve is sometimes continued ap retically the same symbol that is given by to the consonant again, e.g., in anvayé, 1. 3, him. He gives three forms of the Valabhi nyáyêna, 1. 10, and vriddhayé, l. 11; and the 5, and remarks that "the first figure is clearly same remark applies to the lower stroke of ai, trá," and, on the assumption that "the loop" e.g., in Vaisakha, 1. 11;—3, The subscribed [which introduced a varying form of the ta] is more like a subscribed y cut short, 49 with the "was no doubt caused by hasty writing,"—that subscribed v and ch in the grant of Devavarmà "the following two signs, which look like ná, at p. 83 above ;-and 4, The ta has a more decided are mere corruptions of trd.” But, as will be horizontal top-stroke than it has in the southern further exemplified by the recurrence of the grants.-It is also to be remarked that the rule same symbol in a slightly different form in No. of doubling consonants after the letter r is not XLVII. below, it is really ná; and the Pandit's adhered to as regularly as in the southern erroneous explanation of it is due to his having grants. The Anusvára is written above the line. had before him three instances in which the
1 He is called Vijayavarma in l. 7 of the cancelled in- scription on the backs of these plates, No. XLVII. below. With this we may compare 'Kirttirkja' as & varying form,
in one of the Nerdr plates, of the name of the Chalukys king Kirttivarmi I.

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form of the na used in composing it was the names of many of the grantees; in the address form with a loop, whereas in the present in- to future kings on the subject of continuing stance the form used is, as throughout the body the grants; and in their characters, closely of the inscription, that without the loop. Ori- allied, though with distinctive features of their ginally, neither the ta nor the na was formed own,--the two Kaira grants of Dadda II., with a loop; bat in later times the distinguish- given with facsimiles in Prof. Dowson's paper, ing feature of the two letters was that, in the bear so close a resemblance to the present grant south the ta was formed with a loop and the naof Vijayarája that, being grants of a without, whereas in the north, as is clearly different dynasty, they must be almost synchroshown by the modern Devanagari, though not nous with it, and very possibly all three grants so clearly by the modern Bangali, alphabet, the were composed by one and the same person. process was the reverse of this, and the na was These two Kaira grants of Dadda II. are developed by the loop, while the ta retained dated in the same way in words and in figures, substantially its original form without a loop. one in the year 380, and the other in the year In intermediate times there appears to have been385; and here, again, the word sasivatsars considerable hesitation in determining the dis- is used without any specification of the era tinguishing forms of ta and na, and the same to which it refers. In their case, however, this forms were used for each other indifferently; point is made quite clear by a third grant of see, for instance, my remarks at Ind: Ant., Vol. Dadda II., from Ilað, published by ProfesV., p. 176, note t. Iu his paper referred to sor R. G. Bhandarkar at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. above, the Pandit remarks of the symbol for Soc., Vol. X., p. 19, which, like Prof. Dowson's 4, that "the lower part always shows the figure two grants, was written by Réva, the High of that form of ka which is used in the alphabet Minister for peace and war, and which is dated, of the period." The same rule applies to the in words only, in specifically the year 417 of the symbol for 5; whichever form of the na is used Saka era; the expression in the original, in l. 18, in the body of the inscription, the same form is, -Saka-ntipa-kal-atita-sanhvachchha(ta)ra-sais used in the ná employed to represent the 5. ta-chatushtaye saptadas-adhiké. And the same
The era to which the date of this grant is to precise specification of the era, in words only, be referred is not stated. Prof. Dowson took Saka-npipakal-átita-sarivatsara-satu-chatushtayê, the use of the word sarnvatsara by itself as i.e, 'in (the year) 400 of the years that had indicating that the era referred to was that of expired in the era of the Sa ka king',- is given the Samvat of Vikrama, and he read the in l. 22 of a fourth grant of Dadda II., from date as Vikrama-Samvat 394, or A.D. 338. But Umộtà, published, with facsimile, by Dr. Bühler Mr. K. T. Télang, in a dissertation on this same at p. 61 above. On all these grounds, there can be grant in his paper on a new Chalukya copper- no doubt that the same era is the one intended in plate at Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc., Vol. X., p. 348, the present grant of Vijayaraja. The date points out,--that samvatsara is a common word of it, therefore, is Saka 394 (A.D. 472-3), and for year,' and refers to no particular era what it is the earliest Chaluky a grant that we as ever,-that even the word sasivat, an abbrevia. yet know of. tion of smvatsara, is not by any means used to After expressing their opinions as to the date, designate exclusively the era of Vikrama;- Prof. Dowson and Mr. K T . Tlang have and that such of the other known grauts of the entered into lengthy disquisitions with the Chalukya dynasty, as bear any date'at all, object of making the genealogy and date of this are expressly dated in the Saka era. On these Chaluky a grant from the north fit in, in grounds, he draws the conclusion that the era direct lineal succession, with the genealogy and intended in the present grant, also, is that of dates of the other chalukya grants from the Saka. In addition to the reasons brought the south. Their views are so radically wrong forward by him, I have to adduce the following. on this point, that it is undesirable to allow In the comparison of the Gûrjara family them to remain without refutation. To enable with the ocean; in the titles of some of theme to refute them, I must point out the errors officials addressed; in some of the conditions on which they are fundamentally based. In and privileges attached to the grants; in the doing so, I must be held excused for occupying

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space and attention with matter which would otherwise be quite foreign to the subject in hand. Their remarks extend over a considerable portion of the Chalukya genealogy; but it will suffice for me to confine myself here to the first three generations.
As originally given by Sir Walter Elliot in his paper On Hindu Inscriptions, first published at Jour. R. As. Soc., Vol. IV., p. 1, and afterwards reprinted with corrections and emendations at Madr. Jour. Lit. and Sc., Vol. VII., p. 193, the genealogy commences with,
Jayasimha I.
Raņaråga, or (?) Rajasimha.
Pulakéki I.
(Saka 411.) At a later period, in his second paper on Numismatic Gleanings at Madr. Jour. Lit. and So., New Series, Vol. IV., p. 75, he inserted another step, and commenced the genealogy with,
Jayasimha I., or Vijayaditya I.
His son and successor was named Pula kesi; and his son was Vijay aditya. A copper śásana, recording a grant made by Pulak 8 s'i which bears date Saka 411 or A.D. 489, is extant in the British Museum." There is a mistake here in the fifth sentence, which makes Pulak ési the son of Ranaraga, and Vijayaditya the son of Pula ke 6 1. The genealogy represents correctly the order of succession that was intended.
Starting with this second genealogy of Sir Walter Elliot, including A.D. 489 as the date of Pulike si I.; assuming that the Jayasimha of the Kaira grant, and the Jayasimha of Sir Walter Elliot, were one and the same person; interpreting the date of the Kaira grant as Vikrama-Samvat 394, the consequence of which was that, "the date of this grant being A.D. 338, a period of about two hundred years intervenes between Jayasinha and the grant of Pula kesi in A.D. 489, and to fill up this period Sir Walter Elliot gives only three names, Pulak os i standing fourth in the list"; and making the assumption, quito opposed to fact except in the case of a few documents which show their own want of value, that "the loose and varying nature of the genealogies in these grants" is sneh that "it would seem, indeed, that the word 'son' meant nothing more than descendant' in many cases, and that the writers, either from ignoranco or from utter indifference to the truth, frequently confined themselves to the recital of some of the more prominent and best-remembered names", and, again, that "the order of the names is sometimes found inverted, and other discrepancies are met with which show that the Chåluky&s were but poorly informed about the history of their line" ;-Prof. Dowson deduces the following genealogy,
Jayasimha I., or Vijayaditya I.
Ranarâga, Rajasiṁha, or Vishộuvardhana I.
Vijayaditya II.
Pulakési I.
(Saka 411.) And in the same paper he gives the following narrative :-* Previous to the arrival of the first haluky a in the Dekkan, the Pal lavas were the dominant race. In the reign of Trilôchan a-Palla va, an invading army, headed by Jayasimha, surnamed Vijayaditya, of the Chalu k ya-kula, crossed the Nerbudda, but failed to secure a permanent footing. Jayasimha seems to have lost his life in the attempt; for, his queen, then pregnant, is described as flying after his death, and taking refuge with a Brahman called Vishnu-S ô mayâji, in whose house she gave birth to a son named RAjasimha, who subsequently assumed the titles of Raņaråga and Vishnuvardhana. On attaining to man's estate, he renewed the contést with the Pallava s, in which he was finally successful, cementing his power by a marriage with a princess of that race, and transmitting the kingdom thus founded to his posterity.
Buddhavarma
Vijayaraja (A.D. 338)
Rajasimha, Ranaraga, or Vishnuvardhana I.
Vijayâditya II.
Pulakési I. (A.D. 489.) Starting with the same second genealogy of

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Sir Walter Elliot, but rejecting Vijay - possible, if we assume Saka 411 to be the very ditya' as a second name of Jayasinha, first year of his reign, yet it is hardly probable, and Rajasimha' and Vishņu var- that the date given in it is the correct date for dhana' as second names of Ranaråga; Pulike si I. I am willing, however, to making the same assumption with Prof. Dow- concede that the forgers of the grant may have son as to the identity of the two Jaya- hit upon the correct date. simhas; interpreting the date of the Kaira Rajasimh a', as a second name of Raņagrant as Saka 394 ; and concluding " from the råga, which Sir Walter Elliot himself acceptsubstantial identity of the names, and from the ed with hesitation, is based only on a mistaken agreement of the dates, that the Vijayaraja rendering of a passage in the British Museum of the Kaira grant is the same person as the plates, to which I have drawn attention in my Vijayaditya (II.) of Sir Walter Elliot's paper on them. list",—Mr. K. T. Télang deduces the following The additional name and titles in Sir Walter genealogy
Elliot's amended list are founded on the narraJayasimha I.
tive passage which I have quoted. The origi
nal of this narrative is in a copper-plate grant Buddhavarma, or Ranaråga.
of Rajaraja II., one of the Chôļa suc
cessors of the Eastern Chalukya kings, Vijayaraja, or Vijayaditya I. (Saka 394.) who, according to the grant, ascended the
throne in Saka 944. I have now examined the Pulakési I. (Šaka 411.)
original plates. The grant commences with I have now published the British Museum the mention of Narayana or Vishnu, from plates as No. XLIV. of this Series, and have the water-lily which grew in whose navel Svagiven in detail ample reasons for holding con- ya mbh û or Brahma was born. It then clusively that the grant is a forgery of not traces the genealogy, after the Parânic fashion, earlier than the tenth century A.D. I have from Brahma, through Attri and the moon, shown at the same time that, though it is just down to Udayana. It then continues :
Text. (Pl. II., a ; 1. 19).-Tatah param tat-prabhritishv-a-vichchhinna-[sa]ntânêshv=Ayôdhylisrnhâsan-Asinêshy=ókad=na s hashti-chakravarttishu tad-vamáyô Vijayadityo nama ráj Apajigishnya dakshinkpathari gatv& Trilôchana-Pallavam-adhikshipya daiva-durihaya 18(18)k-antaram-agamat [ll] Tasmin=samkulê purðhitêna sârddham antarvvatni tasya mah&dêvf Mudivěmu-nâm-âgraharam katipayabhir=antahpura-kantAbhiḥ kamchukibhis-cha sah-pagamya tad-vastavyôna Vishņubhatta-sômayajina duhitri-nivvi(rvvilágham-abhirakshita satt Vishnuvarddhanan=nandanam=asta II) Så tasya cha kumara kasya MânavyasagôtraHåritiputra-dvi-paksha-gôtra-vra(kra)m-ôchit&ni karmmâņi kårayitva tam-avaddharddha)yat CIM] Sa cha matré vidita-vrittantas=gan=nirggatya Chalukya-girau Nandam bhagavatim Gaurim=aradhya Kumara-Nåråyana-Mâtriganáms-cha sarntapya(rpya) évêtâtapatr-aikaśamkhaparchamah&sabda-pâlikêtana-pratidakka-varahalâmchhana-pimchha(pichchha)-kunthanta)-simhâsanamakaratörana-kanakadanda-Gamgå-Yamun-adini s va-kala-kram-agatani nikshipta(pt)n=iva sâmbra (ra)jya-chihnini samadâya Kada(da)mba-Gang-di-bhumipan=nirjjitya Sêtu-Narmmadamadhyam Serddha-sapta-laksham dakshinkpathar pålayam-asa KID S lokaḥ CD
Tasy=&sid=Vijayadityo Vishnuvarddhana-bhàpatêh. Pallav-anvaya-ját&ya mahadevys-cha nandanaḥ [ll] Tat-sutah Polakési-Vallabhaḥ [ll] Tat-putra(trah) Kirttivarmma [1] Tasya tanayah ( Svasti Srimatâm sakola-bhuvana-samstayamAna-Ma(mA)navya-sagôtránt Håriti. putråņam Kausikl-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyânâm=Matri-gana-paripálitânân- Sva(sva)mi-Mahasena. pad-&nudhyâtânår bhagavan-Narayaņa-prå(pra)sada-sama(m)sådita-vara-varaha-lâmchhan-êkshanakshana-vasiksit-&rati-mandalanâm=asvamêdh-Sv&(va)bhțita(tha)-snâna-pavitriksita-vapushar Chalukyan kulam-alamkarishnôg=Satyågraya-Vallabhêndrasya bhrata Kubja-Vishnuvarddhano shtAdaka varsha(rsbk)ņi Vergi-déram-apa(p&)layat [ll]
• The usual reading would be ok-ona-shashti; by Prof. Monier Williama ekad na shosht ia Vedio Sanskrit.

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Translation.
seven and a half crores (of villages). The son “After that, sixty emperors less by one, com- of king Vishnuvardhana, and of his mencing with him, in unbroken lineal succes- queen who was born in the family of the sion, having sat on the throne of Ayodhyâ, Pallavas, was Vijay aditya. His son a king of his lineage, Vijayadity a by name, was Polaké si-Vallabha. His son was went to the region of the south from a desire Kirttivarma. His son, -Hail!, Kubjafor conquest, and, having attacked Trilô- Vishnuvardhana,-the younger) brother chana-Pallav Ay lost his life through the of Satyasraya - Vallabhêndra who evil influence of fate. While he was in diffi- adorned the family of the Châluk yas', who culties, his queen, who was pregnant, came are glorious, and who are of the lineage of with the family-priest and with a few of the Mâna vya which is praised over the whole women of her bed-chainber and with her cham- world, and who are the descendants of Hariti, berlains to the agrahára(-village) named Mu- and who acquired dominion through the exceldivému, and, being cherished just like a lent favour of Kausiki, and who have been daughter by Vishnu bhatta-Somayajinourished by the assemblage of the Mothers who dwelt there, brought forth a non, Vishnu- (of mankind), and who have meditated on the vardhana. And, having caused to be per- feet of Srâmi-Ma h â sê na, and who have formed the rites of that prince, such as had the territories of their enemies made subwere befitting to his descent from the two- ject to them on the instant at the sight of the sided gôtra of the lineage of Manavya and of sign of the boar which they acquired through the sons of Hariti, she reared him. And the favour of the holy Narayana, and he, being instructed in history by his mother, whose bodies have been purified by ablutions went forth, and, -having worshipped Nanda, performed after celebrating horse-sacrifices, the holy Gauri, on the Chala kya moun- ruled over the country of Vengi for eighteen tain; and having appeased Kumara and
years." Narayana and the Mothers (of mankind); After this passage, the inscription continnes and having assumed the emblems of universal the genealogy, in the usual style of the Eastern empire which had descended to him by the Chalukya grants, down to Rajaraja II., Succession of his family, and which had been, who seems to have also borne the name of as it were, (voluntarily) laid aside, (viz.) the Vis hņuvardhana. white umbrella, and the single conch-shell, It will be seen at once that the names of and the five great sounds of musical instru- Jayasiṁ ha, Rajasimha, and Raņaments), and the banner of the sword-edge, and råga are not mentioned at all in this grant; the pratiļakká, and the sign of the boar, and and that it is only by pure supposition that the the (banner of the feathers of peacocks' tails, first Vijay aditya of this grant is to be and the (banner of the) spear, and the throne, identified with Jayasinha, and the first and the garland in the form of a sea-monster, Vishņu vardhana with Ranarâ ga, and the golden soeptre, and the signs of the and that the second Vijayaditya is to be river) Ganga and the (river) Yamuna, inserted between Ranaråga and Pulike si and other such emblems); and having con- I. If any such identification of persons had quered the Kadambas and the Gangas to be made at all, the simpler and more natural and other kings-he ruled over the region of course would be, to identify the second Vijayathe south, lying between the Bridge (of Rama) ditya (the father of Pulikasi by this and the (river) Narmada, and containing grant) with Ranaråga (the father of Puli
• Adhikshipya; lit.,'having insulted.' • Lit., 'went to another world.'
This mountain seems to exist only in the imagination of the composer of this inscription.
• This must be some variety of drum (dhakkd) The emblems on the seal of this grunt, which has been wrong. ly attached in printing to the forged grant of Vikramaditya L., No. XLV. above, -60;- In the upper compartment, boar facing to the proper left, with the run, moon, two pmbrellas, double drum, conch-shell, and something
close to the moon that may be the head of a spear (kunta); in the centre, the motto erf-Tribhuwan dah kuala; and in the lower compartment, a floral device which is probably . lotos, an elephant-goad, soeptre (kanaka.danda), and something like the letter ga, which may be the makaratörana, or may be the páli.hetana (see p. 111, note 25), if we take pals in the sense of 'bridge.
* We have here the later form of the name, which is properly used only by the Western Chaluky after the restoration of their dynasty; see the introductory remarks to No. XLIV., para. 6.

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[OCTOBER, 1878.
kesi by other grants),-to identify the first | victory'; Saty-dsraya, 'the asylum of truth'; Vishnuvardhana with Jay a simha,- Vikram-dditya, the sun of valour'; Vinayand to insert the first Vijay iditya at aditya, the sun of modesty'; and many other the head of the genealogy, as the newly dis- such names, be regarded as mere epithets. covered father of Jay asimha. But the But these are, nevertheless, the names by which authentic portion of this grant,--authentic as those kings were known in history and in offibeing copied from other similar grants of the cial documents. Probably enough they had same dynasty,-only commences with the words also household names of a more simple nature. Svasti Srimatán, &c., in Plate II., 6; 1. 31. All Witness, for instance, the titles of Anna nathat precedes is a mere farrago of vague tradi- singa, 'the lion of Anna', and M& vanation and Puranic myths, of no authority, based singa, Sê na na-singa, and Boppanaon the undoubted facts that the Chalukyas singa, which were borne by some of the did come originally from the north, and did find feudatories of the later Western Châluk ya the Palla vas in possession of some of the kings, and which, when compared with Jagaterritories afterwards acquired by themselves, de ka-dani, the ratting elephant of Jagaand on a tradition of the latter Kadam bag | dê ka', in transer. 1. 9 of No. I. of this Series, that the founder of their family was named at Ind. Ant., Vol. IV., p. 179, point to Anna, Trilôchana or Trinetra. Quoting the Må va, Sena, and Boppa being, as much Mackenzie Collection, Mr. Rice, in his Gazetteer as Jagad & ka, names of the paramount of Mysore and Coorg, Vol. I., p. 204, tells sovereigns. Witness, also, the motto Sri-Bittas that "A Trinetra-Pallava is said to arasa, the king Sri-Bitta, or, Sri-Bitti', have introduced Brahmaņs into his territory; which is on the seal of a copper-plate grant of but, as this event is placed eleven thousand the Eastern Chalúky a king Vishņu varyears B.c., it may be dismissed as a fabrication." dhana I., published at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., I know of no other grounds for allotting the Vol. II., p. 1. Mr. K. T. Têlang refers to the name of Trilôchana or Trinetra to any fact that rana-vikránta, he who is valorous in member of the Palla va family.
war', is one of the epithets applied to BuddhaAccordingly,-expunging 'R & ja simha' as varma; but he does not seem to rely much a second name of Ranar âga, and marking on this in his identification of the two persons. the date of Saka 411, allotted to Pulike si I., And rightly so; for, precisely the same epithet, as rather doubtful, -Sir Walter Elliot's first rana-vikránta, is applied to Mangalis vara list of the first three generations is the one that in l. 5 of the Badâmi inscription, at Ind. Ant., stands correct. It was based then only on the Vol. VI., p. 363; and in l. 4 of the Eastern plates in the British Museum and on the Yêwûr Chaduk ya grant, of which I have just spoken, tablet. It has now the authority of the Aiholo the father of Kirttivar må I. is mentioned, inscription at Vol. V., p. 67.
not under his proper name of Pulike si, but As it is thus apparent that there are no under the name, or epithet, of Ranavikramagrounds for taking Vijay aditya' as the nripa, i.e., 'king Raņa vikrama', or the name, or as a name, of the father of Puli- king who was possessed of valour in war.' kesi I., Mr. K. T. Télang's proposal--evi- As regards Vijayaditya II., Prof. Dowdently based chiefly on the supposed similarity son's genealogy falls through in the same way. of the name of Vijayaraja with the name As regards his insertion of Buddha varma of this phantom Vijay aditya, -to make and Vijayaraja between Ja yasimha and Vijayaraja the father of Pulike si I., Pulikê bi I., which was necessitated by falls to the ground. He gives no very clear the length of time to be accounted for that reason for identifying Buddha varm &-with resulted from his reading the date of the grant Ranaråga, except that Rana-ruga "may be as Vikrama-Samvat 394, and was justified, to regarded as a mere epithet meaning 'lover of him, by the assumption as to the vague and war.'” So, also, may Jaya-sinha, the lion of unsatisfactory nature of the genealogies of
Rajan is not synonymous with aditya, "san'; but, in similar to,Vijayaraja', we ought to have 'Vijayachandra', the sense of 'poon', it is synonymous with 'chandra. Dot'Vijay Aditya.' Therefore, if at all we want a name differing from, and yet

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SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
OCTOBER, 1878.]
copper-plate grants in general,-it falls through, because the necessity ceases if we interpret the date as Saka 394, and because the assumption is not warranted by facts.
That Buddha varmâ is to be identified with Ranaråga, or that he and Vijayaraja are to be foisted into the direct line of descent before Ranarà ga and Pulikê si I., I do not believe for a moment. If Buddhavarma and Ranaråga were closely connected at all, they were brothers. As to the identity of the two Jayasimhas,-I am strongly inclined in favour of it, though I would not speak with absolute conviction at present. On the one hand, the difference in their dates is somewhat against the hypothesis that Vijay arâja, or Vijayavarma, and Pulikêsî I., were of one generation, being grandsons of one and the same Jayasimha. On the other hand, the present grant is from the north; and there are the facts that the Chalukyas of the south always represent themselves as having come originally from the north, and that they commence their genealogy with a Jayasimha, as does the king for whom the present inscription was composed. And the characters of this grant connect it palæographically very closely with the southern grants.
Now, except in the preamble of the grant of Rajaraja II., of which, I trust, I have said quite enough above, it is nowhere stated that Jayasimha I. of the Chalukyas of the south, or his son, Ranarâ g a, did actually rule in, or even did invade, the south. And the negative evidence is opposed to any such supposition. For, the Aihole tablet and the Miraj plates,the two authentic sources of information for this period, do not speak of any of the royal families of the south, the Kadambas, the Pallavas, the Gangas, the Mauryas, and the N a la s, as having been conquered by Jayasimha I., or by Ranaråga; nor does even the forged grant of Pulikêśi I. And I know of no other inscription which takes the genealogy back beyond Pulikêéi I.; which fact suggests the inference that he, the con
I have spoken of the Miraj plates at p. 103 above.. I have now found that this is the identical copper-plate grant from which the genealogy of the Yewûr tablet is taken, down to the notice of Jayasimha-Jagadékamalla. Accord ingly, for that part of the genealogy, the Miraj plates are entitled to be quoted in preference to the Yewûr tablet. I shall shortly give a full account of these plates and the tablet combined.
247
queror of Vâ tâpi or Bâdâmi, came subsequently to be looked upon as the real founder of the dynasty. Further, on reconsidering the verse that describes Pulikê si I. in 1. 3 of the Aihole inscription, I consider that the epithet śrit-éndu-lántiḥ applied to him there, and contrasted by the word api with the statement ayasid-Vátúpi - puri- vadhú - varatám, indicates that, before he acquired V â tâ pi1o, he had a capital named Indukânti, which must be looked for somewhere in the north. Finally, after the present grant of Vijayaraja, we have no mention of any Chalukyas in the north until we come to the Chaulukyas of Anhilwâd, the accession of the first of whom, Mûlarâja I., is placed by Dr. Bühler at A.D. 941-2, though he speaks also of an ancestor of his, named B hû pati, who is said to have been reigning in A.D. 695-6.
Taking all these indications together, the conclusion at which I arrive is that, at the death of Vijayaraja, or possibly by an invasion of his kingdom which resulted in his defeat and death in battle, the power of the Chalukyas in the north was subverted, and the family expelled, by the Gûrjar a kings, or by the kings of Vala bhi, the other most powerful rulers of those parts; that his cousin, Pulikêsî I., was the only surviving representative of the family; and that, in his flight, directing his course to the south, Pulikêsî I. was attended by a band of adherents sufficiently numerous and strong to enable him to invade, and conquer a part of, the dominions of probably the Palla va king", and, by wresting the city of Vâtâpi from them, to establish for himself a new seat of government there. Or, taking into consideration also the close resemblance of the style of this grant of Vijayaraja to the style of the grants of Dadda II., as noticed above and in the notes to the Text below, it is even possible that the Chalukyas were originally feudatories of the Gurjara kings, but, in the person of Pulikêsî I, threw off that yoke, and, emigrating to the south, established an independent sovereignty of
10 Lit., went to the condition of being the bridegroom of the bride which was the city of Vitipi."
This fact is nowhere expressly stated. But I discovered at Bâdâmi itself a rock inscription, unfortunately very fragmentary, but of early though uncertain date, which mentions Vitfpi, and, also "the Pallava, the foremost of kings"-kshitibhujam-agresorah Pallavah. I have little doubt that Vâtapi was originally a Pallava capital.

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248
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1878.
their own. And to reconcile the dates of Vija- Jayasinha, we have only to assume that, yarâ ja and Pulikasi I., on this supposition of two brothers, Ranarâga was the younger that they were grandsons of one and the same by some considerable difference of years.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Svasti Vijaya-skandhavårat Vijayapura-vasakåt sarad-upagama-prasanna-gagana-tala-vimala
vipulê vividha-purusha-ratna-guna[') nikar-avabhâsitê maha-satv-apásraya-durlamghyê gårbhiryavati sthity-anufálana-parê mab
odadhAv=iva Manavya-sagôtranam Hå[] riti-putranam Svâmi-Mahäsêna-påd-&nudhyâtânam Chalukyânâmanvayé vyapagata-sajala
jaladhara-patala-gagana-tala-gata-sibirakara[*] kirana-kuvalayatara-yaśasah(&c. yasah) Śri-Jayasimha-rajaḥ [.] Tasya sutaḥ prabala
ripu-timira-patala-bhidurah satatam-udaya-ath naktan-diva[°] mapy-akhapdita-pratapô di(di)vakara iva vallabha-rana-vikranta-Sri-Buddhavarm ma
râjaḥ [ll] Tasya sunuh pri(pri)thivyâm=a-pratirathah chatur-udadhi-salil-&[°] sv&dita-yah (SA) Dhanada-Varun-Endr-Antaka-sama-prabhavaḥ Sva-b&hu-bal-Opâtt-Orjita
raja(jya)-brih pratâp-âtisay-opanata-samagra-samanta-ma('] ndalah paraspar-&pidita-dhammrmm)-&rtha-kama-nimô(rm)chi pranati-måtra-suparitôsha
gambhir-Onnata-hșidayah samyak-praja-palan Adhigatah din-&[] ndha-kripana-bhê (ba)rañagata-vatsalah yathabhilashita-phala-prado mâta-pitsi-paid-&nudhyâtah
Sri-Vijayarajas=sarvvån=ôva vishayapati-rashtra[°] gråmamahattar-adhikarik-adin-samanudarsayaty=astu v as-sarviditam asmábhir=yatha
Kasakula-vishay-ântargatah Sandhiyara-pavvi(rvvf)na" Pariya[10) ya esha grámah sôdram(ddram P)gah sôparikaraḥ sarvva-ditya-vishti-pratibhêdikd
parihinah bhumi-chhi(chchhi)dra-nyáyên=-ch&ta-bhata-pravésyah Jambea(7 ra-s&mánya-MA(vĀ) jasan@ya-Kaņv-Adharyya(ryyu)-sabrahmachari(ri)når mata-pitrôr-Atmanas=
cha punya-yaśô-bhivriddhayê Vaisakha-pornnamasyampudak-Ati["") sarggêna pratip&ditah [ll] Bharadvája-sagôtr-Adityaraviệh(veh) pattikê dvo Indrasuraya
pattika Távisdraya dvy-ardha-pattika tevarasy#Arddha-pattika [] Damaya pattik& Drônky=&rdha-pattika Atta(Prtta)avaminê=ardha-pattik& Mail&y=&rdha
pattika Shashthidôvây=&rdha-pattik& Somfy=&rdha-pattika Rámasa[*] rmmanê=rddha-pattika Bhâyyây=&rdha-pattika Drônadharay-ardha-pattika [ll] Dhumra
yana-sagôtr-Avukâys div-ardha-pattika Sarky=&rdha-pattika || Daundakiya[] sagôtra-Bhattih pattika Samudraya div-arddha-pattika Drônkya pattikd-trayam
Távisarmmanê pattikê dvê Bhattinê=rddha-pattika Va(cha)tráya pattika [*] Drônaśarmmanê-rddha-pattiks dvitiya-Drônasarmmanê=rdha-pattika | KAfyapa-sagotra
Vappasvaminê tisraḥ pattika Durgasarmmanê=rdha-pattika Dattaya[TM] y=&rdha-pattika | Kaundina(nya)-sagôtra-Vâdây=&".... v-ardba-pattikê Sêlâya pattika
Drönsya pattika Sôm&y=&rdha-pattika Selay=&rdha-pattika [] Va(Pcha)trabarmmanê=rdha-pattika Bhâyisvâminê=rdha-pattika Madhara-sagôtra
Visakhâya pattika Dharaya pattika Nandinê pattika Kumârâys pattika [1] Ramkya pattika Basrasy=frdha-pattika Gaņây=ardha-pattika Korttuvây=ardha-pattik&
Bhdyiva(bha Pytt&y=ardha-pattika Narmmaņê=rdha-pattika Råmasarmmanê=rdha[] pattika | Harita-sagôtra-Dharmadharaya div-ardha-pattika || Vaishnava-sagotra-Bhatting
pattika | Gautama-sagôtra-Dhariy-årdha-pattika Ammadhart["] y=&rdha-pattik Sélky-ardha-pattika. I sandila-sagotra-Dämáy=&rdha-pattika [ll]
Lakshmana-sagotra-Karkkasya pattika [ll]
This letter, va, www at first omitted, and then inserted below the line.
In the two Kaira grunts of Dadds. II., 1. 82 in each grant, the corresponding words are saruudnadva dj-sdmanta bhogika erishayapati-rdshfragramamahattar.ddhi. kdrik-din-samamubodhayaty-astu. In the 11A grant of Dadda II., 1.'11, and the Uméta grant of Dadda II., I. 14, the words are sarvonalva rashtrapati vishayapati. grdmak04-dyuktaka-niyuktak Adhika-mahattar. Adin-samdjvidpayati astu where adhika, in each plate, is doubtless mistake for adhikarika.
**The marto over this letter, na, are a fault in the copper,
We have similar faults over, 69, the vai of Vaisakha and the mna of purnnamdayam, 1. 11.
in the two Kain ranta of Dadda II. 1. 33 in each grant, the corresponding words are sdrangah aparikara sarvu.adana sangrahyah sarva-ditya, &c., as in our text. In the 11A grant, 1. 16, and the Umet grant, 1. 20, the words are sódranga sa( 88 parikan-sadhanyahinanyádiya, sôtpadyamanavishtika(kak) samastardjaktyandma. pravésyah.
* See note 27 below. ** One letter here is quite unintelligible,

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CHALUKVA GRANT OF VIJAYARAJA ---THE YEAR 394
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CHALUKYA GRANT OF MUAYAKAJA.--THE YEAR 394.
324
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Page #301

OCTOBER, 1878.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
249
Second plate. [") Vatsa-sagộtra-Gópádityâya pattika Visakhây=&rddha-pattika Saray Ardha-puttika Bhayi
svâminê=rdha-pattika Yakshagarmá["] rdha-pattika Távisdraya pattika Karksi(rkka) sy=Ardha-pattika Tavisam marmma)nô=rdba
pattikh Sarmmaņe=rdha-pattika Kumärky=&rdha-pattiks [*] Mátriávarîyardha-pattika Bâţalây-ardha-pattika [ll] Etêbbyaḥ sarvvêbhyah bali-charu
vaivadêv-âgnihotr-adi-kriy-ôtsarppan-&rtham 4-chandr-ark-arnava-kshi[*] ti-sthiti-samakálinaḥ putra-pautr-invaya-bhôgyaḥ yata(t)=smad-vamsyairwanyair-v-igami
bhogapatibhis-sámánya-bhd-pradâpa-phal-psubhih nala-vênu-kadali[") såra samsaram=udadhi-jala-vichi-chapalâms=cha bhôgân prabala-pavan-dhat-åśvattha-patra
charchalâm cha sriyam kusumita-sirisha-kusuma-sadpi[W] 6-âpâyam cha yauvanam=akalayya ayam-asmad-dâyo=numantavyah pâlayitavyas-cha [l*]
Yo v=Ajtâna-timira-patal-avrita-matir=ichchhidya(dya)d=achchhi[*] dyamanam v=&numôdêta sa pañchabhir=mmahå-påtakais-samyukta ktah) syât [ilo] Uktar
cha bhagavatê vêda-vyåsena Vyksena || Shashtim varsha-sahasrani sva[*] rggê vasati bhumi-daḥ achchhêttâ chy(ch)=anumant& cha tânyva narakê vasêt [ll]
Vindhy-ațavishv=atöyâsu sushka-kotara-vasinaḥ krishn-Aba[30] yo hi jậyantê bhdmi-dâyam harantiyê | Bahubbir-yvasudha bhukta rajabhih
Sagar-Adibhih yasya yasya yada bhdmih tasya ["] tasya tada phala || Arvva-dattam dvi-jâtibbyô yatnád=raksha Yudhishthira mahim
mahfmatath freshtha danach=chhrêyê nuplanar || Yan=fha [dattâni pura narendraih dânâni dharmm-artha-yasas-karâni nirvvânta-målya-pratimâni
tâni kô nâma sådhuh-punar=adadita [ll] Samvatsara-sa[*] ta-trayê chatur-nnavaty-adhikê Vaisakha-paurnnamäsyam Nannarâ( Pchá)s&paka
datakarn likhitam mahậ-sandhi-vigrah-adhikritêna Khuddal Pada)svá[%] min | Samvatsara 394 [I*] Vaisakha-su 15 || Kshatriya-Måtrisimhên=
Ôtkirņâni [ll] Translation.
like the sun, dispersed the canopy of the Hail! From the victorious camp, located at darkness which was his enemies, and was al(the city of) Vijayapura":
ways rising (higher and higher), and was In the family of the Chalukyas, who are possessed of brilliance which was undiminished of the lineage of Mânavya, and who are the both by night and by day :descendants of Håriti, and who meditate on the His son, Sri-Vijayar âja, who is withfeet of Sv á mi-Mah åsena,-(which family), out an opponent in the world; whose fame ig like the great ocean, is as pure and extensive flavoured by the water of the four oceans; who as the expanse of the sky which is pellucid, at is equal in prowess to the gods) Dhanada the approach of autumn; and is made radiant and Varuna and Indra and Antaka; by the mass of the virtuous qualities of various who has acquired great regal fortune by the jewels of men; and is hard to be crossed, strength of his own arm; who has bowed down through being the place of refuge of great the assemblage of chieftaina by the excess of beings; and is possessed of profundity; and is his splendour; who liberates (from their conintent on preserving stability,-(there was) the
stant conflict) religion and wealth and passion king Sri Jayasimha, whose fame was just which mutually annoy each other; whose prolike a blue water-lily under the beams of the found and noble heart enjoys proper satisfaccold-rayed moon in an expanse of the sky from tion merely by the performance of) obeisance which the veil of clouds laden with water has (to him); who is devoted to properly governing passed away :
his subjects; who is full of compassion for the His son (was) the king Sri-Buddhavar poor and the blind and the wretched and those mâ, the lord, the valorous one in battle, who, who go to him for refuge; who gives rewards
In the first of the two Kaira grants of Dadda II., 1. 42, 4. This mark of punctuation is wrongly placed here, the corresponding words are chaturuvidya-parikalpand instead of after the numerals. parvan bali-chart-vaidvaddydgnihotra parhchamaha- The construction is Vijaya-skandhavdrat Vijayapuravan ddi-kriy-trarppan-Artthars. In the second of these udsakot ...... Srf Vijayarajassaruundua granta, L. 41, in the las grant, 1. 14, and in the Umeta ........samantarsayati. The genealogy grant, l. 17, they are simply bali charu-aisvadu.Agniho. | prior to the mention of Vijayarkja is by way of parenEra-paschamahayaj-adi-kriy-otsarypan-Artthanh.
thesis.

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[OCTOBER, 1878.
such as are desired; and who meditates on the (?) Vatra, one pattiká; to Drôņa sarma, feet of his mother and his father, -issues his half a pattika; to the second Drôņas ar mâ, instructions to all the lords of districts and the half a pattikd.-To V app as vámi, of the Mahattarasal of countries and villages and the K & sya pa gôtra, three pattikás; to DurgaAdhikarikas and others :
sarma, half a pattiká ; to Dattaya, half a Be it known to you that, on the day of the pattiká.To Vâda, of the Kaun dinya full-moon of the month) Vaisakha, in order gôtra, .........., balf a pattiká; to to increase the religious merit and the fame of Sala, one pattiká; to Drôņa, one pattiká; to Our mother and father and of Ourself, the Sôma, half a pattiká; to Sala, half a pattika; village of Pariyaya, which was formerly to (?) Vatrasarma, half a pattiká; to (called) Sand hiyara", included in the dig- Bhayisyami, half a pattiká.—To Visatrict of Kåśå küla, has been given by us with kha, of the Mad har a gótra, one pattika; to plentiful libations of water,-with the udranga Dhara, one pattiká; to Nandi, one pattiká; and the uparikara, and free from all the ditya" to Kumâra, one pattiká; to Rama, one and the liability to forced labour" and the pattiká; of B & bra, half a pattiká; to Gaņa, prátibhédiká, and to be enjoyed) by the rule of half a pattikd ; to Korttuva, half a pattika ; bhúmi-chchhidra's, and not to be entered (forto (?) Bh â yivatta, half a pattika; to the purpose of billeting) by the irregular or the Narmå, half a pattikd; to Rama sarma, regular troops", -to the general body of half a pattiká.-To Dharmadhara, of the officiating priests and religious students of the Harita gôtra, two and a half pattikas.-To village of) Ja i būs ara, who belong to the Bhatti, of the Vaishnava gôtra, one Vå jasaneya (sect) and the Kâņva (school pattiká.--To Dhara, of the Gautama of the Vêda). (The shares are) :-Of Aditya- gótra, half a pattiká; to Ammadhara, half ravi, of the Bharad vaja gôtra, two pat- a pattika; to Sela, half a pattiká.-To Dâ ma, tikás"; to Indra sû ra, one pattik& ; to Távi- of the sandila gôtra, half a pattika.-Of s û ra, two and a half pattikás; of i śvara, half | Karka, of the Lakshmana gôtra, one pata pattiká; to D à ma, one pattiká; to Drôņa, tiká.-To G ô på ditya, of the Vatsa gôtra, half a pattiká; to (?) Attasvâmi, half a pat- one pattikd; to Visakha, half a pattika; to tikd ; to Maila, half a pattikd; to Shashthi- | $ û ra, half a pattika; to Bhå yis vámi, half dê va, half a pattika; to Sôma, half a pattiká; to a pattiká; Yakshasar ma, half a pattika ; Råmasar ma, half a pattiká; to Bhây ya, half to Tå viédra, one pattiká; to Karka, half a pattiká ; to Droņa dhara, half a pattika.- a pattiká; to Tâ visar ma, half a pattika; to To Âvuka, of the Dhû mråya na gôtra, two Sarma, half a pattiká; to Kumara, half a and a half pattikás; to Sara, half a pattika. - pattika ; to Matriśvara, half a pattiká; to To Bhatti, of the Daundaki ya gôtra, one Båtala, half a pattiká. . pattikd ; to Samudra, two and a half pattikás ; This, Our gift,-(which is given to all of these to Drôņa, three pattikás; to Tâ visarma, for the purpose of maintaining the Bali and the two pattikás; to Bhatti, half a pattikd ; to Charu and the Vaišvadeva and the Agnihotra
31 The precise meaning of Mahattara and Adhikarika, as classes of officials, is not very well settled as yet.
" Sandhiyara-puruvina, 1.9. But the morning is very doubtful. Perhaps it should be, which was the ancestral property of the Sandhiyaras." Prof. Dowson reads wrongly Sandhiyanprivyina, and does not suggest any explanation, except that some name or descriptive title of the village granted must be intended.
13 Prof. D.wson derives ditya from da, da, 'cut, split', and pratibhédiká from prati + bhid, break, tear', and suggests 'cutting and hewing (of wood) as the translation.
1. Vishti is the Sanskrit equivalent of the Canarese bitti, compulsory and unrequited labour. We have had it also in l. 49 of the Lakshmeswar tablet, at p. 101 above. ,
* No satisfactory explanation of this term has been
** A-chdta-bhata-prdvesyaḥ. The explanations of this term are various. Prof. Dowson adopts as the translation "into which the entrance of cheats and outcasta is interdicted"; and he quotes, as translations by others,-1, "there sball be no passage for troops", Sir Charles Wilkins; 2,"the
village is not to be entered into by the troope and followers of the king'', BAI Gangadhar Sastri; and 3,"exempt from the ingress of fortane-tellers and soldiers", Prof. Fitx Ed. ward Hall. I follow the translation given by Dr. Bühler at Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., p. 71. It is borne out by the erpression samasta-rdjakiyanam-a-pravébyam, not to be entered by any of the king's people', in the 110 and Umet4 grants of Dadda II.
37 Except in one instancu in l. 16, where it is written patlika, this word is always written in the present inscription with the dental t-pattika. On the other hand, in the cancelled inscription at the back of these plates, No. XLVII. below, it is invariably written patrika. There is no doubt that pattika is the oorrect form : though, at the same time, pattikd may be an authorized variation of it. Prof. Dowson translates it by 'share', and suggests that it may be connected with the pace of the joint-tenancy villages in the North-West Provinces. I prefer rendering it by 'strip of land.' Conf. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., p. 29, note 1 ; and Jour. Bo. Br. R. An. Soc., Vol. XII, p. 895, note 18.
See note 17 above.
suggested.

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and other rites, and which is to continue as long as the moon and sun and ocean and earth may last and is to be enjoyed by sons and sons' sons in succession, should be assented to and preserved by future governors", whether of my lineage or others, who are desirous of the general reward of bestowing a grant of
land, having taken into consideration that worldly existence is as (frail as) the pith of a reed or a bamboo or the stem of a plantain-tree, and that pleasures are as transient as the waves of the ocean, and that fortune is as unsteady as the leaves of the sacred fig-tree when struck by a strong wind, and that youth fades away like the flowers of a sirisha-tree in bloom. He shall incur the guilt of the five great sins, who, having his mind obscured by the thick dark
ness of ignorance, may confiscate (this grant)
or assent to its confiscation! And it has been
said by the holy Vyas a, the arranger of the Védas; The giver of land dwells for sixty thousand years in heaven; but the confiscator (of a grant), and he who assents (to such confiscation), shall dwell for the same time in hell! They, who confiscate a grant of land, are born
as black snakes, dwelling in the dried-up hollows of trees in the forests of the Vind hy a mountains, destitute of water! Land has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he, who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the benefits of it! O Yudhishthira, best of kings!, carefully preserve land that has been previously given to the twiceborn; the preservation (of a grant) is better than making a grant! Those gifts of land, productive of religion and wealth and fame, which have been made by kings in former times, are like the unused remnant of garlands (offered to an idol); what good man would take them back again ?
(This charter) has been conveyed as a message by Nannavåsa paka, and written31 by Khuddasvâ mi, the High Minister for peace and war, on the day of the full-moon of (the month) Vaisakha, in the year three hundred and ninety-four. The year 394; the
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
19 Lit., 'lords of possession',-bhoga pati.
30 Dútakan. Conf. the statement Dataks 5 tra mahasamdhivigrahika-sri-Chamḍaśarmmá, Pl. II, 1. 11, of the second of the Chaulukya grants published by Dr. Bühler at Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., p. 180; the third, and the fifth to the eleventh, of the same set of grants, have each a similar statement. Conf., also, sit-Kandakanaka-datakans, in 1. 24 of the Kivi grant of the Gurjara king Jayabhata, the father of Dadda II., published by Dr. Bühler at Ind. Ant.,
251
fifteenth (day) of the bright fortnight of Vaisâk ha. Engraved by the Kshatriya Mâtrisimha.
No. XLVII.
It remains to add of the Kaira grant of Vijayaraja that it is in a way a palimpsest. The backs of the plates contain a cancelled inscription, which was evidently intentionally hammered down after heating the plates. This cancelled inscription commences on the second plate; there are twenty-three lines of writing on the back of that plate, and sixteen on the back of the first plate. It is, of course, very indistinct and difficult to read, and no facsimile can be made of it; but careful cleaning of the plates has made a good deal of it legible, with the
help of the inscription in favour of which it was
cancelled. The characters in which it is en
graved differ from those of the extant inscription in only three points;-1, The vowels é and ai are marked by strokes above the line;-2, and 3, The letter va is more of a triangular The letter na is invariably formed with a loop ;shape. In these three peculiarities, which happen to be illustrated by one of the passages containing the date of which a facsimile is annexed, they agree with the characters of the two grants of the Gûrjara king Dad da II., which were found at the same place and time, and also with those of the Umêtâ grant.
I have transcribed as much of this cancelled
inscription as is legible, and can be supplied, without any doubt. It commences :[] Svasti Vijaya-[vi]kshépán=Na(?ná)".
ya(?pdpul?dhu)ra(?ka)-vásakán Mánavya-sagótrá [nam] Hári[ti]-putranam Svdmi-Maháséna-pá[ddnudhya][2]tanám Kalu(?li)kydnám anvayê vyapagata-sajala-jaladhara-paṭala-gagana-tala-gatabibirakara-kirana-kuvala-yatara-ya[sáḥ] Śri-Jayasimha-rajah [*] Tasya [su]taḥ prabala-riputimi[ra]-vi palta(?)la-bhidurah satatam-udayaetho naktan-divam-apy-akhandita[4]pratá[pa]-83
-divdkaró vallabha-ranavikrántaŚrt-Buddha[va]rm[m]a-rajah [||] Tasya [su]taḥ.
In the remainder of this line, the whole of 11. 5 and 6, and the greater part of 1. 7, only a
Vol. V., p. 109. The Dataka, messenger', must be the official to whom the charter was entrusted to be conveyed from the court, where it was issued, to the local authorities concerned.
1 sc., caused to be written, by an engraver employed in his office.'
33 One letter, or perhaps two, is quite illegible here. 33 Four or five letters are quite illegible here.

