Epigraphia Indica Vol 18

Author(s): H Krishna Shastri, Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032572/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Vol. XVIII (1925-26) OOO ogo NON pratnakIrtimapAvRNu PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001 1983

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Vol. XVIII. 1925-26. 600 OT anakanatimAza PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-11001 1 1983

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Reprinted 1983 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA 1983 Price: Rs. 90.00 Printed at Pearl Offset Press, 5/33 Kirti Nagar Industrial Area New Delhi-110015.

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA EPIGRAPHIA INDICA AND RECORD OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. Vol. XVIII. 1925-26. EDITED BY RAO BAHADUR H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A., GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA, AND HIRANANDA SASTRI, M.A., M.O.L., D.LITT., GOVERNMENT EPIGRARHIST FOR INDIA. LONDON: KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co. CALCUTTA : MANAGER, GOVERNMENT OF INDIA CENTRAL PUBLICATION BRANCH. BOMBAY BRITISH INDIA PRESS. NEW YORK: WESTERMANN & Co. CHICAGO: S. D. PEET. PARIS: E. LEROUX.

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CONTENTS. Pages S. No. Contents No. 2 (iii) 5 (iv) 15 - No.4 21 - 55 No. 8 No. 9 No. 14 No. 17 Bahur plates of Nripatungavarman : By prof: E. Hultzsch, Ph. d. Balle Kanyakumari Inscription of ViraRajendra-Deva - By the late T. A. Govinda Rao, M. A., Trivandrum. Nidur Inscription of Kulottunga-Chola by K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, B. A. A Note on Manigramattar occurring in Tamil Inscriptions - by the late T. A, Gopinatha Rao, M. A. Pattattalmangalam Grant of Nandivarman. by K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyer, B. A. Srirangam Copper-Plates of Devaraya II : Saka - Samvat 1356. By S. V. Visvanathan, M. A. Mannargudi and the late T. A. Gopinatha Rao. The Vayalur Pillar Inscription of Rajasimha II - By H. Krishna Sastri Two Copper - plate Grants of Krishnadevaraya - by the late T. A. Gopinatha Rao. Polonnaruva Inscription of Vijayababu I - by S. Paranavitana Peruneyil Record of KulasekharaKoyiladhikari - by A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar. 115 138 - - 124 145 No. 18 145 - 152 No. 21 160 - 169 No 38 330 - 338 No. 40 340 - 345

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CONTENTS. The names of contributors are arrangert alphabetically, . . . . . . . . . . . . 320 . . K. AMBITA RAO 8. T. A. Gopinatha Rao and K. Amrita Rao. R. D. BANERJI No. 39. Junagadh insoription of Jivadaman (I) . . . . . . L. D. BARNETT No. 7. Vappaghoshavata grant of Jayanaga . . . . . . 22. Inscriptions of Hali . . . . . . . . . 30. The Mungir plate of Devapaladevs : Samvat 33 . . . D. R. BHANDARKABS No. 26. Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I: Saka-Samvat 703 NALINIKANTA BHATTASALI - No. 11. The Ghugrahati oopper-plate inscription of Samacharadeva . . K, N. DIKSHIT : No. 37. Inscription on a Vishnu Image from Deopani. . . D. B. DISKALKAR : No. 35. Betma plates of Bhojadeva : [Vikrama]-Samvat 1078 . . . T. A. GOPINATHA RAO No. 4. Kanyakumari inscription of Vira-Rajendra-deva . 9. A Note on Manigramattar occurring in Tamil inscripcions. T. A. GOPIKATHA RAO AND K. AMRITA RAO No. 21. Two oopper-plate grants of Krishnadevaraya . . . . A.-Of Saka-Samvat 1436 . . . . . . . . . B.-01 Saka-Samvat 1460 . . . . . . . . HRALAL No. 29. Four Bhanja oopper-plato grante . . . . . HIRARANDA SABTEI - No. 19. Brahmi inscription on a wooden pillar from Kirari . E. HULTZBOX No. 1. Kondanaguru grant of Indravarman . 2. Bahur plates of Nripatungavarman . 6. Niduparu grant of Jayasimha I . 6. Ipur plates of Vishnuvardhana III . . . . . 25. Vemalurpada plates of Ammaraja II . 27. Koppatam plates of Pulakesin II . 31. Tekkali plates of Danarnava's son Indravarman . . . 32. Tekkali plates of Rajendravarman's son Devendra varman . . 33. Penukaparu grant of Jayasimha II . . . . . . STEK KONow : No. 28. The so-called Takht-i-Bahi inscription of the year 103 . . A. KRISHNA SASTRI No. 18. The Vayalur pillar inscription of Rajasimha II . . . . 34. The Kodavali rook inscription of Chandasati : the second year of reigo O. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU No. 41. Garavapada grant of Ganapatideva : Saka-Samvat 1182. . . . . . 165 . . . 282 ......... 226 257 307 311 313 . . . . 115 313 . . 343 3

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIII. PAGE 340 R. C. MAJUMDAR - No. 12. Jodhpur inscription of Pratihara Bauka : V. S. 804 . 13. The Gwalior prasnati of the Gurjar Pratihara king Bhoix. V. NATESA AIYAR - No. 3. An inscribed relic oakket from Kurram . . 10. Inscribed Buddhist Image from Gopalpur :. . S. PARANAVITANA - No. 38. Polonnaruva inscription of Vijayabahu I A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR : No. 40. Peruneyil record of Kulasekhara-Koyiladhikari . . . . . . . DAYA RAM SAHNI : No. 15. Deogarh rock inscription of Svamibhata 16. A Kalachuri stone inscription from Kasia 20. Three Brahmi inscriptions from Kosam :. 23. Don Buzurg plates of Govindachandra: (Vikrama)-Samvat 1176 , 24. Chhatarpur copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanaal : [Vikrams] Samvat 1177 . . . . . . . K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AYYAR -- No. 8. Nidur inscription of Kulottunga-Chola . . 14. Pattattalmangalam grant of Nandivarman . MADHO SARUP VATS : No. 36. Unpublished votive inscriptions in the Chaitya Cave at Karle . . . . . 8. V. VISVANATHA AND T. A. GOPINATHA RAO No. 17. Srirangam oopper-plates of Devaraya If : Saksamvat 1356 128 158 325 . . 367 INDEX . . . . . u n commotions Title-pago, Contents, Lists of Platoe, and Additions and Correotions . . . . . is

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LIST OF PLATES. No. 1. Kondanaguru Grant of Indravarman . . . . . . . between pagos 2 & 3 . 2. Bahur Plates of Nripatungavarman, ia-iiib . . 10 & 12 iva-v . . . . . . to face page 12 4. Inscribed Ralio-Casket from Kurram : the 2ist (P) year . . . . between pages 18 & 19 - 6. Kanyakumari Inscription of Vira-Rajendra : the 7th year, I. 31 & 35 > 6. - - . . . >> " 38 & 39 7. . ,. , . III . . . > > 44 & 45 8. Niduparu Grant of Jayasimha I . . . . . . 56 & 57 9. Ipur Plates of Vishnuvardhana III . . . . to face page 10. Vappaghosha-vata Grant of Jayanaga . 11. Jodhpur Inscription of Pratihara Bauka : Vikrama Samvat 894 96 . 12. Pattattalmangalam Plates of Nandivarman . . . . . . between pages 120 & 121 13. Rock Inscription of Svamibhata from Deogarh . . . . . to face page 126 14. A Kalachuri Stone Inscription from Kasia . . . . . . " 132 15. Srirangam Plates of Devaraya II : Vikrama Samvat 1356 . . . . bet ve 'n pages 142 143 16. Vayalar Pillar Inscription of Rajasimha II . . . . . > > 150 & 151 17. Wooden Pillar with a Brahmi Inscription from Kirari . . . . . to face page 154 18. Brahmi Inscription on a wooden pillar from Kirari . . . . . between pages 156 & 157 19. Three Brahmi Inscriptions from Kosam . . . . . . . to face page 160 20. Srirangam Copper-plate Grant of Krishnadeva-Raya : 8. S. 1436 between pages 162 & 163 .. 21. Huli Stone Inscription of the reigns of Somesvara I and Jagad ekamalla II: Saka 966 and 1067 . . . . . . . . . . to face page 174 22. Huli Stone Inscription of the reign of Vikramaditya VI: Saka 1029. . 197 23. Huli Stone Inscription of the reign of Bijjala : Saka 1084 . . . 214 , 24. Vemalurpadu Plates of Ammaraja II . . . . . . . between pages 230 & 231 25. Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarsha I: Saka-Samvat 793 . . . . 219 & 219 , 26. Kopparam Plates of Pulakesin II , . . . . . to face page 259 27. Takht-i-Bahai Inscription : the year 103, being year 26 of Gudufara . >> 282 Four Bhanja Copper-Plate Grants 28. H-Ganjam Plates of Netribhanjadeva . between pages 292 & 293 , 29. I-Ganjam Plates of Netribhanjadeva, with damaged seal . . . >> 294 & 295 , 30. J-Ganjam Plates of Vidyadharabhanjadeva . . * 296 & 297 , 31. K-Antirigam Plates of Yasabhanjadeva . . * 298 & 209 . 32. Mungir Plate of Devapala : the 33rd year. A--Obverse . to face page 304 ,,33. Mungir Plate of Devapala : the 33rd year. B-Reverse.' . . 306 , 34. Tekkali Plates of Danarnava's son Indravarman . . . . . between pages 310 & 311 ... 35. Tekkali Plates of Rajendravarman's son Devendravarman . >> 312 & 313 36. Penukaparu Grant of Jayasimha II . . . 316 & 317 . 37. Kodavali Rock Inscription of Chandasati : the second year of reign . to face page 318 38. Betma Plates of Bhojadeva : [Vikrama-) Samvat 1076 . . . . between pages 322 & 323 39. Unpublished Votive Inscriptions in the Chaitya Cave at Karle (I) . 326 & 327 >> 40. (11) . . 328 & 329 , 41. Deopani Vishnu Image Inscription . . . . . . . >> 330 & 331 42. Polonnaruva Inscription of Vijayabahu I . . . . . . to face page 337 43. Junagadh Inscription of Jivadaman (I.) . . . . . . . . . 340 .. 44. Perunegil record of Kulasekhara-Koyiladhikari . . . . . . 344 45. Garavapadu Grant of Ganapatideva: Saka 1182 * between pages 350 & 361 3F 2

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 2, 1. 23.-For Bol read Bol. , 6, 1. 30.-For ellacinnum read ellaiinnum. , 10, text l. 11.-- For btindam read vsindam. 13, translation of v. 10.-For toir ght read to right. 16, 1. 2 in para. beginning with "The Palaeography".-For Shah-ji-ki-dheri read Shab-ji-ki. dheri. 17, 1. 2 of translation.--For (Uttarasena ?) read (Uttarasena ?). ,, 18, 1. 4 of Notes.-For-dheri, read -dheri. 21, 1. 3.-For Komarei read Komar. . ., 1. 7 from bottom. For (prasas) read (anuprusas). 22, 1. 1.- For am aturer read a maturer. 23, 1. 13.-For been read born. 26; 1.16. -For Sankara- read Sankara-. 27, 1. 4 from bottom.-For Gangavati read Gangavavi. 28, item 29.-For Kalavali read Kalavali. ,, 29, item 22.- For Kadara read Kadaram. , 30, 1. 7 from bottom.- For nscription read inscription, ,, item 27.-For Parani read -p Parani. , 32, f. n. 1.-Omit the first and '. 33, f. n. 11.-For afea: read ofca:. , 35, text 1. 84.-For quimiraa read qiama. 36, ,,1. 116.-Insert " ()" after c. 40, f. n. 8.-Insert "?" at the end. , 49, translation of v. 12.- For king read kings.. ,,f. n. 1.-Omit the hyphen between.Raja and parampariyam and for Solan rest So!in - 51, f. n. 6.-For Kalingao read Kalingao. , 59, text I. 2.-For-gu- read -ga-. , 61, 1. 13 from the bottom.-For Mayurabhanja read Mayurabhanja. >> >> 1. 10 For akshayarl read akshayani. , 62, 1. 16.-For Amala- read Amala-. 64, 1. 3.--For Bharao read Bharao. ,, ,,, f. n. 1.- For amil read Tamil. , 67, 1. 15 from the bottom.-For Chhandas-sastra read Chhandas-sastra. >> >> 1.7 >> .-For village and Milalalai read village and Mijalai.

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vili EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. Page 76, f. n. 6.-Insert ] at the end. 81, 1. 3 from the bottom.--For Nahar read Nahar. ; 83, f. n. 2.-Omit the "a" at the end of the line. >> 86, 1. 19.--For = read , 92, f. n. 1, 1. 2.- For Hiwen read Hiuen. , 93, 1. 10.--Insert, after Marmad. , 113, f. n. 1, 1. 3.- For Nitisara read -Nitisara. ,, 114, f. ns. 5 & 6.--For ender read render, and for na cription read inscription. > 116, 1. 17.-For-rashtra read -rashtra. ,, 177, 1. 15.- For ghata kayar read Ghatakayar. , , penultimate line.--Insert a between fu and s. , 118, 1.23.--Insert 'r' between 'sepa ' and 'ated'. , , f. n. 2.-For 53 read 541. , f. n. 3.-For IX read XI. , 119, 1. 10.-For tates read states. ,, ,, 1.11.-For fart a T 14 read faut 14 TRIT. , 120, text L 10.-For "faer read of , 124, serial numbers 4, 6, 9 and 10 of the table.For Iradhidara, Enur, 51, 52, Sendao and Sadangao read Iradhitara, Enur, 52, 53, Sendao and Sadangao respectively. 230, 1. 21.-For 'undovbted' and 'thts' read' undoubted' and 'this respectively. , 131, f. n. 2.- For a read at. 139, 11. 3 & 13.--For Nacchikrurchchi and sthanapati read Nachchikrurchchi and sthanapati respectively. 140, 1. 4.-For Musalmans read Musalmans. 141, text 1. 16.--For a read and for reader'. ,, ,, 1. 21.- Foroeflo read . >> 144, ,, .81-Delete. 145, 1. 17.---For sthanapati read sthanapati. ,, , f. n. 1, 1. 2.-For-Kaoya read-Kavya. , 156, 1. 15.-For the read 'to'. ,, ,, 1. 16.-For Hastyao read Hastyao. ,, 159, text 1. 6.-For Vrrisa read Varisa. , 160, 1. 11.-For Sri- read Sri-. , 166, Metres.-For Salini read Salini. , 171, heading.-For 17 read 171. . . 11. 23 & 24.--For eltus' and 'i' read ellu' and is respectively. ,, ,, 1. 26.-Insert a hyphen at the end. , 181, 1. 22.-For Gaya read Gaya. , 183, 1. 8.-For Sobhana- read Sobhana.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 194, f. n. 2.- For th' read the '. , 198, f. n. 3.-For Kalidasa read Kalidasa. ,, 199, f. n. 3, 1. 3.-Forsten' read 'stem'. , 206, 1. 1 of translation of J.--For 'he' read the '. , 217, f. n. 4.-For appaya-' read' Appaya-'. ,, 218, 1. 5.-For Bijjanadeva read Bijjanadeva. , , translation of 11. 38-43.- For dharmeta read dharmmeta 219, f. n. 1.- For foreado , 222, f. n. 4.-For Kamaulf read Kamauli. 223, f. n. 1.-Insert at the beginning. 228, 11. 14 and 17.-For Andeki read Andeki. 234, 1. 20.-->> >> , 235, 1. 6 from bottom.-For Govinda III. read Govinda III, , 240, 1. 4 from the bottom.-For Amogh varsha read Amoghavarsha .. 244, text 1. 12.- For yagfas read caufula. , 250, text 1. 64.- For eft read ft. 253, translation of v. 24.-For Kosala read Kosala. >> >> >> V. 29.-For Jgaattunga read Jagattunga. .. 275, 1. 8 from the bottom.-For full read fall. 285, f. n. 3.-For , read . and commence a new sentence with 'The'. 287, 1. 9.-For Amoghakalasa read Amoghakalasa. , f. n. line 5 from the bottom.-For 49 read . 289, 11. 14 and 42.-For Baripada and Binka read Baripada and Binka respectively. 291, f. n. 2.- For Bhanja and Daspalla read Bhanja and Daspalla respect.vely. , 292, para. 1.-Close the quotation at the end of the penultimate sentence and omit the. quotation mark at the end of the para, 293, II. 1 and 12.-For a read #:. >> 294, text l. 21.-For a sfrat read 1 (eitsfa) and for yo u read 497[*] . >> >> 1. 23.-For T: () apread (sform. >> f. n. 4.-For Auchadeva read Aichadeva. , 297, f. n. 10.-For Matre read Metre. , 305, text 1. 8.-For sva-dharmm read sva-dharmme , 314, f. n. 5.- Por Belu read Bol and omit .Vel XVIII'. 318, f. n. 4.-For Hathigumpha read Hathigumpha. 321, 1. 6 from bottom.-For Delha read Delha. , 322, 1. 4.-For , read . and omit the rest of the paragraph. , 324, 1. 4 from bottom.- For Delha read Delha. , 325, text 1. 2.- For Vitasa[m*]gao read Chitasa Gadeg [N. G. Majumdarg.

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x 33 Page 326, translation of No. I.-For 'Vitasamgata' read 'Chita of the Gatas' [N. G. Majumdar]. text of No. V.-For Chu[la]petukasa read Chulapitukasa. 33 327, 1. 2.-After clear' add [Chulapitukasa means of the father's younger brother, i.e., uncle'.-Ed.] 33 wr 39 * 33 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 33 translation of No. V.-For "Agila, a resident of Chulapetu (?)" read "his uncle (Prakrit Chula -Sanskrit Kshudra") Agila " [N. P. Chakravarti]. VI.-For Chulayakha read "Yakha (Yaksha) the Junior (KshudraYaksha)." 328, No. XI, text and translation. For "Mahamata " read "Malamita (Mahamitra)".-- Ed. translation of No. XII.-For "Dharma devi" read "Dhamadeva (Dharmadeva) ".-Ed. ,, 336, 1. 24.-For Poionnaruva read Polonnaruva.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOLUME XVIII No. 1.-KONDANAGURU GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN. BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Ink impressions of this inscription were sent to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, along with the following description of the original plates: "This set of five copper-plates was received from Pendyala Subrahmanya Sastri, National College, Masulipatam, through the President, District Board, Godavari, in June 1921. The plates are held together by a circular ring rivetted into the back of a circular seal, on the countersunk surface of which are cut, in relief, a crescent, the word sri-Tyagadhenu, and an expanding lotus-flower of six petals. The plates bear writing on eight faces in all, the first and last plates having writing only on their inner sides, and have no raised rims. They measure about 7" in breadth, and a little less than 2' in height. The ring-hole is bored at a distance of about " from the left margin of the plates and measures about " in diameter. The ring has a diameter of about 4", and the seal is a little more than 2" in diameter. The plates, with the ring and seal, weigh 100 tolas. The ring was cut in this office." The writing on the plates is on the whole in a state of very good preservation. The alphabet resembles that of other early Eastern Chalukya inscriptions. The secondary forms of i and i are not always clearly distinguished. The Jihvamaliya occurs in yake kaschid (1.30). A final form of m is frequently used; one of t is found in pradat (1. 18) and vaset (1. 34), one of n in raja[r]shin (1. 26), and one of in -Bol (four times in 1. 28 f., and once in l. 37). The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose; but three verses of Veda-Vyasa are quoted in lines 31-35. The Telugu plural -Bol occurs four times in line 28 f., and once in line 37. Lingual is used also in Chalukyanam (1. 6), -yugalah (1. 16), and in the Telugu villagename Vellekki (1. 29). The Telugu r occurs in the two village-names Cheruparu (1. 20) and Irrala[r] (1. 22). The vowel ri after consonants is generally expressed by the syllable ri. After r, consonants (except sibilants) are doubled, and dh is doubled before y in maddhye (1. 21). In -vaksha-sthalasya (1. 9 f.) is elided before sth. In line 28 the group j is employed instead of jf in vinjapanaya and anjapti (for ajnapti). In line 21 the adjective niv[a]sin seems to be used in the sense of lying, situated.' 4 The inscription records the grant of the village of Kondanaguru to the Brahmana Chendisarman by the Maharaja Indravarman, surnamed eri-Tyagadhenu, i.e. the (celestial) cow in liberality,' who was a son of the Maharaja Vishnuvardhana and a grandson of the Maharaja Kirtivarman, and who belonged to the family of the Chalukyas. The donor's father, Vishnuvardhana, has to be identified with Vishnuvardhana I, the founder of the [The inscription has been reviewed in the Epigraphical Report for 1922; App. A, No. 2, and p. 96.-Ed.] The same surname forms the legend on the seal of this grant which is reproduced on the back of Plate of the Niduparu grant of Jayasimha I, infra.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vor. XVIII. Eastern Chalukya dynasty, who is known to have been the younger son of the Western Chalukya king Kirtiyarman I. Consequently, Indravarman must be the actual name of the younger son of Vishnuvardhana I, who is called Indra-Bhattaraka or Indraraja in the inscriptions of his successors, and who, according to later tradition, reigned only for seven days. The grant seems to have been made at the request of a chief named Kondivarman, and the executor of the grant seems to have been Indravarman's eldest son, who likewise bore the name Indravarman. From other inscriptions we know only of a single son of Indra-Bhattaraka or Indrartja, who succeeded to the throne as Vishnuvardhana II. Line 28 f. contains four signatures of witnesses of the grant, each of which consists of the name of some village, followed by the word Bol. In the opinion of Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri, Bol (for Boyali) is the Telugu plural of Boya. In the Chendalir plates of A.D. 673, Boya ooours five times, and is once replaced by the Sanskrit word vdstavya, a resident, inhabitant." The same must be the meaning of the word Boya in a grant of Vishnuvardhana II, where a large number of donees are mentioned by name and are stated to have been Boyas, i.e. residents,' of certain villages. In the Chendalar plates of A.D. 673 the actual names of the dones are omitted, and the expression resident of such and such a village ' is employed in the place of the donee's proper name. Similarly, the donee's grandfather, Durgasartman, receives in the subjoined grant the epithet. Irratu[r]-Boya by name' (1. 22). It might be concluded from this that Boya is the designation of a village-clerk (Karnam). But this possibility is excluded by the fact that in the above-mentioned grant of Vishnuvardhana II two different individuals, Vennisarman and Chamundisarman, are stated to have been Marata-Boya, i.e.' resident of Marata. In a grant of Bhima I the donee (or his grandfather) is styled Ummarakapthi-Bol, i.e. a resident of Ummara kanthi.! This use of the plural Bol suggests that the berm Bol in Alapak-BO, eto. (1.28 f.), and in Choda-Bol (1.37) will have to be explained the honorifio plural of Boya,' a resident, inhabitant.' Liner 19-21 contain the names of four villages which formed the boundaries of the village granted, Kondanagara. The boundary in the South was Cherupuru (1. 20). This village is perhaps identical with Cherupurs in the Plaki district, which, according to Dr. Fleet, was probably an older form of Chipiirapalle in the present Vizagapatam District. The remaining village-names I am unable to identify. TEXT. First Plate ; Second Side 1 Svati Ge] Srimatam(tam). sakala-bhavana-sarstayamana-Ma[na]vya-sago % tro m(nam) Hariti putranam(pa) svami-Mahasena-p[AO]d-Inadhya3 tenam (am) Kausiki.vara-prasada-labdha-rajy[&]nam bhagavan-Narayana-pra4 Ida-bamasadlita-varaba-lnchhan-ekshana-kshana-vagikri(kri:)t- sha 1. See above, Vol. VII, Asperdix, p. 16 vnd gute 9. See my remarks, above, Vol. VIII, p. 238. . Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 287 f: Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 188, text lithes 41 and 60. Above, Vol. V, p. 139, text line 6.. This is the actual tranding of the Chiparapalle-plate of/Vahqurudhaan I; 16 abovey. Vol. IX, p. 318, et. Vol. XII, 138, * Ind. Ant., Vo: XX. pp. 15, 96, * Prom ink imprigione supplied by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sutri. . This word is onterad by the writer on the left side of line 2:

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KONDANAGURU GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN. peeti' TWICH TRT, tttyPUJ NRENDATITUS Stud2TtdmHTTI ias. mtu = 30 13 TIPS ' Rat 10 SUNGSBaaciym ctkuptaa eyes *RUTTU24UTS tppaavil ceeraatu 12 iiia. 38.paavog ptum 14 taatu angzDTED anccmpttaam taa1 254 8 :3g =tu * vaayOCIETTEkaat 16 SURVEY OF INDIA. II. KRISHNA SASTRI. SCALE -75.

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18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 iiib. c # taacaaaacccai mukt tiruptu innnku.a ci ci.ptvil ttaacrai J 078203&t! Gvcnnnum ikti126 BReg :Thoceslunyceevirtlovik tnnn kulllltaiighs; 22 9yr - Pa iva. aavirnnttu c78g&lukk-12-laannntu. oppulllaa vti8eetiruyaacrsd ciir cirikkuntuurrucol tiai vaiyirvl plll/y tnnnaavi MkaaKAISF02 kh H ivb. 15 CED oorvittirumpil 10 civkr Tmunreakkkmullaa ciw9a?419/782-44(4843284 tuuturraannnuru ?47*89@849 @ex pci:3epi=kutilaartnnnai nikilllkinnn va. I ttkkirttuk mutcri/c1 y pircittutnnnuk2m@123caacnnn kur: cuntiylum c 24gt 4 JIM ettinnnil

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No. 1.) KONDANAGURU GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN. Second Plate ; First Side. 5 mahibhritam [-]asvamedh-avablaritha-snana-pavitrikrikri)ta-minasa-Carina]6 nam(nam) sva-ya-vishayikri(ksi)ta-trailokyanam (narh) Chalukyanam(nan) ku7 lam-ala[m]kri(kli)tya nija-janmanah(na?) virejamanah(nah?) $ri-Ki[r*]ttivarmma maha8 rajasya napta sri-Vishnuvarddhana-maharajahl tuna-mukha-ga(sa)ta-ripu Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 vijaya-samupalabdha-Sri-vadhu-nivasayamina-vipula-vaksha-sthala20. sya putrah fakti-traya-samadhigata-maha-khyati-vibhuti[b] tri11 vargga-seva-nipunah Poranapurusha ivs bahu-loka-stu12 tah Puraratir-iva bhata-gana-priyah dvitiya iva Makaradhvajah iva Third Plate; First Side 13 panchama iva lokapalah Pridhagrasata iva satya-Bandhah sari(ra)t-kala 14 krita-bandhujiv-otsavah pirvv-achalondra iva mitr-oday-anukula15 mahima mahipati-makuta-tate-ghatita-maharatna-marichi-mer 16 njari-ranjita-charan-aravinda-yugalah kr-Indrava[r]mma-maharajah Tya17 gadheny-apara-namadheyah ndaka-purvvakar sarvva-kara(ra)-parihar-opetam Third Plate; Second Side 18 brahmad[*]yiksitya Kondapaguru-namagrama-gramam pradat [*] Tasya gramasya 19 dig-vibhaga[b ] | Uttaratah Mujuzithra-nama-grama[h 1] Purvvatah Pagun Oru nama-gra20 mah [*] Dakshina-vibhag-[a(r)]vasthitah Cherupuru-naimh-granath ] Paschimatah Irbba21 [lji nama-gr[a]mah [18] Etesam gram [a]nam maddhyem niv[a]et kritah [1] Vajasaneya-cha22 rapasya Du[ro]ggata[ro]mmanah(90) Brahma-vihita-karmma-niratasya frala[r) Boya-nama Fourth Plate; First Side 28 [brahmana]sya pautraya? abhijana-vidya-vri(vri)ttavatah(to) Bharadvaja-sagdtra24 sya Vishousarm manah patraga vedavid-vipra-samstayamana-charitaya 25 Chentifarmmans matapitror=atmanag-cha panyo(ny-)vaptay&(ya) iti cha [1] 26 Bhavind raja[r*]shin yathopachara-purassaram(rar) sammanayati [*] Aryya. 37 hu-va[rn] fa-gagana-tilaka-bhata-Kondi]varmmana maharajasy-digranata 1" Read makarajnsya: Read ofdhatinutri * Road Prits-agra-nuta ( e. Yudhishthira). * The syllable lo is corrected by the writer from 10. Read malara jar=Tjagadadwo-apara-ramadhayan." Cancel this antura Raid pasitrageabnijuma.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. Fourth Plate ; Second Side. ndravarm mana namadhoyal vinjapanaya tasy-Asjaptirovam Alap ka-Bo! 89.. ppi-Bo[!] Somayajula-Vellekki-Bo! Marata-Bo! [1] Apicha mobal-lobha30 d-va yah-kaschid=vighna-karttara sa pancha-mabapataka-yukto bhavishyati iti cha [1] 31 Veda-Vya[sa*]sy. flok[a]s-ch-atra [1] Nighnato bha[r*]tri(tri)-go-vipra-bala yoshit-ta32 pasvinah [*] ya gatis-sibhavet=vrittimo harata[bo] fasan-ankitam (il 1 M Shashthimma varsha-88 Fifth Plate: First Side. 33 ha(ha)krani svargg tishthati bhtimi-da[b ] | Akshepta cheanumant[a*) cha tany-ova na34 rake vasot [ll 2 1*] Bahubhir=vva[su*]dba datta bahabhis-ch-an upalita [18] yasya-ya85 sya yada bhumi[s-] tasya-tanya tada phalam[|| 3 ||*) Iti Kanakarama-likhi36 to ka ba (ra) no chatushashthyasah7 [] Etesha namanam kaik-asah 37. [palva]kam)-ok-ama[i] [1"] Choda-Bolo tri(tri)tly- [m]sam [lo] ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. The Maharaja Indravarman, whose other name was Tyagadhenu (1. 16 f.), adorned the family of the Chalukyas (1. 6 f.); was a grandson of the Maharaja Kirtivarmen (1. 7 f.); and was a son of the Maharaja Vishnuvardhanglo (11. 8-10). He granted the villagell of Kondanagaru (1. 18) to Chendisarman (1.25), son of Vishnusarman of the Bharadvaja gotra (!. 23 f.) and grandson of Durgasarman, (also called Irralu(r)-Boya, of the Vajasaneya charana (11. 21-23). The boundaries of the village granted were : in the North, Mujumauru ; in the Kast, Pagundru; in the South, Cherupuru; and in the West, Irbba[lji (11. 18-21). The grant seems to have been made at the instance of a chief named Kondivarmen, who belonged to the family of Aryyahu(P), and at whose request the Maharaja's (viz. Indravarman's) eldest son, who, (like his father), bore the name Indravarman, was appointed executor (ajnapti) of this (grant).19 Line 28 f. seems to contain the names of four witnesses of the grant, preceded by the particle evam, thus,' viz. Alapaka-Bol, , . ppi-Bol, Bomayajula-Vellekki-Bol, and Marata-Bo." Read perhaps Indratarmma-namadhoyo. * Read rignapanaya tasy=ajnaptihl Eram=. Read kartta. * Read bhavishyat=iti. Read bhaved=orittim. * Read Shashfith. Read chatuhshashty-anfas. . Read perhaps Etoshan brahmananam ekaik-ana). A point or dash is engraved between bo and ). 10 The genitive -paksha-sthalasya in line 9 f. proves that the nominative maharajah in line 8 must be mistake of the clerk who drafted the grant, for maharajasya. 21 The text reads grama-grama, village of villages,' i.e. a large village' (P) or 'a chief village' (r)). The me expression occurs in another Eastern Chalukya grant; see Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 138, text live 18. 12 The parpose of the pamage from which 1 derive these statements (II. 26-28) is uncertain. If my correction Indratarmma-namadhiyo is accepted, it would still be necessary either to supply after Konditarmmand the word kritaya qualifying the instrumental vijfiapanaya, or to read Kondisarmmano. 10 Bel is the honoritic plural of Boya, 'a resident, inhabitant'; see my remarks on p. & above. * The epithet Marafa-Boga is applied to two of the donees in a grant of Vishnuvardhana Il; see Ind. Ant., Wai. VII, p. 188, text Maes 41 and 50. In 1. 80 of that grant, san pragta must be corrected into sampratta.

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No. 2.] BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN. (This) edict (sasana) was written by Kanakarama (1. 35 f.). The village granted was divided into 64 shares, of which each of the doneest received one share (1. 36). "The last line (37) contains the names of two further recipients of shares, of whom the first, whose name is doubtful, received one share, and the other, named Choda-Bol, one-third share. No. 2.-BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN. BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, P .D.; HALLE (SAALE). As stated by M. Julien Vinson, this inscription is engraved on flve copper-plates which were discovered by M. Jules Delafono in 1879'at & depth of about one metre, in the middle of a structure of bricks, at six metres south of the pagoda of Bahur, an important locality on the south of Pondicherry, from which it is 23-5 kilometres distant. The plates are now preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. They measure about 91.5 millimetres in height, 20)9 mm. in breadth, and 4:1 mm, in thickness, and weigh altogether 3106 grammes. There is the usual ring-hole, 13.5 mm, in diameter, at a distance of 9-10 mm. from the left margin of each plate; but the ring which must have been originally passed through the holes and borne the royal seal, has not been recovered. It had surely been broken long ago; for the first side of the third plate and the second side of the second one are in worse condition than the other sides. They were no doubt on the outside of the set. This allows us to conclude that the document has been buried with carelessness or in impatient haste.' I am deriving all these details from M. Vinson's article Le college de Bahour au IXe siecle,' in which he fornis.ed a tentative transcript and translation of the inscription. Years ago I had published a few remarks on it, based on a transcript which had been prepared by a Tamil pandit and supplied to me by M. Delafon. This transcript has been recently printed in full, with some additional remarks, by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri. The historical importance of the record now induces me to re-edit it from a set of photographs which M. Vinson had been good enough to send me in 1905. The photographs are not quite perfect and distinct, but nearly every detail of the text can be made out from them with certainty. The languages of the inscription are Sanskrit and Tamil, and the alphabets are Grantha and Tamil, respectively. There are 32 Sanskrit verses (11, 1-45 and 74-77); the rest of the text is in Tamil prose (II. 45-74 and 78 f.). Grantha letters are occasionally used also in the Tamil portion (Nri, 1. 45; rmma, 1. 46; brahmadeya, 1. 50; vidyastha, 11. 51, 71; vidyabhaga, 11, 52, 71 f.; ha and vyavaste(ethai), 1. 72; sarurapariha, brahma, and datti, 1. 73; Uditodaya and de, 1. 78; Nripatu ga, 1. 79), and the Tamil syllable rai occurs in a Sanskrit verse (1. 34), while the purely Tami] name Nilaitangi is written in Grantha letters (Nilaitang-iti, 1. 30). In the Sanskrit portion, the secondary form of i is not distinguished from that of i, nor that of ri from that of ra, nor p from v. In the Tamil portion, the length of initial i and o is not marked in eri (1. 72) and odai (1. 69). The secondary forms of i, e, o are the same as those of i, e, o. The length of the vowel is marked in ur, Vagur, 'Urattur, rur, nur, and posi; but the mu of immunrurum (1. 50) does not differ in shape from mu, and from the lu of -paluri= (1. 68). The names of the 64 shareholders are not specified, but the latter are alluded to by the pronoun ete, these,' which implies that they were assembled in the king's presence when he made the grant. For similar instances of the use of the pronoun tad see above, Vol. IX, p. 59, note 6. The unnamed doneos perhaps consisted of the chief donee Chendisarman and his relatives, and of the four persons who were mentioned as witnesses of the grant in lino 28 f. 1 To the same gentleman we owe the discovery of the Kasakadi plates of Nandivarman (S. I. 1, Vol. II, No. 73). Memoiru Orientaux (Paris, 1905), pp. 211-263. Above, Vol. IV, p. 180 f. S. I. I., Vol. II, pp. 513-517.

Page #23
EPIGRAPALA INDICA [VOL. XVIII All these defective spellings are well known from many other Tamil inscriptions. They were not intended to imply actual differences of pronunciation, but are only due to the yet imperfect development of the old Tamil alphabet. In my transcript, I have, therefore, sub stituted the long vowels wherever they are required. In the Sanskrit portion, a final form. of m is frequently employed (11. 11, 12, 13, etc.). Virama is expressed by a vertical dash after * (11. 10, 29 (P), 35 (P), 40, 41), but seems to be omitted generally after final t (11. 4, 5, 26, 29, 30, 45), where I have tacitly supplied it. Superscribed has the same shape as Virama, but is represented by a point in mirhabhau (1. 16) and -purovaka[m] (1, 32). In the Tamil portion, Virama is expressed only in two instances: by a vertical dash in tan (1. 48), and by a point (pulli) in im (1. 50). In the Sanskrit portion, the end of a verse is marked indiscriminately by various signs of punctuation, consisting of one or more of five different elements (1,1b, 0-), but which I have in every case replaced by the usual mark (l1). The end of the first half of a verse is marked by a horizontal line (--) only in five instances (11. 13, 15, 17, 26, 30). At the end of the two Tamil passages, two other signs of punctuation are employed, tis. : 110 (1. 74) and :In- (1. 79). The orthography of the Sanskrit portion calls for a few remarks, Tamil pronunciation is responsible for the forms Tantivarmman (11. 14, 18) for Dantivarniman, and rebha (1.33) for repha, and agatha (1. 37) is meant for agadha. The group ksh is replaced by tsh in raratsha (1.9 f.), tshmapala: (1.14 f.), -didritshaya (1. 17), and Latshmir- (1. 20). The Sandhi rules are disregarded in palanat-bhumini (1. 15), ksitaran=sastra- (1. 46), svarggam-vimanena (1. 13), and labdham-vidya- (1. 35). Visarga is dropped, not only, as optionally permitted, in teja sthiti- (1.3) and dasa 8thanasya (1. 44), but also in ta sriyam- (1.1) and rajnia frio (11. 21, 42), Consonants are doubled after , with four exceptions (Sri-bhartus-, 1.3, nirbabhau, 1. 16, and Dha[r*]jafir-jata, 1. 36). Double t is simplified before u in datva (1. 39) and tatva (1. 45). The Tamil of the grant portion is on the whole correct. The only mistakes in it are pakamum (1.49) for opakkamum, naffi and vidutka (1.53) for nati and vidukka, vidunda (1. 56) for vidutta, t mam (1. 67) for urum, vyavasteyum (1.72 f.) for vyavasthaiyum, and a few other slipa in the two last lines of the inscription. The genitive aftiz in is joined to ellai, a boundary,' without Sandhi in ellavin (11. 58, 63, 64 f., 65, 66), and its final, is doubled before the conjunctive affix um in ellaunnum (11. 58, 59, 60, 61). Similarly, the past relative participle ayina is spelt aina (1. 62). For the past gerund ay we have ayi (1, 72, and twice in l. 73), which is an archaie form; meyi (1.68) for mey, 'to graze) and Neltayiprakkam (1. 59 f.) for Nelayppakkam. The metres of the Sanskrit portion are: Drutavilambita (verses 1, 7), Vasantatilaks (15, 31), Arya (32), and Anushtubh (3-6, 8-14, 16-30). The metre of verse 2 is Praharshini; but its fourth Pada is Anushtubh, and in each of the two first Padas the tenth and eleventh syllables of the Praharshipi metre are missing. I am unable to correct and translate this verse in a satisfactory manner. The Tami) portion of the inscription records a grant of three villages, and the Sanskrit portion preceding it professes to be a eulogy (Prasasti, 1. 45) celebrating the donor. The Tamil and the Sanskrit versions supplement and corroborate each other, and have both to be considered together. The grant was made in the eighth year (11. 46, 51) of the reign, of king (ko) Vijaya-Nfipatungavarman (1. 45 f.), or simply Nripetungavarman (1.74 f.), Nripatunga (11. 24, 25, 32), or Tangavarman (1. 42), who boasted of the title lord of the three worlds (11. 22 f., 41 f.). Verses 2-16 contain the following genealogical account of this king. From the lotus-flower arising from Vishnu's navel was produced Brahma; from him, Abgiras; from him, Brihaspati; from him, Samya; from him, Bharadvaja ; from him, Dropa; from him, Asvatthaman; and from him, king Pallava (verse 6). The same mythical pedigree in fonnd at the begin. *Cf. 8. I. I., VOL I, Preface, p. v. to In varshayad (1.16 1.) the doubling of the abilant is prohibited by Pipin, VIN, 4, 49

Page #24
No. 2.) BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN. ning of several inscriptions of the Pallava kings of Kanchi. Next we are told that from the family of Pallava arose a group (of kings) commencing with Vimala and Konkonika' (verse 7), and that, after Vimala, etc., had gone to heaven' (terse 8), there was Dantivarman (verse 9), whose son was Nandivarman (verse 12). As I have suggested on a former occasion, the group (of kings) commencing with Vimala and Konkanika', which is sandwiched between the mythical king Pallava and the historical king Dantitarman, probably owes its mention to the desire of claiming for the latter connection with the Western Ganga kings, whose ancestor is believed to have been Konkani. The queeri of Nandivartan, Sankha by name, was borti in the Rashtrakuta family (verse 13) and bore to him the donor of this gratit, Nripatunga (verse 15). Of him verse 16 tells us that he supplied a Pandya king, whose proper name is not disclosed, with an army, and that he defeated some enemies, who are not specified either, on the further bank of the Arichit river. The name of this river must be a Sanskritized form of Artsil, a branch of the Kaveri which enters the sea at Karaikkal (Katikat). It may be concluded from verse 16 that Nripatunga allied himself with a Patidya king and undertook a expedition into the dominions of the Chola king. The two names Dantivarmat and Nripatuniga odeur also among the Rashtrakuta kings, with whom Nanditarmat becaine Ectually connected through his queen Sankha, and Dantivarman is perhaps identical with Dantiga, the ruler of Kanchi who was defeated by the Rashtrakota king Govinda III in A.D. 804.* Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri has shown quite recently that the Velirpalaiyam plates of Vijaya-Nandivartha'ni and the Tandantottam plates of Vijt ya-Nepdivikremavarman probably belong to the reign of Nripatunga's father Nandivatman. According to the Tamil portion, the grant was made at the request of Vesali-peraraiyan (1. 46), i.e. the great chief of Vesali.' The Sanskrit portion supplies his proper name, Martanda (1. 27 f.), and his surname, Nilaitangi (1. 30), and cells him, with a play on his name Martanda, the sun of the Vegali family' (1. 27 f.). From other inscriptions we learn that Vesa. lippadi was the name of a province, of which Vagur-nadu, i.e. the country round Bahar, formed a subdivision. Evidently Martanda was a hereditary chief of this province. He elaimed descent from the family of Kuru (11. 27, 31 f., 43), the mythical ancestor of the heroes of the Mahabharata. At his own request (11. 32, 46 f.), he had received three villages in his own province (roshtra) from king Nripatunga (verse 21). This probably means nothing but that his sovereign accorded him permission to give away these three villages, and explains two apparently conflicting statements, vis. that, in verses 23, 26, and 29, Martanda is represented as the actual donor, while, in verse 31, Nripatungavarman claims the merit of having made the grant himself The executor (ajnapti in Sanskrit, 11. 32, 39, and 41, or anatti in Tamil, 1. 47) of the grant was Uttamasila (1. 41), the minister (mantrin) of king Tungavarman (1. 42), i.e. of Nripatanga. He had the title Videividugu-Kadupetti-Tamila-perarsiyen (1. 47), i.e. the great chief of the Tamilians of Videlvinugu-Kadupatti.' As Kadupatti is a synonym of Pallava, Uttamasila's title suggests that Videlvidugu, i.et. 'the crashing thunderbolt,' was a surname of the Pallava king Nripatunga. The same word Videlvidiga seems to have been a surname of his father Nandivarman. For an inscription of king Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman and of his feudatory, the Bana chief Vikramadity at Tiruvallam records the grant of a village named Videlvidagu-Vikkiramaditta chaturvedimangalam. The first member of this compound word Above, Vol. IV, p. 181. * cf. above, Vol. III, p. 164, 6, 8, and 61. L, Yol. III, 98 t. . 8. 1. 1., Vol. II, p. 62, n. 8. Ind. Amt., Vol. II, p. 187. SI J., Vol. it, PP. 508, 18. * Thiu Tamil name is paraphrased in Sanskrit by lokanai wilaya) (1. 29). See M. Vmood's 'article, p. 381 7., and Venkayga's Preface to S. L'I, Vol. 11, pat * Bep above, Vol Vu, p. 25, n. 1, and J. BA, 8., 1013, p. 6277 $. I. , Vol. , N 44.

Page #25
8 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XVIII must refer to Nripatunga's father Nandivarman,1 and the second one to the Bapa chief Vikramaditya. The executor (anatti) of the Tiruvallam grant was Kadupatti-Tamila-pera [rai]yan which may be taken as a title either of Uttamasila himself, or of another minister who preceded him in office during the reign of Nandivarman. The recipients of the grant were the residents of a seat of learning' (vidya-sthana), or college, at Vagur (11. 51 f., 71; see also 11. 35, 37 f., 38 f., and 44 of the Sanskrit portion), i.e. Bahur, where the plates were discovered by M. Delafon. As M. Vinson remarks, the modern form looks like a learned corruption, deriving the ancient name Vagur from the Sanskrit bahu, an arm,' instead of the Tamil vagu, 'beauty.' The grant was to be a vidya-bhoga (11. 52, 71 f.), i.e. a source of revenue for the promotion of learning. This is perhaps the earliest case on record of a university scholarship or educational endowment. As in the Leyden plates (a scholarly transcript, translation, and analysis of which still remain a desideratum), the official routine cbserved in this grant was as follows. The three villages having been granted to the Vagar college, an order (tirumugam, 1. 54) communicating this fact and calling for a report (araiyolai, 11, 53, 55, 56) was issued to the headmen of KilveliVagur-nadu, (a subdivision of the district) of Aruva-nadus (1. 48). Having read the order, the headmen of the nadu reverently placed it on their heads and circumambulated the limits of the villages granted. Line 40 of the Sanskrit portion suggests that, as in the case of the Leyden plates, they were accompanied by an elephant whose hoofprints marked the boundaries, on which they raised stones and planted milk-bush (11. 53, 55). The names of the three villages were Settuppakkam, Vilangattengaduvanur, and Iraippunaichcheri (11. 48-50). According to the report submitted by the headmen of the nadu, their boundaries were as shown in the two subjoined diagrams (11. 56-66). Vagur a Brahmadeya Mambakkam Vilangattan. gaduvapur Settuppakkam Urattur Nelvayippakkam N Nenmalippakkam & forest Nenmalippakkam 1 Just as his name is given here and in other inscriptions in the fuller form of ko Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, his son Nripatungavarman calls himself also ko Vijaya-Nripatungavikramavarman; see above, Vol. IV, p. 180 f. and Vol. VII, p. 140. See his article, p. 236. Cf. Venkayya's Preface to 8. I. I., Vol. II, p. 27. According to the Tamil dictionaries, Arava-nadu is one of the two districts in which common Tamil (Kodun-Tamil) is spoken, the second being Aruva-vadatalai-nadu. Spelt Cheffuppakkam in Grantha (1. 32 f.).

Page #26
No. 2.] BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGA VARMAN. Vagtr Kirimanpatti Ipippapai chcheri Nerunjikarumbu M. Vinson has consulted a local map and tells us that, besides Vagar (Bahir), two of these village-names survive to the present day: Kirimanpatti is now represented by Kirimambakkam, 6 kilometres north-east of Bahir, and Vilangattangaduvanir is perhaps connected with Kaduvanur, 5 kilometres west of Bahir. I hope my Brahmin friends in Madras will find an opportunity for making enquiries on the spot, and will succeed in identifying a few more of the village-names which are registered in the detailed description of the boundaries of the grant. a forest In verse 30 we are told that the Sanskrit prasasti, which forms the first portion of the inscription, was composed by Nagaya, a servant of the Vagar college. At the end of the whole document, its writer informs us of his name and parentage in a Sanskrit verse (32) and in Tamil prose, (1. 78 f.). He was a goldsmith (suvarnakrit or, in Tamil, tattan), named Nripatunga (11. 77, 79),evidently after his sovereign,-a hereditary servant of the Pallava family, the son of Madevi-perundattan, and the grandson of Uditodaya-perund ttan of KilPaisaram near Kachchipedu (Conjeeveram). The name, or rather the title, of his father means 'the great goldsmith (by appointment) to the chief queen.' Similarly, the name of his grandfather would mean the great goldsmith (by appointment) to (king) Uditodaya,' and Uditodaya (1. 78) or Uditodita (1. 76) may have been a surname of one of the immediate predecessors of king Nripatungavarman. Uditodita is actually known to have been one of the numerous birudas of Rajasimha, an earlier Pallava king of Kanchi. From this king it may be supposed to have descended to one of the predecessors of Nripatungavarman. TEXT. First Plate; First Side. 1 Svasti sri[h] Disatu va[h] sriyam-ambuja-lochanas-tridasa-maali-nighri 2 shta-pad-ambujah [] sakala-loka-bhayamkara-rakshasa-prasama-netur-a 3 je (jo) Madha (dhu)-sndanah || [1] Srt-bhartas-sayana parasys netre yat= teja[b] sthiti-laya-su 1 See his article, p. 235 f. -From a set of photographs supplied by M. Julien Vinson. Read perhaps -bhulutajak. S. 1. I., Vol. I, p. 15, 6th niche.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVII. 4 ti-hetuh [1] tan-nabher=ajani samasta-bajam-abjam-Atmayonis-tato-bhavat || [ 2 ] 5 A[n]giras=tata atpanno loka-nathach=chaturmmukhat (1) Brihaspatis-tato 6 mantri Sakrasya Vala-bhedina| [31] Tatas-Samyus=tato je (ja)jno Bharadvaja-sa7 mahvayah [I] tato Drono mah-oshvasas=samar Sakra-vikramah | [4 II Tats 8 Dronim-maha bahus-sarvva-yu[do]dha-visarada) [1] Asvatthami kil-Imgona samba9 bhuva Pinkkinah | [5 ] Asvatthamnas-tato raja Pallav-akhyo babhava (yah) [*] ra First Plate; Second Side. 10 ratshaksha) nava-khanda-sthan-bhupatin-sa-kfishivalan II.[6 Il Vimala-Kom kanik. adi ta11 d-anvayad=ajani brindam-ari-pramad-anatam [19] nihita-sasanam-anya-nfiposhv=api 12 priyataman=jaya-ghosham=anaratam [71] Bhuktva bhuvam 868-Viryyeps chatus-[sa)13 gara-mekhalam tata[ho] svarggam-vimanenal gateshu Vimal-adishu || 181] A. 14 sit-Purandara-samo rija dripa(dha)-bhaktir-Mmura-dvipi(shi) [io] TaDs)ntivatmm maha-[b]Thuh tahma(kshma). 15 pala-makut-anatah !! [91] Dharmmena palanat(a)=bhumim Kalav=api yugo npipah | va16 rshanad=api danasya parijanya iva nirbabhau || [10 || Atmano baridi-yukt [nam] Ya17 m-alaya-didsitsha (ksha)ya. / patheyam-iva kritv=arin=paplani visa [sa]rjja ya || [11 1) Nandi18 varmma maha-bahus=sa jato Te(Da)ntiva[r*]mmanah [1] Bamare vijita bhamir=asahayo Second Plate; First Side. 19 na yena sah || [121] Asich-Ohhankh-ahvaya devi tanv-angNandivarmmanah [1] Rashtra20 kuta-[ku]le jata Latshmi(kshmi)r=iva Mura-dvishah || [13 |"] Kahamiyati dharitr=iv& ma[tri(r)]-vaj-jagatah 21 priya [1] habhau samkh-ahvaya devi rijna[b] Srirsiva ripini || [141] Tasyam 22 [ba] bhava mati-kanti-kal-adimatyam-manyah kulena gunavan-bhavana-tray-e23 sah [1] utpadyamana-tapanadhipa-tulya-teja jish uh kalavan=samare. 24 Nripatum gadevah || [15 ) Yat-prasid-a[r*]ijita sona Pandyens samare pura [] 25 paro-Richit-saraj-agnir=ddadaha ripa-amhatim || [16 |] Nripatumga iti khyato 26 balo=pi bhuvan-esvarah khyato na kevalam-bhumav=amushminn-api Rama-vat 27 | [17 ||*] Tasy-opakara-samyukto rajnah Kuru-kul-odbhavah [l*] Vesali-yamsa-MI 1 Bead Roarggan pimanona. * To satisfy the metre, this word must be cancelled. . Read perus;s yukt-anyans. * Read perhape -kandini. * Pead gajito. * fustead of the last syllable of kalavan, the metre requires hurt syllable ; rond perhape kalapa-samare

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BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN. ia. rerukotomo, 38220822008 kisan 2001noraintanoshinchira notsukuritakuchiiiyatsutorainnokimama2003 200923513yuzihungaarunodearuko Guo C07725 sonochinsutokonpura:tarururu ru ru ~ 9 : aaiunoha, metanhatsutannokokoniaru kurashitsukusudeikun37noramen . satekonoiziranramenmiroshiyuzukonto220 ranshi ii a. iikoikoinokotodesu. EC2 kirukoshimiwoto kokodetorutoBE 31 sutasurukou shiyunosubete 26 ama SCALE THREE-FOURTHS. HIRANANDA SANTRI. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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mikarasuruko 36 ii a. ini b. bentogoto Towered kokodesatsukuru 522112342ca30 2 WESTrusoudesu. konoGong he! 22 A4 Kois sukin 245R2237 AUTIE, mitakute asstagrsg kurukuruchitansumiyu

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No. 2] BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN. 11 Second Plate Second. Side. 28 rttandah prajanam sarana ratah || [18 l"] Sasi-vat-telako loka gambhiryga adan? 29 samudra-vat ( 80[r]yya-vad-rakshapal-lokan lokaninnilayo nripab [19 ||*] 30 Tasmat=tasy-ochitan-nama Nilaitang Iti deva-vat) athava sutaran=nama-pra31 tyakshatvad=visam=pateh || [2011] Grama-trayam 868-rashtro sah Kuru-vamia vivarddha32 nah [19] vijna (pya] Nripatunag-etalalabdham=ajnapti-purvvaka[m] [21 ] Ohettu33 ppakkam-phal-adharam gramameekumanth=¶m [19] gramah(mara). Vidya vilamg-adi-rebh(ph)-a34 nta-pada-namaka[m]. ll [221] Tasmad-Iraippunaichcherin=tritiya sarvva-Esampajuam [1] evam 35 grama-traya l abdham-vidya-sthanayat dattavan | [23"||") Mandakinin samayantim-urmmi36 vega-samakulam () sa [ba]bhara yatha devo Dho[ro]jatir-jatay-aikayt | 24 | Third Plate; First Side. 37 Vidya-nadi tath-ag[X]tha(dha) Sohaturddisa-gan-akala, [19]. Vago[xlgrima jasle [dan] 38 sthanam vyapya yasmad=vyavasthita 11. [25 11*] Tat=sthanam-evam vidushan.. vidyer 39 sthanam=prachakshate [1] tebhyo datvattva) sa bhopalo graman=ajnapti40 parvvakan || [261] Hasti-sanchari-simantan=atmanam-bahu-manyate [1] yuktanesa 41 Tuva-(pa]rtharair-akaratvena rakshitan || [27 11"] Ajnaptir-Uttame filles-trailo42 ky-ebyara-pajitah [1] mantri Brihaspati-prakhyo rajna[b]. sr1-Tung va[r]mmaneh ||.[28] 43 Acaminah prajapalau-yachate Kuru nandanah [1] dha[rmma syaitasys pamanya44 taepalaniya iti svayam || [29 (1) Dasa[] sthanasya vidyaya Vagur-grama jusham-845 yam [1] kritavan()=sastra-tatva(ttva)-jnah prasastin-Nagayas=su[kri*]t ( [30*] Ko Visaiya-Nfi Third Plate; Second Side. 46 patongavarmmarku yandu ettavadu Vesali-pperaraiyan vinnap47 pattal Videlvidagu-Kadupatti-Ttamila-pporaraiyan anatti aga 49 Aruvanabba-Kkivali-Vagur,nattu nattir -kange (1) Teninttu Sette 49 ppa[k]kamum Vilangattangaluvenirum Iraippunaichcheriyu50 m-aga immdprurum palayav-afamum brahmadoyamumo nikki mgu. 51 D perrirai marri yandu ettavadu Vagur vidyasthanat 52 tarkku vidyabhogam-aga-pparittom [ll] Tadgalum padagai nadan53 da kallum kalliyum n[a]tti apaiyolai serdu ?vidutka(kka)v-opru 54 nattarkku-ttirumagam vida [ll] Nattar tirumugan-gandu toludu talai 55 [k]ku vaittu-ppadagai nadandu kallur=galliyu-n t arai(yolai) 1 The necond part of the aw of -adau is engraved at the beginning of the next line! Read -lokanl.. Read a. Read Lebeasi vidyar. .[Read Abdur-Ed.) * The reading - imam would be more suitable, [This wand may be mad Mpidutaga.-30.]

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EPIGRAPHLA INDICA: (VOL. XVIII. Fourth Plate; First Side. 56 seydu nattar vidunda(tta) agaiyolai-ppadi nilattukk-ellai [lo] Vila. 57 gattangaduvapurkku-Jettuppakkattukkum-aga irandu drkkus-gi58 l-park-ellai katta ellaisgnum Nenmalippakkattu ellaiin 59 mirkun-dep-park-ellai Nenmalippakkatt-ellaiionun-Nelva60 yippakk attrellasipnum Urattur-ellaikku vadakkum mol-pa61 keellai Mambokkatt-ellaiippum iv-Vilangattangaduvsnu. 62 p-ppar-piramadeyam-aiqa aqubadu sepuvukku-kkilakkum Vada-park-ellai Va63 gur-ellaiip-rerkum [1] Iraippunaichcherikk=ellai kil-park=ellai natta64 m ullitta kattukku mogkun-dep-park-ellai Nerunjikusumbip ellai65 in vadakku-mel-park-ellai Vagurzellaiin kilakkum Vada-park=ellai Fourth Plate; Second Side. 66 Kirimappatti ellain-rexkum-igaivv-isaitta-peru-napg-ellai67 galilam-agappatta nilap nir-nilapum pupseyyum umaml ur-irukkaiyu68 mapaiyu-manai-ppadappu=manrus=gapra-megi-palun-gulamun-gottaga [ra] mun-gidangan-gepiyun-gadun=galarum Odaiyum udaippum ullittu ni[r] pasi nedum paramb-erindo adumb-adi amai tavalndad-e[118]. 71 m up-pilan-oliv-inri Vagur vidyasthanattarkku vidya (bho]. 72 bhogam-dyi Vigurodo ori Vagur persa pariharamum vyavaste(sthai)(yu)73 m perru sarvva-pariharam=ayi brahmadeyam-ayi-pparadatti senra74 du Panyazh samar kritavatam parirakshatan-cha tad-rakshat-eti npipatir-Nnti75 patunga varmma [1] agaminah kshitipatin-prapamaty-ajasram m urddhak Mukunda-chara[D-m). Fifth Plate; First Side. 76 buja-bek harona || [31 ||*) Uditodita-kala-tilaka[h] suvarnpakpit-Barvva-[Gastra]. 77 nishpatah [10] slikhan-Nfipatung-akhyah Pallava-kula-mila-bhfitytra || [321] 78 Kachchipettu Kil-Paisarattu Uditodaya-peru[n]data[*] magan Madevi peru[no]datta79 magan() Nkipatumga[*] eluttu # TRANSLATION (Line 1.) Hail! Prosperity! (Verse 1.) Let Madhu's destroyer (Vishna) grant you prosperity, the lotus-eyed one, whose lotus-feet are rubbed by the diadems of the gods (bowing to him), the unborn one, (whe became the means of the destruction of demons that terrified the whole world! (Verse 2.) In the eye of the sleeping husband of Sri (Vishnn) was produced the luminary (i.e. the Sun P), (which is the means of duration, destruction, and production. From his Read Arum. * Cancel the bracketted ayllable.

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BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN. | d - nge'ng-<> a -- - - - ...- m bu- m r mrS ky b n << rte che 4 > rje- b / - l ni tse she tssh4 io b. ee d d g | ky <<8 g: ku : byi-aurgyrgts1g61:2 15 + dngud -L << ) 418 | 'phyis-ns 23tu kchu-tshbhaag / 'bkng-p br / tshig smr / du 3: << | 8 Sbsh / b m -g 2_< < 2 2 'dn ' kun- tsho ' du d - b b r - b tshe- ngg | @eased / n-gi / '4- - / 2 nng-p'tshu kyi / 'brug-ng g -du- 1: ng gshin-rje-yi-s- 78 k kyi kyi'i HIRANANDA SASTRI. SCALE THREE FOURTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 2.) RAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN. 13 (Vishnu's) navel arose a lotus-flower, the germ of all. From this (flower) the self-born one (Brahma) was produced. (Verse 3.) From this four-mouthed lord of the world, Angiras was born, (and) from the latter, Brihaspati, the minister of Sakra (Indra), the splitter of the demon) Vala. (Verse 4.) From him was born Samyu; from him, he who was named Bharadvaja; from him, the great archer Dropa, whose valour equalled that of Sakra in battle. (Verse 5.) F:om this Dropa was produced, it is said, by a portion of Pinakin (Siva) the long-armed Asvatthaman, who was skilled in all fights. (Verse 6.) From this Agvatthaman was born & king named Pallava, who ruled the kings residing in the nine continents, together with the ploughmen. (Verse 7.) From his family arose a group (of kings) commencing with Vimala and Konkanike, which was bowed to by the wives of enemies; which imposed commands even on other rulers of men; which was much beloved; (and) which continually shouted victory.' (Verse 8 f.) Then, after Vimala, etc., having enjoyed by their own valour the earth girt by the four oceans, had gone to heaven on aerial cars, there was the long-armed (king) Dantivarman, who resembled Purandara (Indra), showed firm devotion to Mura's foe (Vishnu), (and) was bowed to by the diadems of the rulers of the earth. (Verse 10.) By ruling the earth according toir ght even in the Kali age, and by showering gifts, (this) ruler of men shone like a sin-cloud. (Verse 11.) He dispatched arrows, furnishing (them) with provisions for (their) visit of the nether world under the guise of the blood of those of his) enemies who were not (already) confined in his own prisons. (Verse 12.) From Dentivarman was born that long-armed Nandivarman who subdued the earth unaided in battle. (Verse 13.) Just as Lakshmi is the consort) of Mura's foe (Vishnu). (the wife) of Nendivormen was the slender queen named Sankha, who was born in the Rashtrekuta family. (Verse 14.) Full of patience like the earth, beloved by the people like a mother, the queen named Sankha shone as if she were the embodied fortune of the king. (Verse 15.) By her who possessed intelligence, beauty, arts, etc., was born the virtuong Nripatungadeva, the lord of the three worlds, noble by birth, resembling the rising sun in splendour, (and) victorious in fights with arrows. (Verse 16.) Resembling fire, this king, by wbose favour the Pandye had obtained an army formerly, burnt a confederation of enemies in a battle on the further bank of the Arichit (river). (Verse 17.) Even in his youth (this) lord of the world (was) renowned by the name) of Nfipatunga (i.e. the high one among rulers of men'). (He was) renowned not only on earth, (bat) even in the other world), like Rama. (Verse 18.) Provided by this king with benefits (was) Martanda of the family of Vesali." a descendant of the family of Kuru, (and) intent on (affording) refuge to (his) subjects. (Verse 19.) An ornament to the world like the moon, (and) resembling the ocean in profundity, etc., (this) ruler of men (became) the resort of the people by protecting the people we if (he were the sun. 1 i.e. he either imprisoned or shot his enemies. * Verres 19 and 20 saggest that the word Martanda (i.e. the sun) is not a mere metaphor (ripakam), bat bete be taken bere as a proper name.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL XVIII LES (Verse 20.) Therefore the (sar)name Nilaitangi (ie the support of the world') (was as) suitable to this ruler of men as (anto) a god, or because (his real) name (Martanda, i.e. the wan) was quite manifest (to all). (Versey 21-23.) This promoter of the family of Kuru gave to a seat of learning (vidyasthana) three villages in his own province (rashtra) which, at (his) request, (he had) received, provided with an executor (ajAapta), from that lord Nripatunga, viz. the village of Chettuppakkam rich in fruit, then another village whose pame (consisted of a word ending in an and beginning with Vidyacilariga,' (and) thirdly the very prosperous (village of) Iraippunai. chcheri. (Verses 24-26.) Just as the god Dharjati (Siva) carried on the single lock of (his) hair the approaching Mandakint (Ganga), agitated by the velocity of waves, thus the deep river of learning, filled with troops (of scholars) from the four directions, stayed after it had filled the seat of the residents of the village of Vagur. Therefore they call this seat of scholars a seat of learning, (Verse 26 f.) This ruler of land thinks highly of himself after he has given to those (scholars) the (three) villages, provided with an executor, their limits having been circumambulated by an elephant, accompanied by all immunities, (and) protected by freedom from taxes, (Verse 28.) The executor (was) Ottamasila, worshipped by the lord of the three worlds, the minister, resembling Btihaspati, of the glorious king Tungavarman. (Verse 29.) The descendant of Kuru himself entreats, future kings :--As this charity is common (to all kings), it must be preserved (by you as well)!' (Verse 30.). The servant of the seat of learning of the residents of the village of Vagor, the pious Nagaya, who knew the truth of sciences, composed this eulogy (prasasti). (Line 45.) In the eighth year (of the reign) of king. Vijaya-Nripatvigayarmay, at the request of Volkli-poraraiyans Videlvidugu-Kadupatti-Tamila-peraraiyap being the exeontor (anatti). Let the headmen of Kilvali. Vagur-nadu, (a subdivision of Aruva-nadu, see (this order) 6 (Line 48.) In the eighth year of our reign), we have granted three villages of your nadu, viz. Settuppakkam. Vilangattangaduvapor, and Iraippunaichcheri, dispossessing the former, tenante..(aud) excluding ancient cbarities and Brahmadoyas, to the residents of the seat of learning at Vagur as a source of revenue for the promotion of learning (vidya-bhoga). (Line 52.) And issued an order (tirumugam) to the headmen of the nadu, telling them to circumambulate the limits, to plant stones and milk bush (along the boundaries), and to dray up and submit a report (araiyolai)! According to the Tamil portion, the fall name of this village was Vilangattangaduvagur, to which the word vidya is still prefixed here because it was granted for the promotion of learning. ? With chaturdifu-gana cf. the expression chatudisasa bhikhu-su[n]ghasa at Nasik, above, Vol. VIII, 78, text lipe 5. The local authorities fized the boundaries by letting an elephant walk round the limits. Cf. pidi nadappittu or pidi filadu in the Leyden plstes, pasam; karixi-parikrama na-vispashta-sima-chatushayam..... gramam, ibid., 1. 86 f.; ibil-parita-si manam, above, Vol. XY, p. 63, text line 109 f. ; pidi filmdy, ibid., p. 64,itext lines 184-138..and P, 65, text line 166) pidi nadatti, Travancore Areh, Series, Vol. II, p. 79 * i.e. king Nripatuoga; see verse 15. Cf. line 105 of the Kasakudi plates. * Padagai nadandu corresponds to padagai ralai-jeyidu in line 110 of the Kasakudi platas; pidagai valaia joydw iq. Tiruvallwp inscription of Nandivikramararman, 8. I. L. Vol 1 01. Leyden plates, pastim; and pradakshini-ksitya in Sanskrit.

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No. 2.) BAHUR PLIATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN. 15 . (Line 54.) When the Headmen of the nadu saw the order, they raised (their) joined hands (before it), placed (it) on (their) heads, circumambulated the limits, planted stones and milk-bush, and drew up a report. (Line 56. According tu'the report submitted by the headmer of the wadu, the boundaries of the land (granted are as follows: Of the two villages of Vilagatta galuvalgur and Setruppakkam, the eastern boundary is to the west of the boundary of a forest and of the boundary of Neptalippakam; the southern boundary is to the north of the boandary: of Nenmalippakkam, of the boundary of Nelvayippackam, and of the boundary of Utattur ; the western boundary is to the east of the boundary of Mambakkam and of sixty rice-fields (sesuvu) which form a Brahmadaya near this Vilangatangaduvanur ;l and the northern boundary is to the south of the boundary of Vagur. (Line 63.) The bourdaries of Iraippunaiohcheri (are) -The eastern boundary is to the west of a fore-t surrounding the village (nattam); the southern boundary is to the north of the boundary of Nerunjikurumbu; the western boundary is to the east of the boundary of Vagur; and the northern boundary is to the south of the boundary of Kirimappatti. (Line 66.) Altogether, the land enclosed by the four great boundaries specified here, including wet land and dry land, villages and village-buildings, houses and house-gardens, clearings and young trees, waste grounds for grazing, tanks, store-houses, ditches, wells, forests, brackish ground, water-courses and breaches, wherever water is conducted (P), long harrows are applied, iguanas run, and tortoises creep, not excluding the cultivated land, being joined ? to Vagur itself as a source of revenue for the promotion of learning to the residents of the seat of learning at Vagur, enjoying the immunities and agreements enjoyed by "Vagur, possessing all immunities, (and) being a Brahmadeya,--the grant was made. (Verse 31.) The good works of those who perform (them) and of those who preserve (them) are equally (meritorious). Therefore preserve you (this gift)! Thus requesting them), king Nripatungavarman perpetually bows (his) head, which bears on its ciest the lotus feet of Mukunda (Vishon), to future kings. (Verse 32.) The ornament of the family of Uditodita, the goldsmith named Nripatunga, who was skilled in all sciences (and) a hereditary servant of the Pallava family, wrote (this). (Line 78.) The writing of Nripatunga, the son of Madevi-perundattap (who was the son of Uditodaye-perundattan, (s resident) of Kil-Paisaram near Kachchipedu. * In two other instances (Ik. 49, 56 f.), the a of ffa is represented by whert a. . These three doubtful terms nocar also in line 281 of the Leyden plates, and in the Anbil plates, above, Vol. XV, p. 65, text line 167 f., wliere they are translated by halls, wastes in which the calves graze.' I adopt M. Vingon's Tenderings of manum and kinrum (as the Leyden plates read for kayraw). * Por koffagaran see 8. 'I.'I., Vol. II, p. 61, n. 3; above, Vol. XV, p. 71, n. 3; Travancore Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 177, n. 3. . See 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 64, n. 1. The expression sir print occurs also in line 284 of the Leyden plates, and nodum parambeenindu in line 305 (which ought to have been murbered 186) of the same. Both terms are used in line 434 of the Tiruvalangada plates, S. I. T., Vol. III, P 410. * See 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 109, n. 2. Tari may be the intransitive for of erri, having joined. * Por vyavastha, see S. I. I., Vol. I, No. 40, L. 20 and 56; Vol. II, No. 98, 11. 58 and 62. . The two words paradatti fenradu oceur also in line 138 of the Kibikudi plates, and in line 63 of the Valurpaniyam plates (S.I. L., Vol. II, p. 509), where I would read paradatk (with Grantha da) ins' end of paradatti and cancel the note on paill of the Addenda and Corrigenda. The Apbil plutes (above, Vol. XV, p. 66, text line 180 f.) read pard.tti for paradatli.

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16 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. No. 3.AN INSCRIBED RELIC CASKET FROM KURRAM. BY THE LATE PANDIT V. NATESA AIYAR, B.A., PATNA. This casket was brought to my notice in the year 1917, when I was Superintendent of the Archeological Survey, Frontier Circle, Peshawar, by Khan Sahib Mian Wasi Uddin, my Assistant. On enquiry I learnt that its exact find-spot was unknown, but that it was given as a present by a villager to one of the sons of the Nawab of Landi Yarghazo, while he was Tahsildar of Kurram. The casket is now in the possession of his younger brother, a student of the Edwardes College, Peshawar, from whom I tried to acquire it for the local Museum, of which I was the ex-officio Curator; but I could not succeed until the moment of my departure from Peshawar in January, 1919. [VOL. XVIII. The casket is made of copper and measures 18" in height. Its base is square and is attached to the drum by means of a fillet and grove joint. The harmika is of the convertional shape and loosely threaded on to a central shaft, also of copper. The casket is almost perfect in every detail and has the appearance of a miniature stup with its harmind and umbrellas. (Pl. I, a) The relics which the casket was meant to enshrine are no longer traceable. Likewise, as I have observed already, the exact find-spot of the casket is unknown. Neither could I, owing to the unsettled state of the Kurram valley, visit the spot and obtain any local information. The inscription on the casket consists of four lines of Kharoshthi script punctured, as in the case of the Kanishka casket from Shah-ji-ki-dheri, on the four sides of its square base. The writing covers a space of 4" x 2" on each side and seems to be in fairly good preservation, except as regards the lowermost line on two of the sides, which, unfortunately, has disappeared altogether. (Pl. I, b, and Pl. II.) The paleography of the record presents the same peculiarities as the silver scroll inscription from Taxila, the Kanishka casket from Shah-ji-kl-dheri and the Manikials casket. The letters are of the elongated and cursive variety and belong. undoubtedly, to the Kushan period. It is noteworthy that in the case of some of the letters in the present record, such as ka, dha, ya, sa and sa, the shape is not uniform throughout, but differs slightly in different places. This I attribute more to the carelessness of the engraver than to the transitional nature of the script at the time. This is borne out also by nearly the same symbol being used to represent ta, ra, ba and similarly of a and va. The language is Prakrit and of the variety peculiar to the Western Punjab and the North-Western Frontier of India, which constituted the ancient kingdom of Gandhara. Among the orthographical peculiarities may be mentioned that cha is invariably used for ta, va for pa and ga for ya. Besides, double consonants are always represented by single consonants, as in avija for avijja, prachaga for prachchaga, vinana for vinnana, phasha for phassa, tusha for tanha and dukha-khamdasa for dukkha-khamdhassa. The inscription records the enshrinement of the bodily relics (sarira) of the Holy Sakya-muni in a shrine (gaha ?) belonging to the Sarvastivadin sect, in the year 21 (P), cn the twentieth day of the tenth month, Asvina. Then follows the anuloma portion of the text of the Pratitya-samutpada or Nilana-Sutra, which the Lord Buddha revealed soon after 1 A. 8. R. for 1912-13, p. 18 f. and Plate; Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, plate facing p. 295. 4. 8. R. for 1908-9, p. 50 f. J. R A. S.. 1920, pp. 193 ff. * [Wi h the reading and translation as given by me below, some of these details will be modified.-P. W. T.] Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, Plate facing p. 299.

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No. 3.] AN INSCRIBED RELIC CASKET FROM KURRAM. his enlightenment under the Bodhi tree at Bodh-Gays. The inscription ends with the prayer that these sacred relics, as well as the Sutra propounded by the Lord, may be honoured by all sentient beings. TEXT. 1 [Sarn 2011 masa 10 Agunakasa di 20 igel chhunami [khe]tre Varme [ya"-putrasa [Ruu]bhumi-ranasa . . . . mi Uoha[rga]na Sarva [sti]vadanas.. gaba[mi]su[bha]mi Bhagavata]sa Saka-mun[i]sa 2 sarira . pradiokhadi Sakayuta Bhagava[ta) Avija-prachaga Barnkara samkara prachaga vinana vinana-prachaga nama-ruva namaruva-prachaga sha(d-a]y& tana] sha[-a]yatana-prachaga phasha phasha-prachaga vedana vedana-prachaga tusha tusha-prachaga avadana uvadana-prachaga bhava bhava-prachaga jati jati-pra[chaga) jara-marana-soga-pari[bhava-dukhader manasta? uvaga[88]. ... kevalasa dukha [kame]dhasa samudae bhavati sarira mahiphati[e]nal sarva-satvara puyae sa[rva] sa[tva]na payao esa cha [pra]tichasamasa cha TRANSLATION In the year 21, of the tenth month Asvina, on the 20th day, at this moment, in the territory of Varmayasas' son, the king of Ryubhumi, in .. Uoharsana (Uttarasens P) [consecrated), in the sacred shrine of the Sarvastivadins, the bodily relics of the divine Sikya.' muni. Says the holy scion of the Sakas : "From Ignorance spring Impressions, from Impressions springs Consciousness, from Consciousness spring Name-and-Form, from Name-and-Form spring the Six Provinces of the six senses), from the Six Provinces springs Contact, from Contact springe Sensation, from Sensation springs Thirst (or desire), from Thirst springs Attachment, from Aitachment springs Existence, from Existence springs Birth, from Birth spring Old Age and Death, Grief, Lamentation, Suffering, Dejection and Despair. [Such is] the origin of [this] whole (or unique) Mass of suffering. May these] relics of the Lord of the Universe [be] honoured by all sentient beings and (likewise) this summary [doctrine] of causes and effects." [Dr. Thomas's revised text and translation (inserting marks of vowel length).] 1 S. 21 masa Avadinakasa di 20 ise chhunami Teutra-Varmayasa-putrasa navakammi[asa Samghara]mami acharyana[m] Sarvastivadana[m gaha]mi thabammi Bhagavatasa Saka-munisa In the Brahmi inscriptions of this period (cf. Ludere' List Nos. 32, 34) the corresponding expression is comi tahunc or asma kshune, wbile the Tazils silver scroll inscription sa isa dipase. [The e-mark is not seen. The etter may be read ya.-Ed.] ? Read rajasa. Rond vadina. * The formation of this word does not seem to be quite clear. . The usual form is bhagara (nom.) or bhagavato (gon.). * The other versions have parideva. + Read manse * Read than * Raed samadao, 10 Read mahipatianan.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 2 Barira pratithaviti yatha(etha ?) utah(rata[th]) Bhagavata avija-prachag samsk(kkk Para samnak (kkh ?)ara-prachaga vinana villana-prachaga nama-rava nama-riva-prachaga shad-ayatana shad-ayatana-prachaga phasha phasha-prachaga 3 vedana vedana-prachaga tasha(taseha?) tasha (tarsha)-prachaga uvadana [uvadana-prachaga] bhava bhava-prachaga jati ja [ti-prachaga] jara-[marana]-soyaparideva-dukha-domanavi(si)-uvega Math[bhavati kevalasa dukha-sk(kh ?)arhdhase samudae bhavati 18 4 danatidamahiphatilena (PP) mevastvina[th] pityse sarra-catriza[th] puyse ayn[]-cha paticha-samupade TRANSLATION. Year 21, month Avadanaka (Audunaios), day 20-on this date, in the monastery of the navakarmika, son of Tsutra (kshudra)-Varmayasas (?), in the abode of the reverend Sarvastivadins, in a stupa, was deposited a relic of the Holy Sakya-muni [This casket is given by...] for the honouring of all beings, and also for the honouring of all beings this pratitya-samut pada [formula] is engraved.] NOTES. The record is of great importance for many reasons. To begin with, the inscription says in so many words that the relics to the consecration of which it refers are those of the Buddha himself. We know of very few instances of this kind so far. Even the epigraph on the Kanishka relic casket discovered at Shah-ji-ki-dheri, in Peshawar, fails to supply us with anything but sircumstantial evidence as to the authenticity of the deposit. It follows, therefore, that the tonement in which the present casket was enshrined must have been regarded originally as among the most important in the country. Secondly, there have been discovered in India only two other inscriptions containing the text of the Nidana-Sutra. The one comes from the village of Gopalpur in the Gorakhpur District of the United Provinces, and the other from Kasia, the ancient Kasinagara, also in the same district. But, in both cases, we have only the Sanskrit recension of the Sutra. The Gopalpur inscription is carved on both sides of one of 5 inscribed bricks which were dag out from a brick retic chamber in the centre of the Manjratiya mound, and coins of Wema Kadphises, Kanishka and Huvishka and one of Ayumitra are said to have been found along with the bricks. The script employed is the northern variety of the Gupta Brahmi, and the text of the Satra is given as follov sl: INSCRIPTION ON BRICK I. (Obverse.) 1 Evam maya frutamokasmin samaye Bhagavai-Chhravastyam viharati Jetavanes (A)nathapindadasy-arame tatra Bhagavan bhikshan-amantrayati sma dharmanam vo bhi 3 kshava achayam cha desayishyamy-apachayam cha tach-chhriputs [sadhu ch-asushva cha] 1 The text of the inscription is quoted here, because it gives a complete version of the Sutra in Sanskrit, which even the Kasia copper-plate does not. Proo. 4. 8. B. for 1896, pp. 99 f.

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Inscribed Relic-Casket from Kurram : the 21st (?) year. F. W. THOMAS WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS. COLL SCALE FIVE-SIXTHS

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Hflh SCALE TWO-FIFTHS Eye-copy s khy n khy prny n khr y wr khm `mr wr mwrkh 228 8 z brtry w lwrmrd shlwr w d - khrm drh z khwdrw w mwthr w w jwnn w mrdm dr sry `mr kh 23 22 5. rjw 2 bh mh dwm qrr wyrwyr" 83579 890522D5 llm d wjnwmwr khy rw khh bz 2 - - - - 232 y 5, wldwr55 dr yn bwdh w drh khrd frd w `ly dr dw grwwmyz 3

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No. 3.) AN INSCRIBED RELIC CASKET FROM KURRAM. 4 manasi karnta bhishishya dharmanam=acheyah katamah yad-nt-Remin sati 5 darh bhavaty-way-atpadad-idam-utpadyatd yad-tt-avidya-pratyayah samskirib samskara6 pratyayaih vijnanam vijnana-pratyayan Dams-roparin nama-riya-pratyaya(b) sparsab 7 sparsa-pratyaya voda[n] vodena-pratyaya triabna trishna-pratyayaman padinamai 8 pudina-pratyay tahswah bhever pratyaya jatir-jati-quratyaya jari-mens 9 soka-paridova-dahkh-ader=(oa-domanasy-opayasah sathbava(z)ty=cvam-noyam ahatao (Reverne. 1 duhkha-kundhasya wadayo bhavaty=syam-acheyata dharminima-ashaya sthan mani2 m-apachayah katanrah yad-at-kvidya-miridhat-sataskara-rivedhah meniskara-nirdahlida vi3 jilina-nirodhah vijnana-nirodhan-nama-rupa-nurodhah nama-rupa-nirodkat-shad ayatana4 nirodhah shad-Eyatana-nirodhad=vodana-niridhai vedanti-mirodhat-tristm-mirodhah 5 trishna-mirodhad=upadana-nirodah upadana-nitrochd-blava-nirodhah bhava-nirodhirje jati6 nirodhah jati-nirddhaj-jara-marana-soka-parideva-duhkh-adar="a-do) manasy-opying 7 nirudhyanty=evam=asya [kevala]sya mahato duhkha-skandhaaya nirodho bhavaty=syam=uchyato 8 dharminam=apachayah dharmanaris V bhikshavatachayam cha dasayishyamya apachayam cha 9 itim yad=uktam-idam-otat-pratynktam-idam=avachad=Bhagavan-attama[nasas=te] 10 bhikshavo bhagavato bhashitama[bhya]nanda[n] The other inscription which contains the text of this Batma oomes, as I have said, from Kasia. It is partly carved and partly written in ink on a copper-plate which was recovered from the relic chamber of the large stipa behind the Nirvana temple: The language and the wording of the record are identically the same as those of the Gopalpur inscription, build the date is about two centuries later. Again, the present epigraph is of considerable value from the philological standpoint. That its language is local Prakpit goes without saying. In this the dedicaters seem to have faithfully followed the injunotion laid down in the Buddhist scriptores, for it is stated in the Chullavagge "anujanami bhikkhave sakaya niruttiya Buddha-pachanath pariyapunitun Hills that is, that the Buddha had allowed that every one should learn the sacred texts in his own language. The same remark holds good in the case of the inscriptions discovered at Taxila, Peshawar, and other places on the North-West Frontier. The literary Peli version of the Satra is contained in the Mahavagga of the Vinaya-pitaka, and this version is prefaced by an account of the incidents which led up to the propounding of the doctrine of Causes and effects' by the Holy Bakya-muni. From this and from the fact that the only record bearing the complete text of the Sutra, of which the provenance is definitely known, comes 14. 8. R., 1910-11, pp. 73 t. * Oldenberg, Introduction to Vinaya-pitaka, P XLYTIL Pull text of the Batrs and its vibhanga in Bapekrit are incised on some briokua which Mr. Page nearthed at Naland in 1924 Iam editing them in the Ep. Ind..6]

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20 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. from the Maha-parinirvana-Chaitya of the Buddha, it is easy to see how much importance the Buddhists attached to the same. It is for this reason that I remarked above that the monument in which the present casket was enshrined must have been considered in olden days as one of the chief places of worship. Let us now see if the places and persons mentioned in the inscription afford any clue to the identity of the monument. The only names available for this purpose are (1) Varmayasa-putrasa, i.e. the son of Varmayasas, (2) Ruubhumi-rana, i.e. the king of Ruubhumi, and (3) Ucharsana, which I take to be the name of an individual. Who this Varmayasas was and where he reigned-as, undoubtedly, he seems to have been a king-I have not been able to ascertain from the materials at my command. On the other hand, Ucharsana or Uttarasena, if supposing I am right in my equation, though not a historical personage, yet seems somewhat capable of identification. In the itinerary of the Buddhist pilgrim Hiuen Thsang it is said: "About sixty li south-west from Mangkil city and on the east side of a great river was the tope erected by Uttarasena, king of this country, to enclose his share of the relics of the Buddha's body, and near this was the tope which that king built to mark the spot at which his large white elephant bearing the precious relics had suddenly died and become a rock." Commenting on this passage Watters remarks: "There does not seem to be any mention either of Udyana or of Uttarasena in the various accounts given in the various Nirvapa treatises of the division of the Buddha's relics. But other authorities relate how a female elephant named. Mo-tu (or Mata) bearing relics of Buddha died suddenly on the way, was afterwards reborn as a human. creature and became an Arhat with an enormous appetite." Major Deane identifies the monument mentioned by Hiuen Thsang with the remains of a stupa which are said still to exist between the villages of Ghaligai and Shankardar on the Swat river in what used to be the ancient kingdom of Udyana. It may be asked, however, how, inasmuch as the casket is reputed to have come from Kurram, it could be associated with any monument in the Swat valley, which lies in quite the opposite direction and in a different region. This objection can be met, in my opinion, by the fact that, as I have observed at the very outset, the exact provenance of the casket is not known even to its present owner and that, therefore, there would not be any inherent impossibility, if we were to suppose that the object gradually found its way from the place of its origin to the locality where it eventually came to light, because both the places are situated in the same province and are inhabited by almost kindred races or tribes, who are not too far removed to have constant intercourse with one another. Lastly, we come to the date of the inscription. It is given merely as Sam. or Samvat 21 without reference to any particular era. We are, therefore, left to conjecture what the era. could be. For this purpose our only guides are the paleography and the language of the record. The former, as I have noted above, shows the cursive variety of the Kharoshthi script of the middle period. And this, we know from other records found in that region, has been attributed to the early Kushan period. I am, therefore, inclined to refer the date of the present inscription to the era of Kanishka which, according to the latest authorities, commenced in or about the year 150 A.D. If this supposition is correct the date under discussion would work out as A,D 171. From the language, it seems to me difficult in the present state of our knowledge to draw any definite conclusions with respect to date. And this difficulty is all the more pronounced, because we are not yet in a position to trace the development of the different varieties of Prakrit which once prevailed in different parts of the country: Watters, On Yuan Cherang, Vol. I, p. 236. [With the reading and translation as inserted by me above the names Runbhumi and Ucharsana disappear.-F. W. T.]

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. 21 No. 4.-KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. BY THE LATE T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., TRIVANDRUM. The village of Kanyakumiri, as everyone knows, is situated in the extreme south of India and is a very ancient place of great reputation. It was known to early Greek writers under the names of Komaria Akron, or Cape Komaria, as Ptolemy calls it, or simply Komarei, as described by the author of the Periplus. The latter says: "After Bakare occurs the mountain Pyrrhos (or the Red) towards the south, near another district of the country called Paralia (where the pearl-fisheries are which belong to king Pandion), and a city of the name of Kolkhoi ..... Next to this is another place called Komar, where is the Cape of the same name and a haven. Those who wish to consecrate the closing part of their lives to religion come hither and bathe and engage themselves to celibacy. This is also done by women; since it is related that the goddess once on a time resided at the place and bathed." Paralia mentioned in this extract is the name of the river Paraliyaru, which waters a portion of S. Travancore and empties itself into the Kulitturai river. I have shown elsewhere that the land watered by the Paraliyalu was the country belonging to the powerful dynasty of Ay kings, who had their capital at Kottara, which is mentioned by Ptolemy under the name of Kotiara Metropolis' and Kottara' by Pliny. From time immemorial, the Pandyas were the guardians of Kanyakumari and the temple in it; one of their distinguishing titles being Kapni-kavalan, the guardian of Kapni (i.e. Kanyakumari). The temple of the goddess Kanyakumari is situated on the very brink of the Indian Ocean. Opposite to the central shrine is a mandapa locally known as the manimandapa, which contains six cylindrical stone pillars covered with writing in Grantha (ll. I to 419) and Tamil (11. 420 to 444) characters. Kanyakumari was visited by the Madras Government Epigraphist in 1896, when an attempt was made by his staff to obtain a mechanical copy of the inscriptions contained on these pillars, but the task was given up as impossible. I tried to copy the inscription in 1910; the result was not at all satisfactory.' Since then I have visited the place more than once; every time I saw the inscription on the pillars, which is clearly legible in some places, but more or less completely worn out in others, I was impelled to make a fresh attempt to copy it; and what was to be the last, & serious and determined effort to secure a good impression of the writing on all the pillars, was made in 1916. The first and foremost difficulty experienced by all up till then was that of removing the thick crust of oil and dirt which from a long time past had accumulated on the pillars. This was completely removed after one or two unsuccessfal attempts, and the inscription was found in some places defaced, being corroded by the action of the sea-air. Though these parts did not appear legibly on the impression, it was still possible with great difficulty to read the writing on those parts directly from the stone. After straining every nerve to obtain a set of good estampages, with lamp in hand, leiter by letter, word by word, the record was deciphered from the original stone itself. Tbe success is largely due to the indomitable perseverance of my Pandit, Mr. V. Srinivasa Sastri, Smritivigirada; he and I worked at the epigraph, on the spot, for Dearly one month. Most of the verses employ rhymes prasas), which also came in handy by suggesting conjectural readings which in almost all the cases proved, upon reference to the original stone inscription, to be quite correct. Thus then the text was at last nearly com, pletely recovered from the worn surface of the pillars. The inscription may fitly be called the "Chola-va insa-prasasti." It is extremely important for the history of the Cholas as it contains many pieces of information hitherto unknown to history. As I think that it is not right to defer the publication of this very important document Caldwell's History of Tirnovelly, p. 19.

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EPIGRAPHLA INDICA. [VOL. XVIIL any longer, I am giving in this article what may be considered a preliminary notice, am aturer edition being reserved for my own publication, in the Travancore Archeological Series. As has been already romarked, the six pillars are covered with writing from the top to the bottom. At first I conceived that the writing went round the pillar in a spiral; bat on closer examination it was discovered that each pillar consisted of two sections, one on the back face and another on the front. The inscription is continued from pillar to pillar in the following systematic order Ia, Ib, IIa, IIb, and so on, where I represents the first piller and a and i represent the back and front faces of the pillar. The language is mostly Sanskrit. At the end of the record occurs the grant portion beginning with the birudas of king ViraRajendra, and giving his regnal year. The birudas and names of the king in this section are written in the Grantha alphabet, while the rest is in the Tamil alphabet and language. The Sanskrit portion of the record, giving the genealogy of the Cholas, is entirely in verse, whereas the Tamil portion is in prose. On the whole the epigraph consists of 444 lines. In the first two verses the god Siva, and in the third Vishnu, are praised. The god of the Universe first created the Brahmanda, and then Brahma was ushered into existence for the purpose of creating all other things. Brahma, in his turn, created several Rishis to assist him in his task. One of them was Marichi. The son of Marichi was Kasyapa; his son was Vivasyan: the son of the latter was Manu; Manu's son was Ikshvaku; his son, Vikukshi. grave; Purai jaya, who obtained the title Kakutsthe, was the son of the latter. In the lineage of Kakutstha was born king Prithu ; in tbe same race arobe Kuvalasva, Mandhatri. Muchukunde, Harischandra, Sagara, Bhagiratha, Rituparna and Dilipa. In this illustrious family was born the Lord (bhagavan) in the four aspects of Rama, Lakshmana, Bharatx and Satrughne, purposely to teach the world how each one has to conduct oneself towards others; that is, a son towards a father and mother, a younger brother towards his elder brother and so on. The verses describing Rama (vv. 25-26) are very beautiful. Up to this the genealogy is purely pauranic. Next follows what might be considered as legendary and semihistoric. In the solar race was born a king named Chole. To this king, who ruled over the whole earth, the forests served as a sort of artificial garden. Once upon a time this king was sporting for some time in the forests inhabited by Rishis; with a small army be once proceeded on a hunting excursion in the adjoining forests. Then a Rakshasa who had assumed the shape of deer appeared before him. Pursuing the animal he and his followers reached another forest, where he killed that deer. By this time he had reached the bank of the river Kaveri; he went along its course, bathed in its water, which was as sweet as amrita; he looked all round for Brahmanas and found none about the place. He then brought several Brahmanas from the Aryavarta and settled them comfortably on the banks of the river Kavori. Cutting down the forests on either bank of the Kaveri, ho planted gardens containing creepers of betel leaves and areca palms. Rajakeeari, the son of Cho!a, suoceeded him after his death. The son of Rajakesari was Parak @sari. The prasasti does not mention the fact that in the Chola dynasty the titles Raja. kesari and Parakesari were assumed by alternate kings, as is stated in the Leiden and the Tiruvalangadu grants. In this dynasty were born Mrityujit, who conquered Mrityu, the god of [This has since been done by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar in Volume III of that series, pp. 85 to 158 Ed.) * This is evidently an imitation of a similar occurrence in the life of Ra ms. areh. Survey of South India, Vol. IV, p. 204, and South Ind. Iners., Vol. III, p. 883.

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. death; Virasena; and Chitra, frightened at the power of whose arrows Devendra (Indra) accepted the tiger-banner, in which he also took refuge. From that time the tiger became the crest of the Cholas just in the same manner as a pair of carp fish and the bow were respectively the crests of the Pandyas and the Cheras; then came Pushpaketu, Ketumala, Samudrajit and Panchapa. The last mentioned king cut open five arteries in his body and fed with the blood issuing out of them five Yakshas who came to him as his guests and demanded of him this curious and cruel food. For feeding the Yakshas in the manner described he obtained the name Panchapa. The king Nrimrida sprang in this race, and by the grace of Paramesvara conquered Mrityu, the god of death; then appeared Manoratha, and the illustrious Parunatkili (Perunatkilli) and others. Karikala, who was born in this family, seeing that the river Kaveri by its irregular flow was destroying the crops, caused embankments to be constructed on both its sides, the kings conquered by him carrying earth on their heads for that purpose. Valabha,1 Jagadekamalla and Vyalabhayankara were also been in this dynasty. 23 Here commences the genuine history of the Cholas. Vijayalaya is said to have been born in this lineage. He was worshipped by all kings; he is here stated to have constructed anew the city of Tanjapuri in the Chola country; but the Tiruvalangadu grant distinctly mentions the fact that Vijayalaya took Tanjapuri by force and set up in it the goddess Nisumbhasudani (Durga). Evidently, the composer of the Kanyakumari prasasti did not know exactly how Tanjapuri came to be the seat of the Cholas in the time of Vijayalaya. The true fact seems to have been remembered by the composer of the Tiruvalaagadu document. It has been stated elsewhere that Tanjapuri must have been seized from the Muttaraiyars, the vassals of the Pallavas, by Vijayalaya. The son of Vijayalaya was Adityavarman alias Kodandarama. In the village of Tondamanad near Kalahasti there is a temple of the Chola period. One of its inscriptions belonging to the 34th year of the reign of Madiraikonda Parakesarivarman, i.e. Parantaka I, calls the temple by the name Kodandarame vara alias Adityesvara. Mr. Venkayya in his Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1905, wrote about it thus:-"No. 318 of 1904 mentions the king's son eri-Kodandaraman while No. 347 of 1904 refers to prince Kodandan. Even at the present day Kodandan is a familiar abbreviation of Kodandaraman, and we may therefore suppose that both Nos. 318 and 347 of 1904 refer to the same prince, who was the son of Parantaka I. In the same village of Tondamanad is another inscription of Parantaka I, dated in his 34th year (about A.D. 939), which mentions the temple of Kodandaramesvara alias Adityesvara. It is not impossible that this temple was called after the Chola prince Kodandaraman. If this surmise proves correct, it may be concluded from the other name Adityesvara given to the Tondamanad temple that Kodandaraman was the surname either of the king's eldest son Rajaditya or of his second son Gandaraditya." Subsequently, while reviewing No. 286 of the Collection of the Madras Epigraphist for the year 1906, found in Tirumalpuram which stated that the village of Sirriyarrur had been granted as a devadana and as a brahmadeya in the 21st year of Tondaimanarrur-tanjinn-Udaiyar, Mr. Venkayya changed his opinion and said that Tondaimanarrar-tunjina-Udaiyar, i.e. the lord who died at Topdaimanarrur,' must refer to Aditya I, that Tondaiminarrur is probably Tondamanad near Kalahasti in the North Areot District which in a record of Parantaka I found at the place, is called Tondaimanperarrur, 1 The Tamil word Valavan, which later on came to signify, like the word Cholm, any Chola king, is converted here into Valabha. 2 See 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 418, vv. 45 and 46. Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, p. 136. Ep. Rep., 1905, p. 50, para. 9.

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24 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. and that the temple of Kodandaramesvara at the village, which is also called Adityesvara in the inscription of Parantaka I must have been called after Aditya I. This latter conclusion is now proved by the explicit statement found in the Kanyakumari inscription that Aditya I, father of Parantaka I, was known by the name Kodandarama. The Kanyakamari inscription adds that Aditya I alias Kodandarama killed the Pallava king seated on his elephant. The opponent of Aditya I was Aparajita. The next king of the dynasty was Parantaka, son of Aditya. Ho destroyed the Pandya king together with his whole army, took the whole of his treasure and burnt Madura, his capital. From these military exploits he was known as Madhurantaka, that is, "death to Madhura (i.e. Madura)." Because he defeated the unconquered Krishina-Raja ho came to be known as Vira-Chola. It is only in this inscription that we hear that the Rashtrakata king Krishna III was defeated in battle by Parantaka I. Krishna ascended the throne about A.D. 940, a year which falls within the reign of Parantaka I (A.D. 907-948). It is quite probable that Krishna III was defeated by Parantaka I, and it was perhaps in vengeance thereof that the former invaded the Chola country soon after the death of the latter and early in the reign of Rajaditya, Parantaka's son and successor. In all his Tamil inscriptions Parantaka I is described as Madiraikonda Parakesarivarman, that is, .Parakosarivarman who took Madura.' Sometimes the word "flamum" occurs after Madiraiyum' in the inscriptions of this king. We shall see presently that he conquered also flam or Ceylon as reported in the Tiruvalangada grant.* The Kanyakumari inscription states that Parantaka caused his army to cross the sea and conquer Simhala ; by killing the lords of Simhala and subjagating the country be obtained the surname Simhalantaka. As it is stated that it was only his army that crossed the A we have to infer that Parantaka I himself did not lead the army to Sinhala, bat, entrusting the invasion to his generals, stopped on the mainland. He is further stated to have constructed several agraharas like Viranarayanapura and granted there for the enjoyment of Brahmanas. This Viranarayapapara seems to be the same as the modern Kattumapnarkoyil, a suburb of Gangaikondasolapuram which was the native place of the great Arivaishnava acharyas Nathamuniga! and Yamunarya alius Alavandar. The son of Parantaka (I) was Arindama. To Arindama was born & son named Parantaka (II). Anticipating trouble from this valiant king, the Pandya king fled across the mountains, evidently to the Kerala country. Parantaka II fought several battles and imprisoned a large number of kinge. The son of Parantaka II was Rajarajs. He caused a number of yagas to be performed. It was the custom with Rajaraja never to kill those enemies who surrendered to him ; in spite of this well-known fact the Chalukya king Satyasraya senselessly ran away from the battlefield. Rajaraja had a son named Madhurantaka. He conquered the Kuntala king, that is, the Chalukya, and made Manyak hets, his capital, a camping and sporting ground for his army. Sending his generals at the head of his powerfal army northwarde, he caused them to defeat guccessively the kings of the Kulata and the Utkals countries and to kill the kings of 1 Ep. Rep., 1907, p. 71, para. 80. * Ibid., 1906, p. 65. + [It has been shown in Arokl. Suroey Report for 1908-09, p. 188, that Rajaditys died before his father and did Rot socceed to the Chola throne. --Ed.] * South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III, p. 396, vv. 51-52. * An inscription found at Mahendragiri (No. 897 of the Madras Epigraphist's Collection for 1897) state that " a general of Rajendra-Cbols (named in Tamil, Rajendra-Chola-Pallavaraiyan Rajarajamarayap) overcame the Kuluta king named Vimaliditys and set up a pillar of victory." The general is called Dattakars in another epigraph found in the same place.

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA RAJENDRA-DEVA. Kalinga and Vimgendral; and to bring the water of the Ganges filled in pots carried on the heads of the conquered kings. The latter statement regarding the conquest of Rajendra-Chola of the countries as far as the Ganges is in close agreement with that found in the Tiruvalangada grant. In both the records it is distinctly mentioned that Rajendia-Chola ulias Madhurantaka himself did not proceed against the northern kings and did not extend his arms as far as the Ganges by leading the army in person, but got the credit of having taken the Ganga river' (Gangai-konda) by the victories achieved by his generals. The inscription states further that he sent his army across the sen to the Kataha country and set fire tits and that there was n thing impossible for this monar-b to achieve. This king, Madhorantaka (that is, kajendra-Chola I), had three sons, named (respectively) Raja hiraja, Rajendra-deva and Vira-Rajendra-deva. Of these, Rajadhiraja was the eldest. For the first time we have the very explicit statement in the inscription under notice that Rajendra-Chola had three song.. Up till now the relationship existing between Rajendrn-Chola and the three brothers, Rajadhiraja, Rajendra-deva and Vira-Rajendra-deva, was vaguely conjectured. The Kanyakumari inscription states that Rajadhiraja destroyed the city of Kalyanapura and conquered the lord of that place, Ahavamalla. These facts are well known to students of Indian history by the inscriptions of this king. Kalyanapura was the capital of the Chalikyas and Ahavamalla was the Chalukya contemporary of Rajadhiraja. After the death of Rajadbiraja, his next younger brother Rajendra-deva ascended the throne, and the latter in his turn was succeeded by his younger brother Vira-Rajendra-deva. He killed the Mannats (Karnata P) kings in the battle at Kudat-sangama. This king, Vallsbhavallabha, took possession of Vengi and Kalinga, left uncared for by his elder brothers and consequently overrun by enemies; Vira-Rajendra, who is known also by the names Karikala and Vira-Chola, set up several dharma-tasanas (that is, engraved deeds of grants). He presented an invaluable ruby, known as trailokya-8ara, to the god Dabhra-Sabhapati (the god of Chidambaram), and it was set up in the crown of that god. He established a number of agraharas in the Chola, Tundira, Pandya, Gangavati and Kuluta countries and colunised them with forty thousand Brahmapas well-versed in the Vedas. From the other inscriptions of this monarch we know that he won a victory over the Chalukya Ahavamalla ut Kulalsangama and Koppa and captured all the treasures belonging to his opponent, as also [The note on Text 1. 860 below roade (2] .--Ed.] * South-Ind. Insors., Vol. III, p. 424, v. 117. * Ibid., v. 128. The conquest of Kadiram also is described in the historical intrudaction prefixed to his Tamil inscriptions * The Kalingattupparani seems to indicate that Rajendra-Clola I, seeing that he had no sons to succeed him, resolved on electing Kalottanga-Chola I, & grandson by his daughter, as his successor. This information is not of much value as it is not based on actual facts. Inscriptions of Rajahirija I and Rajondradevs enumerates number of Cbola princes who stood in the relation of uncles, brothers, and sons to the kings. Besides, the Tiraralangada Plates state that a certain Sundara-Chola-Pandya was Rajendra-Chola I's son ; see 8. I. I, VOL III, p. 423, vv. 93 and 99. The following is the passage in 8. I. I., Vol. III, Part I, pp. 69-70, which describes this event " (L. 28) Having moved (his camp), he declared :-(We) shall not rutgrn without regaining the gol country of Vengai, which (we had formerly) subdued. You, (who sre) strong, come and defend (it), it (yon) are able! That army which was chosen (for this expedition) drove into the jungle that big army, which wted (ita enemius) on the great river close tn Visaiyavadui (and) which had for its obiefs Jananitha, the Dandana, ka Rajamayap, whose mast elephants trumpeted in herds, and Mupparusap. (L. 29.) His elephants drank the water of the Godavari. (Ile) crossed even Kalingam apd, buyond it). despatched (for) battle (his) invincible army as far as the further end of Sakkara-kottam (Chakrs-kotta). " (L. 30.) (He) 76-00Equered the good country of Vengri and bestowed (it) on Vijayadityan, wbuse broad hand (hold) weapons of war, (zd) who had taken refuge at bis lotus-feet."

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26 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. his women. The fact of his presenting the god Sabhapati with a jewel is quite new. That he established a number of agraharas does not appear to be a mere boast; we have even now several of them, such as Virarajamangalam, Viracholapuram, etc. The Tamil portion of the inscription begins afresh with the phrase Svasti Sri and states that the king Bajak barivarman Vira-Rajendra, who bore the birudas and surnames! Maharajadhiraja, Rajasraya, Raja-Rajendre, Vira-Chola, Karikala-Chola, etc., seems to have made a grant of land to the temple of Kanya-Pilariyar (Bhagavati) at Kumari i.e. Kanyakumari). This portion of the inscription is damaged and cannot be easily deciphered. On the whole the Kanyakumari inscription is a valuable document for the construction of the history of the Chola dynasty. With the Apbil grant, the Leiden grant, the Tiruvalangadu grant and the Kanyakumari inscription, the four most important documents, the history of the Cholas could be written completely and satisfactorily. The Tamil works Kalingattupparani, etc. may also be of great interest in the study of Chola history. The following table gives the genealogy of the Cholas as found in the Kanyakumari insoription; and the genealogies derived from the Tamil works, the Vikrama-Solam-ula, the Kulotturiga-Solan-ula and the Sarkara-Solam-ula, are also added for purposes of comparison. The Kanyakumari inscription. 1 Vilvadbinatha. 2 Brahma 8 Marichi. 4 Kasyapa. 6 Vivusvan. 6 Mann. 13 Machokunda. 14 Harischandr. 15 Segara. 16 Bhagiratha. 17 Rituparna. 18 Dilipa. 19 Raun, Lakshmana, Bharata and Satrughna. 20 Choln, wbo fret came to the south and settled down tbere; brought several families of Brabmanas from Aryavarta and populated the new kingdom. 21 Rajakesari. 22 Parakenari. 7 Iksbraku. 8 Vikakshifrava. 9 Kakutatha alias Paranjaya. 10 Pritha. 11 Kuvalaiva 12 Mandbatri. 1 The following is the passage referring to the several titles of Vira-Rajondrs which occurs in No. 161, Chintamani Tk., Kolar District of the Mysore province : Bakala-bbuvan-afraya Bri Prithvi-vallabbs mabarijadbirija parame vara parama-bhattarska Ravi-kula-tilaka Chale-kula-sekhara Pandya-kul-iptaks Abavamalla-kula-kala Ahava mallapai aimmadi menkanda Rajasekhara * Rajara ya Raja-Rajendra Vira-Choln Karikala-Chola Sri Vira-Rajandra-devarku yandu apvada." In 8. I. I, Vol. III, p. 198, also wo find :-"Sakala-bhuvanafraya Sri Modinivallabhs mabarajadhiraja Chola-kola-sundars Pandya-kul-antaks Ahava malla-kulu-kala Ahavamallapai mummadi men-kanda Rajafraya Vira-Chala Karikala-Chola Vira-Rajendra-deva Rajakenari-peramanadiga!... yandu 4 vedo." Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, PP. 48. . Arohl. Survey of 8. India, Vol. IV, pp. 204 ff. * 8. L I., Vol. III, pp. 883 8.

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'No. 4.]. KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. 23 Mrityujit, who conquered Death. 24 Virasena. 25 Chitra, who made Indra seek refuge in his tiger banner. 26 Pushpaketa. 97 Ketumala. 28 Samudrajit. 29 Panchaps, who cut bis veins and fed with his blood five Yakshas who came to him as guests. The Kanyakumari inscription. 30 Nrimrida, who with the help of Parameevara conquered Death. 31 Manoratha. 34 Valabha. 85 Jagadokamalla. 36 Vyulabhayaakara. 44 Bajadhiraja destroyed with fire Kalyanapura, defeated and dealt with Ahavamalla and his generals. 37 Vijayalaya, who made Tanjapari the capital of the Chola country. 38 Aditya alias Kodandarama, who killed the Pallava that was seated on his elephant, in battle. 39 Parantaka, who killed the Pandya king, extinguished his army, took all his treasure, and set fre to Madura, his capital. Hence he was called Madhurantaka. He conquered the unconquered Krishnaraja and was therefore called Vira-Chola. He crossed the ocean and defeated the kings of Simbals and was hence styled Simhalantaka. He established Viranarayanapura and other famous agraharas. 40 32 Perunatkilli. 42 33 Karikala, who built the embankments of the Kaveri, which was destroying the crops by its excessive flow. 41 27 Arindama. Parantaka. The Pandya was driven away and several kings defeated in battle. Rajaraja, who defeating several kings in battle, performed several yagas. Satyaaraya rau away from him in battle. 45 Rajendra-deva. 48 Rajendrs or Madhurantaka; he conquered the king of the Kuntala country; made Manyakheta the playground for his army; his general defeated the kings of Kuluta and Utkala and killed those of Kalinga and Vanga and made the defeated kings carry the water of the river Gauga on their heads for his lord. His army crossed the sea, defeated the king of Kataha and set fire to it. 46 Vira-Rajendra (Raja-Rajendra). He conquered in the battle of Kudalaangams the kings of the Karnata family. He took the countries of Vengi and Kalinga which were neg lected by his brothers and had, therafore, been seized by enemy kings. He was called Vira-Chola and Karikala. He set a famous ruby called the trailokyasara in the crown of the lord of Chidambaram. He established agraharas in the Chola, Tundira, Pandya, Gangavati, Kuluta and other countries and caused lands to be granted to 40,000 learned Brahmanas. D 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII Tbe Kalingattupparani. 1 Vishnu. 2 Brabms. 3 Marichi. 28 Ho who guve his blood to be drunk by demon. 24 He who commanded the wind. 25 He who destroyed the flying forts. 26 He who roamed about the sky in his serial chariot. 27 He who helped Dharmaraja in the Mahabharuta 4 Kasyspa. 5 Arks. 8 Mana. WAP. 28 Hobo married. Naga princes. 29 He who, being pleased with the poem Kelavali of the poet Poyrai. liberated the Chers. 80 He who made kingp (conquered by bim) build the embankment of the Kaveri. 31 He who received in his praise the poem called Pattinappalai. 7 Ikshvaku. 8 He who drove his chariot over his own son. 9 Parandars. 10 He who made the tigar and the deer to drink water in the same stream. 11 Mehukunda.. 12 He who made it possible for the guils to drink ambriga. 13 He, who weighed himself against dove (sibi). 14 Suradhiraja. 15 Chols. 16 Rajakesari. 17 Parakesari. 18 He who explained the law to Duath. 19 He who brought the river Kaveri from the west. 20 He who took the higher worlds and ruled the whole of this world. 21 He who made Indra reside in his fing. 29 De who made the western Ocean mix with the easteru one. 82 He who destroyed the kings of the Pandya an the Chera countries and took Kudal (.e. Madura) and Isam. 33 He who celebrated the festival of his birth day (Sadaya-nakshatra) in the Chers coun try. 34 The king who made his horses drink water from the river Ganga and took Kadiram situated beyond the sea. 35 He who set up & pillar of victory at Kampili, took Kalsans and caused the tiger emblem to be engraved on the eight chief mour tains. 36 He who, seated upon an elephant, came out victorions at the battle of Koppa and received the anointment of heroes (cir-a. dishika). 37 He who enforced the Laws of san and was thrice ( four times) superior to Mana himself. 88 Abhaya, who was victorious at Kudelsangams. The Vikrama-solap-ula. 7 He who made the tiger and the deer to drink from the same stream. 1 Vishnu. Brahma. 3 Kabyapa. * Maricbi. 6 The wheeled charioteer (Sun). 6 He who drove his chariot over the body of hiel Owadon 8 He who drove in bis aerial chariot. 9 He who ruled over the Bbogabhumi (Purandara). 10 He who explained the law to Death. 11 He who .... ... 13 He who destroyed the flying forts.

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. The Vikrama-Solap-uli. 22 He who took the Gangi and Kadars and was pleased to be seated on nimsana. 28 He who conquered the city of Kalyins after attucking it thrice. 24 Ho who fought the battle at Koppem. 13 He who made the water of the western ocean join with that of the eastern ocean. 14 He who married the Naga princesa. 16 He who got into the scale-pen against the weight of a dove. 16 He who brought the Kavori river to the Cbols country. 17 He who built the banks of the Kiveri. 18 He who, being pleased with the poem of Poygai, liberated the Chora king. 19 He who was adorned with 96 scart on his chest, received in battlefielda. 20 He who covered the hall (Chidambaram temple) with gold. adambaram temple) 21 He who took in day the kingdom of the Malai-nida. 26 Ho who presented the god Ranganaths with serpent couch. 26 H who defeated his enemies at Kudalaangamam and killed several elephanta. 97 He who twice destroyed the kalam at Salai, who tout the western cean, defented the Pandyu, Cheras, took Konkans and Kannada, killed the Maratta king, and who is known by the name of Abbays. Vikrama-Cbols. The Kulottunga-solap-uli. 1 The Sun (R) 16 Ho who broke the rock that stood in the way of the Kaveri river and brought her into his 2 He who drove his chariot over his son. country. 3 He who ....... 16 He who woended the scalo-pen ngajout the weight of dove. 4 He who protected the castles of the gods. 17 Karikala, who made hings curry ourth to build 8 Ho who wt on the throne of the lord of gods (Indra) along with him. 18 Killi, who married (the Naga) damsel. 6 Killi, who explained the law to Death. 19 He who liberated the Chers king, being plenaed 7 Mandhitri, who made the tiger and the door to with the poem Kajaali of Poygai. drink water from the same stresm.. 20 Ho who wussdorned with 96 in on his chest & The king of kings who brought down Mandakini received in battle. (Gang) to send his ancestors to heaven by bathing their bones with the holy water. 21 He who tore to pieces Brahmarakshas and repaired the Chidambenim templo: who took 9 H who fought against the Kauram in tho I am and Medan Mabibhanta war. 32 Ho who took and destroyed the fort of Udagal ta one day. 8 He who took the river Gage and the country 11 H, who took the bead of .. ... Kadaram and was pleased to be noted on the wisha sana. 34 Suigundavirttog. 18 Ile who destroyed the dying forte. 26 Akalakay, who received in his pralo the Kaliagattupperasi. 14 B who joined the western ocean with the eastern. | 26 Kalottung Chole

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIII. The Sankara-solan-ula. 18 The king who liberated the Chera, being pleased with the poem Kalavali sung by Poygai. He who bore on his chest 96 scars received in battle. 19 20 The king who covered the Hall with gold. 21 He who took the Kerala country in one day. 1 Vishnu. 2 Manu (). 3 The Sun. 4 He who drove his chariot over his own son, 6 He who made the tiger and the deer to drink from the same stream. 6 He who drove in a celestial chariot. 7 Purandara. 8 He who explained the law to Death. 9 He who ...... 10 He who destroyed the flying forts. 11 He who joined the western ocean with the eastern. 12 He who married the Naga princess whose ancestors possessed the seven worlds. 13 The king who presented 11,000 pons for one Verse. 14 Another who gave 16 crores of pons for a verne. 16 He who ascended the scale-pan against the weight of a dove. 16 He who conducted the Kavori from the west to his country. 17 Ho who built the_embankments on both sides of the river Kaveri. 22 He who took Ganga and Kadaram. 23 He who fought thrice against the city of Kal sana. 24 He who took 1,000 elephants at Koppam. 25 He who gave to Vishnu in Koyil (Sri. rangam) a jewel couch in the shape of a Berpent. 26 He who defeated his enemy at Kadalsanga mam. 27 He who received the Kalingattu-Parani in praise of himself. 28 Vikrama-Choln, who received the ula in his praise from the pen of Kattan. 29 He who was praised in a Valsaikkali-malai and a Pillai-Tamil. s0 Be who presented for each verse of an ulu praising him 1,000 pons. 31 Satkara-Raja. We bave to mention here two Chola kings, viz. Adhirajendra and Raja mahendra, who seem to have reigned as co-regents with Rajendra-deva and Virarajendra. Dr. Hultesch believes that Rajamahendra must be the son of Rajendra-deva and the predecessor of Vira-Rajendra-deva. He writes about these kings thus :-" As regards Rajumahen. dra, his reign seems to be covered altogether by those of Rajendra-dera and Vira-Rajendra I. Perhaps he was a fon and temporary co-regent of Rajendra-deva. This was suggested already by an neoription of the 9th year of Rajendra which mentions among the boundaries of a village the road of Rajamahendra.' A further confirmation is furnished by the fact that his successor Vira-Rajendra adopted the surname Rajakesari. If he had recognised Rajamahendra Rajakenarivarman as his rightful predecessor, he would, in accordance with all precedents, have assumed the title Parakosari." The Kaliriyattupparans, the Vikrama-Solar-ula and the Sarkara-Solar-ula refer to a king who is stated in the two latter works to have given to the god Ranganatha of Srirangam

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No. 41 KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. 31 a golden serpent couch. The Koyilolugu informs us that the king Rajamahendra was a devotee of the god Ranganatha and that be constructed one of the prakaras of that god's temple. Putting together the statements of the two sets of literary evidences, I think it is possible for us to infer that the king who presented to the Srirangam temple a golden serpent couch must be identicul with Rajamahendra. Since the Kalisigattupparani, etc., place him before Vira-Rajendra, the finding of Dr. Holtzsch receives further strength. It is quite likely that he was made a yuvaraja with the title Rajakebari, that, when his father and uncle were engaged in war with the Chalukyas, he was administering the kingdom in the capacity of the ywvaraja, but that he died before his father and therefore never ascended the throne. As a consequence, when Vira-Rajendra ascended the throne, in regular succession to Rajendra-deva, he also called himself a Rajakesari. The Kanyakumari inscription, which traces the descent of the Cholas down to Vira-Rajondra, is silent about Rajamahendra, bis immediate predecessor. This silence about him is significant and corroborates further the hypothesis of Dr. Hultzsch. TEXT. [Metres : vv. 1, 10-12, 18, 21, 24, 26, 44, 47, 52, 56, 73, 76, 77, 79, Sardalavikridita; vv. 2-9, 15, 20, 60, Sragdhara; v. 13, Varhastha ; vv. 14, 49, 71, Sikharini; v. 16, 48, 50, 57, 67, 72, 74, Vasantatilaka ; v. 17, 23, 25, 41, 62, 65, 69, Malint ; vv. 19, 27, 28, 40, 75, Mandakranta; vv. 22, 53, 78, Svagata; vv. 29, 45, Aupachchhandasika; vv. 30-31, 61, Prithut; vv. 32, 46, 59, Praharshini; vv. 33, 38, 39, 42, Salini; vv. 34-35, Harini; vv. 36-37, 58, 63, 66, 66, Rathoddhata ; vv. 43, 54, 55, Upajati; vv. 51, 64, 70, Upendratajra; vv. 80 and 81, Anushfubh.] First Pillar : First Side. I TOT C:*] : Af whe 2 tabhavasthiMtilayAnutbhUtayA lI. 3 layA bo vAcAmadhinAyakaratra4 grau d ar [*] 5 yat bhaktipravaNairapAyaviSa6 mastAryo bhavAmbhonidhiyA7 t vasma vibhUtiminduzakalApoDo 1 The Kalingattupparasi describes this king thus : Papuvalukku mudalaya Veda-nangir pand-uraitta neri pudukkieppalaiyar tangan. Mapuvinukku mummadi nasmadiyam Solan madik kndaikkil-san-dalirppa valarndavarum The Vikrama-Solar-ula thus: Pad-arava-ttenn-Aranga-meyarkku=ppapmapiyil. adaraya-ppaysl-smaittapum ..... Mapralan. kappanaik-Koyir-karamagicka napikkappappanai seydalitta parttivapau... sasikara, 11. 41.43, Both from the original stores and the mechanicnl impressions pr/pared by ms. * Read . * Road Jaat. Head oxfa. * Boad

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32 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 8 bhavAnopatiH [1] mANamAyA[mi]noM 9 yo vahati jagadidaM raJjayantoM' 10 jayantoM jJAnAjJAnapras fa 11 ti sphuTavipuSA yogabhAjA12 gabhAjA [] satvAmatvAnukampo hi13 tamuditamahA [sA]pazUnAm pazU14 nAma zambhubhyambhunapApavyati 15 kRti bhavatassa prapAtAt prapA16 tAt // - [ 2 *] cakre cakreNa daitya 17 prakaramativalaM yacamastaM samasta 18 [m] pAtA pAtALa mUlAhita balira niza 19 m bhAsurANAM surANAM [it] sadyassa dya 20 vIrilijagadrakSaye 21 na kSaNena khairaM khairaM [bha] lezai - ' 22 [fa ]raNa sambhava bhirbhavatbhiH " 23 - [1] pAdo devasmitAmupanata 24 maya: [ pratyavekSA]madambhrAm bibhrat' 25 vidyAvinayasucitajagadArama 26 bhramambhasmasa [1*] tasmivikSipya 27 bojabijamajamakhilaM cilo. 23 kIkara NDam brahmANDaM tena [cakre ] 29 vyadhita vidhimapi sra[g] menAM vi[nA] 30 "yam [4] tathANAstadAnoM sa 31 kalamapi jagat saprapacaM viri 32 caH kRtvA tastAra vIrya brijamayamaparAn " [VOL. XVIII. * Read surANAm 1 The anusvara symbol is entered twice and once at the end of this line and again at the beginning of the next. * Read prasUtiM Read quat. The ai symbols alone are in this line and the letter is in the next. 7 Read faue. * Real bhavahnirbhavahniH Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar who has studiel the inscription and edited it in the Tr. Arch. Series adds some notes and correct readings which passim are enclosed in rectangular brackets. The correct reading seems to be "fe.] at the commencement [The inscription seems to read fan, the e sign being at the end of 1. 29 sad of 1. 30.] 10 [The correct ronding is dubaravana janayadaparAn. ]

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. 33 33 brahmaNaH [tAn munIndrAnteSAmeka[: ta] 34 zeSairapi . . vi vibha . va . tatAnisa First Pillar : Second Side. 35 . . . biSvagrocirIcistribhuvana. 36 (na)[bhavanAt] saJcakAsAccakAra 37 // -[.] tasmA[hi merapatmAsamanayana38 cayaspaSTadRSTojitatrauzve39 yassampattimAjA()dhuri gaNitagu. __Na: kAzyapaH pazyakobhUt [*] pa41 nyonyonbhanena niyamita dadha42 to yabasUtAsurAdhA nirvyAja. 43 vijayanti pracuramupacitAnaMbu44 rAzestaraMgAn // -[] tasmAjAta. 46 stadAnIM [samayakata]sama [vai]: pra. 46 bhAvairudArairvizvatrANapravI. 47 NaismatatamatitarAM nijayan [khA]' 48 vivakhAn [*] nidrAmudrAvibhedaM pratha49 mama[nubhavanyanmayUkhAbhimAhAtu50 [kA ravindaimaha sakaLaguro51 [rnAbhi panaya]kAze / -[0"] yasyodasyAt-' 52 bhirArAdava[tama] satati"vyAtatairaMza53 jAla khatkAlakharA[NDama 54 prathamamabhigaLatkAkimevA(m)ba56 bhAse [1] yvimbH| sarNikA[va] biba56 iti kiraNaiH kesarairAhi57 tathokt"mADhahindaLodhe58 rupa[ra']citaco vyomapaMka-" IRend muniindraan| [Mr. K. V. S. Aiyar has karmaniSThAmteSAmevAe. Perhaps the notial reading is a] baniya[rom na.-Ed.] ? [The reading of this line, in the Trae. Arch. Beries, by Mr. K. V.8. Aiyar is equally doubtful and defective -Bd. Read pacAsana. * Read deg4. * Rend namburAzetarasAna. * Read samayakadamama. The anepara is in the next lize; read our. . (eg seems to be the correct reading.] Randef. 1. Rand matiM. Head yariya: - Read pahA. " Read degpaDe.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. 59 ruhastra / -[8] etasyAbhUttanUjo 60 manuramalatanu bhujAm bIjamAdya 61 yenakAntena yogAmanibhirabhi62 hitA mAnavIyaM prati [*] lokA63 nAmakavandyaH pravidadhadatalaM sama64 dharmaprapacairbhAvAn bhAkhat 65 '. . . pitaramiva' sutaM yam pra66 kAzIcakAra / -[9] tasyaikhAkurabhUyazo67 bhirama dikhAtataizyobhitam68 nu . . . bhUbhatAM suragaNaiyyatkI69 tirudgIyate [*] yasyAmiSanarAdhirAmavi. Second Pillar : First Side. * 70 rahAtramhA(1)smarvato [dRSTA71 ti]prasara vyajeSTa balava[cica72 sya tejaH param / -[10] tasyAbhUttanayama73 mubatanayaH preSI vikukSizravo 74 rakSAmakSatavikramasamakarot 76 mAmaNDalasvAstha yaH [1"] panyonya76 pravimaInana mahatI yA pArthive. 77 labhyate tAM [ste zriyamayamaM ci78 tibhRtAM yatpAdayorAnati[:"] // -[11] puSastasya 79 puramayasamabhavat saMgrAmamAjanmuSAM' 80 jetA bhUmibhujAjigISurasurAla. 81 je sa mAnyastataH / [jaMbhAriM] vaSarbha vi. 82 dhAya kakude] sthUlesya yamaMsthita. 83 [stahe] vairadhikapramodaga[ti]tAm prA[pat]" I Rend mA . Road : . [The gap may be filled up with the word data) * [The text reade fite which has to be corrected into fuu.] . Read Road yaskoti. Read out. The ansara ia in the next line, * Bend baMdhArita * Rnd yama.. Rond 'gaditAm "[The correct reading in Te.)

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Kanyakumari Inscription of Vira-Rajendra : the 7th year. First Pillar: Front. First Pillar: Back. F. W. THOMAS SCALE THREE-FIFTHS WHITTINGHAM & GRIGOS, COLL

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Second Pillar: Front. Second Pillar: Back. MR 889 2000 100 102 104 106

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No. AT KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. 84 kakut*i ] svAbhidhAm / [12] pRthvabhAva kule 83 [kulAdriNA] samasnamastAvanipAlavanditaH [1] 86 [vivekadhustapatau' sa nandadhu' ve[pa]87 'dhurbApi ca yAcadhu[sa]naH // -[13] pasuminvaM88 [0] bhUmahati kuvalAvI narapatiH sphu89 [hIDaratinibhRtamutbhAsi90 satanuH [1] sa dhundhundaityendram bahaka21 sikatAsindhupihitaM hitaM lokAyA92 sau vidadhadavadhIduitabala: / -[14] vaMze8 spricutbabhUvAtbhuta mahimabharacAjitasyA-' * marAraraMgo vizvaMbharAtiprabhamanamani95 zaM kartumutmihakotiH [*] mAnyAtA' 98 nAma rAjA jananayanamahAnanda97 saMdohajAyo yasyAdharmakSayAya vyaca98 radatijavAt cakramA cakravALAt / -[15] ta99 sibupe paramatejasi bhAsataumAm bhU100 miJcacAra hariNA hariNasmahApi [*] 101 sarvo mithasmahajamapyaja[hA]hiro102 dhadharmAstvadharmavirahAna tathA cakAra / [1] 108 udayamiha dadhAnasmat mukhairedhamAna104 satatamasadapAye vRhimatyanvavAye [1] udani 106 mucukundaH kundagaurairyagobhiH pariNa108 ba va candraH yomamAnamayUro: / [17] - Read dhurjanaH [Read y like me, tuy and se which follow, must be the abstract nouns derived from the roots fafes etc., by adding the termination vey. But fafar is not, according to the Dhatapatha, a fit root and hence the reading fat is very doubtful. -Ed.] Read degdhu [The correct reading appears to be wafat.] - Read degg and mudyA. * Read degnubhUvAchuta1 The length of fir is at the beginning of the next line. (We should have rather expected and not marAra.-Ed.] * Read TATAT. The secondary a symbol is at the beginning of the next line. Read dAyI. Read [The correct reading seems to be mAnI mayUkha:] 12

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36 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 makarodyu 114 zebhavadabhibhavabojasA rAja EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Second Pillar: Second Side. 115 vRndaM labdhAnandamitiSu hariva 116 ndranAmA narendraH [*] di[t] sAmekAM dadhadapi 117 nayana kozikAyAndhanAyAM svaM vya 118 krINAttRNamiva tathA yastuputraM kaLa 119 am // [ 19*] prAsIdacAnvavAye sagara prati [2] * nRpa[steSAM sva]matIva durga [tA]nAmapi // - [18] asminvaM- ' 120 pastatiAzeSabhUpo yainAra[mbe] 121 pi kAmaM hayamakhanikare cAsito * Read trayaMkhi 122 devarAjaH [*] yatputrANAm prabhAvA123 lavaNajalanidhau sAgaratvaM prapa 125 * 124 me zeSANAM vAridhInAmapi [sa]kasnAgaratvaJcakAra // [20 *] mAsIda126 tra [bha]gI [ra*]thaH citipatirvaze svayaM127 [mo]vAnuvarttuM kapilaprakopa 128 dahanabvAlAvalobhasmitAn [1] sva [smi ]129 dhuM vasudhAvayantripathagAcakre 130 sa bhAgorathIM martyAnapyamRtAnvyadhAt 1. The anustara is in the next line. [The e sign of 131 surasaritvA'ripravAha sRzaH // - [21] manda132 yetra sumahatyavatIrNa (:)[sarva]bhUpatigu 133 NaiH paripUrNaH [*] sajjanastutivirA 134 jitavarNa: grAmaracadakhilAmRtupa 135 NaH // - [ 22* ] iha samajani bhUpaH sarvalI [The correct reading would be fatet.-M.] is at the end of the previous line.] [VOL. XVIII. * Romal rihAri

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. 136 kekatIpa: capita [bhuvanatA]paNAsitA 137 ripratApaH [*] ariyu[vativilApa ] syAri-' 188 'tohAmakopa [ miti vi]jayicA [pa][prAp]takI-" asmi[aMzaca ] tuSTayena prabhuH [ka]TAM 139 rttirddilIpa: // - [23*] 140 bhagavAn vaMgreja [ni ]Ta _141 [va]cya vasundharAmatibalairdRSTe - 14 143 yutotha bharatazza [bunna] yukta [ssutaddancha ] 144 viSNurbhujAyugaddayatulA[m] [svarNa][r] ya 145 dyayau // [ 24 ] pitari tanayavRttaM bhrAtari bhrAtR Third Pillar: First Side. [hA]rAcase [] [rAmo lA]pasaM 146 yuvatiSu patitaM mAtra 147 ve zatruha [tta]m [1] muniSu nRpativRttavandhuvRttaM sakalama 148 m ba[1]nvaye 149 khila [nAma]: " micayAmAsa" lokam [25] // 150 [mo] kopena" javAna rAca[sapa]ti kA 151 mena" na preyasIM sa pratyAhRtavA[n*] ma 152 hozacaritaM kAdanyena cakre param [1] 153 no cerikantapasi sthitaM sa ma 154laye jAnAsinA kiM 155 vAnatyayakAtiSTa [tyu] pazcitAnta [tyA*]156 ja sotAM [du]tam [2] tuM tuM 167 pibalamasau ba (la) ndhayabrekama 158 bvau cakre vakretaraguNanidhi - " 150 maMsetUnazeSAn [] [vi] 1 Hend dIpa:. * Read usrft. [I would suggest farsfceft the more probable one.-Ed.] The symbol of a is at the end of the previous line. .] [The correct reading is * Read kIrtirdilIpaH. g * [ bhAtRSu is tho actual ronding in the inscription.] " [supati is the actual reading in the inscription. The sign of ve at the beginning of 1 147 is at the and of 1.146.] 10 Rena nAtha: [na krodhena is the actual reading.] 14 Read * [The text rends krItakI.] Read maMDA. 11 Read zicayAmAsa. 13 The symbol of mi is in the previous line. 37

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38 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 160 budhavipadAM vyApadAndAnavInAM rAmaM 161 kAmaM kathayati janasAtguNa [[" ] nAvidhA [na] ' // [27] 162 asminvaM [ ] jani vidaLayabojasA [rA]abU163nda [ co]ko nAma citipatiratisphItarAja 164 myakAlaH [*] yasyAzeSAmavanimavato' 165 rAjadhAnImiva svAM lIlodyA 166 'naistulanamadadhansarvataH kAnanA[ni ] // [28] 167 viharan raprabhaH kadAcinmunivRndA 168 dhyuSi[teSu kA] naneSu [*] anayadibu 169 dhAzrayo vihArapratilabdhAva - ' 170 sarA [Ni] vAsarA [Ni] // - [2e*] kadAcana mRga 171 vrajapramathanapra [bhu]jJAdaraJcacAra(r) 172 [va] pinAntareSvanatibhUrisainyaH [] 173 mI [*] tadA sa mRgarUpiNA jhaTiti kena 174 cidrakSasA [hRto] haritamanvagAt 175 prakRtidakSiNo dakSiNAm // - [10*] mRga 176 ntamanu[ga]cchatA prajavinA zanairvA - 177 jinA pRthudrumasamAkulaM vipi - 178 namanyadAsAdita' [*] nta'manvayuranArataM pra 179 vitataprayANonmukhA javena ra 180 bhasotpatatpRthuvarUthinInA 181 yakAH // - [31] taM hatvA rajanicaraM sa tatra 182 bhUpaH kAverImanu vicacAra bhUricA[*] cIrAMbhonidhimathanAt surai184 rakAptam pIyUSam bhuvi salilacchalA 18 185 [ddahantIm ] // [ 12* ] tatra [nA]tvA 1 Read saguNAnAM nidhAnam. 2 The secondary a symbol of the letter to is in the next line. The ai symbol of nai is at the end of the preceding line. The secondary a symbol is engraved in the next line. 6 va looks like na. The secondary a symbol is in the next line. * Read sabh The secondary a symbol is in the next line. Dive * Read praphullAdara kcAra Read a [VOL. XVIII.

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Kanyakumari Inscription of Vira-Rajendra : the 7th year. Third Pillar: Front. Third Pillar: Back. Rene osjanie Sega3333 92 COM FIBA 220 F. W. THOMAS SCALE THREE-FIFTHS WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL

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Fourth Pillar: Front. Fourth Pillar: Back. 224 202 228 284 284 288 272 238 280 SU 248 282 248 284 250 ROBI 288 Deras a LI 280 256 292 258 294 296

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. Third Pillar Becond, Sadas 186 [bhyo] nApazyattAnvazyacitta 187 stadAnIm [*] cAryAvartAviryA 188 [menakA ] 'nAnIyAdhyAvAsayAmA 189 [ma] tIre // [ 33* ] vipinamakhilaM citvA 190 pUrvavakAra vanamahattadanu vi 191 [dadhe dhI] ramAraM sanAgasAhu 192 [] [] upavanacayeranye kAvera 193 tAtaTaddayavasumatImekacchAyA 194 manekaphalAM vyadhAt // [24] amarasa 195 [ti] khAnam bhUyastapacaravacanA 196 vidati ta tasyAH paciviSTapakacchrAciviSTapa 197 kAmyayA [] 4 viracitaM khAnaM [ghora] 198 tapaca surAlayAdapi zubhatare [ 198 se ba] sthirIkurute satAm / [15] anvayA 200 samanu rAjakesarI vAsarAdhipA 201 samadyutiH [*] cokabhUpatanayo nayAt 202 [vibhuH ] coNimAjaladhi 'vAhitAhitaH // [24*] 203 ta [ta]stu parakesarI nRpI mA 204 rI [tama]nivAryamAsana: [1] sadmakhaH 205 tAharaniyA 208 ramacimaH // [10] mimyaM ludhiyA 207 ma rAjA mRtyorjetA pAtitArAtiva / 208 [ ] []je' parAjayAca prakA 200 [deva][ []ntoSayan vayaM 210 [] [28] asminvaMze vIrasenAmiyA 211 [no jA]to nItAzeSaDokAcita 212 [] [] deve rAjA tejasA bhAtRtu * 89 Read f1. 1 Read 1 nakA. Between and kavera two long syllables are wanting [Perhaps "ranyeoyaM might be suggested..d.] * [This correct reading is tAprita'.] * Bond pracchayU~toSayan * Rond nayAda * [This word may also be read na e.] * The secondary N symbol is in the next line.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XVIII. 218 lyaH kalyANAnAmmandiraM sundarAMga: // -[28] 214 ciciodhAma' kSitipatirabhUttatra vaMze. 215 dhikIrvivastAriprakaravinativyakta216 vicchivakIpaH [1] vRSArAtijhaTiti' sa217 mare tajito yasya bANairmiItto218 bhUtasmatatamabhajavyAghra ketudhvajatva219 m // -[40] pravanimakhilapArAvAratIrAbhi220 rA[mA]m paratanuviratatrIzAsituvAbhi221 [tAriH] [*] nijabhujabalalIlAvaSTarAjanya222 samIrita samajani vaMze bhUpati[: puSpaka-' 223 tuH // -[41] pasminvaye ketumAsAbhi Fourth Pillar: First Side. 224 dhAnI jAto rAjA jAtazampApra225 kAyaH [*] itvA sarvamAbhRtAM [ketu]226 mAlA yenAvAptaM ketumAlAbhi227 dhAnam // -[42] samudrajivAma narA[dhirAjo] 228 [bhuvaM] . . . . . . . voryaH [1"] pUrvAparA229 mabhonidhimitraNena [paNyena . . . 230 amutAM [sa] lobhiH] [43"] zrImatya[ca kula] 231 babhUva mahitIH paJcapAkhyo nRpo 282 nirvyAjAtithipUjanonitamanA ya[cA] 233 na sa paJcAtithIn [] vir3A pacca[si] rA. 234 skhayoNitamasau tairyAcita[ssAda]235 raM koNantat sakasAnapAya[ya]ta tyavA[]tastu 236 [*]t pakSapaH // [44.] prabhavavibhaveja-20 287 [ya]ndigozAniha vaMthe nRpatimadhANa238 kAntaH [1] nRmRDama mRDaskha samprasAdAdaI Rend cicI nAma- Read "bhaTiti. Road 941. *[ga farfarefacer appears to be the actual reading.] The symbol ol ki alone is in this line. * The secondary a of the letter is in the next line. [Perhaps is the actual reading. Ed.] [vaMzana vizAla are seen before vIya:.-d.] .Could the paasage readmasabhe. phe secondary a symbol is in the seat luo. * Bad bhavadhibhave.

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No. 4] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. 239 jayanmatyumanatyayaprabhAvaH // -[45] pacA[bhUda]240 makhaguNa[*] kuletulathosteja khI ma. 241 miti manorathAbhidhAnaH [*] yo vA 242 jhaTimi' manorathAnaroNAm ... 243 mAmakuruta sataphalAt balana / [1] 24 etasminparanakkiLiprabhRtayo .. 215 dharAdhokharA bhayAMmastu nitA246 marekharabalabIvikramA jatira [*] ye. 247 SAmAjaladhikSamAMsapatanavyApta 248 yazobhizazubhairAbramANDamakha. 249 hadezasamayaM vizvajaga[drAjate // -[4.*] 250 pasmin kule kuladharAdharasa[vi]- . 251 kAzaH kAzopamAna[vitatoru]252 yamaHpratAnaH [*] pAsIt kSitIzatila. 253 kaH karikAlanAmA cokamamusthitari264 puSitipAlakAla: // -[48*] sa kAvero256 ndUrIkatasakalasasyAM vidadhatIm pa256 yaHpUrai smAreravanima[vinItI]257 iti[1]ra: [*] prataurobhUtAbhirbarapati karA. 258 zilaSTapiTakaprakIbhirmabhiruNa259 daruNAgresarasama[:] / [48] [asminkule] 260 sakalapArthivavandhapAdo [jAto] ___Fourth Pillar : Second Side. 261 bhijAta guNa[saMhati . . . zroH [*] 262 [arjakhalotbhuta ni[mA pratimapra263 tApa(sa)santApitArizilabho" - 264 sabho mahImaH // -[5.] bahAnvaye265 bhUdamarImatukhaH parAsvaviha Read fefe. * Read guit * Rend degvarma satapanaM bApna. * Road Srapati 10 Real gna. * Could the reading here be em P * The anuarara of is in the neat line. * Read viyaMcana. - Rond pUraiH yAH * Read r. " Read zakhamI.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vorxvfti. 266 janatApazayaH [*] samasarAjA-' 267 takari[bhi]: camAdhinAyo' 268 jagadekamanaH / -[51*] - 269 sibarirAjavanditapadahandAravi270 ndacami rAjA [vyAsa]bhayaMkara' 271 smamabhavat - - - - - va. [*] do. 272 INDAJcitakhaTakhasaNDitaripo23 yasyorjitazrIjuSaH ko274 pAgni: hiSadanAmasali-1 276 laismAtaH paraM gAmyati // -[52*] paba 276 yetra vijayAlayamAmA samaba bhA bhUva sakalacitinAthaH [*] yatpa278 dAmburahayugmamanasaM kharIka279 tamazeSamahIpaiH / -[53*] niveza. 280 [yAmAsa sa cokadeze navInatA281 zeSaguNaprahahAM [*] kakSAsa282 nAbairamaraiH pra[gau]tAntacApu-15 283 rIvAma purI narendraH // -[54*] pAditavarmA-10 284 bhavadasya putraH kodaNDarAmAbhi285 dhayA prasiddhaH [*] * utputva" mattahirada. 286 [5] saMsthajaghAna ya: panavarAjamA-" 287 jau // -[55*] pasyAbhUttanayaH parAkra288 mavatAmekAdhipaH mAbhujAM vora289 zrInilayaH parAntaka iti khyAta: - The secondary a symbol is in the next line. Read wu:. * The secondary i symbol of 7 is in this line. * Read degcamau. The reading is not quite certain; it might also be afr. * [The traces before this word would admit of the reading ut.] - Read dordaNDAJcitabar3a. * The secondary i symbol slone is in this line. * Ready . " Read "niSida. 1 The secondary ai symbol is in this line. " [For the existing traces, smita: would be better.] # The secondary i symbol of 9 is in the previous lino. 14 The secondary a symbol is in the next line "tA would rhyme better with kamA. 1. The letter of looks like a. M Read upanya. - Read hiradendra 1. The secondary a symbol is in the next line.

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No: 4.1 KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA RAJENDRA-DEVA. 43. 290 mAdhIzvaraH [*] besIdyAnavihAri291 [bhi]maMdakaLayaMhAraNAdhIzvarai-1 292 svinte madasindhabhiH pratidizam 298 pAthardhAsi pAthonidhaH // -[56*] tvA 294 tu pANyamakhilena baJjana sA.. 295 kaM tvA tadIyamakhilaM vaha vIryamA 296 [lI / "] bhasmIcakAra madhurAM yadadhAtA Fifth Pillar : First Side. 297 mi tatama madhurAnta298 kamAmadheyam // -[57*] pabligAya 299 vijayopamadyutiH kRSNarAjamaji800 tabarAdhipaH [*] bhUrivikrama[kvi]801 citadyutirvIracoLa iti te. 302 na koya'te / -[58] yattauNana. 803 sanidhimapataibalau304 dhai'saMyattAn samiti jaghAna] 805 siMhaLeyAn [*] tat sarvatpiti 806 pativandhamAnapAdahInvarthA307 mabhajata siMhakAntakAkhya[*]m [- ] 308 dRSTAnta: kosya rAjasmakalagu809 Nanidhe[zamnuyAt] kosya [va]810 ma 'bhUyi[:"]zAdhyAn guNaughAn yudhi] 211 samiti ripobikramaikAsadasya [1] 319 yo vidhiprabhogyAnanupama318 vibhavAnbIranArAyaNAyA[natya314 gyAnapahArAbbyadhita [vidhi]rirva kha316 mastArivarmaH / -[.] amuSa tanayo 316 bhavaDibhurarindamAthI nRpaH0 1 The ai symbolu are in this line and is in the next line. + Road parikheM. The secondary ai symbols are in the previous line and ghe in l. 304 * Read "ci. The secondary a symbol is in the next line. * Rond malayAta IRead bhUya. * Read amita. * The i nymbol alone of the letter is in this line. * The vism ga is in the next Hne.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 817 kSapAkarasamadyutiH tvapita'318 'vairipakSotkaraH [] yadIyabhuja319 vikramazrivaNasaMbhavatmAdhva820 saipairavanibhRtguhA321 gRhanivAsibhi[:"] sthIyate / -[61"] [ya]322 [ma*][ta ca*] rAja[:] khairamAnAvidhe[yA]323 vyadhita vidhisamAnAmapadaM sa324 janAnAm [*] atanuta nutabIryo [vyA]325 padaM zAtravANAmatulayadatula226 zrIzcandrakAntiM svakAntyAH / [12] asya 327 sUnurabha[va]t parAntakasmantatakSapi328 tavairisantatiH [*] cintayanyadudayaM sa399 sAdhvasa: pANyabhUpatirasaMghaya. 330 giriM / [13] cakAra kArAsa ripUnaze331 SAmastatA' bhUrInsamarAmaburAizIna] [*] 832 jahAra tApaM budhasaMhatInA[sa]tA333 [na] santApamasajanA[nA]m // -[54*] akhila 334 guNanidhAnAt bhUmipAsAdamubhA. Fifth Pillar: Second Side. 335 dudajaoNna naranAtho rAjarAjAbhi336 dhAnaH [*] [madana"] ruciradehaH kAnta837 [ne"]oravindo [dhanada iti] paraM [yatrA].' 338 jarAjena tulyaH // -[65] saMjahAra sa339 mare sa pArthivAnujahAra vipa. 340 dasma bhUtakAt [*] AjahAra ca makhAna341 'neko vyAjahAra [ca] [sa] sUnta . . ta 342 satyAzraye sthirata]re bata rAjarA343 je satyAzrayaH kila palAyata manda -[1] I Rend capita. One of the secondary i symbols is in the next line : Rond fema. * Read bhA . +Rend degnirika. Read Autore * Read nevAravindo. . Rond at ry. The i of ne is in the preceding Mpe. ..Could the pasuge hero he read as sUtralA giraH?