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252
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
few detached letters are legible with any certainty. The only entire words I can make out are [ásvá]dita-yasáḥ, parajaya, and nya-lakshana-para; and I cannot complete the passage, since the remaining scattered letters show that it differed substantially from the corresponding passage of the extant inscription. The name. of the son of Buddhavarmâ is at the end of 1. 7, in the words[pá]d-dvanatah Sri-Visjayavarmma-rajaḥ]. It vishaya-[pa ?]
continues-[8]sarvván=e[va]
ti(?)-3.
vas-samviditam=astu (?) ya[tha] Kabákúla-vishay-d][9]ntarggataḥ Sachdhiyara-púrovina-[Pari ?]ya[ya ?][]sha grá[mah] [matá-pitror=d]tmanas-cha punya-yabó-bhi[vi] ddhayé Jambúsara-5
The first six or seven letters of 1. 10 are not legible with any certainty; but then come the words [Bharadvaja-sagôtrasya Adityaravéh
which show that the specification of the grantees and their shares commences here. Several of the names and shares are distinguishable; thus,1. 10, again, Indrasúrasya Táviturasya div-arddha-pa[11]ṭṭika;-1. 11, again, Isvarasy-arddha-pattiká
tiká.
nya-sagorasyo[dio-arddha-pa
Dronasya pattika;-1. 12, Se(?sé)lasya arddha-paṭṭiká Sómasy-arddha-paṭṭiká Kasyapáyana-sagotrasya(?). .-kasya div-arddhapaṭṭika;-1. 13, . .-sagótrasya Dharmmadharasya di[v-arddha]-pattika Vaishnavasagotrasya Bhattéh paṭṭiká Daundaki[14]ya-sagstrasya Bhattéh paṭṭiká Samudrasya div-arddhapattika Drónasya pattiká-tra[yam];-11. 15 to 22, the words arddha-pattika, pattiká, and div-arddhapattiká are of frequent occurrence, but no names can be read with certainty;-1. 23, Mátriévarasya arddha-paṭṭiká Shashṭhi-[déva]sy-drddha-pa[ṭṭiká];-1. 24, Dámasya paṭṭikd. In 1. 26 commences the sentence Etébhyaḥ sarvvébhyah balicharu-vaiévadév-d[27]gnihotra-kriy-ôtsarppan-arttham Vaisakha-[pú]-rnnamdayám-udak-átisarggéna pratipádito yam-asmad-vamsyair-anyair-vvá.
And so on, in much the same words as in the extant inscription, down to pañchabhir= mmahá-pátakaiḥ samyuktaḥ sydt, in 1. 32. Then,-prefaced by the words Uktan-cha bhagavatá véda-vyásêna Vyáséna,-come the same five verses as in the extant inscription;
3 About eighteen letters here are not legible with any certainty. The words would seem to differ from those in the extant inscription.
[OCTOBER, 1878.
1. 32, Shashṭhim varsha-sahasrani, &c.; 1. 33, Vindhy-átavishv-atôyásu, &c.; 1. 34, Bahubhir= vvasudha bhuktá, &c.; 1. 35, Púrvva-dattá dvi-játibhyo, &c.; and 1. 36, Yan-iha dattáni pura, &c. At the end of this verse, in 1. 37, it continues:
Samvatsara-bata-trayé [38] chatur-nnavaty-adhiké Vaisakha-parnnamdsydm Nannavá(?cha)sápakadútakam likhitam mahd-samdhi-vigrah-ádhikrité [39]na Hari(?)datt[e]na || Samvatsara 394 Vaisakha-bu 15 [||]
It is thus seen that, with some slight variety of construction, this cancelled grant of Vijayavarmâ is substantially the same as the extant grant of Vijayaraj a on the insides of the plates.
Like the Umêtâ and Ilâô grants of Dadda II., it is issued vijaya-vikshép át,-not vijayaskándhávárát, as in the extant grant. As Dr. Bühler has pointed out, at p. 62 above, note 8, vikshépa, in such a passage as this, must have much the same meaning as skandháváru, 'camp', though there is no lexicographical authority for it. The name of the vikshépa is unfortunately in part quite illegible. But the first syllable is undoubtedly na or na. Now, the two Kaira grants of Dadd a II. are issued Nandipuritaḥ, 'from Nandipuri, which place Dr. Bühler, at p. 62 above, has identified with a fort of the same name just outside the Jhadêśwar gate of the city of Broach. It is just possible that this cancelled grant commenced,-whether intentionally, or by a mistake of the composer of the inscription in following too servilely a model that he had before him,-as if it was issued from the same place, and that the text ran -Nandipuri-vásakún=, &c.
In the name of the dynasty, in 1. 2, the first syllable is undoubtedly ká; the second may be either lu or li. This may be a mistake of the composer or of the engraver of the inscription, or it may be an early varying form of the
name.
The names of the first two kings are just the same as in the extant grant,-Jay a simha, and Buddha varmâ. The son of Buddhavar mâ is called 'Vijayaraja' in the extant grant; but his name is here given as 'Vijayavarma.' With this we may compare 'Kirttirâja' as a varying form, in one of the Nerûr
35 Four or five letters here, at the end of the line, are illegible.
30 See note 27 above.

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THE KUDÅ INSCRIPTIONS.
253
plates which remains to be published by me, of loop, is used in composing it, as is used in the the name of the southern Chalu kya king body of the inscription. who is elsewhere always called 'Kirttivar. It is difficult to say why this grant was canmA' I. And in my Kadamba grants at Ind. celled. But the characters, besides having Ant., Vol. VI., p. 22, and at p. 33 above, other slight differences of type, as noted above, are instances will be found in which the termina- not nearly so neat as those of the extant grant; tion varman, in the names of kings, sometimes they are rather sprawling, and they have wider is used and sometimes is omitted.
intervals between them than is usually the The date of this cancelled grant is precisely case. And, though it was conveyed by the the same as that of the extant grant,--the same Dútaka or messenger, Nanna va s - (Saks) year 394, and the day of the full-moon, pa ka, it was prepared in the office of a difor the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight, offerent minister; for, in the last line, the first the month Vaisakha. And, in the same syllable of his name is undoubtedly ha, the way, it is given in both words and figures. The penultimate consonant is tt, and the last syllable accompanying facsimile of the passage contain- is na, and, though the second and third syllables ing the figures has been made from & careful are rather indistinct, the name seems to be hand-drawing, directed by myself. The broken "Haridatta. At any rate, it certainly is appearance of some of the letters and symbols not Khaddas v âmi', as in the extant is due to the way in which the inscription was grant. And the name of the engraver is not hammered down, and, though the last few given at the end. And, finally, the names of lines are comparatively well preserved, this the sharers seem to be not so full as in the specimen will serve to give an idea of the frag- extant grant. Bearing in mind how repeatedly mentary nature of the characters of this can- the word paffiká occurs, any one acquainted celled grant, as they now stand. With the with the capabilities of the average Hindu exception of the symbol for 90, which has a copyist will understand at once how often he projecting stroke on the right side as well as would lose his place, and become confused, in the left.-these symbols agree with those which copying such a document. It, therefore, I may are given in Pandit BhagwânlAl Indraji's paper hazard a conjecture, it is that the grant, when at Ind. Ant, Vol. VI., p. 42. Here, again, the first engraved, was too full of errors to admit of symbol for 5, the letter nå, illustrates what was correction as it stood, and accordingly it was evidently an invariable rule in the use of alpha- cancelled, and a fresh copy was prepared, in a betical characters to form numerical symbols, different office, and by a different engraver of miz., precisely the same form of na, with the more skill in writing and fidelity in copying.
THE KUDA INSCRIPTIONS.
BY PROFESSOR H. JACOBI. The Kadi inscriptions have already been edited. There is no clue to the date of these inby the Rev. Dr. J. Stevenson-Jour. Bo. Br. R. scriptions except the general resemblance of As. Soc. vol. V. pp. 169-174. But as his transla. their letters and of their style to those of the tions are not trustworthy, and sometimes rather Kanhêrî, Karlón, Junnar, and Nâsik inscripfanciful,- with the assistance of Dr. G. Bühler I tions which belong to the times of the Andhrahave made the subjoined transcripts and trans- | bhrityas. lations according to Mr. Burgess's facsimiles.
Inscription No. 1 in Cave I. Mahabhojiya Sadageriya Vijayâ putasa Mahâbhojasa Mandavasa Khandapálitasalekhaka Sulasadatapatasa Utaradatâ putasa cha Sivabhūtisa saha bhayaya Naidâya deyadhama (lenani).
Sanskrit of No. 1. MahabhojyAh SAdagairyà vijayâyah putrasya MahAbhojasya Mandavyasya Skandapálitasya
lekhaka (sya) Sulasadattapatrasya Uttaradattåputrasya cha Sivabhūteh saha bharyaya Nandaya deyadharmo
[layanam || ]

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254
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Translation of No. 1.
This cave is the benefaction of Sivabhuti [Sivabhuti], son of Sulasadata [Sulasadatta], and of Utara data [Uttaradatta] the writer of Mahâbhoja Mandava [Mandavya] Khanda på lit a [Skandapâlita], son of Mahâbhoji Sadageri Vijaya [Satagairt Vijaya] together with his wife Nanda [Nanda].
[OCTOBER, 1878.
terest, as (according to Dhanapala's Paiyalachchht) Sulas & and (according to Hemachandra's Desikosa) Sula sa manjari are names of Vishnu's sacred basil-tree, the tuls. The proper name Sulasadatta means therefore 'given by Tulsi', and corresponds with the modern Tulsidas,
and seems to indicate that the worship of the plant dates from early times.
Inscription No. 2 in Cave V.
Siddham therana bhadata Pâtamitâna bhadata
Remarks on No. 1.
1. The correctness of the way in which the two parts of this inscription have been connected is
Agimitana cha bhagineyiya pâvaritikkya Nâginikaya duhatuya pâva
Khandapálita and Sivabhuti.
proved by the statements made in No. 3 regarding yitikaya Paduma nikaya deyadhamam lena poḍi saha atavâsiniya Bodhiya saha âtivâsiniya Asalhamitâya. Sanskrit of No. 2. Siddham sthavirânâm bhadanta-Pâtramitrânâm
2. Mahâbhoja and Mahâbhoji are evidently titles, as the words immediately following them have to be taken for family names. Bhojaka commonly occurs in the inscriptions with the meaning of a priest in charge of a temple.' Another meaning, great prince', is given to Mahâbhoja in the Bhagavata Purana (see the Petersburg Dictionary, 8. v.). Bhoja, too, is used as a royal title in the Aitareya Brahmana VIII. 12. Mahâbhoja occurs also in the Bedsâ inscription No. 2, Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. VIII. p. 222. As the persons bearing this title seem to have occupied a high position, the second meaning is the more appropriate one, and we may assume that Vijay & was the wife, if not of a sovereign king, at least of a Sâmanta, and that Khandapâlita ruled over some district or province. This explanation is also confirmed by the construction of inscription No. 8.
3. Saḍageriya would be in Sanskrit Sáțagairydh or Satagairydh, i.e. belonging to the family or to the country of Satagiri or Satagiri. Sata and Sata are mentioned as proper names by Panini, IV. 3, 52. Dr. Stevenson's conjecture, according to which S&dagiri would correspond to Salsette, does not appear tenable, as the ancient name of Salsette is Shatshashti, containing sixtysix villages.'
4. Mandavasa probably corresponds with the Sanskrit Mandavyasya: compare also below, No. 3. The Mandavy as are enumerated (Brihatsamhitd XV. 2) among the nations of Central India, together with the Medas or Mers, who probably then, as at present, resided in southern Rajputânâ -Medapata or Mewåd. Mandaviya occurs also in the Beḍsâ inscription No. 2.
5. The name Sulasadatta is of some in
bhadanta
Agnimitrânâ m cha bhagineyyâh pravrajitikâyâ Naginikây duhituh pravrajitikâyâh Padminikâyâ deyadharmo layanam podi cha saha antevâsinyâ Bodhyâ saha antevâsinya Ashâḍhamitraya [1] Translation of No. 2.
Hail! This cave and tank are the benefaction of the female ascetic Paduminiká (Padminika), daughter of the female ascetic Naganika (Nâginikâ), the sister's daughter of the Theras Bhadata Pâtamita (Bhadanta Pâtramitra) and Bhadata Agimita (Bhadanta Agnimitra), together with her disciple Bodhi, and her disciple A salhamitâ (Ashâḍhamitra).
Remarks on No. 2.
1. Siddham has been misunderstood first by Dr. Stevenson, and later by Dr. Bhâu Dâji and Professor Bhandarkar, who all translate it by "to the Perfect One." If this meaning were intended it would be either siddhasa or siddháya. Siddham is really the neuter nominative singular of siddha, and, like siddhi, a synonym of svasti.
2. The plurals Pâtamitana(m) and Agimitana(m) are plur. majestatis: compare below in inscription No. 9; see also Stevenson, Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc. vol. V. p. 173.
3. For the name Naganikâ compare 'Devi Nayanika' over one of the figures of the Nânâghât
cave.
Mahabhojiya Mahabhojasa
Inscription No. 3 in Cave VI. Sâḍageriya Mandavasa
Vijayaya Khandapalitasa
Sulasadatasa Utaradatâ ya cha putânam bhâtûnam ka Sivabhatimhâ kanethasa
Siva[sa]m as a
dheyadhammam
putasa upajivînam lekhalena

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THE KUDÅ INSCRIPTIONS.
255
saha bhayya Vijay kya putânamcha saSulasa datasa Siva pâlitasa Sivadatasa Sa pilasa cha selarûpakamam duhutunam Sasa pa ya Sivapalita ya Sivada tâya Sulasadatâ ya cha thambha.
Sanskrit of No. 3. Mahâbhojyaḥ
Så dagairya Vijayâyah
putrasya Ma ha bhojas ya Måndavyasya Skanda pålitasya upajivinam Sulas adattasya Uttaradatta yâscha patrâņam bhratriņam lekha kach Śivab hûteh kanishthasya Sivasar maño deyadharmo layanam saha bharyaya Vijayaya (1) putraņâm cha sa Sulssadattasya Sivapålitasya Sivadattasya Sarpilasya cha sailarûpakarma duhitriņai Sasyap ayah Śiva pálitâ yah Śivadattâyâh Salasadattayas cha sthambah 11
Translation of No. 3.
Inscription No. 4 in Cave VII. This cave is the benefaction of Siva(a)ma Mâmakavejiyasa vejasa. Isirakhitupisaka(Śivašarman), after the writer Sivabhati sa putasa vejasa som
sa putasa vējasa Somadevasa deyadhamma lenam (Sivabhūti), youngest amongst his brothers the
putasa cha sanagasa Isirakhitasa Sivaghosons of Sulasadat& (Sulasadatta) and Ut &
sasa cha radat& (Uttaradatta), servants of Maha
duhntaya cha sao Isipálitâya pasaya dhambhoja Mandava (Mandavya) Khanda
máya sapaya cha. palita (Skandapálita), son of Mahabhoji
Sanskrit of No. 4. Sada geri Vijaya (Satugairi Vijaya), to- Måmakavaidyikasya vaidyasya Rishirakshitogether with his wife Vijaya; and the decora
påsakation of the rock (is the benefaction of their sya patrasya vaidynaya Somadovasya deya. Bons (whose father is alive) Sulasa data (Sula
dharmo layanam sadatta), Sivapalita (Sivapalita), Siva data patrasya cha sandthasya Rishirakshitasya si(Sivadatta), and Sapila (Sarpila); and the
vaghoshasya cha pillars are the benefaction of their daughters duhituácha sa Rishipálitâya 1 Badhấya dharmaSasap & (Sasyapâ or Sasapá), Siva pålit &
ya sanghảya chat (Sivapalita) Sivadat & (Sivadatta) and Su
Translation of No. 4. lasadat & (Sulasadatta).
This cave is the benefaction of the physician Remarks on No. 3.
(vaid) Somade va, son of the Bauddha devotee
Isirakhita (Rishirakshita) Mâ ma ka ve. 1. The change of Sivamasa to Sivasamasa is
jiya (Mâmakavaidyika), a physician, and of his supported by Januar inscription No. 7, Ind. Ant.
sons (whose father is alive) Isira khita (Ri. vol. VI. p. 40, and by the fact that Sivamz gives
shirakshita) and Sivaghosa (Sivaghosha), and no sense. 2. The sa in the phrase putanaṁ cha sa Sulasa
of his daughter (whose father is alive) Isidatasa is probably an abbreviation for sandtha,
pålitâ (Rishipalita), for Buddha, the Law, which we find in No. 4: putasa cha sandthasa
and the Fraternity. Isirakhitasa. Professor Bhandårkar (Nåsik In
Remarks on No. 4. scriptions, No. 24, Transactions Or. Cong. 1874, p.
1 1. Memakavejiyasa apparently corresponds to 347) thinks that either chasa may be traced to a Sanskrit Mamakavaidyikasya, and may mean Sasya, or if read as pasa to van, and translates it belonging to the country or town of M&makeby 'worthy. In his inscription, as well as in all / vaidya', though such a name is not known from the Kuda inscriptions where it occurs, the chaother sources. must necessarily be taken in the sense of and.' 2. Sandthasa looks like sandgasa, but that Sanátha if applied to females means one whose reading would give no senso. natural protector, i.e. husband, is alive: if 3. Puadya and Sapdya do not readily give any applied to malos it probably donotes that the good sense; one is tempted to read Buddhaya father was alive, though I am unable to produce 1 dharmdya samghdya cha. any authority for the latter interpretation. The Inscriptions No. 5 and No. 6 cannot be transulterior meaning of the term is probably lated with any confidence-the stone is much *worthy', as conjootured by Professor Bhandarkar. 'abraded.

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256
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1878.
Inscription No. 7 in Cave XIV.
semble those used in Asoka's edicts, and differ Karaha'dakaa lôhavaņiyiyasa Mapikasa mahi- considerably from the rest.
kasa]deyadhammam lena. 2. Mapika gives no sense; it must be changed In Sanskrit.
into Mahika. Dr. Stevenson reads Mohika-Jour. Karahadakasys lohavanijo mahikasya deys
Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. V. p. 171.
3. Lohavaniyiyasa would be in Sanskrit either dharmo layanam ||
lohavarniyikasya or lohavanijiyasya. I prefer the Translation of No. 7.
latter etymology, because the former gives no This cave is the benefaction of Mabika, en sense. ironmonger of Karahi da.
4. Dr. Stevenson has already recognized in Remarks on No. 7.
Karahadakasa the name of Karhd, a town on 1. It ought to be noted that the first six as the Kộishna, nearly in a direct line south from well as the ninth letters of this inscription re- 'Satara.'
Inscription No. 8 in Cave XV. Mahabhojem Mádate mandavé] Kohipate Malidate Apilase patasa sadhagachhakasa Ramadata
sa deya dhema[dhauma]cha bhichhaghara [bhichhughar] nyaraka cha bhayáva sao Vélidatáva deya
dhammam uyaraka.
Sanskrit of No. 8. Mahâbhojê Mândavye Kohipatré Mallidattē apilasya patrasya énddha gotrasya Râmadattasya
deya. dhamascha bhikshugriham uyarakaścha bharyâyah sao Velidattåyå deyadharma uyarakah Translation of No. 8.
lohitahi Ve hayahi. sacha While Måndava (Mandarya) Mali
ativasiniya
Bodhiya. data (Mallidatta) son of Kehi(rules as) Mahabboja, a dwelling for the ascetics and an
Sanskrit of No. 9. Uyaraka [has been dedicated as a charitable
Siddham sthavirkņam bhadantagift by Ramadata (Ramadatta) of pare
Vijayânâm
a ntevåsingah family, son of Apila, and an Uyaraka has been pravrajitikâyâh
Sarpilâyå given) as a charitable gift by his wife Veli. deyadharmo layanan saha sadat& (Velidatta), whose husband is alive.
lobitâbhiḥ Vishņu-kabhih sa[ha]cha Remarke on No. 8.
antevâsinya
Bodh y all 1. Uyaraka apparently corresponds with the
Translation of No. 9. Avaraka of Nasik No. 24, Transactions Or. Congr.
Hail! This cave is the benefaction of the 1874, p. 347, which Professor Bhandarkar renders female ascetic Sarpila (Sarpil), disciple of by'apartment'. Childers' Pali Dict. gives ovaraka the Thera Bhayata Vijaya (Bhadanta with the meaning of inner or store room', and Vijaya), together with her venerable kingwoman this explanation fits here also very well.
Veņhu ya (Vishnu), and her disciple Bodhi. 2. Mallidatta looks & Jaina name, as Malli is &
Remarks on No. 9. name of one of the Tirtharkaras. 3. For the forms bhayava and Velidatáva com
1. Salohitd is a not unusual PAli word, equivaPare Purisadatdva, Nasik 24. I think va is merely
lent to the Sanskrit Salohitd. The plural salohi. a substitute for ya, just as in Tavatinsa for
tahi Venhuydhi may be explained as plur. majestrayastrinda duudha dyudha, &c.--compare Kuhn,
tatis. Vishnd probably was a paternal or maternal Beitrage Paligram. p. 42-and forms like alddha
aunt, and as such entitled to particular respect. yevu for arddhayeyuh in the Asoka inscriptions. No. 10 on a Well south of Cave XVIII.
Inscription No. 9 in Cave XVII. Mâlâ kârasa Mugapa ... [de]' Siddha therâna' bhayata
yadhamathaVija yaņ& ativasiniya
Sanskrit. pava-itikaya Sa pilâ y a
MAlåkåraya Muga (pálitasya de] deyadhammam lêņam saha så
yadharmah stambhah [11]
In the first line of the inscription four aksharas have been lost, the last of which must have been de. As the
half-defaced letter before the lacuna seems to be pd, the whole name was most probably Mugu palita.

Page #309

DATE OF THE CANCELLED COPPER-PLATE GRANT
OF THE CHALUKYA KING VIJAYAVARMA.
43 40-42ลา? ป 2 รา
1.SEAL OF THE COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA I. DATED SAKA 532.
2. SEAL OF THE COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF KANHARADÉVA. DATED ŚAKA 1171.

Page #310

1. SEAL OF THE COPPER-PLATE GRANT
OF RAJARÁJA. DATED SAKA 944
235 X
2. SEAL OF THE COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF
KULOTTUNGA-CHÔDADEVA 11. DATED SAKA 1056.
dolávað
5. SEAL OF THE HARIHARA GRANT OF VINAYADITYA, OF S. 616.

Page #311

OCTOBER, 1878.]
THE INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADAMAN AT JUNAGADH.
257
Translation.
Translation. This pillar is the benefaction of the gardener
This cave is the benefaction of Naga, leader Mugu pålita.
of a caravan.
Inscription No. 12 in Cave XIX. Inscription No. 11 on back wall of the Verandah Sethiņo Vasu paņa ka of Cave XVIII.
sa deya dhammam lêņa. .......ņo sathavahasa Nagasa lenam
Sanskrit of No. 12. deyadhammam. Sreshthino Vas up a na ka-sya deyadharmo Sanskrit of No. 11.
layanam 11
Translation of No. 12. ...... no sârthavahasya Nagasy a This cave is the benefaction of the merchant
layanam deyadharmaḥ | Vasupaņaka.
THE INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADÂMAN AT JUNAGADH.
BY BHAGAVÅNLÅL INDRAJI PANDIT AND Dr. G. BÜHLER. From the following inscription it appears that come from the surrounding hills, carry abundant an artificial lake, called Sudarsana, was sit- water into it. The valley looks as if were uated at the foot of the Girnar. It had first been destined by nature to be made a taldo. All dug by the brother-in-law of the Maurya king that is required to convert it into an enorChandragupta, a Vaiśya called Pushya- mous reservoir is to close up its mouth on the gupta, and had been adorned with outlets by west by an embankment. In favour of the idenTush â spa, the Yavana governor of Asoka. | tification of this valley speak the resemblance of In the seventy-second year of Rudra då man's the modern name of one of the rivers, Sonâ rereign, on the first day of the dark half of Mârga- kha, to the Suvarnasika tå of our inscripsirsha, a heavy storm, attended by a copious rain- tion, and the fact that the foundations of an fall, happened, quite out of season, and so much ancient wall or embankment are still extant on increased the force of the current of the rivers the side of the hills in the narrow opening of which flowed through the lake that it destroyed the valley, a little above the so-called Då moa great portion of the embankment which dar Kunda, and opposite the sanctuary of enclosed the latter. The water of the lake ran the Musalman fakir Jar â sâ. These founoff, and its loss no doubt caused great incon- dations I believe to be a remnant of the old venience to the inhabitants of Junagadh. A embankment. little later the dyke was repaired by the Pah- The inscription states that the dyko was lava Suvisakha, who, as Rudra då man's destroyed in the seventy-second year of RuCovernor of Sorath and Anarts. resided | drad Aman. But it seems altogether improat Junagadh
bable that Rudrad â man should have reignNo tradition even of the former existence of ed for so long a time, and it is still less probable the Sudarśana lake survives in Junagadh. But that he should have had a still longer reign, as it seems to me that it must have been situated the fact that the inscription was written after to the east of the Girnar hill, on the site which is the completion of the long and difficult work of now called 'Bhavanatha's pass' (bhavanáthnuir restoration would force us to assume. It seems nákun).
therefore necessary to assume, as has been done This narrow valley or ravine extends in length by the former translators of the inscription, that from east to west a little more than a mile, and the figure seventy-two refers not to the years of is about as broad. On three sides it is enclosed Rudradâman's reign, but to the era used on the by high hills, and on the fourth, towards the Kshatrapa coing. This explanation is confirmed west, a narrow passage leads from it to the by the fact that the coins of Rudra då man's town. Two small perennial rivers, one of which son, Rudrasinha, are dated between the is called Sonå rekha, flow through it; and in years 102 and 117 of the same era. The same the rainy season numerous other brooks, which circumstance indicates also that Rudradâman's
As the text calls Tushåspa te(na), 'that'--.e. 'the more than a mere official. Perhaps he was the Samanta or celebrated'-Yavanarkja, it is not improbable that he was feudal lord of Sorath.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
reign must have come to an end about the year 100. The reign of Rudradâman must have been a long one, and cannot be estimated at less than thirty years. He therefore probably mounted the throne about the year 70. If this was the case, the inscription cannot have been written immediately after the destruction of the lake in the year 72. An interval of at least eight or ten years must lie between the two events. For, on the one hand, it is said that the work was abandoned after the first beginning by the king's ministers, because it was found too difficult, and that later only Suvisâkha succeeded in completing it. On the other hand, the numerous exploits of king Rudra dâman which the inscription enumerates cannot have been performed in a few years. It is said that he conquered the Yaudheyas, who lived in the extreme north of his dominions; that he twice completely defeated Satakarni, who ruled over the Dekhan; and that he reinstated kings who had lost their thrones. Such a career requires at least ten years. I therefore conclude that the date of the incision of the inscriptions falls in the year 80 of the Kshatrapa era, or even a little later.
The name of Rudradâ man's father, which has been effaced in our inscription, was, according to Mr. Burgess's inscription from the Junagadh cave, Jayadâman. The visarga before putrasya is a remnant of the genitive jayadamnaḥ which doubtlessly preceded it.
The three inscriptions of the Kshatrapas which have been hitherto discovered all begin the dynasty with Chashtana. Not one of them gives the name of Chashṭana's father. The reason for this omission seems to be that Chashtana really was the first of the Kshatrapas, and that his father possessed no such title. The name of the father occurs on Chashtana's coins. But it is to be regretted that no really good specimens have been found, and that for this reason the name cannot be read with certainty. As far as I can make out, the legend on the coins is rájño mahakshatrapasaysamotikaputrasa, chashṭanasa, "(the coin) of the king, Ma hâkshatrapa Chashtana, son of Y sam otika." The latter name is very curious, and the initial combination ysa altogether without analogy.
[OCTOBER, 1878.
Perhaps it may have been intended to indicate that the yea is to be pronounced soft, as
και
Second Report of the Archaeol. Survey of Western India, pp. 140, 141.
Be this as it may, Chashtana certainly was the first of his family who bore the title Kshatrapa. Before him it had been borne, by another lord of western India, Na ha påṇa, who belonged to the family of Kshaharâta. This ruler, whose priority to Chashtana fol. lows from a comparison of the types of their coins, or his immediate successor, was destroyed by the Andhra king Gotamiputra, as we learn from the Nasik inscriptions. Shortly afterwards Chashtana must have obtained the dignity of Kshatrapa, and seems to have retaken some of Got a miputra's conquests from the latter's son Vasishthiputra. The word Kshatra pa has been identified by Mr. Prinsep with the Persian Satrap, and it has been conjectured that originally the wearers of this title were governors of some paramount king in the interior of India. It seems to me that the correctness of this conjecture, as far as Nahapana, Chashṭana, and Jayadâ man are concerned, is corroborated by the fact that the coins of the first two show, besides the Nagari (or Pali) characters, Bactrian Pali legends also. The occurrence of the latter unmistakably points to a connection with the north, where this alphabet was in general use. Besides, the epithet svayamadhigatamahákshatrapanamná, 'by him who himself has earned the title Mahâkshatrapa,' which is given to Rudradâman in our inscription, indicates that he had become free, and perhaps had freed himself, from subjection to a lord paramount.
It is not certain who the Satakarni was whom Rudradâman conquered. For Sâtakarni is not a name, but a title which probably belonged to all the kings of the Andhra dynasty. My conjecture regarding the question is that the person intended is either Madhariputra or Gotamiputra II., as the letters in the inscriptions and coins of these two kings belong to the same time as those of Rudrada man's inscription. Further details regarding the Andhra dynasty have been given in my papers in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. XII. pp. 303ff.
As regards the names of the countries
See also Archeol. Survey Report on Kathidvad and Kachh, pp. 181-188.-ED.

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OCTOBER, 1878.]
THE INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADÅMAN AT JUNAGADH.
259
mentioned in the inscription, I offer the follow- prises modern Sindh and a portion of the ing identifications:
Multan districts. The two names are very (a) Parva para Akara vanti I take commonly mentioned together, and the Jainas to be the names of the two ancient divisions of name Vita bha ya as its capital (PravachaMåla vå, and I construe purva, eastern,' with ncsáraddhdra, dodra 12). ákara and apara, western,' with Avanti. (h) Aparanta is, according to Varahamihira This identification may be supported by a (Brihatsanhita XIV. 14. 20), a western country, passage from the commentary in Vatsyâyana's and, according to the commentary of the VatsyaKámasútra (adhikaruna 3), where it is said that yana Kámasútra, the coast of the western ocean. western Mala v  (which the text mentions) It corresponds with the modern Konkaņa, the is Ujjayini, and eastern Malavá is M Alav å district extending from Gokarna, in the properly so called. The latter would corre- Karwar Collectorate, to the Daman Ganga, spond with the Bhilsâ district, the ancient capital the frontier river of Gujarât, or perhaps even of which was Vidiś â (now the deserted farther north to the Tapi. This identification town of Besnagar), on the Vetravati. That is supported by a passage of the ArjunatirthayaAvanti is another name for Mala v å is well
trd in the Adiparva of the Mahabharata where known.
it is asserted that Arjuna, after going to visit (b) Anúpa means literally a well-watered the sanctuary of Pasupati at Gokarna, country,' and nivsit 'country' in general. I take travelled to all the tirthas in A parânta, and, the two words as a compound, and the first part following the sea-coast, finally arrived in as a proper noun. I therefore translate the Prabhåsa (Somnath Pattan in Kathjâvåd).' Anûpa country.' But I am unable to identify Raghuvansa IV. 53, too, A parânta is deit.
scribed as the country between the Sahyadri (c) Anarta is known from the Maha. range (the western Ghats) and the ocean; and bharata and the Puranas. It corresponds to Mallin atha, in his commentary on the verse, northern Kachiavad. Its capital was Kuss- quotes the Visvakosha to the effect that sa rpåthali, the modern D vârka.
raka was the capital of Aparanta. This (d) Surashtra was the name of southern town is the modern Sopârâ, near Bassein Kåthiâvâd, which has been preserved in the (Vasai), in the Thâņå districts, as has been form Sorath as the designation of the Juna- shown by Mr. J. Burgess. gadh territory
In my opinion the Greek name of the western (e) Švabhra is either the country on the coast of India, Aptaký, Ariake, is a corruption of banks of the Sa bharmati, in Sanskrit A par antik A, which in Prakrit may have Švabhramati, in northern Gajarât, or the become A barátik & or Avara ika. old name of Sambhar (Sâmbar), in the Regarding the other countries mentioned I Ajmir territory.
am unable to say anything, nor am I able to () Mar u is, of course, a portion of modern decide where Rudradâman's capital was. On the MA rv &d; and Kachha the province north latter point I will, however, say thus much, that of Kathiảvad, still called so.
it was not in Kathiâvâd, as this province was (9) Sindh u-Sau vira probably com- | ruled by a governor. ['l 'falla agrå Tosti FTTETTET)------------(A) Propa
रायामोछ्यनिःसन्धिबद्धदृढसर्वपाळीकलात्पर्वतपा
• Ujjayin delabhavyasta evdpiramdlavyah ...... malavya itu purvamálavabhavan.
Professor Bhandarkar has shown that the capital of Anûpa was Mahishmati, and that it consequently corresponds with Nimad.
See Trans. Or. Cong. of 1874, p. 313.-G. B.
• Våtsy. adhik. 3: a parantika iti paschimasamudratire aparántadeśas tatrabhavaḥ.
...... Gokarnamabhito gatam | Adyam pasupate sthånam daránAdeva muktidam | yatra p&popi manujah prápnotyabhayam padam ||
Boparantesbu tirthäni punyAnykyatanAni cha Barványevinupůrvyena jagamasitávikramah samudre paschime yani tirthanyâyatanAni cha | ! tini sarvani gatva sa prabh&sam upajagmivan
Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 321 ; vol. IV. p. 232; conf. Second Archæol. Report, p. 131.-ED.
Variæ lectiones :L. 1, forft is distinct, though faint, on the stone. The reading is very improbable. Bhagavanlal's foota is doubtlessly the correct reading. But the stone has tp for toi.-G. B.

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960
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1878.
[१] दप्रतिस्पर्द्वि सुश्लिष्ट(बन्ध) -------------------- वजातेनाकृत्रिमेण
सेतुबन्धेनोपपन्नं सुष्प्रतिविहितप्प्रनाळीपरीवाहं [1] मीढविधान च त्रिस्क (न्धं)----
-----नादिभिरनुग्रहर्महत्युपचये वर्तते तदिदं राज्ञो महाक्षत्रपस्य सुगृही[*] तनाम्नः स्वामिचष्टनस्य पौत्र---
-----पुत्रस्य राज्ञो महाक्षत्रपस्य गुरुभिरभ्यस्तनाम्रो रुद्रदानो वर्षे द्विसप्ततितमे ७२ [] मार्गशीर्षबहुलप्रतिपदि] -----
------(सु) सृष्टवृष्टिना पर्जन्येन एकार्णवभूतायामिव पृथिव्यां कृतायां गिरेरूर्जयतः सुवर्णसिकता[७] पलाशिनीप्रभृतीनां नदीनां अतिमात्रोत्तैगैः सेतुम ---- --- [कार्यमाणानुरू
. पप्रतीकारमपि गिरिशिखरतरुतटाट्टालकोपतल्पद्वारशरणोछ्यविध्वंसिना युगनिधनसदृ[?] शपरमघोरवेगेन वायुना प्रमथितसलिलविक्षिप्तजर्जरीकृता(व)----- ----क्षिप्ताश्मवृक्षगु___ल्मलताप्रतानं आनदीत(लादि)त्युदाटितमासीत् चत्वारिहस्तशतानिवी (वि)शदुत्तराण्यायतेन एतावन्त्ये
व विस्तीर्णेन [9] पंचसप्ततिहस्तानवगाढेन भेदेन निस्सतसर्वतोयं मरुधन्वकल्पमतिभृशं दुर्दर्शनं] ----- (स्या)) मौर्यस्य राज्ञः चंद्रगु(तस्य) राष्ट्रियेण (वै)श्येन पुष्यगुप्तेन कारितं अशोकस्य मौर्यस्य
ते तत्!]यवनराजेन तुषास्पेनाधिष्ठाय [१] प्रनाळीभिरलंकृतं तत्कारितया च राजानुरूपकृतविधानया तस्मिन्] भेदे दृष्टया प्रणाळ्या विस्तृत) से(तु)-------नोआगर्भात्प्रभृत्त्यविहतसमु(दित)राजलक्ष्मी (धार)णागुणतस्सर्ववर्णैरभिगम्य
रक्षणार्थ पतित्वे वृतेन आप्राणोच्छ्रासात्पुरुषवनिवृत्तिकृत[1°] सत्यप्रतिज्ञेन अन्यत्र संग्रामेष्वभिमुखागतसदृशशत्रुपहरणवितरणत्वाविगुणरि --- (५)तकारुण्येन स्वयमभिगतजनपदप्रणिपत्ति विशे]षशरणदेन दस्युव्याळमृगरोगादिभिरनुपसृष्टापूर्व
नगरनिगम["] जनपदानां स्ववी जितानामनुरक्तस-प्रकृतीनां पूर्वापराकरावन्यनूपनीवदानर्तसुराष्ट्रश्व(भ्र)मरुकच्छ(सिन्धुसौवीरकुकुरापरांतनिषादादीनां समग्राणां तत्प्रभावाद्य ------- कामविषयाणां
विषयाणां पतिना सर्वक्षत्राविष्कृत[1] वीरशब्दजातोत्सेकाविधेयानां यौधेयानां प्रसह्योत्सादकेन दक्षिणापथपतेस्सातकर्णेपि नीर्व्याजमवजीत्यावजीस संबंधावदूर(त)या अनुत्सादनात्प्राप्तयशसा मा(द)-----(त)विजयेन भ्रष्टराजप्र
तिष्ठापकेन यथार्थहस्तो
L.2, the letters तम, visible in the photograph, have been left out by Bh. In for परिवाह is doubtful
G. B. ___L. 3, probably न. [Bhagavanlal.] Eggeling' त्रिस्कन्द is, I suppose, a misprint. The stone shows faintly Bh.'s reading.-G. B.
L. 4, भ्यस्तकानो for 'नाम्रो is caused by a fissure in the stone, which has come out too clearly in the photograph. The down-stroke in the figure FT which appears on the photograph is caused by an accidental fissure. The mason incised Z only.-G. B.
L.B, Bhagavinlal's प्रतिपदि] is by no means certain. I think that the reading of the stone is I-. The stone has clearly * (T) above the t, which is not clear in the photograph.-G. B.
L. 7. Bhagavanlal's kshiptasma. is certain from the stone, though only the right-hand portion of the first akshara has been preserved.-G. B. _L.8, the ai of vaisyena is clearly visible on the stone: But the lower part of the akshant has completely peeled off. I think Bh. is right in his conjectare.-G. B.
L.9, the akshara over 'रलंकृत is not clear on the stone. A letter has been lost after this word, perhape e. Bhagav&nlAl's restoration, samudita, is doubtful.-G. B. ___L. 10, the marks on the photograph after निगम are fissures or seratches, not letters.-G. B.
L. 11, only the ra of the syllable in śvabhra is quite clear. Ma in maru is certain even from the photographi-G. B.
L. 12, for नीा', जीत्य, read निर्व्या', जित्य. [Bhagavānlal.] The क in प्रतिष्ठापकेन and the ज in राज are doubtful; and su may be the correct readings.

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THE INSCRIPTION OF RUDRADÂMAN AT JUNAGADH.
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[१] छयार्जितोर्जितधर्मानरागेन शब्दार्थगान्धर्वन्यायाद्यानां विद्यानां महतीनां पारणधारणविज्ञानप्रयोगावाप्तविपुलकीर्तिना तुरगगजरथचोसिचर्मनियुद्धाद्या--------परबललाघवसौष्ठव
क्रियेण अहरहनमानान["] वमानशीलेन स्थूललक्षेण यथावत्प्राप्तैलिशुल्कभागैः कनकरजतवनवैदूर्यरत्नोपचयविष्यन्दमानकोशेन स्फुटलघुमधुराचित्रकान्तशब्दसमयो दारालंकृतगद्यपद्य--------न प्रमाणमानोन्मानस्वर
गतिवर्णसारसत्वादिभिः [""] परमलक्षणव्यंजनैरुपेतकान्तमूर्तिना स्वयमधिगतमहाक्षत्रपनामा नरेंद्रकन्यास्वयंवरानेकमाल्यप्राप्तदाना महाक्षत्रपेण रूद्रादाना वर्षसहस्राय गोब्राह्म--------थं धर्मकीर्तिवृद्धयर्थं च अपीड
यित्वा करविष्टि[१] प्रणयक्रियाभिः पौरजानपदं जनं स्वस्मात्कोशात्महता धनौघेन अनतिमहता च कालेन त्रिगुणदढतरविस्तारायाम सेतुं विधाय (सर्व)नग(र)---- -----सुदर्शनतरं कारितमिति
(त)स्मिन्नर्थे ["] महाक्षत्रपस्य मतिसचिवकर्मसचिनैरमात्यगुणसमुटुक्तैरप्यतिमहलादिस्यानुत्साहविमुखमतिभिः प्रत्या
ख्यातारंभ [10] पुन: सेतुबन्धनैराश्याद् हाहाभूतासु प्रजासु इहाधिष्ठाने पौरजानपदजनानुग्रहात्थं पार्थिवेन कृत्स्नाना
मानर्त्तसुराष्ट्राणां पालनार्थनियुक्तेन [१] पल्हवेन कुलैपपुत्रेणामात्येन सुविशाखेन यथावदर्यधर्म व्यवहारदर्शनैरनुरागमाभिवर्द्धयता शक्तेन दान्ते
नाचपलेनाविस्मितेनार्येणाहार्येण [°°] स्वधितिष्ठता धर्मकीर्तियशांसि भर्तुरभिवर्द्धयतानुष्ठितमिति Translation:
and grandson of Mahakshatrapa, king Svå mi To the Perfect One! This Sudarsana Chashtana, whose name is of auspicious imlaken . . . . . . . . . . possesses a well-joined | port, on the first day) of the dark half of the construction rivalling the spurs"of the mountain, | month of Margasirsha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . because it is entirely enclosed by a"embank- ..... When, in consequence of the rain which ment without holes, broad, long, and high, had fallen very copiously, the earth had become, (made of) mud and stones. . . . . . . . . . . . as it were, one ocean, by the excessive swelling . . . . . . . which is endowed with a naturally of the currents of the Palas in 1, of the suembankment, where outlets for the water have varnasik atâ, and of the other rivers which been made by means of conduits, the outline of | (come) from Mount frjayat, the embankwhich runs in carves like a stream of urine," ment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . in spite of and which is divided into three parts. . . . . . | suitable devices employed, an extremely furious . . . . . . . . . . . is through the benefactions | hurricane, similar to the storm (which rages) at such as . . . . in the most excellent condition. the Deluge, throwing down hill-tops, trees, This same (lake) . . . . (was destroyed) in the rocks, terraces, (pieces of the neighbouring seventy-second year of the great Kshatrapa, ground, gates, houses, and pillars of victory, king Rudra Daman, whose name is repeated violently stirred the water, which (in its turn) by great men, son of (Mahakshatrapa Jayadáman), displaced and broke . . . . . . . . . . . (thes
L. 18, read हस्तोच्छ्रया.
11 Add '(which is situated near) the foot of the Girina
gara hill.'-G. B. L. 15, the form of the da[] in अपीडयित्वा shows | that Bhagavanlal's reading of the sign in pranaibhih,
1 Parvatapůda are probably the spars at the bottom of &c. asl is correct.-G. B.
the hill, which in Gujaratt are called धार or पा.-Bh. L. 19, धर्म should be Wधर्म, as the stone and
WAdd 'solid' before 'embankment.'-G. B. photograph read.-G. B.
""Natural refers to the hills which surrounded it on 10 All translators have copied Dr. Stevenson's old mis
three sides : see below, Remark 1.-Bh. take. The meaning of siddhath is the same as that of svasti, 15 Matrarekha is a common expression in Gujarati for 'hail!!-G. B.
| 'crooked:'-Bh.

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this lake,) into which stones, trees, bushes, and tangled creepers had been thrown, was opened down to the bottom of the river. As all its water escaped through the rent (in the embankment) one hundred and twenty ells long, as many (ells) broad, and seventy-five ells deep, it resembled a desert and became exceedingly unsightly... ............. for the sake of ... the Vaisy a Pushya gupta, the brother-in-law of the Maurya king Chandragupta, had caused to be constructed. It had been adorned with conduits that Yavanaraja Tush & spa (the servant) of the Maurya (king) A sok a. With the conduit made by him, the construction of which was worthy of a king, and which was visible in that rent, an extensive embank. ment......
He whom men freely elected their lord for their protection on account of this quality, that from his birth he bore the indelible and greatest (marks of) Royal Fortune; he who took, and kept to the end of his life, the vow to stop kill. ing men except in battle; he who showed a compassionate disposition ....... to slay foes (of) equal (strength) that came to meet him, to surpass.... he who afforded special protection, on account of their submission, to people that came to him of their own free will; he (who is) the lord of eastern and western Akarâ vati, of Anûpadeśa, Anarta, Surâshtra, vabhra, Maru, Kachha, Sindhu, "Sa u vira, Kukura, Aparanta, Nish & da, and other territories, in which the people of new towns (even) and bâzârs are not attacked by thieves, snakes, (wild) beasts, diseases, and the like, which he has gained by his own valour, in which all people are loyal, (in which,) in consequence of his power .... ....... (are found all) objects of enjoy ment; be who annihilated the Yand heyas who had become arrogant and disobedient in consequence of their receiving from all Kshatriyas the title 'the heroes'; he who has obtained glory because he did not destroy Så ta karồi, the lord of the Dekhan, on account of his near relationship, though he twice really conquered him; he who has gained victorious .........; he who has restored
to their thrones deposed kings; he who by raising his hand not in vain (i.e. by giving religious gifts) has earned the affection of Dharma; he who has gained great fame by studying to the end, by remembering, understanding, and applying the great sciences such as grammar, polity, music, logic; (he who)........ the management of horses, elephants, and chariots, fighting with the sword and the shield, &c.; he who easily and fully conquers hostile armies; he whose nature it is to give daily presents to, to confer honours on, and not to slight (his servants); he who possesses large views; he whose treasury overflows with gold, silver, diamonds, lapislazuli, and quantities of (other) precious objects, which he has obtained in a righteous manner as presente, dues, and royal) sbares; (he whose) prose and metrical compositions are clear, (distinguished by) brevity, sweet, admirable, lovely, remarkable for grammatical correctness and embellished by (rhetorical) omaments... ......; he whose beautiful frame is endowed with the most excellent marks and signs, such as proper size (in height and breadth), (proper) weight, (due) proportion (in the limbs), (a pleasing) voice, (majestio) gait, (a beautiful) complexion, strength and prowess; he who himself has earned the title Mahakshatrapa; he who has obtained numerous garlands at the svayashvaras of kings' daughters ;-he, the Mahakshatrapa Rudradáman, for the sake of a thousand years, for the sake of .. ..... cows and Brahmans, and for the increase of his merit and fame, has rebuilt the embankment three times stronger in breadth and length, in a not very long time, expending a great amount of money from his own treasury, with out oppressing the people of the town and of the province by (exacting) taxes, forced labour, acts of affection, and the like,--the whole town ........ (and) has made the lake more beautiful (or more worthy of the name Sudarśana) (than before). When in this affair the Mahakshatrapa's advisers and engineers, though possessed of the qualifications of ministers, lost heart on account of the enormous size of the gap and gave up the undertaking, and when the people, despairing of seeing the em
11 The reading Sindhu has been suggested to me by Dr. Bühler.-Bh. .
I propose to use the sword and the shield, the science of pagiliam, &c.-G. B.
Probably a kind of tax like the modern prítidan ?
18 Insert 'under the superintendence of. I regret that I cannot agree with Bhagvanlal-Bh40 Diji's conjecture tena or tat("that'). I beliove there is some greater oorrap. tion in the original.-G. B.

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bankment rebuilt, began to lament, (the work) 20 was accomplished by the minister Suvisâkha, the son of Kulai pa, a Pahlava, who has been appointed by the king, out of kindness towards the town and country people, to protect the whole of An arta and Surâshtra, who by the proper dispensation of justice in temporal and spiritual affairs increases the affection (of the subjects), who is able, of subdued senses, neither hasty nor wanting in presence of mind, of noble family and unconquered, who governs well and increases the spiritual merit, fame, and glory of his master."
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
NOTE by Dr. G. BÜHLER.
The Gujarati original of the above article was made over to me for translation by Pandit Bhagavânlâl in the end of May 1877. Various personal reasons prevented my going to work on it at once. But even now, after Professor Eggeling's revised transcript and version of the inscription has appeared in Mr. Burgess's Report of Kathiávád, I do not think that the publication of Bhagavânlal's paper will be deemed superfluous. Mr. Burgess's facsimile, it is true, is a very good one, and Professor Eggeling's work shows great progress as compared with Dr. Bhâû Dâji's. Still a repeated and careful comparison of the stone with the photograph from Mr. Burgess's paper cast, which I made in December 1876, has yielded a few better readings in such places where the faintness of the letters, or accidental scratches, necessarily made
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
THE PARSI PRIESTHOOD.
To the Editor of the "Indian Antiquary." SIR, The communication from Mr. Sorâbji K&vasji Khambâtâ in the Indian Antiquary, vol. VII. p. 179, pointing out some errors in the information which Prof. Monier Williams had received regarding the Pârsi religion and rites, shows that there are still some obscurities with respect to the classification and titles of the Pârsi priesthood, which it ought not to be difficult to clear up.
Mr. H. G. Briggs, in his work on The Parsis or Modern Zerdusthians, says, on the subject of the priesthood (p. 45) "Mubed is the general term, and tantamount in acceptation to our word
20 Karma must be added in the text.
'Aptaкn occurs in the Periplus, §§ 14, 41, and 54; in
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the readings from the photograph doubtful. Most of these have also been given by Bhagavânlâl, but I have once more pointed them out in the notes to his transcript.
I fully concur in most of the Pandit's important new readings and new renderings. One of his remarks also I recommend to special notice, the identification of the Greek name of the western coast, Arabike or Ariake, with Aparântika. I have no doubt that he is right, and that the reading Arabike (APABIKH) in the Periplus has to be altered to Abaratike (ABAPATIKH). The identification of Aparânta with the Konkana has been made first by Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar, Trans. Or. Cong. p. 313. The same gentleman's identification of Kukura with Hiwan Thsang's Kiu-che-lo cannot stand, as ku is never represented by Chinese che, and the identification with Gujjara is perfectly unobjectionable. Mr. Burgess's identification of Nishâda" with Berar rests on a mistake. Nala's kingdom is called Nisha dha, not Nisha da. It would seem that there were several districts in ancient India which bore this name. In our inscription, probably, the north-western Nishâda, which, according to a passage of the Mahabharata (see the Pet. Dict. s. v. Nishâda), corresponded with the Hissâr and Bhatnir districts, is meant. Bhagavanlal's Sva bhr a is a bold conjecture which is not sufficiently supported. But he is right in not accepting the form Asvaka which former decipherers have imported into the text.
Clergy. The learned among them, and those who hold spiritual dignity, are denominated Dasturs or Andhidrus, almost significant to our Doctors and Bishops. Herbads are the inferior clergy."
This is not the same as the account given by Prof. Monier Williams. Mr. Sorâbji Kâvasji's differs from both. And it might be assumed that his is correct, were it not that it has an appearance of being a little at variance with itself. Herbad, it says, is "a mere generic term for Dasturs and Mobeds," while a footnote says, "Some Herbads are neither Dasturs nor Mobeds, for they do not choose to enter the holy order."
The account of this priesthood would be made more distinct if, in addition to a statement of the
the second, the reading 'Apaßin occurs in the codex, but is generally regarded as corrupt.-ED. 22 Report on Kath. p. 131.

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classification and titles, and of ceremonies re- Again, in former days self-immolation was gulating admission (to which your correspondent common. Many immolated themselves at the great briefly refers), it embraced also some notice of the car-festivals, voluntarily throwing themselves several qualifications required and duties per under the enormous wheels, not only of the car formed.
R. M. of Jag ản nâth at Puri, in Orissa, but of other
idol-cars also A CASE OF SAMADH IN INDIA.
I found similar cars attached to every large BY MONIER WILLIAMS, D.C.L., BODEN PROFESSOR pagoda in the south of India. Some of them are OF SANSKRIT AT OXFORD.
80 large and heavy that they require to be supIt may interest some of your readers if I give a ported on sixteen wheels, and on a particular day brief account of a case of Samadh which has re- once a year they are drawn through the streets by cently occurred in the district of Kaira (Kheda), thousands of people. Every now and then persons in Gujarat. The particulars were furnished to me are crushed under the wheels; for our civilization by Mr. Frederick Sheppard, the energetic Colleo- has tended to the increase of religious gatherings tor, in whose camp I stayed twice during my Indian among the natives, by creating facilities of comtravels. Permit me, however, to introduce the munication, and the best government cannot always narrative by a few remarks about sacrifice, iramo. prevent accidents. lation, and self-torture, all of which were once Self-immolation in other ways was once extencommon in India.
sively prevalent. Arrian, it is well known, deIn what may be called the Brahmanical period, scribes how, in the time of Alexander the Great, which succeeded the Vedic period of Hinduism, a man named Kalanos-one of the sect of Indian buman sacrifice must have prevailed. This is suffi- wise men who went naked--burned himself upon a ciently evident from the story of Sunah sep hain pile. This description is like that of the selfthe Aitareya-brahmana. It is even believed by many cremation of the ascetic Sarabhanga in Ramdthat the sects called s Aktas (or Tantrika s) yana iii. 9. There are some sand-hills in the formerly ate portions of the flesh and drank the Satpura range dedicated to the god Siva,--supblood of the victims sacrificed at their socret orgies. posed as Mahakala to delight in destruction, Human sacrifices, however, were probably rare, from a rock on which many youths have precipitwhile the sacrifice of animals became universal. ated themselves, because their mothers, being The first idea of sacrifice seems to have been that without children, have dedicated their first-born of supplying the deities with nourishment. Gods sons to the god. and men all feasted together. Then succeeded the With regard to the immolation of the faithful notion of the need of vicarious suffering, or life for wife (commonly called satt) who followed her life, blood for blood. Some deities were believed to husband in death, and burned herself on his funeral thirst for human blood, and the blood of animals pile, everywhere in India, I saw scattered about in Was substituted for that of men. One of the effects various places monuments erected over the ashes of Buddhism was to cause a rapid diminution of of satis ; and everywhere such monuments are still animal sacrifice. It is now rarely seen except at regarded with the greatest veneration by the the altars of the goddess Kali, or of forms and people. near relations of Kálf (such as the Grama-devátás Happily we put a stop to this practice in 1829, (village mothers), and at the altars of the tutelary though we had previously sanctioned it under deity A y en er, and at devil-shrines in the south. certain regulations, believing that we ought not to I myself saw very few animals sacrificed even to interfere with an ancient religious custom. In the bloody goddesses, though I took pains to visit one year an official report of 800 widows burnt was them on the proper days.
received at Calcutta. Between 1815 and 1828 the Other forms of immolation were once common average varied from 300 to 600 per annum. in India. The Thags maintained that they sacri- We have also prevented the burying alive of fioed their victims to the goddess K&li. Now that lepers, and others afflicted with incurable diseases, Thagism has been suppressed by ns, a good deal which was once universally prevalent in the of datura-poisoning is practised by the same class Panjab, and common in some other parts of India. of people. The killing of female infants once pre- Of course, leprosy in India, as in other Eastern vailed extensively in the Panjab and Rajputana, countries, is a kind of living death. Lepers are owing to the difficulty of providing daughters with excluded from society, and can get no employment; suitable husbands, and the immense expenses
and they often gave themselves up of their own entailed by nuptial festivities.
accord to be buried alive, the motive simply being 1 The son of Siva by Mohini, also called Hari Hars.- ... Ind. Ant. vol. VI. pp. 245-6, 884-6; and Plutarch's ED.
Alexander, 65.-ED.

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a desire to be released from physical suffering. This was called performing samádh (Sanskrit samadhi, suspending the connexion between soul and body by religious abstraction).
Sleeman describes how he once knew a very respectable Hindu gentleman who came to the river Narmada, attended by a large retinue, to perform samadh, in consequence of an incurable disease under which he laboured. After taking leave of his family, he entered a boat, which conveyed him to the deepest part of the river. He then loaded himself with sand, and stepping into the water disappeared.
In most of these cases the laudable humanity of our Government in preserving human life has given rise to fresh evils and difficulties.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
In the first place, population is increasing upon us in a degree which threatens to become wholly unmanageable. Then, widows never marry again; not even if their boy-husbands die, leaving them widows at the age of six. A woman is supposed to be sacramentally united to one husband, and belongs to him for ever. Every town, every village, almost every house, is full of widows, who are debarred from all amusements, and converted into household drudges. They often lead bad lives. Their life, like that of the lepers, is a kind of living death, and they would often cheerfully give themselves up to be burned alive if the law would let them. Only the other day in Ne på 1, where our supremacy is still barely recognized, the widows of Sir Jang Bahadur became satis, and burned them. selves with their husband.
Then, again, the increase in the number of girls who cannot find suitable husbands is now causing much embarrassment in some districts; and even the lepers, whose lives we preserve, involve us in peculiar difficulties. These unfortunate creatures often roam about the country, exacting food from the people by threatening to touch their children.
Here and there we have built leper-villagesrows of cottages under trees, devoted to their use; and we make the towns contribute from local funds to support them, while charity ekes out the miserable pittance they receive.
As to the practice of self-torture, this cannot be entirely prevented by our Government, but it is rapidly dying out. Formerly, it was possible for devotees-with the object of exciting admiration, or extorting alms, or under the delusion that their self-torture was an act of religious merit-to swing in the air attached to a lofty pole by means of a rope and hook passed through the muscles of the back. Such self-inflicted mutilation is now prohibited. Yet, even in the present day, to acquire a reputation for sanctity, or to receive homage and offerings from the multitude, or under
265
the idea of accumulating a store of merit, all sorts of bodily sufferings, penances, and austerities, even to virtual suicide, are undergone the latter being sometimes actually perpetrated out of mere revenge, as its consequences are supposed to fall on the enemy whose action has driven the deceased to self-immolation.
I saw a man not long since at Allahâbâd who has sat in one position for fifty years on a stone pedestal exposed to sun, wind, and rain. He never moves except once a day, when his attendants lead him to the Ganges. He is an object of worship to thousands, and even high-caste Brahmans pay him homage.
I saw two Urdhva-b & hus, one at Gayâ and the other at Banaras,-that is, devotees who hold their arms with clenched fists above their heads for years, until they become shrivelled and the finger-nails penetrate through the back of the hands. Another man was prostrating himself and measuring every inch of the ground with his body round the hill of Govardhan when I passed.
Two attempts at samádh occurred in Mr. Sheppard's district. A devotee announced his intention of adopting this extraordinary method of securing perfect abstraction and beatitude, and was actually buried alive in the neighbourhood of a village. His friends were detected by the villagers in pouring milk down a hollow bamboo which had been arranged to supply the buried man with air and food. The bamboo was removed, and the interred man was found dead, when his friends opened the grave shortly afterwards.
The other attempt is still more recent, and I will conclude this communication by giving Mr. Sheppard's own account of it, almost in his own words:" As I was shooting near my camp one evening, a mounted orderly came up with news that a Bhat had performed samadh that afternoon in a neighbouring village, and that there was much consequent excitement there. Not having a horse with me, I directed the orderly to ride off to the village (picking up my police escort as he passed through my camp) and to dig up the buried man, taking into custody any persons who might endeavour to oppose the execution of my orders.
"On returning to my camp, I ordered the apprehension of all those who had assisted in the samádh, and soon afterwards received a report that the marr had been actually buried in a vault in his own house, but had been taken out alive. He was, however, very weak, and died the following morning. It was then reported to me that the limbs, though cold, had not stiffened, and the people-ready, as of old, to be deceived, and always inclined to attribute the smallest departure from

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the ordinary course of events to supernatural agency-declared that the Bhât was not dead, but lying in the samádh trance. There was, however, no pulse, and as it was clear that, even if the supposition of the villagers was correct, medical treatment would be desirable, I sent the body in a cart to the nearest dispensary, distant some six or seven miles, and in due time received a certificate of death from the hospital assistant in charge of that institution, together with a report of a postmortem examination of the body, which showed that death had resulted from heart-disease.
"Meanwhile I visited the village and ascertained the following facts:-The deceased was a man in fairly comfortable circumstances, and with some religious pretensions. It was well known that he aspired to a still higher reputation for sanctity, and that, with this view, he had for several months been contemplating samadh. The proper date for this rite had been finally settled, after many solemn ceremonies and the due observance of fasting, prayer, and charity.
"On the afternoon fixed for the samádh he assembled the villagers, and told them that it had been imparted to him in a vision that the Deity required him to pass six weeks in religious abstraction, and that he felt compelled to obey the divine command, and to remain in the vault prepared for him during that period. He then produced and worshipped a small earthen vessel containing the sacred Tulsi plant, and afterwards carefully planted therein twenty grains of barley, telling the villagers to watch for their growth, as it had been revealed to him that the grains represented his life. If at the end of the six weeks the grains had sprouted, the villagers were to understand that the Bhât was still alive. He was then to be removed from the vault, and worshipped as a saint. If, on the other hand, germination had not taken place, they were to understand that the Bhât was dead also, and the vault was in that case to be permanently bricked up, and the Tulsi planted over the grave.
"After giving these directions, the devotee recited some mantras and entered the vault, bidding farewell to the world, and declaring his belief that his life would be miraculously preserved. The vault was then roofed over with boards, and plastered thickly with mud. About two hours after this event, he was removed from the vault by the police under my orders, and placed in the verandah, the house itself being locked up.
"After ascertaining the above particulars, Icaused the house to be opened, and then discovered that a gross attempt at imposture had been practised. The grave was about three feet deep, being a hole dug in the floor of the inner room of the house.
[OCTOBER, 1878.
The wall of the room formed one side of the vault. The roof over the latter was a clumsy structure, and had been partly demolished to allow of the removal of the devotee. As usual in India, the only light admitted to the room was through the door, and the unsubstantial nature of the roof was not likely to attract the attention of the villagers. But I satisfied myself that the occupant of the vault might, with great ease, have demolished the covering which was supposed to shut him off from the world
"The vault itself was somewhat dark. I entered it in order to ascertain how much space had been allotted to the occupant. I found therein the rosary of the deceased, and the chaplet of flowers which he had worn before his self-immolation. There was sufficient room for me to sit in tolerable comfort. On one side of the vault I felt a small wooden plank apparently let into the wall, and on obtaining a light I found that a trap-door about a foot square had been ingeniously contrived to communicate with the other room of the house. The trap-door was so hung as to open inwards, towards the vault, at the pleasure of the inmate. On going into the outer room, into which communication had thus been opened, I found that a row of the large earthen jars, which Horace would have called amphora, and which are used in India to store grain, had been arranged against the wall. The trap-door into the vault was effectually concealed by them, and the supply of air, food, and water to the impostor within, thus cleverly provided for. The arrangement was neatly contrived, and was not likely to have attracted suspicion. Had the Bhât been a strong man, and in good health, he might, without any danger to life, and with only a minimum of discomfort, have emerged triumphantly after his six weeks' samadh, and have earned a wide reputation. But the excitement and fasting were too much for him."-Athenæum, August 4th, 1877.
ARUNAD YAVANO MADHYAMIKAM.
Mr. Carlleyle's and General Cunningham's remarks on pp. 201-205 of Vol. VI. of the Archaeological Survey Reports induce me to state that the oldest and best MSS. both of the Mahábháshya and of the Kásiká Vritti on P. III. 2. 111 read अरुगद्यवनो मध्यमिकाम् (and not माध्यमिकान् ). A marginal note in one of the MSS. of the Mahabhashya states that Madhyamika was a town (); Nâgojibhaṭṭa on P. VI. 3. 37 likewise says
; and in the Ganaratnamahodadhi we read मध्ये भवा मध्यमिका नगरी, तस्यां भवो माध्यमिकीयः.
I leave it to General Cunningham to decide whether this correct reading Madhyamika is of any

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CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
267
value for the interpretation of the legend on the is sufficient evidence to prove that the Morasu coins found by Mr. Carlleyle, and whether the Holiyars are affiliated to the Morasu Wak. ancient city of Nagari may originally have been ligas. called Madhyamika. To me it would seem that Why this took place I have been unable to the Majhamikaya of the coins might well be the discover, but a more than ordinarily intelligent oblique case of a feminine noun in d, equivalent to head-man said that he thought the Holiya rs had a Sanskrit form मध्यमिकाया:
been adopted because they assisted tho Wakli. Later writers have freely copied Katyayana's
gas when they first came to the country. Vårttika on P. III. 2. 111, and in some cases also
The Morasu Holiyars are the only HoliPatanjali's instances. The author of the Praadda yars who weave cloth. (a commentary on the Prakriyd-kauneudt) quotes What is the meaning of Morasu? I think it TETT: HTKK; the same instance we find in the
must have been the old name of that part of the Jainendra-mahduritti of Abhayanandin, who in
country where the Morasu Wak ligas are to
be found. stances besides अरुणन्महेन्द्रो मधुराम; and in the Bab
Among the W akligas of Maisar the followddrnava-chandrika, another commentary on the
ing appellatives are to be found :-Morasu, Hali Jainendra-dydkarana, we read 37 . H.
Gang adik ar, and Nona ba, and the same But the most interesting instances are no doubt
appellativos are to be found among tho Holi those which Hemachandra in his Sanskrit gram
yars. Now the Gang â dikar and Nona ba mar gives for his rule a T4, viz. -
Wakligas evidently derived their respective TETHET SET (sic), and Trac: HTET. appellative from the old name of that part of the According to the late Dr. Bhâu Daji, Hema- country where to this day they are to be found in chandra lived 1088-1172 A.D., and Siddharaja l the largest numbers. Thi
the largest numbers. The Ganga dikar Wak reigned some time during the first half of the 12th ligas are chiefly in the south and west of the century (Lassen, vol. III. p. 567).
Maisur district, and this part of the country was F. KIELHORN. formally called Gangavadi. In the same way
the Nonaba Wakligas are found in the west
of the Tumkur district, which part of the country ALLE MAKKALU.
was formerly known as Nonambavat. Rea. From inquiries lately made I find that the Mo- soning by analogy, the ancient namo of those parts rasu Holiyars are the Halle Mekkalu- of the country where there is an appellative old (adopted) sons--of the Morasu Wakligas. common to both Wakligas and Holiyars ought to
"In former times" the Morasu Holiyars be the appellative. The Morasu Wakliga sare bad the following privileges :
to be found principally in the Bangalor district, (i.) Carrying the Wakliga bride's box in which the Hale Wakligas in the Hassan district. her trousseau was placed ;
Perhaps some of the readers of the Antiquary (ii.) Washing the feet of the Wakliga bride and
in those districts could help in clearing up this bridegroom;
point. (iii.) Assisting to carry to its grave the body I can add little or nothing about the Kongaru of a deceased Wakliga;
Holiyars. The term Kongaru is appliod (iv.) Partaking of the pinda, i.e. the food pre- by the Kanarese-speaking people to the Tamil. pared on the third day after death, and of which, as speaking camp followers of regimonts. I saw an a rule, only members of the family can partake. old man the other day at Tyamgondla, Nelamangla
or these four privileges the first is now the only Taluka, who said he was a Kongíra Holiya; one universally admitted and exercised. Individual he came up to this part of the country with the Wakligas deny that the Holiyars exercised all commissariat elephants. He eats with the Holithese privileges, but a very little cross-examina- yars of this country, but he told me that tion soon brings out that the denial is confined to among the Holiyars of Madras there is a subthe privileges being exercised with regard to the division who correspond to Halle Makkalu. individual and his own relations; that he is aware They are called Puli Kutti pariah s of the the Holiyars are said to have had these pri- Vollalas. He would not eat at the houses of any of vileges in former times, and believes that here and this sub-division, but they would in his. Soine there even now they occasionally exercise them. of your Madras readers ought to be able to say This is only what is to be expected. Each indivi- if the old man is right or not. dual tries to make the most of his own family, and
J. S. F. MACKENZIE. denies any relationship with a lower caste. There Bangalore, 9th May 1878.
Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 39; vol. II. pp. 29, 50, 170; vol. III, pp. 8, 191, 197.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1878
NOTE ON THE ORISSA HYPETHRAL TEMPLE.
After the notice of the remarkable temple discovered by the late Sir John Campbell in Orissa had appeared in the Antiquary (ante, page 19), I met with the description of a somewhat similar structure in General Cunningham's Archeological Reporte, vol. II. (for 1864-5).
It was found among the ruins of Khajuraho, an ancient site in Bandelkhand, between Chhatrapar and Panna, which in more recent times was the capital of the Chandel Rajputs, who flourished from the 9th to the 14th century.
By the present inhabitants the building is known as the Temple of the Chaonsat Yögini, or " 64 female demons," and consists of a massive oblong enclosure constructed of granite and open above, the length of which is 102) feet, and the breadth 58, feet. The exterior is simply ornamented with three broad flat horizontal mouldings, but round the inside are 64 cells or niches, 22 on each side and 10 at each end (exclusive of the entrance and a larger cell opposite), each cell 36, inches high by 28; broad, intended apparently for the reception of an image which no longer exists.
At what period the Yoginis were worshipped, why their number is fixed at 64, and what place they hold in the Saiva theogony, is not clear. It may even be doubted whether they belong to any of the recent forms of superstition with which we are acquainted. The temple at Khajuraho bearing their name is evidently of greater antiquity than the neighbouring buildings. It is the only one constructed of granite, all the others being built of a light-coloured fine sandstone, quarried hard by, and it is the only one not placed due north and south-all pointing to a different age and a distinct race of worshippers.
On these points, however, we may hope to be further enlightened shortly. A late letter from General Cunningham states he has discovered a third example of the same kind of structure, which he is now engaged in describing, viz. a circular cloister containing the 64 Yoginis, with several other statues, most of them accompanied by inscriptions, which will doubtless indicate their precise character.
WALTER ELLIOT.
forty, ere he had attained the full maturity of his powers, he has left behind him a rich store of early gathered fruit, the earnest of an abundant harvest never to be garnered. Mr. Blochmann's acquirements in Arabic and Persian, and the accuracy and soundness of his knowledge, marked him out for a teacher. In early life his desire to become personally acquainted with the East led him to enlist as a soldier; but arrived in India his scholarship soon became known, and he was appointed to a subordinate position in the college of which he died the chief. In this office he had peculiar opportunities of extending his knowledge, and he was indefatigable in turning them to account. He enjoyed the society of learned Musalmans, and the stores of public and private libraries were at his command. They were well used. Few men had a more intimate acquaintance with Muhammadan life, and none surpassed hin in his knowledge of Arabic and Persian MSS. A living catalogue, it was seldom that an inquiry about books was addressed to him in vain. The pages of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal attest the activity and diversity of his researches. Literature and lexicography, coins and inscriptions, in turn engaged his attention. But two subjects he made peculiarly his own-Persian prosody, the diffculties and mysteries of which he has done much to unravel; and the life and reign of the great emperor Akbar. The translation of the Ain-i-Akbari, the Institutes of Akbar, is Blochmann's magnum opus, and on this his reputation will mainly rest. He has published a large portion of the Persian text, but unhappily only one volume of the translation has appeared. It is greatly to bo hoped that the MS. of the remainder is in a forward state of preparation, for who would venture to take up the pen which his hand dropped ? The translation of a Persian book into English may not seem a great and arduous work to those who have no knowledge of the original text. But this book deals with intricate and technical subjects, and is written in a style which native writers consider as abstruse and difficult. With all his knowledge, and with the great sources of information at his command, there are passages which Mr. Blochmann could not interpret, and he has shown the manliness and honesty of the true scholar in saying 80. In this translation he has inserted a series of memoirs of the great men of the dnys of Akbar,-a peerage, in fact, of the Moghul Empire, comprising more than four hundred names. This was entirely his own compilation, and it supplies a most interesting and instructivo series of pictures of the life and manners of the time.-John Dowson. (The Academy.)
MR. HENRY BLOCHMANN. Oriental literature has sustained an irreparable loss by the death of Mr. H. Blochmann, Principal of the Muhammadan College at Calcutta, and for many years the active Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Cut off at the early age of
1 Wilson renders Yogini by "a female fiend or sprite murti Kovil in Koimbator. These fomale demons may attendant on and created by Durg: in some places eight have some connection with the Turnian deities described Yoginis are enumerated by name" : Sans. Dict. 8. t. and figured by Pallas in his Sammlungen historicher This supporta Mr. Walhouse's suggestion, at p. 137, regard. Nachrichten über den Mongolischen Folkerschaften über ing the eight stone images facing inwards" at the Tri. ' P. T. Pallas, St. Petersburg, 1776.

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BOOK NOTICES.
269
BOOK NOTICES. ORIGINAL LETTERS AND PAPERS of the late Viscount immense extent of ground, without seeking to
Strangford upon philological and kindred subjects. Edited by Viscountess Strangford. (8vo, PP. 284)
describe with minute accuracy any part of it. We London : Trübner & Co. 1878.
are very far from accepting all the Professor' The late Lord Strangford, condemned by his
inferences from facts, or even all his supposed father to the diplomatic career in which the latter facts; but the work supplies evidence both of had risen to eminence,--for which the son seems to extensive reading and of careful reflection. have had no taste-consoled himself with philolo
Professor Tiele belongs to the advanced school gical studies more extensive and profound than of "liberal" theologians. He does not believe in those of any other Englishman of his day not Revelation-at least in the sense in which the being a professional scholar. Fate or tempera
term is usually applied to religion. In all reliment prevented him from erer embodying the gions we trace, according to the professor, only results in anything that could be called a book; a process of development or natural growth. He buit fortunately his widow is fitted by her own thus comes to enunciate, especially in treating of talents and acquirements to select and edit the the faith of Israel, opinions which violently conpresent volume, which with the two published by flict with the belief of nine-tenths, or more, of Bentley in 1869 are enough to show what he Christendom. The professor is, of course, aware was and might have been.
of this, but he goes on in sereno self-confidence, The volume under review contains notes and making one bold asseveration after another, hardly reflections upon almost every language under the condescending to refute his opponents, or even to sun, of which a couple attacking the “Dog Per. supply evidence of the truth of his own positions, sian" of the Government of India will perhaps be We intend to enter into no contest with Prothe most interesting to our readers. But the fessor Tiele. Wo simply bring under the notice special value of the work consists first in the in- of our renders the views of a good representative of tense scorn of theorism and sciolism which per a certain school. Besides, our author is professor vades these miscellaneous selections as thoroughly of the History of Religions, and on his own special as if they formed a single treatise written for the subject he deserves an attentive hearing expross purpose of keeping philological and ethno- He holds that the earliest religion has left but few logical sciences from running off the rails; and traces behind it. It was followed by Animism, or secondly in the astonishing wit and humour of the worship of spirits. This stage is represented almost every sentence.
by the polydæmonistic tribal religions, which, One cannot close the book without thinking how among civilized nations, were soon developed into much happier and more useful might have been polytheism resting on traditional doctrine. Nomisthe career of the noble writer-noble more by tic reiigions followed--that is to say, systems nature than by race--if the lines bad fallen for grounded on sacred books, and superseding polyhim in places a little further East; and if, instead theism by pantheism or monotheism. Out of these, of the cramping, disheartening influences of a again, sprang the universal religions --Buddhism, diplomatic chancery, he had grown up under those Christianity, and Mohammadanism-" which start of early power and responsibility, which form the from principles and maxims." best men of the Indian services.
Learing the reader to form his own opinion of this nimble generalization, we follow Prof. Tiele
into his account of Animism. This is a belief in OUTLINES of the HISTORY OF RELIGION to the Spread of the the existence of spirits, of which the powerful be
Universal Religions. By Professor C. P. Tiele, D. Th., Professor of the History of Religions in the University
come objects of worship. When the spirits take of Leiden. pp. 249. London: Trübner & Co. 1877. up their abode in any material object, which thus
Professor Tiele states that the time for writing becomes endowed with power, we have Fetishism. an elaborate history of religion has not yet come. Animism is unorganized polydamonism. It does He does not pretend to supply more than outlines, not excludo belief in a supreme spirit. It is mere "pencil sketches," helpful towards the full accompanied by a belief in magic, which seeks to picture which will in due time be drawn. This obtain power over the spirits by 'spells. Fear is "little work," as he modestly calls it, contains an the ruling power in all Animistic worship. The introduction and five chapters. It traverses an spirits and their worshippers are alike selfish.
The very device on the cover is a philological joke, being the writer's signature Russianized, "Astrangfúrd," with an initial alif for the benefit of the Asiatic, who would not otherwin have got round it. It reminds one of that Bombay billiard-marker who, having to score for a gentle-
man named Scott, wrote 'I' on the slate, to represent "Ishkát Sáheb."
? The author of De godsdienst van Zarathustra van haar onstaan in Baktris tot den val van het Oud. Persische Rijk (Haarlem, 1864)..

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1878.
-
Animism has little or no moral character. Its the science a rapid development which nothing else doctrine of a future state contains no idea of could have given; it imparted to its conclusions recoinpense-i.c. of punishment or reward. a fulness and certainty which would have been
Over a largo extent both of Asia and Europe otherwise unattainable." the Aryans, and perhaps the Semites, were pre- Tho closely printed tablu of contents of the ceded by Turânian races, whose religion was volume under review occupies two pages and a purely Animistic, and under the influence of a belief half of small type. in magic. The religions of America exhibit Ani- It will easily be inferred that no abstract of it mismı at varions stages. Those of Mexico and worth reading could be crowded into these pages; Peru reached the extreme limit of Animism, and and we must therefore be content with noticing its would probably have risen above it if the Spanish most salient features. First of these, as might conquest had not checked their development. be expected from its place of birth, is an extreme
This outline of Prof. Tiole's views regarding independence of thought and expression. Prothe lowest existing form of religion, out of which fessor Whitney is "nullius addictus in verba jurari," all the higher forms, according to him, have pro- and no amount of respect will induce him to give ceeded, must suffice for the present. We may the least quarter to what he holds to be errors. For simply mention that he touches on the religions example, though most fully acknowledging the of the Chinese, of the ancient Egyptians, of the services of Bopp to his science, he does not hesitate Babylonians and Assyrians, of the Phænicians, of to hold up that writer's studies upon the Malay. the Israelites, Islam, Brahmanism, Pärsfism, the Polynesian and Caucasian languages as "a striking
ystems of the Letto-Slavs, the Germans, the example and warning," ard "an utter caricature Greeks and the Romans.
of the comparative method" (p. 245, note); and Our author is always suggestive; but we are his discussions with Professor Max Müller, while frequently startled by his cool dogmatism. Take too well known to be repeated here, are really & one example:-"The Egyptian religion furnished
higher compliment to the German scholar than to Roman Catholic Christendom the germs of the the servile reverence with which he is sometimes worship of the Virgin, the doctrine of the Imma- treated in England. culate Conception, and the type of its theocracy." If Professor Whitney had thought fit to take Let us ndd, however, that this is one of the most a classical motto, it would certainly have been unguarded assertions in the volume; it is not a "Hypotheses non fingo." For him the science case of ex uno disce omnes.
which he prefers to call "linguistics" (he conM.
siders the term "comparative philology" already LANGUAGE and the STUDY of LANGUAGE: Twelve lectures
outworn) is still in its youth, if not infancy; and on the Principles of Linguistic Science. By William he denounces most strongly the practice of drawWright Whitney, Professor of Sanskrit, &c., Yale College.
ing hasty conclusions, and of inferring affinities 3rd Edition, augmented by an Analysis. (London: Trubner & Co.)
from arguments often delusive in themselves, It is not easy to bring a work which
and still more frequently based upon a petitio "With extensive view
principii. The theory of a common origin of the Surveys mankind from China to Peru"
Somitio and Aryan (in his terminology-Indowithin the exclusively Oriental scope of the Indian European) languages seems to him to have as yet Antiquary, and Professor Whitney's lectures, no basis at all; nor does he less object to the term though necessarily not exhaustive in detail, deal | Turanian' and the signification usually attached with the general features of speech and writing, soto it-the former as too local and narrow, the far as ut present known to science. In such a work, latter as too wide, and including in one class however, it is impossible for the writer to avoid languages and races whose affinities are not yet devoting some of his most important chapters to sufficiently proved, or even investigated. the languages of the East. Moreover, the Orien. Whether his specific conclusions be accepted talist---proudly conscious that "in his father's or no, it is sufficiently obvious that this is the house" the science of Comparative Philology was, right frame of mind in which to approach the if not born, at least weaned-may fairly claim subject. In India, particularly, we have suffered not to be considered a meddler if he occasionally extremely from the habit of talking as if the Aryan notices the progress of this now independent immigration was a thing as well understood as the branch of knowledge. We cannot better support | English conquest; and the absurdity and mischief this claim than by quoting Professor Whitney's of such hosty generalization is not now for the own words :-"Stripped of all exaggerations, and first time reprobated in these pages. It is satismaking all due allowances, the Sanskrit is still factory, at least, to know that whatever assistance the mainstay of Indo-European philology; it gave we may hercafter obtain from beyond the Atlantic

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will be rendered by scholars trained to take nothing for granted.
In the meanwhile, the work under review may safely be recommended as a text-book fully equal to any that we possess, and especially suited to those students, sufficiently numerous in AngloIndian society, who are striving to make up in the leisure hours of manhood for time wasted by themselves or their teachers in youth. It is, though much larger, more simple than Mr. Peile's little hand-book of Philology, which lands the beginner rather too abruptly among such terrible words as agglutinative' and 'analytic;' and it is written in a style always clear, and sometimes, where the dignity of the subject requires it, rising to eloquence. Take, for example, the fine passage (p. 231) describing the rise to importance of the European races and tongues. It has, besides, not only a good index, but an exhaustive analytic table of contents, most useful to the student. At the end of the book, indeed, Professor Whitney seems to leave his safe ground, and to abandon for a moment, when contemplating the future, the reserve and caution which characterize him in dealing with the past.
He expresses (with many saving clauses, it is true) an idea that English may yet become "a world language," by which we presume that he means, if not the universal speech of civilized man, at least one as generally intelligible as Hindustani is in a great part of India. And, with a view to this glorious future, he thinks that we should seriously consider the phonetic reform of our orthography. If other proof were wanting of the baselessness of such a dream, it would be found in his own work. He states expressly that it is in the communion of literature, and of the cultivated classes, that the hope of preserving one common language to England and the United States must be based. Of those classes we could find no more competont representative than himself; yet so far has the disintegrating influence of altered circumstances and of separate national life gone, that the English reviewer cannot help remarking, here and there in his work, differences of expression, at which, indeed, we have no right to cavil, but which indicate that the thing which has been shall be, and that English must submit to the fate which has already overtaken Greek and Latin. The most striking instance is the use of the word 'doughfacedness' as an example. This may have been introduced half in jest, to recall the flagging
BOOK NOTICES.
The last named, fannily enough, is brought in under head "Madras under the Moghuls." Khafi Khan was conduned by Mr. Wheeler, and without a hearing (in his istory of India), as a "type of the flatterers who #turished during the Moghul period." Now that Mr. W. es read some portions of Khafi Khân's invaluable history
271
attention of the class. But its mere presence in this book is significant; and if we go further, to such a work as General Sherman's Autobiography, which may be taken as fairly representing the speech of educated Americans, we shall find silailar new expressions in every page. It is to be hoped that when the American language does become a separate tongue its literature will contain many works as useful as Professor Whitney's.
EARLY RECORDS of BRITISH INDIA; a History of the English Settlements in India, as told in the Government Records, &c. &c. By J. Talboys Wheeler, late Assistant Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign Department, &c. (8vo, pp. 391.) London: Trübner & Co. 1873.
Mr. Wheeler, he tells us in his preface, "was originally employed to report upon the records of the Home Department in Calcutta, and intended to confine his extracts to the papers preserved there. As, however, he proceeded with his task," he found that it was not enough for him; the papers of the earliest period had been destroyed by a storm in 1737, or in the sack of 1756. In Madras, however, he found a more perfect and valuable series of documents, and has already given the substance of them to the world in three volumes, under the title of "Madras in the Olden Time", of which the part of the present volume relating to the affairs of " the coast" appears to be a judicious condensation. With Bombay he does not appear to have any acquaintance, and contents himself with giving a few extracts from Mandelslö, Fryer, and Khafi Khân,' the only authorities upon the early affairs of that Presidency of whose existence he appears to be aware.
Although, therefore, Mr. Wheeler speaks of his volume as compiled from original and half-forgotten sources, it is obvious that a good deal of it is already before the world in one form or another. Perhaps the most interesting extracts are those from the records of Bengal of the period following the battle of Plassey; the Company's negotiations with the Raja of " Meckley" (Manipur); their refusal and subsequent acquisition of the Divâni, and their disputes with the second Nawâb of their own creation, Mir Kâsim, and the massacre at Patna. Upon this last subject Mr. Wheeler quotes" the journal of a gentleman at Pâṭnâ" and "the journal of an English prisoner at Pâtnâ," but very provokingly denies us the name of either diarist, and leaves us to guess even whether they are identical (the entries extracted are for different days). He also gives extracts from the diary of
in Prof. Dowson's version, he withdraws his condemnation (p. 110, note, and conf. Ind. Ant. vol. VI. p. 331). If we compare his quotation p. 110 ad inf. with the version he abridges from in Elliot and Dowson's History, vol. VII. p. 353, we may form a fair idea of the freedom with which he treats his originals.

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Dr. Fullarton, whom he calls the sole survivor of the massacre," which is hardly correct, as the doctor was confined apart from the other prisoners, and was not even a witness of their fate. The 13th chapter is interesting for some quotations from the minutes of Mr. Verelst, which show the commencement of the science of internal administration in Bengal. Verelst, as Mr. Wheeler truly observes, was a man very much ahead of his time. He administered with considerable success the districts of Bardwan, Midnapur, and Chittagong, which with Clive's jághir form the earliest territory of that youngest Presidency which has since so much outgrown its elder sisters. His remarks upon points of principle can in few instances be contradicted even now; and if they appear to us to be verbose and full of platitudes it must be remembered that Verelst was laying the foundations of a system, and was forced to dilate upon what a modern writer may safely take for granted. Mr. Wheeler does not mention, but our readers will not be sorry to know, that Mr. Verelst, after holding the high- est offices in days when the pagoda-tree daily quivered to its root under English hands, retired from the service a poor man, but acquired the fortune he well deserved along with the hand of an heiress.
After Verelst's papers no extract in the Bengal section of the work under review is so curious as one from a memorandum submitted, in 1746, by a Colonel James Mill to the Emperor Francis, consort of Maria Theresa, urging him to the conquest of the Lower Provinces. Colonel Mill, says Mr. Wheeler, had been twenty years in India; and his memoir is an appendix to “Bolt's Affairs in Bengal." We would like to know more of the man who, at so early a date, planned a conquest which was only forced upon the Company by stress of circumstances. "It is a miracle," he says, "that no European prince with a maritime power has ever attempted the conquest of Bengal. By a single stroke infinite wealth might be acquired, which would counterbalance the mines of Brazil and 'eru. The policy of the Moghuls is bad; their army is worse; they are without a nary. The empire is exposed to perpetual revolts. Their ports and rivers are open to foreigners. The country might be conquered or laid under contribution as easily as the Spaniards overwhelmed the naked Indians of Ame- rica. A rebel subject, named Aliverdi Khan, has torn away the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa from the Moghul empire. He has treasure to the value of thirty millions sterling. His yearly revenue must be at least two millions. The provinces are open to the sea. Three ships
with 1500 or 2000 regulars would suffice for the undertaking. The British nation would coöperate for the sake of the plunder and the promotion of their trade. The East India Company should be left alone. No company can keep a secret. Moreover, the English company is so distracted as to be incapable of any firm resolution."
Reading these spirited sentences, and admiring the grasp of his subject displayed by the writer'. we cannot enough regret that Mr. Wheeler vouchsafes so little information abont him, and wonder whether he had no share in the realization, by his own nation, of his splendid dream. Or is it possible that our author has been deceived by a fabrication of some pamphleteer writing after the event ?
The extracts relating to Madras have apparently, as already mentioned, appeared in a former work of Mr. Wheeler's, which is probably in the hands of those interested in the subject. The most interesting are those relating to the internal government and social life of the settlement; ir particular the will of a young writer named Davtrs, dated 1720, and a letter to the Court of Directory dated 14th October 1712, respecting the trade in English woollen cloths.
So far Mr. Wheeler's extracts--by for the most important part of the work. The connecting text is by no means so valuable. It contains little new information, and is written in a jorky, slipahod style, painful to read, and often puzzling to make out the meaning of. To take, as an example, the first sentence in the book, "The three English Presidencies of Madras, Calcutta, and Bombay were founded in the 17th centary, during the reigns of Charles the First, Oliver Cromwell, and Charles the Second." Now, any one reading this and new to the subject would suppose that a Presidency of Madras was first established during the reign of the first-mentioned monarch, one of Calcutta under the Commonwealth, and one at Bombay under the "Merry Monarch," Bombay being consequently the junior Presidency. But Mr. Wheeler must know that there was no such thing as a Presidency of Bombay until 1687, when that of Surat, the oldest permanent establishment of the English nation in India (founded in 1612), was transferred to the island acquired by the English crown as part of the dowry of Katharine of Braganza, and subse quently granted to the Company, to be held "as of the Manor of East Greenwich," for a yearly rent of ten pounds in gold. Our author's references to authorities, too, are amazingly scanty, and his Index illusory-as a help, at least, to the systematic reader.

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SÅNTÅL IDEAS OF THE FUTURE.
273
SÂNTÂL IDEAS OF THE FUTURE.
BY Rev. F. T. COLE, TALJHARI. SOME Santåls believe that after death relations were making preparations for burning
they at once enter another world, while the corpse, some one uncovered the pitcher to others imagine that the spirit hovers about near get water. The lizard immediately escaped, and the place where it left the body. Others, again, returned to his abode in the body of the dead fancy that the spirit is born anew in another man. At once the man arose, to the great astoperson. In proof of this they tell the follow- nishment of the by-standers, and asked them ing story :
why they were weeping. They answered that Once a lad of five years old was presented they thought he was dead, and were preparing to with a bracelet by his mother. While out one burn his body. The man told them that he had day shepherding, he took off this bracelet and been down a well to get some water to drink, but hid it in the hollow of a tree. Soon after he had found it difficult to get out again, and that got home he fell ill, and died without mention- he had just returned. The truth now dawned ing what he had done. His spirit entered a upon their minds that the well was the pitcher of woman in the same village, and in the course of water, and that, on account of its having been a year he was born again. When he attained covered, the man had not been able to escape, the age of five, he recollected that during a but that as soon as he did escape he recovered. former sojourn in the world he had hidden The people say that if they push wood into a bracelet. He mentioned the fact to his a fire with the feet they will have to suffer the mother, and begged her to accompany him to perralty of having their feet burned in the next a certain spot. At first she refused, saying it world. And if they see a piece of grass or straw was all nonsense, and that she had never given on a man's head they immediately remove it, or him a bracelet. However, afterwards, upon his they will have to carry large bundles of grass repeated entreaties, she consented to go with on their heads hereafter. him; and, sure enough, upon arriving there, In the next world there will be nothing but the boy at once found the bracelet where he hard work, their principal occupation being to had deposited it. His former mother, happen- grind dead men's bones day and night in a ing to see it, claimed it as having belonged to mortar, using the stalk of the castor oil plant her dead son, but the boy declared it was his as a pestle. They will have but one chance of own, and so it was concluded that the boy had getting a little rest-that is, t've men, if they can been born a second time.
chew tobacco, can sometimes beg for a few The Sântâls also believe that our spirits very minutes' respite under the excuse of preparing frequently change their abode, entering at their tobacco. When the taskmaster calls them will into the bodies of men or of animals. A to return to their work, they say, "Wait a favourite resort of the departed spirit is in the moment, Sir, I have not quite finished preparing body of the large red lizard. Cows and buf- my tobacco." Then they make pretence of faloes, dogs and pigs also become abodes of the rubbing it to a powder in the palm of the hand spirits. Very quarrelsome people are said to (mixing a pinch of line with it, to give it pun be possessed with the spirit of a dog. It is gency) as vigorously as possible, but as soon as supposed by some that the spirit of a man the taskmaster torns his back they will again leaves the body in the form of a lizard. In prepare it very slowly. In this way they manage proof of this the following story is told :- to prolong their rest. But woe to those who
One day a man fell asleep, and becoming very cannot chew tobacco or smoke the hukah! For thirsty his spirit left the body in the form of a this reason every Sântâl makes a point of lizard to obtain water from a pitcher close by. learning the practice in this world. Women It so happened that just as the lizard entered who have children can also obtain a little rest, the pitcher the owner of the water covered it, under the plea of feeding them. When told to not knowing what had happened : consequently return to work, they say, “Oh! wait a few the spirit could not return to the man's body, minutes longer, Sir, my child is very hungry," and he died. While his sorrowing friends and while really the child is but nestling in her bosom.

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But sad is the lot of poor women who have no family! When a man's ser (two lb. weight) is completed-that is, when his allotted time on earth is past-the king of death sends his messengers to convey him to his presence. He employs certain beetles as his spies. The beetle plucks out a hair from the head of his victim, and if it is not white with age he will wet it and roll it in white ashes, and then, showing it to the king, will say, " The owner of this hair is a very old man. Your Highness, is it not time you sent your messengers to fetch him ?" The king, not wishing perhaps to call such & one just yet, takes the hair, washes it, and says, "Take the hair back to the owner; he may remain a little longer, his ser is not yet completed."
When a Santal dies, all his possessions are placed by his bed, and some rupees too, if any are in the house, as it is supposed he will have to buy everything in the next world; and as he will have to provide himself with all kinds of necessaries he must take his weapons also with him, so his bow and arrows are carefully laid by his side.
If any one should enter the next world in a human form the inhabitants of that land would devour him. A child was in great troable, they say, at losing his mother. Every day he visited the place where her body had been burnt. The Sun (the Supreme Being of the Sântâls), seeing the boy's grief, asked him whether he would like to see his mother again. So he took him up, telling him not to speak or to show himself, or he would be devoured. He placed him in a hole, which he covered up so that the boy could see without being seen. Presently his mother passed by and began to sniff, saying to her companion, " I smell a man, where is he?" The Sun said to her, "You must be mistaken, how can there possibly be a man here?" The woman having left the place, the Sun asked the boy if he had seen his mother, to which he replied, "Yes, please take me away, I have seen quite enough." From that day he neven again longed for his mother.
The Såntâls are mortally afraid of a certain
class of women, believing that after death they are always on the watch for men. They are supposed to lick their victims to death, filing off the flosh with their rough tongues. When any of these women die, the survivors stick thorns into the soles of their feet, thus rendering them lame and powerless to pursue their victims, as they suppose. All whose bodies are properly burnt and whose bones have been thrown into the river Damud â (the Sântal sacred river) become good spirits, the others become demons. The funeral pyre, which is always placed near water, consists of a large heap of wood, upon which the body is placed; then the eldest son, or the nearest relative, sets fire to the wood, having first placed the torch near the dead man's mouth. If the hand or the foot move during the burning, it is a sure sign that others of the family will soon be called away. To propitiate the king of death, frogs are thrown on to the burning pile, and sometimes small images of clay in the shape of a man are placed beside the corpse. If the body is not consumed quickly, it is pierced with a spear or chopped in pieces with an axe. It is said that misers burn very slowly, but that generons men are quickly consumed. So, to avoid such a disgrace, the body of a rich man is smeared over with ghi and oil, to expedite its combustion. After the body is consumed, search is made for the collarbones. These are washed in turmeric water and deposited in a new earthen jar, and then taken to the Damuda. When the ceremony of throwing the bones into the river is completed, all the relations assemble at the village of the deceased to offer sacrifices to his memory. Goats and sheep are killed, and a feast is prepared. Several questions are asked of the departed spirit, such as "Are you angry with any of us? If so, please forget it. Did any one injure you in your lifetime ? if so, accept these sacrifices and forgive the offender." Then the sacrificer addresses the other spirits in these terms: "We consign the departed to your care, make him one of yourselves. We have now done our part, let us go in peace."
THE LATE F. W. ELLIS'S ESSAYS ON SOUTH-INDIAN LANGUAGES.
To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. Library, in which, among a few remarks introduced SIR.-In the Indian Antiquary, vol. IV. p. 219, incidentally regarding that eminent Orientalist. you reprintod a letter I communicated to the the late F. W. Ellis, of the Madras Civil Service, I Atheneum on the Tamil MSS. in the India Office stated that he had written essays on the Tamil

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ELLIS'S ESSAY ON THE MALAYALMA LANGUAGE.
275
Malayalam, Telugu, and probably the Canarese lan- 'the kingdom of Tulu': from Perumbula to guages, of which the third only-tbat on Telagu- Pudupattanam, near Nilêsvaram, the country is had been preserved, having been printed by called Ka pa-rajyam; thence to Kanuêrfi, near Mr. A. D. Campbell in his Telugu Grammar, about Kollam (Qnilon), lies Kêra! a-rajyam; and 1816, with the author's permission.
thence to Kanyakumari (Cape Comorin) MashiI have lately discovered the proof-sheets of the ka-r Ajyam. The Malayala, or more properly the second and third of the above treatises, among some Malayalma, is at present the language of the two papers brought from Madras, which fell into my last provinces. It is spoken likewise in Kapam, hands when examining the books of the College but in this province and in Taļa, which constitute of Fort St. George. Mr. Ellis was the first Prin- the district on which, in recent times, the name of cipal of the Board of Saperintendence of that Kanara has been imposed, the Tulu, a distinct institution, and printed such papers as he published dialect, though of the same derivation as the before his death at the college press. It was Malayalma, prevails among the aborigines, and a among a heap of corrected proofs and manuscript variety of tongues among the Haiga, Konkana, that I discovered these papers when I was a mem- Kannada, Telugu, and other tribes who have long ber of the Board
colonized the country. There is a certain variaThe essay on the Malayalam language seems tion in dialect between the language of Keralam well worthy of preservation, and I beg therefore to and Mushikam, and, indeed, in the several nidus offor it to you for publication in the Antiquary. into which they are divided, but none of sufficient The Telugu Grammar is so rarely met with that importance to reqnire particular notice: in the it is worthy of consideration whether the third latter province affairs of state are conducted in essay may not be reprinted also. I therefore the Tamil language, which is there, consequently, submit it likewise for your opinion.
much more prevalent than in the former. I made many inquiries for the Tamil treatise 1 The Malay & Ima is, like the Kodun-Tamil, which doubtless was the first of the series, but I an immediate dialect of the Sěn-Tamil : it could obtain no tidinge of it. Among the frag. differs from the parent language generally in the manta dinjecta, however, I found two MS. books same manner as the Kodun; it differs from the filled with rough copy of a Treatise on Tami? Pro- Kodun in pronunciation and idiom, but more sody by Mr. Ellis, and abounding in extracts from especially in retaining terms and forms of the the Southern poets, which were probably connected Son-Tamil which in the former are obsolete. with the missing essay. These I showed to the But its most material variation from its cognate lato Rev. T. Brotherton, a distinguished Tamil dialects is that, though deriving from a language scholar, who stated that he thought they would superfluously abounding in verbal forms, its be very useful if published...... We have no verbs are entirely devoid of personal terminaseparate English work," he added, "on Tamil tions, the person being always indicated by the progody, that I am aware of."
pronoun. It is this peculiarity which chiefly conThe difficulty will be to find a competent editor. stitutes the Malayalma a distinct tongue, and The MS. occupies upwards of 100 pages of foolscap
distinguishes it in a peculiar manner from all other in the rough, and is apparently unfinished.
dialects of Tamil origination. (See Note 4, p. 287.) In addition to the enumeration of Mr. Ellis's The Malay alma is written in three different writings given at pp. 220-21 of vol. IV., I should characters, namely the Aryam, the Kolo,uttu, specify his paper, “On the discovery of a modern and the Va t těluttu, or, as it is called in the imitation of the Vedas," in the Asiatic Researches, more southern districts, Malayala Tamil. The vol. XIV. pp. 1ff.
Aryam, a variation of the Grantham, has the WALTER ELLIOT. same number of letters as the Någari, and is
derived intermediately from the Tamil alphabet : DISSERTATION ON THE MALAYÅLMA
in this character all books, whether Sansksit or LANGUAGE
Malayalma, are written, correspondence conductBY THE LATE F. W. ELLIS.
ed, and business transacted. It is considerably The country of Malayalam, lying on the varied in the form and mode of writing.in different west coast of the Indian peninsula, is, according parts of the country: to the south of Calicut it to the Kéralátpatti, divided into four Khandam or is written square and distinct, and then, with the provinces. The most northern, commencing at exception of a few characters, approaches nearer Gökarnam and extending southward to Perum- to the Grantham: as written to the north of bula, near Mangalore, is called Tu!u-rajyam, Calicut, however, its variation from its primitive
"I shall be happy to place these papers at the disposal of any Tamil scholar who will undertake to edit and publish them within a given time.