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Kanyakumari Inscription of Vira-Rajendra : the 7th year. Fifth Pillar : Front. Fifth Pillar: Back. 338 298 298 338 SING 103 Bero Eco 3 Wh 310 350 312 352 354 356 380 aco 322 362 23 23:30R 324 38 333 364 326 366 396 23 368 370 WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL. F. W. THOMAS SCALE THREE-FIFTHS

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Sixth Pillar: Front. Sixth Pillar: Back. 374 376 376 414 378 378 416 380 380 418 382 886 320 sae 424 390 392 019136 22. 11. G22: 396 494 400 436 409 438 404 40 442 zo 406 408 40B 444

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSORIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. pAlI 344 budhinatyA' jayanti ma[bha]yA ripava. 345 svamAjI na vAjayatyayamasanari346 bhizciyastaiH / -[10] takha sUnurana[sa].' 847 sya zAsitA pAkathAsana ivAri. 348 zAsanaH [*] zaMbarAri[*]cirADatirnupa349 sambabhUva madhurAntakAbhidhaH // -[{"] 350 pravayadajitavIryaH'] . . . . . 361 vijaya va ma[mastAna] kuntakAnAmadhI862 zAn [1] pArata sa[kirITaM] caciyANAbi353 intuH . . . , . . . . [jAmadagnya] - 354 [stha] vIryAt [te'] jahAra hArantuti 355 nAMzakAnti] . . . tovinAma' 358 nirjitAriH [*] vihArabhUmi nise. 367 nikAnA sa cAkarot saMya858 ti mAnyakaiTam / [...] khasanAdhIzA359 napratihatakulUtIkalapa(ti)360 ti: kaliMgAgviMzenTraisma[] 361 bahaLavIryAnvidalayan [*] sa [gaMgA]362 muta"vijakarighaTApAti[ta ]taTAm" 363 ghaTaina" bhUbhanakuTanihi364 "tairatanalAm // [1] saMcitAmbu365 dhibhiva[]tabAhuvIryani[Ita866 [vairisanaranAtha[balaprapa367 sainyaiH " baTAhamada[yamanya rAjendra 1 Read fc +Randa The lottery is engraved below the line. Road tuft *Thumininguyllable may borend monTaya.-d.] * [The gap after this word may be alled with the syllables wmfurpata ] [The gap contains the syllables -Ed.] * The ai symbols an in this line and in the next line, [Porably ta ww meant-Ed.) 1 Rond F . [The correct reading is w() .-d.). "Real mat. 1. The ai symbols are at the end of the provious line. " Read 'pa: : ____.Read madAyarAma.

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46 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 368 cokanRpa [te] kimasAdhyamasya // [1] 369 tasyAsaMstanayA [stra] yastraya' iva 370 khyAtAH [kratora ] mnayasteSAntu pra. 371 yamaH citItilaka rAjAdhirA 372 jo nRpaH [*] [ya: "] kavyAbadrA daya373 to [cityi] tabAyakAnAdAvADava Sixth Pillar : First Side. 374 majJa 375 376 n gate tridiva[su"][[]toko377 kastA citimimAmakriyA. . 378 maracat [*] rAjendradevaprati 379 ripUnazeSAn SopamI' 380 nabhagabhujaH' prakayaM vyane 381 bI / [4] tasminyate cidivasa 382 [stakha] nastejitAriH prAjyaM rA 383 vyathita vidhivat vIrarAjendra 384 devaH [*] bhUta samadhikako 385 rAjarAjendradevaH zatruvrAtaM vya388 jayata jayAtu" vAmAbhyantaraca / [5] 887 hatvA kUTalasaMgame citibhR 388 taH macNATavaMzotbhavAn" sainyaM 389 yatrabhujAM pravardhayati yastai - " 390 haivabhUya" gateH [*] 391 vona yene 392 oSitaiH [m]tvAndhAM saritaM " * Rond juja: krivi. 1 Read. The secondary a symbol is in the next line. The secondary a symbol of the letter * Read panobhayabhunaH. * Rend vyatideg and bahaura is in the next line. * Read far. * Read and 14 Bead grIvAn. The amuseara of j is in the next line. 11 The as symbols of se alone are in this line. 14 The anusvara is in the next line. AVOL. XVIII: // [73] [hi] balo nivya ta Read fir. 3 Ranid + Read 9.

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No 4.7 KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA RAJENDRA-DEVA. 393 samudravanitA saMtoSito / 394 vAri[dhiH'] / -[76] bhAvabhyAM samupa. 395 citaM janapadaM vaMzakramAbhyA396 gataM [kAntaM vairimahivare397 ratibagInkaliMgA. 398 napi [*] jitvA zatruparamparAmatiba. 399 sAM hitvA ca bhItAn bahanchaumA400 vanabhavabhakSitipatiH 401 kSemaNa' taM sonyasAt / -[77*] 402 voracoLanRpatiH karikAlaH kA. 403 la[ya]n kalibalaM sakalaM saH [*] 404 dharmazAsa[na*] samuca yamucaM vyA405 tanoti' [hita]sArasametam // -[78*] 406 devasthAdrisutAdhipasya mata][vi . 407 [] lokyasArAbhidhaM zrImada408 [mabhA] naTastha makuTe mANikya409 [kAropitam [*] madhe vairikukhA Sixth Pillar: Second Side. 410 * * * * * * * * * * * * * 411 . . . . . ma . . . . . . . [va] . . nijavaya412 tasa . . . . . . 'zAnusamAro413 pitaH // -[*] coLatuNDIrapA414- yeSu gaMgAvATikulataboH [*] 415 vararAjendranAvA sau brA416 devAna[ka]mayat -[."] catvAriMga417 tasahasrANi brAmaNAnA418 ndrayIvidarda [*] patoSayat bhUmi419 dAnarakhApavadattiviram / -[81] Read it"; the ai symbols of alone are in this line and in the next lino. * The secondary i of is in the previous line. Read #1917. Read [The reading appears to be a.) Read HT ('The reading seems to bn wry.--Ed.) * The secondary a and the visarga of of: are in the next lina. * Read gvayauvidAm, " Bond cavISayad

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48 420 Svasti sri[h] Sakala-bhuvan-asraya 421 Sri-me [di]ni-vallabhal maharaja422 dhiraja saka [la]mahentra parama-a423 shta-kula-simha raja-kula-bhavaka424 kula [sekha]ra.... kulanta]425 ka Aha[vama]lla la Aha 426 [di-me]p-ka. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. vamallanai 427 pda Rajasekhara Rajasraya 428 Raja-Rajendra Vira-Chola Karikala 429 Chola Rajakesarivanma sri-Vira480 rajendra-devarkku yandu sla 431 vadu te pat 432 tin 433 Vira-Rajendra . 434 mma rava Rajara 435 [ja]p-Pandi-nat[tu] Uttama-Sola-va 436 lanattup-Purattaya-nattu Kumari-[k]ka 437 ppiya-pidariyarkku vepdum nityani438 vandangalukku Chakkarava[t]ti [ari-Vira-Ra]je439 ndra-[dovar] kudutta Uttama-Sola-valanat 440 tu Purattaya-nattu Narrirakkudi-nila 441 iru-norr-elubatt-opre-mukka 442 le irandu mavum in-nattu-pPeru443 bgudi kilkombu atpatta nila444 aiymbatt-opbade-onbadi ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. [VOL. XVIII. Line 1. Be it well: Prosperity! Verse 1. May the moon-crested BhavanIpati (ie. Siva), who is the sportive author of creation, protection and destruction, who is the master of speech, the only abode of omniscience (sarvajnata) and by whose grace his devotees are enabled to cross the dangerous ocean of samsara (metempsychosis), grant you good fortune. V. 2. May Sambhu, who is full of grace towards moveable and immoveable objects, who holds one with his own body,-which is situated on the mountain (Kailasa) and which is effulgent with light, that of the great Maya, who cheers the Universe, who establishes science and nescience (jnana and ajnana) and who is pleased with the happiness and distressed with the unhappiness of souls (jiv-atman),-may He save you easily from sin and protect yon from downfall. V. 3. He, who killed with his discus the hordes of the army of Asuras, who drove to the aether regions (patala) the emperor Bali and who is ever the protector of the Devas, may that Hari wipe off your sins by protecting the world through you who are so many portions of His own Self existing on earth. V. 4. The Lord of all (Sarvesvara), with a view to procreate the Universe, first ushered into existence water, which (is the primordial matter and which) is the fittest object for that purpose. Therein He sowed His eterual seed and raised from it the Mundane Egg, which envelops the three worlds. He also created Brahma for bringing into existence all other things. [The actual reading is melani.-Ed.] The rest of the inscription cannot be traced. [Who swells with the pleasures and pains of creatures willingly burne-Ed.]

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. 49 V.5. This Brahma who was thus begotten, having created all the worlds, containing every kind of thing, produced other Brahmas. One among such was Marichi who shone with a light which spread on all sides. V. 6. Kibyapa, who, with his omniscience, could perceive the subtlest things (pasyaka) was born of Marichi. His great beauty (Sri) was noticed by the eyes of Brabma. He is reckoned as the first among the men of pre-eminence (oreyas-8ampatti). The constant fight among the Devas and others born of Kasyapa, to own Prosperity appeared like the dashing against each other of the waves of the ocean (which bore Lakshmi). V.7. From him (Kidyapa) was born the transcendent Vivasvan, who is the father of time, who by his generous light or power (prabhava) which is capable of affording protection to the world, subordinates the planets, and by the contact with whose rays the lotus issuing from the navel of the Lord of all (Vishnu) as also the lotuses, the faces of Brahma, renounced sleep for the first time. V. 8. When the rays of the sun began to dispel darkness from every quarter, the shining golden Brahmanda appeared as though the gold) was emitting the flaws (kalima) in it; and The dise of the sun looked like the pericarp of the Sky-lotus of which the petals were the directions of the compass, and the filaments the solar rays. V. 9. The patriarch of all kings (who ruled over the earth later on) was Mann, the son of Vivasvan, from whose connection the homan race received the name Manava. Manu was worthy of being praised by the world; he created and promulgated laws and made humanity happy. Vivasvan made his son Manu as resplendent as he did his father (Kasyapa). V. 10. T. Manu was born Ikshyakul, who had unblemished fame spreading in all quarters and sung by the hosts of Devas. The all-pervading prowess of this conquering king, having had no enemies (amitras) to conquer, vanquished the sun (Mitra, a word which means also "a friend ") v. 11. Vikukehidraya of high ideals of justice and of great intelligence was the son of Ikshvaku. This powerful king afforded protection to this earth. Kings used to acquire wealth by warring against each other, and they have now the easy method to attain it, namely to worship the feet of this king. V. 12. The son of Vikukshifrava was Paranjaya who subdued those king who offered him battle. Having transformed Indra into a bull, he stood on its high hump to conquer the Agoras; the gods in great joy addressed him as Kakutstha (he who stands on the kakud, hump of a bull), and this became thenceforth his name. V. 13. Prithu, who was comparable to the great mountains (kula-parvatas) and who was respected by all other kings, was born in this family. During his regime all the people were wise and pleased. There did not exist then trembling (for fear) or beggary. V.-14. In this great dynasty appreared the king Kuvalasya. He was famous for his powerful horses. This powerful sovereigo, in order to afford protection to the world, killed the Agura named Dhundhu, who had taken refuge in the sandy river Sindhu. Vy. 15-16. Of astounding greatness, the incarnation of Asurari (Vishnu), the king Man. dhatri was born in this race to remove the distress of humanity residing on this earth. 1 Sea Kalingattupparapi, Raja-parampariyan, v. 9; Vikkirama-Solar-ula ll. 1-6; Ep. Ind. Vol. XV, D. , v. 6 & 7, South Ind. Inrere., Vol. III, p. 398, v. 4 and Arch, Survey of South India, Vol. IV, p. 206. See Kalinyattupparani, v. 10, Vikkirama-Solar-wla, 11. 6-8 and Kulottunga-Solar-ula, 11. 2-4. South-Ind. Insors., Vol. III, p. 893, v. 5. * south-Ind. Inscr., Vol. III, p. 998, v. 6. Ibid. v. 7. Jbid, 8. Tom, v. 12. * Ibid, v. 14. * Ibid, p. 304, v. 16.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. He afforded pleasure to the eyes of his subjects (by his personal appearance, perhaps). To drive off uprighteonsness (adharma) his discus (chakra) travelled as far as the Chakravala mountain. While this famous monarch ruled the earth, the lion and deer lived together amicably. All objects renounced their mutual hostility (that is, became friends); but dharma alone became an exception to this statement, for adharma did not exist (that is, it could not become a friend of adharma). V. 17. The king Muchukunda of many good qualities was born of this race, which is never exposed to danger and which is ever prospering; this sovereign shone bright like the moon with his fame, which was white (unblemished) as the kunda (jasmine) flowers. V. 18............ The king made it impossible for even those who fell in battle to enter heaven. V. 19. In this family was born Harischandra, who subdued by his prowess hosts of kings and who delighted in war, Valuing them as a mere straw, he sold his own body and his wife and son to pay the money of Kausika (Visvamitra). V. 20. In this dynasty was a king named Sagara, who was dreaded by all other kings. When this monarch began to perform a number of afvamedha-ydgas, Indra began to tremble (lest his position be lost to Sagara by the virtue which he was going to acquire by his meritorious deeds). Owing to the greatness of the sons of Bagara, the salt oceans obtained the name sagara, and this name began to apply to other seas also. V. 21. Bhagiratha was born in this race. Having brought down from heaven the river Ganga to raise his ancestors (the sons of Sagara) to heaven from the ashes to which they were redaced by the fire of the anger of the sage Kapila, he caused the celestial river to flow in three regions (that is, heaven, earth and hell) and the men who touched its waters to become immortal. V. 22. Ritaparna, who was full of kingly virtues and who possessed a fame which was praised by all good men, sprang from this dynasty and protected the earth. V. 23. In this family was born king Dilipa : he was like a lamp to the universe ; he had removed from the world misery and had destroyed the power of his enemies; his anger drew tears from the eyes of the queens of hostile kings (that is, if any hostile king excited his wrath, that king was sure to meet with his death at the hands of Dilipa). He was a famous sovereign whose bow was ever destined to be crowned with success. V. 24. Seeing that the earth was groaning ander the evil deeds of the powerful and wicked Raksbasso, the Lord of the Universe, Bhagavan, became incarnate in four different aspects as Rama, Lakshmana, Bharata and Satrughna. The two first and last pairs of brothers resembled the right and the left pairs of arms of Vishnu. V. 25. This universal Lord taught the world the modes in which a son should conduct himself towards his father, a brother towards his brother, a young man towards his wife, an enemy towards his enemy, kings towards Rishis and relations towards relations. V. 26. It was not out of anger that he killed the king of the Rakshasas (Ravana); por wag it out of bis (carnal) love for his wife that he rescued her (from her captivity under Ravana); he only discharged his duty, which as a sovereign he was bound to do. If it were not so, why then should he bave killed a Sadra who was doing penance on the Malaya mouptain or soon after (rescue), abandoned his wife, Sita, of resplendent beauty and rare courage ? V. 27. Sri-Rama, of straight (uncrooked) virtnes, had a bridge constructed across the sea for the army of monkeys to march over. (By his act of killing Ravana, a monster having evil ways), he firmly established all dharmas (dharma-setu) on the earth. This Rama, full of good qualities, is praised by men as the dhumakatu (comet) to the misery of the gods (caused by the Rakshasas) and the source of chagrin to the Asuras. South-Ind. Inscriptions, Vol. III, p. 393, v. 17.

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. Vv. 28-35. In this race there was a king named Chola. To this king, by whom the world was governed as though it was but his capital city, the forests appeared like so many pleasure-gardens. Once upon a time this king, who was resplendent as Hara, was spending his time in sport within the forests inhabited by hosts of sages. At another time he strayed into other forests, with a band of his army, for the purpose of hunting deer; then was he allured by a Rakshasa, who had assumed the shape of a deer, and was beguiled into the southern regions. In the pursuit of this (pseudo-) deer the horse of Chola took him gradually into another forest thickly studded with trees. The commanders of his rapidly marching army, who were prepared to accompany their sovereiga to distant lands, kept pace with his swift horse. Having killed the deer-asura, the king began to march along the bank of the river Kaveri. It seemed from the sweetness of her water that the river Kaveri was carrying the very ambrosia (amrita) which the Devas churned (with great effort) out of the ocean. After bathing in her water, the king (looked for) Brahmanas but found none in that region. Therefore, he brought a large number of Brahmanas of superior virtues from the Aryavarta and settled them down there (on the banks of the Kaveri). He cleared the jungle and planted betel-vines and areca trees in large numbers. He created several other kinds of gardens, whereby the country was rendered shady (and cool) and also productive of fruits. People bathe in the river Ganga and do penance in order to obtain svarga; but the bath in the Kaveri and penance on her bank would take those who do them to regions higher than svarga. V. 36. After him (Chola) his son Rajakesari, who was bright as the sun and who drove his enemies to the brink of the ocean, ruled the earth. V. 37... .. Rajakesari's son was Parakesari3 V. 38. In this family there shone the king Mrityujit, who conquered Mrityu (Death). He felled the hosts of his enemies, pleased the Devas by the yagas performed by him and made his foes tremble. V. 39. The king Virasena, who removed the sufferings of his subjects, who was resplen dent as the sun, who was the abode of all auspicious qualities and who possessed beautiful limbs, was born in this race. V. 40. There was born in this dynasty a king named Chitra, whose anger would disappear if his enemies prostrated themselves before him. Being terrified in battle by the arrows of this king, Indra forthwith made friends with him and adopted Vyaghraketu's [i.e. Chitra's] banner of tiger. 51 V. 41. Pushpaketu, who by the spell of his prowess playfully drew, towards himself the wealth of all other kings, was born in this family to rule the earth as far as the borders of the seas. V. 42. Ketumala, who shone as bright as the lightning, was born in this race. Having seized the rows of standards (ketu-mala) of other kings he came to be known by the name of Ketumala. V. 43. In this race was born a king named Samudrajit. He made the eastern ocean join the western one and as a prize for it obtained the hand of the daughter of a king in marriage.6 V. 44. Panchapa, who delighted in treating guests, belonged to this family.7 Having been requested by five Yakshas, who came to him as guests, he cut open five arteries in his body 1 South-Ind. Insors. Vol. III, p. 394, v. 28 and Ep. Ind. Vol XV, p. 60, v. 12. and Ibid, p. 395, v. 30. Ibid, p. 395, v. 36. Ibid, v. 37. Kalingattupparani, V. 18. South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III, p. 391, v. 24. a 2

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5% EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. and offered the blood issuing from them with great tenderness to the Yakshas to drink. From this act of hospitality he came to be known as Panchapa. V. 45. Surpassing the dik-palas in greatness and similar to the moon in his splendour, king Nsimsida was a member of this family. This king of undying fame conquered death by the grace of the god Paramosvara. V. 46. King Manoratha of unblemished character and of incomparable wealth was born in this dynasty; he was powerful in war; through having been able to destroy the desires of the enemies and fulfil those of his (friends and dependants)..... he was dubbed Manoratha. V. 47. Perunatkillil and other kings who surpassed Indra in strength, wealth and reputation, were born in this family. Their fame extended to the very borders of the earth And ses, and reached even the sun and the Brahmapda and was ever shining. Vy. 48-49. Karikala-Chola, who was firm as the kula-parvatas, who possessed great fame, as white and unblemished as the flowers of the kafa plant and who was Death to the hostile kings who met him in battle-field, was born in this family. Seeing that the river Kaverl was overflowing its banks and not allowing crops to flourish, this monarch, who curbed the baughtiness of insubordinate kings, caused the embankment of this river to be constracted with the earth carried by (such insubordinate) kings in baskets on their hands, and afforded protection to cultivation. V. 50. In this dynasty was born the king Valabha, who possessed good qualities, wealth and prowess which compelled other kings to prostrate themselves before his feet; ho burnt with the flames of his admirable valoar the insects (salabha), his enemies. V. 51. Jagadakamalla, who was comparable to Indra, drove off poverty from learned men, and wielded the weapon called the bhalla (spear), which was Death to other kings, was born in this family. V. 52. The king Vyala (or Vairi P)-bhayankara was born in this family. The hostile kings prostrated themselves before his feet. The fire of the anger of this powerful king, who fought with the sword held in his long arm, could be quenched only by the tears flowing from the eyes of the queens of hostile kings. V7, 53-54. The lord of all the earth, the king Vijayalaya, was born in this frmily. All kingy bowed before his feet. He established in the Chole country the city of Tanjapuri, which was praised even by Brahma and other gods. Being a newly founded town, it flourished with all good qualities. V. 55. The son of this Vijayalaya was Adityavarman, better known by the name of Kodanda-Rama. He fell on the Pallava monarch, who was seated upon a maddened elephant, and killed him in battle. Vv. 56-60. To bim (Aditya) was born a son named Parintaka, who was the abode of the goddess of valour (vira-fri). By the water flowing from the temples of the mast elephants of this king, which were sporting in the gardens adjoining the shores of the seas, the water of the seas became soentod. Parantaka destroyed the Pandya king with his whole army, took all his 1 South-Ind. Ingeriptions, Vol. III, p. 896, v. 41. . Ibid, v. 42. Ep. Ind. Vol. XV, p. 60, v. 18. vinayAvadhIjani tadabI jayA vijitAvisAvanitacI mahAbalaH / prmpendrmkuttsthpkhkhcirmircitpdaanunaayaa| Loiden Grant. ficut Ind, I neers, Vol. III, p. 896, Vv. 47 and 48.

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA DEVA. wealth and barnt (his capital) Madhura; for this achievement he received the title of Madhurantaka. This king, who was as bright as Arjana, conquered in battle the thitherto unconquered king Kfish arija, and thereby augmented his own glory. In recognition of this feat he was entitled Vira-Chola. Parantaka, who is respected by all kings, caused his army to cross the sea and defeat the king of Simhala, who was waiting on the sbore to give him battle, and thereby received the true surname of Simhalantaka. Who could stand comparison with this king, the abode of all good quslities? Who can describe the traits of this monarch, who conquered his enemies in battle and who was the only residence for prowess? The destroyer of the enemies, Parantaka, brought into existence superior villages of great wealth like Viranarayanam, just as Brahmi created svarga, and caused them to be enjoyed by learned Brahmanas. vy. 61-62. The son of this king (Parantaka) was Arindama, of glory similar to that of the moon. He destroyed the power of his enemies. Many & king, who had heard of the valour of this sovereign, took refuge in mountain caverns. He brought all other kings ander his sway; like Vidhi (Brahma), he conferred riches upon good men ; this king of repated prowess caused grief to hostile kings. This sovereign of unparalleled beauty made the lustre of the moon comparable to his own splendour. Vv. 63-64. Parantaka, who always destroyed the hosts of his enemies, was born to Arindama. Taking into consideration the advent of this sovereign, the Pandya king crossed the mountain and fled away, Parantaka imprisoned all his enemies and fought successfully several battles. He satisfied the needs of learned men and was a terror to bad ones. Vv. 65-67. To this monarch (Parantaka), the abode of all virtues, was born the lord of men, Rajaraja. This king, who had a body as beautiful as that of Cupid and handsome lotus-like eyes, was comparable to Kuvera (otherwise known as Rajaraja) only in his manificence. He killed in battle the enemy kings and rooted out evil from the earth. He celebrated several yagas and was ever veracious. Satyasraya, when he could have obtained strong support in Rajaraja, ran away senselessly from the battle-fieid. In fact, the terrified enemies of Rajaraja win him over in battle by quietly bowing before him; nor will he deprive such suppliants of their life or property, Vv. 68-72. The king Madhurantaka, who punishes those who do not submit to him, who chastises his enemies and who possesses a body as handsome as that of Cupid himself, was born as the son of Rajaraja. This monarch, as powerful as Arjana, defeated all the kings of Kuntala (Kuntalanam=adhisan). This king, who wore a hara on his neck, abstracted the glory of the moon (that is, caused the glory of the moon to wane before his own). Conquering hostile kings by the power of his arms, he made Mangakheta a sporting ground for his army. He cansed the kings of the Kulata and Utkala countries to be defeated by his generals; the & His achievements are described in South-Ind. Inscra. VOL III, p. 896, Vv. 61-62 & Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 61, Y. 21. See also Kalingattupparani, Bajaparam, Vv. 22 and 23. . Compare : afar fara a formula euforfetari Loiden Grant. * Hp. Ind. Vol. XV, p. 61, v. 28. * South-Ind. Inscra. Vol. III, p. 896, Vv. 55 and 56. * He is mid to have been born under the asterism, Sadaiyam, to have captured Udagai (Kalingat. v. 24 and Kulott. 11. 46-48) and to have taken Malai-nada (Vikkiram. II. 83-84). King Bajarija was great giver of wealth (dhana + da), and in this rospect resembled Kavors, who bore the name Dhands. But Kuvera was, as his name indicatee, ill-shaped in body while king Rajaraja ww not. One of Kavora's eyes was yellow. Rajaraja, the king, had none of these drawbacks. His conquests of Mapnai, Kidaram and Gangai are mentioned in the Kalingat., v. 25, Vikkiram., 1. 84.36 And Knlott. II. 49-50.

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54 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ Vol. XVIII. kings of Kalinga and the Vimsendra (?) were also vanquished by his generals, who reached the Ganges, whose banks slipped down the river through the battering of his elephant brigade ; the water of the (holy) Ganga was carried in pots on the heads of kings (to his capital city). He made his powerful army, which uprooted several hostile kings, cross the sea and set fire to Kataha, which it was not possible for other kings to conquer. What act was impossible for this monarch Rajendra-Chola ? V. 73. This king had three sons, comparable with the three fires in a yaga. Of these, the preeminent Rajadhiraja was his first son. He set fire to Kalyanapura, defeated its king and did something to king Ahavamalla, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v. 74. When this king went to heaven, his younger brother who removed the sorrow of the world, ascended the throne. Rajendra-deva, the monarch, who had arms resembling in shape the snake Adi-Sesha, killed all his enemics. Vv. 75-81. When this sovereign also went to heaven, his younger brother Vira-Rajendra who caused the valour of his enemies to wane, succeeded to the throne with due formality. He conquered not only his outside enemies, but also his own five senses. He killed the kings of the Mannata family (?) at Kudalsangama"; these kings augmented the army of the Devas (in the celestial world). The ocean was gratified by this king, who by killing hosts of men in battlefields created a new river, a river of blood, and mado her join her lord, the sea. The countries of Vengi and Kalinga, which had been in his family for a long time, but, being abandoned by his elder brothers, were then in the occupation of his-enemies, were recovered by Vallabhsvallabhas by driving off some of those enemies and defeating others by the power of his arms, and were ruled over by him. Vira-Chola (that is, Vira-Rajendra), also known as KarikalaChola, having deprived the world of the evils of the Kali age, established several dharma-sasanas which afforded succour, were full of substance and were lofty in their aims. "To the Lord of Parvati, who is dancing in Chirrambalam (Dabhra-sabha), he made a gift of the valuable ruby known by the name of trailokyasara . . . . . . . He created several brahmadeya villages in the Chola, the Tundira, the Pandya, the Gangavati and the Kulata countries. He also furnished forty thousand Brahmanas, well-versed in the Vedas, with gifts of lands. LI. 420-445. In tho seventh year of the reign) of Rajakesarivarman --who bore the birudas and surnames the Asylum of the whole world,' Lord of the Earth,' Maharajadhiraja, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ashtakulasimha, Rajakola (?, [Ra]vikulasekhara, Pandyakulantaka, Ahavamallakula-Kala, he who defeated Ahavamalla [See note 9 above, p. 45, Ed.] South-Ind. Inscrs. Vol. III, p. 400, v. 117:-- vijitastadIyataTabhUminAyakaH salilaM tadIyamatha pAvanaM varama / nijanAyakAya madhu rAnta kAya tarasamanonayatsapadi daNDanAyakaH / Ibid., v. 123:- #renadforwafuafvarova: His conquest of Kalyana and the planting of a pillar of victory are mentioned in the Kalingattupparari, v. 26, and Vikkirama-solam-ula 11. 36-38. "The outside and the inside enemies" is the expression employed in the text. The sense of sight, smeh etc., are always considered the enemies of man, which reside in his own body. Kalingattupparani, Rajaparam. v. 29 and Vikram. 11. 42-44. * It is belief that ore who dies on the battle-field goes to heaven. The number of warrior kings who were despatched to the other world by Vira-Rajendra-deva being great, the army of the Deves must have been giently strengthened by these new recruite. The sea is considered to be the husband of all rivers. Vira-Rajendra canised river of blood to flow from the multitude of human beings he killed in battles, and gave her in marriage to the sea, wbicb pleased the latter very mucb. .so named because he subjugated the Vallabha (Chalukya) king.

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No. 4.) KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA. five times, Rajasekhara, Rajasraya, Raja-Rajendra, Vira-Chola and Karikala-Chola, . . . . . . in Purattaya-nadu, a sub-division of Uttama-$29-valanadu in RajarajaPandi-nalu. . . . . . to the Kanya-bhataraki ... the land, two hundred and seventy-one and three-quarters and two mi (in extant) comprised in the village of Narrarakkuli in Purattaya-nalu in Uttama-sola-valanalu, together with Perunguli-Ki]kombu in the same nadu, containing fifty-nine and nine mi of land . . . . . . . . . by the emperor (chakravartti) fri-Rajendra-deva. . . . No. 5.- NIDUPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA I. BY PROFESSOR E. HOLTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). A set of ink-impressions of this inscription was sent to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, who had received the original plates for examination from Mr. M. Ramakrishnakavi, M.A., Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras. The inscription is engraved on three oblong copper-plutes, the second of which bears writing on both sides. The margins of the four inscribed sides are only very slightly raised into rims. The plates measure 2' in height. The two first are 7" in breadth, while the third is cut on the right margin and hence measures only 63". The plates are strong on & ring which is 28" in diameter, and which is passed through a hole of about *" in diameter. The two ends of the ring are fixed in the base of a circular seal of about 1' in diameter which bears, in relief, the legend Sri-Sarvvasiddhi, with a crescent at the top and an expanded lotus-flower of nine petals at the bottom. The weight of the plates, with ring and seal, is 70 tolas. The writing is in a tolerably good state of preservation; but some aksharaa, anusvaras, and vowel-marks are indistinct, and at the end of the first five lines of the third plate, two or three letters are lost. The alphabet resembles that of other early Eastern Chalukya grants. A final form of t occurs in -vasa kat (1. 1) and vaset (1. 24). The syllable ru is used in the Telugu proper names Ganderu (11.9 f. and 10), Vanneru (1. 10), Niduparu (1. 18 f.) and Nidubaru (1. 11). The language is Sanskrit prose as far as line 19. The last plate contains four Sanskrit verses. Consonants are not doubled after r, except in -atti- (for -urtti-, 1. 3), pravarddha' (1.6) -mantrartthio (for-mantrartthe', 1. 16), dryya- (1. 19), obhir=rva sudha (1. 22). As the notes on the text will show, the rules of Sandhi are frequently, neglected. For -kalapa (1. 8) the sense requires the instrumental -kalapena. The inscription records the grant of the village of Niduperu or Nieubaru to the learned Brahmana Katisarman (read Kotisarman ?) by Jayasinha (1) Vallabha, son of Vishouvardhaca (I) and grandson of Kirtivarman (I) of the Chalukya family. Vishnuvardhana I bore the surname Makaradhvaja, 1.e., Cupid, whom he is stated to have surpassed in beanty (1. 5). The donor, Jayasimha I, had the surname Sarv vasiddhi, by which he is designated on the seals of his two grants." The king's order was issued from Asan apura (1. 1), and the donee's grandfather was an inhabitant of the same town (1.12). The village granted was included in Ganderuvati and [Mr. K. V. 8. Aiyar reads in 1. 426 mummadi and translates: who saw the back ot Xhava nella three times -Ed.] * See Ep. Rep. for 1917, App. A., No. 7 and p. 118. * See Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 97. * See the first paragraph of this article, and Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 187. The grandfather of the doneo of grant of Vishnuvardhana II also resided in Ampapara; Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 192.

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50 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. wes situated on the river Vanneru, north of the Vyaghra river, and two gavyatis east of the royal residence of Ganderu. The district of Gandeluvati is evidently the same as Kanderuvadi or Kandravadi in other inscriptions from the Telugu country.1 Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri has identified Gandegu, the chief town of this district and the residence of Jayasimha I, with the village of Kanteru in the Guntar Taluk of the Guntur District, and the village granted, Nidapary or Nidubaru, with the modern Nidamarru 'which is actually about two gavyutis (i..., eight miles) to the east of Kantoru." Mr. Sewell informs me that Kanteru is a few miles N. E. of Guntar near the main road leading to Bezvade, and that Nidamarru is a few miles N. N E. of it. He is ndable to trace the Vyaghra and Vannesu rivers, and the town of Asanapura. TEXT. First Plate ; Second Side. 1 Svasti [*] Srimad-Asanapura-vasakat svami-Mahasena-pad-anudhyatanai Hariti putrana[m] Manavya2 sagdt[r]anam Matri-gana-paripalitanam* asvamedha-yajinam Chalukyanam vi[Juddha vam[]-oda3 yagiri-sikhar-odita-kshitipaty-ahimadidhiten a kala-jagad-a[r]tti-hara-karmana[b] 4 Sri-Kirtivarmanah priya-napta sasalanchhanasy=eva sakala-jagan-ma[n]o-nayan-ana. 5 ndana-karasya 8v8-rdpa-lavany- vajita-Makarathya(dhya)jasya Makaradhvaj-apara namnah srimad-aida[m]yugina6 Vishnoni Vishnuvardhana-maharajasya priya-tanayah pravarddhaman odaya-pratap Opanata-sama Second Plate ; First Side. 7 sta-sa manta-makuta-tata-ghatita-mani-mayakha-manjari-pumja-pimjarita-charan-aravinda yugalah(lo) nija8 guna-didhiti-kalapa? Kaliyuga-dhvantam nirakarishnuh Akhandala iv-akhandita paura(rushah pa9 rama-brahmanyo matapitfi-pat-anndhyataho sri-Jayasimha-Vallabha-maharajah(jo) Ganda 10 ruvaty [m] Vyaghra-nadyas-ch=Httaratah(t)) Vanneru-nadyas-cha tire Ganderu rajadhanyah 11 parva-dig-vibhago gavyata(ti)-dvaye Nidubaru-nama-gramam-adhivasatah kudum(tum)binah samaveta12 n-ajnapayati [ll] Viditam-asta vo yath=Asenapura-sthana-nivasino ghatika-samanya See above, Vol. VI, p. 148, and Vol. XII, p. 62. Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1916-17, p. 116. Aceording to Mr, Sowell's Lista, Vol. I, pp. 37 and 39, there is a pair of other villages of the same name (Kaptera and Nidamarro) in the Tanuku and Bhimavaram Taluka of the Godavari District. At my request Mr. Sewell has kindly looked up the Taluk maps in the British Museum, and be quite agrees with Mr. Krishna Sastri's identification, became the village of Kantorp in the Guntur District is far more important place than the little out-of-the-my village of the mme name in the Tanuka Taluk of the Godivari District,' and because the two villages of Kantara and Nidamarru in this last district are not very close together, and seemingly quite small places' * From the ink-impressions. * Read tanam . Read Viskipor-, * As there was no room for the group w of Vishnu at the bottom of the plate, the engraver placed dash (cirama) above it and added.ww after it Read .kalapina, .Rend 'rishura . Read -pad-andhyata.

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NIDUPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA I. 2 piikhuen! 5 daabrryaa kaaa, saaw thii 83m25abr 85ar a 10 baath 38maayeraasaam8Uj8c012 : : S eyy. 2555aya 4 ch`y13:42.J iia. mus84ECKCyC5Ts3 251e8ike trappy gaggdkhKE 1289)ayapranasampraaw 3g8x8 :) mamng`wnai3]saarrson CA hwaan jib. khaay#3588335Igxs235, 12:30-23.0 14 8asnaams`bccha`aammiipra1843838 " I 584%25A5Js3mepg.wrwy 18 khn saant niechaa" 3x4bl: 213333 em4aa1 20 5rN7s:mw #UDE 13 18:53: 34 *32F45trphra 32": "5 65: * 11. 2 pii 2553 254 thuengorp) p.1, 12) rrn 8 15 22 H. Katsura BusTal. SCALE -76. SURVEY OF INDIA.

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SEAL OF THE NIDUPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA I. SEAL OF THE KONDANAGURU GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN.

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No. 5.] NIDU PARU GRANT OF JAYASIUHA I. Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 sya sa-(pa]da-kram-anukram-adhita-voda-dvayasya sa-kalp-opanishat-puran-tibas-indka dharmasastra14 Vidah(do) Man[da]sarmanah pantriya sva-pitur=adhika-guna-sampad-gan-(0)parjila nirmala-yaso-viso15 she[na] [a]tmandenvayam-alam-alara karishnoh agnishtoma-yajinah sivarudrasarmana[h] 16 patraya dvi-v[o]d-adhyayind yajthagam-opanishan-mantrartth-i(e)tihasa-parana-dharma17 sastru-vimaliktita-vina(nI)ta-mataye Harita-sagotraya Taittiriya-sabrahmachara(ri)ne Katisarmane 18 Kartika-piurnamasyan matapitror-atmadas-cha yasah-pang-abhivirdhayes sampratto - yam Nidupa Third Plate; First Side. 19 fa-nama-grimah [*] Nisya badha karaplya [H] Ajnaptir-atr-kryya-mand bbirimuh Sri-virga-[m]a (tes] .... 20 nasrayo=yam* [*] bhupendra-niti-pravibhaga-daksbah (ksho) [vo]danga-vit-sarva-kal Antarannab (jnab) [ll 1 ||') Atra Vyasa-gitah [II] [Svaj[dattam pa*]21 ra-dattam va yatnad=raksha Yudhishthira [1] [mahir mahi][ma"]tam freshtha danach=chh[r*]d=nu[p]al. [nam] til 2 || Bahu*]. 22 bhir=vvasudba [da]tta babubhis-ch=anu[pali]ta [] yasya yasya yatha(da) bhimi i. [sya) [tasya*]6 23 tada phalam [ll 3 1) Shashti[m] varsha-sahasrapi svarga(rgo) modati bhimi dah ["] akshepta ch=ano[ma][nta sha] 24 tany=8[va] narake vaset [|| 4 ||*] ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. Hail! From (his) residence in the prosperous Asungpura (1.1), Jayasimhz-VallabhrNaharaja (1. 9),--the dear son of Vishnuvardhana-Maharaja (1.6) whose other name was Makaradhvaja (1. 5), and the dear grandson of Kirtivarmen (1. 4) of the family of the Chalukyas (1.2), --commands as follows) the assembled ryots inhabiting the village named Niquboru (which lay) in the district of) Ganderuvati, north of the Vyaghra river and on the bank of the Vanneru river, at a distance of) two gavyutis on the eastern side of the royal residence (rajadhani) of Ganderu (ll. 9-12). Be it known to you that, on the full-moon (tithi) of Karttike, (I have given this villago named Nidupofu (1. 18 f.) to Katisarman of the Harita gotra and of the Taittiriya (charana) (1. 17), son of Sivarudrabarman (1. 15), and grandson of Man[da] Sarman (1. 14) who resided in the town.(sthana) of Asanapure and was a member of (ite) college (1. 12). Man[da]sarman is stated to have studied two Vedas together with their Pada, Krama, and Anukrama' and to have known many law-books, together with Kalpa, Upanishad, Puripa, and Itihasa;' Sivarudra. tarman, to have performed Agnishtomas; and Katisarmun, to have studied two Vedas' and to have purified and trained his mind by sacrificial lore, Upanishad, the menning of Mantras, Itihasa, Purina, and Dharmasastra.' Read ekonpatmandRead Orish porsagni". Real-abdivriddhaye. * Read perhaps fri-viryapan Sarvajanasrayonyam. * Read bhumiratasya-tasya. * For ghateka sve above, Vol. VIII, p. 26 and 1. 1; South-Ind. Ingor., Vol. II, pp. 502, 510 4.

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HPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XYHL. The execator (ajnapti) of this (grant) was ........ who knew royal politics, the VedaAgne, and all arta! (verse 1, 1. 19 f.). The record ends with three verses sang by Vyasa! (1. 20). No. 6.-IPUR PLATES OF VISHNUVARDHANA III. BY PROFEBBOR E. HULTZCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE), I am editing the inscription on these plates from a set of ink-impressions supplied to me by Bao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. The plates were found while digging in an unspecified village of the Kistna District and now belong to the collection of Mr. Brindavanam Gopalacharli at Ipur, & village in the Tenali Taluk of the Guptar District. These are three oblong copper-plates, the second of which bears writing on both sides. The margins of the four inscribed sides are slightly raised into rims. The three plates have a slight inward curvature in the middle of the long edges and measure 6)" by 21". They are strong on & ring of about 3? in diameter, which Passes through a hole of about " in diameter and bears a circular seal of 11 in diameter. The seal bears, on a countersunk surface, the legend Sri-Vishamariddhi in Telugu characters, with an expanded lotus-flower of seven petals at the bottom and a crescent enclosing a star (or the sun ? at the top. The weight of the plates, with ring and seal, is 35 tolas. The writing is in a state of good preservation. The alphabet resembles that of other Eastern Chalukya grants of the same period. The language is barbarons Sanskrit prose, and two verses are quoted in lines 21-24 of the last plate. Owing to the dense ignorance of the drafting clerk, orthography, Sandhi rules, and grammar are disregarded in every line. Still the inscription is an interesting historical document and can be made out almost completely. It records an order issued in the twenty-third year of his reign by Vishnuvardhana, son of Vijayasiddhi, and grandson of Vishnuvardhana of the Chalukya family. As Vijayasiddhi is known to have been surname of Mangi-yuvarja, his father has to be identified with Vishnuvardhana II, and his son with Vishnuvardhana II. From the seal of the subjoined grant we learn that the latter-like his two ancestors Vishnuvardhana I and II-bore the surname Vishamasiddhi. The king's order refers to a grant of a field and of a house-site with flower-garden to a Brahmapa residing at Kommara. The field granted formed part of the village of Jalayiru in the district of Plolnandu and was situated to the west of the Eliyesu river and to the east of Kakandivada. None of these local names I am able to identify. But the district of Plolna du is evidently the same as Prolnandu or Prolunindu near Pithapuram. The grant was made by the daughter of Maghinduvardja, Prithivipothi, who seems to have been one of the queens of Vishnuvardhana III. The second member of the queen's name cannot have anything to do with Hindi pothi, a book.' Perhaps it is a misspelling of poti, a feminine derivative of pota which is known to have formed part of the names of Pallava kings. I hope I am not considered too bold if I further propose to identify the name of Prithiviposhi's father, Maghinduvaraja, with Mahendravarman II, the Pallava king of Kanch1.7 1 Perbaps he WMA Brihmana minister of the king. His proper name is uncertain because of the break at the end of line 19 of the text. It may have been Sarvajani raya. * See above, Vol. XVII, p. 384 and Ep. Rep. for 1920, App. A, No. 10 and pp. 99 #. . Note the spelling paoutraga for pauraya (1. 18), and fy for ji in angapayati (1. 12) and unyapti (1. 24). . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 387. Above, Vol. IV, p. 230, and Vol. V, p. 74. South-Ind. Incr., Vol. II, p. 841. 1 Above, Vol. X, p. 4.

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No. 6.] IPUR PLATES OF VISHNUVARDHANA JII. 59 The period of the reign of Vishnuvardhana III (A. D. 709-746) would suit this identification. A close connection between both dynasties might be gathered also from the fact that the panegyrical descriptions of kings in the Eastern Chalukya grants remind of those of some Pallava grants. TEXT. First Plate ; Second Side. 1 Svasti (11) Srimata[rn] sakala-bhavana-samsta(sta)yamana-Manavya-sagdtra2 n[am") Hariti-putran[am] Kausiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajy[X(r)]nam Matri(tri)-ga3 pa-paripalitana[m] bhagavan-Narayapa-prasada-Bam[8]sadita4 var[a]ha-lanchanchha)nana[m(r)]* afvameth(dh)-avabhri(bhri)tha-mana-pavis tri(r)] kri(ksi)ta-vapasham 5 Chbaluk hy ni[m]' kulam-ala[m]karishno[ho] sri-Vishnuvarddhana-mahardja-6 byssinor-anoka-mara-88[m]ghatt-Opalabdha-yudha (ddha)-vijaya-ya7 sak-prasu (sd)ty- [8*]moda-gandh-adi(dhi)vasita-sakala-dig-tiapcalasya tri Second Plate ; First Side. 8 Vijayasiddhiddhah) priya-tanaya[5] va-vikram-[a]krinta-mahi(hi)-mandalasya? ari9 timira-pral[a]y[a]ditya(ty0) yuvati-jana-Makha(ka)radhvaja(38) vidvaktavi-dripra vandita-lp10 taka-10jana-Kamadhonanih machhchajy-19 [a]lasya-naishtirjyarishya Spaiso (Sn)nya11 rahita St-bhkla-/vri(vri)ddha-buddha-praha[r]shani(pi)ya-ra(ru)pa[1] Sri-Vishnu A[r]ddhana-me12 harajasyal e[va]m-arya(jna)payati [ll] Kommara-v[**]stavy[&*]yals Atri(trd)ya-8818 triya (Hi(r) ]Nora Joyakebi-itriya! Agnisarmmana[b] pavutrayal Taliba-19 Second Plate ; Second Side. 14 rmmana[ho] patriya Kasavabarmman[e] Plolnandu-vishayo Jalaytiru-n[t]ma15 gram[0] padchima-disaya [*] Eliyeru-nadi(di)-pa[ach]imata[1] Prabhakara kshetra-41 16 a[ttara]ta[h] Kikandivaca-kshetra-pa [ro]vvata(to) valmi[ka]-dakshinata etat(ch)-cha17 tar-avadhi vi[m]la[t]i-khandika-bri(vrl)hi-bija-paripramana [m] ksha18 tra[] Sakramti-nimities o(u)daka-pa[r]v[va][m] [da]tta[m] grim (gri) ha st[a](stha)n[a] pushpa-vasi(ti)19 -ka-eshita[m] sarya-kara-parihare[na) prava[r]ddhamana-vijaya-ra Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 99. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 287. . From the int-impressions. * Read nanama. * Read Chalukyanai. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 106, text line 7t. * Read mandalozri.. . Read vidvat-kavi.. * Read -randiReadpafhaka. 11 Beed denne 1 Read matary Read ishtharyarishta-. 14 Rend -bala 'Read raja. Rond Ooydy-Atroya. 11 Read -trays Agni ** Read pautraya. 1 The syllable da was corrected by the engraver from ma. \ Rend -disayam or .dilye Bend -tretr-ottarafah. - Read -parimanas. # Read sankranti-minitta.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVII. Third Plate; First Side. 20 jya-samvachhatsa)re vimgsti-trir-varshel sri-Maghimduvaraja-priya-duhit[a] 21 Srl-Pri(prijthivi(vi)pothi-Snima datta[m 1 Bahubi(bhi)r-Vasuda(dha) datta bahubi(bhi)s-ch=ana. 22 palita [lo] yasya-yasya yad bhimi tasya-tasya tada ba(pha)la[m] [ 1 ||'] Bra-da 23 ttam para-datta var y yd(yo) hareriti vasundhara[m ] sashtir-Ivarsha sahasrani visht[] (shtha)24 y[a][mn] jayate kr[i*]mi[b] [ll 2 |*] Aoya(jna) pti[b') kada-ereya(yo) Vatatta nama(ma) [1] Tinasya gri(gri)25 ha-sta(stha)namin datta[m M'] ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. Vishnuvardhana-Maharaja (1. 11 f.),-the deer son of Vijayasiddhi (1.8), the son of Visbnuvardhana-Maharaja who adorned the family of the Chalukyas (1.5 f.), -orders as follows: On the occasion of a Samkranti (1. 18) in the year twenty-three of (my) reign (1. 19.f.), a field (and) a house-site accompanied by a flower-garden were given to Kesavasarman of the Atreya-gotra and Hiranyakesi-sutra, who resided at Kommara (1. 12) and was a son of Talisarman and a grandson of Agnisarman, by Prithivipotbi, the beloved daughter of Maghinduvaraja (1. 20 f.). The feld granted lay in the western part of the village named Jalayuru in the district (vishaya) of Plolnandu (1. 14 f.). Its four boundaries were to the west of the Eliyeru river, to the north of the field of Prabhakara, to the east of the fields of Kakandivada, and to the south of an anthill (11. 15-17). It required as seed twenty khandikas of paddy' (1. 17). The executor (ajnapti) was the chief of the camp, 10 Vatatta (?) by name. By him the house-site was given to the (donee) (1.24 f.). No. 7.--VAPPAGHOSHAVATA GRANT OF JAYANAGA, BY LIONEL D, BARNETT. The record belongs to the Museum of Perth, to the authorities of which I am indebted for permission to edit and reproduce it. It was presented to the Museum some time ago by Mr. J. Greig of Caloutta. The Museum possesses a paper signed by him and containing a copy of a This curious expression is meant for trayovimi tarehe. * The th of pothi slightly differs in shape from the th of Prithio and of a tramith(dl)-deadhri(Ikretha- in te 4; but it cannot be r, it has been read in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1919-20, p. 99 f. Cf. the of Eligogw- (1.16) and -ereya (1. 24). Instead of -dukita (i. 20) and #ama we would have expected -duhitra and naming. The peat word is a ruperilaous repetition of datta in line 18. * Read mos. . Read -dattan od. Read hareta. Read shashtin . Read perhaps Tersasya. . Cf. above, Vol. V, p. 121, . 6, and Vol. XII, p. 62, n. 3. In Vol. X, p. 48, text lipe 8, rond 34deg for . As suggested in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1919-20, p. 100, kada-saya in the same na batabe ndja, the chief of the royal camp, for which we above, Vol. VII, p. 184 f., and Vol. IX, p. 49 . According to Kittol's Kannada-English Dictionary, 1. o. 1, the Kaparose noun sroya (Tamil fraivan) synonym of the Sekrit nija

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IPUR PLATES OF VISHNUVARDHANA III. | w taaj tooN ddr, 1 saaraa jHg tee | kaa naau taa joo hoo ga g Traa tee hai taaraa tthee nuuN hraa dhHtt roos viidd. * ( G.3 3 c hai t rHkhdee deenn 7 14 6 * * nuuN gh , tee ee / R: 503 n n ee hf a g aa ta. 8 tooN 6h vii ddr tooN jh nuuN voottaaN raa @ // 30 gee h, rtn hHth tt rdd 10 >> hr vr vii bhu .. rnn jhHbA8 %8vr kr | 6 tooN taaN dhrt t h r hn| hr s'aa| An taa bs jaaN hoor th 3 8 6 iib. 14 baahr sn / vain nr tooN 83 18 Ct, viitt nuuN hoor puu . SOddachoo taaN naaN hn SA131392 ra tpurama To e t h nuuN dh dh nuuN ns' hoo ! 20 S nuuN rHb nee u s nuuN , 38 nuuN jaat htt pttnn , 22 ii h r g nn ky z 0 tooN vHdh s' raab 24 tooN 6 hoo , hai naaN tee htt tee Ki ) b H. KRISHNA SASTRI. SOALE.76. SURVEY OF INDIA.

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No. 7. ] VAPPAGHOSHAVATA GRANT OF JAYANAGA: somewhat unsuccessful attempt to translate and annotate the plate, which bears the subscription: "R. Mittro, Asiatic Society, 6th December 1854," and to which Mr. Greig has prefixed the note" Translation of a Copper Plate foand in the Indigo Estate at Mallial by one of Mr. James Smith's villagers, and presented to me by that gentleman in January 1855." It consists of a single rectangular plate of copper, slightly irregular in shape, about 71 in. in width and 54 in. in height, with a circular seal about 3 in. in diameter soldered on the proper left side. The seal, which is very much worn, shews traces of an upright female figure, apparently Lakshmi, with either one or two elephants performing the kumbhabhisheka over ber, while in the exergue below there are the remains of a now illegible inscription. The plate itself, which is inscribed on one side only, is in very good preservation, except for a crack ronding down it, which has been repaired by a small rivet. Two or three letters at the end of 1. 14 and a whole line of writing immediately following the latter have been deliberately erased. The characters, which have been picked out comparatively recently with white paint, are of a well-formed upright Gupta type, apparently of the latter half of the sixth century, and average in height a little less than in. In most respects they are archaic enongh to justify an ascription to the fifth century; but the forms of the initial i (iti, I. 11) and the bipartite y (passim), make the latter date more probable. The conjunct nasals and consonants are used in preference to the simple consonants with preceding anusvara (e.g. -sambhoga-, 1. 3). V and b are confused (e.g. -8ambatsare, 1. 2, Audumvari[ka-], 1.3, but sa-vrahmacharini, 1. 5, -urahmananam, 1. 8, etc.). Internal a is denoted either by a doubly waving line curving upwards towards the right from the top of the shaft (cf. the 8th and 18th syllables of 1. 1), or by a short a pward tick at the right corner of the top of the 14th syllable of 1. 1), or by a downward loop from the right corner of the top (cf. the 15th syllable of l. 2). Internal is represented usually by a waving line similar to the first type of a but in the opposite direction (e.g. the 18th syllable of 1. 2), rarely by a perpendicular tick on the left corner of the top (-sva mine, 1. 5) Internal o is inade with the waving ? combined with either the ticked or the downward, looped a. The curve of internal i is sometimes single (e.g. fri, l. 2, -simd, 1. 9), sometimes double (e.g. gramina., 1. 14). The angularity of the base of the th (dasyath=eti, 1. 7) is acte worthy; so also is the combination of the syllable ti with a following danda, in which the curving line denoting i is carried around the / and upwards to the right of it, terminating there in a small horizontal tick on a level with the top of the t (see 11. 4, 7, 13), & peculiarity which seems to bave been affected by Eastern scribes, as we find it again even as late as the Talcher plates of Gayada-Tungadora (see Nagendranath Valu's Archwol. Survey of Mayurabhanja, plate to face p. 154. and J. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. XII, 1916, No. 6, pl. 4, last line).-The cursive rya in Surya(1.3) is also significant. The language is Sanskrit prose, becoming in parts loose and almost dialectal. As already remarked band v are confused. Lexically we may note the words akshayanl. dharman (1. 6); gariginika (1. 9 bis), the modern garigina, which possibly may be used here as a common noun meaning "dry river bed" (see above, Vol. XII, p. 66, n. 3, and p. 78, n. 5), but more probably is the name of a particular river (see below); and tamra-patta (11. 8, 11, 13, bis), which here, instead of its primary meaning of " copper-plate" (as above, Vol. VII, pp. 87, 95, 98, Vol. VIII, pp. 152, 157-59), signifies an estate granted under a warrant engraved on a copper-plate. The object of the document is to specify the bounds of a certain village named Vappaghoshavata granted to the Brahman Bhatta Brahmavira Svamin by the Samanta Narayan - bhadra, and is dated in the reign (the word qualifying the samvatara is unfortunately effaced) ! As I am unable to locate "Mallia" with certainty, I have judged it advisable to designate this charter by the name of the village granted in it. . Cf. aboro, Vol. II, p. 883, graman...tamrakan. Tabhi The word paffa by itself is sometimo Reed to donote a piece of land : of. Gupta Inscr.. p. 104 & 2.

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02 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. of king Jayanaga, who was at the time residing in Karnasuvarnaka, and who, to judge from his title of Maharajadhiraja, must have been a ruler of considerable importance. The document was drawn up in accordance with Narayanabhadra's instructions by his commissioner (vyavaharin) Suryasena. On the principles of this administrative hierarchy the student may profitably compare the observations of Mr. Radhagovinda Basak in his paper on the Damodarpur Plates (above, Vol. XV, pp. 116 ). Of Jayanaga we know nothing from other sources. But Mr. John Allan has suggested to me that he may be the same as the king whose coins, described in his Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties (Catalogue of the Indian Coins in the British Museum), pp. lxi., civ., ovi., exxiii, 150-51, and pl. xxiv, bear on the obverse the abbreviated name Jaya and on the reverse a seated Lakshmi with an elephant sprinkling her. This connection seems highly probable. In any case, the present document furnishes an important fact concerning the early history of Karpasuvarna, which, taken in connection with the Nidhanpur grant of Bhaskaravarman (above, Vol. XII, p. 65), supplies material for interesting speculation. The names of places mentioned, besides Karnasuvarnaka (1. 1), are the Audumvarikavishaya (1. 3); the villages of Vappaghoshavata (1. 6), Kutkuta-grama (11, 8, 14), and Amalapautika-grama (1. 10); Ganginika (1. 9, bis), literally "river," which here is perhaps used as a proper name; the Sarshapa-yanaka or "mustard-channel" (1. 10); and the pool of VakhataSumalika (11. 13-14). On the geographical position of Karnasuvarnaka, the ancient capital of the kingdom of the same name, see T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, pp. 191-93, and H. Beveridge, The Site of Karna Suvarna, in J. A. S. B., 1893. pp. 315 ff., the latter of whom identifies it with Rangamati, near Murshidabad, which is said to have been formerly known as Kapsona or Kansona, a name which phonetically corresponds perfectly to Karnasuvarnaka, through an intermediate Prakrit form Kannasonnaa. On the other names I am indebted to Mr. S. K. Chatterji, M. A., D. Lit., for the following observations. The Ganginiks seems to be the river Jalangi, a branch of the Ganges or Padma which unites with the Bhagirathi near Nadiya, the classical Navadvipa. The Bengali poet Bharatachandra Raya (c. 1740 A.D.) in his Annada-mangala (pp. 136 and 151 of Muktarama Vidyavagisa's edition, Calcutta, 1857) speaks of the ancestors of the Rajas of Nadia as living in the parganah of Bagwan (Bagoan) at a village called Andaliya: "Ganga herself i.e. the Bhagirathi to the west, to the east the Gangini; there is the village of Badagachi; opposite to it, on the other side of the river, is Anduliya." In the Survey map of the Nadia District. Bagwan is a village in the Meherpur sub-division, and close to it, on the two sides of the Jalang!, are the villages of Badagachi ("Burgachee ") and Anduliya (" Andooleea "), as stated by Bharatachandra. It seems likely that this river Jalangi is the Ganginika of the present record. North of Bagwan, at some distance from the Jalangt, is an important village named Gangani, which may possibly preserve the name of the Ganginika. Rivers in the plains often change their courses. None of the other place-names can be located. But it may be noted that Vappaghoshavata (vappa is the Bengali bap, "father," and ghosha-vata="dwelling of herdsmen") would be a likely village-name in Southern Murshidabad and Nadia, where there was much cattle-breeding. A Ghoshpada exists in the south, on the Bhagirathi, and is well known as the home of the founder of the Kartabhaja sect; cf. Goas (i.e. Go-vasa or Gopa-vasa) in Nadia and Murshidabad, Goad1 (i.e. Gopa-vatika), a suburb of Krishnagar, near Nadia town, etc. An extended stem Vakhataka is apparently the origin of the Middle Bengali place-name Bahada or Bahara, in Modern Bengali Bay (a)da or Bay (a)ra, which is found in the names of e.g. Jot-Bayra, opposite Kumarkhall 1 This identification is not accepted by Mr. Manmohan Chakravartti, J. A. 8. B., 1908, p. 280 f. But he admits that in quite recent times a suburb of Murshidabad was named Karnasuvarna (see v. 2 of the preface to Radhakanta's Sabda-kalpa-druma). 2 Jot is from yoktra, " yoke of oxen," hence a measure of land; but the name is sometimes falsoly sanskritised into the pretentious Yadu-Bayara.-S. K. C.

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E. W, THOMAS SCALE NINE-TENTHS WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL 10 12 14 l1ng ky pnyms- mgm 1:b l mmr 4-mg-m- m s p ni s ' n :|1 ln lhgzhon-ps-yrnp'i m kr547pn-y-tshn1:| gyi- gzhi / mm / ng-zl-mmnp-bcn- bysg bkm 3bkoo1C/plo-ru1nmpyi nyig p ldmg p / / skrtt-ni-mthusdm-l-'gro / -l, sng-kh ton mnms m l sshk nu :|:tsh mr ms p b b kn n m nyin-m-nng- wenwe,yuhaaim saautiw nyaangg bh yilaapr l ni mnaa ts || sogcn rgybdenhaa p, nykhsrosbtthendini m skms / 'jugm p - m gil db 'n-pthmn-nor [16b3 tshoniln p tsaarm'i-kmaargyphrl p m ns |: kun du n th m rHthl p n maa ptsgneenndtenaa d pr miyte 2: ls kru'onn-maail r dk 'i mH ttH maa d pr k rlu bHk misshnnsaannaa s png- ys ynge dr paamaani 10 12 14 Vappaghosha-vata Grant of Jayanaga.

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No. 7.) VAPPAGHOSHAVATA GRANT OH JAYANAGA. 63 in the Kushtiya sub-division of Nadia; Bayra on the Kabadak or Kabatakh, in the Bongong (Vanagrama) sub-division of Nadia; Hat-Bayta i.e. Hatta-Vakhataka), and elsewhere. TEXT.1 1 Svasti Karnna[s]uvaranak-avasthitasya maharaj-adhirajah(ja)-parama-bhagavata. 2 fri-Jayanaga-[a]evasys . .1. [bh]yudaya-sambatsarex tat-pad-anuddhyata-gri. sa manta3 Narayanabhadrasy-Audum varika-[visha]y&-sambhoga-kale cha [ta*]d-vyavah ri maha-pratihara-Surya4 sene vyavaharati tad-asy-ajna sri-samanta-padaih pradattah(tt) Kacyapa sagdttraya Chh5 ndoga-savra(bra)hmacharine bhatta-Vra(bra)hmavira-svamine maya mata-pittror atma[na]6 fecha puay-abhivriddhaye Vappaghoshavata-grama akshayapi-dharmmark pra dattah visha7 ya-mudr-alan krisikri)ta-tamra-fasanam sim-aghata-parichchhinna[m] dasyath-oti attra sim8 lingani yattra paschimasyan=disi Kutkuta-gramina-vra(bra)hmananam satka-tamra patta9 sima utta[ra]syam ganginika purvvasyam=iyam=eva ganginika tato nisssito 10 Amala pautika-grama-paschima(ma)-simn=anagatas-Sarshapa-yanakah, tenai[va s1] - 11 [mn] [sa]mparichchhinnd yavad-Bhatt-Onmilana-svami-tamra-patta iti tasmach 'cha dakshina-din(8)-bhaga12 d-bhiyas=ten-aiva simna uttaran=disam-anuvalamanas=tavad-agato yava[do] Bharani-svami13 tamra-patta-simusti tatpipragunena Bhatt-Onmilana-svami-tamra-patta simni Vakhata-[S]im.14 lika-deva-khatam=praviaya tava[d] gato yavast*] sa eva Kutkuta-gramina vra(bra)hmana-sim=eti ... 15 (Effaced) TRANSLATION. Hail ! In the year of the rise ... of the Great Emperor, the supreme worshipper of the Lord, the fortunate king Jayanaga, when he is resident at Karnasuvarnaka, at the time that the Buron Narayanabhadra, who meditates upon his feet, is in the enjoyment of the Audumbarika province, his commissioner the Mahapratihara Suryasena acting as administrator: the command given to him by the noble Baron is as follows: "The village of Vappaghoshavata has been given by me to Bhatta Brahmavira Svamin, a member of the Kasyapa gotra and colleague of the Chhandogas, for the increase of the merit of my mother, my father, and myself, as a perpetual endowments : you are to give (a deed engraved on) & copper-plate adorned with the seal of the province and specifying the boundaries." The signs of the boundary therein are : on the west, the boundary of the grant belonging to the Brahmans of Kutkuta-grama; on the north, the river-bed; on the east, the same river-bed; issuing thence and running along the western boundary of Amalapautika-grama, (the boundary) is the Sarshapa-yanaka ; it is limited hy 1 From the plate. Read eadratsare. 1 Apparently akahayani-dharman denotes the same form of tenuro akshaya niri er niol - dharma, on which see Mr. Radbogovinda Bwak's note above, Vol. XV, p. 181, n. 8,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII the same boundary), as far as Bhatca Unmilans-svamin's grant; from the south thereof, (the boundary), turning along further by the same boundary to the north, proceeds as far as the boundary of Bharani-8Vamin's grant, thence in a straight line enters the pond of VakhataSimilika on the boundary of Bhatta Unmilana-bvamin's grant, and goes as far as the same boundary of the Brahmans of Kutkuta-grama, No. 8.-NIDUR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AYYAR, B.A., OOTACAMUND. The subjoined two inscriptions are engraved on the south wall of the Siva temple at Nidur, & village situated on the north bank of the Kaveri in the Mayavaram taluk of the Tanjore district. This temple is one on which the Saiva saint Sundaramurti-Nayapar of the 8th century has composed hymns. Though the preservation of the records is not good, there are enough traces left in them to make out the inscriptions almost completely. It would have been certainly much better if they had not suffered damage. I am editing the inscriptions from impressions secured during the field season of 1921-22 by Mr. A. S. Ramanathier of the office of the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, and registered as Nos. 534 and 535 of Appendix B of the Annual Report on Epigraphy for that year, where, however, the importance of these metrical records has not been noted. The two inscriptions are dated in the reign of Kulottunga-Chola. The king bears no distingaishing epithets : but to judge from the characters employed, the records appear to be of the time of Kulottunga I, who reigned from A.D. 1070 to 1119. The high regnal years 46 and 38 given to the king in these records also point to the same conclusion. As will be shown below, the inscriptions are of great value to students of Tamil literature as they almost fix the time of one oi the most important works on Tamil Prosody. Inscription A is dated in the 46th year of the reign of Kulottunga-Chola and registers that a certain Kandan Madavan-called also Milalai-natu-Vel, Tondsi-Kavalan, and chief of Kulattur (Karigai-Kulattur in B)--caused to be made of stone the shrine of SonnevaFarivar and constructed a pavilion for expounding the Puranas in the temple at Tillai, i.e. Chidambaram. Incidentally reference is made to the Tamil Prosodist Amudasagara and his work Karigai which was begun and completed at Kulattar as well as to the construction of the temple at Nidar with stone, by the same chief, in the thirty-eighth year of the reign of the Chola king (Neriyan). Inscription B, which is dated in the 38th year of the king's reign, states that this same Kandan Madavan--who receives here also the epithets Milalai-nattu-Vel and Tondai-Kavalanis stated to have built the excellent stone vimana at Nilur. This inscription further tells us that Kandan Madavan was the marumagan (i.e. nephew or son-in-law) of an un-named person at whose instance Amudasagara-Muni of Tamil fame composed the work called Karigal, and was the chief of Karigai-Kulattur in Siru-Kunra-nadu in Jayangonda-sola-mandalam (ie the a..cient Tondai-mandalam). The mention of the name of the Jaina teacher Amudasagara-Muni and of his composing the work Karigai, by which is no doubt meant the well known Tamil work on Prosody Yapparungalakkarigai, is of great interest inasmuch as it enables us to determine the age when that author flourished. The fact that Amudasagara was a contemporary of the uncle or father-in-law of Kandap Madavan shows that he lived in the 12th century A.J., the date of the subjuined epigraphs. Neriyan, Senni, Ponni-tturairan and Neri-verpan are some of the synonyms of "Chola," according to the amil lexicon Chidamasi-Nigandu. (Soo Makkafpeyar-togidi, v. 18.) * By vimana is meant the temple for the other inscription uses the word kaprali in its place.

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No. 8.] NIDUR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA, Yapparungalakkarigai is generally believed to be a much earlier work. In discussing the date of Chalamani, one of the five smaller kavyas of Tamil, the late Mr. C. W. Damodaram Pillai wrote the following: " Several stanzas from the Chalamani have been cited as examples in the Yapparurigalavirutti and in the commentary written in the interval between Saka 200 and 300 by Gunasagara on the Yapparunigalakkarigai of Amudasagara which was based on Yapparurigalavirutti. As it is known from the introductory verse of the Chalamani that that work was composed during the reign of Vijayaraja who ruled from the city of Karvetinagar in Cholamandalam and as that city was earlier than Urandai, the work must be not less than 1,500 years old." It is not possible to ascertain whence Mr. Damodaram Pillai obtained the date " between Saka 200 and 300" for Gunasagara's commentary and what his anthority was for the statement that " Karvetinagar in Solamandalam was earlier than U randai (i.6. Uraiyur)." There are literary evidences to show that Uraiyar in the Trichinopoly district and Ka virippumpattinam in the Shiyali taluk of the Tanjore district were the capitals of the Cholas prior to Tanjore. But there is none so far to the effect that Karvetinagar was even a famous city. Neither was this situated in Chola-mandalam. Evidences, both literary and epigraphical, would point to Karvetinagar having been included in Tondai-mandalam. We shall discuss the upper limit of Gunasagara's age after citing the opinion of Pandit M. Raghava Aiyangar on the date of Yapparurigalakkurigai. Writing on the age of Mandalapurusha, the anthor of the Tamil Nigandu, he says that "there are ample reasons that confirm that Amritasagara could not have lived before the 10th century A.D."3 and it is pretty certain that he must have with him materials to prove his point. These are the only two definite pronouncements that we know of regarding the date of Yapparungalakkarigai, besides the statement of Mr. Narasimhacharya which will be referred to later on. It is interesting to note here the account preserved in the Tamil literature respecting Amudasagara and his work. From the invocatory stanza of his work it is learnt that the author was a Jain, for it is addressed to the Arbat under the shade of the Asoka treet. Gunasagara, the Jain commentator on Yapparungalakkarigai, has the following say on the name of the work and the method adopted in its composition : "Like the Prakpit grammar Palittiyam and Pirgalam otherwise called Chhandspifitam, this work i.e. Yapparurigalakkarigai) is made of Karigai verses; and like the Karnataka Chhandas Gunakarikiya, each stanza is addressed to a female and is concise. It cites examples like the Mahesvara-Yappu?; like the Seyyutturaikkovai of Tamij music ; like the Vargakkorace of the Ashtakas in the Vedas and like the Nitaka-flokas of the Rupabatara, it gives the commencing portions of the verses cited as examples. As the Nirutta 1 See his introduction to the work. * For citations of the Chilamani stanzas in the Yapparungalakkarigai, see the comment on Terse 18 of Urupe piyal, v. 13 of Seyyuliyal and v. 6 of Olibiyal. & Mythic Society Journal, Vol. XIII, page 490 * Nandamadivil kadi-malar-ppindi-kkann-ar-nilar-kil andam-adigal-inaiy-adiy-etti eluttafai fir pandam-adi todai pav-inan-kiruvan pallavattin sandamadiyar-adiyan maruffiya tal-kulale. [Perhaps Chhandovichiti.Ed.) * The word Karigai means beauty, woman, the metre called Kaffalaikkalittupai and the work on prosody known as Yapparungalakkarigai. It is bere used in the sense of the last. According to the Amara, Karika means Vritti. In Sanskrit it means the concine statement in verse of any certain doctrine. Though this work is not now extant, stray stansas from it are found quoted by Ganasigars himself in his commentary, e.g. see his comment on v. 17. Korai is a short verse indicating the commencement or end of a passage or sometimes the number and order of words or sentences in the Value and Upanishads. It is both an aid to memory and measure of the contenta.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIIE (ie Nirukia) is to the Vedas, m the Karilas are to the Vyakarana, as the Naladi Torty is to Avipaya's Yappa, wo is this work a component part of, and jewel to, the Prosody called Yapparurigalam; it is hence called by the name Yapparurigalakkarigai. The author who is stated to have made into Karigai the great ocean of Ariyam (Sanskrit Prosudy) and rendered it in Tamil, W & saint who bare the name Amudaslgara-Acharya. The work is divided into three chapters, vie., Uruppiyal, Seyyuliyal and Obibiyal; there are 44 kirikas, containing 90 groxthas and 28 letters, - grantha being equal to 32 letters inclusive of vowels and vocalie consonante, excluding non-vocatic consonants. Of the 44 KArigai, 21 commence with wor-asai (long syllables) and have in each foot 16 letters exclusive of non-vocalia consonants; and the remaining 23 verses begin with niraiy-asas (short syllables) and have in each foot 17 letters: thus making in all 2,908 letters (which when divided by 32 give 90 granthas and 28 letters)." From the extract given above, it will be observed that Gunasagars, the commentator on Yapparusigalakkedrigai, was acquainted with Pingala's Olhandovichiti, the Rupavatura and the Guna kasikiya, & work on Kanarese Prosody. By Pingala? may be meant either the earlier Sanskrit Pingala or the Prakpit Pingalad on which was based Nagavarma's Chhandas. There were more works than one bearing the name Rapavatara. The author of one of them was Dharmakirti, who has been identified by Prof. M. Rangacharya with the Buddhist blikah of that name who flourished in the court of Parakramabahu I of Ceylon, and who, as such, belonged to the 13th century A.D. It is worth pointing out that a lithic record found at Epnayiram in the South Arcot District, detailing a boarding educational institution maintained in the temple at that place, states that as many as forty students were learning the Raptoatdrab and this must refer to an earlier work bearing that name and cannot refer to Dharmakirti's treatise mentioned above. The best way to take it is that Rapavatara was the name of a subject taught and that there were some treatises written bearing the name of the subject, one of which being earlier than the middle of the 11th century A.D. and another belonging to the 13th century A.D. It is not certain which work Gunnsag ara alludes to in his commentary. If it is to the latter, he should have lived after the 13th century A.D. As regards Gunakarikiya, Mr. R. Narasimhacharya has shown that Nagavarma, called also Nakiga, the author of the Kannada work Ohhandombudhi, flourished during the reign of the Western Ganga kings Richamalla and his younger brother Rakkasa-Ganga; and that his patron was Chamunda-Rajs, his own elder brother. He, therefore, belongs to the end of the 10th century A.D. when also lived Bhojareja of Dhara, who is said to have made a present of horses admiring the author's other work Kadambari. It appears to me that the most relevant say on the authorship and time of the Karnataka chhandas Gunakankiyam is what has been made by Mr. Narasimhacharya who in his introduction to Kavyavaloka identifies its author with Nagaverma, the earliest writer on Kanarese Prosody, and the work Gunak ikiya with Ohhandombudhi, equating Gunakan ka (Gunagkaka) with Rakkasa-Ganga (Intr., pp. 5 f.). He has also shown from internal evidence that Nagavarma Was A resident of Saiyadi, & village in the Western Ganga territory, though his grandfather is stated to have belonged to a village in the Vengt country. It may be noted also that this chhandas of Nagavarma bears the description given above by Gunasagars. This mode of noting the contents of work is not consaon to Tamil writers but is peculiar only to Bapakid. The commentator's knowledge of Sanskrit and Print blandas shown that he was a good Sanskrit bolar. * Sec Aufrecht's Catalogue Oat dogorum, Vol. I, p. 976, and the 6th Yol of Dr. Weber's Indische Studien.' * Kittel is of opinion that this work is later than the Sanskrit Pingala bob not later than the oth century 4.D., i.e. the time of Varkhamihin. Eve Kittel' iubroduction to the work. usual Report on Bpography for 1918, Part II, pp. 146-6.

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No. 8.1 NIDUR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA. In any case, from internal evidence alone, it might be said that Gupasagara could not have written his commentary on Yapparungalakkarigai in the interval between Saka 200 and 300 as stated by the late Mr. C. W. Damodaram Pillai. Now that we have definite information that Amudasagara wrote his work in the reign of Kulottunga-Chola I (A.D. 1070-1119), it is clear that Gunasigara should have commented on it in still later times, i.e. after the beginning of the 12th century A.D. An earlier Ganasigara-Bhatara, also a Jain by religion, is known from inscriptions. He figares as a contemporary of the Pandya king Maranjadaiyap in two inscrip tions of Kalugamalai in the Tinnevelly district, dated in the 3rd year of the king's reign. This Gunasagara, who fourished long before his namenske-the commentator on the Yapparungalakkarigai--seems to have made a gift of land for meeting the expenses of foeding oertain Vairagyas (?) who were required to expound the Siddhanta. From paleographical grounds as well as from references made in those epigraphs to the tank Viranatayana-ori evidently called after Par otaka I and the field called Uttamafolay it might be inferred that this Maranjadaiyan must have been a suOB Bor of the Pandya king Rajasimha III in whose reign the bigger Sippamandr copper-plates were issned. Besides settling the date of the Tamil work Yapparusigalakkdrigai, the extract given above from the commentary of Gapasagara enables us to know definitely the authorship of the Banskrit work Chhandovichiti which is referred to by Dandin in his Kavykdersa (First Parich. v. 12) and which has been considered by some to be one of Dandin's own works, wbile others regard it to be an earlier treaties. As Gupasagara states that Ohhandopifita (Chhandovichiti) is otherwise called Perigalam, it is clear that the latter name must have been derived from the name of its author who must have been no other than Pingals and by Ohhandovichiti must be meant Pingala's Ohhandas-Sastra, if there was not a different work of the name Ohhandovichiti by the same author. Of the places mentioned in the two inscriptions, Nidur, as stated already, is in the Mayavaram Taluk, and is reputed as the birth-place of one of the 63 Saiva saints called Mupaiyaduvir who gave away all the wealth acquired by him to Siva temples and Saiva devotees. Tiruvindalur, the district in which Nidar was situated, is a village near Nidur. It is very likely that the epithet Karigai was applied to Kulattur in commemoration of the composition of the work at the place or by the fact of its gift to the author. I am not sure if we can identify this place with Kulattar, a village near Nidar. Millalai-nidu is stated to be a sub-division of Virudarajabhayankara-valanada in an inscription of Veppattar. Sisukupra-nadu is perhaps identical with Kaprattar-nagu, whence Sekkilar, the euthor of the Tamil Periyapurd nam, hailed.. In connection with the construction of the pavilion at Tillai for expounding the Puranas it is interesting to note that according to the Tamil Periya puranan the thousand-pillared mandapa in the temple at Chidambaram was the place where originally that work was first expounded by Nos. 116 and 117 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1894. * No. 45 of the same collection rodiora probably to bemele disciple of this Gunasigara-Bhatara. .See the We of Yogniyuduvar in the Periya puranam, .No. 47 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910. * Kalattir-periyor per-palaitta gunattir-perigitte kodai-pperiyor talattir-periyor-Anapayap-ralara tamugautapilerippalattir-peru-pabobak kara nil-pidiyir. Periyapuranattai valattirkolav-arang-orri-vaittar sola-mandalame. v. 76, Solamandalasadagam. Vinnir-plakkum pagal-kKung-nadap vilatgu-Tamil-ppappir-pirakkam Periyaparanam pagar dapirap. v. 19, Tondaimandalaiada gam. Orar-mali-Puliyur-kkoffn-nar-Kupratturil-alla tirar-valamali-pakkilaron pagal Chehekalavon. v. 66, Tond aimandalatadagim.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. Sekkilar in the time of the Chola king Anapaya, identified with Kulottunga II. It is very likely that the mandapa referred to in A is the same as this thousand-pillared mandapa, though we cannot be sure that the purana expounded in it was the Periyapuranam. If the identity of Anapaya with Kulottunga I instead of with Kulottunga II could be conceded, then the Puranu referred to in our inscriptions might be the Periyapuranam itself. In this connection it may be pointed out that the titles or surnames Abhaya and Anapaya are found applied to the Chola king who was the contemporary of Sekkilar. We have references to gifts made by the author of the Periyapuranam and his brother Polaravayar in two inscriptions which come from Tirukkadaiyur and Kalappa! (Mannargudi Talak), where the full names of the donors are given as Sekkilan Ammaiyyappan Parantakadevan alias Karikalasola-Pallavaraiyan of Kunrattar in Kupfattar-nadu, a district of Puliyor-kottam alias Kulottungasola-valanadu and sekkilan Palazavayan Kalappa arayap of Kuprattar in Kupfattar-nada. The shrine of Soppavararivar in the temple at Chidambaram referred to in inscription A may have been built in honour of the visit of the Saiva saint Seramapperuma!-Nayanar who was also called Kalarirrarivar of which Soppavarafivar is only a synonym. It is recorded in the Periyapuranam that the Chera king visited Chidambaram, Travarur and many other Saiva places in company with Sundaramorti-Nayanar. From the Tamil work Tiruppadirippuliyur-Kalambagam, we learn that there was a shrine of Ganapati called Sopgavaraivar in the Siva temple at Padirippuliyor (Cuddalore). But there could not be a reference to this shrine in our inscription 88 the phrase Tillaiy-ambalattd vadaktlppal (i.c. on the north-east side of the temple at Chidambaram) clearly shows that the shrine referred to in our epigraph was situated in the Chidumbaram temple. TEXT OF A7 1 Svasti sri [I] [Kuri] Sya[v=u]lag-anaittaiyun-kudai-kkil-a2 [kkiya] Kulottungegolarkk-and-oru-na[r]patt-ar-adan-idait Tillai-ambalat3 tel vadaki)[p]pal por-iyal-amattadu Soppavar-arivar-koyilum purina-nol-virikkum 4 purisai-maligaiyum varisaiyal vilanga=pporuppinal virappura-chchedop Neriyark-in5 d-el-ain-u[da]n-maprigil nigar-ilaukkarrali Nidur-nilavinark-amaitta nilavinan6 Amudas garan-edutta.. togutta-Karigai kKulattur-Mannavan Tondai7 kavalan Sigukupra-natt.. karpagam Milalai-nattu Vel-andava8 Kandan Madavanel [ll TEXT OF B.11 1 Svasti sri 2 En-disai-ulagai oru-kudai-nilarkil iruttiya Kulot2 tungasolark-iyand-oru-muppatt-ettipir-Choaatt-isai 3 valar Tiruvinda!dr-natt=un.... dai nidiya Nidor Umaiyo4 du-nilavina-Perumark=u vandu.... lai nialai[y]-ena=chchilaiyal-atta 1 See Periyapuranam where it is stated that it took one full year to read the work in the mandapa. * Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1912, p. 60. *Venri-ven-kudaiy-Anapayap seyys-vel-Abhayap (Periyapurinam, tirumalai-chchirappu). * No. 39 of the Madrus Epigraphical collection for 1906 from Tirukkadaiyur and No. 445 of the same collection for 1912. See the life of Seramapperamal-Niyapir in the Periyapuranam. * See verse 1 of this book where Sondavar riyam-y&nai means the elephant (faced god called) Soppavasarivir. 1 This inscription is registered as No. 535 of the Madras Epigraphical colleotion for 1921. . These two letters are almost completely worn out in the original; but wit ought to rhyme with poriya, Noriya and Karigai and alliterate with keu, they have been pretty surely filled in. * The o sign is in the previous line. 10 This is a viruttam in fourteen fir, the measure being disam-ma-vifam-md-vifam-vitam-ma repeated twice in each fout. 11 This inscription is registered as No. 684 of Appendix B of the Madras Epigraphical Report for the year 1921-22

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No. 8.] NIDUR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA. 5 ma-vimapam-ing-amaittap (tan-Dal]mil-Amida sigara-Muniyai Jayango6 ndasola-mandalattuaettan-Sigukupra-[natta] ttirutti.... 3 7 no-Karigai avapar-kandavap-maru may Karigai-Kulat[tur)8 kkaval-nilavinanevarkkuo-karunaiyun-ti[vagamun] -kattiya Mila9 lai-natta-Va! Kandan Mudavanes [11] TRANSLATION A. Hail! Prosperity! In the forty-sixth year of the reign) of Kulottunga-Chola, who had brought under (his) parasol all the known worlds, Kandan Madavan, thu Vel of Milalai-nadu, and the ruler of Tondai, who had earned fame by constructing in the year seven times five added to three (i.6. 38) (of the reign) of the Neriyan (i.e. the Chola king), the incomparable stone temple of the resplendent god of Nidur, who was the chief of Kulattur, where Amudasgara began [and] completed (his work) Karigai, and who was (as it were) the kalpaka (wishgiving tree) to the people (?) of Sirukupra-nada, was pleased to construct of stone the shrine of Sonnavararivar in the great ....on the north-eastern side of the hall (ambalam) at Tillai and the walled pavilion (in it) where works on Puranas were expounded and which were thus made to appear extensively splendid. B. Hail! Prosperity! In the thirty-eighth year (of the reign) of Kulottunga-Chola, who had brought the world with its eight quarters under the shade of his single (i.e. incomparable) parasol, Kandan Madavan the Vel of Milalai-nalu, who was the nephew (or son-in-law) of him that caused the fine work Karigai-[Yappu) (prosody), to be composed by Amudasagaramuni of Tamil fame, who was the chief of Karigai-Kulattur ...... Sirukupra-nadu (a sub-division) of Jayangondabola-mandalam and who showed mercy and generosity to all, was pleased to construct an excellent stone vimana as high as a mountain to the god who was resplendent with (his consort) Uma at Niour of high (mansions) and....(situated) in Tiruvindalar-nadu (a sub-division) of sonalu. No. 9.-A NOTE ON MANIGRAMATTAR OCCURRING IN TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS. BY THE LATE MR. T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A. The word Manigramam was first met with in some copper-plates belonging to the West Coast of the Madras Presidency. It is found, for instance, in the plates of Sthanu Ravi and of Vira-Raghava-Chakravartti preserved in the Seminary at Kottayam. The meaning of this word Was discussed by the Rev. Dr. H. Gundert in his article on the plates mentioned above, in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. XIII, Part II. In it he takes the word to mean what he believes to be one of the four immigrated merchant tribes and quotes in support of it the following extract from the Payyanur-patjola, an old Malayalam poem : Chavalare-ppole ni agala-ppovim channatam venam perigay-ippo! Kovatalachchetti Anjuvannam kottam Manikkiramattar-makka! namma!al nalu nagarattilum nilaro-kkolka-kkudikku chernnor. 1 The letters in brackets are much worn out ani the traces would admit the reading given. Naff has been filled in with references to inscription A. This gap may be filled up with the syllables yappu. The traces for ya gam un are very faint and doubtful. . is expletive. The metre is the same as in A.

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70 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVII which he translated thus:Strong guards (or companions) are now required (to) take the children of the Govatala-Chetti, of Anjuvannam and of the Manigramam people, who, together with ourselves, are the four (classes of) colonists in the four towns." The later view of Dr. Gundert regarding the meaning of the terms. Manigramam and Anjuvappam is that they are two different trading communities of foreign merchants. Drs. Gundert and Burnell later on took the persons denoted by the term Anjuvannam as the colony of the Jews and that denoted by Manigramam as that of the Christians. It was Mr. Venkayya who first rejected the idea. But he has not expressed his opinion as regards the religion of the members of the Manigramam; nor are we able to infer from his comments on the plate of Vira-Raghava-Chakravartti whether he took them for Christians or Hindus. Some time aiter the interpretation given to the term Manigramam by Dr. Gundert, the Rev. Peet made the following observation on it :"Manigramam is the name of a class of Christians who relapsed into heathenism through the influence of a sorcerer (Manikkavachakar). Some of that class are still found near Quilon. Each individual is called a mani (in native books), a jewel, on account of his apostacy and the whole of them constitutes now a sub-division of the Sudras." On this the Rev. Taylor comments "I venture the conjecture that they were disciples of Mani, a colony of Manichaens, such as the Arabian travellers found in Ceylon." Some years ago I copied the inscriptions in the rock-out Siva temple at Tiruvellarai and gave them to the late Pandit S. M. Natesa Sastri for publication in the Indian Antiquary. In one of them belonging to the reign of a Rajakesarivarman the following passage occurs Tiruvellagai Tiruvapaikkal-Peramanadigal-achcham-bodu amuduseydaralumbodu Vedam-vallan ora Brahmananai uttuvidaga Uraiyur Manigramattu Narayanan Achchan ivv-ir-kkallal vachcha pon anpadin-kajanju [*] ponnin palisaiyinal....... Here Narayanan Achchan is said to belong to the community of Manigramam of Uraiyfir. The next reference to Manigramam is in a stone inscription in Siam; this inscription has been published by Dr. Hultzsch in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for April 1913, and states that (the tank) Sri-Naranam was placed under the supervision of the Manigramattar and the Sepamukhattar. Thus far are the references in inscriptions to the words Manigramam and Manigramattar. The word vanigagramattar (a clear mislection of Manigramattar) is given, as an instance of kuluvin pevar (the name denoting a community), by Nachchinarkkipiyar in his commentary on the Tolkappiyam (sutra 11, Peyariyal) In medieval Tamil literature, the word Manigramattar occurs in the grammar called Neminadam. In the commentary on verse 31 of that work we find the words avaiyagattar, attikosattar and manigramattars given as instances of kudiyarper, that is, of the common appellation of groups of men or communities. This grammar was composed in the reign of the king Tribhuvanadeva, that is, Kulottunga-Chola III (A D. 1178 to 1216). I would prefer to tranelate the passage thus: "You are going a long distance like the favalar and you (therefore) necessarily want escort; the chief Chetti of Kova, Anjuvannam-kuttain, the children of Manigramam and ourselves-we of the four nagaram-are the only four commuuities esteemed as Ko-kkudi (families held in high estimate by the king)." 2 Narayanan Achchan, a member of the Manigrama community of Uraiyur, gave (to the temple) fifty kalanju of gold for feeding a Brahmana versed in the Vedas at the time the god of the Tiruvanaikkal is offered the mid-day offerings; the gold was weighed by the standard stone of the town of Tiruvellarai in which the temple is situated. These are the very examples given also by Nachchiparkkipiyar in his commentary on the Tolkappiyam. 4 [We know of Tribhuvanavira-deva-another name for Kalottunga III-but not of Tribhuvanadeva.-Ed.]

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No. 9.] A NOTE ON MANIGRAMATTAR OCCURRING IN TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS. 71 CLASSIC From the above extracts the chief points to be noted are : 1. That the Payyamir patrola does not name the four communities mentioned in it as professing Christianity or any other religion; it simply implies that there resided four communities closely allied to each other by similarity of interests, namely, trade, eto. 2. That the Manigramam community is not peculiar to the Malabar Coast alone and that it was found in the interior also, as evidenced by the Tiruvellarai inscription. 3. That Hinda institutions were placed under their protection, which would not be possible if they belonged to the Christian community; and 4. That it is simply the name of a certain corporation or community, perhaps engaged in trading, like the Valanjiyars, as Mr. Venkayya suggested. The Rev. Mr. Peet opined, as already referred to, that the Manigramakkars were originally Christians and that a sorcerer, Manikkavachakar, converted them to Hinduism. His hard to believe that the conservative Hindus, who in these days of free thought refuse to take back even converted Hindus into Hinduism, wonld in those ancient times have consented to take wholesale communities of entirely alien religionista into their fold. Again, it is well known, that Manikkavachakar never visited the Malabar Coast; the religious disonssion in which he took part was with the Bauddhas of Ceylon, and that wae at Chidambaram, according to the Vaulart puranam. If Manigramattar in the Tiruvollarai inscription, were to be taken as the name of a Christian trading community of the Malabar Coast, how was it possible for Nariyanap Achchan, who, from his name, may certainly be taken to be a Hindu and not at all a Christian, to belong to the Christian community of traders of the Malabar Coast, but living then in Uraiyur ? Again, how could the tank muntioned in the Siam inacription bearing the distinctly Vaishnava name of Set-Nirupam, meant evidently for the use of the Hindus, be placed under the protection of the Chris traders of Malabar then residing in Siam ? In dealing incidentally with the Siam inscription I beg to differ from the interpretation of Dr. Hultzsch, and offer the following fresh reading of it as I am able to make out from the impression reproduced by Dr. Hultzsch in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 1. ....... (yalvarmatku cyl..... 2. .. [m]an tan nan[gu] rayai . .. 3. . . [t]totta kulam [ll*] per Sri4. Naranam [1] Mapikkir mattar. 5. [ko]kum Sapamugattarkkum 6. [kn]last"]tarkkum adaik kalam [1] Dr. Hultasch's remark, that the remnant of the Sanskrit name ravarman in the first line of the record might perhaps be that of Bhaskaravarman, is evidently due to his conviction that the Manigri mattar were members of a trading community belonging to the Malabar. Coast of the time of the Malabar king Bhaskara Ravivarman. That this notion of his was the cause of the Tristake is corroborated by the following extract from his paper : "Mapigramam occurs in Tamil inscriptions of the Malabar Coast; as shown by Rai Bahadur Venkayya, it is the designation of a trading corporation." Later on he adds: " We may thus conclude that in the eighth Of ninth century there existed in distant Siam & colony of traders from the Western Coast of Southern India, who had built themselves a temple of Vishnu." Again, he remarks: " If the words wbich I have given are correct, they would imply that at the beginning of the inscription A lengthy passage is lost, which, it it had been preserved, might have completod and explained "[The fact that some personer. budyn ets were meded to protect . cortal pit or obarity made to as institution of particular nationality cannot by iteoll are that the ment betonged to that nationality. It wrong premise is allowed to stand, Mapigrimatter en well be said to be Christians boonan they were required to protect the gift made to the Christina charsh of Thrupippeli in the 8thinu Bart plates.Ed.).

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72 - EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XVIII. the remaining portion." This statement appears to me to be doubtful, for the inscription, as in the case of many others, begins with the name and regnal year of the king, and at the most, a few words such as svasti sri and yandu and the numeral expressing the regnal year and the first portion of the name of the benefactor, the capitalist who dug the tank, all amounting to about five or six words could be supposed to have been lost. Dr. Haltzsch interprets Senamukha according to Winslow's Tamil Dictionary by (1) 'the front of an army', and (2) 'a division of ad army'. Its meaning may be settled, however, from the following quotations, to be the name of a military cantonment. The Mayamata says: sarvajanemakIrNa napamavanayutaM tadeva tathA / bahurakSopetaM yat senAmukhamucyate tanneH / And the Kamikagama defines it thus : rAjavezmasamAyuktaM sarvajAtisamanvitam / gudhapradezasaMyukta senAmukhamihocate " Consequently, the place where the tank was dag was perhaps a military cantonment, consisting of a large Hindu population, and this latter was exhorted to protect the charitable institution, vis, the tank Sri-Naranam. Dr. Baltzsch says that "Naranam is a neuter formed of Naranap, a tadbhava of the Sanskrit Narayani, and means a temple of Vishan!", but thriNaranam is distinctly stated to be a tank and not a Vishnu temple. The translation of the record must be "(The year) ..... of (the reign of the king) ..... yavarman ....... ...... man.... dug a tank in our ......... Its name is Sri-Naranam. This is placed under the protection of the Manigramattar, the Senamugattar and (his own) descendents". We thus see that there is no ground for taking the Manigramattar to be exclusively the merchants of the West Coast of Southern India; they were found wherever trade flourished. Nor were they Christian, since Hindu institutions were placed under their protection. From the foregoing discussion, we arrive at the conclusion that Manigramam never meant or implied a community of immigrated Christian merchants who were received and settled by a Malabar king in his country and that they were peculiar only to the Malabar Coast. Regarding the Manigrumattar Mr. Vincent A. Smith, collecting facts from the articles of a number of writers on the subject, adds an appendix (M) to chapter IX of his Early History of India. In it he summarises his opinion on the word thus : "Historical traditions of India and Ceylon, when read together, seem to carry the evidence for the existence of the Church in Malabar back to the third century. We learn from the Ceylonese chronicle the Mahavamsa (ch. xxxvi), composed about the beginning of the sixth century, that in the reign of king Gothakabhaya or Meghavarnabhaya whom Geiger places in A. D. 302-15, & learned Tamil heretic overcame an orthodox Buddhist theologian in controversy and gained the favour of the king, who placed his son under his tuition. The Mahavania represents the victor in the disputation as being a monk named Sanghamitra, versed in the teachings concerning the exorcism of spirits and so forth'. Mr. K. G. Sesha Ayyar interprets this statement as meaning really that the successful controversialist was a Hindu, and identifies him with the famous Saiva saint Manikka (or Masi-) Vasagar. The Tamil account of that personage affirms that the saint actually converted the king of Ceylon towards the end of his career. That king may be identified with Gothakabhaya, and it is possible that the author of the Mahavam sa may have misrepresented the Saiva Hindu Manikkavasagar as Sanghamitra, a Buddhist beretic. 1 Tamilian Antiquary, Vol. I, No. 4, p. 64. The writer does not cite the statement in the Xaharamia correctly. The Tamil legend is given ibid, p. 66, and in Pope, Tirwedlagam, p. xxxi.

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No. 9.) A NOTE ON MANIGRAMATTAR OCCURRING IN TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS. 73 "However little credit we may be disposed to give to the story about the conversion of the king of Ceylon, or to the identification of that king with the Gothakabhaya of the Mahavamia, I see no reason for hesitating to believe the Indian tradition that Mapikkavasagar visited Malabar and reconverted two families of Christians to Hinduism. The descendents of those families, who are still known as Manigramakans, are not admitted to full privileges as caste Hindus. Some traditions place the reconversion as having occurred about A. D. 270. If that date be at all nearly correct, the Malabar Church must be considerably older. So far as I can appreciate the value of the arguments from the history of Tamil literature, there seem to be good independent reasons for believing that Manikkavasagar may have lived in the third century. Some authors even place him about the beginning of the second century. If he really lived so early, his relation with the Church in Malabar would confirm the belief in its apostolic origin." Evidently the name Sanghamitra, occurring in the Mahava inka, could not belong to the Jain or Hindu community; but since he is called a Tamil heretic therein, we must take him to be a Mahayanist, who, to the Hinayanist, is a heretic. There is nothing against his being a Tamil Buddhist, but it is impossible to identify him with a Tamil Hindu, as was attempted by Mr. K. G. Sesha Ayyar. The description of Sanghamitra as "versed in the teachings concerning the exorcism of spirits and so forth" clearly evidences his mastery of the Bauddha Tantrism and never points to a Hindu. Manikkavabakar refers to Varagona-Pandya twice in his Tiruchchirrumbala-kkovai and this Varaguna is the same as the Varaguna-Maharaja who was crowned in A, D. 862; and I have long ago arrived at the conclusion that Manikkavasakar lived in the first half of the 10th century.! No Tamil work dealing with the life of Manikkavasakar states that he went to the West Coast of the Madras Presidency. They are uniform in asserting that he went to Tirupperundurai, or the modern Avadaiyarkoyil, in the eastern part of the Presidency. He must have gone to purchase horses brought down from Pegu and other places in the east-places which were familiar to the Tamils. It is only when the Arabs came to the West Coast in mediaeval times that horses were imported from Arabia. Till then the chief sources of the supply of horses must have been the Eastern Archipelago and Burma. No. 10.--INSCRIBED BUDDHIST IMAGE FROM GOPALPUR. BY THE LATE PANDIT V. NATESA AIYAR, B.A., M.R.A.S. The village of Gopalpur is situated some three miles to the south-east of Bheraghat popularly known as The Marble Rocks,' in the Jubbulpore District : it lies on the right bank of the Narmada. The village contains only a few scattered houses: owing to its secluded position the place is seldom visited by travellers or tourists. Sir Alexander Cunningham, the pioneer archaeologist, however, seems to have visited the spot in the winter of 1874; for in one of his reports he gives an account of an inscribed stone tablet of the Chedi dynasty which, he says, was discovered there previously by Professor Hall. It was this fact alone which induced me to explore the place while I was encamped at Bheraghat some eight years ago. Although, unfortunately, the inscription in question could no longer be traced, I was lucky enough to discover within a fortified enclosure, which, I learnt, was then in the occupation of a certain sadhu, named Vindhya-sari, five elegantly carved stone images of the medieval period. At Ibid pp. 73--79., and pp. 53-55; and Mackenzie, p 138. The late Dr. Pope, shortly before his death, expressed his acceptance of the opinion that Manikkavaegar lived not later than the fourth century (Tam. Ant 166. supra, p. 54). See my article on the Age of Manikkavichaker" in the Madras Christian College Magasine for 1006. 4. S. R., Vol. IX, p. 99.

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EPIGRAPHTA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. the time when I noticed these images they were almost completely buried under the ground. However, sufficient remained visible to prove that they possessed great archeological value and were worth acquiring for the Central Museum at Nagpur, which contained scarcely any Buddhist specimens of this period. I, therefore, had them extricated from the earth and carefully cleaned. And my trouble was more than repaid by the discovery of dedicatory records on three of them. Four of these images represent the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, while the fifth is that of his consort Tara. They all wear elaborate ornaments and are seated in an easy posture under a richly decorated canopy, consisting of seven umbrellas rising one above the other like the familiar hti on Buddhist stupas. Numerous attendant figures are ranged on all sides and portrayed as paying devotion to the main deity in the centre. From their technique and the scheme of decoration it appears that they are products of the "Magadha school." As I have already remarked, only three of the sculptures bear dedicatory inscriptions, and of these latter, two contain barely the Buddhist formula "ye dharmi hetuprabhava," etc. The remaining one is more detailed and, therefore, more important. The characters are NAgari and belong to the 11th or 12th century A.D. Subjoined are a transcript and translation of this record. TEXT. Line 1 Yo dharma hotuprabhava heta[m] tesham Tatha ga]to hy-avadat [*] tesha[m] cha yo niro[dha"] eva[m] vadi Mahasrava(ma)[na]h ! [D7]yadha[r]mdyam pravara-mahajanujayi[nah]" 2 param-opasaka-kayastha-sri-Subhakta[sya]|suta-sri-Satka(kta)-davva(dauva)rika (ka) Denuvaya [Ya*]d-atta(ttra) panyam [ta]d=bhavaty=a[ch]ary-opa[dhya]ya matapitri(tri)-pirvva[nga]mam [kri]3 tva sakala-satva-ra [ser]=ano [tta]ra-jna[n-"]vapta[ye-stu]" TRANSLATION. Line 1. Whichever phenomena are cause-born, of them the cause the Tathagata (Buddha) alone has said, and what annihilation also there is of them. Such is the lore of the Great Gramana (Buddha). * Ll. 1-3. This is the pious gift of the follower of the renowned Mahayana school, the gate-keeper Denuva, devoted to the illustrious Satka', son of the great lay-worshipper, the famous fubhakta, a kayastha. Whatever merit there is herein, let it be for the attainment of supreme wisdom by all classes of sentient beings, particularly, beginning with my spiritual guide, my preceptor and my parents, No.11.-THE GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA-DEVA. BY NALINIKANTA BHATTABALI, M.A., CUBATOR, DACCA MUSEUM. An article on this plate by Mr. R. D. Banerji, under the title Kotwalipari spuriona grant of famiohara-Diva', with a prefatory note from Mr. H. E. Stapleton, appeared with a facsimile plate in the August, 1910. number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, wherein Mr. Banerji upheld Dr. Bloch's opinion (Arch, Surv. Rep. for 1907-8, p. 255) that the plate wa forgery. Bead yan-anugarina. * One of the two verbs astw or bharat (1.9) must be cancelled. . Pomibly Sutku or sa-Baths was the dane of the Master ander whore Diagra served as a gate-keeper.

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No. 11.] GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA DEVA. 75 Three other copper-plates of a similar nature had, however, been found in the Faridpur district in 1891 and 1892 and been purchased for the Asiatic Society of Bengal by Dr. Hoernle. These, after various vicissitudes, were taken in hand by Mr. Pargiter and published in the Indian Antiquary of July, 1910, in a very able and critical article. The publication of these plates necessitated reconsideration of Mr. Banerji's propositions, which he did in an article published in the J. A. S. B., June, 1911. Shortly afterwards, Mr. Pargiter published an article in the August, 1911 number of the J. A. S. B., which was based on the first article of Mr. Banerji and was evidently written before Mr. Pargiter had occasion to see Mr. Banerji's second article. In it, Mr. Pargiter very ably defended the genuineness of the Faridpur plates and published a revised reading of the Ghugrahati plate, which went a long way towards clearing it from the aspersion of ambiguity and unintelligibility cast on it by Mr. Banerji. Mr. Pargiter also showed, by discussing the palaeography of the grant, that it was not spurious, but a perfectly genuine one. Mr. Banerji answered this article in his paper entitled "Four forged grants from Faridpur" in J. A. S. B., Dec., 1914, but had no better success than before in maintaining his ground.. The recent discovery of five plates from the village of Damodarpur in the Dinajpur district of Bengal, and their publication by Prof. R. G. Basak in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XV, must perhaps induce Mr. Banerji now to reconsider his decision, as these plates bear close family resemblance to the Faridpur plates both as regards palaeography and documentary form. In this article I shall not only try to furnish additional reasons, if any are at all required, for the recognition of the Faridpur plates as genuine, but also hope to identify the Maharajadhiraja Samachara-deva as one of the kings who took the place of the Guptas in Eastern India towards the end of the 6th Century A. D. It will be seen that in the presentation of the text and translation also, I have been able to improve upon Mr. Pargiter's reading of the plate in several important points. I refrain from giving the usual description of the plates, its orthography, etc., since these have been completely dealt with by Messrs. Banerji and Pargiter, but proceed at once to give the text which I have read from the original plate, now in the Dacca Museum. Before doing so, I give, in brief, the contents of the inscription. It refers itself to the 14th year of the reign of a hitherto unknown emperor Samachara-deva who is styled Maharajadhiraja. In that year, Jivadatta was the viceroy or governor in Navyavakasika, which appears to have been the Divisional head-quarters. The District Officer in the district of Varaka-mandala approved by Jivadatta was Pavittruka. The latter was assisted in his administration by a District Court presided over by the Judge Damuka. The affairs of the village or locality to which this refers, were in the joint care of a number of Elders (Vishaya-Mahattarah), of whom six are mentioned as in the second plate of Dharmmaditya (Ind. Ant., July, 1910 p. 200). Other men of experience in the village had also a say in village affairs. These represented the villagers and like the Panchayets of the present day, transacted the ordinary civil and criminal affairs of the village. Supratika Svami, a Brahman, approached the District Court presided over by Damuka as well as the Elders and men of experience of the locality and applied for a piece of waste land of that locality for settling himself on it. The Elders and the men of experience decided to give him the piece of land free of any consideration, and after authorising Kesava, Nayanaga and i All my attempts at determining the exact find-spot of these three plates have hitherto been unavailing, Dr. Christie, Honorary Secretary to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in his letter No. 2234 of the 26th September, 1919, informed me that the plates had originally belonged to one Kohiluddin and were purchased from Allul Kak Abid, but he could not tell me in which particular village the plates were found. It deserves to be noted, as already noted by Mr. Pargiter, that the name-endings of these Elders were Kunda, Palita, Ghosha, Datta and Dasa, all of which are to be met with in the surnan.es of the present day Kayasthas and Navatakhas of Bengal, K 2

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76 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. others to mature the transaction on their behalf gave the piece of land to Supratika Svami. The transaction was ratified by the District Court by the issue of a copper-plate deed. The measurement of the land, which was situated in the village of Vyaghrachoraka, is not given; but it included the whole of that place, minus three kulyavapas, which had already been' granted to some one else and which were, therefore, separated before the present grant was made. TEXT.1 Obverse. 1 9 vastyasyAmpRthivyAmapratirathe nRganahuSayayAtvakharISasama. 2 dhRto mahArAjAdhirAjazrosamAcAradeve pratapatvetaccaraNakarala' 3 yugalArAdhanopAttanavyAvakAzikAyAM suvarNaM vo 'pyAdhivatAntara* uparikajIvadattastadanumoditaka[:] vArakamaNDale viSaya. . 5 pati[:.] pavica ko yatosya vyavaharataH supratIkasvAminA jyeSThAdhi6 karaNikadAmukapramukhamadhikaraNambiSayamahattaravatsa. 7 kuNDamahattarapacipAlitamahattaravihitaghoSazarada[tta"].' 8 mahattarapriyadA stamahattarajanAInakuNDAdayaH anye ca / 9 vahavaH pradhAnA vyavahANaca' vijJAptA icchAmyahaM bhavatA prasA-" 10 dAJciro"vasabakhilabhUkhaNDalakaM valicarusattapravartanAya" 11 vrAhmaNopayogAya ca tAmapaTTIkatva tadaItha prasAdakatta"12 miti yata "enadabhyarthanamupalabhya zaMtho parilikhitA 1 From the original plate. * Read kamala. * The second na looks like a ta and is probably a sign for doubling. * Mr. Pargiter read votkya, but on a comparison with the other o and i warks used in this inscription, it would appear that the correct realing is vithya. * Read soparika *[Read degkaraNaM viSaya.-Ed 1 The omission of the adjective malattara before the name sara-Datta, is probably due to carelessnes. The ni mark is indicated by the sign for # accompanied by a short horizontal stroke or dot below, to the right. Here, the left limb of the w mark is curtailed for want of space, and of the two dots to the right, one is probably a natural depression. * The engraver originally inscribed Priyadasa, which was subsequently emended to Priyadatta, with the result that the word now appears like Priyadasta. * Read oyavakarinafcharjiapta. [Rather, we must read rijhapitamin the Damodarpur Plate-Rd.] 10 Read tam. 11 Only the left half of the letter sa is seen. The other half was not engraved on the plate for want of space. " Read ra. 11 The letter na at first sight appears to be ni, but it is in reality na as it should be. Compare the other long Totters in the inscription, especially aya in 1.1. - Read prasAdaM karnu " Read itad. [This correction is unnecessary-Ed.] 16 Mr. Pargiter had much trouble with this word which cannot be anything else than ytatho. The loft loop of yainolonrly visible in the original plate, but is incised u.uch shallower than the other letters.

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No. 11.] GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA-DEVA. 77 Reverse. 13 gyavahAribhiH samRtya' sAvaTA mApadairguSTA rAmrodhamma' niSkalA 14 yA tu' bhogyoktA bhUmipasvaivArthadhamAkatada vANAdA yatAmi15 tvavakRtva karaNikanayanAgakezavAdonkuzavArAyAraNya prAkAmapaTTI16 takSecakulyavApavayaMmapAsa' vyAghracorakI' yaccheSaM tacatuHsImA17 lijA nirdiSTa kAvAsya supratIkavAminaH tAmrapaTokakha pratipAdita 18 somAlikAni cAca: pUrvasyAM pizAcapavaMTI dakSiNena vidyA19 dharajoTikA pazcimAyAM candravam koTakoNa: uttarena' go. 20 pendracorakagrAmasImAceti / bhavanti cAna bokA: paSTimvarSasa-" 21 sANi kharge modati bhUmidaH pAkSemA cAnumantA vA tAnyeva narake vaset / 22 khadatA mparadattAmvA yo parata vasundharA khaviSThAyA kamibhUtvA pitami" 23 saha pacate / sambat 104 kArti di 20 // 1 The word, as Mr. Pargiter very remonably brought out, is undoubtedly sothomrtya, but the projection of the perpendicular stroke of na upwards, cannot be taken as an amuwara as the other su's in this incription bave also this peculiarity. The arumvara over sa seems to bave been left out through the engraver's mistakes. [The reading is and not a. I do not see the resign of on the impression-Ed.] Mr. Pargiter's anggestion of shata here as the irregular instrumental case of the numeral shask is inadmie sible, m it would give shasha. The second letter of the word looks like ba, but it has also a very close resemblance to pa, occurring in the same line. If it is a ba which has in no other place been used in this plate, it is an incorrect 080, the word avata, meaning hole, is spelt with o and not 6. The letter may, however, be either p or sh and should be emended to v. Read dharmmartha. Tho d mark is left out. Mr. Pargitor's sugrortion that the word is bhavyartha cannut stand. The letters clearly read dhammartha, the doubling of being indicated by peculiar stroke (vido nuvarana in 1, 8). The tube which makes the double is broken. It is not the sign which is used in doubling was for in other cases of double w in the inscription it is not seen.-Ed.) The second letter on this line is clearly tu. The first letter hins certainly been fu-formed and the simplest and the most probable emendation is ga. . Read kritta, .Read Brahmanaya diyatamo. 1 Ronde tragamapasya. * Read choraki. * Rend linganirddishan. "Read tan [1. 110miti. 11 Read garuma. Mma is not wpa, Mr. Pargiter takes it to be. Cf. dharwma on line 14. 18 The wood is konal and not liman. The right stroke of 7 over k is represented by a series of short shallow strokes, which are clearly visible on the original plate. Neither Mr. Banerji nor Mr. Pargiter observed there otrokes, and thus missed some very important historical information furnished by the plate. 14 Rendutarina. 15 Rend shashin varskao. ** Read madattarle paradattam va. 11 Mr. Pargiter read i, bat there is no justification for it. The right horisontal stroke in the middle, which makes i, is absent. 18 Read yan. 1Read rohi. 0 Read degbhinaka. 11 The figure is 8 and not 1. Both Mr. Banerji and Mr. Pargiter bave overlooked that there is a symbol like comma (Possibly it is not intentional-Ed.] below the wual mark for 1 which makes the figure 3.

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78 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. TRANSLATION. (Lines 1 to 5.) May success attend. May welfare accrue. While the Maharajadhiraja (the supreme lord of kings), Samachara-deva, who is without a rival on this earth and who is equal in prowess to Nriga, Nahusha, Yayati and Ambarisha,-is (ruling) in splendcur, Jivadatta, of the intimate class of servants (of his Majesty), master of the bullion market, (flourished as governor) in Navyavakas ika through paying court to the twin lotus-like feet of that monarch (Samachara-deva) and the district officer in (the district of) Varaka-mandala, approved of him (Jiva-datta),. (was) Pavittruka. 5 (Lines 5 to 11.) While he (Pavittruka) was administering, whereas his District Court presided over by the Chief Judge (Jyeshthadhikarapika) Damuka, as well as the Elders Vatsa-Kunda, the Elder Suchi-Palita, the Elder Vihita Ghosha, (the Elder) Sara-Da[tta], the Elder Priya-Datta, the Elder Janarddana-Kunda and others in charge of affairs? (of the village in question), and many other leading gentlemen (of the village) skilled in Laws were apprised by Supratika Svami (thus): I wish through your honours' favour for a piece of waste land which has long lain neglected, for the establishment of Bali, Charu and Sattra", (thus) getting it to be of use to a Brahmana; do ye favour me (with it) by issuing a copper-plate deed. For this explanation of the symbol at the beginning see my remarks, above, Vol. XVII, p. 352. *This phrase expresses the force of the word seasti better than the usual Hail'. Suvarnnagithyadhikrita is in all probability a title, bonerary or otherwise. Vithi means a market, a stall a shop in the market; and hence I have translated the phrase literally as above. The real title, however, may have been 'Master of the Mint or Treasury'. Navyavakasika was, without doubt, the Divisional head-quarters. The name of the district was Varaka-mandala. The expressions such as Varaka-mandale vishayapatiPavittrukah, Varakamandalavishayadhikaranasya suggest that the name of the vishaya itself was Varaka-mandala. From a study of the Bengal plates, it appears that bhukti was the largest territorial division of a kingdom; it was divided into a number of vishayas or districts. These were again divided into mandalas or ejrcles, which were again sometimes sub-divided into khandalas or parts. Mahattara is a title, something like the Honourable of the present day. It is of frequent use in the epigraphs of this period and survives in the term Mahato applied to village Elders down to the present day. It carries with it the idea of dignity and superior worth and may adequately be translated by the term Elder. [In Tamil Chola inscriptions of the 11th Century, we have the corresponding title perundanam or perundaram conferred on officers and other private persons (S. I. Insors.) Vol. II, p. 98, 141, etc.-Ed.] 1 Vishaya-Mahattara has nothing to do with the territorial division Vishaya. Vishaya here means affairs. Compare the phraseology of this part of the present deed with the second plate of Dharmmaditya, vis. Jyeshtha-kayastha-Nayasenapramukhamadhikaranam Mahattara Somaghosha-parabsaras-cha Vishayapam Mahattara vijnaptah. These deeds were the issues of a District Court, namely that of the district of Varaka-mandala, and the Mahattaras cannot reasonably be supposed to have jurisdiction in districts other than the district of Varaka-mandala as vishayanam, used in the plural number, would indicate, if, vishaya were to mean, a district', here. Thus vishaya- here becomes a plain word meaning 'affairs'. [In the first plate of Dharmaditya a very large number of vishaya-mahattaras the leading men of the district' are mentioned in connection with a grant in the very same Varaka-mandala. Perhaps vishaya-mahattara like mahattara was a title without any particular reference to a function. In our inscription Vatsa-Kunda may have been a District Elder (Vishaya-Mahattara) in this sense, while the others were only ordinary Mahattaras (Elders) that formed a sabha for the occasion, being the leading men' of the village, they were not necessarily men of law (eyavaharinah).-Ed.] " The technical term eyavahara is ordinarily used to mean law, and Vyavaharins are these who are experts in law and legal procedure. Manu (Chap. III, verses 67ff.) enjoins on all householders the performance of the five great sacrifices (Pancha-maha-yajnas), viz. :-(i) Study and teaching, which together is called Brahmayajna or Rishiyajna; (ii) offering oblations to departed ancestors-Pitriyajna; (ii) giving food to all creatures- Bali or Bhutayajua (iv) entertaining guests-Nrigajna; (v) Homa or ascrifice-Divayajna. Of these, the 2nd, 3rd and 4th (which are equivalent to Charu, Bali and Sattra) appear to have been the most important, and the term Bali-Charu-Sattraprovarlanam (i.e. establishment of Bali, Charu and Sattra) came to mean the establishment of a householder.

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No. 11.) GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA-DEVA. 79 (Lines 12-17.) Wherefore, the above-enumerated Elders and others who were skilled in Law, receiving this petition and calling to mind (the following sloka) :- The land which is full of pits and which is infested with wild beasts, is unprofitable to the king both as regards, rovenne and religious merit. That land, if made capable of being used, does bring revenue and merit to the king himself';-and having decided-Let it be given to this Brahmana'-and having recognised (ie, constituted) the Karanikas Naya-Naga, Kesava and others as the representatives of the public and having separated the three kulya sowing areas of land previously granted away by a copper-plate, (the aforesaid gentlemen) established the land that remained in Vyaghra-choraka by the issue of a copper-plate, after the demarcation of boundaries, as being (henceforward) in the possession of this Supratika Svami. (Lines 18--20.) And the boundary indications are these :-- On the east, the goblin haunted Parkkatti tree; on the south, the Vidyadhara Jotikas; on the west, the corner of Chandravarmman's fort; on the north, the boundary of the village Gopendra-choraka. (Lines 20-23.) And here apply the verses :-The grantor of land delights in heaven for sixty thousand years. The confiscator or one who approves of confiscation resides in hell for an equal number of years. Whoever takes away land granted by himself or others becomes worm in his own ordure and rots there along with his ancestors. The year 14, the 2nd day of Karttika. Now, I propose to discuss the various issues raised by the inscription. The first point is the determination of the identity of Samachara-deva. Mr. Pargiter has pointed out that even if the grant were spurious, no forger would be so foolish as to date it in the reign of a king who never existed (J, A, 8. B., August, 1911, p. 499). We can adduce stronger proofs of his existence. I refer to the two gold coins, described as Uncertain' on pp. 120 and 122 of the Catalogue of Voins, I. M. C., Vol. I, and illustrated as Nos. 11 and 13 on Plate XVI. They are both of gold (considerably alloyed with silver). One of them, of the Rajalila type, was found near Muhammadpar in the Jessore district of Bengal along with a gold coin of Sasanka, and another gold coin of the light-weight "Imitation Gupta type, as well as silver coins of Chandra-Gupta, Skanda-Gupta and Kumara-Gupta (Allan, Catalogue of Gupta Coins, Introd., Sec. 171, and J. A. S. B., 1852, Plate XII). The provenance of the other coin is unknown. It is of the common Archer Type of Gupta coins. The king's name occurs below the right arm of the king. A letter occurs between the feet of the king which Dr. Smith recognised as Oha. The reverse legend is recognised as Narendra-Vinata with some hesitation. Of the Rajalila coin, he read the name of the king on the obverse as Yamadha written in characters of the close of the sixth century A. D. and the reverse legend as Narendraditya. Mr. Allan, in his Catalogue of Gupta Coins, attributes the Archer Type' coin to a period earlier than that of Sasaaka (Intro., p. LXI), and, from the supplanting of the Garuda Standard of the Guptas by the Bull Standard on this coin, surmises that the coin was of a devout Saira. The Mr. Pargiter explains kulavaras as referees or arbitrators. The word is composed of two sectioni, kula and vara; the former means the chief, the head; and the latter means the common populace, the public. Hence the meaning the chief men of the people'. ? As much land as could be sown by a kula (winnewing basket) full of seed. The term Kudad, equivalent to Bigba, the most current land-measure in Bengal, appears to be a corraption of the term kulyanapa. The name survives in the form of Kulavaya (qara), the name of the standard land-measure in the Sylhet District. * Mr. Pargiter explains Jopikaan ennivalent to Bengali Jot, meaning cultivating tenure. This is hardly dotensible, though the word is a derivative for Jofa. Jot is most likely derived from the Sanskrit word gautaku, which means, one's exclusive private property, any property in general. The word Jofa is derived from the root Jutto come together. Jofa is still a very cominon word in Bengali, meaning union or coming together. The ter:n jopika, with the shortened form jofa, occurs also in the Khalimpar grant of Dharmaapillova (Rp. Ina, Vol. IV, 1. 249, text 11. 36.). Reference is to the corrected reading of the plato in Gaudalekhamala by Mr. A. K. Maitreys,

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80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. king's, name he reads hesitatingly (Sec. 165) as Saha or Samacha or Yamacha, and thus wants to connect it with the Rajalila coin on which he reads the king's name as Yamacha. The reverse legend he reads on both the coins as Narendraditya. In the Archaeological Survey Report for 1913-14, Mr. R. D. Banerji discusses these two coins again. He observes that the name of the king on the obverse of both the coins is the same, viz. Yama. The reverse legend is read as Narendravinata. A careful study of the two coins will convince any scholar that the name of the king is the same on both the coins and it cannot be read as anything else than Samacha (r) and the reading is confirmed when we come to know of a contemporary king Samachara-deva by name, whose copper-plate inscription was discovered not far from the find-spot of one of these coins (the Rajalila coin) and the lettering of whose name, as written on his copper-plate, closely agrees to the lettering on these coins. The coins may therefore be assigned to Samacharadeva of the Ghugrahati plate and they furnish proofs, hitherto wanting, of his existence and reign and of the genuineness of the Ghugrahati plate. These coins may be described thus:No. 1. Coin of Samachara deva; alloyed gold; provenance unknown; wt. 148-2 gr. Diameter 9 in. Obv.-The king, in traditional Gupta dress, standing in the Tribhanga pose with a halo round the head, to the left of which curls are shown. He has a necklace of pearls. A bow is shown in the left hand, while the right hand is offering incense at an altar. Below the left hand, in characters of the close of the sixth century A. D., is found Sama; between the feet is cha, and above the Bull of the Standard, probably ra. The a in ma is a superscript angular stroke and the a in cha is a short perpendicular stroke to the proper left, exactly as found on the Ghugrahati plate of Samachara-deva; but in this plate cha has the angular stroke and ma the perpendicular one. These methods of marking & appear to be indiscriminate. To the right of the king appears a standard surmounted by a bull. The Bull Standard would indicate that the king was a devout Saiva and belonged to a line different from the Gupta line so long predominant. Reverse:-A goddess, nimbate, seated on a full-blown lotus with a lotus bud in her left hand and a noose in the right. To the right of the head of the goddess is seen what appears to be an indistinct monogram and on the left margin occurs the legend Narendravinata. No. 2. Coin of Samachara-deva; alloyed gold; slightly purer than No. 1; wt. 149 gr. Diameter 8 in. Obv.: The king, nimbate, sitting on a coach in (for coins) a unique Rajalila pose, and looking to his right. His left hand is raised as if to fondle the female figure standing to the left by touching her chin. The right hand is placed on the hip. Above the left hand occur Sa ma, below the couch cha and beneath the feet of the female figure to the right of the king, ra. Reverse :-Goddess Sarasvati, nimbate, standing on a lotus bud in Tribhanga pose and looking to her right; the left hand rests on a lotus, while the goddess draws another lotus towards her face with her right hand. A lotus bud is on a stalk below the bend of the right hand, below which again is a Hamsa (swan) with neck stretched upwards. On the left margin occurs the legend Narendravinata. The reverse type is also unique. Some conclusions force themselves upon the careful observer of these two coins: (1) The king was certainly not of the Gupta lineage, though he may well have been a successor of the Guptas in the dominions where the Guptas had once held sway. * Allan calls the figure Lakshant, but Haras (swan) is ordinarily associated only with the goddess of learning, Sarasvati,

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No. 11.1 GH GRAHATI COPPER-PHATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA-DEVA. 81 (2) Samachara must, on paleographic grounds, be placed earlier than Sasanka in chronology; also because there is no place for Samachara in chronology after Sasanka whose immediate Successors in Eastern India were tirst Harsha and then Aditya-Sena and his descendants. (3) He was a devout Suiva. The continuance of the Bull Symbol by Sasanka, as well as the facts (a) that the Rajalila coin was found with a coin of Sasanka, (b) that Sasanka's lineage and parentage have never yet been satisfactorily established, make it almost certain that Samachara was a predecessor of Saszaka in the kingdom of Gauda and of the same lineago, perhaps his father. (4) The Rajalila coin may be later than the other coin, as it shows a distinctly greater change from the almost conventional type of the latter. Two other kings stand connected with Samachara-deva, viz. Maharajadhiraja Dharmmiditya and Maharajadhiraja Gopa-Chandra of the Faridpur plates published by Yr. Pargiter. In order, therefore, to locate the position of these kings in the chronology of the country, it is necessary to clear up, if possible, some doubtful points in the chronology of the Gupta kings and their successors during the sixth century A.D. The publication by Prof. Basak of the five plates of the Gupta kings Kumara-Gapta, Budha-Gupta and Bhanu (?)-Gupta (Above, Vol. xv., No. 7) has given all students interested, the opportunity of rediscussing the matter. The evidence of the Bharsar hoard (Allan, Gupt. Coins, Intro., li), in which coins of Samudra-Gupta, Chandra-Gupta II, Kumara-Gupta I, Skanda-Gupta and Prakasaditya were found buried together, made possible the natural deduction that Prakasiditya succeeded Skanda-Gupta and the hoard was buried in Prakasaditya's reign. No one has yet succeeded in solving the problem who this Prakasaditya was, and the purity of gold in his gold coins has been a puzzle. It may be now accepted that Kumara-Gupta II was the son and successor of Skanda-Gupta and so we must see if he can be connected with the coins bearing the legend Praka aditya. These coins are all of the horseman' type and the letter which signifies the king's name on the obverse has been taken to be an otherwise inexplicable Ru (Allan, pp. 135-36, Plate XXII, Nos. 1-6). I think, however, that this reading will have to be revised. The letter on coin No. 1 is almost certainly Ku, the matra or the top horizontal line being very prominent, though unfortunately mixed up with a band hanging from the saddle of the horse. On coins Nos. 3 and 4, this letter is indistinct, while on coins 2 and 6 the letter certainly looks like ru. The letter on coin No. 5 has been made in one stroke, thus * and it is hardly possible to read it as ru. This, I think, will have to be taken as K16, and the letters on Nos. 2 and 6 also as Ku, executed as badly as the horse and the horseman on the coins are. Several scholars have attempted to identify this Kumara-Gupta with Kumara-Gupta. the son and successor of Narasimha-Gupta, and to thrust in the reigns of Nara and Pura between G.E. 148=467 A.D., the last known date of Skanda-Gupta, and G.E. 154=473 A.D., the first known date of Kumara-Gupta. By this arrangement, Budha and Bhanu are to be placed after Pura, Nara and Kumara. This is a rather risky proposal. There is no certainty that 467 A.D. is the last date of Skanda. Similarly 473 A.D. may not be the first date of Kumara. If these two dates approach each other by even one year, Pura and Nara have barely four years left between them. The find of coins, which presupposes their currency in a locality, is more or less & sure measure of the importance and duration of the reign of kings represented by them and the extent of their kingdom. The British Museum Catalogue describes 12 coins and the Indian Museum Catalogue 6 coins of Nara; 4 and 3 coins respectively of Pura are described in the British Museum Oatalogue and in the Lucknow Museum Catalogue. I have seen a number of coins of Nara in the Nahar Collections of Calcutta and in the collection of the Vangiya Sahitya Parishat of Calcutta. Sonte more coins of Nars are to be found in the possession of Rai Mrityunjay Choudhuri Bahadur of Rangpar. To escribe a reign of only two or three years

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82 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. to a king of such widely distributed currency is not reasonable. The next king, Kumars, who is songht to be thrust in between the years 473 and 477 A.D., has also 18 coins described in the B. M. C. and three in that of the Indian Museum. Para and Nara were undoubtedly successors to the Gupta throne, at a time which we have yet to determine, with very much diminished power and territory. Their coins have been found exclusively in Eastern India and it is hardly reasonable to place a real emperor like Budha after Pura and Nara who were perhaps only kings of Eastern India. Narasitis ha-Gupta Baladitya is generally credited with standing against Mihirakula in Magadha. The claims of no other Baladitya have yet been substantiated. Mihirakula cannot be put earlier than the beginning of the sixth century A.D. and the proposition to put Baladitya between circa 470 and 473 A.D. makes him precede Mihirakula by half-a-century. From the Haraha inscription (Above, Vol. XIV, No. 5), Sarvvavarmman and his son Avantivarmman's date can be put as 560 A.D. onwards. In the Deo-Barnark inscription of Jivita-Gupta, the Parametvara Baladitya is spoken of as preceding Sarvvavarmman and Avantivarmman. Sarvvavarmman, the father of Avantivarmman, was the immediate predecessor of the latter, and the presumption is that Baladitya also preceded Sarv vavarmman closely, say, by not more than a generation. This fits in well if Baladitya's date is circa 530 A.D. But Baladitya becomes too far off from Sarvvavarmman if he is put at 470 A.D. Again, the history of the founding of the Nalanda monastery, as recorded by Yuan Chwang is evidently rather confused. But the mention of Budha.Gupta as a predecessor of Baladitya is significant, and is, in my opinion, in true chronological order. Kumara-Gupta II was succeeded on the imperial throne by Budha Gupta probably abont G.E. 157=476 A.D., as the Sarnath inscription of Budha-Gupta is dated G.E. 158=177 A.D. Here, again, his relationship with his predecessor is not known, bat until evidence is produced to the contrary, we may take him as Kumara-Gupta II's son. The latest date on the silver coins of Budha Gupta is G. E. 175=491 A.D. (Allan, No. 617). The next king, Bhanu Gupta, who from his name (Bhanu and Budha are both names of planets appears to have been a brother of Budha-Gupta, may be tentatively taken to bave come to the throne in G.E. 177=495 A.D. The Huns under Toramana were by this time preparing to contest with the Guptas, the sovereignty of India. In G.E. 165 = 484 A.D. the two brothers Matri-Vishnu and DhanyaVishnu, who were local rulers of Eran, had acknowledged the suzerainty of Budha-Gupta (Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 88). But in the Erap Boar inscription of Dhanya-Vishnu the interval between which and the pillar inscription cannot very weli be more than 25 years, the suzerain acknowledged is Toramana in whose first year the Boar was installed. Toramana must have ousted the Guptas from these parts in the course of these 25 or 25 years. The memorial Eran inscription of Goparaja of G.E. 191=510 A.D. gives a clue to the situation. The inscription mentions that Goparaja was killed at Eran while fighting a great battle,-probably with the Huns under Toramana, in the company of the brave Bhanu-Gupta and allies. [ This inference based on the names of planets is not satisfactory.--Ed.] ? The exact year of Toramana's accession to the kingship of the Indian dominions of the White Huns is not known, but it was unquestionably later than 484 A.D., the date of the Eran inscription of Badha-Gapts which mentions Matri Vishnu as the local king reigning, while Dhanga-Vishna was his younger brother. In the Eran Boar inscription of the first year of Toramana, Dhanya-Vishna is the local king and his elder brother Matri-Vishna is said to have gone to heaven. If Toramina ascended the throne immediately after 484 A.D., the battle of Eran in 510 A.D., in which Goparaja was killed, will have to be taken as Bhanu-Gupta's attempt to regain the former PORNOBions of the Guptas from the grasp of tura tay or of his son Mihilakula

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No. 11.] GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA-DEVA. 83 From the acknowledgment about the same time of the suzerainty of the Guptas in the eastern parts of the country (modern Central Provinces) by the Paribrajaka Maharajas and Maharajas of Uchchakalpa, Prof. Basak has been led to suppose (Ep. Ind., XV, 7, p. 125) that Bhanu-Gupta was the victor in the battle in which Goparaja was killed. But I do not think that the supposition is reasonable. The following facts should be considered : (1) Goparaja who appears to have been a powerful ally of Bhanu-Gupta was killed in the battle. (ii) If Bhanu-Gupta were victorious, the fact would certainly have been mentioned. Victory lay on the other side, hence the silence and the consolation of some high-sounding adjectives. (ii) Bhanu-Gupta had evidently lost his former power; for, had he still been the suzerain, the fact would have been mentioned; and the loss of power can only result from defeat in battle in such a situation. (iv) The suzerainty of Toramana is acknowledged by Dhanya-Vishnu, king of Eran, while some years previously he and his elder brother Matri-Vishnu had acknowledged Budha-Gupta as the suzerain,1 From these it appears to be clear that the contest between Bhanu-Gupta and the aggressive Toramana took place in Erap about 191 G.E.=510 A.D., and that the battle resulted in the Gupta Emperor being worsted and having to cede Malwa to the invader, Bhanu-Gupta was probably killed in action, as was his faithful ally Goparaja, and also perhaps Matri Vishnu; or, if Bhanu-Gupta survived, he is not likely to have survived long. Thus from Skanda-Gupta to Bhanu-Gupta we have an unbroken line of succession. Where, then, is the place for Pura-Gupta of the Bhitari seal and his line? Mr. Allan and others have assumed that during the latter days of Skanda-Gupta, Pura-Gupta, his brother or half-brother, revolted and established an independent principality (Allan, Intro., Sec. 62). But where was this principality? We find Budha-Gupta implicitly obeyed from Malwa to Paundravardhana. Where is the place in which Para-Gupta or his successors were obeyed ? Prof. Basak wrote (Ep. Ind., XV, p. 120): "But with our present stock of knowledge, it is not very easy to indicate the place where the branch line headed by Pura-Gupta may have raled; . . . . ... It may be believed that the rulers of the stronger branch may, by courtesy and in good-will, have suffered the other branch to rule somewhere in the eastern portion of the Gupta empire, perhaps in south Bihar." Such courtesy to a branch whose origin was in revolt would be, to say the least, impolitic. The truth seems to be that Pura-Gupta was a child of four or five when Kumara-Gupta I died and Skanda-Gupta succeeded him on the throne, and that the child was brought up in the harem, as his name signifies. When the last king Bhanu-Gupta of the main line died, possibly without leaving any successor, this Gupta prince, the grand-uncle of the last two kings, who must now have reached an age of at least 60 years, was called to fill the vacant throne. If subsequent researches prove my inference to be correct, a tragedy like the crowning of Pura-Gupta has seldom happened in history. Pura-Gupta cannot have reigned for more than a few years and the accession of his son Narasimha Gupta Baladitya may be dated in 196 G.E.=515 A.D. Mihirakula may have succeeded his father at Sakala about this time. We know from Yuan Chwang that Mihirakula invaded the kingdom of Baladitya, who is called king of Magadha. In the war that ensued Mihirakula seems to have been taken [These ressons are not quite convincing.-Ed.] [This does not appear to be a reasonable inference. The author is evidently led to it by Pura, meaning a narem.-Ed.] L 2

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EPIGRAPHJA INDICA (VOL. XVIII prisoner and condemned to death, but was saved from death by the intervention of the mother of Baladitya (Vatsadevi). This contest may be dated about 525-530 A.D. I leave out of discussion the position of Yasodharman and Vishyo-vardhana in chrono. logy as it has hardly nny bearing on the present schome. Narasimha-Gupta Baladitya did not probably long survive his victory over Mihirakula, and the accession of the next king Kumara-Gupta III may be dated in G.E. 213=532 A.D. The last Damodarpur plate is dated in 214 G.E. and it was issued during the reign of a Gupts whose name has been broken away. I have reasons to thiuk that he was Kumars-Gupta III Prof. Basak supposes that only two letters have been broken away and lost; but the letter ra, the last letter of Kumara, which is simply & perpendicular stroke, does not occupy much space, and further discoveries will, I think, show that the Gupta king ruling in the East in 214 G.E.=533 A.D. was Kumara-Gupta III, son of Baladitya. On the testimony of the Kalighat hoards which contained coins of Baliditya, KumaraGupta III, Chandra-Gupta III and Vishn (Gupta ?)-Chandraditys, we may take the successor of Kumara-Gupta III as Chandra-Gapta III, who appears to have been succeeded by one whose name began with Vishnu and whose title was Chandraditya. We cannot my definitely who this Vishnu was. But there cannot be any doubt that he was of the imperial Gupta line, as the Garada standard on his coins would signify. For the remaining period, until the first established date of Sasanka in 606 A.D., Eastern India was ruled, as Mr. Pargiter has demonstrated, by the emperors Dharmaditya, Gopa-Chandra and Samichars. It has been already pointed out that Samachara was a devotee of Siva; and it does not seem an impossible conjecture that all these kings were related to one another and formed a dynasty that took the place of the Guptas in Eastern India. TOPOGRAPHY. As already pointed out, Varaka-mandala was the name of the district. About the position of Varaka-mandala I am in substantial agreement with Mr. Pargiter and I think that he is right in thinking that Varendra or Varendrr is derired from the same root. The word Varaka means obstructing, opposing; mandala means a collection of small areas. So the word Varaka-mandala should be taken to mean, an area of land consisting of smaller areas lying between and separating rivers; Varaka may also be taken in the sense of the deltaic land that obstruats and alters the current of a river'; Varaka-mandala would then be a group of deltaio areas. Anyway, Varaka-mandala would be the district round Kotalipada in the present district of Faridpur, almost in the heart of what was anciently known as Vanga. Kotalipada is at present & Parganah in the district of Faridpur. The old settlement was in and about the old mud fort there, in the vicinity of which the Ghagrahati plate of Samachara-deva was found. A number of gold coins of the Gupta emperors have been found outside the western par or embankment of the fort. Prof. H. Roychaudhari's objections to identify Narasimha-Gupta Baladitya with the conqueror of Mihirakula de not appear to be very sound (J. 4. 8. B., Vol. XVII, p. 315). Even allowing that Yuan Chwang's statements regarding Baladitya's predecessors are historically accurate, Tathagata is not stated to be the father of Baladitya nor Badhe of Tathigata, and there is no mention of inmediate succession. Baladitya's son is Kurin-Gupte Yuan Chwaug gives his name as Vajra; but evidently this is a pet name or a family name, and not the royal name. See Allan, Intro., See. 166-169 and pages 137-146. A 320 well as a muon. A son of scorching rays to his enemies and moon of pleasing and cool rays to hh Priende.

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No. 11.) GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA-DEVA. B3 LA Kotalipada is at present surrounded on all sides by big marshes; it is inconceivable that any Bade man could think of a royal settlement in such a water-logged area. But the big fort is there, and brick constructions very often come up unexpectedly from low water-logged places. As correctly gurmised by some scholars, the low level of Kotalipada appears to be the effect of subsidence due to earthquake. Wo find a new town Navyavakasika springing up during the reign of Dharmmaditya which does not seem to have existed in the third year of the same king. The presumption is that, about the fifth or sixth year of the reign of Dharmmaditya, owing to an earthquake, marshes began to form round Kotalipada which had been a flourishing royal gettlement for the past two centuries and a half, and necessity was felt for shifting the gubernatorial head-quarters to some new and safer rite on more settled land. Kotalipada continued as a district head-quarters, but the value of its land decreased so much that we find almost a whole village, which is described as having long lain fallow, given away to a Brahmin for no consideration. Where was Navyavakasis, the new Divisional head-quarters ? Nagadeva had his headquarters at Navyavakasika, which from the very name appears to have been a recently founded town during the reign of Dharmmaditya, in the interval between the plates A and B pablished by Mr. Pargiter. Ara kasa means an opening, an aperture, and its derivative avukafika may very well mean a khal, a canal, and the whole name Navyava kasika would mean, the place provided with a new canal. There is a place called Sabhar the Dacca district which contains imposing ruins of a traditional king called Harischandra. Numerous gold coins of the Imitation Gupta' type have been found exclusively from Sabhar. The Dacca Museum cabinet possesses eight such coins from Sabhar. The place contains a fort, 250 yards by 190 yards in area. A water coorse breaks off from the river Bangsai about two miles above the place where the fort standa and after running through the eastern part of the site of the old town, turns to the west and re-enters the river just below the southern face of the fort. The canal, which is undoubtedly in part artificial, is locally called Kataganga-the dug-out river'. The ruins of the royal palaces and temples are situated on the south-east corner of this enclosure, outside the Kataganga. This old site appears to answer to the name Navyavakasika very well. The discovery of Imitation Gupta' gold coins thmughout this site distinguishes it from any other old site in Eastern Bengal and also shows that its foundation goes back to the time we are discussing. It would thus appear that the rains at Sabhar may be identified with Navysvakasika. The word Sabhar, a corruption of Sambhara, means fullness, wealth, affluence. A visit to the site will convince anyone that it was a well-planned city of very great affluence surrounded by an artificial water-course. The latter might have been the cause of its name Navyavakasika, while its subsequent opulence and splendour earned for it the name of Sambhara--"Wealth and plenty materialised." It is easy to prove that Kotalipada is the older of the two ancient sites. Below we shall show that the fort at Kotalipada dates from a period previons to the Guptas, but the discovery of the gold coins of the Gupta emperors exclusively from this site and only coins of the Imitation Gupta' type, which were undoubtedly much later currency, from Sabhar tends to show that the former site is the more ancient of the two. It is needless to notice in detail the gold coins discovered at Kotalipada or the 'Imitation Gupta' coins from Sabhar. This is done in separate article in the Numismatic Supplement to the J. A. S. B. It may only be stated hero

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIIT: that gold coins of Chandra-Gupta II and Skanda Gupta and silver coins with the figure of peacocks on them have been found in and about the ramparts of the fort there. The land granted by the Ghugrahati plate was in a village called Vyaghra-choraka. Three hulya-bowing areas of land were taken away from it and the rest of the hamlet was given to the donee. The boundary indications of the land granted are thus given :-On the east, the goblinhaunted Paukkatti tree; on the south, Vidyadhara Jotika; on the west, a corner of Chandravarmman's fort; on the north, the boundary of the village Gopendra-choraka. Chandravarmman's fort cannot be any other place than the big fort at Kotalipada. About half a mile to the north-west from the north-east corner of this fort, there is a forBaken homestead with a tank, which is called Jatibadi or Jatia's house. It is traditionally remembered to have been the residence of one Vidyadhara and his wife Jatia Budi. The place is supposed to be haunted. By the north bank of the tank at Jatiabadi, there run, east-West, two curious parallel embanked roads. The one was, they say, meant for the king and his officers And the other for the common people. This double road appears to have been denoted by the term Jotika or two roads placed together. The village of Govindapur begins a little north of this place and this was no doubt the Gopendra-choraka of the plate, the words Govinda and Gopendral being synonymous. Who is this Chandra varmman, who was still remembered in his handiwork-the fort at Kotalipada-even in the time of Samachara deva ? This fort, which measures 21 x 2 miles, is the biggest ancient earthwork known in Bengal, the next in size being that at Mahasthan (the ancient Paundravardhana) which is only 1,000 yards x 1,500 yards. He must have been a powerful king who could construct so large a fort, in this low-lying tract, and the discovery of the gold coins of Gupta emperors from the vicinity show that the founder was at least is old as the Guptas. We are at once reminded of the Chandra of the Meherauli pillar inscription who " when warring in the Vanga countries, kneaded and turned back with his breast the enemies who uniting together came against him and thus wrote fame on his arms by his sword." (Fleet, 0. I. I. p. 141.) Fleet emphasised the early character of the palaeography of this inscription which is not dated, and Allan, with his usual insight, rejected the identification of this Chandra with Chandra-Gupta II. Finally M. M. Haraprasad Sastri has identified this Chandra with Chandravarmman-son of Simhavarmman of Pushkarana, of the Susunis Hill inscription,---who was finally overthrown by Samudra-Gupta about the third decade of the fourth century A.D. When we see that a most impressive monument in the shape of a great fort, to which Chandravarmmau's name is applied even in the sixth century A. D. turns up in Kotalipada near the heart of old Vanga, we are finally convinced that these scholars, and particnlarly X. M. Sastri, are right in identifying the Chandra of the Meherauli pillar inscription, who came and warred in Vanga, as Chandravarmman, of whose advent in Bengal we have now a tangible proof in the shape of the great fort know after him. Chandravarmman's campaigns in Bengal and the foundation of the fortified settlement at Kotalipadas may be approximately duted about 315 A.D. * [The identification is not convincing.-Ed.] ? In an attempt to identify Chandra with Chandra-Gupta I, Prof. Basak writes: "Where in the evidence that Bengal had over been in the possession of Chandravarmman P ... We bave as yot got no sach historical evidence nor can 106 expect to get it in future." (Ind. Ant., June, 1919, p. 101.) This last statement ouly jeoros ibe necessity of caution in our prediction as to what future may bring up. Kogalpati means the pada or hamlet founded on the ali or num parts of the kof or fort,

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No. 12.] JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V. S. 894. 87 No. 12.-JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V. S. 894. BY R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D., DACCA. This inscription was first edited, without any translation and facsimile, by Murshi Deviprasad of Jodhpur in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1894, pp. 1 ff. I re-edit it at the suggestion of, and from an estampage kindly supplied to me by Professor D. R. Bhandarkar. The stone which bears this inscription was discovered about 1892, in the wall surrounding the city of Jodhpur, but, as Professor Bhandarkar suggests, it was probably brought there from Mandor, five miles to the north of the city.1 The inscription consists of twenty-two lines of writing which cover a space of about 2'-10" broad by 2-14" high. It is generally in a good state of preservation, although some letters have peeled off here and there. The engraving is remarkably excellent. The size of the letters is between " and ". The characters are of the type used in the inscriptions of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty, but the following peculiarities may be noted: The triangle at the right lower end of kh is represented by a simple wedge. Both the forms of a illustrated in Buhler's Chart (V. 24. II, III,) are used. Nis formed by a distinct loop, as in the Dighwa-Dubault plate. The forms of bh and a resemble those of the Pehoa Prasastis and are different from those used in the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja I. The language is Sanskrit; and excepting the benedictory formula "Om namo Vishnave" at the beginning, and the date and the engraver's name at the end, the inscription is written in verse. As Munshi Deviprasad remarks, "the language offers some serious blunders." Thus we have dhimain and varsajam in v. 3, where the anusvara stands for the final n. Similar errors also occur in v. 27. Tyajya for tyaktva, stambhya for stambhitva, and prahatva for prahatya occur in 11. 17 and 15, respectively. Other instances will be noticed in their proper places; but it appears that the writer was influenced by the idiome of the Prakrit language, which, as the Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka' shows, was also used in official documents, about this period. As regards orthography we have to notice (1) the regular use of the proper sign for the letter b; (2) the use of upadhmaniya before p (e.g. in vah-payad in l. 1); (3) the doub ling of s in place of visarga (e.g. in yatas-sarga in l. 1); (4) the use of the guttural nasal instead of anusvara before (e.7. in -varsa" in 1. 2); (5) doubling of k and t in conjunction with a following r (e.g. in vikkramantitan and -bhrattra in I. 2); (6) the doubling of consonants after r (e.g. in sargga, 1. 1); but note the use of single v and y after r (eg. in prattharyam in 1. 3 and "r-virachitam in 1. 19); and (7) the use of ttri for tri (in kshattriya in 11. 3 and 4). The inscription records in the last five verses (27 to 31) the military exploits of a Pratihara chief called Bauka and gives in vv. 4 to 26 an account of the dynasty to which he belonged. The eulogy of Bauka as described in the record seems to suggest that Bauka must have been away on a career of conquest when his kingdom was attacked by a confedera cy of kings. His own partisans were unable to stand the fight and broke into disorder, when Bauka suddenly appeared on the scene, rallied his men and gained a complete victory. This beroic feat that saved the country from a great disaster is the main theme of the inscrip. tion. 1 Progress Report of the Archeological Sureeg of India, Western Circle, 1306-7, p. 30 Ind, Aut. Vol. XV, p. 112. Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p 244. Pablished below as No. 13. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 277 ff,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVII. The inscription supplies us with the following genealogy of Bluka. Harichandra Rohilladdhi, Brabrana. By his unnamed Brahmapa By Bhadra, his wife Kshatriya wife The Pratihara Brahmanas Bhogabbats Kakka Rajjila Dadda Narabhata. otherwise called Pellapelli. Nagabhata m. Jajjikadevi. Bhoja Tata Yasovardhana Chanduka silaka Jhota Bhilladitya Kakks By queen Padmint By queen Durlabhadevit Banks Kakkuka The Gativ&lk Inscriptions of the Pratthara Kakkuka, dated in the Vikrams year 918,9 confirm the above genealogy, although in two cases the names are slightly modified such as Silluka for Siluka, and Bhilluks for Bhilladitya. As these inscriptions trace only the direct line of descent, they omit the names of the three brother of Rajjila and of the brother of Tata bat add a new name to the dynastic list, vie., that of Kakkaks, the son of Kakks and Durlabhadevi. Kakkuks was thus a step-brother of Blaka. The foundation of the dynasty is thus ascribed to a Brahmapa who married two wives from two different castes. This is very interesting from & social point of view. His sons are credited with the conquest of Mandavyapura (modern Mandor) where, as already observed the stone must have been originally put up. The grandson of one of them fized his capital at the city of Medantaka, which, a Munshi Deviprasad remarks, is possibly represented by the town Morta in Murwart. Shortly after this the military ardour of the family gives way to a 1 Tho wames Durlabhadovi and Bakkaks are taken from the Chatiyald ingeriptione. * J. R. A. B. 1895, p. 618 f Bp. Ind. Vol. IX, pp. 977 4. . (Hawwwpiti (III. 18) allows a Brihmapa to marry non-Brilmapa women--KA.] ..J. B. 4. 8. 1894, p. 8.