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form is very considerable; the angles are rounded, and the vowel signs and compound consonants more irregularly connected, so that a person acquainted with Grantham, and consequently able to read the square Aryam character, can scarcely decipher the round hand. As the Grantham was originally formed for writing the Sanskrit only, all letters purely Tamil, and consequently not found in the Nagari, were rejected, but these have been necessarily restored in the Aryam, and retain nearly their proper Tamil form: these letters are R, L, and N only used as a final, or in connection with y. Separate forms, which do not exist in the Grantham, have also been devised for the finals R, L, and L, on account of their frequent occurrence.1
The Kôlěluttu is, as its name imports, the writing of the palace, kolu in Tamil being equivalent to the Hindustani term darbár; in this character all grants, patents, decrees, and, in general, all papers that can be considered records of Government are drawn up. While Keralam was independent these papers were in the Malayalma; but in Mashika m, the country at present under the dominion of the Travankor Government, Tamil is, and always has been, used for this purpose. The Vattěluttu, the clipped or abbreviated letter, is the writing of the forum; conveyances, bonds, legal instruments, and. generally, all transactions between man and man, necessary to be recorded, are written in this character. The two characters have each the same number of letters as the Tamil alphabet; the forms of the letters are nearly the same in both, and are either variations, all angles being rounded, or, as the name of the latter imports, abbreviations of the Tamil,
The Tamil character, though perfectly competent to the expression of the language to which it belongs, is incapable of representing with precision the sounds and combinations of sound of the Sanskrit. To remedy this defect, the Brahmans, on their establishment in Southern India, had but two methods at their option-to introduce the Nagarl, if it then existed, or to invent a new character. They preferred the latter. (An error.) They analyzed the Tamil characters, and supplied the symbols wanting by recombining the lines and curves of which they were formed. The alphabet thus constructed they called. Grantham, which, derived from grath, 'close-shut,' among other signi fications means a collection of words, a writing,' and is synonymous also with the term sástram, 'a science,' or 'a treatise on any science.' The Sanskrit language is by Tamil writers, whether Brahmans or Sadras, always called vada moli, the northern speech,' but it is universally known by its appropriate epithets Sanskrit and Girvina; if, however, a Tamil Brahman is asked, in what Tanguage a Sanskrit book is written, his answer will invariably be in the Grantham,' alluding to the character, and conceiving that the inevitable deduction must be that the language is Sanskrit. Hence the mistake of Europeans who speak of the Grantham language and the Grandonica lingua, and among others of Ziegenbalg, who in general is accurate, when he says in a letter to La Croze, "Beammhanum lingame propriæ nomen est Grantham, neque a Brammhanibus ipsis unquam aliter vocatur." In the dissertation prefixed to his Sanskrit grammar, entitled Siddhar@pam, p. 7, Paulinus à St. Bartholomeo says, "Ultimum denique alphabetum est Samscrudamico-Malabaricum nostrum anno 1772 Romæ typis
[NOVEMBER, 1878.
but they differ from each other and from the Tamil very materially in the mode of joining the signs of the vowels to the consonants, and in the manner of writing. (Note B, p. 287.)
To exhibit with precision the difference between the Malayalma and the Sen and Kodun Tamil, I shall make the following comparisons :-Of terms derived in the two modern dialects from the pure or ancient Tamil; Of words derived from the Sanskrit; Of the declension of the noun: Of the conjugation of the verb; Of idiom. This arrangement will comprehend every variation, whether in the pronunciation or forms of words, in the idiom, or in the use of terms by those which are obsolete in one dialect being retained in the other. Comparison of terms in the two dialects derived from pure Tamil.
Like the other dialects of Southern India, the terms of the Malayâlma might be arranged under the three principal classes of Tatsamam, pure Sanskrit terms, Tadbhavam, Sanskrit derivatives, and Dééyam, native terms, and the latter might be again subdivided into Tamil Tatsamam, pure Tamil, and Tamil Tadbhavam, Tamil derivatives. In the Dissertation on the Telugu, the Tadbhavam terms of that language are distributed into classes, according as they are derived direct or through the medium of the several Prakrits; of the latter there are few, if any, in Malayalma, and the former do not abound. Those which occur may be more properly referred to the Tamil than the Malay)ma; thus simbah, the sign Leo, becomes in Tamil, by the necessary substitution of g for h,-the latter not being found in the language,-singam, and in Malayalma singam and chingam; thus, also, vrisha
St. Congregationis impressum. Hoc obtinet in Regio Canara, Carnate, Concam, Maypoor, Madare, Tanjaur, in tota ora Malabarica et Coromandelica, et hoc soli lingus sacre Samscrudamic proprium ibidem est, ac in libris Brahminicis reperitur." This Paulinus asserts of the Aryam character of Malayalam, which obtains only in Kanara and Malabar; he evidently confounds it with the Grantham, from which it is indeed derived, but from which it materially differs. From the Grantham may also be deduced the Singalese and Burma alphabets; while the origin of the Kôlěluttu, Vatteluttu, and the characters of Java and Sumatra, all nearly connected, is referable immediately to the Tamil. I am not aware that any European writer has ever given the Kolěluttu or Vattěluttu alphabets: Anquetil Duperron notices them both, but with so little intelligence that, though he gives a copy of the ancient plates containing the privileges granted to the Jews, which is written in the Vatteluttu, he does not recognize the character, and affirms that he could procure no person capable of deciphering it. That Duperron might know the names of these alphabets, without being at all acquainted with the characters themselves, is very probable, but it is somewhat surprising that he should have found any difficulty in procuring the explanation of a document written in a character 80 generally known. A transcript of a letter in the Vatteluttu taken from the preface to Van Rheede's Hortus Malabaricus is engraved in the Alphabetum GrandonicoMalabaricum, where it is ridiculously called 'infimum scribendi genus,' because not applicable to writing the Sanskrit, but no explanation of the character is given. Fide p. 12. [See Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 229.]

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ELLIS'S ESSAY ON THE MALAYALMA LANGUAGE.
277
bhah, by the usual Tami) substitutions of i forri and NOTE.-The peculiar letter ? Cor z'X“) is generally a for sh, becomes idabam, and in Malayalma idaram. pronounced in the districts to the south of the In these instances, however, and in most others Coleroon l; this conversion in Malayalma is very of a similar nature, the proper Tatsamam term may arbitrary: for example, they say kq, below,' but, be optionally used for the derivative. (Note C, in a compound form, ki! andil, 'in the last year.' p. 287.)
The occurrence of this letter is genorally the cause The changes by which the Desyam terms of the of some variation in all the Tamil dialects, an idea Malayaļma are distinguished from those of pure of which may be given by a single etymology: Tamil, though they are mostly such as indicate a połudu (pron. poz"hudu] in pure Tamil signifies lapse from primitive forms, yet, being regular in time,' and the prefixing to this term of the their occurrence, may be regarded as dialectic demonstrative particles i, 'this,' a, that,' and e, differences rather than corruptions. The principal what,' forms the temporal adverbs ippoludu, 'now,' of these changes are as follows:
appluds, 'then,' and épp lucu, 'when,' according The u of the pure Tami) in nouns is always con- to the Southern pronunciation ippoludu, &c.; in verted tou (36), though this vowel never occurs as the
Kodun Tamil these words become respectively final of any noun, either in Sěn or Kodun Tami]; ippo, appă, and éppó, and in the Malayalma ippo?, the je so substituted, however, is subject to the rules appol, and épp0!. which govern the us in the parent language, and is | Comparison of terms in the three dialects derived liable to elision, consequently, before all vowels : a
from the Sanskrit. and d in the nominative, and e in the oblique cases, The Malayalma being written in a character is substituted for the final ei ; sh and 3, as the accommodated to the expression of the Sanskrit, mate of the second series is pronounced in pure the sounds of tatsamam terms are more accurately Tamil, in Malayalma becomes ch : when the nasal represented by it than they can be by the Tamil of the third series is followed by the mute of the alphabet. In the mouth of Brahmans of either wame series, the compound thence arising, nda, is tongue the pronunciation of words of Sanskrit changed into ona if preceded by a short vowel, and origin is equally correct; but, as the written must na if by a long one ; so likewise the similar com- always influence the 'spoken language, the Sadras pound anda becomes nna and na: the double mute of of Malayalam pronounce these with greater prothe fourth it is often converted to chcha; the com- priety than those of the Tamil countries, as the pound formed by the consonant and nasal of this following terms will show :series, nda, sometimes becomes nna, sometimes nja, Pure Tamil Kodun Tamil. Ma. Tamil, English. and for the latter the double nasal ma is frequently Samudiram Samudiram Samudram the sea. substituted, as is the double nasal of the first Virrukkam Virussam Vriksham a tree. vina for the compound n-ga: la sometimes be- Mirugum Mirugam Msigam a beast. comes la.
Agåyam Ågåsam Åkasam the ether. These observations are exemplified by the follow- Singam Singam Simham a lion. ing terms:
Iråśśiyam Råśśiyam Rajyam a kingdom. Pure Tamil. Kõdun Tamil. Ma. Tamil. English. Manudan Manushan Manushan a man. Vil Villu Villa a bow. Puvi Bami
Bhumi the earth. Malei Malei Mala a hill. sittidal Sishţtikkiradu Śsishţikkunnu to Kalutei Kalutei Kaluta the neck.
create. Ondu Onnu
Onnu one.
of the Declension of the Noun. Irandu Randu Randa two.
In comparing the declension of the noun, I shall Maudu Maņu Mûnnu three. observe the grammatical arrangement of the Sěn Attan
Achchan father. Tamil: both this and the Kodun Tamil have a Maranda Maranda Masanna forgotten. variety of forms to the several cases, from which I Irundu Irundu Irunnu being.
shall select such as serve to show their connection Aindu Aziju Añja fine.
with the Malayalma. There are some peculiarities Kareinda Kareisija Hareinnya dissolved. in the declension of nouns in the high language, NÂn-gal N&igal NAnna! we.
which it will be necessary to explain to account Pugal Pugatói Pugalcha praise. for this variety, and to show in what the modern Kelkkudal Kéļkiradu Kelkuna to hear. dialects differ in this part of grammar from their
Notwithstanding the Malay Alma alphabet has, like the being pronounced without the laryngeal compressore when NAgarl, five mutes in the five first series, the aspirates are initial, and with it when medial and final. never used except in Sanskrit worde, and the third in each The Tamil | is generally but not uniformly re-9, d, &o-bat, seldom; the first muto in each series, presented by Mr. Ellis ss s'h, but as is its usual repretherefore, as in Sěn and Kodun Tamil, has two sounds,
Bentation that symbol is substituted throughout the paper.-ED.

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parent. The Sěn Tamil has two primary forms, in the singular number; lst Villa, 2nd Villina, the nominative and the oblique, the latter derived before the plural number. The variations in Kodun from the former variously according to the termi- Tamil are-1st Villin, 2nd Villudaya, 3rd Vilnation: the oblique form has its appropriate gram- linadaya, without discrimination before singular matical uses in the superior dialect, but in Kodun and plural. The MalayAlma takes its genitive Tamil it serves only as a genitive; in both, how- from the third form of the Sěn Tamil, expungever, the terminations of the cases are added either ing the penult a, converting the final, as usual, to the nominative or oblique form, in the former to ja, and, according to the rules of Tami) etymo at pleasure, in the latter under certain restrictions. logy, substituting with the sound of d for that The term I have selected for the following com- letter after a finaln; villinadu thus becomes villind, parison has its nominative form Vil, its oblique pronounood villindd. The variations of the other form Villin, and the variations of the fifth or geni- cases from their prototype, where they exist, tive case in śěn Tamil are—Ist Villadu, 2nd might be similarly traged, but they are too minute Villadu, 3rd Villanadu, 4th Villinddu, before words to render this necessary.
Śån Tamil. Kodun Tamil. Ma. Tamil. English. N. S. Vil. Pl. Villuga! Villu-Villuga! Villu-Villukal a bor, bowl. A. Villanei - galei Villei - gaļei Villine - kale a box.
Villinâl - gall ViAl - gaļl Villinál - ka!A1 by a box. 1.AD. Villinôdu- galodu Villodu - gaļôdu Villinoda - kaļoda with a bow. D. Villukku - gatku Vilukku-galukku Villina - kaļukka to a bow. 2.Ab. Villil - gaļil wanting
wanting from a bow. G. Villinadu.galadu Villin - galudeiya Villinda. kalude in a bow.
3.Ab. Villukkan-gatkan Villil . galil Villil - kaļil of a bow. The k, though written, has in pronunciation, as cusative; as, Kodun, Idai kattilum adu nalludu; Malais usually the case in Malayalma, the sound of g. yAlma, Ida kattilum ada nalla, literally, though this
The fifth case or second ablative of the săn be shown that is good.' The first meaning of this Tamil is supplied in the Kodun and Malay ma by case is expressed in Kodun and Malayala Tamil particles: the more general use of this case in the respectively by the gerunds nindu-nin, standing.' high language is to indicate motion from a place, after the seventh case. and to compare the qualities of things, for which The pronouns in each dialect are declined nearly in English the prepositions from and than are em as the nouns: the śěn Tamil, as in the nouns, ployed, and in the latter sense the causal form is has one or more oblique forms to which tho occasionally used in both dialects, though it is
causal terminations are added. The following more generally expressed by the verbal form kdt- comparison will show the variations of the three tilum, meaning though shown,' preceded by an ao dialects :Son Tamil. Kodan Tamil.
Malaya)ma. Sing.
Plu. Sing. Plu. Sing. Plu. Nom. Nân, Nam Nân-gal Nân , NÂm NÅn-ga! Nan , Nam Nanna! I, we. Obl. form En, Ém Nam En-Nam. Ac. Énnei, Emmei Nammei Ennei- Eng-gale Enne Namme Nannale me, we. Nom. Ni, Nir Nin-ga! Niy - Nir Nin-ga! NI ... Ninnal thou, ye. Obl. Un, Nin.. Um Un. Um. Ac. Unpei Ninnei. . Ummei Unnei-Ummei Un-gaļei Ninne Niye- Ninnale thee, you. Nom. Tân, Tôm Tôn-gal Tân , Tam Tân-gal Tân, Tarna! ho, they. Obl. Tan, Tam
Tan, Tam. Ac. Tannei, Tammei Tannei, Tammei Tan-galei Tanne.. Tannate him, them.
Tan, which in High Tamil is equivalent to the place of the second person singular in addressing Latin ipse or the English himself,' is so used also those to whom the speaker owes respect or rever. in Ködun Tamil; but more generally in that dia- ence. The demonstratives M. avan, F. aval, N. adu, lect the plural number of this pronoun, and both that man,' that woman,' that thing;' ivan, iva, idu, the singular and plural in Malayalma, usurps the this man,' &c.; čpan, éval, du, 'which men,' &o.
• The Latin and Sèn Tamil reject with the sternest rigi. abound. It is curious to trace a like aberration of the dity the discrimination of persons by adulatory phrases; human mind, through correspondent periode, in countries in all the modern dialects of these languages such phrmesso distant.

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279
and the general interrogative dr, 'who P which of those tenses; the former with slight change, with the usual changes, are common to the three the latter without alteration; and the gerund, with dialects. The demonstrative letters a, that,'i, or without alteration, for its past. The gerund “this,',' what which P' when they precede a con- is either the same as the past tense, or another sonant, are sometimes, as in Tamil, short and form is borrowed from the many it assumes in the double the following consonant, and sometimes parent language; the present and past participles long : when they precede & vowel they are always are retained, the future being supplied, as is frelong, as in Telugu, and require the letter y to be quently the case in Ködun Tamil, by a cominserted before the vowel.
pound. Comparative Conjugation of Verbs.
In Tami) there are three classes or conjugations The several forms of the verb in pure Tamil are of verbs, principally distinguished by the variation derived from the crude root by a method extremely of the gerund and past tense. The rules for each, artificial, and, as respects the permutation of as far as connected with the formation of the letters, refined to the last degree of nioety, this Malayalma, I shall explain. In the first class the artifice and this minuteness pervade and govern gerund is formed simply by the duplication of the the variation of the verb in the Kodun and Mala- consonant of the final syllable, which is always yêlma dialects, though the rules which direct them, either gu, du, or r preceded by a short syllable; and the reason on which they proceed, can be this is the root, which serves for the imperative; learned only from the grammarians of the Sěn in the present tense it is followed by a single g, Tamil. Hence the only distinctions in the verbal and the third person future neuter is formed from systems of the three dialects are, as in the noun, it by the addition of um, the preceding being that the Kodun Tamil selects one from the many lost. In the second class the gerund is formed personal terminations, and that the Malayalma by the elision of the 1, with which the root inrejects them altogether. The pure Tamil has variably ends, and the substitution of i: the three indefinite tenses for the three times formed present and future forms are the same as in the from the root; the definite tenses and, to use an former class, unless the imperative ends in douexpression of European grammar, the moods of ble k, in which case it is double also in the prethe verb, except the imperative, infinitive, and Bent. The third class requires du to be added to subjunctivo, are supplied by auxiliaries; the third the root to form the gerund, but it is duplicated, or person of each tense is declined through the three changed tondu,ndu ordu (uru), under the general genders; each tonse has an indeclinable participle, rules for permutation, according to the letter in which becomes declinable by affixing the first which the root ends : when the d is duplicated in the demonstrative pronoun in the three genders; gerund, or when the root has a final a, the present and a gerund of most extensive use serves for all requires a double k, and the third person future times, and for every person, until the suspended is formed by adding kkum to the root; in all other gense is closed at the close of the sentence by the cases the characteristic letter of the present is a conjugated verb in its proper form : this is the single 9, and the future is formed by um. idiom of the vorb in every dialect of the Tamil The appliontion of these rules to the two diaThe Malayalma from this extensive scheme selects lects of the Tamil and the Malayalma is exemplifor its present and future the third persons neuter fied and explained in the following synopsis :
Derivation of the Malayálma Present. Śện Tami]. Kodun Tamil. Malayaļma.
First Class. Pugu, enter Puguginradu-Pagudu
Pagunnu Padu, suffer Paduginradu-Padudu
Padunnu Pěru, obtain Pěruginradu-Pěrudu
Pērunnu
Second Class. Kattu, tie Kattuginradu-Kattudu
Kattukunnu 1, thos, Nikku, remove Nikkinradu-Nikkudu
Nikkunnu she, it, Third Class.
they, we, Śêy, do śěyginradu-Sěyudu
Cheyyunnu enter, Kodu, give Kõdukkinradu-Kodakkudu Kodukkunnu
suffer,
obtain, &c. Kadi, lite
Kadikkinradu-Kadikkudu Kadikkunnu Ari, know Ariginradu-Ariyudu
Ariyunnu Kõl, take Kõļļuginradu-Kõlludu
Kollunnu | Nil, stand 1 Nirkinradu--Nirkudu
| Nilkunnu
Common Roots.
Person Neuter, Present Tense.
Present Tense.

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Gerud.
Past Tense.
Biting
Padum
The Third Person Neuler of the Future and the Future Participle.
Derivation of the Past. Śěn and Kodan Tami].
Malayalma.
First Class. Entering Pukku
Pukku Suffering Pattu
Pattu Obtaining Pēţtu
Pěţtu
Second Class. Tying Katti
Katti
thou, Remoring Nikki
Nikki
he, &c.
entered, Third Class.
suffered, Doing Śêydu
Chêydu
removed. Giping Kõduttu
Koduttu Kadittu and in K.T. Kadiálu Kadiocu Knowing Arindu
Ariya Taking Kõndu
Kondu Standing Nindu
| Ninnu Derivation of the Past. Śěn and Kodun Tamil.
Malayalma.
First Class. It will enter, Pugum, K.T. Pagum
Pagum It will suffer
Padum It will obtaia. Pěrum
Pěrum
Second Class. It will tie. Kattum
Kattum
1, thou, It will remove. Nikkum
Nikkum
he, &c. Third Class
will It will do. SẼyum
Chữyum
enter,
suffer, It will give. Kódukkum
Kodukkum
obtain, &c. It will bite. Kadikkum
Kadikkum It will know Ariyum
Ariyum It will take. Kõllam
Kollum It will stand. Nirkum, K.T. Nikkum
| Nilkkum In the present tense tho Malaya ma differs the past tenses of the verb nkkudal, or niklounnu, from the Kodun Tamil in the final syllable only, to remove.' nou being substituted for du; the present parti. 6. & K. Tamil. Malayalma. English. ciple is formed by changing the final to a, as Nikkinen Nân nikki I removed. nikkuna, removing,' &c.; this in Śěn and Kodun Nikkinky Ni nikki
thou removedst Tamil respectively is nikkinda, níkkra. In forming Nikkinan Avan nikki he removed. the past tense the Malayalma makes no alteration | Nikkina! Ava! nikki she removed. in the two first classes, the third of the third class Nikkirru Adu nikki it removed. assumes the colloquial form of Kodun Tamil, the | As simplicity would appear to indicate original. fourth is corrupted by an easy permutation of con- ity, the defect of the Malayalma verb in personal sonants, and the last is formed by the usual change terminations, to cursory consideration, would seem of d into n: the verbs which take these corrupted to declare this to be the parent of the Tamil forms constitute the greater number in the lan- dialects: the superior richness of the Sěn Tamil guage. It will be observed that the various termina- in tenses, in the variety of idiom, and in the artifice tions of the gerund, which in the parent language of language, arising possibly from superior cul. depends on the primitive form, or artificial pre- tivation, affords no refutation of this notion ; for paration of the root, are invariably followed in the cultivation will soon exalt & subordinate dialect Malayalma: this agreement is constant even in above its neglected parent. But analogy sufficient. anomalies. In the future tense of the Malayalma ly demonstrates that such has not been the there is no alteration.
general progress of human speech, and there The variation between the two dialects, pro- is no reason to believe that the Tamil dialects duced by the default of the Malayalma in personal constitute an exception; as far as bistory can terminations, will appear from the comparison of ascend, language will ever be found more artificial,
Future Tense.

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more fertile in terminations, more abounding in inflections, and more copious in terms, in proportion to its antiquity; and during the last fifteen hundred years every progressive change in language, either from desuetude or intermixture, in Asia as well as in Europe, has invariably tended to reduce this exuberance. Throughout every dialect, from the confines of China to the shores of the Atlantic, the ancient structure of language has been gradually dissolved; the cases of nouns have either been reduced or entirely obliterated by the substitution of prepositions; the many moods and tenses of the primitive languages have disappeared, and the various incidents of action are now expressed by a few terminations and a multitude of auxiliaries; and the desire to vary the recurring monotony of a modern sentence compels the employment of a cumbrous circumlocution, instead of permitting the more elegant recourse to correlative terms. The perfection of the Sen Tamil, therefore, not the defects of the Malayalma, indicates the parent of the dialects of Southern India. This deduction is confirmed by the fact that in the higher style of composition the Malayalma still uses, though sparingly, the personal terminations of the original language: the extracts I shall hereafter make will afford many instances of this, and the following short example from the invoca. tion to the Ramayana will, therefore, for the present be sufficient :
Vishnu tan máyágunacharittram ĕllám kondu Krishnan ám puránakarttavine vanni chonnen, "I have related the whole of the wonderful history of Vishnu, reverencing Krishnan, the ancient lord."
Vanni chonnén, literally 'I have told reverencing;' bonnen is in the Kōdun Tamil the form of the first person past of the verb éŏlludal, 'to tell;' in colloquial Malayalma it would be ñán cholli.
Comparison of Idioms.
All that belongs to the comparison of the idiom of cognate dialects may be included in the examination of the construction of sentences and the use
of terms. The language of verse in the Malayalma dialect differs much less in idiom from the pure Tamil than the language of prose; the rules of prosody are the same, and there is sometimes so near a coincidence that the Malayalma will become pure Tamil by the change of a few letters; but the reverse does not obtain, for no verse of pure Tamil could be made Malayalma without an entire change of its terms and structure.
This I shall presently exemplify, but first give the following specimens of Malayalma prose, distinguishing the Sanskrit words by a variation of type, and adding such remarks as may tend to elucidate the idiomatic difference of the two dialects.
281
Extract from the Kéralotpatti. Śri Parasuraman Kêralattinkal Brahmanare undákki-paladik kinnum Brahmaṇare kondu vannu Kêralattinkal věchchu-adinge sêsham avar árum uṛachch' irunna illa avar okko tanṛe tanṛe dikkil tanné póykalaññu-adinge hêtu Kêralattil sarpangal vannu ningáde poy-avarude piḍa kondu árkkum urappichcha nilpán vasam illa-adinre śêsham Sri Parasuraman nirapichchu uttarabhaminkalninna Åryya Brahmanare kondu pónu věchchu-Aryya Brahmaṇare nada Ahichhatram akunna dikkinna purapatta Syamanta pancakam akunna kshêtrattinkal irunnu-d kshê. trattinna gurukshetram enna pêr undu.
"Sri Parasurâ man caused Brâhmans to be in Kêralam; he brought Brâhmans from various quarters and placed them in Kêralam; after that they were all without confidence: all of them returned, therefore, each of his own accord, to his own quarter. The cause of this was that serpents came into Kêralam and remained without removing; from the distress they occasioned it was not possible to cause any (of the Brahmans) to have confidence or to stay. After that, Śri Paras uråman, having formed his determination, carried Arya Brahmans from the northern land and placed them here. The Arya Brâhmans came first from Ahichhatram and remained in the K s hê. tram Syamantapanchaka m; that Kshêtram is called, therefore, the principal Kshetram."
This passage, broken into short sentences and unconnected by any of the usual artifices of language, exhibits the most material difference between the construction of the Malayalma and pure Tamil; this arises from the former having no connectives to supply the want of the indefinite gerund, which it uses for the past tense-an imperfection which prevents the continued flow of the sense, as in pure Tamil, to the natural period of the sentence. The past tense in Malayâļma sometimes assumes its primitive functions and is used as a gerund, though this cannot always be done without confusion: there are several instances of this in this example, as konduvannu and nirúppichchu, which, from the context, must signify 'having brought' and 'having formed his determination,' instead of 'he brought' and 'he formed his resolution,' which are their meanings when used as tenses.
The most remarkable difference in the two dialects in the use of terms is in the application of the gerund urachchu, as used in the Malayalma: the neuter form ureidal in pure Tamil means 'to thicken, to become firm,' and is generally restricted to the thickening or curdling of milk; in the active form, ureittal, it almost entirely loses its radical meaning in the Kodun Tamil, except in the compound ureittukolludal, when it signifies to act firmly, to

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have confidence. In the foregoing extract this To exemplify further the differences here noticed, word occurs twice, once in the active form, wracon, and to enable the Tamil or Malay&lma scholar to and once in the causal, wrappiccu, and in both compare the two dialects, I add another extract Casos retains the radical signification, to convey from the Kéralotpatti, with an interlined translawhich in Malayalma it is not necessary that it tion into Tamil. The figures refer to the variation should appear in a compound form.
of the two languages noticed in the remarks. Mal. Srimân Sankarachariyudě charitram churukki yěludi yirikunnu. Åyada: Kerala khandattinkal Tam. Sriman sankardehuriyudeiya sarittiram surukk' eludi yirukkinradu. Ad'avadu: Kerala kandatt il Ålavâykka kilakka KAladi yệnna desattil Kaipalli yệnna 'taravadaya 'illattil kaliyugain Ålavdyukku kilakke Kalali yenra desattil Kaipalli yénra piranda vilatt' agirattil kaliyugam mavâyirattaññatt' onnêmadil chingañayaril bravananakshatrattinkal avadarichcha, muppatt' étta můdyiratt' ainutt' ond dvadil dvani masattil tiruvonanaţsattirattil a vadarittu, muppattettu 'vayasinagam smartta matatte pramâņichchu, dikka® vijayam kaļichchu tiriyo keraļattinkal érisivavayasinulle smartta madattei pramdrittu, tikkuvi jayam kondu tirumba keralattil tirukivapêruril mahadevaně kshetra munbil irikkunna mandabatinkal ninna tipatta "kaivalya pådril mahadevanadu kshetra munbil irukkinra mandabattil ninyu devígamdy motsa padavikk' ēlun 'allugayum cheydu. appôl tiruvayasa muppatt' étt' atre yâgunnu, ēnnada 'kondu padavikk' elund' autár. appoludu tiruvayasu muppatt" éttumatram dgudu. ēndadinál ikkeralarajyam nâla khandattilum brahmakshatriyavaisya sadra nâlu varnnatinnum idil Okurassia ikkeralarajyam nálu kandattilum pirama sattiriya vaisiya būdira nálu varnattilum idil tainda kilparishagalkkum innanê sakala prajagalkkum jaga guru náthandy irikkunna Sriman Sankarachari kt! kulangaluk-kum s agala prajagalukkum jaga guru nádandy irukkinra Sriman Šan kardchari kalpichch' irikkunna Acharavui anachâravum ariñña nadakkunavarkk' allåde môksham "lábhikka ill' kalpite rukkinra dsdramum andsdramum arindu na lakkinravarkk' alldde motsam a deiyavillei ěnn' atre nischayam. yenbadu táne nissayam. A summary of the history of the prosperous departed this life and ascended to the joys of Sankaracharya.
Heaven from the Mandapam in the front of the holy It is in this wise. He became incarnate in the place of Mahadeva in Sribi va-pêror in Kêraprovince of Keralam, in the Désam called Kaladi, Inm; at that time the age of the holy man did not to the south of Aluvy, in the Illam of the place exceed thirty-eight years. Thenceforth in the four of his birth, called Kaipalle, in the 3501st year of provinces of the kingdom of Kerala the four castes the Kaliyugam (A.D. 400- too early), in the month of Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Sadras, of August, and under the Lunar constellation have obtained salvation by observing that which Sravanam ; within the age of thirty-eight years he ! should be dono and that which should not be dono established everywhere the Smarta sect, having as taught by the prosperous Sankarachâri, the chief travelled through every quarter ; returning he teacher of the world, and by no other means."
* Similar variations are common in all languages; they bave been too frequently overlooked by grammarians; and the principles of etymology, therefore, capable as this science is of precision, and leading as it does to the most interesting results, are still too obscure to invite research, tuo indefinite to inspire confidence. He who shall conquer the difficulties which the absurd speculations of the idle
r the ignorant have thrown in his way, and establish etymology on the firm basis of truth and reason, will suggest to the philosopher new and important speculations on mankind, and open to the historian views of the origin and connection of nations, which he can derive from no other source. The European etymologist must not, however, coutent himself with extending his researches to the Latin, the Greek, or the Teutonic only, nor must be amuse himself wad mislead his readers by theories founded on fancied resemblances to Hebrew and Arabic roots : for with these languages neither the ancient nor modern dialects of Europe have any radical connection. It is in India that he must Beck the foundation of etymology, being assured that it is on this alone that any durable structure can be erected. It is not intended here to enter further into this subject : that the assertion is generally true will be now admitted by many, though the extent to which it is true is known but to few. A single instance may illustrate it. By what possible interchange of letters can bis, though the connection in sease is evident, be derived from color, rather, how can by radical connectiou bet woou them be shown The real
etymology of the word bis can only be known by reference to the Sanskrit, and by the application of rules which govern the permutation of letters in the Prakrita. The crude form, frequently used in composition, of the word signifying treo in Sanskrit is dui, composed of the radical letters d u (which before vowels changes regularly to v or w), and : when this crude noun is declined, dva is substituted for it, and its proper form, therefore, in the nominative dual feminine is duau, which in Prakrit, in which this word has also several other forms, becomes do, and in Latin duo. This establishes the nataral connection between dui and duo. In some instances dui loses ita first letter, as in the word meaning twenty, which, formed from it by the affix mati, is not dvir jati, but visat (viginti). One of the leading canons of permutation in the Prikrits is vabayor abhedam, 'between va and ba there is no difference,' and in these dialects the latter is constantly substituted for the former, vishati becoming under this rule, and by the omis. sion of the nasal and of the final syllable, bisa. From the crude noun dvi is derived the adverb dvih, 'twice,' the final aspirate of which is substituted for 8, so that the primary form, usd also under certain rules in composition, is dois. Hence the derivation of bis is clearly indicated, and there can be no doubt but that it is formed, first, by dropping the d of duis, which then becomes vis; secondly, by changing into b, whence bis. To prove that twice and dis are not only of the same derivation, but the same as bis, would now be superfluous.

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Remarks. 1. The compound taraodda, which in Malayalma signifies, not generally the town or district, but the actual place of birth,' is not, as far as I am aware, used in either dialect of the Tamil; the terms, however, of which it is formed are taravi, signi. fying 'the sinciput,' and adu, as a verbal root, 'to move': the whole implies, therefore, the place where the head first moved.' The first member of this compound is used neither in Ködun Tamil nor MalayAlma, and it would be impossible, there. fore, for any person acquainted with these dialects only to trace its derivation. 2. Mam, used in this extract as synonymous with agrahdram, the residence of Brahmans,' means in Tamil simply a house." 3. Chinnia-iidyars, the month when the sun enters the sign Leo'; it is compounded of the terms cina, corrupted from the Sanskrit simha, *the sign Leo,' and the Tamil ñdyar, 'the sun'; but, as it cannot be so used in Tamil, it is rendered by the name of the month, Avanimdsam, with which it corresponds. 4. Vayasinagam, the last term, or in the oblique agatta, might have been used in the Tamil version instead of sille, but it would savour of the high dialect. 5. Vijayam properly signifies conquest,' but here 'a journey, travel'; kalittal signifies in Tamil to take away,' but in this place kölludal, which has nearly the same sense, must be used for it. 6. Tippatta, from ti, 'fire,' and patta, suffering,' is employed in Malayalma when speaking of the decease of persons entitled to respect; but, though the terms from which it is derived are Tamil, this compound does not belong to that language, the Sanskrit devigam,
the act of God,' being generally used in this sense. 7. This Sanskrit word is used only in high Tamil, and it is rendered here, therefore, by another, of the same derivation, more commonly received. 8. Allugunnu and a luttal with the dative both mean 'to reach, arrive at'; they are derived from the same root al, which in Malayalma takes the affixu, and in Tamil du, converted, according to the general rules of grammar, with the final ! to du; it would be better Tamil to use in this place a leidal, also from the same root,' to repair to, to obtain.' 9. Kondu, the gerund of kollsdal, to take,' may be used' in Tamil, also, with the meaning of the prepositions by,'' with,' but the termination of the regular case is generally preferable. 10. Kureinda and tálnda both signify in Tamil lessenod,' but the latter only can be used in the sense here be- longing to kurañña, "inferior.' 11. Parisham, of Sanskrit derivation, is not used in either dinlect of the Tamil 12. Irenand has the same meaning in Tamil, but it is here superfluous to the sense. 13 This Sanskrit derivative from the root labh, 'gain, profit,' cannot be used in Tamil. 14. Atra is
a Sanskrit adverb, and cannot be used, therefore, in Tamil With these exceptions and a few dialectic permutations of letters, the Malayalma in the preceding extract and its Tamil version are word for word the same.
The near coincidence which I have stated to exist in the idiom of measured language, and the agreement of the rules of prosody in these dialects, may be exemplified by the translation of a verse from the Malayalma into pure Tamil, retaining the terms, their position, and the measure. From Elutt'Achchan's translation of the
Rámdyanam. Nân morõ “nêrây Bêmâyoại “chămăkkill *Nânmukhan Rullil 'bahumánatta valartt'oru "Vânmiki okavi uśrêshtan âgiya mahå *muni 1STân mama varam "Starik éppolum * vannikkunên
Translation into pure Tamil. INânmărči 'nêrâm "Råmâyănă "Să meikkălăl Nanmugan Rullil 'vagumânattei valartt'oru "Vânmiki kavi srèshtan agiya mahá "muni 20Tan varam taruga "Svěppol Pudilum svandikkinen
Translation into English. “For the purpose of composing the Ramayanam "equal to the 'four Vedams, the four-faced deity caused his 'gifts to flourish in the mind of 'a Valmiki; this great Muni thus became the chief 20of poets; may she bestow *on me 'endowment and I will ever reference him."
Vagundnam, éréshtax, and mahd, derivatives from the Sanskpit, though often used in colloquial language, are not received into high Tamil, and would not by choice be admitted into metric composition, for Tamil poesy is nicer even than the English in selection of expressions; the elegance only is lost, the sense being exactly retained. I doubt much if the derivation of the term ndnmaya could be traced by any person, however well versed in Malayalma, unless he were acquainted with the parent language: it is a compound formed of the terms udi, 'four,' and masei, in its primitive sense signifying a word,' in its secondary senses
doctrine, the Vedam'; by a grammatical rule of Śěn Tamil, 7 before m changes to , whence the compound ndunarei, 'the four Vēdams;' ndimu. khan is similarly formed. The translation as it stands cannot be assigned to either dialect of the Tamil, the terms noticed precluding it from ranking as sěn Tamil, and others, as well as its structure, removing it from the Kodun; the fourth term of the first line, for example, radically signifies
to prepare,' and is here appropriately used in this sense, but in Kodun Tamil it is restricted to the preparation or dressing of food. The language

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of Malayalma poetry is in fact a mixture of Sang. kṣit, generally pure, with Sěn and Kodun Tamil.
In this verse not only the laws, but even the licenses, of Tamil metre are observed. It belongs to the Alavadi or Kaliviruttam of Tamil prosody, and its common measure is four feet, thus expressed by the usual marks (-u -- --Vu - vu), the first syllable in the first, second, and fourth lvot, and the two long syllables in the third foot, being at pleasure resolvable each into two short. This rule is strictly observed in this verse, the first syllable of the fourth foot being resolved in every line, as are the first syllable of the third foot in the second line and the first syllable of the second foot in the third and fourth lines; in translating into Tamil I have followed not only the law of this species of verse, but have been able to preserve even the quantity of the syllables, except in the third foot of the last line, where a syllable is resolved, though not so in the Malay&lma. According to the strict laws of Tamil prosody, tho fourth syllable in the third foot of the second line (bahundsatte) ought to be long, being preceded by a long syllable and followed by a double consonant; for a similar reason every syllable in the fourth foot of the last verse (vannikkunnen) ought also to be long, but in the several species of verse classed under the general term Viruttam it is an allowed license to shorten such syllables when followed by double consonants or a nasal and consonant of the same class; this license the Malayalma also assumes, and it is retained, therefore, in the same places in the translation. The rules by which the length and shortness of syllables and initial rhyme are governed are the same in both dialects.
In rendering this verse into Tamil the second term of the last line (mama) has been omitted; this term is the sixth or genitive case of the
* This profuse intermixture of the grammatical forms of the Sanskrit in the higher order of MalayAlma composition would seem to have led certain recent Italian writers into strange misconceptions. Though one of them, Paulinus St. Bartholomeo, has composed a Grammar of the Sangkrit, he does not seem quite clear that there is any radical distinction between what he calls the lingua Sanscreda. mico-malabarica, and the Samscredamica (vide 16 and following pages of the Preface to the sidharubam); and the author of the introduction to the Alphabetum Gran. donico-Malabaricum sive Samscrudonicum, by which he means the Arya character of the Malayalma, though he be sadly puzzled to discover whether the Samscrudonica lingua be the mother of the Grandonica, or vice versd. (vide p. 6, sec. VI)., expressly says (p. 10, sec. X.):-" Lingua igitur vulgaris Malabarica, es nempe quæ usurpatior a Gentibus littoria Malabarici insolis, a Promontorio Comorino que ad montem Deli prope Regnum Canara, nil nisi dialectus ent Sansorydonicee Lingum." From his invariably giving to Sanskrit words Tamil terminations, and from his distinguishing three dialecte, Grandonica, Samserudonica, and Mala. barica, it might be conceived that be applied the second epithet to the metric langaage of Malayalma, but he does away with this distinction by stating it his opinion that the Grandonica and Samscrudonica may be the same (see p. r.). I cannot, however, conclude this note without making
pronoun of the first person in Sanskrit, and cannot be used in Tamil, as declined or conjugated forms from the Sanskřit are not admissible into that language. They are not admissible, also, in Malayalma prose, but in verse they are often used with such profusion as to give it the appearance of that fanciful species of composition called in Sanskrit Mani-pravdlam, and in English 'maccaronic verse,' rather than the sober dress of grammatical language : often, indeed, the whole verse is pure Sanskrit, connected or concluded by a few words of Malayalma.' The following stanzas will exemplify these peculiarities : in the two first the grammatical forms of the Sanskrit are intermixed with terms of Sanskrit and Tamil derivation; in the last nearly all the terms are Sangkrit. A stanza from the Vyavahára Samudra : &
treatise on law. Attipôrky nfrang' oruvanôd'oruvan janmam kam
digâyẩm Drishțanmar Apu pêr und alukiya vidhi yěnnu
kôlppundu sastram Sajjâti bandhu putran narapati likhitan tatra sam
bandhi Yěnn'ittham chõllullavar Oliga kollola dh&tri
channam. "At the place where one takes from another the Janmam, or proprietary right in the soil, by the water of the Attipêru obligation,
"The prescribed law is, that, according to an excellent rule, six descriptions of persons should be present;
"People of pure caste, relations, a son, the prince, a scribe, and persons connected with the parties;
"Unless such as are here mentioned be present, a portion of land must not be purchased." an attempt to relieve one of the writers I have mentioned, Paulinus, from the consequences of a note to one of the articles of the Asiatic Researches (see "Dissertation on the Language and Literature of the Indo-Chinese Nations)." In the general intent of this note, and in the facts it states, I agree: but I much doubt whether Paulinus is to blame for the substitution of the Tamil termination " al in his Sanscrit Grammar, in the place of the regular Sanskrit affix at," or whether this be anything more than a typogra. phical error. It is shown in this note that this sobatitation, l for t, takes place in many other instances wherein Paulinas could not have been misled by the resemblance of the vernacular dialect, and I have had occasion to remark that it is universal in all works printed in the Arya character at the Propaganda press. In this character the mute l and t resemble each other so nearly that it is not at all surprising that they should be mistaken by a compositor ignorant of the language; but the fact would ra. ther appear to be that the fount was without the latter letter. The work of Paulinus to which I refer is the Sidharubam, seu grammatica Samscredamica, in which Sanskrit terms are written in the Aryam character only, not in the Latin, and in which the substitution noticed in. variably takes place; I have never seen his other work, Vyakarana, &c. referred to in the text of this dissertation, (see Note D. infra, p. 287.)
whether the same, though hem
Hec. Vhother of the

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NOVEMBER, 1878.] ELLIS'S ESSAY ON THE MALAYALMA LANGUAGE.
Stanzas from the Ramayanam. Paramdimávám mama hridayarahasyam id Ŏrundlum mé bhaktihinamdr méo' iḍum Naranmáróḍu paraññ' arayikk' arud' edo Paramam upadésam ill' idin midé yönnum. "This is the secret of my heart, the supreme mind; at all times it is improper to converse or have communication with men who are united in friendship with the disparagers of my worship; behold the height of instruction, nothing is above this."
Sarvakáranam sarvavydpinam sarvátmánam Sarvajñam sarvéévaram sarvasdkshinam nityam Sarvadd sarvadharam sarvadévatamayam Nirvikárátmá Rámadévaněnn ayika ni.
"The cause of all; the omnipresent; the universal soul; the omniscient; the Lord of all; the eternal witness of all; the giver and supporter of all; inscrutable even by the gods, Ramadevan, the soul uninfluenced by passion, know thou to be."
In the first stanza the term diédydm is the seventh case of the Sanskrit noun diéd, and tatra and ittham are Sanskrit adverbs used as such without alteration or addition. In the first verse from the Rámáyanam, mama and mé are genitives of the pronoun of the first person, and in the second every term except the three last is the Sanskrit accusative governed by the Malayalma imperative arika. In each example the Sanskrit terms intermixed retain their primitive form, and, with one or two exceptions, reject the Malayalma termination; there is no instance in them of a conjugated verb, though this form is occasionally introduced.
This hybrid language is not exclusively confined to the Malayalma; it is in use in other parts of India, though it nowhere else constitutes the customary garb of poetry. It is an invention far beneath the ancient Tamil writers (Note E), and they have, therefore, left no specimens of it; but compositions in the Mani-praválam are now common throughout the countries where the Tamil and its dialects are spoken. The Bharatam was a few years ago translated into Tamil Mani-pravâlam, from which I shall give a single extract to compare with the Malayalma :
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with each other, each retaining its own form and idiom. In the present instance the verse, as in Malayalma, follows the rules of Tamil prosody, the first syllable of panktih, dstt, &c., though in Sanskrit invariably long, becoming short because preceded by an unconnected short syllable. Sanskrit metres of all kinds are, however, often composed in Mani-praválam.
The Malayalma has never been cultivated as an independent literary language, nor does the Tamil literature, notwithstanding the length of time the country was subject to the kings of Sêram, appear to have been extensively known here, or at least has not survived that dynasty. This is the more extraordinary as some of the earliest and best of the Tamil works were composed in Sêram. This remark, however, applies more to Kêralam proper than to Mashikam or Travankor; the residence of the Sêram Viceroys was in this province, and a knowledge of pure Tamil has always been more prevalent here than in the northern districts.
Parasuram a n, as it is fabled in the KeraLotpatti, of Mayara Varma, as stated by other, and probably better, authority, in endowing the Bråhmans with land, condemned them to perpetual inactivity, and indolence and luxury are now the proverbial characteristics of the N a mbaris. The following stanza contains a short satire on them, which at the present day they certainly deserve, and which probably is not inapplicable to their character as formed at an early period by the extraordinary institutions of the country:Indra-vajra Vrittam
Prath pay nằm part găngân Attalam abhyangam ath'onni yappam Muttalam anté vrishallshu bhogaḥ Namburinam janma sujanma manyé. "In the morning milk and rice, then rice gruel; after the table is removed (!?) and the body anointed, then the eating sweet cakes, and after dalliance (?) the enjoyment of Sadra women! The life of the Nambaris, methinks, is an excellent life."
I have introduced this stanza partly on account of the contrast it forms with those previously quoted; this verse is a species of Mani-praválam, the construction and metre of which are entirely Sanskrit, and so are all the terms except the few printed in Roman, which are of Tamil derivation, though here strictly subjected to the laws of Sanskrit grammar: thus onni yappam are both Tamil terms, the former being the gerund of unnal, 'to eat,' the initial vowel with the final of the preceding word being changed by the Sanskrit rules for Sandhi to 6, and governing the following substantive, appam, 'a cake,'-a mode of construc
Arumbuppôla tăvă dantăpănktih Kurumbeippôla kuchhamandaladvayam Karumbuppôla madhurd cha vání Irumbuppôla hridayam kim dsit? "Like young buds are the even rows of thy teeth, Like tender cocoanuts the two orbs of thy bosom, Like the sugarcane thy honeyed words, Like iron why then is thy heart?"
Here the first part of each line is pure Tamil, and the second pure Sanskrit; the terms of each language are, however, more usually intermixed *This verse enumerates the Gundshtakam or eight attributes of the Deity,

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tion admissible in Sanskrit, but incompatible with the Tamil idiom, the proper collocation being appam unni.
It is, however, generally true that the Sanskrit has ever been the language of science and literature, as far as science and literature have existed in Malayalma; but even in this language no composition of any importance is referable to this country, with the exception perhaps of the works of Sankaracharya, though these can scarcely be ascribed to Malayalma, as it is certain that he left the country at an early age (the Sankaravijaya says when only eight years old), and there is no reason, notwithstanding the positive assertion of the fact in the Kéralôtpatti, to believe he ever returned to it. In the Tamil countries there has ever been a contention for preeminence of knowledge between the Brahmans and the inferior castes; when the former established themselves in Southern India they found a native literature already existing, which, though they introduced the language and science of the north, they were compelled, during their long contest with the Jainas, to cultivate in their own defence. The Tamil was used; both by Brahmans and Sadras, in commentaries on the Védam (Note F) and original compositions on theology; one of these, the Tiruváymoli, was adopted by R & m & nujâcharya as the foundation of a new sect, and the authors of it, the holy Alvar, all of them Sadras, are now wor shipped by the Brahmans, his followers, as saints. In many of the temples of Siva also the presiding pontiff is a Sûdra, the officiating priests Brâhmans. Nothing of this kind has ever taken place in Malayalma; the worship of Siva and his attributes has generally prevailed, undisturbed by innovation, from the first establishment of the Nambaris until the present day, and, notwithstanding those extraordinary institutions, which, by making the women of all castes, excepting those of a very inferior order, common to them, has in effect peopled the country with their race, these Brahmans, as such, have kept themselves haughtily distinct from their descendants, and preserved with jealous circumspection all their preeminent privileges.
Under these circumstances it was scarcely to be expected that the Nambaris would cultivate the Malayalma; religious or philosophical controversy (as applied to India either epithet is correct)
The Kérastpatti attributes to Sankaracharya the exist ing religious institutions, but the fact is he knew well the truth of the Jewish proverb that a prophet is never with out honour except in his own country, and passed the whole of his life in traversing other regions of India, inhabited by tribes less obstinate than the Nambûris.
10 A similar slur attaches to Sankaracharya himself: this is not even alluded to in the sinkaravijaya, a Sanskrit work which contains his life and transactions, and is con
[NOVEMBER, 1878.
has in all times and in all countries been the great instigator to literary emulation, and, as this stimulus was altogether wanting, the neglect of the Sadras is easily accounted for, and the nonexistence of a native literature in a dialect but one remove from a highly cultivated language ceases to be surprising. There exists in Malayâlma, as far as my information extends, no work on language, no grammar, no dictionary, commentaries on the Sanskrit Amarakosha excepted. The principal work in prose is the Kerastpatti, which is also said to be translated from the Sanskrit, though the original is now nowhere to be found. The poetical compositions, some few detached poems perhaps excepted, are all translations from the Sanskrit; these in fact constitute the whole of Malayalma literature, and among them will be found all the works of note in the original language. Tradition attributes the composition of the whole of these to one man, of whom the following account is given :
The customs of Malayalma permit but one male in every Brahmanical family to marry, whose descendants maintain the caste, the progeny of the rest belonging to the tribes of their respective mothers: it hence follows that great numbers of Brahman women remain unmarried, and-as they are strictly precluded from participation in the license of the N&yarichchis-in celibacy. As an entire community of other women is allowed, there thence arises a peculiar distinction between the Brahman and the Sadra: the former knows his father, the latter does not: a Brahman without a father must be born of an unmarried female of that tribe, whose celibacy ought to have been inviolate; he is considered, therefore, illegitimate, and has scarcely an assignable place in society, 10Elutt' Achchan, or the Father of Letters,' was a Brahman without a father, and on that account has no patronymic. (Note G.) The difficulties with which he had in consequence to struggle gave him an energy of character which it is probable he would not have possessed had his caste been without blemish. The Brahmans envied his genius and learning, and are said to have seduced him by the arts of sorcery into the habit of ebriety, wishing to overshadow the mental powers which they feared. The poet, however, triumphed on his habits, though he could not abandon them, and, in revenge against those whom he considered the
sidered as his true history; but it is noticed in the Kératpatti, where it is stated that, in consequence of the refusal of the Brahmans to attend his mother's obsequies he burned her in his own house, which has since become a general practice throughout Malayalam. This story is incompatible with that which represents him as quitting the country while yet a child and never returning, and is rejected as a calumny by the Smårtas, as those belonging to the sect founded by this teacher are commonly called.

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cause of his debasement, he opposed himself openly to the prejudices and the intolerance of the Brahmans. The mode of vengeance he chose was the exaltation of the Malayalma tongue, declaring it his intention to raise this inferior dialect of the Tamil to an equality with the sacred language of the gods und Rishis. In the prosecution of this purpose he enriched the Malay&lma with the translations I have mentioned, all of which, it is said, he composed while under the immediate influence of intoxication. No original compositions are attributed to him.
This story, though obscured by the mist of fiction with which the Indians contrive to enve. lop every historical fact, shows with sufficient dis- tinctness that the Nambaris have discouraged the cultivation of the Malayalma. Their success in this respect is to be ascribed to the influence which the peculiar institutions of the country give them over the minds of the inferior castes, and to this cause the neglect of Tamil literature during the supremacy of the Chêram kings is in all probability referable, as it could not have been introduced without endangering the existence of the mental tyranny which it was the interest of the Nambaris to maintain.
The Ramdyanam, from which the preceding quotations are made, and which is one of the nu. merous works attributed to Elutt' Achchan, is not translated from Valmiki, but from the Adhydimaka Ramdyanam, attributed to Isvara himself, and said to have been revealed for the entertainment of Parvati. The Vyavahdra Samudram, from which I have taken a single extract, professes, in the commencement of the work, to have been collected from Närada and the other Rishis; but after a short exposition of the legal constitution of courts, of the rules of evi. dence, and of the eighteen titles of law, as usual in other law-books, it is confined exclusively to the local usages of Malayalam, which are often in direct opposition to the Smritis. The language of this work is sometimes entirely pure, and sometimes so intermixed with declined and conjugated terms from the Sanskrit as altogether to lose its native idiom.
NOTES BY DR. BURNELL. Note 4. Mr. Ellis has gone too far in deriving MalayAlam from the Son Tamil; for it is now pretty well certain that the latter is, to a great
extent, an artificial, poetical dialect, though it has preserved some old forms.
Note B.-Mr. Ellis's derivation of these alphabets is not correct, and he afterwards appears to have given it up (see Madr. Jour. vol. XIII. pt. ii. p. 2). For the present state of the question see my Elements of South Indian Palæography (2nd ed.), pp. 33-52. The final forms of R, L, and I are merely the ordinary forms of the letters combined in a peculiar way with virdma.
Note C.-Mr. Ellis's transcription is very irregular and full of uncorrected misprints; as far as was possible, it has been here restored to the orthography as settled by Dr. Gundert and other scholars. In a few instances it has been doubtful what words he intended.
Note D.-The people of Malabar (even in reading Sanskpit) substitute l for t, and for d, in certain cases : e.g. tasmát is pronounced tasmal.
Note E.-It seems that Mr. Ellis was wrong in supposing that the Tamil Mani-praválam compositions are recent; one is quoted in a work of the 11th century A.D.
Note F.-I have never seen, or even heard of, Tamil commentaries on the Vedas.
Note G.-Eluttachchan lived in the 17th century; there is no reason for supposing that he was a Brahman female's illegitimate son; he was certainly an Eluttachchan (or schoolmaster) by caste.
The above dissertation is of remarkable historical interest, for (taken with the essay on Telugu) it proves that before 1816 Mr. Ellis had already foreseen the possibility of comparative philology, not only as regards the so-called Aryan tongues. but also in respect of the Dravidian. Now it was not till 1816 (s0 Brunet says, and I must take his assertion, for I cannot refer to the original) that Bopp published his Conjugations System, which was the beginning of comparative philology in Europe. Ellis could considering the means of intercourse available in those days) hardly have seen or heard of this work at all, for he died early in 1819. He must then, in future, be considered one of the originators of one of the most remarkable advances in science in this century. His unfortunate end-he was poisoned by accidentprevented his doing much, for he was only forty when he died, but he cannot be robbed of his due fame by the success of others more lucky than he was.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. MODERN AVATARAS OF THE DEITY. Deity. The Hindds are generally ready to acMost readers of the Indian Antiquary must be knowledge that Christ Himself was an Avatdra. aware that the great leaders of religious move. The god supposed to be most addicted to these dements in India are believed by their followers to scents is, of course, Vishnu. be descents (Avatra) of portions (ansa) of the When I was in Gujarat a man named Kuvera

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(familiarly Kuber) was living in a village called Sârsa (for Sârasa), near Anand, a station on the Bombay and Baroda railway. He belongs to the Koli caste and I believe, is still alive, but if so must be very old. As a youth he displayed much energy of mind and singularity of character. One day, after long fasting, abstract meditation, and religious ecstasy, he announced to those about him that a portion of the Supreme Being had descended in his person. His next idea was to proclaim that he had a direct mission from God to make a new revelation of the truth. Very soon he attracted a number of admiring hearers, who in due course of time proceeded to worship him, and present him with daily offerings.
I have been told by my friend Judge Gopal Rao Hari Deshmukh that his followers, who call themselves Hari-jana, and are known by the name of Kuber-bhaktas, are very numerous. They are variously reckoned at about eighteen or twenty thousand persons, and are regularly divided into holy men or clergy (addhu) and laity (grihastha). The former either itinerate as missionaries, or preside over the temples of the sect, many of which are found in the villages around Neriâ d, in Gujarât. I ought to state, however, that I spent a long day at Neriâd but met with no proofs of the existence of any large numbers of the sect in the town itself. Each temple has two teachers, who collect a certain number of disciples every day and read to them extracts from the Purdnas or other writings prescribed by their leader. The doctrine they inculcate is, I believe, a purified form of the Vaishnava creed.
Other bodies of sectarian religionists exist throughout India, who are unable to hold together as distinct sects for any considerable time after the death of their leaders. I saw the shrine of a man,
described to me as a saint, named Parinama, at Kaira. It contained no image, but simply his couch or seat (gadi) and the vestments worn at death. No one could tell me much about him, but I was made to take off my shoes on entering his sanctuary. Only a few hundreds of his followers remain, and these are gradually being re-absorbed into the vortex of Hinduism.
[NOVEMBER, 1878.
with the Italian police. He lived somewhere in Tuscany, and was called by his followers "David the Saint." This man gave himself out to be Christ descended upon earth. He chose twelve apostles, and surrounded himself by a large number of disciples, who built for him a kind of half hermitage balf church, on the summit of Monte Labro. His followers are called Lazzarists.
The same applies to the disciples of a man named Hari-krishna, who laid claim to great sanctity of character. He died not long ago in Gujarât, and is said to have attracted a large number of adherents during his lifetime, but I could obtain very few particulars about his life or doctrines.
This kind of religious hallucination, however, is not confined to the inhabitants of Asia. In the Times of August the 24th and 27th there is a curious account of a man named David Lazzaretti, who was killed a few days before in an encounter
Perhaps the most interesting instance of alleged Avatara is that of a celebrated Brahmanical saint or ascetic (sannyást) named Dattatreya-supposed to have lived in Central India about the 10th century of our era. He is believed to have been a manifestation of the Hindu trinity in human form. Portions of the essences of Brahms, Vishnu, and Siva became united, and descended, it is alleged, in his person. Many temples dedicated to his honour are scattered over the Maratha Country. I saw one much frequented by pilgrims at W &i, near Mahabales var. It contained the image of a man with three heads. I observed that many persons were worshipping with apparent devotion at the shrine. I spoke to one or two of the most intelligent, and questioned them as to the precise nature of their creed, but could get no satisfactory reply. Dattatreya is the name of a well-known sage mentioned in various Sanskrit writings, as well as in modern vernacular books; but any information about his worship as at present conducted in different parts of India would be highly interest. ing. Whether it is possible to furnish any trustworthy details of his real history may be doubtful, but legends about him still current among the people might be collected, and if collated with earlier legends would be full of interest. An account of other modern reformers or revivalist leaders who claim, or are believed by their disciples, to be partial Avatdras of the Deity, would also be acceptable as illustrating the present condition of the Indian mind.
Again, can no one improve our knowledge on the subject of animal worship, plant worship, pebble worship, and the existing state of such superstitions in India? I have been told that there is a temple in Bengal dedicated to a cat. Are cats in that part of India believed to be pervaded by portions of the essence of Deity? Has any one seen actual pújá performed to a cat? Many interesting articles on Indian folklore and religious life have appeared in the columns of the Indian Antiquary. May they be continued! I would not undervalue the good work done by those scholars who are devoting themselves to the deciphering of inscriptions, but the whole life of a people is not inscribed on these ancient monuments.
I appeal to all readers of the Indian Antiquaryespecially to all who are, or have been, resident in

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districts of the Maratha Country and Central India, and in districts not much frequented by Europeans -for assistance in throwing more light on the religious idiosyncrasies of our Indian fellowsubjects.
Oxford, September 1878.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
MONIER WILLIAMS.
ADDITIONS TO ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTE NO. XX. (supra, page 176).
In further illustration of the use of miniature or toy pottery in prehistoric times, Canon Greenwell, in his very elaborate work, British Barrows, describes "very diminutive vessels of pottery an inch high" found in Yorkshire barrows (p. 317), and again observes, "toy weapons and implements are sometimes found in barrows, and commonly in Denmark" (p. 361). Dr. Ferdinand Keller, in his work on The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland and Europe, translated by J. E. Lee, a complete repertory of all that is known on the subject,-estimates the number of earthenware vessels found at Möringen, on the Lake of Zug, at several hundreds; "the smallest are only as big as a walnutshell, and have been used as children's playthings, or as vases for perfumes" (p. 175). Some of the vessels figured (plates 24, 30, 88) perfectly correspond with archaic Indian forms, with round or pointed bottoms; and earthen circlets or rings for supporting or keeping them upright, which are so abundant in Indian cairns, are equally numerous in the lake-dwellings.
The remarks in the 'Note' under review, that handles to cairn-pottery are a feature very rare in Europe will not hold good, at least as regards the lake pottery, in which handles are rather the rule than the exception in the lake-remains on both sides of the Alps. Vases with four short legs have also been found (Lake Dwellings, plates 106, 151), and vessels on four short feet have been discovered by Canon Greenwell in British barrows (pp. 88, 89). It may be added that rude clay figures of animals are found in the lake-dwellings (plate 158), as well as in Nilgiri cairns and the site of old Troy; and further, with respect to the strange custom of disjointing bodies for burial, Canon Greenwell's researches show that bodies were very frequently laid in the barrows piecemeal, and Colonel Meadows Taylor remarked the same appearances in cairn burials in Central India.
In the Note' the svastika is mentioned as first appearing on the pottery of archaic Greece and the Hissarlik relics, but it must now be pushed back to probably earlier times, for it has been found stamped on clay remains in a lake-dwelling on the Lake of Bourget, in Savoy, together with the
289
stamp or seal with which the impressions were made; the seal is a clay cone 1 inches long; a copy of the bottom, taken from plate 161 of Dr. Keller's work (see page 339) is annexed; the
stamps and impressions are in the French Exhibition now open. This ubiquitous symbol must now also be extended to America, for a counter' or 'roundel,' either of bone or horn, has been discovered in one of the low mounds near St. Louis, U.S., on which within several concentric circles there is "a regular croix gammée," or svastika; hence the remark in the 'Note' that the svastika is unknown on Mexican remains may any day be set aside.
London, 3rd August 1878.
M. J. W.
THE FIRE-ARMS OF THE HINDUS. To the Editor of the " Indian Antiquary."
SIR, The letter from Mr. Sinclair (ante, p. 231), and the previous communication from Bâbû Râm Dâs Sen to which it refers, raise an old question respecting the use of fire-arms at an early period by the Hindus. In support of what Mr. Sinclair has observed with regard to the absence of trustworthy evidence of the knowledge of fire-arms (in the sense in which we use the term) in India in the early times referred to,-that is, before the use of gunpowder in Europe,-reference may be invited to an article on the subject in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1876, Vol. XLV. Part I. No. 1, where, at page 44, ancient Hindu fireweapons are noticed. There seems every reason to believe that they were missiles carrying fire, discharged by ordinary mechanical appliances. R. M.
THE TELEPHONE.
SIR,-I beg to suggest, through the medium of your valuable journal, a Gujarati word for the newly invented telephone,' and hope it will meet the approval of the students of philology.
The word is
from Persian meaning far, and from to speak. The word literally means speaker from a distance, and is coined on the analogy of (telescope'), which literally means observer from a distance. Like 2-4, the word I trust will be equally acceptable to the Marathi, Hindustani, and Persian languages, and also to the vernaculars of Bengal and Madras if they can allow the infusion of the Persian element in them.
SORABJI KAVASJI KHAMBATA. Malabar Hill, September 25th, 1878.

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[NOVEMBER, 1878.
BOYA.
copy supplied to me, are correct. The details of The Boya in the interesting Chalukya grant the date, -Salicahana-Saka 1008, the K haya published by Mr. Fleet, ante, p. 189, is a Telugu samvatsara ; Sunday, the tenth day of the bright term adduced by Mr. O. P. Brown in his Telugu- fortnight of the month Pushya og Pausba; English Dictionary. Böya, or its 'fuller form under the Bharani nakshatra ; at the time of the Böyadu, is explained by Kirdta, Sabara, and Md- sun's commencing his progress to the north,-are tangasadpiba, 'a forester, a mountaineer.' Mr. given correctly in the translation published by Brown know also the form Boyidu (the shorter Mr. Wathen. form being Böyü), which he explains as follows:
J. F. FLEET. "Böyidu, a Boyid or mountaineer: this title was 20th July 1878. borne by some chieftains, as Avara boyidu, Mara boyidu, Gondlaproti boyidu."
HIWAN TH SANG'S ACCOUNT OF PULIKESI II. F. KITTEL
AND MAHARASHTRA. Esslingen (Würtemberg), 30th August 1878.
The kingdom of Mo-ho-la-ch'a (Maharashtra)
is nearly six thousand li (1200 miles) in circuit. A CHRONICLE OF TORAGAL.
The capital, towards tbe west, is near a large
river; its circumference is thirty li.' The soil is SIR, -At Ind. Ant., Vol. V., p. 33, under the
Ant., Vol. V., p. 33, under the rich and fertile, and produces abundance of grain. title of A Chronicle of Toragal, I published a trans- The climate is warm; the manners are simple and lation of a Canarese document, part of which was honest. The natives are tall, and haughty and evidently drawn from some copper-plate grant supercilious in character. Whoever does them & or stone-tablet inscription. This part of the do- service may count on their gratitude; but he that cument commences with the words "May it be
offends them will not escape their revenge. If well! Reverence to Sambhu", &o., p. 34 , 1. any one insult them, they will risk their lives to 20, and extends to the end of my translation wipe ont that affront. If one apply to them in
I have not yet met with the original inscription; difficulty they will forget to care for themselves nor have I as yet been able to satisfy myself as to in order to flee to his assistance. When they have the identity of king Jaya & khara, the maker
an injury to avenge, they never fail to give waruof the grants recorded in it.
ing to their enemy; after which each puts on his But I find that a translation of the same in- cuirass and grasps his spear in his hand. In scription is given by Mr. Wathen as No. 5 of his
battle they pursue the fugitives, but do not slay Ancient Inscriptions on stone and copper, at Jour. those who give themselves up. When a general
R. As. Soc., Vol. II, p. 386, and Vol. V., p. 173. has lost & battle, instead of punishing him cor. He calls it 'Mr. Munroe's Danapatra', and states, porally, they make him wear women's clothes,
It was taken, I believe, from some ancient build- and by that force him to sacrifice his own life. ing in the Karnataka, and was translated by the The state maintains a body of dauntless chamlate Mr. Munroe, of the Madras Civil Service." pions to the number of several hundreds. Each
This Mr. Munroe is probably the Sub-Collector time they prepare for combat they drink wine of Sholapur, who, with Mr. Thackeray, the Politi- to intoxicate them, and then one of these men, cal Agent and Principal Collector of Dharwad, spear in hand, will defy ten thousand enemies. was killed in 1824 in the insurrection at Kittûr. If they kill man met upon the road, the law (See Mr. Stokes' Historical Account of the Belgaum does not panish them. Whenever the army comDistrict, p. 81; where, however, the name is spelt mences a campaign these braves march in the
Munro.') If so, the temple from which the in- van to the sound of the drum. Besides, they intoxiscription was taken, must be somewhere in the cate many hundreds of naturally fierce elephants. Belgaum, Dharwad, or Kalâdgi, Districts.
At the time of their coming to blows they drink The translation given by Mr. Wathen agrees also strong liquor. They run in a body, tramsubstantially with mine. But mistakes are made pling everything under their feet. No enemy can in it in respect of many of the proper names. stand before them. The king, proud of possessThus, notably 'Powali' is written instead of ing these men and elephants, despises and slights Pavalli', and the name of the king is given as the neighbouring kingdoms. He is of the race Jayag a mh kara'instead of.Jayns 8k hara of the Ts'a ti-li (Kshatriyas); his name is Pu-loI have no doubt that the names, as written in the ki-she (Pulikêśí). His ideas are large and pro
It is greatly to be regretted that no trace can be destroyed. Mr. Wathen died at the Cape of Good Hope found of Mr. Wathen's copper-plates. Inquiry has been 1 in 1866.-ED. made in vain for them, and it is feared they have shared Was this V&tapipūrs now Badmi-Ind. Ant. vol. V. the fate of all others in private bands-been lost or pp. 68, 71.

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NOVEMBER, 1878.)
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA.
291
found, and he extends widely his sympathy and converting her and to assist her as circumstances benefactions. His subjects serve him with per- might require. Having entered the village to ask fect self-devotion. At present the great king alms, he reached the house where his mother had Siladitya' carries his victorious arms from the been born. A young girl took some food and oast to the west, ho subdues distant people and went to give it to him. At the same instant makes the neighbouring nations fear him; but milk escaped from her breasts. This proof of her the people of this kingdom alone have not sub- relationship did not seem to him a good omen. mitted. Although he be often at the head of all The Arhat related to the young girl the history the troops of the five Indies, though he has sum- of her previous life, and she saw at once the holy moned the bravest generals of all the kingdoms, fruit of Buddha. Touched by the goodness of and though he has marched himself to punish her who had brought him into the world and fed them, he has not yet been able to vanquish their him, and thinking with emotion on the result of opposition. From this we may judge of their the actions of her previous life, he caused this warlike habits and manners. The men love study, monastery to be built in thankfulness for his and follow at the same time the teachings of great blessings. heresy and of truth. There are a hundred con- The Vihara of the convent is almost a hunvents, which contain nearly five thousand de- dred feet high. In the centre is raised a stone votees, and where they study alike the greater and statue of Buddha of nearly seventy feet. It is Losser vehicles. They reckon a hundred temples surmounted by seven stone caps which are sus. of the gods; the heretics of various sects are pended in the air, without any apparent attachexceedingly numerous.
ment. They are separated from each other by Within and outside the capital are raised five an interval of about three foet. According to the stópas. In all these places the four past Bud- old accounts of this country they are upheld by dhas have sat, and in performing their exercises the power of the rows of the Lo-han (the Arhat). have left the marks of their feet. These monu- According to some people this prodigy is owing ments were constructed by king Wu-yeu (A foka). to the efficacy of his supernatural powers; and There are other stúpas in stone and brick, but according to others, it is due to the potency of his they are so numerous that it would be difficult to medical knowledge. But we have inquired in mention all.
vain into its history : it is impossible to find A short distance to the south of the town there the explanation of this marvel. All round the is an ancient convent, in the middle of which is Vihara the rock walls have been carred, and on seen a stone statue of Kwan-tseu-tasai-p'u-8a them are represented the events of the life of (Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva) The Ju-lai (the Tatbågata) in all the places where he effects of his divine power are manifested in secret : filled the role of a Bodhisattva, the happy those who apply to him obtain for the most part omens which indicated his elevation to the dignity the objects of their vows.
of Arhat, and the divine prodigies which On the eastern frontiers of the kingdom there followed his entry into the Nirvana. The chisel is a great mountain which shows summits heaped of the artist has figured all these circumstances one upon another, chains of rocks, peaks in double in their most minute details, without omitting rank, and scarped crests. Of old there was a
one. convent there, which had been formed in a gloomy Outside the gates of the convent, to the south valley. Its lofty walls and deep halls occupied and to the north, right and left is an elephant in large openings in the rocks and rested against the stone. I have heard say by the people of the peaks; its pavilions and its two-storied towers country that at times these four) elephants give were backed by the caverns and looked into the vent to terrible roars that make the earth tremble. valley.
In old times Ch'in-na-p'u-8a (Jina Bodhisattva) This convent had been built by the Lo-han often stopped at this convent. 'O-che-lo (the Arhat Achára).' This Arhat ori- ! On leaving this kingdom he (Hiwan Thsang) ginally belonged to Western India. His mother travelled about a thousand li (200 miles) to the being dead, he watched in what class of beings she west, crossed the river Nai-mo-tho (Narmada), should be re-born. It appeared that in this king and arrived in the kingdom of Po-lu-kie-ch'e-p'o dom she had received the body of a woman. The (Baragachhêva).-Mémoires de Hiouen Thsang. Arhat speedily went thither with the object of liv. xi., vol. II. pp. 149-153.
This is Harshavardhana of Kananj, of which Hiwan Thaang's account has already been given, ante, pp. 196-202.
• The Muhayan and the Hinayana. • Vide ante, p. 197, n. 8.
. This seems to refer to the Ajanta Rock Temples.
Rather Atharya, vide ante, vol. IV. p. 174; vol. VI. p. 9; and Archeol. Surv. of W. India (vol. II.), Kathided and Kachh, p. 84.

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292
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE MAHABHARATA.
BY J. MUIR, D.Ó.L., LL.D., PH.D. (Continued from p. 207.) ABILITY NECESSARY FOR ACQUIRING KNOWLEDGE. Mahabharata, ii. 2845; x. 178f.; ii. 1945. No teaching e'er a blockhead shows What's right, what's wrong, or makes him sage; No child in understanding grows Mature in sense with growing age. The wise who proffer learning's boon To stupid men, their labour waste: Though filied with juices sweet, a spoon Their pleasant flavour cannot taste. But able men, though taught in haste, Truth, right, and wrong, can quickly learn. The feeling tongue and palate taste, And flavours sweet and sour discern.
GOOD PRACTISED BECAUSE IT IS DUTY. Mahabharata, xii. 5906. (Compare xii. 1327.) "Tis not for gain, for fame, from fear,
That righteous men injustice shun, And virtuous men hold virtue dear; An inward voice they seem to hear,
Which tells that duty must be done. EFFORT, NOT SUCCESS, THE TEST OF GOODNESS. Mahabharata, v. 3313.
The man who toils with all his strength A high and righteous end to gain, May fail, but has not wrought in vain : His merit gains its meed at length.
DISREGARD OF GOOD ADVICE. Mahabharata, v. 4348.
That self-willed man his foes delights Who, ill advised, the counsel slights Of those sage friends who wish him well, And how to help him, best can tell.
NECROLOGY.
It is quite probable that the masterly Annual Review of the Hindustani language and literature which appeared with great punctuality during the past twenty years will no longer be published, as its gifted and experienced author is now no more. M. Héliodore Garcin de Tassy died on the 2nd of September, in his 85th year; he was a member of the Institute, President of the Asiatic Society of Paris, professor in the school of living Oriental languages, and member of the principal learned societies of Europe and of India; a Knight of the Legion of Honour, Commander of the Order of St. Jacques of Portugal, Cavalier of the Pole Star of Sweden, &c., &c.
[NOVEMBER, 1878.
Tassy acted as its Secretary, and afterwards contributed valuable papers to the Journal. His services to Oriental literature are well known. From his published writings and translations it appears that he was not only well acquainted with Hindi and Urdu, which he taught in his capacity of professor, but also with Arabic, Persian, and Turkish; indeed specimens of all these occur in his La Rhétorique et la Prosodie des Langues de l'Orient musulman, as well as in his Allégories, récits poétiques et chants populaires, &c., but he appears to have devoted himself chiefly to the first mentioned two languages. Thus he wrote a history of the Hindi and Hindustâni languages, edited and translated the works of Wali, a celebrated poet of the Dekhan, as also the Adventures of Kamrup and the Chronicle of Shir Shah, Sultan of Dehli. He wrote Rudiments, Crestomathies and Dictionaries of the Hindi and Hindustani languages, &c. He produced a French edition of Sir W. Jones's Persian Grammar, edited and translated the Persian text of Farid u'd-din Attar's Mantikuttair, or Language of Birds,' and based thereon his work on the philosophical and religious poetry of the Persians. His Islamism according to the Kurdn appeared in 1874, but some of his older works, e. g. the Memoir on the Musalmán Proper Names and Titles, his edition and translation of the Bág o Bahár, or Garden of Spring,' &c., have lately been republished.
M. G. de Tassy had absolutely no rival on the continent in the special branch of Hindi and Urdu literature, and the vacuum left by him can be neither easily nor quickly filled. E. R.
When the French Asiatic Society was established in 1821, under the presidency of the great Orientalist, Baron Silvestre de Sacy, M. Garcin de
NOTES.
The Sun Worshippers of Asia.-This is the title of a lecture by Chas. D. Poston, the materials for which were collected during an official visit to India. It is a neat little volume of 106 pages, and, while it does not pretend to give more than a brief review of the ancient Persian creed, it contains sufficient information for all practical purposes. We would commend its perusal to all who desire to become acquainted with the religion of Zoroaster. It is published by A. Roman & Co. of San Francisco.
The Revue Politique et Littéraire announces the discovery by M. de Gubernatis of several unpublished translations in Italian of Sanskrit writings, including two cantos of the Ramayana by Marco della Tomba, a Capuchin missionary, who resided in Bengal and Nepál from 1758 to 1770. M. de Gubernatis was charged by the Minister of Public Instruction to publish a part of these translations for the meeting of Orientalists at Florence in September.-Trübner's Literary Record.

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DECEMBER, 1878.) TRACES OF A DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT IN SINDHI.
293
TRACES OF A DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT IN SINDHI.
BY REV. GEORGE SHIRT, M.R.A.S. M UCH has been done of lato years to elu- school without pronouncing the last two words
U cidate the nature and structure of the Governmenta iskila. The following Sindhi Sindhi language; but the labours of those who sentence will illustrate my statement :- Min have written with authority-among whom Dr. sánusi anjámi kiyo, 'I entered into an engageTrumpp stands" facile princeps"-still leave a ment with him.' Here we see that each word large and most difficult field open for farther ends in either a nasal or a very short vowel ; investigation.
and if sentences were to be accumulated a thouIt is quite true that Sindhi is a daughter of sand fold the result would be the same, withont a the Sanskrit language, but at the same time single exception. Bishop Caldwell, in his it must be borne in mind that it is not alto- Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Langether of pure blood. The essential parts of guages, makes the following statements :-" In its grammar are undoubtedly of Sanskrit grammatical written Telugu every word without origin; but one very important property-its exception must end in a vowel; and if it has use of pronominal affixes-connects it with the not naturally a vowel of its own u is to be suffixed Iranian languages, though it far outstrips to the last consonant. This rule applies even them in the use of them. Most of the words to Sanskrit derivatives • *. Though this that are from Sanskřit we can easily trace to u is always written, it is often dropped in protheir source, and the same may be said of nunciation. In modern Canarese a similar rule the words brought in from Arabic and Per- holds * • . The Tamil rule with regard sian by the Muhammadans; but when all the to the addition of u to words which end in a Sanskrit, Arabic, and Persian words have consonant accords with the rule of the ancient been eliminated there is still a large residuum Canarese. On the same authority I learn that of such words as Mr. Beames, in his Compara- this vowel is extremely short, as it is in fact tive Grammar, calls deshists-s0 large, in fact, in Sindhi, where, however, it may be a, i, ori. that it would almost be possible to compose a The principle is apparently one and the same discourse and use only this class of words. both in Sindhi and the Dravidian languages : Whence have these words come? There can, but it is all the more remarkable that in Sindhi I imagine, be little doubt that they are a rem. it has survived the combined infinence of the nant of the language spoken in Sindh before Aryan, Iranian, and Semitic tongues. the Aryan immigration, which probably drove 2. There are some neuter verbs in Sindhi the Dravidian part of the ancestors of the which perform the office of passives, though Brahuis to the hills, and incorporated some of they are not constructed upon the same princithe inhabitants of Sindh into its lowest caste. ple as passive verbs in Sindhi generally are. If so many pre-Sanskritic or deshist words The passive voice in Sindhi is formed in the are to be found, it becomes an important and same way as it is in Sanskrit, only that Sindhi interesting question whether Sindhi grammar makes j, not y, the sign of the passive; but shows any traces of a similar influence. I this is merely following out a general law in believe such traces are to be found.
the language, as y in Sanskrit becomes j in 1. Every word in Sindhi must either end in Sindhi. The following verbs, however, are a vowel or a very slight nasal. This vowel is exceptions to the general role: a very short one, and is hardly perceptible to
pirpant to be found, to be obtained. foreign ears-at least Englishmen and Persians
jdpănit to be born.
dhopă nú to be washed. generally fail to pronounce it. The existence of
mdpāņi to be measured. such a thing becomes palpable enough when a
khăpănă to be expended. Sindhi speaks English, unless great pains have
dhápõnŭ to be satiated. been taken with his pronunciation. He cannot chhupănă to be touched (by any polluted thing). tell you that he has studied in the Government dhápánt to issue (as milk from the breast).
Dr. Caldwell's Comparative Dravidian Grammar, 2nd ed. p. 17.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1878.
old
In this list it will be noticed that p is the consonant immediately preceding the infinitive termination rũ, and not j, as is usually the case, notwithstanding that some of the roots are Sanskrit. This p I believe to be connected with the Dravidian root po, 'to go,' which may be used in that class of languages to help to form the passive voice. That p should have this meaning would be strictly analogous to the supposed meaning of the Sanskrit y, and to the use of shudan in Persian, which of old meant to go,' as does the same word in Baluchi, an ancient sister of Persian. Hindustani passives, it need hardly be mentioned, are formed 1 by the use of jánd, 'to go.'
3. Sindhi dislikes double letters, except it be the same consonant that is doubled, or one of the double letters be a liquid. A comparison of the following Sanskrit words with the same in a Sindhi dress will exhibit this dislike : Sanskrit.
Sindhi &tma
Atřmå stri
istri vastă
văthù pråņin
pirani tvart
tutu This tendency is illustrated in the modification which some English words undergo in passing into Sindhi, e.g. English.
Sindhi. school
isikala street
isitrita This dislike to double consonants is very marked in the Dravidian languages, though it is only fair to confess that it is not by any means confined to them: it is, however, decidedly nonSanskritic.
4. The postpositions used to serve the office of case-terminations are, as Dr. Trumpp shows, beyond a doubt from Sanskrit ; but I believe it will be found upon examination that they were made to fit & Dråvidian mould. Khe is the sign of the dative, and is from the Sanskrit krite; but suppose the Dravidian ku or khí (for Sindhi is fond of aspirates) to have been known before the Hindus brought ksite, it is easy to understand that in the struggle of these two forms for existence the resultant Was khe.
Again, the sign of the ablative is di, though khán is frequently used, being a compound of khe and di; but this di is traceable to the
Sanskrit ablative termination dt. Still in Brahui the sign of the ablative is án or ián, and, as Brahui has a large and important Dravidian element in it,-scarcely anything else, in fact, in its grammar,-it is not likely that it owes its ablative termination to any. Sanskritic influence whatever. It is therefore, I think, highly probable that the Hindus found some such affix as an or ián already doing daty for their at in the Indus Valley; and so their dental was displaced by a nasal-an operation probably requiring some little effort on their part, but natural enough to the sons of the soil.
5. The following words will, most of them, I believe, show their parentage to be unmistakably Drávidian :Sindhi.
Dravidian. to obtain
per solăņă to divulge sol (Tamil) kūraso
kira kauso pungent
kără (Tamil) kudănă to leap
kūdi( do.) khoảnh to dig
kott ( do.) mănji a stool
mășri( do.) kărăndi a ladle
kărandi ( do.) tări a stake
tăți ( do. ) venú abruse
vef op&hū, kråhỏ tunfathomable år (Tamil) tirăņu to open as a flow. tirăppă ( do.)
er) khătă a cot
kăttů forehead
nerri vát
vây (mol) sosho narrow
súrrůkků kalo
pirei (waxing
and waring
moon) måndhở beginning mũndă (front) odhữnŭ to dress
ūda 6. The following list of words which are neither of Sanskrit, Irânian, nor Semitic origin, and yet are common to Sindhi and Brahui, is interesting :Sindhi.
Brahui. manjhandi midday
manjan kopiri
khopri pini
calf of the leg pinni (leg) khăți heel
kuri thanthi elbowo
tät (cubit) thumă garlic
tham khari a hamper
khåri bag
gothri dhăggi a kind of coto
dhăggi ojhiri tripe
ojărnik kákira
cotton-seed kákra
nýrrů
speech
рій
skull
gothiri

Page #349

DECEMBER, 18/8.] MASONS' MARKS FROM OLD BUILDINGS.
Sindhi. rămbi jhara
lǎkü
a chisel cloudiness
a mountain pass anxiety
chirping of birds Salvadora oloeides monkey dumb
Brahui. rămbi jur (mist) lǎk
ǎrmân tăwâr (voice) khăbăr
ǎrmână
taṇwâră
khăbără
bholíro
gungo
This list might easily be extended, but it is already long enough for our purpose.
7. It remains for me to try and account for these apparent traces of Dravidian grammar and words in Sindhi, and for a certain almost common vocabulary in Sindhi and Brahui. A glance at the map will show that the Brahuis and Sindhis are close neighbours,-their borders, in fact, touch each other, and imagination might easily be tempted to lay hold of this fact as a sufficient solution; still, if it did, it would be wrong. The English and Welsh have been equally close neighbours for centuries, and on the borders of the two countries there have been many people who spoke the two languages, yet the vocabularies of these two nations will afford no such comm mmon meeting-ground
bola gung
as is to be found in Sindhi and Brahui. Moreover, the Brahuis and Sindhis have had little intercourse with each other for centuriesone being a fierce marauding people; and the other tame and peaceable, given to the gentle arts of trade and agriculture.
The subject has not, I am aware, escaped the attention of General Cunningham, of the
There is another point in connection with the Brahuis which ought to be mentioned, though it will not furnish us with the explanation we are in search of. In some parts of Sindh there are scattered members of the Mari tribe of Brahuis, but these are neither numerous nor influential, and they have left their mother-tongue for the language of the country.
If the grammatical points noticed above are Dravidian, and the first list of words be from the same source, it cannot be that Sindhi has received them through the Brahui language; for these laws do not obtain in Brahui, neither are the words of the first vocabulary to be found in that language.
MASONS' MARKS FROM OLD BUILDINGS IN THE NORTH-WEST
PROVINCES OF INDIA.
295
They are a pure inheritance of the Sindhi people; and I believe they point to the fact that the Indus Valley was a home to some part of the Dravidian race before the Aryan immigration.
BY H. RIVETT-CARNAC, Esq., B.C.S., C.I.E., M.R.A.S., F.S.A., &c. The accompanying notes and sketches of masons' marks to be seen on stones of the ancient buildings of the districts through which I have marched during a recent tour may perhaps be of interest to some of your readers.
Without searching through the many volumes that have been written on Indian antiquities, to which I cannot refer whilst in camp, it is not easy to say whether these marks have ever been described or figured before. I may perhaps be going over the ground which in this respect has already been explored more carefully than I can pretend to attempt to do. But even if the work has been done before, the information may be contained in volumes to which all of your readers have not ready access, and the present notes may perhaps, therefore, be considered worthy of a place in the Indian Antiquary.
Archaeological Survey of India. In his paper on the ruins of Sarnath (published in the Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. xxxii.) the existence of these marks is noticed, and in his instructions to his Assistants (published in vol. III. of his Reports) is the following paragraph :"The stones should also be carefully examined for masons' marks, which are seldom absent from old buildings, and which, if numerous, will serve to give a tolerably complete alphabet of the characters in use when the structure was erected."
Sketches of the masons' marks are not, however, to be found in General Cunningham's account of Sarnâth above referred to, nor have I been able to find any notes or sketches of them in his well-known volume on the Bhilsa Topes, or in the published Reports of the Archoological Survey. Whilst marching about, I hope by degrees to qualify for the grade of Honorary
1 See a paper by Mr. Walhouse, ante, vol. IV. pp. 302-305.-ED

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1878.
Assistant to the Director General in his valuable probably inverted at the time the stones were efforts to collect information regarding all placed in position. Thus Nos. 1 and 4 of the matters of antiquarian interest scattered over Sarnath series are evidently the same symIndia.' I have therefore observed his instruc- bol, one or other of which has been turned tions, and now send you the result.
upside down. Masons' Marks at Sarnáth.
A rough attempt has been made to gronp the The first group of sketches on the accompany- marks according to classes: thus Nos. 1 to 7 ing plate contains some of the marks to be seen show the triangle,' a favourite masons' mark, and on the sandstone blocks of what is known as the one which can easily be cut with a chisel on "Dharmek Stúpa," at Sarnath, near Banaras. soft sandstone. These marks are, if I rememThese interesting remains have often been de- ber right, the most common at Sarnath. scribed, and chap. III. of Fergusson's History The next group, comprising the marks from of Indian Architecture contains two engravings 8 to 18, consists of symbols formed of rectangles." of the stúpa.
In most of the remaining marks two symbols Wilford, in As. Res. vol. ix. quoted by Fer- will be noticed, as indicating, perhaps, that two gusson, gives the tradition that the stupa was masons shared in the working of the stone. erected by the sons of Mohipala, and destroyed The most noticeable of the marks are those or (as suggested by Fergusson) interrupted, by figured at the commencement and at the end of the Muhammadans in 1017, before its completion the Sarnath group (No. 1). Thus, Nos. 1 to 4 (History of Indian Architecture, p. 68). General (No. 4 being No. 1 inverted) will be found to Cunningham, on the other hand, infers from the resemble the symbol of Dharma given in Fig. characters of an inscription found within the 6, pl. 32 of Canningham's Bhilsa Topes. stúpa that the building belongs to the sixth No. 49 is the well-known svastika, a favourite century of our era. Perhaps the marks, some symbol on Buddhist remains. And here it may of which appear to be letters similar to those be noticed, en parenthèse, that M. Bertrand, the of the Bhilsa inscriptions, may be of help in Director of the National Museum at St. Germaindetermining the question of the date of the en-Laye, recently sent me a model of a small work. The outer facing of the building has in altar found in the Pyrenees on which is the many places been stripped off by decay, or by svastika exactly similar to No. 49. Muhammadan iconoclasts, leaving exposed the No. 50 is probably intended to represent the solid blocks of sandstone of which the lower Buddhist sacred tree; whilst No. 51 is perhaps part of the stápa is built.
meant for the platform and tree so common It is on these inner blocks that the masons' on Buddhist coins. On a visit lately to marks, here figured, are found. Each stone Ajudhiâ (Faizabad) I obtained a large number has most probably on one of its sides a mark of these coins, the rough tree symbols of which of some sort or other, made by the mason bear a resemblance to the marks given at or the contractor, for ready recognition, after No. 51. the stone was quarried or shaped. Only such In Nos. 52 to 61 several of the letters found marks as are on the outside faces of the stones in old inscriptions will, I think, be recognized. exposed are to be seen; and those now noticed Thus 52 and 53 are the t (turned sideways) of do not, perhaps, represent one-thousandth Asoka's edicts, as given by Prinsep at p. 53, part of the marks on the stones composing the vol. II. of his Essays on Indian Antiquities, editbuilding. The same marks recur often, sug ed by Thomas. The second symbol of No. 54. gesting that the stones on which they are is the n of the same alphabet. cat are the work of the same mason. The No. 55 is also an ñ from the same plate of characters or symbols are generally about four Prinsep. The first figure of No. 56 is v, inches in length, and from two or three inches but the symbol is inverted on the stone. in breadth. The sketches in the accompanying It may be noticed that this letter resembles plate show them in the position in which they the symbol of Mahadeva to be seen drawn in ere seen in situ, but many of them were most many places in Banaras, and which Mr. Camp* The PAli letter T.-ED.
_ No. 8 may possibly be , and No. 14, T:- vol. IV. p. 804, plate, fig. 6.-ED.