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No. 12.] JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIBARA BAUKA: V. S. 894. 89 religious one, and the next king Tata spent his last days in a bermitage. His three successors seem, no doubt, to have been powerful rulers, bat his example was followed by the next two kings who spent the last part of their lives on the banks of the Ganges. Kakka, the successor of the last of them, is described to have fought with the people of Bengal (Ganda) in distant Monghyr, and the full significance of this will be explained later on. His successor, Baula who is the hero of the inscription, defeated a king named Mayura. The date of the inscription has given rise to much disou.ssion. Munshi Deviprasad who originally edited the inscription read the figures as 940 but Kielhorn held that thero is only one nameral figure, which is 4 and read the whole as Samvat 4.1 Professor D. R. Bhandarkar reads the date as San 894. He reads the letter following Sas as vra and takes it to be a sign for 8. As regards Kielhorn's view I entirely agree with Professor D. R. Bhandarkar that what the former reads na dva is more like ora and that the sign which he reads as t denotes the cipher for 9. There is also undoubtedly much force in the learned Professor's contention "that there can be no question that ura also is a sign for some integer and that it may be taken as equivaleut to 8," although as he himself admite, tra has never been so far found to represent the integer 8. Apart from the arguments advanced by him, there is one consideration which is decidedly in favour of his view, and seems to me to be fatal to Munshi Deviprasad's contention. If the date of the record be 940 Samoat, as the latter holds, Bauks must be looked upon as a younger brother and successor of Kakkuka. It is, therefore, inconceivable that his name should have been omitted from the dynastic list of our inscription which retaing the names of collateral kings of earlier generations. On the other hand, as Kakkuka's inscriptions do not refer to any collateral king at all, it cannot be a matter of surprise that Bauka's name is not mentioned therein. On the whole, therefory, I am inclined to think that Banka was the earlier prince and that the date of the inscription is Samvat 894 or 837 A.D. as read by Professor Bhandarkar. The historical importance of the inscription is very great. It gives us a line of chiefs extending over twelve generations. Taking twenty-five years as average for each generation the total reign-period of the dynasty would be about 300 years, As the dates of Kakkuks and Bauka, representing the twelfth generation of kings, are respectively 861 and 837 A. D., Harichandra, the founder of the dynasty may be placed at about 550 A. 1). The Imperial Pratihara dynasty, however, cannot be traced back beyond the beginning of the eighth century A. D.. So far, therefore, as the available evidence goes, Harichandra must be looked upon as the earliest Pratihara chief. The verse 5 of our inscrip 1J.R. 4. 8. 1894, p. 9. * Progress Report Arch. Suro. W. Oirele, 1906-07, p. 80. * Dr. Hoernle remarks: The two half-brother Kakkuks and Banks formed the twelfth generation of the Parihar dynasty. This fact, et the usual rate of twenty years for reigo, will place Harichand, the founder of the dynasty, at about 840 A, D." (J. R. 4. 8. 1906, p. 28). Dr. Hoerple here overlooks the difference between reise and generation. A consideration of the duration of the well known bistorical dynasties would show that the arenge duration of generation may be fairly taken to be at least 25 years. Thus (1) Eight gonerations of Pala klage from Dharmapila to Mabipila I ruled for considerably more than 200 years. (11) Soven generations of Chilukya kings from Kirttivarman I to Kirttivarman II ruled for more than 180 years. (ii) Nino generations of Rishtakuta kings from Dantidurga to Indranija IV ruled for more than 229 years. (iv) Nine generations of Pratibara bingo from Vatparija to Trilochadepala ruled for more than 944 years. These gire 27, 26, 26, and 37 your respectively for the arengo duration of a generation. * J. Bo. Br. R. 4. S. Yol. XXI, p. 491.

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90 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIIT "bion says that the song that were born of Harichandrs and Bhadra were known as Pratibaras and were wine-drinkers. This might imply a common origin of all the Protihars roling clans, and it is not impossible that the Imperial Pratharas of Kananj also branched off from this family. The two following grounds may be urged in support of this view, althongh the question oumot be fmally settled till fresh evidence is available (1) The common mythical tradition about the origin of the name Pratihara, both tracing it to Lakshmana, the brother and door-keeper of Rama. (2) The community of names in the two families, such as those of Kakkuks, Nigabhata and Bhoja. It is not easy to determine the status of the chiefs mentioned in the inscription. Their names are not preceded by titles like maharajadhiraja, parana-bhaffaraka, eto., which often accompany the names of independent and paramount sovereigns in insoriptions. But no conclusions can be based on the absence of these titles in the present instance, for we know that in some inscriptions the Imperial Prattharas are mentioned without any of those pompons titles, which are, however, preserved in other inscriptions. Professor Bhandarkar has dealt with this point in detail and his arguments have been fully endorsed by V. A. Smith; and I believe it is impossible to avoid the conclusion, that so far at least as this period is concerned, titular formulas, in reality, are of extremely slight significance. Our inscription applies the term .rajhi' to Bhadra, the queen of Harichandra, the first chief, and to Jajjikadevi, the queen of Nagabhats, and the term Maharajai to Padmini the queen of Kakka. It refers to the "rajadhani" of Nagabhata and the "rajya" of Tata, Jhota ana Bhilliditya. The sons of Harichandra are called Bhu-dharapa-kahamah'; Kakka is styled Bhupati' and Bauka is called Nrisimha. These are the only references, direot or indirect, to the royal power exercised by these chiefs. In this respect it bears a close rosemblance to the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja I published below. The latter adds no royal epithet to Nagabhata, the first chief; calls the second and fourth kings respectively as ** Kshemabhpidita' and Kuhmdpala' while Nagabhata and Bhoja I, two of the greatest kings of the dynasty are introduced without any royal epithet. Whatever might be the reasons, the close parallel between these two contemporary epigraphic recorde would preclude any conclusion regarding the subordinate rank of the chiefs of our inscription, on the basis of the absence of high sounding royal epithete.* As we have seen before, the first chief Harichandrs must be placed at the beginning of the latter half of the 6th century A. D. This is in full accordance with the fact that the earliest reference to the Gurjaras, to which race the Pratibaras belonged, is carried back to the same period by the reference, in the Hartha-Charita, to the wars of Prabhakaravardhana against them. The province of Gurjaratri, which was named after them and mast, therefore, be looked upon as the province where they gained a firm footing and established themselves, ww under the sway of this dynasty. This is quite evident not only from the find-spots 1 ff. vent with varno.B of the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja publiebed below. (also droh. Duro. of India, 1908-04, p. 280 1.) . J. B. Br. R. 4. 8. Vol. IXI, pp. 409-10. . J. R. 4. 8. 1909, PP. 248-249. ..C..Dr. Haornle's remarks in J.R. 4. 8. 1905, pp. 27 ff. The above discussion shows the Insecurry of his statement that the Prasastis of the Jodhpur "Prathams give them ao berritorial title whabeoevee, not even hje". Bis other contention that the term Maharaja applied to Padan ini denote her father's rank rather than that of her husband does not commend itself to me. .J. Bo. Bt. R. 4.... Vol. XXI, p. 41 . Ibid, pp. 414-16.

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No. 12.] JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V.S. 894. 91 of inscriptions of this dynasty which have all been found within ith area, but also from the express mention in the Ghatiyala inscriptions, that Kakkuka ruled over Garjuratrad (v. 16). The inscription also throws some light as to the period. when this province was being gradually occupied by the dynasty. Verses 9 and 10 tell us that the four sons of Harichandra built a huge rampart round the fort of Mandavyapura which was gained by their own prowoss (nija-bhu-arijite). Mandavyapara is evidently Mandor, the ancient capital of Mar war, near Jodhpur. It is evident, therefore, that the Gurjarne under Hariobandra and his sods had occupied the province, known after them, and proceeded up to Mandor, before the end of the sixth century A. D. The period was indeed a suitable one for such conquest. After the downfall of the shorti lived empires of Mihirakula and Yasodharman, northern India must have presented a favour able field for the struggle of nations. The Gurjaras, who probably entered India along with or shortly after the Hunas, found a favourable opportunity to press forward till they advanced as far as the Jodhpur state. Their further advance was checked by the prowess of Prabhakaravardhans and his son, and they were therefore obliged to establish themselves in the province which was subsequently named after them. Harichandra must have been the leader, or at least one of the principal leaders, of this advanced section of the Gurjaras.; in any case his dynasty was ultimately able to establish its supremacy over the entire clan. This seems to be the only reasonable inference from the circumstances stated above, and I do not know of any thing which contradicts this view. Inscriptions testify to the existence of a line of feudatory Gurjara chiefs ruling at Broach. The earliest date of the third chief of this dynasty is 629 A. D. Allowing fifty years for the two generations that preceded him, we get the date c. 580 A. D. for the Samanta Dadda, who founded the line. The date corresponds so very well with that of Dadda, the youngest son of Harichandra, that the identity of the two may be at once presumed. It has been already sag. gested, on general grounds, that the Broach line was feudatory to the main line of the Garjaras further north, but no link, connecting the two, has been hitherto obtained. The proposed identification would not only supply such a link but would also explain why the Gurjara inscriptions record that Dadda I was of the race of Gurjara Kinge (Gurjara-ngipacania) although he and his descendants are referred to as Samantas or fendatories. It further closely fita in with the theory of the Gurjara invasion dealt with above. It would appsar that after Harichandia had carved & principality for himself in Gurjaratri and the neighbouring country, the nomadic habits of the tribe led them farther south till they conqnered a fair portion of Lata. The necessity of preserving their own against the rising power of the Chald. kyne probably led to the foundation of a fendatory state in the southern province under Dadda, the younger brother of the ruling king Rajjila. Instances like these are furnished by the history of the Chalukyas and the Rashtra katas. The Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang visited a Gurjara kingdom which was about 300 miles north of Valabhi or Surath. It is a noticeable fact that Gurjaratra or the country round about Mandor exactly answers to this description. As Harichandra's dynasty wag certainly ruling in the locality at the time of the pilgrim's visit, we are justified in identifying Vor the extent of Gurjaratra as deduced from epigraphical references se Ibid, p. 416. * Gajisratta is 8kr. Gurjjaratri, no. Gajerat as supposed by the Translator (J. R. A. 8. 1896, p. 590). * J. R. 4. S. 1894, P. 3. . For a detailed account of them, see Dynasties of the Kinarose Districts, pp. 312 . * Thus Bubler infers from the title of Sasiasta used by these cblots that " it is not unlikely that they were Vassalo of the Garjaras of Bhillauila" (Ind. 41. xvii. p. 184). * Watter's Yuan-Chwang II, p. 249.

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92 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, [VOL. XVIII. their kingdom with the one described by Hiuen Tsiang. Nay, I believe that we are even able to identify the king whose court was visited by the pilgrim. "The king" says he " is of the Kshatriya caste. He is just 20 years old. He is distinguished for wisdom, and he is courageous. He is a deep believer in the law of Buddha and highly honours men of distinguished ability." Now, as the pilgrim visited the kingdom abont hundred years after the foundation of the dynasty we may reasonably expect four generations of kings to have passed away during that period and the young king may be looked upon as belonging to the fifth. On referring to the dynastic list we find king Tata occupying this position. Verses 14-15 inform us that king Tata, considering the life to be evanescent as lightning, abdicated in favour of his younger brother and himself retired to a hermitage, practising there the rites of true religion. The curious confirmation about the religious fervour of the king, who may be held on other grounds to have been contemporary with the pilgrim, gives rise to a strong presumption about the correctness of our identification.1 The Gurjaras, after their settlement in Rajputana and Broach, had to fight for their supremacy with Prabhakaravardhana of Thaneswar who seems to have headed the native resistance against the invading hordes of the Hnuas and the Gurjaras. We have already referred to the wars of Prabhakaravardhana against the Gurjaras. The poetical language of Banabhatta may be taken to imply that the further advance of the Gurjaras was stayed in the north. The struggle was not, however, a decisive one, and seems to have been continued till the time of Harshavardhana. The feudatory Dadda II of Broach is said to have protected a lord of Valabhi against the Kanauj Emperor, and surprise has justly been expressed how a small state like Broach could withstand the force of the mighty emperor. Every thing however appears quite clear if we admit Broach to have been a feudatory state of the dynasty of Harichandra and remember its hereditary enmity with the royal house of Thaneswar. That the Gurjaras were not worsted in their struggle with the kings of Thaneswar appears quite clearly from the fact that they retained their independence, as Hiuen Tsiang informs us, till at least a late period in the reign of Harshavardhana. The struggle between Dadda-II and the rulers of Kanauj incidentally referred to in inscriptions, may thus be looked upon as part and parcel of the great and long-drawn battle between the two powers. The extension of the Gurjara power to the south brought it into conflict with the rising power of the Chalukyas. It is recorded in the Aihole Inscription that the Chalukya hero Pulakesi II (611 to 640 A.D.) defeated the Latas, Malavas and Gurjaras. The Gurjaras here must be taken to refer to the Pratthara dynasty under consideration, for it cannot denote the feudatory line founded by Dadda as it is included under the Latas. The mention of the Gurjaras along with the Latas and the Malavas clearly shows that they occupied a territory contiguous to these two provinces and the kingdom of the Pratihara line under consideration exactly corresponds to this. The struggle between the two powers must have been of long duration; for during the reign of the successor of Pulakesi, a branch of the Chalukya dynasty was founded in southern Gujarat, and this was evidently to keep in check the powerful Gurjaras in the north. 1 It has been urged by Buhler (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII, p. 192) and V. A. Smith (J. R. 4. S. 1907, p. 923) that the kingdom visited by Hiwen Tsiang was that of Bhillamale, ruled over by the Chapa dynasty. Professor D. R. Bhandarkar has pointed out several drawbacks in this explanation (J. Bo. Br. R. 4. S. Vol. XXI, p. 417). It will suffice here to point out that the identification of Pi-lo-mo-lo with Bhillamala is far from satisfactory, in view of its distance from Valabhi as given by Hiuen Tsiang. Again, the Chapotkatas or the Chapas are clearly distinguished from the Gurjaras in the Nansari grant of the Gujarat Chalukya Pulakesiraja (Kielhorn's Northern List No. 404) and the Chapa kingdom cannot, therefore, be identified with the Gurjara kingdom visited by Hinen Tsiang. Ep. Ind. Vol, VI, p 6

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No. 12.] JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V. S. 894. The Gurjara Pratihara line founded by Harichandra thus established itself in Rajputana and fought successfully against the royal houses of Thaneswar and Badami: For about two hundred years they 1uld in splendour over the greater part of Rajputana but the Arab invasion of about 725 A.D. brought about a decline. The Nausari plates of the Gujarat Chalukya Pulakesiraja, dated in October, A.D. 738, tell us that the Gurjaras were destroyed by an invasion of the Tajikas or Arabs, apparently shortly before that time.1 93 It seems very likely that the Arab invasions referred to in the Nausari plates were those undertaken by the officers of Junaid, the general of Khalif Hasham (724-743 A.D.). Biladuri gives a short account of these expeditions and mentions, among other things, that Junaid sent his officers to Marmad Mandal, Barus and other places and conquered Bailaman and Jurz.* There can be no doubt that Marmad is the same as Maru-mada which is referred to in the Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka and includes Jaisalmer and part of Jodhpur State. Barus is undoubtedly Broach and Mandal probably denotes Mandor. It is now a well-known fact that Jurz was the Arabic corruption of Gurjara, and Bailaman probably refers to the circle of states mentioned in our inscription as Valla-mandala. It would thus appear that the Arab army under Junaid conquered the main Gurjara states in the north as well as the feudatory state of Broach in the south. This catastrophe must have taken place at the beginning of the second quarter of the eighth century A.D. According to Biladuri the Arab expeditions were arranged by Junaid during the Caliphate of Hasham who ruled from 724 to 743 A.D. According to Elliot Junaid was succeeded by Tamin about 726 A.D. Evidently this last date is far from being definitely known and we may therefore conclude that the expeditions were undertaken shortly after 724 A.D. The Nausari plates show, however, that the expeditions referred to in them took place between 731 and 738 A.D. For, according to the Balsar plates, Avanijanafraya-Pulakesiraja did not come to the throne till the year 731 A.D., and as he himself takes the credit of having repelled the Arabs from Nausart, the event must be dated after that year. The Chalukya prince Avanijanasraya-Pulakesiraja, who successfully resisted the Arabs, probably took advantage of this opportunity to wrest the Lata province from the Gurjaca kingdom. The decline of the Gurjara power thus brought about by the Arab invasion in the north and the Chalukya aggression in the south favoured the growth of a rival Pratihara dynasty which was ultimately destined to play the imperial role in India. The origin of this dynasty is described in verses 4 and 7 of the Gwalior prasasti of Bhoja published below. It records that Nagabhata, the first king, defeated the Mlechchhas, and after him ruled his two nephews Kakkuka and Devaraja. Vatsaraja, the son of the latter, became a very powerful king and wrested the empire from the famous Bhandi clan. Now, our inscription tells us that Siluka who was the protector of Valla-mandala (a circle of kingdoms) defeated Bhattika Devaraja (v. 19). As Devaraja of the Imperial Pratthara dynasty was the father of Vatsaraja whose known date is 783-4 A.D., he probably flourished about the middle of the eighth century A.D. Siluka, according to our scheme of chronology must also have been ruling about the same time and the identity of the two kings called Devaraja may be at once presumed. A careful study of the two inscriptions seems to show that Nagabhata, the founder of the Imperial Pratiharas, successfully resisted the Arab invasions which proved so disastrous to the other Pratihara line. His successors were not slow to take advantage of this favourable situation, and Devaraja entered into a contest for supremacy with Siluka. He was defeated by the latter. Transactions of the Vienna Oriental Congress, Arian Section, p. 231. Elliot-History of India, Vol. I, p. 126. Above, Vol. IX, p. 278. Elliot-History of India, Vol. I, p. 442. Referred to in J. Bo. Br. R. A. S., Vcl. XVI, p. 5; and above, Vol. VIII, p. 231,

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94 EPIGAPIA INDICA, [VOL. XVIIT. but his son Vatsaraja purened his policy with signal success and wrested the empire from the family of Harichandra. All these successive changes in the fortone of the dynasty are reflected in our inscription. According to our scheme of chronology Chanduka was on the throne when the Arab invasion took place. It becomes therefore a significant fact that whereas he is passed over with mere conventional praises, tribute is paid to the prowess and heroism of his successor Siluka. Then, again, the two successors of Siluka are said to bave taken to religious life and not a single act of martial glory is attributed to any of them. This was apparently the time when their rivals gradually established themselves in the position of recognised suzerainty over the entire confederate clans which was so long enjoyed by them. The subsequent kings of the line of Hari. chandra retained possession of their own kingdom, although they lost their supreme position, and gradually seem to have reconciled themselves to their new situation. Kakka, the great grandson of Siluka appears to have accompanied the new suzerain power in its wars of conquest. For we are told in verse 24 that he fought with the Gaudas at Mudgagiri or Monghyr. Apparently he fought as a feudatory of Nagabhata II one of whose known dates is 815 A.D., and who is said in the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja (below) to have defeated the king of Vanga. There was, however, a temporary revival of the Pratihara power in the middle of the pinth century A.D. The Daulatpnra copper plate of Bhoja, dated in the year 843 A.D., records the grant of a piece of land situated in Gurjaratra, but the Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka refers to the province as being held by that king. As this inscription is dated in 861 A.D. Bhoja must have lost this province between these dates. In fact a close study of the Daulatpura plate seems to indicate that the province was held by Vatsaraja and Nagabhata but lost by Ramabhadra and regained by Bhoja before 843 A.D. For it speaks of the original grant by the first, its continuation by the second and renewal by the fourth king, leading to the evident conclusion that there was a break in the possession of the territory during the reign of the third. This view entirely agrees with what we know of the rival Pratihara dynasty; for Nagabhata II was crushed by the Rashtrakata king Govinda III and Ramabhadra's reign was an inglorious one. The difficulty of the rivals must have presented the requisite opportunity to the Jodhpur Pratiharas to regain the power that they had lost. Thus whereas the two successors of Siluka are described as practising austerities--an unmistakable indication of their political and military inanity-Kakka, the third king after Siluka is described as a great fighter and his queen consort is called a maharajni. Their son Bauka was also a great hero and his military exploits are described at great length in our inscription. According to the Ghatiyala inscriptions Kakkuka also ruled over a vast dominion. Nothing is at present known about his successors but it is likely that with the revival of the Imperial Pratshiras under Bhoja during the latter part of Bhoja's reign, their territory was finally annexed by the latter. A few words may be said regarding the geographical names contained in the inscription. Mandavya-pura and Medantaka-pura (1. 7) most probably denote the cities of Mandor and Merta. Line Il contains the names of Stravani and Valla-desa, two provinces, close to each other. As Siluka is said in the same line to have been Vallamandala-palaka', Valla must denote the region over which these Pratihara chiefs ruled. As Siluka is also said in verse 18 to have fixed the boundary between Stravani and Valla, the former would appear to have denoted a neighbouring kingdom. Stravani is probably the same as Tamani of the Ghatiyala inscription of Pratihara Bauka as the latter occurs along with Valla in a list of contiguous countries. The locality of this Stravani or Tamani has not been established so far. It seems to me, however, that it is to be identified with the kingdom of Taban referred to by the Arab geographers of the ninth century A.D. A comparison of the various refereucne to this kingdom

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No. 12.] JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V. S. 894. 95 by Arab writers 1 seems to show that it consisted of a part of the Panjab just to the north-west of Rajputans. Reference is twice made (vv. 27, 29) to Mayora, a king defeated by Banka. We know of no such king, but Hiuen Tsiang refers to a city called Mo-Yu-lo (or Mayura) situated near Gangadvara mentioned in v. 23. Mayura of our inscription may refer to the king of the locality. Treta-tirtha (v. 20) and Bhuakupa (v. 27) cannot be identified. But Ganga-dvara (v. 23) and Mudgagiri (v. 24) are well known names denoting respectively Haridvar and Monghyr. TEXT. [Metres used: v. 1 to 26, Anushtubh; vv. 27-28, Sragdhara; v. 29, Arya; v. 30, Sardalavikridita ; v. 31, Malini.] 1 Om namo Vishnave || Yasmin=visa]nti bhutani yatas-sargga-sthiti mate i BA vahepayad=Dhoishikeso pirggunas-bagunas=cha yah | [18] Gunab-puryvan pu(parushanam ki[rttyanto] tenas 2 panditaih 1 gana-kirttireanabyanti svargga-vasa-kari yatah 11 [2*]* Atah 811 Bauko dhimam sva-Pratihara-vansajam prasastau lekhayamara ert-yaso vikkram-anvitan | [38] Sva-bhrattra Ra3 -mabhadrasya pratiharyam kfitam yatah srt-Prattiharal-van boxyam-atag=ch Onnatim=apnuyat8 ! [14] Viprah sri-Harichandr-akhyah-patni Bhadra cha kshattriya tabhyan=tu [ye su]ta jatah [Pratiha]rams=cha tan=vi4 duh | [15] Babhuva Rohilladdhyanko Veda-sastr-arttha-paragah | dvijah fri. Harichandr-akhyah Prajapati-samo guruh | [6deg] Tena fri-Harichandrona parinsta dvij-atmaji [dvi]tiya kshatti5 Bhadra mahi-kula-gun-invita [1171 Pratihara dvija bhata Brahmanyam ye-bhavamt10-sutah rajni Bhadra cha yamt=sfite te bhata madhu-payinah | [18*] Chatvara[6]-ch=atmajas-tasyan jata bho-dharana-ksha6 mab eriman=Bhogabhatah Kakko Rajjilo Dadda eva cha [19] Mandavya pura-durgge=sminn-abhirunnija-bhuj-arjjite | prakarah karitasatungo vidvishan bhiti-varddhanah [10] Amisham Rajjilaj-jatah frImin-Narabhatah gutah | Pallapell=Iti namaeabhad-dvistiyam] tasya vikkramaih Fu111 Tasman-Narabhaltaj-jatah srfman-Nagabhatah 11 Sutah [1] Tajadhani sthira yasya mahan-Meqentakam puram || [12*) Rajsyam srt8 Jajjik.-devyas-tato jatau maba-ganau | dvan Butan Tata-Bhoj-akhyan SAD-18 daryau ripu-marddanau [13*] Tatena tena lokasya vidyuoh-chamchalajfvitar | budhval rajyam laghor-bhratul6 eri-Bhoja Elliot- History of India, Vol. 1, PP. 4, 6, 13, 21, 25. * Watters Yuan Chuang 1. 328-9. The letter ma looks like epi. + The sloka-metre here employed is faulty-the sixth syllable in the first pada being short against tule, Read dhiman. . Read Dahlajas. * The doubling of t in prattikara is apparently due to the exigencies of the timetre. Read panfor * Read =apnuyat. Rend. Kohatiriya. 10 Read Haec and gata in the same line, as per sutra * (VITI--30) of Pipini. 11 Read . " Read -devgassa 13 Rend so. W.Read, buduhu. 16 Read bhratu.

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96 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, 9 dharmma sya samarppitain [11] Svayamn1-cha samsthitas-Tata[h] suddham [m] samacharan Mandavyasy-isramo punye nadt-nirjjhara-sobhite | [15*] Srt-Yasovarddhenas-tasmat-puttro vikhyata-paurushah bhato ni[ja]. 1 10 bhuja-khyatih samast-oddhrita-kantakah || [16] Tasmach-cha Chandukah Sriman-puttro-bhat-prithu-vikkramah tejasvi tyaga-stlas-cha vidvisham yudhi durddharah [17*] Tatah Sri-Siluko jatah puttro durvvara-vikkramah [1] yena 11 stma kita nitya Stravani-Valla-desayoh [18] Bhattikem Devarajam yo ta[tksha]pam bhamau Valla-mandala-palaka[m]h ni[pa]tya praptavan chchhattra-chihnakain [b] | [19] Pushkarini karita yona Ttreta-tirtthe cha pattanam | Si12 ddhesvaro Mahadevah karitas-tunga-mamdirah3 || [20] Tatah sri-Srlukaj-jatah sriman-Jhoto varah sutah yenh rajya-sukham bhuntva Bhagirathyam] krita gatih [121] Babhava satvavan-tasmad-Bhilladityas-tapo-ma 13 ti yuna rajyam kritam yena panah puttraya dattava(va)n | [22] Gangadvaram tato gatva varshapy-ashtadasa sthitah ante ch-anasanam kritva svargga-lokam samagatah [23] Tato-pi ert-yutah Kakkah 14 puttro jato mahamatih yas Mudgagirau labdham yena Gaudai samant rap [24] [Chhando] Vyakaranam Tarkko Jyotib-sastrain kal-anvitari | sarvva-bhasha-kavitvan-cha vijnatam su-vilakshanam [25] Bhatti (?)-va 15 ns-visudhayam? tad-asmat-Kakka-bhupateh srimat-Padminyah [VOL. XVIII maharajnya jatah srt-Bbauka suta iti [26] Nandavallam prahatva10 ripu-balamatulam Bhuskup-prayatam drishtva bha 16 gnam sva-paksh[a]m ddvije-nripe-kulaja sat-Pratiharabhapam dhig-bhataikena tasmin-prak-tita-yasasa srtmata Baukena 19 spharjan-hatva13 Mayuram tad-anu nara-mriga ghatita he 17 [tiju-aiva [27] Kasy-anyasya prabhagua -sachivam-annja ranasu tyajyals dasa-disi tn val stambhya16 chtamttrah (1) ken-aiken-ati-bhite atmanam-ekam dhairya[n-m]uktv-asva-prishtham kahiti-ga There is a redundant anusvara after ya which may be cancelled. The syllabla ka has both the anusvara and the risarga added to it as in palakah in the same line. Cancel the anuseara in the latter al the visargs in the former. The first pada of this stuk contains one syllable too many. Read bhukkiva. Read Gaudaik. * Real vami. 7 Pead risuddhayam. Carcel mat-and read Padmingam maharajayam. Read fri-Baukas=suth iti. Cancel iti. [Perhaps hero ended the prasasti which was caused to be written by Bauke ss mentioned in verse 3 above; the indiclinable iti indicates it.-Ed.] 10 Read probatya. [Read which would suit the metre better than -Ed.] 11 Read Lhagnan sva-pakehan ddvija-ripa-kulojan ant-Pratihara-bhupas. 12 Cancel the unr ecessary punctuation. 13 Sphurjan is an adjective qualifying Bankena and must therefore be corrected into spharjata, though this rendors the motre ircorrect. 14 Read prabhagnam. 15 Rend tayktva ranisu tamttram, though this offends against the metre. 18 Corr etly stambhayitra.

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No. 12.) JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V. S. 894. 97 -ta-charapan=&ei-hastena sattrar chhityal bhitva emakanan kitam-ati-Ebha)yadam Bauk-anyena tasmin il [28] Navd-mandala-nava-nichaye bhagne hatya Mayaram-ati-gahana / tad ant 19 bhrit-Isi-taramga sri-mad-Bauka-nsi-singhenas || [29] Sarddh-arddhaih-praga[lad bhirakta-susbirair=bba[b]-orn-pad-angakair=entrais-ch-Opari-lamvi(bi)tair=virachitar" sava-griham phetkaral-satv-akulam 20 yach-chhrt-Bauka-manda [1]agra-rachitam prakuchhattru-samgh-akula tat=samgmritya na kasya sampratibhavet-tras-odgamas-chetasi [1] [30] Nann sama ra* ] dharayam Bauke nityaman sava-tanu21 Sakal-antreshv=eva vidyasta-pado i samam=iva hi gatastotishtha-tishth=eti gitad-bhaya-gata-osi-k[u]ramgas-chittram=etat-tada-sit 8 [31] Sam 894 Chaittra su di 50 22 Utkirnna cha hema-kara-Vishnuravi-s[]nuna Krishnesvarena ! TRANSLATION (Line 1). Om ! Salutation to Vishnu ! (Verse 1). May Hrisbikesa, in whom all elements enter and from whom creation and protection are supposed (to proceed), who is both nirguna and saguna (i.e., with and without attribute) protect you. (Verse 2). The glories of ancestors are first song by wise men because perpetual recitation of glorios (has for its effect) the dwelling in heaven, (Verse 3). Hence the illustrions wise Bauka caused (the glories of his ancestors), belonging to his own Pratihara olan, and possessed of wealth, fame and prowess, to be written in this) prakasti. (Verse 4). Inasmuch as the very brother of Ramabhndra performed the duty of doorkeeper (pratihara), this illustrious clan came to be known as Pratibara 10 May it prosper. (Verse 5). (There was an illustrious Brahmana named Harichandra and his wife (was) Bhadra, . Kshatriya. The sons born of them are known as Irattharns, (Verse 6). There was an illustrious Brahmana named Harichandra Rohilladdhi, who was versed in the meaning of the Vedas and the sostras and who was a preceptor like Prajipati.lt (Verse 7). That illustrious Harichandra married (first) the darghter of Brahmara, an!, (as) second (wife), tho Kshatriya Bhadra, belonging to a noble family and possessoil of good qualities. 1. Read chbittva. * Read bhitta. . Read * sitken. Some such phrase as sena hati has to be applied in order to complete the senee. * Rend pragulad-virakta. Il bhi is retained, we should, grammatically have expected pragaludbhi (Panini, VI. 8, 111). * Read -antrails The word virachidan is redundant nince later on occurs also the word rachitam. It may be omitted in order also to set the metro right. Rend phetkari. Read-lavitaif-Gara* There is the figure of a 'wbeel' after this wonl. .There is the figure of a conch' after this word. * The word Pratihara is variously written as Pratihara(1.2) and Prudkhara (1. 3). I have adoptel the first form throughout the translation. 1 The meaning of the word Rohilladdhyanka' in this verse is uncertain. (Haricliandra's surname o: birada may have been Rohilladdhi though it sounis rather outlan lish- A.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIIE. (Verse 8). Those sons who were born of the Brahmana wife became Pratihara Brahmanas. Those who were born of queen Bhadra became drinkers of wine!! (Verse 9). Foar sons, fit to hold the earth, were born to her, viz., the illustrious Bhogabhata, Kakka, Rajjila and Dadda. (Verse 10). In this fort of Mandavyapura, conquered by their own arms, they erected a high rampart, (which was) calculated to increase the fear of the enemies. (Verse 11). From Rajjila among then was born the illustrious son Narabhata. On account of his prowess his second name was "Pellapelli.' (Verse 12). From Narabhata was born a son, the illustrious Nagabhata, who had his permanent capital at the great city of Medantaka. (Verse 13). From him, begotten on Jajjikadevi, were born the two uterine accomplished sons named TAta and Bhoja, who were oppressors of enemies. (Verse 14). By Tata, who realised that the world was evanescent as lightning, the kingdom was conferred on his younger brother, the illustrious Bhoja. (Verse 15). Tata himself retired to the pious hermitage of Mandavya, adorned with streams and rivers, and practised there the rites of pore religion. (Verse 16). From him (Tata) was born the son, the illustrious Yasovardhana renowned for his prowess, (who earned) fame by his own arms and rooted out all the thorns (i.e. enemies). (Verse 17). From him was born the son, the illustrious Chanduks of great valoir, (who was) full of splendoor, of charitable disposition and invincible to enemies in war. (Verse 18). From him was born the son, the illustrious siluka of irrepressible prowess, who fixed a perpetual boundary between the provinces of Stravani and Valla. (Verse 19). Who, the protector of Vallamandala, having knocked down Bhattika Dovaraja on the ground, at once obtained from himn the ensign of the umbrella. (Verse 20). Who had a tank excavated, a city established, and the lofty temple of Siddhesvara Mahadeva constructed, at the holy place called Treta. (Verse 21). From the illustrious Silaka was born the excellent son, the illustrious Jhota, who proceeded to the Bhagirathi (Ganges) after enjoying the bliss of kingdom. (Verse 22). From him was born Bhilladitya, possessed of satva quality and disposed to austerities (tapas); he governed the kingdom, while young, and then bestowed it on his son. (Verse 23). Then proceeding to Ganga-dvara he stayed for eighteen years and finally went to heaven by practising fast i.e., dying by abstinence from food). (Verse 24). From him, too, was born the noble son, the illustrious Kakka, who gained reputation by fighting with the Gaudas at Mudgagiri. (Verse 25). (Whose) knowledge of Prosody, Grammar, Logic, Astronomy, with attendant arts, and Poetry in all languages was extraordinary. (Verse 26). From king Kakka, begotten on the pure illustrious great queen Padmini, of the Bhatti clan, was born the illustrious son Bauka. (Verse 27). Having found the matchless enemy gone to Bhfakupe after killing Nandavalla, while the good Pratibara princes, born in the family of the Brahmana king and belonging to his party, had broken in disorder, the illustrions Bauka, A single man dospised by the enemy, suddenly burst forth and killed, with bis weapons, first Mayura and then his mon why were like deer, and thus was his glory manifest. distinct 1 It is curious to note that the Arab travellers of the ninth century A. D. have also laid it down characteristic of the Bralmanas, that they abstain from wine. (Elliot'. History of India, Vol. I, p. 9.)

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No. 12.] JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V. S. 894. 99 (Verse 28). What other king but Bauka, while his authority over other kings was destroyed, his own younger brothers and ministers had left him and his army on all sides was seized with terror, could, upaided, stand firm like a pillar, and, leaving the horse-back and standing on the ground unperturbed, sword in hand, pierce the enemy through and through, causing thereby a terrible burial ground in that battlefield ? (Verse 29). After having dispersed the recent gathering of the newly formed confederation, and killed Mayura, Bauka, the lion among men, killed the army which was supporting waves of swords. (Verse 30). Whose mind would not now be filled with terror on remembering the house of dead made by Bauka's sword, which ere long was put in confusion by the enemy's host-the house of dead which was made by the arms, thighs, legs and other limbs, rent in twain, with oozing as well as bloodless cavities, together with the entrails hung above, and which was full of jackals? (Verse 31). Verily, when Bauka was dancing in the battle-field, placing his feet on the very entrails and other parts of the dead bodies, the frightened men (enemies) who were like deer, became quiet as it were with strain tishtha, tishthal. This indeed was very strange! (L. 21). The year 894, (the month of) Chaitra, the fifth day of the bright fortnight. (L. 22). Engraved by Krishnesvara, son of the gold-smith Vishnuravi. No. 13.-THE GWALIOR PRASASTI OF THE GURJARA-PRATIHARA KING BHOJA. By R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D.; DACCA. The stone which bears this inscription was discovered in 1896, about half a mile west of Gwalior town, at Sagar Tal in the Gird-Gwalior district. It contains 17 lines of writing covering a space of about 3' 41" broad by 1' 2" high. The first twelve lines are incised with great care and neatness and the letters are so distinct and beautiful that they can be read without hesitation even from a distance. The remaining lines, for some unaccountable reasons, are not so distinctly engraved, but can be read, without any great difficulty, especially from the reverse side of the estampage. The whole inscription is thus clearly legible except two letters at the end of line 5 where the stone surface is damaged. It was first edited by Pandit Hirananda in the Arch. Suru. Report for 1903-4 (pp. 277-285), with a facsimile Plate. Then, in March. 1905 Dr. Kielhorn gave a short account of the inscription in Nachrichten von der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Got. tingen (pp. 300-304) without any reference to the first edition. I re-edit the inscription from fresh impressions kindly procured for me by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A. My excuse in taking up the subject again, is that, in my opinion, the great historical importance of the record requires further scrutiny and comment. I follow the previous Editors as far as possible but give my independent opinion only in cases where I feel it necessary to do so. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and except the benedictory formula om namo Vishnave at the beginning, it is throughout composed in metrical form. The author shows himself to be well versed in the best form of the Kavya style, and his chaste dignified verses make one sincerely regret that no further production from his able pen has been preserved for us. Special attention may be drawn to the ease with which fleshas and dhvanis have been frequently introduced into this historical poem. [The word lishtha is onomatopatie. As one plunges bis lege in miry ground and lifts them up with force, the steps are likely to inake the noise tishtha, tishtha - Ed.] N 2

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. The important points to pote in the matter of orthography have been already mentioned by Pandit Hirananda in A. S. R. for 1903-04 pp. 277 ff. The use of dental nasals instead of anusvara, e.g. in hineran (v. 3), and in vante (v. 4); the different spellings of the same proper name as in Pratihara (v. 3) and Pratihara (v. 4) : and the change of the visarga followed by , into that letter, e.g. in yasy-aitas-sampadas-cha (v. 6), ostais-samuchita-charitaih (v. 12), and upayais-sampadan (v. 13) may be noticed. The characters of the inscription are of the Nagari type current in Northern and Western India during the ninth century A.D. Pandit Hirananda remarks that they resemble most closely those of the Pebeva grant of Mahondra-Pala. But a close examination of the two records shows that the letters 1, 5, , th, dh, 1, m, 1, and 6 of our inscription are different from those employed in the Peheva grant. As a matter of fact, the only published inscription to which our record shows the closest resemblance is the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja of the year 933. The only noticeable difference between the two records is to be found in the new forms of bh and e used in the latter, in addition to those employed in our inscription. The close resemblance between these two records is only quite natural as both come from the same locality, and belong to the same reign. It may be noted that the new forms of bh and i which we find in the Gwalior inscription of the year 933 along with those in our record, have alone been used in all the later inscriptions of the dynasty, of which facsimiles are available, with the single exception of the Peheva grant of Mahendra-Pala. On the other hand, only the forms used in our record are found in the Buchkala inscription of Nagabhata, dated V.S. 872, the only known record of the dynasty before the time of king Bhoja. It may thus be presumed that the record is earlier than 933 V. S., although much stress should not be laid on this conclusion in view of the recurrence of the forms in the Peheva grant. The inscription records the erection of a house in his seraglio, by the Gurjara-Pratihara king Bhoja in honour of Vishnu, and begins with an invocation to that God. Verse 2 describes the creation of the Sun and names some important kings born in the solar race. Verse 3 refers to Rama and his terrible fight with Ravapa. The family to which Bhoja belonged is traced from Lakshmana, the younger brother of Rama (v. 3). The genealogy of the family, as furnished by this inscription, may be explained by the following tablet : Lakshmana of the Solar race. I. Nagabhata I. An unnamed brother. II. Kakkuks or Kakutatha. III. Devarija. IV. Vatsaraja. V. Nagabhata II. VI. Rama. VII. Bhoja (alias Mihira). Cl. the plate, above, Vol. I, p. 244. * Ibid, p. 160. . Ahovs, Vol. IX, p. 198. * Some of these kings bu also other appellations ; C, the genealogical tablo above, Vol. XIV, p. 179.

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No. 13]. THE GWALIOR PRASASTI OF BHOJA. 101 Of these, Nagabhats I defeated a Mlechchha army (v. 4), and Devaraja is said to have defeated a host of kings (v. 5). His son Vatsaraja, a famous king, forcibly wrested the empire from the Bhandi clan (vv. 6-7) and Nagabhata II defeated Chakrayudha and also conquered kings of the Anartta, Turushka, Malava, Vatsa, Matsya and other countries (vv. 8-11), Bhoja, also called Mihira, is said to have defeated his powerful enemies and verses 16-26 describe his greatness in general terms. The chronology of the kings mentioned in this inscription may be fixed with & tolerable degree of certainty. We have the dates 756-7 A.D. for Nagabhata I, 783-4 A.D. for Vatsarija, 815 A.D. for Nagabhata II, and dates ranging from 843 to 881 A.D. for Bhoja. Again, we learn from a Jaina book, the Prabhavaka-charita, that king Nagavaloka of Kanyakubja, the grand-father of Bhoja died in 890 Vikrama-Samvat, and this Nagavaloka has been correctly identified with Nagabhafa II. Thus the first three kings of the genealogical table may be placed between 725 and 775 A.D., and the fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh kings may be taken to have ascended the throne respectively at about 775, 800, 833 and 840 A.D. Before the discovery of this inscription, our knowledge of the Gurjara-Pratthara kings, who played such an important part in Indian history, was very limited and inaccurate. Although the late A. M. T. Jackson, M.A., 1.C.S., and Prof. Bhandarkar laid the true foundation of our knowledge about the Gurjara-Pratihara history, a complete understanding of the subject, in all its bearings, was impossible, in consequence of the view held by Dr. Fleet, Dr. Kielhorp and others, that the homonymous kings referred to in the copper-plates lived earlier than, and were thus different from, those mentioned in the stone inscriptions. It was the discovery of this inscription that finally settled the question and facilitated the proper treatment of the GurjaraPratihara history. Dr. V. A. Smith has clearly pointed out, that the express mention of the family name of the kings in this inscription helps us to definitely assign the royal dynasty of Kanauj to the Gurjara-Pratthara olan, The rise and growth of the great Gurjara empire, which played such a conspicuous part in Indian polity in the ninth century A.D., is clearly traced by our inscription. The names of the early kings of the dynasty, recorded in inscriptions, such as the Daulatpura copper-plate of Bhojadova, Dighw, Dubanli plate of Mahendrapala and the Bengal Asiatic Society's copperplate of Vinayakapalal are but a mere string of names withont any details such as are to be found in the present inscription. This invests our record with particular importance, and the data it furnishes may be justly said to have revealed an altogether new chapter of Indian history. The founder of the royal line is named Nagabhata, a name not yet found in any other record of the family. He is said to have defeated the Mlochchha army, and the manner in which this solitary fact is mentioned with regard to him, seems to show that it was looked upon 1 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 179, foot-note 8. * A. M. T. Jackson, in Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, App. III ; Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar in J. Bo. Br. R. 4. 8., Vol. XXI, p. 406 f., 413 f. * This point is fully brought out by Dr. Kielhorn (loo. oit). * J. R. 4. 8., 1909, p. 58. . Above, Vol. V, p. 208. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 105. 1 Ibid, p. 138.

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102 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. as of great importance in the history of the family. Now the locality of Nagabhata's kingdom and the period when he flourished may be gathered from a passage in the Jaina Harivansa.1 The passage has been noticed by various scholars, and the following remarks of Dr. Fleet may be taken to represent the earlier views regarding its interpretation. "A passage in the Jain Harivansa of Jinasena tells us that that work was finished in Saka-Samvat 705 (expired), =783784 A.D., when there were reigning-in various directions determined with reference to a town named Vardhamanapura, which is to be identified with modern Wadhwan in the Jhalavad division of Kathiawar,-in the north, Indrayudha; in the south, Srivallabha; in the east, Vatsaraja, king of Avanti (Ujjain); and in the west, Varaha or Jayavaraha, in the territory of the Sauryas." This seems to have been the accepted view till 1902 when Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar gave a somewhat different interpretation of it. He translated the last portion as follows:-"In the east, the illustrious king of Avanti; in the west, king Vatsaraja; (and) in the territory of the Sauryas, the victorious and brave Varaha." Quite recently Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar has drawn my attention to a passage in an unpublished copper-plate grant in his possession, which runs as follows: "Hiranyagarbham rajanyair-Ujjayanyam yad-asitam | Pratih rikritam yona Gurjar-ee-adi-rajakam || " This points to a Gurjara-Pratihara kingdom in Ujjayini; for, the word Pratihara, apart from its usual meaning, is evidently an allusion to the name of the clan. This is decisive in favour of Dr. Fleet's interpretation of the passage. It has been unanimously held by scholars that Vatsaraja, referred to in the above passage, is the Pratihara king of the same name, the grand-nephew of Nagabhata. As Vatsaraja was reigning in 783-784 A.D., Nagabhata may be taken to have flourished in about 725 A.D. Again, Avanti must be looked upon as the home-territory of the dynasty, for, although Vatsaraja ruled over a vast kingdom, he is simply called the ruler of Avanti in the passage quoted from the Harivamsa. It may be held, therefore, that Nagabhata ruled over Avanti about 725 A.D. As we have seen, in connection with the Jodhpur inscription of Pratihara Bauka, this was the period when the great Arab raid took place. As Biladuri clearly mentions Ujjain as being attacked by the Arabs, there can scarcely be any doubt that the Gwalior inscription, like the Nausari plates, refers to the Arab expedition described by Biladuri. Our inscription tells us that the Arab forces were defeated by Nagabhata I, and this is fully in keeping with the account of Biladuri, who observes :-"They (i.e., the Arabs) made incursions against Uzain, and they attacked Baharimand and burnt its suburbs. Junaid conquered Al Bailaman and Jurz..." Thus whereas other places. were conquered, the Arabs merely sent Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 141; Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 197, f.n. 2. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 195-6. J. Bo. Br. R. 4. S., Vol. XXI, p. 421, f.n. 4. It was formerly in the possession of his elder brother, late Prof. S. R. Bhandarkar and noticed by him in J. Bo. Br. R. A. 8, Vol. XXII, p. 117. It will be henceforth referred to as the Sanjan copper-plate. Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar is engaged in editing it for the Ep. Ind. and I take this opportunity of expressing my indebtednes to him for having kindly permitted me to use the inscription before its publication. See above, p. 93. For Biladuri's account of the Arab expedition, cf. Elliot's History of India, Vol. 1, p. 126.

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No. 18.] THE GWALIOR PRASASTI OF BHOJA. 103 incursions against Ujjain, and if we remember that this is from the pen of an Arab historian, it must be looked upon as a tacit admission that the Arabs failed in their expedition against Ujjain. It is also significant, that the Nausari plates do not include the king of Avanti in the list of those that were defeated by the Arabs. Further, Biladuri himself admits that Janaid's successor was feeble, and, in his days, the Musalmans retired from several parts of India and left some of their possessions. Thus all the available evidence shows that Nagabhata I established the greatness of his family by his triumphant success over the Arabs. The Hansot plates of the Chabamana fendatory Bhartsivaddha II records a grant that was made at Broach, in the increasing reign of victory of the glorious Nagavaloka, in the year 756 A.D. Prof. D.R. Bhandarkar upheld the view that this Nagavaloka is no other than Nagabhata I, and Dr. Sten Konow has accepted it. It would then follow that he re-established the Pratihara sovereignty over Broach which the family of Jodhpur must have lost during the Arab expeditions. A reminiscence of Nagabhata's struggle with the neighbouring powers seems to have been preserved in the Ragholi plates of Jayavardhana II, a king of the Saila dynasty, ruling over part of the Central Provinces. We are told that Prithuvardhana, a king of the family, who probably ruled about the middle of the eighth century A.D., conquered the country of the Gurjaras. We have seen above, in connection with the Jodhpur inscription of the Pratihara Bauka, how, as an indirect result of the Mlechchha invasion, the suzerainty hitherto enjoyed by the dynasty of Harichandra passed into the family of Nagabhata. It would appear that shortly after 725 A.D., when the Arab invaders seemed to have carried away everything before them, and, in particular, defeated the Pratihara clan who had been ruling in Rajputana for about two centuries, Nagabhata gained successes over the Mlechchha forces and established his supremacy over the clan. The struggle which thus began between the two Pratthara families was long and tedious. Siluka, the king of the Rajputana family, succeeded in regaining his territory after defoating one Dovaraja, probably the nephew of Nagabhata I. Vatsa raja, the son and successor of Devaraja, however, continued the struggle and gave the final blow to the tottering rival power. The empire over which it had ruled for well-nightwo hundred years then fivally passed into the hands of the family of Nagabhata. The data furnished by our inscription, supplemented by a few other known facts, enable ug to sketch a brief history of the ompire that was thus founded by Vatsaraja. Verses 6 and 7 describe his mighty prowess and splendour, and mention, in particular, that he had subdued the whole world. This statement, allowing for the natural exaggeration of the Prasasti writers, cannot be said to be altogether inaccurate, inasmuch as it is pretty certain that Vatsaraja had conditered the lord of Gauda and was thus probably master of by far the greater part of Northern India. This state of prosperity, however, did not continue long. The Rashtrakuta king Dbruva inflicted a crushing defeat upon him, overran his territory as far as the Ganges . 1 Transactions of the Vienna Oriental Congres, Arian Section, p. 231. . Above, Vol. XII, p. 197. Ind. Ant., 1911, p. 240. * Above, Vol. XII, p. 200. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 41.

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104 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII and Jumna, and forced him to take shelter in the deserts of Rajputana. The effects of the Rashtrakuta blow seem to have been disastrous. The Palas took advantage of this opportunity and entered the field as rivals of the Gurjaras. Dharmapala, the second king of the dynasty, carried a campaign of conquest from one end of northern India to another, and placed his own nomince Chakrayudha on the throne of Kanauj, apparently as a balwark against the possible Gurjara invasions. The Gurjara, power was, however, merely stunned by the blow for the time being, and Nagabhata II, the son and successor of Vatsaraja, once more sought to realise the imperial dreams of his father (vv. 8-11). The poet tells us in v. 8, that kings of Sindhu, Andhra, Vidarbha and Kalinga succumbed to his power liko moths unto fire. Now, moths are attracted by the glare of the fire and approach it of their own accord, although it leads to their ultimate destruction. The force of this simile is preserved if we suppose that the kings of these four countries were not conquered by Nagabhata but joined him of their own accord in the first instance, although, ultimately, they lost their power thereby. The position of these four countries confirms this view. Joined to Malwa and Rajputana which were the home-territory of the Gurjaras, the four countries form a central belt right across the country, bounded on the north by the empire of the Palas, and, on the south, by that of the Rashtrakatas. It appear's quite likely, therefore, that they formed a confederacy against the two great powers that pressed them from the two sides, although, as so often happens, the most powerful member of the confederacy ultimately reduced the others to a state of absolute dependence. This seems to me to be the real significance of the eighth verse. In the next, the poet describes the first achievements of the confederacy thus successfully launched by the Gurjara king, viz. the defeat inflicted upon Chakrayudha. War with Chakrayudha was, however, but a prelude to the war with the Pala king whose protege he had been, and this is described in the next verse, in words befitting the occasion. The simile which the poet employs in this connection is, again, significant. We are told that after defeating the dark dense array of the lord of Vanga, Nagabhata revealed himself even as the rising Sun reveals himself by dispelling the dense darkness. This means, in plain language, that the rise of Nagabhata was possible only if he could defeat the Vanga king, and that is why he first turned his arms in this direction. The Sun of Gurjara glory had set with Vatsaraja, and the fortunes of his family, crushed by his powerful enemies, lay enveloped in the darkness of night as it were, till a defeat inflicted upon them ushered in a new dawn for the Gurjaras in the east. Soon the dawn passed away and the Sun reached its noonday height; for, the next verse informs us that Nagabhata captured the strongholds of the Anartta, Malava, Kirata, Turushka, Vatsa and Mataya countries. The poet leaves his hero in the height of his glory, but we know from other records that the Sun reclined to the west and the dusk set in even in the life-time of Nagabhata II. We learn from the Rashtrakata records that the kings of Gurjara, Malava and other countries along the Vindhya mountains were defeated by Govinda 1 Cl. verso 8 of the Radhanpar plates of Govinda III, abovo, Vol. VI, p. 243. That Dhrays actually proceeded as far as the Ganges and the Jamna is clear from the following passage of the Baroda plates of Karkarsja : " Yo Gangi-Yamano taranga-subhago grihnan=parebhyah samar saksbach-chiha-nibhena ch-ottama-padam tat-priptavin=aivaram | doh-isemmita-vaibhavair=iva gunairay yasya bhramadbhiruddin vyaptar-tanya babhuya kirtti-purusho Govinda-rijab sutab IP" . Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 169. Dr. Fleet who edited the above inscription took the first two lines as referring to Govinda III (Ibid, p. 163), and Mr. R. Chanda also adopted the same view (Manari, Vol. VII, p. 589). In my bumble opinion this is a niatake and the last line clearly shows that the reference is not to Govinda-rija bat to his father Dhruva. Cf. v. 6 of the Khalimpar copper-plate (above, Vol. IV, p. 343 2.) And v. 8 of the Bhagalpur coppor. plate of Nariyayapala (Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 304 f.).

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No. 13.] THE GWALIOR PRASASTI OF BHOJA. III and one inscription specifically refers to the defeat inflicted upon Nagabhata by the same king, and his triumphant march to the Himalayas. It would thus appear that the Gurjara empire so laboriously rebuilt by Nagabhata II once more fell beneath the crushing blows of the hereditary foes of his family. There are reasons to believe that this was brought about by a confederacy between the two chief enemies of the Gurjaras, viz. the Palas of Bengal and the Rashtrakutas of the south. For the same inscription that records the defeat of Nagabhata II in the hands of Govinda III also mentions the fact that Dharmapala and Chakrayudha visited or submitted to the last named king of their own accord3. 105 The victory of the Rashtrakutas, although by no means final and decisive, was no doubt disastrous to the Gurjaras. The province of Malwa passed into the hands of the Rashtrakuta, and Andhra, Vidarbha and Kalinga also possibly shared the same fate. The Pratiharas, however, did not cease to give trouble to the Rashtrakutas, for we are told in the inscription of the feudatory chief Karkaraja of Gujarat, that the Rashtrakuta king had "caused his arm to become an excellent door-bar of the country of the lord of the Gurjaras." But ere long the political situation changed. The Rashtrakutas themselves were torn asunder by internal dissensions. Karkaraja of Lata, the son and successor of Indraraja, was expelled by his younger brother in 812 A.D., and what was worse still, the revolutionary movement, thus set on foot, afterwards developed into an attempt to prevent the accession of Amoghavarsha 1.5 This unexpected embroglio in the Rashtrakuta affairs left the Palas and the Gurjares free to fight among themselves. It appears that Nagabhata retained his hold upon Kanauj 1 Cf. Radhanpur plates, v. 15 (above, Vol. VI, p. 244), and the Nilgund ins., v. 5 (ibid, p. 102). Two passages in the Baroda plates of Karkaraja also seen to refer to the conflict between Nagabhata and the Rashtra. kutas. Thus it is said with reference to Indraraja, the brother of Govinda III, and the founder of the Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakutas: "Yen aikena cha Gurjjar-osvara-patir-yy oddhum samabhyudyatah Sauryya-proddhata-kandharo mriga iva kahipram diso grahitab bhit-isan (m)hata-Dakshinapatha-maha-samanta-chakram yato raksham-apa vilunthyamana-vibhavam Srivallabhen=adarat || Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 160. As it is explicitly stated that. Indraraja was placed on the throne of Lata by Govinda III, this defeat of the Gurjaras must have taken place during his reign. It was thus different from the expedition undertaken by Dhruva against Vatsaraja, and the word kena distinguishes it from the campaign of Govinda III referred to in the Radhanpur plate or the Nilgund inscription. Thus the opponent of Indraraja was most likely Nagabhata himself who is represented in the above passage as entering into some alliance, protective or defensive, if not offensive, with the mahasamantas of the south against Govinda III and actually prepared for war (cf. Fleet's remarks, ibid, p. 158). This fully confirms what I have suggested above on the strength of the eighth verse of our inscription. The other passage refers to Karkaraja as follows: Gaud-endra-Vangapati-nirjjaya-durvvidagdha = sad-Gurjjar-vara-dig-arggalatah cha yaaya nitva bhujam vihata-Malava-rakshanarttham | avami tatha-nyam-api rajya-chha (pha) lani bhunkte || Dr. V. A. Smith identified the "Lord of Gurjaras" in the above passage with Vatsaraja (J. R. A. 8., 1009, p. 252). But this is untenable. As Govinda died about 814 A.D., it must be maintained that the Gurjara chief against whom he employed his nephew in 812-3 A.D. could not be any other than Nagabhata who is specifically mentioned as being defeated by him (see f. n. 2 below). As Nagabhata defeated Vangapati, the phrase "Gaud-endra Vangapati-nirjjays-durvvidagdlaa" might well apply to him, and the Buchkala inscription (above, Vol. IX. p. 198) shows that he was ruling in 815 A.D. The Sanjan copper-plate; J. Bo. Br. R. A. S., Vol. XXII, p. 118. Svayam-ay-opanatau cha yasya mahatas-tan Dharma-Chakray adhau || (Ibid.) Baroda plates of Karkaraja; 11. 39-40; Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 160. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, pp. 402, 409.

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106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. which he had conquered from Chakrayudha, transferred his capital there, and probably succeeded in offering an effective resistance to the Palas till his death in 833-834 A.D. Of Ramabhadra, the son and successor of Nagabhata II, we know very little, but that the Gurjara power declined during his reign is quite evident from the scattered notices we possess about him. The twelfth verse of our inscription seems to imply that Ramabhadra freed his country from the yoke of foreign soldiers. It seems likely that the band of foreign soldiers belonged to the Palas, for the other rival power (the Rashtrakutas ) is not known to have advanced as far as the Gurjara kingdom at this period. The Daulatpuri platesl also lead to the same conclusion. It renews the grant of a piece of land in Gurjaratra which was originally made by Vatsaraja, and continued by Nagabhata, but had fallen into abeyance in the reign of Bhoja. This seems to indicate that the province was held by Vatsaraja and Nagabhata II but lost by Ramabhadra and regained by Bhoja, some time before 843 A.D., the date of the inscription. Bhoja, the son and sucoessor of Ramabhadra, seems to have been a very powerful king and is described in nine grandiloquent verses. He inflicted a crushing defeat apon his powerful enemies and the poet seems to imply in verse 18, that the Goddess of Fortune forsook Devapala and chose Bhoja as her lord. It would thus appear that Bhoja regained the power and prestige of the family by defeating the Pala king. Our inscription closes with the resuscitation of the glory of the Gurjara Pratihara clan under Bhojadeva. The poem reflects the true sentiment of the Gurjaras whose revivified enthusiasm, after a long period of stress and storm, led them once more to embark on that struggle for empire which had been unsuccessfully waged for four generations, The hereditary struggle with the Palas and the Rashtrakutas which seems to be the cardinal fact in the history of the Gariaras is also referred to in the inscriptions of the feudatory princes of the latter. Thus the Jodhpur inscription of the Pratihara Bauka published above informs us that Kakka defeated the Gaudas at Mudgagiri or Monghyr. Most likely he had Accompanied Nagabhata II in his eastern wars. Another chief that probably accompanied Nagabhata II on the same occasion was Vahukadhavala, the chief of Surashtra. For we learn from an inscription of his great-grandson Avanivarman II, a feudatory of Mahendrapaladeva, that he defeated king Dharma in battle, and as Kielhorn observes, this king Dharma may be identified with the Pala emperor of the same name. We can still trace & third chief who joined Nagabhata in his expedition against Bengal. This is Sankaragana, the Guhilot prince, referred to in the Chatsa inscription of Baladitya. Again, Harsharaja, Above, Vol. V, page 208. Above, Vol. IX, p. 2 f. Kielhorn held that Valukadhavala lived in the middle of the ninth century A.D. and was fondatory of Bhoja (ibid, p. 8). Dr. V. A. Smith (J. R. 4. 8., 1909, p. 266) and Mr. R. Chanda (Gauda-raja-mala p. 28) have supported this view. But as his great-grandson was feadatory of Mahendrapala at the end of the ninth century A.D. it is more reasonable to hold, Mr. R. D. Banerji has done (Banglar Itihasa p. 167), that Vahukadhavala was a feudatory of Nagabhata at the beginning of the ninth century A.D. * Above, Vol. XII, p. 10 f. It contains the following verse with reference to Sankaragana : Pratijoam prak=kpitvondbhata-kari-ghata-samkata-rane bhatarin jitvi Gauda-kshitipam=svanim sanngarahritah balad-dain chakra (prajbha-charanayor-yab pranayinim tato bhupab soubhojejita-baba-ranah Sarkara ganah Il" Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar who editod this inscription concluded from the above that Sarkaragana conquered Bhata, the king of the Ganda country, and made a present of this kingdom to his overlord. Ho further suggested that this Bhata might be Burapalo. I beg to differ from the views of the learned scholar. The verge seems to mean that Sarkaragana defeated the king of Ganda, a great warrior (bhata), and made the whole world, gained by warfare, subservient to his overlord. Secondly, Sankaragana was the great-grandson of Dhanika, one of whose known dates is 725 A.D. (ibid, p. 11). Sarkaragana should therefore be takon a contemporary of Nagablata and Dharmapala at the beginning of the ninth centary A.D. The verse thus shows that Sarkaragana bolped his overlord Nagabhata to wrest the empire from Dharmapala by defeating the latter.

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No. 13.) THE GWALIOR PRASASTI OT BHOJA. 107 the son of Sathkaragana, is said to have conquered the kings in the north and presented horses to Bhoja, who has been rightly identified with the great Pratihara emperot Bhoja by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar. Further Gahila II, the son of Harabaraja, is said to have defeated the Gauda king and levied tribute from the princes in the east, TOTS [Metres : vv. 1, 8-11, 26, Vasantatilaka; vv. 2, 4, 7, 18, 19, Sardalavikridita ; . 3, 5, 6, 12, 27, Sragdhard ; vv. 13, 14, 16, 21-23, 25, Anushfubh ; vv. 15, 24, Upajats; v. 17, Sikharini ; v. 20, Haripi.) 1 Omsa namo Vishnavo II Sosh-ahi-talpa-dhaval-adhara-bhaga-bhlaivakshah-sthal-ollasita-Kaustubha-kanti-hopar kyamam vapu[bo] sasi-virochana-vimya(bimba)-chumvi(mbi). vyoma-prakasam=avatan=Naraka-dvisho vah i Atm-arama-phalad=apariya vijarar devens Daitya-dvisha jyotir-vvijamoakfittrime gupavat[i] kshottre yad=aptama pura 1 Groyah-kanda-vapus-tatas samabhavad-Bhasvan-atas-ob- pare Manv-Ikshvaku-Kakusthal-mula -Prithavah kshmapala-kalpa-ddr[u]mah ! 2 # Teshar varfe Bajanma krama-nihita-pade dhamni vajr-eshu-ghorar Ramah Paulastya-hindram? kshata-vihati-samit-karmma chakre palasaih slaghya3 s=tasy-anajd=sau Maghava-mada-musho Meghanadasya sakhya Sanmittrisztivra-dandah pratiharapa-vidherayah pratihara isit ! 3 # Tad-vanse9 Pratibara-ketana-bhfiti ttrailokya-raksh-aspade dovo Nagabhatah puratana-maner=mattire=vva(bba) bhuvaeadbhutan 1 yen-asau sukrita-pramathi-va(ba)lavan 10-Ml@chohh-& -dhip-akshathinih kshundanallsphurad-ugra-heti-ruchira(rai)reddorbhis-chaturbhiruvvabhau # 1 Bhratus-tasy-itmajo-bhutaekalita-kula-yabah khyata-Kakustha18-nama loko gitah pratika-priya14-vachanatay. Kakkukah kshmabhrid-fgah Griman-y-anajanmd Kulike dhara-dhurim-advahan Devarjo yajtels-chchhinte-ora-pakshakshapita-get1 Above, Vol. XII, p. 12. + Verse 28 of the Chainseription. IHd, p. 16. . From the ink-impressions supplied by Prof. D. B. Bhandarkar, M.A. * Esprewed by symbol. * Read -bbijama. Read - Kakutathas. [Could Mula stand for Mula ka for which see Pargiter Anet. (Ind.) Hist. Trad. p. 147-Ed.] * Read -hitsran. Read on the Read * w ars 1. Pandit Hirananda roads it as Valana' and Prof. D. B. Bhandarkar reads it us Volaola (Ind. Ant, 1911. p. 940). The third letter, however, seems to me to be clearly a va, it being quite distinct on the reverse of the tam page. I therefore read the whole expressions alaraw-Mlechchha. The loop of mis tho ewfontet erwariant mla is probably omitted through the engravor's mistake. 11 Read kabundang. 12 Read bablau. 18 Read - Kalutatha.. # Real-priya. 15 Road jajkies 16 Read about hinn.

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108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. ti kulam bhubhritam sanniyanta II 5 | Tat-sunuh prapya rajyam nijam-Udayagiri-sparddhibhasvat-pratapah kshma-palah pradurasin-nata-sakala-jagad-vatsalo-Vatsarajah | yasy-aitas-sampadas-cha dvirada-mada-sur-dsvada-sandra-pramodah padmakshir-Akshipantyal pranayi-jana-parishvaiga-kanta virejuh | 6 | Khya (tade-Bhandi)-6 -kulan=mad-otkata-kari-prakara-durllanghato yah samrajyayad hijya-karmmuka-sakha samkhye hathad-agrahit ekah Kshattriya-pungaveshu cha yaso-gurvvin-dhuram prodvahannIkshvak[0]h kulam-annatam sucharitais-chakre sva-nam-Ankitar | 7 || Adyah puman-punar=apisphuta-kirttir-asmajjatas=sa eva kila Nagabhatas-tad-akhyah yattr=A. 7 -ndhra-Saindhava-Vidarbha-Kalinga-bhupaih Kaumara-dhamani patanga-samair-apati Ttra(tra)yy-Aspadasya suksitasya samriddhim ichchhuryah Kshattra-dhama-vidhi-vaddha-vali-pravandhah jitva par-asraya-krita-sphata-nicha-bhavam ChakrAyudham vinaya-namrs-vapur-vvyarajat II 9 || Darvvara-vairi-vara-varana-vaji-varapan6-angha-samghata na-ghora-ghan-Andhakaram ! nirjjitya Vangapatim-dvirabhud-vivasvanudyann-iva ttrijagad-aka-vikasako-yah | 10 Anartta-Malava-Kirata-Turushka-VatsaMatsy-adi-raja-giri-durgga-hath-apahiraih yasy-atma-vaibhavam-atindriyam=k-kumaram= avirvvabhava bhuvi visvajanina-vritteh || 11 | Taj-janma Rama nama pravara-hari-vala?-nyasta-bhubhfit-pravandhairavadhnan-vahininam prasabham-adhipatin=uddhata-krura-satvin pap-dchar-antariya-pramathana-ruchirah sangatal kirtti-daraistrata dharmmasya tais-tais.samuchita-charitaih puryvavan-nirvvabhall 12 1 Ananya-sadhan-Adhina-pratap-akranta-di Amukhah upayais-sampadar svami yah sa-vridam-upaayata | 13 | Arthibhir-yviniyuktanam sampadan janma kovalam 1 Read akalipantgal. Only the first letter is distinct. Bead samrajyamadhiya. * Rend baddha-bal-prabandhan. * Read yan. . Read avirobabmoa. Read bala. * Rood -prabandhair, . Read -abadanan. * Read sangatur 11 Read mirbbabans. 10

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No. 18.] THE GWALIOR PRASASTI OP BHOJA. 109 11 12 yasy-Abhut-kritinah prityai n=&tm-chchha-viniyogatah || 14 | Jagad-vitrishnuh sa viguddha-Batvah prajapatitvam viniyoktukamah Butan rahaaya-vrata-suprasannat Suryadav -pan-Mihir-abhidhanam | 15 || U parodh-aika-samruddha-Vindhya-vsiddher-Agastyatah Akramya bhubhritam bhokta yah prabhar-Bhoja ity=sbhat || 16 | Yusasvi sant-atma jagad-ahita-vichchheda-nipunah parishvakto Lakshmya na cha mada-kalankena kalitah vabhaval prom-ardro gupisha vishayah sunfita giam. Asad Ramo vedgre sva-kriti-gananayam=iha Vidheh || 17 || Yasy-abhat-kula-bhami-bhpit-pramathana-vyast-anya-sainy-Amvudhervvyadham cha sphatit-dri-laja-nivahan-hutvi pratap-analo ! gupta vriddha-gunair-Ananya-gatibhih Santais-sudh-odbhasibhir dDharmm-apatya-yasah-prabhttir-apara Lakshmih punarbhu13 rennaya | 16 1! Pritaih palanaya tapodhana-kulaih snebad-gurinam ganairbhakty bhatya-janona niti-nipupair-vrindair-aripam punah 1 vifven&pi yadiyam=&yur-amitam kartam va-jiv-sishina tan-nighna vidadha Vidhatari yatha sampat-par-arddhy-Asraya | 19 | Avitatham-idam pavad-visvar fruto. -r=anu fasanadbhavati phala-bhak-kartta n=esah kshitindra-lateshv-api adharita-Kaloh kartter-bharttus=Batam Bukritair-abhadvidhurita-dhiyam sampad-vriddhir-yad=asya tad-adbhutath | 20 || Yasya vairi-vrihad-vandan-dahatah kopa-vahnina! pratapad-arppasam rasin=patur=vvaitfishnyam=ivabhau || 21 | Kamaraiva vidyanam 15 vrinden-Adbhuta-karmmans i yah sagas-Asurin=ghoran=strainen=&str-aika-vpittina || 22 | Yasy-aksha-patale rajnah prabhutvad=visva-sampadah lilokha mukham=alokya pratilekhya-karu Vidhih || 23 Uddama-tejah-prasara-prasuta fikh-iva korttir-dyumapin vijitya jaya jagad-bhartu 14 1 Read babhina. Read -ambudhir [Read ambudhereryudha. Ed.] . Read bhritya.. Read brihad-adfans Read-abablau.

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110 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII | 24 | 16 riyaya yasya chittram tv-idah yaj-jaladhinl-statara Rajna tena sva devinam yasah-puny-abhivriddhayo antah-pura-puram namna vyadhayi Naraka-dvishab 25 Yavan=nabhah Sura-sarit-pa (pra)sar-ottariyam yavat-su-duschara-tapah-prabhavah prabhavah satyan=cha yavad-uparistha (shtha)m-avaty afesham tavat pu natu jagatim-iyam-arya-kirttip 26 # Patur-vvisvasya samyak-parama-muni-mata-ireyasas-samvidhanad - antar-vrittir-vvivekah sthitaiva purato Bhojo-devasya rajnah vidvad-vrind-arjjitanam phalam=iva tapasam Bhatfadhannoks-sunur. v Valadityah prasasteh kavir=iha jagata sakam-d-kalpa-vritteh || 27 17 | TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om, adoration to Vishnu ! (Verse 1.) May the dark-blue body of the Enemy of (demon) Naraka protect you,- that body which shines like the sky kissed by the discs of the Sun and the Moon, inasmuch as) it is illuminated by the white lower part of the serpent Sesha used as a bed, and is made crimson by the brilliancy of the (jewel) Kaustubha glittering on its breast. (Verse 2.) As from the fresh seed taken from a fruit in a garden, and sown in # natural fertile soil, grows bulbuous root of a superior kind, from which again spring forth Kalpa trees; 80 from the particle of) light evolved by the Enemy of Demons from self-delightedness (atmarama) and sown by him in soil well qualified by nature, was born the Sun, the root of all that is good, and from the Sun, again, a line of kings such as Manu, Ikshyaku, Kaku(t)stha and the first Prithu. (Verse 3.) In their race, in the family in which Vishnu set foot, Rama, of auspicious birth, carried on a war of destruction and slaughter with the demons-dire on account of the adamantine arrows--which killed Ravana. All praise unto his younger brother, Lakshmana (Saumittri), stern rod of chastisement in war with Moghanada, the destroyer of Indra's pride,--who served as the door-keeper (of Rama), owing to (his) commandment not to allow others to enter (lit. to repel others): (Verse 4.) In that family, which bore the insignia of Pratihara (doar-keeper), and was a shelter of the three worlds, the king Nigabhata I appeared as the image of the old sage (Narayana) in a strange manner, inasmuch w, having crushed the large armies of the powerful 1 Read jaladhin-. * Pandit Hirananda roads asya but anya ia quite clenr. * Rend Eb Baladityah. * There were several kings called Pritho. Cf. e.g. Mahabharata, (Madras edition), Adiparva, 201, 18; 206, 115 Vanaparve, 205, 2. Mals-Pritha may, therefore, be taken to denote the Arst king of the name, viz., the son of Vona. The allusion is to the incident describod in the Ramayana, VII, 116. Kila in the shape of an ascetio visited Rams and told him that he was there to talk about something very confidential. He extracted a promise from Rama that any one who listened to, or observed them, would be put to death. Thereupon Rama noked Lakemana to send away the gate-keeper and guard the door himself. The sequel of the story describes how Lake mape WAS forcal to interrupt the conversation of Rama with the ascetic owing to the importanities of Duvhd, and died a voluntary death in fulfilment of the promise of Rims.

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No. 13.] THE GWALIOR PRASASTI OF BHOJA. 111 Mlechchha king, the destroyer of virtue, he shone with four arms brilliant on account of the glittering terrible weapons. (Verse 5.) His brother's son, who added to the renown of the family and had the wellknown name Kakustha (Kakutstha), but who, on account of his (habit of) saying welcome things in an inverted manner, was known in the world as Kakkuka (i.e., one who always laughs), was a paramount king. (Then) was born his illustrious younger brother, Devaraja who performed the same task as the great Wielder of thunderbolt (Indra); (for) he curbed a multitude of kings (bhubhrit) by having destroyed their powerful allies (paksha") and caused them to cast off their (free) movements (gati); Indra also curbed a multitude of mountains (bhubhrit) by having destroyed their powerful-wings (pakshab) and thus caused them to cast off their movements (gati). (Verse 6.) His son, king Vntearaja, who was compassionate towards the entire world he had subdued, and resembled the Sun in prowess, revealed himself by attaining his own kingdom which rivalled the mountain Udaya. His riches, too, highly fragrant by reason of the flavour of the wine of elephant ichor, and shining in company of the needy, appeared exceedingly beautiful, having eclipsed the lotuseyed women, who too became exceedingly merry by having tasted wine which was like ichor of elephants and appeared charming in the fond embrace of their lovers. (Verse 7.) With strong bows as his companion he forcibly wrested the empire, in battle from the famous Bhandi clan, hard to be overcome by reason of the rampart made of infuriated elephants. Having successfully wielded a position weighty with renown, he, the foremost among the most distinguished Kshatriyas, stamped the noble race of Ikshvaku with his own name by virtue of his blameless conduct. Both Dr. Kielhorn and Pandit Hirananda take the fourth line of the verse to mean that Lakshmans was Rama's door-keeper since be repelled the enemies (pratibaranavid beh). This mesning does not seem satisfactory for there is no connection between the repelling of enemies and acting as a door-keeper. One of the well-known meanings of pratiharana is to avoid,'shnin,' etc., and vidhi also means a commandment, * precept, which enjoins gomething for the first time. In the well-known incident of the Ramayana, quoted above, Rama enjoined for the first time that all persons should be excluded from his private interview with the ascetic, and appointed Lakshmana As the door-keeper to accessfully accomplish this purpose. This makes it quito clear why Lakshmana is described so the inscription as pratihara owing to pratiharang-vidhi. In other words, the poet implies that Lakshmana was not an ordinary door-keeper, but served as such on account of the particular commandment laid down by Rama The fourth verse of the Jodhpur inscription of Pratihara Bauka also traces the origin of the name of the Prutihin dynasty to this incident, and it cortainly well deserves the dignity, because literally as well as figuratively, it was the last act of self-sacrifice on the part of Lakshmana, whose whole life was one of sacrifice for his brother. The derivation of the name Pratihara which is given here is evidently not the same as that indicated by the word pratibarya in the Jodhpur Prasasti of Bauka. Here the poot suggests that the pratiharanavid Mi displayed by Lakshmana in his fight with Meghanada, is the origin of the family name Pratihars and not the traditional pratiharya-door-keeper's place This is a grammatically possible derivative since Charana-hara-depriving or taking away or destroyinr.-Ed.] The obvious implication le, that the terrible weapons glittering in the two hands of Nagabhata made it appear mif he had four hands, and he thus resembled, although in a strango manner, the old tago Narayana who possessed four hande too. Pandit Hirananda translates "khyata-Kakuatha-nama" as celebrated the names of the descendants of Kkkurth and gives K its as the only name of the king. But the two expressions kayata.Kakutha-nama and loki gitah placed side by side on to indicate that he had the well-known name Kakutstha, but was popularly known as Kakkuka. The root bakke means to laugh and Kakkuka was a At appellataon of one who laughed api mado peoplo laugh by his inverted way of saying things.

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112 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII (Verse 8.) The primeval man was againl born to him, and, being far-famed, and possessed of elephant hosts, was called Nagabhata (II). The kings of Andhra, Sindhu, Vidarbha and Kaljnga succumbed to his youthful energy as moths do unto fire. (Verse 9.) Who, desirous of the great growth of virtuous acts enjoined in the Vedas, performed a series of religious ceremonies according to the custom of the Kshatriya families; and, after having defeated Chakrayudha, whose lowly demeanour was manifest from his dependence on others, he became eminent, although he (lit. his body) was humble through modesty. (Verse 10.) Having vanquished his enemy, the lord of Vanga, who appeared like a mass of dark, dense cloud in consequence of the crowd of mighty elephants, horses and chariots, Nagabhata, who alone gladdens (the heart of) the three worlds, revealed himself, even as the rising Sun, the sole source of manifestation of the three worlds, reveals himself by vanquishing dense and terrible darkness. (Verse 11.) Of him, whose mode of life was beneficial to all mankind, the incomprehensible royal qualities (like eloquence, statesmanship, etc.) became manifest in the world, even from boyhood, by his forcible seizure of the hill forts of the kings of Anartta, Malava, Kirata, Turushka, Vatsa and Matsya. (Verse 12.) (The great Rama), the protector of virtue, after having forcibly bridged over the oceans (lit. the lords of rivers), full of exceedingly cruel animals, by means of continuous chain of rocks placed by the best monkey force, looked bright by having killed the evil-doers who served as obstacles and as he thereby) got (lit. was joined by his wife and renown. His (Nagabhata's) son, Rama by name, also shone forth like this (homonymous) predecessor, by similar worthy deeds ; for he, the defender of religion, too, had the haughty and cruel commanders of armies forcibly bound down by his subordinate) kings who had the best cavalry under their charge, and looked radiant by having .destroyed the obstacles caused by the evil-doers (as he thus) attained the fame which was unto him even as a consort.7 (Verse 13.) That lord of prosperity, who had overpowered the points of compass by means of valour (alone), unsupported by the other expedients (such as sama, dana, bheda), was yet 1 The phrase punar-api denotes either that the primeval man who was once born as Nagabhata (cf. v. 4) appeared again, or that Nagabhata, the first man in the family (adyah puman), was again born as such. ? There is pun on the word kaumara-dhamani. Kumara means fire as well as youth. 8 [In verse 9 bali-prabanda) must mean the collection of taxes as Mr. Hirananda Sastri interprete. A king has to collect taxes if he has to perform Vedic sacrifices and protect the Dharma. Rid of all alankara, the verse means that the King collected taxes only as per prescribed law for increasing Vedic merit; and conquered king Chakrayudha who had joined the enemy. With alankara it means "he excelled Vishnu-though like him ho also imprisoned Bali, since he was not loto like Vamans nor proud like Trivikrama, but was full of cinaya. -Ed.] There is an implication in this verse to the effect that Nagabbata excelled Vishnu (Chakrayudha). Both were Trayy-aspadasya rikritasya samriddhimrichchhuh, but Vishnu could not, like Nagabhata, be mid to have been Kshattra dhama-vidhi-baddha-bali-prabandha as he could not subdue Bali by Kshatriya rites. Then, Visha was par-afraya-krita-aphufa-nicha bhava. This refers to the Vamana incarnation in which Vishnu took the body of a dwarf. Again, whereas Nagabhata was namra-ta puh only through vinaya, Vishnu's body was actually namra inasmuch as he was a dwarf. There is an implied Glasha in this verse. The adjective tricjagad-ika-vikarako-applios both to Nagsbbata and the Sun, and both vanquish darkness, in the one case literally, apd in the other, figuratively. Pandit Hirananda translates atma-vaibharam by "greatness of winl." It is better to take it, as suggested by my friend Mr. J. C. Ghatak, M.A., as equivalent to the technical term at ma-apat meaning a group of royal qualities as explained in Kamandakiya Nitisara, Ch. IV, vv. 14.JR. 1 The phrase sa igatah kirtti-daraih seems to be a significant one. The ovidont mening is, that ss in the cro of Ramachandra, he was joined by his wife after she had been in enemy's stronghold for some time, Ramabhadra, too, regained the fame which was so long in his enemy's possession. This seems to show that Ramabhadra's power was overshadowed by his enemy till he defeated him and captured his commanders.

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No. 13.] THE GWALIOR PRASASTI OF BHOJA. 113 demurely waited upon by the other Means (i.e. although he neglected them as not necessary, they were within his beck and call). (Verse 14.) The production of the wealth of that successful one was merely a source of delight; it was at the disposal of the supplicants, but never a means to satisfy his own desires. (Verse 15.) A pare soul, averse from the world, he obtained a son, by name Mihira, by (the favour of the Sun, propitiated by mysterious rites, in order to dispose of the lordship over his subjects. (Verse 16.) The lord, who ruled over many kings (bhubhrit) after having overcome them, and being therefore) known as Bhoja, shone more gloriously than Agastya who (merely) checked the rise of a single bhabhrit, i.e. mountain) Vindhys through favour (and not by his own prowess). (Verse 17.) Famons, unperturbed, adept in removing the evils of the world, embraced by Lakshmi (sovereign power), but not soiled by the stain of arrogance, he was affectionate towards the meritorions and an asylum of good and pleasant words. Does he or Rams stand foremost when Brahms counts his own creation ? (Verse 18.) The other Lakshmi, the source of the fame of Dharmma'. (Dharmapala's) son, who was cast out of the ocean of hostile forces, churned by the Kula mountains in the form of kings of his (Bhoja's) own race, who was married by offering (as an oblation) fried grains, which were the destroyed enemies, in the fire of his valour, and who was protected by (his). superior accomplishments, mild, uncommon and pure like nectar, became & fit remarried bride of that king. The ancient writers on Hinda polity laid down sama, dana, bheda and danda m the four wpayas or expedients which a king should adopt towards other kings. (Some add three more, making the total number to be seven cf. the Kamandakiya Nitisara, Ch. 18.) Now the poet implies that of these the king followed only one, viz. danda and did not take resort to the rest. His position was, therefore, similar to one who possesses many wives bat cares for only one. But, as in this case the neglected wives, as in daty bound, would still continue to pay their humble devotion to him, so the other political expedients, although not adopted by the king, were always within his beck and call. The poet thus indicates that though in practice the king used only one expedient, it should not be concluded therefrom that he was ignorant or incapable of handling the rest. The general meaning conveyed by the verse seems to be that although he was averse to the worldly pleasures he wanted a son, not for his own delight, but merely for the reason that he might leave a ruler for his subjects. The allosion is to the mythical story that the Vindhys mountain once got angry with the sun and began to rise higher and higher in order to check his daily coarse. At the request of the gods the sage Agastya approached the mountain and asked it to bow down in order to make room for him on his way to the south, and not to rise up till his return. The Vindhys agreed, and as Agastya never returned, had to remain in the same position. Cf. Mahabharata, Vanaparva, Chap. 104. The poet contrasts the deeds of Agastya and Bhoja. The contrast is between (1) Vindhya and bhs britate (2) samruddha-osiddha and bhokta and (8) wparodha and akramya. One had to do with only one bhibrit (mountain), the other dealt with a number of bhubhrit (kings as well as mountains situated within their kingdoms); then in one case the question was merely of checking the growth, in the other, of complete conquest; lastly, one gained his object by request while the other had achieved his purpose by means of prowout. * The principal clause in the sentence Yasy-abhadrapara Lakshmi punarbhurennaya clearly means that Lakshmi who belonged to another became properly his punarbhi or remarried wife. According to the poet Lakshmi acted properly (naya). A similar sentiment occurs in an almost contemporary record. (Cf. e.g. verse 8 of the Radhanpur plates of Govinda III, above, Vol. VI, p. 243.) The expression dharmm-apatya-yafah prabhiti, applied to Lakshmi has been translated by Pandit Hirananda as "source of fame, progeny and virtue." But Lakshmi who is merely a conventional representation of sovereign power can hardly be said to be the source of progeny or virtae. I have, therefore, taken daarom-apatya in the sense of " son of Dharma or Dharmapala, (i.e. Devapala)." This fits in well with the context, implying that Lakshmi who was the consort of Dovapala now belonged to Bhoja or in other words, the supreme position passed from the one to the other, and this has been shown to be historical fact.

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114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOL. XVIII. (Verse 19.) In order to extend the duration of his life beyond all measure, the ascetics pleased on account of the protection afforded to them, the preceptors, out of affection, the servants, out of devotion, the multitude of foes, out of policy, and mankind in general, for the sake of its livelihood, made their respective services (treasures) subservient to him, who was as worthy a recipient as the Creator Himself. (Verse 20.) According to the injunction of the Sruti, this is a truism, sp long as the world lasta, that he who does a thing enjoys the fruits thereof, and not (another) though he be the lord of even hundred kings. It is strange that the meritorious deeds of honest men, whose intellect was undefiled, went to increase the prosperity of this king, who was the conqueror of Kali and the lord of Fame. (Verse 91.) Of him, who had burnt the powerful hostile races by the fire of his anger, and guarded the oceans by his valour, the absence of greed (for further conquest) shone indeed (even as the satiety of a man who had drunk a large quantity of water). (Verse 22.) Like Kumara (Karttikeya) with his host of Matrikas who performed wonderful deeds, he subdued the terrible Asuras with the help of a band of women that lived upon arms. (Verse 23.) Vidhi (Fate), writing anew (the destinies of the world), wrote in the chancery of that king, looking at (ie, being guided by) his face, since the latter was the master of the world in consequence of his prowess. (In other words the destiny of the world was absolutely at the command of that all-powerful king.) (Verse 2+.) Fame, resulting from the unbounded energy of that lord of the world, was unto him even as a consort, and like a flame, issuing out of a flood of luxuriant lustre, returned after conquering the Sun. It is a wonder that she crossed the oceans. (Verse 25.) In order to increase the fame and religious merit of his consorts, the king erected a house within his seraglio compound in the name of Narakadvish (Vishnu). (Verse 26.) As long as the sky has the flowing celestial stream (Ganga) as its upper gar ment, as long as there lasts the power originating from severe religions austerities, as long as Truth proteote all that is above, so long may this noble and famous workpurify the world. . (Verse 97.) Daladitya (is) the poet of this prasasti which would exist' along with the world up to the end of the Kalpa; (he) the son of Bhattadhanneka and the fruit of penances, as it were of a number of learned men, (is) the (personified) inner faculty of discrimination, standing before king Bhojadeva, the protector of the world, inasmuch as he (Baladitya) follows the good rules sanctioned by the best of sages. The verno apparently means that all tried their best to prolong the life of the king. The ascetics, by religious observances on his behalf, the preceptors, by touching him proper mode of life, the servants, by looking to his com. forts, the enemies, by not disturbing him, and the subjects, by loyally carrying out his orders, would all contributo towards the same end, vis a long and happy life to him. This verse completes the sense of the previous one wherein it was implied that the king enjoyed the fraits of the meritorions deeds of various categories of people. * [Vaitfishnyam in my origion, means here the opposite of abpence of greed' i.e. thirst (for conquest). This thirst, says the poet was evident because the King had burnt the vagas (races or bamboos) of his enemies and had drunk (or protectod) on account of that great beat (pratapa), the ocean. --- d.) * The allusion is to the fight between the Deras and the Danavas in which Kamara was the commander-inchief of the forner, and had in his army a number of Matrikas. cf. Mahabharata, Salyaparya, Ch. 45 (Madras Edition). Although the female companions of Kumars are usually called Matrikas, the use of the word Vidya is probably to be explained by the fact that it is sometimes used as a synonym of Matrika, both meaning Durga. (Vids in the case of the King should be taken to mean Source of Knowledge.'-Ed.) This verse furnishes another instance of the use of the word 'Kirtti' in the sense of any work of public atility calenlated to header famous the name of the constructor of it.' For full discussion on this point, cf. Fleet Gupta iuperiptions, p. 212, f. n. 6. I am indebted to Mr. Radhsgovinda Basak, M.A., for valuab e suggestions regarding the translatica of the as cription.

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No. 14.] JVZ JOVI PATTATTALMANGALAM GRANT C OF NANDIVARMAN. No.244RATTATTALMANGALAM GRANT OF NANDIVARMAN. BY K. VI SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., OOTACAMUND. sday at (87) seravin adt to seran lazoming out love t 175 In October 1922, when I was in charge of the office of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, Mr. P. V. Jagadisa Aiyar obtained the following set of copperplates from Mr. Rm. St. Sivananda Pillai of Kumbakonam and sent it to me for examination. As I had soon after to go away to Ootacamund, I left the plates to be noticed by Mr. Venkoba Rao in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1922-23. The set is marked as No. 5 Appendix A in the Report for that year and finds a short notice in Part II which will be referred to in the sequeli I edit the inscription on the plates with the help of one set of impressions kindly placed at my disposal by M. R. Ry Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri Recently an article entitled " the Kot. rangudi plates of Nandivarman II" has appeared in the Mythic Society Journal, Vol. XIV, pp. 125 to 129 under the editorship of Mr. T. N. Subramaniam. There the discovery of the plates has been described in detailed v baromes a blow out i 13 The set consists of five plates of which the first and last are engraved only on their inner sides. They were driginally strung together on a ring bearing a massive seal, 3 inches in diameter. The emblems and legend on the sealiare sa badly bliterated that they cannot be made out. A couchant bull is all that could be faintly seen. The ring had been cut when the plates reached me and it is not know when and by whom it was cuts The plates measure nearly 10" by 31" and the ring hole, boned at the left margin; is in diameter. The five plates with the ring and seal weigh: 820 tolas and the plates alone greigh 175 tolas prometni pe-aprendre The inscription on the plates is neatly executed and is in good preservation. The only places where some damage is done to letters are at the commencement of lines 7 and 8 of IIb, lines 1 and 2 of IIIa, lines 5 and 6 of Ib and line 8 of IVb. It has been found possible to restore with certainty all the damaged portions except that in line 1 of IIIa. The reading of the damaged portion in line 6 of Hb is tentative. As is usual with most of the copper-plate charters of South India, this inscription consists of two parts of which the first is in Sanskrit poetry (eleven verses in ally written in Grantha characters and runs from line 1 to line 22, where the second part in Tamil prose commences and runs to the end i.e., line 60. The few Grantha letters and words emploi - "small bortion and sun, and brahmade (1.37), haram (1. 38), brahmade (142) Jauta (11. 43 and 45), nyx and Ara (1. 43), bhatta (11. 44 and 48), falva (144), Hernlyd (11. 44 and 48), Agnisarmma and gotra (1. 47), de (1. 48), sarmma (11.45, 53, 56, 57, and bey and -Dands (160) tesis Rayh A few alphabetical Seculiarities deserve notice The symbol for secondaryt (long) is a con cave curve with a commencing loop engraved on the top of the consonant, while in the case of (short), this Toopsbsent. The three letters mu, pu and u are almost similar in shape, but can be well distinguished on close examination: while the symbol of mu is written immediately below the horizontal line, it is engraved at the end of a vertical downward stroke drawn from the is distinguished a small indenture at the right end of the horizontal stroke. Two forms of of yo occur of which one is a semi-circle with two upward arms on the right side, while the other is a is a simple loop twice wound round. The shape of va is almost that of a triangle with its base at bottom. La has not got the usual convex curve on the right side; it has only an angle. The repha is invariably marked in this epigraph and in most cases the pulli also. The Tamil sandhi rules have to account for the change of into y in perar-brahma (1. 42). But it may be pointed out that the same change noticed in the word vinnappattur occurring before Alappakka (1.97), in raliyar occurring before masai (1. 31) and in Mayilappir before Naudi Tin of the horizontal in the case of pu. Though lu is formed like pu, it P.2

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116 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. (1. 44 f.) is unusual and against the rules of grammar. Among the gotra names, Jatvakaranpa (1.44) and Kondina (1. 54) stand for Jatukarna and Kaundinya respectively. After an invocation to Vishnu (v. 1) and the primeval cause of the Universe (v.2), the mythical geneaology of the Pallavas is given in verse 3 which states that from the lotus-navel of Narakar; (.e., Vishnu) came Brahma; from him came Angiras; from him Devaguru (i.e., Btihaspati): from him the renowned sage Samyu; from his son Bharadvaja was born Drona of established skill in handling the bow in battles; from him Drauni (i.e., Asvatthaman) of unsurpassed valour; and from him Pallava. Prosperity and Earth rested with the Pallavas to the exclusion of other kings (v. 4) and the sovereigns of this family obtained glory by conquering all enemies (v.5). In the line of kings counting from Virakurcba and others who had obtained svarga, there was king Hiranyavarman : and then came Nandivarman (v. 6). He was a powerful monarch and it is stated of him that he came to rule the kingdom while he was very young and conquering all enemies, he had his foot-stool adorned with the crowns of the lords of earth who bowed before him (v.7). The darkness of the world was removed by the splendour of his fame (v. 8). Waiting to get entrance, it is said, there were at his gate the Vallabha, Kalabhra, Kerala, Pandya, Chola, Tulu, Gongana (Konkana) and others (v. 9). Verse 10 gives out that the chief officer of his, who was ruling the province of Mangala-rashtra and who was a great hero, virtuous and respected by the good, having petitioned the king, gave (a brahmadeya) to number of Brahmanas. The Tamil portion records that at the request (vinnappan) of MangalanadalvaNG and at the inatti of Alappakka-Vijaiyanallulan, king Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman issued an order in the 61st year of his reign to the natsar of Topkarai-Arvalakurram in sola-nadu granting as brahmadeya 40 velis of land, which included an old brahmadeya of 24 velis, another brahmadeya of 12 velis granted in the 59th year of the same king's reign at the request of Mangalanadalvan and the anatti of Alappakka-Vijaiyanalladap and the remaining 4 velis now assigned. The natfar made obeisance to the order, received it on their heads, circumambulated the granted land and planting boundary stones and milk bush, issued their order freeing every kind of land in this grant portion from all the rights of the kingwhich are here specified-and constituted it as a new village under the name of Pattattalmangalam. The names of the donees are then mentioned (see table below). The inscription was engraved by a certain Sri-Dandi son of Videlvidugu-Pallava-perundachchan of Aimpapaichcheri (Aimbupaichcheri) in Kachchippedu. There were more kings than one of the name Nandivarman or Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman in the Pallava family. The earliest of them is he who issued the Udayendiram copper-plate grant wherein he is stated to be the son of Skandavarman, grandson of Simhavarman and greatgrandson of Skandavarman. The Velurpalaiyam plates which say that Simhavishnu was the son of Simhavarman and grandson of Nandivarman', seem to refer to this Nandivarman. The second sovereign of the Pallava family who bore the name Nandivarman was the son of Hiranyavarman and a lineal descendant of Bhima, the younger brother of Simhavishnu. He bore the surnames Kshatriyamalla, Pallavamalla and Videlvidugut. The third of the name was the grandson of this Nandivarman Pallavamalla and it was during his reign that the Velurpasaiyam plates were issued The first question to determine is to which of the three Nandivarmans we should ascribe the present Inscription. Mr. Venkoba Rao in noticing this inscription in his report for 1922-23 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 145. South-Ind. Inacrs., VOL II, p. 508, v. 9 and 10. The exact relationship between Simhavarman and Nandivarman is not mentioned. Ibid. p. 350, vv. 28-30. * Ibid. p 360, line 78 Ibid, p. 511, vv. 16-19.

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No. 14.] PATTATT ALMANGALAM GRANT OF NANDIYARMAN. 117 states that it must belong to the reign of Nandivarman III. I consider this conclusion of his to be quite untenable. I would at the outset point out that the Tandantottam plates which are suppoged to have been issued in the reign of Nandivarman III should correctly be attributed to his grandfather Nandivarman II Pallavamalla. According to the Tandantottam plates the king bore the surname Ekadhirat and this was the surname of Nandivarman Pallavamalla as is clear from the fact that the grant made in the Kasakudi plates was constituted into a new village under the name Ekadhiramangalam which should have been so termed after the king's surname Ekadhira. The second point to note is that the Nandivarman of our plates was the successor of Hiranyavarman as was the Nandivarman of the Kasakudi and the Tandantottam plates. The third ground, which is much stronger than all, is furnished in the VaikunthaPerumal temple inscriptions: explaining the sculptures representing the events that took place immediately after the death of Parameavaravarman II leading to the accession of Wandivarman Pallavamalla. It says: After the death of Paramebvaravarman II, a deputation consisting of the Matras, the Mulaprakritis and the ghatakayar waited on Hiranyavarma-Maharaja and represented the fact that the country was without a ruler and requested him to grant them & sovereign. Thereupon king Hiranyavarman sent for the chief potentates (kulamallar) and enquired which among them would accept the sovereignty. All of them refusing, he asked his sons Srimalla, Rapamalla, Sangramamalla and Pallavamalla. Pallavamalla humbly offered to go, but king Hiranyavarman was at first unwilling to risk his son, who was then only twelve years of age, in such a perilous undertaking. But Hiranyavarman was soon persuaded by Darapikondap5sar to give his consent. Receiving the weapons presented to him both by his father and Daranikondaposar, Pallavamalla proceeded to Kanchipuram, crossing on his way several hills, rivers and forests. Hearing of his approach a certain Pallavadi-Araiyar came with a large force, and placed him on an elephant's back and returned to the city where he was received by the feudatory chiefs, the members of the merchants' guild, the mulaprakritis, and Kadakka-Muttaraiyar. He was then crowned king under the name Nandivarman and with the insignia of Videlvidugu, Samudraghosha, Khatvanga-dhvaja and Vrishabha-lanchhana by the ministers, the feudatories, the ghatakayar and the ubhaiya-gana. The above facts show that Nandivarman Pallavamalla's accession to the throne took place without any bloodshed, the whole country being instrumental in getting him as their sovereign. This fact does also find expression in the Kasakuli plates which state that he was chosen by the subjects. The statement that Nandivarman was quite young (i.e., 12 years of age according to the Vaikuntha-Perumal temple inscription) when he became the ruler of the Pallava dominions is correctly reflected in the present grant which states of him w afat gaa to. A further point in favour of our view is that Nandivarman Pallavamalla bore the surname 1 South-Ind. Inerne., Vol. II, p. 520, v. 4 and p. 629, noto 4 * Ibid. p. 359. * Ibid (Texta), Vol. IV, G! No. 135, pp. 10 fl. * South-Ind. Inscra., VOL II, p. 357, v. 27,

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XVMORE EPIGRAPHIA INDIOKAM JATTATTAI [VOL XVII. 36 Videlvidugu as stated already, and it is after this title that the father of the engraver of the grant must have been called Videlvidugu-Pallava-perundachchanowaldensten stimp ad of that It is noteworthy the ajnapt of our inscription, viz., Alappakka (Alabakka) Vijaiyanallulan figures in an inscription of Pallavatilaka-Nandivarman found at Tiruvellagar in the Trichinopoly district. This chief's younger brother, Kamban Araiyad by name, figures as the constructor of a big well in the same place as recorded in an inscription of Pallavatilaka Dantivarman. It is now beyond question from the present grant that these kings Pallavatilaka-Nandivarman and Pallavatilaka-Dantivarman," in n, in whose inscriptions figure the two brothers Vijayanallulan and Kamban Araiyan as donors, are identical with Nandivarinan Pallavamalla and his son and successor Dantivurman. Thus it becomes clear that the term Pallavatilaka was not the surname of any particular king of the Pallava Hine which was later on adopted as a title by his successors. In editing the Tiruvellafal well mscription was mielitied to follow the late Mr. Venkayya in considering the successors of Dantivarman as belonging to the family of Pallavatilaka, that being almost the special designation then known to be of Dantivarman as indicated in the Triplicane inscription of that king The present gran shows that gharter-writers did not mean any distinction between Pallavakula and Pallabatilababula Therefore, in case we meet with inscriptions of Nandivarman or Dantivarman with the word Pallavatilaka or Pallavatilakakula prefixed to their names, we have to distinguish the king from those who bore similar names, by other evidences than what is furnished by the mere title Pallavatilaka. In this connection, it may be pointed out that Adigal Gandan Marambavai, who figures as donor in a record of the early Chola king Rajakesarivarman (Aditya L) and who is stated to be the queen of Pallavatilaka-Nandivarman", cannot be the queen of Pallavamalla, for Aditya I and Pallavamalla are sepa ated by over a century in all probability she must have been the queen of Pal'avamalla's grandson Nandivarman III Row (avagerill 118 As has been noted, the present inscription is dated in the 61st year of the king's reign. In my Historical Sketches, I gave my consideration to the question whether or not Nandivarman Pallavamalla could have reigned for a long time, usurper as he was then known to be, and taking only into view the several conquests he effected and the time of rule of his contemporaries, I arrived at the conclusion that he should be credited with a long period of rule. This conclusion is now made certain by a study of the Vaikuntha Perumal label epigraphs and the present copper-plate grant according to both of which the price was quite young i.e. 12 years of age, when he became king and by the fact of the present inscription being dated in the 61st year. The latest regnal year, however, of Pallavamalla is the 65th which is furnished in a Mahabalipuram inscription recently discovered by me in the courtyard of the VarahaPerumal cave. If this be the last year of his rule, the king should have lived up to his 77th year of age. de segon selloutoralis nammavibas Jeilt wodz stost ovode sdf It may be noted that the titles Ferumbidugo, Videlvidagu hu Mataplug which had been awumed by the feudatory chiefs of the Muttaraiyans might have been derived from the Pallava who were thein overlords. In the extract given from the Vaikuntha Perumal tesitple inscription, it is seen that at the time of Pallavamalla's coronation he was invested with the new pam Vidalvidugu while the Tiruvellarai, well inscription shows that Pallavamalla's son Dantivarman was called Marapiqugfter visto ai enninirent 3971 No. 63 of the Madras pie Epigraphical collection for 1905. dei weiv 10, to movet ai taing sad? 3 and above, Vol. IX, pp. 154 ff. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 292. .968 4 Lea Mbank 0936 qt de troon bi-diso South-Ind. Inscrns., Vol. III, p. 229. "Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekkhan, pp. 45 ff. br This inscription is under publication in the Memoirs of the Adh. Surv Department by M. Ry. Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, along with 4 other new inscripti ns and some sculptures discovered by me at Mahabalipuram in the year 1922.

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No.147.207) PATTATTALMANGALAM GRANT OF NA NANDIVARMAN. kSapa 33 Brahminste The object of the inscription is, as stated already, to register the grant of certain lands in the vicinity of a village situated in Arvala-kurram, a sub-division of Sola-nadu, constituted into new village under the name Pat Pattattalmangalam to a number of Brahmans who are introduced by, the collective term nalgur-narpappar. It is worthy of note that in the Tandantottam plates also, the donees are similarly styled. Two possible modes of interpreting the term nalgur-nar"the good Brahmins of Nalgur" and "the pappar have been given by Mr. Krishna Sastri yiz.,, poor good Since in two instances the donees have been so styled, it does not seem ge of that name. Accordingly, we may adopt the second probable that Nalgur means a village made de on their request which was conveyed to the king interpretation. The grant must have been by the chief of Mangala-nadu, and this is perhaps clear from the Sanskrit portion which tates famalar Nalgar were a village/it might have been mentioned in the Sanskrit portion also. It is to be noted that most of the donees were highly learned men being Kramavits, Arvala-kurram Shadegerits and riding on the illeges in Arvala kuram, are mostly found in the for Pattattalmangalam in that same taluk of the Tanjore district, we have to Negapatam tal Arvala prea Walled Ames, of which Vijayanaliko was a native, has already been identified by me with the village of that name Trichinopoly a sub-division by to was a miles Lalgudi on the Arumdeva-Vaabu and in it waisted the village of Mangalam now called Mangal. It is needless to say that Kachchippedu mentioned in the record is identical with Conjeeveram and Aimpanaichcheri is Aimbunaichcheri, a quarter of it. "c manram portant words occurring in this in inscription. We may here add a short note on some As "arai" means to beat" and "olai" " a (written) palm-leaf," we may take the compound "araiy-olar" togan "the draft contents had to be proclaimed by beat of tom-tom." Tirumugam (1. 33 f.) is only the Tamil form of the Sanskrit word srimukha" a sacred order, a royal writ. it. Kaltagaram (155) seems to be the Tamil adaptation of the Sanskrit goshtha griha" a cow-pen, kranit is sometimes employed in the sense of a king's residence, palace, Manru (1. 38) is a word which is largely met with in Tamil inscriptions e.g., manrupadu, manrum kanru-mey-palum, etc. As such, its meaning deserves to be noted. In Puram 34, occurs the phrase iratti-nidiya agan-ralaiaccording to the commentator, means "the extensively spacious common ground (podrgny with long stats tree standing on Mant-ppaldvin jack-tree standing on the common ground (podiyil)" occurs in Puram 128. Again, we meet with this word in the phrase perisai-mudur-manran-kande in Puram 220. In all these cases the commentator takes on theeting ground" (poduvidam or podiyil). word manru in the Common A distinction is, however, made between podiyil and manram in Tirumurugarruppadai, one of the ten Tamil idylls known as Pattuppattu. Nachchinarkkipiyar takes the word podiyil to mean sambalam, which, by the way, we may remark, is another term used in inscriptions-and the word manram he explains as the space under a tres in the middle of a village where all people meet urut aqubey ellarum trukkum marantady." "From the references quoted here, it will be plain that manram refers to the place where the village assembly met to transact its business and that this was under a (big) tree (which afforded them shade). Epigraphical references are not wanting to support the fact that in the assembly grounds there were trees and that provisions had d been made to have them washed and swept clean. An inscription of the time of Raja. HET AND BRET FP We as a stage met under a tamarind tree that dhiraja I states that an assembly of a brahmadeya village met 123 13 158192 GSTUS BARUPEES ibSontheinde Juscras., Vok II, p.21, 1875 1o orov Jesi ne vole sug Adbi, kendte Bettie vir 129.as pay ines that fo ford par my? Above, Vol. IX, p. 155. South-Ind. Inscrns., Vol. II, p. 521, 1. 37 f and Introduction, p [21] * Line 226 119

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120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL XVIII. stood on the bank of a channel while making a grant to a temple. From other inscriptions we learn that the ancient practice of convening meetings was by blowing trumpets. The Tandantottam plates of Nandivarman (Pallavamalla) actually provide for the man who had to water the ambalam and we have to take it on the authority of Nachchinarkkiniyar, to refer to keeping clean the meeting ground of the village assembly under the trees. TEXT. [Metres: v. 1 Sikharint ; vv. 2, 3, 6 and 10 Sardulavikridita ; vv. 4 and 5 Indravajra ; v. 7 Praharshini v. 8 Pushpitagra; v. 9 Rathoddhata and v. 11 arya. ] 1. svasti zrI [:1 *] rasi vila First Plate. / zriyo bhartturmU[[rtti ]rakatasamAnairbhujayate zza yAnasyAbhodhAvu 2 sarakostuharuciH [*] payaH pAtuM sindhIvaMsagharaghaTevApDa patitA taTiyukA' bhavatAm maMgalamaso // [ 1 ] bhavatAmmaMgalamasau // [1] yamule padamuttamaM yadaca 3 bhAntI dizatu yaccApi yatho 4 vinAmdhyeyadhoradhiyA stuvanti yadasambAsurAH [1] cAvala trigu vidhAsthi 5 tilayotpatti (tI) biMdhAtuM gatammedaM yatsva [ ma* ] bhinamapyavatu vastahastu viSvammuccam // [ 2*] bra 6 prabhUvara kArinAbhikamalAttasmAdabhUdaMgirAstasmA devagurustato munivara zaMyu 7 rAjataH [*] droNastattanayAdajAyata dhanuH prakhyAtavortho raNe tasma / hauNira8 vAyavIyamahimA tasyAdabhUtyazavaH // [2] lakSmIvo ya[ra] sadhavAnAM rAjAM samAsA Second Plate: first side. 9 [ca] kaLapabhAvam [1] pArthivamaNDalA nAm // [4* ] ya 10 jAnAmavanopatInAmAnItaM vivArivijitya [1] vastu pradAyAjinAya 1 Read in. sampratyasAdhAraNatAmpareSAmAsedatuH bhUyaH ku* 1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1910, Part II, para. 21. See my Annual Report on Archaeology of the Travancore State for 1920, pp. 41 and 49, and No. 156 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1919. The actual words used in the Suchindiram inscription are "maha-sabhaiyar kalam-udivichohu-kkuri sarri-true-akkirasalaiyir-kkuffam niramba-kkudi-irukka. South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. II, p. 527, text-line 199. Read. The first half of this verse reminds us of vv. 10 and 11 of canto X of the Raghuvamba :prabhAnulipta zrovarasaM lauvibhU madarpaNaM / kojubhAkhyamapAM sAra vimAcaM gRhatIrasA || bADumirmiTapAkAra divyAbharaNabhUSitaH / *Read after. * Road viSvasu. With the latter half of this verse compare namo vizvakI pUrva vizvaM tadanu vibhute / atha viva vv 16 and tubhya' medhA sthitAbhane / rasAntarASkarasaM yathA divyaM pavItrute / deye deze mumeyevamavasthAstvamavikrayaH / 17 of the same canto. Compare also with the first verse of Kadambari which contains the same idea couched in similar words :-rajoluSe janmani sabhyavRttI sthitI prajAnAM prakaye tamaH sthe| ajAya sargasthitinAmadeva yaunayAya vicArama namaH //

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PATTATTALMANGALAM PLATES OF NANDIVARMAN. pM au (@{ kM &[ chch5p37813@66%&It ophro- [mng- a%ry%g | p / (ch-soersgyu-khg95<59cho cchj7%gtwpj@csgjg*d / / Ai112 rnnkyaa jyktu 37kpoonnkraannn 8%8Ychtsh9619 / kh->%gcftcar& ch*tm/? khyung5pp9&g201:wug%| khng / ch-*009 chk-0p-l-by912 asatshtschptshn-bt<90>phssg;s7%R eggURF2*che86yozh6<> sas t ers on Go To rat canh bat dau la sit 26 sh<20rng-b-6= asy45-36p'ut 04bskyr+7bsgyur-kh-ch,8er990 / e 'O9640chy49 c14eatshms-6dl-br-bcud- sku'8tsh493 "'khy@chqsc0406ddn-gplg c09j0656 7130 140gnsogsl7sn6& tshdru9) cho-5> 28 H, Karsaw sTRL. BCALE -5. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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32 | iitb. kikmeennnaak paatukaakk 32 sur+taannnnnnppaatukaakmnnnppaa paavee ttnnnee taannnee maayumkaa 34 . =TARTIST llaivu 3 36 pookkaakklaannn pyrus 4438 ttk kook ios. pruk Asu s 'T', yuvaannntuyY3ATS vaakconnnnnnppaa pvaannnplkaannn kkaannntu. pootupaaailrossbcs?[ 42 paakkaakkaatu keekktuknnnktu maakkpaaknnnum taannnnnaakkiktutlaikkaaktuvai 44 SUaam Srskktu aakkkpcaivm TAGE I OF 33kaakkktu pkkaa 1, 46 aa iob. kkvungk ptukuk kk pkkttu paikkaarnnnum Stkkktu tcaikkiktunnnuunnn pyum ktaapaakkktu pkkmaakk ktupk ttkppaakk ktu ctukkitu STI e tupp kttu iykk paakkaattu Lktuppum freekkktupkkkkktutu poorttutu kvlllainnnum 8kkttukkaaktu34Alger, 1 knnnaakkk-kkaakk tt FOLG ptkkngkkkaikkkkkmpkkttu 56 pttupppmU Earta ptukkittu pkk kttttikll 56 | SINCILlllnnnptukllaal mkkyaiaallaakkikll pkkm akklktuknnnaiptukllvum perkr 58 quongsonjouceomcntisovou concausagarpal coast 6. pkkaannnnnnnnn vnnn 58 -1 60

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No. 14.] 11 vrataM kIrttisamAnaM hi // [ 5*] takheSu nRpeSu 'dhAri 12 supateSu jati PATTATTALMANGALAM GRANT OF NANDIVARMAN. nRpatirbhU 13 pAlabharttA tataparvvaca kiroTa ghRSTa caraNa zronandivarNAbhavat // [*] pAdhatta prathita14 balI rAjyarUma khAtackurita pAcapAcikaH [*) yo hatvA sakala ripUi 15 jitya bhUyasamvacitipatimaulipAdapoTha: // [7] dhavaLitakakubhA yadI [ya * ] ko [5] kheSu nRpeSu sindhurazanAM samya cIvIrakuryAdiDa [1] cAsIttaca hirava bhuvanama 16 bhUSavalaM hatAndhakAram [i] ravitunatu sArthako staH kumudasaroruhadogviMkA[m] Second Plate: Second Side. 17 prabodhya [] yA yajJabhakaLakarakA[:] pAyacItukuma gayAdayaH [] hAri ve 18 zasamayAbhikacicI 'SiturivakAzamAsate // [2] bhavyastasya parantapoSa 19 nidhibbauro variSThasmatAnmAnyo mAnadhana [ : ] svakIttiMvisarakhyAtA' khilAzAntaraM ' vizavAsa 20 dadAhacAya nitarAm vijJApya sa khAmine yasminmaMgalarAimamiti:" syAtA jaya 21 vadhaye // [10] maMgalajanapadamanuM tiriyamyajJavendratvasya [["] cA gharace ja 22 perAcandradivAkaraM syAt // Ko Vijaiya-Nandivikkirama-parumarku yandu arubat 23 t-op[ravadu Manjgalanadaivan vippappattal Alappakka-Vijaiyanalloyan & 24 patti[y-a]ga Solana]ttu tTopkarai-Arvala-kkdprattu nattar kanga taniga-pattuThird Plate: First Side. lir-churru narpadirru-veliyullum palam-piramadeyam-irubat 25 ttapi[yur] tu-nal 26 [valiyum] nikki nipra padigaru valiyullum yandu symbatt-opbad-svadule Mangala-. 27 nada]van vippappattar" Alappakka-Vijsiyanallalanapattiyaga perum Road dhAcI. 28 nadigalum piramadeyam-aga aruli-chcheyda panniru-veliyum yandu arubatt-o 29 pravadu Mangalanada]van vippappattal Alappakka-Vijaiyanallula 121 * Read f * Read visaravyAta. ' Read [:1 *]. Boad svargamupasthiteSu. Read fear * [The Reading parantapo would be bettor-Ed.] Read 'faffa: * Read degdeg. 10 Misread as aymbattongaoads in the Mythic Society Journal, Vol, XIV, p. 128. 11 Read vissappaltal.

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122 EPIGKAPKEA INDICAAN MITEIT (VOL XTIL 30 minuttiyaga Wroli-chcheyda nas potiyum tillittu pai-arullomklai ir 31 ru pulli-valiyart-mapaiyum mapai-ppadappum oliv-ipri-ppirada doyamaga-Ppapi * 1 Third Plaids econg Side. F * 32 ttem-enru nattarkku vitta tirumugan-nattar toludu talaikku=vaitt-ells ai] 33 poy-kkallun-kanniyun-natti-ppadagai valan-cheydu natyar vidunda & 34"y-Blaippadi ur-kkutu-palli-vahyppridh-ad- v aka hiyo Afalsafyrum mapatu 9 35 padappum kutamurottagitanut variompilum kagum paiyunir pun 36 nedum-paramb-eri[ndu udumb-o]diy-imai-tavalndad-ellam kovum [po]riye 37 n-tirandu (kudiyil samatys kurut padi-ppadil yar) sarvva-parihara[m] pe[Iru) * bratimada. Hit STP STPT5PFEN 35707 38 yam-ay[ifru|||*) Ivv-[u]r perra parihara[m] [vat]ti-naliyum puda-naliyum man ru-padum urat[chi] Tot fowl PalFirst Shide. IST#1515| ABF ar 39 yum taragun-kulamum ilam-putchiyum-idai-pputchiyum hidu p ini pokku[m] 40 uppu-kkochcheygaiyum nall-avun=nal:erydum nar-yayamum ivaiy-ullittu 41 ko-ttott-undappalav-ellam evvegrippattavum unna-pperadar-ago[yu*]m[1] 42 Pattattalmangalam-epoum perare-brahmadeyam-aga perra nalgtr nal 43 ppappar Gautama-gottirattu Iranyakesi-suttirattu Nepkunrattu kra-* F1 44 mavittana[*] Kalabhattanti+Jabvak RETNA igotstesttu Hingeki suttinattu Mayila45 ppir?-Nandisarmma bhatoupal Gautema-gottirattu Avattamba-sutritattu Kummangi 46 Vennaya-chohadangaviyum-Iradhitara-gottirattu Avattamba-suttirattu Kuravasiri in south Place decona sige Ent miss 09 47 Agnisarmma-ttiruvediyum Vadula-gotrattu Avattamba-suttirattu Tiruyedi48P ]Potbalarminan uch t a Hikmatlikttu Baurechaoi 19 49 nna-chchadangaviyum|--Attiraiya-gottitattu Awaitfilmbibaltation Kontakt os 50 tuKumarasarmma-chchaiqlangaviyimhkkattimatbeschebattitats poppetur Kali51 mandal-chehadadga vigumi4 Kapangattomasti Avattifobassattitaittoirbpaleo- 69 52 gil Sandabarmmachchadatgavigiin dodania-rottipaktu w At yuttembruetiaattu MAS 53 gipparuttu Sadangavi Tayakarmmapum-I-kkottirattu i-chchuttirattu ivv-ur Kuma64 rafkrama)-ttiruvodiyuml - Kondina-gottitattu Avattamba-suttirattu VangipSerw is u 197 1'bao 10o-sit ..... TIRI GS Fifth Plate : First Side. - - 66 parutta Tavadi-kikiramavittagum-Qodam youteritta Avattabila ibtitrattu as 56 [n]gippaputtu Pappasarmma-chchalariga tifhm Vidula-gottimatte Avattamba sattira67 ttu Karambichchotu Sendakarmma pailgaraiyum Attiraiga-gottitattu Katilmes 68 ba-suttirattu Kombaruttu Sandalarmrhap pasig-braiyum pevarohidan Andrtu. 69 vapum-Ivv-ejuttu vettinen KachchippeftAimpanaichchori Vidalvidtgun 60 Pallava-Pporuntaohehan matap Sri-Danddyonl .PE? boni Road vajal. * Read kallinen Read vidutta. *The reading in brackets is tentative : badly damaged in the original. . Read yal Read poral. Read Opit

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No 14.1. PATTATTALMANGALAM GRANT, OF NANDIVARMAN. 128 uhus ! TIRANDALI A te hae vabi s M si Verse 1). Hail! Prosperity. Let that body of the husband of Stl (da, Vishnu), which in resplendent with the kaustubha jewel onsita cheat and which with a hundred matrahata like armag is lying on the ocean, resembling a collection of clouds Instrous with the interspersed lightning and settling on the waters of the ocean to imbibe (ite). water, grant you welfare aliv od o s bowl. 2) That which is the highest plaob of salvation, la immutable, id omnipresetit,' is contemplated on by yogis and that which tha Brahmans excessively extol always with firm wisdom and with the chanting of the Vedas, which though itself undivided, assumes ehree differentiations by adopting the three qualities in order to accomplish the work of protection, destruction and creation may that all pervading object protect you to browol bus 18w iw ten (V.3). From the navellotus of Natektrite. Vishnu was born Brahma from him was born) Angiras; from him Devaguru (i.e., Btihaspati) dom him (Came) Samyu the best of sages from hiskon Bharadviga (was borhy Drona'Who Was renowned as an archer in the Battle-field from hihi teatre) Draud Yie. Afvabtamany who was of resistable great power, and from him came Pantal bed 9 od 89.8 l build to lisboa 5-ox. opvadas -deilyv. 4Lakshmi and the Goddess of Eatkhaving attained the status of contortal to the kings of this family they could not be approptiated by the assemblage of othery kings. (Vy. 5 and 6). In this dynasty of kings, whose family vow was the accumulation of fame, by giving largesses to suitors after having made the wealth their own by conquering all enemy kings, after the illustrious Virakurcha and others had gone to Heaven after having enjoyed the sea-girt earth for a long time, there camo Hiranyavarman, the foremost of rulers and then Nandivarman, whose' glorious feet were rubbed against by the diadems of all kings. (V. 7. This king of renowned prawes whose foot-stool was the crown of prostrate kings, ruled his kingdom, even while young, after having killed his enemies and conquered the kingdom single-handed with his unsheathed sword scintilating in his hand. (v. 8). The entire world was, vidofite darkness by his fame with which all the quarters were whitened, and the sun and the moon were (only) useful for awakening (.e., opening) the lotus and lilyi ponde respectively. (V.) At his gabe there await without (getting opportunity (tolenter the Vallabhas, the Kalabhras, the Koralas, the Pandyas, the Cholas, the Tulus, the Korkanas and others desirous of obtaining admission to serve (him). manoy. The ervatit of this kis) who was the "storehouse of austerities and virtue, who was, hernio, highly.distingpished, respected by the goods whose wealth was honour, whose spreading fame enveloped the interior of all the quarters, and in whom, who was the relative of the world, the name Mangalarashtra-bhartri (the lord of the district called Mangala-tashtra) becstfrie Werftohti, gate to a concourse of Brahmans (their) desired object, having repeatedly petitioned the king. T . . . 10 si (V. 11). May this gift of the ruler of the country of Maagala, the subordinate of the Pallava king watand an long as the Earth, the ocean, the Moon and the Sun (exist). U (L1. 22 to 32). In the sixty-first year of (the reign of) king, Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, the following order to the residents (of Arvala-kurfam) was issued at the request of Mangalanadalvip and at the command (aratti) of Vijaiyanallulan of Alappakam : Let the residents of Tenkarai-Arvalia-kurram in the Chola country (Sola-nadu) observe. Out of the forty-five veli (of land) round about the free village of ... in your sub-division, efter stoluding the bla. bratomade of twenty-four beli there remain sixteen peli (of land). These sixteen veli--formed by adding together the twelve behi fot land which the king. (Perumanadigan had been pleased to grant as a brahmalayd in the fatty-nkinth year (optis reign) at the request

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124 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII of Mangalanadalvan and at the instance of Vijaiyanallujan of Alappakkam and the four veli (of land) which the same) had been pleased to be converted into a brahmadoya (now) in the sixty-first year of his reign) at the request of Mangalanada vap and at the command of Vijaiyanallulap of Alappakkam,-without excluding the houses of the residents of the persons who settle the village and house-sites (manaipadappu)--these we have ordered (to be) a brahmadeya." (Ll. 32 to 38). The residents of the district made obei ance (to the royal order), placed it on their heads, planted stones and milk-bush, went right round the padagai and issued the order for publication (arai-olai). According to it, the sixteen veli (of land) including houses, house-sites, tanks, kraals, uvar, village-waste, forest, streams and all other) kinds of lands covered with water and ploughed with parambu where inguanas run and tortoises crawl were removed from the exercise of the rights of the king and (his ) authorities and were granted all pariharas in ordert: it (then) became a brahmadeya. (LI. 38 to 43). The pariharas which this village received were :-Inclusive of vafti-nali, puda-nali, manrupadu, urafchi, taragu, kulam, ilam-putchi, nadu-kapal, udupokku, uppu-kkochcheygai, nall-a, nall-erudu, ner-odyam and all other kinds of taxes which the king had a right to levy and enjoy shall not (henceforth) be paid to him); that under the name of Pattattalmangalam, the undermentioned poor Brahmans received the brahmatleya. Serial Number of line. Gotra. Sutra. No. Village. Name of person. Gautama Hirapyskani Nekupram. Kramavittanar. Kila Bhattap. Nandisarma- Bhattan. Vennaya-Chadangavi (Shadangavit). Agnifarma-Tiruvedi (Trivedin). Tiruvedi. Pottasarmap Achohavinna-Chadangavi. Kumarafarma-Chadangavi Kasimandai-Chadangavi. Sandakarma-Chadangavi Sadajgayi-Tiyabarman. Kumara-krama-Tiruvodi. Tovadi-kramavittap. Jatakarona 1 Do. Mayila ppil . . Gautama. Avattamba (Apas. Kummangi . tamba). Iradhidara (Rat- Do. Kuravakiri . bitara). Vadula (Vadhula) Do. Madala (Mathara) Hiranyakofi Enur . . Attiraiya (Atroya) Avattamba Kombaru. . Do. Urappattar Kappa (Kipya). Sirupalagil Gotama (Gautama) Vangippara Do. Do. Do. Kondina (Kaun Do. dinys). Gotama (Gantama) Do. Vidula (Vadhula) Do, Karambichohottu Attiraiya. . Kombaru. . Do. Do. Do Pappalarma-Chadangari. Sandalarman. Sandalarman Dovarohidan-Affarravan (L1. 59-60). The inscription was engraved by Sri-Dandi, son of Vidalvidugu-Pallavaperun-tachchap of Aimpapaichcheri in Kachchippadu. The doubtfal words kudiyil samatya biru are not translated.

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No. 15. ROCK INSCRIPTION OF SVAMIBHATA FROM DEOGARH. 125 No. 15.-DEOGARH ROCK INSCRIPTION OF SVAMIBHATA. BY DAYA RAM SAHNI, RAI BAHADUR, M.A. The antiquities of Deogarh situated about 22 miles from Lalitpur in the district of Jhansi are described in Dr. Fuhrer's Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, pp. 119-121 and 338, Mr. P. C. Mukherjee's Report on the Antiquities in the District of Lalitpur and General Cunningham's Archeological Survey Reports, Vol. X, pp. 100-110. The ancient fort at Deogarh is designated Luachchhagira in the Deogarh pillar inscription of Bhojadeva of Kangaj, Vik. Samvat 9191 while the Deogarh rock inscription of Kirtivarman of the Vik.] year 1154 gives it the name of Kirttigiri." This inscription is engraved on a much-worn rock-cut flight of steps which led down on the south side of the Deogarh Fort to the water of the river Betwa which encloses it on three sides. This flighit of steps is locally known as the Nahar or Nar Ghati und possesses as many as eleven niches all contemporaneous with the Ghat some of which still contain their images. The panel occurring at the top of the Ghat, with which we are here concerned, contains & row of nine seated figures which represent, beginning from the left :-(1) A male figure holding * rind between both hands, probably Virabhadra, (2) Brahmi with three faces, (3) Mahogvari seated on a lion and holding Gapeda in her left hand, (4) Kaumari on her peacock, (5) Vaishnavi on the Garuda, (6) Varihi, (7) Indrapi, (8) four-armed Chamanda, seated on a human corpse and (@) two-armed Ganapati. The inscription under description is engraved immediately above this panel of the divine Mothers. The inscribed surface is l' 11' wide and 1' l' in height. The inscription consists of seven lines and is in a fairly good condition of preservation though six letters in the beginning of the first line and a few letters in the beginning of each of lines 5-7 are mutilated. The characters which belong to what Dr. Bahler styles the " soute-angled alphabet" of Northern India, are closely allied to the alphabet in which the Bodh-Gaya inscription of Mahanaman of the Gupta year 2695, the Prasaste of the temple of Lakha Mandal at Madha in Jaunsar Bawar Pargana of the Dehra Dun District, the Benares inscription of Pantha and several other documents are written. The striking peculiarities of this alphabet are the highly ornaniental konas and matras and these are fully shared by the epigraph under discussion. Dr. Bubler assigns the Lakha Mapdal prasastad to about the end of the 6th century A.D. In my paper on the Benares inscription of Panths referred to above I assigned that doou ment erroneously to the beginning of the 8th century A.D. In reality it must be as early w the other inscriptions reforred to. This is obvione, besides other considerations, from the ne of the archaic form of y consisting of the loop and two vertical lines. This form of y is also used throughout in the present inscription, and I feel no hesitation in assigning it to the 6th century A.D. The language of the document is Sanskrit and except for the opening words om namah at the beginning of line 1, the inscription is in verse throughout. In the matter of spelling and sandhi, only one or two irregolarities are observable in our inscription. One of these is the use of praptans-tridata instead of praptans-tridasa in line 5. Similarly although the doubling of consonants in contact with r after vowels is quite regular, the form kkrama gata (1. 4) in the beginning of the third quarter of v. 4 is objectionable, as the consonant k concerned. 1 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, p. 808 seq. * Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, pp. 811 81. and Vol. XVIII, pp. 937 . * Pleet, Gupta Inscriptions, Pl. XLI, A. . Epigraphie Indies, Vol. I, p. 10 seq. . Ibid, Vol. IX, p. 69 and PL, facing p. 80, * Indian Palmography, edited by Dr, Fleet u na Appendis to the Indian Antiguary, Vol. XXXIII, p. 40.

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126 21.00 ROTE [VOL. XVIII. is not preceded by a sowel. The word prathi in 1.8 in is not found in dictionaries. It is probably in pathi, Tecative singular of pathin, meaning 'range', A.M. MUTARE ini e MAR AVA Ta 'reach', etc. NA 4014(Iaozi doia EPTGRAPE INDICA,' 18 D T The inscription does not appear so far to have been published, anywhere. Its existence is referred to by Mr. P. O. Mukherjil but all that he has to tell us about it is that, in it the name of the reigning king is lost." Dr. Fuhrer appears, however, to have deciphered a part of t the inscription as he has the following remark about it. "Near the Naharghati, there is a valuable record of Svamibhata, dated Samvat 609, written in characters of the latter Gupta period. Now, though the first part of the remark is quite porrect, there is, 79 trace of a date anywhere to be seen in the inscription, g to ema odt ti oviy tell 1897 [V] sd to mauravin The inscription consists of seven - OWB to Semperit menam verses. The are not The interpunotuation is also not regular, for though the ends of the yeges are verywhere marked by the usual double vertical stroke (danda), the half verses are only pecasionally indicated by curved horizontal stroke which the 40 34 9 2 o que, or two cases has a more complicated form. As to the content of the document, the day to omor ATO CHE UTERO Invokes the blessing of the divine Mothers Verses 2 to 4 contain the pedigree of a certain vambhats whose high qualities are eulogised in verse 5. The next verse states that this hata caused an imperity ahren 110 Prasasta was abode to be constructed for Which the he Deogarh Fort en Bell, Dels92 Tak badatta and, engraved by him, the s adatti Situated. erection is recorded in this epigraph is probably 4104 and T 30 the divine Mothers on the mountain on composed by a certain Jata, the son of Durgga. The botte of the Mothers identical with the niche in which the group of the even mothers and the inscription are angraved unless we are to suppose that the upper part of the tight of stop was origin covered with a roof and did duty as a temple The building of temples for the worship or the divine Mothers appears to have been soution in bent times. One such temple was erected by a certain Mayurakshake, a ministarifarma in the year 480 of the Maleva era, 1.6. the Vikrama erat quarnet te wg for guided doide salon od 2gratis postimi Turvy coa Nothing is known about the donor (Svamibhated) mentioned in this other source. In the inscription he is described as the grandson or ornament of the Solar race and might therefore have been a man of some consequence, at are todaya side to sang gora od catsin ene har god Leg such obou dqxgigs on d bezude flu sead? Bas av buse sood Labremo vidgat 2000 da to be out soode of anker Addal out angiass zodat al o Sand Spares Erode of berrier adta to notgraut aranse sile no topo al A lena MV 6 und 7, dushubh V8, Balint kniptjob saleda so podto asblad aroido ei aid of borister amoitqieni nedto edt an been cala af y lo no enTecji fasitrov owt ha qool eds to gaitaianoo y to mot oiados edt to and tight basolina e ti odgods dan) ang tumour key I.A guriage to AT SETSY at nogen sit set to gainaiged et te fi aldaredo eza aeitiangori owe to go be bus 100 3 Juil "iti kirayavidAraka satilakaH to aadh d diupar els nov zadev dw to a stondos to gardrob sucarita padavImanuyAnti bat Hanfiar anglaiadiged odi ai ( .1) "mAna sihat padron inscription any SAR 18 Borsad domfake who was an TERCAL po 206.q.VI .lobal T YES IV 107 bos: 118 qy do for y amyitni erbak 1 Report on the Antiquities in the District of Lalitpur, Vol. IX.14 The Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in North-Westorg Pequigees QedP Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 74. 08.q yoisel.19 ban 08 1 obi The letter is written below the line. arman of busqgA na so too! vd becibe qarponi Imobel *

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ROCK INSCRIPTION OF STAMIBHATA FROM DEOGARH. | L. * er baannskhtthe mukh| lekhaa (gh) maamii bll 17 er smy' maathaa dibo|sNgher sk| 2005 saael 54 mitthbs aiexter ekh( shelii yshredii -len H. KRISHNA SASTRI. SCALE TWO-FIFTHS. Photo.-engraved & printer by Survey of India, Calcutta. 1994

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DIVX .Jovi No.15.1 ROCK INSCRIPTION OF AVAIBH APA FROM DEOGARH. 227 3 ILI 10 :01 #W avuto @IUBIT ara:[.] pAye mArge . atheyasImiyA mAtItuta santatiM yastatAna [..] Igleglede # ### Sha d es o lela sote on -&V BOX STIRROOOH vd kerong 9999 tk rod bil a main teil on dbull na W a tahind tilidado ti duhet obru ew re m ix T vie w s van xist added Bo Biot: aldagral od Loisiw si olidaridaderosols y obie stron aufi 20 ** Ibino daw na dak oris es awozdzM890, Vintas dias on esistentibus stao is afetarabalhal:9956994 Street T rans vi IS12Mo Rid pensidag staat glue t heir fans or emot for your ons en el ai l1 . vd X sasauro multafordit- of R994 di id) si bod y wil to 110 1971 bermotor od od uoitinti od) 10 W i re UVT NEM boste trend or 09: 35 idba inarolari ALALUHU Hritid oft niedt bedioami berteiflettentooid isadi va sawol er svodsot home, atrs to eyniddelbart ervali h .be/1970091 90 Ph illind it oude buts yo9tyd bailgate 19do Tatte 149SMA T3 i rog sdt toetustar od toegedig 2074 sou wearlowed to de 58 Soovee to ito ide rentetanggal i n en sets ? 085BAV I 1949 sier : TRANSLATION b. it e id sa loloddodiach i bebos autori von S W AT YR O ONID das of Mothere, the mothers of the tuniverse. having their, dwelling egaod yr hond word "haviate produs de for the preservation of the world be for your vino los ot lierists'i stort arrodon ator' i bocito ki turite arti ish ods Weld T daid Iburg b ila brasiment of the pure race of the thousand-rayed ji 1. (X. 22. There whe Cone) Gomilaka, the-brnament of the pare race of whaka meritoribus conditis Hofbqualled to this day by righteous mens '184 (V. 3), F9m him wash (Y3). From him was om keduvadqual to Vishplus-whone eatensive fame was well-known in the world, and who, of firm righteousness, produced progeny wf lofty, teputation which was iw o dobu firmly established in the primeval path of righteorino) ili w ym (Kalava), ha donated stamtbbeta of great prown, adorned with the handsome ornament of his traditional fatuity plety O bowit (V., 5). The multitude of whose eminent and countless virdaes - was not obsoured by Kali e virtues which encompassed in the direction by their lamirga and brilliant lustre, which feand an engga pakige everywherb) andlwhich incope, had early reached over the cities the residents Abode the gues/ just as the rays of the moon are not obocared by the though manifestuotty stitched to herty i row to b 8 Bhim yokmibhatay who honoured his suppliesnts, desirous as it were of excellel By him (SvAmibhata) who konod: HAPA MSHINN 2901 Store sent gifts, was caused to be madeAdib on this bill, a very costly and indestructible abode of the noro isc itto sto Mothers. .%This foremost (pratabtry weig totopoped by: Jath the son of Yakshadatta, and 1.14.20 ind of Diggrof polished intellectu l a ko to og LAN the reading witha has been kindly suggestto til bedii reati P517 39. 9 9 &ad to their fasts 2 sd by Mr. H. Sastri. * Read af. * After the word fra one or two syllables were first engraved and then scored-out, .1111X LYF [The expression rulet: may near who is clever i erigrarig! RTK

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128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. No. 16.-A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA. BY DAYA RAM SAHNI, RAI BAHADUR, M.A. The stone slab on which this inscription is engraved, was discovered by Mr. A. C. L. Carlleyle1 in 1875-76 at the Buddhist ruins near Kasia which has since been proved by successive excavations to represent in all probability the ancient site of Kusanagara where Gautama Buddha breathed his last or entered Mahaparinirvana. The exact spot where this discovery was made was on the south side of the door-way of the brick shrine in which the large blackstone image of the Buddha at the moment of his enlightenment, locally known as the Matha Kuar, was originally enshrined. This shrine turns out to be the chapel of a monastery of the 11th or 12th century A.D., and not an independent temple as Mr. Carlleyle presumably imagined. This monastery was excavated by Pt. Hirananda Sastri in 1911 and 1912. As the inscription which forms the subject of this paper, was found in this monument, it seems to me likely that this document recorded its erection. The loss of the latter portion of the inscription to be referred to later on is, therefore, much to be regretted. The slab is the blue stone of Gays of the same kind as the material of the colossal Bodhi statue, referred to above and must, likewise, have been brought from that District and inscribed and set up in the building where it has been recovered. Mr. Carlleyle had rubbings of this inscription made for Professor Kielhorn from which and certain others supplied by the Curator of the Lucknow Museum, the late Professor published a resume of the contents of the record in his Epigraphic Notes in Nachrichten von der Konigl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen Phil.-historische Klasse 1903, pp. 300 to 303. Professor Kielhorn did not edit any portion of the inscription. The text that I edit below was prepared in 1912 when I was Curator of the Provincial Museum at Lucknow and I believe I have succeeded in deciphering the whole of the record as far as it was decipherable. Besides, a fuller treatment of the inscription was necessary as this is the only record, so far known, of the branch of the Kalachuri family to which it belongs. The condition of the inscription is described in Professor Kielhorn's notes referred to and only salient points may be mentioned here. This slab is 36" wide and 173" high. The existing portion of the inscription contains 24 lines, but evidently some writing is lost at the end of it. The annexed plate will show the amount of damage that has occurred to the document from the peeling off of the surface, rendering illegible large portions of several lines and making other parts almost unreadable except with difficulty from the original stone. The size of letters ranges from " to " exclusive of the vowel marks. The smaller size of " occurs in the lower lines due evidently to considerations of space that was available on the slab when the engraver had reached a certain stage of his task. The characters are Nagari of the 11th or 12th century A.D. I agree with Professor Kielhorn that both the writer and the engraver have done their work carefully but, even so, a few mistakes have crept in. In 1. 9 we notice Nahusha spelt with gh in place of h. In four cases the anusvara in the body of words is replaced before the sibilants sa and sa by the nasal of one or other of the vargas. These are vansa for varia in 11. 10, 11 and 12 and rajahanet for rajahamsi in 1. 19. Sandhi is everywhere carried out except once in kalpataruh trijagat in 1. 19. As is usual in inscriptions of this period, the final consonants are sometimes written small, with a curved stroke beneath them, and the consonant va is written in place of ba. I have used the correct form throughout. The inscription is composed throughout in Saskrit verse with the exception of the invocation of the Buddha in the beginning of 1. 1. The metrical portion contains thirty verses and a few syllables of the 31st verse. Professor Kielhorn has published a list of 14. 8. B. Vol. XVIII, p. 68. 4. 8. R. for 1910-11, Part II, p. 68 and 1011-12, Pt. II, pp. 188 ff.