Page #351

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Page #352

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Page #353

DECEMBER, 1878.]
MASONS' MARKS FROM OLD BUILDINGS.
297
bell of Islay found at Ajudhia-see Jour. As. Soc. Beng. January 1877. In a paper in the same journal, I have noticed the resemblance between this symbol and the marks found on many of the monoliths of Europe.
No. 57 is the ” of the alphabet of Asoka's edicts (with the horizontal lines considerably lengthened) as given by Prinsep in the volume aboye quoted. No. 58 is the j used in what Prinsep calls the alphabet of the Western caves, but turned with the right side down. No. 59, a rough cross, will be found figured in Prinsep, in one of his plates of the Manikyåla inscription and relics.
The triangle and upright, the last of the two symbols in No. 60, and the lower une,—the circle with a line through it-in No. 61, resembling the Greek , may both be found in the letters of the inscriptions given in the plates of Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes. Practised eyes, and readers who have other books of reference at hand, may perhaps be able to recognize other letters and symbols among the marks herein given.
A further and more careful examination would doubtless show many more marks on the stones of Sarnath than I have been able to notice here. At Jaunpur, as will be seen from the other groups on the plate which accompanies this paper, the marks are much more elaborate and varied.
At Jaunpur. From Banaras I marched to Jaunpur, and there I had an opportunity of examining and noting some of the masons' marks on the buildings for which the ancient capital of the Sharki kings is celebrated.
A description of these buildings, illustrated by plans and engravings, will be found in Fergus. son's Indian and Eastern Architecture, book VII. chapter iv.; and General Cunningham, in his Archæological Reports, vol. III, notioes the "Jaunpuri Pathan" Architecture under his sixth group of the Muhammadan period.
The chief buildings now remaining are the fort (partly demolished), containing a small mosque and other buildings, a bridge which in 1871 withstood one of the most extraordinary floods on record, and the Juma' Atal and LAI Darwaza masjids.
The masons' marks figured in the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th groups on the accompanying plates were found on the pillars and stones of the cloisters adjoining the masjids.
The peculiarity of these buildings is the mixture of two styles of architecture, Hindu and Muhammadan, regarding which Fergusson, at p. 520 of his work noticed above, remarks as follows:-"The principal parts of the mosques, such as the gateways, the great halls, and the western parts, generally are in a complete arcuate style. Wherever, indeed, wide openings and large internal spaces were wanted, arches and domes and radiating vaults were employed; and there is little in those parts to distinguish this architecture from that of the capitals. But in the cloisters that surround the courts, and in the galleries in the interior, short square pillars are as generally employed with bracket capitals, horizontal architraves, and roofs formed of flat slabs, as was invariably the case in Hindu and Jaina temples. Instead of being fused together, as they afterwards became, the arcuate style of the Moslems stands here, though in juxtaposition, in such marked contrast to the trabeate style of the Hindu, that some authors have been led to suppose that the pillared parts belonged to ancient Jaina or Buddhist monuments which had been appropriated by Muhammadans and converted to their purposes."
This view, Fergusson adds, was advanced by Baron Hugel, and has since found supporters in Mr. Horne (Jour. As. Sao, Beng. vol. XXXIV.), and in the Rev. Mr. Sherring in his Sacred City of the Hindus. Fergusson, although he admits that the Muhammadans may have utilized some Jaina or Hindu buildings, holds that at least nine-tenths of the pillars in the mosques were made at the time they were required for the places they now occupy. Cunningham, on the other hand, seems to differ from Fergusson on this point, and to support the views of Baron Hugel and his followers.
At page vi. vol. IV. of the Archæological Reports General Cunningham refers to an inscription on one of the pillars of the Atala Masjid, "which is known to have been originally a Hindu temple converted to Muhammadan use by Ibrahim Shah Sharki between the years 1403-1440 A.D."
The masons' marks which I have now to notico may perhaps be of some use in determining the class of buildings to which the stones utilized by the Muhammadans for their mosques originally belonged.
Commencing with the marks on the Juma'

Page #354

298
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1878.
Masjid (2nd group), I would draw attention to the Mahadeva and Yoni. In the double triNo. 1, in which I think may be recognized a angles of Nos. 17 and 18 will be recognized the rough representation of the Buddhist tree and favourite masons' mark, or Solomon's seal. platform, with the cobra erect to the right of the The other marks do not call for special notice, tree. These marks were noticed on a stone save that there is apparently an absence of any building built into the gateway of the Juma' attempt at written characters as opposed to Masjid. On the block a figure had been carved, symbols. but the carving had been partly defaced and the The tree and leaves or buds as in Nos. 19 to figure turned inwards.
23 are common enough. The only marks bearing In 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, also the Buddhist tree may, I any resemblance to letters are those of 24 to 27. think, be traced in the rade symbols. But 5, Taking next (group 3) the marks on the it is true, is not unlike the trident of Siva, and stones at the Lal Darwâzâ Masjid, the most rothe accompanying circle may perhaps be intend- markable is the combination of symbol No. 1, in ed to represent a Mahadeva. But I have, in the the third series, the triangle,--then & spearfirst instance, suggested the tree, as the conven head, then the snakes intertwined, and lastly tional renderings of the tree on Buddhist coins what would seem to be the representation of a obtained recently at Ajudhiâ are not unlike the bow and arrow. The svastika, appears again in markings here figured.
Nog. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, the tree in No. 7. Nos. 8 to No. 7 is the svastika again, similar to the 15 seem to be intended for leaves or buds. markings on the Buddhist Stûpa at Dhamek, No. 16 is quite a new symbol, of a somewhat Banaras. This symbol was, I understand, origi
matand, origi- elaborate type. nally Buddhist, but was eventually adopted by The stones of the Atâla Masjid are much the Hindus and Jains, so the stone may have richer in marks (group 4). But many of them been the work, I suppose, of either a Buddhist, a are of types already noticed (see the second Hindu, or a Jain. In 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, may be page of the plate). recognized, I think, attempts to represent the The familiar triangle recare in Nos. 1 to 4.
No. 7 is undoubtedly intended for the snakes. In No. 8 the cobras are intertwined in the well- No. 8, which I at first took to be intended for known form of the caduceus, and cobras in this the same symbol, is perhaps meant for a bird. position are to be found carved on a stone at A peculiar Buddhist symbol similar to that the Naga (or Cobra) well at Banâras. In 8 and on many coins found at Ajudhia will be seen. 9 the symbol has been turned upside-down, the in the centre of Solomon's seal of No. 44. No. 30 original position of the stone having been altered is the sacred goose, perhaps. on its being placed in situ.
In 39 will be seen the cobra surmounted by The circles of 13, 14, 15, 16, and the symbol on the Buddhist symbol noticed in the Dhamek the right-hand side in No. 8, represent perhaps markings.
NOTES ON THE KANPHATA YOGIS.
BY G. 8. LEONARD, SAIDPUR. Tas acknowledged head and guide of this and Sanskrit. In its theological sense it is religious sect of Yogis is said to have been restricted to a Saiva preceptor, as the surname one Gorakh or Gorakhnatha. The sect of Gosain is confined to the professors and guides was originally designated by the name of of the Vaishṇava faith. It was, however, graduNathas, or leaders, from their founder, Adi ally extended to a cognomen of the deity Siva, nå tha. The name Adin åtha means 'a whether worshipped in the form of human leader or guide,' from whom most of the succeed statue, or that of his more common prototype ing pirs of this order had the agnomen of Natha the linga or phallus, as the emblems of Badri. affixed to their proper names. In Upper Hin- nátha, Sambhunatha, Pasu pati. dustân this word Nathji is used to denote in natha, and the equally far-famed linga of discriminately & spiritual guide of any order, Somana tha. just as Gurû and Acharya are used in Bangali The Kân phâtâs were afterwards denomi
For a valuable paper on the history of the Kanphatds of Kachh vide ante, vol VII. pp. 174.-ED.
cobra.

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DECEMBER, 1878.]
NOTES ON THE KÅNPHÁTÅ YogIs.
299
nated the Gorakhpanthis, or followers of Gorakh nátha, the renovator of their creed and doctrines,-in the same manner as the disciples of Dadu, Kabir, and Nanak were designated by the appellations of Då d u-panthis, Kabir. panthis, and Nanakpanth is. Gorak hnátha, the acknowledged founder of the order, is recorded in a Sanskrit treatise on Yogd philosophy, called the Hathadipika, by Atmârâm, to have been the eighth in succession to Adi- nitha, the originator of the sect, and to have transmitted his doctrines in Sansk sit to posterity. The names of the leaders of this sect are thus given in the treatise :-$ri Adin Atha, Mats yendra, Sambara, Anand a-b ha irava, Chandrangi, Mena, Goraksha, Virupaksha, Velassa yan, &c.
Gorakhnatha, according to the authori. ties of this sect and the Rekhtas of Kabir, is reckoned to be one of the nine eminent teachers of the Yoga system, and he is still more conspicuous than the others from his having left written documents of his faith and precepts in some works of his composition in original Sanskrit, which no other of his sect had done either before or after him. Dr. H. H. Wilson has given a list of thirty teachers of this faith from the Hathadipiká cited above, and fixed the date of Gorakhnatha in the fourteenth century, by assigning only the space of fifteen years to ench of his successors (vide Wilson's "Sketch of the Religious Sects of the Hindus" in vol. XVII. p. 190, of the Asiatic Researches). In the Rekhtas of Kabir, however, printed in the Hindi and Hindustani Selections by Captain Price, there occurs a distich in a controversial dialogue between Kabir and Gorakhnath a which makes them contemporaries at the commencement of the fifteenth century, and states that Gorakhn Atha was the son of Matsy endra, and grandson of A dinâ tha.
The word kanphátá literally means 'ear-split,' and is, like nakti, 'nose-clipt,' a vernacular term of reproach, applied contemptuously to this sect by the victorious Muhammadans, who in the same way made use of the epithet hind, black,' to the inhabitants of this country, and called every one káfar, or 'infidel,' who professed s faith different from their own. The practice of boring holes in the ears (karna-bhedha) is an essential religious ceremony among the Hindus of all castes and tribes in general, but the
custom of making a slit in the cartilage of the ear, and inserting rings or cylinders made of horn, agate, or glass in the perforated part, as necessary for the initiation of a disciple, is an institution originating with Gorakhnatha, who for this reason is styled the founder of the Kanph ⢠â s. This practice was borrowed from a custom prevalent among all classes of yogis of suspending rings to the ears, in imitation of the Jainas and Buddhists, who in their turn had derived it from Siva, the lord of the yogis, who is often represented in a posturo of deep meditation with similar rings pendent in his ears, as in an image in the Dumar Lenâ at Elura, or in the vestibule of the Elephanta cave. These rings, called mundre, from the Sanskrit word mundras or circlets, which from their immense size painfully distort the cartilage of the ear, have often been made objects of ridicule by the Muhammadans in their popular songs. Honce Kabir, although a convert from Muhammadanism to Hindu Râma-worship, does not omit the opportunity of deriding the earrings of Gorakhnath a while discussing with him his religious opinions and principles; a tetrastich in the Bagh-o-Bahár also accuses the Kanphâţâs, and all other classes of yogis and hermits, of cupidity and greediness, notwithstanding their professions to the contrary.
The Kanphatás are mentioned in Lallu LAI's Tables of Hindu Sects and Tribes as having originated from the yogis and jangams of the Saiva faith, and this statement is corroborated by the account which Dr. Wilson has given of them in his "Sketch of the Hindu Sects" in the Asiatic Researches, vol. XVII.
The devotees of Siva (perhaps the only remnants of ancient yogís in India, except the P&ramhansa of Sankaracharya's Vedantism) are religious recluses from the world, and wholly devoted to abstract meditation. The Kanphatas are of the same persuasion, with this difference between them and other Saivas, that, while all orders of Sanyášis are at liberty to visit holy places and perform distant pilgrimages, the Kanphâţâs are constrained to remain within their mathas, or monasteries, and sometimes are even closely confined in their guhas, or cells, for intense application to meditation. A reference to this peculiarity occurs in the Hathadipika, and is thus translated by Dr. Wilson :
"The Hatha jogi should dwell in a well go

Page #356

800
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DECEMBER, 1878.
verned and properly regulated country, which of Captain Price. The one incomprehensible is fertile and free from disturbances, within a Supreme Being, who is devoid of or beyond all solitary cell within the precincts of a matha or attributes, is the object of their adoration. Banctuary."
But as a boing whose nature and properties are A Kanph & t & is not allowed to lead a inconceivable and inscrutable, and of whom solitary, independent, or vagrant life, like the nothing can be predicated compatible with the Paramhansa s or Paribrajakas of the finite and imperfect notions of humanity, can Vedic religion, or that of a mendicant as enjoined hardly be made an object of meditation or worship, by the Smritti sástras. He is strictly prohibited, certain attributes and properties were required according to the Hathadipika, from having com- for the purpose of meditation and imitation. To munication with the wicked, from sitting beside supply this want Gorakhnatha wrote a work, a fireplace, from walking in bye-ways, from early called the Goraksha-Sahasranámá, containing & baths and fasts, and from all bodily austerities thousand attributive appellations of God, for and penances enjoined in the ádstras. In con- the contemplation of his disciples. This book tradistinction to the practices of the Kan- forms the creed of the sect, and requires not phâţâs it may be mentioned that early baths, only the firm belief of its votaries in these atand sitting by the fireplace, as also offering tributes of the deity, but their jap, or repeatoblations to fire, are positive injunctions of the ing of those names in secret, and dlwyán, or Vedas, and are extensively practised by Hindus, meditation on their import in silence. In the and a large number of itinerant and vagrant same manner the Vaishnavas have their Sanya-sis of other seots. The main object of thousand appellations of Vishnu, and the the superiors or heads of a KanphâţA monastery 1 Så kt sa hundred and eight names, and someis the attainment of spiritual perfection in the times more, for the goddess Sakti (potentia), close recess of his solitary cell; while the chief whom they adore. The two Hindu sects known employment of the novices is the practice of acts by the names of Satnå mis and Dagnamis of charity and benevolence to every one within have respectively a hundred and ten epithets for the circuit of their monastery.
their deities; and the Muhammadans a hundred The religion of the Kanphat A s, as pro- names of God and ninety-nine of Muhamfessed by their founder and preceptor, Guru mad, which they mutter while telling their Gorakhnatha, is similar to that of all other beads, and utter during their prayers and devoSaiva sects-the monotheism, otherwise called tions. But the mere jap, or muttering of these Brahmaism, of the Upanishads and Vedanta names, or the dhyán, meditation on their significaphilosophy, which was widely propagated after. tions, is not enough to acquit the Kanphatâ of wards by its great champion, the venerable Ś a n- his responsibility as a yogi. He must endeavour kar â chârya, and his disciples, Anandagiri to apply to himself the archetypes of divine and others, and now upheld by the 'Brahma perfection, and to accustom himself to imitate, Somaj of Calcutta. The only authentic account resemble, and approximate them in his spiricual we have of Gorakhnatha's religious teaching nature, until he finds himself assimilated into and principles is contained in the religious the divine essence, by his attaining to a state debates (goshtis) held between him and Kabir, of clairvoyance and ecstacy which liberates him and preserved in the Rekhta verses of the latter, from the vicissitudes which mortal existences published in the Hindi and Hindustani Selections are subject to.
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. 0.8., M.R.A.S.
(Continued from p. 263.) No. XLVIII.
| 3 of the photographs of copper-plate grants at At Ind. Ant., Vol. VI., p. 91, I published the end of Colonel Dixon's Collection. The (No. XXXI. of this Series) a copper-plate grant photograph was on too small a scale for a of the Western Chalu kya king Vinay - lithograph facsimile to be prepared from it. ditya. My transcription was made from No. But this want has now been supplied through

Page #357

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Page #359

DECEMBER, 1878.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
301
the kind assistance of the Rev. T. Foulkes of raised rims to protect the writing. The inBengalûr, who obtained the original plates on scription commences on the inside of the first, loan from the owner of them, and transmitted and ends on the inside of the third, plate. The them to England. This has enabled me to give ring had not been cut when the plates were rethe details of the plates, and to correct and com- ceived in England; it is about j' thick, and 4% plete my transcription and translation of them. in diameter. A facsimile of the seal has been
Mr. Foulkes does not give the name of the given in the Plate at p. 253 (No. 5) above; it is owner of the plates; but states that he is the slightly oval, about 1" by 1}", and has the reastrologer of the temple of the god Harihara presentation of a boar, facing to the proper at Harihar, and though the grant was made right, in relief on a countersunk surface. to a member of the Vatsya gôtra,--that he The grant was made by Vinay aditya belongs to the Kasy a pa' gôtra. It is not himself, at the request of the king of the Aluknown where the plates were found, or how vas, and seems to have been made to celebrate they came into the possession of the family that a victory over that family. It is dated in the now owns them.
fourteenth year of his reign, on the day of the The plates are three in number, about 101" full-moon of Karttika, when Saka 616 (A.D. long by 44" broad. They have very decided 694-5) had expired.
Transcription.
First plate. ['] Svasti (1*] Jayaty-avishkțitam Vishņôr=vvårå ham kshübhit-êrînavam dakshin-onnata
damshtr-agra-vibranta-bhu[') vanan vapuh [11*] Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-samstůyamâna-Manavya-sagðtrâņâm Hârîti
putranam [°] sapta-loka-matsibhis=saptamâtribhir-abhirabhi'varddhitânam Kürttikėya-parirakshana
prâpta-kalyana[*] paramparâņam bhagavan-Nárayana-prasada-samasdita-vara ha-lånichhan-êkshana kshana-va[°] sikrit-ab@sha-mahibhritamin Chalukyânâm kulam-alam(la) nkarishạôr=aśvamodh-avabh ritha
snâna-pa[°] vitrikrita-gåtrasya Sri-Puli'kesi(ti)-Vallabha-maharajasya sunuh paråkram-Akranta-Vanava[') sy-adi-para-nsipati-mandala-praņibaddha-visuddha-kîrttih
Sri-Kirttivarmma
prithi(thi)vîvalla[] bha-maharajas-tasy=knma(tma)jas=samara-samsakta-bakal-êttarapath-eśvara-Sri[°] Harshavarddhana-parajay-Ôpalabdha paraméévar-Apara-namadh@yah
Satya[1] śraya-sri-prithi(thi)vivallabha-mahârâj-adhiraja-parameswaras=tat-priya-suVikramaditya-paramêśvara-bhattârakasya mati-sahâya-sâ hasa-mâtra-sa
Second plate; first side. [""] madhigata-nija-vamsa-samuchita-chita-rajya-vibhavasya vividha-rasita-sita-samara-mukha["'] gata-ripu-narapati-vijaya-samupalabdha-kirtti(rtti)-patak-avabhâsita-digantasya himakara[""] kara-vimala-kula-paribhava-vilaya-hôtu-Pallavapati-parajay-anantara-parigrihita[1] Katchi-purasya prabhåva-ku*l@(li) sa-dalé(li)ta-Chola-Pandya (ndya)-Kerala-dharani(ni).
dhara-tů (tra)ya-mÅna-mâna-ssimo ["') gasya an-anya-samavana[ta®]- Kanchipati-maņi-makata-kuta-kirana-salil-abhishikta-chara[") na-kamalasya tri-samudra-madhya-vartti-bhuvana-mandal-adhiśvarasya sûnuh pitu[") rajñaya Bali(18)ndusêk harasy=éva S ênâni(ni)r=Ddaitya-balam-ati-samuddhatam
trairâjya-Pallava
[*] tasya
1 These two letters, rabhi, are an unnecessary and un- and dyte, 1. 41, the vowel & is irregularly attached to the meaning repetition.
top stroke of the ja, instead of to the centre stroke, in the . It is somewhat doubtful whether is intended, or le. I usual manner, as in muhárdi-adhiraja, II. 22-23. But, collating all the other passages in which this name • The upper part of the ka has not come out in the occurs, I find the rule to be that, when the vowel of the facsimile. "A few similar instances of imperfect letters, first syllable is o, then the vowel of the serond is e, and and of a failure of the Anusvåra to appear in the facsimile, when the vowel of the first syllable is u, then the vowel of will be found further on. the second is i or, in later times, a.
In the facsimile, the top stroke of the fa has run up Here, and in 4japayati, 1. 23, and vijiapanaya, 1. 26, into the Anusvára, so as to read like kril, instead of brin.

Page #360

302
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1878.
[""] balam-avashtabhyal(bhya)
samasta-vishaya-praśamanâd=vihita-[ta®]n-mano
nuram(ra)ñjanaḥ atyanta-vatsala[") tvåd=Yudhishti(shthi)ra iva Śrî-râmatvád=Vásadêra iva Drip-amkušatvật=Parasurama
iva râj-aśrayatva["] d-Bharata iva Pallava-Kalambhra-Kerala-Haihaya-Vila-Maļava-Chôļa-Pândy-âdyâh
yên={Inva-Gan (ga)ng-adyai["] remmaulais-sama-bhrityatân=nitah Vinayaditya-Satyasraya-sri-prithivivallabha-ma
Second plate ; second side. [] hârâj-adhiraja-paramèśvara-bhattáraka's=sarvva(rova)n=8vam=ajñâpaya ti
[1]
Viditam-astu vô=smabhi(bhih) shodas-óttara["] sbach(t)-chbatêshu Saka-varshêshv=atitéshu pravarddhamâna-vijaya-rajya-samvatsarê
chaturddasê varttamanê [*] Harê (Pri)sha-para-pratyåsanne Karañjapatra-gråmam=adhiyasati vijaya-skandhâyâre
Kârttikė(ka)-paurņņa[*] mâsyâ śrimad-Aluva-raja-vijñāpanayâ Vâtsya-sagðtrasya Śrisarmmaņah sôma-ya[°] jinah pautrảya Mâraśarmmapali patrầya sanaśarmmaņê vêda-vêdâmgare) paraghya Vanavasi(si)-mandale Ede(Pde)volal-bhbhag Kiru-Kagamasi[*] nama-grâmassa-bhôga3sarvva-bådhå-parihår-ôpêtô dattah (ll*] Per-Ggåga(ga)masi[] gråma-paschima-bhaga(gê) krit-akrita-kshêtrum [1*] Cha(e)tasya kshetrasya [") si(si)må [] pa(pů)vv(rv v)-Ottara-di[g]-bhågê Sirigoda(?do)-grâma-si(si)mni Páli["] vu(?)tu tata âgatya 10 Karvvasurigola i tata(talı) Perbu(?)tu i tata
Third Plate. [*] Âigi(ige Pretata Algoļa tata(t) Nittakala | tata(tah) 110 pråg-gatvå 110
Nėrilgilge P)[] re tata(tah) |10 Kurupakere | tata(+8) 110 dakshina-disam=&yritya Arakatta (1) [] Tad=ågåmibhir=asmad-vamsyai[r-a*]nyaiś=cha rajabhir-kyur-aiśvaryy-adinâm vilasitam=
achiramsu-chaùcha[] lam=avagachchhadbhir-a-chandr-a[rkka]-dhar-årạnava-sthiti-samé(ma)-kâlam yasas.
chichi(chi)shubhis=sva-datti-ni[°] rvvisesham paripälaniyam=uktai-cha bhagavatâ vôda-vyâséna Vyåsốna[ I ] Bahubbi[ ] revvasudha bhukt& râjabhis-Sagar-ådibhir=yyasya yasyâ(sya) yada bhůrmi(mi)s=
tasya tasya [""] tada phala [ll] Svan=ditum sa-mahach-chhakyam duḥkham-anyasya pålanam
| dẫnah và pala[ ] nam ch=eti dânâch=chhrêyo=nupâlanam [1] Sva-dattâm para-dattâm và yê
harêti(ta) vasundharam sha[") shți-varshsha(rsha)-sahasrâņi vishtâyâm jayatê krimih it Maha-sa(sa)ndhivigrahika["] Śrf-Râmapuṇyavallabhêna likhitam=idam sâsanam Translation.
Kirttivarma, the favourite of the world, Hail! Victorious is the body, which was (&c., as in No. XXIX.). that of a Boar, that was manifested of His son (was) Satyå braya, the favourite Vishnu, (&c., as in No. XXIX, at Vol. of the world, the great king, the supreme king, VI., p. 87)!
the supreme lord, &c., as in No. XXIX.). The son of the great king Śr-iPulikebi- His dear son (was) Vikramaditya, the Vallabh a-whose body was purified (&c., supreme lord, the venerable one-who acquired as in No. XXIX.)—was) the great king Sri (&c., as in No. XXIX.). The photograph distinctly shows the Anusrdna over
- This letter, ka, was omitted in the original, and was the la; but it does not appear in the facsimile. I have
then inserted below the line. found the same name in the same context in two more
This letter, ya, again, was at first omitted and then Western Chalukys grants, but in both of them the text is
inserted below the line. unfortunately not quite clear enough to decide satisfac.
This syllable, re or ri, is rather doubtful, being crowded torily whether the second syllable is larlı or la.
from want of space.
10 These seven marks of punctuation are unnecessary.

Page #361

DECEMBER, 1878.] SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
His son, Vinay Aditya-Satyaáraya, the favourite of the world, the great king, the supreme king, the supreme lord, the venerable one,-who, having at the command of his father (&c., as in No. XXIX.), (was) like Bharat&, on account of his being the refuge of kings, and by whom the Pallavas, the Kalambhras, the Kêralas, the Haibayas, the Vilas, the Mala vas, the Chôļas, the Pândyas, and others, were brought into a similar state of servitude with the Aļu vas12, and the Gangas, and others, who were hereditary (servants of him),-thus issues his commands to all people :
"Be it known to you! Six hundred and sixteen years of the Sa ka (era) having elapsed, in the fourteenth year of (Our) augmenting and victorious reign, at (Our) victorious camp which is located at the village of Karañjapatra in the neighbourhood of (the city of) Hareshapura, on the day of the full-moon of (the month) Karttika, at the request of the illustrious king of the Aluva s, the village of Kiru-Kà gâm â si1, in the Edevolal division in the Vana vâsi district, is given by Us, with the right of enjoyment, and free from all opposing claims, to Isân as armâ, who is thoroughly well versed in the Vedas and the Vêdángas, the son's son of Srisar mâ, who performed the Sô ma sacrifice, of the Vâtsya gôtra, (and) the son of Marasarma. (Also there is given) a (partly) cultivated and (partly) uncultivated field on the west of the village of Per-G Agâm âsi.16 And the boundaries of that field (are) :-On the northeast, (the ? hamlet of) (?) Pûlivutu in the boundaries of the village of Sirigodu"; coming thence, (the village of) Karvasurigola; thence (the village of) Perbutu; thence(the village of) Algires; thence (the village of) Algola; thence (the village of) Nitta kalâ; thence, going to the east, (the village of) Nerilgire; thence (the village of) Kurupa kere; thence, turning to the south, (the village of) Arakaṭṭa.
11 Or, perhaps, Kalabhras'; see note 6.
13 In 1. 9 of the Aihole inscription (Vol. V., p. 67), we have, as my revised version of it will show hereafter, Gang. Alup-endráḥ, the princes of the Gangas and the Alupas.' The Aluvas are probably the same as the Alupas, who are mentioned again, as the enemies of the Chalukyas in later. times, in 1. 12 of No. 2 of my second series of Kadamba inscriptions, at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. IX., p. 278.
13 Or, perhaps, 'Harishapura.' 1.e., the smaller, or more modern, Kågâmâsi.' 15 Or perhaps, Edevolal.' Volal is the form in compo.
303
This (grant, or charter) should be preserved by future kings, who are desirous of acquiring fame, whether they belong to Our lineage or to other families, &c.! And it has been said by the holy Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas:-Land has been enjoyed by many kings, from Sagara downwards; &c.! It is a very easy thing to bestow a grant oneself, &c.! He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, &c. This charter has been written by Sri-Rama punyavallabha, the Great Minister who is entrusted with peace and war."
No. XLIX.
This is a copper-plate grant of the Dê vagiri-Yadava king Krishna, otherwise called, as here, Kanhara or Kan hâra,20 and also Kandhara or Kandhara. Another form of the same name is K annara; but I have not found it used in the case of this particular king.
The plates were found at Chikka-Bagiwadi, in the Belgaum Tâlukâ of the Belgaum District. They are three in number, each about 74" broad by 101" long; they have raised edges to protect the writing. The ring connecting them had not been cut when the grant came into my possession; it is about thick, and 33" in diameter. The seal, of which a facsimile has been given (No. 2) in the Plate at p. 252 above, is circular, about 2" in diameter; it has, in high relief on a countersunk surface, a figure of the god Hanuman, with the sun and moon. The language is Sanskrit. The characters are Nandinâgari. In this inscription the letter ba is usually distinguished from va,-by means of a small circle inside the loop of the letter; but the engraver has not always made this distinction, and in some instances, where he has, it has failed to appear in the facsimile. Thus, the facsimile reads prativi(vi)vitá, 1. 2, and Vich-ágrajaḥ, 11. 13-14; whereas the original has distinctly pratibi (bim)bitá, and Bich-ágrajaḥ, On the other hand, this mark, distinctive of the sition of the Canarese holal, holalu,. a city. The first part of the name may be ede, place, abode, &c. ; great, much', or ede, 'the bosom, heart; courage.'
18.e., the larger, or older, Kágâmâsi."
11 Or, perhaps, Sirigodu.'
1 Or, perhaps, Algere.'
19 Or, perhaps, Neirigere.'
20 The transcription and translation of this grant have been given, with some others of the same dynasty, at Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. XII., p. 25; they are now repeated to accompany and explain the facsimile, which has not been previously published.

Page #362

3
304
ba, is shown clearly enough in the facsimile in, e.g., Bágavádi, 1. 26, and brahmanébhyas, 1. 28.
:
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The grant records that, in the Sanmya samvatsara, when Saka 1171 (A.D. 1249-50) had expired, on Saturday the day of the fullmoon of Ashâḍha, the minister Mallisaiṭṭi, with the king's permission, bestowed upon thirty-two Brahmans, attached to the shrine of the god M â d h a v a, certain lands at Santheya Baga vâ di, in the Huv valli Twelve in the Kuhun di district; and that the grant was subsequently confirmed by M allisaitti's son, the minister Chaundi saiṭṭi.
[DECEMBER, 1878.
The Huvvalli spoken of here must be Mughaṭkhan-Hubballi in the Belgaum District, about five miles to the south-east of Bâgiwâdi. Santheya is evidently intended for the Canarese santeya, 'of the market', a common prefix to the names of villages in the Canarese country. The Santheya-Bagavâ di of the grant is probably the modern Bagiwadi, or Hire-Bagiwadi,-a market-town, and of much more importance than ChikkaBâgiwadi, which is close to it. Saitti, at the end of the two ministers' names, probably represents the Canarese setti, a merchant', and indicates the class to which they belonged by birth.
Transcription.
First Plate.
[*]||
Chha
Om Sri-Ganidhi. [*] patayê namaḥ I Pâyâd-âdyaḥ 88 vali pôtrt ya (yad)-damshtra[] pratibi (bim) bitâ I agid-iva dhritâ dbâtri harsh(rshid)-dvigapa-pa[] shtatâ (tâm) || Asti svasty-ayanô raja Simhanô Yadu-vamsa-jah yasya kîrtri(rtti). [] s-tri-bhuvanê prathitâ Hari-kirtti-vat Yo râja Jaitugir-nâma Simha[] n-akhyam (khyân)-nripât-tataḥ (1) janitô Yadu-vams-avdhan (bdhan) payôdhâv=iva chalchash)dra
||
namaḥ Sivaya ||
||
['] mâh
Tasya putrô mahâ-têjâb Śri-Kanhâra iti śrutaḥ I yad-âjâm (jñâm) [] sirasa dhrittâ (tva) bhavamti sukhinô nripâh | Jayati jagati raja 88[] rra-bhupala-mauli-prathita-parama-ratna-pröllasat-pada-padmaḥ [10] du-kula-chira-lîlê
T
Ya
Vâsudêvê
janinim
nayana-kamala-sq
pritimin-Kanhar-åkhyaḥ
["] yah(ryah)
[1] makuda(ta)-pratynpta-ratnais-chiram
i
[13] śêshasya prithvipatêh [ śûrô-mâtya-dhuri sthitô vijayatê Bi[*] ch-âgrajah samtatam Mall-Akhyaḥ kila Chikkadeva-tanayaḥ pra[1] khyâta-kirtti(rttir)=bhuvi || Tasya putrô mahâ-tejâḥ Śri-Kanhara [20] ti śrutaḥ (1) yô jidvâ(tvá) prithiv-iśasya yô râjô(jño) dakshinô bhê(bhu)["] jaḥ || Prasain (sa)sy(sty)=arim (ri)n-yah pragrihîta-châpô dadâti ch=ârthân-kṛipaI Śrâ(śri)-Sômanâth-âmghri-yug-âvanatyâ pravarddhi. Chha I Svasti || Eka-saptaty-uttara-sat-a[20] dhê (dhi) ka-sahasra-samkhyêshu Sak-âvdê(bdê) shv-atitêshu pravarttamânê Saum (sau)mya[*] samvatsarê tad-ata(tar)-gt-Åshadha-pauramisyim Sanaischara-várê Pû[rv-Ashadha(dhi)-nakshatré Vaidhriti-yôgê(ga) ittham-bhuta-pum (pu) nya-kâlê jab(tab) Mallisatti-nam-Amatyab(ty) Mudugala-gri
[19] yâ dvijôbhyal [1] t-âśêsha-vibhûti-ram(ra)myaḥ
[**] sarba(rva)-rda(dé)é-Adhikari al
[*] mê vasam (sa)n 1 tad-anuja(jña)yi sva-dev-ârchchana-samayê Śri-Somanâtha
Sv-adhikâra-vishayê
||
Tasy-nyab(nya)-kahitipala-maulinirijsch-champ-ravishda-yagalal
91 Amatya.
sa (sam)nidhau
Kuhum
[5] mahâdharmika-Viranayaka-vijñâpanayâ [""] di-dêśê
Huvvalli-dvâdasa-gga(grâ)m-Abhyamtarê Samtheya-Bigavâḍi-samjña[*] kê grime bhagavath(vach)-Sri(chhri)-Madhava-dova-pura(rah)sarébby dva-triat-sahkhy [*] kibby brahmadbhya-na(ta)d-grima dakahiya-dign(g)-bhâgê Second plate; first side. ["sha pishina(shat-pishana)-mudritâm bhu(bhû)mim
nink-gétrébby
dhârâ-pûrba (rva)kam datta

Page #363

YADAVA GRANT OF KANHARADEVA.
"वाया। आग तथ महासघ दंष्ट्रा मात्र हर्षा द्विगुणं घंटुवेरा
11113 FERTIL बनायन मणा पाया दाम प्रतिविविता। अंगादिवा बतास राजा सिंद्ध का सितुवान पछिता हरिकार्तिवत्यो गाऊं तुगिनीमसिंह पीतपावतः ॥ जनितोयदु वंशा वो पाया धाविष माभातसा पुत्रेो महातजाःया कन्हार जाने तय दाजी शिरसावृपतिवेति सुरिवाना नृपा गाऊंजय तिज गति राजा स वनूपा लामोलि प्रधित परमन प्रोल्लसत्याद पद्माय दुकुल विरलाल वा सुदिविड ना नान घन कमलस् यः प्रति मा क ह रा ख्यः। तस्वान्यः दिति पालमो लिं मकुद पत्यूरान नरविंद युगलः शिर्षस्य पृथ्वी प्रांतः रहनामा त्यधुरि खिता विजयात वा वाग्रहः संततं मल्लाख्यः क्लविक्काद वतनयः प्रात स्वंग तकी र्त्तितुविति स्वं पुत्रो महातजाः श्री कन्हार ू तिशू तथा यो जिद्वा पृधिवीरा स्याया गहौद हिसि 58।। प्रशस्यन्यः प्रगृहीतवात्पाद दाति वांघीकृप या जिन्यं 81 श्री सोमना घाधि युगा वन या प्रवर्द्ध ताशेषविस्मृति गं म्प:।। ं । । स्वस्ति 17 कसप्तत्युत्तराता "धक सहस सारख्या बुरा का देतषु वर्तमान सम्ब सेवसारत देतगता पाठ पस्पशाने व वा वीबाट नानविधृति योगे इश्वं तं तपु एप कालै गऊः सबर्दशाधिकां ग स मल्लिसिटि नामामा यः मुदुगलगा मे वसंतदनुजया व दे वा न समये श्री सोम बाघस नियो महाधार्मिकवी नायक बिज्ञापन या वाधिकार विषये कुटुं दिदेरोह चल्लिंद्वा दर्शग्गमा स्वत ने संध्य् बाग वा डिसह के ग्रामसग वे सीमा वदे वपु उसने त्याहात्रिंश संख् केन्या नानागत्या सामद‌क्षिण‌दि गुलागि

Page #364

YADAVA GRANT OF KANHAR ADEVA.
--
laघटूपा बारा मदिती। तमिम वदता
वान। J व त8 रामा।वदे-17 ना या जागा दिसकल पास ह सकन पनित।
दत। रामाधव देवसबाहा पाता का वरात हा यतवजनिक तदित र केरा) मा प.व दे । वनटा पुरवावाने बानी ताद तस वाघ में वतहान तदिनानाशाहयक नवनितिशालि । तेनदात-शनामे वल डामा त श दतिया
यकाने ना दिमाश तक नपारामद ति) समावदेवसबा मागतो नाहनचरातन पगमिता
मरान वदताकासनत रतश्यासाचा दिसहिना मामा च्यापित करीतधनपशपालना यास्मिनन । 17वनावदेवदेव प्रसोयरनमा दाह्मणानामा । शासनद पवनसुदृढ त क न वानाक।।।।
पनिहीत|| EJIणनामानिलावा ।।। आधागाजासरसामावदिवितहापापाटारात सर्व हार ठरताहाया पायरयका ताना कालिकामा याताद रमवा डिस्तामोदरविवादि: तस्विका 7E8||काशिकागाीयमदतफत पाठकस्तान
पाठकारयकाशिव सिजापायक पतपा। कस्ता पाठक तस्ठातात:।।Zरतगे। पवाजमातात सतत्रिक माहवतस्याहत
तः ।गा ईलामा स्पतितहा पापायसतापर Imपहवलस्थाहा 80 हारता गाटामा पद वह तत ताठा देत महवह लास्या हतबहादवितागा E के शव पहवह मास्तदा मोद पवई तस्याहतान।। सितामे En||काडि पागा आदित्यत्त हसतमाल । |दिवठपाध्यायस्याहतात। भादवाल्यागार तापायाण

Page #365

DECEMBER, 1878.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
305
[] vân (1) Tatra
bhagavatah Sri-Madhava-deva "sya anga[*] bhôga-ramgabhôg-adi-sakala-pu (pů)j-artham
sahasa(sra)-kamba-parimitan [*] kshetram dattam. 1 Śrl-Madhava-deva-satrê brâhmaņa-bhôjan-athartham) bata-dva[*] ya-kamba-parimitam kshetram dattam [1] Tad-itara(ram) ta lshetram Sri-Madhava-de[*] va-Bram(bra)hmapuri-varvi(rti)bhyas=n@(te) bhyo brâhmaņēbhyô dattam Tat-satr-artha[*] m=@va tad-grâma-po(p)rva-digu(g)-bhâge sata-dvaya-kamba-parimitan sali[*] kshetram têna dattan || Tat-satr-ârtham=8va tad-grâm-ôta(tta)ra-dig-bhâge Vina["'] yaka-nairuru(rți for r ura)nya(tya)-digu(g)-nâ(bhá)ge sata-kamba-parimô(mi)tań
[kshetram®] dattam (ll*] Iti Sri[8] Madhava-deva-satra-brâhmana-bhôjan-atham(rtham) pa(pam)cha-sata-kamba-parimitâ [907 bhu(bhû)mis-né(tê)n-aiva dattâ Chha | An(a)nantaraṁ tasya putrô=san
Chaumdisaitti-nå[0) m-amânnyah(tyah) pitri-krin(t)-aita(tad)-dharma-paripå lanây=asmin(nn)-arthê bha[*] gavan-Madhava-dêva-deva-pura(rah)sarêbhyasata(te)bhyê A brahmau-bhy88=tâm[*] vra(bra)-sisana(nam) danga(ttva) pitur-dhdha (ddha)rmam su-dridhataran kritavan(n) |
Chha [*] Tôshâm pu(pra)tigộihîtri(tri)ņam(nâm) gôtra-gaña-nâmâni likyamtê | Chha | [*] Atrêya-gôtrîya-Sâmavêdi-Vishņubhatt-Opâdhyâya-suta-Sarva[") jia-Hariharabhatt-Oyâ(på)dhyâyasy=aikâ v rittih
Kausika-gôtri[") ya-Prabhakara-Trivâţi-suta-DÂmôdaya(ra). Trivadih
tasy=é(ai)ka ["] vrittih
Kansika-gôtriya-Madanki (yi)ta-Pathaka-suta-Râma["] déva-Ya (p)thakasy-aika dri(vri)ttiḥ
Vasishtha-gðtriya-Jayita-PA["] thaka-sata-Kosaka(va)-Pathakah | tasy-aika vrittih | Harita-gôtri["] ya-Vámama(na)-Pattavaddha(rddha)na-sata-Trivikrama-Pattavarddhanasy-arddha-vri[*] ttih
1
SAmạilya-gotrasya Vishṇabhatt-Opadhyâya-suta-Petta[$j na-Pattavarddhanasy=&rddha-vrittih
Harita-gôtra-Damodara-Patta(**) varddhana-suta-Tá(na)gadêva-Pattavarddhanasy-årddha-vrittih
Harita-go["] tra-Kéśava-Pattavartta/rddha)ma(na)-suta-Damodara-Pattavard dhanasy=årddha-vrittih || Va. [*]sishtha Maiträvaruņa-Kan(kaum) dinya-gôtra-Adityabhatta-suta-Malik@va-Tha(u)pâdhyâyasy=&rddha-vrittih l
Maudu (d)galya-gôtra-Narayaņa
Second plate ; second side. ("] Upadhyâya-suta-Rudr-U()padhyâyasy=årddha-vrittiḥ [] sya trå(bhra)tâ Gôviņd-U()pâdhyâyasy=årddha-vrittih
Bhara[] dvaja-gộtra-Kalid&va-Pattavarddhana-suta-Sridhara-Pattava[CO] rddhanasy=&rddha-vrittih Gautama-gôtra-Maha(ha)dêva-Pattavarddhana-sata-KA[!] va(ma ? )dêva-Kramitasy-årddha-vrittih Kaśyapa-gôtra-Manchyana-Pattavarddhana["] suta-Vra(bra)hmadôvabhatt-Opadhyâyasy=årddha-vrittih | Da(ha)rita-gotra-Gôvi(vim)da[*] suta-Råyihe(dê)vabhatt-Ôpådhyâyasy-årddha-vrittiḥ L ŠAmạilya-gôtra-Hidya(?). [*] ņa-suta-Srira(ram gasy=krddha-vrittih
Kaśyapa-gôtra- Atyam(pa-suta Madhava[097 na-Pattavaddha(rddha)nasy=&rddha-vřittih | Bharadvája-gôtra-Maha(ba)da (dê)va-suta
Malide["] va-Ya(gha)lisasy=&rddha-vrittiḥ Rathitara-gôtra-Somanâtha-sata-Va(ba)savaņa-Ghali(“'] sasy=&rddha-vrittiḥ L Â tra(tre)ya-gôtra-Gôpala-su(su)ta-Malidêva-Ghalisasy=&rddha[°] vrittih | Vishṇavriddha-gôtra-M&dhava-Pattavarddhana-suta-Malidêva-Pattavarddhanasy-A[""] rddha-vrittih Ātrêya-gðtra-Narayana-guta-Va(ba)savana-Kramitasy=Arddha-vrittih ["OJ TA (bhâ)radvâja-gôtra-Nára (râya?)ņa-suta-Jâtavôda-Pattavarddhanasy=årddha-vrittih l
Bhâra["] dvaja.gôtra-Sridhara-su(su) ta-Hásvara-Ghalisasy=Arddha-vrittih
Srivatsa-go["') tra-Máyidova-suta-Gôyi(vim)da-Ghaisasagyarddha-vrittih
Kåbyapa-gotra-À.
Ta
31 This letter, wa, was omitted in the original, and was then inserted above the line.
93 This repetition of the word deus is unnecessary, 2. This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.

Page #366

306
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
DECEMBER, 1878.
[**] ditya-guta-Malidêva-Ghalisasy-arddha-vrittih
Vasishtha-gotra-Tákhora[*] Ghalisasy=Arddha-vrittih (ll) Kasyapa-gộtra-Vishņu-Ghalisasy=årddha-vrittih [ll] Kausika-gôtra-Visvanatha-Gh@(ghai)sasy=årddha-vrittih
Atratrê)ya-pôtra-Malide1767 ya-Ghaligasy(sy)=årddba-yrittih Kaśyapa-gotra-Svámidêya-Ghaisasy-arddha-vrittih ! "] Kau(kaun) dinya-gôtra-Narasimha-Ghaisuh
Kansika-gðtra Damodara-Ghalisah [**] | Visga(sva)mitra-gôtra-Malidēva-Ghalisah
Müka-gôtra-Kayana-Ghali("] saḥ | Kaśyapa-gôtra-Ma(mâ or na)rasi(sim)ha-Ghalisaḥ || $&(śÂm)di(đi)lya-gôtra-Någad@ya[*] Ghalisåsah (sah for sksab) || Agastya-gôtra-Kalidoda(va)-Ya(pa)ttavarddhanaḥ || Atrêya-gå["] tra-Vishņu-Pattavarddhanah || Bharadvaja-gôtra-Dasa-Malidêva-Ghalisah Ka($) éyapâ(pa)-gôtra-Vasudeva-Ghalisah | Harita-gôtra- Sridhara-Pattavaddha(rddha)nah (ID) posj Kabyapa-götra-Dåvaņa-Ghalisal
so (sau)naka-gðtra-Madhava-Ghalisaḥ (Il] (**) Étépå (sham) praty-kam=arddha-vrittih Kabya[pa®]-gotra-Cha(ja)gad&(dd)va
Pathakasya ||* (*) pâd-Ôna-vșittih | Itah param=anyeshà(sham) ya(pra)ty-êka(ka) pâda-vrittiḥ |
Visi(sva)mi[*] tra-gôtra-Ramaddva-Ghalisah
Götama-gótra-Malidêva-Ghalisah
Third plate. [") Bhâradvaja-gộtra-V&(vai)janatha-Ghalisah
Srivatsa [*] gôtra-Ramadêva-Ghalisah
Bhåradvaja-gôtra-Ki["] lidása-Ghaisah
Kaśyaya (pa)-gôtra-Gôyâ(på)la-Ghalisa[RO] ḥ Tasya bbrâtâ Kalité (dé)va-Ghalisah
Kasya(pa® ]-gô["] tra-Någaddva-Ghalisah
Bharadvaja-gôtra-Voppaddva-Ghalisah
Vispåmitra-gðtra-Lakshmidhara-su(su)ta-Gópála-Ghalisah " Kaśyapa-gðtra-Narasimhabhattah
Kaumdinya-gotra-Naga-sata-Vishộub ["] Jámadagnya-Vasa-gôtra-Dôvana-Ghalisah Ko(ka)byapa-gotra-Udayabhattal, [°] Kausika-gôtra-Dépaņa-suta-Manchyana-Ghalisah (sah)
Kasyapa-gộtra-Ha["'] tta(?)ņa-Pattavadha(rddha)nah Bhåradvájargôtra-Malidâya-sata-Kalidêva-Pattava["] rdhdha(rddha)nasy-rikå všittih 1 CD Vasishtha-gôtra-Vadya(P)ņa-suta-Janârddha(rdda)na
Ghali(") sasy=årdhdha(rddha)-vritti” Vilusuka-suita-Padmanabha-Pattavardhdha(rddha)na["] sy-aika vpittiḥ [ll] Tasya siatasya] Somanathasy-aika vșittih [100] Ittham dva-tri(trim)sad=vsittayð vibhajya vrå(brá)hmaņebhyð dattoh (ttåh) ICID Chha ||
Tad=&gåmibhi[101] (r)=aśêsha-bhûpålailaih) sva-datta-nirviśdsham paripälaniyam=iti bhagava[10] tá Vêda-Vyåsôn=ôktam | Va(ba)hubhir=vagadhá bhukta rajabhi(bhih) Sagar-&dibhi(bhih) [*] yasya yasya yadá bhdå (bhd)mis-tasya tasya tadâ phalam 1 (D) Sva-dattâm para[104] dattâm vậy harêta vasundharam l shashtim varsha-sahasråņi vi[on) shțhAyam jậyaté křià (kri)mih | Rô(râ)mah Sârnângô=yam dharma-sêturenți[100] pa(på)ņâm k áld kåle pålaniyo bhavadbhiḥ
sarvånad [11] tân=bhavinah parthiyềndrấn=bhuyô bhủyo yachatê Râmacham[105] drah Dâna-pâlanayôr=må(ma)dbyê dânât(ch)=śr(chhré)y=nupalanan [10] dánat=svargam=avâpnoti
pâlanåd=achyuta
ya(pa) dam [120] Mangala-maha-brdih (srih) T() Translation.
born in the race of Yadu, whose fame was Òm! Reverence to Siva! Reverence to celebrated throughout the three worlds, like Śri-Gan Adhipati! Muy he", the first boar, the fame of Hari. protect you, reflected on whose tusk, the As the moon (was created) in the ocean, 60, earth was upheld, and, through joy, attained, in the ocean which is the family of Yadu, as it were, twice as great prosperity (as before)! there was born from the king Simhaņa
There was the prosperous king Simhaņa, the king who was named Jaitugi. " This mark of punctuation, again, is unnecessary.
36 These two letters, visa, seem to be superfluous and unmeaning.
11 Visbpu.