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No. 16.] A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA. 129 the first 29 stanzas indicating the metre of each and the number of the line of the inscription in which each verse ends or would have ended had the document been better preserved. As to the metres of these stanzas, I agree to Professor Kielhorn's list, except in regard to the 28th verse, where he doubtfully makes the metre Vamiastha, though it is more probably Rathoddhata, the space being just enough for 44 syllables and the scheme of the extant last pada as read by me being that of the Rathoddhata metre. In respect of its contents the document is divisible into three portions, namely, (1) the invocations of deities (vv. 1-5), (2) the mythical and legendary portion of the genealogy (vv. 6-12), and (3) the historical portion. In connection with verses 4 and 5 it is interesting to observe that the two Nandi verses of the Buddhist drama, the "Nagananda ", also invoke the Buddha under the epithets of Jina and Munindra, the appellations in our inscription being Tathagata and Munindra. In connection with the second section, it is to be observed that in v. 8 the marriage of Badha with Ila, the daughter of Mana, is also mentioned though it is overlooked in Prof. Kielhorn's resume. It is also noteworthy that while the Kahla plate inscription of Sodhadoval of another branch of the Kalachuri dynasty mentions Kpitavirya after Haihaya the Harivarhsa has as many as seven kings between Haihaya and Kritavirya. The names of these seven kings are (1) Dharmanetra, (2) Kartta, (3) Sahanja, (4) Mahishman, (5) Bhadraerenya, (6) Darddama and (7) Kanaka. The historical portion of the genealogy begins with v. 13 and embraces the rest of the preserved portion of the document. The founder of the branch of the Kalachuri dynasty represented by the present epigraph was Sankaragana as was Lakshmana-raja of the other branch referred to in the preceding paragraph. My text of the Kasia inscription elucidates two or three obscure points in the summary of Prof. Kielhorn, and furnishes the names of one or two other kings which are omitted by him. In the first place Prof. Kielhorn was doubtful about the relationship of the third king Lakshmana (I) (v. 16) to his predecessor Nannaraja. My reading of the verse clearly makes him a son of Nanna-raja. The same remark applies to the next king Siva-raja (I) (v. 18) who must bave been a son to Lakshmana (I). Again Prof. Kielhorn's summary makes Rajaputra (v. 20) the son of Bhimata (I) mentioned in v. 19. It now appears that the term rajaputra is only a title of Lakshmana (II) not mentioned in Prof. Kielhorn's notes, who was in all probability the son of Bhimata. The last king (v. 27) mentioned in the extant portion of the record is Bhimata (II), son of Kanchana probably the wife of Lakshmanaraja II or of another king whose name may have disappeared in v. 26. It is impossible to ascertain whether the inscription was set up in the time of this prince (Bhimata II) or whether the missing portion contained the names of one or more other princes, Nor is it possible, for the same reason, to say what the object of the inscription was. The only place mentioned in the epigraph is Saivayas (verse 17) to which Lakshmana resorted after having entered & fort whose name is missing. The verse mentioned above describes it as a mountainous district (fikhari-vishayah) which was the residence of Sibi the son of Usinara. Prof. Kielhorn proposed to identify this locality with Seweya, sitasted a few miles south or south-east of Kasia. I have nothing to say against this suggestion, for the place must have been situated somewhere in the vicinity of Kasia where the inscription has been found, though it must be observed that the village Seweya, which I personally inspected, is situated on perfectly level ground and not in a mountainous region. In an interesting article on the Shorkot inscription of the year 83, Dr. Vogel has discussed the history of the Sibi tribe 1 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VII, pp. 86 seq. Haridania, Calcutta edition of 1889, adhyaya 38, v. 1845-50. Saivaya appears to be a mistake for Saivya ( Sini + the safix aya), i.e., the country or city of the sibis (The metre requires such a form which might be nidha.-Ed.] * Epigrapbia Indica, Vol. XVI, pp. 15-17.

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130 Alam MOS EPIGRABRIS INDICA ISUHOLAYA [VOL. XVIII ... at sonde length ft According to the Mahabharatay. this tribe lived in the westera toof Indin. Dr. Las consider the Siboi, one of the tribes.subaned by Alexander, the Great, to be identical with the Sibia of the ancient Indian literature and Mr. Smith in his Early History of India "locates them in the Doab of the Hydagpes and Hydratin The inscription referred to above appears to show that the mound at Sharkoty where the record bas been found marks the site of Sibipura which Dr. Vogel believes to have been the capital of the Sibis. It thus becomes evident that the Sibis, were at one time masters of the greater part of Northern India. 201 The name of the king who had this inscription installed is lost in the lower obliterated portion of the record, and we know nothing about him beyond the fact, as we gather from versen 1-5, that though. Buddhist by faith, he revered, along with the Buddha and Tara, the Brahmanical god siva. This is in keeping with the state of the society, during the period to which the inscription belongs and we are aware of Bali lagena, king of Bengal, who in the beginning the bin migawes, a Buddhist, but turned Spina, A hir later life. At the Buddhist trine of Sarnath.and pther, ancient sites, Brahmanical images have been found side by side with Buddhistiques, in the shrings of the late, medieval period. Further proof of the reconciliation of Hinduism and Buddhism during this perioda sorded by certain. Mon inscription Burme L'ecording the consentation and dedication 20f69 great regions building pr Palace" the cere; monial lasted a number of days and Brahman astrologers as well as Buddhist monks took part in it. This process of harmonising the two faiths must, however, have begun much earlier syphe attainaalhandda of Harlsha, to which reference been made above represents an Windovtea atent in the direction, for dowell not find in 4 the Bodhisattva Jimatavahana worshipping the Brakmanical gods and father Jimitakda leading the life of an agnihotrin after his retiremenit? TEXT, ** Metales a vv.17, 15,29 and 30 Sragdharau wi2, 3, 6, 10 and 12 Sardalavikntdita. i 4 Faksastha ; 49: 5, 13, 14, and <17 Mandakranta w.8, 9, 11, 16, 19, 20, 24, 25 and 27 Vasantatildket a iv. 18 Sikharini; w 21 to 23 and 26 Arya; , 28 Rathoddhatan] 1) itqu (Drestid * Tartu AT utu pricepetitfa: ** afan a nistfqafe ario praamr A i mit pietro . U TRESetela daghigan fantaa . He m 3111 Vouw 2017 atid nadwagfarrefer the i s do STOU TO KO to agurround Joviat 2.0 LA R T. ARTHAFSTELLU E cuatrots fuftuat la figura dut Lidia Bug 12 tane ****seed #ot b ut ***** FICK H of. The Modern Buddhim and followers Orica by N. A. Yapu Antroduction by Mahamabopa! dhyaya Haraprapas Sastri, . 2. id viitab ox hgregon frouloi etapiau to ou si Reports of the Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Borms for tho year ending 81st March 1912, PP: 1416, and 1918, pp. 22-23, and Epigraphia Birmanica, Vol. fir, Pt. 11, p.. 7 $1 1 be remembered that Mr. A. C. L. Carlleyle resa ti burgund on wamo BudaXdyha namo Buddhaya bhiksbuneti Professor) Klelborn has shown that what Mr. Carileyle and ad Shikshume is really yafutin which commencer vervele. Ho hiphself read the first Buddhaya & Rudraga A elose examination of the passage on: the original stone leaves no doubt, howeyer, that it is really ruddhaya, i.e., who has subjected himself. The sub, joined consonant of the second syllable. of the word has decidedly & closed loop like the ddha of Buddhaya (1.1) acd is distinct from dra in chandrama (1. 8), narendra (1. 19) and haiglad i h (1.27) (The word must be Iudraya as indicated by the first 2 verses in prate of Sansek ] H ere, we wight restore the words tad pahontana. The syllable sam is written below the line. W

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No. 16.) A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA, 131 tatkAlA(lo)citacAracATughaTanAparyAvaMDosatva[] paulastyorjitadoIyo - - pAyA: suciraM tayA satAyolavA pAraH // [2] mUrtidhammamayI chapArasava ceto viNDA dhiyaH mace maitraguNAnurAgasubhage yAntAbhinIto karo / khe]vaM samatAnubhAsa[na] --adhi(vi)yaM khAM tanaM vibhANA bhavatAM sukhAni banutAM sArA ci(vi)lokezvarI // [*] jayatvasaMjAtavicitravAsanA[guNA]nurAgocca(bjvaladhostaponidhiH / tathAgataH stambhitamArasundaramahotsava: siMhagaNaira[bhi] [STutaH][187 zreyaH satvI(svo)pati]paramiM] pazyatA' yena tattasvaprANairapyatithi[7] lataM kortitaM ya[kathA]bhiH ] [yogaizvaryAjjagati subaDUna sa(sa)mvi(vi)dhAyAvatArAn [kati kAra[yai]kapa [rabhavaH [sadAso suna[1] yahIjaM jagatAM layasthitividhI yavekSamAlambanaM devo dekhaniSUdanaH sa bhagavAnbayApamagreisajat] / tinA] cijagabapataracanAcArAvidhIkasA saptAci[pramukhAH [prajAdhipatayo dhyA[khA] [sa] mutpAditA [*] tavAtristrINi divyAnyanata zivANImarANA mavyApAtma hasAnya(kha)nimibakkoDArAmatapamA / tahIryAdAyanevAdalani madizo] bhAjayotirodhaH --vimmAbhivambanirapatanidhibandramAH prabhavataH[] - tamAdajAyata sudhIH smarahamakAnti I originally rand these threr Hables as to-taga. I owe the reading in the text to the kindaen of Mr. H. Sastri. cf. Haritamfa, Calcutta, 1889, Adhyaya 25, v. 1814-16, whore Atari' iphone panenou i dasoribed. anucaraMjAma tapo na ta mhrpuraa| cauSi sAmASi divyAgovinaH bn| borivasatastha zivasvAnimivasya / B2

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII 9 rindoranindhamahasI yazasAnivAsaH["]] lokatrayepi budha ityabhigItanAmA [panI]milAmayamavApa [ma] [nokhana] jA(jAm) [-] pAsIttatopi jagadagutarUpakIrtirAdhAntavistRtayathAstanayastapodhi:[1"] yenIvaMzI vibudhalIkamapAsya sarve reme ciraM saha pururavase samUH [] pAyu[stasya sutastatopi] nadhuM()[cAramA] [bayAti svasau tasvIvIpatayI yaduprakRtayaH pacAbhavavAlajAH / / sUnucApi yadoH sAsada iti syAtaH citIzIbhavat pailokyAcitavA(vaMza)vistRtirabhUttanApuma[saMhayaH] [ // 1.] --u-uuu 10 11 13 rAnanditeca bhagavAnsa babhUva bo (vaMze) / yaH kArtavIrya iti puskhatamAbhidhAnaH ebI prayorapi guradhikaurviniye / [11] madivasya purA purANavidhinA vAlabhU -~---uv-v-uv lematestadevAdhipe [*] tasmibatimAsane bimaparaM cintAmayImapyasau tatkAlekhabadApatabavinayaprApti pranAkhAmRgat // [12] vA(vaMza) tasya prathitamAsaH samprahatte trilokI ----Uuuuum-u--u--- - zAragaNa iti khyAtamUrtirva(ba)bhUva * prota: prAdArakha mira. puraNicisahAya yI [13] tasmAdurthInivasanasarinAthaparyantakotteMdoSApAyaprasabhavila[sa*]hikhavagyodayavIH / zrImAn bane ravi[riva]-- ---

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No. 16.] A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA. 14 - sopahitavasudhApAvano navarAjaH [14] yasenAsundarIbhirvavatilakalatAlAtInyApagA[nA mukha maGgalIlAsamadhikaramaNIyAni patyA mukhAni / bhAjabecotpalAni mitanalinadalAtAmalokhAdharAf [Na] ----U--uuuuuu [sa]saI vISitAni [...] tasvAsapabaghanakIrtilatAvitAnasaMcAditAkhiladigantatanostanUvaH / zrIlAlaH bapitavairibasaH pratApaH 'pratvaSavigrahaparigrahavAnivAsIt [...] eka[ko]daramayana[yo] ----------- bhimukhamotirAvizva durga / pacAdIyaH zikhariviSayaM vayAkhyaM sa bheje mAsarvasvaM tadapi hi "miyaH khAnamausInarasya' [17] pabhUdIyastayAdavanivalayasAsva suyayAH .. gatutaoufafan te vu--vuu- [*] 16 [jita] iti kora[pi] jatI pratItaH sarvamicagati zivarAjaH ziva va [18] tasvAtmano narapatirabhavabujammA barakhopamAgurugakanidhiH zitImaH[1"] bIbhI[ma]Ta: sabha[8] - - -- 1 The syllable na is written below the line. . The rending of the word pratyaksha has been kindly supplied by Mr. H. Buutri. * In verse 17, Mr. H. Sestri suggests tikhari-vishayan and gire ia place of filhari-pislam and Sive me originally read by me. The last akshana of the first word is damagad, bat Mr. H. Sastri's reading gives better sense and I have adopted it. There is, however, no doubt as to the correctnew of my own roading of Sibe) (H00 next tootnote). According to the Haricana, Sibi was one of the five sons of Uhinars of the Paru bracel of the Lanar raco. He was the founder of the Sibl tribe. uaunarastha palpanu paJca rASivaMzanA: .................... pAhatyA' saba zivirauzInarI nRpaH vicetu zivavakSAta ...... (Harivanda,Adhyiyaan,w.1874-79).

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134 18 19 20 21 22 nirvyAjamArjanakalAkumAsi [zrI][ma] ca pariSatAkhi[sa] cApayiSyaH // (1) pAsIvRpANayatAnyatipatya gheNe yaM rAjaputra' iti nAma zivarAjastava sutaH miya EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 11 yA tasyAsa dharmapatnI vizvapacacayA hitacchAyA bhUdeti bhUtibhAvo mAnasamA rAjahI (haMsI) va (i) [23] ta[mA] candrAdasaGgasu -U [1 "] 3 --- jagati lakSmaNarAjadevaH // [24* ] yenAvacitiSu nirakSapAta nirbhideririkRtIvimuH / kAphale masavibhAtra mizrI -- [kavyare: ] [] cijagadabhigItako birendracUDAmapi // [22] [kalpataruH guNaprasUta (ti) [:] / va sarvvArthakovidaH ( ) [20*] samabhU [t] [i] tapanapura [vizvama: ] ci... [u] [21* ] S [n] [re] U tasyAmaso narapatiH pracatArica cUDAmaNiprakarabhAkharapAdapIThaH / zrIbhomaTaM vikaTapika [a] sammakIrti tA kAcanA bAma [2*] Vv [VOL. XVIII. [s] [25] [n] [20] 12121222-211212 Javva[ya] kathayanti sAye [ka] [18* ] kAmaH kakhadumAyAmatudinakhananamakriyAroDaca ci[ntAvi] tara 1 Like Professor Kielhorn, I first interpreted this word as the proper name of a king. I accept Mr. H. Sustri's suggestion that rajaputra is here only a title. I originally read these letters as mat, but Mr. H. Sastri's suggestion that it might be suta, appears to be more plausible.

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No. 16.) A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA. 133 23 ---U U UUUUU-- - - - - ----U--uuuuuU--u--u-- [] [RE] ---- - Eufera vuu--U--u-- ara HTC] v--u-- - ----U--uuuuuu--U--u-- Vuuuuuu [][RO] . . . . TITIET . . 24 . TRANSLATION Omh! Salutation to the Self-controlled, salutation to the Buddha ! Verse 1. May the eternal vision of Siva, who destroys the threefold' fear of (mundane) existence, protect us or you, the vision) which is subtle and unique, which is luminous after having cat agunder the knot of dense and extensive darkness by the sword of knowledge which is hostile to the assembly of the entire multitude of all the sense-organs; which shines in various superhuman aspects such as the manifest, etc., and which gladdens. ........... V. 2. May Sankara defend you for a long time, (Sankara) who is engaged in coaxing entreaties befitting the occasion on seeing Parvati averse (to him) on account of anger through jealousy due to his salutation to Sandhya; (and) who (Sankara) at that very moment obtains the pleasure of a violent embrace (given) by her (Parvati) frightened (by the Kailasa mountain being lifted up) by the two mighty arms of Ravana). 8 V. 3. May Tara, the mistress of the three worlds, extend enjoyments to you, (Tara) who bears her body (which is beautified) by the law of the Buddha in this way :-(her) form (is) an embodiment of piety; (her) mind (is) replete with the sentiment of mercy; (her) intellect (is) clear; (her) eyes (are) beautiful with love for the merit of friendship (and her) hands are disposed in a peaceful posture. v 4. Victorious is the Buddha, the ascetic, whose intellect is bright on account of the absence of partiality for the three) qualities and desires of various kinds, who having curbed the triumphant joy of Mara was extolled by the groups of Siddhas. . 7.5. Who, seeing the highest bliss in the welfare of the sentient beings has performed good actions of various kinds for the sake of the needy even at the cost of his own life, which (actions) are eulogised in stories; (and) who, having assumed by (his) power of yoga very many incarnations in the world, was always the sole (repository) of mercy; such is the lord of sages. V. 6. That God Vishnu (Bhagavan) the Destroyer of Demons, who is the root cause of the worlds and the sole support in the processes of dissolution and maintenance, created Brahman in the beginning. And by him (Brahman) who is the store house of the art of skill in the creation * See note on the text. Ed. ? In the translation, the word triparuta has been construed with prabhava-bhaya, the three dangers in question being birth, old age and death (cf. Vairagyu-Sataka, verze 7). Or possibly the three miseries Adhyatmika, etc., are meant. The word might, however, equally well be rendered as an adjective to jyotin like faeatar in the same line. This episode is frequently & Naded to in the Puranas and other Sanskrit literature. Cf. Situpalatadha, 1, vorse 30. This is a meno conjectare.

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII of the threefold universe, were quickly created through meditation the seven lords of creation beginning with Atri. V. 7. Of them (the Prajapatis) Atri, the leader of the learned, practised the penance known as Anuttara for three thousand divine years with winkless eyes, without cessation. Through his prowess, of his (Atri's) noble eye was born the moon, who, a mass of light, lit up the ten directions, whose light is pleasing to the whole universe and who is the repository of nectar. V. 8. From him, the moon of irreproachable resplendence, was born the wise one, brilliant like pure gold, a store-house of fame, who is celebrated as Budha in all the three worlds. He took for his wife Na, the daughter of Mana. V. 9. From him (Budha) again was born) a pious son ; who enjoyed a wondrous fame in the world, whose glory extended up to the limits of the quarters : with whom, Paruravas, Urvast of beautiful eye-brows discarding the entire body of gods lived happily for a long time here on this earth). V. 10. His (Puraravas's) son was Ayns; from him (Ayus) sprang Nahusha; and from him (Nahusha) the famous Yayati. His (Yayati's) sons were five kings Yadu, eto. And the son of Yadu, too, was the king known as Sahasrada. From him (Sahasrada) again (sprang) Haihaya whose vast dynasty was honoured by the three worlds. V. 11. In this dynasty gladdened by kings of ............. virtues, there was the fortunate one who had the lacky name of Karttaviryas and who governed the earth by virtues excelling those of Prithu. V. 12. During the reign of) that king the same path (was followed) by (all) sentient beings as (was established) by ancient custom for the universe. What more should be said, during the esteemed rule of that (king), he being equipped with a missile took immediate notice of the approach of misconduct in the very thought of his subjects, and checked it at once. V. 13. In the family of him (Karttavirya) of extensive glory .... there was Sankaragana of prominent appearance; to whom Purajit (Siva) being pleased instantly granted an emblem of his own. V. 14. From him (Sankaragana), whose fame (spread) up to the ocean which is a garment of the Earth, sprang the illustrious Nannaraja whose rising power which was honoured by the universe shone intensely on account of the absence of faults like the Sun whose glorious rige worshipped by the universe shines violently at the close of the night, (and) who purifies the Earth of ......... V. 15. Whose (Nannaraja's) forces cast longing eyes on the shores of the Lord of the streams adorned with young tilaka (trees) which are exceedingly beautiful on account of the sport of rising (waves) which resemble eye-brows, which have blue lotuses for bright eyes, petals of whito lotuses for their smile and reddish (ones) for their fickle lower lips; just as damsels behold eagerly the faces of their husbands which are adorned with fresh tilaka marks, which are extremely handsome on account of the sportive and prominent knitting of brows, which have bright eyes like blue lotuses, emiles like petals of white lotages and restle-s lower lips like reddish lotuses. [The subject of the verse ipApagAnA patyA and the object is pApagAnA [mukhAni] "The ocean who is the lord of the rivers, saw with surprise the faces of his wives (.e., rivers) (viz., river ouths) adorned etc...,..' by the women in his (i.e., Nannaraja's) forces."Ed.] Prajapatis were the Maharishis whom Brahman created to assist him in the work of creation. According to the Mama-Smriti, L. 85, these sages were ten in number. 1 The Kahls plate inscription of Sodhadeva referred to above and the Harivanha, v. 1850, give Arjuna as the name of this king who was the son of Kritavirya.

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No. 16.] A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA. 137 V. 16. He (Nannaraja), the creeper-canopy of whose unrivalled dense fame had covered the entire body of the quarters, had a son (named) the illustrious Lakshmana (1) who had destroyed the strength of his enemies (and) was, as it were, glory (itself) which had assumed a visible body. V. 17. . . . . . having, entered a fort. . . . . afterwards that lord (eriLakshmana) resorted to a mountainous district named Saivaya which was the sum total of the universe and the residence of Sibi Ausinara. V. 18. From him (Lakshmana) was born the famous lord of this wide world named Sivaraja (I) who..... brilliant... ... with (his) prowess resembling the light of the flame created by Aurva3 (Rishi), who was more successful even than Kirtti, and was famous in the whole world like Siva. V. 19. The son of that king (Sivaraja) was the Lord of the Earth, the illustrious Bhimata (I) of fortunate birth, the sole repository of the multitude of qualities and all comparisons. ... good warriors,. . . . . a sword dexterous in the art of deceitless destruction (of the wicked) V. 20...... there was the illustrious Lakshmana (II)5 who had mastered all the feats of bowmanship (and) whom the title, the son of a king, the source of virtues, befitted more appropriately than hundreds of (other) princes. V. 21. His (Lakshana's) son was Sivaraja (II) (who) was conversant with all topics, like Siva who. . . . . . confusion in the circle of (his) enemies. V. 22. ... there was born the crest-jewel of kings, whose fame was sung in the three worlds, who was the desire-granting-tree of. V. 23. That prosperous king had a heart-captivating wife named Bhuda of noble descent on both sides, whose patronage was beneficial (or who had a clear complexion) like a female goose going to the Manasa lake and casting the shadow of both her white wings. V. 24. From him? (Bhuda's husband) was born Lakshmanarajadeva (III).... in the world. V. 25. By whom (Lakshmanarajadeva). . . . . . . . with pearls dropped from the broad temples of the elephants of the enemies split asunder by hard strokes of the sword on the battle field, (pearls) which are mixed with tears resembling the trickling saffron. V. 26... named Kanchana, the daughter of.... V. 27. On her (Kanchana), that king (Lakshmanarajadeva) whose footstool was illumined by the multitude of the crest-jewels of the circle of prostrating enemies, begot the illustrious Bhimata II who had earned fame by his fierce prowess. 1 Prof. Kielhorn was doubtful about the relationship of Lakshmana to Nannaraja. 2 Here, too, Prof. Kielhorn's query about this king being the son of Lakshmana should be deleted. Aurva was a descendant of Bhrigu. Karttavirya intent on destroy: g the descendants of Bhrigu destroyed the children even in the wombs of the women of that family. One of these women secreted her embryo in her thigh. Hence the child that was born was called Aurva. At the very sight of him, the sons of Karttavirya were struck with blindness and his wrath produced a flame which threatened to destroy the whole world. The reading of this passage is almost certain, but who the Kirtti was, that is referred to here, cannot be ascertained. This name is not noticed by Prof. Kielhorn. * The name of the king in this verse has disappeared in the missing portion of the stanza. 1 Prof. Kielhorn's summary here reads "her son Lakshmanaraja (II)". The first word of the stanza is, however, most probably tasmat. This lady would appear to have been the wife of Lakshmanarajadeva (III) mentioned in v. 24.

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138 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII No. 17.--SRIRANGAM COPPER-PLATES OF DEVARAYA II; SAKA-SAMVAT 1356. By S. V. VISWANATHAN, M.A., MANNARGUDI, AND THE LATE MR. T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., TRIVANDRUM. This is another set of copper-plates of the Vijayanagara king Devaraya II in the possession of the authorities of the Sri-Ranganatha temple at Srirangam (see above, Vol. XVII, No. 8). It was examined by the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, in his Ep. Rep. for 1906, and noted as No. 19 of App. A. We edit the inscription below from inked estampages kindly supplied by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. The description of the plates as noted on his office copy runs as follows: "Three plates in a ring in the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam." The following further details may be added : The inscription is written on three copper-plates with a ring hole at the top. The first and third plates are engraved only on their inner sides. They measure 11:3' in length including the arch at the top, and 7" in breadth. The hole has a diameter of .75". The first and second plates are numbered at the left hand top corner with the Kannada numerals 1 and 2 and the word puta in Nagart; the third plate bears the Kannada numeral 3 just below the ring hole. The rims of the plates are slightly raised. The writing runs across the breadth of the plates, is legible and devoid of any erasures. The average height of a letter is 25". The inscription is in the Nandi-Nagari characters. But the signature Sri-Virupaksha at the end is in Kannada. The Tamil letters and have been used in lines 51, 58, 65, the latter being sometimes expressed by a repha marked above the letter ra (e.g., in 11. 50, 51, 53). The languages employed are Sanskrit which is largely the language of the inscription and Tamil (Desabhasha) which is used in describing the details of the property granted. The latter is here and there interspersed with a few Kannada words. The orthographical peculiarities to notice in this inscription are:-the insertion of an anusvara before and and the labial m, e.g., punnya for punya (11.4 and 12), sdimrajya for samrajya (1. 20) and hirannya for hiranya (1. 66); the doubling of consonant after an anusvara, as in bhrantta (1. 30), intta for inda (1. 47), manchchal (1. 49); and the omission of the visarga or the consequent doubling of: in chatuslma (1. 88) and praptai sarvair and ayai samanvitam (1. 44). The genealogy of the first Vijayanagara dynasty, given in the inscription, runs thus : Sangama. Bukka (I). Harihara (II). Devaraja (or Davaraya) I.. Vijayariya. Devariya Mabaraja II. 1 Originally, it appears as if only two villages were granted by these three plates, but after reconsideration the number of villago. was changed to five and a revised second plata was added without, however, destroying the original second plate for which this was substituted. Thus there are now four plates in the set, the second of which has to be deleted inasmuch as the revised fresh plate hai to take its place. Care was taken to begin the revised second plate with the same word w in the old plate and and it similarly with the same word. as in the old one, so that the pawne might fit in with the contert of the Art and the third plates, though in the middle fow more worses in prime of Denariys II and some knee regarding the additional villages were added. The odd plate which Mr. Venkayys noted under . Bemarlo in his Ep. Rap. for 1906, App. A., No. 20, was perhaps the original second plate.

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No. 17.) BRIRANGAM PLATES OF DEVARAYA II. 139 The date of the grant is expressed by the chronogram raseshurdmachandra=1356 of the Saks era which corresponded to the cyclic year Ananda, the Paurnimi day of Vaisakha. On this day and on the occasion of the Handduaratha-mahadana, the king granted the five villages of Kulamanikyanallar alias Nacohikrurohohi, Tiruvaranganallur, Rama. nirayananallur, Kumarakkudi, and Rajanarayananallfir, These villages were situated in Chola-mandala and in the Trisirappalli-rajya. The first three villages were on the southern bank of the river Kaveri, in Rajagambhira-valanalu. The last two villages were on the northern bank of the Kaverl,-Kumarakkudi being situated in the western half of Mala-nadu and Rajan rynnanallar being in the eastern half of the same division. Thus the villages given lay on either bank of the Kavert. Of these places, Nachchikurchchi is the village Nachohikkurichi in the Trichinopoly Taluk. The donee was Valiyadimaini layitta-Perumal-Uttamanambi, son of Uttamanambi, who belonged to the Kasyapa-gotra Rik-sakha and the Asyalayana-sutra. He was the sthanapati of the Srirangam temple and the above said villages were evidently granted to him for oonducting the daily worship of the god Sriranganatha. A large number of taxes and incomes acorning from the villages are enumerated in the inscription such as those on nanjai (wet-land), pufjai (dry-land), kamuku (areca grove), karnnu, vaippu (Margo-a), tennamaram (coconut trees), kolundu, valai (plantain trees), karumbu (sugarcane), manjal (turmeric), Aji (ginger), Serikalunir (flower) and other van-payir (minor cultivation); vasal-vari, por-kadamai, tari-kkadamai (tax on looms), mara-kka damai (tax on trees), fekku-ka damai (tax on oil mills), mavadai, maravadai, kulavadai, idatoras, pulvari, mandai-kandorram, olugu-nir-pattam, ullayam, vil-param, maghamas, mallayi-maghamai, ina-vari, nattu-kanikkai, kaddayam, kirukula-vitesham, arabuperu, nallerudu (good bull), nal-kida (good sheep), nal-pasu (good cow), palatali, arisi-kanam, talaiyarikkam, madarikkai, rdyasavarttanai, avasaravarttanni, katfigevarttanai, karanike, jodi, nirupivari (water tax), nattukanakkuvari akkasa levari, ala manji, aligam (servioe), etc. The above list includes taxes and customary dues levied in ancient times. We have not the means of knowing the proportion of the taxes to the prodaoe, the right incidence of taxation, etc. It is elear, however, that no produce from the land or any other property was left antaxed. The various kinds of proceeds from the villages, as enumerated in our record, disclose how carefully municipal taxes were levied in South India under Vijayanagara kings. The incomes granted to the donee included vari (revende taxes), magamai and surika (tolls). The donee Valiyadimainilayita-Peruma!- Uttamanambi who, under the name Uttamanambi, has been already referred to in the Srirangam Plates of Harihararaya-Udaiyar III (above, Vol. XVI, page 223), is said in the Koyilolugu-the temple history of Srirangam in Tamil-to have made some additions and repairs to the Ranganitha temple. The same work also refers to him by the names Maynilaiyitfa-Uttamanambi and Ellainilaiyitta-Uttamanambi. Two other relations of his who, like himself, had been the managers of the temple were Periyakrishnar yaUttamanambi and Tirumalain tha-Ulamanambi. The Lakshmikavya, a Banskrit poem written by the latter, gives the genealogy of the family as under : In the Kabyapa-gdtra. Chakrasiya Uttamariya (posnesed royal insignia and managed the Rangwobba temple) Timnanarys (became & sangasin) Uttama-Chakrariya m. Lakshmi Krisbna Rama Tirumalaabiha Kidalanravala-Nayipar

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XVIII. In the above pedigree, Uttamaraya the brother of Chakraraya must be identical with the dinee of our grant. According to the Koyilolugu,l he set up an image of Garuda in front of the central shrine of Ranganatha in Saka 1387 and replaced the image of Rama, which was originally installed by Vikrama-Chola bat which was destroyed by the Musalmans. It is also stated that he obtained from Gajavettai Pratapa-Devarayamabaraya for himself the sole management of the Ranganatha temple, and the title Chakruraya for his brother and that he was in power from Saka 1340 to 1366. The inscription states that the verses were composed by Rajase hara. We do not find mention of the name of Rajasekbars in any of the hitherto known grants of the first Vijayanagara dynasty. We find that some inscriptions of the time of Devaraya II were engraved by one Muddappa. TEXT. [Metres : v. 1 and 2, 4 to 36, 43 to 46 and 48 Anushfubh; vv. 3, 37 and 42 Sardalarikridita ; vy. 38 and 47 Salini ; vv. 39, 40 and 41 Arya-Gui.] First Plate. 1 zrogaNAdhipataye namaH / kalyANAyAstu jagatAM kAruNyaM kalabhA2 nanaM / anAdiyunoH zivayorAnaMdAitakaMdi][1] sa pAyAtma3 tataM mAyAvarAho vadanena yaH / jagadAtmA jalanidhanagatImu. 4 dadaudharat [2] kAverI dayAbhirAmapugine (pu)sthe jaganmaMga(ke) caM. 6 drAMbhojavatItaTIparisare dhAtrA sama[*]rAdhite / zrIraMge bhu[*]geM6 drabhogazayane lakSmImahIsevite zete ya: puruSottamaH sa bha7 gavAnarAyaNaH pAtu vaH / / *] namastuMgaziraghubicaMdracAmaraca[*]ra8* vai / vailokyanagarAraMbhamU[*]staMbhAya zaMbhave / / *] pasti kSIrANavI nAma 9 vidazAyuSyakArakhaM / uttaMsopavanaM zabhoza dhyA(zA)taprabhavI ha. 10 re: / 5*] tatIjani' sudhAsUtizsa(sma)hAyaH puSpadhanvanaH / murArAmanayanaM 11 mUltaramApate: / / "] satsUnoH saumyato jAtA bAhujA bAhuza12 linaH / purUrava:pramRtayaH (puNyazlokapurasmarA' / / 7*] tatkule satku18 lanidhiryadurnAma tRpojani / taiMze saMgamo jane saMgamasma14 saMpadA [ 8*] tatsuto bulabhUpo bhUt zauryadhairyanivAsabhUH / mahArA 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XL., P. 141 it. .. From ink-impressions supplied by M. R. By. Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. * Read degbAbA. fa of offer is inserted above the line a: is a correction from fa:. * has in addition the consonantai sign ot ra. * 1 is inserted below the line. 'bhU is corrected from bhI Read bhako .

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No. 17.] SRIRANGAM PLATES OF DEVARAYA II. 15 jo hariharastatsUnuraziSanmahIM / / *] devarAjobhavattasya naMdanaH 16 sAdhunaMdana | doIMDakhaMDitAratimaMDala khaMDavikramaH / [ 10* ] tato vi 17 jayarAjobhUtsarvavidyAsudhabudhiH / nijAnnAmAni jaga 18 draccAvicacaNaH / [ 11 ] svatasulabha saurabhya sArasvata sarakhataH / ta19 sva RSyaMti sudhiyaH sudhAnidhaMdayA girA / / 12* ] tadAtmajo devarAya20 mahArAjaH pratApavAn / satvasAdhita sarvorvosAM (sA) yAjyaH saMprakA21 zate / [ / 12*] kUrmeNa kuMDalIdreNa kuMjareca kulAcale / durvahAM yo mahIM 22 dhatte keyUramakaromiva // [ 14* ] dAritArAtibhUpAladuvaisAvisra23 gadhinI' / yasya khar3alatA sUte surabhiM kIrttimaMjarIM / [ 15* ] yasya ko 24 rttimaye dugdhapArAvAre prasarpati / sphuraMti buDudAkArA [: *] sphA 25 rA brahmAMDa koTayaH / [ / 20 karNatALasamIraNa yasya 27 gADhAghAtoditadhvaniH / yadri[](Na) - 15*] diggajA yena saMhRSTAM [: *] sarvAmAlaMghanonmukhIM / 141 Second Plate; First Side. kIrtimavojayan / / 17* ] yasyAsi: manukoTIrabhAti svaryoSitAmeSa tavetyupoSayaMni ( yaciva / [ 16 ] 28 khakharaMkSusyai rajobhirakSaNaM nabhaH / vibhAti vIrazrImuktaH krIDArthairiva kuM29 kumaiH / [ 18* ] yasya kIrtyAvadAteSu bhuvaneSu mahaujasaH / anIlaM jAyate 30 sadyasthi (bi) taddiSatAM yazaH / [ 20*] yasya pratApasUryAMzasaMtaptA bhrAMtA (ta) di31 taTAH / bhUyopi vairibhUpAlA [ yaccha] chavaM manyate gatiM / [ 21* ] yatkIrtighanasA32 rasya' brahmAMDaM tu karAM (raM) DakaM / yadIyamukhalAvaM (va) vyabiMduriMdoSa maM[7] - 38 laM / [ 22*] yasthAtapatracaMdreNa bhAti nakSatramaMDalaM / madhye kha[ci*]tamAceMdra34 nIlopalakaLaMkinA / [ 23* ] yatkarAMbhojamAsAdya tyAgalaMcprogaroya[sau] [["] 35 pazadAruzilAsaMgaparivAdaM vimuMcati / [ 24 ] visirAmazirAjye36 smin kAveryA dakSiNe taTe / rAjagaMbhIravaLanADaMtare coLamaM 37 Dale / [ 25 ] kulamAthikAnazUrAnanAzcikurthipazikA / saptasaptative[sya]38 [] velinaM caivAnvitA / [1 24*] siha sAdhyabhuvA sArdhaM catusI (mI)mAsamanvitA / tiruva 39 raMganazarca catuSkImAsamanvitaM / [ 27* ] rAmanArAyaNanacUr catuti (sI)mA40 samanvitaM / [etaDrA ] matrayaM cAtra kAveryA uttare taTe / [ 28 ] makanADaMtare pU[rvA ] - * Road bAvara. 1 There is an extra length-sign for T. Rend gambinI. * suvA] and are entered below the line, their omission being denoted by nstorisks.

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142 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII, 41 parayoH khaMDayoyI: [1] kumArabuDIti pazyekA pathime khaMDake tata: [18] pakSi catukhI 42 rAjanArAyaNanazUra pakSI ca pUrvaka [] etaGgrAmadayaM zA (cA) va 48 mAsamanvitaM / [1] taTavISabhavItatkAveryA grAmapaMcakaM [ 1"] prApta44 strI (sI) mAnvitaM prApta sa ( sa ) vairAyai sa ( sa ) manvitaM / " AyAnAM nAmadheyAni likhyate 45 dezabhASayA / [31 * ] pAkakuTaya vivara 1 ubhayamArga poraMpAka' kuja (ka)mA 46 cikAnazUrAna nAcikursi tiruvaraMganazUra rAmanArAyaNa - cetuM maMce (je) 47 nahUra kumAraku (ku) Dipani rAjamArAyaNanahUr iMta (da) patha (zu)' j[kuM]48 puMjI (je) kamuku karavI veSSu tenamaraM kIkuMDu vAle karaMbu 49 maMcala' | iMci' / zeMkelunIr' 50 ri perakaDamai tari (ri) ka (ka) Dame / 51 rakhaDe (De) kuLavaDe (De) 52 ku[ka] nIrupA" ukArya upaha pala vAM (vA) npayirkaDa maI vAzalavamaraka (kka) Damai / ceka (ku) kaDamai / mAvaDe makaM iDatoreM puruSari maMdaikaMDe (De) "zrI - viSayaM maghame mahAmaghame" / Second Plate; Second Side. 53 inavara " nA kANike (kai) / 54 lerudu / nakiDA / nalpazu 55 rizikAeM tale (yArikaM (haM) is entered below the line. qis inserted below the line. is entered below the line. In the original second plate of the duplicate inscription-not published herethe passage after caturasImAsanambitaM of line 89, begins with etanAmacarya, and continues with the word prApteSTarvairAyaisamanvitaM as in 1. 44, thus omitting 11.39-44 kaDAyaM kirdakuLavise (ze) SaM parazupers" napalata ki / arizikANaM viriJju " - mAdArike(3) rAya savartana (ne avasara [b]| - / * poraM pAka is probably porambolke' waste land'. r'a ring is what we find in the original second plate. * Read bALe. [1] Eand makhaLa * ci is inserted below the line. Rend bhUmi. * Read zALumIr 10 Read kaDame N. 11 After trah is seen in the original. 12 Read oLugunaurpAha 30. Betwoon mahAra madhe me and at the end of line 62 the original second plate has Da kaDemAthi 14 is inserted above the line. is inserted below the live. For fat we have fafcy in the original duplicate copy of the second plate.

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H. KRISHNA SASTRI i. nz iia992 HALF SIZE KalGuotamA kalyANayAvarUgala kAgakatanI nanAnAriyanarAvayA pAnAhatakAvalAsapATAramA mAyA vAvarAyagaDAmAjalAnAmAgatama rAjAkAvejamAtivAmapalina vApasagAgalaya DAnamavatItaTIpaniyAvAsamavAyatAyAjazanamA utarAyalamAmI sevitarotApatrama.sana gavAna nAma: pAnamasArAbavAmagabana vAlA kAnagapAtamasaMtativamAnatAmA vInAmA yaSAkAunasopavanarottAlayAMtatavAra hAta tAmasavAsanisahAya kAyanunAmavIvaminayana manAmamA vAtAnasanosAmpratIkAtA bAramAbAharA lin|937vaaptmaapaavaapaanmaa matadalasAvA 12 lAmayiyAdinAmanAmanAta irotAmAjhasagamaramahA saMpatisato bakapaninasIpayazAnavAsamA TOK snraanmhaatpaatsaatrnaa| sAyanaMdanA ra pADatA pAnimADalA~DavikamAtatAvita yasavAvAsIbAyAnakAkAmA nAnakaTaga sAvivasulatamA lAsa vastra samarakhatA18 SAND: sthAniSArayAgajAtadAnamo devamAyA HKIJIYtApavAnA sAdhAsAghIsAmaUlakA m3131sakalAvatAravayAmA yo yasabhivAtAmAtAjAtaravasAvisa JIOnAmasAralatA samAtakAnabATAsA kii| (mAvAsamatabasAkA mAsA zAba ke ra sarazAsavAsAlavanonmAraka 28TRAI kImatIkayanAcasA:koTI20 jAdAbAtoditAnAtAtisabha tAmeSata pahajanavAdI ripotinatAvitAnA soma kaikADA dhAvA meTasA kI mAyA navanaSamasAmanAlasAtA 30 sataravata EKTIyastAvasudhArAsatanAva barAha 30 kAnayAlipAlAmancanajAnAyakAtAyatasa sjadoDa13maramarapalAnAbaravadArakhA nAmasAtapaETInAtinAvamAulAmArapatamAhI nAlApalakA laki nAyaka nAtA tamAsA atyAjalojagAyalA parAlAsaMga vivaataavaasmaamaa| 36rimatakAvayAlagAvalanAunabolanA usalamAna pAna nAjivalakAsaprasapratimelA pavelina ve tatlAnti mAnisAnA banasAmAsa mAtra mAnisakA janavavatasomAsamanitAnA manAcA mAnavatAtamA / 40 samAnAmabAvemA utrataTenana nAina0 pAraDayohayo kamA pAtapalokArikhamerapaMDake tAnAtA tilA nIvaDAmahArarAvatalI 42 nAsamandhita taTa yo tayAnajatakA vanAmakAja sAmAnA savAla macAmAnaunA mdhoyaanilirte| dekhanAmamA nAyakAtarayaciva UtayamArgAcavA maamaajmaa| m kAnala mAnanAnaka tivaganalamA manApAsA balamamA pAlaganA cAhamAnalAitamabarana na maka kA matalakAnIlakAbA 48 ma jhalakalanA- lapapalavAlika DamaIvArAla vipe 3 megA 3 nAma kA bhAvanA kADa me mA vaDA navaDe kulavaDe sakosvata mATo manoja bAlA vilamA mAya mA malAila 52 Srirangam Plates of Devaraya 11 : Vikrama Samvat 1356. WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH

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is. 39 184 54 MarmAmA DAkikAlAvasaSamatana rAnAla DAnalaparAlavAlAsAvArAvAsa carAkAnalemAmA dAnika pAyasavatanAvasanA 58ti| kahiyo vanika ke jAu nAnAvanA kA 56 saMgasAle vAvamAlamadhilagAulamA inamagantavA aafiq5vaniyanilepalAjAmasAgAmilA usAsAMgAmiyI nAgarimanogata UsAmyakatsa KasabamAnAmA mAhArAsAyika mAlisA mAnavAviah tArakhepanAmA DerA ke vAnaracalavAjamA spA vasAramA mAsA mahA rAjakAlAravagA jAmatAbApatakArAjapAnnaTAmanmanAsArakhA lATA nasatAsa teraveranA namanAlA kisAna tevariyADamanilamiTa pe 3 mAlAmatabale nazirAbAsamAratAha EnAnakAyapalA vanasatanAbAndhAtya nAnimA karatA manaparabhavomArAvAlA kA bArAbatA kAviyA nAvikArAnavasAra sAhityAnamAlakAvitamaravArapalana kI lAparavA matitAsvanikiniyAsabA vakAlamaramA sAmasatiyanapati:sAta rovatAlapAdevAprati70 tADImAtesAbAsA mAmAlanImA mAnavatApavagItavatA nA cAhine vijayAmatIitanayapaDitarAiDarmalAja tina vanatama mailikA racanAyanavAlAmalatatA bagAmAtasmA kA vanavAlAta uttamana bIja barAkAraNavAnuyAjAzramasilamAUrAtakAca mAgatamA mAyAdevanAyanApanesAsanamavAnA talamAlikAnasAvAsasovijayAtAutanamAnulAkAtA ma kAnavina bacatavanasphutvitApAyAmAcA ghAmamA mvnsmtomaanvaalaavliitvaamaanaarvraacve| P A GH7vajanatAlAve 80 jAmatakakA nAvarATana mAna2 MAHRAIjAnatatara ta lavAya-yayanakAjala 4 ImvapATolA vimADApAlanayA mayA DAbAnumAna mahAyAnapAnA 8 SATISTIoTamananajAmakAlakAlanA 8837nAvinApAbaDAyA naTAyA 25-ladA kAnArAma 904 manAnAsamatAvAlAtUuganA tAraka ma.15( mahA nAnAnAmaharamA sanAyAmahA nAyAsatalApatA

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No. 17. J SRIRANGAM PLATES OF DEVARAYA II. 56 [] ( ) / kahigevartane karaNike joDi / morANivari / mAhukacaku[ca] - 57ri / 'aMgasAlevari / AALamaMji / khakigaM / Dalpa (mpa) Ga / iMnaM muMgepirrakuM (kuM) [pu] 08 tuvari / pa vari nidhinicepajalapASANa akSINibhAgAmisi 59 isAdhyaMgakuM AgAmi gobhUhiraNya [r* ] diSaSTabhogatejasvAmyaMkaLa sa 60 fear | sarvamAnyamAka | pAcaMdrArkasthAyi cAka / prAcaMdrArkasthiraM sarva61 mAnyaM bAdhAvivarjita (taM) / raseSurAmacaMdrende zake cAnaMdavare / paurna (rNa) mA62 syAM tu vaizAkhyAM hemAzvarathasaMjJike // [22* ] puSye mahAdAnakAle (1) devarA63 yo mahopatiH / zrIraMgasthAnapataye (1) kAzyapAnvayajanmane / [33* ] pAva 64 lAyanasukhAya sate 65 ne / [ 34* ] va' samAyuktaM hi 148 ru (RgvedaM (da) vedine / uttamamaMtriputrAya bhaga[va* ]ktizAli - yaDime (mai) nilayiDape (ru) mAkuDattamanaM bibe [*] bhaktizravA 66 (1) NyodakapUrvakaM / ekAdhipatyA' meva tvametadbhudeveti dattA vAn / [35*] rAjanya maukimA 67 NikyanIrAjitapadAMbuja: / devarAjo mahIpAlo nIyAdAcaMdratArakaM / [ 35*] vidyA 68 [nAM] nirupAdhiko bhu (bha) vanaM sAhityasauhityabhUrla kSmIvibhramadarpaNokhila ' 69 kalApUrasya vArarAMnidhiH / sauMdaryasya nijAMka (ga) NaM vitaraNe saMcArikalpadrumaH (1) 70 zrIma[1*] saMprati devarAyanRpatiH sarvottaro varddhatAM / [ 37* ] ladhvA puvaM devarAgrakSi 71 toMdro bhuMjAnosau prAjyasAM (sA) bAnyalacjhIM / cAkalpAMta (taM) racatAddipravargAnevaMbhU - .72 tairagrahAro ( rA ) didAne [ : ] |[|28* ] vijayaccitadratanayaM khaMDitadodaMDamaMDalArA 73 tiM / anavarata miMdumaukikhyAcchrIdevarAyanarapAlaM / [ 38* ] alabhata 74 paMcagrAmAnasmAcchrIdevarAyanarapAlAt / uttamanaMbI raMga 76 vezaH kAzyapAnvayAzcArka: / [180"] idamakhila rAjazekharama [dhu]kara [] 76 kAragItamA hAma / zrIdevarAyanRpate [: *] zAsanamavani 1 Road [vari 2 Read 'grafe as in the original of second plate in the duplicate copy. The original reads pala. The original reads tali. 5 Read aikAdhipatya 4 in the original of the second plate in the duplicate copy and bhujeti. * Read ma. 1 A letter was here wrongly entered and erased. T Read * Bond mahAtmyam

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144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. %3 - = 77 talapArijAtasya / [141.] bhUkhatrIvijayacitIMdratanayI bhUlokaciMtA78 maNi: puScakortivibhUSitavibhuvanasphUrjapratApodayaH / pAca79 dvAmimAmavaM(va)vasumatImAcakravALAcalA zrImAnAhatabhAvavo Third Plate. 80 vijayate zrIdevarAyo vRpaH / [...] ekaiva bhaginI loke sa81 veSAmeva bhUbhujaMjA [*] na bhogyA na karapAtrA [viprada 82 tA vasuMdharA // [1] gva(kha)dattAri(dviguNaM puskhaM paradattAnupA83 lanaM [1] 'paradattApahAraNa khadattaM niSphalaM bhavet // [.4.] sva[6]84 tAM paradattA vA yo parata vasu(muM)dharI / SaSTivarSasaha sANi viSTAyAM jAyate krimiH 45.] dAnapAlanayA(yo)madhye dAnA(cha)yonupAlanaM / dAnAtvargamavAproti pAlanA87 dacya[taM] * padaM // [4] sAmAnyoyaM dharmasetuM vRpANAM kAle kAle pA88 lanIyo bhavadbhiH / sarvAmitA bhAvinaH pArthivedrA bhUyo 89 bhUyo yAcate rAmacaMdra[:*] // [47]- palasAkalasakA(cchA)yamaMgo90 katamanobhavaM / jA(amRtAMzukaLAcUDamavyAttvAM zaMkara 91 mahaH [48"] iti tene(na) mahArAjena dattamidaM dharmazA92 sanaM / atra ca tasya mahArAjasya svahastalikhitaM / 93 zrIvirUpa(pA)kSa Abstract of Contents. V. 1. Adoration to the Elephant-faced god (Ganesa). V. 2. Adoration to the Boar avatara (of Vishnu). V. 3. May God Narayana, who is pleased to recline on (the serpent) Sasha in (the island of) Sriranga, on the bank of the tank Chandrapushkarini in the sands of the Kaveri adored by Brahma, and who is attended by the Goddesses Lakshmi and the Bha (Earth), protect you. V. 4. Adoration to Sambhu. Vy. 5-8. Describes the descent of the family, as usual, from the Moon throngh Pururavas and Yadu to Samgama, the first historical king of the dynasty. Vv.9-12. Samgama was succeeded by his son Bukka and Bukka by his son Harihara who was succeeded by his son Devardja. Vijayaraja succeeded Devardya I. V. 13. His son, the valiant Devaraya-Maharaja shines in splendor as sovereign having conquered the whole world by bis valour. 1 Vomes 39, 40 and 41 are omitted in the original second plate of the duplicate copy. - Read dharmaseturma. Read netAmmA'. Read'drAgbhU It is doubtful if the new sentences preceding the sign mamu.l of the king form A verse. * In Telupn-Kannada characters

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No. 17.] V. 14. He held in his arm, as a bracelet, the earth, which could not be supported even by the primeval Tortoise, the Serpent Lord, the Mountains and the Elephants. [Vv. 15-24 describe his exploits and fame, which spread to all the eight quarters of the globe, his beauty and his charity.] SRIRANGAM PLATES OF DEVARAYA II. 145 Vv. 25-31. The king granted the three villages of Kulamanikyanallur alias Nachchikrurchchi, comprising 77 velis (of dry land ?) and veli of nanjai (wet land), Tiruvaramganallur and Ramanarayananallur, all situated on the southern bank of the Kaveri, in Rajaga mbhira-valanadu of Chola-mandala, and the Trisirappalli-rajya together with the new villages of Kumarakkudi and Rajanarayananallur, situated respectively in the western and eastern divisions of Mala-nadu, on the northern bank of the Kaveri. [Ll. 45 to 49, enumerate in the desabhisha (i.e. Tamil) the taxes and incomes due from the villages granted to the donee.] Vv. 32-35. The grant was issued in the Saka year counted by the numerical words rasa (6), ishu (5), Rama (3), and Chandra (1) (i.e., 1358), corresponding to the cyclic year Ananda. On the full moon day of the month of Vaisakha, king Devaraya, at the time of making the celebrated mahadana gift called Hemavaratha, to Valiyadimai-nilayittal-Perumal Uttamanambi, son of Uttamanambi, the sthanapati of the Srirangam temple who belonged to the Kasyapa-gotra, the Asvalayana-sutra and the Rig-Veda. [Vv. 36-42 contain the praises of Devaraja (or Devaraya) and a prayer for his long life and increased prosperity and mention the name of the composer Rajasekhara. [Vv. 43-47. The usual admonitory verses.] [V. 48. Benediction (by the donee).] Ll. 91 to 93. Thus was the grant given and signed by the king with his own hand (as) Sri-Virupa-(pa)ksha. No. 18. THE VAYALUR PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMHA N. BY H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A., RAO BAHADUR, OOTACAMUND. Vayalur is a small village on the north bank of the river Palar at its mouth and is situated three miles south of the historic town of Sadras once the chief seat of the powerful Dutch Factory and 22 miles south-east by south of Chingleput on the South-Indian Railway. The village is also reached direct from Madras by the Buckingham Canal and would then be 43 miles due south of it, past Mahabalipuram, the famous "Seven Pagodas" of Pallava antiquities. The Siva temple of Vyaghrapurisvara at Vayalur was first examined by the Epigraphical Department, Madras, in 1908 and its lithic records were then completely secured. The earliest of these, from the paleographical and historical points of view, is No. 368 of 1908 which is published for the first time below with a facsimile plate. The other records of Vayalar, which are not quite so interesting as the present one, range in date from the 10th to the 16th Century A.D. and mention the village by its surname Jananathanallur; and the god of the temple also is therein called Tiruppilavayil-udaiya-Nayapar, i.e., 'the lord of Tiruppilavayil,' thus supplying the proper name Tiruppilavayil or Tiruppilavayal, i.e., 'the mouth of the sacred cave' of which 1 The meaning of this Tamil attribute is he who established his title as the hereditary servant (of Ranganatha)' and corresponds to the Sanskrit Vamfa-krama-mula-bhritya which occurs in the Lakshmi-Kaoy a referred to above. 2 These are registered as Nos. 362 to 368 in Appendix B to the Epigraphical Report for 1909, p. 39 f. From impressions prepared by myself with the help of my friends Messrs. Venkoba Rae and Srinivasa Rao T

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. evidently the present name Vayalur is a relic. The current name Vyaghrapurlevara, i.e., 'the lord of Vyaghrapuri,' is a Sanskrit translation from Pilavayal which was somehow connected by mistaken analogy with Palivayal. The importance of the record under publication was first brought to notice in my Annual Report on Epigraphy (Madras) for 1908-9, Part II, paragraphs 16 and 17. Since then Professor Jouveau Dubreuil of Pondicherry has discussed its contents in detail in Chapter II of his work "The Pallavas" published in 1917 and has given there the facsimile of a part of the inscription. The present paper supplying the deficiency by giving a complete facsimile of the record which was examined in situ attempts to discuss certain discrepancies in the readings of Professor Dubreuil and to examine certain other points in the chronology of the Pallavas to which the book of the Professor has given publicity. The dilapidated temple of Vyaghrapurievara at Vayalar must have had its palmy days when its prakara wall, subordinate shrines, mandapas and vimana were in a perfectly good condition. The central shrine, which is now the only standing structure, has the gajaprishtha or the elephant-back form peculiar to many Siva temples in the Chingleput district and enshrines within it a stone linga. On the back side of the linga and close to the rear wall is placed a stone panel containing the group of figures Siva, Parvati and Kumara, generally known in iconography by the name Somaskanda. The existence of such Somaskanda panels is a striking characteristic of the Saiva shrines of Pallava origin; bat the panels, in these cases, are invariably cut or fixed into the wall behind the linga. What then could the existence of this detached panel in the Vyaghrapurisvara shrine signify? Perhaps the original temple which was founded in Pallava times disintegrated in course of time and was rebuilt, as is found to be the case with many other South-Indian temples, in some later period, only to repeat once again a second course of dilapidation, such as it now presents to us. Still another characteristic, if one is required, of the Pallava origin of the temple, consists in the many Pallava pillars with large cubical sections intercepted by an octagonal middle, bearing medallions of lotus decorations on each face of the cube and plain-cut corbels. These pillars are largely found in the east gopura -the main outer entrance into the temple; and one of them-the one on the right side as one enters has on it the subjoined record inscribed in 14 lines of writing, going round the pillar in the form of a spiral from top to bottom. Line 1 of the inscription begins on the south face of the upper cube and ends on the west. From line 2 which commences on the west, just below the lotus, and by the side of a creeper-device suggesting a branch of sprouts, the lines go on regularly descending so that the end of line 2 runs on to meet the commencement of line 3 on the west face until we reach line 14 on this face with which the inscription closes. The alphabet is the usual Pallava-Grantha of the florid type used in the Ramanujamandapa, the Ganesa temple and the Dharmaraja-ratha inscriptions, of Mahabalipuram, the Balipitha inscription of the Shore Temple in the same village and the Kailasanatha temple inscription at Conjeeveram. The writing is for the most part well preserved and could be completely deciphered with the exception of three or four syllables in line 2 and some doubtful letters in line 12. As regards paleography it may be remarked that the initial vowels a and i 1 The linga of the Vyaghraparisvara temple is plain and does not show the eight or sixteen facets which is one of the special features of the Siva-lingas set up by the Pallava kings after Mahendravarman I. 2 See Dubreuil's" Handbook of Dravidian Architecture," p. 33, fig. 25. The name Pallava which happens to occur here is by tradition connected with a bed of sprouts; see SouthIndian Inscriptions, Vol. II, p. 355. Ep. Ind., Vol. X, Plates 2, 3 and 4. Annual Report on Epigraphy (Madras) for 1916, Plates I and II, between pages 112 and 118. * South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, Plate IX, facing p. 248.

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No. 18.] THE VAYALUR PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMHA II. 147 occur in 11. 1, 2 and 10 and the Dravidian ) in . 3 and 4. The punctuation symbol used in the inscription is a triple vertical joined at the top, the component lines being often of varying lengths. Two other symbols of an ornamental type occur in line 9, evidently also being used as punctuations; but these are not quite distinct. In the matter of ortaography, the use of the anusvara and its change into the class-nasal in compound letters is generally correctly observed, e.g.- Asgirah in l. 1, Konkanih in line 3 and Skanda in 1. 4. The donbling of consonants after a conjunct occurs throughout. There is one mistake of spelling in spita for fruta (1. 10); and wrong sandhi in jiyat-ma for jiyanama (ibid.) and no sa lhalu for Onassa khalu (if my reading is correct in l. 11). In line 10 the form yubdha for yuddha is apparently & mistake of the scribe. As stated in the Annual Report on Epigraphy (Madras) for 19091 the record is a very interesting one on account of the long list of Pallava names it supplies. When I drew up the report, I was not able to give the whole list, for want of time and a satisfactory estampage. Also the Volurpalaiyam plates which give, though summarily, a similar list of names in the ancestry of the Pallavas, had not then been published, and consequently, the big list of the Vayalar record did not attract much attention. Thanks to the scholarly work of Professor Dubreuil in the field of South Indian Epigraphical research and especially in the study of the Pallava dynasties, we now possess a full statement of the contents of this valuable inscription and its bearing upon Pallava chronology. The Purinic names in the list from Brahma to Asoka (11, 1 and 2) are found in the Kssakudi plates of Nandivarman Pallavamalla? ; and up to the eponymous Pallava, the predecessor of Asoka, they are found also in the Kuram plates of Paramesvaravarman I and the Udayendiram Plates. Among the names of other early kings which the Kasakuli plates incidentally mention are those of Virasimha and Vishnusimha which do not find a place in the Vayalar list. The Velttrpalaiyam plates, which are later, give the Paranic names in the same order up to Agokavarman correctly, but after a gap supply us with the three names Kalabhartri, Ohutapallava and Virakuroha in the order of father and son exactly as we find in l. 3 of our inscription. After these comes the name of Skandasisbya which does not figure in the Vayalor record. It looks, therefore, as if the authors of the Kalakuli, Udayendiram, and the Velarpalaiyam plates, all of which are admittedly later than the Vayalar record, but not very much later, drew these stray names for airing their knowledge of early Pallava chronology purely from memory and were not always correct. The Vayalur record after mentioning Asoka gives eight names, viz., Harigupta, Bhutadatta, Suryavarman, Visbnugopa, Dhritaka, Kalinda, Jyamalla and Ripumalls which do not appear in the later grants. After these come the thirty-six names listed by Professor Dubreuil on p. 20 of his "Pallavas" with the small difference that the name Konkapika is actually found on the estampage to be Konkani. Monsieur Dubreuil tries to attribute to the Vayalur list the credit of supplying a complete genealogical succession from even the time of the eponymons founder Pallava, including practically all the names mentioned in the Praklit and the Sanskrit copper-plate grants hitherto discovered and in the later stone inscriptions. In doing this he finds many difficulties in his way but attempts to get over them by finding accidental coincidence in the order of the names. In Virak rcha, Skandasishya, Kumaravishnu and Buddhavarman of the Velarpalaiyam plates for instance, he finds coincidence with the set of names Nos. 29 to 32 (11 to 14)? of the Vayalar 1 Part II, paragraph 17, p.76 1. * South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, p. 342. * Ibid., Vol. I, p. 144. * Ibid., Vol. II, p. 363. Ibid., p. 501. * Professor Dubreuil rende by mistake the two Dames Jyamalla and Ripamalla - Byamalla and Ekamalls. and Suryavarman as Aryavarman (see his" Pallavaa," p. 20). 7 Here and below, M. Dubreuil's numbers are given in brackets. T2

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148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. list. Here, however, it has to be observed that Virakorcha, whom Dubreuil selects as the first of the ruling Pallava kings, perhaps from a statement made about him in the Velurpalaiyam plates, was the son of Chatapallava and grandson of Kalabhartri-thus corresponding to No. 23 (5) of the Vayalar list and not to No. 29 (11). Also the three names that succeed this Virakarcha are Chandravarman, Karala and Vishnugopa and not Skandasishya, Kumaravishnu and Buddhavarman as Dubreuil puts it down. Again, his presumption that the Chendalur plates must be a copy of some ancient record, suits his purpose very well; since the inconvenient names Skandavarman, Kumaravishnu and Buddhavarman which these plates give, occur in that order in Nos. 30, 31 and 32 (12, 13 and 14) of the Vayalar list; but here again he forgets that the fourth name that occurs in the Chendalir plates is a second Kumaravishnu and not as is to be expected No. 33 (15) Skandavarman of the Vayalor list. The partial coincidence in the earlier Pallava names mentioned in the Vayalur list with those of the Chendalar and the Velarpalaiyam plates serves no practical purpose and the agreement, if any, could be attributed only to an accident by what we may call the kukataliya-nyaya. It does not, therefore, give to the Vayalar list any more completeness than what could be claimed for the Kasakudi or the Velurpalaiyam accounts. Perhaps Dubreuil also, though he has not expressed himself clearly on this point, meant the same thing when he said "we should not rely too much on the order of succession of the kings given in the Vayalar inscription after Virakurcha (11)." Passing on after 32 (14) Buddhavarman to eight other kings and in the interim identifying Vishnugopa 37 (19) with Vishnugopa of Kanchi, the well-known Pallava (?) contemporary of Samudragupta about the end of the 4th Century A.D., Professor Dubreuil says that from Viravarman 41 (No. 23) the Vayalar inscription becomes trustworthy, evidently again in the sense that it supplies a complete list of kings in the order of succession down to Rajasimha Narasimhavarman II. This is also extremely doubtful. The Sanskrit grants even though we may exclude the Chendalir plates, which according to the Professor must be a copy of an older inscription giving some early names that have to be placed before the time of Viravarman, supply us with the names of only six kings whose succession in the order given below may be taken as certain : Maharaja Skandavarman I. Virakarcha or Viravarman. Skandavarman II. Simhavarman 1. Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa. Simhavarman II. Of these, the Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa may not have ruled. The information obtained from the Udayendiram and the Churas copper-plates, both of which are decidedly later by reason of their palaeography and are otherwise also untrustworthy, cannot be used, as has been done by Professor Dubreuil, for the purpose of obtaining a continuous Pallava succession after Sinhavarman I or Simhavarman II. If this could be done, there is no reason why the names Simhavarman, Nandivarman and Simhavishnu which occur in the Amaravati pillar inscription of about the 12th Century A.D. should not be utilised for a similar purpose. Again, the 188umption, in the first place, of two simultaneously ruling families, one at Kanchy and the other in the Telugu country, and in the second place, the statement that Simhavarman 43 (25) of the 1 * The Pallavgi," p. 28. * Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 144. * Egigraphical Report (Madras) for 1914, p. 82. . 8. I. I., Vol. I, p. 26.

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No. 18.] THE VAYALUR PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMAA II. 149 Uravapalli plates probably resumed possession of Kanchi are not founded on any sure ground. We very well know that the early Pallava kings while ruling at their capital Kanchi had their Viceroy at Dhannakada (Dhanyakata) in the Telugu country. Why the later kings succeeding Skandavarman II should have chosen a different course of administration, dividing the kingdom between two ruling dynasties and why, even if this were so, the Vayalar inscription whose definite purpose is to describe the ancestry of king Rajasim ha-Narasimhavarman II of the Palakkada branch should go out of the way to include the names of the collateral Kanchi branch 43 to 46 (Nos. 25 to 28) which according to Professor Dubreuil was altogether unconnected with it, are questions that require to be explained satisfactorily before we could follow the theory of Professor Dubreuil postulating two separate dynasties simultaneously ruling in the Telugu country and in the Tonda-mandalam. Again, in the set of names enumerated one after the other from Nos. 43 to 50 (25 to 32), what authority does the Professor discover to presume that while the first four raled in a given order, the second five (omitting the first of them) ruled, not after them as should be expected, but simultaneously with them? Do not these kings possibly stand to each other in the relation of father and son as the first and the last sets of names in the list suggest or again, as the partial coincidence in the order Virakurcha to Buddhavarman (Velirpalaiyam plates) and full coincidence in Skandavarman to Nandivarman (Udayendiram plates), indicate? In fact, therefore, the list of the names given by the Vayalur inscription remains to be as indefinite as those supplied by the Kasakudi, Udayendiram and the Velarpalaiyam plates and there is not the least possibility of finding therein a succession list either whole or partial except after No. 49 (81) Simhavarman, the father of Simhavishnu. Professor Dubreuil's arguments are thas seen to be vitiated by wrong identifications and gratuitous assumptions and by his acceptance as genuine material of what still remains only tentative and requires further careful examination and scrutiny. One positive and important result, however, derived from a study of the Vayalar list, is that certain conclusions arrived at in my contribution -on the Velarpalaiyam plates require correction. The identification of Kalabhartoi with Kinagopa on page 503 of the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume II, is now untenable since both these names occur in the Vayalar list as Nos. 21 and 28 (3 and 10); similarly, the identification of Chitapallava with Skandavarman and Virakarcha with Viravarman of the Pikira and the Mangadir grants cannot any more be upheld. The three kings Kalabharti, Chutapallava and Virakorcha mentioned in the Velurpalaiyam plates must be some traditionally known very early kings of the Pallava family. Skandasishya (possibly same as Skandavarman), Kumaravishnu and Buddhavarman, who are mentioned in order of succession next in the Velarpalaiyam plates, do not find the same place in the Vayalar Jist. There must evidently be a mistake due to the carelessness of the author of the Velarpalaiyam plates in describing the relationship of Skandasishya to VIrakttrcha. Perhaps these three kings also must have been some forgotten old kings with whom the later genealogy derived from the Sanskrit copper-plate grants cannot be connected. Consequenly, the probable period of about the middle of the 4th century or thereabouts for kings Simhavarman and his son Skandavarman, who, one after another, were crowned on their thrones by Aryavarman and Madhavavarman II of the Western Ganga dynasty and the beginning of the 7th century fixed for Mahendravarman I, the author of the rock-cut shrines of South India, must remain still as the only two milestones in Pallava chronology. The two verses recorded in lines 9 to 14 of the inscription are respectively in the Vasantatilaka and the Sragdhard metres and are rather corrupt. They give the king the already known titles Rajasimha, Kshatrasimha, Yuddharjuna, Atyantakama, Srimegha, Mahamalla, Ranajaya and Srinidhi. The adjunct #ifwatafuatilfe which occurs in these verses and which, literally rendered, means 'one whose diadem shines with the head-juwel, vis. Mahekvara (Siva),' is rather perplexing. Comparing this with titles like Sivachadamani ete.

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. and the verse TATT , etc. which occurs in the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume I, Nos. 18 and 19 (v. 3) and abhiSekajalApUrNa etc. in ibid., Nos. 21 and 22 (v. 2)-all with reference to king Rajasimha-it looks as if the king did actually wear a figure of Siva or rather his symbol, the liga, on his head. This fact is evidently also hinted in the verse guSabharanAmani rAnanyanena lina faffa etc. (ibid., No. 33, v. 2), which refers to the conversion of the Pallava king Mahondravarman I Gunabhara from Jainism to Saivism. Again, v. 4 of No. 34 in the same volume speaks of "Siva fixed in the mind, being worn on the head." All these references clearly point to the existence of a linga-cult long before the revival of the Vira-Saiva faith under the auspices of the famous Kalachuri minister Basava (ChennaBasava) in which the wearing of the liriga plays a prominent part. Again, the sense of the two verses, particularly that of the second, is such that it suggests the occasion for the engraving of this record to be the accession of king Bajsimha to the throne. This, if it were so meant, would indeed have been a fitting opportunity to eulogise his many acts of heroism, charity and piety, and to proclaim to all subjects his assumption of power over his hereditary dominions. TEXT.1 1 bramA pari[r: M] vRhaspati: / [yu.. m bhArahAnaH m droNaH // azvatthAmA [0] 2 pakSavaH // azokaH // hariguptaH m [bhUta]dattaH sUyaM varmA [m] . . . . viSNu]gopaH // dhRta3 [ka] [m] [ka]kindaH m jyAmama[: m ri]pumazaH [m] vimala: ___ koiNiH [m ka]LabhartA ] cUtapazava[m] vIrakU[:] m candravarmA . 4_m karALa: // viSNugopaH // skandamUlaH [0] kANagopa: m vIrakUrca : m [skandavamma[ 0] kumAraviSNuH 5 m budhavA [m] skandavarmA // kumAraviSNuH m buddhavarmA M skandavarmA m viSNugo8 pa: , viSNudA[sa]: 0 skandavam n] siMhavarmA vIravarmA m skandavarmA M siM7 havA m skandavarmA // nandivarmA siMhavarmA [] siMhavA viSNugopa: 8 siMhavA siMhaviSNaH // mahendravA narasiMhavarmA M mahanTrava9 U M paramezvaravA ' zrIpalavAnvayakulAcalarAjasiMho 1 Direct from the stone. 1 This syinbol which is evidently intended as a mark of punctuation is followed by another which is rather complicated. It is seen on the facsimile plate though indistinctly.

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South Face F THOMAS Vayalur Pillar Inscription of Rajasimha II. East Face COALE AUF SITKIMIY WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL

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North Face West Face

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No. 18.] THE VAYALUR PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMHA II. 10 yacasiMha iti 'viza[ta] puNyakIrttiH [1] jIvAtmahe khara zikha][1] maSidIptamauli [] 11 vthANuMne[1] [va] kha[]] lokanarendrasiMha [m] [1] [bha]zroH pAdAra [vindadaya]paricaraNe nityamatya 12 ntakAmaH zrImegho viprasakhyA karavibhavakare [vyo] marabodhaca [ndraH] [["] rAjyAnta [T] rAva [gA] havi - ' 13 dotamahAmazabda [: *] prajAnAM raca [1] dIcAdhikAraM vahatu raNajaya [: *] zrImi14 viddopalacam [2* ] (Ll. 1 to 9) 1. Brahman. 2. Angiras. 3. Brihaspati. 4. Bayu. 5. Bharadvaja. 6. Drona. 7. Asvatthaman. 8. Pallava. 9. Asoka. 10. Harigupta. 11. Bhutadatta. 12. Saryavarman. 13. 14. Vishnugopa. 15. Dhritaka. 16. Kalinda. 17. Jyamalla. 18. Ripumalla. 19. Vimala. 20. Konkani. 21. Kalabhartri. 22. Chutapallava. 23. Virakurcha. 24. Chandravarman. 25. Karala. 26. Vishnugopa. 27. Skandamula. TRANSLATION, 28. Kapagopa. 29. Virakorcha. 30. Skandavarman. 31. Kumaravishnu. 32. Buddhavarman. 33. Skandavarman. 34. Kumaravishnu. 35. Buddhavarman. 36. Skandavarman. 37. Vishnugopa. 38. Vishnudasa. 39. Skandavarman. 40. Simhavarman. 41. Viravarman. 42. Skandavarman. 43. Simhavarman. 44. Skandavarman. 45. Nandivarman. 46. Simhavarman. 47. Simhavarman. 48. Vishnugopa. 49. Simhavarman. 50. Simhavishnu. 51. Mahendravarman. 52. Narasimhavarman. 53. Mahendravarman. 54. Paramesvaravarman Bead faga. * Read degDArjjunasTha kala It is difficult to rectify this corrupt passage. it is perhaps a mistake for a and perhaps stands for Tala, an ocean. Among the numerous titles of Rajasimha given in the tions the only one which ends in chandra is Udayachandrab. [Analogy with qftar... like avanidivakara, chandadanda and udayachanars would suggest that the reading might be karavibhavakarI vyomarabotha candraH - Ed.]. * Read joyAmmadeg * Road karo. 151 bis is again corrupt. Metrically one long and one short syllables are wanting. appears to be a possible emendation of the latter part of the compound. Can the first part be corrected into a Conjeeveram inscripand the epithets 1afafea AKSZ:

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153 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII (LI. 9 to 1L) Be he victorious, the royal lion (Rajasinha) on the top of the chief mountain of the glorious Pallava race, whose spotless fame as the lion of warriors (Kshatrasimha) is widely known, whose crown is resplendent with the crest-jewel, vis. Mahesvara (Siva), the lion among lords of kings (Narendrasitha) of the whole earth, and an Arjuna in battle (Yuddharjuna). (Ll. 11 to 14.) May he exercise the royal prerogative and take up the vow of administering (his) su bjects up to the extremities of his kingdom, as even to include the thongand-islands, he, who is known by the name "the great wrestler" (Mahamalla) on account of his (skill in) hand-to-hand fight, who is excessively devoted (Atyanta kama) ever to serve at the pair of the lotus-feet of Sambhu (Siva), who is the blessed cloud (Sri-Megha) that makes the mass of crops, the Brahmans, prosperous, who is the Moon to the ocean of (his) race," the victorious in battle" (Ranajaya) and the storehouse of prosperity" (Srinidhi)! No. 19.--BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI. BY HIRANANDA SASTRI, M.A., M.O.L. Kirari is a small village in the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. It lies some ten miles to the west of Chandarpur and about twenty miles to the south-east of Kharsia, which leads to the Jogimara cave, so well known for its very ancient fresco-paintings as well as early Brahmi inscriptions. The river Mahanadi flows some four miles to the south of it. Outside this village there lies a large and old tank called Hirabandh which is rather an em bankment meant to collect the overflowing rain water at the time of floods. Owing to draught this tank had dried up and in April 1921 the agriculturists of the village began digging its bed to throw the fertilizing silt over their fields. On the 29th or 30th of that month they hit upon a wooden pillar which they removed from the mud and placed in the sun, not knowing the disservice they were doing thereby to the cause of Indian Epigraphy for, the moment the pillar began to dry a good deal of its surface peeled off carrying with it the major portion of the invaluable record which was incised on the pillar. Noticing that the pillar bore some letters on it some of the villagers called their Pandit, named Lakshmiprasada Upadhyaya, to see if he could read the writing. Failing to make it out he very carefully took an eye-copy of all the letters which he noticed on the pillar at the time of his arrival, not omitting even the faintest traces of a letter over it. Apparently, he was not aware how the record ran, which side came first or which was the top or bottom of the letters. Like a true copyist he wrote out each line separately on sheets of paper available to him at the time according to the maxim of writers yAdRzaM pustakaM dRSTaM tAdRzaM likhitaM myaa| yadi hamazacaM vA mama doSo na vidyte|| This is a doubtfal translation of the word nie . I propose to take it as an aoyayibhava deriving it 1191 g a far af xfat. [far: ufort, etc, is another suggestion--H. 3.] If this interpretation is correct, it shows that the Pellava role must have extended in the time of Rajasimba even to the distant islands in the ocean. The word guy may also be corrected into ou and with repeated we may translata ap to the thousand islanda.' Could there be a reference by dhwani in the word t ee to the Laccadive !slands called qurtain Fana'srit? The exact relation that might have then existed between the Pallava king Rajasimha and the Lacerdive Lolanda bas nowhere been found. In this connection it may not be out of place to point out that Dr. Vogel in his learned contribution on the Yups inscriptions of king Mula varman from Koetei (East-Borneo) (Nederlandech. Indu, 1918, p. 192) aaks :-"Supposed the powerful Pallava princes of Kanchipura had equipped armadas and carried their arms to the remote shores of Champa and Jays, may we not assume that their conquests on the far wide of the ocean would have been extolled in their prabantis with no lees effusion than we find lavigned on their victories over the Chalukyu ? " Here we have, though not a prafasti, at least a sigoificant bint that the Pallata dominion was ambitious otough to extend to the distant islanda,

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No. 19.] BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI. 153 so often found at the end of the manuscript copies of Sanskirt books. How faithful his copy is can be judged from the facsimile of the mechanical impressions of the portions which were copied when I first inspected the pillar in 1921 and which were still intact when I again examined it in 1924 at the Nagpur Museum. Comparison will show that the eye-copy can be taken as quite trustworthy in the case of the portions which are now lost for ever. The fact that the copyist did not even understand which side represented the top and which the bottom of the lettering precludes the suspicion of forgery altogether. How he succeeded in bringing out the shapes of the letters accurately is, I think, due to the little knowledge of drawing which he possessed and to his intelligence. But as the fact remains that those portions of the epigraph do not exist now, we would naturally feel hesitant to draw large conclusions from the hand-copy. The Pandit took a copy of not less than 349 aksharas whereas at the time of my first inspection the pillar had not more than 60 or 70 letters and now not more than 30 or 40 including the traces of vowel marks. The Pandit's eye-copy was handed over to my draftsman at the time of my visit to Kirari and I have used it in preparing the comparative facsimile plate as well as in reading the lost portion for which it was the only source now to depend upon. The find was next brought to the notice of Pandit Lochan Prasad Pandeya of Balpur, & village attached to the Chandarpur Post Office, not very far off from Kirari. He promptly brought it to the notice of Sir John Marshall under whose instructions the pillar was immersed in water in a tank at Kirari where it lay till it was finally removed to the Government Museum at Nagpur' after being very carefully treated chemically for the preservation of the writing on it. The Museum authorities have now cut it into two parts, one of which, i.e., the upper portion, they have placed in a glazed case, accommodating the other in an outer verandah of the Museum. The former still shows not less than twenty-two continuous letters more or less distinctly, while the latter retains traces of lettering here and there and some three or four complete aksharas as well. The fate of the lower portion cannot fail to remind us of the all powerful law of nature which permits the survival of the fittest only! As has been stated above, the pillar is wooden and measures about 13' 9" from top to bottom. It is surmounted by a solid kalasa which is about 1' 2" high. The kalasa has a narrow neck, a broad and almost flat mouth, the body being more elliptical than round. I am reproducing here two of the photographs which were taken at the time of my inspection during 1921 to replace further description of this interesting find. The surface of the pillar has badly flaked and I cannot positively say if it was shaped into facets and planed, at least at the middle, for writing the inscription. The lower portion, in all probability, must have been left unshaped, as it was meant for insertion in the ground. I got a few chips of the pillar examined and am told that the tree of which it was made belongs to the order of Leguminosae papilionaceae and its botanical name is Pterocarpus mareupium, the Hindi name being Bija Sal. This tree gives a handconte and useful tiraber of Central India and is almost as good as teak. This find, I believe, is the first of its kind yet made in India. So far some four sacrificial posts have been found in this country and perhaps a similar number in Koetei in the Indian Archipelago. All these have recently been noticed by Dr. Vogel in his paper on the Yopa Inscrip tions of king Mulavarmman. They are all of stone and appear to be memorial gupas for, sacrificial yupas, as would be shown by the terms yupa-dru, yupa-druma o: yupa-daru, were usually made of wood. Possibly these were put up instead of the wooden pillars or yupas and were their exact copies in stone. A close comparison of the illustrations of these pillars and of the one represented on the asvamedha coins of Samudragupta the Great, with the photograph of the Kirari pillar, herein reproduced, will show that the latter cannot be a yupa or sacrificiul poat. The description given of a yupa in the Satapatha-Brahmana would point towards the same inference

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154 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. According to this authority1 the shaft of a yupa, except for the lower portion, should be octagonal and bent at the top. At the same time a yupa is distinguished by a head-piece or top-ring (cha. shala) and marked by a girdle rope (rasana) which winds round it. The Kirari pillar reveals none of these characteristics. Taking it for granted that all the eight corners and the 17 cloths with which, according to this authority, a sacrificial post is to be wrapt or bound, have disappeared, we cannot account for the absence of the hollow at the top and the disagreement in height which ought to be 17 cubits in the case of a yupa. But as the Brahmana gives different heights for different purposes and says that "the sacrificial stake of the (ordinary) animal sacrifice is either three or four cubits long and one above that belongs to the Soma sacrifice" we cannot depend on the length of the pillar for its identification. That it cannot be a yupa or pillar connected with animal sacrifice will be shown by a reference to Patanjali who in his Mahabhashya clearly puts down that a yupa must be made of either Bilva (Egle marmelos) or Khadira (Acacia catechu) " khAdarI vA yudhaH syAt" ityucyate / yUpaca nAma pacanubandhArthasupAdIyate / zakyaM cAnena yatkiJcideva kASTamucchrityAnucchritya vA pazuranubandhum / tatra niyamaH kriyate / / " As I have already stated, the Kirari pillar is made neither of AEgle marmelos nor of Acacia catechu but of Pterocarpus marsupium. In the Ramayana3 of Valmiki, however, it is stated that 21 yupas were erected at the time when a horse sacrifice or Asramedha was performed by Dasaratha. Out of these six were made of Bilva (Egle marmelos), six of Khadira (Acacia catechu), six of Palasa (Butea frondosa), one of Sleshmataka (Cordia Myxa or Latifolia) and two of Devadaru (Avaria longifolia and Erythroxylon sideroxyloides or Pinus deodar). Including the one added by Monier Williams in his Sanskrit Dictionary we find that the pillar under examination cannot come within the category of yupas as far as the tree of which it is made is concerned. In other words the Kirari pillar cannot be connected with any animal sacrifice (paevanubandha) on the authority of Valmiki and Patanjali at least. The description given in the Satapatha Brahmana is not free from confusion and if we follow it, I think, the Kirari pillar might be connected with the Vajapeya rites. The top portion does not provide a very convenient seat for the householder to occupy at the time he has to hold a dialogue with his wife in reference to their mounting to heaven. Still, as we learn from the Brahmana, in 1Satapatha Br. S.B.E., Vol. XLI, p. 31, and Vol. XLIV, p. 124. The height of a sacrificial stake has to vary, for the Brahmana says: "When he who is about to perform an animal sacrifice makes a stake one cubit long, he thereby gains this (terrestrial) world; and when he makes one two cubits long, he thereby gains the air world; and when he makes one three cubits long, he thereby gains the heavens ; and when he makes one four cubits long, he thereby gains the regions." *Adhyaya 1, Pada 1, Ahnika 1. I, 14, sts. 22-25. Under the word yupa and in reference to the Ramayana he has brought in one yupa of Udumbera (Ficu glomera a) saying 6 of Bilva, 6 of Khadira,6 of Palaia, one of Udumbara, one of Sleshmataka and one of Devadaru The text would not support this division for, it makes no mention of the Udumbara yupa. It runs as follows:prApta rUpocchayai tasmin SaGgaizvAH khAdirazastathA / ar faefar: fds art mAnakamayI diTo devadArumayastathA / hAveva taca vihitI bAhuvyaktaparigrahI // The words drateva as explained by the commentator Rama (drau devudarumayan vihilau) mear: two of Devadare and make no room for Udumbara. Possibly Mon. Williams had another edition before him. Bee S. B. E., Vol. XLI, p. 31, and footnotes, etc.; also Barnett's Antiquities of India, p. 167, ani references given above.

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WOODEN PILLAR WITH A BRAHMI INSCRIPTION FROM KIRARI. A - COMPLETE. B- UPPER PORTION DETAIL). FROM PHOTOGRAPHS). SCALE THREE-FOURTHS. HIRAXANDA SASTRI. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 19.) BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI. 155 some cases he has to ascend a yupa by a ladder, touch the mortar-shaped top-piece made of wheaten dough, rise by the measure of his head over the post and descend after performing certain rites. Our pillar could serve such a purpose very well. But here we should remember that Vajapeya is one of the several Soma sacrifices which kings or Brahmans have to offer before celebrating the Rajasuya and the Brihaspatisava. Why should a sacrificer select a thing connected with a rite which is after all a minor one as compared to the principal Yajfa and write a large inscription on it giving the names of very high officials such as this pillar bears? To solve such a question satisfaetorily one would like to explore the site where the pillar was unearthed and see if any vestiges of some other sacrifice or sacrifices are to be found there. The association of a reservoir or tank (Hirabandh) might suggest this pillar to be an ordinary tank-pillar, such as we see erected in the midst of tanks in the Central Provinces or elsewhere. But then, we have to remember that such columns are generally of stone. Besides, there would be no reason why such an important record should be incised on it mostly to remain hidden under water. Another likelihood may be that it was a jayastambha or column of victory, but there too, looking at the position of the personage responsible for its setting up and of the officers connected with him, it will be quite reasonable to expect a more permanent and dignified material than an ordinary bija trea of which the pillar is made. The other alternative would be that it was a dhvajastambha or a flagstaff connected with some temple for, that may be made of stone or wood, circular, sixteen- or eight-sided and shaped like a kumbha (pot) at the middle or at the beginning. Its height varies according to its nature. The emblem (vahana) of the god to whom it is dedicated is to be put on it together with the banner cloth (dhvaja-pata). Such an assumption would naturally suggest the existence of some structure close by and until we find any traces of it we are not in a position to call the pillar a dhrajastambha. Whether it is a post connected with the Vajapeya or similar rites or a dhvajastambha, the fact remains that it is a unique find yet made in India. The writing on this pillar very closely resembles that of the Nasik cave inscriptions. Leaving aside other symbols the one for khi is particularly noteworthy. In the two impressions reproduced here this is represented by the fifth letter while in the Nasik cave inscriptions it is to be seen in the word dhamarakhitena though in another word, i.e., in bhikhusanghasa, it is written in a different manner. Regarding the age, I am to remark that on palaeographic grounds the record is to be assigned to about the second century of the Christian era. The extant portion shows no trace of any date in it. It is chiefly on account of its age that this relic of the past possesses considerable epigraphical value for, early Brahmi inscriptions are rather very rare. As an historical document, however, one will be sorry to find that whatever importance it had originally is now irretrievably lost with the portion that has peeled off. What we may now surmise from the nature of the contents as they are at present is that the inscription must have been connected with some mighty ruler of a very high rank who had a well-organized staff of officers such as the Commander-in-Chief, the Accountant, the Treasurer, etc., etc. The language in which the document is couched is Prakpit, or one might call it corrupt Sanskrit prose. It is like the language of the Nasik inscriptions alluded to above. As to the nature of its contents I am to observe that the record now mostly consists of official titles or designations and the names of some of the individuals who must have held them. 01. silparatna (Trivandrum S. S. No. LXXV), p. 234 : zilayA dAvacAbAca nAkAramaSApi vaa| EUT 7 TETT Wwfega: etc., etc. ? See above, VOL VIII, No. 18, plate V (n. 3).

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156 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. Such of the designations as are practically certain together with the names of a few of the incumbents as are still intact or can be made out are these : Nagararakhins (city-guards or police-inspectors) named Virapalita and Chiragohaka; Senapati (commander of army) named Bama'deyal (P) (1. 1, estampage and eye-copy); Pratihara (door-keeper) named Khipatti; Gapaka (accountant) called Heasi, a Naga; Gahapatiya (P=garhapatiya, keeper of the house. hold fire) named Gharika; Bhandaka(ga)rika (store-keeper) called Asadhia ; Hathardha (P=hastyaroha or ? the king's elephant-driver); Asvaroha (horseman, perhaps Superintendent of horses); Padamulika (temple attendant); Rathika (possibly the Superintendent of chariots); Mahanasika (kitchen-officer), (1.u, estampage and eye-copy); Hathivaka (=hastipaka, perhaps Superintendent of elephants); Dhavaka (fore-runner); Sasugandhjaka (=Saugandhika, officer in charge of perfumery ?); Goma[ndislika (= gomandalika, or officer in charge of cows or cattle ?); Yana[6]alayudhagharika (officer in charge of carriage-shed and armoury); Palavithida(ka P)va-(pa)lika (Inspector of meat-stalls); Lohaharaka (=lekhaharaka, letter-carrier) ; Kulaputraka (perhaps chief architect); and Mahasenani or Commander-in-Chief (1.4). It is interesting the observe here in passing that these desig. nations do not fail to remind us of the several functionaries like Asva hyaksha, Hastyadhyaksha, Rathadhyaksha mentioned in the Arthasastra of Kautilya. As I have already remarked above the mention of all such persons of rank would show that our pillar must have been set up in connection with some extraordinary ceremony performed by a very high personage who was, in all probability, not less than a great king of renown, whose name is now cast into oblivion but, perhaps, would have been preserved had photographs or mechanical copies been carefully taken the moment this important relic of the hoary past was dug out. In line 4 of the eye-copy there is a name which comes after the title of Mahasenani and reads like Sitha(dha)raja. A few letters after it we have a word which reads putasa (putrasya), and then comes a verb which may be taken to be arpayati. This might indicate that the pillar was in some way connected with Sidha]raja or his son. The proper names of some of the officers, which are fully preserved on the pillar, like Khipatti or Heasi are, apparently, non-Sanskritic. The latter, i.e., Heasi, is distinctly called a Naga or a member of the Serpent tribe. Possibly these people were non-Aryan or aboriginal. The portions of the two lines which were copied at the time of my first inspection and are represented in the facsimile may be transcribed as follows : No. 1. (PART OF LINE 1.) Text. Nagar[a]rakhino V[i]rapa(a)lita-Ch[i]ragohaka-[Senipatid jeva. Remarks.-Nagararakhino possibly stands for nagara-rakshinau and means the two guar dians of the city or police officers. These were named Virapalita and-Chiragohaka. The first is more an attribute than a proper name. The second looks to be of non-Sanskritic origin. The Tame of the Senapati or commander of the army is not certain but might have been Deval. 1 Sce footnote 2 ou page 157. * Padamulikn is a derivative of padamula which occurs both in Sanskrit (see Kielhor's note in Ind. And, Vol. XXVII, p. 252) and Tamil inscriptions (see 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 138 n. and p. 250) apparently in the sense of a temple attendant--one attached to the feet (of the god). It frequently occurs in the Jatakas. From the Paranta pa Jataka (J&taka, Vol. III, p. 417, lines 2 and 3) it would appear that padamulilas were associated with purohitas for it says 'devii chi purohitaji cha Parata pa namakan padamulikai cha gahalta,' eto. In this inscription the term comes after the word derathayaka, which reminds us of deva-sthanika. So the word seems to signify a priestly attendant or one whose function is to attend to ide feet of (i.e. worship) god or du sonne such duties. . Sce Ep. Ind. Vol I, p. 58; Vol. IX, p. 58. The word usually means 'sons of nonlemer.'

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T HIRANANDA SASTRI, BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI. II. (From impressions). SCALE ONE-FOURTH. I HUKLXgshvie SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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(FROM EYE-COPY BY PANDIT LAKSHMI PRASAD UPADITYAYA). 1st line. 2nd line. an suami juz 2.Th7F222 22x2W drunnet TQUEZOIX ZWxT d 42.?...... d. .. b.. ? . 7 U-rom GW BUS 20 zgazzi838 rderst Arany Varh 2w211F7FJFYUD yarodiya Eroty u to give NOW JL , X23Jogurdade Zyxaxy Xosfx i IVF4212 4th line. 3rd line. SU 22% RUJULUU OJ EUTHEY .27 . puwa nx yoyo..Lady.. 2.27X f aut id n nn y4 tu 'cn / / oxidywau rryaw? Hay an under TJ KUTJI UZJory x? 3 UxvxuJy250 X 38335 LIJ774UVY Rusty z tytanu? 5th line. wws zl / sku- -pum, SCALE ONE-FOURTH

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No. 19.) BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI. 157 No. 2. (PART OF LINE 2.) Text. P[r]ati[ha]ra-Khipatst Ji-ganaka(a)-Nago(a)-Heasi-gahapatiya-Gharika-bh[@]odak(g)eri[ka]. Remarks. The first word is certainly pratihara which means door-keeper. The second word may read vaipatti signifying good foot soldier but comparison with the Nasik cave inscription, referred to above, would show that it must be read as Khipatti. The conjunct t is partly visible in the impression but clear on the eye-copy. What follows must be ganaka. Had the preceding word been vaipatti one could take it, in reference to the Kiratarjuniyam (XV. 16), in the sense of an officer whose chief function is to muster the infantry or superior foot-soldiers.' But I prefer to read the first akshara as khi and would take ganaka in the sense of accountant'. The word that follows, i.e., Naga, indicates the tribe to which Heagi belonged. Heasi is appar ently an aboriginal term. 'Gaha patiyal I would connect with the word Garhapatya and translate as the keeper of the household or garhapatya fire. Gharika must have been the name of this officer and is perhaps an apabhrama of grihika (?) as is gharini, the Pali form of grihini. The word that follows is certainly the equivalent of Sanskrit bhandagarika and means 'storekeeper'. Now I give a transcript of the eye-copy, as far as I have been able to make it out, for what it is worth, or rather to satisfy a curiosity. In the facsimiles the impressions of the existing portions of the epigraph and the whole of the eye-copy are reproduced. The paper used by the Pandit was of a small size. So lines could not be brought out in their full length. Taking the entire lines into consideration, the inscribed portion of the pillar measures about 8 feet and the eye-copy approximately supplies of the actual size of the letters on it. The text given below follows the order in which Pandit Lakshmi Prasad copied the inscription. Text. (Line 1.) Naga[ra]-rakhino-V[1]rap[a]lita Chirag[]hake Se[n]apa[ti]-[D7]val bama[dejo yadhi....g(?)..nantavasa(b?)hathi bama [de]yikama, sa patali . i ....i....si. i. i. ...sa..i ..... sa. a. no bhataya kes[a]va-vithida kamik(a ore) tate (or bhabhe) savida (n)im[i]tta. (Line 2.) P[r]atih[a]ra Khipatti ga[na]ka-Naga Heasi gahapatiya Gharika-bhandakarika Asadhia vaihathadhiara hatharohe asarohe devathayaka padamulika rathika sisara khakhimala (?) butanamaka tabhaka mahanasika kukudabata. (Line 3.) Hathivaka yamasrika dhavaka sagandhake gomandilika yanasalayudhagharike daliakhemha (?) palavithida valike avasakaraka sava(or kha)radapa(or ha)deaka vadi Kesavanasho(?) vachare anu . yino dunuvsitta lehaharako petsa (?) payutasava (?) kuli(la)puttra kuli(la)puttramanusena]pati. (Line 4.) Vu ... salinama. [bu)hesara mah[@]senani Sitharsa]ja .. Kudva (?) .... putasa .... pijta (?).. rapayati game puvarathi .... kavayu ... se na k[u]m[aro .... da . nayaka (Line 5.) Bhayayu (or ghe ?)ra (da)pa. ta(?) (a?).. puna[vi?]yama 1 Gahapatiya is a proper name, also, sec Burgess, Cave Temples, p. 89. Deva may be taken as a proper name, and bamadeya msy stand for brahmadiya. That will give us ore more official, to wit, one in charge of cbarities?

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158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. No. 20.-THREE BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM KOSAM. BY DAYA RAM SAANI, M.A., Rar BAHADUR. The three inscriptions discussed in this paper were discovered by me in the cold weather of 1921-22 when I was engaged on the preliminary operations connected with the re-erection of the ancient pillar in the ruined fort at Kosam', District Allahabad. These inscriptions were found in the villages in the vicinity of Koram and I am glad to say that at my request the owners have presented all the three records to the Archaeological Department and they have been placed as exhibits on loan in the Provincial Museum at Lucknow. Along with these inscriptions I was fortunate enough to bring to light a fourth inscription of the time of king Jayachchandra of Kanauj which furnishes final corroboration of General Cunningham's identification of the remains at Kosam with the ancient city of Kausi mbi. This inscription is being dealt with in a separate article. The impressions reproduced in this paper have been supplied by Mr. Prayag Dayal, Curator, Provincial Museum, Lucknow. Inscription No. I. This epigraph is incised ou & stone slab measuring 2' 10% high, l' wide and 2!" in thickness. The stone was fixed in the parapet of a well in the village of Masharfa situated about a mile and a half to the north-west of the stone pillar at Kosam. The inscription is engraved on the front face of the slab and consists of fourteen lines. Each line consists of five to seven aksharas except the last line which probably contained only three characters, now mostly defaced. For the rest, the epigraph is in an excellent state of preservation. The inscription is written in Brahmi characters which closely resemble the alphabet used in the inscriptions of the Mahakshatrapa Sodasa, like which it is drawn up throughout in pure Prakrit. The inscription is not dated, nor does it mention the name of the ruler of the time. The object of the document is to record the erection of a stone railing (vedika) by a certain householder named Gotiputa, son of Kusa pala and grandson of Vari who was a caravanmerchant and a votary of Manibhadra. The inscription begins with a salutation to a certain Bhagavat whose name unfortunately is not given and ends with the wish that "the deity may be pleased ". Here too, unfortunately, the name of the deity is not given or, if it was, it has been destroyed in the last line of the inscription. The traces left on the stone, however, seem to favour the reading 'Bhagava'. We are thus left to guess the identity of this god. I am inclined to think that it was the Yaksha Manibhadra, the favourite deity of the grandfather of the donor. We know from other records that this deity enjoyed extensive worship in ancient times. The inscription is silent as to the purpose for which the stone balustrade mentioned in it was intended. Probably it surrounded some sacred monument such as an image of the deity Manibhadra, a pillar, a chaitya or some sacred tree. The stone on 1 The visiblo antiquities of Kosam have been described by several scholars :--Cunningham, Archeological Survey Reports, Vol. I, pp. 301-815; F. E. Pargiter, Two Recorde on the pillar at Kosam in Ep. Ind., Vol. XI. Pp. 87 ff; R. D. Banerji, Some Soulptures from Kosam in the 4. S. R., 1913-14, part II, pp. 262-264 ; and the Annual Report of the Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Hinda and Buddhist Monuments, Northern Circle, for the year ending 31st March 1917, p. 18. * Cf. M'emoirs, 4. 6. 1., No. 6, PI, XXVI, 6 and Ep. Ind. Vol. II, p. 199, No. II and plate and other inscriptior. Vide 4. 8. R., 1916-16, Pt. II, pp. 104 ff. and Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda's Paper entitled Four Ancient Yakala Statues published in the University of Calcutta, Anthropological Papers, No. 8. [For the dhyana of Mapibhadra e Vishudharmottariyas III, 78.18.-Ed.) * Ct. Diya kho cha karita " the rail pattern and the ya kaha have been on sed to be made" engraved above the image of a yakawa in Cave No. 18 at Nasik (Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 93, No. 2.

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No. 20.] which the inscription is engraved must have been one of the posts of the railing, the back portion of which was cut away in later times. THREE BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM KOSAM. 1 Namo Bhagavate 2 sathavahasa 3 Manibhadasa1 4 gahapatikasa 5 Ejavati-putasa 6 Vrrisa puts gahapatiko 7 Seliya-puto TEXT. 8 Kusapalo nama 9 tasa putena 10 gahapatikena 11 Gotiputena 12 asika1yam karita 13 vedika piyatam 14 [Bhagava]. 159 TRANSLATION. "Salutation to the Blessed One! [There was a certain person] named Kusapala, & householder, the son of Seliya, (and) the son of Vari, a caravan-merchant, (and) householder, the son of Ejavati. (and) a votary of Manibhadra. By his (Kusapala's) son Gotiputa, a householder, this railing of stone was caused to be made. May [the Blessed One] be pleased!" Inscription No. II. This inscription is engraved on a stone slab, measuring 2' 3" x 1' 10" x 3" in thickness, which is broken into two pieces across the width. The top and the bottom are irregularly broken and it is difficult to say for what purpose the stone was originally intended. The existing portion of the inscription consists of five lines, measuring 17" to 21" in length. The inscription is incomplete. The first line is undoubtedly the beginning of the document but how many lines are lost at the end owing to the peeling off of the surface it is impossible to say. The surviving portion of the record is in a bad state of preservation. The left halves of the first three lines have completely disappeared, while several letters in the beginning of the 4th line are damaged. The characters are Brahmi of the Gupta period and the language Sanskrit. The document was engraved on the 1st day of the 2nd fortnight of a certain year which is broken off in the beginning of the 2nd line, in the reign of a certain Maharaja the illustrious Sivam [e]gha. This prince is not known from any other source as yet, and it is impossible to say to what dynasty he belonged. Then follow the words "On this occasion" after which we notice the names of certain individuals preceded by their fathers' names. These persons probably did some meritorious work which was recorded in this inscription, but its fragmentary condition prevents our making out what the nature of this work was. TEXT. 1 [Maha]ra(a)jasya sri-Sivama(e)ghasya samvatsara]. . 2.... [varsha pikshe] 2 divase pa(pra)thame e[tasyam] 3 [parvvayam]... kasya Sa[m] karava(ba)la p... 4 dav[ishthaka]sya Samanaka-putrasya Dharakasya [Nam] dava (ba)la-putra.. na 5 kasya [Da]manaka-putrasya Dharakasya [Ya]sava (ba)la-putrasya Kukkasya [*] 1 Cf. Manibhadra-bhakta() in the Padmavati Manibhadra Statue Inscription, 4. 8. R., 1915-16, Pt. II, p. 106, Text. 2 This word is engraved between the 5th and 6th lines. * Gotiput=Gotiputa (Sanskrit Gaupti putra) is here undoubtedly a proper name. We find the word used ir other inscriptions both as a metronymic and as a proper name (ef. Luders, List of Brahmi Inseriptions, No. 663, 681 and 682). * Abika-atika corresponds to the Sanskrit asmika, the taddhitu form of afm-19.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Inscription No. III. The slab bearing this inscription was secured from the village of Hasanabad close to the ancient remains of Kosam. It was lying near a well and would appear to have been used for sharpening tools and other utilitarian purposes. The slab is rounded at the top and a portion of it is broken off at the bottom. Its present dimensions are 2' 10" in height and the same in width, the thickness being only 3". Only four lines of the inscription now remain in the upper round portion of the stone, but that originally the record covered some more space of the slab is obvious from the traces of aksharas which have survived in the rest of the defaced surface. The characters are similar to those of inscription No. II, like which the record is composed in Sanskrit. The only information of any interest obtainable from the inscription is the name of the ruler which on the analogy of the ruler's name in the preceding epigraph has been read as Maharaja Sri-Bhadram [egha]. It is gratifying to note that in this inscription it is possible to make out the date with a considerable degree of certainty and it is the 5th day of the 3rd fortnight of the rainy season in the year 88. The era unfortunately is not given but if, as seems likely, it was the Gupta era, the corresponding Christian year would be 407 A.D. This, however, is a mere conjecture. Sivamegha mentioned in Inscription No. II and Bhadram[ogha] of the present inscription presumably belonged to the same dynasty about which we at present know nothing more. 160 TEXT. 1.. Maharajasya sri-Bhadram [eghasya] 3. 2 [Samvatsa]re 80 8 varsha paksha 3 divasa 5 sya Samarasya (?) puttra Him[i]ngana ayayadavadara!. 4 [VOL. XVIII No. 21. TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA. BY THE LATE T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., TRIVANDRUM, AND K. AMRITA RAO, M.A., MADRAS. The two inscriptions edited below are engraved upon two sets of copper-plates belonging to the Ranganathasvamin temple at Srirangam. They are edited for the first time from impressions prepared under the supervision of one of us. A.-INSCRIPTION OF SAKA-SAMVAT 1436. This record (No. 23 of the Madras Epigraphist's Copper-plate Collection for 1905-06) is engraved upon three plates, which are strung together on a ring which bears a circular seal. On the seal are shaped in half relief a boar, the sun and the moon-the usual Vijayanagara emblems. The first side of the first plate and the second side of the third are left without writing, and the rims of the plates are raised. The writing is consequently very well preserved. The plates are numbered with the Telugu-Kannada numerals 1, 2 and 3 engraved on the second side of the first, and on the first side of the second and third plates respectively, to the right of the ring-hole. The alphabet in which the epigraph is written is Nandinagari, and the language Sanskrit. At the end of the inscription is the word Sri-Virupaksha, the sign-manual of the king, written in the Telugu-Kannada alphabet. The inscription almost always employs the anusvara, wherever the nasals have to be used. The tin conjunct consonants is usually doubled unnecessarily, as in prattyuha in 11. 4 and 52, in kirttya in 11. 28 and 44, in vrajedittya" in 1. 45, in avarttya in 1. 55, in ittyukto in 1. 60, ittyadi in 1. 62 and nittya in 1. 65. There occur also omissions of letters in some places, due to the carelessness of the engraver, e.g., t in vyatantt in 1 My attention has been kindly drawn to the existence of the first da in this word by Mr. H. Krishna Sestri The meaning of the compound is uncertain. It may perhaps be interpreted as arya-yadava-darah, the wife of the noble Yadava, who ever he was.

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No. I. No. II. YYUYXT LOKLY HES H. KENNA SASTHI. Three Brahmi Inscriptions from Kosam. DRYIR ntynnu RYHY7B tupliun WW 2143 Wachterent 224047 tulit TYHAY ttynnu TYHYU YIT FUK Ymgy SCALE THREE-EIGHTHS No. III. YESELL THUTH g37700 INTER 72000 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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No. 21,1 TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA. 1 21. st in Nrisimkandrat in 1. 25, t in akdrshit ip 1 31, the ruoundary symbol in ya in hyranya n L 40, t in larigalyatanit in l. 41 and so on these amissions are supplied in the transcript with an asterisk. The visarga is also omitted in a large number of instauces where it is wanted and there again it is inserted wimilarly in our transcript. Besides these cases, there are here and there verbal errors, and the corrections of these are afteptad in factreotes. In both the records the genaslogy of the kiog Krishnadovertya is given me follows The Haos Budha Par travas ya 1 Nabusha Tayai, m. Devayani Turyss Pinaina, m. Davakt Tovara, . Bukkema Narass, who, having built a bridge across the Kavect, defeated the pnemy, took him prisoner and captured Srirangapattana ; defeated the Chera, the Chola and the Pandys, Manabhusha, the lord of Madhara, the Turpshkse, the Gajapati and otherx. By Tirrau By N&galdov1 Vira-Noisinha Krishnadevaraya The record is dated $. 1436, wiela popresponds to the eyelig voor Bhaya, in the reign of Krielpadeya-Meharaza of Vijayanagan. In this yeer, on Wednesday which coinoided with the Go-dvadasi tithi in the month Karttiks, the nakshatra for that day being Bharani, the king granted the wildege of Ennakudi to the Brahmape AllALA-Bhatta. Regarding this date the Hon'ble Mr. L. D. Swamikkapau Pillai, Dewan Babedar, writes -- "S. 1436, Bhava, Wednesday, Go-dvadast-tithi in the month Kartika, Bharani nakshatra. Abvina Sukla Dvalast is called Go-dvadasi (Ind. Ephemeris, p. XIX); but in A.D. 1514-15=$. 1436, Bhava, Asvina Sa. 12 fell on Saturday, 30th September, 1514, and the nakshatra was Satabhishaj. "The day intended was probably Margasira Su. 12, Wednesday, 29th November, A.D. 1514, when the wakabatra was Bharani." The name Go-dvadafi cocurs in other documents sukso. We meet with it, for instance, in the ancient record of the Ay chieftain, Vikramaditya Varagopa (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 192); what observances there are on this particular dvadast is not known. On the date specified the king Krishnadeveviy, being the presence of the god Vinaphs in the temple at Vijayanagara (Hampi), standing a pon the bank of the Tungabhades and near the hill Eemakata, granted the village of Ennakuli under the name of Krishnariyapuram to Allada-Bhatta, son of Varadara jarya, of the Atreya gotra, of the Apostamhours and of the Yajna sakha, who was a master in the six systems of philosophy. The occasion on which this

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. grant was made was the giving of the mahadana called the Go-sahasra. The village granted is said to be situated in the Cholamandala-rajya, that is, that province of the empire which was known by the name of Cholamandala ; the village was in the western portion of the division called the Uyyagondacholendra-valanadu, which belonged to the [Tiruv]arur-chavadi and was situated in the Tirumibachchur-pattu; the village was situated on the bank of the river Kaveri and was to the cast of Karkaktai (?), to the south of the canal Nattavakkal, to the west of Pelaikudi (Melsikkuli) and to the north of the river Virantanaru. It is not quite patent how a document issued to u private person found its way into the treasury of the temple of Ranganathasvamin at Srirangam. Perhaps the donor, a Srivaishpavs, was a native of Srirangam, and he may have either deposited the copper-plates in the temple treasury for safe custody or have presented the village with its original deed of gift to the god Ranganatha. As regards the donee, nothing can be said definitely, as do distinguishing family names are affixed to his name; to which of the acharya-purusha families he belonged is not easy to ascertain. At the end of the document it is stated that the composer of the inscription is Sabhapati and the engraver Mallanaobarya, the son of Viranacharya. The names of places, eto., which occur in the document are :-Uyyagondacholendra val. niau, [Tirav]artir, Tirumihachchir, Eppakuli, Karkaktai, Pelaikaoi and the rivers Kaveri, Viraptanara and Nattavakkal. Of these Uyyagondacholendra-valandu is the same as Uyyakkondachola-valanadu, an ancient division of the Chola days. Tiruvarur is a town of great importance for the large Biva temple situated in it; it is in the Negapatam Taluk of the Tanjore District. Tiramihachchar, same as Tiramiyachchur, a place whose praises are sung by the Saiva enints Tiru-Joana sambandha and Appar, is situated in the Nannilam Taluk. The river Kavert is too well known to need any comment. The Nattavakkal is the same as the Nattar, which runs through the Nannilam Taluk anu the French territory of Karaikkal. The river Virantanaru seems to be the same as the Virasolaparu, which runs through the Mayavaram Taluk and disembogues south of Tranquebar. We are not able to identify Karkaktai (here the reading itself appears to be wrong) and Pelaikudi (Melaikkudi) and Eppakudi. The portions of the inscriptions A and B which contain the genealogy of Krishnadevarhys are similar to those found in other inscriptions of this king. For instance, vv. 1-28 of A are identical with those of the Conjeeveram Plates of Krishnadevaraya edited in Vol. XIII, pp. 126-189. VV. 9-11 found in A are omitted in B. Therefore vv. 1-8 of B agree with vv. 1-8 of A, and vv. 9-24 of B with vv. 12-28 of A. Since the geneulogioal portion of the inscriptions A and B have been printed in the Epigraphia Indicu more than onoe, they are Omitted in the transcripts of the texts given below. A. TEXT.1 (Metres : v. 28, Sragdhard; vv. 29-454, 471-501, Anushtubh ; v. 46, Giti; v. 517, Salint.) Second Plate : Second Side. e . . . . . . . . ali 64 [sa]dhobhiH sa vijayanagare khasiMhAsanastaH, mApAlAn kRSNarAya65 fafaufaruterte al TETTU [1] gafarurfufa From 10 knd impresions prepared under the supervision of Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao. Read . Read

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iia. H. KRISHNA SASTRI. SOALE -5. Katrina manamA garirahanA havAmAnAmA 2lA mAnamattAmA rahanakAlAbAjAra tAra 73.77) naphalalAnA cAlanA 4REMIRMITIZZIE)7THEInAmAnAbAdamajI -4 (GaanalahAnamA damAmAlAnA 6 navavatI mApana namAmAjAlAnA 6 yonAlI janatAmA AISINuvAtarumAla 858/MilananadayopAnarANepZA8 KEILHESAGEvIravAtAvaramA 105aarti FRISTIA cIjalavaDA kAravAlAnA 10 nakAilasosvAda, jamAnatAkA nAmamA 12 memanalA tAmAhAgaranAvAtaja 12 moranA kAme motAratAracAkAmAlA 14lauaniarAjIvaggA pAhAtA tA14 YFIITRAlA kacaratAta . 16050CTIotAle malAtaraNakAvatAnA16 samAnA rAtArAtAlakanADAmAcamA 18vanamAnITosija jAtAnAtA 97sA gAjAkADAmAmAlA 2017nAnArAma nAnArAmAvatAratara20 KIT M araJFAra me jA malASFM 221PARROTEL lAtAjAtavAsAta-22 mAtA tanAva utAnavatAnA REET bhAgItA jJAna ra TokarA 24 KOR(REM (73733mAra tAna 26 dara FIRITE'nAilA nAkAta kasA 26 KAcadonAsihAlA nAgapatrAlA 28MbhAratI/mArajananAdaNAsaam LHIVITIRmAle cAsamevAtAlamatamA kA 305 nAvalAMnA saralatamA DAgAsAgaranA 30 PANIPaa dAnAkAnI+7 (rAmArAkAnAsamarA 32 mAla RUA/ 9vavekAmAvAlAta 32 TITANMATABhAlA jamarA RcmbaiIAsia?jAtako ga + TELFIR 34 27HITnAnAjAnAjAta 36EMBrmahArAja( mAratoEiTTISM 36 bhAva mAnalArAkA 38 MInAle vahA ratanakAra mAtahAtAmA 38 DidaianiadilAkakanImAmA HGRAFtAmAdi-TIVATIJolisa40 RHITFITAnA jAtAkA Kilal5lAsamanAmanA42 T/ BRRojanAkAjAmAtA HIRA RITIATIFmahInA kA kAma144 FIEL13 ) sAvaI (jAlakAjAmAtA FIES MESTICTET/vanasatAkAkA-46 FFIlI. FAI 3 mAmalaalmmandimtA ITI II 37VAamanAvAtItA tAlA148 MITI TIMmANalAla mAtAlataratAkA 5073aralMOTIFI METRAFIREF150 LERI AARTI mAtAjAtAnaharA Srirangam Copper-plate Grant of Krishnadeva-Raya; S.S. 1436. SURVEY OF INDIA.

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iib. iii. damaga ICS ravAnAmA 52 KOTARAMbAharanAka kAranAmA MKRIFSPEETakAlanakA lAgyAtyAkAnI KOman ma kr||35.m bhAva nAvAnatA 5617Garatamdan RakAjAvakakA FISHERanAmA dAtArAma.mAranAmA aan 01578na janasasamaya 58 HTTP17SATIOETRnAjapatrAdhAnAcArAlA 80055 / cAmerakyA najaramA ARJECRETIMADI lamaratAnamAlA 623rAkAsA mAdA jAdA sAnA ARMIRRITIzAdI yA tAratamAnakAlA 64Mea6717 daridArAtalA 64 RPIRITTEFTEgADImApArakAnAsannatA 66 rana hai sAvalyA rAjaranAralAhavAlI 168 ma tatakAlatanAramA WATIOnarapatanAvahAratamAnakAnAkA AdSENSTITICTIMI gatimAtaTTISM 70RAala) samAsAto mAsa70 rAgAvataraNAvAdAtalA 72 kA MMATIbhatAnapAvarasyAtAyA72 marasatAnA govA 74 DAsAtAmA tapAcAvAcA TESTRATSkAranAmAmAmAlalAnA jApAna (2021 kAjAkA 76 CATEGIST7+ICTIM haramatAnasAhAtA mAtA EARTrafemaramAnAta78 rAmAnAta 37 daalanaSEAS180 ManAremA -vAmA jAuNyAsAlAnA 7ImAna nArAkAnAASTE182 MPISIEL mala mAlakAlA tAla 841mamA kakanImA ja namatAnamA 184 HORama ROSkAmAlA 86 ISISEMnamA lAmAkA 186 on 14TAKAVARA jApAjatAnAdA 88mrapalihilAlA188 A2010-0ITIES mAtA kAtAlAnAlA, MouTISTAMIT 30 mAravAcakAcakAlA90 FouTOREKAyAmAmAjalagAvavAcakatA RITI KAtArAtAlArAnAdAnaPLEAFatahalAmAkAkAkA 941ERasA manamokAzAvatAranA / 194 rAnapAnamadhorAmAyopAlatarAnAvanAkAra 981 pAtabArA mntaa| pAlatanAmAvaratranappalatA 98lagAnANTEGkAlamAnAtivA98 tAtAstAvita ne jApAnamAyA vanarAsasajaza 60.00030

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No. 21.) TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA. 168 66 kaTakAdA ca hemAcalAtA (0)dA setoradhimArtha (:)triyamiha bahalIlatva 67 koA samidhe (:) [28] zAlivAhananinate zakAbde sacata: yataH pahi[za]68 tA ca saMyuktaiH saMkhyAte dazabhi[:"] zataiH [28] bhAvasaMvatsare mAsa kArtike budhavA69 sare / gohAdasyAM ca puNyAyAM bharaNyAM samaye zubhe [30] tuMga bhadrApaga[1]70 tIra hemakuTopazobhite / zrovirupAkSadevasya saMnidhau mukti[dA]71 *ni [31] pAtreyagotrajAtAya varApastaMbasaviNe / yazakhine ya[:]. 72 zAkhA[dhyA] yine guNazAline [32] Sa[1]nyiMbudheH pAradRzvane zata73 zobhine / zrImaddaradarAjAyaMsunave sutotaye / [33] gosaha ma[7]74 dAne vizrute zubhadAyini / prAcAryAya vizaMdhAya vAcAryyAya ma75 hAlane 34] puru[SA]ye" sarasvatyai "sya bhIlAya dhImate / pakhAla76 bhaTTaveSAya zeSAya gurave dhiyA / / 35*] colamaMDalarAjyAMta[bha]tadakSi77 Narodhasi / puNya (7) kaverakanyAyA dRzyamAnanijasthitiM / / 26.] pAra" 78 rucAvaDaraMtarbhAvaM cApi samAzrI"taM / vikhyAtamuyyapoMDazrIcI laM]-10 79 []vaLanA[Du]ke / [1 37"] tasyaiva pazcimI bhAga iti khyAtimupAzrIta"] [2]. Third Plate: First Side 80 [mye] tirUmiyarupaDake vihitasthitiM / / 38] kalIgrAmataH prA[] 81 nAhAvAka[*]lapradezataH / dakSiNatvaM zrIta palaikuDigrAmAca paci. 82 maM / / 38] vorAMtanAttuzI mAyA uttarasyAM dizi sthitaM / kRSNarAyapura ce. 83 ti pratimAma samAzritaM [ // 4.] grAmameNNakuDItyAkhyA vikhyAtAmAthiti] 84 vrN| sarvamAnyaM] catu[:]sImAsa"yutaM ca samaMtata: / / / 41] nidhinica papASANa85 [ mizA dhyajalAnvitaM / pakSiNyAgAmisaMyukta mekabhogyaM sabhUka1 Read ntA. - Read pA~te. * Read SaTuiM. * Read bhayo ca. * Read kU. Read fu.. * Read zu. - Read degsUnave sUtra 10 Read a. 1 Read degzuddhA. 11 The netual reading on the plate is giu.-which has to be corrected into g'o u.-Ed.) - Read pu. 1Read . Is Read pi. * Read "mukhyagoMDavIcIla. 17 Read degmaNamita w Read timikA - Read ter. Rahu.. 1 Rend d. Minist 24 Road Read sU.

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164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XVIm. 86. 42] vApIkUpatAca kacchamApi [samanvitam / "] puSaghaucAdi mi) [v] kra. 87 mAdAcaMdratArakaM [ // 43*] dAnasthAdhamanasyApi vikrayasyApi cocitaM / pa88 rItaH prayata[:] zinagdhaH "] puroSitapurogamaiH [ // 4] vividhai(:)vidu. dhai: ] zrotapa89 vivaradhigirA / aNadevamArAyo mAnanIyo manacinA // 45*] sa90 hiraNyapayodhArApUrva]kaM dattavAnmudA [4 ] tadidamavanIvanIpakavinu1 tadharAyasya kaSNarAyastha [*] zAsanamativale zAsanatarakaradAna12 va sA[pa]dAnasya [ 41] aNadevamahArAyacAsamaina samApati[:.] pamA. 28 ponma[sa]: tadidaM tAzAsana sey'] vaTA zrImAnAcAryo] vINA9 bhAryanaMdana: Akalpamatako iti bhAsama leNaka[H // 48"] 90 dAnapAlanayormadhe dAnA[2]yonupAlanaM [1] dAnAkha gamavA. 90 proti pAlanAda"taM padaM [very"] khadattAhiguNaM puNyaM" paradattA97 nupAlanaM [1] paradattApahAreNa svadattaM niSphalaM bhavet] [ *] 98 sAmAnyoyaM dharmasataM"bRpANAM kAle kAle pAlanoyo bhavaDi][: 1] 89 savA netAn bhAvinaH pArthiveMdrAna bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmacaMdraH [ // 517] 100 zrovirupAkSa [*]]" ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. (Vv. 25 to 28.) King Krishnaraya raled the earth, being sented upon the jewelled throne at Vijayanagara, in as glorious a fashion as the ancient kinge) Nriga and others grating ample sums of money to rappliants throughout the length and breadth of the land, from Seta to the Mera mountain, from the Mountain of the rising Snn to that of the setting Sun. (Vv. 29-35.) In the year one thousand four hundred and thirty-six of the Saka era, norresponding to the (oy olio) year Bhave, in the month of Kartika, on a Wednesday, the G8-dvadasi tithi and the Bharani nakshatra, the king granted, in the presence of the god Viru. pakaba, on the bank of the river Tungabhadr. and near the Hemakuta hill (at Vijayanagara), the village of Ennakudi ander the new name of Kfishnarayapuram, to Allala-Bhatta, son of Varadarlijaryo, of the Atreya gotra, Apastanu ba sutra and Yajus sakha, who was a master 1 Road 1 * Rende 1 Road tArasamma 1. Resl . - Read al * Read fe. * Read khanA. ittende. * Read mR. # Read 7. * Rend tasva'. " Read higuvaM pucca 1Read . 18 Written in Telaga Kannada characters. Bead face.

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No. 21.] TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA. 165 in the Six Systems of philosophy and the Sruta (i.e. the Vedas), who was over veracious, who officiated as priest during the Gosahasra-mahadana, who was pure, prajseworthy, the goddess Sarasvati in male form, (of good conduct and intelligent and in wisdom like the teacher Sesha (i.e, the serpent Adissosha). (Vv. 36 to 454.) The village granted was in the Chola mandala-rajya, on the soath bank of the Kiveri. It belonged to the jurisdiction of the) Araru-chavadi (Tiruvarur) and was in the Tirumthaohohuru-pattu the western half of Oyyagondacholendra-Valanadu. It was situated to the east of the village of Karkaktai, to the south of the Nattavakkal, to the west of the village of Palaikudi (Melaikkudi ?) and to the north of Virantanaru. It was granted with the enjoyment of the eight items of proprietorship, such as midhi, mikshapa, eto., as a freehold to be enjoyed by the donee and his descendants as long as the Moon and the Sun subsist, with the rights of gift, sale, mortgage, etc., by the illustrious Krishnadeva-Msharaya, who was surrounded (nt the time of the gift) by his Purohitas and a utuinber of Brahmanas well versed in the Srauta learning, with pouring of water together with gold. (V.464.) This is the sasana of king Krishnaraya, whose income from land is praised by suppliante for munificence, which is equal to that of the tree (Kalpa-oriksha) of Indra's region. (V. 47The copper-plate document was composed by Sabhapati at the command of Kpishoadeva-Mahariya. (V. 481.) Mallanacharya, the son of Viranacharya, the artificer, who engraved this document on the oppor-plater, obtained one share in the gift. (Vv. 49 to 514.) The usual admonitory versen. Line lvo. (Sign-mapoal of the kings of Vijayanagara, the word) Sri-Vir[0]P[<]ksha B.--INSCRIPTION OF SAKA-SAMVAT 1460. This inscription also is engraved on set of three platos, of which the first side of the first and the second side of the third plates are left anengraved; the rims of the plates are raised, The writing is very well presorved. This set also, like the other set A above, buy a ring and seal. The plates are not numbered. The alphabet in which the record is engraved is Nandinagari, and the languages Sanskrit and Tamil: the earlier portion, describing the genealogy, the praises of the donor and the donee and the village granted, is in the Sanskrit language, while the letter portion describing the boundaries, etc., of the village granted, is in Tamil. The sign-mangal, SriVirupaksha, at the end of the document is written in the Telugu-Kannada alphabet. The orthographical peculiarities of this epigraph are almost the same se those of the other. In addition to those already detailed under A, this inscription introduces visargas in a number of places where they are superfluons, and in these instanies they are marked off in the transcript by round brackets. The engraver bas done his business in a rather slovenly wanner, allowing many omissions and errors to occur in the document. The inaoription belongs to the reign of Kfishusdeva-Maharaya and is dated Saka 1450 which corresponded to the cyclic year Sarvajit. In this year, on a Monday, which was also the Uttbans-dvadasi tithi in the month of Karttika, the king nade a grant of an agrahara to A number of Brahmanas of various gotras, sutras und Vedas. The village granted WEB Vadapibur-Ekambarapuram-its name being changed into Kpisaneriyapuram at the cime of the grant. The village was situated on the south bank of the river KAveri in the Tiruvalur-sima of the Ohola-mandala, belonged to the Suttavalichoda-valanddu and was in the sthala (sub-division of Alangudi; it was bouided on the west hy Manavarinalltir, on the north by Kongardyanellur, on the east by Tirukafambridir, and on the south by Valanguci.

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166 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. The village itself seems to have been situated on the bank of the rivulet called the Rushi river. In the Tamil portion the boundaries of Vedambaru-Yekani barapuram are given as follows: Tirukalambur on the east; Tirakalambur and Velanguli on the south-east; Velangudi, and Sedirayanallur on the south; on the south-west Sedirayanallar and Manavarinallor; on the west Manavarinallar; on the north-west the same (?); on the north Kongarayanellar, and the same on the north-east. It was divided into thirty-two shares and distributed among Brahmanas who had different gdtras, sutras and fakhas. The names of the Brahmanas, however, are not given as promised. One share each was given to the gods Vishnu and Siva in the village, and the fasana-engraver Mallanacharya gets, as usual, one share for his work. Regarding the date, the Hon'ble Mr. L. D. Swamikkanuu Pillai, C.I.E., kindly furnishes us with the following note : " S. 1450, Sarvajit; Monday, Utthana-Dvadasi, in the month of Kartrika. Karttika Su. 12 is called Utthana-Dvadasi (Ind. Ephemeris, p. XIX). In A.D. 1527=s. 1450 (current) Sarvajit, Utthana-Dvadasi or Karttika Su. J2 fell on Monday, 4th November A.D. 1527: the tithi commenced at 19 ghafikas after mean sun-rise on Monday and came to end on Tuesday at 154 ghatikas after mean sun-ribe." At the end of the inscription we are told that the composer of the document was Sabhpati, and the engraver Mallanacbarya, son of Virandcharya. The following are the names of places, etc., mentioned in the record :-Ekambarapuram, Vadainburor Vedambur, Tiruvalor, Suttavalichoda-valacadu, Alangudi, Manavarinallur. Kongarayanellar, Tirukalambudur or Tiru kalambir, sedirayanallar, Velangadi and the rivers Kavori and Rushi. Of these Tiruvalur has already been identified with the town of that name in the Negapatam Taluk; Suttavalichoda-valanadu, which is one of the divisions of the Chola days, takes its name from the village whole modern spelling is Sittamalli and which is situated in the Mannarguli Taluk; Aladgudi, Kongarayanellar, Tirukalambar and Velangadi are in the Nannilam Taluk of the Tanjore District. We are not able to identify "Vadambor, Eksmbars. param, Manivarinallur, Sadirayanallar and the river Rushi. B. TEXT. [Metres : v. 25, Sragdhara; vv. 26-43, 45-46, Anushtubh ; v. 44, Salini.] (Lines 1 to 52 have been omitted, as they agree with the text of the Conjoeveram Plates of the same king published on pp. 126-9 of Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII.) Second Plate: First Side. 53 . . . ter f a: fatuatre rafu''T18754 [] [:*] h t :) fafaufatuitam feit NIET55 [a] | [w]yafameuaw#ZACT A[]atar'[ET @]56 art(t)f (:)fufas avoteca sifa af [ R4*) m al57 [vafaat[a] HEUR 90[*]n[:] i janud [A]: FRIT [*]ufa[:*] q[Q][: 1 pt) From inked impressions prepared under the supervision of Mr T. A. Gopinatha Rao. * Read w ete. . Read f4. * Rend sApAlAna React . .Rajawafai.. Read af. * Read 7. * Read saMkhyAte.

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No. 21.] TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA. 58 sarvajihasare nAdhye kArttiko 'caMdravAsare / uyA'nahAdazIti 59 [2] yApuNyakAle zubhe dine / [ 27* ] tuMgabhadrAnadItIra (1) virupAca stha* saMni agrahAracakIrSAyo' paramaprItimAM (1) tadA |[ 28 ] vicitrANi 'ca 61 [] [strANi *] vividhAni ca / zAkhAya vividhAstvAni' nAmAni vivi 62 [dha]Ani ca [ 28*] bibhrANebhyA' hijAti[bhyo] vedavize viza' Sata[: / "] 60 dhau [go] bhUdAna 63 [pa] AcabhUtebhyo vizRtebhyodhimedinI" [ 30"] cADamaMDalasaMmadha" tiru-] 64 []lUrisImana "savakIcokamA [] dhADilI / / 11*] [T]65 vairidaciNA sarvApAbhite" | mAnavArocana[]rumA-" 14 66 cyAM dizimupAmituM" [32] koma "rAyAsyane][[]]rudaciNa[sya dizi ] Second Plate: Second Side. 67 [f]" | "tirukALacIbUdUrapacamAyAM dizi sthita" [25] 68 bailAMvara (T) mAdudoccA dizimA" citaM [] ruvIna [thA) 69 svatatIragrAmapathamata zvitaM / [ 24 ] vaDaMbUrisamaM nAma yekAM70 barapuraM tathA / pratinAma kriSNarAyapuramityabhizAbhitaM / / 35*] grA[ma]-* 71 prAsArthaM masvaya" cAragrAmamahota / tagrAmapUrvadigbhAge suca[ca]72 [ vali ] mAsa" [ 26*] nidhinicapapASANasidha" sAdhyajalAnvaca: " / akSi73 NyAgAmisaMyuktaM samastavalayAnvita [m *] [ // 37*] putrapautrAdibhi (:)rbhAgya' [mA] [The reading is caMdu and must be corrected into caMdra.Ed.] * Read 'tyA. * Read pyA: pu. * Read ut. * Read it. 11 Read cokha and 'saMgha' 13 Read kAveryA daciNe bhAge sarvasasyopathIbhite. 1 Read prAcIM dizamupAzritam. 10 Rend . 18 Lines 80 and 82 below read tiphala bUra without the penultimate consonant 1 Read af and feat. 20 Rend 'hocoM dizamA 11 Bead fa:fer [at the beginning of the line must be changed into * Read Iate. * Read the. 25 Read "nADAbA 167 * Read sva. Read lAmi 10 Bead for and ff. 14 Read mAnAvarinajUda as in il. 84 and 88 below 17 Read - .--Ed.] * The anuseara on is merged slightly in the top line of the next letter. Read wat. 20 Bead pratinAyA vaca and zobhitam. 34 There is a dot on T resembling an anusrara. 20 Rend laGkAma. * Rend nicepa and sie. Real masyaiva. ardend sucenAvakhinata ka 20 Bond cita

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XVIII % 3D 74 [dA]caMdratAraka / sari "] khapayodhArApUrvakaM dAvAyadA' / / 28] taba 75 [viMzatiM vittikasAtvA samAhitaH / vittimaMto vini[vyaM]. 76 se [va]davedAMgapAragA: // [ 38] khagrAmadevayozcaiva zaivavaiSNavayArapi 77 / jAnevebabhogArtha 'vittirAdyA [sa]marpitaM [...] Third Plate : First Side, 78 taista'samanvitAci dikSu prAcyAdiSa kramAt / somanusA' pahA. 79 raNa vikhya[-]te dezabhASayA [ // 41] beDaMbUsyekAMbarapuratukku pratinAma. 80 mAna kriSNarAyapuratuka ye vivara" [1] kiLaki tikkaLaMbUriti 81 yethe caMdu" muMnA naDuvitu vAmanamudrakAnu" / pA[gne]yasakA ti[ka] 82 kaLabari balADibeDaMbUri[*] yaha padu" [ka]kuDina cAmanamudra88 su // "tirka vai[lAM]kuDi dirAyanama" beDa(0) bara]na"] yethe caMdu" kUr3i84 7 vAmanamudrakA / melamUce zedirAyana ka mAnAvarI.. / najUru veDaMbUri[na'] yele du" Dina" mukkali vAmanamuka*] // 86 mechu mAnAvarina[*] yethe ceMdu" kuDana" vAmanamudrakA / te87 kuvaDamala mUkhamA" yethe caMdu" kUDina vAmanamudrakanu / vaDa[ka]. 88 sAla [ko]garAyanaka"] yajJa caMdu" Dina vAmanamuda kara // vaDake89 DakamUle koMgarAyanejUru veDari" yethe caMdu" kUDina vAmanamudri]90 kanu / -1 yekeva' bhagino loke sarveSAmA va bhUbhujAM []na bhojyA 11 mAmA vipradatta" vasuMdharA // [42*] dAnapAlanayoma dhye dAnAcchreyonupA92 lanaM / dAnAkhargamavApnoti pAlanAda[cataM padaM [43*] sAmAnyoyaM dha. * Rent I Read mudA. - Read dvAtriMzataM itau: kalpayitvA. Read vRtti. * Rend - Read yo. . Read off and ofaar. Read dex and of * Read Arifes. The secondary a symbol of a looks like a line representing a stop rather than like the secondary symbol. * Read saubhAgIyA. 10 Read gegy 11 Read - Read . Read Q. - Read kiLake. " Read tibakaLapArie 1 Read zocana. 16 Bend Tgfee and gir " Rad acu. 20 Read tibakalaMka lAkuDi. " Read deve. tead zaidiyarAyamaharu uMcUrin. B Rend mudrakala. - Read tegmelamule. Readt. Read ofr. # Read can kuDina, " Read muzila. * Read baDarmaka mUle zAka'. - Read vakiLA mUla .. " Road rika . Read - Read tA. ss Reed me.

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No. 21.) TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA 169 93 AT Tarut [ *] ate 'Tertarafa: i wataai wife: []94 fuagt ut ut i & [88] UTAFITTINTH 95 7 Futufa: 1 yaaru ca afec aiara [84] ANTI96 [af]azzi[:*] 10 Tiaga: 1 914CA Jani faft? 21897 ca: [84*] 98 tragua [*] ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. (Verses 26-40.) In the year one thousand four hundred and Afty of the Saka era, corre. sponding to the (cyclio) year Sarvajit, on Monday in the month Karttika and the Uttbane. dvadasi tithi, the king Ktishnadeva-Maharaya granted as an agrahara the village of Vadambur-Ekambarapuram to a number of Brabnanas of various yotras, sutras, sakhas and of different names, who are well versed in the Vedas, fit to receive land-grant and well known. The village granted was in the Tiruvalur-sima and belonged to the Chola-mandala ; it was situated in the Alangudi-sthala in the Suttavalichoda-valanadu, on the south of the river Kaveri. It stood to the east of Manavarinallar, to the south of Kongarayanellur, to the west of Tirukalambador and to the north of the village of Velanguli, on the river Rushi. The village was divided into thirty-two shares and given to learned Brahmanas by the pouring of water together with gold. One sbare was given to each of the gods Siva and Vishnu in that village. (The rest of the plate is left unengraved, perhaps it was meant to fill up the names of donees.) [V. 41 states that the boundaries, etc., will be given in the language of the country in which the village ia situated.] (Ll. 79-90.) The details of the boundaries, of Krishnariyapuram alias Vadamburkambarapuram are :On the east the boundary line joins the boundary of Tirukalambur and touches the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra in the middle of Munneru. On the south-east the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra at the point where Tiruka lambir and Velangudi join the boundary of Vedambur. On the south the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra at the point where Velanguli and Sediyariyanallur join the boundary of Vedambar. At the south-west cornor the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra at the meeting point where Sediyarayanallar and Manavarinallur join the boundary of Vedambur. On the west the boundary line joins the boundary of Manivarinallar and touches the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra. At the north-west corner the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra. On the north the boundary line joins the boundary of Kongarayarella and touches the stone bearing the Vanana-mudra ; and On the north-east the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra at the point where Kongaraya nellar meets the boundary of Vedambur. Vv. 41-43. The usual admonitory verses.] iv. 44 states that Sabhapati composed the document at the command of Krishnadev.Maharaya.] [V. 45. Allots one share to the engraver of the fisana, Mallanaoharya, son of Virantcharya.] (L. 98.) Sri-Virupaksha, (the sign-manual of the king.) Read age. Read @ atat. Read 017. Read 19. 5 Read em af . * Road 'araat. * Read of * Written in Telugu-Kannada aiyumvuw, Pegd fact.

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170 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XVIII. No. 22-INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. BY LIONEL D. BARNETT. The village of Hali, anciently termed Puli, lies in circa long. 75deg 14', lat. 15deg 47}', about five miles east-by-north of Saundatti, the chief town of the Parasgad Taluk of the Belgaum District. It was formerly a town of considerable importance, and was one of the "Eighteen Agraharas" (Dynasties of the Kan. Distr., p. 443n.), as some of its inscriptions testify. In his Archaeological Survey of Western India : Report of the First Season's Operations (1874), Pp. 12-14, Dr. Burgess has given an account of its chief architectural remains; and in 1889 the late Dr. Fleet made a survey of its epigraphic records, as a result of which a number of ink. impressions were prepared for him, which are now in the possession of the Trustees of the British Museum. Of this collection the texts published below are the most important. Their provenance is as follows: A (a vira-gal), of A.D. 985, from the north of the Bhimesvara or Andbakesvara temple. B (Jain), of A.D. 1044-45 and 1145, from the temple of Virabhadra. 0 (Vaishpava), of A.D. 1082, from the same temple. D (of the cult of Harihara), of A.D. 1097, from the same temple. E (Saiva), of A.D. 1104, 1162, 1184, and 1224, from the temple of Madanesvara. F (Saiva), of A.D. 1107, from the temple of Kere-Siddhappa. G (a vira-gal), of A.D. 1107, from a site north of the Bhimesvara temple. H (Jain), date lost, from the Pancha-linga temple. I-J (Saiva), from the same temple. K. (saiva), from the Bhimavara temple. L (Vaishnava), of A:D. 1162, from the Virakta-matha. *** M (Vaishnava) of A.D. 1162, from the Agastyasvara temple. Of these temples the largest is the Pancha-linga, on which see Burgess, First Arch. Report, pl. xv and xvi. Burgess attributes it to about A.D. 1100. It was originally Jain, as is shown.by the figure of a Jing on the lintel, and by some Jain inscriptions, one of which, carved over the lintel of a door, records some building executed by the lay-disciples of Prabhachandra Siddhantadeva in the Saka year (lapsed) 114[2], corresponding to the cyclic year Vikrama, i... A.D. 1220-21. Now, as the name implies, it has been converted to the service of the Saiva cult. The temple of Virabhadra is a modern and insignificant building near the tank, which lies on the north-east of the village. That of Bhimesvara, which the villagers seemed inclined to call Andhakesvara, lies on the north of the village, in Survey No. 693. It was already partially ruined in 1882, and was covered by a rank growth of prickly pear. It is in the Dravidian style, without porch, and contains two shrines, one at the east end and one at the West. The temple of Madanesvara, as the villagers call it (it is termed Andhakesvara by Sir Walter Elliot, but the inscriptions call it the temple of Andhasura), lies to the north of the village, a little way up the hill, in Survey No. 688. It is a Saiva sanctuary of the Dravidian order, containing a porch, open mantapa, and shrine with litiga. The Agastyesvara is a sandstone temple, situated on the eastern bank of the Nagara Bhavi, a well or small tank on the north of the tank marked in Survey No. 694;, it is of the Dravidian order, and consists of a porch now ruined), walled mantapa, and shrine with linga. The temple of Kere-Siddhap wacha, This is the situation according to the Bombay Survey sheet No. 805, where it is entered as "Kaaba Hali." In the Indian Asla thoot 41 (1859), where the name is spelt" Hoole," it is a little further towards the east. * To the ne departed friend I owe drafts of the texts, which have greatly lightened the labour of making my own transcripta, and some notes on the archeological remains of Hali.

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No. 22.] pa, or "Siddhappa of the Tank," stands on the eastern side of the tank marked in Survey No. 694, towards the north-east of the village. It is of sandstone, of the Dravidian order, containing a shrine with linga, walled mantapa, and porch (now in ruins). The Virakta. matha is (or was) a building in the north-eastern part of the village, which served for lodging ascetics. INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. The Elliot Collection (Royal Asiatic Society's copy) contains transcripts of nine of these inscriptions: D. is given in vol. 1, fol. 233a, E. ib., fol. 284b, F. ib., fol. 307a, G. ib., fol. 306b H. ib., fol. 412a, I. in vol. 2, fol. 374b, J. ib., fol. 374b, K. ib., fol. 375a, and M. ib., fol. 1la. As nsual, these transcripts leave much to be desired. 171 A. OF THE REIGN OF TAILA II: SAKA 907. The following inscription is incised upon a black stone which was found to the north of the Bhimesvara or Andhakesvara temple, on the west bank of the Akkatangera-bhavi, in Survey No. 693. The slab was set in a base, and was 5 ft. 2 in. in height and 2 ft. 1 in. broad. It was a vira-gal, or hero's monument, and in accordance with the usual practice was divided into horizontal compartments, four containing sculptures and three writing. Of the sculptures I have been unable to obtain particulars. The first compartment of the writing (about 5" high) contains 11. 1-4, the second (about 3 high) 11. 5-9, the third (about 21" high) 11. 10-11 The inscription is fairly well preserved, and is in good Kanarese script, with letters between " and" in height. The special form of y noted above, Vol. XII, p. 336, seems to occur in bhandiy, 1. 3.-The language is Old Kanarese: 11. 1-4 are in prose, and then come three verses. The forms are those of a transitional period: thus we find the short accusative and. genitive, the locative in -o (11. 5-8, 10), and the verbal forms irdan (1. 5), ildan (1. 7), sandar (1.4), beside the archaic verbal forms antoran (1. 5) and kudidon (1. 8). The word eltus apparently the original of the later ettu, seems to occur in bhandiy-eltam, 1. 3. The i not preserved, except in negaida (11. 8-9). The record is of the usual type of vira-gal. It announces that on a certain date Dadda payya, a pergade or official in the service of Sobhanayya, made a raid upon Pali, whereupon Kendara Keta, Erevitta, and Tambada Keta attacked his party, slew the leader, his horse, and three of his men, and died the death of heroes. Verses 1-2 (11. 5-9) eulogise Kendara Keta; the mutilated and obscure verse 3 mentions a certain Kendara Marasimga as dying heroically in battle. The date of this record is :. Saka 907 expired, the cyclic year Parthiva; the full moon of Chaitra; Budhavara, or Wednesday (11. 1-2). These details are slightly irregular: the tithi Chaitra sukla 15 of the given year corresponded to Monday, 9 March, A.D. 985, on which day it ended about 16 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise, and it cannot have been connected with the Wednesday.1 The only place mentioned is Pali, i.e. Huli (1. 2). TEXT.2 [The metres are: verse 1, Mattebha-vikridita; verse 2, Kanda. The fragmentary verse 3 may possibly be a Dvipada.] 1 2 Chaitrada punname Puliya po Svasti [*] Sa(1)ka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsaramga3 907neya Partthivasamvatsarada Sobhanayyana perggade Daddapayyam Budhavaradandu 1 I am indebted to Mr. R. Sewell for the verification of my calculations of this and the other dates in the present paper. From the ink-impression. Abbreviated for samvatsara-satamgrlu. T 2

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172 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 3 lada bhapdiyl-eltam kemman-akaranam kondu poge Kendara Ketanum Erovit tanum Tambada Ketanum parichcho(chchhe)dar-geyda muvarun mel-alu kudureyuma ["] kondu mokshakke sandar [ll*] 5 Durado!-kaydu kadamgi pomgi maled-or-ant-icdan=eytandao machcharadind antoran-Anta6 kang-idad [o] kol-chand-ikki mikk-i vasun[dh]areyol-tan[n]-adatur patapamume ad=raj-ottamam pe[r]chchi 7 Kendara Keta[m] vara-Vasav-a[m*]ganeyaro! kod-ildan-a svarggado! || [1"] Todum bidum-ad-uduga8 de pad-apid-echch=aji-ramgado! vajiya[n]=alk-ali sur-a[m]ganeyarolam kudidon em kaliye nega9 lda Ken[dara Ketam ||] [2] 10 Si[m]gam-ibhamgalam nuguv-antes tara .. gi samgado! kalida Kendara Marasin11 gam me...... gandan=adatano | [3] . TRANSLATION (Lines 1-4.) Hail ! On Wednesday, the full-moon day of Chaitra of the 907th (year) of the centurier elapsed from the time of the Saka king, the cyclic year Parthiva, when Bobhanayya's officer Daddapayya without right or reason was carrying away the cart-oxen() of the fields of Pali, Kendara Keta and Erevitta and Tambada Keta, slaying the three men forming the division, the leader, and his horse, attained salvation. (Verse 1.) He stood worthily fighting in the fray, burning, striving, boiling: when, advancing, with indignation he despatched his adversaries to the Death-god, exercising the opportunity for slanghter (*), his prowess and majesty were extraordinary on this earth; and this noble prince becoming great, Kendara Keta was united in paradise to Indra's goodly damsels. (V. 2.) Shooting on the stage of battle his arrows with understanding of the right manner, so that the fitting (of the shafts on the bow-string) and their discharge did not slacken when he was exhausted he espoused the celestial ladies : what a hero is the illustrious Kendara Keta! (V. 3.) As a lion crushes elephants... Kendara Marasinga, who passed away in battle... what a man of valour and spirit ! B-OF THE REIGNS OF SOMESVARA I AND JAGADEKAMALLA II: SAKA 986 AND 1087. This record is carved on a black stone set upright in the ground against the outside of the Western face of the Virabhadra temple (see above). The stone when found was 4 ft. 7 in. high and 1 ft. 8 in, wide. The upper compartment, which was rounded on the top, contained soulptures, viz., in the centre, a squatting Jina facing to the front, with a cow and calf on the proper right and a scimitar on the left, while above these was the sun (to left) and moon (to right). The inscribed area below this is 3 ft. 1 in. high and 1 ft. 7} in, wide. The character is Old Kanarese, the average height of the letters in 11, 1-2 being from Y' in, to in. The y is uncertain. Perhaps to be corrected to eytandi. . For perchcha? * The e is not quite clear. The t is somewhat uncertain: it is written very small, below the lino. * Renting eytandu for the eytanda of the stone.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 173 and in l. 3 from rain. to in., after which it increases gradually to between in. to in. It is a fairly good type of the script used in the middle of the 12th century A.D. (see below). - The language is throughout Old Kanarese, verse and prose, with the exception of the introduotory Sanskrit verse. The ! is not preserved : instead we find ? in elgeyam (1. 12), pogalut. (1. 13), podalda (1. 16), nalke (1. 16), pelu (1. 20), pel (1. 54), and on the other hand r in erdda (1. 6) and negardda (11, 12, 18). On the instrumental artthiye (1. 14) see above, Vol. XIV, p. 27, n. 9. Of some lexical interest are the words chatta-samaya (1.9), (?)ayavana (1.9), linkade anka-palaka (1. 14), and adda-chinna (11. 35, 49). The record is a double one, containing two endowments, the first of which is dated in Saka 966 and the second in Saka 1067. It was actually written in its present form in the latter year, as is proved by the absence of comminatory formule and the character of the script. The first part refers itself to the reign of Ahavamalla (Somosvara I) in 11. 3-5, and then proceeds to celebrate in verse his feudatory Kaladiya Bolegadi (or Bodegidi), the governor of a Ninetysix district, whose son Payimma married Hammikabbe and by her had two daughters, Bhagenabbe and Lacbcbale or Lachchiyabbe. Lachchale married a governor of the Kundi Three-thousand, and was a generous benefactress of religion (11, 5-15). After some verses in praise of Pali and the thousand Brahman burgesses of that town (11. 15-20) comes a prose statement that these burgesses sold to Lachchiyabbe an estate, on which she constructed a Jain sanctuary, assigning certain lands for the maintenance thereof, and appointing as trustee Balachandra-Bhattarakadeva (11. 20-37). Then begins the second document (11. 37-54), which announces that in the reign of Jagadekamella (II) a local pergade named Nemana or Nemayya, having purchased some land from the burgesses of Poli, made a further endowment to the same sanctuary for the maintenance of the ascetics residing in it, the trustee being a certain Ramachandradeva. This Nemapa was a great-grandson of the above-mentioned Lachchiyabbe, his pedigree being as follows: Lachchiyabbe Dema[naP] m. Bhagiyabbe Payimma Kalideva Nemana The document then ends somewhat abruptly, without any concluding formule. This record, being twofold, contains two dates. The first is given on 11. 20-22 as: Saka 966 expired, the cyclic year Tarapa, Pushya suddha 10, Adivara (Sunday), the uttardyana sankranti. These details have been recently examined by Mr. A. Venkatasubbiah in Some Saka Dates in Inscriptions, p. 129, who remarks as follows: "Tarapa by the northern luni-solar system=$. 966=A.D. 1042. In this year, su. 10 of the lunar month Pushya ended at 44 gh. 21 p. after mean sunrise on 24th December, on which day, the Makara-sankranti occurred at 14 gh. 38 p. after mean sunrise according to the Sarya-Siddhanta. The week-day however was Friday - and not Sunday. In the solar month Pushya, i.e. Makara or Tai, [Magha-]bu. 10 ended at 11 gh. 36 p. after mean sunrise on Sunday, 23rd January, A.D. 1043. The (Kumbha-]sankranti, which occurred at 41 gh. 32 p. (S.S.) after mean sunrise on the preceding Saturday, fell, 1.6. was observed on this Sunday. This day, therefore,--Sunday, 23rd January, A.D. 1043--is the regular equivalent of the given date." Kolborn in his List of Southers Inscriptions (abore, Vol. VII, App., No. 160) given the equivalent Sunday 28 Decemner, A.D. 104. (But the tithi ought to be the first and not the 10th ; No Ind Ant. Vol. XXIV. p. 6, No. 148.-Rd.).