Page #367

YÂDAVA GRANT OF KANHARADEVA.
पायसुत करवा पाय स्यादनिता न्य नातागो वर्णधा यस्याई चलाता। हाडा वालिदेवपदवईनसुत नागपहता
तरस्याई गोतमगावमटादवमहवनस्तका!! दाद मितस्या है तामाका रापागाच्यावह ना॥ सतवाद वतहोपाध्याारस्थाह हाचिदपितागाजागा विर। यता यिद वतहोपाध्यायस्याईतिशॉडिल्पागा दिया। सन 30 गस्याहaa8|| काश्ययागा अपपमतमलव
वह तस्याई त निताराहादागा उमट ट्वस्तमालाद। व चलिसस्याई वनात रागा सामनाघसुनवसंतापजलि, सपाहताना मात्रयागावागापालसुतमा लाटवालिसस्पा विति।
विदागा माधवटवईतसुतमलिावपट्ट ईनसा 7A8|ऑया तो गयागसतवसवा/मा तस्याहर ता हा जागाजता र रसुततातावद वह यातना
13310 लतहारवर घालसस्या हवा 7850 तसागा । मायदेवतागातिदपासास स्पाई तन8।। 1 यमागासी । दासतमा लिादालसा पाहता वरना गाठातार
रास्माई दनिकायमा विरपालिस साई तो शिकामा दरवनाघासस्थाहताब आ नयागा चमालिादा घनसरया कारखाना सामिादतोसस्याहतgl आदिमातर।।दरमहा काराकागा दामाद 7 जिस: विगमित्रामा मलारवालसठावामान कायल सभामाश्य पाया जमरसिघालसाशा/हेल्पागा लागाय। "लिसा अगरयाणा कालाददाहवहन सामयागा।।
ANDवहनाता रहाSDVEासमालरतपालमाना। पगाठारादतालसातामा श्रीधर परत ! कश्यागोरतलठकाणावमा तता
तमा प्रत्येक मराठाश्यागाचगादत पाठक रच। वागता815 तपमानासत्यतपादन नितिश मि। | 31 तारतमलिस।गातमागाजालारवाहा ।

Page #368

III.
YADAVA GRANT OF KANHAR ADEVA.
वि
चलिए
7
File По
कारण आम है। मत स किलिक गो नाद व शास होम ग्रह व प्रनः त नये का वृत्तिः वाप मुस्यान हा प्रभाविन कास्टि हाशिय वारा पालित ताविव्यतीि
27 तारा स्प यदा तामिस वीवायो
घां याऊयात क्रामिना ग पण काल काল तावादिनःपांहिति इशदान पालनाया हाना खर्गमवात प
मंगल महानि
C
लिसभाओं वस राजामात्र का बागांयाल हालिस आकाश्या गा १वादिवदा मनसः॥
यता गावह
हव
गासं
लाव
दिति
नान
वि
तवा न नामव
पालन।
च

Page #369

DECEMBER, 1878.]
SANSKRIT AND OLD CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS.
307
His son was that glorious one, who is re- thousand kambas was allotted for the angabhôga, nowned under the name of Srl-Kan håra, the rangabhöga, and all the other rites of the and whose commands kings bear upon their god, the holy Sri-Madhava. A field of the heads and thus become happy. Victorious in measure of two hundred kambas was allotted for the world is the king called Kanhars; the the purpose of feeding Brâhmans in the chariwaterlilies, which are his feet, shine brightly table dining-hall of the god Sri-Madhava. among the famous choice jewels in the diadems And another field was given to those Brahmans of all kings (as they bow down before him); he who dwelt at the town of) Brahmapuri, is the sun of the white waterlilies, which are which belonged to the god Sri-Má dhava. the eyes of mankind; he is full of affection for And a rice-field of the measure of two hundred Vasudeva", who disported himself for so kambas, situated in the eastern part of that long a time in the family of Yadu.
same village, was given by him for the purposes Ever victorious is he, the hero, renowned in of that same charitable dining-hall. And, for the world, who has the appellation of Malla, the purposes of that same charitable dining-hall,
-the elder brother of Bicha, and the son of there was given a field of the measure of one Chikkad dva,-who, filling the post of mi- hundred kambas on the south-western side (of nister of that eminent king, has the waterlilies, the land) of Vinayaka. Thus there was which are his feet, always made radiant by the given by him land of the measure of five hun. jewels inlaid in the diadems of other kings; dred kumbas for the purpose of feeding Brah. and who is the right arm of the victorious lordmaņs in the charitable dining-hall of the god of the earth, the king, who was his glorious Sri-Madhava. Bon and was renowned under the name of Sri. And after that, his son, the minister ChaunKanhâra. Armed with the bow, he chas- disaitti, for the purpose of continuing the tises his enemies; through charity, he gives religious act performed by his father, gave, with wealth to the twice-born ; and he is pleasing reference to that same subject, a copper charter by reason of his perfect prosperity, which is to the god, the holy Madhava, and to those nourished by obeisance performed to the feet of Brahmans, and thus made permanent the re(the god) Sri-S8 manatha.
ligious act of his father. Hail! One thousand one hundred and The gôtras and the virtues and the names seventy-one of the Saka years having elapsed of those recipients of the gifts are now written. in the Saumya sarina tsara, on Saturday the (From here,-line 45,-to line 99, the inscripday of the full-moon of the month) Asha dha tion records the names, 8c., of the grantees, and of that (year), under the Pûr V-Åsh Adha the share allotted to each. It is unnecessary to nakshatra and the Vaid hșiti yôga,- at this translate this portion in detail. In line 100 sacred time, while residing at the village of the inscription continues :) Mudugala, he,-the minister called Mal. Thus thirty-two allotments were portioned lisait ti, who was entrusted with authority out and given to the Brahmans.“ over all the dominions of the king,-with his It has been said by the saintly Vedapermission, and at the request of the most pious | Vyksa, that this (grant) should be preserved by Viranâ y a ka, at the time of worshipping all future kings, precisely as if it were a grant his own duity, in the presence of the god) Sri- made by themselves, (in the words) :-"The Sômanâ tha, gave, with libations of water, at earth has been enjoyed by many kings, comthe village called Santheya Bagavadi in mencing with Sagara; he, who for the time the Huvvalli Twelve-villages in the country being possesses land, enjoys the benefit of it"! of Kuhundi, which was a district subject to He is born for the duration of sixty thousand his own authority, some land, marked out by years as a worm in ordure, who confiscates six stones and situated in the southern part of land that has been given, whether by him. that same village, to thirty-two Brâhmaņs of self or by another! (Therefore has) Râma many gôtras, together with the god, the holy said) :-"This general bridge of piety of kings Sri Madhava. A field of the measure of one should at all times be preserved by you, -thus ** Krishnu.
* The shares, however, if added up, amount to thirty. "Sc., Sinnhana's. The constraction is very bad. four And & quarter allotments.

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808
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
does Ramachandra make his earnest request to all future princes." In (discriminating between) giving a grant and continuing (the grant of another), continuing (the grant of
MISCELLANEA.
SEALS FROM COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. (See Plates, pp. 120, 252-3.)
Besides the seals from the copper-plate grants of Vinayâditya (alluded to above, p. 301) and of Kanharadêva (p. 303), we have given on the same plate (at p. 252) three others from the collection of Sir Walter Elliot: viz.-No. 1, the seal of the copper-plate grant of Vikramaditya I. dated Śaka 532, which grant has already been given (at p. 217); No. 3 is from an Eastern Chalukya grant of Rajaraja dated Saka 944; and No. 41 from another Vengi grant of Kulôttunga-Chôdadêva II. dated Saka 1056. These last two grants will be given in volume VIII. of the Indian Antiquary, with full-size facsimile plates.
An impression of a seal of Ammaraja II. of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty is given on the plate facing p. 120. A transcription and translation of the plates to which it belongs will be given early in next volume.-ED.
KABIR-PANTHIS AND SAT-NAMIS.
(Addition to the paper, ante, pp. 287-289.)
Much has yet to be learnt about the Kabirpanthis and the teaching of Kabir, the great leader of Indian reform in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. His sayings and precepts are innumerable, and many of them have still to be translated.
The Sat-n & mis, too, are an interesting sect, and very little has yet been written about them or their leaders. Is there not more than one branch of this sect to be found in different parts of India? And if so, how do they differ P
MONIER WILLIAMS.
Oxford, November 8th, 1878.
[DECEMBER, 1878.
another) is the better; by giving a grant a man attains paradise, but by continuing (the grant of another) a man attains an imperishable state! (May there be) the most auspicious prosperity!
METRICAL VERSIONS FROM THE MAHABHARATA.
BY J. MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., PH.D. (Continued from p. 292.) BROKEN FRIENDSHIPS NEVER THOROUGHLY CEMENTED. Mahabharata, xii. 4167.
Things well compact are hard to crack,
And broken things are hard to mend ; So shattered friendships, patched up, lack The love that marked the former friend.
THE IGNORANT MAN'S PRAISE AND BLAME WORTHLESS. Mahabharata, xii. 4217.
What boots the censure or applause Which undiscerning men bestow ? Who ever heeds the senseless crow That in the forest harshly caws ?
DISHONEST EULOGISTS. Mahabharata, xii. 4421.
The men who praise you, bland and bright, Before you,-rail behind your back, Are dogs that dread a front attack, But slink behind, your heels to bite.
EVIL OF REVENGEFULNESS. Mahabharata, xii. 4225.
The injured man who weakly longs To pay base slanderers back their wrongs Is like the ass which loves to lie And roll in ashes dirtily.
THE EFFECT WHICH SOCIETY PRODUCES ON THE FOOLISH AND THE WISE RESPECTIVELY. Mahabharata, i. 3077.
The fool who listens day by day To all that men around him say, Whate'er is worst drinks in with greed, As pigs on garbage love to feed. But hearing others talk, the wise The precious choose, the vile despise; Just so do swans, with innate tact, From milk and water, milk extract.
EFFECTS OF ASSOCIATING WITH THE WISE AND THE FOOLISH. Mahabharata, iii. 25.
To herd with fools delusion breeds, To error, vice, and misery leads;" While those who wait upon the wise, On virtue's ladder ever rise. Let men who covet calm of mind, The old, the sage, the righteous find; From such the way of duty learn; Thus aided, truth and right discern. Such men's example, influence, looks, Teach better far than many books. (To be continued.)
The first two seals on the second page of the plate have been wrongly numbered as 1 and 2, instead of 3 and 4.

Page #371

INDEX.
........ 300
93
235 93
28 17
...
.....
.
..
291 29
9
.........
.
219
81
95
246
Abarátika, d.................. 259, 263 dharani............................... 71 | Anandagiri ............... Abb&s .............................. 97 Åhichhatra ...................... 281 Ånanda Malla, k. .......... 89, 91 'Abd-Manaf ........................... 93 Ahirs ............ ............. 89 Anandapura, c. ... 7.15, 76, 80, 81 Abdul Karim Bukhari's Hist. Ahmadabad, personal names Anantaguna-Pandion, k. ... ... 195
de l'Asie Centrale............... 237 in .............................. 165ff. Ananta Varma .................. 172 'Abdu'l-lah ........................ Ahmad Beg Inak .............. 240 Ånarta, d. ................ 257-8, 262-3 'Abdu'l-Ah bin Uthman (Abu- Ahmad Shah ..................... 239 Anartapura .....................71, 73
Bakr)................. .......... 94-5 Aihole tablet 103, 121, 185, 209-10, Andhidrus............................ 263 'Abdu'r-rahmân .................. 93
247
Andhra............ ...............6, 21 Abors......... ............... 46, 189
Aisha .................. 94, 98-9 Andhrabhsityas ...........253, 258 A breha, k. Ajant& caves ....................... 291 Augas
.. ..........28-9 Abû Hølah ................
Ajâtasatru ................... 153, 155-6 Anga-bhóca ........................ 305 Abd Sofiân .......................
96 Ajepåla .............................. 53 Angaja (P), g. ..................... 109 Abyssinian kings ............. 235 Autanida
56 Angiras ........................... 36 achdra ............................... 28 A mir, c. ........................
Anhilvada Pathan, c. ......8, 61, 76 Achåra, Atharya.................. jñápti
Aniâli, v. .......... Acharánga Sútra ................... Ajudhiâ .................... 245, 297-8 animal worship .................. 288 A-chata-bhata-pravésya......214, 248 aktra ............. ............... 17 animism ........................... 269 Achetanatha ......
47 Åkaravanti, d. ...............259, 262 anivurita .....................163-4, Achyuta Vijaya Raghava Nai Åkhandalamitra .................. 81 Anjar ............
53 kar, k. ............................ 25- 6 akskapatarika ............
Anna bint Zazid................ 99 dildna ................................ 248n.
Alaktakanagara, c. ... 209, 215-16 4-nabiya........... ucbhih dafta .......................... 34 Alam Beg, k...................... 240 Annagundi .............
39 adiya ........................... 220, 248n. 'Alam Khân........................ 238 Annana-singa ....................... ddhikarika, o.* ................ 248 & n. Ålapura, v. ......................... 19 Annigere, v. .................... 218 Adhika Somanatha ............ 47 Alavali metre ........................ 284
................ 284 Ansu-varma, k. .................. 90 adhiraja 16, 104, 107, 164, 211, 219, Alexander .....................31-2, 44
Antaka, g......................... 249 220, 301 Ålgire (P), v. ................... 303
Antesvara, t. ...................... 8 Adhydtmaka Ramayana ........ 287 Ålgola, V. ...........
An-to-lo, Andhra ................ 6 Ådibuddha, Adidêvan ......... 221 Alina, v. ........................ 54, 66 axudhyáta...16, 33, 35, 37, 161, 187, Adi Granth ........................ 57-60 Ålindaka ......
249, 251 Ådil Shahi kings .............. 121-2 Aliq bin 'Abad .............. 93
Anapa ......................89, 259, 262 Adinatha .......................47, 298-9 Almela, v. .......................... 126 Anuyogacudra sútra................ 29 Athiopes ........................... 235 alphabet (Persian) ................ 237 Anwar í Suhaili .................. 237 Afghanistâu .....................237-8 Ålupas, Aļuvas ............ 303 & n. A parânta, d................259, 262-3 Agamas .......... 29 Aluvây .................
. ........... 992 Apila.............
****...... 256 Agamapandita ............224-5, 227 Alvår ............. .................. 286 'Apaß.) ............ Agima ............................... 97 Amarasiñiba, k................... 9 Arakatta, v. ...................... 303 Agimita ........................... 254 | Amatya, o...................... 301-5 Archaological Notes 21, 40, 44, 126, Agni, g............................. 42 Ambala................................. 86
176, 192, 289 agmi-astra ............................ 136 Amim .............................. 97 Archæology in Japan ......... 181 agnihotra ...............249 & n., 252 Amir Sayyid, k. .......... .. 240 arhat ...............35-6, 38, 214, 291 ag misktônia ......................162, 192 Amma (E. Chalukya) .........15, 18 Aprakń .......................... 259, 263 Ågrå
10 Ammaraja II. (East Chalukya), Aristotle ........................... 31-2 Agrahara ..................10, 244, 283 seal of ........................... 308 Arivarma, for Harivarms Agrawal, s. ...................... 28 Amravati........................... 5,7 (Ganga)............................. 102 ahdle ................................ 145 a mukla ..
amukta ............................. 136. ....... .. 136. Arjuna *******
Arjuna .............................. 18 Ahalya ............
... 292 Anand, v............................. 288 | Arjuna Guru .......... dhdra ..... ..................54, 71, 81 Anandabhairavs .................. 299 Arjunarâda, v. ..............
.... 164 Ånanda Chudásama ...... 8, 9, 15 Årkát, c. .............
• Abbreviations :c. city... 8. god or goddes. l. m. - land-massare. not. = motto. .. river. t.. temple.
m. = mountain.
0-official. 2 oct.
y. - village. The dynastie in brackets after the names of kings are given on first occurrence only in fall, and then in abbreviated form,
........
268
Ahara.....

Page #372

310
Arla, v.
arms.********
*************
53 192ff. 53 Arrian ******************* 264 Bal Rathod 11 arrows.... 195 Baldæus ***************** 227 Arunad Yavano Madhyamikám. 266 Bâlênduśokhara, g. ............ 301 Arutankar, v......... ..........37, 249, 252 Aya-Manjuérimalatantra 92 ..........57, 197
192
Aryam
275-6
29
Asalhamit&......... 254 Asanapura, c... 192 asha *********................................... Ashṭapáhuda Ashṭasahasri, -ká
14 28 28, 92
Asia, wife of Pharaoh
93
Asie Centrale, par M. Abdoul Kerim Asilapallika, v. Asita.......
*************
************
237 71 ***********. 232-4 Asmå bint Na'mân 98 Aśoka, k. and edicts, 141-5, 148, 151, 154-60, 171, 201, 257, 262, 291 Aéraya 192 ******************** Assyrian dress 181 53-4
...........................................................
263
Astakampron Astrakhan, c....................... 235 Asvaka...... ************ Aévamedha, 16, 33, 106, 161, 163, 186, 191, 211, 219, 244, 301 Atâlâ Masjid 297 Attri..... ................ 244 Atys, k.
*****....................................
229
Atzbeha, k. ......... 235 Aurangzib
*********
21
Avalokitesvara.......47, 197, 291 Avaraika.......... Avarasila-sanghårâma
Avare bsyi lu Avasyahasutras
239 6 290 9 ..237-8 171-2 40
221
Avatáras
Avinita Avar, v. Avvai.....
Axomites
Ayenâr, g....
Ayesa
******************
......
**************
******************
..........................................
.............................
***********.....................................
264 **************
***********
************
Badami.......... 247, 290 Badami tablets .185, 209, 247 Båderavala............171, 173-4
**************
badhd....... 107, 302 Badhamâle, v...................... 217 Bâgavâḍi, v. ........................................ 307 lagra......... Bahirwal, s.
136 28
Bâlabêévara, g. Baladhi, v.
...................................................*******
INDEX.
Bali Bâna
******************
*********************
Baabhaṭṭa. Bands, r............................................................ 7 Banawâsi, v. 36n. Bandarijidri.... 71 bangs... Ban-Mustaliq
11 96
**************
*****************
**********
************
235 Bhagna-kriyd
******************
Banyans
235
Bappa ******************* 80 Baravalika, v...................... 217 Barh&mpur, v. Barnagar (Vadnagar), c. Bassein
********..............................
20 7 185-4 225
***********...........................
Bussia latifolia Basuri-samgha, 8.......... 213, 220 Br-trimia....... ***************** 218, 220 Beames's Comparative Grammar 87 Bedsa ins.
254
*****.......
6
Begur ins. .......................... 173 Bejwada, c..................... Belkanûr, v........................ 1083 Beltane....... ................................................... 129 Belvola, d. 218 Beneyitavura, v. 218 Bêpur 44
*****************
......................................
Bergaigne's Les dirur souver
ais
******************
Besnagar, c. Bhadar, r.
57 253 8 251
Bhadata Pâtamita Bhadrinatha, g. ................... 298 Bhaga Bhagavan, g. Bhigavata Purana Bhagavati....... Bagiwadi......
302 162
232
*********************
************************
***************
********************
************......
53 bhaki.............................................
Ayodhya, c............ 245, 297-8 | Bhân dak. C. .........100000000000000 Bhadin ****************** Bharata
Ayuktaka, o. Ayushman
243 141
***....................................................
29 301 ..35n., 38 Bhagna-samskara 34, 35n.
222-3
************
*********.....................................
***********
109 Bhattarikd
*******...
Bharatigachha Bharoch Bharngachcha, Bharugachheva, c. ************...*** 64, 291 80 89 Bhatiya, k. 159 Bhattaraka... 16, 107, 164, 187, 191, 302
Bhatárka Bhatgaon, c.
************
*******...........................
********************
6 197 302 23 61-2
.............................................
164 Bhaṭṭarka ................................................ 28-9 Bha rabhuti.... 116-17 bhaydea... 256 Bhima (East. Chal.) 18 Bhimaśukla, k. 116 Bhivandi .................................... 184 Bhorika, o. ................................................. 248 Bhoja, k. Bhojaka...... Bhujagendras ...............103, 110 Bhuktamânagata 89 .63, 65 ......... 248 .73, 76
11 37
Bhumi-chchhira-nyaya Bhapa. Bhushonabhaṭṭa.. Bhuvad, k.
29
184
172
Bhuvanaiko Malla, k. Bhu Vikrama Bhuyahs
172
20 307 28 121A 29
***************
Bicha Bijaganita.... Bijapur, c. Bikaner, c Bili-ûr, or Bali-ûr, tablet. 102 Bimbis&ra .................... 148 Biuafar. 207 Bindusâra, k. ......... 149, 154, 160 Bir Deva, k. 89 bis ................. 282n. Bissâm Katka, v. 20 Bitta, Bitti (East. Chal.) 185, 246 Billi 250n. Bleeck, A. H. 208 268 .........................................................254, 256
272 246
......................................................
Blochmann, H. Bodhi.... Bombay Boppana-singa boy, boya lu ...187, 183, 189n., 290 Brahmå, g. 162, 200, 244 Brahmapuri, v................... 307 Brâhui ..................... 131, 293-5 Brihaspati ....................... 162 Brihat bihat-naliku British Museum plates...103, 209, 244 Bruce, P. H....... .235-6 Buddha, 142, 145-6, 151, 153-4, 156, 179, 199-201, 225, 232-4 Buddha, k. .161, 162 Buddhavarma (Early Chal.) 241, 246-7, 249, 251-3 29 2,3
36 136
9
Bhukti
**********
************
******************
********....
***************
....................................................
*********************
****************
..................................................................................
************
*********************
Buddhism...... Buddhists.....
******
*********************
..............................
****************
******************
*****.......
**********..........................
**************
*****************
Budhasi Bukhara ...........................238-9

Page #373

INDEX
311
burials
.
.........
Bukka Rêya, k. ................ 168
............. 182 Burnell, Dr. A. C..........223, 227 Burying-ground at Munga
petta............................ 234 Bussabir ............................ 136
42
287 Damuda
..................
40
46
...............
52
47
Canarese inscription ............ 234 Cardinal points .................. Carpenter, Miss M.
208 cat-worship ...
288 Chaberis emporium ............ Chaibasa ........... Chaitya ...... 36, 103, 109, 110, 216 chdkhadi ........................... 52 chakra ............................ 136 Chakradhara, g. ............... 187 Chakravartin .................. 187, 244 Chalikya...................161, 162, 210 Chalkya... ............... 210 Chalukya ..........164, 186, 210, 248 Chalutya ..................... 192, 301 Chilukya ............ 17, 18, 103, 244 Chifukya .........110, 210, 211, 219 Chalukya-Bhima (East Chal.). 18 Chalukyas ................ 103, 110, 121 Chalukyas, Early 5-7,161, 209, 241,
251 Chalukyas, Eastern ... 15, 185, 191,
*-*......
8
.........
211
ol
...
.....
Chdturmasya ...................... 37
*****.. 81 Daltyas........................... 301
Daityas......... Chaturvidyd ................... 249n. Dakhan, Fah Hian's kr. ...... 1-7 Chaul, Chenwal............183-4, 234 Dakhan ............... 214, 259, 262 Chaundisaitti ..................... 307 Dukka, dakki, dakke, dhakka... 215n. Châvadas...............
. 48 daklmas .... ............... 180, 238 cheld.
11 D..kuhin patha .................. 244 Chenteu ....... ...
Dumdu Ganga, r. ............ 259 Cheras...............5, 6, 21, 163, 215 Damaruka ......................... 117 Chéram ........................... Da muda, r. ........................ 274 Chet Somanatha ............... 47 Danla, I. m. ......................... 109 Chhatrapur ...................
Dânyal Beg, k. ................... 240 Chheda
Darmesteter, J. .............. 67, 87 Chhittadeva, k. ..........
darśana... China Kimedi, d. .............
.................119-51, 153-8 chiranjivi ......................
Daśaracha.............. Chitraka tha ......... 210, 214, 219
Dasnamis........................... 300 Chivalry in S. India ........... Chivalry in S. India ********
21
Dasturs.................. 179, 228, 263 Chobari, v. .......
Dates, in numerical symbols 186, Chola
241-2, 251-2 Chūlas ........................ 301, 303
Dates, in numerical words ... 18 Chôdadêva (Chûļa) 6, 39, 108, 111,
Dates, in words 18, 36, 33, 102,
103, 108, 111, 112, 162, 164, 185, 172, 211, 215, 219 Chotila
...........9, 13 191, 192, 215, 218, 211-2, 231-2,
303, 307 Chikka-Bagiwa ti plates......... 303
Dattatreya ................9, 122, 238 Chikka-Bagiwadi ................ 305
Då vanavalli, v. ................... 216 Chikkatleva ........................3 Chulus .......................
duyda
................ 159 11
Days of the week, carliest use Chudasamas...............8-10, 14, 15
186 charu ................................. 232
Do Gubernitis, M........... 292 Chryse ............................... 7
Dehli, c. ....................... Chu-li-ye () ................
Delkontha, v. .............. 189 Chunwil, d. .................. 10, 11
Della Tomba, M. ........ 292 Chutia Någpur, d. ............. 20, 46 Della Valle, P. .................. 46-7 Clemens Alexandrinus ......... 195
Derabhata, k................... 76, 80 Consi Pomiglianesi' ............ 202
Déia ......... 16. 105, 106, 244, 30+ Contracted burials ............... 182
Desadhikârin, o.................. 30% Copper-plates, Chola ............ 24
Desn-küla, O. ........ ... 109 Copper-plates, Early Chalukya
Desunikshitijja, v. ............ 161, 209, 241, 251
Detahs ............ Copper-plates, Eustern Cha
De Tassy's Garcin) L Islamisme 119 lukya ............ 15, 185, 186, 191
De Tassy, Lucu: et LittéraCopper-plates, Kadamba...33, 35, 37
fur: Hindoustawi : ........... 207 Copper-plates, Western Cha- De Tussy, G. ...................... 292 lukya................. 163, 217, 300
Detroj, ......................... 10, 11 Copper-plates, Yadava ......... 303
Deur ............................... 125 Copperplate-grants ........... 305 Dava, Dévavarma (Kadambu) 33-5
Déva-bhiga Da Cunha's Chrul and Bassein 183-4 Deoa-bhoja ...............
. .... 28 Monuments of th: Dova-gana, 8. .........108, 111, 112
English at Goa... 236 Dérogiri plates.......... 33, 35, 37 » Sahy.idri Khanda. 208 Devaldè.............................. 207
Tooth-relic ......... 2.6 devui nampiye .........142, 141-5, 148 Dalakka .......... ............... 215 Dev&uâmpiya Tissa .........149, 159 Dadda, k...........
61-5 devinuppiyu ........................ 14 Dadupanthis ............ ........ 239 Darandra ................... 170-1, 174 Dåghestan, &c. ................ 97, 935 Deva-Pauch Ala, d................7, 10 Dabithali .............................. 66 Devasmila ...................... 31
308
28
11
Chalukyas, Western ...... 163, 217,
300, 308 Chalukya Mountain ......... 245 Chamars ...............................
86 Champavati........................ 183 Châmundi, g. .................... 127 Chanakya............................ 32 Chandan Parmar ............... Chandavajja ..................... 153-5 Chandavura, v. ................. 216 Chandrabhatti ................... 73 Chandraditya (Western Cha
lukya) ................. 163-4, 218- Chandragupta, k. 89, 149, 153-5,
157, 160, 257, 262 Chandrangi ......................... 299 Chdndrarprojnapti ............ 28 Chandrikambika, g. ...... 109, 192 Chaonsat Yogini ............. 263 Charandnuyoga..................... 23 Charana, Tuittiriya ............ 192 Charana, Vajasanoya.........18, 250 Charitrapura, c. ...............39, 40 Charmakara, g. ................. 109 Charu .............................38, 219 chasa ........ .
.................. 255 Chashtana...................... 258, 261

Page #374

312
INDEX.
47
......... 267
.
........... 13, 14
Gánjám.......
....
.
..........
2:
2
1
Gangådikar ....................... 267 Gangakunda ..................... 173 Gangararhi, Gangavadi, d. ... 172-3 Gangavadi ......... Gangodaram ..................... 21
......... 21 Garibnátba......................... 48-51 Ganda ........ ...............
197 Gauri, 5. ........................... 245 Gautam ........................... 222 Gavyúti, I.m. ..................... Geldner and Geiger ............. Gesta Romanorum ............... Gheisa
......................... 305, 306 Ghaisdsa ............................ 303 Ghalisa ........................305, 306 Ghřitâlaya, d.................... Ghuzia bint Jabar ............ Gilaka ....... Girnârgadb ............... Girnar ins.........................
30
3)
choti .............
G
O
S
.
....................
.........
236
Dhamadka, v.
Dvddosdngi
29 Dhamek Stupa ................. Drårkå, c. ......................... 259 dhan ............................. Dhanada, g. ....................... Eastern Legends, &c., by N. Dhangar custom.................
Powlett........................... 236 chant ...........
136 bhal Kh&char ............... 13, 14 Dharanikota ................... 21 Eclipses, Innar... 19, 186, 211, 215 Dhard-parvaka...................... 304 Eclipses, solar ................. 192, 218 Dharapatta ........................ 66 Edesolal (P), c. or v. ............ 303 Dharasena, k.51, 63, 68,70-1, 73, 76
Elêla-Singan Dharavarsha (Rashtraķața)... 210 Ellis's Essay on the MalaDhari, v. ........... . ....... 10
yålma Language ......... 274-87 dharmachakra ........................ 233 Eluttachchan .......... 283, 286, 287 Dharma-mahdrija..-34, 37, 104, 105 Emblems on seals 15, 33, 37, 161, Dharmantha....................47-53 163, 186, 191, 209, 217, 245, 301, Dharınarja, g. .................. 127
303 Dharmásoka .................. 153-4 | Endaloru (P), v.
19 Dheltupitha ........................ 57 English at Gou ................. 236 Dhinodhar ....................47, 49-53 Equinox ........................... 164 Dhokalsa, v. ...................... 8 Ereyya (Châlukya) ......... 103, 110 Dholkher ............................ 122 Ereyang, k. ........................171-2 dhoti.
................ 181 Erwad or Herbad ............... 179 Dhrubhata, Dhruvabbata, k. 79-81 Esteva5, T. ......................117-8 Dhruvasena, k. ...... 54, 66, 73, 76 eyebrows ........................... 86 Dhundhan, v. .......... Dhundho Rakshasa ............ 8
Fahian ........................ 1-7, 149. Dhundnimall ...................... 48 Dibong, r.
Fâtima ............................ 93, 94 ........................ 46
Fátima bint Zahák ........... 98 Digambara Jainas............... 23-9
Ferishtah........................... 24 Dipavamba............... 149-52, 155-6 Diptasvâmin ....................... 57
firearms.................. 136, 231, 239 died
Fire-treading.................... 126ff.
Firdzu'd-din, k. ................... 239 Ditya Doganla inscrip. .............. 228-9
Foucaux's Malavikd et Ani
mitra ............ do jibh ..................
***........ 60 . ....
Foucaux, Ph. Ed. ................. 225 Dolkha .............................. dosha ........
Fraser's Journal in the Himala
Mountains ....................... 124-5 Douglas's Life of Jenghiz Khan 140 Dowson's History of India ... 182
Fadô Sama ..... ............ 179 Drasyd nuyoga ..................... 23
Future State ....................273-4 Draupadi .................. 127, 137-8 Drâvida, d. ..................... 39, 40 gachhas ............ Dravidian .......................... 130-2 Gadhesing ...................... Dravidian Element in Sindhi. 293
Gadhra, T......... Drew, Rev. W. H. ............... 221 gammadion ................. Dșinthamapundi (?), v. ......... 19 gámunda ...................... Dudda
gana ................... 108, 111, Duperron, Anq. ................ 276n. Ganadhipati, g. ................... Darânis ............................ 238-9 Ganda Deva, k. ............... 172 Durgasakti (Sêndra) ...... 103, 110 Gandhara ................... durga .............
Ganga or Chera grants ... 169, 172 Durvinita.........
Ganga, r. ... 108, 214, 215, 219, 245 Ꭰda ..
68 Ganga-Kandarpa (Ga.) 101, 108, Dataka, o. 71, 73, 76, 81, 249, 25)n.,
110, 112 252-3 Ganga-Permadi (Ga.)............. 109 Dutt, Miss Toru .................. 208 Gangas 101, 102, 108, 112, 245, 247, Datthagâmini .............. 149, 158
-
65
**...
248
47
Godmery District, by H. Morris 237 Goderi, v. ........................... 20 Gokarna, c. ..................259, 275 Gomateśvara .................... 172 Gomti, r. ......................... Gonda, k. ............................. 216 Gopuras........................ . 7 Gorakh-Machi, v. ............... 47 Gorakshanatha..47, 49, 89, 90, 298,
299, 300 Gorakhpanthis .................. 299 Gorakhapur......................... 47 Gorkhfis ........................... 89 Görkhâlis ........................... Gotamiputra ....................... 258 Gótra, Agastya.........218, 220, 306
> Atrêya ...............305, 306 » Bhâradvaja 18, 189, 190, 250,
252, 305, 306 Daundakiya .........250, 252 Dhumrayana ............. 250 Gautama ...... 190, 250,305 Götama ..................... 306 Harita .......... 250, 305, 306 Jåmadagnya.............. 306 Kåava ...................... 189 Kanvayana ............... 107 Kaśyapa... 162, 190, 192, 250,
305, 306 Kasyapiyana ............ 252 Kaundilya ...........189, 190 Kaundinya ......... 250, 306 Kausika ......... 190, 305, 306 Lakshmana ............... 250 MAdhara ................... 250
********.
66
306
.........
7
... 289
303

Page #375

INDEX.
313
...... 50 ........ 126
305
....
18
305
250
Ibrahim Adil Shah, k. .......... Ibråhim Khân Gårdi ........... Ibrahim Rozah .................. Ibråhim Shah Sharki ......... 297 Idar. c. .... Ikkeri
.............. 46-7 lô plates ............ 61-2, 242, 252 illam................................... 282-3 Iltazar Beg, k. ................... 240 Ilunnai-maram Iluppai-maram ...................... 225 Indi, V.............
.................. 125 India, History of, by Elliot and Dowson..
......... 182 India and the Indians, by Mon.
Williams ............... Indra, g. ... ... 42, 189, 200, 222, 249 Indra (East. Chal.) ....17, 189, 192 Indravati, c. .............. Indukanti, c. ...................... insurance ................. Trån ........... Isirakhita........................... Islam Israra, g. ..................... 219, 287 Iter Persicum ..................... 30 Itihdsa ............................. 28 Itiopjawan (Ethiopians) ...... 235 Ittage, v.. 'Iwaz Beg, k. ....................
288 288
12
.
......
.
...
305 265
...........................
Gotra Månavya 17, 34, 36, 38, 110, Halwad, d. .................. 10, 12, 14
162, 164, 189, 192, 214, Hamirji, k. ........
219, 245, 249, 251, 301 Hanatgi, V. ............... Maudagalya ................
Handman.................. 215 Maka ...........
3061 Bara, g. .................. Rathitara ..................
haram ..................... 94, 96-8, 100 Sandila .......................
Haravars, 8. ......................... 127 Sandilya ............... 305, 306 Harêshapura (?), c. ............ 303
Hari, g.
............. 306 Saunaka .................. 306
Haridatta (?).... ................. 252-3 Sri-Vatsa ............ 305, 306 Haridattavarma, k. ............
90 Vaishnava ............250, 252 Vasishtha ............305, 306
Harihar ........................... 301 Vasishtha Maitrava
Harihar plates ...............300, 301
Harihara, g. runa-Kaundinya ... 305
.................. 264
Haribara plates ................ 168ff. Vatsa ...................164, 250 Vátsya .............. 303
Hari-jana, 8. .................. » Vishnuvșiddha .......... 305
Harikrishna............ Harisimhadeva, k.
91 306 , Visvåmitra ...............
Hariti .........
219 Gótriya ..................................
Håriti ...36, 38, 162, 164, 189, 192 Govardhan ........................
Håriti...17, 110, 214, 245, 249, 251 Govinda, Govinda-Prabhuta
Håriti............................. 9, 301 • varsha (Rash.............. 210, 218
Harivarma (Ga.)... 33, 90, 101, 102,
... 58 Govind Singh ......
108, 170, 172, 175 Grahavarma, k. .................. 197
Harsha-deva, k................. 91 Grima devatas .................. 126
Harsha, Harshavardhana, k. 57, Grama-kuta, o. ............ 109, 248n.
161, 196ff., 219, 291, 301 Grama-mahattara, o. ...... 248 & n.
Harsha-Vikramaditya ......... 201 Grantham ........................ 275-6
Hassan, o. ........................ 44 Graul, Dr. ......................... 221 Gudrahara, d....
192
Hassån .......................... $8 Guhajêsvari, 8. ...............
89
Hastakavapra, Hathab, v. ... 53 Hathadipika ......
... 299 Guhasena, k................ 66-8, 70
Hemachandra
267 Guijara, d. ........................ 263
Herbads .................179, 228, 263 Gunagånka-Vijayaditya (East.
Hidayat-ul Islam ................... 120 Chal.).............
18
.......... Gunakåmadêvavarma ...... 90, 91
Himalayan Polyandry ........ 132-5
Hindoo Pilgrims by M. A. Shergundshtakam ......................... 285
ring ............... Gundi-Koliak, v.
Hipargi, v. ......................... 125 Hiranya
201 Guptas ............................
Hire-Bâgewadi
304 Gorjaras ..................62, 108, 247
Hissarlik relics ............119, 178 Gurjaro Kaleh ................ Guyard's
Hiwen Thsang 7, 9, 15, 39, 40, 57, Théorie métrique
80, 196ff., 290 Arabe............
Ho custom .......................... 45-6 Gwalior ........
Hoa ............ Habahi ............................ 183
Hobêsvara, g. P .................. 110 Hafiz by Bicknell ............... Hafsa ..............................95, 98
Holiyars ............
267 Haigs ................................ 275
Horsburgh's Sailing Directory. 224
Horti, v. ........................... 125 Haihayas ............................. 303 Hajira .............................94, 98-9
Hoysala Ball&las ................ 172-3 HAlabid ....
Huvvalli, v. .................. 304, 307 HAIA Jåm...
hypothral temple...... 19, 137, 268 Hale Wakligas..............
267 Hali Gangadikar.....
267 Ibn' Hakim, k. ................. 235 Halle Makkalu.........
267 Ibråhim .......................... 98
218
........
11
236
gunpowder.
136
Jådav Rai ....................... Jádejas ........................13, 48-9 Jagadéka-dani...................... 246 Jagad Guru .........
... 124 Jagadeva ............ Jagannath............. 113-15, 264 Jahnava ............................ 107 Jaina, g. ........................... 35 Jaiminiya Sakha.................. 30 Jainas......... 20, 28-9, 43, 195, 221 Jainas, Digambara............... 28-9 Jainabadhri ..................... 28 Jaina pagoda ...................... 224-7 Jainendra's Grammar ........... 29 Jaitugi (Yadava).................... 306 Jambasara, v. .......... 241, 250, 252 Janakpur, c. ......................... 89 Jang Babâdur ..................... 208 Jangams, 8. ........ Japanese Archæology ......... 181 Japu-ji ........................... 58-9 Jarasa ................. ........... 257 Jasdan, v. .......................... 9 Jaswantsingh, k. .............. 10, 12 Jaţs ............................... 49, 86 jatis ............. jatis ................................ 28 Jaunpur .......................... 297
...........
........
20
87
Holi .....
... 129
...... 46-7
10

Page #376

314
INDEX
56-7
290
**......
128
Java ............................... ... 7 Kajaghira, d.
.... 199 Kardi....
***...... 131 Jayabhata, k. ............... 61, 63-4 KAkopala ........... ..... 215 Karenad
..............170-1 Jayadêman ................. 258, 261 Kakustha, Kakusthavarma (Kad.) | Karh&d ............ ............... 256 Jayadeva, k.......................... 90
33, 35, 36 Karimu'd-din Khan ............122-3 Javiditya ............................ 56 Kaladi .......................... 282 | Karkötaks ........ .......... 89 Jayagupta, k. ..................
Kalahandi, d. ..................... 20 Kärle.................................. 224 Jay&pida......................... Kalambhras (P) ................. 303 Karmarashtra, d. ............... Jayapur, C. .................. 28 Kalanos.
264 Karmaţêsvara, g. ................ Jayaprakasamalla, k............ 92 KÂlásoka ............ 153-5, 157, 159 Karna ............... Jayasankara, k................
Kalasli ............ ............... 41 Karnasuvarna, d................. Jayasekara, Jayasekara, k. 290, 293 Kalavange, v. .....................
.. 38
38 Karnata ........... ...... ... 171 Jaya-sinha ........................ 246 Kali ............. .......... 41 Karnal, d.......... ...... Jayasinha, Jayasinha-Vallabha Kal, g. ...................... 9, 116, 264 | Kårtavirya (Ratta) ........... 210 (Early Chal.) 209, 214, 241, KAlidasa ........................ 115ff. Kârttikêya, g. ...110, 164, 189, 192, 246-9, 251-2 Kálikya, Kalukya............. 251-2
214, 219, 301 Jayasimha, Jayasinha-Vallabha Kalindi, r. ......................... 108 Karvasurigola, v. ............... 303 (East. Chal.) 17, 189, 192, 243-4, Kalinga............................... 215 Kasakula, d. ............... 250, 252
247 Kali-Vallabha (Råsh.) ...17n., 210 | Kasara, v. ........................... Jayatêsvara-pôtarija, k......... 219 Kali-Vikrama (West. Chål.)... 17n.
KASi, o............................... Jenghiz Khan ......... 132, 140, 240
Kaliviruttam ......................... 284 KAsikâvritti ......................... 56 Jesuits .............................. 224 Kali-Vishņuvardhana (East. Kasyapa Buddha................ Jethsur Khôchar............. 9, 10
Chal.) ........................ 17 Kataka-raja .............. Jhalâwâr, d........... ....... 14 Kaliyuga ........................... 204 Kathasaritaságara ... 31-2, 87, 232 Jhobâlâ, v. ......
Kalkonte ............................ 174 Kathmanda ......................... 88 Jina, g............ 107, 110, 111, 215
Kalsa-puja ......................... 115 atu, 8. ........................... Jina Bodhisattva .............. 291 Kalvatorru, v. ................. 18 Kausiki, g. ..................... 17, 245 Jindlaya ...................... 104, 111
Kalyana ........................ 184 Kauthuma.........................30, 68 Jinapati, g....................... 110 kamba, l. m. ...............
Kaveripattanam ................. 40 Jinêndra, g....... 38, 108, 110, 215 Kamran Shah, k. ............ 239 Kawåd Rai
..................... 8, 9 Jinendrabuddhi ...........
Kanait
135 Keikâdi....
............ 130 Jndtddharmakatha ................ 29
Kanaka, k. ......................
... 8
Kerala ............. 275, 281-2, 285 JnAtiputra ........... ..........
143 Kanakopala ........................ 215 Keralas...... 111, 215, 219, 301, 303 Jodhpur, C...
Kanara ............................... 275 Kéralotpants ...... 275, 281-2, 285-6 Jogadh ............................. KanAwar.......................... 131-5 Kesari, k.............................. 172 Jogamula .....
Kanchi, c. 5-7, 39, 40, 111, 219, 220, Kesavamitra .....................73, 76 Jomattasdra ........................
301 Khachars ..................... 9, 10, 12 Jotipadraka, V. ................ Kanchipura, C. ................. 39, 40 Kbadija ........................93, 97-9 Jotishasdra ........................ 28 Kandeya insc. ..................... 173
173 khadur .......... .
.......... 14 Junagadh, C. .....
14 Kandhara, Kandhara (Ya.) ... 303 Junagadh insc..... 257 Kandraru, v. ..................... 19 Khaibar ............................93, 96 Junagadh (Khårond).......... 20 Kanhara, Kanhara (YA.)303,307,308 Khajuraho ................... 268 Juwairiya ..................... 96, 98-9 Kanji Rat ......................... 10, 11 Khandapálita .......................253-4 Jyêshthalinga, g. ........... 109, 110 Kånkjol ............................ 199 Khandarwal, s. .................. 28
Kannara ........................... 303 Khanda-sphutita-jirn-oddhdra . 35n. Kabir .............. ......... 68-9, 308 Kanphâ¢âs, s. .........47-53, 298-300
Khåndbiâs..................... 180, 228 Kabir-panthis ............. 299, 308 Kanthadnátha, g. ............... 53 Khâragraha....................... 73, 76 Kabul ............... 238 Kanthkot.........
53 Khaula bint Hakim ............. 97 Kachha .................. 47, 259, 262 Kantipur. ......... ...............89, 91 Khawailid Kadambas 5, 6, 33-38, 111, 245, 247 Kanyakubja, o. .....63, 65, 184, 199 Khêdå plates.............. 62, 241-251 Kadambas .......................... 246 Kapila ................................ 222 Kheda ......................... 264, 288 Kågåmasi, v. ...................... 303 Kapilar ............................... 221 Khengår, k. ......................... 50 Kaipar-nama--Hind............. Kapilavestu ...................... 232 Khetaka ............... 71, 73, 76, 81 Kaipalle
282 Karand nuyoga ..................... Khetoji Jhâlâ...................... 10 Kaira plates................ 241-251 Karandige, v. ................. 216 Khiva ...... .......... 238, 240 Kaiyata ............. 56 Karangi, c. ......................
Khokand... .............. 238, 240 Kajanghêlê-Niyangamê......... 199 Karažjapatra, v. .................. 303 Khonds........ Kajiñgara, Kajingas ........... 199
112 Khopodôsi (Bhâtgaon), ....... 89
57
................
.....
93
20

Page #377

INDEX.
315
وق
65 .. 232
96
... 106
....
89
57
Khudayar Beg, k. .............. 239 Ksishna, Krishnavarma (Kad.) Lâkh& Phulani ................... 11 Khuddasvâmi (P) ............251, 253
33-5, 175 | Lậkhiậr Vira
................... 49, 50 Khunais
95 Krishna (Ya.) ................... 303 Lakshmêswar, v. ............... 101 Khurassân ................... 238 Kộishnambhatta................... 56 Lakshmêswar tablets 33, 101, 111 Khuzaima
95 Khitanga ........................... 29 Lakshmi ... Kiggatnád tablets....... 102, 103 Kshaharåta ........................ 258 Lalita Vistara ............... Kinana bin Rabi' .................
Kshapanaka, s. .................. 34n. Langhá .............. Kin'asha ........................... 179 Kshatrapas ..............259, 261-2 Lattivada, v. ................... Kinayige, V. ........................ 216 Kshatriya ............................ 249 | Lazzaretti, D. ........... Kinnara.pdshana............ 105, Kshfrasvåmin ...................... 57 Lesudaka ................ Kinnari-kshetra
Kuber-bhaktas ................. 288 Limbdi, v. ............... Kiritis .........
Kubja-Vishộuvardhana (East. Limbus............. Kiráta .....
.... 290
Chal.) ...............6, 17, 185, 245 Lingdnuldsana............... Kirttirâja, Kirttivarmá (Early Kudå insc...................... 253-7 Linigavants, 8. ......
46 Chal.) ....... ***..............24 ln. Kudni, v. ...........
.......... 10
Lökamahadevi (East Chal.) ... 18 Kirttivarm& (Early Chal.) 110, 164, Kuhundi, d. ......209, 210, 215, 307 Lóka-mdtri...15, 106, 163, 186, 191, 185, 191, 192, 209, 218, 219 Kukka Shasti ..................... 42
211, 219, 301 241n., 245, 253, 302 Kukkata .......................... 53
Loms............
.............. 13 Kiru-Kagamasi, v. ............... 303 Kukura, d......................... 262-3
Luņkvadå plates .................. 81 Kisuvolal, c. .................. 218, 220K ulab& ............................. 234 Kittar ................. 290 Kulaipa............. ............... 263
maccaronic verse.................. Kia-che-lo
.... 263 | Kulottunga-Chodadeva (Chố.) 211, Machchhindranatha ............ Kochrê, or Kôchrêm, plates ... 163
308 Madanpur............................
20 Kodun Tamil ................... 276-87 Kulu ............. .............. 135 Madhariputra, k. .............. 258 Kohi ........... .............. 256
Kumara, ....................... 18, 245 Madhava, g. ................... 304, 307 Kokkili (East. Chal.............. 17 Kumarapala, k. ................... 8 Madhava, Madhava-Kongani. Kôls ................................ 20 Kumararaja ..................... 198-9 varmà (Ga.) 33, 101, 102, 107, KolAhala ............................ 172 | Kumari Cape ................... 1
170, 172, 175 Kôlálapura (Kolår) ............ 171-3 Kum&rila ........................... 232 Madhava Brahmans ............ 43 Koléluttu ........................ 275-6
.. 275-6 Kumbakonam ................ 40 Madhavabhatta ............ 63, 65-6 Kolhapur, o.......................
... 29
29 Kumbayija, V. ............. 216 Madhyamikam, C. ................266-7 Kollabhiganda-Vijayaditya (East. Kumbet, v. ....
228 Madina ..................94-5, 99, 100 Ohal.)........................... 15, 18 Kaņala ........
159 Madura, c. ............22, 39, 42, 221 Koluttunga Vira Chola ......... 40 Kundasakti (R) (Sêndra).. 103, 110 Magadha ............................ 199 Komarañche, v. ................... 216 Kundivátaka, v. ............161, 162 Mahâbalêsvar ..................... 288 Kong anivarma............. 101, 107 Kungusât dynasty ................ 240 Mahabharata .................... Kongani, k............... 171-2, 175-6 Kupa-råjyam ..................... 275 MahdbhdrataKongaru .......................... 267 Kurchaka, 6. ........................ 34n. i. 3077
308 Konginivarmd ...................... 102 Kurds ............................... 128 ii. 2845 and 1945 ......... 292 Kongira Holiya ........... 267 Kurra! ............................ 220-24 iii. 25 ...................... 308 Kongu, d.....
39 Kurtaköţi, v. ...................... 218 iii. 14649-14721 ............ 137 Kongu dynasty ..... 101, 102, 112 Kurtaköţi plates ...................
iv. 4494-4637 ............... 203 Kongudéta-charitra ................ 102 Kurumbars
v. 3313 and 4348 ......... 292 Konguli Varm ................. 173 Kurupakere, v. .................. 303 x. 178 f. ...................... 292 Kongunitarmd .............. 101, 108 Karutakunte, v. .................. 218 sii. 4167, 4217, 4225, 4421. 308 Konkanas, d. .........161, 162, 219 Kugasthall, o. ..................... 259 xii. 5906 ...................... 292 Konkanahalli, Konkanapura,c. 39 Kuta, ............ 16, 18, 109, 248n. Mahdbhdshya .. Konkani lang. .................... 118 Kuthas .....
.......... 238
Mahâbhoja .......................... 253-6 Korkeï .........
kultars ...................... 193-4, 196 MahAmallapuram ............... 6,7 Kosala, d.......
Kuvêra, g. ................. 9, 42, 287 Mahdmsitha sutra ............... 29 Kotd& Sångåni, v. ............
Maháprasdd...................... 113ff. Kotesar......
53 labdhvddesan ....................... 55 Mahardja 16, 33, 34, 37, 104-7, 163, Kôtgadh ...................... 133, 135 Laghmân, d. ...................... 237 164,185-7,191,211,219,220,301,302 Kotar tablet ...................... 102 Lailf bint 'Azim .................. 98-9 Maharashtra ..................... 290 Kramita................................ 305 Lakh Jhadeja ................... 49 Mahd sandhi-vigrah-ddhikrita, 0.249, Krishna, r. .................... 1, 5,6 Lakh Khácbar ................... 12
252 Krishna ......................... 137-8 Lakh& Khandhar ............. Mahd-sandhinigrahika,........ 302
217 20
21
6
13

Page #378

316
INDEX.
......
9
1
61
Mahasena, g. 17, 34, 36, 38, 162, 245, Mariam Qabti (Mary the Copt) 93, moustache 249, 251
95, 97 Mrånumi (P), v. .................. 189 Mahasenapura ...............172, 176 Marshman, J. C. ............. 208 Mrigen, Mrigêsavarma, MriMahattara, o. ................ 248 & n. Maru, d. ..................... 259, 262 gêśavatavarma (Kad.) ......35-38 Mahdvania ..................142, 148 Marudêvi, g. ....................... 109 Muâvia .............................. 97 Mahavira ...................142-3, 214 Marupaduva (?), v. ............ 19 Mudivěmu, v. ....................... 245 Mahayajña ................. 65, 249n. Masa, Ashâdha ................... 307 Mudra Rakshasa ............ 32, 231 mahd-yantra ......................... 136 ► Ağvayuja ................... 164 Mudubidri ......... .........
225 Mahendra, g. .................18, 215 , Chaitra............... 189, 191 Mudugala, v. ...................... 307 Mahendraprat&pa, k............ 219 Jyaishtha................ 218 Mughatkhân-Hubballi, v. ...... 304 Mahêsvara, g. ......... 18, 189, 202 Kârttika... 36, 162, 185, 303 Magali, v. ........................ 218 Mahika (Mapika).................. 256 Mâgha ............... 111, 112 Mugupâlita......................... 256-7 Mahilábali, v. ..................... 81
Märgaśirsha ............ 18 Muhammad ......................... 300 Mahinda ............... 149-51, 153-8
Phålguna............. 112, 191 Muhammad's wives ............ 93ff. Mâhishmati, c. ................. 259 » Pushya.
... 290
Muhammad Amin Beg, k. ... 240 Mahmud Shah, k.
» Sravana ..............
Muhammad Rahim Beg ... 239.40 Maimana bint Hårith ......... 97-8 . Vaisakha, 215, 218, 250, 252 Muhammad Toghlak ............. 9 Makka .............................. 93, 99 Masons' Marks .................. 295 | Muharram .......................... 128-9 Makwana Kana .................. 14 masks ............................ 26, 160 Muktd-mukta.......................... 136 Malaika bint Qa'b.................. 98 Matangasadpisa ................... 290 | Mukkara-vasati, t................ 109 Malakata, d. ..................... 39-40 Mathal, v. ........................ 53 | Mukundasena, k................ 91 Málava, d. ......................... 259 Mather, Dr. R. C. ................ 208
Muldchdra ........ Malavas ..............
3039 Matri-gana............ 33, 35, 37, 244 Mula Devara Châlukya......... Mdlavikd et Agnimitra ......... 60 Mátrigupta *********
Mala-gaņa, 8. ..................... Malayas, d. ........................ 39 Matsyendranatha ............. 47, 299 Mälarája, k. ..................... Malayalma lang................ 275-87 Marco Polo ...................
132 Mala-samgha, 8. ...... 28, 111, 112 Malidats ............................. 256 Ma-twan-lin.......................... 201 Malasutras .......................... 29 Malla, Mallisaitti ....... 304, 307 Mauryas ............... 142, 144, 247 | Mulgundu, v. ..................... 218 Malla Vaja .................. 170-2, 174 Mdvana-singa ...............
246 Mulu Någâjan .................. 9-13 Mallohalli plates...... 33, 101, 102 Mayil&pur ......................... 221 Munda custom.........................15-6 Mâmakavejiya ..................... 255 Medas
254 Mangapetta burying-ground. 234 Mammata............................... 56
Medapata, Mewad ............. 254 Mungipur Patana, ............. 8 Mandakini, r. ................. 60, 108 Meghavâls, . ...
51 Munðli tablet
*********........ 218 Mandala ........................... 302 Mêguți tablet 103, 185, 209, 210, Murad Beg, k....................... 240 mandalika ............................. 11
247 Murad Uzbak ....................... Mana-deva, k................... 90, 91 méltkar ............................. 13 Munroe's Danapatra ............. 290 Mandava ...........
253-6 Mena................................ 299 Mushika-rajyam ........275-6, 285 Måndavi, v. ............... 48, 50 Menilek, k. ........................ 235 Mushkara, k. ....................... 172 Mândhava, m..............
Merta, c.
29 Mutasiva ................ 149, 153, 158 Manes, k............................. 229 Merkâra plates ......... 33, 101, 102 mutrarekha ........................... 261 Mangala, Mangalisa, Manga- Mesha .............................. 229-80 Muzaffaru'd-din, k............. liśvara (Early Chal.) 161, 182, Mhowa tree ......................... 225 Mykene...........
185, 209, 246 Miâjal Khácher ................9, 10
Mich Khân, k. .................. 92 Nacoleia ............................. Mangi (East. Chal.)............ 17
Midas, k. ...........
229 Nadir Shah, k. .............. 239 Mangit dynasty ............ 239 Mill, Col. Jas................
272 Nafsbakhshi ............... Manidrs
ir Miraj plates .... ..... 103, 185, 247 Någas ......21, 34, 40, 89, 103, 257 Manipravdłam ................ 281, 287
Mir Kåsim ..................
271 Någa deity ......................... 8 Manjusri ............................ 89
misam.................................. 142 Någa well at Banaras........... 298 manki..............................
46 Mobeds .................... 179, 228 Någadêsa .................153, 156-7 Manku Khân ..................... 132 M od ...............................
53 Någa-kovil ......................... 42 Manphariyo, v. .................. 53 Moggaliputta...............153-5, 157 Någama, k.......................... 22 Mansur (Shah)
Móksha mahd parishad ......... 198 Ndgamandala ............... Manya ............
216 Morasu Holiyars.................. 267 Nagamangala plates ...33, 101, 102 Maqauqas......
97 Morris's Godavery district ...... 237 Någanika...... .......... Marasimha, Marasimhadêva (Ga.) Mottoes on seals 15, 185, 186, 191, Nägapura, v. .................. 33, 101, 102, 103, 108, 112
245n., 246 Någar, c. .....................
Mangali, V...
....
.
...
98
Manars
.........
87
43

Page #379

INDEX.
.
317
28
258
***..
42
. 172
28
42
...
59
27
245
.........
...............
153
90
86
216
***...
29
Nág Arad................... ..
29 Nepal, Wright's History of ... 88 Påligârs .......................22, 25 Nagngtas ........................ Nērilgire (P), v. .................. 303 palimpsest ........................ 251 Nahapana.......................... Nerar plates ..................161, 163 Påliyamapathadigirikå (*) v. P 164 Nakshatra, Bharani.............. 290 Newars .....................89, 91 Pallavas 5-7, 21, 39, 219, 245, 247, Magha ................ 191 Niguda, v. ........................ 63, 65
257, 263, 301, 302, 303 Maitra
18 Nilgiri cairns ...................... 289 Pallivada (P), V. ....... Pärvashidha ...... 307 Nimika, k. ............... ... 90 Påmbu-pârer ............. Riksha ............... 218 Niranjan Nirákar ............... 47 Pâmpur, v. ............................ 56 Röhini ........ 164, 218 Nirgrantha, 8. .........28, 34n., 38 | Parrunidu (P), v. .............. 189
Uttarabhadrapada. 36 Nirgrantha Jñâtiputra ......... 143 Panchåla, d. ................... 7-11, 13 Nalas ............................... 247 Nirgunda............
Pancha-mahababda... 191, 211, 244 Nalanda ..................!!!.. 199 nirmama ....
Pancha-mahdyajña .............. 249n. nalika-yantra .................. 136 Niruthi, g. .........
Panchatantra .................. 32, 116 Nåmadera ....
Nirodna .... 142, 146, 148, 160, 233 Pandarngavalli, v. ............... 216 Namburis .....................
285-7
Nishada, d....... .................. 262-3 Pandana kuji ..... Names (personal)... ....... 165ff. Nishadha, d. ...................... 263
263 Påndya, d.............. Nának .............................. 58-9
shkram ............................. 147 Påndyas 39, 111, 215, 219, 301, Nanda, g. ....................... Nisitha...
... 29 Pandharpur, C. .................. Nandas 156 Nittakala, v. ...
303 Pånduraja Nanda-deva, k................ Nivartana, l.m. 36, 109, 110, 111, Panduvåsa ..
156 Nandagiri..................... 172
216, 217 Pani-mukta
136 Nandigachha ..................... Niyuktaka, o. .................. 248n. Panjab ..................... Nandigåma, V. .................. 19 Nonaba.............................. 267 Panna ........
268 Nandinige, v. ..................... Numerical symbols 186, 241, 251, Pantiganage, V. .............. N&ndipuri, c. ...............62, 252
252, 253
Paralúra, v. ........................ Paralûra. y.
36 Nandi sútra
Numerical words ................ 18 Parama-bhagavata ............... 161 Nandwadige tablet. .............. 210 Nuvâkot, C. ......................... 92 Parama-bhattdraka ...16, 107, 219 Nannavåsåpaka (P) ............ 251-3
Nydea of Jinendrabuddhi...... 57 | Parama-brahmanya............16, 161 Nânya deva, k. ............... 91
Parama-mdhúsvara ............... 187 Nårada, g. .......................... 287
Paramésvara 16, 104, 105, 106, 107, Narakågahara (P), v. or d. ... 16+ Omkaranatha .....................
164, 219, 220 Narasimha, g. 122-3 ... ... k. P 219 Oraon custom ...................... 46 Paramhansa, ............... 299-300 Naravara-Senapati ........... Orissa .................. ...... 113 Paranti, v.
........................ 218 Narayana, g. 17, 110, 161, 189, 192, Ormazd and Ahrimau, by Dar.
Parasuraman............ 281, 285, 302 214, 219, 244-5, 301 mesteter ........................ 57 Pariahs
............ 267 Narayanamitra.................. 78, 76 orthography .............. 211, 218 Paribhdshds ......................... 55 Narayana Yådava ................ 122 Osti .... ....................... 179 Paribrajakas, 8. ................... 300 Narbhupala, k. .................. 91 oparaka .............................. 256 Parihara, parfhdra 17, 36, 107, 302 Nar Bata Beg........................ 240
Parimêlaragar ...................... 221 Narendra-mrigardja ............. 16, 17 Padankaldru, v. .................15, 19 Parinama ......
............. 288 Nariâd, v. ......................... 288 pdd-dnud hydta ...16, 161, 187, 244, Pariyaya, V. ......... 241, 250, 252 Narindaka, v. ...................... 216
948, 251 Parjias = Kathis .................. Narmada, r. ............60, 245, 291 pád-deanata ......................... 252 Pårsi rites ......179, 227-8, 263, 292 wdéakdt............................... 62 Padmdnanda-pachchisi ......... 28 parvatapdda ........................ 261 Nasasálar .................... 180, 228 Padmanabha, g. .................. 107 pds....................................... 136 Nastru'lla, k. .................... 240
Padmapani ...............47, 197, 291 Pasiņdi, v. ......................... 189 Natakas
29 Paduminika......................... 254 Pasundi, v. ........................ 218 Nataputta
143 Pahâris ......................... 132-3 Pasupati, Pasupatinátha, g. 259, Nathas ............................. 47, 49 | Palnnds........
298 Navak&ma, k......................... 172 Paksha, Varshâ, chaturtha..... 37 Pasupusha-deva, k. ............ 90 Navânagar ..................... 10, 14 Pakurdaka, k. ............ 153-4, 157 Pâtan in Nepal ................. 89 Ndvar ............................... 179 Pakungha........................... 48 Pathaka .......................... 305, 306 NA yarichchis ....................... 286 Palagimi, r. ......................... 261 pdthaka, pathi ............... 54, 71, 81 Né.... .
............. 89 palæography 15, 161, 163, 186, 191, Påtriâs = Jhalas ............ 12, 14 Negapatam................ 40, 224-
7
2 11, 218, 241-2, 251, 253 Pattadakal, v. .... Nelar .......................... 128 Pali-dhvaja, pdli-ketdna. 111n., 211, Pattada-Kisuvolal (v.) ...... 218n. Nepal ........... 265
244-8 and n. Pattana, d......... *******. 20
**........ 287
Oghad
38
12
N
a
pulla
.
..
.
.......
29

Page #380

318
INDEX.
65
.
....
.......
305
76
184
Pattan sab dattan .............. 48 Pratibákhya of the Sama Veda. 30 Rama Khachar ........ 12-14 Pattanatta Pillai.................. 40 Prdpachanasdra .................. 28 RamanujachArya ................. 286 pattar..............................
prauroj .............................. 147 Râmapunyavallabha .. Pattavardhana............... 305, 306 Prithvinarayana Sah ........... 92 Råma-sêtu ........................ 245 pattika..................250, 252, 253n. Prithivl-pallabha 106, 107, 163, 164, Ramdyana ................ 281, 283, 285 Paulistines ..................... 181
211, 219, 220, 301, 302 Ram Das Sen ..................... 231 Paundarika .................. 162, 192 Pabekonda ......................... 21 Rámêávara, g...................... 110 Paurnamasa ......................... 164 Puduveli-gopuram ........... 224 Råmeávaram ...................... 28 Pausha year ............... 35, 36, 37 Pulakébi, Pulakest. Vallabha (Early Râmpur Bhanpur, C. ............ 28 payodhara.
Chal.)......... 164, 201, 243-4, 290 Ranaparakramanka (Chal.) 103, 110 pebble worship .............. Puligere, c. 101, 103, 104, 108, 110, Ranardga ........................... 246 Peggu-dr, or Perga tablet...... 102
112 Ranarâga (Early Chal.) 103, 209, Pellidaka, v. ........................ 217 Pulikara, c.............. 104, 111, 112
214, 213-4, 247-8 Pennar, r. ......... ............... 6 Pulikesi, Pulikēsi-Vallabha (Early Ranavikrama (Early Chal.)... 185 Pennatavadi, d. .............. 15, 18 Chal) 112, 161, 170, 209, 218, Rana-vikrama ..................... 246 Perbutu Pv.
246-8, 302 Rana-vikrauta ...............246, 251 Per-Gågåmasi, v. ................ 303 Pulikest, Pulikesi-Vallabha (West. Ranga-bhoga......................... 305 Periplus............................... 7| Chal.) 163, 185, 209, 210, 218, 245 | Ranga-Kpisbna, k................ 23-5 Perm&ļi (Ga.) ..................... 109 Pali kutti Pariabs ............... 267 Rangåmatti........................ 197 Perminanårli........................ 172
172 Palindaka, V. Palindaka, v. ....................... ********.. 76
76 Rashtra ...16, 161, 187, 248 and n. personal names................... 165ff. Palivuti (P), v. .................. 303 Rash/ra-grama-mahattara, o. 248 Phalahavadra, v. ............ 65 Pangulapallika, v. .............. Rdshtra-kúta, o................16, 18 phirangis ............... ............ 193-4 Punya dlds
198 Rashtrakatas .........170., 210, 218 Phrygian inscriptions ..... 228-9 Puri, c. ........................ 39, Rashtra-pati, o. --............. 248n. Phulmati ............................ 8 Pârvapura, d....................... 259 Rdés, Dhanus .................. 16, 18 Pigeon monastery ............ 2, 4, 7 ParvasilA-sanghåråma ......... 6 » Vrishabha ...........218, 220 Pingala Rani ...................... 89 Pusauti (burj) ...................... 183 Rathor grants....................... Ping-ki-lo........ ............. 6 pusdya ............ .............. 255
Ratna Malla, k. ................ plant worship ... 288 Pushpabhuti ..................... 197
Ratnapur ............ Pokuria .....
Pushyagupta
262 Rával... Polakost. Polekesi. Vallabhs (Early Patu ................................. 29
Raval Pir ........................ Chal.) ..................218, 219, 245 Pavalli ............................. 290 Ravans ...................... ... Polikesi, Polikesi-Vallabha (Early
Råvindyu, v. ................... Qanun-i-Isldra................. 128 Chal.) ..................... 110, 112
Rayadhan, k. ...................... Qasim
93 Po-lo-ya monastery ......... 2, 4, 7
Rayar&chamalla-vasati, t....... Qord......... polyandry ................ 86, 132-5
...............119.20
Rêva..............................63, Pta-rdja ............................ 219 Rachol, ........................ 118 Rêvadania ......................... pottery, miniature ............... 289 Rahu ...........................18, 215 Rēgaru, V. ........................ pottery, Indian and Trojan ... 176 Raipasení Kalpa .................. 29 Rigald-i Berkeri .................. 120 Powlett's Fast. Legends and Rdjakiya, o....................... 248n. Rihana ........................... 97 Stories ............................ 236 Rdjakula ........
.... 81
Rims of plates, raised, or not 161, Prabhakaravardhana ...... 57, 196-7 Rajapuri ........................... 184
163, 209, 217, 241, 301, 303 Prabhasa, c. ...................... 259 Rajaraja (Chô..........211, 244, 308 Risala (RasAlu P), k. ............ 8 Prabhatavarsha (Råsh.)......... 210 Rdja-sinha .................. 209, 244 Ritu Samhdra ..................... 116 Pradipa ............
55-6 Råjasimha (Early Chal.) ...... 243-4 Rizwa ............................ 97 Prakrit ................................ 218 Rdj-dbrayatna ..................... 302 Rudrad&man's Inscrip.......257-263 pradvdra ........................... Rijatarancini
Rudrasimha.......................... Pramâtsi-Srina .............. 76 Rajavarttika
Bugaiyya ............ Prameya kamala-Mártanda ... 28 Rajmahali words................ Rukhamavati, r. ................ 48 Prasdd ............................... ................ 113 Rajyasri .............................
197 Rundranila-Saindrakas ...209, 215 Prasantaraga ................ 61, 66 Rajyavardhana, k............. 197 Rūpnåth edict .................. 141ff. Pratápamalla, k. *** 92 rdkshbadan ................. ....
Russelkonda ..................... 19 Pat&pasila, k. ...............197, 201
201 Raktapura, c. ........104, 111, 112 Ravika, V. ...................... 216, 217 Pruthamdruyoga ...................
28 Ráma, g. ........................... 215 Ryan, v. .......................48, 50 Pratibhédikd.......................... 248 Råmadata........................... 256 prati lakka........................... 245 Ramadeva ...................48, 285 Sabara ............................. 290 pratisarakus, o. .................. 68
68 Råmadeva Gavuda .........170, 174 sabhd ......... ................. 56
..
.
.
.......
257
.
...........
93
114

Page #381

INDEX.
319
.... 138
****
...
20
SAbharmati, r. ................ 259 Samvatsara, Kshaya ............ 290 Satyasrayas (West. Chal.) 17, 104 Sad .................................. 53 ► Subhanu ............... 210 110, 111, 112, 164, 185, 186, 209 Sådageri Vijaya .............253-5
Vibhava 101, 108, 113, 215
218, 219, 245, 302, 303 Saduzai dynasty ............... 238-9 Sarwatsaras, use of cycle of Satya-rakga .......................... 102 Safia bint Haqq bin Akhtub 96, 98-9 sixty ......
... 210 Satyavákya-Kongaụivarma (Ga.) sagdid .... ....... 228 Sanitha......
255
......101, 102, 108 Sagðtra 15, 33, 35, 37, 104, 106, 161, Sand hirigrahika, o........... 302 Sauda ............... ................93, 98 163, 164, 186, 191, 211, 219, 214, Sandki-vigrah-adhikrita, o. 249, 252 Saurashtra, d. ................. 7
247-9, 251-2, 301-2 Sandhiyara, v.? ............ 250, 252 Sanvira............................. 259 sagri ............ ................ 228
Sandilya gotra .................. 68 Savarasvâmin ................. Sahasrâm edict..................141ff. Sanghamittâ.................. 149, 151 Savasi, v................. Sahyadri, m. .............
Sangha amas.................. 198-201 Sayana-Madhava ............... Sahyddri Khanda of the Skanda Sanjaya........................... 203-6 Sayyid Haidar Turê ............ 240
Purána...................... 208 Sankara Acharya 222, 282, 286, 299, Seals of plates 15, 33, 35, 37, 161, Saindrakas .................. 209, 215
300 163, 185, 186, 191, 209, 217, 241, St. Thomê ....................... 221 Sankarapa Danda Nayaka..... 122
216, 301, 303, 368 Saka era .......... ... 180-1 | Sankara-vijaya ..................... 286 Sejakapura, V.
........9-12 Saka Saga ...
......... 170 Sankha-basti, tablets...... 101, 111 sela Saka dates 18, 101, 102, 103, 104, Sankha-Jinêndra, g. 103, 110, 112 Sdnand singa ........................ 246
108, 111, 112, 161, 185, 191, 209, Sankhatirtha-vasati, t. ... 104, 111 Sen Tamil.................. 276ff., 287 210, 211, 215, 214, 290, 301, 303, Sankha-vasati, t. ......... 108, 109 Sèndras ........................ 103, 110
307 Sântâl ideas of the Future... 273-4 Sêndrakas ......................... 103 S&kábandhi Salivahana......... 8 Santanåtha ........................ 50 sepulchral customs............... 46 Sakalagamapandita ............ 225 Santhoya-Bagavadi, v. ... 304, 307 sepnlchral urns ................... 26-7 Sakhd, Kanva ....................... 250 Santivaravarmá (Kad.) ... 35, 36 Śôram, Cheram............... 285, 287 Sakrån bin 'Umar ................ 93 Sanyasis ..................... 299, 300 Seruks ............................ SAktas ............................. 264 sapdya ............................. 255 Sêtu ................................ 2+1 Sakyamuni......... 142, 145-6, 232-3 Sapta-16kamdtyi 15, 106, 163, 186, Shah Abbas ................. Salábat Khan Babi ............ 10, 12
191, 211, 219, 301 Shahji Bhonslê .............. Salama .............................. 97 Sarabhanga ...................... 26 Shahpur, V. .............. Salem ................................ 195 | Sarannatha ......................... 18 Shashthi, Shatshashţi......68, SAlivahana, k..................... 8 Sarasa, . ............. ............. 288 Sher Singh Atâriwala ......... sdlokitd ................................ 256 | Sarasvati gachha ................ 28 Sherring's Hindoo Pilgrims ... sdl
Sardhår, v. ..................... 13, 14 Shill Bêt ............. Salsette (Sbaţshashţi) ...118, 254 | Sarkaråkshi gotra ...... 71, 73, 76 Shirin Qabti.................... samddk .......................... 266-6 Sarman 18, 187, 188, 192, 220, 248-9, Shirley, Sir A. .................... Samadhigata-pañcha-mahasabda 191
Shuja, k....................... Sdmanta........................... 218n. Sarnath................................. 296 Siddhakêdêra, V............ Samarwada, v. ................... 216 Sarpa Sampoškara .............. 43 Siddhari....................... Samasta-bhavan-dóraya ......... 16 Sarpila .............................. 256 Siddhas............ ............. Såmat .............
14 Sarva-das-ddhikarin, o. ......... 304 Siddharaja, k. ............... 8dma Veda Prátisakhya ......... Sarvanaparumalaiyar ......... 221 Soldha VAN... Sambalpur, d. .................... 113-15 Sasanka Narendragupta ...... 197 Siddhivarma, k. .................. 90 Sambaranåtha...................... 299 Sataghi ............................ 186 Siggava................149-50, 153-8 Sambhar, c. ........................ 259 Satakarņi, k. ............... 258, 262
Silâh&ra .............. .............. 18 Sambhu .........................9, 290 Satavahana P k. ................. 1 siladitya 68, 71, 76, 79-81, 188-201, Sambhungtha 298 satanivd.sd ................. 142-3, 147
291 Sangha.........34, 37, 111, 112, 220 sart ....................... 235-6, 264-5 Simbals ........................89, 215 Sâmiyâra, k...................209, 215 Satnamis ..................... 300, 308 Simhana (Y&.................... 306 Sankaragana, k. ............ 161, 162
Satpura, m. ......................... 264 Satpurs, m.......
Simhapallik ................... Sankranti, Uttarayana ... 164, 290 Saty-déraya ......................... 216
simhdsana..................... Samlai, g. .........
Satyagraya (Châlukya) ... 103, 110 Simraun dynasty ............ 89, 91 Sampadi .......
Satyasraya, Satyksraya-Puln. Ziuvila, Tipova, Simylla. 183, 234 Samunals or Jains ................ 1951 keht (Early Chal.) 210. 214. 215
Sindagi, v. ...................... 125-6 Samvat era..................... 180-1 Satyasraya, Satyaáraya-Valla- Sindėśvara, g....................... 110 Samoat, samratsara...212, 249, 252 bhôndra (West. Chal.) 17, 110, Sindhi language ................... 293 Sarnvatsata, Dundubhi ........ 210 164, 185, 209, 218, 219, 245, 302. Sindhudurg, t. .................... 28
.
...
302
***
... 115 W... 143

Page #382

820
INDEX.
20
92
173
274
Sindhu, Sauvira, d..........259, 262 Singa.
246 Singhbhum ...... Sirigodu (†), v. .................. 303 Siripatti, v. ....................... 217 Sisunagas............ 150, 154-5, 159 Siva, g. ............................ 306 Sivabh&gapura
.................... 76 Sivabhati ........................ 253-5 Sivadata ........................... 255 Sivaga Chintamani .............. 221 Sivaghosa ........................ Sivaji of Tanjor ................ Sivamära, k. Sivanagi, m. Sivapålita......................... Siva-pèrür .................... 282 Sivara, k. ......................... 215 Sivasamudram .............. Sivavarma, k. ...................... 90 Skandabhata ............ 71, 73, 76 Skandhaudra 107, 112, 248, 252, 302 Smärtas .......................... 286 Snake notions ................... 40ff. Solapur ............................ 125 Somadeva............................. 255 Soma-ydjin ................... 244, 302 Somayaji Vása Sarmmana ... 176 Somanatha ............ 122, 298, 307 Sonaka.................. 149-51, 153-8 Sonârekha, r. ..................... 257 Sonnerat's Voyage ......... soparikara ...........
66 Sorath........................ ................... 9, 257
8,206 So-to-po-ho, SÅtav baoa, k. P. 4 Spiegel's Eranische Alterthums.
kunde............................... 160 Sri ...................................... 206 Srí Bittarasa, mot............. Srikantha Śrimad-Anahila Śringara-tilaka ................ Sripura, v. ................... Srirangam, C. ...................... 26 Sri Rangapuri ..... .......... 117 Sri Sthânaka ................ 186 Śrí- Tribhuvandukusa, mot. 15, 245n. Śri-Vallabha, k. ............. 219 Srivardhana............... ...... 57 Sri Vishamasiddhi, mot. 185, 186,
Stobart's Islam .............. 119 Stoddart
240 Stone-tablets, Bhujagêndra ... 103
Chalukya ...... 103 Ganga 101, 102, 112 Pallava .......... 247 Sendra .......... 103 Western Cha
lukya.104, 111, 112 Strangford's Letters ............. 269 stúpa ............................... 200-2 Subbaraya, 5. ..................... 42 Subramanya, m.................... 42 Sudarsana lake .......... 257, 261-2 Sudatta, k. .......................... 89 Suddhôdana, k. ............... 232-3 Suhasti................................ 113 Sakra Acharya .................. 232 Sukra-Niti ..................... 136, 231 Sulasadatta .....................251-5 sulasamanjari
****........... 254 sun ................ Sun Worshippers of Asia......... 292 Sunahsepha........................ 261 Sundara .......................... 159 Sapâráva ..................... 119, 179. Surada, v.
20 Sûrashtra, d. ............ 259, 262-3 Surat, c. ............... ............. 28 Surendra Vikrama Sah, k.... 92 Sarparaka, C. ...........
259 Süryadása, v. ........... Súryaprajuapti ..........
28 Suvâinimalai Suvisakha .................. 257-8, 263 Svabhra, d.............. 259, 262-3 Svabhramati, r. .................. 259 Suamin ............... 162, 161, 218-9 Svami (Chalikya) ............ 161, 162 Svåmi-Mahasena, g. 17, 31, 38, 38,
162, 245, 249, 251 spasti................ ............... 62 svastika ................ 119, 176-9, 289 Svastidevi, g. ...................... 119 Svayambhd, 8. ................. 244 Svayambrata, k.................... 89 svayamvaras ................... 203, 262 Śpetambara, B. ............28-9, 38n. Svétapata, s. .................... 38 Syamantapanchakam **... 281 Syenagachha
.
..
Talapa (East. Chal.) ............ 18 Tala-bhoga ................. 212, 213 Talavanapura ............ 170-1, 174 Tala-vritti ............................. 105 Tamachi Jam ................... 10, 12 Tambiran ............................ 227 Tamil......................130ff., 275-87 Tanjor, C. ...................... 24-6, 40 Tanjor armoury ............... 1928. Tantrikas .......................... 286 Tapasi, v. ............................ 109 Tår Anatha......................... 116 Tards.................................... tatsamas............................ 276-7 Ta-thsin (Dakhan) ............ 1-3, 7 Tayib................
93 telephone ........................... 289 Thâbit bin Qais .................. 96 Thánề .........
............ 184 Thang (China)..................... 199 Thân gà, m. ...................................... 9, 13 Tha-thsen, Ta-thsen (Dekhan) 1.7 Theodoret, Bp.................... 127 Theras ............................. 148-9 Therapanthis ..................... 28 Tiele's History of Religion...... 269 Tikar, v. ................ Tipova, Simylla ................... Timur Shah, k. ............... Tintalgadb, V. ................ Tirthankaras ...................... 28 Tirtha-vasati, t. ................... 108 Tiruvalluvar's Kurral ...... 220-25 Tissa.................... 149-50, 153-8 Tithi. Am vasva ............. 192. 220
Dasnmt ......... 35, 189, 290 , Dvadasi .................. 18 , Dritiya ............ .... 16+ , Paurnamâsi 37,107, 112, 186,
212, 248, 249, 252, 302, 305, 307 Toda................................... 130-1 Toduva ............................... 130 To-na-kie-tse-kia Dhanaka
cheka Tooth Relic, DaCurha on the... 236 Toragal chronicle .............. 290 Toramana, k. ....................... Trairdjya-Pallava .......... Trajan .............................. 32 Travankor ........................... 285 Tribhuvan-diskusa, mot.... 15, 245n. Trichiuậpalli, c. ............... 23-25 Trilôchana (Kad.) ............... 246 Trilôchana-Pallava ............... 245 Trimurti-Kovil ................. 137 Trinetra (Kad.) .................. Trinetra-Pallava ...............
... 20
127
68
40
246 197
Anahila .............
78
116
201
301
191
****......
28
Ta-'an-ta-lo (Mahe-Åndhra)... tadbhavas ..........
-stdn ......... ................,27, 235 steel (Indian) ...................... 198 Stephens, Father.............. 117-18 Sthala-giri ...................... Sthänvisvara ...................
...... 197 Sthunko, k................
276
216
TÅhir .............. .......... 39 Taļakada........................ 21, 173
246 246

Page #383

INDEX.
321
... 240
57
Triparvata, C. ..................... 33-5 Trivddi .......................... Triparndchdra .................... 28 Trumpp's Adi Granth........ Tulokabhúshana tulsi tree ..................... 254, 266 Tulsi Dås .............................. 207 Tulu ............................ 131, 275 T'u-lu-p'o-po-tu ................... Tuļu-rajyam ................. 275 Turån ......
27 Turkestan.......
. 238 Tush&spa ..................... 257, 262
80
.....
37
...
.
'Ubaidu-'l-lAh .................... 97 U-ch'a (Uda), d.................... 39
.......... 162, 164 udak-dtisarga ................ 244, 252 Udaya
......... 154 Udaybhadra ................... 154-5 Udayaditya, k............... 172 Udayana ............................ 244 Udranga .............. 217, 248 and n. Udumbara (ficus glomerata)....... 233 Ugå Wåla
......... 9 Uhud..
......... 95 Ujjain, Ujjayfni, c.......... 8, 259 Umk, g ....................... 18 Umaima ............................. 97 Umâ patisivacharya ............ 225 "Umar................
................93, 95
.........98, 95 Umar Beg, k. .................. 240 Umêtê plates ...... 61-3, 242, 251-2 Ummadini ......................... 32 Umm Habiba ..................96, 98 Umm-Hâni
.. 98 Ummahdtu-l-müminin ............ 99 Umm-Iman ..................... 97 Umm Qoltham .................. 93 Umm-Råfi' ......
97 "Umm Salama .......................95-8 Ummu-l-musakin Umm'l-Muslimin Umm-Zamir..........................
.
97
97 Unad ..............................
.. 12 Upddhyaya ........................ 305 Upáli ....... .......... 149-50, 153-8 Upangas.............................. 28 Uparikara ............217, 248 and n. Updsakadasdnga ................... 29 Uppalaheta ..................... 81 urns .................................. 26-7 Utaradata ......................... 253-5 Uttarapatha ...... 107, 163, 219, 301 Uttarapur dna ...................... 28 Uttiya ........... ......... 151, 155 Urdhra-bahus.................. 265
Orjayat, m. ..................... 261 Verelst's Affairs in Bengal ... 272 uyaraka .............................. 256 Veskliys .............................. 157 Uzbak dynasty ............
Vetravati, r. ....................... 259
Vidiśå, c. ............................ 259 vada ..... ......192, 213, 214, 216 Vidula ........................... 203-6 Vadi .............................11, 16 | Vidydsthanas ...................... 28 Vadnagar, c. ..................7, 76 Vihåņa, v. ........................ 65 Vaigai, r. ............................ 42 vihara ................................ 56-7 Vaijayanti, c. ..................36, 38 vijayam ................................. 283 Vainya ..........
162 Vijaya, k. ............ 153, 156, 158-9 Vairagadh, c. ...............
........................ 254-5 Vaisakha year ..... ....
Vijayabhattârika, Vijaya-mahVaišvadeva .........249 and n., 252 dêvi (West. Chal.) ...... 163, 164 V djapéya ........................... 162 Vijayaditya (Early Chal. !) ... 243-5 Vojra Sopdri ....................... 49 | Vijayaditya (East. Chal.) 15, 17,18 Valabhi; c................... 7. 61, 66-7 Vijayaditya, Vijay@ditya-SatValabhi grants ................... 66 yåśraya (West. Chal.) 104, 111, Valabht kings...................... 247
112, 218 Vallabha 17n., 106, 112, 161, 163,
Vijaya-kara-samvatsara ......... 37 186, 191, 219, 244, 248, 251, 301 Vijayamahadevi (West. Chal.) 163 Vallabha (Early Chal.) ... 161, 162 Vijayapura, C. .............. 241, 249 Vallabha, Vallabhêndra (West. Vijayaraja, Vijayavarm& (Early
Chal.) .......................... 17, 245 Chal.) ...................251-2, 246-9 VallabbAkhya, k................. 172 | Vijaya-rdjya-sarvatsara 107, 112, Vallabharfja .................. 66, 109
9:20 Vallabhéndra ..................16, 244 Vijayasakti (Sêndra) ....... 103, 110 V&mans ........ ..... 56 Vijaya-samvatsara .............. 192 Vanaraja .......... ...... 76 Vijaya-skandhdvdra... 107, 112, 248, Vanavasi, c. ...36n., 164, 219, 301-3
252, 302 Van Rheede..................... 276n. Vijayavarma (Early Chal.) 241n., Vára, Bhaskara ............ 218, 220
247, 252 , Bhrigu .................. 16, 19 Vijaya-vasati, t................... 109
Vijaya-vikshépa.................. 251-2 Ravi ........................... 290 Vikrama .......
Sanaischara... 186, 306, 307 Vikramaditya ....................... 89 Varahamala-Hushkapura...... 57 Vikram-dditya ... Vararuchi ..................... 56, 116 Vikramaditya (East Chal.) ... 18 Varasimha, k. A..................... 89 Vikramaditya, VikramadityaVarasio ............................ 180 Satyasraya (West. Chal.)... 104, Varman 34, 35, 37, 102-6, 185, 191, 111, 163, 164, 217-19, 302, 308
209, 219, 253, 301 Vikrama-Samvat ............... 242 partmapdlas, o. ...................... 68 vikshápa .................... 62, 251, 252 Varuna, g. .....................42, 249 Vilas.. Vasati .......... 104, 108, 109, 111 vil, villin ........................... 278 V&santi............................... 116 Vilanda, k. ........................ 172 Våsishthiputra .................. 258 vimala .............................. 65 Våsudêva .....................302, 307 Vinayaditya, Vinayaditya-SatVasupanaka ...................... 257 yásraya (West. Chal.) 104, 111, Våtâpi, .................. 247, 290 112, 186, 218, 219, 300, 301, 303, Vataka .............. 161
308 Vattēluttu ..................... 275-6 Vinay-Aditya....................... 246 Vatsa, k. .......................... 32 Virabhadra, g. ..............
126 V&yu, g. ........................... 119 Vira-deva, k. ................ Vedas .......................28-9, 140 Vira Ganga, k. Veddrthayatra ....................... 139 Viramgâm, V. ......... Vengi......... 5, 6, 17, 21, 246, 308 Virasaivas, 8. ... Venhuy&............. ................ 256 Virupaksha .......................
......... 303

Page #384

322
INDEX
Vis&man Khachar ........... 14 vyuthend ............... 141, 145-6 | Yaudheyas .................258, 262 visha kanyd ...........
32
Wahabtu-no-nafs ................... 98 Yechgam, v. ..................... 56 Vishama-siddhi, mot. 185, 186, 191 W&t ................................. 288 Yerukala .............................. 130 Vishaya 16, 17, 162, 187, 191, 212, Wakligas .......................... 267 Yêwar tablet ......... 103, 185, 247
220, 248 & n., 252, 304 Wanjaro (Brinjärk)........... 8 Yindesi (Kathmando) ....... Vishaya-pati, o. ...... 248 & n., 252 Wathen ........................... 290
Yodhavaka, v. Vishnu, g. 110, 162, 192, 244, 287-8, Wheeler's Early Records of Yoga, Vaidhfiti ..................
301 British India .................. 271 yoga-kshemam ..................... Vishnu Gopa, k. ... 170, 172-3, 175 Whitney's Language and Study Yoginis ......................... Vishnugupta, k................ 89, 90 of Language ..... .............. 270 yojana ............................ Vishnuvardhana (Early Chal.!)243, Williams's (M.) Mod. India and Y samotika ........................ 258
245
the Indians ..................... 236 Yuddamalla (East. Chal.)....... 18 Vishnuvardhana (East. Chal.) 17, wootz'............................... 196 Yudhishthira ................137, 302
185, 186, 191, 192, 245 Wright's History of Nepal...... 88 Yuvardja .........17, 18, 33, 34, 185 Vishti, vishţika......... 106, 248 & n. Vishwa ............................... 164 | Yadavas ........................... Vispanthi, ........................ 28 Yadu-vamsa .................... | ZA-Besi-Bazen, k. Visvabhu Buddha ............... 89 Y&jñavalkya ..................... 18 Za-Bæsi-Tsawesa, k. ......... Visvantha, k. ................... 22-3 yajnopavita
Za-Elasguaga, k.
235 Vitabhaya, o. .................... 259 Yak....
240 Za-Gafale, k........... Vitaraga ......................... 61, 66 Yaksha Gupta, k. .......... Za-Hakale, k. ...................... 235 vivdsa
147 Yaksha Malla, k. ............. Zaid bin Harith ............... 96, 97 vivutha or vyutha ......142-3, 145-8 Ydman ............................. 41 Zainab ..........................93, 95-99 Vogue's Syrie Centrale ........ 57 Ydmathútan .................
Zalonkemeny, E. K. ............ 30 Vrihat Kalpa .................. 29 Yamuna, r. .................
Zaman Khan, k. ..................... 238 Vyddiya paribhdshdvritts ...... 54 Yantra-mukta ............
Zend ............. Vymahdra-Samudra ...... 284, 287 Ydpaniya, 8.............
Zulfakir Vyavahdrasútra ..................... 29 ! Yapouldak, v. ............... 228 Zuckans .....................
303
235
52
235
89
91
41
... 87
34

Page #385

ERRATA.
323
ERRATA IN VOL. VII.
tamanir.
p. 15a, 11. 14 and 40, and p. 156, 1. 12, for Châ- p. 916, 1. 17. for Gaksha read Yaksha. lukya read Chalukya.
p. 1020, 1. 38, for ombhattaney avarshan read p. 156, 1. 35, for 'Vya yaditya' read "Vija- ombhattaneya varsham. yaditya.'
p. 105, transcr. 1. 33, for paschimatA(tah) read p. 16, transcr. 1. 30, for chintamanir read chin- paschimat&(tah).
p. 105, transcr. l. 36, for Akham[da*]la read p. 16, transcr. 1. 36, for uru read uru.
Åkham(da*]la. ► 1. 40, for saivvån=&= read sary- p. 106, transcr. 1. 59, for Purvvataḥ read Paryvån=&-.
vatah. p. 17, transcr. 1. 54, for Alapdruh read Alapúruh. p. 109a, 1. 35, and 1096, 1. 6, for the field called) p. 17b, note 12, for this volume read Vol. VI. Désagra makataka hêtra read the field of
p. 186, 1. 35, for Rashtraktas read head- the head-men of the country and the villages. men of countries.
p. 110a, 1. 5, for and the country and the villages p. 192, note 24, for ante, p. 24, read Vol. VI., read and the head-men of the country and the p. 24.
villages. p. 28a, 1. 14, after require insert ....
p. 1106, 1. 14, for Jy @sh ţhalinga read » 1. 30, for Sonpat read Sonpat.
Jyêshthalinga. ► 1. 33, for Karangi read KAranji.
p. 112a, 1. 36, for years" having expired read , 1. 53, for Mulasamghu read Mala- years having expired." sa mghu.
p. 1366, 1. 23, for fired read filled. p. 286, 1. 2, dele comma after Bhattarkas.
. 1. 34, for bullets read balls. , 1. 3, dele comma after pandits.
, 1. 41, for bullet read ball. 1. 23, for Jatis read Játs.
1. 42, after from a bow add with unerr1. 32, for Vispanthis and Theräpanthis ing aim. read Vis panthis and Therapanthis. p. 1566, 1. 8, for Agâtåsatru read Ajấtasatru.
p. 281, 1. 44, for Chandrarprajnapti read Chan- p. 161a, 1. 9, for Nórar read Nerar. drarprajñapti.
p. 162, transcr. l. 19, for hi(hinn)sya read p. 286, 1. 45, for prajnapti read prajñapti. hishim)syât. » L. 49, for nasara read nasdra.
p. 162, note 5, for Prithu read Prithu. p. 29a, 11. 36, 37, for Grammar read Grammar. p. 163a, 1. e, and 1636, 11. 6 and 16, for Nðrar
» 1. 52, for there [at Ajmir] read at Ajmir. read Nerar. p. 296, 1. 2, for Governor General read for the p. 164, transcr. 1. 12, for lakshmin read lakshGovernor General.
mim, and cancel the word prå(P)pya. p. 337, 11. 24 and 26, for Nagamandala read Na- | p. 183a, note 2, after Malabar add asgerts that gamangala.
it is so. p. 34, transcr. 1. 9, dele il after samyuktô.
p. 1838, 1. 34, for वेंनल read चेन्वल. > > note 5, dele before Jihvamdulya, and in p. 188, transcr. 1. 38, for muyyard-dhamsah the last line for li read ki.
read muyyarddharsah. p. 346, 1. 38, for Siddhakhdara read Siddhakê. p. 189, transcr. 1. 66, dele || after sukla-pakshe. dåra.
» » 1. 68, for Vinayakasya read p. 35, note 14, for p. 249 read p. 25a.
Vinkyakasya p. 36, transcr. 1. 14, for samyukto read samyukto. p. 1906, 1. 39, for Chibumdothiboya read ,
16, for para-(da)ttam(ttåm) read | Chebundothibôya. para-dattam(ttåm)
p. 191, transcr. 1. 9, for va(ma)hârâjasy- read p. 36, 1. 19, for nupêlana[m] read ndpalanan. va(ma)harajasya. p. 37, transcr. 1. 14, for gô-bhd read gô-bhd. i p. 192, transcr. 1. 13, for adhivasatah read » » 1. 21, for dvitiyo road dvitfyo.
adhivasatah. p. 38, transcr. l. 26, for samyukto read sanh- p. 1926, 1. 16, after all accomplishments insert yukto.
like the moon which is possessed of (all) its digits.

Page #386
324 ERRATA. p. 210a, 1. 22, for the date assigned to Puli. p. 220, transcr. 1. 18, for [k&mchi*] read kamke e i I. read the genuineness of this grant. ch*]. p. 211, transcr. 1. 17, for na ma= read nam=&-.. p. 220, transcr. l. 26, for (rmma(pah read p. 212, transcr. l. 33, for endrachap- read endra- | (rmma)nah. chap-. p. 229a, 11. 33, 34, for The E is the Latin AE, p. 212, transcr. 1. 38, for satair read batair. read The E (or rather the ) is the Latin AE. p. 213, 1. 51, for punah= read punah=. p. 244, text, 1, 2, for ismhasan- read simhasan.. ,, ,, ,, 1. 60, for chham 1-jhata read p. 248, transcr. l. 1, and p. 249, note 20, for Vijachhami-jhata, and for tasma- read tasmat. yapura-vasakat read Vijayapur-avasakat. p. 213, transcr. l. 66, for sima read sima(ma). p. 248, transcr. l. 10, for chata read chata. >> 1. 71, for sima read sima-. >> >> 1. 13, dele = between syamine , 11. 72-3 for sima read sima(ma). and arddha. p. 214, transcr. 1..92, for achhiramsu read achi. p. 249, transcr. 1. 31, for drvva read Parvva. ramsu. p. 261a, transcr. 1. 4, for a28 embank- read anos p. 215a, 1. 42, for fan read face. embank-. p. 2156, 11. 27-8, for Kanakopa! a read Kana p. 2616, note 14, for see below read see above, kopa ! & p. 257, &c. p. 218a, 1. 16, for Kisa volal read Kisu vo p. 268a, 1. 7, after (for 1864-5) add p. 416. lal. , 11. 8 and 27, for Khajuraho read p. 218a, 1. 18, for B a sa ri-sa mgha read Khajura ho. Basuri-samgha. p. 268a, 1. 11, for handel read Chandel. p. 219, transcr. 1 17, or visala read visala. , . 37, after states add that. Erratum in Vol. VI. p. 315a, 1. 19, for second read sacred.