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174 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. The second date is given on 11. 40-41 as: Saka 1067 (expired), the cyclic year Krydhana, the tittardyana-sankranti. Naturally this cannot be verified The sankranti took place 20 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise on Monday, 24 December, A.D. 1145, and 1 Makara was accordingly reckoned as corresponding to Tuesday, 25 December. The places mentioned, besides Pali,are Kuadi (1. 14), the Belvala-nadu (1. 16), Siveyageri (1l. 34, 47), Kalasavalligeri (1.48), and a nameless Ninety-six district (1.6). For Belvala see above, Vol. XIII, p. 40. On the Kundi Three-thousand see I. A., Vol. XXIX, p. 278. The other places I am unable to identify. Kalasavalligari was a parish (keri) in Pali. TEXT: [The metres are as follows: verse 1, Anushtubh; verses 2, 3, and 8, Kanda; verse 4, Utpala-mala ; verses 5 and 6, Champaka-mala ; verses 7 and 9, Mattebha-vikridita.] 1 Srimat-parama-gambhira-syadvad-amogha-lamchcha (chchha)nam [1] jiya[t"] trailo2 kya-nathasya sasanam Jina-basanam || [1] 3 Svasti [lo] Samasta-bhuvan-graya Sri-Prithvi-vallabha maharajadhiraja paramesvara paramabhattara4 kam Satyasraya-ku!a-tilakam Chaluky-abharanam srimad-Abavamalladevara vijaya-rajya5 m-uttar-ottar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhamanam=8-chardr-arkka-taram saluttam-ire ! Tat-pada-padm-opajivi | Mel-e6 rdds pagevaram nirmmali(li)si jasamam nimirchchi dig-bhitti-varam Kiladiya Bolagadis tale pali(li)sidar Tombat-&7 rumam bhuja-baladim || [2] Atana patram vinay-opetam Payimmma-nri(npi)patig oppuva sati 8 vikhyati-yate Hammikabbege Sitege sari Bhagenabbe Lachchaley-ogedaru 11 [3] Ishta-ja9 nakke chatta-samayakke mahajana-bhojanakkey=utkri(kri)shta-tapara (dha)narggeye a?id=ayava: 10 nakke sa-kamnyak-alik-a(a)gnishtageg-eyde nalku-samayakk-anuragade begay-in11 tu santushtate Lachchiyabborasig-aressati(ri)yar=ssa-char-achar-orvviyola [4] 12 Sakala-dharitriyo!-negardda (Ida) vamdi-janam sale rupin=elgeyam prakatate-vetta da13 na-gunamam bulad-umnatiya Jin-amghrigalg-akutila-chittamam pogalut-i[rppu14 du Kumdiyalimkad=anka-palakana kul-ottam-amganeyan=artthiye Lachohaladevi. yam 15 jagarn[d 5) (c) Baranidhi-mokhal-avri(vn)ta-vasundharey-emba vilisini-mukh Amburuhava(da)vol-viraji16 NOVA Belvala-nilke(ige) podalda sobheg-agaram-eni[s-i]rppa Pali tilak-akri(kri) tiyimd=esed-irppud=a puran sura-pu17 raman Kuboran-Alakapuramam nagugum vilasadim ol [ 6*) Alli Sakala vyakaran-arttha-sa18 stra-chayadolu kavyanga!o! samda natakadolu varnna-kavitvadol=negarddaljde) vedamtargalolos 19 pirami[rt]th[ika]dot lauki[ka]do!te samasta-kaleyo! Vagisanirndar yago-dhiProm the ink-impression. 71.e., ela. or possibly Bodagadi. For sale ? Or posaibly chagat, or the alphara li looks like be on the plat-Ed.?

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Huli Stone Inscription of the reigns of Somesvara I and Jagadekamalla II : Saka 966 and 1067. aNdddNttunnaamu amrtdugaa BASENAFI al tpurN mn ajN nu tn muNdu kNpmuNddnvijnvaaddaa vrku aNtkN ptnN grutrrNpN ngrmugmu manakNddiyriNg deeshN 2 . muNdu vaayidu addNgi mt girivaatN nygrgaa mnuk mjuN jnN tN vaarvrgiiyulu shyn kmnugddgddN yuv ceeyNddi aNdri egjaaN rNddvdi agrku jrimaanaagdu cNdmugaa jruurrvmNttu cebiiddlvaaddku dsnect vNtNgaa kaalvnnu bllslu aaynnrN aa mrN grN gddvu uNgu guNddN kNdni Keepeats tNtu aydduku jnyNddi pNdduddu kN - appuddu aNdrvN, plu dNpbddu vnn aa avyv aaNju gddvni vrssN ku muuddu vaaraalu MAammddi niNcu pd mulvaadd nvrtmu lnu vntryN aNdlmNdi amr jrupurmun jmun rNgaalyNdu evrigdd dul dhrNjyuj mrnnN Adi vdvNdmNddpNgulutERYsNyu vttrmutunnydymun kyNdurni mnsudh jnvridsnN aNdd dgr mriyu viiddiyaa muNduku dgk pddukulunu nu iru raavddN mmtlmyN ayemmdigaa jyiNci mriyu mriNt vismm prjlu udrN aaN vaaddu knuvib adnNduku cmugyipncshyp m ynnkyi tmu aamudNddmu mrugvNtubjrigaa pguNdaaN vaarnrsmNdunu riylu rNgunnNgaa kvitlu mnN niddivddu F. W. THOMAS SCALE ONE-FOURTH WHITTINGHAM A GRIGOS, COLL.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 175 20 kar-Idar-ppogalva'lig-ar-alave polu s sirvvara khy&tiyar || [70) Svasti Saka nri(npi)pa-kal-atits-samvatsara21 gatamgalu obnega Tarana-samvatsarada Pusya-sudhdhat 10 Adivalam a(u)ttarayana22 sankrantiyandu Yajana-yajana-adhyayan-adhyapana-dana-pratigraha-shat-karmma niratarum sri23 ma ch-Chalukya-chakravartti-Brahmu(hma)puri-sthanam (na)- pitsi-pita maha - mahim-as pada-rakhshan-e24 rttha-kovidarum vidagdha-kavi-gamak [io]-vadi-vagmitvarum-atithiy-abhyagata-vifishta25 jana-pojana-priyarum Hiranyagarbhbha-Brahma-mukha-kamala-vinirggata-Ru(Ri)g-Yaju. 26 B-Sam-Atharvvana-samasta-vodi(da)-vodamg-opang-aneka-sastr-ashtadasa-smri (emri)ti-pa rana27 kavya-nataka-dharmm-agama-praviqarath s apta-soma-sachsth- vabhrit(th)- vagahana pavitrikriksi) 28 ta-gatraru kamchana-ka[la]sa-sita-shat-chhatra-chamara-pamcha-maha-sabda-ghatika bheri-rava-ni29 ner(na)ditarumafri[ta-jana)-kalpa-vri(vpi)ksharum-abita-Kalantakarum-eka-vakyarun 30 Sarap-agata-vajra-pa[m]ja[rarum cha]tus-samaya-samudhdharaparum sri-Kesavaditya deva31 labdha-vara-prasadarum=appa sriman-mah-agraharam Poliy=fir-odeya-pramu32 kha silsirvvar-mmahajanangala divya-sri-pada-padmamgalam [Lajohohiyabbarasiyeru 88 33 hirapya-parvvakam-aradhisi bhumiyam padedu basadiyam madisi kham34 da-sphustilta-jirpp-odhdharanakke paduvana poladalu Siveyageriy-aru-mattar-vva35 sugeyam ma[t]tarimg=adda-chinna-lekkadimd=asu-vapamam misu panamam tett unb-an36 t-agi Sri-Yapaniya-samghada Pannagavri(vri)ksha-mila-ganada fri-Balachandra-Bha37 ttarakadevara kalam karchchi bittalu || Svasti [1 ] Samasta-bhuvan-abraya Srl-Pri(pri)thvi-vallabha maha. 38 rajadhiraja para mesvara paramabhattarakam Satyasraya-kula-tilakam Chaluky. abharanam 39 Srimat-pratapa-chakri(kra)vartti Jagadekamolladevara vijaya-rajyam-uttar-Otta40 rabhivri(vpi)dhdhi-pravardhdhamanam=a-chandr-arkka-taram barain saluttam-ire [1] Saka-va41 raha 1087noya Krodhana-samvatsarad-uttarayana-sainkrantiyamdhu(du) yama. ni. 42 yama-svidhy@ya-dhyana-dharama-mo(mauon-anushth&pa(na)-japa-samadhi-618 sampamnnar=appa 43 Srima[n)-mah-Agraharani Paliy=ir-odeya-pramukha sasirvvarummahitjanatga[la] 44 divya-sri-pada-padmangalam perggade Nemanam sa-hiranya-parvvakam=aradhisi (dha)45 [ra]-parvvakam midisi kom[dn] tamma must*]tavve Laobchiyabbarastyard madisida basa46 diyal-irppa ri(ri)shiyar=ahara-dana-nimittam=alliy-acharyyaru Ramachamdra47 devara kala karchchiy-avaru munnay=aluva padavapa polada siveyageriy aju-matta 1 Read Puolya-fuddha.

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176 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 48 raevvasugeyim padu[va]na [bha]gadalu Kalasavalliyageriyal stha[na]d-olag=alu mattar kkeyyam 49 mat[t*]arimg=adda-chinna-l[ekkadimd=acu)-vanamar musu panamam tett=umb=amt Agi bittaru | 50 Pati-bhakte Dhe(De)ma... sati Payimmarasan=agra-sute sakala-jana-stute Bha51 giyabbe-ranige sut ..... md=1 [Nema]yyan-andaryya-gunai al [ 8*] Jina-devam tanag=aptanza52 [rtthi]-janata-kalpa-druma[m-v-]yyane tamm=ayyan anuna-dani Kalidevam s-akshar-a58 gresaram tanag=annam guna-ratna-bhushanan=e[-] samnd-irda Nemag-enalk anavady-achasranam)84 ge bhu-vale(!a)yadolu pe! (-U- -u-] || [9*] TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) Victorious be the teaching of the Lord of the Three Worlds, enjoined by the Jinas, which bears the infallible token of the blessed and supremely profound doctrine of alternatives ! (Lines 3-5.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Batyasraya's race, embellishment of the Chalukyas, king Ahavamalla, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars : (L.5.) One who finds his sustenance at his lotus-feet-- (V. 2.) Uprooting high-rising foes, spreading abroad his fame as far as the walls of the skyquarters, Kaladiya Bolagadi perfectly (?) protected the Ninety-six by the might of bis arm. (V. 3.) To the renowned Hammikabbe, the distinguished wife of his son the cultured prince Payimma, a peer of Sita, were born Bhagenabbe and Lachchale. (V. 4.) In the chatla-samayal of agreeable persons, in the feeding of Brahman householders, in the supply of) measured spoons to distinguished ascetics, in (furnishing) fire-places with rows of maidens, indeed, the four churches straightway were delighted with affection : who are equal to Lachchiyabbarasi on the earth with its stock of living and lifeless things ? (V.5.) While illustrious eulogists are active over the whole earth, the world with joy praises for excellence of beauty, eminent generosity, distinction of race, and sincere devotion to the Jinas' feet Lachohaladevi, the exceedingly high-born wife of the limkad=amka-palaka of Kindi. Read Kalafanalligeriya. * This phrase is obecare. It seems most probable that chatta is to be taken as a derivative of Sanskrit shat (cf. Tamil fatta-varggam). Six samayas (schools of religion or philosophy) are often mentioned. The Saivas recognime Morthodox the Bhairava, Vama, Kalamukha, Mahivrata, Pasopata, and Saivs samayas, and as anorthodox the Lokayatas, Buddhists, Jains, Mimarsakas, Paficharatras, and Bhattacharyss. Another group is : Buddhists, Jains, Bhairavas, Kalam khas, Lokayatas, and Sunyavadins. Six Vaidic samayas are recognised, viz. Saiva, Vaishnava, sakta, Sears, Ganapata, and Kaumara; and there are six Vodantic samayas, viz. Kapils, Kanada, Pitaniale, Akshapada or Nyaya, Vsiylsa, and Jaiminiya. The Vaishnavas admit 6 samayaas orthodox, viz. those of Sankara, Yadava Miara, Ramanuja, Madhya, Bhaskara, and Hiranyagarbha The reading here is certain, but the division and sense are not. Ayarana is a rare Atharva-vedic word explained "stirring-spoon"; but here it seems to have another meaning. * The four samaya, are the Mahosvaras, Vaishnavas, Buddhists, and Jains. "I can only conjecture that linka is connected with lenka,"servant," and that atka is used in the sense of "War" cf. akakapa); the phrase would then mean something like "Commander of the military forces of Kurdi" (Sme fnot-notA 6. p. 174, above-Ed.]

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 177 (V. 6.) Pali, which is indeed a site of conspicuous charm, appears with the aspect of a beauty-spot npon the county of Belvala, which is radiant like the lotus-face of that fair lady the ocean-girdied earth. This town by its bright appearance laughs to scorn the city of the Gods and Kubera's city of Alaka. (L 17.) In this (town) (V. 7.) In the series of all grammars and treatises on economic science, in poems, in goodly drama, in panegyric poetry, in the illustrious Upanishads, in transcendental and secular lore, in all arts, they have become superior in glory to the Lord of Speech (Brahman]: say, who are equal to praising the renown of the Thousand ? (Ll. 20-22.) Hail ! on Sunday, the occasion of the uttarayana-sankranti, being the 10th of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Tarana, the 968th of the centuries elapsed since the time of the Saks king : (Ll. 22-23.) Lachchiyabbarasi, having adored with (offering of) gold the divinely blest lotus-feet of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahara of Pali, who are constant in the six duties of sacrifice by themselves and by others, study, teaching, almsgiving, and acceptance (of charity), skilful for the purpose of maintaining the rank of honour of father and grandfather at the establishment of the Chalukya Emperor's Brahmapuri, accomplished as wits, poets, reciters, disputants, and rhetoricians, fond of serving guests, visitors, and men of culture, versed in all the Vedas, the Rik, Yajus, Sama, and Atharvana, which have issued from the lotus-mouth of Hiranyagarbha-Brahman, and in the Vedangas, the subsidiary sciences, all books of teaching, the eighteen sacred law-books and Puranas, poems, dramas, and traditional rules of religion; whose bodies are purified by plunging in the baths of the seven soma-samsthass; who are (honoured) with golden pitchers, six white parasols, and yak-tail fans and saluted with the five great musical sounds, gongs, and drums; who are trees of desire to clients, Kalantakas to adversaries, uniform of speech, adamant chambers to refuge-seekers, restorers of the four churches, and recipients of the grace of boons from the god Kesavaditya, (LI. 33-37.) and having obtained from them) land and constructed a sanctuary, laved the feet of Balachandra-Bhattarskadeva, of the Punnagavriksha Mola-Gana in the YapaniyaSamgha, and granted for the restoration of broken, burst, and outworn (buildings) six mattar of va suges at Siveyageri in the western field, to be enjoyed on payment of an asu-vana of three panas, at the rate of half a gold piece on each mattar. (LI. 37-40.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyasraya's race, embellishment of the Chalukyas, the angust Emperor Jagadekamalladeva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, san, and stars : (LI 40-41.) on the occasion of the uttarayana-sankranti in the Saka year 1067, the cyclic year Krodhana, (Lines 41-49.) the sheriff Nemana, having adored with (offering of) gold the divinely blest lotus-feet of the thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahara of Pali, who practise the major and minor disciplines, scriptoral study, spiritual concentration, observance of 1 See Manu, i. 88. A quarter for the residence of Brahmaps in connection with a templo. * These rites are enumerated in Ep. Carn., Vol. VII. i. Sk. 74. * See above, on v. 4 of this inscription. . See Kittel, 8. v. hange, and above, Vol. XIII p. 37. * The apa-apa is quit-rent for tenancy of land in connect un with amounted to pana per mattar, in all amounting to 8 panai. religions establishment; here it

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIII. the vow of silence, prayer, and absorption, and having arranged for purchase with pouring of water, for the purpose of furnishing food for the Rishis resident in the sanctuary constructed by his great-grandmother Lachohiyabbarasi, laved the feet of Ramachandradevs and granted six mattar of meadow in the grounds of Kalasavalligeri, in the part west of the six mattar of vasuge in Siveyageri in the western field formerly under his seigniorage, to be enjoyed on payment of an aru-vana of three panas, at the rate of half a gold piece per mattar. (V. 8.) This Nemayya, illustrions in virtues, is . . . son of the universally praised Bhagiyabbe-rani, the chaste wife of Dema , .. and elder sister of Payimmarasa. (V. 9.) As the Lord Jina is his friend, that tree of desire to the needy . . . his father, Kalideva the unstintingly bountiful and foremost among men of letters his elder brother, say, (who is equal] to Nema, who is adorned by the jewels of virtue . . . and is blameless of conduct, on the circling earth ? c.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: THE 7TH YEAR. This inscription is on a black stone built into the western wall inside the temple of Virabhadra, at its north-western corner. The stone itself was 4 ft. 11 in. high and 2 ft. 21 in. broad. On the upper compartment, which was rounded, were the following sculptures : in the centre a standing figure of Vishnu, facing full front; to the proper right of this, a kneeling Garuda, facing half towards Vishnu and half towards the front; to the left of Vishnu, a cow with calf; above these, the sun on left) and moon (on right). There may have been some other details concealed under the coating of chunam upon the stone. Under this is the inscribed aren, 3 ft. 3 in high and 2 ft. 2 in. wide. The character is Kanarese of the period, a fine ornamental hand with a tendency towards Aourishes. The letters, which are generally well preserved, are from in, to f' in. high. The language, with the exception of the formal Sanskrit verses 1, 12, and 13, is Old Kanarese. Initial p is preserved. The archaic ? remains in negaldar (1. 22) and negalda (1. 23), where the vowel before it is metrically short ; on this point I may refer to my observations above, Vol. XIII, p. 327. On the other hand, is changed to in alidange (1. 15), bilgui (1. 17), bal padave (1. 26). The double 1 in Shandillya, for Sindilya, (1. 21), is worth notice : cf. Panini VIII. iv. 47, Siddhantakaumudi 48. The record, after referring itself in 11. 2-5 to the reign of Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI), gives in 11. 5-11 details of an endowment, consisting of certain lands, whieh Were purchased by Kisuvayara Ravikinayya-Nayaka, a distinguished member of the Hundred Brahmap burgesses of Raviyanageri (a subdivision of the Thousand burgenses of Poli), for the upkeep of a temple of Vishnu which he had built. After some hortatory matter in prose (11. 11-14) and verse (11. 15-17) the author proceeds to celebrate in verse Belvala, Pali, the Thousand Brahmans of Pali, the Hundred of Raviyanageri forming & part of them, the family of the donor, and the latter personally (11. 17-30). The pedigree is as follows: Deinnya, of the St quilya gotru Gommimayye Ravikimayya Tikanarya Kedays The data of this record is given on 11. 4-5 88 : the 7th year of the Chalukya-Vikrama ere, the cyclic year Dundubhi; the uttardyana-sankranti. The sankranti in question

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI, 179 occurred on Sunday, 26 December, A.D. 1088, at 13 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise, and 1 Makars was accordingly reckoned as corresponding to the following Monday. The places mentioned, besides Pali and the tirthas in l. 15, are Raviyanageri (11. 9, 20). the Belvala-nadu (1. 17), Bhattara-kols or "The Bhattas' Lake" (1. 11), and Kalkutigagoro or "The Stonemasons' Tank " (1. 11). On Belvala see above, Vol. XIII, p. 40. The other places seem to have been in or about Pali, and can no longer be traced ; Raviyanagdri was a parish (keri, literally "street") of Pali, as will appear below. TEXT. [The metres are as follows : verses 1, 13, Anushtubh ; verse 2, Matt&bha-vikridita ; verses 3-9, 11, Kanda ; verse 10, Champaka-mala ; verse 12, Salini.] Svasti [lo] Jayaty-avishkpitam Vishaor=vvaraham kshobhit-aronavam [lo] dakshindnnata-damshtr-agra-vieramta-bhuvana vapu[b*] [1*7 9 2 der Svasti [1] Samasta-bhuyan-Israya Srt-Prithvi-vallabha maharajadhiraja paramesvara paramabhattarakam Satya3 sraya-kula-tilakam Chaluky-abharanam srimat-Tfi(Tribhuvanamalledevars vijaya rajyamenttar-ottar-abhi4 vsiddhi-pravarddhamanam-d-chandr-arkka-tarar saluttam-ire [1] Srimach Chalukya-Vikrama-varshada neys 5 Dumndubhi-samvatsarad-attar yana-samkramtiyandu. Svasti [1] Yama-niyama. svadhyaya-dhya6 na-dharana-mo(mau)n-anushthana(na)-japa-homa-samadhi-sampannar=appa Srimad agraharam Pali. 7 y-or-odeya-pramukha sasirvvarum r1-Kisuvayara Ravikimayya-ndyakath madisi8 da eri-Nariyana-devargge dharmm-abhivsiddhi-nimitta [m deva]ra jirnnodhdharapan khanda-sphatitakkam sana9 gandha-dhtpa-dipa-nivedyakkamy-amga-bhogakkam satrakkam Raviyapagoriya norvvara kayyo! Ravikima.. 10 yya-nayakah dravya-pfirvvakadim dhard-parvvakar madisi kondu tri-Nkrypa. dovargge Bhatta11 ra-koladalli bitta mattar=alu Kalkutigagereyalli Paralu matter-ondu | Itti dharmmamam sarva-nama12 bya(sya)m=agi sasirvvarun pratipalisu var-Idam pratipalisidargge Vara doi Kurakshetrav-Argghyatirtthath 13 Prayage. Gayey=embe tirttha-athIna nga!ol-mahl-danangalam midida punyam akkum=int-appadan=aridus14 sirvvarun dharmm-otter-attar-Sbhivsiddhiy-app-am-l-chandr-Erkka-tarama-barack pratipalisuvar | Vritta | 1 From the Int-impreusion.

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180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA: (VOL. XVIII. 15 Ivan-iy=&mdadin-eyde polisidavang=isht-arttha-samsiddhi sambhavikur kond-alidamge Gamge Gaye Kh@(Ke)daram Kura16 kohotram-emb-ivarol-pesade parvvaram gorevaram go-brimdaman pendiram tave komd=ikkida papam=eydugum=a17 vam bilgu nigodangalo! [2] Ambudhi-vrita-dharanige vadanom Belvala-nad(d)-adark ke tilakada vol-chelvar-biruve Pu18 li-grimam budha-jana-nilayam-enipud= puravarado! || [3] Amita-gun-anvita vipr-Ottamarsishta-purtta-va19 rttanar-ssasirv var-yyama-niyama-svadhyaya-pramukh-achararessamasta-dosha-vidarar (4) Avar-olage voda-sa20 stra-pravarar-shat-karmma-niratar-enipeunnatiyim Raviyanageriya norvvar. bhbhuvanado!=ativisada-kirttiyam 2) prakstisider [5] Alli Sha(Sandillya-gotra vanaruha-chapdakara[m] brahma-vidyeyol-saka!a-jagan-mandanan=eni22 sida perp-ola-kond-ire Demaya-papangiyarlssale regaldar [6] Avar Atirajanerkhila-kald-pravipan-animi. 23 tta-bandhavan Manu-charitam dhavala-yaso-nidhiy-ene pempu-vadedu jagad-olage Gommimayyan negalda | [7*) 24 de Tat-tanajutar 61-Poronhattama-pada-kamala-yugala-bhrimgar dharmm odatta-manam vibhu sakala-jaga26 t-tilakar Ravikimayyar-mala-charitra [8] Tad-anujar-agesha-vibhav. ispadha(da)r-ishta-vifirhta-janake Su26 rabhiya vol=belpadav-ittu pempa-vadedar-sead-amalar=ene Tikanaryyanum Kesavanum || [9] Vpitta || Anupama27 kirttiyar padeda mivarolam prabhu Raikimayyan-o!pina kani dharmma chittamane bhavisi chelvins Vishnu-ge28 ha main jana-natama[in] paratre(tra)-hitamam bhuvana-tritayak ke pujyam-ayt-ene kadu-sevyam-adudeene madisi29 d-andam-id-argge ti[rtthaP]mo | [10] Vanadhigalum chandr-arkkaray animisha-nkgomdra-lokamn[m] vakuiratiyum Kanak30 mah (cha)lamu[m] (a)l!inegam sale nilke Ravikimayyana dharmma | (1197 SAminyo-ya dharmma-66(s)tar-pripap [m] 31 k[ald ka]lo palaniyo bhavadbhih [1] saryvan-btan(n) bhagi(vi)nah partthiver drim(1) bhayo bhtiyo yachato 32 Ramachat]drah [ll 12*] Sva-datt[do] para-datt[s] vay hareti(ta) Vasundhara[tin 1") shashtir(tim)-vvarsha-sahasrani vishthayam ja33 yato krimih || [13"] Kead shadadiyar.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 181 TRANSLATION (Verse 1.) Victorious is the manifested Boar-form of Vishon that stirs up the ocean and holds the earth at rest upon the tip of his uplifted right tusk. (Lines 2-4.) When the victorious reign of-bail !--the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyagraya's race, embellishment of the Chalukyas, king Tribhuvanamalla, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars : (Ll. 4-5.) on the uttardyana-samkranti of the 7th year of the Ohalukya-Vikrama era, the cyclic year Dundubhi : (Ll. 5-11.) the Thousand, headed by the mayor, of the Agrahara of Pali, who practise the major and minor disciplines, scriptural study, spiritual concentration, observance of the vow of silence, prayer, oblation, and absorption, for the purpose of fostering the religious practice of the temple of) the god Narayana constructed by Kisuvayara Ravikimayya. Nayaka, for the restoration of outworn (buildingo) and (renewal of) broken and burst (masonry) belonging to the god, for baths, perfumes, incense, lights, and oblations, for the personal enjoy. ment of the god), and for the choultry, Ravikimayya-Nayaka made over to the god Narayana six mattar at the Bhattas' Lake (and) one mattar of gravel soil (?) at the Stonemasons' Tank for which he had arranged the purchase with pouring of water and gift of money from the Hundred of Raviyanageri. (Ll. 11-14.) So the Thousand shall protect this pious foundation as A sarva-namasya holding. To those who protect it shall accrue the merit of making the great gifts at the holy places of Benares, Kurukshetra, Arghyatirtha, Prayaga, and Gaya ; knowing this to be so, the Thousand shall protect it for the continuous increase of religion as long as moon, sun, and stars endure. (V. 2.) To him who protects the foundation) duly as it was given by him (who established it) shall befall the fulfilment of the objects of his desire. To him who appropriates and destroys it shall accrue the guilt of doworight cold blooded slaughter of Brahmans, Goravas berds of kine, and women; he shall fall into (degraded) forms of rebirth. (V. 3.) The county of Belvala is the face of the ocean-girt Earth. Like a beautyspot thereon is the town of Pali, uverspread with loveliness ; & home of sages there is in this excellent town. (V. 4.) The Thousand (of Puli) are noble Brahmans possessing boundless virtues, active in works of kindness and beneficence, practising the major and minor disciplines, scriptural study, and other duties, far removed from all sin. (V.5.) Among them, the Hundred of Raviyanagdri, who are eminent in the lore of the Vedas and devoted to the six practices, have displayed to an exalted degree exceedingly brilliant glory on earth. (L. 21.) Among them (V. 6.) As he possessed such eminence as to be called a sun to the lotures of the sandilya gotra, an ornament of the whole world in divine lore, Demaya the Shadangi was truly illustrious. (V. 7.) His son Gommimayya was illustrious in the world, attaining distinction ng one who was expert in all arts, a kinsman withont (selfish) object, following the practices of Manu, a treasure of white glory. 1 The construction seems to be an anscolathon, the subject sasiruvaru being left as a nominativus pendent. - A class of Saiva ascetier. . See Mann, i. 88. A master of the six angas or ancillary sciences of the Vedas.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII (V. 8.) His son is the lord Ravikimayya, a bee to the two lotus-feet of the blest Purushottama, having a soul exalted in godliness, an ornament of the whole world, stainless in conduct. (V. 9.) His younger brothers Tikanarya and Kesava, truly stainless men, havo attained eminence, holding rank in perfect dignity, like Surabhi granting their desires to agreeable and cultured persons. (V. 10.) Among these three (brethren) possessing incomparable fame, the lord Ravikimayya, a mine of excellence, inspired by a godly spirit, constructed a beautiful house of Vishnu renowned among folk, bringing welfare in the other world, so that it has become an object of worship to the three worlds, an object of intense reverence: who are there that have a holy place of such sort ? (V.11.) As long as the oceans, the moon and sun, the worlds of Gods and Nagas, the earth, and the great Golden Mountain exist, so long forsooth may Ravikimayya's pious foundation stand. Vy. 12-13: two common Sanskrit formulae. D.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: SAKA 1019. . This document is cut upon a slab of black stone that was found built into the outside of the northern or front face of the temple of Virabhadra, on the western side of the door. The stone is 3 ft. 104 in, above the ground, and 2 ft. in width. It has a rounded top, with the following sculptures in the uppermost compartment: in the centre Vishnu' standing, and facing full front; to his proper right successively, beginning from him, Nandi, a priest behind Nandi standing facing Vishnu, and two kneeling worshippers likewise facing the god; to the god's left, successively a kneeling Garuda (half turned towards Vishnu and half to front), a Cow with calf, and a scimitar; above all these are the sun (on right) and moon (on left) Below this is the inscribed area, measuring 2 ft. 101 in. in height and 1 ft. 11 in. in breadth It is on the whole well preserved. The character is good Kanarese, but of a type about a century later than the alleged date of the record (Saka 1019); it may be a genuine later copy of the original grant, but in estimating its authenticity we must note also the irregularity of the date. The letters in lines 1-4 are about in, high; then they begin to increase in height, and from line 6 onward are on the average about in. The letter i in pishi (1. 13) is apparently represented by a modified ri. The special cursive form of * (above, Vol. XII, pp. 335, n. 1 and 337) appears 39 times, as far as the text is legible.-The language, except in lines 1-2 (verses 1-3, followed by the formula namo Narayanaya), which are in Sanskrit, is Kanarese, verging on the medieval dialect. The archaic I is always changed to 1 (malkeyin, 1. 15; malpar, 1. 22; hala, 11. 35, 51-53; alidham[ge], 1. 58; bila[um]. 1. 60). V is changed sporadically to b (brajads, 1. 13; dibyan, 1. 23; bya[t] patamur, 1. 25; dibya-, 1, 32; drabya-, 1. 37). The wpadhmaniya is falsely written in hputita- (1. 33), for sphutita. The consonant t is doubled before y in attydyata- (1. 18) and atiyanta- (1. 20); cf. above, on inscr. C. Initial a is written ya (1. 36). In the prose parts final m before a vowel is occasionally changed to y, and initial p becomes h in hala (11. 35, 51-53), ha suge (11.35, 51). hab-batte (1. 36), haralalli (1. 38), hannodu (II, 39, 43), heringe (1.55), horege (ib.), hottalinge (ib.), honnan (1. 56 f.), while it remains in padeda, pana, paduvana, paduvalu. As regards flexion, we find an accusative plural in final -a three times (-padangala, 11. 37, 39, 42), and corresponding adverb (-purovaka, 11, 42, 50); that this is the genuine medieval form, and not a mere slip, is suggested by the adverb sattata (1. 22) and the dative ndyakamga (1. 16), where the vocalic ending is guaranteed by the metre. There are a few words of lexical interest, 1 (Probably Haribara, as suggested by vv. 9 and 14 of the inscription and the figure of Nandi to the proper right side.-Ed.]

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No. 22.] such as udgrahakar, 1. 9 (spelt udugrahakaru), "studying successfully" (cf. the Sinhalese ugannava, "to learn "), and the technical terms karuva, 11. 39, 43 (from karma ?), sata, 11. 52-3, soti (P), 1. 54, and hottalu, 1. 55. INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. The record, after three introductory verses, refers itself to the reign of Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI), and then launches out into verse in praise of Kuntala, Belvala, Pali, the Thousand Mahajanas of Puli, and the Hundred of Kalasavalligeri (11. 1-13). Among the lastnamed was a distinguished Brahman family, the Ajjavas, belonging to the Atroya gotra; to this stock belonged Sobhana-Nayaka, who begot by Muddikavve Nakimayya (Nakarasa or Nakiyanna). Nakimayya begot by Nagikavve Nanimeya, Ramadeva, and Mahadeva (written Mahadeva for the sake of metre), and rebuilt a temple of Vishnu in Puli (11. 13-23). Then follow specifications of various purchases of land acquired by Nakimayya from the Hundred of Raviyanageri, Kalasavalligeri, and Ghaisasageri, and from the Thousand of Puli (11. 23-53).. Two minor endowments (11. 53-57) and a hortatory stanza (11. 58-60) conclude the document. The date of the record is stated, on 11. 23-25 as: Saka 1019 (expired), the cyclic year Isvara; Pushya suddha 5, Adityavara (Sunday), the uttarayana-samkranti, the vyatipata, or yoga in which the declination of sun and moon are identical. This date again is irregular. Pushya suddha 5 of the given year corresponded to Saturday, December 12, A.D. 1097; it began about 53 m. after mean sunrise on the preceding Friday, and ended about 34 m. after mean sunrise on the Saturday. It could not be connected with the uttarayana-samkranti, which occurred 10 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise on Thursday, 24 December-twelve days after it. The places mentioned, besides Puli and the tirthas in 1. 58, are Kuntala (1. 4), Belvala (1.5), Kalasavalligeri (11. 12, 37, 38), Raviyanageri (11. 34, 53), Ghaisasageri (1. 40), Konalageri (P 1, 50), Kattiyageri (1. 52), and some minor localities; see above. 1 [The metres are as follows: verses 1-3, Anushtubh; verses 4, 5, 16, Mattebha-vikridita verse 6, Maha-sragdhara; verses 7, 8, 11, 12, 14, 15, Kanda; verses 9, 10, Champaka-mala; verse 13, Utpala-mala.] 3 Namas-tumga-siras-chumbi-chandra-chumara-charave [*] trauokya-nagar-aram bha-mala-stambhya Sa(Sa)mhbhars[1] Srimatu-Harihar-akhyasya pad-amburha (ruha)m-akshayam [*] bhakti-namra-jananam 2 cha santi-pushti-karam sada || [2*] Jayaty-a(8)vishkri(kri)tam Vishnor vv[a]raham kshobhit-arnna(rna)vam [1] dakship-onnata-damshtr-agra-visranta-bhuvanam vapuh [] [3] Nam Narayanaya || Svasti [] Samasta-bhuvan-asraya Sri-Prithvi-vallabha maharajadhiraja Chaluky-abharapa 183 paramesvara frima [t]-Tribhuvana paramabhattaraka TEXT.1 1 From the ink-impression. Satyaaraya-kula-tilaka Read Srimad-Dharihar

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184 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 4 malladava[ra] rajyam-uttar-attar-abhivriddhi-pravardhdhamanam=a-chandr-arkka taram-baram saluttam-ire | Vasudha-vissi(sru, tam=appa Kuntala-vadha saumy-a5 nanam taneenalu pesaram-betta mah-agrahara-nagara-sri-pattan-akirnna (rna)dim rasavad-dhanya-samasta-vastu-chayadim sri-Belvolam 80(80)6 bhisalk-esev=a Pulimah-igrahara-tilakam tad-dosadolu rajikum || [4] Alli || Alad-ambhorha(ruha)-rajiyim parimala-sri-mallik-arima 7 dim sale sand-irdda tataka-kupa-vibhava-prakirnna(rna)dim sutti-gond(nd) elasutt'airppa sahasra (sra)-ramya-Siva-kat-anoka-koti-prabh-oj[jo]valitam ta8.tu(a)-bahiramga-sevya-vibhavam sri-Paliy=int-oppugu || [5] Mudadim sri-Kesava dityara pada-vinu(na) tar=vveda-vedamga-vidya-vidi9 tar shatu-tarkka-satu-pravudiyo!"-atisayad-udugrahakaru nitya-yajnaru mada matsaryy-adi-darar sakala-vibhu bu)dha10 samrakshakar pajyar-erndun sadayar basirvvar-urvvi-vinutar-akhila-sastr-arttha kavya-pravinar || [6"] Ka || Dinapam tam11 nna karangalan-anupamadim Paliyalli pumjisi niratam jana-vinutar-ssasirvvaran anavaratam padedan-amt-av(d?)=em kri(kpi)ta-kri(kri)tyaru || [7"] 12 Palav=agraharakk(k)=ellam salalitadim Puli tilakam=alliges kalasam sale Kalasavalligeriye vila(la)sitam-ag-oppal-ese13 dar amti norvvaru || [8] Avaro! | Tili-go!ad=ante tan-mukutad=ante risi brajad-arte kade nirmmalam-enis-irddud-Ajjava14 kulam sale puttidan=alli permmeyim salalita -charu-bach-charitadim prabhu Sobhana-Nayakan maha-bala-yuta-gotra15 vardhdhanan=udatta-gunam Siva-pada-sekharam || [9] Spburiyise sippinalli sale muttina malkeyin=imtu puttidam su16 ruchire Muddik avvo-satiga sale 80(87)bhana-Nayakamga vistaratara-punya mirtti purus(sh)-arttha-sikhamani Na17. kimayyan-udhdharisidan-imtu Pali-pura-madhyado!-arijita-Vishpu-gehamam || [10*] Ka | Ayana sati bhuvanado18 l-attyayata-pati-bhakte Nagikavve visesa(sha)-sri-yute mahante nischcha] froyaskara-murtti potravati bahu19 gunadim || [114] Ka | Atroya-vamsan=endum mitra-protsabi dana-tatupara vibhavam patrav-arid-Ivan-udya20 du-Otra-pavitra prasidhdha-vibhu Nakarasam! [12deg1 Vpi || Tat-tanujar fu(su) Sobha-vibhu Nanimeyam sale Ramadevan-attyam21 ta-manojna-martti Mahadeva-maha-prabhu nilku-voda-vodamta-samasta-Sastra-vidaram parisho (po)shisi dana-dharmma22 mam samtata malpar=ant-avara samtati rajisal-uttar-ottaran | [13] Tad-anan tara Kal Sale nalvar-irddad-alliye nelas-i. 23 kkum deyvam=ante vipra-sahabra(sra) salalita-vidya-vibhavaru vilasitare-ire Harihar-akhya-nilayame dibyam | [14] Svasti srl24 matu-Sa(82)ka-varsha 1019 noya Isva(sva)ra-samvatsarada Pusya(shya)-budhdha pamohami Adityavarada duv-uttara25 yana-ba[m*]krama(ma)pamum bya[ti]patamum banda punya-dinadolu [lo] yaja[na]-ydjan-adhyayan-adhyapana-dana-pra The pranu, I and b, is irregular. * Rend riebi. * Read -at-prandhigol. The prins is irregular, la for la. Or possibly all-ire. Rond vilaritar.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HOLI. 185 26 tigraha-sa (sha)t-karmma-niratarum srima[ch]-Ch[*]}ukya-chakravartti-Brahmapuri. sthan-adhipatya(tiya)rum Hiranyagarbhbha-mu27 kha-vinirggata-chatur-vveda-vodamga-bastra-smri(smpi)ti-purana-kavya-nana-nataka-pravi parum sva-same(ma)ya-samu28 dita-barabchandral-chandrika-chakorarum kamchana-kalasa-si(si)ta-la (sha)tuchchha(chha)tra-chamara-pamcha-maha-sa buda-ghathika-bhori-rav29 di-raja-vhihn-abhirajitarum sapta-Bdma-samsth-avabri (bhri)th-avagahana-pavitrikrita Sarirarums | Hara-has-abhasa (sa)-vi30 Sada-yafah-kirttigalum ! Srimad-Andhasurat-deva-pad-aradhakarum f aran-agata rakshaka[r]um sri-Kogavaditya-deva-la31 budha-vara-prasada-sampannarum-appa srimau-mah-agraharam Paliy-ar-odeys pramukha sasirvvar-mma32 hajanamgala dibya-bri-padamgalan=sradhisi avara samnidhiyalu | Ajchha(jja)vara Nakimayyam tanu macisi33 da sri-Harihara-dovara naivedyakkam Chayitra-pavitrakkam khanda-bpu (sphu)tita jirnne-odhdharakkam pajariya jivitakkan 34 Rave(viya)nageriys narvva[ra] padamgalam Suvarnpa-ptlrvvakam aradhisi Budans Moneya Raviyanageriya 35 hala hasugeya badagana tale-kamdikeyalli padeda mattaru musu a keyige paduvana sime Kesava-devara ke36 yil badagalu heb-batte madala Badana-Gutti i temkalu pa koriya bhamil intru mattarggan 18 apu-vapa pana37 v=ordu vi(vi)sam eradu kanieradu | mattan | Kalasavalligeriya nirvvara sri(Gri)-padamgala i Nakimayyam drabya-pa38 ryvakam=aradi(dhi)si totada haralalli Senigagereyim kelage sarvva-namasya(sya) Vragi padeda mattar omdu mattam Kalafavallige[ri]39 ya nirvvara sri-padamgala Z Naekimayyam hiranya-purvvakam=aradi(dhi)ei padeda karuva-geyi mattaru ha40 nnomdu a keyige tiguva apu-vana mattarim]ge hagar erada || Ka || Ghaibasagerig-adhiparu bhasura-teja[ru] 41 mahamtar-enisida norvvaru Kolava-Mahosa devara los-enisida pajeg-ittaru virjjita-dhareyam | [15] Antes noryvara Sri-padangala. Ajjavara Nakimayyam dravya-parv vaka aradhisi padeda ...... ma 43 mattaru hannordul a keyige ti(t)ruva aru-vapa mattaringe hagar erada yeradu keriya karive-vaney-eraduman nalku maneyam mali dovara Brahmapuriyo [la] gri(gri)ha dana-bhumi-danaman Naekimayyam 45 adida kramam-ent-endode | Kesava-Bhattarige bhatta-vri(vpi)ttiyam nadasdy amt-ire paduvana mudala mane avarige keyi 46 mattaru ayi[du] | avaru devarige ti(t)rava &ru-vana pana erada higan erada | al[l]im mudana mane [Na]rasimha47 Bomayaj[i]yarige avarige keyi mattaru eradakkam Ara-vana panav=onda 1 allim madana mane Nsrasin ha 1 Read -farach-chandra * Reed -ghatibi. . Read -pavitrikrita-fariraruth. * Here and below the dk is written with the subscript character which n ally denotes th. . Read jira * This danda is superfluous. Read ittar-urijita-di'.

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186 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 48 ghaissarige lavarige keyi mattara eradakkam apu-vana panav-omdu allim mugana mane | Koneya Ma[lla(P)-kra]mita49 rige avarige koyi mattaru miru avaru ti(ti)ruva uru-vapa panav-omda hagar eradu | Mattam vir-odeya-pra50 mukha sasirvvaremmahajanamgala divya-bri-pada-padmangalam A[i]javara Nakiyannam dravya-pursvaka dradhisi [P Ko]na51 lageriya hala hasugeyolu 12 sarvva-namasya (sya)v=agi padeda mattaru eradi! kammam na[1*]ntr-avattu [1] 52 a keyige sithe badagala srimad-Andhasura-ddvara keyil mudalu Kattiyageriya hala sata terkalu Mola53 sthana-dovara keyi padaval[a Ra]viyaniya hala sata i Ayivatt-okkalun sama-chchhayeyol-irddu devara 64 divigege sotige enpeyam bittaru || Matta Nakimayya-Nayakam Rahara moradiya 55 Chikkarasana eleya sumka hogimge .... horege noru h ottalinge ayivattu man=akki 56 gadyapan nalvatt-ayidu honnan ko ........ paduvana bhagada navira kadayamanus 57 muru gadyapa honnam kodu ........... papa eradu haga... 58 Ida(va)n-ly-anda[dinaeeyde] palisuvava[ig-isht-arttha-samsiddhi sam]bhavikum komd-alidha (da) [ge Gamge Gaye Kodaram Ku]ru59 kshotram-emb-iva[rolu] pesade paryva[ram go]ra[varam go-vrimdama] pendiran ta [ve komd=ikkida papam=e]60 [ydagu]m-avam bilg[um nigo]damgalo[lu 1 ] [16*] TRANSLATION (Verse 1.) Homage to Sambhu comely with the yak-tail fan that is the moon kissing his lofty head, the foundation-column for the structure of the city of the Triple World ! (V. 2.) The blest Harihara's lotus-foot is eternal, and ever causes increase of peace to those who bow down to him in devotion. (V. 3 : identical with verse 1 of C.) (Line 2.) Homage to Narayana ! (LI. 3-4.) When the reign of-hail!-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyasraya's moe, embellishment of the Chalukyas, king Tribhuvanamalladeva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars : (V. 4.) While the blessed Belvala with its multitude of renowned great agraharas, cities, and happy towns and with its abundance of sapful grain and all kinds of treasures shines indeed, as one may say, as the lovely face of the world-renowned lady Kuntala, this bright Pali, an ornament of great agraharas, is resplendent in that region. This danda is superfluous. * This danda is also superfluous. Those letters are mostly very uncertain : we may rond either ka or ko, and the ya is doubtful.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 187 (L. 6.) In that (Puli) (V.5.) Being encompassed by lines of swaying lotuses, by pleasances of jasmine rich in perfume, indeed, and with a profusion of splendour of appropriate pools and wells, radiant with the brilliance of many pinnacles on thousands of charming sanctuaries of Siva wherein men find delight, having worshipful majesty in the exterior thereof, thus does the blest Pili display itself. (V. 6.) Joyfully bowing at the feet of the blest Kesavaditya, renowned for lore of Vedas and Vedamgas, extraordinarily proficient in goodly skill in the six (courses of) logic, holding constant sacrifice, remote from conceit, envy, and other (vices), protectors of all sages, worship. ful ever, gracious, world-famous, versed in the purport of all books of teaching and in poetry are the Thousand (of Puli). (V. 7.) The sun, massing to an incomparable degree his rays on Pali, constantly and ceaselessly has engendered the world-famed Thousand : thus have they not fulfilled their end ? (V. 8.) Pali by its charmingness is an ornament of all the many agraharas; as Kalasavalligeri in truth appears in grace as a pinnacle thereto, thus the Hundred (of Kalasavalligeri) are eminent. (L. 13.) Among them (V. 9.) Stainless like a clear pool, like a diadem thereof, like a company of saints together is the Ajjava family, in truth; in it was born the lord Sobhana-NAyaka, who by his eminence, his charming and beautiful conduct caused the increase of his mighty gotra, being exalted in virtues, crowned by Siva's feet. (V. 10.) In the wise of a pearl in sooth as it flashes in its shell, so was born indeed to the most charming lady Muddikavve and to Sobhana-Nayaka, Nakimayya, an embodiment of most abundant merit, a crest-jewel of mankind's desires : so he restored the splendid house of Vishnu in the midst of Pali. (V. 11.) His good wife is Nagikavve, immensely devoted to her lord, peculiarly fortunate, great ever, having a form fraught with blessing on earth, a mother of sons through ex. ceeding virtue. (V. 12.) Of the Atreya lineage, ever encouraging friends, having his high estate devoted to charity, one who makes gifts with knowledge of the recipients, a purifier of his noble gotra, is the renowned lord Nakarasa. (V. 13.) His sons, the brilliant lord Nanimeya, in truth, Ramadeva, and the great lord Mahadeva exceedingly charming of form, foster the masters of all the lore of the Four Vedas and the Upanishads and practise constantly the duty of charity: as thus their lineage becomes increasingly illustrious : (L. 22.) Subsequently to this (V. 14.) With the four present there, in sooth, the divine sanctuary of Harihara stands like a celestial building) with a thousand Brahmans magnificent in charming lore displaying themselves in grace therein. (Ll. 23-25.) Hail! On Sunday, the fifth day of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Isvara, the 1019th (year) of the Saka era, on a holy day on which occurred both the uttarayana-sankranti and the vyatipata, 1 If the text is right, it must mean " diadem of the Hundred of Kalasavalligeri"; but the sense seems rather strained, and one is tempted to conjecture sa- kufad=. 2 Namely Nakimayya and his three sons. : A yoga in which the declination of the sun and the moon are the same. 2 A 2

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII (LI. 25-32.) Having adored the divinely blest feet of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahara of Pali, who are constant in the six duties of sacrifice by themselves and by others, study, teaching, alms-giving, and acceptance of charity), masters of the establishment of the Chalukya Emperor's Brahmapuri,l versed in the lore of the Four Vedas that issued from Hiranyagarbha's mouth, the Upanishads, sacred law, Puranas, poetry, and various dramas, who are chakora-birds to the moonlight arising from the autumnal moon of their church, who are decorated with golden pitchers, six white parasols, yak-tail fans, the five great musical sounds, gongs, drums, and other emblems of royalty, whose bodies are puri. fied by plunging in the baths of the seven soma-samsthas, who have glory and renown brilliant as the radiance of Hara's smile, who are worshippers of the god Andhasura's feet, protectors of refuge-seekers, receiving the grace of boons from the god Kosavaditya, (Ll. 32-35.) In their presence, Ajjavara Nakimayya, having adored with (offering of) gold the feet of the Hundred of Raviyanageri, purchased three mattar in the upper kandike on the north of the waste-land hasuget of Raviyanageri at the Ghost's End for the expenses of) the oblations of the temple of) the god Harihara constructed by himself, the Chastra-pavitra, the restoration of broken, burst, and outworn (masonry), and the miintenance of a priest. (LI. 35-37.) Of this field the western bound is the field of the god Kesava; on the north, the high-road; on the east, the Ghost's Copse ; on the south, the lands of the parish. For these three mattar the asu-vana? is one pana, two visa, two kani. (Ll. 37-38.) Likewise the same Nakimayys, having adored with offering of money the blest feet of the Hundred of Kalasavalligeri, purchased (of them) one mattar as a sarva-nama sya holding below the Gildsmen's Tank in the gravel-land of the garden. (LI. 38-40.) Likowise the same Nakimayya, having adored with (offering of) gold the blest feet of the Hundred of Kalasavalligori, purchased a karuva-field of eleven mattar; the asu-vang paid for this field is two haga on each mattar. (V. 15.) The Hundred who are lords of Ghaisasageri, brilliant of splendour, great, have given abundant land for the approved worship of the gods Kesava and Mahesa. (Ll. 41-43.) So Ajjavara Nikimayya, having adored the same Hundred's blest feet with (offering of) gold, purchased eleven mattar . . . ; the asu-vana paid for this field is two haga on each mattar. (LI. 43-49.) When he had built two karuva-houses in each of these two parishes, (altogether) four houses, the arrangement under which Nakimayya made his grants of houses and land in the Brahmapurt of the god was as follows For Keseva-Bhatta, houses on the west and east, so as to keep up a professor's stipend; for him a field of five mattar ; the asu-vana paid by him to the god is to be two pana and two haga. To the east thereof, a house for NarasimhaSomayaji ; for him a field of two mattar, on which the anti-vana is to be one pana. To the east thereof, a house for Narasimha-Ghainga ; for him a field of two mattar, on which the art-vana is to be one pana. To the east thereof, a house for Koneya-Malla(?)-Kramita ; for him a field of three mattar ;, the aru-vana paid by him is to be one pana and two haga. (LI, 49-53.) Likewise Ajjavara Nakiyanna, having adored with offering of money the divinely blest lotus-feet of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, purchased as a sarvanamasya holding two mattar and four-hundred and fifty kamma in the waste-land hasugo Cf. sbove, on inser. B. A list of these is given in Ep. Carn., Vol. VII. i. Sk. 74. *Cf. Meg dita I. 58. * See Kittel, .. v. hasige, and above. Vol. XIII, p. 37. . Apparently the lands of Rariyanageri. . Namely Kaindavalligeri and Ghaifangeri. Bee I. 4., VOL. XXXVII, p. 52. * See above, on inscr. R.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 189 of Konalagori(!). Of this field the bounds are : on the north, the god Andhagura's field; on the east, the fata of the waste-land of Kattiyageri; on the south, the field of the Mula-sthana god; on the west, the fata of the waste-land of Raviyani. (L. 53-54.) The fifty households by common agreement granted oil for burning in the god's lamps. (L. 54-57.) Likewise Nakimayya-NAyaka (assigned] a toll on the betel-leaves of Chikkarasa of the Rahas' Hill, . . . on a large) load, a hundred on a small) load, fifty on a bagful; (on) a maund of husked rice, forty-five gadyana in gold . . . . . . (V. 16 : identical with verse 2 of inscription C.) E.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: THE 29TH YEAR, ETC. This is an inscription upon a black stone that was found standing against the east wall of & small empty shrine a little to the south-east of the front (eastern) face of the temple of Madanesvara pr Andhakesvara. The stone was 7 ft. 6 in. high, and 3 ft. 05 in. wide. Its top was a rounded panel containing the following sculptures : in the centre, a liriga in a shrine; to the proper right of this, a priest sitting, facing it, in the same shrine ; in the proper right corner, a cow with calf; in the left corner, the bull Nandi; above these, the sun (to left) and moon (to right). Below this is the inscribed area, 4 ft. 8} in. high and 3 ft. broad. The character is Kanarese, a good hand of the last quarter of the twelfth century, with a supplement in a later hand (11. 53-56). The letters are on the average in. high; they are generally well preserved. The type of jh noted on the Sili inscription F. above, Vol. XV, p. 86, occurs on 11. 22, 27. The cursive v is used in -chakravartti (1. 47).-The language, except for the introductory Sanskrit verse, is Old Kanarese, verging on the medieval dialect. The ? is preserved in negalda, 1. 38, and i duvs, 1. 39, and wrongly written in Belalav=, 1. 5 ; on the other hand, it appears as in pel, 1, 15, pogalgum, 1. 30, eloneya, 1. 40, el, 1. 43, hala, 11. 37, 42, 50, and as in negarddar, 1. 8, negarddan, 1. 25 (both with the second syllable short), and norppada, 1. 24. Initial p in the prose is retained in peringe, 1. 34, pasuge, 1. 37, but changed to h in hala, 11. 37, 42, 50, hasuge, 11. 43, 45, 50, hana, l. 43, haduvana, 1. 46, heb-batte, 1. 51, haffada, 1. 52. Lexically interesting are : bhanasu, 1. 4, kuttunbitti, 1. 5, ekari, 1. 13, bali, 1. 14, sojja, 1. 34, chamdavura, 1, 34, sata, 11. 44, 47, 51, 52, and sauti, I. 46. The record is a consolidated one, comprising three different grants to the same foundation (11. 1-39, 40-47, and 47-52), with a later supplement (11. 53-56). When the third grant was executed and written out (A.D. 1184), the two earlier grants were copied and prefixed to it; and in A.D. 1224 some one began to write as a supplement the fourth grant, but did not complete it. The first grant begins by referring itself to the reign of Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI), and then states that a general and minister, who was also Steward of the Royal Kitchen, by name Anantapalarasa, had a son-in-law, Lakkarasa, a general who administered Belvala and Puligere; and this Lakkarasa, with the authority of Anantapalarasa, commissioned a certain Singarasa to assign one share in the proceeds of fines levied in Pali to the treasury of the god Andhasura, a form of Siva (11. 2-7). This was accordingly done, under the auspices of the Acbarya Tatpurusha, a disciple of Jnanasakti ; this Jnanasakti was a distinguished divine and scholar, to whom king Bhuvanaikamalla (Somesvara II) paid particular reverence, in connection with which a fine temple of Siva (probably that bearing the name of Andhisura, with which the present series of grants is concerned) was built (11. 7-18). Then comes, apparently as a supplement to this grant, a record of two endowments of Andhdsura. The first (11. 18-36) opens with verses praising the town of Pali and its mayor ur-odeya), a scion of the Chalukys race named Mangalarnava, who seems to have won some rerown in the wars against the Oholas, Malayas, and Gurjaras, and is stated to have settled 1,000 Brahmans on an estate granted by

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190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. himself; after this come verses in praise of the Thousand, who are said to have built a stately temple of Andhasura (probably that already mentioned). Then follows another supplement (II. 36-38), chronicling a donation of land by four persons. The second main division of the record (11, 40-47) announces gifts of land to Andhasura from the above-mentioned Jhanasakti (11. 40-44) and the Thousand (11. 44-47). Next comes a third paragraph (11. 47-52) announcing the gift of some land to the god by the Hundred of Kalasavalli. gori, the Thousand of Pali, and certain Kalidevayya-Setti. Last comes an unfinished paragraph, added long after the preceding, to chronicle a grant by the guild of weavers to the Acharya Vamasakti for the expenses of the establishment (11. 53-56). Corresponding to its composite character, our inscription contains four dates. The first of these is given on 11. 7-8 as: the 29th year of the Chalukya-Vikrama era, the cyclic year Tarani; Pushya suddha 10, Brihaspativara (Thursday); the uttarayana-samkranti. This is irregular. The tithi Pushya suddha 10 corresponded properly to Wednesday, 28 December, A.D. 1104, on which it ended about 18 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise, i.e. about 12.25 P.M., so that the connection with the following Thursday is not far wrong. But it cannot possibly hate been connected with the uttarayana-samkranti, which took place about 6 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise on the preceding Saturday, 24 December. The next date is that given in 11. 40-41; the 7th year of the Kalachurya Tribhuvanamalla (Bijjala), the cyclic year Chitrabhanu; Sravana full-moon, Somavara (Monday); an eclipse of the moon. This again is irregular, but only to a slight degree. The given tithi corresponded to Friday, 27 July, A.D. 1162, on which it began about 55 m. before mean sunrise ; and it ended about 4.41 A.M. on the following Saturday. On the same Friday there was a lunar eclipse lasting from 21 h. 45 m. to 23 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise (see Eclipses of the Moon in India, p. xxvii). The Simha-samkranti took place about 6.13 A.M. on Saturday, 28 July. The third date is given on 11. 47-48: the 2nd year of Somesvara (IV), the cyclic year Krodhi; the full-moon of Pashya, Somavara (Monday); the uttarayana-sankranti. This is also irregular. The given tithi corresponded to Wednesday, 19 December, A.D. 1184; it began about 4 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise on the preceding Tuesday. The uttarayana-san. koranti did not occur until several days later; it took place about 22 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise on Monday, 24 December. Thus we see that the details of our date are a conflation of two distinct dates, as is often the case. The last date is stated on 1. 53 as: Saka 1146 (expired), the cyclic year Tarana, Jyaishtha buddha 8, Somavara (Monday). This is correct. The given tithi corresponded to Monday, 27 May, A.D. 1224, on which it ended about 19 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise. The places mentioned, besides Puli, are Belvala and the Six-hundred of the "Two Belvalas" (11. 5, 19), Siveyageri (1. 37), Kokkuligeri (11. 42, 49), Kattiyageri (11. 44, 52), Ghaigagageri (1. 46), Kalasavalligeri (148), Raviyani and Raviyanageri (11. 44, 51), Biragutti (1. 51), and some minor localities. TEXT.1 [The metres are as follows: verse 1, Anushtubh; verses 5, 7, 9, 10, 12-15, 18. Kanda. verses 4, 17, Mahasragdhara; verses 6, 8, 11, Champaka-mala.] 1 Namas-turga-siras-chumbi-chandra-chamara-charave [1] trailokya-nagar-arambha mo!a-stambhaya Sambhave [ll1*] From the ink-impression.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 191 2 Svasti [*] Samasta-bhuvan-assraya Sri-Pri(pri)thvi-vallabha maharajadhirajam paramesvaram paramabhattarakam Satyaaraya-kula-tilakam Chaluky-abharanam sri3 mast*]-Tribhuvanamalladevara vijaya-rajyam=uttar-ottar-abhivri(vri)ddhi-pravarddha manam-a-charhdr-arkka-taram saluttam=ire [l*] Tat-pada-padm-o4 pajivil samadhigata-pancha-maha-sabda-mahaaimantadhipati mahaprachanda-danda nayakam Sriman-mahapradhanam bhanasu5 verggade Anantapalarasara deseyin=&ver=aliyam dandaniyaka Lakkaragam kut tumbitti bhatta-gavey=olag -agi Belvalaverad-aru-na6 pamam dushta-nigraha-sishta-pratipalanadimd=aluttam-irddu va(dha)rmma-karyy-oddo sadim tanna palihatam Simgarasanam kared=agraharam Paliya 7 srimad-Andhasura-devargge Paliya danda-doshad-olag-ondu bhagama[m] bid=endu sama[r*]ppise frimach-Chalukya-Vikrama-kalada 2oneya Tara8 na-samvatsarada Pushya-suddha dasami Bri(Bti)haspativarad-uttarayana-samkra manada divya-tithiyo! || I mahiyo!=negardda (Ida)r=vidya-mahi9 m-onnatiyol=ugra-tapadol-mukti(kti)-sri(Gri)- mukha-mani-makurar - Kkalamakhar = eno (nah)-paran(i)mukhar-mmuni-mukhyar || [2] Vritta | Avaro!=Paliya10 devar-embar-esedar-nnishth-agraganyar=bbalikk = avarimdam Lakuligadevar = avarim Vakhka(kkha)aidevaregguna-pravarar=asarvva-kal-agama-prathita-Vidyesana-yogin dra11 r=antzavarim pe[m]pina Somadeva-munipar=vvievambhara-bhagado! || [3*] Ruchir Odyad-ratna-rochi[s]-stabaka-vilasit-aneka-bhipala-chuda (da)-nichaya-prddghfishta-pa12 da-dvayan-upagata-sarasvatar nutna-va (ka)rmm-Opachay - ambhorasi - Kalanana(la ?) nikhila-munindr-ottama moksha-lakshmi-kucha-kumbh-alamklit-Ora[s*]-sthala13 n=amala-yasa[m] Joanasakti-vratimdra || [4*] Ekariy-ire bahu-tarkka-vyakaranam Joanasakti-pandita-devarggrekaksharam=emdu mahi-lokam bannisuvud'-avara 14 mahim-Onnatiya || [5*] Vitata-yasam Chalukya-kula-tigmakaram Bhuvanay(ai) ka[ma] lla-bhapati baliy-atti tan-mini-pad-abja-yugakke vinamna15 n=agi nisschita-mati kotta pajeyo!e malisidar-Ssiva-gehamam fil-ayatanaman-intu madipare pol=enutur va(dha)re bannip-annega || [6*] Avar=anugi16 na sishyar-ila-pravarar=gguna-gana-samanvitar-nnana-sastra-vidar - Ttatpurusharuddig. vivaramgalan-amala-kirttiyim dhavalisidar || [7*] Int=enisida sthan-acha17 ryyar=appa Tatpurusha-panditara samakshado!am tr-odeya-pramukha sasirvvar mmahajanangala sannidhanadalum Srimad-Andhagura-devara pa18 da-prakshalanan-goydu devar=amga-bhogakkam khanda-sphutita-jirnp-oddharakkam danda-doshad=o!ag=onda bhagamam perggade Simgarasam bitta (c) Vanadhi parita19 bhuta!a-vilasavati-makhad=ante torppa chelvine kani Belvalakke tilak-akri(kli). tiyind-esed-irppa Paliy=on=Animisha-rajan-irppa purama Phani-rajana ra. 20 jadbaniyo manuja-nivasam=allad=enisal=neregun perat-ondu Sobheyim || [8] Ada vedamgala tay-maney=adu nana-tarkad=irkke-danam kel=ant-adu 21 Sastrargala kaniy-enisidud-avant-chakrad-olage Pali-grama || [9*] Arame part eragida sahakarame bhorrendu morey at-irpp=alini22 jhamkarame sagandha-kusum-asarame popa-volalol-endodes vannipado || [10] Sura-nilayamgal-Ilana Dinesana pada-yugakke bhaktar-appara[n]23 var-irppa salvata-padakk-adardd(rd)-Orisal=erdu siram-ag-ire Bidi kattid-ondu patham=emba vol-ambaramam tagumbi bhaguratara-Satakumbha-kalaianga1 Read -Opajivi. ? The da has been omitted and then rreoved in, written small.

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 24 in-oppagum-entu norppada (11) Akhila-mahidovar-Ssatamakhanam tapipalke kademadutt-ire karmmukhadhal vol-esegum nana-ma25 kha-dhima-stomadindam=emdum vyoma || [12*] Chola-kula-Kala-dandam MAlava kula-vilaya-ketu Gurjjara-ku!a-nirmmula[ka]n=enesale regardda (lda) 26 Chalukya-kul-onda Mamgalarnnava-deva || [13*] A Mamgalarnnavam jagati mudrita-vima!a-kirtti Barvva-namasyam bhumiyan-ittu sahasra-dha27 ramararam nilisi Poliyam palisida | [148] Gadi chamaray-ojjha(ija)ram bel-gode hadapam ghaligey-u bhaya-samkham modal-ageodeya maha28 mahimoyam-ar-odoya fri-Mamgalaranavam kude padedar || [15] Vachana || Antu paded-tr-odeya-pramukha sasirvvar-mmahajanangala maha29 mahimey-ent-endade | Vipulacharar-aganna (pya)-panna(pya)-nile(!a)yarallok-aika prijyar-kkala-nipunar-ssa (66a)rada-nirad-opama-yasar=ssisht-e30 shta-vargg-amar- a ghripar=udvsitta-virodhi-sava(dha)na-harar-fri-Kesavaditya-deva-padambhoruha-bhri(bhri)mgar-emdu pogalgom sasirvvaram bhitala || [16] 31 Param-sudaryyakke janm-alayar-enisida sasirvvarum tammol=atyadaradimdam kudi va(dha)rmm-imritamanuosedu piral-manam32 [go]mdu lok-ottaram=app=atmiya-kirtti-prabala-lateg-adarpp-embinam Srimad-Andhi Bora-dev-avisamam malisidar=amara-failakke 33 Badri(dri) Syam=agal || [17] Ant-enisid=ur-oqleya-pramukha sasirvvar-mmabajanamgal= (ai)kamatyay-ag-irddu "nela-varttige basirakke 34 pannomd-adakeya sojjamumam chandavuram bele modal-ag-ulid-adakegalg-ellan sasirakke irppatt-omd-adakeya sojjamumam poringe labha35 gavaligeyzentu-if-eleyumam tale-vos[e*]ge labba-gavaligeya nal-nar-eleyuma[m*] Srimad-Andhasura-devais pada-prakshalanan36 midi devar-amga-bhogakk-erdu sasirvvar-bbitar | Allara Nagadevayya Haradara Santayly ja Mamndeyara Makanayya 37 Ubbarada Bammayya int-i nalvaru Siv[e*]yageriya nurbburige pada-gha(pa). jeyam kottu bala pasageolage Kadakina38 kereya kelage nalku mattar=kkeyya sarva-namasya(sya)V-agi srimad- Addha (ndha)sura-davarige komdu bittar || Jagad-olage negalda Poligo39 l-aga(gba)-pattar-ddeva-Divabav=ellam kichchim dhagadhaga bhugilt-end-uriyal poge kham dam muttad-ilduv-Amndhasurana || [18] 40 Svasti [1] Srimatu-Kalachuryya-chakravartti(rtti) Tribhuvanamalladeva-varsa (rabad-eleneya Chitrabhanu-samvarsatsa rada Sravana-sudhdhat punnami Somavaram[no]m 41 soma-grahanamum kadi banda punya-dinadolu Srimad-Anda (ndha)sura-devara sthanad-icharyyar=appa sri-Jnanasakti-devaru sriman-mah-a(a)gra 42 haram Paliy=tr-odeya-pramukha sasirvvaram dravya-porvvakam=aradi(dhi)si devara Bnana-nivedyakk-emdu Kokko![i*]geriya hala hasuge43 yali komdu bitta mattaraedl=adakke aru-vana mattarimge hana ordu [1] keyya sime ent-e[*]dade badagana sime Gokharpnesvara -devara key[y]im # temkalu Ajjavara-devta(va)ra keyCy(r)]i^ badagalu mudalu Kattiyageriya sa(ka)ta paduvalu Raviyaniya sa(la)ta Svasti [l ] Srimad-d46 r-odeya-pramukha sasirvvarum Srimad-Anda(ndha)etra-devargge snana-nivedyakkey ode-volada hasugeyalli sarvva-namasya(sya) 1 Read karwmukada. * Read fuddha. kend parugey-olage Reed Gokarosafoara-.. There seems to be an r written over tbe kha.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULT. 193 46 Yeagi bitta mattar emta [1] adakke simey-ent-e[m]dade madana 81[me] Akkasaligeyi temkapa sime betta | haduvana sime sauti badagan sime Ghais(a)47 sagoriya sa(la)ta I(II) Svasti [1] Srimatu-Chalukya-chakravartti fri-8dmesvara. deval-varga (raha)d-oradeneya Krodhi-sam vachha (ta)rada Pufya(shya)-sudhdha puppami. 48 Somavara attarayapa-samkrama(ma)nadamdu srimatu-Kalasa(ba)valligeriya narvvarum Basiryvarum same(ma)ya-chakravartti Kali49 devayya-settiyarum sab[i*]tam srimad-Amdhisa[ra]-devargge snana-nivedyakke Mairavanada hadinalku mattaru keyam. 50 mamme-mar[7*]tav-agi Kokkulig@riya hala harugeya modala sthaladalli sarvva namasya (ya)v-agibi 31 ta mattara (1) adara fi(81)me Raviyanngoriya sa(la) tadimdam madala badagana sime Biragut[t*]i-heb-batte 52 micapa sime Kattiyageriya sa(ka)ta temkapa simey=Edavanahallada battey-i(1) da(dha)rmmamam sasirvvaru pratipalisu varu II Svasti [1] Srimatu-Saka-varsha 114eneys Tarana-samvatsarada Jyoshtha sudhdha ashta[mi] Somavaradardu [1] Svasti [lo] Samasta-guna-sampannar-appa 54 srima (t*]-Trik[a]tavara-devara divya-sri-pada-padm-aradhakarum-appa Sri-Paliya saliga-sama55 yamgalum=ir-odeya sasirvvara sannidhanadalu Srimad-Andhasura-dovara sthan acharyyaru. 56 m-appa Vamadakti-devarige dova-karyyakk-endu dhara-purgvakav-agi kotta harike okkalimge homge6 TRANSLATION. (Verse 1 : identical with verse 1 of inscription D above.) (Lines 2-3.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyasraya's race, embellishment of the Chalukyas, king Tribhuvanamalladeva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars - (LI. 3-7.) On behalf of him who finds sustenance at his lutus feet, the great Lord of Fendatories who receives the five great musical sounds, the great august general, high minister, and Steward of the Kitchen, Anantapalarasa, -his son-in-law, the general Lakkarasa, administering the Six-hundred of the two Belvalas, including the kuttunnbitti and provisionvillages, so as to suppress the wicked and protect the cultured, despatched his deputy Singarasa on a mission of religious business, and having bade him to assign one share in the proceeds of the fines of Pali to the god Andhasura of the Agrahara of Pali, consecrated (thesame); whereupon Read Somerparadera. Read fuddha. Read keyya (). * l'ossibly & numeral has been dropped before mattaru. . There seems to be a sonne at the end of this word on the stone, over the ge. * The record here seems to break off in the iniddle of the sentence. This means the Three-hundred of Belvals and the Three-hundred of Paligere : see Dr. Fleet's note on the Boratur inscription, above, Vol. XIII, p. 178. * Soe note on bhatta-grane (Sudi inscr. F., 1. 20) above, Vol. XV, p. 92, a. 1

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194 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. VIII. (LI. 7-8.) On the holy lunar day, Thursday, the tenth of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Tarana, the 29th year of the Chalukya-Vikrama era, on the uttarayanasamkranti, - (V. 2.) Illustrions on this earth are the eminent saints of the Kalamukha order for exalted majesty of learning (and) for severe austerities, being jewel-mirrors for the face of the Spirit of Salvation, remote from sin, (V. 3.) Among them flourished one named Puliyadova, pre-eminent for devotion in the world; after him, Lakulisadeva ; after him, Vakkhanideva excelling in virtues and the great Yogi Vidyedans, versed in all arts and sacred tradition; so after him, the distinguished saint Somadeva. (V. 4.) The great ascetic Jhanasakti has his two feet much rubbed by many monarchs' crowded crests brilliant with masses of lustre from bright noble gems; he is endowed with literary genius, highest of all the great saints who are like fires of doom to that ocean the rank growth of modern religions, stainless in fame, having his breast adorned by the rounded bosom of the Spirit of Salvation. (V.5.) As Janatakti Panditadeva's vast knowledge of logic and grammar is unique (?), the public lauds his exalted dignity, styling him Drakshara. (V. 6.) In the course of the worship which king Bhuvanaikamalla, of widespread fame, a sun to the Chalukya race, despatching a messenger, reverently (and) resolutely offered to the lotus-feet of this saint, they constructed a sanctuary of Siva, which the world ever praises, saying " Say, can they make thus a building of stone " (V. 7.) His beloved disciple Tatpurusha, eminent on earth, endowed with numerous virtues, knowing divers books of instruction, has caused the expanses of the regions of space to become white with his stainless fame. (LI. 16-18.) Having, in the presence of the local Acharya Tatpurusha, as above deseribed, and in the presence of the Thousand Mahajanas headed by the mayor, laved the feet of the god Andhasura, the Steward Singarasa made over for the personal enjoyment of the god and for the restoration of broken, burst, and outworn (masonry) one share in the proceeds of the fines of Puli. (V. 8.) Shining in the form of a beanty-spot on Belvala, that mine of loveliness which appears like the face of that graceful lady the ocean-girt Earth, Poli is perfect in comeliness, thing unique and apart, so that men say: "Is it the city where dwells the king of gods, or the royal residence of the lord of serpents ? It cannot be a dwelling-place of mortals." (V. 9.) It is a mother-house of the Vodas, it is a dwelling-place of divers systems of logic, hearken, so it is a mine of books of instruction : thus is the town of Pali known within the circuit of earth. (V. 10.) As regards the pleasances, the mango-trees drooping with fruit, the marmoring of swarms of bees that hum with buzzing sound, the showers of scented flowers in the outskirts of the town what description can fit them? (V. 11.) How brilliant are the temples, when one observes, with their exceedingly radiant golden pinnacles, obstructing the sky, as if to say that this is a peculiar path built by Ekakahara, lit." monosyllable," is the mystic Om and the lore connected with it applied m . title, it mens master of that lore (cf. the naine of the poet Shadakahari-deva, the "master of the six-syllabled ipell." cil, orh namarSivaya). A work on logie by an earlier Ekakahara-Mani is mentioned in the Kiln inscription of Saka 851 (above, Vol. XIII, p. 882, 1. 64), Here there woems to be play on the double meaning of eakalara, which apparently is taken a signifying "uniquely literate" (cf. -akshara). * Seo Dr. Fleet's note on th word bali in his paper on the Dovageri inseription, above, VoL XI, p. 8.

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No. 22.) INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 195 the Creator as his choicest work in order to raise the votaries of the feet of Isa and the Sun to enter into the everlasting seat where they abide. (V. 12.) The sky is ever bright with masses of smoke of various sacrifices, like a rainbow, which all the Brahmans together make for the satisfaction of the Lord of a Hundred Sacrifices (Indra]. (V. 13.) Mangalarnavadeva, a moon of the Chalukya race, has become in sooth illustrious as a rod of Kala to the Chola race, a meteor of ruin to the Malava race, an uprooter of the Gurjara race. (V. 14.) This Mangalarnava, whose stainless fame is stamped upon the earth, having given land on sarva-namasya tenure (and) settled a thousand Brahmans, protected Pali. (V. 15.) The fortunate Mangalarnava, the mayor, received as a gift (marks of -Ed.) the high dignity of governorship, namely the flag, yak-tail fans, discus (?), white parasol, betel-bag, gong, double shell, and the rest. (Ll. 28-29.) As regards the high dignity of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor who has had this fortune : (V. 16.) The earth extols the Thousand as being men of abounding (good) conduct, seats of incalculable merit, uniquely worshipful to the world, skilled in arte, having fame like autumnal clouds, celestial trees to the companies of cultured and agreeable men, ravishing the powers of haughty foes, bees to the lotus-feet of the blest god Kosavaditya. (V. 17.) The Thousand, who are birth-sites of supreme generosity, having together drunk with delight the nectar of religion with exceeding reverence for him, moved in spirit, built & dwelling for the blessed god Andhasura, which was to be as it were a support for the mighty creeping-plant of their own superhuman fame, so that it was like to the celestial mountain. (Ll. 33-36.) The Thousand Mahajanas headed by the mayor thus described, by unanimous consent, laved the feet of the god Andhasura and granted for the god's personal enjoyment on nela-vartti eleven sojja of areca-nuts per thousand ; on all other areca-nuts, such as chandavura and bele, twenty-one sojja per thousand; on each load (of betel-leaf), a bundle (consisting of eight-hundred betel-leaves'; on each hend-load, a bundle (consisting of) four-hundred betel. leaves. (LI. 36-38.) Alalara Nagadevayya, Haradara Santayya, Mandeyara Makanayye, and Ubbarada Bammayya, these four, having offered worship at the feet of the Hundred of Siveyageri, purchased (of them) and assigned to the god Andhastra as a sarva-namasya holding four mattar below the Kadaku Tank within the waste-land pasuge. (V. 18.) In Puli, which is renowned in the world, the whole company of gods is griefstricken if a morsel (of sacrificial food) should enter the flames in fiery glow with crackling sound, without coming to Andhasura. (LI. 40-41.) On the holy day on which occurred Monday, the full-moon of the bright fortnight of Sravana in the cyclic year Chitrabhanu, the seventh of the (regnal) years of -hail !-the blest Kalachurya Emperor Tribhuvanamalladeva, together with an eclipse of the moon, (Ll. 41-44.) Jnanasaktideva, the Acharya of the establishment of the god Andhagura, having adored with (offering of money the Thousand, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahara of Poli, purchased and assigned for the god's baths and oblations seven mattar in the Namely Iss and the Sun. * Labha-gavalige: the word kavalige means ", quantity embraced ; a pack or bundle of betel or plantain. leaves, etc." (Kittel, kt.). * Soe Dyn. Kanar. Distr., p. 474. 2 3 2

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIIT. waste-land hasuga of Kokkuligori; the aru-vana for it is one hana on ench mattar. As regards the bounds of the field, the northern bound is from the field of the god Gokarnesvam, on the south from the field of the god) of the Ajjavas, on the north-east the fata of Kattiyageri, on the west the sata of Raviyani. (LI. 44-47.) Hail! The Thousand, headed by the mayor, assigned to the god Andhasura for baths and oblations eight mattar as & sarva-namasya holding in the hasuge of the Lower (?) Field. As regards its bounds, the eastern bound is the Goldsmiths' Field, the southern bound the hill, the western bound the sauti, the northern bound the fata of Ghaisasageri. (LI. 47-48.) On the uttarayana-sankranti, Monday, the full-moon of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Krodhi, the second of the (regnal) years of-hail !-the Chalukya Emperor Somesvaradeve, (LI. 48-52.) The Hundred of Kalasavalligeri and the Thousand (of Pali), together with the Samaya-chakravartti Kalidevayya Setti, assigned to the god Andhasura for baths and oblations a (?) mattar as a sarta-namasya holding in the first grounds of the waste-land hasage of Kokkuligeri, in exchange for a field of fourteen mattar belonging to Mainivana. Its bounds are : on the east from the data of Raviyanageri; its northern bound the highroad of Baragutti; its eastern bound the fata of Kattiyageri ; its southern bound the road of the Edava's river." This pious foundation the Thousand shall protect. (L. 53.) On Monday the eighth of the bright fortnight of Jyoshtha in the cyclic year Tirana, the 1146th year of-hail !-the auspicious Saka era, (L!. 53-56.) Hail ! Endowed with all virtues, worshippers of the divinely blest lotus-feet of the god Trikutosvara, the weavers' guilds of Pili, in the presence of the mayor and the Thousand, granted with pouring of water a votive gift (?) to Vamasaktideva, the Acharya of the establishment of the god Andhasura, for the business of the god : for each household, on every gold-piece.. F.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: SAKA 1029. This is an inscription on the upper part of a black stone found standing in the manda pa on the southern side of the entrance into the adytum of the temple of Kere-Siddhappa. The lower part of the stone, with the inscription from 1. 31 onwards, has been broken away and lost. What remains is 3 ft. 5} in, high and 1 ft. 84 in, wide. It has a rounded top, on which are sculptures, vis, in the centre a liriga; to the proper right of this, & squatting figure, possibly Siva or a Yogi; to the left of the liriga, a cow with calf; over the cow, a scimitar; above these, the sun (to right of linga) and moon (to left). The inscribed area below this is 2 ft. 2 in high and 1 ft. 8} in, broad.-The character is good Kanarese of the period, with letters about in, high, which, however, become smaller as the inscription goes on. The cursive occurs in ryatipatadalu, 1. 26.-The language is Sanskrit in the prelude (11. 1-3), and for the rest Old Kanarese. The ! appears only as ), viz. in vogaluudo (1. 14) and pogaluud- (1. 18). The record opens with two Sanskrit verses, the first of which is the formal Namasturgao, and the second the introductory stanza of Kalidasa's Raghuvarka (11, 1-3). It then refers itself to the reign of Tribhuvanamalladeva, i.e. Vikramaditys VI (11. 4-7), and next ins series of verses extols the Belvala nadu, Pali, the Thousand of Puli, the Hundred of Kalasavalli. geri, the Saiva divine Siddhasvara, and his disciple Somegvara, both of whom were Acharyas The Ajjava family is mentioned above, in inscr. D. 1 This is the name of a demon, an ally of Ravans, whose legend is popular in the south. Possibly & sanctuary of his may be meant; but it is doubtfal. On the epithet edava noe above, Vol. XV, p. 81, n. 7.

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10 12 16 18 20 22 24 20 28 Huli Stone Inscription of the reign of Vikramaditya VI: Saka 1029. grisstt beet prohmm llaayil daa gurkry tinvll mgh raaj * prmdhruddN gg drdu trcitmgoo. grgaa kaaru digum tul um jy raaj vaari 32 vrmmuloo vivraal eekmukh ddaaNt adgl ceery briiddaalni d kott rNjug diboo anaarth dsh grgdeemni bh rcddi krii. F. W. THOMAS shtr deeshmuurti drshnn raasu mynNdi iig udku diNcin mriyu rNddttN ChD (diiddit kudddu ddoolai iNt gaa jnaar " griy gu pooru ani maabaabru vnj pirmniyuduru. daani keelr diinikhddi nininidiy dddni gttttd snaa khiri yNbaa rkss roojudaa dduu jbpiN dul duddujgpbddin vrN jNgNddi. isuvkaaru (prshivnu aakaard jaani y aayNddidduvkoon bhaavN daarunnru ii anndi trkudd mdn jddnidi jritr vsudaa aadddu kaa dNdddN dd loo gaacutru btikistu yguloo jrugu drshddu) "duvyni paay mrl d viriyuni aiddiy bhiimukhmudduu jngddNgaa NQ mruNddgu v v Nddd yuniki m raajyN gurtuk dyrmunnee videe jaatiiy rti SCALE ONE-THIRD WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL 10 12 14 18 18 20 22 24 26 28 30

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NO. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 197 of the temple of Kalabesvara in Kalasavalligeri (11. 7-24). Descending then into prose, it chronicles a gift of land to this sanctuary by the Hundred of Kalasavalligori, in the midst of which it is broken off. The date of this record is given on II. 24-26 as: Saks 1029 (expired), the cyclic year Sarvajit; Pushya snddha 12, Budhavara (Wednesday); the uttarayana-samkranti. This is irregular, being another instance of the conflation of two distinct dates. The tithi Pashya suddha 12 corresponded to Saturday, 28 December, A.D. 1107; it ended about 20 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise on Saturday, 1.e. about 2.11 A.M. on Sunday. The uttarayana-sankranti again occurred abont 50 m. after mean sunrise-scil. 6.50 A.M.-on Wednesday, 25 December The places mentioned are Puli, the Belvala nadu (1.9), Kalasavalligeri (11. 16, 28), and Rudragere (1. 30). The last cannot be identified. TEXT. [The metres are as follows: Vv. 1, 2, Anushtubh; v. 3, Onampakamala; v. 4, Mattebhavikridita; Vv. 5-9, Kanda.] ) Namas-tunga-sirag-chumbi-chandra-ch&mara-charavo trailosya-nagar-Srambha mu 2 la-stambhaya Sambhave [1] Vag-artthav=iva sampriktan vag-arttha pratipattayz [lo] 3 jagatah pita[r]au vamdo Parvvati-Paramesvarau || [2] O namah siva[ya ||] 4 (c) Svasti [l*) Samasta-bhuvan-asraya Sri-Ptithvi-vallabha maharajadhiraja 5 paramesvara paramabhactarakam Saty.eraya-kula-tilaka Chaluky-- 6 bharanam srima[t]-Tribhuvanamalladeva-vijaya-rajyam-uttar-Otta7 r-abhivri(vpi)ddhi-pravarddhamanam=a-chamdr-arkka-taram saluttam-ire | Sarar 8 nidhi-mekhal-Avrita-vasundharey-emba vilasini-mukh-amburuha9 da vol=virajisuva Belvala-nalge podalda sobheg=&garam=enis irppe 10 Pali tilak-akritiyird-esed-irppudes puram Sura-puraman K[u]11 beran-Alaka-puramam nagagum vilisadim || [38] Bhuvana-prastutar-ka-vakya12 reachalar=srt-Kesavaditya-deva-vara-prapta-samasta-sampadar-asesh-asi(si)-s& 13 maktrnna(rnpa)-varnna(rnna)-vilasar-chchaturar=chchatus-same(ma)ya-samadvyarachchan tur-Vveda-Sa14 stra-vichara-kshamar endada voga!vndo sasirvvara khyatiya [4] 15 Alli | Viditar (ta)-sri-Pali-pura-vadan-alokana-sudarppaparettaveenipa16 raggad-amala-charitar-guna-gana-sadanar=enalu Kalasa (8a)valligeriya nu17 rvveru || [5*] Alliy=acharyyaru || Snana-japa-homa-niyama-dhyan-a18 nushthana-sila-tatparanam sad (i)-jnana-nidhi mina-nidhiyremd-Inardade pogalvud-a19 yeni Siddhegvaranam [6] Bauddh-Arbata-Sankhyayas-bod[hb]dhrigal-end-e[mm]20 be birudu sanduda jagadol-Siddhesvars-panditarg-atyuddhata-vad-ibha-simhar-e21 ne mechchadar=ars [7] Avara sishyaru Agha-dora-munisvaranuda jaghamnyam(nya)-yati-ta22 tiyol=endu saman-en=abarkku laghu-guna-rahitam bhuvanadol-Aghora-japa nishthit-atma-S3From the ink-Impression. * The ta was omitted by the engraver and then added below the line. Corrupt : the true rending may perhaps be sankhyayana. (taking ayana ms equivalent to sastra) Cov rather Sankhya-Nyaya-Ed).

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198 [VOL. XVIII. Jalanidhi-parita-vasudhataladolu naishthika-muni(ni)svar 24 68sa-dova-p[*]da-kamala-bhrimga Somesvara-bratisam stutyam1 [9] Svasti [i] Srimach-Chhaka-varsha | u n EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 23 mesvaranam || [8] aradhyam eri-Kala 25 1029neya Sarvvajitu-samvatsarada Pushya-suddha 12 Budhavaradam26 d-uttarayapa-sam kramti-vyatipatadalu sriman-mah-agraharam 27 Puliy=ur-odeya-pramukha-sasirvvar=mmahajanamgala samnidhanadalu 28 srimatu-Kalasa (sa)valligeriy-asesha-nurvvar-mmahajanamgalum srimatu-Kale (la)6829 evara-devara [kham]da-sphutita-jirnn(rpp)-oddharakkam nivedyakkav-alliya dhanar-shara30 [danakkam] kamma tapo keyi Rudragereya mattaru nalku TRANSLATION. (Verse 1: identical with v. 1 of inscription D. above.) (V. 2.) For attainment of words and ideas I adore Parvati and Paramavara, the parents of the universe, who are united like word and idea. (L. 3.) Om Homage to Siva! (Ll. 4-7.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyasraya's race, embellishment of the Chalukyas, king Tribhuvanamalladeva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars : (V. 3.) Puli, which may well be called a mine of brilliant beauty, displays itself in the form of a beauty-spot on the county of Belvala, which is radiant like the lotus-face of that graceful lady the ocean-girdled Earth. This town by its elegant appearance laughs to scorn the city of the Gods and Kubera's city of Alaka. (V. 4.) As they are known as being praised throughout the world, uniform of speech, unwavering, receiving all good fortune from the boons of the blest god Kesavaditya, having the splendour of their praises diffused through the whole of space, skilful, worshipped in the four churches,* competent for the study of the four Vedas and books of instruction, what praise can befit the renown of the Thousand ? (L. 15.) In that (town) (V. 5.) The Hundred of Kalasavalligeri are indeed goodly mirrors to view the face of the famed and blest town of Pali, being men of good stainless conduct, seats of numerous virtues. (L. 17.) The Acharyas there (V. 6.) The earth with delight praises Siddhesvara, who is devoted to the practice of bathing, prayer, oblation, minor disciplines, and contemplation, as a treasure of goodly knowledge, a treasure of dignity. (V. 7.) The title of instructor in Buddhist, Jain, and Sankhya doctrines is applied in the world to Siddhesvara-Pandita: who are there that do not laud him as a lion to those elephants the exceedingly haughty disputants ? 1 The defective metre shews that the text is wrong. The most likely emendation seems to be -bhringa Somesa-brati samstutya. Line 20 ends with this word. Towards the end of line 31 the tops of a few letters are visible, but not one letter in the line is complete. The rest of the stone is lost. This is the opening verse of Kalidasa's Raghuvansa. Bee above, on inser. B, 1 10. [See f. n. 3 on p.197.-Ed.]

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI, 199 (L. 21.) His disciple (V. 8.) When can there be) even a great saint remote from guilt in the series of recent ascetics, who is his equal ? Can he match? Somesvara, who is void of vain qualities and whose spirit is devoted to prayer to Aghora ? (V. 9. On the sea-encompassed earth the great ascetic Somesvara is adored by devout saints, a bee to the lotus-feet of the blest god Kalasesa, highly honoured. (Ll. 24-26.) On Wednesday, the twelfth of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Sarvajit, the 1029th (year) of-hail !--the auspicious Saks era, during a vyatipata in the uttarayana-sankranti, (LI. 26-30.) In the presence of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahara of Pali, the full Hundred Mahajanas of Kalafavalligori (assigned] for the restoration of broken, burst, and outworn (masonry of the temple) of the god Kalasesvara, for oblations, and for the supply of food to the ascetics of the place . . . a field, four mattar .. kamma of Rudragere . . . . G.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: THE 82ND YEAR. This is a vira-gal, which was found by Dr. Fleet lying between two stones of the same class, one of them being the inscription A. above, lying to the north of the Bhimosvara temple. It was removed by him into the porch of another temple which stands a few yards to the north of the Bhim svars, and for which the villagers had no certain name, though they inclined to call it the Tarakosvara. The stone is 6 ft. 2 in, high (not reckoning the tenon at its base); its breadth is 1 ft. 9 in, at the first line of writing, and 2 ft. 1 in. at the base. The basis in which it ori ginally stood has been lost. It is divided into seven compartments, four containing soulptures and the intermediate three the text. The uppermost compartment, which is rounded at the top. has in the centre a linga in a shrine ; on the proper right of this is Gandia seated and facing foll front, with a worshipper at his right knee. On the proper left of the liriga are three wor shippers, and there are three more round the upper part of the compartment. Below this are lines 1-4 of the text. The compartment next below these has in its centre the figures of three Heated goddesses, facing full front; to the proper right is a female dancing, and on the left a seated female playing on a lute. Above these are eight females standing in a row, who hold chowries. Underneath this come lines 5-6 of the text. The compartment immediately below the latter has at its centre a male figure in movement, with his arms on the shoulders of two females, one at each side of him ; in each of the four corners is a group of three figures, also in motion. Below these are lines 7-10 of the text. In the lowest compartient is a figure of a man shooting arrows from a bow; he faces half front and half to the proper left. Two corpses are lying under his feet. Facing him are two horsemen and three archers, and behind him are two or three archers shooting at the other party; and behind these again, in the upper proper right corner, are twelve cows running away. The character is good Kanarese of the period; the letters are generally in high. The language is Old Kanarese. The appears as / (alidan, 1. 10). Of some lexical interest are the words Vaddavara, 1. 2 (cf. above, Vol. XII, p. 147), talaga, 1. 3f., molad-al, 1. 9, and anuvara, 1. 9.9 1 This translation is based upon the assumption that abarkku is the same as a mark on. But this is not quite certain, and the word is perhaps corrupt. TA Yoga in which the declination of sun and woon is the same. Anuvara is glossed in Gangadhara Madwaleswar Tarmari's Sabda majari (Dharwar, 1890) as kalaga, baltlo," which is probably right. Bat neither the word itself nor the verb anw-eri is given in the P. B.; Kittel in loco translaten it selecting, making anything) one's special sim," and he gives the verbal sten au-varian, ignoring the explanation of the Sabda majari.

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200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. The record itself is of a type common on monuments of the kind. It begins by referring itself to the 32nd year of the Chalukya-Vikrama era, i.e. of the reign of Vikramaditya VI, and then relates in prose that a certain Torapara Butayya carried off cows belonging to Pali, and thereupon Gangara Bosi (Bosiga) and his messmate and comrade Peruva Malli (Malliga) made a brave attempt to recover them, in which they perished. Each of these heroes has a verse devoted to his praise. The Torapas are mentioned as enemies of the Hundred-and-four Mahajanas of Ron in an inscription of Ron of Saka 1102 which is also being published by me in this Journal. It styles the latter Togapa-kulartakarum. Apparently they were a race of bandits. The date of the inscription is given on 11. 1-2 as: the 32nd year of the Chalukya-Vikrams era, the cyclic year Sarvajit ; Sravana bahula 5, Vaddavara (Saturday). This is regular. The given tithi corresponded to Saturday, 10 August, A.D. 1107, on which it began about 3 h. 50 m. before mean sunrise. The only place mentioned is Poli (11.3, 7). TEXT.1 [The metre is Kanda.] 1 Om? [lo] Svasti [*] Erimach-Chalukya-Vikrama-kalada 32neya Sarvvaji. 2 t-samvatsarada Sravana-hehuls 5 Vaddevaradamdu 3 Torapara Butayyam Paliya taracam kondades ta4 lara-nayakam Gamgara Bosiyuv=atan=odan-unda kele5 yam Peruva Malliyum turuvig=addam bamdu mel-alu kudureyu6 man-iridu palaram komdu suryya-mamdalamam bhojisidar || 7 Torapar-idiretti Paliya turuvam kole kamdu Bosiga[m] pagevaran=int-i8 sidu Divijemdra-purado!=meredam nija-vikrama-pratap-onnatiy[i*] m || [1] 9 Odan-umda keleyanar samgadad-A!am melad=alan=anuvarad-edeyo! bida10' l-agad-erdu Bobigan=odan-alidam Malligam pratap-onnatiyim || [2] TRANSLATION. (Lines 1-2.) On Saturday, the 5th of the dark fortnight of Sravana in the cyclic year Sarvajit, the 32nd (year) of-hail !--the auspicious Chalukya-Vikrama era, (LI. 3-6.) When Tora para Butayys had seized cows belonging to Pali, the chief beadle Gangara Bosi and his messmate Peruva Malli stepped in the way of the cows, synote the leader und (his) horse, slew many, and enjoyed the orb of the sun. (Verse 1.) When the Torapas, making an assault, carried off the cows of Palli, Bosiga, seeing it, confronted the foemen, sincte them, and became brilliant in the city of the Lord of Gods by the high degree of his valour and nobility. From the ink-impression. * The om is denoted by a somewhat fantastic figure, apparently based upon the fankha symbol * The on upems to have first written kondede, and then cancelled the first o. * This means that they were killed in the battle and their souls were carried ap to the Valhalla of fallen beroes in the sun. Cf. the well-known verse Draveinau purulau 10ke irya-mandala-bhedinau ll pariuridyoga-yuktafocha rane fura-southe katal

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. (V. 2.) Saying "I cannot leave my messmate, my associate, my comrade on the field of battle," Malliga perished together with Bosiga by reason of the high degree of his nobility. 201 H. OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI. This is a fragment of a Jain record. It is cut on the upper part of a back stone which was found lying in the courtyard of the Panchalinga temple, and was placed by Dr. Fleet for security in the sabha-mandapa of the sanctuary. The lower part of the slab was lost. The remainder was 2 ft. 7 in. high and 2 ft. 8 in. broad. The topmost compartment, which was rounded, contained sculptures, viz. in the centre a squatting Jina (Parsvanatha ?) facing full front, with a canopy of inflated cobras' hoods over his head, in a shrine, and having below him a pedestal with a floral device and on each side of it a lion; to his proper right a coy and calf; to his left a scimitar; above him, to the left, the sun and moon. The inscribed area beneath this is 1 ft. 4 in. high and 2 ft. 7 in. broad.-The character is good Kanarese, with letters of about in. high.-The language is Sanskrit (verses 1-4 and 6) and Old Kanarese (verses 5, 7-17 and prose). As regards the latter, we may note that is not found; it appears as ? (pogalvinam 1. 4, podalda, 1. 10, pogalut, 1. 20) and r (norppadame, 1. 9, norppade, 11. 10, 11, negardda, 1. 18). The words jagadalam, 1. 17, limkad-amka, 1. 19 (see above, on inscr. B., 1. 14), and kal-vesam 1. 21 may be noticed. The record, after the usual Jain prelude, extols in poetry the Ganadhara Sudharman, Bahubalin, the famous Jain divine of the Kanduru-Gana of the Yapaniya-Sangha, Subhachandra and Maunideva, of the same Gana, and Maghanandin (ll. 1-5). Then it refers itself in prose to the reign of Tribhuvanamalladeva (Vikramaditya VI), whom it lauds in verse (11. 6-9), thence proceeding to extol in verse Kuntala, possibly Belvala, and Pali with its Thousand Mahajanas (11: 9-15). It next gives the titles of an otherwise unknown raja named Pitta, who styled himself "Lord of Kolala, best of cities" (11. 15-17), and adds in verse that he had four sons, Perma, Bijja or Bijjala, Kirtti, and Gorms, and a daughter, Mailaladevi; Bijjala slew certain kings, and had some relations (a lacuna prevents us from knowing what they were) with king Jayasimha of the Gurjarashtra, possibly the Paramara Jayasimha of Malwa, who flourished about 1055 A.D. (11. 19-20). A mutilated verse speaks of Revakanirmadi as sister of king Kanhara, comparing to her Siriyadevi as sister of somebody else (1. 20). We then learn that Bijjala built a Jain sanctuary, which possibly may be the Panchalinga, and apparently that he or somebody else granted to it a place named Pergummi(?). The rest is lost. The reference to Revakanirmadi and. Kanhara is interesting. Kanhara is the Rashtrakuta Krishna III, and Revakanirmadi was his elder sister; she married the Ganga Satyavakya Batuga II, who succeeded between 933 and 940 A.D. This fact, and the titles " Gangeya of the Gangas" and "lord of Kolalapura," indicate that Pitta was a scion of the Ganga family. The places mentioned, besides Puli, are Kuntala (1. 9), Kolalapura, i.e. Kolhapur3 (1. 16), the Gurjarashtra, i.e. Gujarat (1. 19), Belvala (1. 22), Pergummi (ib.), and Manikya-tirttha (1.24). 1 Bahubalin is well known. Maghanaudin and Subbachandra may conceivably be the same as the divines so named who are mentioned in Inser. Sravana Belgola, Nos. 40-1, 43, 45-9, 59, 64-5, 144, and I. 4., Vol. XIV p. 22. A Mannada Bhattara is mentioned in Inser. Srav. Belgola, No. 6. 2 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 71; cf. ib., Vol. IV, p. 352, and Dyn. Kanar. Distr., p. 304. The Gawarwad inscrip. tion previously published by me speaks of Butuga as Revakanirmmadiya vallabham (1. 15); so does the Annigeri record which is almost identical. [Kolalapura is only an epigraphic variant of Kuvalalapura which has been identified with Kolar, the chief town of the Kolar district in the east of Mysore. See Bomb. Gas. Vol. I.-Part II, pp. 297-8.-Ed.] 20

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202 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. TEXT.1 [The metres are as follows : V. 1, Anushtubh; vv. 2, 3, 6, Trishtubh Upajati; v. 4 Aryagiti (?); vv. 5, 12, 13, 16, Kanda; v. 7, Mahasragdhara; vv. 8, 15, Champakama a vv. 9, 14, Utpalamala; vv, 10, 11, 17, Mattebhavikridita.] 1 [srimat-parama-gambhi]ra-syadvad-amogha-lamchchhanam [1] jiya[t*]=trailokya nathasya sasanam Jina-basanam (c) [1] Sri-Vira-nathasya gan-e vard=bhatz Sudharmma-nama pravidhata [- - - ] 2 [V - v v ] Vapaniye sa[ighe) punas-tatra cha charu-margge [2"] Kanduru-vikhyata-gane babhova para munimdra bahavo maha(?) 3 [v -u v ]d-aika-simho munisvard Bahubali babhava [3] Jayata Subhachapdradevah Kamdar-ggana-pumoarika-vana-marttamdabachamda-tridamda 4....Sparago budha-vinutah [4] Nuta-Y&paniya-samgha-pratita-Kandor kgan-Abdhi-chamdramar=end=1 kshiti-va!e(la)yam pogalvinamumnati-vettar Mmo(Mmau)ni[de). 5 [va-divya-munimdra] re* @ [5*) Sri-Maghanathdi-bratinatham=ida Kamarit-bhim. o[ra]ga-Vainat@yah [lo] nam[n]-avanipalaka-viddha-ki[r*]tti[m") si[dah Janta-ta[ttv] Arnnava-purnna-cha[mdram [6*] 6 [Svasti (i*] Samasta-bhuva]n-&srayar Sri-Pri(Pri)thvi-vallabham maharajadhiraja[m] paramosvaram paramabhattarakam Satyaaraya-kula-tilakam Chaluky-abharanam srimat-Tribhuvanamalla17 [devara vijaya]-rajyam-uttar-ottar-abhivri(vri)ddhi-pravarddhamanam-a-chandrarkka-, Yaram-baram salattam-ire Kshitig=ellam tanna tejam to!agi belage tann=ajoe Chol-a[vani] 8 [- u v - - - 0]! narttisut=ire sale tann=arppu lokakke Kalpa kshitijatam kade paot=amt=ire Kaliyugadolu puttiyum Raghav-adi-kshitipal apikarolu pa[u ] 9 iu v y - Vikra]madityacteva [7) Jaladhi-parita-bhttala-vadhu tige kumtalad-amdadim manam-golisuvud-erta norppadame Kumtala desam-ava(da)kke chinna-poga!a teradamte ramjis[ -] 10 [u - -]tta mauktik-ivaliya podalda harada voleirppudu norppade Pali lileyim [8] Mattam Pom-ga!asamgalimd=egeva da va-gribamgalin=oppu-vetta varamganeyarkka![= Y u u ] 1 From the ink-impression. . It is doubtful whether this is d or The pa is not quite certain. This gap is filled from 1. 31 of the second Ratta inscription in Journ. Bo. Br. R. 44. Soc., Vol. X P. May be corrected into Kapadi-Ed.) The vowel before ta may be either a or 0.

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No. 22.] 11 - 0 viprarimde - (P)poda]lda Vedamgale murtti-gomdud-enip-amdadalgramamgala chakravarttiy-esed-irddudu norppade Pali [9] Mattam-alliya viprara malimey-e[nt-emdode] [*] pithan-enipa sri-Krishna-devam savistaradim tanna sahasram-appa pesaram rup-ag-iralu madi s-akshara-Ved-akshara-jivamamtra-chayamam tiv-ittu Poli-maha-pura[--~ ~] 12 [ 3 13 - esedar]-ssasirvvar-imt-urvviyolu [10] Upam-tam-nippa pempu gunam-audaryyam chalam sahasam japa-homam niyamam mah-onnatikasatyam saucham---] 14 [ 15 16 17. oppuva lileyim 21 18 [ 22 [ vara-prasadar-esedar-ssasirvvar-imt-urvviyolu cha(?ba)lisida hari-bada-bettim 19 [ . kk-emdu nirakaripudu sasirvvar=nchitade chalita-vachanam [12*] Svasty=anavarata-vinamad-Ama[ra]-rajat-ti(ki)rita-koti-tati (di)ta-Jine[m]dracharan-aravimda-ma 20 [~ INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. -- * Bijjala-ripath d[ Kolaja-p[uravar-adhisvaram .. [emt-em]dode Mamdalika-jagadalam mar-kkomdara Javan-artthi-janake kalpa-mahi (hi)jam gamdara tirttham sitagara gamdam mar-kkola Bhairavam Pitta-nripam [13] Mattam [ ] sastrad-odavim sri-Kesavaditya-deva-pad-ambhoja[11] Hari kile-neleyim - [chala]d-uttaramga Permma-nripa Bijja-mahipati Kirtti-bhupanum jettiga negardda(da) Mail[a]ladeviyum-amte rupinimdh(d) ittalavagi [10 [14*] limkad-amkad-ari-bhabhujaram tave komdu Gurjja-rashtrada dharanisvaranam nija-rajya-lakshmiyolu padu[ Gamga-Gamgeya Chapala-vairi-vahini-samhanana-pratapa-Lamkes varam Vira-vidvishta-samharapa-pratapa-Karttikeya 208 chauvisa-Tirttharkkalam ~ 1] ) -plo galut-irppudu Bijjala-bhamipalanam [15] Mattam m Revakanirmmadi Kamnharadevamg-emt-akkan-amte bhf-nute Siriy[adevi] [] [16*] [~ - ~] mudadim ~ 1] puttidar-oppe Gormmanumh ~] ~] Jayasimhadeva ~]du dal-tay-vaney-emhdu madisi kal-vesam dim bitta [ ] Belvaladol-imt-opp-ippa Perggummiyam [1] Harrubadakat(?) samesi 1 Three more lines are more or less visible, but only a very few letters in them can be deciphered. In 1. 23 can be read the words Chalukya-chakravartti Permmadizayan kayyol, and in 1, 24 sadisida Manikya-tirttha. The rest of the stone is lost. 202

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204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. TRANSLATION. (Verse 1: identical with verse 1 of inscription B. above.) (V. 2.) There was a Ganadhara of the blessed Vira, named Sudharman, who had cast away...... and again in this Yapaniya-Sangha, which is beautiful in its conduct, - (V. 3.) In the Gana known as that of Kandor there were formerly many great saints ...... there was the great saint Bahubali, a lion .. . (V. 4.) Victorious be Subhachandradava, a sun to the lotus-park of the Kandur. Gana... to the terrible tridarda..renowned among sages. (V. 5.) As the circling earth extols him as a moon to the ocean of the famous Kapdur-Gana in the renowned Yapaniya-Sangha, the great and holy saint Maunideva rose to eminence. (V. 6.) I adore that lord of ascetics the blest Maghanandin, a Garuda to the dreadful serpent Kamari, whose fame is attended by bowing monarchs, and who was a full-moon to the ocean of the principles of doctrine. (LI. 6-7.) When the victorious reign of-hail!-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyasraya's race, embellishment of the Chalukyas, king Tribhuvanamalladeva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars : (V. 7.) As his splendour shines radiantly over all the earth, his authority dances upon [the heads ?] of Chola kings, his power in truth as it were bears fruit equally with the Tree of Desire for the world, and he, being born in the Kali age... in the company of Raghu's Bon and other monarchs ... king Vikramiditya. (V. 8.) How doth the land of Kuntala, even as one looks, fascinate the mind by its semblance of a lock of curls on the head) of that lady the ocean-encompassed Earth! ... is resplendent after the manner of golden flowers. Pali, when one looks, is in its graceful aspect like a conspicuous string of... threaded pearls. (L. 10.) Moreover, (V. 9.) Puli, when one observes, appears as an emperor of towns in its gracefal aspect, with golden pinnacles, with bright temples, with comely public women ... with Brahmaps so stately that the ... Vodas seem to be incarnate in them. (L. 11.) Moreover, as regards the eminence of the local Brahmans : (V. 10.). The blessed god Krishna, who is a basis . having abundantly caused his thousand names to take bodily form, and richly stowed a multitude of syllables of the Vodas, together with the Syllable [Om], and of vital spells, in the great town of Pali..... thus the Thousand Care eminent] on earth, (v. 11.) Dignity transcending coluparison, virtue, generosity, spirit, enterprise, prayer and oblation, minor disciplines, high exaltation, truth, parity ....... by possession of teaching-books, the Thousand, having the grace of boons from the lotus-feet of the blest god Kolavaditya, are thus eminent on earth. (V. 12: mostly illegible.) (Ll. 15-17.) Hail!. As regards the .. of him who is an impassioned bee] to the Lord Jina's lotus-feet which are beaten by the crests of the radiant diadems of. ceaselessly 1 The trida da are the sins of body, speech, and mind. * Votally Kamari means "the foe of Kama," pis. Siva; but the context suggests bere the meaning that enemy Kima." (Beef. n. 6 on page 202-Ed.] . The icon seen to be that the Thousand of Poli are incarnations of the 1,000 Dames of Krishna or Viahp

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 205 bowing celestials, who is a lintel of high-spirit, a majestic Kirttikoya in the destruction of valiant foes, a Gangeyal of the Gangas, a majestic Lord of Lanka in shattering the armies of unsteady foemen, the Lord of Kolala, best of cities : (V. 13.) A jagadala of governors, a Death-god to adversaries, a Tree of Desire to the needy, a way of salvation to warriors, a warrior against the wanton, a Bhairava of counterarrows, is king Pitta. (L. 17.) Moreover, (V. 14.) . . . there were born with distinction king Perma, king Bijja, king Kirtti, the wrestler Gorma, and Mailaladevi, thus forming a group in beauty ... (V. 15.) As he slew hostile kings of the linkad=amka ...... the monarch Jayasinhadeva of the Gurjara kingdom in his own royal fortune . .. [the world] praises king Bijjala. (L. 20.) Moreover, (V. 16.) As Revakanirmade was the sister of king Kanhara, so the world-renowned Siriyadevi ...... (V. 17.) Saying: "Truly a mother-house......", king Bijjala, having with joy constructed (images of) the twenty-four Tirthas, prepared a building of stone ... granted the beautiful Pergummi in Belvala. 1.-ON NAGARASI'S COLUMN. This is an inscription on the eastern face of the south-western column of the four centrul columns in the outer mandapa of the Panchalinga temple. The face of the column is 94 in. high and 1 ft. 5} in, wide; the whole of it is covered by the writing, which runs over the margin to about an inch round it. There are no sculptures. The character is good Kanarene with letters of about in, high. The language is Old Kanarese, mostly verse. The purport of the inscription is to record the construction of the column by the Saiva divine Nagarasi, disciple of Jnanasakti-probably the same Jnanasakti who was introduoed in inscription E. above, and to land their merits. TEXT. The metres are: V. 1, Mattabhavileridita ; v. 2, Kanda.] i Tanag=1 Dakshipa-Varanati-paru-Pali(11)-panrad-Am. 2 dhasuram janata-bhasuran-Anat-asara-narom3 dr-aradhyan-Eradhyan=olpina Kalamukha4 darppanam ni(ni)ja-guru Sri-Jinalaktisan-e5 nd-ene vidya-nidhi Nagar diyan-ad-inn var6 ppipam bannipar | [1] Yele-veldimgala karti7 ya balagaman=o!a-komda ni(ni)ja-ya8 80-ruchiyim bht-valayakk-anuraktateyam 9 taledam sri-Nagarasiy=enag=idu chitram [ 10. garasidevaru madisidar-I kam bamam | Karna or Bhishme. [Rather the latter for Karpa was not a Gangoy-Bd.) See above, on inscr. B., 1. 14. The Tirthathkarte or Jinne, From the ink imprension,

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206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIIT. TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) As he had (for deity) Andhagnra of this Southern Benares, the great town of Puli, for his master the blest lord Jnanasakti, who is resplendent among men, an aradhyal adored by bowing monarchs of demons and men, an excellent mirror of Kalamukha (doctrine) can a panegyrist now find words to laud the treasure of learning, Nagarasi P (V. 2.) By the lustre of his fame, which possesses the mass of loveliness of the young moon, the blest Nagarasi has gained the affection of the circle of earth: this is singular to me. (Lines 9-10.) Nagarasideva caused this column to be made. J.-ON MADI-GAUDA'S COLUMN This is an inscription on the eastern face of the next column to the south of the column which contains inscription I. The inscribed face is 1 ft. 2 in high and 1 ft. 5 in. wide. It has no sculptures. The character is good Kanarese, with letters about in. high. The language is Kanarese, the verse being in the older dialect and the prose medieval, The object is to record that the column was presented by Madi-Gauda, son of Bachi-setti and lay-disciple of the Nagaraai mentioned in inscription I., and to sing the praises of Madi and his master. TEXT.S [The metre is Champakamala.] 1 - Suvidita-bhoga-bhoginige Bhagale-narige BA 2 chi-Settig=udbhavisida Bunu dina-Ravi-sonu 3 vacho-Mbuja-sonu sad-guna-pravarana 4 Nagarasi-munirajana si(fi)ksheya sinu 5 lokadol-Kavadiya Madi-Gaudan-esevam 6 mahi(hi)-mastaka-vastu-nayakam || [10] Guru Sara7 pu | Kavadhi(di)ya Madi-Gauda mad[i]si ko8 tan-i kambhava 11 TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) Illustrions in the world, a master of treasure at he head of the earth, is Kavadiya Madi-Gauda, who is the son born to the lady Bh&gale, the enjoyer of famons delights, and to Bachi-Setti, and who is in bounty a son of the Sun (Karpa], a Son of the Lotus [Brahman) in speech, a son of the teaching of the king of saints, Nagarasi, who is eminent in good qualities. (Lines 6-8.) The Master is our refuge. Kavadiya Madi-Gauda caused this columin to be made and gave it. K-RECORD OF MARTTANDA. This little poem is engraved on the eastern face of the beam over the adytum of the western shrine in the temple of Bhimavara. The beam, which is 2 ft. 3 in, high and 7 ft. 4 in. broad, is adorned with a good piece of soulpture representing Durga dancing on the back of a The title of a class of Saiva Brahmaps. * This is the rhetorical figure viskama: fame is conceived as white, and anuraktata, literally "redness," mean also affection"; so red is prcdaeed from white. Froin the ink-impression.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 207 crouching demon, with Sarasvati on her right, another goddess on her left, and the eight Dikpalas in a row above her; the rest of the stone is filled in with figures of lions and other creatures, and on each side is a large makara or sea-monster, as our inscription states. The inscription runs along the bottom of the beam, covering an area 2 in, high and 6 ft. 2) in. broad. The character is Kanarese, of about the same date as Nos. I. and J.; the letters are generally between in, and in, high. The language is Old Kanarese verse. The appears in tilchidano (1.1), which seems to be an error for tirolchidano, and is replaced by ? in pogalad= (1.2). Aron (1.2) is archaic. The object of the inscription is to celebrate the beauty of the archway above mentioned, on the beam of which it is engraved. We learn that the archway was constructed at the instance of Jnanasakti, whom we have already encountered in Nos. E. and I. above. The third verse praises the virtues of Marttands, who may possibly have been a disciple of this sage; his connection with the work is not clear, but conceivably he may have caused the inscription to be added some time after the construction of the archway. TEXT. [The metres are: V. 1, Mahasragdhara; v. 2, Prithvi; v, 3, Mattebhavikridita.] 1 - Idanxatyanandadinda[m] samedano Kamala-prodbhavam Visvakarmmark mudadim mer-int-idar tisch[i]dano makara-yugm-invitam torapam gattidano men pratyag-asa-patiy-idan=ene saryv-orvvi-sobha-vibhuty-aspadam-int-i Joanasakti, vrati sam[e]yisida[m] [- - -]lpad=entum [19] AnunataruPadmasambhava-Bhav-A[b]janabh-archchega! manoharataramga!=agi [ma]ka 2 ra-dvayam cobhey[i*] manam-golise maoid=1 makara-torana dhatriyo! vinatataram-imt=idam pogalad-irppan=ivom gadam || [28] Hara-pad-ambujashatpadam [ u - ] var(a?)-ibha-pamchananam durit-orvvidhara-vajran. aj[j]vala-[ - - - ]rat[n] a [karam -]1 rati-duran ishta-janat-adharam kala-kovidam guru-bhak[t]am niyam-oktan-embudan=enal Marttan[djan=em dhanyano | [3] TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) Hay the Lotus-born (Brahman) in exceeding delight fashioned this, or has Vigvakarman with joy executed this, or has the lord of the western region (Varuna] constructed this archway adorned with a pair of sea-monsters ? Such a site of the magnificence of the whole earth's splendours is that which this ascetic Jhanasakti has caused to be fashioned ... in every way. (V. 2.) This archway (adorned) with sea-monsters, which has been made so that the very numerous images of the Lotus-born (Brahman), Bhava (Siva), and (the god) of the Navel. lotus (Vishnu) are most charming and the pair of sea-monsters with their elegance delight the mind, is very famous on earth : 80 who indeed is there that does not praise it? (V. 3.) As one may state the fact that he is a bee to Hara's lotus feet, #lion to the elephants ... disputants (?), 8 thunde.belt to the mountains of sin, a jewel-mine of brilliant ... remote from carnal love, & support to agreeable persons, skilled in arts, devoted to his master, holding speech by rule, how fortunate is Marttande From the iuk-impression. ? Apparently meant for tirohelidano,

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208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L.-OF THE REIGN OF BIJJALA: SAKA 1084. This inscription is engraved on a black stone which was found on the road outside the house known as the Virakta-matha, and was placed by Dr. Fleet for security in the sabha-mandapa of the Panchalinga temple. The height of the stone is 5 ft. 2 in. and the width 1 ft. 9 in. The rounded top bears sculptures, viz. in the centre a standing Vishnu, facing full front; to his proper right, a kneeling Garuda facing full front; to the left of Vishnu, a cow with calf; over them, the sun (to left) and moon (to right). Under this is an inscribed area, 3 ft. 5 in. high and 1 ft. 8 in. wide. The character is fairly good Kanarese of the period, well preserved. The average height of the letters is about in. The language is Old Kanarese, verging on the medieval dialect in the prose, with two opening stanzas and a final verse in Sanskrit. The upadhmaniya appears in Vishnuh-pdeg, 1. 2. The l is not preserved: we find nnegarda, 1. 11, and on the other hand elgeyol, 1. 25, hala, 1. 39, and bilgum, 1. 47. The treatment of initial p fluctuates: we have it changed in the prose to h in hala hasugey, 1. 39, hittilalu 1. 43, harada-, 1. 43, hannondam, 1. 44, while in other cases it is preserved. On the genitive shta-sishtara (1. 19; the same in inscr. M., 1. 25) see my note in Journ. R. Asiat. Soc., 1918, p. 105. [VOL. XVIII, The record refers itself in 11. 4-6 to the reign of the Kalachurya king Tribhuvanamalladeva (Bijjala), and then proceeds to sing in verse the praises of Puli, the Thousand Mahajanas thereof, and the Hundred of Siveyageri forming part of them (11. 6-12); and it celebrates the excellences of a family in the latter parish, giving the following pedigree (11. 12-33) :-- Malapayya, of Bharadvaja-gotra. Kalimayya, m. Reviyakka I Dasiraja, m. Olajale and Bhagale Mahadeva Malayya We then learn that on the given date Dasiraja restored the decayed temple of Kesava (Vishnu) of Nagarakhandi, reconsecrated it, and bought from the Thousand of Pali some land which he assigned for its maintenance (11. 33 ff.). The date of this record is given on 11. 33-34 as: Saka 1084 (expired), the cyclic year Chitrabhanu; Pushya bahula 2, Somavara (Monday); the uttarayana-samkranti. This is nearly but not quite regular The given tithi corresponded to Tuesday, 25 December, A.D. 1182; it began about 13 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise on the preceding Monday, and ended about 12. h. 58 m. after mean sunrise on the Tuesday, with which it was properly connected. The uttarayana-sankranti took place about 6 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise on the Tuesday, while the tithi bahula 2 was still current. The places mentioned are, besides Pali, Kalamjana (i.e. Kalanjara, on which see Dyn. Kan. Distr., p. 469), 1. 4, the Kottaja-vavi, 1. 7 (apparently a pond in Pali), Siv eyageri, 1. 12, Nagarakhandi, J. 35, Kokkuligeri, 1. 39, and Kattiyageri, 1. 40. On the Nagarakhanda Seventy of the Banavisi province see I. A., Vol. XIX, p. 144, and above, Vol. V, p. 213 ff. TEXT. [The metres are as follows: Vv. 1, 2, 17, Anushtubh; v. 3, Sardalavikridita; vv. 1, 10, 11, 14-16, Mattebhavikridita; vv. 5-9, 12, Kanda; v. 13, Utpalamala 1 1 [Ja]yaty-avishkritam Vishpor-Varaham kshobhit-arnna (rppa)vam [*] dakship. om(n)nata-damshtr-agra-visranta-bhu 1 From the ink-impression.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 209 2 [vana vap]ub @[1'] Jald Vishao [8] stha! Vishpur-Vvishpub-parvvata-mastake (1) jvala-mila-kul& Vishnus-sarvvam Vishnu3 [ma]yam jagat || [2] 4 Svasti [1] Samasta-bhavan-aarayam Sri-Prithvi-vallabham Kalamjana-puravar. Adhisvaramdamaruga-ta. 5 ryya-nirgghoshana Kalachury ya-bhujabala-chakravartti Tribhuvanamalladevara vijaya-rajyam-utta6 ottar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhamanam-a-chaundr-arkka-taram saluttam-ire | R&m-ara. ma-vikirnna (rpna dir nikhila-dev-&nika7 dim Ri(Ri)g.Yajas-Sam-Atharvvana-Voda-Sastra-vidita-vyapara-chaturyyarim frimat-Kot taja-vaviyim ke8 regalim kanta-jan- nikadindo mato sale Pali lile-vadegu[m] pa-domad-omd oliyim || [3"] Inanam te9 jadol-Imdrana vibhavadol-Chana(na)kyapa(na) ni(nt)tiyol-Manuvam charu-charitra dol-jalari(dhi)yam gambhiryyado10 | dhairyyado!-Kanak-adrindraman-eyde polpar-enip-1 sasirvvara khyatiyol mma(ma)nuja[r*]kkal-padipati [P]a11 sati samam-barpp-amnar-Ar=ddhatriyo! || [4] Alli || Orvvorvvorvvarl-pparibhavise sarvvajna[r]=nnegarda Va[da-Ss)12 strangalol-erd-urvvitalam-abhivarnni(roni)se narvvar-sri-Siv[e"]yag@riyol-karam-68e dar || [5"] Avaro! || Bhara 13 dvaja-ku!-&grani charu-charitram viveki vachaspati Kamsari-pada-kamala-bhrimgan udaram prabhu 14 Malapayya-perggadey-esedam || -[68] A vibhuvimg=udi(da)yisidan Sri-vanita-priya tanujan-amnam ru15 pin bho-valaya-prastatyanol-avam dore Kalimayya-sachiv-ottamano! || [7"] Atana kula-vanit-o 16 ttame Siteg-Arundhatige Ratige pempim gunadim khyatiyin-ati ayam=enipal=nitiya kapi Reviyakka17 n=ene mechchadar-ar || [8] A dampatigalg-ogedar Vodanta-priyan-Ananta-bhakta pesarim sri-Dasirajan=um(n)18 natan-adam vikhy ta-kirtti. marttamda-nibham || [98] Charitam san-mani-mola sutramaritan Vag-devata-manga19 |-abharaqam kirtti dig-amgana-kusuma-valli-da mav-arpp-ishta-sishtara bayt-itta suvarnna (ropa)m-erdod-itara20 reppolv-amnar-ir-sad-gup-otkaranam perggade-Dasirajanan-udara-bri-sur-Orvvija nam || [10] Sahajar satyav-u21 daram=anvaya-gunam svabhavikam sad-guna-grahapar niti-nisarggam-atma-kola dharmmam charn-chi22 ritram=ishta-hit-arttham nija-jivitavyam=ala-vatt-a mantra-sakti-trayam saha-jatam tanag-erdad-im piri23 yar-ir-sri-Dasirajam baram || [118] Ratiy-amnalu rapimh Bharatiy=amna!-vag vilasadim saushtha24 vadih kshitiy-amnal=Dasiya kula-satiy-Olajale-nariy=antu nontorum-o!are li [12] Kshira-samudra25 manthanade puttida Lakshmiya rupin=olgeyol-Gauriyol-omdi ninda pata-bhaktiya permmeyol-im 1 Read Opc-orovare, 2D

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210 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 26 pu-vetta Vag-nariya vag-vilasa-tatiyo!-nere porve(lve)ge-vamdal=e[mo]dod-imn-ar ene Dasirajana ma27 norame Bhagalog-i dharitriyo! | [13] Tat-Butar || Grihado! Lakshmi mah.Otsavam berasu 28 nimdal-tamna tad-vaktrado! - mahim-alamkritey-appa Vag-vanitey-i dalletamna kirtti Setu-Hima29 drindradol-eyde tivida!=enal=samanyan=&g-irdane Mahadeva-prabhu Dasiraja-tana yam 30 saujanya-ratnakaram || [4*) Dhruvan=amnam dhpitiyo!-Sarojabhavan-amnam vag miyol-chemna Madhavanzam31 nam nija-murttiyo!-Khacharan-amna danadol-Kumbhabambhavan=amnam eucharitra. dol-jaladhiy=an32 nam gumpino!-bhavisal-saman=&rs=pperggade-Dasiraja-tanayath Malayyanol-mina33 [va]r [15*] Svasti [1] Srimatu-Saka-varsha 1084neya Chitrabh&nu-samvatsarada Pushya. 34 bahula 2 Somavaradand-attarayana-samkrantiya divya-tithiyalu srimat-pe rggade Dasirajam Nagarakhandiya sri-Kobava-devalayam jirnnist-iralu jiran oddharamam punah-pratishthe sahitam malisiy=a devara khanda-sphutita-jirnn(ran) oddharakkam ni37 tya-nivodya-Chaitra-pavitra-nanda-divige prijariya jivita-nimittav-igi Srima38 n-mah-agraharam Paliy=tr-odeya-pramukha-Basirvvarummahajanamgala divya39 Sri-pada-padmangalam dravya-P[6]rvvakam=aradhisi Kokkuligeriya hala hasu. 40 gey-olage Kattiyagoriyim paduvalu Galatige-gexyim badagalu Chikkanika41 ra-doyara keyyim mudalu mattaringe panav=ondara lekkadimd=apu-vanamam ti(tiruv=A42 nt=&g-ire padedu bitta mattar=asu | A davarige Kalasa(sa)valligeriya badagana koppala 43. hittilalu harada-vaneyim madalu bada-vaneyim paduvana meyya sthalada nivobana44 d=agalav=e[k]-kayi nila hapnondam mattam sasirvvaram hirapya-parvvakar Aradhisi sarvva-nama45 Sya(sya)v=ag-ire padeda bittar [1] Int=i mathamumam keyyuman=avervantara Vasate-nyayam. 46 galu pattidadam s&sirvvarum sa[do]dharmmadim pratip&lipar Initar nichayam-age bhavi. 47 suvud=1 dharmmakk-e(a)payak [k*]e varppapramogham sa-kulat nigoda-taladole bilgam maha-pata48 kam manam-old-int=idan=eyde rakehisuva devamg=akkum=ayushya-varddhanam: atyurjjita49 lakshmi nirmmala-yasam bhadram fubham mangalam # [16] Sva-dattam para-dattan Ta yo harota va 50 sundharam l shashtir(shtim)=yva[r*]sha-sahasrapi vishthayam ja yate krimih [17"] Irddal would be more regular. * We should expect irddano. * The engrater first wrote saanut, and then corrected it to samourar. * Read jiranin. Rend jina * Tue ga was first omitted by the engraver, and afterwards added, partly on and partly below the line

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 211 TRANSLATION. (Verse 1: identical with verse 1 of inscription C. above.) (V. 2.) Vishnu is in the waters, Vishnu is on land, Vishnu is on the mountain-top, Vishnu is on the multitude of lines of fire : the whole universe is composed of Vishnu. (Lines 4-6.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, lord of Kalamjana, best of cities, attended by the sound of damaruga drums and (other) musical instruments, the Kalachurya Emperor, strong of arm, Tribhuvanamalladeva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars : (V. 3.) With a profusion of delightful pleasanoes, with the company of all the gods with men skilled in renowned familiarity with the lore of the Rik, Yajus, Sama, and Atharvans Vedas, with the blest Kottaja well, with ponds, not to speak of companies of fair women, (and) an unbroken line of flower-gardens, Puli in truth possesses a charming aspect. (V. 4.) What men on earth are such as to bear comparison with the renown of these Thousand, who in sooth resemble the Sun in brillianoe, Indra in majesty, Chanakya in policy, Manu in beautiful conduct, the ocean in profundity, the great Golden Mountain in firmness? (Line 11.) In that (town), (V.5.) While the earth lands them by saying that each of them, if one considers, is omniscient in the illustrious lore of the Vedas, the Hundred in the blest Siveyageri are verily distinguished. (L. 12.) Among them, (V. 6.) A leader of the Bharadvaja race, beautiful of conduct, discreet, a lord of speech, a bee to the lotus-feet of Kamsa's foe (Krishpa), generous, the noble sheriff Malapayya was eminent. (V. 7.) To this noble man was born (a son) like in form to the dear son of the lady Fortune: who is peer to the great minister Kalimayya, renowned in the circuit of the earth ? (V. 8.) His excellent high-born wife Baviyakka, a mine of propriety, may be said to surpass Sita, Arundhati, and Rati in eminence, virtue, (and) renown: who does not praise (her) in these terms ? (V. 9.) To this couple was born a lover of the Vedanta, a votary of Ananta, by name the blest Disiraja; he is exalted, renowned in glory, like the Sun. (V. 10.) His conduct is a basic rule for worthy saints, his learning a festal ornament for the Goddess of Speech, his fame a festoon of flowering creeping-plants for the ladies of the regions of space, his power (like) the gold which agreeable and cultured men have laid in deposit: hence what other men are such as to compare with the sheriff Dasiraja, a crowd of good qualities, a celestial tree of noble fortune ? (V. 11.) In born truthfulness, the generous virtues of his lineage, congenital appreciation of good qualities, natural instinct for propriety, the religious practices of his race, beautiful conduct, his own life devoted to the benefit of friends, the congenital attendant triad of powers of counsel being his, who are superior to the blest Dasirsja P (V. 12.) Do any even observe religious vows like the lady Olajalo, Desi's high-born wife, who is like Rati in form, like Bharati in grace of speech, like the earth in steadiness ? This seems to mean that his power is like the property of Brahmane, in that it was not liable to be diminished by adverse occupation or limitations (Narada-smriti i. 81, Brihaspati-emriti ii. 12 and 21), and that it could not be taken from him (Narada-8deg xviii. 49), or that it enabled him to acquire boundless worlds, like the gift of property to Brahmans (pastamba-dharmad-odfra II. X. 26, 1). 2 D2

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212 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. (V. 13.) As she fully equalled the high degree of beauty of Lakshmi born from the churning of the Milk Ocean, the greatness of wifely devotion present in Gauri, (and) the series of graces of speech of the charming lady Vak, who on this earth now are peer to Dasirkja's beloved Bhagale P (L. 27.) Their sons : (V. 14.) Fortune abode with great delight in his house; the lady Vak adorned with magnificence resided in his mouth; his goodly fame completely filled (every place) from Seta to the great Snowy Mountains: hence was Dasiraja's son lord Mahadeva,' that gem-mine of nobility, an ordinary man ? (V. 15.) Like Dhruva in firmness, like the Lotus-born (Brahman) in eloquence, like the comely Madbava in his form, like the Sun in bounty, like the Jar-born (Agastya) in right conduct, like the ocean in profundity, when one considers--what men are equal to the sheriff Dasirija's son Malayya ? (L1, 33-34.) On Monday, the end of the dark fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Chitrabhanu, the 1084th (year) of the blessed Saks era, on the holy lunar day of the uttarayana-sankranti, (Ll. 34-42.) As the temple of Kesava of Nagarakhapdi was falling into decay, the sheriff Dasiraja, having restored the decayed parts and reconsecrated it, adored with (offering of) money the divinely blest lotus-feet of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great agrahara of Pali and for the restoration of broken, barst, and decayed (masonry of the templo) of that god and for the regular oblations, Chaitra-pavitra ritos, perpetual lampe, and stipend for the officiating priest, purchased and granted six mattar within the waste-land hasuge of Kokkuligeri, on the west of Kattiyageri, on the north of the field of Galatige, (and) on the east of the sanctuary of the Chikkanikas' god, on which is to be paid an aru-vana at the rate of one pana on each mattar. (LI. 42-46.) Having again adored the Thousand with (offering of) gold, they purchased and granted to the same god a dwelling one cubit in width and eleven in length in the meyya sthala north of Kalafavalligeri, east of the traders' house at the backyard of the townhouse, as a sarva-namasya holding. So the Thousand shall religiously protect this monastery and field in respect of any minor claims to possession that may arise. (V. 16.) Realise this with conviction : the great sinner who comes to overthrow this pions foundation will inevitably sink to levels of (degraded) rebirth, together with his race; Bo to the king who cheerfully guards it in due wise shall accrue increase of vitality, most brilliant fortune, stainless fame, luck, welfare, happiness. (V. 17: a common Sanskrit formula.) M.-OF THE REIGN OF BIJJALA: SAKA 1084. This inscription is on a black stone built into the northern wall on the inside of the mandapa of the Agnatybvar temple (see above). The slab is 4 ft. 10 in, high and 2 ft. 2 in, wide. The topmost compartment bears the following sculptures : in the centre, Vishnu reclining on a serpent with seven hoods, with Brahman seated above him on the lotus arising from his navel, and to his proper left Lakshmi seated at his feet; below Vishnu, Garuda; to the proper right of Vishnu a goddess (Earth or Sarasvati !), seated and facing full front; to his proper right, a Cow and calf; over these, the gun (to left) and moon (to right). Below these is the inscribed area, 3 ft. 1 in, high and 2 ft. 1 in, wide. It is in good preservation. The character is fair Kaarese of the period, the letters being from fin, toin, high. The language is Old Kanarese, with an introductory and a final verse in Sanskrit. The Kanarese verses are richer in vocabulary By metrical license for Mahadeva. See Vishpon-purana, I. xi-xii. Bee I. 4., VOL. XXXVIII, p. 52. . [V. 2 of this inscription would indicate that she is the Earth-goddess. -Ed.]

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No. 22.] and more skilful in technique than most of the kind. The is not preserved: it appears as r in erttamdu (1. 3), nega[r]d- (1. 4), and arbhbh (1. 16, for alvi), and as in pel (1. 16), pelvad(1. 18), elgeyim (11. 20 f.), kalalchuvan (1.31), balaldu (1. 33), hala (11. 40, 44), and bilgum (1. 48). The p is changed to h in halgalam (1. 31, verse), hoheyam (1. 32, verse 19, for huheyam), hun (1. 33, verse 20), hala hasugey (11. 40, 44 f.); elsewhere it is kept, even in prose. As to lexicography, we may notice dharmmeta (1. 40) and sata (1. 41). INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. The record, after preliminaries of the usual sort, eulogises Puli, its Thousand Mahajanas, and the Hundred of Siveyageri (11. 4-13). It then gives in 11. 13-31 the pedigree of the same family which figures in inscription L. above, but with some more details: putting the two together, we have the genealogy Aditya, of Bharadvaja-gotra I Devapayya 1 Soma I Malapayya I Kalidasa I (Kalimayya), m. Reviyakka I Dasiraja, m. Olajale and Bhagale Mahadeva 213 Malapayya (Malayya) Kalidasa II Two vigorous verses then introduce king Bijjala (11. 31-34). Next comes prose referring the record to his reign and giving him full regal titles (11. 34-37), followed by tho date (11. 37-38) and details of some lands purchased and granted by Dasiraja for the upkeep of the Nagara-Bhavi and some other local establishments and for the expenses of the worship of the Agastyesvara temple (11. 38 ff.). The date, given on 11. 37-38, is identical with that of inscription L. The places mentioned are, besides Pali, Siveyageri (1. 13), Kalamjana (1. 35: see above, on inscr. L.), Naga-vavi (1. 39), Kattiyageri (1. 41), Nagarakhamdi (1. 41: see on inscr. L.), Yeramdageri (1. 42), Kokkuligeri (1. 44), and Jamnavegere (1. 47). The Naga-vavi or "Nagas' Well" is the same as the Nagara-Bhavi, on the side of which the Agastyesvara temple stands (see above). Yoramdageri (i.e. Eramda-geri, the "street of the castor-oil plants") seems to be another of the parishes of Pali. TEXT.3 [The metres are as follows: Vv. 1, 22, Anushtubh; vv. 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, Sardalavikridita; vv. 4, 9, 11, 14, 15, 21, Mattebhavikridita; vv. 6, 12, 13, 16-18, Kanda; vv. 10, 19, 20, Champakamala.] Jayaty-avishkritam Vishpor-Vvaraham kshobhit-arnna(rppa)vam dakshin. onnata-damshtr-agra-visranta-bhuvanam vapah [1] G 1 This denotes some kind of religious establishment, and may possibly be derived from dharm-ayata (=ayatana). 1 See Dgn. Kanar. Distr., p. 475. From the ink-impression,

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214 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vou. XVIII. 2 2 Kshir-ambhodhiyo!-ipp-Ananta-sayanam Narayanam Kaustubh-adharam tamna samakshado!=Kamaleyum Bhu-kante3 yur nibhiyolesar-Amsarn-baded-Abjagarb[h]bha-sahitan Sri-Palig-erttamdul nind Aradhyam karuna-ras-ardra-hridayam ra4 kshikke sasirvvaram || [2] Ant-enisi negap)"]d=agrahara-chalamaniya vikhyatiy= ert=appud-erdade [lo] Samasta-kalegalge ni5 laya-sthanamum vilasakkivasamum spingarakke janma-bhumiyum Vasanta-sama yakk ikke-danamum=enisidud-ar6 tum=alladeyum | Ram-irama-viktrnna(rnna)dim nikhila-dev-anikadim Ri(Ri)g Yajuh-Sam-Atharvvana-Veda-Sastra-nivaha-prakhyata-sa7 sirvvarim Kam-odda ma-gajamga!ant-ir-eseva varangan-anikadim Grimat-Pali nirantaram sogayikum sat-sevya-sampattiyim || [3] 8 Inanam tejadol-Imdranan vibhavado! Chana(pa)kyanam nitiyol-Manuvam charu chari(tra]do! jaladhiyam gambhiryyado! 9 dhairyyado! Kanak-adrimdraman=eyde polpar-enip-i 'sasirvvara khyatiyo!=manu jarkka!-patipati pasati samam-barpp=amna10 rmir-ddhatriyo! || [4] Sri-Ramayapa-Bharat-adi-Manu-charitramgala vyaptiyol=sar sara-vichara-tarkka-nichaya-pra11 fkhya*]ta-sastrargalo! surar=Vveda-samtihadol=bakala-tat[t"]va-jnana-sampattiyimd= iridhyar-ddhareg=erdadim piriyar=ar=sasirvvarind-urvvi12 yol || [5] Avar-olage || Kavi-gamaki-vidi-vagmiga!a vivekada deseyan=ariyar Agrita-be(ja)nam=utsavadim bedalk-ivar-s8avila(ai)13 gal-alte Siveyagoriya natrvvaru [6] Avar=olage || Bharadvaja-kul-imbare dyumani tejah-punjadim permmeyim kshir-ambhonidhi [dh]ai14 ryyad=umnatikeyimdam Mandaram sauryyado! sri-Raman paramarttha-nischayadin & Kamjasanam tan=enalk-arun polvege barppard bu. 15 dha-jana-prastutyan Adityano! || [7] Tat-suta Srirangamgratibhaktan-oppar amal-acharam yaso-vallabham paravarame morey=A16 d=avani(ni)jarkkalg=eyde chakrosvaram sara-grahi samasta-desadavargalg=arbhbh(rbb) ikk-iralu rakshipam dhir-odattaneenippa Devapayanol=pel=a17 rasgamam-barppare || [8] Tat-Buta | Dhuradol-band-urad-oddi nimd-ari-bala bratakke kayy=antu bamdeered=artthi-prakarakke vara-vanit-Anika18 kke garbhara-sagaran-1 p[erggade Soman-Entwiriyal-iyal-solisal-palvad-i Hari patram Hari-putran=a Hari-sutam tanwenda19 dwor(e) Vannipani [9] Tat-anta # Vara-vanita-janamgala manam Kusum Astra-Sarakke Aad-budh-otkara-kara-pankajamh bahu-suvarnna-chayakk-adhingtha mam20 diram sthiratara-rajya-lakshmig-edey-adavu rapa-vilisad-olgeyim nirupa[ma")-dana dim pati-hit-om(na)natiyim prabhu-Malapayyanim* || [10*] Tat-su21 .ta Akalankan tanavzagi varttisuva Chandram kantiy-om -olgeyim sakala vyapakan-agi jadyatanamam bittzirda Padmasanam Rukavindratva * In classical spelling el-tandu. * Apparently for a fou (or arou.-Ed.)," harm." Apparently to be corrected to estu=a. Perhaps a slip for Malapayyana. Indda would be more alal.

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Huli Stone Inscription of the reign of Bijjala : Saka 1084. R vaaru pNpddmtti yNdnuk mnmu mnmu ceesin jnmunNdmymu mgaaddi munupttiyu imaamuni dvkNtN vinivdri anuvaadN mugjgNddi leet sum ni reesrsmm mnN mnvddloo sNdddi vaampNddu jddidyaa niyN ydi dvdd knkl ni g 10 mNdu tmku taamunu muNdugaa naajrv nijN d pddmr smududpddNtN vdlNddgaa 12 shNduudd aa pnulnu prigdddi vaaddddyyN tn sut N vysu muutlu nuuddduvj prstut krmlu klku sripooyin suddyynn mNtrN ykssgaa muslaavidd shrii suvriNkuudd pppulu aagNtkulnu nyN vyk kraavaahikNgaa sm y rsmNt pddgddN lu tddtnni psynulu smtlupu tddbddrn sNghNslkddlu knprniNdnu my ykdd annNt anNtlu vnvvinddmunnusrNloo kldu . tmdigaa rNgaajul gddy mtpNddunirtuNddddN kllnu nddpyni - kddpoot vaattNkyddu. vaaddu tnmuNdi -ddddmu mNcgltiiyiNcu diinuttrulnyyddN mnvaaddinvdii mn bNduvriynu mnsu niNdd nnnn tnni tddumuNddnN tnku naa mnsuloo mudurutuNdi shjmunu mNjuuru evmunynaal aapuku curulu juju vrku bhaagoonnN Poine psru terpddnusulu rNguryyaal nurugiNpu aaddu vldN uv bddNgtntnul veepuddkvni snaatnmunipN muNbynku nddumu nNdliyaan sNpn pddutaaddnu pdNj prkttn jlni tn nddpddN jypddddN mucu 32 jyNtuddu tn rukaaluNddvu knuknee pddupddutaaddyuyvaan 34 - paaddu pnulk rNpaalk mNdd loopunn strnu drshkulnu tiiyvvnmuuljddit krvu prmu nvNtti rsvtNt trcu 38 kNtyy guruvunu s y t t gN . mkrjlu jmu anu bcdnNgaa mNtnu nddpululu dkaammuddi tm 38 purmNttuNdi. akkyy trhN rutukrmNjul muNdu mNdi yuv nvgtjyN TapN shmyt tnku plu kaavu dyvaaddttN mruvk mtpNddlu mnNddluvydymunu y mu mruptyy yvvddmuumilddkuNddFONdi kaanuu nvNtumunbdd svnmu smNtnu bdulu mnku 44 20 nuNcun ypuddaa addgNt rjtvcN smNtkmnn jnNttaaddglku mriNtumukhnnaaru gtjnkudduvsaay mNddlmu muNdu muNjlu. jlu jnrgttmainpudduvlu tkuddglmddk vlslu P RAD , WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL. F. W. THOMAS BCALE -23

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 215 22 dol-Isanim kidada Kamar rupa-sapatti(tti)yim prakatam-betta charitradim Manuy=enippar Kalidas-Ottamam || [119] Tat-sati | Ratiy-amal rapi(pi)m Bha23 [ra]tiy=amna! vag-vilasadim saushthavadim kshitiy=amna! permmeg-Arundhatiy amna! Roviyakkan-ene mechchadar-ir [12] A dampatigalg ogedam Vedanta24 (pri)yan-Ananta-bhaktam pesarit fri-D sirkjan-irjjitan=&dam vikhyata-kirtti marttamda-nibham (13"] Charitam san-muni-mula-sotravmaritam Vag. de (va]ta25 margall-abharapan kirtti dig-angana-kusuma-valk-dama-irpp-ishta-fishtara baytitta suvaranav=endad-itararappolv=amnar-ar=sgad-gun-otkaranam 26 [perggade)-Dasirajanan=udara-fri-sur-Orvvijanam || [14] Sahajam satyam udaram-anvaya-gunam svabhEvikam sad-guna-grahanam niti-nisa27 [rggam-a]tma-kula-dharmmam charu-charitram-ishta-hit-arttham nija-jivitavyam-ala vatt=a mantra-sakti-trayam saha-jatam tanag-emdodim piriyar=:28 [regri-D]asirajam-baram [15] Tat-sutaru | Sriramga-dova-bhaktan=udarate yim kalpa-bharuham sthirateyo!=i Moru-girindram permmeyo29 [1]-arind-atyadhikan=alte Mahadeva-badham [16] Atana tammam srata vikhyatam Siva-pada-sekharam bakala-guna-bratame bhashanamenipam nitiya 30 kani Malapayyan=ene mechchadar=aru [17] Avar-irrvarinde kiriyam bhuvana-statan-enipa Kalidasa Kumbhodbhavanamnam charitradin-ivar opp[u]. 31 Va Dasiraja-sutar-esed-irddaru ! [18] Javan-ivan=ovan-emban-adatim Kulik. Shiya halgalam kalalchuvan-idir-age Ravananuvam nelak-ikkuvan-U32 gra-ho(hu)heyam bha (ba)varado!'-Antodestana bhujamgalan-oppuva khalga-dhare yimdame kadi-khamdam-Age tarivam sale Bijjanadeva-bhabhuja || [198] 33 Pariv=arup-Ar bu susida midul-pared-okks karul-balaldu jold-ari-kari-samkulam suridu kittuva hun beras-duy-attey-im charam-seya34 lke paduva bhatarkkala pan-daleyimde nodal=gsuramum-agurvyum-syt-iridu geld ede Bijjanadeva-bhupana [20] Svasti [1] Samasta-bhavan-d85 sraya Sri-Prithvi-vallabha mabarajadhiraja paramevaram Kalamjana-puravar adhibvaram damaruga-taryye-nirgghoshanam para-chakra:bhisha36 nam srimat-Kalachuryya-bhujabala-chakravartti Tribhuvanamalladore-vijaya-rajyarn uttar-ottar-abhivsiddhi-pravarddhamanam-a-chamdr-&37 rkka-tarar saluttam-ire Srimach-Chhaka-Varsham 1064noys Chitrabhanu samvatsarada Pushya-bahula 2 Somavaradamd=uttarayana-samkra88 [nti@]yalu vyatipatam kadida divya-tithiyala dharmma-karyya-nimittam perggade Dasirajam sriman-mah-agrabaram Paliy=tr-o39 deya-pramnkha-sasirvvar=mmahajanamgala divya-bri-pada-padmangalam dravga puryvakam aradhisi Varapa(a)liyat samanav=appa Naga-vaviya khamda[The reading weems to be Haihaya (Arjana Kartavirya). -Ed.) ? The engraver seems to have begun with the intention of making the first letter ab, and to have finished it oft As bh; for, unlike the regular bh, it is not open at the base, but on the other hand it has a horizontal tick on the right-hand top comer, like a regular bh. * The engraver has omitted galast, and then inserted it below the line, marking the corrigendum by crues abore the line. The pa bas been omitted, and inserted above the line.

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216 40 sphutita-jirnn(rpp)-oddharapakkam-alliya dharmmetakkam emdu Kokkuligeriya hala-hasugey-olage sarvva-nama EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. agnishdagey-raykegam 41 eya(sya)m-agi bitta mattar-ar-adara sime madalu Kattiyage[ri*]ya sata | temkapa sime Nagarakhamdiya Kesava-devara bhami [*] paduvana [8]1 44 42 me perggade-Samkarayya-nayakara satrada bhumi [*] badagana sime Yeramdagerige pratinidhiy-agi kotta bhumi Int-1 dharmmama 43 n=ava nyayamum-adodam sarvva-namasya (sya) m-agi sasa (si)rvvarum sadharmmadim pratipaliparu || Mamgala-maha-eri erl (c) A punya-tithiyol-alliya paschima-dvarada srimad-Agastyesvara-devar-ashtavidharchchana-nimittam Kokkuligeriya bala 45 hasugey-olage sarvva-namasya (sya)v-giy-ar-odeya-pramukha-sasirvvar-mmahajanam galan-amgadiy-ur-odeya 46 pramukha-bhakta-janamgal-aradhisi padadu bitta mattar-erad-adara sime madalu Melasesvara-devara bhumi 47 temkalu Jamnavegereya dari paduvalu kara-bhumi [] badagalum Melasesvara-devara bhumi Initam nischayam-age 48 bhavisuvud-i dharmmakke (a)payakke varppan-amogham sa-kulam nigoda-talado! bilgum maha-patakam manam-old-imt-idan-eyde rakshisu 49 va devamg-akkum-ayushya-varddhanam-atyurjjita-lakshmi nirmmala-yasam bhadram subham mamgalam [21] Sva-dattam para-datta (tta)m va yo hareti (ta) vasumdha 50 ram [*] shashtim-varsha-sahasrani vishthayam jayate krimih || [22] @ TRANSLATION. (Verse 1: identical with verse 1 of inscription C. above.) (V. 2.) May Narayana who rests upon Ananta in the Milk Ocean and who wears the Kaustubha jewel, worshipful, with heart moist with the liquor of grace, coming to blest Pali and dwelling (there) in company with Kamala and the lady Earth and the Lotus-born (Brahman) who enjoys his essence in his navel, protect the Thousand! (Lines 4-6.) If it be asked what is the reputation of that crest-jewel of agraharas which 18 so illustrious, (we answer): it is called a dwelling-place of all arts, an abode of brilliance, a natal ground of ornament, a home of the season of spring; and moreover : (V. 3.) With a profusion of delightful pleasances, with the company of all the gods, with the Thousand who are renowned in all the lore of the Rik, Yajus, Sama, and Atharvapa Vedas, with the multitude of public damsels who are brilliant like fiery elephants of Kama, the blessed Pali is ceaselessly splendid with fortunes subserved by worthy men. (V. 4: identical with verse 4 of inscription L. above.) (V. 5.) As they are men of might in mastery over the blessed Ramayana, Bharata, and other works and the course of conduct of Manu, (and) in famous teaching-books of manifold studies of reality and unreality and of logic, adored by the world for their attainment of knowledge of all the principles in the series of the Vedas, who now are superior on earth to the Thousand P (L. 12.) Among them : (V. 6.) Knowing not a place of distinction between poets, reciters, controversialists and rhetoricians, giving (alms) when clients cheerfully ask, the Hundred of Siveyageri are in sooth brilliant.

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No. 22.] INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI. 217 (L. 13.) Among them : (V. 7.) As he may be termed because of the mass of his splendour & Sun in the sky of the Bharadvaja race, because of his greatness & Milk Ocean, by reason of the high degree of his firmness a Mandara, in heroism a blessed Rama, in judgment of transcendental lore the Lotusseated (Brahman) himself, can any compare with Aditya, who was renowned among sages ? (L. 15.) His son : (V. 8.) Say, who can equal Devapaya, who was deeply devoted to Sriranga (Vishnu), a man of eminent stainless conduct, a darling of fame, verily an emperor to the natives of the ocean-bounded earth, gathering the best of all knowledge), & protector of the peoples of all lands when harm befell, firm and exalted of soul? (L. 17.) His son: (V. 9.) Going to battle and ceaselessly resisting the multitude of foemen's hostsstretching forth his hand to the troops of suppliants that came and begged (of him)-a deep ocean to the companies of publio danisels--this sheriff Boma was in his own person a Hari's son (Arjuna) in confronting and smiting, a Hari's (Sarya's) son (Karna) in making gifts, a Hari's (Krishna's) son (Yama) in conquering, when the tale is told : hence how can one sing bis praises P. (L. 19.) His son: (V. 10.) The souls of choice damsels became a place for the shafts of the god of the flower-arrows, the lotus-hands of companies of worthy sages a place for abundant quantities of gold, the royal mansion a place for the right firmly established Fortune of the kingdom, through the lord Malapayya, by reason of the perfection of his grace of form, his incomparable generosity, and the high degree of his services to his sovereign (respectively). (Ll. 20-21.) His son : (V. 11.) The excellent Kalidasa was indeed through the unique perfection of his beauty a moon appearing with unspotted form, through his high skill in poetry a Lotus-seated (Brahman) devoid of insentience while pervading the universe [or, intimate with all], through his gift of beauty a Kama who was not destroyed by Isa, by his eminent conduct a Manu. (L. 22.) His good wife : (V. 12.) Roviyakka was like Rati in form, like Bharati in grace of speech, like the earth in steadinese, like Arundhati in greatness: who do not give praise in these terms ? (V. 13 : almost identical with verse 9 of inscription L. above.) (Vy. 14-15: identical with verses 10-11 of inscription L. above.) (L. 28.) His sons : (V. 16.) The sage Mahadova is a votary of the god Sriranga, Tree of Desire by reason of his generosity, a Mount Meru in firmness, altogether surpassing all in greatness, truly. (V. 17.) His younger brother Malapayga is renowned for scriptural lore, crowned with Siva's feet, an aggregate of all virtues, & very ornament, a mine of propriety: who do not give praise in these terms P (V. 18.) The youngest brother of these twain is the world-renowned Kalidasa, like the Jar-born (Agastya) in conduct: these eminent sons of Desiraja have become distinguished. Dhir-odatta is a term for one of the types of hero of drams, and is defined in Dafaripaka ii. 5 AR "of great excellence, exceedingly serious, forbearing, not bonttal, resoluto, with self-sertion suppressed, and firm of pur. pose" (Haas's translation). * [Bat Yama is also called Hari. So it would be better to take Karttikeya or Bhima as the upamina especially when Hari is an epithet of Siva and of Viyu also.-Ed.) This verse, like the preceding, in an instance of the rhetorical figure yathtisankhya. * This is the rhetorical figure adhik-abhada-rapaka [secording to appaya Dikshita, Bee Kuval ayananda under Rupaka-Ed.] 21

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218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. (V. 19.) The monarch Bijjanadeva would say "what can this Yama do P"; boldly he would knock out the serpent Kulika's teeth; if he confronted him, he would strike to earth even Ravana; if he were to meet in battle the figure of Ugra, he would lop his arms into fragments with his bright sword-edge. (V. 20.) When one looks, the place where the monarch Bijjanadeva has won victory by blows is demoniac and frightful by reason of the decapitated heads of warriors uttering song while there arise sweet sounds from the headless trunks whose wounded limbs move in concerted action, (wounded limbs) from which drink snorting the troops of foemen's elephants whose marrow, over which streams gushing blood, and loosely out-bursting entrails swing about and dangle down. (Ll. 34-37.) When the victorious reign of-hail !--the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, lord of Kalanjana best of cities, attended by the sound of damaruga drums and (other) musical instruments, terrible to other realms, the Kalachurya Emperor strong of arm, Tribhuvanamalladevs, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars : (Ll. 37-38.) On Monday, the 2nd of the dark fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Chitrabhanu, the 1084th (year of the blessed Saka era, at the uttarayana-samkranti, on the holy lunar day with which coincided a vyattpata; (LI. 38-43.) For the purposes of religion, the sheriff Dasiraja, having adored with (offering of) money the divinely blest lotus feet of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great agrahara of Pali, granted as a sarua-namasya holding for the restoration of broken, burst, and worn-out (masonry) of the Nagas' Well, which is equal to Benares, and for the dharmeta of that place, and for the management of the fire-hearth six mattar within the waste-land hasuge of Kokkuligeri. The bound of this is on the east the fata of Kattiyageri ; the southern bound is the land of the temple of the god Kesava of Nagarakhandi; the western bound is the land of the sheriff Sankarayya-Nayaka's choultry; the northern bound is the land granted as a substitute to Erandageri. So whatever claims may arise, the Thousand shall religiously preserve this pious foundation. Happiness! Great fortane! (61. 44-47.) On the same holy lunar day, having adored the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, and the votaries, headed by the bazaar-mayor, he purchased (from them) and granted for the purposes of the eightfold worship of the temple of the god Agastyesvaras at the western gate of the town two mattar within the waste-land hasnge of Kokkuligeri as a sarva-namasya holding. The bound of this is on the east the land of the god Melasesvara, on the south the road of Jannavegere, on the west the black (?) land, on the north the land of the god Melascsvara. (Vv. 21-22 : identical with verses 16-17 of inscription L. above.) No. 23.-DON BUZURG PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRA: [VIKRAMA). SAMVAT 1176. BY DATA RAM SAHNI, M.A., RAI BAHADUR. These copper-plates were lent to me for examination and decipherment by the Maharaja of Majhauli in the Gorakhpur district of the United Provinces in 1906 when I toured in the Gorakhpur and Saran districts under the orders of the Director General of Archaeology in India, to co Hect notes on certain places for the use of the late Dr. Fleet. At my suggestion, these plates were deposited in the Provincial Museum at Lucknow where they are now preserved. The plates were unearthed by a Chamar cultivator in a field near the village of Don Buzurg situated 7 [See foot-note 1 on p. 215.-Ed.] * Namely by offering of water, scent, flowers, rice-grains (akshata), incense, lamps, oblations (naivedya), and betel. * See above, p. 170.

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No. 23.) DON BUZURG PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRA: [V. s. 1176. 219 miles to the north of Mairwa Railway Station on the Bengal and North-Western Railway, and made over to the Maharaja of Majhauli. At my visit to this village, I did not notice any other antiquities of special interest. The village itself is, however, situated on a large ancient mound and the size of bricks unearthed by the villagers averages 11}" x 9" x 2". The plates are inscribed on one side only and measure 1+1" by 10%" and 14" by 10%, respectively. The edges of the plates are fashioned into rims the maximum height of which is ". Both the plates were originally soldered on a circular ring passing through the upper part of Plate II and the lower part of Plate I. Plate I is loose on account of a small piece having broken away from the ring-hole. The seal is now attached to Plate II and is of the usual Gahadavala type. The only orthographical peculiarities in the record that deserve special mention are the use of j for y in parjantah (1. 18) and jatha (1. 25) and the confusion of sand $ and of v and b. A for ya in vishthaam (1. 30) is an evident mistake or a Prikritism. The form utakeritam in l. 36 evidently stands for utkirnnam or the causal utkaritam. There are many other mistakes of spelling in the inscription and they have all been corrected in the text. The inscription consists of 36 lines, of which 19 are engraved on Plate I and the remaining 17 on Piate II. The whole of the document is in an excellent state of preservation. The characters are Nagari. The language is metrical Sanskrit in the first eleven and last eleven lines which contain respectively the usual genealogy of the Gahadavala kings of Kanauj and the imprecatory and benedictory verses. The remaining fourteen lines as well as part of the last or 36th line are in Sanskrit prose and represent the formal historical portion of the document. The inscription records that on Tuesday the 8th tithi of the bright half of Jyeshtha of [v.] s. 1178 (A.D. 1119-20) after bathing in the Ganges at his camp-residence (yana-vasa) at the village of Mandalia, belonging to Alamvimahapura, the Gahadavala king Govindachandra granted the village of Vadagrama? in the Alapa district to a Brahmana named Tultaieha-3 Sarman. This Brahmana belonged to the Vachchha (Skt. Vatsa)-gotra of Dronayanashada. The fourth syllable of this latter name is not decipherable, but it is not impossible that it was the name of a town or village or of some muni to whom (a branch of-Ed.) the Vatsa-gotra owed its origin. If this assumption is correct, we may without hesitation identify this locality with the village at which the plates were found and which is still called Don Buzurg, or the Holy Don. It is interesting to note here a legend which describes a small cultivated area in the neighbourhood of this village as Drona-ka-ghar or Drona-ka-garh, that is the residence or citadel of Drona, the preceptor of the Kaurava and Pandava princes. It is stated by the villagers that Drona resided at this place and was on one occasion transported to Lanka to prescribe medicine for Vibhishana, brother of Ravana. The story is not worth much, but it shows at least that the local pandits already recognize in the name Don a corruption of Drona, probably a remnant of the original long name of the place. At the time of issuing the grant, the king Govindachandra was encamped at a village named Mandalia, which was situated in Alamvimahapura. The latter was probably the name of the district in which the village in question was situated, and it is evident that the village stood somewhere on the banks of the Ganges. I am as yet unable to identify either of these places. The village granted was sa pataka-kona-Vadagrama which I interpret as Vadagrama together with its outlying hamlet and its corners. This village was situated in the district (pattala) of Alupa. 1 [This requires correction, for the original (1. 19) clearly gives WATER, i.e. Monday. Reference to the late Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 240, will show that this date is quite regular and rightly corresponds to Monday, the 19th May, 1119 A.D.-Ed.] Vadagrama appears to have been a common village name. In the Chandravati plate of Chandradeva of ry.) S. 1148 (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 802 f.) we find Chandravati referred to as Vadagavi, a slightly modified form of Vadagrama. (See f. n. 1 on p. 223.-Ed.] [See f. n. 2 on page 222--Ed.)

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220 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII which cannot as yet be identified. Bat there is a village of the name of Barg8 in the Salempar Pargana of the Gorakhpur district which might represent the Vadagrama of our inscription. TEXT. [Metres : Vv. 1, 3, 10, 11, 13-20, Anushtubh; .2, 21, Indravajra; w.4,7, Sardalavi koridita; vv. 5, 6, 8, 22, Vasantatilaka; v. 9, Drutavilambita; v. 12, Salini.] First Plate. 1oN ' khasti / bhakuNDokaNDavaikuNThakaNDapIThasuThalaraH [1] parambhaH suratAra [sa] zriyaH zreyasaistu vaH [1] pAsodasI(bhI)tadhutivaMsa(sa)jA jhApAlamAla[7]su divaGgatAsu / [sA cAhivakhAniva bhUridhAnA nAnA yazovigraha ratyuhAraH / [2] tasutobhUmIcaMdravaMdradhAma nirbha nilaM / yenApAramakRpArapAra vyApAritaM yamaH // [1] tasyAbhattanayo nayaikarasika: krAnsahiSagmaMDalo vidhvastotadhIrayoSati miraH zrIcaMdradeyo(bo) nRpaH / yenodAratarapratApasa(a)mitAsa()SaprajopadravaM zrImahAbhipurAdhirAjyamasamaM [do] vikrameNArjitaM [*] (to)Ini ka(kA)si(bhi)kusi(bhi)kottarakosa(sa) khendrakhAnIyaka(kA)ni paripAlayatA[dhi] mamya [1] hamAmatulyamanisaM(zaM) dadatA hinebhyaH(bhyo) yenAhitA vasumatI sa(ca)tasa(ga)stula(lA)bhiH // [5] tasyAtmajI madanapAsa iti citIMdracUDAmaNivijayate nija[govacaMdraH / ' yasvAbhiSekakalayositaiH pa. yobhiH pracAlitaM kalirajaHpaTalaM dhariyAH / [1] yasvAsodijayaprayANasamaye tamAcalobalagmAyakuMbhipadakramAsama- . bharamasva(kha)bAhImaMDalo(la.) [1] cUDArabavibhivatAlubalitastyAnAsuguDAsita: se(ze)SaH pevavasA(mA)diva caramasI koDe nilonAmana[:] [ ] From ink-impressions Expressed by * symbol. * Cancel one danda

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No. 23.] DON BUZURG PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRA : [V.] S. 1176. 21 9 tamAdajAyata nijAyatavA(bA)huvaSi vaM(ba)dhAvarAnavarAjyagajo nrendrH| sAMdrAsatadravamucA prabhavo gavAM [yo] govindacaMndra(da) iti 10 caMdra vAMburAse (the): // [*] na kathamapyalabhanta ragaca[mAM]tiruSu dicu gajAnatha vaSiNaH / kakubhi va(ba)mamuracamuvAbhapratibhA(TA) va yasya ghaTAgajAH / .[*] soyaM samastarAjacakrasaMsevitacarataH / sa ca paramabhadhArakamahArAjAdhirA]. aparamekha(kha)raparamamA12 kha(kha)ranija bhujopAvitatroka(kAnyakumjAdhi[patyaM] bopadradevapAdAnudhAtaparama bhArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamekha (kha)raparamamA18 rekha(sa)rathomadanapAsadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhadhArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamekha(sa)rapara. mamAhekha(kha)rathIma[hovindacaMdradevo vija14 yo / pakhApapattalAyA(yAM) sapATakakocAvaDagrAmamadhye pUrvadattadevavA(bA)paNa / tathA kavacasamAnapATaba etAn va(ba) zikSastha grAma pasthin' 16 nivAsino nikhilajanapadAnupagatAnapi ca rAvarAtrIbuvarAjamaMcipurohitaprato hArasenApatibhAMDAgArikAcapaTakhika16 miSamnamittikAnta:pusvidatakaritaranapattanAkarakhAnagokusAdhi[kAripuruSAn samA nApayati vo(bo)dhayatvAdisa(a)ti ca 17 yavA viditamasta bhavatAM yathoparizikSitamAmaH sanarAkhala]: salo[savAkaraH sgto [Sa ra samadhUkacUtavanavATikAviTa18 patRpayatimocarapana(ya)ntaH sasomAparyantavaturAghATavisa(yu): [va]tatvadhikasa(sa) teva(vA)dasa(a)saMvatsare baiThe ma(mA)si sa(sa)kapace paSTha(Ta)19 myAM bhaumadine palaM vimahApurIye maMdalipApAmA Second Plate. 20 'mApAse pAtaH saMvat 117 jyeSTha di 8 maume maMdasipAyAnavAsa zrImahaMgAyAM vidhivatvAkhA maMcadevamunimanuja*[The correction is unnecessary; for both the forms Kao as well w Kao are used- d.] * Cancel the danda. [The original reads Plafra which is correct, see f. n. 1 p. 219 above.-d.] *cancel the syllable mA. [The original reada eta aw for o is evidently clerical mistako.-Ed] Rend bAmayika

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222 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 21 bhUtapiDhagaNAMstayitvA tini(mi)spaTalapa[*]TanapaTuma hasamuNarociSamupasthAyau Sadhipatisa(gha) kalaye[ye kharaM samabhyaya tribhuvaga(ga)22 tra[*]turbAsudevasya pUjAM vidhAya pracurapAyasena virbhujaM hutvA mAtApitro rAtmanazca puNyayaso(yo)bhiSaye asmAbhiH droNAya23 NaSaDIyavaccha (ma)govAya bhArgavayavavA(na) dharma (paurva)jAmaha (da)gnyabhApravAnapa(pa) capravarAya cha[t"]dogasA(zA)khine / bhavInarasiMhaprapauvA24 ya bhazrIjAntApauvAya thopUnnapuvAya bhAvI'TasTAicazva (za)maNe gokaraNa kuzalatApUtakaratalodakapUrbamAca(ca)dA yAva26 cchAsanIkRtya pradatta iti matvA ja(ya)thAdIyamAnabhAgabhogakarapravaNikara prabhRti[sa] savA(|)dAyAn. dAsyatha // 4 // svastikara26 roka:(kAH) / bhUmi yaH pratigrahAti yA bhUmi prayati ubhI to puNyakarmANo niyatI svagaMgAminau // [10] saM()vaM bhadrAsanaM [ca] kra' varAvA - 27 varavAraNAH / bhUmidAnasya cihAni phalanebhA(ma)va puraMdara // [11] sarvAnebhA(tA) mbhAvinaH / pa(pA)dhiveMdrAnbhUyo bhUyo yAcata (te) rAmabhadraH] / sAmA28 nyoyaM dharmAsa(se)tarnRpANAM kAla ka(kA)ba(je) pAlanIyo bhavaniH / [12] va(ba)(chobhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH samarAdibhiH / yasyayasva yadA bhUmi29 stasyatasya tadA phalaM .. [29. sa(sa)varna()maka(ka) gAmaka(kA) bhUmerapya(pye)kAmaMgulaM / haracarakmAyoti yAvadAbhUtsa(tasaM)pravaM // [14] taDA[gAnAM sahasreNa prazna30 medhasa(ma)tena ca gavAM koTipradAnena bhUmihato na su()dhyati / [15] svadattA paradattAM vA yo hareta vasuMdharAM / sa viSThAmA(yAM) kRmibhUtvA pitabhiH 3] sAmannati / / 1.SaSTiM varSama(mAyA(sA)Ni svagarge vasati bhUmidaH / pAcchotA cAnumakkhA ca tAnyeva nara[ka(a)] vaset / 17] vArihone varanye (stheSu sa(e)SkakoTa[ra]32 vAsinaH / kRSNasapyo(o)ca jAyante. devabAba(sva)hAriNaH // [18] na viSaM viSamityAhuvra(ba) azva(kha) viSamucyate [*] viSamekAkinaM inti va(ba)svaM putrapau[a]. [Cancel the danda.-Ed.] * [The syllable rendme Posibly. stands for lahA.-Bd.] * Cancel the syllable in brackets. *[The rendingsoems to. be bhavani cAsa grIkA:. In the Kamaal plates, above, Vol. IV, p. 101, text 1. 28 f. there verses are rightly culled ge t :--Ed.] [Renda-Ed.] na vima

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No. 23.) DON BUZURG PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRA: [v.] s. 1176. 223 SE 33 [pej ' (et) $7(et) Fa[*] t(at)art Herl(#1)feraiti Oracelet (ET) FIAT (17) Asterau [70*] arts dattAni purA 31 at(T)gefarfa wataiga () To i fanfaarmafaat(at)fa alfa Hary: gauceta [22] arataan 35 AFAT agarfetcATUTAHITAJTria) farsituutT: AITIENT fa(fa) HAT TUTTI # # 36 0 MAST uretaania [I 22"] fafan #tfukauterzati ( n aviga sakra(at) TRANSLATION. (Lines 11 to 25.) That victorious and illustrious king, Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiraja, Paramegvara, Paramamahesvara Govind&chandradeva,-whose feet are honoured by the entire circle of kings, who meditates on the feet of the illustrious P.M.P.P. Madanepaladeva, who (in his turn) meditates on the feet of the illustrious P.M.P.P. Chandradeva, who acquired the sovereignty over Kanyakubja by (the strength of his own arms, orders, informs and commands all the people assembled, residing in this village, (namely), in the midst of Vad agra ms, in the district (pattala) of Alapa, together with its outlying hamlets and corners, after excluding the portions) already given to gods and Brahmanas, also portions meant for fortifications as well as the kings, queens, brown-princes, ministers, preceptors, door-keepers, generals, treasurers, record-keepers, physicians, astrologers, chamberlains, messengers, and officers charged with the care of elephants, horses, towns, mines (P), sthanas and gokular in the following manner : "Be it known to you, that I have, on Tuesday, the 8th of the bright fortnight in the month of Jyoshtha, in the your comprising) eleven hundred increased by seventy-six, while staying at the village of Mandalia belonging to Alamvimahapura, in figures Samvat 2176, Jyeshtha su. di. 8, Tuesday, after bathing in the prescribed manner in the holy Ganges at (my) camp, at Mandalia; after propitiating the sacred texts, divinities, sages, men, beings and the groups of deceased ancestors; adoring the Sun whose Instre can dispel heaps of darkness; worshipping the Moon-crested (Siva); worshipping Vasudeva, the protector of the three worlds and after offering to the god of) Fire an oblation rich in milk-rice for the increase of merit and fame of my mother and father and myself, bestowed by a charter by (pouring) water from the palm of my hand, sanctified by the gokarpa and kusa-grass for (as long as) the Moon and the Sun endure, the above-mentioned village, together with water and dry land, mines of iron and salt, with pits and deserts up to and including gardens of madhuka and mango (trees), parks, and trees, grass and pasture-lands, up to its proper limits clearly defined by the four boundaries, apon the learned and illustrious Tultaicha-sarman, the son of the illustrious Punta, the grand. The name of the village seems to be Konavada.-Ed.) ? I am unable to offer satisfactory explanation of HHOZ. Literally it would mean "portions resembling cont of mail." The rendering in my translation is a mere conjecture. [The word pafaka would suggest that what is read as 49 gives the name of some hamleto-Ed.] *[See f. n. 3 on p. 221, above. --Ed.)

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224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. sin of the learned and illustrious Jant and the great-grandson of the learned and illustrious Narasimha of the Chhandoga school, whose five pravaras are, namely, Bhargava, Chyavana, Aurva, Jamadagnya and Apnavana, and who belongs to the Vatsa-gdtra of Dronayanashada. Bearing this in mind, you should give (the donee) the bhaga-bhoga-kara, the pravani-kara and all the other sources of income that are due. [LI. 26 to 36 contain thirteen imprecatory and benedictory verses.] (L. 36.) Written by the Karanika, the illustrious Thakkura Sahadeva. Engraved by the illustrious sutradhara, Haleka. No. 24.-CHHATARPUR COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF GOVINDACHANDRA DEVA OF KANAUJ: (VIKRAMA]-SAMVAT 1177. BY DAYA RAM SAHNI, M.A., RAI BAHADUR. The copper-plates on which this inscription is engraved are two in number. They were forwarded to the Director General of Archaeology in India by the District Magistrate of Cawnpore with the following information about the circumstances that led to their discovery: "The plates were discovered on or about the 5th July, 1920, by one Chhatiyan Chamar when digging the foundations for a hut. Local rumour has it that he found with it jewellery and gold ornaments, but of this I have no corroboration. No one has claimed the plates or any knowledge of their antecedents. The site was the village of Chhatarpur near Sheorajpur, & small town, lying on the Grand Trunk Road, 21 miles north-west of Cawnpore. Sheorajpur was formerly a place of some importance : the seat of the Rajas of Chandel family. Chhatarpur itself contains a very old temple of Kheroshwar Mahadeo which is regarded with the greatest veneration." The plates were in a much corroded state when they reached the office of the Director-General of Archaeology in India, who had them thoroughly cleaned and sent to me for publication in this Journal Both the plates on which this inscription is engraved are rectangular in shape, each measuring 1-31" by 10". Their edges are turned upwards, thus fowning a rim, "high, on all sides. The plates are held together by a stout circular ring of copper which passes through two holes cut in the bottom of plate I, and the top of plate II, respectively. To the ring is attached, as is frequently the case with such plates, a heavy seal of the king bearing the inscription Srimad-Govindachandraderah with a figure of Garude above it and a conch below it. The plates, the ring and the seal are in a perfect state of preservation, except one corner of plate II and another of plate I, which are slightly damaged; but we find no lose of the inscription on this account. The epigraph, which consists of thirty-two lines, is engraved on the inner side of each of the two plates, the number of lines on each plate being sixteen. The characters are Nagart and the language is Sanskrit throughout. In respect of orthography, we observe the same peculiarities as in other inscriptions of this king. The letter ba is everywhere written as rd and the palatal e as the dental sibilant, though occasionally it has its own proper sign, especially in This word means a scribe, i... one who has to do with documenta' (karana). Mr. Y. R. Gupte has kindly drawn my attention to the fact that certain families among the Chandrasoniys Kity astha Prabbus ( claw of writers in the Deccan) to this day bear the surname of Karnika (Sanskfit karamika). Tbe Prabbus referred to are supposed to have migrated froin the district of Oudh in the United Provinces. .. The correct name would appear to be Kshiresvars.

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No. 24. CHHATARPUR PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA: [V.) . 1177. 225 ligatures. A few other mistakes of spelling may also be noticed. In line 18, we meet with sorddhadhaf- for sordhvadhas. In the same line we also find ushna wrongly spelt as nina, while in line 21, the rapha is omitted from the name Barhaspatya. The Sandhi is frequently disregarded. The first ten lines and a half are in verse and contain, as in other copper-plate inscriptions of this dynasty, the genealogy of the king beginning from Chandradeva, while the nine lines at the end (11. 24-32) are taken up by seven benedictory and imprecatory verses quoted from the Mahabharata. The rest of the inscription, i.e., from the middle of line 1l to line 24, and the latter portion of line 32, is devoted to the formal subject matter of the epigraph. The object of the document is to record the fact that king Govindachandradove, son of the illustrious Madanapaladeva, son of the illustrious Chandradeva, after bathing with the water of the Ganges at Varanasi on the occasion of the full moon of Kartika in the Vikrama)-Ban vat year 1177. after having daly propitiated the sacred texts, divinities, eto., and adored the Sun, Mahadeva and Vasudeva, gave away, by this charter, the village of Sasaimaua in the Koti district, clearly defined by its four boundaries, together with what is above and below it, to the Brahman, the illustrious Bahulasarman, the son of the illustrious Thakkura Lahula, and the grandson of Avasth1-Sri-Malhe, whose pravaras are Angirasa, Barhaspatya and Bharad vaja, and who belongs to the Bharadvaja-gotra. The king further commands the residents of the aforesaid village to continue regularly to pay all the taxes to the donee. The document was written by the Karanika Thakkura Sridhara. The name of the village, whose grant is recorded in this inscription, was Saseimana. The locality, where the two copper-plates were unearthed, was, as mentioned above, the village of Chhatarpur near Sheorijpar in Cawnpore district. If Chhatarpur is really the place where the donee of the grant actually resided, then the village of Sasaimana must have been situated some where in its neighbourhood. I have referred to a large scale map of the Cawnpore district, but have failed to discern any village of this precise name. I have, however, received a copy of a letter from the District Magistrate to the address of the Director-General of Archeology in India, which states that there is a village of the name of Bissman, which now forms part of the Cawnpore City. This village answers very nearly to the ancient village Sasaimaus. The District Magistrate is unable to throw any light on the ancient district of Koti. TEXT. First Plate. fLines 1 to the middle of 11 are the same as in the Don Buzurg plates of Govindachandra of [Vikrama-Samvat 1176; above, p. 218.] 11 . . . . . . . . . . TU A T e afarer: 1 paramabhAravamahArANAdhi12 TOUTATUTHATETT() fotonyaituifwazitumgrefumitacauterg dhyAtaparamabhahArakAmahArAjA[Thio romark is not justifiable for the word is written with or without ; cf. Sabdakalpadruma under the word; "Tud for ."-Ed) [I think it is there. -Ed.] Not mentioned in the inscription which simply ways feefs. It may be any of the five parnassEd.) [It would be better to take mastra-deva together, menning gode invoked by, etc. -Ed.) . From the ink-impresioa.

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226 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XVIII. 13 dhirAjaparamezvaraparamamAhezvarathomadanapAladevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhahArakamahArAjAdhirA japaramezvaraparama14 mAhezvarazrImahovindacandradevo vijayo / koTipattalAyAM sAsaimauSagrAma nivAsino nikhilajanapadAnupagA(ga)tAnapi15 ca rAjarAjIyuvarAjamagdhipurIhitapratIhArasenApatibhAMDAgArikAkSapaTalikabhiSa gnaimittikAntaHpurikadUtakarituraga16 pattanAkarasthAnagokulAdhikAripuruSAMcAcApayati vo(bI)dhayatyAdizati ca viditamastu bhavatA yathoparisikhi Second Plate. 17 ta(grAma:) sajalasthala: salohasavaNAkaraH samatsyAkaraH sapaNAkaraH saga(to)SaraH samadhukacUtava navATikA] vi. 18 Da(Ta)patuNyatigocaraparyantaH so ( )dhacaturAghATavisu(): khasomAparyantaH sambat 1177 poha' vArANasyA kArtikaparvaNi 19 gaMgodakena nAtvA vidhivagmagvadevamunimanujabhUtapitagaNAMstarpayitvA timirapaTaca pATanapaTumahasamuna(Na)rociSamupasthA20 yauSadhipatizakalase(0)kharaM samartha vibhuvanacAturbAsudevasya pUjAM vidhAya pracurapAyasena haviSA havirbhujaM dutvA mAtApitrI21 rAmanazca puNyayazobhivRzcaye gokaraNakusa(sa)latApUtakaratalodakapUrvamasmAbhiH bhArahA jagocAya pAMgirasavA(bA)haspatyabhArahAjatripravarAya avasthIzrImAlhepautrAya ThakurIlAhulaputrAya zrIsAhulazarmaNe bA( brANAya pAcandrALa yAvacchAsanI23 kRtya pradato(tto) matvA yathA doyamAnabhAgabhogakarakU[]pravaNikaraprabhRtisarjA dAyAt(na) turuSkadaMDAdAyaM pAjJAvidheyIbhUya dAsya24 theti / / bhavanti cAca bokAH / . . . . . . . . . (Here follow seven benedictory and iropreostory verses.] 32 . . . . . . . . karaNikaThamurathotrIdhareNa [likhitaM] [*] No. 25.--VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II. BY E. HULTZBCH, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). For ink-impressions of these copper-plates I am indebted to Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri, who acquired the plates for the Madras Museum in 1910 from a Muhammadan resident of [The plate gives adysha.-Bd.] [See Ep. Rep. for 1910,p.10, pars.10, and p. 15, App.A, No.4.-Ed.]

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No. 25.] VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II. Vemalarpadu, a village close to the Phirangipuram Railway Station in the Guntur District He describes them as follows: 227 "Five plates with raised rims. The first and the last have writing on their inner sides only. The plates measure 9" by 44". They are held together by a circular copper ring which measures 5" in diameter and 2" in thickness. The ends of the ring are fixed into the bottom of a seal whose base is fashioned into a lotus of eight petals. The seal, which is circular, measures 38" in diameter and bears, within a countersunk surface, the figure of a running boar facing the proper left, with a chauri in front of it. Below the boar is the legend Sri-Tribhuvan[am]k[u]sa in old Telugu characters, and below it a lotus flower of eight petals spread out, with the sun and an ankusa to the right, and the crescent of the moon to the left. The ring had not yet been cut when the plates were received from the Collector of Guntur. The plates and seal together weigh 410 tolas." The writing on the plates is in a state of good preservation, with the exception of portions of plate iv, b. The alphabet is Telugu, and the language is Sanskrit prose, interspersed with 19 Sanskrit verses. The description of the boundaries of two fields in lines 59-63 is in a mixture of Sanskrit and Telugu. The writer seems to have possessed a very superficial knowledge of the former language. As the notes on the text will show, he has committed an inordinate number of mistakes and omissions in copying the historical introduction from the records of his office. I shall not waste space and time by lengthy remarks on the orthography of this document. The upadhmaniya is represented by the Telugu symboly in line 8, and by p at the beginning of line 67. The Sanskrit word rashtra is spelt raltra and raltra in line 48. The inscription on the plates records a grant of land by the Eastern Chalukya king Ammaraja II, and opens with a historical account of his ancestors which is nearly identical with the one given in the Maliyapundi grant. As I have already discussed this genealogical portion elsewhere, I need note here only the corrupt verse 1 (line 11), according to which it remains doubtful whether the reign of Vijayaditya II, surnamed Narendramrigaraja, was believed to have lasted either 48 or only 40 years." Verses 9-15 seem to have been composed by a Brahmana named Bhattagunda (1. 73) and do not reflect much credit on this panegyrist as a grammarian and poet. Verse 9 states that Amma II was the son of Bhima (II), the grandson (in reality, the great-grandson) of Bhima (I), and the great-grandson (in reality, the grandson of the grandson) of Vikramanka. The same verse alludes to the attack made by Vallabha, i.e. the Rashtrakuta king Krishna II, on Bhima I. It implies that Bhima I bore the surname Ritasiddhi,' and that Vikramanka (i.e. Vikramaditya I) had received the dignity of heir-apparent, but did not ascend the throne. Verse 13 informs us that Amma II was eight years old when he was anointed to the dignity of heir-apparent, and that he was twelve years old at the time of his coronation. From other grants the exact date of the last is known to have been Friday, 5th December, A.D. 945, in the twelfth year of his age." The regnal year of Amma II in which the grant recorded in the Vemalurpadu plates was made, is not specified in them. On the day of a winter-solstice (uttarayana, 1. 56), the Mr. Krishna Sastri has very kindly deciphered from the original copper-plate, and rendered into English, a few Telugu words of this passage which I had been unable to read and explain. Above, Vol. IX, p. 48 f. 3 Cf. Fleet's remarks in Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 100 f. See below, p. 283, note 15. Ibid., p. 102, and above, Vol. IX, p. 84f. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 103. See Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 271; above, Vol. IX, p. 55 f., and p. 134 1. 2 y 2

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228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIII king gave an agrahara (11. 45 and 57) or manya (1. 71) to a Brahmana named Musiya (1. 39 and 51) or Musiyanasarman (1. 56), whose father seems to have enjoyed the complimentary title of Maharaja (1. 39 ff.), whose grandfather's name was Gundamayya (1. 41 f.), and who belonged to the Bharadvaja-gotra (11. 42 and 56). The king did this at the request of Durgarija, the great-grandson of PA[pda]ranga (1. 43 f.). Durgaraja seems to have been the royal superintendent of the district (raja-vishay-adhydisha, l. 53) or feudatory chief of the province of Karma-rashtra (1. 48) and to have communicated the king's decision to the inhabitants of this district and to the donee himself, who is addressed in the second person (tvam) in lines 39 and 51. Durgaraja may be meant also by 'the famous chief of the camp' who was the executor (ajnapti) of this grant (1. 72). From the king's own words, which are quoted in line 44 f., we may conclude that the donee, Musiya, was Durgaraja's minister (mantrin). Both Durgaraja and his great-grandfather, the general Pandaranga, are well known from other inscriptions. The object of the grant were two fields which had been cut off from the two villages of Aamananguru (II. 52 and 59) and Apdoki (1. 54) in the district of Karma-rashtra (1. 48). This district must have corresponded to portions of the Ongole Taluk of the Nellore District. For, it included the village of Chendalar in this taluki and the two villages of Dharmapuram and Kalvakuru in the Addanki Division of the Ongole Taluk. Andeki (1. 54) is perhaps an old form of the name of Addanki itself. In the absence of local maps I am unable to trace the four villages which formed the boundaries of the subjoined grant (II. 57-59). The two villages of Karamchodu (1.55) and Vangiparu (1. 73) where the recipient and the composer of the grant resided, respectively, are mentioned in a grant of Narendramrigaraja in the slightly different forms of Karanchedu and Vangiparpu. On sheet 3 of the Madras Presidency Map published by the Madras Survey in 1892, I find ' Karanchedu,' 10 miles west by south of Bapama; and Vangipatru may be the same as Vangipuram in the Bapatla Taluk, which borders on the Addanki Division. On the same map I notice Nutulapad,' about 15 miles west of Bapatla. This is perhaps identical with the village of Nutulaparu in Karma-rashtra.' TEXT.. First Plate. 1 afar [*] wat m y HETATUTHT arena[*]*7 pre2 fargar fortauer TTTT Arata framfara[t]" 3 khAmimahAsamapAdAnudadhatAnA" bhagavanArAyaNaprasAdasamAsAdhita-" 4 Wuuuuufaarf THAT Wu 8 [1]quafanfarnagarpis (1) syarat greuen" (1) auto 1 See below, p. 284, note 4. Soe abovo, Vol. IX, p. 49 f. * Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 284 and 238. Abovo, Vol. IX, p. 50. In Copotablo'. Hand Atlas of India, plato 34, D, b, Addanki is entered on the left bank of the Gundlskamma rivor. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 418. Xr. R. Sowell's Lists of Antiquities, VoL I, p. 86. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX ,p. 105. . From ink-impressions rugplied by Bao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, B.A. A flower is engraved at the beginning of this lino. 10 Road Two 11 Road garet. - Read T. 1 Read Crowtarat. 1. Road alfa. 15 Kead atea, stear, H . 16 Read area 11 Read defce:.

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No. 25.] VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II. 329. 6 yavatamandrasyAH' (0) bhAtA anaviSuvaIcASTAda' varSa[*]Ni (1) veMgIma7 NDala[ma *]pa[*] yat / tadAtma ]jo jayasiMhanayamitat' / tadarAjendra rAjanandanI Second Plate ; Pirst Side. 8 viSuvaIno nava / tanummaMgiyuvarA[na]xpaMcaviMgati / tatpuvA' ___ jayasiMhaskhayo9 daza / tadavaraja[:"] koviliSyasma[*]sAn / tasya jyeSTho dhAtA viSNu __vanastamucAva saptaviMzata[ma] 10 varSa[*] viM' [1] tatputro' vijayAditvamA[*]rakoSTAdaza / tamuto vidhuvaIna. dhvanimatam / narendra 11 mRgarANAkhyo mRgarAjapArAkramaH' / vijayAditvabhUpa[*]:" ma" catvAriMza dadhyaraka' / [1] 12 taputraH kaliviNuvIdhAIvarSa / sabruvAH" parAcAkrarAmAparAnAma13 dheyaH / hatvA bhUrinIdaMbarAvRpati" magimahAsaMgara" gaMgAnAcItagaMga-" 14 kuTapikharAbinitya sahA[*] sAdhIzaM saritamuvAmayutaM yo bhAyayitvA ca. 15 tuSatvAriMzata: / mabdakAra" vijayAvA rarakSa citiM / [2] tadanujasa labdhayauvarAjya[sva] 16 vikramAdityAsva" mutavAlukvabhimasviMgata / tasyAgrajo vijayAdityaH prmaar[n|'] Second Plate ; Second Side. 17 tadaprasUnurambharAjasaptavarSa[*]pi / tanumAkramya bAsa ca[*]lukyabhIma[pi]. 18 vRSyayudhamahAsya nandanastAna* mAsamekaM / nAnAsAmantavaggaradhivavasa.. IRead dukhA. * Read monter. * Renda. * Read rastumi, viNshtim| tatpubI. - Read biMdhataM. * Read varSAthi. "The initial is ontered below the lino. * Read degmavizatam* Read parAkramaH" Thosyllable uml entered below the line. 11 This is entered below the lino. 1 Pada 4 of this verse is corrupt of, another corrupt version of it abuve, Vol. IX, p. 61, text line 13. degdagdhya basema to have been engraved on an erasure and may be meant for either "daSTakaor degdabdabAna. " Read vanI. " Rond tatpuvaH paracakrarAmAparaNAma. . "Read bhI . " Read maMgi. - Read nAvitasaMgakUTa. "Read kila. "Road rizatamanda * Road 'yAdityo. 1 Road degdivasa. n Resd kamIma'. " Road bAlaM. "nesd kRpI.. - Read dhamora.

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230 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL. XVIII. 19 yutammattamAtaMgasaiNahatvA' taM tAsarAnaM viSamaraNamukhe sa[*] camatyugratejAH [1] 20 ebdi' samyagabhonidhivalayatAmavara caharivi (1) zromAncAlukyabhImakSi21 tipatitanayo vikramAdityabhUpaH / [3] pavAdahamahamikayA vikrama[1]22 dityAstamane kakSa iva prajAbadhAnaparA' dAyAdarAjaputrA rAjyAbhi23 lASiNo yudhamanarAjama[*]rtaNDalakaNThikAvIjayAdityaprabhRtayo vinA24 hibhUtAstAsan [*] vigrahaNaiva pAca varSa[*]Ni ga[sAni / ]1 tataH / yovadhidrAjamArtaNDante-- 25 SA yena raNe kRtau [1] kaNDikAvinayAditya [yu']bamako videzAgau / [4] pasye mAnya[ma] Third Plate ; First Side. 26 hIbhRtopi bahavo duSTapravRttAvatA:" (0) deyopadravakAriNa: prakaTitAH kAlAla27 ya" prApitAH [*] dohaNDaritamaNDalAmalatayA yasyogasaMgrAmakAnAjJA ta28 parabhRkRpaizca piramo mAlava sandhAryate / [1] nAdamvA vinivattite" ripukula kopA29 nirA mUlataH zubhaM yasya yazo na lokamakhila" santiSThate na bhramat [1] dravya[1]30 bhodhararAdhirapyanudinaM santapyamAne bhRzaM dAriyograsarAtapena jana31 sasasye na no varSati [ *] sa cAlukyAMbhimanaptA (6) vijayAditya nndnH|"] hAda[1]32 dhyAnamArasamyak rAjabhImo dharAtalaM / [7] tasya mahezvaramUrtarumAsAmA ' Read gasamevA . * Read ekAda 'Read samyamabhI', 'harivI. * Road zrImAbAbu. . Abovo, Vol. IX, p. 62, text line 23, this was needlessly corrected into awek *Read rAcasA. Read prajAbAdhana. * Cancel the syllable aafter rAjamAca. Road degkAvina. * Read viyahIbhatA pAsana 10 Read caMca. 11 The letters enclosed in brackets are supplied from the Maliyapundi grant. WRead yIvadhIdrA, nISA. "Read degmatro. "Read videzagI. 15 The Maliyapundi grant reads . 10 Read vRttIvatA. 11 Reade. "Read perhape degmakasthAnA. " Read ramana. WRead bhAdagdhA. 1 Read vati. ** Read 'fee. " Read mAsasye. " Read cAlukA bhauma. *)nlens wie is intended for an imperfect of quale it might be corrected into the imperfoot of dhAm Read 'nya gAva. " Band SamAsamA.

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" Vemalurpadu Plates of Ammaraja II". kvntrNghaanyaavnvaanisid rt s gaupyveeshnkaaddrn phyaakaash praarthne 2 sv'veassttaapn(paan sheessnnnninshaannprsaassnnssttsstt * ghnvaaddvputr. apraatvvnnu 4 en mttu nshv ptne ptrvuaattvtt(tppu phlvennsspaattvpthy isssvnnnn stt 6 svtNtr vitrnneyaagyaasitti'apngllu iia. tRnntneepnne sthaanvtaajnyaanvaapridd 10 nishcitvaasvnnu prveeshisutti6saaksstn prtllptttt 10 cpaagi kaapaaddptt:mnn iddaavllbhtv nittttiddru! 12 (2) prs vts nshv pttaapujaappbhaavpujaanpu - 12 - jNtaa:/utv pptt ptmsprsurtnssipsbhy 14 praannaaprspp apgllaagivtrnaa tNtaan raitaap hed 14 54 stte kaapaatresheklikepoosttaaeryy avru iib. | in * : suprsiddi ttivputtide, ( 18 pvY/vaa svaagt. nssttu nlivu -p ]naan : 18 | TAlli prvaasd prptt tthaannvege - sppnprt 20 vss veeneehdli ittttige kddit - tvru 20 ' * *tn (pvpaappttutvm Tejv 22 sp. lli klisuttaand taaypp taapaae 22 - mgaa.v.vaipshiv tnnnnu kty tpupp 53. 24 n n 43 i rv) vnpu 65110roveeg nn iiia. 26 . .. saavibettvnnnnvyaapti laalu prskt veetn t. 28 isvprsrsiddh prvnnu vyaapinaashpaanninity : hau 28 sv) - ede mnussTNvhnd shtnnisuv 30 staap ] saan. nnnenpssttvshaatt vnnu 30 8 pu. 7ne / tpstu eclluvllnaa vRtrnncitr 32 5 nee naiv'shetaasinvrgh tpprti vssrvuushnsii 32 A. - v itn :hv prti aNguss/vshvtaae . 34 vsNti).puptvkaashvi suppttu 34 SURVEY OF INDIA. H. KRISHNA SASTRI. SCALE. 5.

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irib. ii dittttisuttaa rpveeshktnyk ii nklsin t.rvtvtp2'$ 36 aakaar naavnnrstut prtaapnglp paatr - pu.tippaabhaavti aat ee 38 stt prveesh prhsn prdhaan kke * viss s pshin vrss - 1 40 KA: prti ttttttnstin knnNtrjnyaa s s s itige smt muudd ig 42 Gw iva. 44 pttaa, g: aksn ptte svlphottu. idnnu naasN pniipu/tauhjttvaannirchivQZprsyvaagiruv 46 prtykllaahutshtr) mauttu rpviinnnNjnnnaa 46 ks saahitypupstpghne: asaap shtpuppaadhykssru kpddaavoovaapuraattt ashkt k snshaastraathaa 48 bhiny nuddisuv pryvNt kooti illi prtykss saattnrtkt 50 ttvys.s8 ptaikaasvnaatyttvvnaavsthiittivi ak sNtRpttntt tpraashsIGttaatmnaa s ih prje 52 maatRbhdreeshvaapsaassttaaNptt tpstaap ivaahk/aadhaar | G9knsaadrpti ap mAU shin ge Mitr YT kllp 5oTaan.k 56 knJbhvaad pS73paart , in inph shn ivnaun.!eet saaphtr 9g? - naukaa niiti + s hne-7-nv ge-aakaatt ill rt 25 gel raitvvnpsnte: attaat tellu kai - ksstt nivaaskke ' Sex 66 kttrkke paavgddips @ 66 stt naam jp 68 @0sginjitsii hstpti aall... ppaatre: 68 ivr sNpssnnvinnyvitaapNjnyaa pr/9...@Jimtnn 70 prt d spputin 'yaaTshv str) 42 70 aa rs ittaahvaat 72 2 53 sjip prsvid knnkke ityaadre: 72 ns pddivtrnaa taatr 74 prkrnte | pNG Y(n 1.s. s . 74

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No. 25.] 33 nAkRteH kumArAbhaH [*] lokamahAdevya [r* ]: khalu yassamabhavadammarAjAkha' [ // 8*] 34 zramAdhIzastatobhutparabalajayino' bhimabhUpasya putra VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II. Third Plate; Second Side. 35 zvatrAnte vajJabhena prahRtamapi puna: paTTadma [1*][1]ya dharmarthA- ' 36 [1]][1]tarttasiDebvinayaparabhRhatbhImarAjasya' pauno yavva-" 37 zrorAjyakaNThAbharaNavilasato vikramAMkasya napta [ r * ] 38 tamanovizuddhaH parApriyAnmuktavacovizuddhaH [*] paropakari 39 free matvamiti vizuDo susiyAbhidhAnaH [ // 10* ] zrImanmaha [1*]40 ra[1*]japadottamasya ziTTehabandupriyadarzanasya' [it] devAvRNa[r*] 41 mi praticatolaM puvobhavatsatkulanandanasya [ // 11* ] guNDamayyAbhidhA 42 nasya SaTukAriNamadA [it] pautro bhAradvAjasya gotreNAmitate [ja]43 sa [: // 12* ] svAminAtulayoSTatasya " pAraMgasya " natu [1"] duggarAjena" vijJA * Read nAkhya: * Read : nyA. * Read yoda Instead of zrauyauvarAjya. // [*] paraskhasantya - 44 pitomma[ra]Aja:'" tasmo 45 vigrahArandAsya [[*] moti Sikto hi 46 Satka[saM] vvatsarapahvaca: [1] mahAhaveSu prasabhabrihatya ripunane kAnprivabha[1]-20 47 ti nityaM [ // 13* ] soyaM samadhigatapaMcamaha [ 1 * ] zabdaparamabrahmaSyaparamabhaTTAra48 kaparamama[r*]hezvaro mAtApitRbhakta [: *] (i) karavAsino" rAGgakUTapramu 49 khAkuTuMbinA [1*]meva samAyetyamAjJApayati" [ // "] viditama50 stu vaH / iTTezvaraprasa[1] dasta" sarvvajivadayAvataH:" [1*] nityadharmmAdathaka [1*]masya" ' Read candmAcozalatobhUtpa * Read 'muDIma The metre seems to have induced the author to use the impossible form Fourth Plate; First Side. prasavacittaH sva[r] mihitAya prItIpurvvantava" maprativacanamuktava[[*]n // sa yamvarAjyASTasamebhi- " 11 Road durA 1 Road yauvarAjye.. 10 Road rAha. n Road sajIva Read pakArI. * The metre of Pida 3 is faulty. 11 Read pAvDa gasya and cf. above, Vol. V, p. 125, text line 35. Read perhaps fate. 10 Read perhaps er. 13 Read rAjasa 10 Road ripUna. 19 Read samAiyeM. Road carcArtha. 231 Road bhoma 14 Read prItipUrva 17 Read 20 Read perhaps ex.

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232 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XVIII. 51 kimato musiyastha te [14] amarAjAbhidhAnAyo' mAcandrAvubho' smRtI [*] tavakIbhU52 ya kiM citraM prajAnAM hitakAriNau // [15] bhaNmaguruna[[*]magra[[*] me dakSiNadigbhAge 53 rAjaviSayAdhyakSasatkArapUrvakaM dazakArikodavabojAvApakSetramAdAya' 54 aNDekinAmagrAma uttaradigbhAge pUrvavahazakhArikodravabIjAvApakSetra. ___Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 55 mAda[*]ya yetasminnAme' abhyantarIktatva kAraMcetavyaya' krIvikulAya 56 bhAradvAjagovAya musiyanazANe sarbaparita[*]rItva uttarAyananimi] 57 tumiyaveziyapUgiDanAmagra[*]mAdikAyamagrA[*] . pra[*]dAt // prasthAva58 dhayaH purvata: medakoNDa dakSiNata: gahipuNDI" pathimata: koNDana[*] magra[*][maH] 59 utarata asmaNaM] gurunAmama[*]maH / kSetrasimAni purvata: mu[ya]khikuTTana 60 zAmI" [1]nneyata: guNTa dacinataH guNTeTipa" kaThikati []vula" gInu [nA]. 61 ritita' veMca dakSinamuna paravulu pacimata: eTiya kamiti caTakhalu] 62 va[*] yavyataH [kuNTa] uttaraMDarataH caciguNTa imamata:" muyyalikuTTana veja68 eeryu // asyopari na kenacitvAdhA" kartavyA [*] yaH karoti sa paMcamahApAta. 64 koryulko" bhavati [*] [yaH] pa[*] layati sa pukho bhavati // tatha[rij coktaM rAmabhadra[Na] [*] 66 sa[[*]ma[*] nyoyandhama[bha] tandi]pA[f kanakala pAlanoyo bhavatmiH" [1] sA Read perhaps zrImatI. - Read mAyauM. *Read bhI anI. * Read tAve. * Read damakhAri. * Read eta. - Rond degDubAlavyAya. * Read pani. *A doubtfal symbol is entered below the civaciva. "Read pUrvata:" Read pukhi. - Read uttarata:. "Read degsImAni pUrNata: 1. Read et. "Road cAgmeSata: "Read dadhipata:Read degTiya. "Mr. Krishna Sastri correote this into vemala. "Road netana:"Read uttara: M Read aimAnata:1 I owe the reading of this ward to Mr. Krishna Smatri. "Road "civAdhA. "Read degpAtalo . "Road bhaTrepa. WRend turva pAyAM kArI kAla. MRead avadhiH

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No. 25.] VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II. Fifth Plate. 66 netAnbha[*] vinA:' pArthivendra [T] bhUyobhu[yo' yA]cate rAmabhadraH // [16*] maiMzaja[1]67 pparAma[hIpa tivaMzajAva pApAdapatamana[so] bhuvi [bhA]vibhUpAH [*] ye 68 pa[*]layanti mama dhAmamimaM samastanteSa[*]mayaM viracitoMjalirISa mu. 69 triM // [17] bahubhirvasudha[*] dattA bahubhicAnupalatA' [*] yasya yasya yadA bhUmista70 syatasya tadA phalaM [ // 18*] khadattA paradattAvAM' yo hareta vasundharA [*] SaSTi71 varSasahasani viSTAyAM jAyate krimiH / [19] mAnyaM viMzatikhArIko72 dravavIjAvApakSavaM [*] pAJaptirasya dhammasva kaTakezo yazonidhiH // [20] 78 vaMgipavastaya'nAtreyagotreNa bhaTTaguNDena viracitaM kAvya[m / *] 74 sau bhAgaddayandattaM // ghanavaTTayo rojena likhita: // sivamastu" // 5 TRANSLATION. [As far as line 33, the text is identical with that of the Maliyapundi grant, lines 3-34, as translated above, Vol. IX, p. 55.] (Verse 8.) Ammaraja (II) who was born to him by Lokamahadevi, just as Kumara to Mahesvara by Uma ;ls (V. 9.) From her (viz. Lokamahadevi) was born the lord Amma (II), the son of prince Bhima (II) who vanquished the armies of enemies; the grandson of the modest great king Bhima (I)4 who seized and wore again at the top (?) of (his) parasol the diadem although it had been struck at by Vallabha, (and) who duly attained success by righteousness ;16 the great. grandson of Vikramanka?? who was resplendent with the neck-ornament of the glorious dignity of heir-apparent (yuvaraja). (V. 10.) Thou whose name is Musiya, the best of the twice-born (Brahmanas), (art) pure in three (respects). For, (thou art) pure in thoughts which are removed from the pro. perty of others, pure in words which are devoid of unkindness to others, and pure in deeds, being) a benefactor of others.' 1 Read mAvinaH * Read it. Read jAparama". * Read dharma. * Read madhi. * Read pAlitA. - Read degdattA vA. * Read degsahasrANi vichAyAM. * Read vAstavyenA 10 Read likhitaM. "Read ziva 1: A flower is engraved at the end of this line. 18 This verse is identical with verse 9 of the Maliyapundi grant. By mistake the panegyrist has omitted one generation (Vijayaditya IV). For, Amma ll was not the grandson, but the great-grandson, of Bhimal. 16 Or, who duly attained (the surname) Ritasiddhi.' 16 For this meaning of na pla see above, Vol. IV, p. 329, note 2, and Vol. IX, p. 319, note 1. 1 In reality Amma II was not the great-grandson, but the grandson of the grandson of Vikramaditya I. cf. note 14, above. 21

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234 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. (V. 11 f.) He (viz. Musiya) was the son of him who was the best of (those bearing) the glorious title of Maharaja, whose sight pleased wise men, friends, and relatives, who fully discharged the debts to the gods, etc.,' (and) who graced a noble family ; (and he was) the grandson of him whose name was Gundamayya, who always fulfilled the six duties (of a Brahmana), who was a Bharadvaja by gotra, (and) whose dignity was boundless. (Ll. 43-45.) Having been requested by (Musiya's) lord Durgaraja, the great-grandson of Pa[pda]ranga whose fighting-power had been unequalled, -Ammaraja (II), whose heart was pleased with this devoted servant (viz. Musiya), replied :- I shall gladly grant an agrahara to your minister.' (V. 13.) This (king), who had been anointed to the dignity of heir-apparent at the age of) eight years (and) crowned at the age of) twice six years, is always resplendent, having forcibly slain many enemies in great battles. (LI. 47-49.) He who has attained the five great sounds, who is deeply attached to Brahmanas, the supreme lord, the fervent worshipper of Mabesvara, who is devoted to (his) mother and father, having assembled all the ryots, headed by the Rashtrakutas, inhabiting (the province of) Karma-rashtra, commands (them) as follows: (LI. 49-57.) Be it known to you (that), having greeted the royal superintendent of the district (raja-vishay-adhyaksha), having cut off a field requiring as seed ten kharis of kodrava on the southern side of the village named Apmapanguru, having cut off likewise a field requiri..g as geed ten kharis of kodrava on the northern side of the village named Andeki, having joined (these two fields) to this village, he has given,' at the occasion of the wintersolstice (uttarayana), the two villages named Tumiyavepiyapundi, etc., (as) an agrahara, having provided (them) with all immunities, to Musiyanasarman who resided at Karamchod[u]," belonged to the family of Krovi (and) to the Bharadvaja-gotra.' (V. 14.)0 To thee, the glorious Musiya who desires the favour of (his) lord, who shows compassion to all beings, (and) who is always eager for virtue and politics, (he has made this grant).'12 (V. 15.) The meanings of the two words ammals and rajan are declared to be mother' and 'moon' (respectively). Is it wonderful (that) these two are beneficial to the subjects (of a king) if they have become united (in the name Ammaraja)? 1 See T'aidiriya-Samhita, VI, 3, 10, 53-aarait a neufanaat 144 wwwuferita awat faaxa:. * These six duties are enumerated by Manu (1,88; X, 75) and in the Bandhayana-Dharmaitra, I, 10, 18. 2: ca kha' mahimAmaM brAjhoSvadadhAdadhyayanAdhyApamayananayAjanadAnapratiyaharU yunaM vedAnA mumya. The pedigree of Pandar[8]oga in the Maliyepapdi grant (above, Vol. IX, p. 56) shows that napta has to be taken, here too, in the sense of a great-grandson.' Of. above, p. 288, note 16. . This title, which is restricted to feudatory chiefs, suggests that Durgarajy, and not his sovereign Amma II, is meant here. Cf. Fleet's remarks, above, Vol. XII, p. 266 and note 2. * See above, Vol. XIII, p. 121, note 1. . See above, Vol. V, p. 121, note 14. The subject of this sentence is probably king Amma It. * Is this the new name that was bestowed on the two fields 1 Perhaps the first field had originally borne the name of Tamiyapandi, and the second one that of Veniyapundi. This village is mentioned three times, and its name is spelled Karanchodu (with dental d) in every che, in grant of Narendrampigaraja ; see Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 418. 10 This verse and the next one are inserted after the words be it known to you ' in line 50 11 s.c. of Durgaraja whose minister he was see line 44 f. 13 Sapply pradd from line 57. 1 Thlo to one of the Dravidian words meaning' mother.'

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NO. 25.] VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II. 255 (LI. 57-59.) The boundaries of this (agrahara are) - To the east Medalkonda ; to the south Gattipundi; to the west the village named Lemkonda ; to the north the village named Apmananguru. (L). 59-63.) The limits of the fields (are) To the east a damit (tree) at the meeting point of three boundaries;' to the south-east a pond (gunta); to the south & gonu (tree) with margosa trees on the bank of the Gunteru (river); to the south-west the salt marshes on the southern side of a lake; to the west . . . . . on the bank of the river; to the north-west & pond ; to the north the Chaligunta (pond); to the north-east a white stone at the meeting-point of three boundaries. (L. 63 f.) Nobody should cause obstruction to him (viz. the donee). He who does (it) will be guilty of the five great sins. He who protects (the gift) will gain merit. And Ramabhadra has spoken thus : [LI. 65-71 contain four of the customary verses (16-19).] (L. 71 f.) The grant (manya) is a field requiring as seed twenty kharis of kodrava. (V. 20.) The executor (ajnapta) of this charity (was) the famous chief of the camp. (L. 73 f.) The poetry was made by Bhattagunda who resided at Vangiparu' (and) belonged to the Atreya-gotra. To him two shares (of the grant) were given. Written by Ghanavatta-Bi[ro]ja. Let there be prosperity! No. 26.-SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I: SAKA-SAMVAT 793. BY PROFESSOR D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., PH.D., CALCUTTA. The copper-plates, which are being edited here for the first time, were originally lying with my brother, the late Professor Shridhar Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, Elphinstone College, Bombay. They were originally discovered, so I was told by him, at Sanjan in the Thana District, Bombay Presidency, and were forwarded to him for decipherment by & Parsi friend of his, whose name I do not know. At my suggestion, however, Professor S. R. Bhandarkar published a note on two verses from this grant to show the contemporaneity of the Rashtra kuta king Govinda III, the Pratihara ruler Nagabhata, the Kanauj sovereign Chakrayudha, and the Gauda king Dharmapala. These plates constitute the first genuine record of the Rashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha, hereupto known. It is true that many inscriptions of his time have come to light, but none of them seems to have directly emanated from him. The best known of these is the Konnur stone inscription of Saka 782 which, however, is not an original record of the 1 Prosopis spicigera. * For muyyalikuttu see above, Vol. IV, p. 96, noto 4. * [The word paruvulu has been taken to be the plural of para=& salt marsh.-H. K. 8.) * Here the two fields specified in lines 52-55 are added up. This is only a half-verse. * The word yasonidhi is perhaps a general epithet, and not a proper name. The katakada probably was Durgaraja himself. Cf. above, Vol. IX, p. 50. "A village named Vangiparru is mentioned four times in a grant of Narendramrigaraja ; see Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 418. Rie., Viropadhyaya of Ghanavatta. For oja see above, Vol. VIII, p. 140, note 8, and Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary, s.v. oju. Hore I wish to thank my pupils Messrs. Rakhohari Chatterjee and Chintaharon Chakri varti, to whom a good deal of credit is due for this work. 10 J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 116 and fl. 2 & 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. ruler but professes to be a mere copy of a copper-plate charter of his, prepared about the middle of the 12th century A.D. 236 The plates are three in number, each about 18" long and 10" broad. The edges of them all are fashioned slightly thicker, so as to serve as rims for the protection of writing. The record is inscribed on the inner side of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second. The plates are strung together by a stout elliptical ring of about 48" and 37" in diameter and of about " in thickness, passing through holes on one side of each plate. The ring was intact when the plates were examined. The ends of the ring are soldered into a roughly square seal, which measures 17" in height and breadth, and bears, in relief, on a counter-sunk surface, as the principal figure, an image of Garuda, on a lotus seat facing full front, with his prominent beaknose and holding a snake in each hand. Two discs are seen above the ears of Garuda, but it is difficult to say what they represent. On Garuda's proper right, there is a representation of Ganapati in the upper corner, and lower down an indistinct chauri and a lamp. On his left, near the top is some goddess, standing in front of an animal (perhaps a lion) and holding a ladle in her right hand; below her is a chauri, and, near the bottom, a Svastika.1 Beneath the central figure are in relief the letters: Srimad-Amoghavarshadevasya. The engraving is clear and on the whole well-executed, but the record is full of inaccuracies due chiefly to the incorrect draft written by the scribe on the plates. The characters agree fully with those of other Rashtrakuta records of the period. The language is Sanskrit throughout. Excepting the introductory "Om Svasti," the inscription is in verse down to line 57 (Third Plate). As regards metrology attention may be drawn to verses 23 and 39. The metre of these is Mattebhavikridita, which is not found in classical literature. It is not noticed in the Sutras of Pingala, Vrittaratnakara or Chhandomanjari, but is described in the Chhandomanjari-parisishta as sabha-ran-mau ya-la-gas-trayodasa-yatir-Mattebhavikriditam. As regards orthography I might say that (1) v is almost invariably written for b; (2) a consonant is invariably doubled after r, in the case of y, n, t, m, dh, n, p, k, and also v when not followed by y (cf. nirvyapeksham in 1. 7), but not always in the case of g and j (cf. Karahada-vinirggata in 1. 60 and yasorjjana in 1. 20, but vishaya-vinirgata in l. 61 and 'r-orjita in l. 8); (3) Visarga when followed by &, sh or sis, as a rule, changed to that letter; (4) gh for h is found in one instance only (cf. Ayodhyasinghasana in 1. 8, Pl. I); (5) final n is sometimes replaced by m (cf. sva-bhrityam jhatiti in l. 13, and tam bhubhrito in 1. 15) and m by n (in gadhan-gajar, 1. 21, very rare); (6) upadhmaniya is frequently though not invariably used (cf. bhedah-pasunam-iva, 1. 40, but not in turagaih pitan-cha, 1. 21); (7) the vowel ri and the syllable ri are sometimes interchanged (thus in kirttis-trilokyan, 1. 33, and trinagra-lagna, 1. 71);(8) t is, as a rule, doubled when followed by r; and lastly (9) in prose portions Visarga is retained in some instances where it should be replaced by o (cf. paschimatah Nandagramah in 1. 65, Pl. III), and in some places where it should be elided (cf. Dakshinatah Uppala, etc., in l. 65). The first thing that strikes one about the contents of this grant is that some of its verses are identical with those in the Konnue Inscription of Amoghavarsha published by the late Prof. Kielhorn. Thus verses 2-15 of the latter are identical with stanzas 2-3, 6, 8, 10-12, 27, 29, 36, 45, and 50-53 of the former with slight variations in some cases. With reference to the Konnur Inscription, Prof. Kielhorn expresses the opinion about the middle 1 The figures on the seal are on the whole similar to those of the Cambay plates. (Above, Vol. VII, pp. 26-7.) [For the use of this metre in Kanarese inscriptions as well as literature see, for instance, above, p. 197, v. 4, p. 206, v. 1, p. 207, v. 3, etc., Vol. XVIII, p. 172, v. 1, or Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. IV, part II, p. 384, Inscription No. 76, of Nagamamgala Taluq and Adipampa's Adipurana, quoted in Karnataka Karicharite, Vol. I, PP. 26-27, or Nagavarman's Karyavalokanam, p. 10, v. 59, or Andayya's Kabbigara Kavam (Karnataka Kavyamanjari Series No. 2), p. 5, v. 19.-Ed.] Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, pp. 29 and .

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No. 26.) SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 237 of his paper that "the genealogy was concocted some time after the date which is recorded in this inscription, and has not been copied from a genuine copper-plate charter of Amoghavarsha I." The same view he sets forth more clearly at the end of that paper. "Stating distinctly what I have indicated above," says he, "I consider it possible that lines 1-59 of this inscription really were based on a copper-plate charter ; at the same time, I feel certain that, if such was the case, the transcribers have taken so great liberties with the original as to deprive this copy of the value of an authentic document." The present plates, however, enable us to decide how far Kielhorn's opinion is correct. A comparison of lines 1-14 of the Konnur Inscription with the genealogical portion of these plates leaves no doubt as to the lines 1-59 of the former being copied on stone from a genuine charter of Amoghavarsha I, as the concluding part of it informs us. But what about the glaring blunders in the genealogy which Kielhorn has detected in the Konnur Inscription? How did they arise? In the first place, in our plates also the father of Govinda I is called Prichchha karaja, as the same verse occurs in both the records. Prichchhakaraja may be a new name not known from previous Rashtra kuta grants, but that does not mean that it is a fabrication. And, as a matter of fact, it may be another name of Indraraja who is mentioned as the father of Govinda I in the fragmentary Ellora Dasavatara cave temple inscription. Again, Kielhorn says that the Konnur Inscription makes Prabhuta varsha (-Govinda II) a son of his younger brother Dharavarsha, and consequently Prabhuta varsha (Govinda III) not a nephew but a son of the former. This discrepancy, flagrant though it appears, can be easily explained away by the mention of the fact that Dharavarsha-sutas of the inscription is a misreading of the transcribers for the correct wording Dharararshasutatas, such as that supplied by our grant. Then, again, Kielhorn tells us that in the Konnur epigraph Karkaraja I is called Karkara, an apparently later form of the name. Here, also, the transcribers must have read Karkkara-prabhuh wrongly in place of Karkkarat prabhuh as appears in our grant. And it can scarcely be disputed that Karkkarat is precisely the same word as Karkkaraja. This name occurs in v. 4 of the Konnur record, which, however, begins with Indr-avanipala-sutena dharini instead of dhanus-samutsaritabhubhrita mahi as in our plates. This discrepancy alone is of a serious character as it makes Indra not a son but father of Karkkaraja. It is, however, possible to get over this difficulty by taking Imdr-avanipala-sutena as a bahuvrihi compound. In this connection we have to bear in mind the fact that of all the verses common to the Konnur Inscription and our charter, this is the only stanza where one whole line is entirely different. Was it deliberately composed and inserted or is it an example of sheer carelessness? If the introductory portion of the former is compared to that of the latter, it will be seen that the former, as it were of set purpose, wants to bring the genealogical account into the narrowest possible compass. This is quite clear from the fact that verses 12 and 27 of our charter, which are the same as verses 8 and 9 of the Konnur Inscription, are connected with each other in the latter record by the two words: tasya sutah. It is not impossible that the transcribers are responsible for this abridgement as their main object must be to give in full only those details that relate to the grant proper and curtail them rigorously in all other respects. And it is not inconceivable that in their zeal to epitomize the genealogy they may have coined the line Indr-avanipalasutena dharini, which if we take it to be a bahuvrihi compound, can be made to yield the sense that Indra was the son of Karkkaraja, and can thus make one verse serve the purpose of two. The charter is one of the Rashtrakuta prince Amoghavarsha described in 11. 57-58 as the Parama-bhaffaraka-Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvara-Prithvivallabha the prosperous Vallabhana. rendra deva, who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattaraka-Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvara, 1 Arch. Sury. West. Ind., Vol. V, p. 87.

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238 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. = the prosperous Jagattungadeva. It records that in the Saka year 793 when Amoghavarsha was staying at Manyakhota, his capital, he granted to four Brahmans the village of Jharivallika from the Twenty-four-village Group adjacent to Samjana for the purpose of maintaining the bali, charu, vaisvadeva, agnihotra and atithitarpana sacrifices. The donees are all Brahmans of the Bahvpicha-sakha. Two of them, namely, (1) Narasimha-Dikshita, son of GolaShadangavid and grandson of Savikuvara, and (2) Rakshaditya-Kramavid, son of Govinda-Bhatta and grandson of Bhatta, were of the Bharadvaja-gotra. The third, Trivikrama-Shadangavid, son of Vishnu-Bhatta, grandson of Davadi-Gabiyasahasa, belonged to the Vaddamukha-gotra ; and the fourth and last, Kosava-Gahiya sa hasa, son of Govaditya-Bhatta and grandson of Hari-Bhatta, was of the Vatsa-gotra. They all hailed from the same district, namely, Karabada. They were probably the Karhada Brahmans. Having thus disposed of the formal part of the grant, we shall now see what historical in. formation can be gleaned from the introductory metrical portion, which sets forth the genealogy. After the introductory Om, it opens with the well-known invocatory verse with which most of the Rashtrakuta records begin. The next verse is in praise of Vira-Narayana, by whom is here to be understood not only the god Narayana, the originator of the Rashtrakuta family, but also Amogha varsha, the Rashtrakuta king, the donor of the grant, who bore that epithet. In verse 3 we are told that in the line of the Yadus there was a king Govinda, son of Psichchhakaraja. This Govinda is, of course, Govinda I of the Rashtrakuta dynasty of Manyakheta. He was succeeded by Karkka, on whom nothing but conventional praise is bestowed in vv. 4-6. Verse 7 says that after him came Indraraja, who married the daughter of a Chalukya king at Khetaka by the Rakshasa form of marriage. This clearly shows that the Rashtrakutas, in the time of Indraraja, came first into hostile contact with the Chalukyas not of the Dekkan but of Gujarat, for the seat of this Chalukya power is mentioned as Khotaka, the same as Kaira in North Gujarat. These Chalukyas must, therefore, be the Gujarat branch of the main dynasty ruling at Badami. In this connection is worth noting the Antroli-Chharoli (in Surat) copper-plate grant of Kakka, dated Saka 679=A.D. 757. This record mentions-(1) a Rashtrakuta prince named Karkka, (2) his son, Dhruva, (3) his son, Govinda, and (4) his son, Karkka II, with whose name are coupled the titles Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara and Paramabhattaraka. One feels exceedingly tempted to say that the third and fourth of these princes are identical with their namesakes who preceded Indraraja, father of Dantidurga. One is, however, confronted with the difficulty that whereas under this supposition we have the date Saka 679 for Karkka, we have Saka 675 for his grandson, Dantidurga, supplied by his Samangadh charter. This difficulty, however, is not insuperable, because there are reasons to doubt the genuineness of this last record. That the portion of it relating to the details of the village granted has been tampered with was pointed out long ago by Dr. Fleet when he edited the inscription. And the authenticity of the record as a whole has recently been called in question by Dr. V. S. Sukthankar on palaeographic grounds. Thus the date furnished by the Samangadh grant is not above doubt, and the identification just pointed out may hold good. We may thus take it that before the time of Dantidurga his predecessors were occupying South Gujarat. Verse 8 tells us that Indraraja was succeeded by Dantidurga, of whom the next verse says that when in Ujjain the various Kshatriyas performed the ceremony, namely, the Great Gift of Hiranyagarbha, he made the Gurjara and other lords his door-keepers (pratihara). The verse evidently means in the first place that Dantidurga either performed himself or took a 1 F. Kielhoru'. List of Inscriptions of Southern India, No. 64. Iod. An, Vol. XI, P. 110. . Above, Vol. XIV, p. 121, n. 6, and p. 122.

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No. 26.] SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 239 prominent part in this Hiranyagarbha ceremony in Ujjain. And this receives confirmation from a stanza occurring in the Dasavatara cave temple inscription at Ellora. This inscription gives Maharaja-Sarva as another name apparently for Dantidurga, and claims that in that very Ujjain, in order to enjoy a diversion with other princes, he instituted a maha-dana worthy of kings, and poured all kinds of wealth and precious stones on the supplicants. There can, therefore, be no doubt that Dantidurga had gone to Ujjain and performed the Hiranyagarbha ceremony. Secondly, verse 9 of our grant also implies that at Ujjain was then ruling a Gurjara dynasty called Pratihara. There can be little doubt that this must be the Pratihara dynasty, that became supreme after seizing the throne of Mahodaya. We know for certain from epigraphic records that their capital became Mahodaya or Kanauj from the time of Bhoja I onwards. But we did not know with certitude where they were actually ruling before they became rulers of Kanauj. And it was a mere surmise when some scholars thought that it was Bhilmal or Bhinmal in South Rajputana. Our grant, however, enables us now to say definitely that their original seat of power was Ujjain. It also enables us to interpret properly the third line of the stanza so often quoted from the Jaina Harivansa of Jinasena. We can have no doubt now as to the correctness of Dr. Fleet's translation, which makes Vatsaraja king of Avanti. This Vatsaraja, of course, is the Vatsaraja of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty, and the Jaina Harivamsa may be regarded as strengthening the inference that the Pratiharas were estab lished at Ujjain and not Bhilmal before they transferred their capital to Kanauj. Dantidurga was succeeded by Subhatunga Vallabha (v. 10), that is, Krishna I, who is represented to have seized the Chalukya sovereignty. He was followed by Prabhutavarsha, that is, Govinda II, and the latter by Dharavarsha, that is, Dhruva (v. 12). Verse 13 contains no historical information, but the verse following says that Dhruva snatched away the royal parasols of the king of Gauda as he was fleeing between the Ganges and the Jumna. This Gauda king, who would be a contemporary of Dhruva, is either Dharmapala or his father Gopala, of the Pala dynasty. From the inscriptions of this family, however, Gopala does not seem to have been in any way a powerful prince; and we must, therefore, suppose that Dharmapala was the Gauda prince defeated by Dhruva. But the curious thing about this victory is that he was defeated not in his own country but outside. Does this not show that the Ganda prince had gone outside his dominions, perhaps, to help the king of Kanauj? This agrees with the fact, mentioned in the Baroda plates, that Dhruva seized the territory between the Ganges and the Jumna and thus added the emblems of the two rivers to his imperial insignia. This territory certainly coincides with the Kanauj kingdom, and what appears to have happened is that when, after defeating Vatsaraja, Dhruva was pressing his victories northwards, the Gauda king must have made common cause with the Kanauj sovereign, but that, when the Rashtrakuta prince inflicted a crushing defeat on the latter, he began to pursue the former and encountered him before he was able to reach his dominions. Verse 15 says that Dhruva's fame, which had already spread as far as the extremities of the earth, now extended to the heavens, implying that he died. The next verse furnishes Nirupama as an epithet of Dhruva, and tells us that, as soon as his son Govinda III was crowned king, he re-instated some of the feudatories in their own principalities, and, apparently against the wishes of his councillors, in particular, released the Ganga prince, who, as we know from the records, was imprisoned by his father. This move 1 Arch. Surv. West. Ind., Vol. V, p. 88. 2 Jour. R. As. Soc., 1909, p. 57; Smith's Early His. Ind., p. 378. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 195-6. Verse 9 of this charter of Amoghavarsha was communicated to Dr. R. C. Majumdar for being utilised in his paper entitled the Gurjara-Pratiharas published in the Jour. Dept. Letters (Cal. Univ.), Vol. X (p. 25 and ff.). Dr. Majumdar was the first to show that this verse of the Baroda Plates (Ind Ant., Vol. XII, p 159) was to be taken as referring to Dhruva, and not to Govinda III as had been done by Dr. Fleet (Jour. Dept. Letters, Vol. X, p. 35, n. 2).

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210 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL XVIII. was apparently dictated by the disa ffection among the vassal kings who had transferred their allegiance from him to another overlord (v. 17). This is evidently a reference to his contending, immediately after his accession, against a confederacy of twelve kings led by Stambha, who can be no other than his elder brother Ranavaloka-Kambhadeva.' This opposition, however, he quickly put down. But the Ganga, whom he had released, refused to pay the fine imposed on him and had to be put in fetters again (v. 18). Verses 19-20 contain nothing but conventional praise of Govinda III, but the second of these supplies for him a new epithet Tribhuvanadhavala, not known from previous records. From v. 21 begins the description of his expedition of conquest in the north. He appears first to have encountered and defeated Nagabhata and Chandragupta. Who the second of these princes was it is not difficult to say. The only prince of that name who can be a contemporary of Govinda III is Chandragupta .of the Kobala country ruling at Sripura or Sirpur in the Central Provinces. The name of the family to which he belonged was Pandava, but there can be no doubt that it was one of the paramount dynasties of the eighth and ninth centuries. As regards Nagabhata, the other prince vanquished by Govinda III, there can be no question that he pertained to the Imperial Pratihara family and was the son of Vatsaraja, king of Avanti, referred to above. His victorious march in the north, as verse 23 tells us, continued till his horses drank and elephants plunged themselves into the spring waters of the Himalayas. And it was here that two more princes, Dharma and Chakrayudha, seem to have offered him their submission. This verse winds up by saying that he thus resembled the Himalayas in kirti or fame, and, therefore, came to be known as Kirtinarayana, which, we know, was another epithet of Govinda III. Of the two kings who submitted to him as he approached the Himalayas, Dharma has been recognised to be Dharmapala of the Pala dynasty, and Chakrayudha to be the prince of the same name who obtained the sovereignty of Kanauj through Dharmapala. From the Himalayas Govinda III returned to the Narmada; and, turning to the east, be went along the bank of the river, conquering the Malava, Kosala, Kalinga, Vanga, Dahala and Odraka countries (v. 24), and in this connection we are informed of another title that he bore, namely, Vikrama. Making his enemies submissive, he followed the other part of the river and established himself in a capital at the foot of the Vindhyas (v. 25). From verse 26 it appears that he was then in the kingdom of a small ruler, called Maharaja Sarva, and in the bame verse we are further told that while he was encamped there, a son was born to him who was known as Maharaja Sarvan and about whom, verses 27-8 tell us that the astrologers predicted a happy and brilliant future. Evidently there is a pun here on the terms Maharaja and Sarvan. In one case they are taken as two separate words referring to . Maharaja called Sarvan, no doubt, the Chief in whose principality Govinda III was temporarily settled on the banks of the Narmada and at the foot of the Vindhyas; and, in the other case, the two terms are to be taken together so as to make Maharaja Sarvan as the royal title by which we know Amoghavarsha, son of Govinda III, was known. What Verse 26 intends us to understand is that as Govinda III was turning to the west of the Narmada and was temporarily established in the petty kingdom of his feudatory Sarvan, Amogh varsha was born. Similar information is contained in two other copper-plate grants of this king which tell us that after receiving the submission of the Malava king, he marched to the Vindhy&s, where a prince named Marasarva conciliated him with his choicest heirlooms, and that he spent the rainy season at a place called Sribhavana. Marasarva Fleet's Dyn. Kan, Distr. (Bomb. Gazet., Vol. I, pt. II), p. 396. Above, Vol. VI, p. 195. ? Kielhorn's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 617. Above, Vol. XI, p. 185 and fl. * J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XXII, pp. 118-9. * above, Vol. VI, p. 174. Ibid., p. 250.

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No. 26.) SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 241 is evidently the same as Maharaja Sarvan, and Srbhavana must be the capital of the principality of this ruler where Govinda III was encamped for the rainy season and where his son Amoghavarsha was born. Verse 29 makes mention of the two titles which were borne by Govinda III, namely, Prabhatavarsha and Jagattunga; and the two verses following inform us that from this encampment in the Vindhyas he afterwards set out to attack and humble the Dravida kings. Who these Dravida kings were is made clear in verse 32, and it appears that in this expedition to the south he vanquished the Kerala, Pandya, Chaulika (Chola) and Pallava. With these are also coupled in the same verse the rulers of Kalinga and Magadha and the Gurjara to show that he was rightfully styled Vikrama. Then we are told that, presumably in this excursion, he chained and put to death certain Ganga princes who had become disaffected (v. 33). They apparently do not include the Ganga ruler referred to in verse 18 above, and probably belonged to more than one Ganga family. Which these were exactly it is difficult to say. One of these was certainly the Western Ganga dynasty ruling over the Gangavadi province, and the other is probably what is called the Ganga-Pallava family. The second half of verse 33 informs us that he made his campground free of dust through the lords of mandalas by compensating them if they were friendly and by subjecting them to forced labour if they were otherwise, such as the Vengi ruler was. This fact is also mentioned in the Radhanpur charter of that king. Where this camp is to be located is not certain, but it seems to be Helapurs of the next verse,-a place from where he is represented to have enforced the obedience of the king of Larka (Ceylon) and his minister. As a result of this obedience he seems to have received two statues apparently of Ravana, its most ancient and traditional ruler, which he, however, transferred to Kanchi, and put up as two columns of fame before the temple of Siva. Where can this Helapura be located ? According to the Radhan. pur grant he was then encamped either on or near the Tungabhadra. Can this Helapura be thus Velapura or Bolurs in the Hassan District of the Mysore State ? Verses 35-36 speak of the death of Govinda III and the accession of his son, Amoghavarsha, to sovereignty. The subsequent four verses inform us that just when Amoghavarsha came to the throne, some of his feudatories, ministers and even relatives became disa ffected and raised the standard of revolt. But it was through the help of one Arya Patalamalla that he succeeded in quelling the rebellion (v. 41). Nothing is known about this Patala malla from other records. One Sravana-Belgola inscription, no doubt, speaks of one Patala malla, elder brother of Vajjala deva, a contemporary of the Rashtrakuta king Indra IV. But this Patalamalla would be a little too posterior to Amoghavarsha I in time. Then follow five 'verses, which are purely laudatory. And from verse 47 it appears that to ward off some public calamity the king who is here called Vira-Narayana cut off his left finger and dedicated it to the goddess, Mahalakshmi. What this public calamity was it is impossible to tell, but Mahalakshmi appears to be the same as that of Kolhapur, which is described in one unpublished inscription as the adya-pitha, or original seat of that goddess.? The same goddess, 1 Rice' Mysore and Coorg, p. 60. * Fleet takes it to be Manyakheta which about this time became the capital of the Rashtrakuta dynasty (Dyn. Kan. Distr., pp. 396 and 402-3). But this has no foundation. The Karhad, Deoli and Karda grants, again, say that the city of Manyakbeta was constructed (not merely completed), not by Govinda III, but by his son and successor, Amoghavarsha I. See above, Vol. IV, p. 287 ; Ibid., Vol. V, p. 193 ; and Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 268. [Or perhaps of the king who reigned at the time and some other potentato connected with him. See Amir. * Khuro's Chronicle quoted in Mr. K. V. S. Iyer's Historic Sketches of Ancient Decoan, p. 300.-Ed.) . Above, Vol. VI. p. 250. Dyn. Kan. Distr., p. 491, * Kielhorn's List of Macriptions of Southern India, No. 136. * Dyn. Kan, Distr., p. 540, note, 21

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242 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. again, was the family deity of at least one branch of the Silahura race. It is possible that Amoghavarsha made a gift of his finger as bali to Mahalakshmi of Kolhapur to avert some calamity which threatened his kingdom. Verse 48 compares him to a Gupta king in point of generosity and decides in favour of the former. The Gupta prince was no doubt traditionally handed down as a donor, but he had stigmatized his career by killing his own brother, seizing the latter's kingdom and queen, and wresting heavy sums from her. Amoghavarsha, on the other hand, panted neither for kingdom nor for self, and freely gave them away several times. The latter point reminds us of the Prasnoltararatnamalika, the Digambara Jaina copies of which inform us that the work was composed by Amoghavarsha "after he had abdicated the throne in consequence of the growth of the ascetic spirit in him."! And it is quite possible that the figure of a royal ascetic found in & natural caverna at Badami may represent this Amoghavarsha. But this was nothing more than a surmise, as the other copies of the work omitted all mention of the Rashtrakuta sovereign. But our plates now clearly show that Amoghavarsha abdicated his throne, not once but more than once, before Saka 793 (=A.D. 871), the date of the charter, when, however, he was carrying on his kingly duties. This shows that a king could In ancient times temporarily resign his sovereignty and enjoy the life of a hermit or ascetic. But who was the Gupta prince who was noted for his liberality up till the 9th century and who sinks into insignificance by comparison with Amoghavarsha ? The Gatha-saptasati of Hala who is ascribed to the beginning of the sixth century and the Vasaiadatta of Subandhu who has been placed in the same century but at its close, for the first time speak of a king called Vikramaditya renowned for his generosity. And it has been suspected that this Vikramaditya is either Chandra. gupta II or Skandagupta, both of the Imperial Gupta dynasty. Of the former, there is no record to lead us even to surmise that he ousted his brother and usurped the throne. In the case of Skandagupta, however, the Bhitari Pillar Inscription says that when his father (Kumaragupta I) died, the sovereignty of the family was tottering but that he put down his enemies and thereafter went to see his mother just as Krishna did Devaki. The reference to Krishna and Devaki indicates that this was a family feud and that his enemies in the present case were his kinsmen.& We also further know that Skandagupta had a brother named Ghatotkachagupta who was in charge of the Eran district when Kumaragupta I was alive. A seal of Ghatotkachagupta was also found in Basarh (ancient Vaisali), which was the seat of the Yuvaraja during the Gupta rule. It appears probable that there was a fratricidal war between Ghatotkachagupta and Skandagupta in which the former was killed and the throne seized by the latter. It may not, therefore, be unreasonable to hold that Skandagupta-Vikramaditya was the Gupta king alluded to in our charter for comparison to Amoghavarsha, The village granted, as we have seen, is Tharivallika which is said to be situated in the Twenty-four-village Geoup of Samjana. The boundaries of the village are specified as follows:-To the east is the river Kalluvi, which falls into the sea ; to the south, the village of Uppalahatthaka; to the west, Nandagrama; and to the north, the village of Dhannavallika. All these localities can be identified and are to be found in the northern part of the Thana District of the Bombay Presidency. Samjana is, of course, Sanjan, the original refuge *R. G. Bhandarkar's Early His. Dek. (Bomb. Gast., Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 201). Prog. Rep. Arch. Surv., Ind., West Circle, for 1909-10, p. 42. This Ascription is problematical for the age of Hals or of the Saptafati is still an open question. See, Sir George Grierson's note on Prakrit in the Encyclopaedia Britannica (XI ed.), Vol. XXII, p. 253, Dr. Sten Konow's Essay on Rajasekhara in his edition of the Karpuramanjari, p. 193, Mr. A. C. Woolner's Introduction to Prakrit, p. 73, and Keith's Sanskrit Drama, p. 74. So the proposed identification of the Vikramaditya of this anthology would require further demonstration.Ed.] Bhandarkar Com. Vol., p. 189. [His Bhitari Inscription would show that they were rather the Savage Hans.--Ed.] * Ind. Ant., 1920, pp. 114-5. [In this connection we should not lose sight of the fact pointed out by Mr. Carde (loc. cit.) that the word expressing relationship of Ghatotkachagupta with Kamaragupta I is now not forthcoming in the document referred to.-Ed.]

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No. 26.1 SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 243 of the Parsis and the place from where these plates come. Jharivallika is Zaroli; Kalluvi is the Kalu, also called Darota, which, no doubt, flows gradually westwards from this place till it falls into the sea. Uppalahatthaka is Uplat; Nandagrama, Nandagaon%3 and Dhannavalliki, Dhanoli. All these places are traceable in Bombay Survey Sheets, Nos. 133E and 134. - TEXT. First Plate. 1 oM' [*] sa vovyAddedhasA dhAma yavAbhikamalaM taM / haraca yasya kAntendukalayA kamalaMvata' [1] anantabhogasthitiraca pAtu vaH pratApazIlaprabhavodayAcalaH [1] 2 'zarAGgakUTochitavaMzapUrvajaH sa vIranArAyaNa eva yo vibhuH [2] tadIya vIbIyatayAdavAnvaye krameNa vAviva rajasaMcayaH [*] vabhUva govinda mahIpatirbhuvaH' prasAdhano' pRcchakarAjanaH // [3] vabhAra" ya: kaustubharavavisphurahamastivistI varNamuraskhalaM tataH [*] prabhAtabhAnuprabhavaprabhAtataM hiraNmayaM merurivA bhitastaTaM [4*] manAMsi 4 pacAsamayAni" santataM vAMsi yatkortivikIrtanAnyapi / zirAMsi yatpAdana tAni veriNAM yAMsi yattejasi nezaranyataH // [5*] dhanurAsurasAritabhU. bhRtA mahI prasAritA 5 yena pRthuprabhAvinA / mahaujasA vairitamo nirAkRtaM pratApazIlana sa karkarAT prabhuH // [] indrarAjastatIrazAta" yazcAlukyanRpAtmajA [-] rAkSasena vivAhena raNe khe6 TakamaNDape" [7] tatobhavahantighaTAbhimaIno himAcalAdAsthitasetusImata: [1]. khalIlatottamahIpamahalaH kulApraNIryo bhuvi dantidurmarATa* // [*] hiraNya7 garbha rAjanyairujjayanyAM yadAsitaM [*] pratihArIlataM yena gurjarezAdirAjakam" .n[e*] svayaMvarIbhUtaraNAMgaNe tatasmA nirvyapecaM zubhataMgavAbhaH [1] cakarSa cAlukyakulabI IFrom the original plates. * Expressed by a symbol. * Road surA . * Road babhUva. * Road prasAdhana: 1. Read HTC " Read 'mahApA " Read 'yinyA. * Metre: Anushtubh. Metre of this and of the following four verses : Vamasthavila. 'Read degmahIpatirbhuva:* Read rAjanandana: 11 Read que 1Metre 1 Anushtabh. "Metre : Vanjaathavila * Metre Anushtubb. *212

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244 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 8. ' 'balAfhalolapAtitvajamAvabhAriyAM' // [10] 'ayodhyasiMghAsana cAmarotisitAtapacapratipacarAvyabhAk [1] akAlavarSI itabhUparAjako vabhUva rAja-' 9 riSirazeSapuNyakRt // [11* ] tataH prabhUtavarSobhUhArAvarSastatazare rAvarSAyitaM yena saMgrAmabhuvi bhUbhujA // [12] yuSeSu yasya karavAlanitayatumUrdhnAvoSNarucirAsavapAna 10 mataH / cAkaSTapUrvaSaTharaH paridasamma luhArayaviva sa kAhaladhIranAdaH" [13] gaGgAyamunayormadhye rAtrI gauDasya madhyataH [*] lakSmIlIlAravindAni zvetacchatrANi yo haret" // [1.4* ] yasya 11 vyAptA vizvazvarAntaM madhikaradhavalA yaca kIrtti samantAt prayackAli muktAphalazatamapharAnekaphenIrUipe" pArAvArAnyatIrottaracama virajaM kurvatIya prayAtA kha 12 varga " gorkhApahAraddiradasurasari hattarASTracchalena " // [ 15* ] prApto rAjyAbhiSeka nirupamatanayo ya" svasAmantavarNAsveSAM " svasAmantavarNAkyeSA" seSAM padeSu prakaTamanunaye" sthApayithAnaya 13 vAm" / picA yUya" samAnA iti giramarathInmanvivarmA" zivamayutaH atyeSu dacaH citimavati yadonmocayanvacagaMgaM" // [15] duSTAMstAva rastya bhaTiti vigha 14 TitA" sthApitAndhezapAzAM" yuddhe yuhA sa vadhvA" viSamatarama hocAnivogrAnsamagra " [1"] suktA sArdrAntarAtmA vikRtipariNatau vADavAgniM samudraH cIbho nAbhUddipacAna 15 pi punariva tAM" bhUbhRto yo vabhAra // [ 17* ] upagatavijJatiH kRtaghnagaMgI yaduditadaNDapathAyamInuvandhAdhyapagatapadacalaH" patI yanimalavandhagavaH:" * Boad baccA ; and 'bhAriyoM Read zriyaM. * Metre of this and of the following verse: Vashisthavila. * Road babhava. * Bead Craft. * Metre : Anushtubh. * Road pAnamanta. [The original reads maca:- Ed.] Road harat; Metre: Anushtubh. 48 Read degcchRMkhAlideg and 16 Metre of this and of the following two verses: Sragdhara. 17 Read ya.. 10 Metre: Vasantatilaka. 11 Read f. 14 Read kha 10] Read * vasleSAM. OM Rond sthApayiSya brazeSAn. * Read 14 Read degpAzAn. Road naye.. 12 Read T. 25 Read vighaTitAn. 28 The letter is engraved below the line. Rond mAn. * Bond babhAra. 20 Read tAn. 0. # Road bamdhAt [i] vyapagata [The original correctly rends upagata'. Bd.] 4. Bond 'siMhAsana'. ' Bond mre| dhArA: 1 Read "sarivArya. " Bond 14 Read * Read [2] Boad ba . vavyANa .

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No. 26.] SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; BAKA-SAMVAT 793. 245 16 chAtama yena' / [18] zrImAndhAtA vidhAtu' pratinidhiraparI 'rASTrakUTAgvayatrI sArAmArAmarambapavitatanagaramAmarAmAbhirAmAmurbImubazvarANAM maku. 11 TamakarikAzliSTapAdAravindaH pArAvArozvArisphuTaravarazamAM pAtasamyudyato' yaH / [18] navajasagharavIravAnagambhIrabharIravavadhiritavizvAzAntarA18 so ripurNA' [1] paTuravapadaDhayAkAraNottAlatayaMtribhuvanadhavalasyodyogakAlasya kAlaH // [20] bhUbhRgmUrSi sunItapAdavizaraH" puNyodayastejasA krAntAza19 Sadigantara pratipadaM prAptapratApobati: [1"] bhUyo "yopyanurantAmaNDalayuta). padmAkarAnandito mAtagaDa svayamutarAyaNagata"tejonidhimaka [21] sa nAga20 bhaTacanda guptaRpayoyazaurya raNesvahAryamapahArya"dhairya vikalAnathonmolayat" [1] yazojanaparo supAnkhabhuvi zAlisasyAniva(0) puna:punaratiSTi21 patvapada eva cAnyAnapi" / [22"] himavatpava'tanijharAmvu turagaiH vItaca" Second Plate ; First Side. 22 nitaM majanatUryakehiMguNitaM bhUyopi tatkandare [*] svayamevopanatI ca yasya mahatastau dhammacakrAyudhau () himavAnkotisarUpatAmupagatasta23 kIrtinArAyaNaH // [23*] tata pratinihatya "tabakatama tyakammatvayaH pratApa miva narmadAtaTamanuprayAta puna: [*] sakozalakaliMgavegihalaur3aka[1]-" 24 mAlavAM vilabhya nijasevaka 1 svayamavabhujavikramaH // [24] pratyAhattaH prAti rAjyaM vidheyaM chatvA revAmuttaraM vindhyapAde [1] kurvandhamkiItane: puNya[]ndairadhyaSTAttAnmo-3 IMetre: Pushpitagri. Road fertig. * Road sArA sArA * Read bhiraamaam| tavoM. * Read pAtumanyu * Metre : Sragdhari. 'Read degvadhirita. . Read fegut. * Metre: Malini. 10 Rend mUdhi 11 Read frec. 11 Read mo. 13 Read IV . "Rend degsuttarA 15 Metre : sardulavikridita. "Read canTrI . '(The original has candra'.-Ed.] 17 Read ate. " Rend raNeSvahArya "Read vivasAyImmUkhyat. 10 Read otfafso. [The original reads of correctly.--Ed.] 31 Metre : Prithvl. m Rend "nivabharA. " Road pItaca. " Read gAtra garne * Metro: Mattebhavikridita. Road a. M Read prati . "Rond at. >> Rond degvaMga. [The Andhra kingdom of Vigi for Verngi) might be meant here. kee V. 88 below.-Bd.] - Read degmAsavAn Read degsevakaH * Read bhabhunari. 13 Metre : Prithvi. ". Read muttara. - Read radhyaSThAcA sI.

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246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XVIII. 26 citAM 'rAjadhAnI' [25] maNDalamamahArAjasakha' ydmuuvH| 'mahArAja. . sabakhAmI bhAvI takha sutojani' [26] yajammakAle devIrAdiSTha(STa) viSaho bhuvaM [1] bhokteti hi26 'mavatmatuparyAntAmbudhimekhalA [127'] yohAromoghavarSeNa 'vahA ye va yudhi hiSaH [*] muktA ye vichatAsteSAM bhasmatazRMkhalovRti: [28] tatA: prabhUtavarSasmansvasaMpUrNama27 norathaH [1] jagatuMgama' melA bhUkSatAsupari sthitaH [28] uda[ti]SThada vaSTambhaM bhaktuM dravilabhUbhA [1] sa jAgarapacintAkhamampapazcAntacetasA / [...] prakhAnena hi . 28 valaM pracakSati svacchAditAcchAditA dhAcI vikramasAdhanemakaluSa viheSi dRSioM [*] samorapyuraso saveva pavanaprAyAsitA yAsitA civa digo 29 gamadripuyamasantAnakaM tAnaka. [21] pasyatvoralapAyacolikapasaMpanavaM panavaM prasAniM gamayakAliMgamagadhaprAyAsako yAsakaH [*] gaLUhurjaramozo-10 30 zauryavilayo "laMkArayajuyogastadanigyazAsanamatasavikramI vikramaH [32] mitivinatagaMgAkhalovAniSThA" matimayuranukUlA "maNDalamA kha31 tyA [*] "virajasamahitenuryasya vAcAlibhUmi "pariti viSTayA veginAyA dayopi // [21] rAvAmAtyavarAviva svahitakAryAsasthanaSTau ThAiNDenaiva ni32 yamya mUkabadhirAvAnIya" hevApura [1] "saMkAtacchila taprabhupratikatI kA(cI). [Imupetau tataH kIrtistacanibhau. zivAyatana yeta "saMskhApito" ___[34*]yA38 svA kIrtistaloyAbinabhuvanabharaM' bhartumAsIsamarthaH puSavAkhAkamekAphasamiti taM janma dhammaranakaH [*] kiM kartuM saMyamamiciti" vima 1 Road rAvadhAnoM. Motre : salini. * Read mamI mahArAbaH sargaH kho. +Rand mahArAvarga: Motre of this and of the following four versch: Annshtubb. *Road setuparvatAdhi. Read tuts. * Read jagatuMga. *Motref o this and of the followingrerne : Bardilaviknigita. Read mauli. - Read saMcAravagkArabapIye. Read khavApara URead masabhAH khamayA. MRead 'mamiteva "Read patitimanu. 10 Metre: Malini. Rendaftar M Road saMkAva: kica. "Read degmupeta. Read ofurat. Read khApite. 11 Metre: Sardalavikridita * Rend yAcA. " Road nicokI gina. "Read janA. * Bend aj. 11 Read ago

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No. 26.] SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 247 - 34 laya puNyagopAnamAmA~ svargaprottaMgasaudha prati radanupamaH kIrtime(me)vAnu yAtta:(ta:) [25*] vadhUnAM vandhurANAmucitanilakule pUrvajAnAM prajAnA jAtA. 35 nAM vanabhAnAM bhuvanabharitasatkotimUrttisthitAM [*] cAtuM kIrti salokA kalikaluSamatho tumaMto ripUNAM zrImAmi hAsanakho "vudhanutacaritomoghava. 36 rSa prazasti / [26] cAtu" namAvijetaM raNazirasi "parAnprAthakebhyaH pra(1)dAtaM nirbIDhaM rUDhisatyaM dharaNipariDho nezonyaH [*] itthaM protthAya sArtha pRthuravapada37 DhakAdimandrapraghoSo "yasondrasyeva nityaM dhvanati kalimaladhvanmino mandirAye // [27*] dRSTvA tabavarAjyamUli[sa]barmaprabhAva" nRpaM bhUya' SoDazarAjya38 vatkRtayuga prArambha hatyAkula: [*] mazyabantaranupravizya viSamo mAyAma yosau kaliH "sAmantAsacivagvavAndhavajanAnakSobhayatsvIjatAm [38*] 39 gaThamarca pravidhAya "tkUTazapathairopavataMcA svayaM vinihatyocitayuktakAripuraSA mA svayaMpAhiNa: [*] parayoSiduhitA" khaseti na pu. 40 narbhada pazUnAmiva prabhuravaM kalikAlamitvavasitaM" "sahattamuttaH // [28] visatamahimadhAni yoni saMhatva dhAvAmitavati mahatIndomeNDA 41 saM tArAkA [*] udayamahimabhAgo bhAjitAsmapratApe viratavati vijiyA khojitAstAvadeva(:)" [4**] "guruvudhamanuyAtamAryapAtAlamajhA- 42 dudayagirimahikho rahamArtaNDadevaH / punarudayamupetyottatejasvicakra pratihata matha kRtvA lokameka' punAti [41] rAjAtmA mana eva tasya 43 sacivasmAmantacakra punastanItyendiyavarga eSa vidhivahAgAdayasvakAH [] dehasthAnamadhiSThita" svaviSayaM bhota svatantraH kSamasta I Read degsopAna. Read at. * Read yada. * Metre of this and of the following two verses : Sragdhari. * Read bandhanA. * Read bandhurANA. [The original rends nAmAnpranAmA.-Rd.] * Rend mUrtisthitAnAm. * Read kIrti. 10 Read degsiMhA. " Road budha. " Read degvarSa: prazAti. 18 Resd urg 16 Read Read yasye. mo " Supply samarSa:. 11 Read #fant. 1* Read mo " Road bhUya:- Read yugaprArama n Rend sacivAkhabAndhava and degkholatAna m Metre: Sardalavikridita. " Road mancaM. " Read kUTa'. - Rend degkhacA : * Road pili. " Road kAsaratya'. " Rend muttata: * Metro: Mattebhavikridita. - Read tArakAya. u Metre of this and of the following verse: Malind. M Read 'budha. - Read 'maurya. " Road yIca. - Read meka: - Read 'drautyendriya - Read bho 1 Rend deghita:

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248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. Second Plate ; Second Side. 44 sAmbhoktari' savipAtavivaze sarvepi nazyanti te [42*] doSAnauSadhavA . nAmanilavatyaSkandhenAnyamnivat dhvAntaM bhAnuvadAtmapUrvaja. 45 samAnAyAgatAndrohakAna' [1] saMtApAnvinihatva' yaH kalimalaM dhAcyAdi samprAntataH () kIcandriya evaM candradhavalacchaviyA 46 bhAjitaH // [43] 'yaNDAbhihatottaroriva phalaM mulAphalaM maNDalAt () yAta' zUkarayUthavAhanatastanmandiraM hAstikaM / yatkopogra47 davAgnidagdhatanavaH prAptA vibhUtiM pana' (1) tatpAdopamataprasAdatamava: prApto" vibhUtimpara" [44"] yasvAjJAM paracakri" sajamivAjalaM zi48 robhivahantyAdigdantighaTAvalImukhapaTaH kIrtipratAnasmataH / (0) yatrakha skhakara pratApamahimA kasyApi dUrasthitaH (0) tejakrAntasamastabhUmRdi49 na evAsau na kasyopari [45] yahA paramaNDalAdhipatayo dauvArika rvArikairAkhAnAvasaraM pratIya vahirapyadhyAsitA" yAsitA / gASika varabamau50 zikacitaM tahAstikaM hAstikaM () nAdAsthAma" yadIti" yatra nijaka pazyanti nazyanti ca // [46*] sappai pAtumaso" dado nijatanuM jomUta ketomutaH (1) zyenAyAtha ziviH ka. 51 potaparirakSAtyaM dadhIcorthina / tepyekaikamatarpayazkila mahAlakSmyai khAvAmAMguliM" __ lokopadravazAntaye sA dizati zrIvIranArAyaNa: // [47*] hatvA bhAtara52 meva rAjyamaharahevIM ca dInastato lavaM koTimalekhayakila kalau dAtA sa guptAnvayaH [*] yenAtyAji tanu kharAjyamasalahAdhArthaka" kA kathA (1) ho53 tasyobatirASTrakUThatilako dAtati koAvapi [*] bhujabhujasamibiMyo. pradaMSTrAgradaSTapravala(vala)ripusamUhamoghavarSe madhI" (0) na dadhaI Read degsigbhIkari. Metre of this and of the following six verses : Sardulavikridita, Read w [Note the shape of here and in lioc 10, 68, 73 and 74 below--Ed.] Read #19 f<Page #308
SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA 1: SAKA-SAMVAT 793. AANEMALL/KALAdisAmA mAyarasa yAdagAhA mAlAmAla yA nAvinAkA kAma AAPARESMALPATAN TRA AMAR SIPRITAMAALAAR MAINSTATIC MUSTI Vishkamlesed HEAANSHREENAVARICTURE le tAki kisAna mAlakAlA bAyA jAnAAR aduineleist SAT kI bhI ki lAlasA kI zAmalI-gAvAta mAmAsAkAratA para newala phal NROFILIATEL vivAdI kAjamAtAkA lAyAlayAmAhAkAra l-Razila 79.5 pI 25ERIEnA-. sanakI kuvAmAnazAkaanu lAvalAsakA sAbuna kA nAma SPIRCRASADEHET /zikAyatAiAiSANAta pAzA kA nArAkA sAkAralyA ASAN PARIYA mAniyA khatukAyaharUmA jAnakAra 10 12 SANSARANASANCHAMPLEARN pAnAmAvAlAlamanAlAbAsakAra MESTEN TENNER vanAmaka pArAlAsara kA majamannA 1 HR hamalavAyArAmanAjAzAvara lAla (CAME749mayamA tilAaareANAPAvahAtripAyAtalAzayakAkImAra mAlaparakolAhalapakA are-51554464 jIba-10ROSAVlalAvAsaracAramaparAdhamAkAbADakA AHARASHItAla pachA- TashanAgA sAdhAvasAkArAyalA sazakSA A. SANAM RESUSCRIHRC- jaya malla rAjayI karAmadAyakAzana RESUBAnakAya ko badhA mAlAmAmAmAzAyarala kalAkA STAR STATEAST CIA kayAmA kAmamA samanAzavAjAmApA +5 yo thAlImAryapahAvAtikavAda kA hI sahArA are-vilA 22411 TANETA-mayA iia. A .. - - -- - RELATETTEAMICROREtakebhAmA kAyAgamanamA najArA USRAMERAAHENNA nikAlimpasAyAlA skaa| yatyAnaDAmA kAlanI nAganAlayakAmAkhanavAlA PRATTI E74 16 kAlApAnA savAra hAvatyA zaharAlAhAkAhAkA SHABANARAD ALADSANILEOpAihAlA ilAkAhAsAgavAvA READARASTRATIM botyAjadaramAyAma kA kAEiRY DESCRIRANDI T ATICADAIlAvAyalA lAvA nA ! SARAMATRIKE IMAGTa lAlAki la gAnADAAMA NE E RING TIGERepalisra kA manAta kAhI jalAnAtha nalikA S TANTALATA vikAsamA sanaka hana ! AHARANA PELA kA tAlA RAMERITUATIENTATE kA bAbakAsa manatAlayAvara ApaNa RELAMMADRASILICARRE/AAAAzakAkulamA bAdazAdI kara rahA yA kAmA JNAARACKERALA SUPPOINCLTT sadA jalAyAdalA kA SEARS 120 SATARA KlamAlA pakA kA nAmakaraNa bAlAghAlatamAma sAmanA 302950 1517 SONAHA THRATHIbakAyabara POSTERNORFrimAdA bAjAra mahAsa FEARmarAlayakAyakAyAmAmaya ICLEARNAMA Fali FREETI ACTERS.mAmAyA rAnAta! RAVE41144210150vApAna kAyamasabhAkAsAkamA 16 17 SATARAyA mAvAlAlArakI kAra HIMANANDA SANTRI SCALE. ONE-THIRD. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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iib. RELAMMOHANSI-278K CRETSMARATHA pahalA STERESPONSISTRATIMES ra na mAnatA dARATHACTARIAARC mAna va satAnA 48DSE NTREPRETATESTIMATERIAAHTAKATTETpukAnavalAsadAra Reeta THERAICHTRACHARYANA Anal 50RRAGEMETHETICHRISTMAITHIbasta karAnAlakalATA lAvalApAnamAlA _TAJHEA T C-AASANA kATanamArakAlApAna tapazupamA ASTRI FACHARmAyA mApA jAnAALI 2015AM STOTRACAREERmAdhavAyAdhamAkAsadazakA 64ARHI SALKERALA SAMACHAadsis nAmuSpA rAnA LETTES IshansAsAdAyaka mAnA jAlora jilA 90ECRETMAIT mahAzAkhAkara mAha mAyAnA SHARELATERIODENGALINICIATTARAHATARRAISElAravA Mal Refgoalai5011574 //ikarAvAsAta bAramAlakAlApAnalA jA RECORIANDAMERMIRANGA HAN SHRES TRATItavAsAta janA IMSHEMA 187 ( 47840HdhAmA nAkA kAka yAdakA nikAlanA HTI RAAB mAtaramazAlAmA 2116 300 zarAba mAyArAmAnahAyumAyAnAkara 1 345020401 45 PARALACE sAnALEASERLDARI iit a nemanna 64 rana kI lIlA khAna puna ra rAmArImA nAgarika PNBTELEVM SAINM: 3.7442 bajaTAmasa kAhAnA kAmA samAnAmA PERSEENET /451/EKIN kalAkADAda, nAbAlakAlA NOTEKARNERaman5 0 64/ mA purAnArAkAsakA lAgI AMRODAISISTANTRACTERSIT55sAravAnyArakAdAyakalAkAta JEETROOTJARATARAKHANAhevAdamAgaNalAlAmyAsAlA samora Axisan yA ARORStumAnAmA kAyApAlakA mahAnAhAnAlAyalA Samasha i nmMRATA AjArAmanAyA mAlazAnA banAnAsAkA nimti dAra 796 sAnA ACTER HEATERTIECTIVjhArakhAnA sAnA mahAtArAsadAra C OACHART1 lalitAkhAlA lATakalAdAlanAmAvatArakA I N EEReal todhan-BATE nAma hikAratAlayAlAdA mAhavAramAlagAyatalAvAta lina sAyadAdA -MARKOT munnA lAla kalara kAlakA dAmAmA navadA bAra kapAlamA 1 EN T ERS/FIRSaree mA dayAmAnAmA mataga ta kArovAra matakA sahara TRthA NRI kAraghA kAya pATakamakuma kA makAna SEAL OF THE SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA 1. banatAmasAilA SCALE. ONE-HALF

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No. 26.) SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 249 54 ti padamItivyAdhiduSkAlakA (6) himaziziravasantagrISmavarSAyarasa' / [48] catummasudraparyAntaH samudra yabasAdhita [*] bhambA samastabhUpAlamudrA 55 ruDamudrayA // [5.] rAjandrAste vandanIstu' pUrve 'yeSAdharmAtra * pAlAnIyosmadAdaiH0 [*] dhvastA duSTA vartamAnAsmadharma" prArthyA ye te bhavina: pArthivendrAH [ // 51*] bhuta kai. 56 picakrameNAparebhyo dattaM cAnyestyAmevAparayaMta [*] "kasthAnitye satra rAjya mahadbhiH kIrtyA dharmAH kevalaM pAlanIyaM // [52*] tenedamanilavi. bucaJcalamavato 17 jIvitamasAraM 10) citidAnaparamapukhaM pravartito "bramadAyorya [53"] ___ sa ca paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarabIjagadgadevapAdAnudhyAtapara-" 58 mabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarIpatrIvAbhacaumadamoghavarSazrIvallabhanarendradevaH ku. malI sarvAneva yathAsamvandhyamAnakAbASTrapativiSayapati59 grAmakUTayuktakaniyuktAdhikArikamahattarAdI samAdizatvastu (1) vasaMviditaM yathA mAnyaveTarAjadhAnyAtasthitena" mayA mAtApicorAtmana(ka) caihikAmu60 pikaputhayazobhivaSaye karADavinirmAtabharahAmAgnivezyAnAM pAMgirasapAraspatyAnAM bhArahAnAjesana pracAriNe" sAvikUvAraka61 matapautrAya / golamaDagamiputrAya / narasighadocitaH / punarapi tasme viSayavinirgatA" / tame goce - bhaTTapocAya / govindabhaTTa62 pucAya / racchAditvakramAtaH / tasiM devaH / vahamukhasamacAriNe dAvaDi gapiyasahAsapocAya / vibha()putrAya / "tivikrama 1 Rooder IMotre : Malint. * Rand amaI.. Metre: Anushtabla. * Rond bandA * Read bandanIyA. * Road zeSA varSa * Rend pAbanI. * Read dAya:1 Rond 'khacarya. 13 Read wife "Rend pAki "Motre of this and of the following verse: Salini. 15 Read . 1. Rood for M Read vAsthA " Read rAvya. " Rend bI. Read degmauya:M Rand degviSuvacana. * Road . ** Metre : Arya - Read gaga. " Rend sambadha. - Read mahattarAdauna. - Read cAbakhivena. - Read bharavAjAnidezAgirasapAIspabAma'. " Read degAjamocana -Rand 'kavita " Read degSaDaMgavi - Read narasiMpadIvitAya. - Read degsaviSaya "Rond fvanirmatAba. Read bin- Read zramavida. 31 Road afgan. ** Read . - Read pi. * Read paryanta.

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250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 63 SaDaMgami:' / punarapi tasmiM dekheM vacchagotrasavrahmacAriNe / harimahapauvAya / govAdityabhaTTaputrAya / kesavagachiyasAhAsa: / Third Plate. 64 catukA:nAM vacasakhAnA / pavaM catukaH brAhmaNAnAM grAmo datta: saMjANa samIpavartinaH catuviMzatinAmamadhye / karivalikAnAmagrAmaH tasya cAghATa65 nAni:' pUrvataH kabruvI samudragAminI nadI / dakSiNata: uppalahasthaka" bhaTTagrAmaH / pazcimataH nandagrAmaH / uttarataH dhanavani kAgrAmaH / bhayaM grAmasya saMjjAne 66 pattane bhuMkana zuSNayAmigrAmaM sakSamAlAkulaM bhokAvya" / evamayaM caturAghATa. nopalakSitaH saudaMgasmaparikaraH sadaNDadasaparAdha: sabhUtApAttapratyayaH sotpa67 dyamAnaviSTikaH sadhAnyahiraNyAdayaH acATabhaTapravezyaH sarvarAjakIyAnAmahasta prakSepaNIyA pAcandrArkArNavakSitisaritparbatasamakAlinaH16 putrapauvAnvaya kramo. 68 pabhogyaH "pUrvapratyavrahmadevadAyarahitobhyantarasidyAya bhUmicchidranyAena' . zakanRpakAlAtItasaMvatsarazateSu saptama navatayatyadhikaSu nandanasaMvatsarA ntargatapuSya69 mAsa uttarAyaNamahAparvaNi valicasvaikhadevAgnihotratidhizaM(saM)tarpaNAtya pradyodakAdisarmANa pratipAditaH patosthocitayA brahmAdAyasthityA bhaMjato bhoja70 yataH kvaSataH karSayataH pravizato vA na kaizcilyApi paripanthanA kAryA tathAgAmibhadratapatibhirAiMzyairanyairvA sAmAnya bhUmidAnaphasamavetya vidyamokhA71 nyanityaikhANi piNAgrajambajalavindacaMcava ca jIvitamAkalayya khadAyanirvi zeSoyamamahAyAnumantavyaH pratipAlayitabAba / yakhAnAnatimirapaTa 1 Read gavida. * Rond afuren. Read Rao and . * Read #and givery Read erat. Read . - Read evaMcatupAvanA * Read degvarticaturviMzati. * Read nAni 10 From here the rules of sathdhi have not been striotly obrerved. Read yakI. 1The sense of this line is not clear. WRead dazAparAdha:. " Rond pAtamavyAyaH [The original rends saMbhUtIpAta-Rd.] WRead degcauya:. in Rend kAbIna: - Read pradAna " Read myantarasidhA. * Read 'nyAyama. * Read navatyuttara cadhikaSu [or rather tinava or layImavazva -.]. 11 Read of and ofterfafe. W Read zAya'. 1Read . " Read kaibidarUpApi. * Read aur and faren "Read mahAyoM.

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No. 26.] SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 251 72 sAtamatirAcchidyamAna cAnumodeta sa paMcabhirmahApAtavaizoSapAtakaizca' sayukta' syAdityukta ca bhagavatA vaidavyAsena vyAsena / SaSThi varSasahasrA73 Ni khammeM tiSThati bhUmidaH [*] pAcchatA(ttA) cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vaset [*] vindhyATavocatoyAsu zakakoTaravAsinaH [*] kaNasaryA hi jAyante bhUmidAnaM haranti 74 yeta [55*] amnarapatya' prathamaM suvaraNaM bhUvaiSaNavI sUryasutAva gAva: [*] lokatraya tena bhavedhi dattaM yaH kApacanaM mAM ca mahIM ca dadyAt // [56*] vahubhibasudhA bhuktA 76 rAjabhimagarAdibhiH [*] yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phala [57*] khadattAmyaradattAM vA yannAdraca narAdhipa [*] mahI mahimatA zreSTha dAnAccheyonupAlana" [58*] 76 iti kamaladalAmvuvindulolA" zriyamanucimkha manuSyajIvitaM ca [*] pati vimalamanobhirAmanI hi "puruSaparivItayo viyA: [58] likhitaM caita dharmAdhi77 karaNasenabhogikena" vAsabhakAyasavaMgrajAtana / zrImadamoghavarSadevakamalAnujIvinA'' guNadhavalena vArAjasUnunA // maratako 78 gogUrANaka" rAjAkhamukhAdezena itakamiti" // maMgala mahabI // e TRANSLATION. (Verse 1). May He (Vishnu) whose navel-lotus was adopted by Brahman as his abode, and Hara, too, whose head is adorned by the beautiful digit of the moon, protect you ! (V. 2). May that Vira-Narayana himself protect you here, who is all-pervading, who resta on the hood of (the serpent) Ananta, who is the rising mountain of valour, character, and greatness, and who is the progenitor of the lofty line of the good Rashtraktas. May that Viru-Nariyapa (Amoghavarsha) himself protect you here, who is powerful, who lives in endlosenjoy. ments, who is the rising mountain of valour, character, and greatness, and the ancestor of whore lofty line was the good Rashtrakuta. (V. 3). In the line of Yadus, long extending through his prowess, in course of time, came to be, like a heap of jewels in the sea, prince Govinda, ornament of the earth, and son of Prichchhakaraja. 1 Road matirAcchinyAdAvi * Road pAtapa * Rondon. - Read SaSTi. . Read * Rend syAditi / ukra. . 'Road rapayaM. Read a . * Road at "Rond mahImA. M Rnd oyI. - Rond degdazAnuvindu WRead rAmanInana 14 Read gexar. [Note the crose-mark above. The letter yis engraved below the line.-RA) 15 Read frotar:. "Read caitA. "Road cAdhivaraSika. "Road deyAmamA WRead rAbabI. "Band pavasa. "Read dUtaka iti 2 Read mA mahAvI.. 12

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252 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. (VB. 4-6). Then came lord Karkarat, who bore an expansive chest with the rays of the Kaustubha jewel throbbing like Meru which bears golden slope spread all over with lustre emitting from the morning sun; full of fear for whom were constantly the minds of the enemies, proclaimers of whose fame were (their) words, bent at whose feet were (their) heads, and lost in whose lustre was (their) glory; by whom possessing the power of Ptithu the mahi (the dominions, the earth) was widened, the bhubhrits (the kings, the mountains) were pushed back by the bow, and by whom of great ojas (might, splendour) and of pratapa (valour, scorching heat) was dispelled the darkness, namely, the enemies. (V. 7). Then (came) Indraraja, who in the marriage) hall, namely, Khotaka, seized in battle the daughter of the Chalukya king by the rakshasa (form of) marriage. (V. 8). Then flourished on the earth king Dantidurga, the chief of his family, who smote hosts of elephants and humbled the circle of proud kings from the Himalayas down to the limit of the Setu. (V. 9). By whom kings such as the Gurjara lord and others were made door-keepers when in Ujjayini the Great Gift called) Hiranya-garbha was completed by the Kshatriyas. (V. 10). Then in the battle field which proved a (place) of choice marriage, SubhatungaVallabha listlessly and forcibly wrested away the Fortune of the Chalukya family, bearing the garland, namely, the waving Palidhvajas.' (V. 11). Though elevated by means of incontestable throne and chowries, possessed of a white umbrella and enjoying a kingdom without any rival, Akalavarsha, who destroyed kings and ehieftains, was a royal sage, a doer of unending holy acts. (V. 12). Then Prabhatavarsha became (king), and thereafter Dharavarsha, by which king was rained down, as it were, a shower with arrows on the battle field. (V. 13). That (low) deep sound of whose drum is, as it were, the satiated Death belching out, (who is) intoxicated with potations of tasteful liquor, namely, the slightly warm blood from the enemies' heads cut off by his sword in battles and (who is) (now) with stomach filled to the throat. (V. 14). Who seized the white umbrellas, the sporting lotuses of the Lakshmi (Goddess of Sovereignty), of the Gauda king, as he was fleeing between the Ganges and the Jumna. (V. 15). Whose fame, white as the rays of the moon, having pervaded to the end of the earth on all sides, (and) having as it were uninterruptedly crossed to the other shore of the ocean in the shape of numbers of moving conches, hundreds of pearls, saphara fish, and waves with manifold foam, reached heaven under the semblance of the necklaces and elephants of the gods, the heavenly river, and the dhartarashtra (swan). (V. 16). The son of Nirupama, devoted to tri-varga and diligent in duties, as soon as he was crowned, being desirous of openly re-instating all classes of his feudatories, with courtesies, in their respective positions, and intent upon releasing the imprisoned Ganga addressed the words: "Ye are (unto me) like (my) father," to the assemblage of councillors, while they were protecting the earth. (V. 17). Quickly fighting in battle and capturing all his wicked vassals like great bulls, extremely uncontrollable and fierce, that had snapped (his noose) but had those of other lords cast over them, and releasing them when their spirit of defection ended, he, with his heart softened, harboured them as the ocean does the submarine fire. It was no perturbation to him. He again supported the kings (Chubhrits) that were his enemies (vipakshas) just as the ocean does the mountains (bhubhrits) deprived of their wings (vipakshas). For a description of the Mahadana called Hirapya-garbha, see the Bhavishya-Purana, U Hara-paruan, shap. 176. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 104

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No. 26.] SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 253 (V. 18). By whom when the ungrateful Ganga was disaffected in consequence of fleeing away from the fine ordered by him, that villain, who had been freed from fetters on the feet, had (now) fetters put round his neck. (V. 19). Who was the illustrious Mandhatri, another viceroy of the Creator, in as much as he with his lotus-like feet touched by the makara-shaped crowns of the lords of the earth, exerted himself to protect the earth, which had as the essence of (her) royalty the line of the Rashtrakutas, which was charming in consequence of beautiful women, and towns and villages that were delightful, extensive and possessed of gardens, and which had for (her) girdle the ocean resounding clearly with (its) expansive waters. (V. 20). Who, deafening the intervals between all the quarters with the noise of the deepsounding drums, the sound of which was as loud as that of a new cloud, and with (his) dhakkas, kahalas, and the loud turyas sounding shrill, is death to the busy time of the enemies of Tribhuvana-dhavala. (V. 21). Who, moreover, being an unbearable store of lustre, was the Sun himself gone into the Uttar-ayana (the north; the northern part of the elliptic), bringing his pada (feet; rays) to stretch on the murdhans (heads; tops) of bhubhrits (kings; mountains), being of auspicious rise, covering the intervals between all the quarters with his lustre, getting at every step increase of pratapa (valour; heat), having an anurakta (devoted; red) mandala (feudatories; disc) and being padmakar-anandita (gladdened by the hand of the goddess of sovereignty; gladdening the assemblage of lotuses). (V. 22). Carrying away in battles the fair and unshakable fame of kings Nagabhata and Chandragupta, he, intent upon the acquisition of fame, uprooted, like sali corn, other kings, in their own dominions, who had become destitute of all fortitude, and afterwards re-instated them in their own places. (V. 23). The water of the springs of the Himalaya mountains was drunk by whose horses and plunged into by whose elephants, the thunder was redoubled in (its) caverns by the turya musical instruments of (whose) ablutions, (and) to whom, the great one, those (kings) Dharma and Chakrayudha surrendered of themselves. He thus bore resemblance to the fame of Himalaya, and was consequently Kirti-Narayana. (V. 24). Who returned from there, (thinking) that it was now the work of the ministerial servants, and following again the bank of the Narmada as if (following his own) prowess, and acquiring the Malava country along with the Kosala, the Kalinga, the Vanga,' the Dahala, and the Odraka, that Vikrama himself made his servants enjoy them. (V. 25). Making (his) enemies submissive, he returned to the remaining (part of the) Rova, and established himself in a capital befitting (him), at the foot of the Vindhyas, performing pious deeds by constructing temples, which are stores of spiritual merit. (V. 26). While the Maharaja Sarva, lord of a small kingdom, was his own, a son was born to him who was to be Maharaja-Sarva, lord of the earth. (V. 27). At the time of whose birth it was foretold by astrologers that "being irresistible he would enjoy the earth bounded by the Himalayas and the Satu, and girdled by the ocean; (V. 28). "Of the warriors, (his) enemies, those that were bound down in battle by Amogha. varsha would be released, but, if disaffected, there would be release from fetters only by being reduced to ashes." (V. 29). Then he was Prabhutavarsha, as he satisfied the desires of those that were his own. He was Jgaattunga, being at the head of bhubhrits (kings), just as Meru is jagattunga (lofty on earth) being at the head of bhibhrits (mountains). 1 [I would put Vegi (or Vemg) instead. See f. n. 29 on p. 245 above.--Ed.]

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254 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII (V. 30). He (then) stood up to destroy the haughtiness of the Dravila kings, who were sleepless, anxious, and with minds distracted through deliberations. (V. 31). By whose mere setting out, the clear undivided earth shakes, being shabbily covered by the instruments of his valour. Lakshmi too moves a way, displeased, from the breasts of the enemies who hate him intensely, like a creeper pulled out by the wind. It is not the dust that has flown away to the quarters, but the loom that extended the fame of his enemies. (V. 32). He terrified the Kerala, Pandya and Chaulika kings, caused the sprouting Pallava to wither, was the afflictor who caused the Kalinga and the Magadha to sit and fast themselves to death, was destruction to the valour of the head of the thundering Gurjjaras (and thus) behaved (like Rama), enemy of Lanka;' (and as he) got its unimpeachable orders carried out assiduously, he was Vikrama of laudable valour. (V. 33). The Gangas, who became disaffected through baseness, were bound down with fetters and met with death. The lords of mandalas, who were friendly, made his camp ground along with the enclosure, free of dust by wage, but the lord of Vergi and others by unpaid labour. (V. 34). By whom having forcibly by (his chastising) rod controlled, like dumb and deaf persons, the king and the prime minister, ruined through laziness in working for their good, (and) having brought to Helapura from Lamka two statues of its lord, these, having afterwards proceeded to Kanchi, were established there in the temple of Siva like two columns of fame. (V. 35)." (My) fame has occupied the three worlds, and my unique son is able to bear the burden of his world," -80 (thinking) he made his life fruitful through various religious acts. "For doing what should I stay in this (world)?"-80 saying Anupama followed (his) fame, while going to the lofty palace, namely, heaven, to which spotless fame and holy merit formed the steps. (V. 36). In order to protect the fame (along with the subjects) of the ancestors in his worthy family, and of his pleasing relatives, who were the Vallabhas of the peoples, and who were now living in the form of (their) good fame which filled up the world, and in order (thus) to destroy the sinfulness of Kali, there rules the prosperous Amoghavarsha, sitting on the lion-throne, the exterminator of enemies, whose deeds are praised by the wise. (V. 37). In front of the palace of whom, the destroyer of the impurity of Kali, (as in front of that) of Indra, sounds incessantly the deep rumbling sound of loud-sounding dhakka and other (instruments), soaring high with the import : "there is no other lord of the earth like this one, able to protect the humble, to conquer enemies at the front of the battle, to make gifts to supplicants, and maintain the truthfulness of custom." (V. 38). Seeing that new kingdom which consisted of sixteen principalities but (seeing also) the king, the might of whose righteousness was profuse and ennobling, the crooked, deceitful Kali, distressed that it was the beginning of the Kpita Age, fleeing and penetrating into the interior, distracted the fetidatories, the ministers, and his relatives, who were made his own. (V. 39). Giving deceitful counsel through false oaths, they were independent of (their) lord. Of their own accord killing the appointed officers who were worthy, all seized for themselves. Another's wife is a daughter or sister,'-such distinction there was done, as among the beasts. The Kali Age becoming thus supreme, good behaviour became extinct through sinful living. (V. 40). When, withdrawing (his) expanse of lustre from the sky, the great (sun) sets, the disc of the moon and the stars shine out, attaining to the glory of a rise. When a 8a-pratapa The word prydnaba I take in the sense of pray-saba. Praya signifien' seeking death by fasting, fasting sitting down and abutaining from food with some object in view (gonerally with words like da spavis etc.)'Apto's Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Lohidranti Itako in the sense of Lamborived-deharati, behavos himeelt like (Rama), the enemy of Latki . For the words wyali and parivpiti soo Abov, Vol. VI, p. 280 and . 3.

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No. 26.] SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 255 (possessed of heat; possessed of valour) (temporarily) ceases to be, for that length of time only do the vijihmas (the dismal ones; the crooked ones) rise. (V. 41). Following guru and budha (the two planets of those names; elders and wise men), the lord, the sun of the Rattas, taking, again, his rise through the greatness of the rising mountain, namely, Arya Patalamalla, and overpowering the unruly circle of tejasvins (luminaries; men of fiery spirit), again, purifies the world alone. (V. 42). The soul is the king; the mind is his minister; the group of senses is again that circle of feudatories according to the political science; and speech, &c., are the servants conform. ing to the prescribed rules. Presiding over his place, namely, the body, he (the soul) is able to enjoy, independently, his own vishaya (kingdom; worldly objects). When that enjoyer is subject to samnipata (a kind of fever, collision), they all perish. (V. 43). Who, having, with rage, destroyed the sedition-mongers that were so by regular succession from their own ancestors as does a medicine diseases, wind clouds, fire dry fuel, and the sun darkness, (and) having (thus) destroyed by fame as by moon-light the darkness of Kali from both the beginning and extremity of the earth, he shone by the beauty of the royal parasol, white like the moon. (V. 44). From the mandala (feudatories) struck by whose danda (chastising rod) pearls came to his palace like fruit from a tree (struck by a stick), (and) to his palace came a host of elephants, like a herd of boars, from the forest, with mandala (temples) struck by danda (stick). With the bodies consumed by the fierce fire of whose anger the enemies were reduced to ashes; (as) others, with bodies favoured on account of their falling at his feet, attained to prosperity. (V. 45). Whose order the alien kings incessantly place on their head as a chaplet. Whose expanse of fame is the white veil on the fow of the temples of the elephants of the quarters. Far off from whom stands the greatness of the pratapa (valour; heat) of his karas (hands, rays), though it is in him? Overpowering all the bhubhrits (kings; mountains) with his tejas (prowess, heat) over whom is he not a very ina (king; Sun)? (V. 46). At whose gate the lords of the hostile territories are put to trouble by relays of door-keepers, being made to sit outside, while waiting for the proper time of (his) assembly-hall, and where, when they perceive that they will not obtain back their own bevy of courtezans and group of elephants, covered with choice gems and pearls, which have gone into his possession, they droop down. (V. 47). That son of Jimutaketa, gave away his own body in order to protect a serpent; Sibi, again, to a hawk to save a dove; (and) Dadhicha to (his) supplicator. But they, we are told, gratified each a single individual, (whereas) the illustrious Vira-Narayana presented his left finger to Maha-Lakshmi for the pacification of a calamity to the (whole) people. (V. 48). That donor, in the Kali Age, who was of the Gupta lineage, having killed (his) brother, we are told, seized (his) kingdom and queen, (and) thereafter the wretch caused her to write down one lac, one crore (in the document). But he, who gave away more than once his own kingdom, insignificant (to him), (saying): of what account are the external objects', was bashful even when the fame (had spread) that the ornament of the exalted Rashtrakutas was the (real) donor. (V. 49). While Amoghavarsha, whose cluster of powerful enemies are bitten by the fangs of the terrible jaw of the snake, namely, the sword in his hand, is the ruler of the earth, no (adverse) times characterised by calamities to husbandry, plagues and famines can set their foot in the Hemanta, Sisira, Vasanta, Grishma, Varsha and Sarat seasons.

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256 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. (V. 50). When the (earth), as far as the coast of the four oceans, bearing his seal, was subdued, the seals of all kings were broken by the Garuda seal. (V. 51). Those kings are, indeed, worthy of respect who were of the past and whose charity is to be maintained by us and others. The (kings of the) present were wicked and had been destroyed. Those who are to be besought for (the maintenance of) our charity are kings of the future. (V. 52). What consideration can there be for that unstable kingdom which is enjoyed by some through valour, passed over by some to others, and given up again by some others? By the great a charity alone should be maintained for fame. (V. 53). Considering that this life is unsubstantial and as fickle as a breeze or flash of lightning and that a grant of land is a supreme religious merit, he has promoted this gift to Brahmanas. Ll. 57 ff. And he, the P.M.P. Sri-Prithvi-vallabha, Sri-Amoghavarsha, Sri-Vallabhanarendradeva, who meditates on the feet of the P.M.P. Sri-Jagattungadova-being well, commands the officials such as the lords of the provinces (rashtra), the lords of the districts (vishaya), the heads of the villages (grama-kuta), the accountants (Yuktaka), the deputyaccountants (Niyuktaka), the leading persons, and others,-all according as they are concerned. "Be it known to you that by me, while residing at the capital of Manyakheta,--for the enhancement of religious merit and fame, in this world and the next, of my parents and myselfhas been granted to four Brahmanas of the Bahvricha sakha, namely, (1) Narasimha-Dikshita, son of Gola-Shadamgavid, grandson of Savikuvara-Kramavid, a religious student of the Bharadvaja (gotra) consisting of (the pravaras) Bharadvaja, Agnivesya, Angirasa, Barhaspatya, (originally) come from Karahada; (2) Rakshaditya-Kramavid, son of Govinda-Bhatta, grandson of Bhatta, of the same gotra and come from the same province; (3) Trivikrama-Shadamgavid, son of Vishnu-Bhatta, grandson of Davadi-Gahiyasahasa, a religious student of the Vaddamukha (gotra) (residing) in the same country; (4) Kesava-Gahiyasahasa, son of Govaditya-Bhatta, grandson of Hari-Bhatta, a religious student of the Vatsa (gotra), (residing) in the same country;-the village called Jharivallika from the Twenty-four-village Group adjoining to Samjana. Its boundaries (are) to the east, the river Kalluvi, flowing towards the sea, to the south the village of the Bhattas called Uppalahatthaka, to the west Nandagrama (and) to the north the village of Dhannavallika. That (village), so marked by the four boundaries, together with the royal share," with the appurtenances, with (the proceeds of the punishments for) faults and the ten offences, with the (right) of toll upon the appearance of a spirit, with (the right to) forced labour as it arises, and with the assessment in grain and gold, not to be entered on by the Chatas or Bhatas, and not to be seized by the hand of any (officials) belonging to the king, to be enjoyed lineally in regular 1 D. R. Bhandarkar's Asoka, pp. 53-4. 2 Above, Vol. VI, p. 241, n. 3. Kramavid probably signifies "one conversant with the Krama arrangement of the Vedic text." Gahiyasahasa corresponds to the modern Ghaissas, a surname at present found among the Desastha, Chitpavan and Karhada Brahmans of the Maharashtra. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 189, n. 39. When any spirit manifests itself at any particular place, many people come there to propitiate it, and the place thus becomes a source of income (Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 242). "The meaning of these words is unknown. I have therefore left them untranslated. They have generally been taken to signify "regular or irregular troops," but this is a mistake. For another meaning of chata, see Above, Vol. IX, p. 284, n. 10. The correct sense, however, appears to be that deducible from the quotations which Professors K. B. Pathak and H. M. Bhadkamkar have cited from Samkara's gloss on the Brihadaranyck. opinishad (Ibid., pp. 296-7) and the Yajnavalkya-smriti (Above, Vol. XI, p. 176 and n. 1) respectively. See also J. Ph. Vogel's Antiquities of Chamba State, Pt. I, pp. 130-2.

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No. 26.] SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 257 succession of sons, grandsons, etc., to endure for the same time with the sun, the moon, the sea, the earth, the river and the mountains, to the exclusion of previously given grants to Brahmanas and gods, and according to the custom of cultivable and uncultivable landi for the purpose of internal adjudication was bestowed to-day on the great festive occasion of the Uttarayana in the month of Pausba falling in the (current) Nandana-Cyclic year, seven centuries of years increased by ninety-three having elapsed since the time of Saka king, for the sake of bali, charu, vaisvadeva, agnihotra and atitkisantarpana, by pouring water and so forth (from the hand). No hindrance should in the slightest degree be caused by any one to one enjoying (this village), allowing (others) to enjoy (it), cultivating it, causing (it) to be cultivated, or occupying (it) in accordance with the manner of a gift to a Brahmana. Likewise, this, my gift (to Brahmanas) should be assented to and supported, just as if it were their own gift, by the good kings of the future, whether my descendants or others, bearing in mind that the fruit of a gift is common (both to the grantor and to the preserver), and considering that ephemeral wealth is as fickle as the flashes of lightning and life as unsteady as the drops of water clinging to the ends of grass. And he who, with his intellect, enclosed by the cover, namely, darkness of ignorance, will assent to the actions of) one ready to confiscate (this grant of land), will be invested with the (guilt of the five great sins and minor sins. (For), it is also said by the divine Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas(Vv. 54-59 are the benedictory and imprecatory verses with which a charter usually ends.] This has been written by the judge and Senabhogika, Gunadhavala, son of Vatsaraja, who is born in the Kayastha family of Valabba and serves the lotus (feet) of the prosperous Amoghavarshadeva. The Mahattaka Gogu-Ranaka was the Dutaka through the king's own verbal order. No. 27.-KOPPARAM PLATES OF PULAKESIN II. By E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). luk-impressions of these copper-plates were sent to me by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri, who had received them from the late Mr. K. V. Lakshmana Rao, M.A., Telugu Encyclopaedia Office, Egmore, Madras. The plates had been found near Kopparam in the Narasaraopet Taluk of the Guntur District. For a description of them, and for remarks on their alphabet and lan. guage, see Mr. Lakshmana Rao's valuable article in the Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Vol. IV, p. 43 ff. I now re-edit the inscription because I believe that I am able to improve a few of his readings and renderings. The composer of the text knew so little Sanskrit that in some places it is difficult to divine what he really wanted to express. The inscription records a grant made by the Maharaja Satyagraya Pulakesi-Prithivivallabha+ (line 6 f.), the " dear grandson " (1.5) of the Maharaja Kirtivarma-Prithivivallabha of the Chalukya family (1. 4). As stated by Mr. Lakshmana Rao (loc. cit., p. 43), priyapautra must be a stupid error for priya-putra," the dear son." For we know from trustworthy documents that Pulakaain II was not the grandson, but the son of Kirtivarman I. The donee was & Brahmana of the Sandilyayana-gotra and the Apastamba-sutra, who resided at Magamur (1. 10). The grant consisted of a field of eight hundred (nivartanas of land) in the village of Irbuli in (the district of) Karma-rashtra (1. 11). The field lay to the south of For the expression bhumi-chchhidra-nyayena, see Ind. Ant, 1922, pp. 77-9. * Siddhi= "decision, adjudication, determination (of a lawsuit) "-Monier-Williams' Sanskrit English Dictionary. See also Malras Epigraphical Report, for 1923, App. A, No. 14. In this compound the shortening of the final i of Prithivi is permitted by Papini, VI, 3, 63 ; cf. compounds like Hariti-putra (line 1 of this inscription), Kalidasa, eto. 2

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258 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. Kondav[e]rupur and to the north of Virparu (L. 12). For Karma-rashtra, see above, Vol. XV, p. 250. Mr. Lakshmana Rao (loc. cit., p. 49) identifies Kondav[e]rupur with Kondavidu, and Virparu with Vipparla, both in the Narasaraopet Taluk of the Guntur District, and Mugamur with Mungamur in the Kandukur Taluk of the Nellore District. In line 10 we are introduced to a great warrior named Prithividuvaraja whom Mr. Lakshmana Rao (loc. cit., p. 46 f.) identifies with Satyasraya Dhruvaraja Indravarman of the Gos plates of Saka 532.1 I venture to propose another identification. If we connect the participle sampradatta (1. 8) with ajnaptih (1. 14) and with its Prakrit form anatti (1. 10), we are driven to consider the words -rajyasya Prithividuvarajam-anatti (1. 9 f.) a mistake which would not be without parallels in this incorrect text for rajyasya Prithividuvarajasy-ajnaptih. Now, duvaraja is a Dravidian tadbhava of yuvaraja. If we contrast the title Prithiviyuvaraja, "the heir-apparent of the earth," with Prithivivallabha, "the husband of the earth," which was the title of Kirtivarman I and Pulakesin II; and as it is stated in line 9 f. that Prithiviyuvaraja had "secured the kingdom to the lineage of his son," it seems that Prithiviyuvaraja can be safely identified with Vishnuvardhana I, the younger brother of Pulakesin II and the founder of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. It follows further that Vishnuvardhana I continued to be dependent on Pulakesin II in the twenty-first year of the latter's reign (text line 13). From the Satara plates we already knew that he held the office of Yuvaraja in the eighth year (of Pulakesin II). In a grant of A.D. 632, which was the 18th year of his own reign, and in the Timmapuram plates, Vishnuvardhana I already bears the title of Maharaja. The words Vallabha-sama[ksh]-avastite (1. 8) may have to be corrected into Vallabhe samakshavasthite, "Vallabha (i.e. Pulakesin II) being present in person." The mysterious words marnta Kali-kulanam... sva-bahuna (1. 8 f.) may be compared with Kaliyuga-khalanirmathanai[h]. . . .charitaih in the Satara plates of Vishnuvardhana I,' and may be corrected accordingly into matha Kali-khalanam. . . . sva-bahuna, "by his arm. .(which was) a churning-stick of the wicked (people) of the Kali (age)." The compound at the beginning of line 9, which Mr. Lakshmana Rao (loc. cit., p. 53) refers to Prithiviyuvaraja himself, has to be connected likewise with sva-bahuna, and has to be corrected into nishkrishtamandalagra-sanathena, "wielding the drawn sword." Line 13 contains the date of the grant: the year twenty-one of the reign (of Pulakesin II), the month of Karttika, the great ninth (tithi), a Thursday. For authoritative remarks on this date I refer the reader to the Postscript on pages 260-61 below, which has been kindly contributed by Mr. R. Sewell, TEXT, First Plate. 1 Svasti [*] sakala-bhu[va ]na-samstuyamana-Manavya-sagotrana[*] Haritiputripath] eapta-loks-matgibhib) Sapta-Ma Srimatam 1J. Bo. Br. B. A. S., Vol. X, p. 365 f. See e.g. above, Vol. VIII, p. 146, note 8, and Vol. XVIII, p. 7, See above, Vol. IV, p. 180, note 5. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 16. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 304. Above, Vol. IX, p. 317. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 309, text line 5 f. From ink-impressions supplied by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Saetti, B.A. The of stu is corrected by the engraver from

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6 8 10 14 16 smaatsmuaypaanmaasdaarcngmaankaasthaarss nautoemtngmuayyp8nypaay jaabhbtyyp thaa syrymloeypaanm 188g333Sc91; detG.thmiimuaytk, 1001e iia. 3. Zhatdenzj3etC5C8@knungg s s980 m sb 8 thnkkmmbaarkhluaeo juaydexdphng s yntkrung-snlyk NeDEeIdoPSs -38339sOzRmkphusclnaa iib. KOPPARAM PLATES OF PULAKESIN II. tuucgnaathaa kaaskaaykmmnaumaanjyykjylq BIEBESD soovaadsqaallyybhaabvijjmryaanykbaakyraayk 33 smbhaabdii39 ning 9 343+gnaa paan loemkhlHthaaskng3FIngcaampaan escre * iii. pfdeo augue can;ng tenace gr>+03 nyuja S TI2Ijp3 | Raal (dyk. diimuay pny15 paan SHOW 243Z, PALDO CREae HIRANANDA SASTRI. SCALE NINE-TENTHS. 2 6 10 12 14 16 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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No. 27.] KOPPARAM PLATES OF PULAKESIN II. 259 2 tribhi[b] [sa]myag-abhivarddhitana[*] Kartikeya-paripalan-adhigata-kalyana paramparapa[m] bhagavan-Narayana-prasi. 3 da-si(sa)masada(di)ta-varaha-lanchhan-ekshana kshana-valkpit-adesha. mahibhritam-anek aovamedh-avabhsita(tha)-sna4 na-pavitrikrita-vapusha[m] Chalukyana[m ] kalam-abhyalamkarishno[h*) prathita kirttoh Sri-Kirttivarmma-Prithivivallabha-ma[hara-] Second Plate; First Side. 5 jasya priya-pau(pu)tra[h*) pranat-aneka-mahipati-makuta-tata-vilagna-mani-makarika ghoishta-pad-aravinda-dvaya6 gya pratigat-arati-chakra-vidhva[n]sana-vividhi)-visaradasya deva-dvija-guru-vriddh apachaya(yi)na[h*] pit=aiva sura[1] Sar 7 tyasraya-pratihat-ajna[h*j' Sri-Pulakesi-Pri(Pri)thivivallabha-maharaja(jo) yatharuha sanma(mma)nayati [11*] Viditi(ta). 8 m-astu Vallabha(bha) sama[ksh]-avasti(sthi)to vidhivi(va)t=88[m]pradatta marntas Kali-kulanam=aneka-sangrama-sahasa-dakshena Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 niki(shksi)shta-mandalagra(gra)-sanathena sva-bahuna vipaksha-mandala[mh*) nirjitya BV&-But-anvayo pratishta(shtha)pita-ra10 jyasya Pri(Pfi)thividu(yu)varajam=anatti? [1*] Mugamur-vv[**]stavyasya] Chha(Sandilyayana-gotrasya Apasta[mba)11 sutrasya viprasya "Vedasarmmana[h*] Karmma-rashtre Irbuli-gra me ashta satam! kshetram datam(ttam) Belaka-ba(pa)lva12 la[t*] purvvata[h*] Karmmakara-tataka[t*] paschimata[h*) Kondav[e]"rup[r]patha[d=*] dakshinata[h*] Virparu-patha' uttaratash * Third Plate. 13 pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-sa[m]vatsaro Ekavi[m*]satis Karttika-masa mah[a-navamyam]" Bri[haspati-varo pra14 sasto muhurtte-sya datti(tte)r-ajnapti[h 11*] Bhumi-danati5 tpa(pa)ran-da[na*]n-na bhuta[m] na bha[vi*]shyati [*] tasy=aiva haran[at-pa]15 pan na bhuta[th*) na bhavishyati (111*] Bahubhiruvvasudha datta bahubhis-ch anupalita [1] yasya-yasya yada bhumi[g-*]tasya. 1 An i is also affixed to the tt of te. Read pitseva. The va is entered below the line. Read Salgaerayo-pratihat-ajnah. * Read yatharha th. 5 Read matha. * Road Kali-khalanams. Read rajasy-ajnaptih. * Either read-ordslavyaaya, or replace the four genitives following it by datives. [The name seems to be Aila. The symbol for e in l. 13 below would suggest that the first letter is di and the second lettof geems to be fa.-Ed.) 10 The ta of-fatan is entered below the line. Two crosses (kakapada) above the line mark the place whore it has to be inserted. Mr. Laksmana Rao (loc. cit., 1. 44 f.) mistook them for numerical symbole. (The original seems to read fata.-Ed.) 11 [The letter looks more like che.-Ed.) 11 Read -pathadeutlaratab. 13 Read ekapitre. 1. The tops of the bracketed letters are broken away, but the reading is certain. 16 There is a vacant space after this word.

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260 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIII. 16 tasya tada phala[m || 2*) (Sva-da]t(tja[m] para-dat[t]a[th*] Yudhishthira [* mahi[m] mahi(hi)bhuja[m] frosh[tha va yatnad-raksha dana]te! TRANSLATION. (Lines 1-6) Hail! The dear grandson (read: son) of the glorious Kirtivarma-PrithiviVallabha-Maharaja who adorned the family of the glorious Chalukyas, etc.; whose fame was (widely) spread; whose pair of lotus-feet was rubbed by the makara ornaments of jewels attached to the slopes of the diadema of many prostrate princes; who was proficient in achieving the destruction of the circle of opposing enemies; (and) who honoured the gods, the twice-born, the Gurus, and the aged ; (L. 6 f.) the glorious Pulakoki-Prithivivallabha-Maharaja (who), like (his) father, (is) a hero, the abode of truth (Satyasraya)* whose commands are unopposed, suitably honours (the officials of this district and informs them as follows) : (Ll. 7-10) "Be it known (to you that), Vallabha being present in person, the execution (of the present grant) was formally bestowed on Prithividuvaraja (i.e. Prithiviyuvaraja) who, having defeated the circle of enemies by his arm (which was) a churning-stick of the wicked people) of the Kali (age), which was skilled in daring (deeds) in many battles, (and) which was wielding the drawn sword, has secured the kingdom to the lineage of his son." (LL. 10-12) "To the Brahmana "Vedasarman who resides at Magamur, belongs to the Sandilyayana-gotra, (and) follows the Apastamba-sutra, a field of eight hundred (nivartanas) in the village of Irbuli in (the district of) Karma-rashtra has been given. (This field lies) to the east of the Balaka-palvala (pond), to the west of the Karmakara-tataka (tank), to the south of the road to Kondav[orupur, (and) to the north of the road to Virparu." (L. 13 f.) "In the yoar twenty-one of the reign of increasing victory, in the month of Karttika, on the great ninth (tithi), on a Thursday, at an auspicious moment, the execution of this grant (was bestowed on Prithiviyuvaraja)." [LI. 14-16 contain three of the customary verses.) POSTSCRIPT. BY ROBERT SEWELL, I.C.S. (RETIRED). At Dr. Hultzsch's request. I have examined the date of the Chalukya inscription published on pp. 43 to 54 of Part I, Vol. VI of the Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute which is stated to belong to "the year twenty-one of increasing victory" of a Chalukya sovereign who is perhaps identical with Pulakesin II. The details of the given date are " Thursday the mahanavami day in the month Karttika." It is not stated whether this 9th day was in the light or dark fortnight, but in the absence of this information it is reasonable to assume that the 9th day of the month was meant, or more accurately the day on which at sunrise the 9th sukla tithi of Kirttika was current. If the inscription belongs to the reign of Pulakesin II it must have been composed about A.D. 629 or 630, or thereabouts. 1 Read danachachhrEyo napalaram ? According to Cowell and Thomas (Translation of the Earshacharita, p. 266), " the word makarika appears to denote & makara-shaped forehead omament." * This was the favourite surname of Pulakesin II. Sve Fleet's Dyn. of the Kan. Districts, sec. ed., p. 351. * Seo footnote 9 on the prooeding pago.Ed.) [See footnote 11 on the proceding page. ..] 6 The bracketed words are supplied from linee 8 and 10.

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No. 27.] KOPPARAM PLATES OF PULAKESIN II. 261 Calculation for a date of that period must be made either by the mean-system computation of the First Arya-Siddhanta, or of the Brahma Siddhanta, which latter was compiled in A.D. 628. By either of these the 9th sukla tithi of Karttika fell in A.D. 628 on a Wednesday. In A.D. 629 it fell on Sunday by the First Arya-Siddhanta and on Monday by the Brahma-Siddhanta. In A.D. 630 it fell on Saturday by both authorities. But in A.D. 631 it fell on Thursday, by both these Siddhantas, and that Thursday corresponded to October 10 A.D. 631. This last satisfies the requirements of the case if, in the practice of those days, the 9th sukla tithi of Karttika marked a mahanavami day. I regret that I am unable to give an opinion on this point. The modern mahanavami day is, I understand, the day corresponding to the 9th sukla tithi in the month Asvina. If the day in question was actually Thursday October 10 A.D. 631, it makes the king's accession to have taken place on or after October 11 A.D. 610, seeing that it belongs to his 21st regnal year. As regards this date it must be noted that Fleet (Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 23) stated that Pulakesin II's accession must have taken place "early in Saka 532 (A.D. 610-1)"; that R. G. Bhandarkar fixed it as in Saka 533, i.e. A.D. 610 or 611, according as the Saka year was treated as current or expired (Early History of the Dekkan, p. 38); and that Professor Jouveau-Dubreuil (Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 111) gives it as in A.D. 609. Fleet's fixture slightly conflicts with the date October 11 A.D. 610, since the year Saka 532 began on March 19 in that year. R. SEWELL. No. 28. THE SO-CALLED TAKHT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. BY STEN KONOW. The stone on which this inscription is incised measures 17" by 144", and it is now in the Lahore Museum. There is some uncertainty about its provenance. Cunningham originally stated that it had been discovered by Dr. Bellew at Shahbazgarhi. Similarly Mr. Hargreaves writes in a letter dated Simla 4th December 1913: "In connection with the Gandhara 10th sculptures I had occasion to look up references to the very well-known and frequently quoted Takht-i-Bahi inscription, and to my surprise find that there is no absolute certainty it emanates from Takht-i-Bahl at all, it may very well come from Shahbazgarhi." Later on Cunningham speaks about the record as hailing from Takht-i-Bahl, without mentioning his previous note on the subject, and since that time the epigraph has always been spoken of as the 'Takht-i-Bahi' inscription. Both places are situated in the same neighbourhood, Shahbazgarhi 6 miles east and Takht-i-Bahi about 8 miles north-west of Mardan in Yusufzai. According to the Editor of Trubner's Record, June 1873, Dr. Bellew had left the stone at Hoti Mardan "in Dr. Johnson's compound. Several years afterwards, in 1870, he authorised 1 Readers will learn with sincere regret that this veteran scholar, to whom Indian History and Chronology are so heavily indebted, died in London on the 30th December 1925 in the eighty-first year of his age.--E. H. 2 Trubner's Record, June 1878, reprinted Ind. Ant., Vol. II, 1873, p. 242,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. Dr. Leitner to take away anything he might have left at Hoti Mardan. Dr. Leitner, after personal inspection, got the stone carried down to Lahore by bullock-cart, and there got the inscription both lithographed and photographed. The discovery of the stone therefore belongs to Dr. Bellew, that of the inscription to Dr. Leitner." 262 A rubbing of the inscription was forwarded by Dr. Leitner to Professor Dowson, who gave a notice of it in Trubner's Record of June 1871. A second notice was published by Cunningham in the same Record, June 1873,1 and a fuller account, with an excellent plate by Dowson, who read the date portion and, in a second note,3 gave a new reproduction of the same. Then follow editions by Cunningham, Senart and Boyer. I now edit the epigraph from excellent estampages which I owe to the kindness of Professor Vogel, who had them prepared for me when he was Superintendent of the Punjab Circle of the Archeological Survey. The inscription consists of six lines, and the average height of the letters is 14". In the first line there is an apparent gap after the seventh letter, but nothing has been omitted, the intervening space having been purposely left without any writing on account of the roughness of the stone. Similarly there is a vacant space in the middle of 1. 5. Cunningham remarks that "as the stone has been used for many years, perhaps for centuries, for the grinding of spices, all the middle part of the inscription has suffered and become indistinct, and some portions have been obliterated altogether." In such circumstances it is intelligible that the reading and interpretation is in some places beset with considerable difficulties. The alphabet is Kharoshtht of the Saka variety. The letter ya has the relatively broad angle which we also find in the Paja inscription of Sam 111, and the Mount Banj inscription of Sam 102. The continuation of the vertical of sa up towards the upper curvature, which is seen in both those records, is apparently not met with. We find the same occasional lengthening of the right top of ma as in Mount Banj. Ba has the older curvilinear and not the later angular shape. The curvature of the upper end of da towards the right is very insignificant. There is no dental na, and the cerebral na has the rounded top which we find in the Mount Banj and Kaldarra epigraphs and also in the Patika plate. The shape of individual letters is not, however, quite consistent, and more especially the letter ya has several somewhat different forms, so that it is not quite certain whether it should not, in puyae 11. 5 and 6, be read as puas. Note also the curious flourish after the last letter of the inscription, which is certainly e. It is perhaps due to damage to the stone during the years when it was used for grinding spices. With regard to individual letters we may note the akshara following after the break in 1. 1, which I follow Professor Franke? and M. Boyer in transliterating f. M. Senarts transcribed it as bh and Professor Luders as vh. I use f because this writing has the advantage of greater simplicity, and because the Latin form of the name in which the letter occurs has familiarized us with the f. But it is not my intention to convey the impression that the actual sound was necessarily the voiceless spirant f. Gudufara, the name in question, is not Indian but Persian, derived from an old Vindafarna "the winner of glory". The last part of the compound is derived from the Aryan base svar, and sr is usually represented by uv in Ancient 1 Reprinted Ind. Ant., Vol. II, 1873, p. 242. 2 J. R. 4. 8., New Series, Vol. VII, 1875, pp. 376 ff., with plate. Ibid., Vol. IX, 1877, pp. 144 ff. Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. V, 1875, pp. 58 ff., with plate XVI, No. 3. Journ. Asiat., VIII, xv, 1890, pp. 114 ff., with plate. Ibid., X, iii, 1904, pp. 457 ft. 1 Pali und Sanskrit. Strassburg, 1902, p. 111. Journ. Asiat., IX, xii, 1893, p. 206. J. R. 4. S., 1909, pp. 655 ft.

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No. 28.) SO-CALLED TAKHT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. 263 Persian, i.e., the result was probably & voiced sound. The Kharoshthi siga itself seems to be derived from v and not from p, by adding an upward stroke to the right. A similar stroke is found in the Khardshthi documents discovered in Chinese Turkistan, where we sometimes find the letter which is usually transliterated at provided with a perpendicular, rising from the right end of the cross-bar. Of. plate XCII in Sir Aurel Stein's Ancient Khotan, where Messrs. Boyer, Rapeon and Senart read the akshara as sth in sthishyadi, 1. 9. I am, therefore, inclined to think that vh, i.e., an aspirated voiced spirant, was the sound meant, and it would probably be more correct to transliterate vh. I do not think, however, that we can be certain about the pronunciation, and, for practical reasons, I prefer to write f. I may further draw attention to the compound letters tsa in sarbatfarao, 1, 2, and rjh in erjhana, 1. 5. With regard to orthography and phonology we may note the change of intervooalic j to y in maharayasa, 1. 1 ; puyao, 11. 5 and 6; the softening of intervocalic t to d in madr, 1. 5: pidu, 1. 6; the change of v to b after an anusara in sa nbatearae, 1, 2; of ts to tf in the same word; of shy to fin isa, 1, 2, and of sr to sh in shadhadana, 1. 4. Such changes are, as is well known, of frequent occurrence in Indian Khardshthi inscriptions. In spite of all the care that has been bestowed on the reading and interpretation of the epigraph, several points are still far from being finally settled. Dr. Thomas has, therefore, rendered a real service to scholars in preparing the new facsimile plate published together with this article. The first line can be read with perfect certainty and has never presented any serious difficulty. Dowson read the second akshara of the king's name m instead of du, but & comparison with du in madu 1. 5, pidu, 1. 6, conclusively shows that the letter is du. The third akshara has usually been rendered as pha, but I have already given my reasons for transliterating fa. We must accordingly read: maharayasa Gudufarasa vasha 20-4-1-1, (during the reign of the Maharaja Gudufara, in the 26 year. Vasha is also used in the Kaldarra inscription of the year 113 and the Skarah Dheri epigraph of the year 399, while the Machai record of the year 81 has vashe, which is probably intended in the other dates 28 well. There is not, however, any trace of an e-matra. No certain inference can be drawn from the use of varsha instead of samvatsara irf these instances; the word may have been chosen in our record in order to distinguish between the two dates in 11. 1 and 2, or in order to indicate that the year used in the first one began with the rains. Cunningham and Dowson identified Gadufars with the king Gondophares of Christian tradition, and this identification has been generally accepted and may be considered as certain. The date of 1. 1 has, further, always been interpreted to mean that the inscription belongs to the 26th year of the reign of King Gudufara. Epigraphiste will, however, agree with me that we are oply informed that it was issued during Gadufara's reign, while the year can just as well be referred to some era which may have been introduced by some of Gudafara's predecessors. If We compare the dating of Brahmi inscriptions of the Kushana period, we might be inclined to think that the latter was the one. Of. o.g. No. 149a of Professor Luders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions : maharajasya rajdtirdfanya deva putrasya shaher-Vudvishkasya rajya-samvatsari 24 and other similar records where an is used instead of rajya-samvatsaro. Nobody would here think of the regnal year of the king mentioned in the inscriptions, but ur hesitatingly refer the date to the Kanishka era. I shall state below why I think the same to be the case ip our epigraph. Then follows, in l. 2 and the beginning of 1, 3, a new date.

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264 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. The first word was read san ... by Cunningham, and sa hvatsarasa by Dowson. E. Thomas demurred to Dowson's reading, but did not suggest any alternative. Messrs. Senart and Boyer read sambadhae and explained this word as meaning "du comput continu ", " in the continuous reckoning ". There cannot, however, be any doubt that Dr. Thomas was right in reading sarbatearae. The traces of the letters visible in the impressions and the plates make this reading absolutely certain. Moreover, the use of te for Sanskrit ts in this very word seems to be quite regular in Khardshthi inscriptions. Thus we find sanvatsaraye in the Taxila copper-plate of the year 78, in the Mount Banj inscription of the year 102 and in the Paja record of the year 111. Similarly sanvatsare is the usual form in the Khardshthi documents from Eastern Turkistan.3 In the Sue Vibar plate we have samvatsare, but the upper part of the compound is misshaped, wherefore Professor Franke roads sa nuachare and Mr. Majumdar sa nuachchhare. The Hidda epigraph of the year 28 and the Ara inscription of the year 41, finally, have sambatfarae. The writing te is no doubt meant to render the current pronunciation of the compound ts. The usual Prakrit representative of ancient ts is chohh, which only differs from tf in being aspirated. It is probable that the form ta is due to the linguistic tendency of the north-western dialect which the Indo-Skythians adopted. The same compound occurs in the Khardshthi manuscript, of the Dhammapada, where M. Senart reads it vis, in ahitsai, A* 8; bhametsu, B 34; bhatsidi Cvo 3 and matsana Cxviii vo 2. The two last words correspond to Sanskrit bhetsyati and matsyanam, respectively, where ts has a similar origin as in samvatsara. In ahitsai and bhamatsu & t seems to have been inserted between a nasal and with a consequent change of sto s. There is nowhere any trace of the aspiration which comes in in the common Prakrit form. There are indications which seem to show that the absence of aspiration in similar compounds is an old feature of north-western vernaculars. For we find pacha for pascha in the Shahbazgarhi version of the Aboka inscriptions. On the other hand, patcho, afterwards, in Ancient Khotani might lead us to the conclusion that we are faced with a phonetic tendency in the home-tongue of the Indo-Skythians. The change of v to b in sambatearae is perhaps to be explained as a result of the influence of the Indo-Skythian substratum. For not only do we find b for v after an anusvara in the Kharo.hthi manuscript of the Dhammapada, where api and tvu become vi and va, respectively, after vowels, but bi and ba, respectively, after an anusvara. But in ancient Khotani b frequently corresponds to Sanskrit , not only in loanwords such as bina, Sanskrit vina, but also in indigenous words such as bissi, Sanskrit visva. The actual sound was perhaps a bilabial spirant, English w The word following after sarnbatsurae is certainly tisatimae. M. Senart read tisatamae, but the s-stroke of the second ta is too distinct to be acoidental. The form fatimua also occurs in the Paja inscription, where we read ekada[sa"]eatimaye, and, as remarked by M. Boyer, in the Skarah Dherl image inscription, where I follow Dr. Fleet in rending ekupachadusatimae. Then follow the numerical symbols 1, 100, and 1 1 1, and Vesakhasa masasa divase, as has always been recognized. L. 3 ff. were not read by Dowson, and Cunningham only attempted to make out some few words. M. Senart was the first one to give a transliteration and interpretation of the greater portion of these lines, and M. Boyer gave a continuous reading of the whole. . 1J.R. A. 8., New Series, Vol. IX, 1877, p. 10, footnote. 'J.R. 4. 8., 1913, p. 636*. . Cf. Konow, Acta Orientalia, II, p. 114. * Pali und Sanskrit, pp. 96 f. * Sir Antosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. IIT, PL. 1, PP. 489 # . Cf. Konow, Festschrift Windisch, p. 91.

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No. 28.) SO-CALLED TAKHT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. 265 The first word in 1. 3 was read panchame by the two French scholars, who also agreed in reading the ensuing sign or signs as pa, which, according to M. Senart, is the sign of the figure 5. I cannot accept this reading and interpretation. The first akshara is much damaged, and there are several strokes which are probably the result of the use to which the stone has been put. There cannot, however, be any doubt, that it is a pa. I cannot see any trace of an anusvara, but there are some strokes at the bottom, which may be the remnants of an u-matra or of a post-consonantie r. The second letter consists of a vertical, bent towards the left at the top, and a distinct cross-bar. If the latter is accidental we would think of dha, and if the curvature at the top is due to accident or oversight, we would have tha. I have already in another connexion suggested to read prathame, and I still think tbat reading the most likely one, though pradhame would also be possible. What M. Senart read as the symbol for 5 I read as di 1. It is, as is well known, the unvariable custom in Khardshthi to use the symbols for 4 and 1 when the number five is given in figures, and not in words. And it would be very extraordinary to find a notation of the kind suggested by M. Senart. The ensuing aksharas were for the first time read by M. Boyer, and his transliteration iba is certainly correct, though both letters are damaged, and it is possible that ise is the reading intended. Isa and ife are of frequent occurrence in Kharoshthi inscriptions in India and Eastern Turkistan, and the meaning is clear; they render Sanskrit asmin and atra. M. Boyer thinks that isa," with $ instead of s as in Magadhi," is Sanskrit esha, but that explanation cannot be right, esha being nothing else than the nominative singular, and the change of s or sh to s not being a feature of the vernacular. Scan only be an old sh or the representative of an old shy. In the Shahbazgashi version of the Asoka inscriptions we repeatedly find forms such as arabhilamti, Sanskrit Arabhishyanti, and in the Kbardshthi manuscript of the Dhammapada e is frequently the representative of Sanskrit shy. Isa would accordingly be the regular representative of a female oblique form from the base i, and it is possible that the theme ishya has developed a stereotype locative adverb ishye. At all events, the base must be the pronoun which we find in id-am. After isa M. Boyer read chhunami samana, and M. Senart ... pade .... Ohhunumi would of course suit the context very well, but samana could not represent Skr. framana, as M. Boyer thinks, the only possible forms of that word in the dialect being samana and shamana. Now there cannot, I think, be any doubt that the two last aksharas of the passage are pachhe. The traces of both letters are quite distinct, and puhas also been recognized by M. Senart. The new plate will show that chhe is also beyond doubt. Pachhe can scarcely be anything else than Sanskrit pakshe, pakshe, or, perhaps, pathye, salutary, suitable, auspicious, here used to characterize the day or the moment when the inscription was issued. There accordingly only remain two aksharas between isa and pachhe, and so far as I can see the extant traces are more in favour of dine than of chhune, though it is impossible to be quite certain. I accordingly read the second date as follows: sumbatsarue tisutimae 1 100 111 Vesakhasu masasa diva se p[ratha]me di 1 isa [dine] pachhe, in the hundred and third year-103, on the first day-d. 1 of the month Vaisakha, on this paksha-day, or, on this auspicious day. The interpretation of the word pachhe is difficult. If we were justified in explaining, it as corresponding to Sanskrit pathye, we should be able to prove conclusively that the date of 18. B. A. W., 1916, p. 801. . See Johansson, Actes du 8 congres international des orientalistes 11, iii, pp. 129 and 169, where, however, the use of has not been explained. * See Konow, Festschrift Windisch, p. 93.

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266 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. the insoription is the first and not the fifth Vaisakha. That date was auspicious because it was considered to be the Buddha's birthday. Tradition placed that event on the full-moon day of Vaisakha, and the Takht-i-Bahi inscription would accordingly show that the months in north-western India were purnimanta, just as it can be proved to have been the case when the Khardshtbi epigraphs dated in the Kanishka era were drawn up. There is, however, one grave objection to this interpretation. In the Asoka inscriptions and in the Kbardshthi records from Central Asia there are two different aksharas which are usually both transliterated chh, one with, the other without a cross-bar below the head. The latter one is usually stated to be the only one occurring in later Indian Khardshthi inscriptions. That statement is not, however, correct. We find the cross-bar form in inscription J on the Mathura Lion capital, where we must read palichhina, Sanskrit parichchhinna, instead of Buhler's palishtena. Now an examination of the Kharosbthi manuscript of the Dhammapada shows that the cross-bar form represents old chh and also ohh derived from thy, while the other form stands for Sanskrit ksh and should probably be transliterated ksh and not chh. It is this form which is used in pachhe, and it, therefore, seems necessary to explain this word as Sanskrit pakshe or pakshe. I would therefore suggest to explain dini pachhe as dine pakshe, on (this) paksha-day, and assume that the day is designated in such a way in order to mark it as the first day of a paksha, though the pakshas are not usually mentioned in Kharoshthi inscriptions. Then follow five letters which M. Boyer read belasamisa, while M. Senart could not make out more than the two last ones. M. Boyer adds that the e-stroke of the first letter is, perhape, only a flaw in the stone, and it seems to me that such is evidently the case. I, therefore, read balasamisa, the genitive of balasami, which corresponds to Sanskrit balasvamin. The final sa is quite distinct, and I, therefore, do not venture to follow Dr. Thomas, whol thinks that we ought probably to read mira as in l. 4. M. Boyer saw in belasamisa the name of the donor. It seems to me that such can scarcely be the Okse, the donor being mentioned in 1. 4, and I, therefore, think that balasamisa should be taken with the opening word of 1. 4. The last four akskaras of 1. 3 were read goyanasa by the two French scholars, but only M. Boyer tried to translate this word. He took goyana to correspond to Sanskrit goydna, a carriage drawn by oxen, 4 cart in general, and drew the final sa to 1. 4. I think, however, that the extant traces show that Dr. Thomas was right in reading boyanasa as in 1.4. I only differ from him in transliterating the nasal as the cerebral in accordance with my remarks, above, Vol. XIV, pp. 181 ff. Boyana, which is also used together with the name Mira in 1. 4, cannot be an Indian word, M. Boyer sees in Mira Boyana the Iranian neme M9 possovams, and this explanation is probably right, but it does not help ns to understand the word boyana itself. It seems to contain a base boy and a termination ana. The latter is no doubt the well-known suffix ana, which forms adjectives from nouns (as in Khotavi balysani, belonging to the Buddha (balysi') and in the word kushana from lushi) or participles from verbal bases. The base boy can be identified with Iranian baug, to save, if we remember that aj between vowels has become y in maharaya and puya. Boyana can accordingly mean "saving", "saviour", and I take it to be an Iranian translation of the same title wtp which has been Indianized on Indian coins as tratara. I think that such is evidently the case, and I take boyanasa as a title of Balasami. It follows from this interpretation that the final sa cannot be taken together with the first word of 1. 4. 13. 8. 4. 8. 1913, P. 686*,

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NO. 28.] SO-CALLED TAKHT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. 267 Here M. Senart read pa .. aa, but M. Boyer was certainly right in reading par[t]vara. At first sight one is inclined to read parovara, which might be explained as a compound of para and Jvara. Ovara would have to be taken as identical with ovaraka, cell, which occurs in several Brahmi inscriptions, Parovara might mean " the predominant cell". This explanation cannot, however, be upheld. An dvara for ovaraka does not occur in any other record, and even Ovaraka itself is never met with in Khardshthi inscriptions. I think that M. Boyer is right in thinking that the apparent cross-bar of the first r of par[i]vara is accidental, and that there are traces of an i across the left extremity of the upper portion of the ukshara. The word parivara, Sanskrit parivara, occurs in many ancient records. M. Boyer took it together with the final sa of l. 3 and explained sa-parivara as an adjective characterizing goyana, the whole meaning "a cart together with a covering ". He is fully aware of the difficulty arising from the nature of the donation, which would hardly justify the engraving of an inscription. He thinks, however, that the object of the epigraph may have been to honour the prince mentioned in 1. 5 more than to record the gift. Or else, the cart may have been of great value, and the donation accordingly of especial merit. In this connexion, he draws attention to a passage in the Divyavadana, where we read yana danan dadati riddhipadavipakapratilabhasa ivartaniyam, he gives a cart, a gift leading to the acquisition of the result of the state of supernatural power. This explanation is very ingenious, but I fear that it is too ingenious, and if Dr. Thomas' reading boyanasa in 1.3 is accepted, we shall have to look out for another explanation. The meaning "covering (of a carriage)" is well attested for the word parivara, but it is never met with in ancient inscriptions. In Brahmi inscriptions we find saparivara, 6.g., in the Nasik inscriptions Nos. 8 and 9, and in his edition of them M. Senart remarks: "It is, I think, too precise to translate sa parivara by 'with his family'. If such were his intention, the engraver would rather have used special names of kinship or some generic word, as jati, which occurs elsewhere. Parivara may, together with the family or even excluding it, apply to companions of the donor, fellow-workers or caste-partners." The original meaning of the word seems to be "covering ", "surrounding", and it actually has this meaning in some passages in classical literature, but more frequently it must be translated by some word meaning surroundings, train, suite. This meaning does not, however, seem to give any sense in oar inscription, and it may perhaps be of interest to samine other instances of its use in Kharoshthi records. The oldest Khardshthi inscription where it occurs is the Mathura Lion capital. We are there informed of the fact that the chief queen of the Mahakshatrapa Rajala puts up some relics of the Buddha, together with some of her relatives, the ateura and the horaka parivara. Here ateura corresponds to Sanskrit antahpura, the inner court, the female apartment of the palace and those who live in it. The horakas are the officials who are called horamurta in the Manikiala inscription, and horamurta is a "Saka" rendering of Sanskrit danapati.. Now it should be remembered that parivmita is used in the Satapatha-Brahmana (8.6.1.20) and elsewhere to denote & place enclosed with walls and used for worship, and hora kaparivara might accordingly mean "the enclosed hall of the horakas" and further "the horaka-department", a meaning which would be very appropriate in our passage, where the word is used in connexion with antakpura, which has a similar sense. The next time we find the word parivara in a Khardshthi inscription is in the record under discussion. The follows the Sue Vihar copper-plate of the year 11, during the reign of Kanishka, See Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Index of Miscellaneous Terms, sub voce apavaraka'. ed. Cowell and Neill, p. 482, 1. 20. * Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 77. * See Laders, J. R. 4. 8., 1900, pp. 650 ., 8. B. 4. W., 1912, pp. 421 f. 2 L 2

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268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. of which we have now a good reproduction in the excellent edition by Mr. N. G. Majumdar.1 The third line of this record, where the word parivara occurs, cannot be read with absolute certainty; and I shall not, in this place, try to show how I arrive at my reading of the whole of it. We learn that a yathi, a staff, has been raised (in memory) of the friar Nigadatta, and that the Upasika Balanandi, the wife of a householder, and the mother of Balaja, makes a present of an anuparivara, which in my opinion can hardly mean anything else than & subsequent enclosing through a wall for the purpose of building up the shaft in which the staff was placed. The word paritara again occurs in the Manikiala inscription, where we read that the dandanayaka Lala erects a stupa, together with some other persons and the whole paritara : sa(in)vona cha parivarena sadha. Here we may translate " together with the whole retinue", but the original meaning of paritara can very well be the same as in the Mathuri Lion capital inscription. Finally, we meet with the word parivara in the Wardak vase inscription, where I would read in 1. 3: mahiya cha rohana sada sarvina avashadigana-sa parivara cha-agrabhagapadi. yasai bhavatu, and let my deposit--and also the surrounding wall (or chapel)-for ever lead to sharing in the preferential lot for all (beings) up to the heretice. I think that this examination will have shown that parivara can be translated by "surrounding structure","hall ", " chapel ", and such is, in my opinion, the meaning of the word in our inscription, which records the donation of some structure bearing the name of Balasvamin, the Saviour, perhaps a memorial monument, or a building raised by him. The next word was read yadha .. na by M. Senart and sadhadana by M. Boyer. The first akshara can hardly be sa. Its top is more rounded than in the sa of resakha, 1. 1, and the damaged sa of isa, 1. 2. Moreover, there are traces of a vertical below the upper curve. I have, therefore, suggested to read shadhadana. I think that this reading is quite certain. The change of fr to sh is a regular feature in Ancient Khotant and apparently also in the north-western dialect of the Kharoshthi inscriptions, though we always find e in the name of the month Sravana. In that word, however, the Sanskrit form would naturally exercise its influence. We find the same tendency to substitute sh for sr in the dialect of the Khardshthi Dhammapada, and it is probably due to the linguistic peculiarities of the dialect which the Indo-Skythians adopted in the Indian border districts. The third akshara da has a peculiar shape. Its lower end is curved towards the left and continued upwards in an angle. It is possible that we are here faced with the a-mitra, which is of frequent occurrence in the Khardshthi documents from Eastern Turkistan. Or else the hook is the mark of the anusvara, indicating the nasalization of a vowel before a nasal, which is a common feature in Ancient Khotani. We must accordingly read shadhadana or shadhadarna. The corresponding Sanskrit word would be sraddhadana, or sraddhadana. M. Boyer compares Pali saddhadeyya, Buddhist Sanskrit sraddhadeya, "a gift of faith ", " a pious gift" Of the ensuing aksharas M. Senart only read the two first ones, in which he saw sapa. M. Boyer read sapayasovadana, and explained this as saprajasuradana, taking it together with the following miraboyanasa, so that the whole should mean" with his children Suvadani and Miraboyana ". He thinks that the curiously shaped last letter contains a na with a du added above after the na had been engraved, when there was no more space left below. I am unable to accept his reading. The initial sa is certain. The second akshara is pa, but has a distinct loop at the bottom, so that we must evidently read pu. The third letter, which was 1 Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silper Jubilee Volumes, Vol. III, Part I, pp. 459 fr. ? 8. B. A. W., 1916, p. 801. . Cf. Konow, Festschrift Windinol, p. 94. . cf. e.g. the document N. XXIV viii 9 reverse in Sir Aurel Stein's Serindia, Plate XXIV.

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No. 28.1 SO-CALLED TAKAT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. 269 read ya by M. Boyer, has a distinct vertical, rising from the left hand termination, and looks like ta. The following akshara cannot, I think, be sa, but seems to be dhi, though it is different from the dha in shadhadana. With every reserve I would therefore read sa putadhi. But then the following akshara cannot be anything else than ta, though it looks more like a ra. The upper stroke is sloping upwards and not horizontal as in va. Moreover, there are traces of an upward stroke at the left termination of the letter, which has become somewhat indistinct AB A consequence of the following letter having been engraved across it. That last akshara is quite misshaped, and it seems necessary to infer that it has not been engraved before the eusaing akshara. It seems as if it had originally been overlooked and was subsequently added, after the omission had been detected. There was not then sufficient space for the proper shape of the akshara, and its apper part was engraved above the other letters and across the preceding ta. We have a similar letter at the very end of the Zeda inscription, where the last word is no doubt Sanghamitrarajasa. I therefore read the akshara as sa and the wbole compound as saputadhita ea. The remaining portion of 1. 4 does not present any difficulty, and both M. Senart and M. Boyer agree in reading Miraboyanasa. I have no hesitation in'accepting this reading, only substitating na for their na. Mira is, as stated by M. Boyer, the Iranian Mithra, and it is of interest to note that tr has become r as in Ancient Khotani. The first three aksharas of 1.5 were read ejhshuna by M. Boyer, while M. Senart only read the first and third letters. The second akshara is certainly a compound, and the upper part is clearly jh. The curved line across the lower vertical is the usual sign of a r preceding the consonant, and such is evidently its significance in our inscription as well. A compound jhsh is in itself very unlikely and has never been met with in any Kharoshthi record, while rjh also occurs in the Zeda inscription. The loop below the akshara looks like an u-matra and it would be natural to read erjhuna. If we bear in mind, however, that the usual way of denoting a r forming the first part of a compound in later Khardshthi inscriptions is to add a loop at the bottom, it is perhaps possible to consider our compound as an intermediate form and to read erjhana and, finally, the reading erjhana might also be possible. Cf. my remarks to the word shadhadana, 1. 4. At all events, there cannot be any doubt that we have to do with an un-Indian word. The letter jh is seldom used in Indian inscriptions. Where it occurs in Khardshthi records, it seems to represent a voiced z, just as is the case in the Kharoshthi documents from Eastern Turkistan, where s is commonly softened between vowels so that we find dajha for dasa, divajha for divasa. The letter is found in the Zeda inscription, where marjhaka, 1. 2, is evidently identical with Khotani malysa kia; in the Manikiala inscription, where we must read Kartiyasa majhe divase 20, with the same softening of s between vowels as in the Turkistan documents, and in the Ara inscription, where Vajheshka corresponds to Brahmi Vasi shka. This name is evidently derived from the Iranian base vaza, strength, vigour. Similarly jh is used for 2 in the coin-legends of Zoilos. The sound , had long ago become obsolete in Indian languages, and considerable difficulty Was experienced when it had to be expressed in foreign words. The form Vasishka shows that it was occasionally written as s, and later on j became the representative of 2, as, c.g., in the coin-legends of Zeionises. If Kusuluka, which occurs in the Tazila copper-plate of Patika and on the Mathuri Lion capital, is the same word as kujula in the name of the first Kushapa ruler, we here have s and j in the same word as different attempts at rendering the voiced .. 1 I read the word so. 8.B.A.W., 1916, p. 801. ! Cf. my remarks, Festschrift Hirt, p. 280.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. A fourth attempt was made in the records of Ysamotika and his successors, viz., by means of the compound ys; and this same device became the rule in Ancient Khotani. 270 Erjhana accordingly represents an attempt at rendering the sounds of erzana or erzana, and there can be no doubt that in this form we have to see the same word which occurs in Ancient Khotani as alysanai, eysamnai, which is used to render Sanskrit kumara. The l before the voiced s in this word, as also in malysaki, is certainly a later development in Khotant, which, on the whole, agrees with Old Iranian in using r for 1 throughout. M. Boyer, who read ejhshuna, saw in this word the name of a prince and thought that this name was an Iranian compound containing izad as its first part. But no similar name is known to exist, and in my opinion, my explanation of the word is absolutely certain. If now erjhana belongs to the language which I have called Khotani, it would be natural to infer that the individual characterized as erjhana, i.e., kumara, belonged to the tribe or tribes who used that form of speech. His name must be contained in the fourth and fifth. aksharas of 1. 5, which M. Senart read as kapa, while M. Boyer, who admitted that the first akshara looks like ka, suggested to read [bhu]pa. There cannot be any question about the nature of the first letter. It is ka, and it is so clearly cut that we have no right to correct it. The second akshara is certainly pa, but underneath there are distinct traces of an akshara which I have formerly suggested to read as fa or sha. It now seems to me that it must be read as sha, there being distinct traces of a vertical below the semi-circle, i.e., of the letter sha. I still think that this kapsha cannot be anybody else than the Kushana prince whose name is written in many different ways, kadphises and kadaphes in Greek letters, and kasa, kaphsa, kadapha in Kharoshthi. With regard to the use of sh when the Greek rendering has we may compare Kharoshthi ayilisha, Greek azilises. We know that the national tongue of the Kushanas was identical with, or closely related to Ancient Khotant, and Sir John Marshall's discoveries at Taxila have shown that Kujala Kadphises followed almost immediately after Gudufara as ruler of that place. Sir John writes*: "After the death of Gondophernes his empire was split up into smaller principalities, and it was then that Hermaeus and Kadphises I appear to have made their successful invasion of Gandhara and Taxila." I therefore feel no hesitation in identifying the prince mentioned in our inscription with Kadphises I, since he is characterized by a Khotani title and bears a name which is almost identical with the names used in his coin legends. The remaining portion of the inscription is quite clear. After Kapsha follows the genitive termination sa, separated from Kapsha by a wide gap, and further puyae 'madu pidu puyae. The curious flourish to the left of the final e is, as stated above, probably accidental. The inscription carries, as we have seen, a double date: in the 26th year, during the reign of Gudufara, and in the 103rd year. The latter date has usually been referred to the Vikrama era. Sir John Marshall has tried to show that that reckoning was instituted by Azes, and Professor Rapson endorses that view. I am unable to accept it, for several reasons. Sir John's theory is based on his interpretation of the word ayasa occurring after the figures denoting the year in the Taxila inscription of the year 136, which he takes to be the genitive 1 Cf. Luders, S. B. 4. W., 1912, pp. 407 ff. The recent attempt made by Mr. N. B. Divatia, J. Bo. Br. R. 4. S., XXVI, pp. 159 ff., to vindicate the rendering of the compound as ghs is a failure. The learned anthor has failed to recognize that ys is the regular sign for voiced & in Ancient Khotaui. 28. B. A. W., 1916, p. 801 f. Cf. Konow, Z. D. M. G. 68, pp. 85 ff. * J. R. 4. S., 1914, pp. 979 f. 6 J. A. R. 8., 1914, pp. 973 ff. The Cambridge History of India, Vol. 1, pp. 571 ff.

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No. 28.] SO-CALLED TAKHT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. of the name Aya=Axes, characterizing the year as belonging to an era established by Azes. In my edition of that inscription I have mentioned the reasons which have been urged by various scholars against this interpretation, and so far as I can see they are still as cogent as they were ten years ago. If ayasa were the name of a king, the inscription would necessarily fall within his reign. The absence of every title is, however, so extraordinary that it is almost impossible that the word can be the name of a ruler. Professor Rapson, it is true, asks us to remember "that the inscription belongs to a people that knew not Azes. His family had been deposed and deprived of all royal attributes. The throne of Takshasila had passed from the Sukas and Pahlavas to the Kushanas. Azes could scarcely have been furnished with his wonted title, 'Great King of Kings', in this inscription, without prejudice to the house then actually reigning." Are we to believe, then, that the people who did not know Azes still used his name in connexion with the era current in the district? 271 There is another reason which, in my opinion, makes it impossible to ascribe the establishment of the era to Azes: that theory makes it necessary to separate one of the Kharoshthi inscriptions, the Taxila plate of Patika, which is dated in the same way as the other epigraphs, from the rest and construct a special era for it. That has also, as is well known, been done by several scholars. Sir John Marshall has, consistently with his interpretation of the Taxila silver scroll, explained the words maharayasa maham tasa Mogasa in the Taxila plate as indicating the ruler who established the era used in the record. Professor Rapson thinks that this era "may possibly mark the establishment of the new kingdom in Seistan, after its incorporation into the Parthian empire by Mithradates I c. 150 B.C. If so, the date of the inscription would be c. 72 B.C., a year which may well have fallen in the reign of Maues." He further shows that the theory according to which Mithradates I conquered NorthWestern India is based on a misunderstanding of a statement of Orosius and goes on to remark: "The invasion of India must be ascribed not to the Parthian emperors, but to their former feudatories in eastern Iran; not to the reign of Mithradates I, but to a period after the reign of Mithradates II (i.e., after 88 B.C.), when the power of Parthia had declined and kingdoms once subordinate had become independent." M. Foucher holds a similar view, but seems inclined to refer the date of the Taxila plate to the Parthian era of 248 B.C., supposing the figure for hundred to have been suppressed, so that 78 would stand for 178 and correspond to 70 B.C. "Just as much as the use of I cannot accept any of these theories: Sir John's not because a proper name in the genitive in connexion with the date in ancient records invariably denotes the ruler in whose reign the inscription was executed, and the other ones because I do not think that we have any indication of the use of foreign eras in India in ancient times, at least not in private documents, and most Kharoshtht inscriptions are of that nature. I quite agree with M. Foucher, who discusses the supposed use of the Seleukidan era in some Kharoshthi epigraphs and, after mentioning the well-known dated coin of Platon, goes on to say: the Greek reckoning seems to us to be on its place on an essentially official and governmental piece like the Platon coin, just as difficult would it seem to us to justify it in the case of a private ex-voto, emanating from a simple indigenous donator." Patika can hardly be supposed to have used an old era belonging to the dynasty from which the invaders of India, the ancestors of his own suzerain, had made themselves independent. Even if we were to admit the possibility of omitted hundreds in these dates, what I do not think we are justified to do, the only natural inference from the general state of things in the Indian borderlands in the first 1 Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 286 f. 21.c. p. 582. L'art greco-bouddhique du Gandhara II, p. 488. sl.c. pp. 568 ff. 490. 2.c. p.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. century B.C., would be that the era used in the Patika plate was instituted in commemoration of the conquest of India by the dynasty to which Moga belonged, or of its emancipation from dependance on the Parthian overlords. In other words, the initial point of the era cannot fall before 88 B.C. 272 The date of the Patika plate can, as is well known, be broadly fixed with reference to the Amohini votive tablet of the year 72, during the reign of the Mahakshatrapa Sodasa. Professor Rapson, it is true, gives1 42 as the date of that epigraph. He seems to be unaware of the fact that Professor Luders has proved that the symbol used in the Sodasa inscription, something like a St. Andrew's cross, must be read as 70 and not as 40. So far as I can see, no other scholar has accepted Professor Rapson's reading, and so long as he has not shown that Professor Luders' convincing arguments are inconclusive, we can safely adhere to the prevailing opinion. I agree with most other scholars in referring the date of the Sodasa record to the Vikrama era. It accordingly corresponds to 15 A.D. In that year Sodasa was Mahakshatrapa. In the inscriptions on the Mathura Lion capital Sudasa, i.e., Sodasa, is mentioned as Kshatrapa, while his father Rajula is characterized as Mahakshatrapa. The Lion capital must accordingly be older than the Amohini tablet, how much older we cannot say. Sir John Marshall has shown that Rajula was probably ruling about the beginning of the Christian era, and we can provisionally date the Lion capital between, say, 1 and 10 A.D. In addition to Rajula the inscriptions of the capital also mention another Mahakshatrapa, Knsulaa Padika, who cannot be anybody else than Patika, the son of the Kshatrapa Liaka Kusuluka, who issued the Taxila copper-plate. Sir John Marshall therefore suggests to date the Taxila plate about 17 B.C., and 1 do not think it is possible to refer it to an earlier period. A priori I should be more inclined to say between 10 and 1 B.C. According to Sir John's theory we should accordingly have to state that about 17 B.C. an era, instituted by Moga, was in use in the country about Taxila, while, at the same time, the era of Azes had already been in use for forty years. This simultaneous use of two foreign eras at the same time and in the same neighbourhood during a prolonged period is not very likely, and the state of things becomes still more difficult if we admit, as I think it is necessary to admit, that Moga was still reigning at the time of the Patika plate, i.e., according to Sir John, about 17 B.C. In that case it becomes impossible to claim Azes, who is known to have succeeded Moga, as the establisher of the Vikrama era. The Azes theory will, I think, have to be abandoned. Everything we know from Indian tradition points to the conclusion that the Vikrama era was a national Indian era, and ancient Indiar ideas seem to be traceable in the oldest Vikrama-dates. The eras used in Kharoshthi inscriptions, on the other hand, are partly framed after the model of the Macedonian calendar. That is evident from the occasional use of Macedonian month-names and from the habit of reckoning the days of the months through, from full moon to full moon, while the Indian calendar divided the month into two fortnights. It seems, accordingly, necessary to infer that the era or eras used in the Patika plate as well as in the so-called Takht-i-Bahi inscription are of foreign origin, and if it is granted that Moga was still reigning in the year 78 of that era, and we meet with Gudufara in the year 103, it is difficult to avoid the inference that both 1 l.c. p. 575. 2 Ep. Ind., IX, pp. 243 ff. Archaeological Survey of India; Annual Report, 1012-13, p. 48 J. R. A. S., 1914, pp. 985. f. Cf. Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 185 L

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No. 28.] SO-CALLED TAKHT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. records should be referred to one and the same era, so that there are, accordingly, 25 years between the Patika plate and the so-called Takht-i-Bahi inscription, or, in other words, between Moga and Gudufara. 273 Such an interval is about what we would expect, considering the fact that only the king or kings known as Azes and Azilises seem to intervene between them. The reason why this inference has never been drawn is probably that Cunningham's dictum, that the inscription is dated in the 26th year of the reign of Gudufara, has never been challenged. I have already stated above that a comparison of other ancient records necessarily leads us to the conclusion that the Gudufara inscription is dated in the year 26 of some era which may or may not coincide with his individual reign. And if it is admitted that Moga was still reigning about 17 B.C. or perhaps even later, and that we have absolutely no real reason for referring the Gudufara date to the Vikrama era, we are inevitably led to the conclusion that the year 26 refers to an era established by some of Gudufara's predecessors, and in that case there cannot be the question of any other ruler than Azes. If, therefore, we refer the Patika date and the Gadufara date to the same era, it will be seen that the era which I think commemorates the accession of Azes begins one year before the Patika date. But then his record hails from Taxila, while the socalled Takht-i-Bahi inscription only informs us of the fact that, 25 years later, the rule of another dynasty had extended its sway as far eastward as Takht-i-Bahi or Shahbazgarhi. The conquest of Taxila did not take place in the first year of the Parthian era. There is nothing inconsistent in this supposition. The Saka conquest started from Seistan, reached the Indus country and thence extended over Taxila and Gandhara. The Parthian dynasty, to which Gudufara belonged, came from the west through the Kabul country. It found a Saka era in use in the conquered territories, and the use of this era had become so firmly established that a subject of Gudufara, 26 years after the establishment of Parthian rule, thought it necessary to record the date of his epigraph, not only in the Parthian era, but also in the old Saka reckoning. Nor can we wonder at the absence of any later reference to the Parthian era. The dynasty founded by Azes was short-lived. After Gudufara's reign it was replaced by the Kushanas, the successors of the Sakas, in the Kabul country and in Taxila, and the second Kushana ruler, Vima Kadphises, reconquered "India", i.e., the Indus country and probably also Kathiawar and Central India, and I still think that that event was commemorated through the institution of the Saka era, as stated in the Kalakacharyakathanaka. In other words, the Saka era commemorates the final re-establishment of Indo-Skythian rule after the interruption caused by the Parthian conquest, and it is a revival of the Saka era introduced after the first Saka conquest of India. In this way it also becomes intelligible why Chinese sources speak of Vima Kadphises' conquest as a re-conquest. I agree with Messrs. Foucher and Rapson that the first Saka conquest must be subsequent to the demise of Mithradates II in 88 B.C. The subsequent weakening of Parthian power made it possible for the Sakas of Seistan to assert their independence, and the strengthening of their power resulting from the immigration of new Saka hordes led to an expansion of their realm into the Indus country. We do not know who the first Saka conqueror was. We only know the name of the Saka ruler or rulers Maues, Moga, and we have seen that Moga was still ruling 25 years before the Gudufara inscription. It has been customary to speak of several rulers intervening between Moga and Gudufara, one or two bearing the name Azes and one or two called Azilises. Opinions differ as to the nationality of this or. these rulers. Some scholars think that they were Parthians, others that they were Salas. I have never been able to understand why it should be necessary to assume Cf.iny remarks, S. B. 4. W., 1916, pp. 811 f.; Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 293. 2 x

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274 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. the existence of more than one ruler Azes-Azilises. As pointed out by Dr. Thomas, Azes is a short form of Azilises. And if we compare the coin legends, we are, I think, led to the concluBion that Azes and Azilises are one and the same person. When we find coins with the legende basleds basileon megalou Azou on the obverse and maharajasa rajarajasa mahatasa Ayilishasa on the reverse, or basileos ... megalon Azilisou on the obverse and maharajasa [rajaraja] sa mahatasa Ayasa on the reverse, the only natural inference from the use of the imperial title on both sides is that we have not to do with more than one ruler. Nor do I think that there can be any doubt about the nationality of this ruler : he was & Parthian and not a Saks king. That follows, in my opinion, from the coin-legends showing the Dames of Spalirises, Spalahora and Spalagadames. In the first place we have the coins of Spalirises, the king's brother, with the legends basileos adelphou Spalirisou on the obverse and maharajabhrata dhramiasa Spalirisasa on the reverse. Then we find Spalirises associated with Azes, with the legends basileos megalou Spalirisou on the obverse and maharajasa mahatakasa Ayasa on the reverse. Here A zes is associated with Spalirises, but he has not yet assumed the Imperial title. We may infer that he had not yet acquired the power attested by his later legends, and also that he was a Parthian ruler. Finally we find Spalirises designated as basileon basileos megalou Spaliri sou on the obverse and maharajasa mahatakasa Spaliritasa on the reverse. In addition to Spalirises we have Spalahora, alias Spalyris, and his son Spalagadama, whose names are associated with that of the great King of Kings Vonones. There are several coin types and legends : basileds basiloon megalou Ondnou on the obverse and maharajabhrata dhramikasa Spalahorasa, or Spalahorapatrasa dhramiasa Spalagadamasa on the reverse ; Spalyrios dikaiou adelphou tou basilede on the obverse and Spalahoraputrasa dhramiasa Spala. gadamasa on the reverse. Numismatista seem to agree in the opinion that Spalirises and Spalahora were both brothers of Vonones, and that the former survived Vonones and succeeded him on the throne. Vonones, on the other hand, is considered to be different from and older than the king Vonones I of Parthia (8-11 A.D.). The name of Spalirises is not, however, anywhere combined with that of Vonones, and I cannot see any obstacle to the assumption that he was an older member of the dynasty, perhaps the father of Azes and the uncle of Vonones, in which case the latter can very well be identical with Vonones I of Parthia. Acoording to my view, the state of things can accordingly be summarised as follows: Some time after the demise of Mithradates II in 88 B. O., a Saka ruler of Seistan made himself independent, invaded the Indus country and established a new era. According to the Kalakacharyakathanaka the Jaina Kalakacharya applied to the Saka rulers of Sagakala for assistance against King Gardabhilla of Ujjayini, who had abducted his sister, and the result was that the Sakas made themselves masters in Ujjayini, where their rule, according to some well. known memorial stanzas, lasted for four years. They were then ousted by Vikramiditys, who established his own ers. As I have stated elsewhere, I see no reason for disorediting this tradition. The Vikrama era is a national Indian era, established by an Indian ruler to commemorate his victory over the Sakas. And in my opinion it is the first secular era of Indian origin. The oldest certain instance of its use is the Sodasa inscription of the year 72, and from the fact that the date portion of this record does not make any mention of the paksha but simply mentions the 9th day of the month, we may infor that the calendar was partly arranged according to the principles introduced by the Sakas. 1 J. R. A. 8., 1906, p. 208. 1 Cf. Rapson, 1.c. Pp: 573 f.; R. B. Whitehead, Catalogue of Coins in the Punjab Museum, Labore, Vol I, pp. 91 ff., where further references to the literature about the subject are given. *Z.D.M. G. 34, pp. 247 f. *[According to the Prabhavatacharita (IV. 43-44) it is sakhidota-the country of the Sathis, otherwise called Gabas-lying on the Sindhu in the west.-Ed.] of my remarks, Acta Orientalia, I, p. 88, * Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 293 f.

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No. 28.) SO-CALLED TAKHT.I.BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. 275 The best known of the Saka rulers is Moga, who was still on the throne in the year 78 of the old Saka era. If it is granted that the establishment of that era must be subsequent to the year 88 B.C., the year 78 cannot be earlier than 10 or 9 B.C. The Patiks plate mentioning it is dated on the fifth Panemos. From the use of the Macedonian name we can infer that the year began, as in the Macedonian calendar, with the month Dios, i.e., it was Karttikadi. The month Panemos corresponds to June. If the beginning of the era coincided with October 88 and the years were current, the earliest possible date for the Patiks plate would be June, 10 B.C., and if the years were elapsed, Jane, 9 B:0. It is not, however, probable that the era was established before one or two years after the demise of Mitbradates II. On the other hand, some time was required for Patika, who in the year 78 was not even a Kshatrapa, to acquire the rank of Mahakshatrape, and further for Sodasa, who was Kshatrapa when Patika wa Mahakshatrapa, to be promoted to Mahakshatrapa, a position which he held in 15 A.D. We oan, therefore, with some confidence, state that the last ten years before the beginning of our ere must be the period when the Patiku plate was engraved. Now I have tried to show that a new, Parthian, era had been established one year before the date of the Patiks plate, by Azes, the first Parthian conqueror of the Kabul country and Western Panjab, and that the so-called Takht-i-Bahi inscription is dated in the 26th year of that era. That would take us to the time 16-20 A.D., which would be a very likely date for Gudufara, who is generally assumed to have come on the throne in 19 A.D. Gudufara is, as I have already mentioned, certainly identical with the King Gondophares who, according to Christian tradition, summoned the apostle Thomas to his court. This tradition is not, however, of much use for chronological purposes. In the first place, the name of the king is not mentioned before the third or fourth century A.D., and, in the second, the whole tradition cannot prove anything more than that the name of the King Gudufara had become known in the Christian east about the time of Christ's death or of the first Christian mission. We do not know how long Gudufara's rule lasted. We learn from the Panjtar inscription that a Kushana-Maharaja (Gushana maharaya) had come into power in the year 122, i.e., 19 years after the date of our inscription, and from the Taxila silver scroll that this same Kushana had assumed the imperial titles maharaja rajatiraja deva putra 14 years later, in the year 136. If the so-called Takht-i-Bahi inscription belongs to one of Gudufara's first years, he cannot, accordingly, have held undisputed sway for more than about twenty years, and we do not know anything which militates against snoh an assumption. With regard to the ralor mentioned in the Panitar and Taxila records opinions differ, but all scholars are agreed that it is the same ruler who is mentioned in both inscriptions. From & consideration of the find-places of the two epigraphs we can infer that he had, between the years 122 and 186, extended his sway eastwards, and the increase of his power consequent on this extension is illustrated in the higher titles used in the Taxila scroll. Bat both find-places full within the territory which the Chinese called Kipin, and which, according to them, was' con quered by Kadphises I, while "India", which was subdued by Kadphises II, must be located outside of Kipin. In full agreement with this state of things Sir John Marshall' has shown good reasons for identifying the Kushana-Maharaja of these records with Kajala Kadphises, and I am more convinced than ever that he is right, though the prevailing opinion seems to be that Vima Kadphises is the ruler mentioned. Cf. Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 290 ff. * J. R. A. 8., 1914, pp. 977 f. 2 m 2

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276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. We know from the Hou Han-shu, the annals of the Later Hang, Ch. 118, fol. 11" that the hi-hou of Kuei-shuang, K'iu-tsiu-k'io, 1.e., Kajula Kadphises, after conquering four other hi-hous, established himself as wang (king) and used the dynastic title "King of Kuei-shuang", 1.6., Kushana King, that he invaded An-si (Parthia), seized the territory of Kao-fu (Kabul), annihilated Pu-ta and Kipin, and that all these territories formed his empire. He became eighty years old, and was succeeded by his son Yen-Kao-chen, 1.6., Vima Kadphises, who "again" conquered India, where he appointed & general to rule as his vioeroy. The Hou Han-shu cover the period beginning with 24 A.D. Kajola Kadphises' consolidation of the Kushana empire accordingly falls after that date. Before then he can only have been a petty hi-hou or a young prince. But afterwards he gradually became king (wang) and king of Kuei-shuang. It will be seen that all these details point to the conclusion that the Kushana-Maharaja was Kujala and not Vima Kadphises. The latter ruler does not seem to have resided in India. He ruled through a vioeroy, and in my opinion this viceroy is the Soter Megas, whose "coins are found in extraordinary abundance, and over a wide stretch of country extending from Peshawar to Mathuri. These facts point to a great power and a long reign, and are much in favour of the supposition that we must look for Soter Megas amongst the most important of the kings and satraps known to 18, as it is very improbable that such a great potentate would be nameless and unknown except from these coins. The style of the coins, which are in copper only, and the absence of square forme point to a period about the Kushapa conquest, so that Soter Megas was probably a contemporary of one of the two Kadphises." "Certain types almost invariably exhibit in the field the Kharoshthi akshara vi,"l and I agree with Cunningham that this vi may possibly be the initial of the king's name, though Mr. Whitehead does not accept this view. If it is correct, we would have a clear indication of Vima Kadphises being the suzerain on whose behalf the Soter Megas coins were issued. Mr. Whitehead thinks it possible that these coins were struck by more than one ruler. I think that he is right, and that the Soter Megas coinage covers the period from the accession of Vima Kadphises to the installation of Kanishka. Sir John Marshall is no doubt right in assuming an interval between the reigns of Kadphises II and Kanishka, but we have no information about the Kushana rulers who held sway at headquarters after the demise of Vima Kadphises. Moreover the designation Kushana-Maharaja is more easily understandable, without the addition of any personal name, in the case of the ruler who first introduced it, than with his suo. cessor, and if Vima Kadphises was the king who introduced the later Saka era, as I think we must infer from a comparison of Chinese tradition and the Kalakacharyakathanaka, he cannot be the Kushana-Maharaja of the Panjtar and Taxila records. We can only think of Kajula Kadphises. It has been arged against this that the Taxila scroll shows a monogram which is characteristic of the coins of Vima Kadphises. Sir John Marshall has, however, drawn attention to the fact that the same monogram also occurs on the coins of his predecessor, and I may add that it is likewise met with on coins of Zeionises. Professor Rapsons objects that the coins in question "bear the name not of Kajula Kadphises, but of Kujala Kara Kadphises, who was probably another member of the dynasty .... Kajala Kara Kadphises seems to have succeeded the Satrap Zeionises in the kingdom of Pushkalivati, and he may have been contemporary with Vima Kadphises." * Cf. Whitehead, 1.c. p. 160. * Archeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1919-18, p. 8*. he. p. 5821.

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No. 28.] SO-CALLED TAKHT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. 277 Not being myself a numismatist I feel some hesitation in differing from a scholar whose knowledge of Indian coins is probably at the present time unsurpassed. I cannot, however, help thinking that numismatists are too much inclined to construct different rulers at the hand of different coin-types. Just as I have not been able to convince myself of the existence of more than one Azes, in the same way I fail to see that the variety in the titles used by Kujala. Kadphises makes it necessary to assume the existence of more than one ruler of that name. We must not forget that Chinese tradition assigns a long period to his reign. Kujula Kara Kadphises cannot have been a petty chief or a subordinate ruler like the Kshatrapa Zeionises. He is designated as maharaya rayatiraya and maharaya rayaraya devaputra. Similar titles, viz., maharaja mahata and maharaja rajatiraja are met with on coins which bear the name of Kuyula Kapha, and I do not think that it can reasonably be doubted that Kujala Kadphises and Kujala Kara Kadphises are one and the same person. Sir John Marshall' found at Sirkap a coin showing, on the obverse, the bust of Hermaeus with a corrupt Greek legend, and, on the reverse, a Kharoshthi legend of which we can at least read jula kara. Here Kujala Kara's name occurs on a coin showing the bust of Hermaeus, and thus his identity with Kadphises I becomes still more probable. We do not know the etymological meaning of the word kujula. I may add that I do not any more think it likely that it is a Turki word. We have no certain traces of Turkish in the language or titulature of the Indo-Skythians. The title yavuga, which has often been stated to be an adaptation of the Turki yabgu, has not been etymologically explained, and it is perhaps more probable that it is originally an Iranian word which has been taken over by the Turks than that the opposite should be the case. I therefore identify Kujala Kara Kadphises with Kujala Kadphises and cannot admit that the use of the monogram in question on the Taxila silver scroll can be urged against the view that the Kushana king mentioned in the inscription is Kujala Kadphises. There is still another reason which strongly speaks in favour of this identification: Vima Kadphises is never, in his coin-legends, designated as a Kushana, and nobody would, I think, a priori be inclined to identify him with the Gushana-maharaja of the Panjtar inscription and the maharaja rajatiraja devaputra Khuskana of the Taxila silver scroll, if it were not for the common theory that the Saka era was established by Kanishka. I do not overlook the fact that Sir John Marshall has found some coins at Sirkap which seem to show the legend maharajasa rajatirajasa Khushanasa yavugasa, while the obverse bears the head of a Kushana king, resembling that of Vima Kadphises. Sir John is inclined to ascribe these coins to Vima Kadphises and writes: "The epithet Yavuga (=Turkish jabgou) is found on coins of Kujula Kadphises, and is supposed to have been replaced by the title maharaja rajatiraja after the conquest of India. The simultaneous use, however, of the two terms in one and the same legend appears to indicate that the prevalent view regarding the meaning and use of this title is not wholly correct." He is not, it should be noted, certain about the assignation of these coins to Vima Kadphises, and, in my opinion, the use of the title Khushana yavuga goes a long way towards proving that they should be assigned to Kujala Kadphises. The legend informs us of the fact that he who was then the maharaja rajatiraja had risen to that exalted position from the rank of a Khushana yavuga, and I cannot help thinking that there is a touch of justifiable pride in the wording of the legend. 1 l.c. p. 52, Cf. Luders, S. B. 4. W., 1922, pp. 260 f. Hultzsch, Z. D. M. G. 69, p. 176, thought of guylu, strong, and I have myself, S. B. 4. W., 1916, p. 799, compared guzel, beautiful. Archeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1912-13, pp. 44 ff.

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278 EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA. (VOL. XVIII. Professor Rapson has no doubt about the identity of the maharaja rajatiraja Khushana yavuga with Vima Kadphises. He says: "Most of the coins of Kujala Kadphises show clearly both by their types and by their fabric that they were struck in the Kabul valley. They are imitated from the barbarous issues of that region which still continued to reproduce mechanically the legends with the name of the last Yavana king, Hermaeus, long after his death. They are found in enormous numbers beyond the limits of the Kabul valley in Takshasila, where the stratification of the objects discovered in the excavations proves unquestionably that, in that district, they are rather later than the coins of Gondopharnes. At first sight the evidence of the finds would thus seem to show that Kujula Kadphises himself was later in date than Gondopharnes and that he was the actual conqueror of Takshasila ; but since the coins in question manifestly come from the Kabul valley, we must suppose that they represent the ordinary currency of the Kushanas at the time when the invasion took place, and that they were introduced into Takshasila as large numbers of Sassanian coins were brought into the country of the lower Indus from Iran by the Hunas of the fifth century A.D. It is, therefore, by no means impossible that Kujala Kadphises may have been not later than, but contemporary with, Gondopharnes; and there is no reason to doubt the statement of the Chinese writers that it was not Kujula Kadphises, but his son and successor, Vima Kadphises, who extended the dominions of the Kushanas from the Kabul valley to N.-W. India." I quite agree with Professor Rapson that the bulk of Kujala Kadphises' coins may have been struck in the Kabul valley, but in other respects I differ from him toto coelo. The Chinese sources do not, as we have already seen, tell us that Vima Kadphises, and not Kujala Kadphises, conquered N.-W. India. They state that the latter invaded An-si (Parthia), conquered Kao-fu (Kabul), P'u-ta (probably the country about Ghazni) and Ki-pin. But we know that Ki-pin comprised parts of the Panjab, i.e., N.-W. India, and the "India" conquered by Vima Kadphises cannot be identified with N.-W. India. In such circumstances it seems to me that the Sirkap coins must be ascribed to Kujala, and not to Vima Kadphises. Coins of the known types of the former were found in the same locality, but no coins of Vima Kadphises or of Soter Megas. It cannot be objected that Kujala Kadphises' bast does not occur on any of the coins which can, with certainty, be ascribed to him. Professor Rapson has given the explanation of this fact : these coins were struck in the Kabul valley, and it was only after the conquest of Takshafila that Kujala Kadphises introduced his bust on his coins, probably in direct imitation of Gondopharnes. It is of interest to note that the form Khushana occurring in the Sirkap legends is also found on some coins of Kujala Kadphises with the legend Khushanasa yavuasa Kuyula Kaphsasa sachad hramathitasa, and some of these coins were found together with the new type at Sirkap, with the legend Khushanasa yavugasa Kuyula Kasasa. So far as I can see, the cumulative weight of all these indications makes it necessary to Ascribe the silver coins found at Sirkap, with a head "resembling" that of Vima Kadphises, to Kujala Kadphises and to infer that they were struck during his rule at Taxila, in imitation of the practice adhered to by his predecessors. Now I have tried to show above that the date of the Gudufara inscription must fall between 16 and 26 A.D. Nineteen years later, i..., between 35 and 45, the Kushana ruler of the Panjtar record had assumed the title Maharaja, and 33 years later, i.e., between 49 and 59, he uses the imperial titles Maharaja rajatiraja deva putra. If the ruler in question was Kujala Kadphises, he had already a distinguished career behind him when he began his conquest of the Parthian empire. He had succeeded some other ruler as yavuga, and he had subjected four 11.c. p. 581 f. * Cf. Franko, Beitrage aus chinesischen Quellen nur Kenntnis der Turkrolker und Skythen Zentralaien, Berlin, 1904, pp. 59 f.

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No. 28.1 SO-CALLED TAKUT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. 279 other yavugas to his rule. He cannot have been quite a young man. If we assume that he was about 40 years old at the time of the Panjtar inscription, his death must have taken place between 75 and 85 A.D., and it will be seen that the establishment of the Saka era, which I ascribe to his son and successor, falls within that period. On the other hand, he can hardly have been an old man when he started on his eventful career. We know from Chinese sources that that happened after 24 A.D. We can infer, with some confidence, that he was born shortly before or shortly after the beginning of our era, and as he died an octogenarian, that would take us to the same time as I have come to above. I am unable to see how Vima Kadphises can possibly be pressed into the period between Gudufara and the establishment of the Saka era, and the theory that that reckoning was introduced by Vima Kadphises is the only explanation which is not merely based on general chronological considerations but derived from definite statements in Chinese and Indian literature, and I have not seen any serious grounds urged against it. In such circumstances my identification of the prince (erjhana) Kapsha mentioned in l. 5 of the Gudufara inscription with Kujala Kadphises receives considerable support. He is not distinguished by any title which would lead us to infer that he was a ruling prince. He is not even styled yavuga, but simply characterized as erjhana, 1.6., kumara. We would naturally infer that he had not yet risen to the rank of yavuga, and at all events, that his conquest of the other yarugas had not yet taken place. He may have been a young man, of say twenty years, and if he were born about the beginning of the Christian era, the date of the Gudufara inscription would correspond to c. 20 A.D. I do not think that it is possible to arrive at more definite regults at the hand of the materials themselves, without any hypothetical interpretation of their text. I believe, however, that there is one indication in one of the ancient Kharoshthi records which may some day lead us to an absolutely certain conclusion about the initial point of the era. I refer to the word ayasa in the Taxila scroll inscription. I have stated above that I think it impossible to explain this ayasa as the genitive of the name Aya, Azes. But then ayasa must be connected with ashadasa masasa, and the only question is why the month is characterized as aya. Aya might, of course, correspond to Sanskrit drya, and Professor Jacobi has mentioned the possibility that the month may have been called Aryan because the Indian and not the Macedonian month is mentioned. It will, .however, be seen from a comparison of the dates of the Gudufara, the Paja, the Kaldarra and the Panjtar inscriptions, that the use of the Indian and not the Macedonian names of the months was a common feature at the time when the Taxila silver scroll was inscribed. I therefore still think, as I thought when I published the record, that ayasa corresponds to Sanskrit adyasya. It should be remembered that adya does not become ajja in any Prakrit dialect, and that the change of dy to yy is attested through uyyana, Sanskrit udyana, which is met with both in Pali and in the Shahbazgarhi version of the Asoka edicts. When the month Ashadha is designated as the "first" Ashadha, that does not, of course, mean that Ashadha was the first month of the year, but that there were two Ashadhas in that particular year. Can this information help us to settle the question about the precise date of the record ? The reply would, of course, be in the negative, if we had to do with the ancient Indian calendar of the Jyotisha, according to which there was an intercalated Ashadha every five years. I have, however, already drawn attention to the fact that the calendar used in the old Khardshthi inscriptions is not purely Indian but contains foreign, Greco-Macedonian, elements. In other 1 The difficulty becomes still greater if the Gadufars date and those of the Panjtar and Taxila records are referred to the Vikrama era.

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280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. words, we have to do with the initial stages of that development which finally led to the recasting of Indian astronomy and the Indian calendar on purely scientific lines. The question then arises whether we should not be justified in applying the methods of the Siddhantas to the date of the Taxila silver scroll. It is true that the Siddhantas are later than the inscription. According to Dr. Thibaut, the Sarya-Siddhanta and rome other Siddhantas are probably at least some centuries older than 500 A.D., but not necessarily more than two or three centuries older. But then it should be borne in mind that the Siddhantas are the result of a long development and not the first laying down of scientific astronomical principles. It is, therefore, not excluded that their methods can be used for a still older period. The question is not so much what the general Indian astronomer knew about calendar matters in the first century A.D., as what the Indo-Skythian successors of the Greek princes had learnt from their predecessors and how they had arranged their Greco-Indian calendar. I do not myself understand anything about astronomy, and I cannot, therefore, form an independent opinion. I have, however, submitted the question to my friend the Dutch scholar Dr. W. E. van Wijk, who has been good enough to calculate which years between A.D. 50 and 80 had an intercalated Ashadha according to the Siddhantas. He has informed me that such was the case in the years 52 and 71 A.D., and Mr. Sewell has accepted this result. Of these two dates only the former one is possible. For, if Sam. 136 corresponded to 71 A.D., the 5th Panemos 78, the date of Patika plate, would correspond to 13 A.D., only two years before the Sodasa inscription, and two years are not sufficient for covering the events falling between the two records. The year 52, on the other hand, excellently suits the facts as we know them. If it shonld prove to be right, the date of the Gudufara inscription would correspond to 10 March 19 A.D., 1.6., about 60 years before the beginning of the Saka era, and if Kapsha, 1.e., Kujula Kadphises, were then twenty years old he would have been born in 1 B.C. The year 103 would have begun in October 18, and the accession of Azes, if the figure 26 refers to an era instituted by him, would fall in the year 9-8 B.O., wherewith it is impossible to know whether the use of the term varsha for year' points to a year beginning with the rains and not with the autumn. If this result is accepted, it would become possible to give the dates corresponding to those occurring in other Khardshthi records of the older series. The Patika plate of the 5th Panemos 78=June 6 B.C.; the Machai inscription of the year 81=4-3 B.C.; the Mount Banj inscription of the year 102=18-19 A.D.; the Paja inscription of the 15th Sravana 11l=23 June 27 A.D.; the Kaldarra inscription of the 20th Sravana 113 = 5 July 29 A.D.; the Panjtar inscription of the 1st Sravana 122=7 June 38 A.D.; the Taxila silver scroll of the 15th of the first Ashadha 136=17 May 52 A.D.; the Dewai inscription of the 8th Vaisakha 200=24 March 116 A.D.; the Loriyan Tangai inscription of the 27th Prdshthapada 318=27 August 234 ; the Jamalgarbi inscription of the lat Aspaia (P) 359=September 276 A.D.; the Hashtnagar inscription of the 5th Proshthapada 384=7 June 300 A.D.; the Skarah Dheri inscription of the 10th (or 20th) Ashadha 399=28 April or 8 May $15 A.D. I give these identifications with every reserve. Future research may make it necessary to fix the initial point of the era some few years later than I have done, but the relative chronology is, I think, certain. The new arrangement also removes a great difficulty which has been felt by everybody who has studied the history of the Indo-Skythians: the many different eras supposed to be used side by side in their records. The late Dr. Fleet consistently maintained that all the dates of Indo-Skythian records should be referred to the Vikrama era, which he held to be introduced by Kanishka. I do not think that anybody holds that view at the present date. Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathematik, p. 46. * See Acta Orientalia, III, pp. 82 f.

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No. 28.) SO-CALLED TAKHT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103. 281 Most scholars are of opinion that the Patika plate stands alone with an era of its own, that the older series should be referred to the Vikrama era, while the Kanishka group is dated in Saka years. The dates with years higher than 300, finally, it has become customary to refer to the Seleukidan era. M. Foucher has demurred to the latter part of the prevalent theory. I have quoted his remarks about the improbability of the use of a foreign era in private votive inscriptions above, and I think that they are quite to the mark. But I do not think that his own solution of the difficulty is in any way better. He holds that the high figures should be referred to the so-called Maurya era, a suggestion which had already been made by Mr. R. D. Banerji in his valuable paper on the Scythian Period of Indian History. He reckons the year 322 B.C. as the starting point of the Maurya era and draws attention to the fact that the beginning of the Saka era comes exactly 400 years after that date. In his opinion the Saka era is only a continuation of the Maurya era, with omitted hundreds. It is extraordinary how tenacions this idea of suppressed centuries is. I quite accept the dictum of the late Dr. Fleet : " There is, in fact, no sound reason for thinking that this irrational method of recording dates was used in ancient times in any territory which comes in any way within the scope of our inquiry." The results of referring the Khardshthi inscriptions with years higher than 300 to the Maurya era are, moreover, just as fatal as if we use the Seleukidan reckoning. We would have to date the Loriyan Tangai statue in the year 3 B.C. and the Hashtnagar pedestal in 63 A.D. Now paleography seems to be in discredit at the present date, but still I think most scholars would experience some difficulty in ascribing the Loriyan Tangai epigraph to an earlier date than the Gudufara and Paja inscriptions. M. Foucher himself thinks that the epoch of the Loriyan Tangai stupa is late, and according to him, approximately the second century A.D. The point d'appui for this dating is the Kanishka reign, which he supposes to begin about 78 A.D. If now the accession of Kanishka took place more than 50 years after that date," the Loriyan Tangai stupa must be referred to the third century, as I have done above. M. Foucher, it is true, places the inscribed statues from Loriyan Tangai and Rajar (Hashtnagar) before Kanishka, but it seems to me that his reason, the good style of the foldings of the garments, is far from being convincing. If an older image was broken and had to be replaced by a new statue, the Gandhara artists of a later period were certainly not more backward in imitating ancient models than the Indian craftsmen of the present day. And statues without heads and hands are, it would seem, not the very best material for drawing chronological conclusions. Moreover, it would seem to be a necessary preliminary to the reawakening of the theory of a Maurya era to show that the strong reasons cannot be accepted which have been brought into the field in order to show that the whole idea of such an era is without any foundation. And it would have been well to try to explain the curious fact that there is not the slightest reference to any such era in the numerous epigraphs of the great Maurya emperor Asoka. His inscriptions are, it should be remembered, official documents, and if a Maurya era had been in existence, we shonld certainly expect to find it used in them. The only inscription in which the Maurya era is supposed to be mentioned, belongs to a different dynasty, that of the Chodis, and besides, the supposed date is given in such a way that no unbiassed person could be supposed to understand the ineanings M. Foncher has made no such attempt. He has been content to state that his whole theory stands and falls with the Maurya era, and there is, so far as I can see, absolutely no more 11.c. Pp. 484 ft. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, 1908, pp. 25 ff. ; sos especially p. 67. 'J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 984. . I hope to show that such was actually the case in my edition of the Zeda inscription. For further details I may refer the reader to my remarks, Acta Orientalia, 1, pp. 12 ff.

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282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. foundation for the belief in its existence than there would be if somebody were to suggest that an era was instituted to commemorate the conquest of India by Alexander. The only objection against referring the high dates in Khardshthi inscriptions to the old Suka era of which I can think, is that it seems difficult to understand why it was not replaced by the Kanishka era. But then we have the analogy of the Gudufara inscription, which shows that the old era had gained such a firm footing in Yusufzai that it survived the introduction of a new, Parthian era. There are, on the whole, no traces of Kanishka and his successors in Yasufzai proper. The capital was no more Pushkalavati or Shahbazgahi. Those districts, and the country further to the north, where the Gandhara school of art had had a richer development than anywhere else, were no more in the centre of political activity. Peshawar, on the high road to the stronghold of the Kushanas in Badakshan, bad become the most important city in the west, and the route from Taxila to Peshawar did not lead through Yusufzai. That country had been reduced to be an out-of-the-way territory, where Buddhist civilization and art remained, but where political vicissitudes were of little importance. No wonder that the indigenous donors and sculptors went on using the old era, un disturbed by the accession of Kanishka. TEXT. 1 Maharayasa Gudufarase vasha 20 4 11 2 gambartearae tilgatimae 1 100 1 1 1 Vesakhas. masasa divase 3 [pratha]me [di i i]sa (dine] pacbhe Balasamisa [bo]yanasa 4 par[i]vara [sha]dhad[a]pa sapu ta]dhitasa Mira boyanasa 5 erjhana Kap[sha]sa puyae madu 6 pidu puyae TRANSLATION (Duting the reign of the Maharaja Gudufara, (in) the year 20, in the hundred-and-third year-103-on the first day-d. 1-of the month Vaisakha, on this paksha-day, the chapel (*) of Balasyamin the Saviour [is] the pious gift of Mira the Saviour, together with his son and daughter, in honour of Prince Kapsha, in honour of his mother and father, No, 29.-FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. BY RAI BAHADUR HIRALAL, B.A., DEPUTY COMMISSIONER (Retired), JUBBULPORE, The Government Epigraphist for India forwarded to me impressions of 4 sets of copperplate grants belonging to the Bhanja dynasty sent to him by the late Mr. Tarini Charan Rath, B.A., Dietrict Munsiff of Aska, Ganjam District. Brief notices in respect of them appeared in Rao Sahib Krishna Sastri's Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1917-18 on pages 12 and 135 ff., paragraphs 10-14, I now edit the charters from the impressions supplied by him, which are reproduced in the accompanying plates. The Bhanja grants yet discovered number eleven including the present ones, four of which have been edited in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society and the rest in this Journal including the one of the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, which has been re-edited by Dr. Kielhorn in Volume IX, above. For facility of reference the charters have ben assigned 1 Cf. Chavannes, Thoung Pao II. viii, p. 187. Sixteen. See Postscript.

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Takht-i-Bahai Inscription: the year 103, being year 26 of Gudufara. Curtiiqu624444 1 x 3 7 7 7 7 7 8 7 0720 F. W. THOMAS fy sbyl hy talalaikah latest the 2011 WHEE WAHLGOJU SCALE -4 Larry antidito mrdm drwrsny W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITH

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No. 29.] FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. distinguishing letters given below, especially because some of them bear the same name, having been found in the same locality. In editing the two Baudh charters Mr. R. D. Banerji distinguished them by the letters A & B and Mr. Mazumdar gave to the Sonpur grant the letter C, which have been retained in my scheme. A. Baudh grant of Ranabhanjadeva of the 54th year; by Banerji, Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, page 322 ff. B. Baudh grant of Ranabhanjadeva of the 26th year; by Banerji, Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, page 325 ff. C. Sonpur grant of Satrubhanjadeva; by Mazumdar, Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, page 98 ff. D. Bamanghati grant of Ranabhanjadeva, J. B. A. S., XL, Part I, page 165 ff. E. Bamanghati grant of Rajabhanjadeva, J. B. A. S., XL, Part I, page 168 ff. F. Orissa grant of Vidyadharabhanjadeva, J. B. A. S., LVI, Part I, page 154, re-edited by Kielhorn in Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, page 271. G. Ganjam plates of Netribhanjadeva, J. B. A. S., Vol. V, page 669. H. Ganjam plates of Netribhanjadeva edited below. I. Ganjam plates of Netribhanjadeva edited below. J. Ganjam plates of Vidyadharabhanjadeva edited below. 288 K. Antirigam plates of Yasabhanjadeva edited below. The description of these plates supplied by the Epigraphical office is reproduced below. H. Ganjam plates of Netribhanjadeva. "This is a set of three copper-plates, oblong in shape, strung together on a ring of the same metal, which passes through a hole of about in diameter near the proper right margin and has its ends riveted into the arms of the bracket at the back of the seal accompanying it. The ring was uncut when the plates reached this office. The plates have writing on five faces in all, the first plate being engraved only on the inner side. They measure about 6" in breadth and 3" in height. They bear slightly raised rims on either face, though those of the first plate are worn out a little. The ring has a diameter of about 3". The seal is circular in shape and has a diameter of about 1". On its countersunk surface it bears in relief the figure of a lion at the top of proper left with the legend Sri-Netribhanjadevasya' below it in two lines. The entire set weighs about 158 tolas." I. Ganjam plates of Netribhanjadeva. "This is a set of three copper-plates, oblong in shape, strung ogether on a ring of the same metal which passes through a hole about " in diameter at about 1" from the proper right margin. The ring was uncut when the set reached the office. It carries a fixed seal which is now partly damaged and must have been circular in form originally. The engravings on it are all lost. The first plate is written only on one side while the other two have writing on both the faces. The plates have very slight rims. They measure 6" in breadth and 31" in height. The set weighs 71 tolas." J. Ganjam plates of Vidyadharabhanjadeva. "This is a set of three copper-plates, oblong in shape and strung together on a ring 24" in diameter, which passes through a hole of about 1" in diameter near the proper right margin. The ring carries a seal into the two arms of the bracket on the back of which are fixed its two ends. The seal is much damaged so that nothing remains of the original engravings on its surface. Its diameter is about 1". The plates measure 74" in breadth and 3" in height. They have writing on four faces in all, the first and the last ones being blank in outer faces. The first plate is broken to the extent of 1" in the right band top corner. The total weight of the set is 85 tolas. The plates are not uniformly thick, the first being slightly thinner than the other two." 2 N 2

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284 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.. [VOL. XVIII. K. Antirigam plates of Yasabhanjadeva. "This is a set of three thin copper-plates strung on a ring of the same metal passing through a hole about " in diameter near the proper right margin. They are oblong in shape and have four faces of writing in all, the first and the last being blank on the outer sides. They have no rims worth the name; still the writing is in good preservation. The ring which is about 1" in diameter carries a turned knob into the base of which its two ends are fixed. The knob is about 1" long and is a miniature representation of the kalasika seen on the top of the broad umbrella used in the South Indian temples. The plates are a little drawn out in the side margins and have therefore slightly rounded corners. They measure about 81" in breadth and 3 in height. The weight of the set is 72 tolas. The plates were found in a village called Antirigam in the Purbakhanda division of the Chatrapur taluk, not far from Jauguda, in a field while ploughing." The language of all the records is Sanskrit written in the Nagari character influenced by the Oriya style more conspicuously in charter K than the three others, which closely resemble one another not only in characters, but in the phraseology used in them. All the records as usual are divided into three portions, the first and the third in verse, the former recording the invocations to the family god and the genealogy of the king and the latter benedictions and imprecations quoted from religious books, while the second or the middle portion in prose deals with the business in hand. There is also a little prose at the end of the records giving the names of the messenger, the writer, the engraver and the seal-affixer. The first portion being composed by a learned man of the court once for all during the currency of a reign, is always ornate and so it is in the present grants. The second is usually full of mistakes, as business respects neither rhetoric nor grammar and goes straight to the point, even admitting forms like Svamisya, Sarmisya, Agnihotrisya, so long as the sense is not obscured. Imprecations-being mere quotations from Dharma-Sastras are pure formalities of the age, given little care in point of accuracy, though in well written records they receive as much attention as the other parts of the records. In our records there is ample evidence of the carelessness with which quotations have been entered. In some cases the verses are incomplete, in others they have been mutilated and strung together in a new form, for instance, see J, where a verse occurs as follows: yasvayasya yadA bhUmistasvatasya tadA phalaM / mA bhuvaphalamA vaH paradattAnupAlana 7: 1 which gives a jumble of mis-spellings and misjoinders. As regards the peculiarities in writing a full description has been given by Dr. Kielhorn in his article on the Orissa plates of Vidyadharabhanja, re-edited by him in Vol. 1 p. 271 ff. in this Journal. His remarks almost wholly apply to the plates H, I and J, and need not be repeated. The plates K are more modern than the other three and exhibit more prominently the Oriya style of writing, the chief characteristic of which is the rounding of the straight or angular por tions into a curve. The plates H, I and J will show that the top lines of letters are not straight, but slightly curved, furnishing each letter with a sort of a horn. In K the form of gets transformed into, & into a into and so on. These are really Oriya letters. Of course Oriya characters are no other than Nagari letters with the inevitable rounding resulting from an iron stylus playing on palm leaves, which would be torn if straight lines were drawn on them. As a matter of fact the slanting limbs of the letters in all these four records are too prominent to require any mention. I would not therefore dilate any further on this point. I shall now proceed to the contents of the records and the historical data they give us. The charters Hand I were issued from Vanjulvaka by Netribhanjadeva surnamed Kalyanakalasa, son of Banabhanjadeva, grandson of Satrubhanjadeva and great-grandson of Silabhanjadeva,

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No. 29.] FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 285 H grants a village named Ratangal in the Vasudevakhanda-vishaya to a number of Aguiho. trins belonging to the Kausika- and Vatsa-yotras. The plate I grants a village named Mach. chhadagrama of the Machhadakhanda to another donee of the Vataya gotra. These two records do not give either the residence of the donees or the place whence their forefathers came, nor do they state the occntion on which they were granted. They state as usual that the gifts were made for increasing the religious merits of the king's father, mother and self. They do not refer to any date whatsoever, but simply say that they were issued at the king's own order and written by the Minister for pence and war, in the case of H by Savaraja and in the case of I by Kubera. Both were incited by a goldsmith (akshasalika) named Durgadeva. The seal in H was affixed by Mammi, apparently a short form of Mahamaya (the queen) and in I a lady, named Jachchhika of the noble family. The messenger for H was Bhatta Sumangala, but the name of that in I is not legible. The charter J was issued by Maharaja Vidyadharabhanjadeva, surnamed Amogha kalasa, son of Silabhanjadeva, grandson of Digbhanjadeva and great-grandson of Ranabhanjadeva. It was issued from the ancestral capital Vanjalpaka and records the grant of a village named Mulamachhada (i.e., Machhada proper) situated in the Machhadakhanda-vishaya to Bhatta Purandara, an emigrant from Manmana, situated in the district Taqisama-vishaya in Vsrebdhi' (province). In this case as in the previous two, the gift was made for increasing the religious merit of the donor and his parents and bears no date. The record was composed by Stambh, the Minister for peace and war, and incised by the goldsmith Kumarachandra, and the seal was affixed by Trikalinga-Mahadevi, on the record being apparently presented by the Prime Minister Bhatta Kegavedeva. One Chichika is recorded as the vargulika which appears to be an alternative term for dutaka or messenger. All these names occur in plate F except the last, with a medley of offices, which throw a doubt on its genuineness, but this is Busceptible of being explained, as would appear later on. The last charter K was issued in the 3rd year of the king's reign) on the 11th day of the bright fortnight of the Kartika month (known also as Prabodhini Ekadasi), the day on which Vishnu awakes from his four months' sleep, granting the village Komyana of Voda-vishaya to the astrologer Jagadhera-Sarmsn, resident of Pattavada pataka, situated in the district of Kontaravange-vishaya, emigrant from Vapabhumi, situated in the middle of Thihara-vishaya by Yasabhanjedeva, son of Rayabhanja II, who was son of Virabhanja, who was son of RAyabhasja I, who was son of the Rajadhiraja Devabhanja, styled' Samastu-Khinjali-des-adhipati or lord of the whole Khinjali conutry, which connects him with the family headed by Silabhanjadeva, from whom the kings referred to in the preceding three (H, I, J) records, were descended. Though Khinjali is not mentioned in the three foregoing records in hand, it finds a mention in A, B and C. In the latter there is a mention of Ubhaya-Khinjali-mandala which shows that the Khinjali was divided into two mandalas or divisions, though owned by the same king. The records, however, do not show how Devabhanja, the original ancestor of Yasabhanja's family, was connected with the parental stock to which all the kings mentioned in plates A to J appear to belong. From these elevent records of the Bhanja family the following tentative genealogy may be made out : [R. B. Krishna Sastri would read this name as Arataha ; see his Ep. Rep. for 1917-18, p. 12, No. 6.-Ed.] (R. B. Krishna Sastri would read it as Varendhi, see ibid., p. 136, para. 13.-Ed.] [If it is a derivative of the Teluga targe- ledger, the official might have been lodger-keeper of land given. By analogy it appears to be supported by the Kanarese expression vargakods which means to deliver land ta somebody as his property."-Ed.] Sixteen. See Postscript. . (In drawing the genealogical tree we sbould not lose sight of the fact that some of these rulers used different seals, for such a difference CAD well indicate a different honge or branch of a dynasty-14.]

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286 Digbhanja II (F. J.) Silhanja II (F. J.) Satrabbanija II (A. B. C. L. N. P.) EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Ranabbanja II (A. B. L. P.) Solagabballja (M) Darjayabhaja (M) Virabhadra (Ganadanda) (D. E. A. O.) Kottabhanja or Silabhanja I (D. E. 0.) (H. I.) T Digbbaja I or Satrubhalija I (D. 0.) T (G. H. I.) Ranabhanja I (D. E. F. G. H. I. J. O.) I Vidyadha [ra"]bhanjadeva or Rayabhanja I Vidyadharabhanja Amoghakalasa) (F. J.) Netribhanja (Kalyapakalasa) (G. H. I.) Devabhanja (K) (K) Virabhanja (K) Rayabhanja II (K) Yasabhanja (K) Rajabhanja (E.) [VOL. XVIII. Prithvibhanja (0.) Narendrabhanja (0.) Kanakabhanja (M) NOTE:-Letters in the brackets refer to the charters as named in this article and the postscript. Ganadanda appears to have been the title of the original ancestor, which is found in some records in a corrupted form as Gandhata. In the Bamanghati charters (D. E.) which appear to be the oldest, it is stated that the original ancestor of the Bhanja family was one Virabhadra, who was reared up by Vasishthamuni. From him was descended in the main line king Kottabhanja whose graudson was Ranabhanja; this seems to imply that there were several other branches, the senior being the one in which Ranabhanja I was born. As the saying goes, two swords cannot remain in a single scabbard, the junior members of the family had apparently no alternative but to ttle elsewhere, either as subordinate or independent rulers. It appears that the senior branch continued to observe the Orissa practice of repeating the names of its ancestors, while the junior ones adopted a different scheme. Thus in the main branch with 8 kings, there is only one whose name is not repeated, while in the second there is only a single name out of 6, which has been repeated. In the main line there were 2 Silabhanjas, 2 Digbbanjas, 2 Satrubhanjas, and 2 Ranabhanjas, although in one case the first Digbhanja was apparently identical with the first Satrubhanja. In the junior branch there were only 2 Rayabhanjas. In the main line the word Bhanja forms an integral part of the proper name, without which the latter would be ridiculous. In the junior line this is not the case as its elision would still give an appropriate connotation. For instance, it would be extremely uncomplimentary to name one's

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No. 29.] FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. son as Satru or enemy, unless bhanja were to be an integral part of it, which would make him 4 the vanquisher of an enemy'. Similarly fila is a rock, but with bhanja added, it makes its wearer the breaker of rocks'. Rana is battle, but a king is no battle; he is Ranabhanja, the conqueror in battle'. Dis are the 4 or 10 quarters. Obviously the king cannot be dis, but it is a great compliment to him to be called Digbhanja, the 'victor of all the quarters'. There is only one name in that line which appears to be self-sufficient without the bhanja and that is Vidyadharabhanja found in two plates (F and J) where in each case the last letter ra is absent which, however, is supplied by the seal attached to the charter F. By the way I may here note that the king had the title of Amoghakalasa', which was conjectarally read by Dr. Kielhorn as Dharmmakalasa, owing to an over-engraving in the part where the epithet occurred. It was natural for him to read it as such, on the analogy of Kalayanakalasa attached to the name of Netribhanja, especially as the last letter looked like double m, which was apparently meant for gh. Dr. Kielhorn has clearly shown that plates F are palimpsests, but what is most curious is that the alterations are most prominent in the names of the donor, his title and his ministers. Plates J show that the Prime Minister was Bhatta Kesavadeva, who presented the charter to the queen for affixing the royal seal, and that the composer of the charter was Stambha, the Minister for peace and war, in whose office it appears that such records used to be prepared. In plates F the offices are reversed, whereby Kesava becomes Minister for peace and war, while Stambha becomes the Mantri. The alterations were so carelessly made that Khambha (the popular form of Stambha) continued to be shown as Minister for peace and war and, as such the writer of the charter. This led Dr. Kielhorn to suppose that Stambha and Khambha were different names, occupying the offices of Mantri and Sandhi-vigrahika respectively, while Kesava was put down as a messenger, in view of the fact that no messenger was mentioned in the record. 287 My view of the matter is that the record F was originally prepared during the reign of a short-lived king, the immediate successor of Silabhanja II, but it could not be issued before his death. At this stage Vidyadhara, the younger brother of the deceased, was installed, not without a coup d'etat, which brought the Minister for peace and war to prominence causing the supersession of the Prime Minister Kosava by Stambha for the time being. The accession of Vidyadhara to the throne must have been an occasion for munificent gifts and apparently the charter F was issued in hot haste, with necessary corrections, though not very carefully carried out as 1 Our record J which has no signs of being tampered with at all reads as follows at the end :khAJchitaM zracikaliGa mahAdevyA (4) maMtriyA zraumahakezavadevena / (Tha) bAlikacA cikana likhitaM sAMdhivigrahika zrI samprema / carakIcAca sAlIkumAracandreNa / / I think the original record was exactly like this, except perhaps that at (a) the word fad and at (6) d or some such equivalents were omitted. Ia tampering with the record the first alteration to have been made was the insertion of the family name of Stambhsdeva as Tejadika, which took the place of pravesitam at (a) leaving no room for the word mantrina to precede his proper name, which was next inserted in the place of Kesavadevena. The official designation mantrina had therefore to follow instead of preceding his name against the usual practice. Thus the word mantrina had to be put in the place of the unknown word at (6). This necessitated the insertion of his part of the duty (that is, presenting the record to the queen for affixing the royal seal) further on, again against the usual practice, and the word af had therefore to go in the place of rife. There remained now Kesava's name to be inserted and it was apparently put in the place occupied by if which was as usual followed by fafed fufauft, which was left intact, the duty and the office of the displaced minister thus being joined with his name in this manner. What was omitted to be done was the elision of which created an almost meaningless colophon as follows: lAkitaM zraumahAdevyA tejaDikena zraumahasambhadeva maMdiSyA pravezitaM kezavena likhitaM saMdhivigrahika khambhana urako cAca sAlIkumAracandrena // [The expression Tejadika might be connected with the Telugu and Kanarese Teji meaning a horse. The title may have been derived from the fact of Stambha or his ancestors having been originally Keepers of royal horses.-Ed.]

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288 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XVIII referred to before. Things may have afterwards resumed the norinal condition including the restoration to office of previous employees, when the charter I was issued. This would also account for the peculiar name Vidyadhuru as Silabhanja II's successor, who should have bee: in the ordinary course named as Digbhanja 111, (who should be no other than the deceased eider brother of Vidyadhara in the present case). I feel this is rather a wild conjecture, bat until evidence to the contrary is available, there is nothing strange about it. In Origga the Sastraie custom of continuing ancestral namest has survived even up to the present day. For instance, the Raja of Bara is either : Sudhaladeva or a Tribhuvanadeva and I have personally known three generations, Sir Sadhalndeva, bis son Tribhuvanadeva and his grandson Sudhaladeva ayain. In Pal Lahra, situated between Bamra and Keonjhar, the Raja is either " Pat Ganeshvara Pal" or "Pat Muni Pal". In the Bbana family the recurring names appear to have been four', Viz.. Sila, Dig, Satru and Rana, and ench has had a repetition according to the inscriptions found. There is nothing to prevent the discovery of a third name-sake of any or all of them. There are a number of geographical names in the records which have been yet found, but no serious attempt was ever made to identify them. In an appendix to this article I have tried to identify not only places mentioned in the four records in hand, about which I have added a #pecial note in the end, but also those mentioved in charter's previously edited. It will be seen from them that the oldest charters D and E refer to villages in the extremo north of the Mayarabhanja State, A, B and C to those in the Baudh State to the west, and the remaining ones to those in the Ganjam District. This gives an indication of the extent of the Bhanja kingdom, which apparently included almost all the tributary states of Orissa together with the Dorthern portion of the Ganjam District covering about 16,000 square miles, about Lalf of which is occupied by Mayirbhanja and Keonjhar States, both of which were owned by Ubhaya-Khinjal-yadhipati, or the lord of both the Khinjalis. This title was retained by the latest king of the family, tis., Yasabhanja of charter K, who styled himself as Samasta-Khinjalides-adhipati or the lord of the whole Khinjali country', which can be no other than the present Keonjhar. The aspirate of the first letter disappeared, a soft . after i crept in after the Oriya mode of pronunciation and the l at the end changed into r, which transformed the original name into Keonjhari or Keonjhar. The latest Imperial Gazetteers stutes." Keonjhar is divided into two widely assimila: tracts, Lower Keonjhar being a region of valleys ard lowlands, while Upper Keonjhar includes Cf. V. A. Smith, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXV, p. 291. . The traditions of the various Raj families of these states support it ; for itstauce. the Keonjhar Raja cluidos descent from a brother of the Bhanjn king of Mayurbhanja State, which is referred to later ou in some details. Pal Lekva was admittedly subordinate of Keonjhar, which claims that one of its Raju got Achanalik frore. the Puri king. The Daspalla chief traces his origin to & younger son of Raja Narayana Bhanj of Baudh, where they say the original Raja was a Brahman, but was ousted by the Bhanja chiefs (Cunuingham, Arch. Rep., Vol. XIII, p. 110). The Bonni State of whicli Rehrakhol is a branch has peacock for its crost with a curious tory, which looks like variant of the origin of Mayurablans kinge discussed later on The Bouai legend avers that its original ancestor when born was abandoned and was in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy when #peacock swallowed it and kept it in his craw, until the danger was over. The infant was born under: Kadamba tree, so the family came to be called Kadambavami, but it regards the peacock as sacred. This Wacock totem certainly establishes # connection with the Mayurnbhanja family. The Bimra family are (langavamsis, whose connection with the Bhanjas has been shown later on. The chiefs of Dhenkanal admit that they were feudatories of the old Orissa Rajas, who conferred the title of Samanta on them. The Athamalik KAJA who bears similar title has a tradition of his origin similar to that of Mayurabbanja, 1.e., from an emigrant from Jaipur. The Khandapara and Nayogarh States, the latter being an offshoot of the former, got the title of Raja daring the Maratha campaign of O.. . None of the other states, Baramba, Hindol, Narsinghpur, Nilgiri, Bangir, Talchor and Tigaria, encompass an area of more than 400 square miles and could not but lave by a kaburdicate to the Bhanjas. if they existed as separate entities in those times, Bee h o is toho in Inlia", Tar! VIII, Lucknow edition. See Yol. LXV, p. 202.

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No. 29.] FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 289 the mountainous high lands." These are natural divisions which must have existed, as they do to-day, during the Bhanja rule, and the word "ubhaya" meaning 'both 'found in the records in connection with Khinjali not only justifies its use, but affords a clue for the identification of the country. Local chroniclers also support the fact that Keonjhar was ruled by the Bhanja Rajas. Hunter's Gazetteerl plainly records :-"Keonjhar State originally formed part of Morbhanj, bat about 200 years ago, the tribes of this part, finding it a great hardship to travel through the perilous forests of Morbhanj to obtain justice from their prince, separated themselves and set up the brother of the Morbhanj Raja as their independent ruler." That is to say, Keonjhar separated from the parental stock less than 300 years ago and was part of the Mayurabhanja State where many of the Bhanja inscriptions were incised. The records show that there were about three capitals of the Bhanja kings, either coexisting or at different periods of their role. D. and E., the oldest records as noted before, give Khijingga or Khijjinga as the residence of the king. This is identical with the present Khiching to the west of Baripada, the present head-quarters of the Mayurabhanja State. It still contains numerous ancient remains about which Rai Sahib Nagendra Nath Vasu remarks:-"The superior workmanship of these has indeed been a startling discovery for us. The faces of the goddesses beam with radiant smiles which seem to be & realization on stone of the best dreams of poets and artists. The smiles ......... look as fresh and soft as newly-blown bads .............. and illustrate that motherly grace which is a pure Indian conception and is quite distinct from what we find in the Italian painter's Madonna." A., B. and O. refer to Dhritipura as the old capital which is untraceable. F., G., H., I. and J. were issued from Vanjulvaka and as the villages mentioned in them are all found in the Ganjam district, it is perhaps not unfair to conclude that Vanjulvaka was also situated within that district. The name connotes & gn perabundance of cane plants, for which the Ganjam district is noted. The last record, K., mentions no capital at all. In spite of the extensive area occupied by the Bhanja family and its branches, it, however, appears that they were not the sovereign lords of the country they ruled. The original ancestor of the family appears to have been an officer of some Gana or Hiuda republic, as his title Ganadanda indicates. The title was apparently a short form of Ganadanda-ndyaka or Gangdanda-pala, the former being equivalent to a Minister and the latter to an officer in charge of the maintenance of the army. There are numerous instances of ministers or army officers becoming kings, whenever they found the administration over them weak, Traditions of a strong member of the democracy usurping the power of government and finally becoming king are not wanting in the Orissa Janapadas as the political communities were called in olden days of which the Athmallik State is an excellent example. It was ruled by eight representa tives of the people by turns, which gave it the name of Athamallika (the tract ruled by eight). It is not very far away from Mayorabhanja. What wonder that Virabhadra and his descendants should have seen their opportunity and become the sole masters of their political community. Judging from the titles of the inscriptional kings of this line, however, it does not appear that they ever attained to paramount sovereignty, and as such they must have become the Mandalikas of the Mahakosala kings, firstly of the Somavamsis of Vinitapura (Binka) and later on, of the Haihayas of Ratanpur, both of whom bore the title of Trikalingadhipati or "Lord of the Trikalingas," which, apparently, included the Orissa Tributary Mabale. The omission, in tbe grants, of references to any sovereiga power, howover, indicates that the Bhanjas enjoyed much extended powers and were at any rate semi-independent chiefs, * Vol. VIII, p. 121 (Second Edition). Mayurabhanja Arch. Rep., Part I, Prefana, Dane vil * Mr. Jayaswal's Hindu Polity, Part II, pp. 134 and 147. 20

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290 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. There is no record of any conquest made by them, the eulogistio epithet of Jagadekamalla-vijayi added to the name of Yasabhanja being ambiguous. It may mean the conqueror of Jagadekamalla or the one warrior and conqueror in the world'. It, however, seems that the Rajas of the Bhanja dynasty were connected with the Southern Jaipur instead of the Northern Jaipur of Rajputana, to which local chroniclers connect them, in the wake of all Rajputs, who consider it an honour to link themselves with the country regarded as the true home of the Kshatriyas. The Jaipur Zamindar, formerly a Raja, who still holds an estate covering about ten thousand square miles, relates that the predecessors of his family belonged to Silavama, and we know from the Buguda and Sasanka's charters that the family of Silodbhavas or Sailodbhavas (born of rock or hill) were ruling on that side about the 7th century A.D. It sent out its scions to different parts of the country, one of whom settled in the Vindhyas in the Central Provinces and conquered many countries round about, as revealed by the Ragholi plates,5 the only record yet found about that branch. Another adventurer, apparently, settled in Mayurabhanja. The date of the advent of the Mayurabhanja conqueror, as related in local chronicles (viz., 1,300 years ago), very well fits in with the dates of the inscriptional Silodbhavas, and the family has more than one Bhanja named after Sila: In fact, the oldest ancestor found in the inscription is named Silabhanja. Distinguished Indian families usually seek for supernatural origins. As is well known, Rajputs claim descent direct. from the Sun or the Moon. This may look edifying, but they have pushed the matter so far as to make it ridiculous. Some trace their origin from an inanimate object or an animal of any kind whatsoever, because such an origin implies some miraculous power. It mystifies the real origin which lurks beneath it and which might cause a blush in its bare nakedness. Here is, for instance, the origin of the Silodbhavas as recorded in the Buguda? plates of Madhavavarman :-"There was a personage named Pulindasena, famous amongst the people of Kalinga. He, although endowed with many excellent qualities, did not covet sovereignty for himself, but rather worshipped Brahma in order that the god might create a fit ruler of the land. And Brahma granted his wish and created out of a rock the lord Silodbhava, who became the founder of a distinguished family." Laid bare, the story would show that the dwellers of the local mountains or rock produced a person, who became the ruler and as such the founder of a dynasty. In editing the Ragholi plates I have shown how Sailavamsa was patronymic and how the metronymic of the same family was Gangavamsa. The dynasty was thus the outcome of a mountaineer husband and a river-born wife (the sacred Ganges), which was delicately turned into a compliment, when describing the local river Salima on whose bank Kongeda, the capital of their kings, was situated.7 "On its banks covered with flowers of excellent trees," said the eulogist, " pools of water have formed resembling the river of gods (Ganga), which issued from the sky and the streams of whose waters are split and dashed outside by masses of rocks."8 Bereft of the allegory, this would signify that a brave mountaineer of Orissa married a Gangavamsi lady and their son became the founder of a new dynasty. By a similar process the Andavamsa family was evolved from a pea-hen's egg. A scion of the Sailavamsa left his parental home and went to the country where peacocks (Mayura) abounded, which gave to the people of that locality the appropriate name of Mayurikas, as found in the Rajim stone inscription of Jagapaladeva. He defeated them and thus became the Mayurabhanja (breaker of Maynras) and in due course married a Mayurki, a local lady, whose [The attribute anafaat given to Yasabhanja in 1. 11, Plate K, is very significant and may lead one to surmise that he defeated one of the Western Chalukya kings of Kalyani, perhaps Jagadekamalla II himself or one of the feudatories.-H. K. S.] Hunter's Gazetteer, Vol. VII, p. 64 (Second Edition). Above, Vol. VI, p. 143 ff. 6 New Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. XVII, p. 355. Above, Vol. VI, p. 146, Above, Vol. III, p. 41 ff. Above, Vol. IX, p. 41 ff. 7 Above, Vol. IX, p. 42. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 135 ff.

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No. 29.] FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 291 pregeny became the founder of a new dynasty. A Magurki, literally pea-hen, lags eggs and, therefore, her offspring must be andajah or born of an egg. The peacock became the family totem and that is why there is still a strict prohibition against killing peacocks in the Mayirabhanja State. Postscript. It was after I had sent my article to the Government Epigraphist on 6th May 1923 that I received a letter from Mr. McLeod Smith, Dewan of Mayurabhanja State, dated 21st May 1923, in which, besides giving certain local information in reply to my queries, he was good enough to add that in 1916 a copper-plate grant was found at Khandadouli in Pargang Khanta Pir of the Bamanghati sub-division, and was published in the 4th volume of the Journal of the Bihar anu Orissa Research Society which I had not consulted at all. This led to a research which brought to light as many as three other grants of the Bhanja family, published by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar in Vol. II of the Journal, and a genealogy of the same dynasty as given by Mr. R. D. Banerji in the 3rd volume of the same Journal. Had these been before me when I was drafting the above article, the discussion in it would have asenmed a somewhat different form, but it is now too late to recast it. I would, therefore, note here the salient points after inserting new names of kings in the genealogical table on page 286 above, and some geographical names in the Appendix, which deals with identification of places. For facility of reference letters L., M., N., O. and P. have been given to these records as follows: L. Tasapaikera grant of Ranabhanjadeva by Mazumdar, J. B. 0. R. S., Volume II, pp. 167 et seq. M. Baudh grant of Kanakabhanjadeva by Mazumdar, J. B. O. R. S., Volume II, pp. 356 et seq. N. Kumrukela grant of Satrabhanjadeva by Mazumdar, J. B.O. R. S., Volume II, pp. 429 et seq. 0. Khandadeuli grant of Ranabhanjadeva ? (Narendrabhanadova) by Haraprasad Sastri, J. B. 0. R. 8., Volume IV, pp. 172 et seq. P. Patna Museum grant of Ranabhahjadeva of the 21st year by R. D. Banerji, Ep. Ind. (awaiting publication). Only two records, M. and O., give new names of kings; M. gives Kanakabhanja, son of Durjayabhanja, who was son of Solanabhanja. They belonged to the Bhanja branch ruling at Baudh and were possibly connected with Satrabhana II and his son Ranabbanja II of A., B., C., L., N. and P. The Plate 0. gives Narendrabhanja, son of Prithvibhanja, son of Ranabhanja I, son of Kottabhanja, descended from Virabhadra, the original ancestor of the Bhanjas. In dealing with Plate M., Mr. Mazumdar has given a lengthy discussion on the dates of the Bhanja grants in general, and has come to the following conclusions : (1) The present chiefs of Mayorabhanja and Keonjhar States have no connection with the inscriptional Bhanjas. (2) There were several offshoots of the early Bhanjas, of which one ruled at Baudh and had under its away the Baudh and Kimidi tracts during the times of Satrubhanja II. These split up during the reign of his son Ranabhanja II, who remained a fendatory at Baudh, while a descendant of Notribbanjadeva established a new line of rulers at Kimidi. (3) Kanakabhanja flourished about 1475 A.D. His line was independent of Ranabhapja II. 1 [That would be Mayuri or Mayurika, but not Mayurki. The latter, if connected with Mayuraka, will have a different connotation for which see Monier-Williams' Eanskrit-English Dict. under Mayuraka.-Ed.] The two Bhanja grants from Daspalla which Mr. B. Bhattacharyya bas edited in the same journal (Vol. VI, pp. 266 ff.) are also to be added to this list.-E.] 202

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292 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII Mr. R. D. Banerji, reviewing Mr. Mazumdar's discussion, declared the date assigned to Kanakabhanja as absolutely impossible on palaeographical grounds. We cannot,' he said, admit the existence of a Raunbhanja in 1200 A.D., because the Rapabhanja of the Bamar. ghati gront was living in the third quarter of the 11th century, according to Mr. Mazumdar, and palaeography shows that Ranabhanja (II), son of Satrabhanja (II), is earlier than Ranabhanja (I), son of Digbhanja (I). Mr. Banerji would place Kanakabhanja in the beginning of the 12th century A.D.' It would thus appear that the Bhanja chronology still remains a subject of great controversy, but, although I do not find sufficient reasons in support of Mr. Mazumdar's theory dissociating the present families of Mayarabhanja and Keonjhar States from the inscriptional Bhanjas by relegating their origin to an adventurer of Rajputana, I agree with him as regards the date of Ranabhanja II, about the end of the 12th century A.D., until Mr. R. D. Banerji establishes his contention, for which he says he is ready. Kanakabhanja may or may not have been very far removed from Ranabhanja II ; but the mere fact that Kanakabhanja's two ancestors only are mentioned in Plate M. does not warrant the conclusion that his grandfather was not connected with the Bhanjas known to have been previously ruling at Baudh. It is true that the Bhanja family sent out several offshoots and they became rulers of different tracts, but at present there is nothing to show that Kanakabbanja's line was a distinct one and supplanted Ranabhanja II's. Again, the adoption of the Kasyapa-gotra in place of the old * Andaja' or egg-born is no proof of disparity in view of the accepted rule that he who has no gotra belongs to the Kasyapa-gotra.' Kanakabhanja belonged to a much later date than his original ancestor. He must have noticed the contempt with which the origin from an egg must have been looked upon in his time. The easiest thing for him or his immediate predecessors was, therefore, to relegate themselves to the sage Kasyapa, to which nobody could raise an objection. By a misreading of the word Khimjali as Khindini or Khinijini Mr. Mazumlar was led to identify it with Khimidi and consequently to the conclusion that a branch of the Bhanja family held sway there. In essence he is not very far from the truth, in that a branch belonging to the line of Netribhanja did rule in the Ganjam District, the eastern portion of which was certainly under the Bhanja sway, as a number of villages granted were situated in the Gumsar, Aska and Chatrapur taluks to which Kimiti in the same district adjoins towards the west. Kimidi may or may not have been included in the Bhanja dominions, but it was certainly not of such an importance as to have induced the kings to adopt the title of Lords of Kimioi. The title Lords of both the Khinjalis (Keonjhar)' was an ancient one, and all the branches of the Bhanja family appear to have taken pride in calling themselves as such, irrespective of whether they continued to be rulers of that tract or not. With due deference to the learned Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri, M.A., C.I.E., who has edited the charter O., which he calls Khandadeali inscription of Ranabhanjadova,' I may perhaps be permitted to state that his descriptive title is inaccurate. The grant should have been described as one of Narendrabh anjadeva, who was the real grantor and not his grandfather Ranabhanjadeva. The latter comes in merely as one of the several ancestors of the donor. The text reads: Hie: Jef()fa(at) (5:) OUTH 89191 Heat va: 1 # Atarfaitai geothar **** TUTATA[:] **** rAncho prAbhidhAnAya pratipAditI asmAbhiH The only dated Bhanja cbarter yet found (D) bears the date 288 which Mr. Mazurudar assigns to the Chola. Ganga era It is thus equivalent to 1060 A.D. J. B.O.R.S., Vol. IV, p. 176.

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FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS : H-Ganjam Plates of Netribhanjadeva. kurAmA cArahanA bijyg aiktnnaar' ? sATokana karanA viraharahAla pAhata reTAlavivAhavipanAlaTalAzAlA vinAtivAdalA FAShinAdAlA lAvAhieTApA ( Ta na kADA rAjanita HOTOsAra vicAra kelA karatAta salAhakAlapAsakA vilakarAvayatA iia. ( sHee () hl| rarararAhAtakAlamA moTarasAra 12 hAvAra jAharapalA gAthA kA (ricAgirI 14AOS((OlAnAlAla 07 AASITAhAnTAlanAvarA 16 lAdatArakAnAta FaparatAvAlA mAnAhAnA 18 dinAlA hAta lAvalA iib. PRATAlara(janatAkA 201hA navalaparAilAjA 22 disatArA nAeKYAmAnatAkA 24 NAEhArAhAvAstava sarakArAvAsa(EETM 28 Ma(kAtira ( lakAla kAla ta pAnI hAhAkArAyA HIRANANDA SASTRI. SCALE. 75. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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iiia. maatraahaamekhe ddube gtbhaaben yebhb(benjh4/JA| 10 brennyrny'ezi(2})| hA sAhAra rAhArATalAMga mAravAdakA 32 2 mn ken knsener iiib. n34(@ nele ptr (Cta 40 x cdaa c@K-brr mhaakhaalii mm |

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No. 29.] FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 293 The language is defective no doubt, but it is clear that the words and wentu: in the above extract refer to Narondrabhanjadoval and not to Ranabhanja. The above extract is preceded by verses giving the genealogy of the Bhanja kings from Virabhadra to Ranabhanja, apparently taken from a charter composed daring the time of Ranabhanja in which the last line stood as follows: zroraNabhaMjakhyAtaH sAnunva(na)yaM prAha bhUpAlAn / It appears that the word gtx has misled the above-named scholar. It was suited to the time when it was composed and not to the one when it was adopted by his grandson's grantwriter. The latter's composition in probe quoted above is an index of his poor knowledge of Sanskrit, although to the best of his ability he endeavoured to convey his meaning by repeating zrIraNabhaMjAkhyaH after the close of the quotation in verse and connecting him with his reputed son tasya copayIkAtmajaH, whose suta or son was narendramajadeva:. And sa (he, vis., the latter) was the person who granted the village. H.-Ganjam Plates of Netribhan jadhva. _First Plate. 1 oM' [1] svasti [*] jayati kusumavA(bA)NaprANavikSobhadakSaM sva2 kiraNapariveSojityajorsendulekhaM [*] tribhuvanabhavanAntaryota3 bhAvanadopaM(pa.) kanakanikaSagauraM vi(ba)ma ne harasva [ // 1*] zeSAhari4 va ye phaNAH pravila[sa]ntyajJAkharendutviSaH prAlayAcalaGgakoTa5 ya va tvAnti yetyubtaaH| nRttATopavi[ghaTTitA iva 6 bhujA rAjanti ye zAmbhavAste sAMvidhAtinaH surasaritto7 yormayaH pAntu vaH // [2] vijayavaculvakAt [*] asti jayathonila8 ya: prakaTaguNa stasarvaripugavaH kalyANakalazanAmA / 3 rAjA nirdU (dhU) takalikaluSaH' bhacAmalakulatilaka[:] zrozilA . Second Plate; First Side. 10 bhaJjadevasya prapaucaH zrozatrabhaJjadevasya naptA zrIraNabha11 devasya sUnuH paramamAhezvarI mAtApitapAdAnudhyAna12 rata: zrIna[]bhaJjadeva: kuzalI vA[sudevakhaNDaviSaye rA. 13 jarAja[*]nakarAjaputrAn viSayapatidaNDapAzika[*]n yathA14 kAlAdhyAsino vyavahAriNo vA(bA) praNAna karaNapurI15 gAn nivAsijanapadAMzca yathAI mAnayati vo(yo)dhyati 16 samAditi sarvata: zivamasmAkamanya[A] viditamasta 1 This is further confirmed by his name being inscribed in the medallioa (val ?) at the top as contounicated to me by Babu Kimikhya Prasad Basa, Deputy Collector of Mayarabbaoja State * Expressed by asymbol. Metre: Malini. * Metre : Sardilavikriditi. [From fer ...to : scans as Aryd.Ed.]

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294 17 bhavatAM etaSiyasamvandhA (mbo) / ' 'rAtaGgagrAmayatusI (kI) mApari18 chibomAbhima[f]tApitrorAtma[na *]ca puNyAva (bhi) haye // vA 19 jasaneyacaraNAya // 20 mariSa (vara (rAya) EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 24 25 Second Plate; Second Side. kaNvazAkhAya // kauzikagotrAya' agha viSyA (vA) mitra [*][s]anupraya[rAya'] ' ahacadevasya suta agnihoSi (co) goladharma (rmA) aparagola - 21 natA janade [va]sya 22 meM (rmA ) // nAma aicadeva [: *] // vaccha (sa) gocabhArgava [va*]t / cyavanavat grAtma 23 nA aDarva (arva ) jAmadagriya [1 " ]nupravara // guhaza: (bha) agnihotranaptA bhA (bha) hara sukhAsutamahayagRhoci bhovar3a ? vo dar3a // ' mA (ma) hAdeva // zA (tho) var3a // puraHsareNa vi 26 dhinA pratipAdito (tama) smAbhi[:] | a (A) candrArkatArA (raM) yAvat acATabhaTa 27 pravezena sarvvavAdhAparicAracAkaratvena bhugora 28 vAt na kenacidyAghAtanIyaM [ // *] asmatkulakramamudAramudA Third Plate; First Side. 29 // 20 (dugar3a ) caradviramyeca dAnamidamabhyanumodanIyaM [1] camyAstaDila [VOL. XVIII. 1 ' partially. 30 lilabuddu (bu) dacaJcalAyA dAnaM phalaM parayatha [: " ] paripAlanaJca " [3] ukta[*] va (ba) bhivrvvasudhA dattA rAjabhi[:"] 31 sagarAdimi["] | nAnA (mamyaH) // [sa] liladhArA yasyaya 32 sva yadA bhu (bhU) mistasyatasya tadA phalaM // [ 4* ] mA bhu (mU) daphalazaGkA va: para33 datteti pArthivA: / khadAnAtphalamAnagtyaM paradattAnupAlanaM (ne) / [ 5*] sva34 dattA (sAM) paradattAmyA yo parata basU ( )dharAM [] sa viSThAyAM kamirbha(bhU)lvA piva 35 bhiH saha pacate // [*]__ SaSThi (STiM) varSa (rSa) sahasrANi svarge modati bhu(bhU) midaH / ca (cA) - 1 Punctuation superfluous. [See f. n. 1 on p. 285 above.-Ed.] * [The plate gives gIcAvat and adhamariyayat. Ed.] This appears to be the name of the first donee; the second donee also bore the same name, his alternative name being Auchadeva, the same as his grandfather's name. The meaning is rather obscure. What follows in the nominative should all have been in the dative, referring as it does to the description of donees of another gotra. 5 Read. These aksharas with punctuation are superfluous and should be omitted. Metre: Vasantatilaka. The two letters far and have been cut off by the ring-hole of the plate, the former wholly and the latter This letter is cut off by the ring-hole of the plate

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2 8 HIRANANDA 10 14 18 i. jia. yA smAraka vicAraNA ka vaiccaru luTa kukara kamalavana lasa 12 mAnAcyA dAtIya bImA kAra rAdhikA zAkAlA lA gaMvAnRmi vA virUdAsa bhaTa/ bhADe mAna vyaki 16 kima/ vidina marA sadara mAlAsa ha 22 FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: I-Ganjam Plates of Netribhanjadeva, with damaged seal. saritA kustuma deza nAkhUna kA kAhI yAcA baeNga (yaha trAsep35115) dAdU ke prakhyAmaH rukulakA sTAphalATA SASTRI. iib. bana kava anugrAsa 20 suvayA ke badala dAla canA ( anu banAyA kArobAra lA mAgovA ke vimAna ka 24 ke dAma (bhaya) bhanI ya tara zivarAyA rahATa SCALE. 75. 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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iiia. 28o bAlna ukta kA gavAha badahisara para jA 28Tir TENSS IN rAkhAvayAcArabAramAsa 28 / para rakSA ka ratApAyakA yAdI 30 sAgarasakhAnA-bAbAlama ghAkhAyAna barabasarAila niraniraniyA 32 bAlAjapatAtaravanataMba milaa| yi nIlazilAbAlAkalAyana 34 sAravAsakharayaliyAditya DAD iiib. 6 sahAyatA ( 5ra kI rAta kA 35

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No. 29.] FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 86 cetA cAnumantA ca sa eva narakaM vrajet [ // 7*] iti kamaladalAmbu(bu)vi(bi) dulo 37 lA (sAM) zriyamanucintya manuSyajIvitaca [1] sakalamidamudA [4] taca 38 buddA (buvA) nahi puruSe[:"] parakIttayo vilopyA [: *] [5"] svayamAdiSTo rAja (zA) Third Plate; Second Side. 39 dUtakotra bhaTTasumaGgala [: * ] // likhita sa [T]ndhivigrahikasava40 rAja (jena) // U ( 3 ) tkIrNazcAcazA [li] kadurgAdevenA (na) // lAnchitaM mA 41 mAyA[: // *] I. Ganjam Plates of Notpibhanjadava. First Plate. 1 au" [n] svasti [ // *] jayatu kusumavA (bA) yaprAyavicobhada [ca] 2 svakiraNaparivezo (So) kiMtyajIrsenTa (ndu) lekhaM [*] tribhuvana 3 bhavanAntardhItabhAvapra (pra) dIpaM ( pa ) kanakanikaSa gora (gaura) vi (ba) dhune4 jaM harasya [ // 1* ] 3 zeSAheriva ye phaNA: praviralantyunAkhare5 ndutviSaH / prAleyAcalu (la) zRGgakoTaya iva tvaGganti yezyana (tyukha)6 tA [: / *] vRttATopavidha [hi]tA iva bhujA rAjanti ye zAbha[vA]7 te sarvvAghavighAtinaH surasarito (to) yomya [: * ] pAntu vaH [ // 2*]deg 8 vijayavacchruvakA [t * / ] casti jayazronilaya [: *] prakaTaga (gu) - 295 Second Plate; First Side. 9 []stasarvvaripu [ga]rvvaH' kalyANakalamanAmA rAjA nirzva (ghaM) taka10 likaluSaH bhacAmalaku[la*]tilaka[: *] zrIzilAbhacca devasya prapauM11 caH zrI zatrubhacvadevasya naptA zroraNabhavadevasya sUtu [:"] parama12 mAhezvarI mAtApitRpadAnudhyAnarataH zronetRbhacvadeva[:*] ku13 zalI machAr3akhaNDa rAjarAja [1*]nakarAjaputrAn viSayapatida 14 NDapAzikAn yathAkAlAdhyAsino vyavahAriyo brA (brAhmaNAn kara [*]15 purogAn mi (ni) vAsijanapada [ca] yathAI ( haiM ) mAnayati vo (bo) dhayati sa16 mAdizati sarvvata [: *] zivasasmAkamanyat viditamastu bhava [tAM] eta 17 ddiSayasambandhA (mvaddo) macchar3ha grAmayatusi (strI) mApari [cchi] bo[smAbhI] (bhi) Second Plate; Second Side. 18 pratApitrorAna (mana) ca puSyAva (bhi) [ca]ye vAjasena ( sameya) ca [ra]NAya vaccha (sa) [go] - 18 cAya pravarabhaGgirasa anupravarabha[1*]meva [vAya *] karampasAmi Expressed by a symbol. 1 Metre: Pushpitagra. Read fe as in H. above and J. below. [See footnote 4 on p. 293 above-Ed] * Metre: Malini. * Metro : Sardilavikridita.

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296 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIII 20 sva(svAmino) ma kezavasya suta(tA)[ya] bharudar3a(draTAya) saliladhArA. purasa(sma)-- 21 rasa vidhinA pratipAdito(tamasmAbhiH pa(pA) candrAvatArA(2) yAva[*] pacA22 TabhaTaprave[gena' savA(bA)dhA[pa]rihAraNAkaratvena bhuja23 diIrmagauravAni*]na kenaciyAghAtanIyaM [ // asmatkulakramamudAra24 mudAharahiranyaizca dAnamidamabhyanumodanIyaM [*] lamyA25 staDitmalilavuhu(buddha)dacaJcalAyA dAnaM phalaM parayama[:]pa Third Plate ; First Side. 26 ripAlanaJca [ // 3*] ucca dharmazAstre [*] bahubhirvasudhA dattA rA27 babhi[:] sagarAdibhi[:.] / (1) yastrayasya ya[dA] bhUmistasyatasya tadA 28 phalaM // [4*] mA bhUdaphalazakA va: paradatteti pArthivA[*] (1) khadAnA29 tphala[mAnaMtyaM] paradattAnupAlanaM(na) [5] vadanA paradattAmvA yo 30 hareta vasundharAM [1] sa viSThAM(ThAyAM kramibhavA pitra(ta)bhiH 31 saha pacyate // [*] SaSTi(TiM)vaSa(varSa)sahasrANi svarge modati bhUmidaH / 32 akSa(pAkSe)ptA cAnumatA(tA) ca sa e(tAnye)va narakaM vrajet [7] ti kamaladalA33 mva(mbu)vi(bi)ndulolA niyamanucintya manuSyarjIvitazca 1(0) sakalasi(mi)da34 [mudA[hataJca (bu)dhvA nahi ce(pu)rata() parakIrtayo vilopyA[8] [5] sarva Third Plate ; Second Side. 35 svayamAdiSTo rAjA dUka(na)koca zro - - - - likhi[sa]Jca 36 sAndhivigrahikakune (be)ra(2)[Na*1] utkIrNa (cA)kSasA(zA)likadurgadevena / 37 lAJchita(taM) jacchikAyA[:] saskulonAyAca [1] J.-- Ganjam Plates of Vidyadharabhasjadeva. First Plate. 1oN [] jayati kusumavA(vA)prANavicobhadaca(I) svakiraNapari veSoji]2 tyajIne (sondulekha(kha) [*] tribhuvanabhavanAntotabhAvata] pradIpaM(paH) kanaka [nikaSa] - 3 gauraM vimuneca() harastha [1] SAhariva ye phaNA[*] pravilasantyu zAkharendutvi[SaH] . 4 pra[*] leyAcalaGgakoTaya iva tvajanti yetyubtaaH|"] nRtA(ttA)ho(To)pavidha5 hitA iva bhujA rAjanti ye pA(mAna)vA / ' te(ste) sarbAdhavighAtina[:] sura]1 Metre: Vasantatilaka. * [These two letters appear to be superfluous.-14.] +Expressed by asymbol. The portion of the plato containing the letters in square brackets is broken off [Superfluous.--Ed.] Metre: Malint. Punctuation superfluous.

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Four BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS : J-Ganjam Plates of Vidyadharabhanjadeva. iia. tanuzatAkilA bAbAsAhaTalAvara / Page #367
20 22 24 26 28 iib. 30 yAmadAsa yAmAhAla mahAvAdanAdiyA hai| li al rADa 71180 dAna bidda lolA viTA (uli nidAda naDalA cAya 43 suruvAta calanAta iii. vi va bevA yAlAca tilA nImAr3A kAra banavAvI tayArivara bhAI la lasAvi vidyA DigrI liTTe banavatA karatA 20 22 24 26 28 30

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No.29.] FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. ____297 6 saristo(to)yormayaH pAntu vaH // 2*] svasti vijayavakSukhakAt [1] [*]sti thi(zrI)vi. 7 jayonilayaprakaTaguNagaNagrastasamastaripuvarga(ga) pA(ca)no(mo)dhaka8 laza(zo) nAma rAjA takalikaluSakASa[:] bhaScAmalakula[tila']ko 9 mahArAjazrIraNabhanjadevasya praptau(pau):*] zrIdigbhajadevasya na10 naptAt zrIthilAmajadevasya suta[*] paramamAhekharo mA Second Plate ; First Side. 11 [tA-pitupAdAnudhyAto bhacAmalakulatilako mahArAjagrIvidyA12 dha[ra*]bhaJja[deva[:"] kuzalI mAchADakhaNDaviSaye yathAkAlAdhyAsikuDu(Tu) vi(mbi)na[:] 13 sAmantaviSayapatibhogibhogyAdi yathAhiM(hai) mAnayati vo(bo)[dha]yati sa14 ma[*]jJApayati sarvata: zivamasmAkamanya hiditamastu bhavatA(tAM) etahi15 Sa[yasamva(mba)ha(ho) mu(mUlamAchADagrAmoya (yaM) // catussImAparicchiyo(bro) 16 mAtApi[vorAtmanazca punyA(NyA)bhivRdaye mA(prA) candrAka(ka) pAvata sa lila17 dhAgapurasmaraNa vidhinA karatveni*] vAjasaneyacaraNAya rohita18 sagotrAya rohita[*]STakavizvAmitrapravarAya vizvAmitravat [*]19 Takavat rohitavat anupravarAya varazci(bi)samandha(mba) taDisamAviSaya(ye) Second Plate ; Second Side. 20 mammANAvinirgatahariza zarmaNo naptA(che) devaDazarmaNasya : 21 sutabhaTTapurandaraH pratipAditosmAbhiya(: / yasya yasya yadA bhu(bhU)mista22 syatasya tadA phalaM [*] mAbhuya(bhUda) phalazaGkA va[*] paradattAnupAlana: (ne) [ // 3] sva23 dattA(ttAM) paradatA(ttA)mvA yo harati(ta) vasundharAn(m) / sva(sa) viSThAyA(yAM) kvami (ma)24 vA pitabhimaha pacyate // [*] iti kamalada[la*]mbu(mbu)25 vi(bindulolA(lA) zriyamanucintya manuSyajIvitaca [1] sa26 kalamidama(mu)dAta(ta)Jca (bu)dhvA na hi puruSe[:] parako. Third Plate. 27 ttayo vilopya(pyAH) [*] iti [*] lAJchitaM zrotR(tri)kaliGgamA(ma). hA[]28 vyA mA(ma)triNA zrIbhA(bha)hakekha (zava)devena // vAlikacAcika(ka)na 1 Metre: Sardalavikridita. . Read amIviSaya:* Delete [As well as at the commencement of the line.--Ed.] * Here some words appear to have been omitted through oversight. Lpparently the correct reading wu mAgabhIgvAdinanapadAca. * Panctuation unnecesney. *[See foot-noto No. 2 on p. 285 above.-Rd.] I Probably M. [Delete sva -d.] * Read sutAya mahapurandarAya. 10 Matre: Puskpitagra, 2.

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298 EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA. [VoL. XVII. 29 likhitaM sAdhivirahi(pahika)bIte(sta)mbhena / utkIya)cAcasA(zA). 30 li[kumAracandrena(Na) tAmba (ma)zAya(sa)namiti // cA hA K.-Antirigam Plates of Yasabhazjadeva. First Plate. 1 poM' svasti [*] bhAsIdrAjAdhirAjo ninabhujavijitAzeSavIrArivagaH / khamgavyApArabhArapra1 [muditAdayodyadyayojiSNutulyaH / ) rudradhyAnakadhIro vinayaguNanidhirbhapatirdo(da). 3 vabhaMjaH [] sAcAva(kha)mInivAsI vasatirapi satAM caitasa; sAndrabhAva / [1] pAsIttasyAtmajo[pi] 4 kSitipatimahito nItizAsnekadakSaH ] corakSAvidhAnavyavasitAdayaH puNya rA[si] (bhi)8 pracAraH // ) saMgrAme vairivIrapaharaNanipuNo bhUpatirbhogapunaH sAkA rAbhirAmI 6 bhuvi viditayamA rAyabhajaH samantAt / [2] etamA vi nekavikramaguNaH saundarya 7 sArodayo bAto rAvaziromaNiguNanidhiH sArthaMkanAmAbhavat / zAstrA8 sna[vya]vahAracAca[]ra: pratyarthipRthvIbhRtAM vyApaka(rthIka)tumalaM bhujAniti bhuvi bI. 9 vIrabhajo tRpaH [3] pAsIcakulAdhi(vi)vanavidhubidyAvinodAnvito jivAjI 10 paripa[ndhi]pArthivacayanAthaH pRthivyAciraM // 0) . pRthvIpAsanalaba(ba)puskha nicayaH kArukhasA11 [dhabhU] stabyUnuniyekadhAmaviditaH zrIrAyabhannaH sudhIH / / 4] tanmU nujagadevamAvi12 jayI cAcAGgata(TAila)yIyutaH mAmanmaulivibhUSaNocca(ba)samaNimAnipatracayaH / / Second Plate ; First Side, 13 rAkezahijahandavandanapaTamAndIlatArivrajI bhAti zrIyasa(gha)macadevanRpati. 14auMkakarmodyata: // [5] khasti bosakasasuraguruhijakulakamalakali. 15 kAvikAsamArkakassapratyathirthi)kadatha(ya)nasamava(dha)mahImahanIyamahAmahimapamasta sama16 sakhicalidamAdhipati zrIyasamaja(bhakSa)devaH kumalI / sakalasAmantasa viviApAna 17 [cA]mAtyopajIvijanavavaMzasamanavAzeSarAjandha[va]gaMsakalakhaNDa18 pAsaNdhatIn bo(bo)dhayatvAditi ca matamasta samastamatagavatAM / voDA. IRxpressed by soymbol. *Red bAbAyaH + Metre : Sragdharsa IMetre : Sard-clarikriitter

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151000 N 8 12 14 16 18 20 23 24 26 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 42 HIRANANDA SASTRI. sDAjvivajbijdusbisgbIvAyara hadagAulA ivAniva / biny' nssiyadi nivAsAsa 4iDAvAsIya kinaki 688 / RtivAna vAhasiddha vya bhaar'mentIna nighAlA nighUOM8 sAphrharA vividhikarAlA 'vani vikrama gula diyAlinirvasaatheknaambkala baan blaakaa bdd'aaliy'aa itaa thaaml gaan 8 // nAhana viturvidyAti (nAdA~ parayanyAvadraye zrI gholana vidhi // 88 / nR gkemr tI vAlA r cha FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: K-Antirigam Plates of Yasabhanjadeva. alakA dvArA CBjl alava 56 diva samnnEthaaphye'r dhrkamklm iib. 26 prthm baa bhuumigraasiibni puaayaa kaayaab bissy'aar mt naajyatA hune rAdha ghaDiyA chaki yUvA dr'gkaMpana kAda iia. Di nAhI hijarAnmRdhijbjgiaaghdava hA kA 8mlaasphmubdd lkaal dhuuli kaphnaaNS sudhrinayanAta ghaDa6 8lsikale slnus9dh 16 naayogbi jnblsn baa shess baakt ? laghuruGa) mlahuta bAra vA ssyByok'lHgaamyr8 ghana 38gad 81958 m lagAyenadAna kagbaadynn3 4 kAle bAda 6 pranniispee 1 1 vaSaTpulAva 24 viyadA kATha yAvadAda vizva bssykRbchi8i syaM tavaHya yA dAnAnuyala naka kdachlnaaevaM vikAi hAeko enaTUrAmA lAyana pa rAUdayAkAzAniblnrA39 4tu 2 SCALE. 5. 4 6 8 10 12 14 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 30 3 38 40 43 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. No. 29.] 18 viSayAntaHpAtikomyANagrAmaH khazI (sI)mAparicchidraH sohemazatAdyane 20 kavRkSalatAdisametaH saviTapArasyaH sajalasthalamatsya kacchapaH sa21 jalakSetrabhUmiracaTTabhaTTapravezaH sakalabhAgabhogahirasyAdipratyAya 22 sametastAmmrazAsanokalyAkaratvenAcandrArkazcitisamakAlamasmAbhirya Second Plate; Second Side. 23 thA bhUmidAnavidhAnena mAtApitrorAtmanaH svavaMzAnAM ca puNyaviSaye / thohAravi24 SayamadhyavapabhUmigrAmavinirgatAya koTarAvaGga, viSayAntaH prAtipaTTavADapATaka25 vAstavyAya bhAradvAjagotrAyAGgirasavA (bA) ispalyabhAradvAjacipravarAya yajurvedA dhyAyi 26 ne mAdhyandinIyazAkhAya ananta kaNThapaNDitaprapautrAya jyotiSika' zrIdharapautrAya 27 zrutismRtijyotiHzAstravizvArAdharaputrAya zrautasmArttakamma (pra) nipuNa [ jyo] tiHzA 299 snaikadhI 28 radIcitajagadhara zarmmaNe kArttikazuklapace viSNoratva (ccha) yanaikAdazyAM hasto29 dakena pradattaH (taM) / etacca sarvairanumantavyaM / bhAvibhirapi narapatirmirdAnamidamanu matya pA 30 lanIyaM / bhUmidAnaphalagauravAdapaharaNe ca doSazravaNAt / samvatta (t) 3 kArttika 31 su (zu) do (di) ekAdazI / patra dharmAnusaMzina: (zaMsinaH) nokA likhyate / va (ba)hubhirvasudhA dattA rAjabhiH sa 32 garAdibhiH [*] yasvayasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM // [Q*] bhUmiM yaH pratigTahNAti 33 yaba bhUmi (miM) prayacchati [1] ubhau tau puNyakarmAyau niyatau svargagAmi mau // [7*] SaSTim (STiM) 34 varSasahasrANi sva[] vasati 36 tasa (saM) navaM // [ 8* ] gAmekAM 36 proti yAvadAbhUtasaMplavaM // [*] 37 viSTAyAM kamibhUtvA piDhabhiH Third Plate. bhUmidaH // harabarakamApnoti yAvadA [bhU]sva[rNa ]mekaM ca bhUmerapyaImaGgalaM / harabarakamAsvadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareta vasundharAM [1"] sa saha pacyate // [ 10*] mA bhUmi (da) phalazahA vaH para 38 datteti pAthi (thiM)vA: / khadAnAtphalamApne (pro) ti paradattAnupAlane // [11* ] []ti 39 kamaladalAmbu (mbu) vi [vi] ndulolAM zriyamanucintya manuSyajIvitacca / sakalamidamudAhRtaM ca ha (bu) 40 vA na hi puruSaiH parakIrttayo vilopyA: // [12] amaIzaNabhUpatiryadi punarbhUapondhavaMtho 41 vo mahattAM paripAlayediha mahIM tasmai dhRtosmyacalim [*] yo vA lobhava maakh pA 42 paha (ha) dayAt krodhAca macchAsane vyAghAtaM kurute bhavensa niyataM niHsantatiH kilviSo // " [13 * ] 1 The letter is inserted above the line. * Metro: Pushpitagra. Metre Sardalanikridita. 272

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APPENDIX. 800 Geographical names in the records of Bhafija Kings of Orissa with identifications where ascertained. Designation of the record and reference to its publication Place of find. Place whence jeaned. Villages granted together with the Courtry or Districts in which they were situated. Grantee's residence and place whence he emigrated. REMARKS. A. Baudh grant of Ranabhan-Jagati in the Jadeva. (Above, Vol. XII, PP. Baudh State. $22 ft., and Nagendranath Vasa's Mayurbhaaja Arch. Report, Vol. I, n. 186 ff.) A.B. and c. mention Dbfitipurs as old capital. B, Bandh gnant of Rana- Landore in the bhanijadeva. (Above, Vol. XIZ, Baudh State, Pp. 325 .) now changed to Govindapur. (1) Kontinthi (Kontiovi) - Kontanni, Residenceabout 2 miles south of Bandh, situated in the vishaya of - (1) Amvasarasara=Amba(1a) Khitiya whose head-quarters was sarabhitta (?) in Sonapparently Khatiya (which is un pur State, about 12 traceable and has probably merged miles from Baadh. into Machhia Khanda, spargana of the Baudh State. Khatiya was Emigrated from included in (18) Kbinjali-mandals - the present (8) Apilomuleri-P Keonjhar State. (8) Valkbringi-Baliginga, about 2 Emigrated from miles from Baudh and situated on the confluence of the Mahanadi and (3) Khadavapali Saladki=Salki in the Baudh State included in the (2a) Khatiya-vishaya-(1a) of - (26) Khinjali-mandale -(16). (8) Milupadi- of - Emigrated from (8a) Royara-pishaya whose head-quar (4) Alapagrima? ters Royara is on the borders of the Sonpar State. B. and c. speak of Ubbaya (both) Khisjali-mandala - Upper and Lower Keonjhar. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. C. Soppor grant of Satza bbanjaders. (Above, Vol. XI, Pp. 98 ff.) D. Bimanghati grant of Rana bhanjadora. (J. B. A. 8., XL, Part I, pp. 161 tl., and Xayir bhaja. Arch. Report, Vol. pp. 141 tl.) Jamdapir o f Khijjinga - Kich. (4) Timapdira - Probably Tendra, s. w. Bamanghati ing of Mayur- of Bamanghati. sub-division in bhafija State. (6) Nankolade -? the Mayur-1 (6) Jambupadraka- Probably Jamda, bhafija State. 8 miles west of Bamanghati. (7) Pasanna - Pasana, 7 miles N. W. of Bamangbiti included in the vishaya of (41) Korandiyo whose head-quarters is represented by Korinjiya, 5 miles from Kiching and of D. and E. both mention Kshijjing Kotta or Khijjinga, i.e., the fort Khijjings (=Khiching, 90 miles from Baripada), as the residence of the king. His original ancestor is stated to have been living in Kottasrametapovana - Kuting, 32 miles from Baripada. (VOL. XVIII

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E. Bamanghati grant of Rajabhanjadeva. (J. B. 4. S., XL, Part I, pp. 161 f., and Mayur. Arch. Rep., Vol. I, PP. 144 ft.) F. Orissa grant of Vidyadharabhanjadeva. (J. B. 4.8., LVI, Part I, p. 168, Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 271, and Mayur. Arch. Rep., Vol. I, pp. 140 ff.) G. Gumsar grant of Netribhanjadeva. (J. 4. 8. B., Vol. VI, p. 669 f., and Mayur. Arch. Rep., Vol. I, pp. 146.) H. Ganjam grant of Netribhanjadeva (just dealt with). I. Ganjam grant of Netribhanjadeva (just dealt with). J Ganjam grant of Vidyadharabhanjadeva (just dealt with). Jamdapir of Bamanghati subdn. of the Mayurbhanja State. the Gumsur in Ganjam District. ****** Khijjinga Kiching of the Mayurbhanja State. Vanjulvaka Ditto Ditto Ditto Ditto (48) Devakanda whose head-quarters is represented by a place of the same name about 8 miles west of Bamanghati, 75 miles west of Baripada, capital of the Mayurbhanja State. (8) Brahmanavasti Brahmanavas, miles from Bamangbati in the Mayurbhanja State situated in the vishaya of 6 (8a) Brahmanavasti which is now represented by the Bamanghati sub-divi sion. (9) Tundurava-Tandura village in the Aska taluks of the Ganjam District situated in the vishaya of(9a) Ramalavva, whose head-quarters was apparently at Ravalabado in the Aska taluka. (10) Machchhadagrama-Machhgaon in the Cuttack District situated in the vishaya of (10a) Machchhada Khanda whose headquarters was Machhgson. (11) 'Ratanga-Bottongo in Gumsur Taluk of Ganjam District situated in the vishaya of (11a) Vasudeva Khanda whose headquarters was Vasudevapura, 4 miles from Katanga. (12) Machhadagrama=(10) in the vishaya of (12a) Machhada Khanda-(10a). ****** 1 See above, p. 285, f. n. 1. 1 Ibid., f. n. 2. MIM (18) Machhadagrama (10) situated in Emigrated fromthe vishaya of (13a) Machhada Khanda-(10a). (5) Manmana-Mandara (?) in the Gumsur Taluk situated in the vishaya of (5a) Tadisama or Tadisami-Tadasinga(?) in the Gumsur Taluk, 20 miles north of Mandara, included in the (56) Varebdhi (province)? In all the grants from F. to K. Vanjulvaka is mentioned as the capital of the donors. No. 29. ] FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 301

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302 APPENDIX-concld. Geographical names in the records of Bhanja Kings of Orissa with identifications where ascertained. L'enignation of the record and reference to its publication. Place of find. Place whence issued. Villages granted together with the Country or Districts in which they were situated. Grantee's residence and place whence he emigrated. REMABES. K. Antirigim grant of Yosu bhajadova Gust dealt with). Vafljulvaks Antirigam in the Chatrapar Taluk of the Ganjam District. 1. (14) Komylas - Konomonk in the (6) Residence Pattavalda- Jaipurl is mentioned as Chatrapar Taluk of the Ganjam pataka-Patatupuram conquered by this line District situated in the viskaya of - in the Chatrapur Taluk of kings. It may be situated in the vishaya Jaipur Zamindari in (14a) Voda whoge hend-quarters was of the south. Bodds Patti, 3 miles from Konomonk in the Chatraper Taluk of (a) Kontaravango whose the Ganjam District head-quarters is Kotayagads in the Chatra. pur Talak, 8 miles from Patapatanam. (7) Vapabhumigrama - Boppangi in Gumsur Talak situated in the Diakuga of - (7a) Thibars |(16), Tinapaikers still exisling included Emigrated from (8) Bhata Refers to Ubhaya-Khinin Nirola - jali =_Upper And (162) Uttarapalli - Uttartirs or tract Lower Keonjhar. north of the Mahanadi. (9) Residence Kamari P EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. L. Tisapaikeri grant of Rana-Bioka in the bhanjadava. (J. B.O.R. 8., Sonpur State. Vol. 11, pp. 187 f.) M. Baudh grant of Kanaka-Baudh, capital bhanjadova. (J. B. O. R. S., of the State of Yol. 11, pp. 356 ff.) the saine name. (16) Bihula ? (17) Bendaki-P (18 Jamaripura? (19) Simhi pors? included in (19) Dharmapara tract and bounded on the east by Maharapura, on south and west by Kopasimha and on the north by Telanadi - Tel river. Emigrated from (10) Madhyadeka - Tract between Bengal and OrissaResidence. (11) Hastigrama - Refers to the Baudh State as the kingdom of the family. IIIAX 104]

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N., Kumurukeli a nt of Kamarukell of Satrabhaojadova. T. B.O. Senpar State. R. &, Vol. II, pp. 429 #.) 1 (20) Kamarakela still existing in the Soupar State and (21) Jsintamari-P included in(204) Khinjali-mandala - (18). (805) Uttarapalli district - (16a). No. 29.] Emigrated from (12) Vangakati ? Residence(18) Gandhatapati - Refers to Khijjingakotte-Khiching. 0. Khaydedeuls grant of Rana Khanda denli bbafijadov. (c) (Narendral of Wayurbhabijadora). (. B. O. R. &, bbanja State. Vol. IV, pp.172 r.) (32) Bonola - included in(22) Sidhahirba viskaya and Ut tarakhands. (38) Vahiravada on the Mahanadi included in (289) Dakshinapali or the tract to the south of the Mahanadi. P. Patna Museum grat Ranabhanjadara. (Bp awaiting publication. Mentions Dhtitiporas the old capital of the Ubhaya-Kbiijas. Nors-With reference to the geographical places mentioned in the records in hand it may be noted that Rottango, bereft of its Oriya pronunciation, would be regularly Ratanga, biko Kodoliboronto, which is no other than Kadalibasanta included in the Kudala taluks of the mone district. Batanga wus included in the Vimadarakhando, whoue reminiscence is left in Visudovapor. Machhadagrama, or Muchchhadagrams of the Michbadakbanda or Mach badakhanda, has been the subject of a gift in 8 sbarter, G., H. & J., twice by Natribhanja and once by Vidyadharabhanja. This appears to indionte ita great importance, ma apparently the relatives of the doneo's family were very earious to get it back as often his direct line failed. The name is very exprensivo, meaning, mit does, the village of fishes. It was at the ame time situated in distriet having the name " fish trast. But I could not find a name answering to it in the lists of Ganjam district villages. There is, however, in the Cuttack district port named Micchagion about 9 miles from the Devi estuary and about 40 miles from Gumsur, which can well be our Yachhid grims and I have identified it with that. Owing to the superabundance of fish in that tmct, it appropriately named Machhidagrima (the village of thes) and it retaineite Dama intact with the exception of the superfluous ra (the Oriya genitive sigo) dropped. The donee in J. came from Manmin of the Tadioma or Tadianmi-vishaya. The latter appears to be named after the Tada or palm trees which ab und in the Guafi district. In the Gamatir taluk there is a village Tornsingi and another named Mandari. It would therefore appear that the first representa the village from which the mishaga Todiami took ita name and the second the corruption of Manmans, something like the present Bhandari representing the old Bhanari (see Hiralal's C. P. and Borar Ineeriptions, page 107). The charter K. gives a number of geographical names, several of which must be sought for in the Chatrapar taluks, where the plates were found in field, while ploughing, indicating that they had not been carried about from place to place at any rate for several years pact. The village granted wm Kompina likely to be corrupted into Koumyana, which in the Oriya month woald become Konomono or Konomoni, with which It has been dentified. The doneo ww revident of Patta pada-wafaka which is apparently the present Pattapur (or Pattupuram). The donee's residence ww included in, tho Kongarinnaga-vibaya, whose bead-quarters appears to be represented by Konttaya-gage. The doneo's family had emigrated from Vapabhumi, which may be identical with Deppangl. The name of the violaya road Thihars in doubtful and it would therefore be welens to try to identify it. (Nr. C, R, Krishnamacharla would identify the Machhadagrima or Machhadagrima, the Ththiri, the Bhatn-Nirole, and the Uttarapatha village of these pate with Majhigim in the Berhampur, Tikkan pada in the Gamepar, Nirian in the Aska od Uttaralli in the Parlakimedi taluks of the Gadjam district respec FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. 803

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII No. 30.--THE MUNGIR PLATE OF DEVAPALADEVA: SAMVAT 33. BY LIONEL D. BARNETT. This charter was first published in the year 1788, in Vol. I of the Asiatick Researches, p. 123 ff. where a lithographic reproduction and an attempt at translation were presented. About that time the plate disappeared. In 1892 the late Professor Kielhorn republished the text with a corrected translation in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, p. 254 ff., on the basis of the edition in the Asiatick Researches ; as will be seen, he accomplished the task with his wonted skill and success. But no trace of the original plate could be found. Recently, while repairs were being made in Kenwood House, a dirty and discoloured metal plate inscribed with Indian characters was found hidden away between a beam and the roof. It was brought to me for identification, and I at once recognised it as the long-lost charter of Devapaladeva. Then Mr. Plenderleith, of the Science Laboratory attached to the British Museum, came to my aid and skilfully removed the accumulated grime and rust of many generations, so that it is now restored to its original condition, a fine and almost perfectly preserved specimen of medieval Indian metal-work. It seemed desirable to publish a photographic facsimile with an emended transcription of the text, and I have been permitted to do this by the kindness of the Right Honourable the Earl of Iveagh, G.C.V.O., Senior Trustee of the Kenwood Estate. The plate is of thick copper, measuring 184 inches in height and 137 inches in width. On the top of it is soldered & seal, 64 inches high and at the base 7 inches wide; in the central panel of this is the well-known Sarnath device, the dharma-chakra with two antelopes at the sides, under which is the royal name, Sri-Devapaladevasya. It is in excellent preservation : with the exception of a very few unimportant syllables, the characters are as cleanly cut as when the plate came from the engraver's hand. The script is typical of the region and date; the letters are about to of an inch in height. It is needless to treat of the contents, as they are fully discussed in Kielhorn's paper. The main part of this document, scil. from the beginning to karya iti, 1. 46, is duplicated in ll. 1-42 of the Nalanda plate published in Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, p. 310 ff. The divergences are few and slight, and I have only noticed the more important. TEXT. First Side. 1 Om svasti Siddharthasya par-artha-susthira"2 mateh san-margam-abhyasyatas-siddhis-siddhim-&3 nuttaram-bhagavatas-tasya prajasu kriyat | yas-traidhatuka-sat[t*]va-siddhi-padavir atyugra-viry-odayaj-jitva nirvsiti4 m-asasada sugatah san=s&ryva-bhum-isvarah+ || [1] Sawbhagyan=dadhad=atula briyas-sapatnya Gopalah patir-abhavad-vasu. ndhariyah | drisht-ante sati kritinam surajni yasmin-braddheyah Ptithu-Sagar-adayo. py-abhuvan || [28] Vijitya yen-a jaladher-Vasundha6 ram vimochita mogha-parigraha iti 88-vashpam-udvashpa-vilochanan=punar-vvaneshu vaba)ndhun-dadfishu(bu)r-mmatanga-jah || [3*] Cha7 latav=ananteshu va(ba)leshu yasya vigvambharaya nichitann rajobbih pada-prachaca kshamam-antariksham=vihanganlanam suchiram-va(ba)bhuva || [48] From the original plate. * Denoted by & symbol. * The letter looks more like ta then na-Ed.] * The Nalanda plate (Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, p. 318) has sarv-drtha-bhim-idvaras, which is probably right.

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Mungir Plate of Devapala : the 33rd Year Scale : One Third Linear of the Original naamnyj-aajij| | ei baaNhaajaar kaaraaaatreyaarijoyntr baajaar (|| ekbaar dhaarnaa br'dkhiyor`r`r`apbddhSUhy'essct 20Ns| isliilsidinaakhn ismaaitmiaa brij yaajk Tjn htyaay' baabaar naarii yaatraabilaabr'ibi| bnmaay'aabi binyjiraay' ujaari aajiibnoy'aay' abjykhni hyrklp Taay' aarbaaniiprsaariignishaatmshriishrii hn mhaakhiirbtaaywed nei: sbrbrtr`haar'nyjiibdhenyjiniy'ne saanjr' hiitbitaatei bemaatr'iishr'hr'jaakaa-yaatr'aamaajiibikaa| iy'aaN anekkhaalaar smy' byy'aaphrgaahaamraaj mjlndh, thaaniiy' jnggibiphetraabaabijibir'l baabaabhels yaaokskoy'enaabaajaakhsaanaar'aabr'nyjiiy'aaNy'er baahbniijnemaatriiibstmaarjaalejaannyaakaamojey' jbaanishiy'haajoy'aanaakiir aalm| enbik ( krr jiibikaay'saao asmshrimuddraaij| thaairkheiljiiy'naaniph enaari-22,brgunaay' haay' taair'aabaar'iir'iaahii ebN sbaadhhaanaakhaabiibyaary' kraa| o saahityik jiibiaaariiphaay'y'y'yaaraa jbaalaaper itimaayhiin ebN bnggii-biijtlaa[i[aishkssaadaanr'naar'aakaano| tenehle arthaa maatthiirssnniiy' laakhkhaabolijm baaji hbe| caarptiraadhikbrsaa-baali embi sthaabdhaasl naam diy'e khelaadhr'nnaasthitriNkhlaabaahikelkhniil braak ityaajmaathaabythaa nijiNbies!haaukhcchbitrnn-jaa 'smaaji-siji km Wwjy'|aikhaarikhbidhaay'aarmdhetihaamidiinbraatriir'ssaakaaliin rohi ||| | | lai laichilis phiddaamel(2y' [ etti jaaekaainii beshi| er abhy' chilaam / paahii hini aphiser kaaj| &vk.Cy'ii mhaamaay'aat ei yaatraa bijnyaany'nprtyaashii| (55 iN |{{ }{{Skils(kaajii hy'e yaay' raaseler kr'ibii b|kite][Slkhlaamiiyibhibhaabbiiy'aa r`iaar' ykhaab yaaraa ||chig512 / sbaadh0 paar3e0tellbair'aathii ikaamlmaasum| A.-Obverse

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NO. 30.] THE MUNGIR PLATE OF DEVAPALA: SAMVAT 33. 305 8 Sastr-artha-bhaja chalato-nusasya varapan=pratishthapayata sva-dharmm bri Dharmmapalena sutena 8o=bhut=svarga-sthitanam=ansinah 9 pitlinam || [5*] Achalair-iva jangamair-yadiyair-vichaladbhir-dviradaih kadar thyamana | nirupaplavam=&mva(mba)ram prapede 6310 ranam renu-nibhena bhuta-dhatri || [6*] Kedare vidhin-Opayukta-payasam Ganga samet-amvu(mbu)dhau Gokaron-adishu ch=apy-anu. 11 shthitavatam tirtheshu dharmmyah kriyah bhrityanam sukham-eva yasya sakalan=uddh[pi*]tya dushtan-iman lokan-sa12 dhayato'nushangal-janita siddhih paratr=apy=abhut || [78] Taistair-dig-vijas avasana-samaye sampreshitanam=paraih sa!3 tkarair-apaniya khedam-akhila svam svan=gatanam bhuvam ksityam=bhavaya. tam yadiyam-uchitam prity: npipanam=abhut=8-014 bkankham hridayam divas-chyutavatam jati-smaranam=iva || [8*] Sri-Parava(ba) lasya duhituh kshiti-patina Rashtrakata-tilakasya 15 Rapnadevyah panir-jagrihe griha-medhina tena 11 [9*] Dhtita-tanur-iyam Lakshmih sakshat-kghitirenu saririni kim-avani-pateh 16 kirttir-murtta'thaval goiha-devata [l*] iti vidadkati suchy-achara vitarkavatih prajah praksiti-gurubhir-ya buddh-antam gunai17 r-akardd-adhah || [10] Slaghya pativrat-agau mukta-ratnam samudra-buktir-iva Sri Dovapaladovam prasanna-vsittam sutam-&guta || [11] 18 Nirmmalo manasi vachi samyatah kaya-karmmani cha yah sthitah suchau rajyam-apa nirupaplavam pitur=vo(bo)dhi-gatst*]va iva 19 gaugata padam 11 [12] Bhramyadbhir=vijaya-kramena karibhis-tam-eva Vindhy. atavim-uddama-plavamana-vashpa-payaso dri[shtah] punar=va(ba)ndha20 vah U Kamvo(mbo)jesbu cha yasya vaji-yuvabhir-dhvast-anys-raj-aujaso hesha. misrita-hari-heshita-ravah kantas-chiram vikshitah 11 [13] 21 Yah purvvam-Va(Ba)lina klitah ktita-yuze yen-agamad=Bhargavas-tretayam praha. tah priya-pranayina Karnnena yo dvapare i vichchhinnah kali22 na Saka-dvishi gate kalena lok-antaram yena tyaga-pathah sa eva hi punar vispashtam=unmilitah || [14*] A(A) Gang-agama-mahita. 28 t-sapatna-Sunyam-i Satu-prathita-Dasasya-ketu-kirtteh urvim-i Varupa-nike[ta*lnach cha sindhor- akshmi-kula-bhavanach-cha yo 24 vu(bu)bhoja || [15*] Sa khalu Bhagirathi-patha-pravarttamana-nanavidha-nau-vataka sampadits-setu-va(bandha-nihita-saila-bikhara-bre25 ni-vibhraman-niratisaya-ghana-ghanaghana-ghata - syamayamana - Vasara - Lakshmi-sami ravdhabdha)-santata-jalada-samaya-8826 ndehat udichin-aneka-nara-pati-prabhfitikpit-aprameya-haya-vahini-khara-khur-otkhata dhull-dhugarita-di27 g-antaralat paramesvara-Beva-samayat-asesha-Jamvu(mbudvipa-bhupala padata-bhara namad-avaneh | sri-Mudgagiri-samava. 1 The elision of a is denoted by an aragraha. Kielhorn read prasanna-vaktrath, and this is supported by the Nalanda plate, 1. 16. But our plate bas distinctly -vrittan. * Our plate has clearly vikshitab, as was read by Kielhorn; the Nalanda plate howevec hai chira-prisita, 1. 19). 29

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906 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 28 sita-srimaj-jaya-skandhavarat parama-saugata-paramesvara-parama-bhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-sri-Dharmapaladeva 29 pad-anudhyatah parama-saugatah paramesvara-parama-bhattarako maharaj-adhirajah sriman-Devapaladevah kusali I 30 Srinagara-bhuktau Krimila-vishay-antahpati-sva-samva(mba)ddh-avichchhinna-talopeta-Meshika-grame samupagata 31 na(n) sarvvan-eva ranaka | raja-putra- | amatya- mahakarttakritika- | mahadandanayaka-maha-pratihara- | maha-sa 32 manta- mahadauhsadhasadhanika-maha-kumar-amatya- | pramatri- sarabhanga- | rajasthaniya-uparika- | dasa 33 paradhika-chauroddharanika- | dandika | dandapasika- saulkika- | gaulmika- | ksha(kshe)trapa-prantapala- kottapala hasty-asv-oshtra-va(ba)la-vyapritaka 34 khandaraksha- tad-ayuktaka- viniyuktaka [*] kiaora-vadava go-mahishy-aj-avik-idhyaksha- | duta-praishani [VOL. XVIII. 35 ka- gamagamika- | abhityaramana- | vishaya-pati- tara-pati- tarika | Gauda-MalavaKhasa-Huna-Kulika-Karnnata-Lata]-chata-bhata 36 sevak-adina(n) anyams-ch-akirttitan sva-pada-padm-opajivinah prativasinas-cha vra(bra)hman-ottaran mahattara-kutumvi(mbi)-puroga-med-a Second Side. 37 Indhraka-Chandala-paryantan samajn(a)payati Viditam-a 38 stu bhavatam yath-oparilik hita-Meshika-gramah sva-si 39 mi-tripa-yuti-gochara-paryantah sa-talah s-oddelah samra-madhuikah sa-jala-sthalab sa-matsyah sa-tripah s-oparikarah, sa-das-a 40 paradhah sa-cha uroddharanah parihrita-sarvva-pidah a-chata-bhata-praveso'kinchitpragrahyo rajakuliya-Spratyaya-same 41 to bhumi-chchhidra-nyayen-a-chandr-[arkka]-kshiti-sama-kalah purvva-datta-bhuktabhujyamana-deva-vra (bra)hma-deya-varjjito maya mata-pitror-atmanas-cha puBhatta-Visvaratasya pautraya 42 nya-yaso-bhivriddhaye ved-a[rtha]-vido yajvano vidy-avadata-chetaso Bhatta-sri-Varaharatasya putraya! 43 pada-vakya-pramana-vidya-param-gataya | Aupamanyava-((go)triya yan aa-vra(bra)hmacharine Bhatta-[pravara"]-Vihekarata-hiaraya 44 basanikritya pratipaditah [*] Yato bhavadbhih sarvvair-eva bhumer-dana-phalagauravad-apaharane maha-naraka-pata-bhayach-cha danam-i 45 dam-anumodya pala]niyam prativasibhih kshetrakarais-ch-ajna-sravana-vidheyairbhitvi samuchita-kara-hirany-adey-adi-sarvva-pratyay-opana 46 yah ka(a)rya iti [Samvat 33 Marga-dine 21 | Tatha cha dharm-anueaka(sa)naalokah Sarvan-etan bhavinah parthivendran [The symbol seems to read ndra.-Ed.] The elided a is denoted by an avagraha. [Like the Nalanda plate, this charter clearly gives samasta before pratyaya. Kielhorn was doubtful about the reading of this word. See Inds Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 256, f. 34-Edi] [I think the text reads kalam as it does in the Nalanda plate, L 36, ef, other nasal symbols for items in 11. 38 and 51.-Ed.] Bead Avalayana. So read in previous editions: the letters are no longer legible.

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38 40 42 44 48 50 za 52 Mungir Plate of Devapala: the 33rd Year Scale : One Third Linear of the Original i paka karA diyA yA 46 yaH yati 133 mADI dine nidhAravazavAza vaMzo ko sarvatAvAvinaH yAvi banAyA kAle kAlapAlavIyajamAnAya ki vA pAkAditizyAyamAitamA yata // sUrayAyata yadi yA sAipAla ki yAda yAlA vilola yasamA jIvana sakalasikaH yatra vADe yA vilA yathA // zayA vidyAvedayaDU ka pAyariyA jaya vivi yavikA samAna nAmaH rAna hI rAzA ki kAlI yA zivAya kAlabA bhAvikAvayati tathA kAnA dalAta yA mAlava zAyA nahItA yAra yA vasAyamA lAyana dAvA jIvanAvarI vAya anyAni yAditaH satata vivAda B.-Reverse

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No. 31.) TEKKALI PLATES OF DANARNAVA'S SON INDRAVARMAN. 307 47 bhuyo bhuyah prarthayaty-esha Ramal [1*] Samanyo=yam dharma-setur ntipanam(n) kale kale palaniyah kramenah 1 [16*) Va(Ba)hubhir-Vasudha 48 datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih [1] yasyayasya yada bhumin(8-)tasyatasya tada phala || [17] Sva-dattam=para-dattam va yo hareta vasu49 ndharan(m) [1*] sa vishthaya[**] krimir-bhutva pitsibhis=saha Spachyat[e] [11 18*] Iti kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lolan(lam) sri(Sri)yam-anuchintya manushya50 jivitan=cha | sakalam-idam=udahsitan=cha vu(bu)ddh[v*ja na hi purushaih para kirttayo vilopya[h*] 11 [19*] Sreyo-vidhav=ubhayansa-vi. 51 suddhi-lhajam raj-atka(ka)rod=adhigat-atma-gunan guna-jnah, atm-anurupa-char-tan sthira-yauvarajyam sri-Rajyapalam-i. 52 ha dutakam=atma-putram || [20*] No. 31.-TEKKALI PLATES OF DANARNAVA'S SON INDRAVARMAN. BY E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Ink-impressions of this inscription were kindly made over to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. The plates belong to Sri L. N. Deb, Esq., Yubraj of Tekkalt in the Ganjam District of the Madras Presidency. These are " three copper-plates, each measuring about 51" in breadth and 29" in height, and strung on a ring of the same metal. The first plate is inscribed only on the inner face, and the third plate bears only one line of writing on the outer face. The plates do not appear to have had raised rims. The ring is 3" in diameter and is fixed in a circular wal measuring " in diameter, on which is engraved the worn figure of a standing bull with raised hump, facing the proper left. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 60 tolas." The writing on the plates is in a state of very good preservation. The alphabet resembles that of other early grants of the Gangas of Kalinga. The letters and have the saine shape as in the majority of them, while in one of the grants of Indra varman' the closely resembles the 4. The jihvamuliya is employed in line 18, and the upadhmaniya five times. A final form of m occurs in line 27. The group is written correctly in line 10, but is expressed by w in lines 3 and 31. In line 30 occur the numerical symbol 100 and the two decimal figures 5 and 4. The language of the inscription is on the whole very correct Sanskrit prose, with three verses sung by Vyaga', quoted in lines 25-20. Line 14 contains a few Dravidian words (amba-achchi-poti). The date of this inscription (1. 30 is the year 100 54=154 ; i.e. the first of the three figures is expressed by the numerical symbol 100', and the two remaining figures are decimals. This fresh date induced me to re-examine the year of the Chicacole plates of Devendravarman, son of Gunarnava, which I had originally read as 100 80 3. Kiel horn noted already that the middle figure is certainly not the numerical symbol. 80', but the decimal 8'. The third figure of the year does not resemble the usual form of 3'; but, as the date is recorded also in words, it must be meant for '3'. Buhler solved this little problem in a very ingenious manner by explaining 1 Read kramena. [I think we can read it as -Ed.] . [Pbe original wrongly gives pachyata-Ed.] Read ubhaya-varba. See the Mudras Epigraphical Report for 1924, p. 10, Apr. A. No. 1, and p. 97, para. 2. * See e.. above, Vol. XIV. p. 361 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 123 ; above, Vol. III, p. 121. Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 120. * Abovo, Vol. III, p. 13). Above, Vol. V, Appendix, px 91, note 7.

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308 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 4 [VOL. XVIII. the figure' 3' of these plates as an abbreviation of loka, the (three) worlds'. Hence the year is in reality 100 83-183. The day of the same grant consists of the decimal figure '2' followed by a cipher (0)=20. If we now re-examine the date of the Purle plates of Indravarman, son of Danarnava, the year turns out to be (not 100 40 9, but) 100 37=137, and the day 20 0=20; and the year of one of the Chicacole plates of Indravarman is not 100 40 6, but 100 38=138, and its day is 10h (still expressed by a numerical symbol). If we go back to the other Chicacole plates of Indravarman, we find that both the second figure of the year and the first figure of the day are expressed by numerical symbols: 100 20 8 128, and 10 5 15. Subsequently to 100 83 183, the year of the Chicacole plates of Devendravarman, son of Gunarnava, even the first figure ceases to be represented by a numerical symbol and is expressed by a decimal in 195, the year of the Siddhantam plates of Devendravarman, son of Gunarnava. The day of the same grant is 5h7 (changed unnecessarily by the editor into [*). I may be excused for having gone into such details, because this digression will in future induce editors, including myself, to be more careful and methodical in handling the dates of the Eastern Gangas. I shall now recapitulate the years of some of the earlier Ganga grants, at the end of which the names of certain officers are mentioned. No. I. Urlam plates of Hastivarman, surnamed Rajasimha or Ranabhita (above, Vol. XVII, p. 333). Year 800 = 80, in words and figures. Written by Vinayachandra, son of Bhanuchandra. No. II. Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman, surnamed Rajasimha (above, Vol. III, p. 129). Year 80 7 87, in words and figures. Written by the same officer. surnamed Rajasimha (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, Written by the same officer. No. III. Parla-Kimedi plates of Indravarman, p. 134). Year 90 1 91, in words and figures. No. IV. Chicacole plates of Indravarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 121). Year 100 20 8= 128, in figures alone. Engraved by Aditya-Manchin, son of Vinayachandra. No. V. Purle plates of Indravarman, son of Danarnava (above, Vol. XIV, p. 362). Year 100 37137, in figures alone. Engraved by Khandichandra, son of Aditya-Bhogika. No. VI. Tekkali plates of Indravarman, son of Danarnava (the subjoined grant). Year 100 54 154, in figures alone. Engraved by the same officer. No. VII. Chicacole plates of Devendravarman, son of Gunarnava (above, Vol. III, p. 133). Year 100 83183, in words and figures. Engraved by Sarvachandra, son of KhandichandraBhogika. From the preceding list it follows that Nos. I-III were written by Vinayachandra. No. IV was engraved by his son Aditya, Nos. V and VI by Khandichandra, son of Aditya, and No. VII by Sarvachandra, son of Khandichandra. In this manner, the names of these menials become an important confirmation of the correctness of the dates of their masters. Moreover, No. V was written by the Sarvadhikrita Sambapuropadhyaya, son of the Hastyadhyaksha Dharmachandra (11. 29-31). In lines 29-32 of the subjoined grant (No. VI of the above list), the latter is stated to have been written by the same officer. 1 Indian Paleograpky, translated by Fleet, p. 78. Above, Vol. XIV, p. 362. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 123. In column XV of the Table of Numerals in Buhler's Indian Paleography, the symbol 40' must be transferred to the line '3'. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 121. 5 Above, Vol. III, p. 133. Above, Vol. XIII. p. 215. Cf. 10h in the Chicacole piates of Indravarman, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 123. Like Bhogika in Nos. V-VII, Manckin is perhaps an equivalent of the Teluga Bhoi, a palankeon-bearer st. above, Vol. XIII, p. 215, text line 30. Brown's English-Telugu Dictionary has the form Boyi

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No. 31.) TEKKALI PLATES OF DANARNAVA'S SON INDRAVARMAN. 309 The executor (ajna) of this grant was the Mahamahattara Harisarman (L. 29 f.). The donee . was a Brahmana named Skandasarman (1. 17), who lived at Garakhonna (1. 15). The royal donor was Danarnava's son, the Kalinga king Indravarman of the Ganga family, who issued this edict from his residence of Kalinganagara. He seems to have made the grant for the spiritual merit of his mother Achchipoti (1. 14). The grant was made at an eclipse of the sum (1. 15) in the year 154 (of the Ganga era) (1. 30). It consisted of a field at the viltage of Tunganna (1. 11) or Tungana (L. 21) in the district of Rapyavati (1. 11). I am unable to identify either the village granted or its boundaries (11. 18-22). But the Rupyavati-vishaya (l. ll) may be connected with the [Ri]pavarttani-vishayal which contained the village of Sellada. For, according to Mr. G. Ramadas, this village belongs to the Tek kali Taluk, and the subjoined grant is preserved at Tekkali. TEXT.: First Plate. 1oN svasti [ // '] sarva sukharamaNIyahijayazrInivAsAkaliGgana2 garavAsakAnmahendrAcalAmamazikharapratiSThitasya carAcaragu3 romakalabhuvananirmANakasUtradhArasya bhagavato gokagana4 svAminazcaraNakamalayugalapraNAmAhiyatakalikala5 ko gAlAmalakulatilako nayavinayasampadAmAdhAra[:] khAsi6 dhArAparispandAdhigatasakalakaliGgAdhirAjya vitatacaturudadhi7 salilataraGgamakhalAvanitalAmalayazA: anakasamara Second Plate; First Side. 8 saMghavijayajanitajayazabdapratApophnatasamastasAma. 9 tacUDAmaNiprabhAmakharIpucaraJjitacaraNe' paramamA10 hezvaro mAtApitupAdAnudhyAtamyomahAnArakhavasanuzvImAhA11 rAjendravarmA rUpyavatIviSaye tujavAgrAme sarvasamavetAmkuTu. 12 mbinamamAJApayatyasti viditamastu vo yathAsingrAme hala13 sya bhUmibrahmAdeyadaNDamAnamitA sarvakarabhare parizatyAca14 sTrArkapratiSThAtvA ambaccipoTibhaTArikAyA puNyAbhiva15 ye sUryoparAga samikSapUrvakaM garakhIbavAstavyAya pANDi Second Plate ; Second Side. 16 khasagovAya vAjasaneyasababhacAriNe vedavedAGgapAragA17 ya skandamANa sampattA [*] tadevaM viditvAsya khakIyAM 1 Madras Epigraphical Report for 1919, p. 14, Appendix A, No. 6. * Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, p. 271. * From ink-impressions supplied by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri. * Expressed by a symbol. 'Read mokaNaM. * Read yazA. IRead carax. * The word fel is superfluous. Cl. Ind. ant. Vol. XIII, p. 123, note 60; a'love, Vol. II, p. 132, note 43 Vol. III, p. 214, not02.

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310 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 18 kenacidAbAcAryaH [*] sImAlikAmyavyastha ceksya pradakSiNa19 meca boDavyAni] [] pUrvIca vidyuhA [1] dadhiSeNa' puruSacchA20 vayA pAcAcapalaH [["] pazcimena zarapATakasomAntA: [["] - 21 revApi seva vidyuGgA [] tuGanataDAkodakamadhye [sa]tvevaM kArA22 yA brAhmaNapathAnyAca nirmAtya pravizati yAvatyacyate [1] bhaviSya23 tatha rAma> Page #388
8 10 ghr daa naal hr avaaN vaahk svy r pr aah c svaar kaar-kaavaaN kaarn hr kooii 1 199 200 201 12 14 16 18 20 22 s (c) atee hoor lugr guruudvaar haar nirm 700 puurv sb 100 da1@gma dh aa @@@ s naal vaartaa hai Dated 07 sr laagur pree hai iia. TEKKALI PLATES OF DANARNAVA'S SON INDRAVARMAN. ki aglaa guruu kaa ahraaj hukmu jg mhi pr araa avNdh hai| 10 ne iib. HIRANANDA SASTRI. pr SCALE FULL SIZE. atr 10 12 taap gaann grg bhu ree nuuN skht guruu aNddrgraaj us guruu gur gurr arjn gurjr siNgh pr hr acc jee aapi hoor bbaav pur surg krth ghr vaast s 14 16 18 20 22 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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jiia. ctt rHrns'aasn // suur , s'0 bii 24 krvaar s'aam 4 haav rHth hai| | puhpuu v hai| maaruu vaar p vrkhaa 20 khee - raat ooh sthi vii kr naa krii pHkh a j joo dd n p .. 4 5s'aa vii| dhiiruu bbur hri ruup kaa i ao 2002 chooE, ruuh hr 2. 27 28 kroo| s'eeree aaNddv wib. SEAL (FROM A PHOTOGRAPH). ENLARGED NEARLY FOUR TIMES THE ORIGINAL SIZE.

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No. 32.) TEK) I PLATES OF RAJENDRAVARMAN'S SON DEVENDRAVARMAN. 311 (LI. 18-22.) And the marks of the boundaries of this field are to be known in the order from right to le to the east, the Vidyudganga. To the south, a row of boulders for (a distance which als) the shadow of a man. To the west, the boundaries of Sarkaravataka. And to the nort the same Vidyudganga. And the water of the tank (tadaka) of Tungana," flowing out of t Karakhandi and Brahmanapalani (canals ?), enters this field tuntil the crop) ripens." [LI. 24-28 contain three verses' sung by Vyasa'.) (Ll. 29-31.) "The executor (ajna) (was) the Mahamahattara Harisarman. 100 (and) 64 years of the kingdom of increasing victory (had then passed). This edict (sasanas, (was) written by the Sarvadhikrita $[a]mbapuropadhyaya, the son of the Hastyadhyaksha Dharmachandra, (and) engraved by Khandichandra, son of Aditya-Bhog[i]ka." No. 32.--TEKKALI PLATES OF RAJENDRAVARMAN'S SON DEVENDRAVARMAN. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). These plates belong to Sri Gopinath Deb, Esq., Second Prince of Tekkali in the Ganjam District of the Madras Presidency. Ink-impressions of them were kindly forwarded to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. These are "three copper-plates, each measuring about 61" high and 23" broad, and strung on a ring of the same metal. The first plate bears writing only on the inner face. All the inscribed faces appear to have had raised rims, which are now worn out. The ring is about 31" in diameter and is fixed in a circular seal measuring 11 in diameter. The seal is much damaged and broken on one side. It bears the figure of a seated bull, facing the proper left. Below the bull is a lotus, of which only three petals are now visible. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 85 tolas." The writing on the plates is fairly well preserved and distinct, except where it has been wilfully tampered with by some person who erased and changed certain topographical and personal names which the inscription must have contained originally. The alphabet closely resembles that of the Alamanda plates of the year 304.The language is very barbarous Sanskrit Prose, with two equally faulty verses sung by Vyasa', which are quoted in lines 24-27. The inscription records the grant of a village by the worshipper of the god Gokarna-svamin (1. 5) on the Mabandra mountain (1.2 f.) and the ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas,-the Maharaja Davendravarman, who was the son of the Maharaja Rajandravarman (II. 12-14). He addressed this edict from his residence of Kalinganagara (1. 2) to the ryota inhabiting a village whose name has been later on erased and replaced by the word Ni[y]ino in Nagari characters (L. 14). The name of the district in which this village was included has also been tampered with, but may have been originally [Rupavarttani.5 The name of the Brahmana donee seems to have been erased, but he was apparently a good poet' (su-kavi) and the son. of a great doorkeeper' (mahapratihara, l. 17). The description of the boundaries of the village granted (11. 20-23) has also been tampered with and cannot be restored in full. C. above, Vol. III, p. 134, note 1, and Vol. XIV, p. 363, passim. * This name was spelled 'unganna in line 11. . Above, VOL III, p. 18 See Ep. Rep. for 1924, p. 10, App. 4, No. 2, and p. 97, parn. 2. . Cf. above, p. 309.

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312 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. Line 28 f. contains the date of the inscription. If the compound [sata]-maye is explained as a clerical error for sata-traye, it may be translated by: "In the year three-hundred and ten of the kingdom of growing victory of the Ganga race." Devendravarman, whose subjoined grant is dated in the year 310, might then have been a second son and successor of that Rajendravarman whose first son, Anantavarman, issued the Alamanda plates of the year 304.1 The two names of the writer (1. 30) and of the goldsmith (akshasalin) who engraved the edict (1. 31) remain doubtful and suspicious. It will be seen that at present this whole document is of very small practical value. But I am publishing it with the hope that, in the light of future discoveries, it may still prove of some use in unravelling the tangled web of the Ganga genealogy and chronology. TEXT.3 First Plate. 1 [m] [*] Svasy-Amara-pur-anukarina[h*] sarva-rtu-sukha-ra]-* 2 mani(n)ya l=vijaya(ya)vata[h*] Kalinganagara-vasakan-Mahe! 3 ndrachal-amala-sikhara-pratishthitasya sa-char-achara-guro[*] sa 4 kala-bhuvana-nirman-aika-su(su)tradharasya sasanka-chu(chu) 5 damaner-bhagavato Gokarna (rna)-sv[a]minas-charana-kamala6 yugala-pranimad-vigata-Kaliakalakono(ne)k-a Second Plate; First Side. 7 hava-sam*]kshobha-janita-jaya-savda(bdah) pratap-avanata-sama 8 sta-samanta-chakra-chu(chu)damani-prabhu-manjari(ri)-punja-ranja(nji)ta 9 vara-charana[*] sita-kumuda-ku[m*]d-endedvavadata-di 10 [dge]sa-7vinirggata-yasho(so)-dhvast-arati-kulachalo naya 11 vinaya-daya-dana-dakshanya-saury-audarya-satya-tya 12 g-adi-guna-sa[m*]pad-adhara-bhu(bhu)to Gang-mala-kula-ti Second Plate; Second Side. 13 laka(ko) maharaja-sri(er!)-Rajendrava[r]mma-su(sa)nu[r]=maharaja 14 sri(sri)-Devendrava[r]m[*] kusali(li).. pavarttany[am] Ni[y]ino-10gra 15 ma-nivasina[*] kutu[mimna][h*] samajnapayati [*] Vidi- . 16 tam-astu vo [bhavatam grama 1 Above, Vol. III, p. 18. [See also Ep. Rep. for 1924, p. 97, para. 2, and the genealogical table on p 99.-Ed.] From ink-impressions supplied by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri. Expressed by a symbol. For svasy read svasty. The tops of the letters of this line are cut away. Read Kali-kalankos. Read -endv-avadata.. Read -dakshinya.. Read -dig-deba- and cf. above, Vol. III, p. 223, text line 7. One or two letters at the beginning of this word have been erased and corrected. The original reading may have been Rupa". 10 The name Nily lino has been substituted by a second hand. The vowel of the first and second syllables is a Nagari i, while this vowel is in every other instance expressed by a curve above the consonant. 13 The bracketed word is engraved on an erasure. Read kufumbinah.

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TEKKALI PLATES OF RAJENDRAVARMAN'S SON DEVENDRAVARMAN. bhaa khuuh tthu= ween AnQnhu n oo nee hgupttii J o5q hn| sooceek hn / Even 47n hai kee naa , iii. nuuN , n v n n khee baauttn4pr hai : nuuN hoor vii kool 5 0 Sonnnaa . iil. vin 30geee nuuN uh // 45 hn uh tooN kHuj6 kG : HIRAXAXDA SASTRI. SCALE FOUR-FIFTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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20 22 24 26 28 30 iiia. DZ032 bddin ABVS jgmeeN iiib. rNdhr 105720 DOUBT BE SEAL (FROM A PHOTOGRAPH). srv drsh lunnaalunnaaru gaari mNddi OU 923 byaaNg kriNciNdi gp dd drshi 870 Apa is Sad saaNd r thi ittu gaa U jr raasaar (ENLARGED, NEARLY FOUR TIMES THE ORIGINAL SIZE.) 20 22 24 26 28 30

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PENUKAPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA II. No. 33.] 17 su(su)nu-mahapratihara1.. [earmana][*] sutaya su-kavi 18 pitror-atmanas-cha puny(ny)-abhivriddhaye ta]mv[ra]-sasana' mata sakala Third Plate; First Side. 19 kara-bharai(ra)-parityagena chandr-aditya-paryanta[m*] prada 20 to(tto) maya [] Atra si(si)ma-ling[*]ni likhyante [*] Gramasya purvva-di21 sa(si) vyaghra[h*] tato [garta nyag-gata ] dakshinena vapya [va]na-rajilh*] ga[rta] 22 tato dakshina-paschima-[ko]. . . . [ga]rta tato(ta) uta(tta)re. 23 pa tintalika-vri(kaha[b] [va)na-[rkjijka [*] Atra Vyasa 24 gi(gi)ta[b] [slo]ka bhavanti [*] Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudha data(tta) [*]jabhi[*] Sagar-a 25 di[bh]i[h] yasya-yasya yada bhumi[s-"]tasya-tasya tath[a](da) phala[m!! 1*] 1 The syllable ti looks like dai. Read tamra-basanena. 313 Third Plate; Second Side. 26 Sva-dattath*] para-datam-va yo hareti(ta) vasundharam *] sa vi27 shthayam krimir-bhu(bhu)tva pachyate pitribhi[h*] saha [ 2*] 28 Ganga-va[a]-"[pra)varddham(a*]na-vijaya-raja(jya) 29 samvatsara-[sata]-maye1o das-ottare [*] Li[khi*]tam=i30 dam sasana[m*] 18. ...[s]in[am] eri(eri)-s[*]manta-Sarvva[chandre]na(pa) (?) [*] 31 Utki(tki)rna[m*] ch=akshas[a][i]n[a] sri(eri)-s[*]manta-Khandi[malepa] [||*] Cf. above, Vol. III, p. 134, and note 2. Read -datta va. No. 33. PENUKAPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA II. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Ink-impressions of the plates which bear the subjoined inscription's were kindly sent to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. The plates belong to Mr. K. Nagesvara Rao, editor of the Andhra-Patrika, Madras. These are "three copper-plates, each measuring 24" by 7", and strung on a ring of the same metal. The first and third plates are inscribed only on their inner face. The ring is 24" in diameter and is fixed in a circular seal measuring 14" in diameter. The seal bears, in relief on a countersunk surface, the legend Sri-Sarvvasiddhi in Chalukya characters. Above this legend are the figures of a crescent and two stars, and below it a full-blown lotus-flower. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 45 tolas." The writing on the plates is on the whole in a state of good preservation. But some lines near the edges of the plates are damaged by corrosion, especially the two bottom lines of plate Read perhaps su-kapaye. This might be the name of some tree. Cf. above, Vol. III, p. 20, note 6. Read -vama.. Read-samvatsara-. 10 Read perhaps -bala-traye, as suggested in my introductory remarks, and cf. -fata-dvaye, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 145, text line 27. 11 Read rahasyena and of. above, Vol. III, p. 21, note 1. 13 Read perhaps mallina Khandi-bri-samanta occurs in Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 145. text line 26 f. 18 See Ep. Rep. for 1924, App. A. No. 4 and p. 98, para. 8. 14 Accordingly, Sarvasiddhi must have been a surname of the donor, Jayasimha II, just as it is known to have been one of Jayasimha If; see above, Vol. XVIII, p. 55, notes 3 and 4. 2 x

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314 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XVIII. ii, a, where some letters near the end have become illegible. The alphabet resembles that of the Chendalur plates of the granter's father) Sarvalokasraya (Mangiyuvaraja). A final form of m occurs in lines 19, 21, 23, 28 and 30. In Chalikya (1. 4) and yugala (1.7), Z is replaced by I, which letter is also employed in the Telugu genitive Bola (11. 16, 19). The Telugu letter r is used in lines 9, 12 and 14. The language is Sanskrit prose, with four verses quoted on plate iii, a. The Telugu word povu, 'going,' occurs in the description of the boundaries of the grant (1. 17). The inscription on the plates records a gift of land by the Maharaja Sakalalokabraya Jayasimha-Vallabha (1. 8 f.), who was the son of the Maharaja Sarvalokasraya (1. 5 f.) and the grandson of the Maharaja Vishnuvardhana who adorned the family of the Chalikyas' (1. 4 f.). The Jayasimha of this grant must be identical with the Eastern Chalukya king Jayasinha II, who is known to have been the eldest son and the successor of Sarvalokasraya (Mangiyuvaraja) and the grandson of Vishnuvardhana (II); and the subjoined grant is the first of Jayasimha II which has hitherto come to light, In line 9 the king "commands all as follows: Be it known to you (that) by us --" This passage was probably copied from old office records and is left incomplete. It is repeated with modifications and completed in lines 12-17, where the king "commands as follows all ryots inhabiting the district (vishaya) of Karma-rashtra : (Be it known to you that) on the fullmoon (tithi) of Jyaishtha, at the time of Samkranti, at the occasion of gifts of land (bhumi-dana), at the request of Gobbadi, in the village named Penukaparu in Karmarashtra, s-a field (kshetra) in the north-eastern direction of this village has been given (by us). The limit of this field to the east (is) the Nidugatla-tataka (tank); the limit to the south (is) the end of the Pusa-Bola-kshetra ;5 the limit to the west (is) the road going to .......... ; the limit to the north (is) the limit of Mashakha." After a short lacuna at the end of line 17 the description of the boundaries is continued ; but it is difficult to say whether it refers to the same field as before, or to another. This description ends with the words (1. 20 f.): "To the east of the Tala-tataka, in the southern half, a rice-field measuring four (nivartanas ?) and ending in the east ;' on the north-eastern side of the village (the field lies) between hills ().' The fact that the king granted the field is then stated once more in the first person singular, I gave away' (pradam, 1. 23). The inscription ends with the usual threats and imprecations in prose (11. 23-26) and in four verses (11. 26-31). Between the third and fourth verses (1. 30) we are informed that the executor (ajnapli) of this grant was NiravadyaSakalalokasraya-sri-Prithivigamundin. This officer was evidently named after his sovereign's surname, Sakalalokasraya (1. 8). The last portion of his title, gamundin, is probably connected with gamunda, a tadbhava of gramakuto ; cf. above, Vol. VII, p. 183. His actual name may have been Gobbadi (1. 14). The description of the donee, Era Dronasarman (1. 12), is sandwiched between the two versions of the passage which records the king's order (1. 9 and 1. 12 ff.). He was a Brahmana of Vangiparu (1. 9) and belonged to the Kaundinya-gotra, Taittiriya (charana) and Apaatamba-sutra (1. 10). His father and grandfather were Devasarman (1. 11) and Gunjadevabarman (1. 10 respectively). 1 Above, Vol. VIII, p. 236 ff. * These words are supplied from line 9. In line 12 this name is represented by the words in your district' (bhavad-vishaye), which, where they actually stand, are out of their proper pisou. * The words 'hy us are supplied from line. i e., probably, the field (Delonging to) Pasa-Belu.' For Bolu sue above, Vol. XVIII, p. 2, and ef. J[o]dda Bola-kshatra in line 19 of this inscriptiou. * This sooms to be the naine of a village. ? The expression prag-apavargam occurs also in the Apaatamba-Dharmasra, II, 2, 3, 22,

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No. 33.] PENUKAPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA II. 318 It will have been observed that the grant is a clumsy production which would remain upintelligible without comparing it with other more properly arranged documents of the same kind. A few remarks have to be made concerning the geographical names occurring in it. One of the imprecations mentions Varapani (1. 24), i.e. Benares. The field granted adjoined the village of Populaparu in the district of Karma-rashtra (1. 14). This village must be distinct from another Penukapafu in the district of Gudrahara, which had been the object of a grant of Jayasinha I. For the district of Karma-rashtra see above, p. 228. The village of Vangiparu (L. 9), where the donee lived, is mentioned also in two grants of Narendramrigaraja' and Amma II. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Svasti [11*] Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-bamstayamana-Manavya-sagotrana Hariti putranam 2 sapta-Lokamatribhih paripalitanam gvami-Mahasena-pada-bhaktanam bhageven-Nara3 yana-prasada-samasadita-vara-varaha-lamchhan-ekshapa-kshana-vasikpit-Atesha-be4 tru-mandalanammasvamedh(r)-avabhritha-snana-pavitrikrita-vapusham Chalikynan kula5 m-alamkarishnoh bri-Vishnuvarddhana-ma(ma)harajasya pautrah eri-Sarvvaldkara6 ya-maharajasya putrah sv-asi-dhara-namita-rajanya-makuta-tata-ghatt[i]te7 mani-mayuka(kha)-punja-[manja *]ri-ranjita-charana-yugalah pratapavan-prasanna vinivebita-bakti-trayah 8 parama [brahmanyo matapitfi-pad-anudhyatah Sakalalokatiraya-bri-Ja[ya) Second Plate ; First Side. 9 simgha (ha)-Vallabha-maharajah sarvv[@]n-ittham-ajnapayati [11] Viditam-astu Vo=smabhih [l[*] Vangiparu-v[@*]stavy[@]ya 10 Kaundinya-gotraya Taittiriyay-Apastamba-sutraya Gumjadeva-karmmana[h*) pautrays garvva11 kratu-yajino Devakarmmanah putraya chatur-Vveda-paragaya sarvva-tastre-vibaradayi 12 6ci-Era-Dronabarmmani [18] Karmma-rashtra-vishaya-nivasi-katumbinat(nah)" bhavad-vishayet sarvvansi13 ttham-ajnapayati [11] Jyaishthyam paurppamasyamh sankranti-ka17 bhimi dina-nimitte 14 Gobbadi-vijnapanat-Karmma-rashtra Ponukaparu-nama-grame tasya gra16 masy-ottara-purvvasyan-disi kshetran-dattam-asya kshetrasya purvvato-vadbih Nidugatta-tata16 kah [*] dakshinato-vadhih Pusa-Bela-kshetr-antah [1*] paschimato-"yadhih dego., .... 17. [na]ku povu panthah [l*) uttarato=vadhih Mashakh-avadhih [1] [to]mdha-kshetram grama[8y-7)..[ta]s=ta 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 138, text line 17 f. * Ind. Anl., Vol. XX, p. 418. *Above, p. 228. From ink-impressions supplied by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri. Read-mandalanamskramedh.. Read perhaps praapnench * The tu of kutumbinash was originally omitted and then entered below the line A rom behind tu marks the place where it is to be inserted. The singular kufombinasie is used instead of the pluril kutus. bina, slao in Ind. Anh, Vol. XIII, p. 49 and p. 275 ; cf. leo sbovo, Vol. III, p. 19. This locative is quite out of place boro. * Tho syllable beki of pakchimato had been written twice, but the first Ichi weme to have bece strook out by the writer.

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318 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. , Second Plate ; Second Side. 18 fakat tasy-ottar-aparasyan-disi [*] tasya purvvato-vadhih kupah [1*] dakshinato vadhih tataka]h [1] paschimata 19 attaratas-cha J[e]dda-Bela-kshetr-anto-vadhih [*] Asya kshetrasya kupa-dvayam [1*] Tataka e 20 kah kupah [*] Tala-tatakasya purvvatah dakshin-arddhe vrihi-kshetram chatus htaya parimas 21 nam prag-apavarggam cha [18] Gramasy-ottara-purvva-dese giravakasam [11*] Etaschaturs-avadhi22 paryyanta kshetran-dharmma-yaso-bhivsiddhaye sarvva-kara-parihar-opetam udaka-tpu23 ryvakam brahmadeyiksitya pradam [11*] Asya sarvva-kara-parihar- opetasya kshetrasya yo 24 badham kardti sa". Varanabyam sahasra-brahmahaty[**]-pataka-samyukto bhavati [ll] 25 Yo-smach-chhasanam-atikr[@]met=s& papah bari(rs)ran-dandam=arhati 88-pi pa[t]cha-maha Third Plate. 26 pataka-samyukto bhavati [l1*] Bhavanti ch=atra slokah [11*] Bh[u]m[i]-danat-paran danan-Da bh[u]tan-na bha27 vishyati [l*] tasy-aiva haranat pape(pa)n=na bhutan-na bhavishyati (Il 1*] Sva dattam-para-dattam va 28 yo re hareta vasundharam [1*] shashtim varsha-sahasrani vishthayam jayata krimi) [ll 2*] 29 Bahubhir-Yvasudha datta bahubhis-ch-anupalita [1*]- yasya-yasya yada 30 bhumis-tasya-tasys tada phalam [ll 3*] Ajnaptir-Noiravadya-Sakalalokasraya-sri Prithivi-gamundi [11] 31 Vindhy-atavi(vi)shv-atoyasu bushka-kotara-vasina[h *] krishn-abayo hi jayante brahmadey-apaharakah [ll 4*] No. 34.-THE KODAVALI ROCK-INSCRIPTION OF CHANDASATI : THE SECOND YEAR OF REIGN. BY H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A., OOTACAMUND. Going in a north-westerly direction from Pithapuram, a station on the East Coast Railway, for a distance of abont 9 miles along the Samalkota-Kattipati road, the village of Kodavali in sighted. It is situated not very far from the right side of the road. Proceeding thence for nearly two miles again in a north-westerly direction one reaches the foot of a range of hills Read perhaps gury-ava kabam. Read Flach-chatur.. Read kahatran, & The writer had originally written kadaka; but he has bimaelf cancelled the first ka by adding , horisontal line at the top of it. Read a. . Cancel this syllable.

Page #398
PENUKAPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA II. ||4nee nfnaal nj08 5 ii : tooN ttuHtt naahr musl guhaar nuuN 31 nuuN httnnaa : sn kee * , daa / SENT YEaaii S - iia. nuuN hai ? E9 bnnclaiNdee look iib. 18 prbbrtooNhnnaa: krtee HIRAXAXDA SASTKI. SCALE NINE-TENTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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21. 5 peerlvk tr arcpaapaa TN nttraakpaikll koll SEAL ( FROM A PHOTOGRAPH ). ACTUAL SIZE.

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No. 34.] KODAVALI ROCK-INSCRIPTION OF CHANDASATI. 317 covered with thin forest vegetation. From here the place called "Dhanam-dibba" 1.-the treasure-mound' is reached by a gravelly foot-path running along the slope of the hill, which appears to have been once provided with steps of rubble stone. Struggling two or three furlongs along this unwelcome path we come to the crown of the hillock and to the mound Dhanam-dibba' on it. Here are found the remains of what looks like a Buddhist stupo consisting mostly of large-sized bricks and sometimes unhewn stone. On the southern side of the mound are seen also portions of a structure built of cut and dressed stone. The four rock cut wells on the south and west sides of the mound, 4 to 5 feet square and 6 to 7 feet deep, are of peculiar interest and seem to have been used once for storing water for the use of the occupants of the Buddhist monastery, as the mound may prove to be when excavations are properly carried out. On the north wall of one of the wells on the western side of the mound measuring 5' 81 long by 5' 5" broad and 7' 2' deep, is engraved in 6 lines the Andhra inscription, edited below, in Brahmi characters of about the 3rd century A.D. This inscription which was published in 1908 by Dr. Konow in 2. D.M.G., Vol. LXII, p. 591 f. has been noticed as No. 1341 by Dr. Luders in his List of Brahmi Inscriptions in Vol. X, above. As remarked by Dr. Sten Konow in the Director-General of Archeology's Annual Survey Report for 1907-08, p. 225, this is the only lithic record hitherto discovered of the Andhra king Chada sata, who is already known to us from a number of coins found in the Kistna and the Godavari districts. My friend Mr. O. R. Krishnama Acharlu, B.A., of the Madras Epigraphical Department has also spent some hours with me in reading the inscription directly from the stone; and the text given below is the joint production of both of us. The accompanying facsimile plate is reproduced from an inked estampage prepared under my direct supervision. The inscription thus deciphered will be seen to differ much from the published text of Dr. Sten Konow. The object of the record, for instance, was not the establishment of the earth-dwelling (bhumi vesa) of an unnamed minister (amacha), but was the establishment of the gift (dhama) of a khaigu (rock-cut well ?) by the minister Saba of Khaddavali--the ancient form of the present village name Kodavali.3 The name of the king occurs in l. 3 as Chamdasati, the lingual a being possibly also read as a dentar d. Bat. it is to be noted that the long vertical stem which is required to distinguish a dental d (cf. di in 1. 4) is missing here ; again da may be compared with Khadda in 1. 4. The form Chadasatisat occurs clearly on one of the coins published by Rapson. So also on the Kodavali rock the i of ti is faintly seen and is practically certain. Possibly sati is a Prakrit form of Svati and Chandasati has accordingly to be interpreted as Chandasvati. In the table of later Andhra kings given opposite p. 218 of his Early History of India (third edition) by V. A. Smith, the name-ending sati occurs only in the case of No. 22 Siva-svati. But the Matsya-Purana gives many other names ending in svati or statikarna, such as Meghasvati, Kuntalasvati, Sundarasvatikarpa, etc. It may be incidentally noted also that the name-ending svatikarna is more 1 Compare Dhana Badu near Jaggayyapeta ; Burgess's " Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati," p. 107. - Mr. Res who discovered it for the first time has referred to it in his report for 1907-08, p. 8. He says that at the foot of the hills are the remains of fort which, however, I was not able to identify. * If, however, the reading fore( ) of the learned Doctor is accepted, I would observe a striking coincidence in the term for which occurs twice in the Sundara kands of the Ramayana (T. R. K.'s Edition. Chapter XI1, 14 and XY, 4) where, in both instances, the commentator Govindaraja explains the term as Haf :. The context also shows that these ouderground cellars of Ravana's Palace and Pleasure-garden were primarily meant for hiding objects from the view of the enemy. The same may have been he case with these so-called Rock-cut Wells of the Pithaparam forest which surely must have formod part of the Dandaka-forest and as such must bave been once haunted by wicked Rakshasne. . On & second coin figured as G. P. I. in Pl. VI of the Coins of the Andhra dynasty by Rapson, the reading is Chandasat[a]sa with an anustara marked to the left of cha as in the Kodavali rock inscription. Dr. B. G. Bhandar kar's Early flistory of the Dekkan, p. 16*.

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318 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. likely to have been the origin of the later Satakarni than the fanciful fata-karna 'the hundredeared.' But Dr. Konow neither accepts sata as an abbreviation of Satakarni nor does he read satt (=svati). He prefers to have the name Chadasata (=Chandasatawithout explaining the name-ending sdta. The date of the record in 11. 3 and 4 has been read by Dr. Sten Konow as "savachare 10 3(?) he pa 3 diva dasame " whereas my reading is "raji vachhare 29 ma 1 he pa 2 di 1." The reading ma 1 after the regnal year is difficult to explain. If this were preceded by he, instead of being followed by it, it would have yielded the meaning hemantamasa 1, as we find in a very large number of similar dates coming from Northern India ; but, he is required before pa ; for otherwise the latter could not be explained. Besides, the dated Southern Brahmi inscriptions 48 catalogued by Dr. Luders in his List of Brahmi Inscriptions give only the paksha of the season and in no case the month (masa) as the northern dates do. I can only suggest that in this record both the month and the paksha are given and the word he which is an abbreviation for the season homanta is placed after ma 1 while it should have preceded it, and thus arrive at the probable interpretation of the date as "the first day of the second fortnight of the first month of the winter season." If this interpretation is right, the details of the date would correspond to Margadirsha bahula prathama, somewhere in. December 310 A.D., the second year of Chanda-svati. TEXT. 1 Sidhath [1] Ran[o] Vasithi2 putasa sami-siri3 Chemdagat[i][88] [ra]ji-vachhare ? 4 ms 1 he pa 2 a[i] 1 Khadda[valli5 amacha-8a[8]mi khagu.dhama 6 thapita [1] Notes on letters. L. 1. si-The letter sa throughout is written with loop at the left bottom corner whence it is started. This loop, in certain cases, is almost closed, whereas in certain others it is half open. The si which begins the inscription is one of the former type, though it is a little 'deformed looking as though the loop were written twice. dham - The position of the anus dra attached to dha is worthy of notice. It is on the left side of the letter and not on its right top corner. Ad -The-mark is very faint. thi The long iis indicated by two horns as in Kshatrapa inscriptions (Buhler's Tables III, 9), L. 2. ta -- The development of a loop in this letter is to be noted as in the Nasik inscrip. tion No. 20. (See Buhler's Tables III, 13). Possibly, there was a secondary ta below the letter thos making the word puttasa. The word Nurupar-Kaynar which occurs in the Tamil poem Silappadikiram, has been translated by some, M. the bundred-eared and taken to be the equivalent of Satakarni (or Satakarni). The three thick borisontal marks one above the other ench denoting the numeral'one' are visible. Bat the third topmost mark is above the level of the line and not vertically above the other two, I am inclined to read the symbol a'2' and not 8'. * Direct from the stone. prices are left in the original after the complete morda :-Sidham, mano, etc., w shown in thn text. After Semi-in-Chandasdfina in 1. 8 and after savami in L. 6, where we should have expected a space, it is wanting. The me gutem of separating words by space is found in the Hathigumpha inscription of Khiravely, the Tythindoni Mihdription of Palumini (above Vol. XIV, plate facing p. 166) and the Hirabadagalli inscription of give-Skanda-varmed, Ep. Ind.. Vol. I, plate faping p. 6. [The plate pire si-EL)

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KODAVALI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHANDASATI ; THE SECOND YEAR OF REIGN. H. KRISHNA SASTRI SCALE 2 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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No. 34.] L. 3. Cham-The anusvara is clearly marked on the left top of the letter as in dham in 1. 1. After Chamdasatisa, Dr. Sten Konow read savachhare. But to me it appears as if there is space enough for two letters between the sa of Chamdasatisa and vachhare. Perhaps some word like raji has to be read. There are no doubt traces of a sa to justify the reading savachhare. KODAVALI ROCK-INSCRIPTION OF CHANDASATI 319 L. 4. The first letter is ma and not the symbol (oc) for 10 as interpreted by Dr. Sten Konow; nor is the following symbol, 3. The i mark of di runs into the bottom of ra of raji in line 3 above, thus making the latter look somewhat deformed and crooked unlike the other ra-letters in the inscription. The letter between dda and li is completely damaged and no traces are seen. It could have been a ma or a va. As, however, the present village name Kodavali to which there is a sure reference here is spelt with a v, I would prefer taking the damaged letter as va and not a ma. L. 5. The letter after kha (which Dr. Sten Konow read as ve) is like a fu; but, since what looks like the stroke within does not go right across to meet the opposite side, I read it as gu. The meaning in either case is not clear. TRANSLATION. Success; In the reign of king Vasithiputa Sami-siri-Chamda-sati, in the year 2, month 1, the winter fortnight 2 (and) day 1, was established the charity (i.e., the gift) of a khath, gu(?) by the minister Sasa (Sasa) of Khaddavali. POSTSCRIPT. Dr. Sten Konow to whom I had submitted the galley proof of this paper for remarks has. thus kindly written to Mr. Hirananda Sastri :-- L. 3. I agree with him that -satisa is possible, but I can not read any such thing as raji. The apparent dots to the right of-re are found in a part of the stone which is left open in the other lines, and I cannot read them as or. They seem to me to be of the same kind as the other smaller or greater marks found in this part of the stone. L. 4. I am quite unable to see a ma in the first akshara, and I still think that it must be 10. But I accept his reading of the following sign as. At all events, it is very probable. Mr. Krishna Sastri has himself pointed to the great difficulty resulting from his reading. So far as I know, there is no instance of the mentioning of the month, when the date is given in seasonal pakshas, and it would be absolutely unwarranted. It may also be doubted that the year began in the south with hemanta. The reading of the figure after pa as = seems probable, to judge from the plate. After di there is hardly room for -, but I admit the possibility of the reading. I have grave doubts about Khaddavali, but the coincidence of the modern name is in its favour. The double dd is suspicious. L. 5. I cannot understand how amachasasami can mean by the minister Sasa. And it seems to me that the first word ends with amachasa. It is possible that the preceding aksharas contain the minister's name. The ensuing akshara looks to me more like bhu than sa. With regard to Khagu I have little to say. Kha is not certain. In favour of ga or gu speaks the use of s for in siri. But the letter looks more like fa or fu. The remarks which I have been able to offer are, you will see, rather negative. But I cannot just now give more time to the question, being too much occupied with other work. 1 [See f. n. 5 on the opposite page-Ed.]

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320 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIII. No. 35.-BET MA PLATES OF BHOJADEVA; [VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1076. BI D. B. DISKALKAR, M.A.; RAJKOT. Though the name of the Paramara king Bhoja of Dhara is well known to scholars, epi. graphical records of his reign are rather rare. So far only two grants of this king have been discovered one of V. S. 1078 in Ujjain and the other of V. S. 1076 (Magha, su, di. 5) in Banswara". The copper-plate grant dealt with here is thus the third known records of his reign The plates were discovered, about two years ago, by a peasant while ploughing his field near a village called Betma, sixteen miles to the west of Indore, in Central India. They subsequently came into the possession of Mr. Manekchand Jati of Indore, who takes interest in antiquities. When I had been to Indore sometime ago I found them with him. Through the kindness of the late Rao Bahadur Dr. Prabhakar R. Bhandarkar, Home Member, Holkar State, and of Mr. K. K. Lele, Superintendent, Historical Department, Dhar, I have been able to edit the inscription here for the first time. The plates, which are two in number, are held together by two thick copper rings in the usual way. They measure 13 inches in length and 84 inches in breadth and are in an excellent state of preservation. The inscribed side of the second plate bears at its bottom in a rectangular barder a flying figure of Garuda as is usually seen in the Para mara grants. The sign minual of the king is affixed at the end of either plate. It is to be noted that in none of the known grants of Bhojadeva the name of the writer of the grant is given. The alphabet is Nagari of the 11th century A.D. prevalent in Malwa, as known to us from the other records of the period, e.g. the Banswara plates of the same king. The consonant ais expressed by throughout. In fact, there is nothing to distinguish between the letters , a and y. y is wrongly replaced by # in fecet (1. 1), afe* (1. 14), Tentifier (1. 21) and in due: (1.23). Similarly is wrongly replaced by q in quanto (1.16) and in T T (1. 25). A consonant following r is generally doubled, 6.g. in Itu (1. 1), FA (1.7), yr#: (1.9), fafia (1. 12), asfHoT (1. 19), etc. T at the end of a conjunct consonant is generally expressed in this inscription by the full letter added below the first consonant (e.g. tra ll. 8, 14 and 15, dra 1. 5, bhra II. 8, 9, gra 1. 9, etc.), and not by a stroke turned to the left as we generally find. The letter kri in the two cases where it occurs (11.1 and 16) is written imperfectly, the left portion of the letter ka being omitted. The document is drawn up in Sanskrit prose mixed with verses. Except for the following four points, our grant is practically identical with the Banswara grant of the same king issued in the same year : (1) Though the year in both the grants is the same, the months are different. The Betma grant is dated on the 15th day of the bright fortnight of the month Bhadrapada, while the Banswara grant is dated on the 5th day of the bright fortnight of the month Magha. It is to be seen, however, which is the earlier of the two grants. If we consider the year as beginning with the month Chaitra, the Betma giant may be the earlier one. If, however, the year 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 53. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI, p. 201, and Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, No. 18, p. 181. . Mr. K. N. Dikshit informs me that another record of the reign of Bhojs dated Samvat 1091 (1084-5 A.D.) has been traced on an image of Sarasvati which has found its way to the British Museum. I also find that the Tilskwada plates of V. S. 1103 published by the late Mr. Kadalkar in the Proceedings of the First Oriental Conference, Poona, most probably belong to the reign of this Bhojs. Oue more copper-plato grant of Bhoj dova be recently been discovered at Kalyan in the Nasik District. See 4. 8. R., 1921-32, p. 118.

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No. 35.] BETMA PLATES OF BHOJADEVA ; [VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1076. 32 began with the month Karttika, as is the present usage in Malwa and Gujarat, then it must be looked upon as the later of the two. We have reasons to hold that the latter supposition is correct for, as has been already pointed out by Prof. Kielhorn, in the grant of Bhojadeva of V. S. 1078, the expression we a angfa Hanfeageret 1.6. on the third day of the dark half of Magha in the year 1078, occurs in the middle of the grant and probably gives the date when the donation was made. At the end of the grant the date of its issue is given as the 14th day of the bright half of the month Chaitra of Samvat 1078. If Magha of 1078 preceded Chaitra of 1078, the year must have commenced from some month previous to Magha and ended subsequent to Chaitra. We can, therefore, assume that the Sarvat year began then as now in the month of Karttika. The Banswara grant which is dated in the month Magha of V. S. 1076 (Jan. 1020 A.D.) is, therefore, earlier than the Betma grant which is dated in the month Bhadrapada of the same year, 1.0, 1076 (Sept. 1020 A.D.). (2) The occasions when the two grants of Banswara and Betmi were made are different. In the former grant it is given as taufasyuat while in the latter it is given as te suferuaf. Dr. Hultzach, who edited the Banswara grant", translated this historically important expression as 'the anniversary of the conquest of Komkana.' But it is to be noted that the period intervening between these two grants, which record almost an identical expression, is only seven months and ten days. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar who edited the same grants I think gives a better translation of the expression as "on the festival day (parvani) in consequence of the conquest of Komkana." The expression in the Banswara grant moans that Bhoja conquered Konkana' and that in the Betma grant means perhaps that he occupied it.' In the Balagarve inscription of the time of the Chalukya Jayasimha, duted Saka 941 (December 1019 A.D.), it is stated that Jayasimha had pat to flight the confederacy of Malava'. From this we can conclude that in the contest for power between the Malwa Paramuras and the Decean Chalukyas that was going on for years together, in the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D., both the parties were successful by turns. Soon after his accession, Bhoja must have invaded the Deccan to avenge the esecution of his uncle Vakpati-Mugja by the Chilukya king Tailapa, and he probably suceeeded in defeating and killing Tailapa's succeskor, Vikramaditya V. When Jayasimha came to the throne in 1015 A.D. he must have retaliated by inflicting a crushing defeat on Bhoja and his confederncy sometime before December 1019 A.D. Bhoja apparently did not take long to recover. He invaded the territory of Jayasi ha and conquered Konkana, in Jantary 1000 A.D., which was finally annexed to his empire sometime before September 1020 A.D. From the Miraj plates 6 it seems that Bhoja oould not retain his Pobsession for long as Jayasinha reconquered Konkana before the year 1024 A.D. (Saka 946) and took into his possession the wealth of the Lords of the Seven Konkanus'. (3) The grantee in the present inscription is a Brihmana named Pandita Dolha, son of Bhatta Thatthasis of the Kausika-gotra with the three pravaras Aghamarshaza, Visva mitra and Kausika and of the Madhyandina-sakha. He hailed from Sthanvisvara, but his anoesture had come from the village Visalagrima. (4) The property granted to the Brahmapa consisted of a village named Nalatadaga, ane of the seventeen villages in the Nyayapadra subdivision. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 361. * Rp. Ind., Vol. XI, p. 181. [In the words Kotkan-ahifarisith aarom man grilite occurring in the Miraj plates (see supra, Vol. XII, p. 318, 1, 88) the root grah is used in the sense of taking powion.- d.] * Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI, p. 201. * Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 17. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVIII, p. 117. * Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 314. 2.

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922 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVII. As regards the identification of the localities mentioned in the grant it is to be said that Sthapvisvara is no doubt the Thanesar of modern times situated in the Karnal District of the Punjab. The Nyayapadra (subdivision of the grant may be the town Napad in the Kaira District a little to the south-west of Indore ; and the gift village Nalatadaga is probably represented by the modern Nar (Nal) in the same district. Satrati approaches very easily to our Saptadasaka meaning's group of seventeen villages which expression may have been afterwards wrongly construed to denoto & village. The only difficulty in this identification is that this place is at a long distance from Betma where the grant was discovered. The remaining places I am unable to identify at present. TEXT.1 First Plate. 1 poM' [] ja[ya]ti vyomakezoso' yaH sargAya 'vimati tAM / aiMdavIM sirasA lekhA jagahojAkurAkatim [1] tanvantu vaH 2 smarArAta: kalyANamanizaM jaThAH [1] kalpAntasamayohAmataDihalayapiMgalAH [2] paramabhaTTArakamahA3 rAjAdhirAjaparamezvarabosIyakadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara4 zrIvAkpatirAjadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarayosiMdhurAjadevapA5 dAnudhyAtaparamabhadhArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarabIbhojadevaH kuzalI / nyAya padrasama8 dazakAntaHpAtinAlataDAge samupagatAsamastarAjapuruSAnvA praNottarAnpratinivAsi paTTakilajanapadAdoM7 ca samAdizatyastu vaH saMviditam // yathAsmAbhiH sAtvA carAcaraguru bhagavantaM bhavAnIpati samabhyaya 8 saMsArasyAmAratAM dRSTvA vAtAvavidhamamidaM vasudhAdhipatyamApAtamAtramadhuge viSayopabhogaH // 9 prANAsti'NAgrajalaviMdusamA narANAM (0) dharmaH sakhA paramaho paralokayAne [3] bhramatsaMsAracakrAna10 dhArAdhArAmimAM zriyaM / prApya ye na dadusteSAM pazcAttApaH paraM phalam // // 80 iti jagato vinazvaraM 1 From the original plates. ? Expressed by a symbol. If we compare this grant with the obber of the same year and with the third of V. S. 1078 we shall find that the priththamatrds are used anywhere the writer liked. * Bond vibharti - Read birasA. * Read jagahaujAkurA'. The left hand portion of the letter ka is expressed here only by point separated from the body of the letter. Cf. similar forms in 11. 2 and 7 of the Banswara grant. * Rend prANoM * Read tRNAya...... biMdu

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HORANANDA SASTRI SCALE. TWO-THIRDS. pachilakezAya paryAya vibhuta horina giraNAre pIka nahIDAMchAzatimA sAla kA sabasamAna UyA tatyAnayeNyohAmAnAlagazilAparabadarikoTa pani rAjadhiyAnA va nipala bhara mA eka mahilA kAzirkaeeDo zaraNAcA rAmunipara mahAtagAdAsa DAnisa yo rAmadhAramA 30 kA lAgi yAdayA . dhnekhaanignymbhaabii haajN imaameshiinmmdinei phrir`emin ke , zyAdi kA mudaH sAta dina mAyAvI yA AjArAvara gadagatImAnI ganimagA saMsAraNA sAralA prAdhAnAidiinamidaM sadAkAmayAnamAramA divAyApalAmA rATi hi sAmagAnAmA dAminA garagadoparaloka yAne imIgo para kAya 10) pArAdIni mAga rAzijAyanadAyI yazAnAya para na kiGa pratima zAra yo manilayArili nitu zAma salImA nAmasArAsAdaya raMgazAlAgAra - yAra seka samAdAyasAyana zAnimAla gAuni na na diyA gajAlI raamjii| BETAIA PLATES OF BHOJADEVA: [VIKRA MA-] SAMVAT 1076. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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jAnita zo zayAtIla vivi zAniyAle jana vidhiH parAyA mAyAdava yAmAdhAra ra usakA pAyApAitArAmAlAta pahAtakaTayAnAzAjAnArAvArA banAyA sarahAmAharAtatArAmAputAdAtarAgakAlayAnAzAhanavAjAjAvAnagarala sampativAra HAVyAhAramAnAgAsAgalarAdarANAdalagADAvAlAsAtArA lagAyA gAThato cha yo umalI senA ra palAunA sunAI gaI chiregimAyA harayANavatopAyAyAlayamA mAlanIzA utanArada ina yuvatArAmakinA vimAna mari ni mAtrA mAviSaH jA janA nAkAvA yAsanagadazanA majAka DSCAR bAlAyAH sana para lA rayA pAlakatA yazAnanAmAtanaH pAvatArA yAyasanarAmA sAmAnya gutamArakuNAkAlakAlaganAyAhAramA malarAja dulAlA rAmanAmanADAdarasAlalAjadAmadAra RC/najArA rakAtAyAtAlANAcAlakakA rasAsakA sAyA gAtArAdaramahArAjA dayArAjA soDAlA

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Na 35.] BETMA PLATES OF BHOJ ADEVA; [VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1076. 323 11 svarUpamAkalayyoparilikhitagrAmaH khasomATaNagocarayUtiparyantaH sahiraNyabhAgabhogaH 12 soparikaraH sarbAdAyasametazca // vizAlagrAmavinirgatapUba jaay| sthAvIzva rAdAgatAya / 13 svahastoyaM zrIbhojadevasya [*] Second Plate. 14 'kausikasagotrAya / aghamarSaNavizvAmitrakausike titripravarAya / mAdhyaMdinazA. khAya / bhaTTa 15 ThahasikasutAya / paMDitadelhAya / koMkaNagrahaNavijayaparvaNi / mAtApitro rAtmanazca puNyaya16 zobhivaDdaye / adRSTaphalamaM[go katya caMdrAANavakSitisamakAlaM yAvatparayA bhatayA zAzananodaka17 pUrva pratipAdita iti // tanmatvA yathA doyamAnabhAgabhIgakarahiraNyAdika mAjAzravaNavidheyai18 bhUtvA sarvamau samupaneMtavya' / sAmAnya caitatpuNyaphalaM vudhvA asmaiMzajairaNya - rapi bhAvibhIbhirasmabadattadharmAdAyoyamanumantavyaH pAlamIyazca // utaM ca ||"vhubhirvsudhaa bhuktA rAjabhiH 20 sagarAdibhirya (bhiH / ya) syayasya yadA bhUmistasyatasya tadA phalaM [*] yAnIha dattAni purA nareMdranAni 21 dharmArthayasaska"rANi (1) nirmAlyavAnti pratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta // [*] asmatku22 lakramamudAramudAharadbhiraNyaizca" dAnamidamabhyanumodanIyaM 10] lakSyAstaDiccholala vuhadacanca 19 ta 1 The vowel marki is added to below it as is done for instance in the case of ? It will be seen that these strokes as many others following this are tunecessarily engraved. * This line is continued on the second plate. * Read aitfno. * Read vipravarAya. * Read zAsanenI. 1 Read samupanetavya. * Read bujhA. * Read ranyairapi. 16 Read weiteret [not necessary -Ed.]. in Read bahubhi. - Read yazasvArANi. B Rend 'vAna. [vAnti is also correct, soe above, Vol. XI, p. 183, and Ind. Ant., Vol. XLi, p. 202.--..] - Read raveza - Read taDitsavilabudacaca. 283

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324 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVUI. 23 : Tai aua:' ufournoi ? [10*) staarufaa: __pArthiveMdrAnbhUyo bhU. 24 yo yAcate rAmabhadraH / sAmAnyoyaM dharmaseturnRpANAM kAle kAle pAla aut Hafa: [5] 25 fa #ancaigfacaitani falan Agustiani ri Wafat 26 7 guai a fe you: ucenilaiat faetan[:] [") xfa il samvat 1076 bhAdrapada zu di 15 svaya27 AUW AFI AFTEN: E i tarcze [*] TRANSLATION (Line 1) Om Vietorious is this Vyomakesa (Siva) 'who for the purpose of creation bears on his head the digit of the moon, which appears like the shoot from which the world sprang. (L. 2) May the matted hair, of the Enemy of Capid, brown like the cirale of the dreadful lightning of the time of final dissolution, always extend your welfare! (Ll. 3-6) The illustrious Bhojadeva, the great monarch, the overlord of great kings, the lord paramount, who meditates on the feet of the illustrious Sindhurajadeva, the great monarch, the overlord of great kings, the lord paramount, who meditated on the feet of the illustrious Vakpatirajadeva, the great monarch, the overlord of great kings, the lord paramount, who meditated on the feet of the illustrious Siyakadeve, the great monarch, the overlord of great kings, the lord paramount,-issues, in good health, commands to all the officials of the Gov. ernment, the inhabitants headed by the Brahmanas, the Patels, and (other) townsmen, and others, assembled at Nalatadaga, included in the group of Nyayapadra Seventeen, (thus) : (L. 7) Be it known to you that we seeing the worthlessness of the wordly life, (L. 8) (that) the sovereignty over the earth is as shifting as the clouds wafted on the wind. the enjoyment of objects is pleasing only for a moment, the life of a man is like a drop of water (hanging) on the point of a blade of grass, and Dharma alone is the real companion in the journey to the next world, (L. 9) (and that) those who do not give away their acquired wealth which is (as it were) standing on the edge of the circumference of the revolving wheel of the wordly life have repentance as their only reward, (Ll. 10-16) thus ascertaining the momentary nature of the wordly life and choosing to abide by the unknown rewards for meritorious deeds, we have, on the joyful occasion of celebrating) the subjugation of Konkans, with a view to increasing the religious merit and fame of our parents and of ourselves, the above-said village has been bestowed upon Pandita Delha, son of Bhatta Thatphasiks of the Kausika-gotra with the three pravaras(vin) Aghamarshana, Vissvamitra and Kausika and of the Madhyan dina-sakha, who had come from 8thanyisvara, (but) whose aneestors had migrated from Visalagrama with its regular boundaries including the pasture lands for grazing cattle, with the land revenue and other) eash income, 1 Reud parayama. Read . Read eat. * Rend ger

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No. 36.] VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE CHAITYA CAVE AT KARLE. 325 with the sundry taxes and with all (Buch) rights, by this charter, with the utmost devotion and by pouring libations of water-to last as long as the sun and the moon and the earth endure. (L. 17) Knowing this and in obedience to (our) orders you should give to this (Brahmana) the land revenue and other income and everything due to him. (L. 18) Similarly, considering that the merit of such a charitable deed is common (to all) the succeeding kings, whether of our family or of any other, should acquiesce in the charitable grant given by us and uphold it. For it is said [Ll. 19-25 contain four of the customary benedictory verses.] (L. 26) In the year 1076 on the 15th day of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada. (This is) our own order. (L. 27) Good luck (and) great prosperity! The sign manual of Sri-Bhojadeva. No. 36.-UNPUBLISHED VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE CHAITYA CAVE AT KARLE. BY MADRO SARUP VATS, M.A. In the beginning of November 1923, the Chowkidar of the caves at Karle while washing pillars and figures in the Chaitya ball, came across some new inscriptions and brought them to the nctice of the Assistant Engineer, Bombay Road Subdivision. That officer communigated the news of the discovery through the Executive Engineer, Poona District, to the Superintendent of the Archeological Survey, Western Circle, who secured good impressions of all of them. These inscriptions are twelve in number and generally in a very good state of preservation, though all of them are not equally well inscribed, as is the case with some of the Karle inscriptions so ably handled by M. Senart.1 About the letters it might be remarked that they are of the slightly cursive variety adopted in the Nasik inscription, No. 20 (Buhler's Tafel, III, col. XIII), with the tailed ka, the hooked da and the crude ma. Though some of the technical terms used in these records are rather obscure and the places mentioned in them, viz. Gonekaka, Umebanakata and Dhenukakata, have not been located with certainty, yet they are of special interest, for they help us in showing the extent of the outlying parts from which the caves attracted donating pilgrims. My reading of these inscriptions is based on the impressions reproduced below. My insoription No. VII is identical with No. VII of Senart, but the other eleven are entirely different ; and to these latter a fragment of another inscription found near the caves has also been added. Pillars in the right and left rows have been numbered with reference to their position toward the visitor. No. I. Fifth pillar; right row. TEXT. 1. Umehanakata Yavanasa 2. Vitasa[m]gatanam(1) danam thabhd. 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 47 ff.

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326 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIIJ. Remarks. (1) Vitasargata' means an assembly of actors' bat appears to be a proper name here. The use of the plural " Vitasangatanan" with the singular "Yavanasa " is explained by M. Senarti in translating his No. 7. TRANSLATION (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Vitasangita from Umehankkapa No. II. Eighth pillar; right row. TEXT. 1. Gonekakasa Dhamula-upasekasam (1) 2. deyadha [m]ma(2) thamvo(3) Remarks. (1) The anusvara is redundant. (2) Mark the crude outline of da' and 'ma' in this. (3) Vo' seems to have been carved out for bho ! This record does not appear to have been engraved by a practised hand, and compares very unfavourably with the other records in point of neatness and fixity of outline. TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the pious gift of the lay worshipper Dhamula of Gonekaka. : No. III. Eleventh pillar; right row. TEXT. 1. Dhenukakata 2. Vaniya-ga ma3. sa thabho da nam TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Community of Traders " from Dhenukakata. No. IV. Thirteenth pillar; right row. TEXT. 1. Dhenuk kata Ya[va]nasa(1) Dhamadha2. yanam thabho danam Bemark (1) The right side of the loop of va'in Yavanasa' is broken, but its outline is clearly perceptible from the reverse side of the impression. TRANSLATION (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Dhamadhaya from Dhenukakata. No. V. Fourteenth pillar; right row. TEXT. 1. Dhenukikata Rohamitena Chu[la). 2. petukara(1) Agilasa atha-(2) 3. ya thabho karito Bp. Ind, Vol. VII, pp. 53-64.

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NO. 36.] VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE CHAITYA CAVE AT KARLE. 997 Remarks. (1) Chulapetukasa' agrees with Agilasa', and seems to be an epithet describing Agila though its meaning is not clear. Upper part of the perpendicular stroke of 'la' is broken, but its outline is visible from relief on reverse of the impression. (2) It appears that the lower horizontal stroke of tha' to the right was in process of engraving when the engraver discovered that he was placing it much lower than its proper position, and consequently left it unfinished and crude. TRANSLATION. (This) pillar was caused to be made by Rohamita from Dhenukakata, for the sake of Agila, a resident of Chulapetu(P). No. VI. Fifteenth pillar ; right row. TEXT. 1. Dhenukakata Chulayakhan[am] 2. [Ya]vanasa thabho dana 455 TRANSLATION (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Chulayakha from Dbenukakata. No. VII. Fourth pillar; left row. TEXT 1. Dhenukakata Yavanasa 2. Sihadhayana[m] thambho danam N.B.-This inscription is identical with No. 7 of M. Senart, carved on the top of the third pillar in the left row, and he renders it thus: TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Sihadhaya from Dhenukakata'. No. VIII. Sixth pillar ; left row. TEXT. 1. Dhenukakata Somilana2. kass dana thabho TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of Bomilanaka from Dhonuk kata. No. IX. Lighth pillar; left row. TEXT. 1. Dhenukakata Gola-vaniya-(1) 2. saputass salakasa[m](%) thabho(3) 3. [ds]nam(4)

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328 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVI Remarks. (1) Gola-vaniya ' might means 'trader in myrrh', but appears to mean the trader Gola' here. (2) Read Isalakasa, the amusvara is superfluous. (3) The anusvara in thambho is perhaps to be seen from relief on reverse of the impression, but is not certain. (4) In line 3 it appears as if'da' was being inscribed and then left and carved out again do mediately after. TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of Isalake, son of the trader Gole, from Dhenukakata. No. X. Ninth pillar; left row. TEXT. . 1. Dhenuk kata Yayanasa 2. Yasavadhanina[m] 2. thabho dana[mo] TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Yasavadhana from Dhenukakata. No. XI. Tenth pillar ; left row. TEXT. [Dhjenukakata (Ma]he[ma]ta(1) ghariniya Remark. (1) The outline of the 3rd letter in this word is not clear, it may be 'ma' or 'va.' TRANSLATION. (Of) Mahamata, wife of ....from Dhenukakata. No. XII. Thirteenth pillar ; left row. TEXT. 1. Dhenukata(1) gahapati[no] Asekasa natiy 2. Dhamada(e)vays danam 3 thabho Bemark. (1) Read Dhenukakata ; 'ka' is left out through oversight on the part of the engraver. TRANSLATION (This) pillar (is) the gift of Dharmadevi, a relation of the householder Aseks from Dha. mukakata.

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No. 37.] INSCRIPTION ON A VISHNU IMAGE FROM DEOPANI. 329 No. XIII. An inscribed piece of stone found near the caves. TEXT. .... [khe]ga Sega (1) putrasa Remark. (1) These two letters forming a proper name are not quite clear. The outline of the first is misleading, but careful scrutiny of relief on reverse of the impression leads me to think that it is either seorge' while the second appears to be 'ga'; the accretion of an altogether new outline proceeding from its top along the left being merely a development of the crack in stone. TRANSLATION Of.. Kha the son of Sega ? No. 37.-INSCRIPTION ON A VISHNU IMAGE FROM DEOPANI. By K. N. Dikshit, M.A. This inscription of four lines occurs on the side of a stone image of Vishnu, which was found, along with another partially broken and obliterated image of Durga, in the jungle close to the Deopani river (Sibsagar District, Assam) between the 26th and 27th miles on the Golaghat-Dimapur road. As the locality is frequented by wild elephants, to whom the present damaged condition of the images is due, the Vishnu image has been removed by me to Gauhati and deposited for safe custody in the rooms of the Kamrup Anusandhan Samiti. The place was visited by Dr. Bloch in 1904-05, who describes the image as follows in the Annual Report of the Eastern Circle - The second or smaller image 2 feet 6 inches high is & standing Vishnu or Narayana with two hands only (the other two hands on the proper right have been lost) wearing the usual crown and having the Srivatsa mark on his breast. On the left outer face is an inscription in four lines, the end of which is broken. The broken piece could not be found.' About the inscription, he further writes : The inscription consists of three verses of Sanskrit poetry, evidently full of orthographical and grammatical blunders and for this reason difficult to read. The first two verses seem to be in honour of Siva and the third refers to the putting up of a statue of Narayana by some person whose name was on the missing piece of stone. It is of no historical interest. Judging from the characters, it belongs to about the 12th century A.D.' As Dr. Bloch's estimate of the age of the inscription is rather wide of the mark, sufficient attention was not drawn to the importance of this image. The characters are similar to the inscription of Harjjara on a rock on the bank of the Brahmaputra near Tezpur, which is dated in the year 510 of the Gupta Era. The present inscription can be safely attributed to the 9th century A.D. on palaeographical grounds, and as the statue is the only early example of an inscribed image yet known in Upper Assam, it is a landmark in the history of Art in Assam. On grounds of style and execution, the image could easily have been ascribed to the late Gupta or early Pala period in Bengal. Attention may be drawn to the thick lower lip, the expression of the face, the ear-ornament, the band around the crown, the Brahmanical thread and the close-fitting garment, the style of the Gada and the Vanamala, and the Kaustubha and Srivatsa symbols, which are all indications of an earlier age not far removed from the late Gupta period. It is worthy of note that the position of Deopani is intermediate between Dimapur and Kasoioari Pathar where still exist the remains of the peculiar culture associated with the Kicharis in the shape of monoliths described as "sword-blade,' chess-man,' V-shaped' and buffalo-borned ' columns.

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330 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. The characters are cute-ar gled and belong to the Eastern variety prevalent in the ninth century A. D. over the larger portion of Northern India. The inscription, as was pointed out by the late Dr. Bloch long ago, is full of orthographical blunders and was apparently written very carelessly. A number of letters have been lost at the end of each line, except the fourth. Calculating on the basis of completing the first two slokas, we find that at least 15 letters must have been lost in the first line and 11 in the second. Owing to the incompleteness of the record and inaccuracy of the scribe, it is not possible to give a connected account of the contents of the inscription. The opening benedictory verse must be taken as referring to Siva, as it mentions the serpent-girdle, bull emblem and the moon. The purport of the second verse, which probably commences in the second line and ends in the third, is very obscure. The end of the last line seems to refer to a stone image of the divine Nariyana.. The text is edited from two impressions prepared at my instance. TEXT. 1 Om' [l*) Havamtu tochhoyamuragendra-sutram vrisha-dhvajam soma-jaga(t) prakasam | ma...... 2 Bhagav'atis-tu Surija | Satvas-tu Devi bhuvi martti-loke snane . . . . . . 3 ika-sudro dvija-varnna'-nari-sevyas-tu devi bhagavatis-tu Surjja || pi *** 4 na[ma]pa dhavadi (?) | Bhagavato Narayana (sya] saili pratima' bhaktyantam No. 38.--POLONNARUVA INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYABAHU I. By S. PARANAVITANA, OOTACAMUND. The subjoined inscription is engraved on & stone slab lying to the west of Vihara No. 1, about 50 feet north-east of the Latamandapaya in Polonnaruva, the mediaeval capital of the kings of Ceylon. It was first discovered and brought to notice by Mr. H. C. P. Bell, C.C.S., the late Archaeological Commissioner of Ceylon, who sent inked estampages of it, for examination, to the Government Epigraphist for India. Mr. H. Krishna Sastri in his Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1913, has discussed the historical importance of this record. An account of the inscription, with translation of it, has also been published by Mr. H.C. P. Bell in the Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of Ceylon for the year 1911-12. The text of the inscription has recently been published in the South Indian Inscriptions (Texts), Vol. IV (No. 1396). The present article is prepared with the help of an impression preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, and of another kindly supplied by the Archaeo. logical Commissioner of Ceylon. I am much indebted to Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sustri and 1 Expressed by a symbol * Correct bhavantu or Bhavani fri. The metre seems to be upajati although the first akshara of the second line does not conform to the soanning. [What is meant here is probably Bhavaa Tri(Tri)-netram-Ed.] Possibly this is to be corrected "lokyaa' or ldchyan'. * This expression is repeated at the end of the third verse, in line 3. The correct reading is possibly Bhagavali tu Suryah' or Bhagava tuutu Suryah." . The metre is probably upajali, but the fifth Akshara is short instead of long. (The original reada Satu-astra. -Ed.] * Apparently mariyaloke is intended. *[The original has earnna.-Ed.] * va is written below the line Correct Pratima. 1 Correct bhailddam (?). [The original reads blaktyarsnab.-Ed.]

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br/GV-2848degG#4> k6510bO(} / jni jhraa bstu kbikuulbaan bn og-ngg-no tsom-bcd-777tsmrgn-m H. KRISHNA SASTRI SCALE. 6. Photo-engraved & printed by Survey of India, Calcutta, 1925, DEOPANI VISHNU-IMAGE INSCRIPTION.

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IMAGE OF VISHNU AT DEOPANI, DISTRICT SIBSAGAR, Assam. From a photograph.

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No. 38.) POLONNARUVA INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYABAHU I. 331 Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar for many suggestions, and for the kind encouragement given to me in preparing this paper. The slab on which the inscription is engraved measures 8' 2" by 26". There are 49 lines of writing on it. The stone had been planed and ruled before the letters were engraved. The writing, which has been well executed, is in a fairly good state of preservation-the average size of the letters being about 1 inch in height. The characters used in the record are Grantha and Tami]. They agree, on the whole, with those of the Tamil inscriptions of the contemporary Chela kings on the mainland of South India. The following facts, however, are noteworthy. The pulli or virama sign, which is generally not used in most of the Tamil inscriptions in the South India of the mediaeval age, is here invariably indicated by a small vertical stroke, written over the letter, e.g. in vali vanda (1. 7). The anusvara is generally written over the letter, at its top. The first five lines consist of a Sanskrit verse in the Sardulavikridita metre, and the rest of the inscription is in Tamil prose, where, however, there is a great admixture of Sanskrit words. In the Sanskrit portion the rules of sandhi have not been observed in one place, i.e. karshit+eri (1.2). It is interesting to note that, in the Tamil passage, the following old Sinhalese words are used with Tamil inflexions in some cases - L. 16. Senevirat (Skt. Senapati-raja), Commander-in-Chief. L. 17. Pulanari (Skt. Pulasti-nagara), the name of a city, L. 20. dalada (Skt. danshira-dhatu), Tooth Relic. L. 27. Mugalan (Skt. Maudgalyayana), the name of a Buddhist monk. No date is given in the inscription, but it mentions king Vijayabahu I, and states that he reigned for 55 years and celebrated his 73rd birthday festival. According to the Mahavarsa, the duration of his reign was only 55 years. Therefore, it is evident that this record was inscribed after his death. According to the chronology adopted by Wijesinha, the translator of the Mahavansa, Vijayabahu reigned from A.D. 1065 to 1120.1 The inscription opens with an eulogistic account of king fri-Sanghabodhivarman alias Vijayabahudeva. It says that he belonged to the Solar race and that he had to conquer many enemies before he entered Anuradhapura, where he was crowned king of Ceylon, at the instance of the Sangha (i.e. the Buddhist monks), for the protection of the religion of the Buddha. It is also stated that he invited monks from Arumana,* and purified the sangha of the three nikayas (fraternities), to whom he gave three tulabharas (i.e. weight of gold equal to that of his own person). Having brought the whole of the island of Ceylon under his dominion, he reigned for According to the latest version of this part of the chronology of Ceylon, the dates, connected with the principal events of Vijayabahu's career, are as follow His birth, in A.D. 1040. He freed Rohana of enemies and assumed the title of Vijayabahu, when he was seventeen years old, in A.D. 1058. In the 15th year of his Rohapa rulo, i.e. the 33rd year of his age, he entered Anuradhapurs and became the ruler of all Ceylon, in A.D. 1075. His death, after the 73rd birthday which was the 50th year of his Rohana rule or the 41st year of his Polonnaruwa rule, in A.D. 1114. Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. II, p. 207. * Aromana (Sinhalese Aramana) is a corruption of the Pali word Ramanna, which was the name by which Lower Burma was known in ancient times. Rev. Foulkes tries to locate the Aramapa country on the Coromandel Coast, somewhere between the Chols and the Kalinga countries, in the dominions of the old Pallavas (Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII, p. 126). * The three nikayas or fraternitios, into which the Buddhist Church in Caylon was divided, were the Mahivi. hire, Abhayagiri, and Jetavana seota.

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332 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. - [VOL XVIII. 65 years, and passed his 73rd birthday (tirunakshatram).1. It next mentions the building of a shrine for the Tooth Relic of Buddha in the monastery of Uturo!mula which was a part of the Abhayagiri-vihara by a General named Dava, at the command of the king. We are next intro duced to the royal preceptor Vyarini Mugalan, who is described to have been well versed in all the sciences and scriptures, and who was a high dignitary of the Buddhist Church in Ceylon at this period. This hierarch, as our inscription informs us, convened a meeting of the chief ministers of the state, and inviting the Velaikkara forces to their presence, exhorted them to protect the temple of the Tooth. The Velaikkaras, who consisted of the three divisions of the Mahatantra, the Valanjiyar, and the Nagarattar, agreed to do so, and re-named the temple as Munru-kai-tiru-Velaikkaran-Daladay-perum-palli, and concerted the necessary arrangements for the protection of the shrine. They bound themselves not only to protect the temple, its lands, its serfs, property, etc., but also to keep it in proper repair and to do everything necessary for its proper maintenance. The inscription also gives a list of the various tribes which formed the Velaikkaras and ends with an imprecation on those who act against the rules laid down therein. The account given in this inscription of king $ri-Sanghabodhi Vijayabahu agrees in every detail with that given in the Mahavamsa of Vijayabahu I. So there is no doubt about the identity of the king mentioned in our record. The statement that he had to conquer many enemies before he could establish his authority, is, no doubt, a reference to the long wars that he had to wage against the Chola invaders and the petty chieftains of Ceylon who ruled in the southern part of the island. Perhaps it might not be out of place, in this connection, to give a brief account of the state of the country before the accession of Vijayabahu to the throne, and a short sketch of his career, as stated in the Mahavamon (Chapters LVIII to LX). At the beginning of the eleventh century, in the reign of Rajaraja I, the Cholas invaded Ceylon and annexed the northern part of the island to their dominions, taking Mahinda V, the then king of Ceylon, as a prisoner, to the Chola country. From this time, up to the end of the reign of the Chola king Adhirajendradeva, Ceylon acknowledged the supremacy of the Cholas. During this period Ceylon was in a state of utter confusion. The Sinhalese princes, driven to the mountainous districts of the South, were always fighting amongst themselves, when the Cholas were not at their doors. When the country was in this distracted state, a young scion of the ancient Sinhalese royal family, named Kirti, raised the standard of war, and after a considerable amount of fighting, made himself the master of the Rohana country, the southern part of Ceylon, and assumed the title of Vijayabahu, when he was only seventeen years of age. After making his position secure in the principality of which he was the chief, he started on a campaign to rid the island of foreign domination. The time chosen by him for this enterprise was an opportune one. The campaign of Vijayabahu against the Cholas falls into the period immediately before the accession of Kulottunga I to the 1 Tirunakshatram means the sacred asterism.' It seems as if the Sinhalese kings of old celebrated a special festival annually, on the day of the constellation under which they were born. I am informed by Mr. K. V. Subhrahmanya Aiyar, Superintendent for Epigraphy, that such a custom still prevails in the royal family of ravancore, and that the princes of Travancore are named after the constellations under which they are born, Tho Mahavamsa also gives instances in which persons were named after the constellation of their birth, e.g. Tishya and Pushya. [The janma-nama or birth name of a Hindu child is given after the janma-nakshatra or the constellation of nativity.-Ed.] Inscriptions of Rajaraja I are found in Ceylon, and in one of the records of the Tanjore temple it is stated that the income of several villages in Ceylon was dedicated to that shrine. Rajendra-Chola I also says in his inKeriptions that he conquered the whole island. Rajadhiraja I and Rajendradevs, the successors of Rajendra. Chola I, both conducted campaigns in Ceylon, in which several princes of the island are said to have perished, An inscription of Adhirajendra is also found at Polonnaruva No inscription, however, of any Chola sugeessor of Adhirajendra is found on the island of Ceylon.

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No. 38. POLONNARUVA INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYABAHU I. 333 Chola throne. This was a period of Civil War in the Chola country, and, consequently, the Cholas were not able to send sufficient forces to Ceylon to quell the rising there against their authority. In one of the inscriptions of Kulottunga at Tirukkalukkugram, he says that he sent several expeditions to Ceylon, but does not mention any definite results gained by them. These were most probably, the armies which, according to the Mahavamsa, were sent by the Chola king to fight against Vijayabahu. After a long and protracted campaign, Vijayabahu succeeded in driving the Cholas out of Ceylon, and made himself the master of the whole island. During the Chola occupation, the Buddhist religion had suffered greatly. In fact, when Vijayabahu came to the throne, he found that there were no ordained monks in the island, who would help him in the work of reviving the religion of the land. Therefore, he sent an embassy to the king of Aramana, requesting him to send properly ordained monks to Ceylon. The king of Aramana at this time was Anuruddha, from whom Vijayabahu received substantial support in his struggle against the Cholas. The Burmese king sent several properly ordained monks to the island, and they revived the Buddhist Church in Ceylon, and helped Vijayabahu to restore Buddhism to its pristine glory and splendour. Our inscription alludes to this event, and, moreover, states that he purified the sangha of the three nikayas (fraternities), and gave three tulabharas to them. The Ceylon chronicles do not mention this fact, though they give a long account of the king's benefactions to the religious establishments, and his various works of public utility. The Commander-in-Chief Deva, who, at the instance of the king, built a shrine for the Tooth Relic, is not known to us from other sources. The monastery of Uturolmula, within the precincts of which the Temple of the Tooth Relic was built, and which was itself a part of the Abhayagiri-vihara' at Polonnaruva, must be the same as the monastery of Uttarola which was built by Mana, one of the predecessors of Vijayabahu I, for his elder brother who had entered the priesthood. It is also stated in the Mahava meg that the king entrusted the guard of the Tooth Relic to him. The Buddhist monk Mugalan, who took an active part in getting the consent of the Velaikkaras to protect the temple, is not mentioned, so far as I know, in any of the Ceylon ohronicles. The next point to be discussed is, who these Velaikkaras were, and what their position was in Ceylon, at the time when this inscription was set up. The Velaikkapas are mentioned in the Mahavansa as having formed a part of the army of the Sinhalese kings of this period. It is stated that towards the latter part of Vijayabahu's reign, there was a revolt of these troops, when he was making preparations for undertaking an expedition to South India against the Chola king. This rising of the Velaikkagas was put down with considerable difficulty, and 28 & consequence of it, the projected campaign against the Cholas had to be given up.. Later on, in the reign of Vijayabahu's grandson, Gajabahu II, they again figure in the history of Ceylon. There, it is said, that Gajabahu's rival, Parakramabahu I tried to win them over to his side. A few years later, we find the Velaikkaras in alliance with the Keralas and the people of Rohana, rising in rebellion against the authority of Parakramabahu I. These accounts, coupled with the fact that their aid was considered effective for the protection of one of the most cherished national treasures of the Sinhalese people, go to prove that the Velaikkaras were, at this period, a very powerful community. 1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, p. 282. This vihara was distinct from the monastery of the same name at the oll capital, Anuradhapura. $ Mahavam, Chapter LVII. * Ibid., Chapter LX. Ibid., Chapter LXIII. * Ibid., Chapter LXXIV.

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334 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII The inscriptions of the Chola kings Rajaraja I and Rajendra-Chala I, on the walls of the Btihadisvara temple at Tanjore, make mention of several Velaikkafa regiments. The origin of the word velaikkara has not yet been conclusively proved. Different scholars have given different interpretations of the word. Dr. Hultzech has rendered velaikkara-padaigal as 'the troop of servants'.1 The late Rai Bahadur Venkayya was of opinion that it was a corruption of the word velaikkara, and comments as follows :-"At any rate, the origin of the term is obscure, and must be left to future research. It is possible they were no mercenaries in the Chola country at the beginning of the 11th century. If a conjecture may be offered, I would say they were perhaps volunteers who enlisted themselves when the occasion (velai) for their services arose. In later times when their services were not required in the Tamil Country, they probably migrated to Ceylon, during the period of interregnum, when there were frequent Chola invasions against the island. Eventually they probably developed into mercenaries." Mr. Krishna Sastri, in his remarks upon this inscription, says of the Velaikkacas, "Whatever the Velaikkaras may have been in their religious creed, it is clear from what is stated in the inscription that they included all working classes, and were apparently of Indian origin who immigrated into Ceylon with the merchants whom they served." The late Mr. Gopinatha Rao's opinion as to who the Velaikkaras were was quite different from any of the views set forth above. He says that they were not mercenaries, but " persons who had pledged themselves to do certain duties, failing which, they would voluntarily tindergo certain penalties, which, in most cases, was death." He has quoted two passages from Tamil literature, one from the commentary of Periyavachchapillai on Nammalvar's Tirumoli which explains the word pu-velaikkara as "those who, when they see the king being without flower(-garlands) at the time when he ought to wear them, had vowed to stab themselves and die." The other extract is from the commentary of the Sivavachanabhushanam, where the Velaikkaras are said to be the servants of the king who chastise those who prove traitorous to him." In this inscription they are termed the Velaikkasas of the three hands' (munru-kai). In No. 602 of 1912, another inscription from Ceylon, munru-kas-tiru-velaikkaran appears as the sur. name of a certain Adhikarana Saranan, and in No. 610 of the same year, also from Ceylon, munru. kai is referred to as the name by which a particular community was known. In an inscription of the time of Kulottunga-Choladeva, in the Bhaktavatgalesvara temple at Shermadevi, munru-kaimahasenai are represented as protecting certain charitable endowments made to that temple. A Tamil inscription at Dangur, in Mysore, too, refers to the Velaikkazas of the right hand. It seems from our inscription as if the three divisions or hands' to which the Velaikkaras were divided, consisted of the Mahatantra, the Valanjiyar, and the Nagarattar. Out of these terms, Mahatantra is not found elsewhere, and its sense is not clear. Probably it was used here with a Buddhist significance. The terms Valanjiyar and Nagarattar are of frequent use in the South Indian inscriptions of this period. They are there represented to have been a wealthy and influential body of inerchants. In Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions there are three records from Balligami, which refer to the corporation of merchants known as the Valanjiyar. In one of them the membere are styled "protectors of the vira-bananja rights." In the second they are called 1 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, p. 97. Ibid., Vol. II, Introduction, p. 10. * Epigraphical Report of Madras for 1913, p. 102. * The above is from an article by the late Mr. Gopinatha Rao, a reprint of which was found among some of his papers whick are in the library of the Government Epigraphist for India. I have not been able to And out the journal to which the article was contributed. * Ep. Rep. for 1913, p. 101. * No. 189 of the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1896. Vysore Archeological Report for 1990, p. 31. * Mysore Inscriptions, p. 73.

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No. 38.] POLONNARUVA INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYABAHU I. 335 banajigas, whilst the third inscription calls the members of the guild the protectors of the virabananja-dharma." Two inscriptions from Shikarpur Taluq (Nos. 94 and 118), published in the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII, describe these merchants in great detail. An inscription has been found at Anaulundava, a village near Polonnaruva, which begins with almost the same phrases as are used in describing the Valanjiyar merchants in the Kanarese inscriptions from Mysore. This inscription being only a fragment, the word valanjiyar does not actually occur in it; but the phraseology used in it shows, beyond doubt, that it must have been a record of the same Corporation of Merchants. In the inscription No. 555 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1923, mention is made of the Valanjiyar of South Ceylon (Ten-Ilangai-valanjiyor). They are there represented as making donations to a Vishnu temple. As regards the derivation of this word, the late Mr. Venkayya says :-" In Kanarese banajiga is still used to denote a class of merchants. In Telugu the word balija or balijiga has the same meaning. It is therefore probable that the words valanjiyam, valanjiyar, balanji, bananji, banajiga and balija are cognate, and derived from the Sanskrit vanij." The Nagarattars, who are mentioned in this inscription along with the Valanjiyars, were also an influential community of merchants, who, at the time that we are speaking of, had their mercantile establishments not only all over South India and Ceylon, but also in Burma and other parts of Further India.' The Nagarattars comprised within their ranks another class of merchants called the Nanadesi. An inscription of Queen Lilavati of Ceylon, who reigned in the first decade of the 13th century, mentions the Nanadesi merchants as having made some donations to an alms-house at Anuradhapura. As the Valanjiyars are said to have been the leaders (mudadai) of the Velaikkara troops, it might be conjectured that the latter migrated to Ceylon with the Valanjiyar whom they served. The Valanjiyars and the Nagarattars are at present represented by the Banajiga and Nagaratta communities of the Kanarese country." The different sub-sects, into which the Velaikkaras were further divided, were the Valangai, Idangai, Sirudanam, Pillaigaldanam, Vadugar, Malaiyalar, Parivarakkondam, and others. Out of these Valangai and Idangaimean the Right hand' and the 'Left hand' castes respectively. From an early time the inhabitants of South India were thus divided. The Madras Epigraphical Report for 1913 contains the following interesting account as regards the origin of the Idangai : " While in order to kill demons (that disturbed) the sacrifices of the sage Kasyapa, we were made to appear from the agni-kunga (i.e. the sacrificial fire pit), and while we were protecting the said sacrifice, Chakravartin Arindama honoured the officiating sage priests by carrying them in a car, and led them to a Brahmana Colony (newly founded by himself). On this occasion we were made to take our seats on the backside of the car and to carry the slippers and umbrellas of these sages. Eventually, with these Brahmana sages, we also were made to settle down in the villages of Tiruvellarai, etc. We received the clan name Idangai, because the sages (while they got down their cars) were supported by us on their left side." In the same inscription it is said that there were ninety-eight sub-sects of the Idangai. Their insignia are given thus :-" It is also understood that only those, who, during their congregational meetings to settle communal disputes, display the insignia(?) of horn, bugle and parasol, shall belong to our class. Those who have 1 Mysore Inscriptions, p. 120. Ibid., p. 123. 3 P. 114 and p. 156. * This inscription runs as follows: (1) Samnata-bhuvanagra-patica-sata-virs-sasanam-alingita Laksmi). (2) (ya) lakmans (vaksa) sthala bhuvana-parakrama Sri-Vasudeva Kundala mula-(purtti-hha). Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. II, p. 236 . A. R. on Epigraphy for 1923, p. 106. Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 296. 1A. R. on Epigraphy for 1913, p. 102. . Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. I, p. 179. A. R. on Epigruphy for 1913. p. 102.

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336 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII to recognise us now and hereafter, in public, must do so from our distinguishing symbols, the feather of the crane and the loose hanging hair." The term Situdanam appears in the Tanjore inscriptions of Rajaraja I and Rajendra-Chola I, as a title given to military officers. Among the regiments mentioned in the inscriptions of the same place we find two named "Sirudanattu-vaduga-kkavalar and Sirudanattu-ValangaiVelaikkara-ppadaigal." The true significance of this term has not yet been satisfactorily explained. Dr. Hultzsch explains the terms trudanam and perudanam as the small treasury' and the big treasury', and persons so entitled as officers of the treasury, small or big. The titles are sometimes explained as referring to the followers of the king during his minority and majority. In all probability sirudanam and perudanam were purely honorary titles conferred on officers, as well as private individuals, according to the status held by them in official position or in society. The Vadugar (Northerners) might have been immigrants from the Telugu Country. The Malaiyalar, most probably, were settlers from the Malabar Coast. On the occasion of the rebellion of the people of Rohaud against Parakramabahu I, as already mentioned, the Keralas took the side of the insurgents. There are also other references to the Kerala soldiers in the Mahavamsa. The term Malaiyalar, therefore, must have been applied to the people from the Kerala country, The inscription is silent as to the reason why the protection of the Velaikkaras was sought for the Tooth Relic. If this inscription was engraved only after the death of Vijayabahu I, it must have been owing to the state of anarchy which prevailed after that event. Out of the places mentioned in this record, Anuradhapura is the well-known capital of the ancient Sinhalese kings. Arumana has already been identified with Ramannadesa, i.e. Lower Burma. Pulanari, also called Vijayarajapura in the inscription, evidently after King Vijayabahu 1, is the same as Poionnaruwa (Pulastipura), and was the medieval Sinhalese Capital. In Chola inscriptions found in Ceylon this city is also called Jananathamangalam. There are extensive ruins of the many monasteries, palaces and other public buildings with which it was adorned in the days of its splendour. TEXT. 1 Svasti Srih su Larnkayam Jina-danta-dhatu-bhavanam yad-Deva2 sanadhipo-karshit sri-Vijayadibahunrivar-ades[&]3 t Pulastan pure [l*) Velaikkara-sama[hsita]n tad-api ta. 4 t-paryyanta-devalayan" Velaikkara-balani pa. 8 ntu nitaram=a-kalpa-sandher-bhuvi [11*] Namo Buddhaya [*] 6 Sri-Lamka-dvipattu Surya-vamsattu Ikshvaku[vi]7 n vali-vanda aneka-batru-vijayam panni Anur[a]8 dhapuram pukku Buddha-basanam rakshikka vendi sa9 mgha-niyogattal tiru-mudi-suli Arumanattilni 10 rum sangattarai alaippittu mupu nikaya11 ttu sangha-buddhi pannuvittu mupru tulabharam 12 munu nikayattukku kuduttu daba-raja-dharmattal 13 ainbatt-ayy-andu Ilahgai-muludum oru-kudai-ni[la)14 rri-ttiruv-irajyan-cheyd-aruli elupattu muv-apdu tiru-na. 15 kshatran-chelutting KJ-sci-Sanghabodhi-vatmar:ana chakravartti. 16 gal sri-Vijayabahudavar=anuvagal De[va)-senevirattar14. R. on Epigraphy for 1913.p 109. Ibid for 1913, p. 97. * This name in which atleast wo see the Puranio allusion to Pulasti Brahmi, an ancestor of Ravana, tho giant king of Ceylon. .8.1. 1. Texts Vol. IV, No. 1896 reads yant1.

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No. 38.] 17 kku niyogittu-Ppulanariy-ana Vijayarajapurattu edup18 pitta Mulasthanam-agiya Abhayagiri-maha-viharattu agr-a19 yatanam-anal Uttorulmulaiyil muv-ulagukkun-chikamani 20 y-agiya Dalada-Patra-dhatu-svamidevargalukku nitya-vasa-bhavana 21 m-ana pratham-abhishegattukku mangala-griham-ana attandu22 dorun-tiru-nayana-moksham panni anjana nirukkum POLONNARUVA INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYABAHU I. 23 kannalan-cheyyum mangala-maha-silamaya-Buddha 24 devarkku gandhakutiy-ana Daladay-pperum-balli unga25 rakshay-aga vendum-enru sakala-sastr-agama-sil-a 26 chara-sampannar-ana Raja-guru Uturulmulaiyil Vyarini Mu27 galan Mahasthavirar raj-amatyarodun-kuda elundaruliy-i28 rundu engalai alaittu aruli-chcheydamaiyil Ma-tantirat29 ton-kudi engalukku mutadaigal-ay-ulla Valanjeyaraiyum e30 ngalodu kudivarum-Nagarattar-ullittoraiyum-kutti Munru31 kai-ttiru-Velaikkaran Daladay-pperum-balliy-enru 32 tiru-naman-chatti engal-aram-ay engal kaval-ay nirka 33 vendum-enru aran-gavalukku padai-ppadaiyal oro] 34 sevagaraiyum oro-veli nilamum-ittu-kkuduttu i-p 35 palli nokkina urgalum parivaramum pandaramum abha36 yam-pukkaraiyum pattun-kettun-kakkak-kadavom=aga37 vum alivupatt-idangal alivu sorndum engal anva38 yam-ulladanaiyum-ennaprum-idukku venduvanav-e 39 llan-cheyvom-agavum pannina inda vyavasthai chandr-a40 dityavarai nirpad-aga-kkaiy-vinav-erri-chchembilun-kalli41 lum vettuvittu-kkuduttom Valangai Idangai Si 42 rudanam Pillaigaldanam Vadugar Malaiyalar Parivarak= 43 kondam pala-kalanaiyum-ullitta tiru-Velaikkara 44 rom [*] Ippadi tirambuvanum tiramba-chcholluvanu 45 m tiramba chchammadippanum Ma-tantirattukku=ppilaitta 46 padai-ppagaiyan pancha-maha-patakan-cheydanum tevar 47 pudar-ma-tavattorkku-kkuduttana kollum kodum 48 paviyum Buddha-Dharmma-Sangha-ratnangalukku-ppilaitta 49 num pugun-naragam puguvan [||*] Ara-maravarka [*] Svasti Srih [||*] TRANSLATION. (Ll. 1-5.) May the Velaikkara forces well protect, till the juncture of another kalpa, on this earth, that shrine of the Tooth Relic of Jina (Buddha), which Deva, the Commander-in-Chief, had built in the city of Pulasti in Lanki (Ceylon), at the command of the glorious king Vijaya. bahu, and the other shrines of the gods (situated) near that (shrine), which the Velaikkaras have brought together under their protection. Obeisance to the Buddha. (Ll. 6-24.) The glorious king Sanghabodhivarman alias Chakravartin Sri-Vijayabahu. deva, who appeared in the lineage of Ikshvaku of the Solar race in the prosperous island of Lanka; who, having conquered many enemies, entered the city of Anuradhapura, and wore the beautiful crown at the request of the sangha for protecting the Order (i.e. the religion) of the Budaha; who, inviting monks from Arumana, caused the purification of the sangha of the three Ibid. reads [u]daippadaiyai. 18. I. I. (Texts) Vol. IV. p. 492 reads agravadanam-aga. Ibid. reads alivupattadangal. 337 2 x

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338 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII fraternities (nikayas) and gave three tulabharas1 to the three fraternities; who, bringing the whole of Lanka under the shade of one umbrella, had been pleased to reign for fifty-five years with the ten principles of regal duty and celebrated seventy-three birthday festivities (tiru-nakshatram), gave orders to Nuvaragal3 Devasenevirattar, and caused to be built within (the precincts of) Uttorulmula, which was the principal shrine of the great monastery of Abhayagiri the Mulasthana (i.e. important seat of monks) in the city of Pulanari alias Vijayarajapura, the great temple of the Tooth Relic (dala-day-pperumpalli), the permanent abode of the venerated Tooth Relic and the Bowl Relic (dalada-patra-dhatu-svami-devargal), the crest jewel of the three worlds, an auspicious house for the first inauguration ceremony, a gandhakuti for the great stone image of Buddhadeva to whom annually is held the festival of opening the eyes and fixing collyrium thereon. (Ll. 25-39.) As the Mahasthavira Vyarini Mugalan, the royal preceptor, well versed in all the sciences and scriptures, of good conduct and behaviour, who, being gloriously seated in the Uturulmula (monastery) along with the ministers of the king was pleased to call us to his presence and said "The great temple of the Tooth Relic should be under your protection," we, of the Mahatantra, having called together the Valanjiyar, who are our leaders, and the Nagarattar and others, who always accompany us, gave it the sacred name of "Munru-kai-tiru-velaikkaran Daladay-pperumpalli" (i.e. the great temple of the Tooth Relic of the Velaikkaras of the three hands), and to make it remain as our charity and under our protection, assigned for the protection of this charity one servant and one veli of land (for his maintenance), from each regiment; and bound ourselves to protect the villages under the supervision of this temple (palli), its servants and treasures, as well as the men seeking its shelter, even though (we may) suffer ruin or loss; and to always provide for all the requirements of this (temple), so long as our community continues to exist, repairing such parts (of the temple) as get dilapidated. (Ll. 39-44.) In order that the agreement thus given may last as long as the Moon and the Sun (endure), we, the exalted Velaikkaras, consisting of the Valangai, Idangai, Sirudanam, Pillaigaldanam, Vadugar, Malaiyalar, Parivarakkondam and various other classes of workmen (palakalanai), attested it (i.e. the agreement) with our own hands, and caused it to be engraved on copper and stone. (Ll. 44-49.) Whose acts against this, or acquiesces in doing wrong to this, shall enter the hell wherein fall those enemies of the (Velaikkara) regiments, who have wronged the Mahatantra, those who have committed the five great sins, those heinous sinners who have robbed what have been given to gods, bhutas, and the great ascetics, and those who have wronged the (three) gems, (to wit), the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha. Forget not charity! Hail! Prosperity! 1 Tulabhara is weighing one's self against gold or other precious substances and giving away the same in charity. 2 The ten principles of regal duty as explained in Pali books are, charity (dana), piety (sila), liberality (parichchaga), rectitude (ajjavam), gentleness (majjava), religious austerity (tapam), freedom from wrath (akkodho), humanity (avihimsa), forbearance (khanti), and the state of having no enmity (avirodhata). The correct reading Nuvaragal in place of anuvagal is due to Codrington. Gandhakuti (perfumed chamber) was the name given to the part of the vihara occupied by the Buddha himself, when he was alive. It is doubtful whether Vyarini formed a part of the name of the monk. No such name is met with any. where as the name of a Buddhist monk. I am not able to give any other explanation of this word. The five great sins according to the Buddhists are:-(1) the murdering of one's father, (2) the murdering of one's mother, (3) killing an arhat or saint, (4) shedding the blood of a Buddha, (5) causing schism n the Order. According to the Hindu Law-books they are:-(1) killing a Brihmana, (2) drinking intoxi. cating liquor, (3) theft, (4) committing adultery with the wife of a religious teacher, and (5) associating with any one guilty of these crimes,

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No. 39.) THE JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF JIVADAMAN I. No. 39.-THE JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF JIVADAMAN (I). BY R. D. BANERJI, M.A. The inscription which is edited below for the first time, was discovered by some labourers on the top of the citadel of Junagadh fort during the rainy season of 1919. Mr. 8. Brook-Foz the then Chief Engineer of the Junagadh State, removed the stone slab on which it is written to the State Office building and, sending its inked Impression, informed the Archeological Survey Department of its discovery. It is now deposited in the Bahadur Khan-ji Museum, Junagadh During my visit in the month of October of the same year I read the inscription from the stone and took its estampages for publication. The record is incised on a heavy slab of stone, the inscribed surface of which measures 31 inches by 10 inches. At present, it consists of two short lines mutilated both at the beginning and at the end. The first line begins with the word kshatrapasya and ends with the numerical symbol for 100. The second line begins with a proper name and ends with the word putra. The length of each of these two lines is 30' and the average height of the letters is 21. Judging, however, from their contents it would appear that originally these lines were considerably longer. The slab bearing the inscription must have been used for building purposes. It was found with its face turned downwards in the debris of an old structure. When I saw it in the State Office at Junagadh, the letters were full of plaster or mortar made of powdered bricks (soorkhi) and lime. Possibly, there were several other lines below the second one which were mutilated when the stone was broken up to suit the requirements of the mason. The characters of the inscription are of the usual type used in Western India in the second century A.D. and skin to the alphabet in which the Andhau inscriptions of Rudradaman I are written. The lower parts of ka and a curve to the left. The three verticals of ya are almost equal in height and all instances of the subscript form of this letter are tripartite. Va and the lower part of ma are rather triangular. Both the verticals of pa are of equal height. In the only extant symbol of the palatal sa the pendant drops from the right half of the curve instead of from the left, while the angularity is not quite marked. In the letter sha the cross bar is joined to the right vertical straight line and not to the left as usual in one case, s.e., in kshatrapasya, while in the other, i.e., in varshe, it seems to join both the verticals. The inscription is written in Sanskrit prose. The object of it, however, is not clear on scoount of its mutilated state. The portion giving the date is unfortunately damaged and nothing is legible at the end of the first line, except the symbol for 100. The record refers itself to the reign of Jivadaman whose exact rank cannot be now ascertained because the portion of the slab, where his titles were in all probability written, is now missing. That he was . Kshatrapa is certain as that title is prefixed to his name. Two Jivadamans are known to have had any connection with Kathiawar. The first prince of that name was the son of Damajadahrt I and the grandson of Rudradaman I, who is known from his coins to have ruled in Kathidwar from the year 100 to 118 or 119 of the Saka era. The second prince of that name is Svami Jivadaman, known to us from the coins of his son, Kshatrapa Rudrasimha II, who was ruling in Saka 227 and seems to have succeeded to the throne on the extinction of the direct descendants of Chashtana or of the Mahakshatrapa Rudrasittha I. On paleographic grounds, I am of opinion that the inscription under examination pertains to the reign of the Mahakghatrapa Jivadaman I. The second line of this record contains four proper names [Va]stradatta, Vastunandika, Vastusarmmaka and Ramaka. The last word of

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII the second line, if read as putra [nam] would show that the first three persons were the sons of Ramaka. The inscription must have been incised to commemorate some pious act or the erection of some building by these three brothers. TEXT. 340 1...[ksha]trapasya Sv[a]mi Jivadamasya etaya purvvaya1 varsh[e] 100 .... 2[Va]stradattasya Vastuna[th]dikasya Vas[tularmmakasya Ramakasya pute[].... NOTES. 1. 1 (a) The upper part of the ligature in ksha is broken. (b) The cross bar in sha in varshe is damaged. (c) The last letter looks like sa but the downward prolongation of the right vertical makes it certain that this letter is the symbol for 100. 1. 2 The restoration [Va] stradatta is tentative. The reading may be [Sa]stradatta or [A];tradatta. The form of Va in Vastunamdika is peculiar. The base line is very much curved and the upper horizontal line has disappeared giving place to two curved lines which appear like bifurcations of the vertical. TRANSLATION. .... of the [Maha]kshatrapa Svami Jivadaman, on the above mentioned, in the year 100...[Va]stradatta, Vastunamdika (Vastunandin), Vastusarmmaka, the sons of Ramaka...... No. 40. PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI. BY A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. This inscription is engraved on a slab set up in the western prakara of the Vishnu temple at Peraneyil, a suburb of Changanacheri which is a taluk-centre in the Kottayam Division of the Travancore State. It is in clear-cut and well-preserved Vatteluttu characters, which can, from purely palaeographical considerations, be assigned to the 11th century A.D. or thereabouts. The language of the record is Tamil, sprinkled with a few dialectical peculiarities of the West Coast e.g., irunn-aruli (l. 15), aruliyar (l. 23), olla (l. 41), vannu (1. 58), and adikkumad-olinnom (Z. 61-63). The record which is dated in the 8th year opposite the 2nd year of the reign of a certain king named Kulasekhara-Koyiladhikarigal, presumably of the Chera dynasty, does not give the exact Kollam year but mentions simply the vague astronomical detail that Jupiter was in Karkataka. But this defect, as will be proved below, is mended by two other inscriptions secured from Quilon and Tiruvalur', both of which are also in the Travancore State. The date portions in these two inscriptions run thus: 1. Kollan-tonriyirunurr-elupatt-ettam-andai Kanniyil Viyalam pukka Chinna nayiru onpadu senra nal irandam-anda ikk edir padinora]m-andaiy=[I]ra[ma]r' Truvadi Koyiladikarigal ayina eri-Kulasekhara-chChakkira vattiga] Kurakkeni-kKollattu Pagainnavin koyilagate-irunnarula. [This phrase usually follows the date.-Ed.] 2.Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. V, p. 44. No. 54 of App. B of Archaeological Survey Report (Travancore) for 1919-20. Ibid, Vol. IV, p. 145. See p. 47 of the Archaeological Survey Report (Travancore) for 1919-2. This portion is somewhat damaged ; an alternative reading of Ko-Raman is also possible.

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THE JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF JIVADAMAN (I.) HIRANANDA SASTRI. SCALE ABOUT A QUARTER. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 40.) PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI. 341 2. Makarattil Viyalan ninra Kulasekhara-pPerumal-irachchiyam vanna randam=andaikk ediram=andu. Of these, the latter is dated in the year opposite the 2nd year of the reign of Kulasekhara. pPeruma! when Jupiter stood in Makara, and the first epigraph, which is dated on the 9th day of Chingam in the Kollam year 278 (=August 1102 A.D.) when Jupiter stood in Kanya, purports to have been issued in the reign of Iramar-Tiruvadi Koyiladhikariga!-ayina Kulasekhara-Chakra vartigal in the second year opposite to the year padi...., the second part of which admits of the possible reading nora. Jupiter, which was in Makara in the 2nd+1st year (expired) of the reign of Kulasekha ra-pPerumal according to the Tiruvalar record, would have journeyed on to Karkata ka six years later. This was actually the planet's position in the 2nd+8th year of Kulasekhara-Koyiladhikarigal as recorded in the Peruneyil inscription. Consequently, the two kings Kulasekhara-pPerumal and Kulasekhara-Koyiladhikariga! mentioned in these two epigraphs appear to be identical. Again, it is clear that two years later, i.e., in the 2nd+11th year, Jupiter would be occupying the Kanya-rasi. In the regnal year of king KulasekharaChakravartigal which has been read as 2nd+11th in the Quilon record Jupiter was actually in Kappi (Kanya). This proves beyond doubt that the three kings referred to in the epigraphs from Tiruvalur, Quilon and Peruneyil are identical, and it follows also that king Kulasekhara may have ascended the Chera throne between the months Dhanus and Karkataka of the Kollam year 265, i.e., between January and July 1090 A.D. The title Koyiladhikari assumed by the king deserves some notice. Koyil either means & temple' or ' a palace' and adhikari is a controller. It is possible that the management of the palace was left in the hands of an important officer, sometimes the young crown-prince himself, who was consequently called the Koyiladhikari, and so Dr. Gundert has translated this term as the Palace-Major; but as the kings of Kerala were known to have specially interested them. selves in temple affairs, it appears more probable that even during the life-time of a reigning sovereign, the supervision of the temple demesne was vested in the crown-prince so as to give him the proper preliminary training in administrative work, and that he was given the title of Koyiladhikari.: Vijayaraga deva who figures as such in the Kottayam plates of the Chera king Sthanu-Ravi probably held a similar position and his presence was considered essential for the transaction recorded in that copper-plate charter. He could not have been a mere official unconnected with the royal household, for, we find him given the title. Cheramanar'in a TiruYorriyur epigraph of 936 A.D., and he had himself married & Kerala princess Kilanadigal daughter of Kulasekharadeva." In the Quilon record under reference, the king is introduced by the expression Iramar-Tiruvadi Koyiladikariga! =ayina Kulasekhara-chChakkaravattiga!' which can be understood in one of two ways. The ordinary interpretation will be to consider that KulasekharaChakravarti was the Koyiladhikari of another senior king Ramar-Tiruvali; but as the title * Chakravartin'affixed to his name denotes that he was the reigning king, the simultaneous use 1 Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. II, p. 83. Malabar Quarterly Review, Vol. VIII, p. 117. Ibid. Vol. VIII, p. 116. Nambudiri Brahmans who held sway over temples possessing immense wealth and landed property invoked the assistance of Samanta-kshatriyas and these managed the Devasvams under the title of Koyiladhikarigal (Temple-Managers) - Land Tenure of Travancore. Although this Kuyiladhikaram was also wielded by private managers (Trao. Archl. Series, II, p. 44) in the case of small individual temples. the general control together with the specific title must have been in the possession of a member of the royal family, the crown-prince, in all probability. * Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. III, p. 77 et seq. and 8. 1. I. Vol. III, p. 236. Trar. Archl. Series, Vol. IV, p. 144-Kulasekharadevar magafor-Vilaiyardgaderar diviyar Kijanadiga

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342 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. of the other title Koyiladhikari which would indicate a subordinate position to Ramar-Tiruvadi, appears to be inconsistent. Ramar-Tiruvadi to whom Kulasekhara was the Koyiladhikari (or Agent-in-chief) may be taken to refer to god Ramesvara of the Quilon temple, Tiruvadi' being 8 respectful term applied alike to gode, kings, queens and saints. Or again; Ramar-Tiruvadi Koyiladhikarigal may be taken as the proper name of the king and Kulasekhara as his regal title. If, however, Ramar-Tiruvadi represents & senior king whose Koyiladhikari was Kulasekhara at that time, then we have to understand that though the latter has styled himself as an independent king in the more northern localities in the 4th and 9th years of his reign, he acknowledged a suzera in in Ramar-Tiruvadi in the somewhat later Quilon epigraph. Future researches alone can decide this point one way or the other ; but it looks probable that Kulebekhara of the three records was a Chera or Cochin king and that Quilon was his southern outpost where in the palace called Papaingavu' he had encamped on the 9th Chingam of Kollam 278. It may be noted that the Cochin rajas even now style themselves as Koyiladhikarigal in documente pertaining to the landed property of temples, their full title being 'Perumba dappu Gan gadhara Vira-Kerala Tirukkoyiladhikarigal's The king of this record being assigned to the end of the 11th century A.D., he must be different from Kulasekhara, the author of the Mukundamala (a devotional poem considered to be the work of the Vaishnava royal-saint Kulasekhara-Alvar), and the patron of the author of the four yamaka- kavyas entitled the Yudhishthiravijaya, the Tripuradahana, the Saurika. thodaya and the Nalodaya, and from another Kulasekhara, the royal author of the two Sanskrit dramas, the Tapatisamvarana and the Subhadradhananjaya, and of the undiscovered probe work, the Aecharyamanjari.. The object of the record was to state that the king who was seated in the hall called) Nedi. yatali (at his capital ?) in company with the presidents of the four assemblies and the president of Tirukkun rappolai, issued, after due consultation with his ministers, an order granting the annual income of 40 kalam of paddy and the tax (9) called arandai from the village of Peruneydal for the expenses of feeding certain Brahmans and for expounding the Mahabharata in that temple. The recipients of the gift were the ur(i.e. the members of the village assembly) and the poduva! (i.e. officers supervising charitable endowments). This order was conveyed by Raman-Tayan of Kamakkapappalli and Narayapan-Narayanan of Kadambanadu to tho loudipati (headmen or chieftains) of the two villages of Kapalimangalam and Mutturu, who thereupon met in the temple of Peruneydal and, agreeing to refrain from collecting the arandai in obedience to the royal mandate, had this stipulation engraved on & slab of stone and got it set up in the temple compound. The record is important in that it gives us, though perhaps imperfectly, a glimpse into the official routine of the 12th century in Kerala where, more than in any other place, temple adminis tration was entirely in the hands of yogams(corporations), which were wielding independent power in matters pertaining to temple politics, and which were presided over by the king. 1 Tror Arch Series. Vol. III, p. 3 Ibid, Vol. IV, p. 9. This palaoof Papaingava was in existence at the time of the Venadu ruler Srivado Inbhankoda (Kollam 149). Ooohon State Manual, p. 39, and Malabar Quarterly Review, Vol. VIIT, p. 117. * J.R.4.8., April 1925, pp. 263-75. w mary of Papers of the All-India Oriental Conferenoe, Third Session, pp. 109-16. Malabar Quarterly Review, VIII, p. 110.

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No. 40.) PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI. 343 Nediyatali according to the Keralotpatti was one of the four assembly halls in the capital town, where the councils (yogams) elected their kings (raksha-purushas) under the leadership of their presidents called the Taliyadirimar or Taliyalvaps'. It is not apparent why the royal writ relating to the Peruneyil temple emanated from the Nediyatali Assembly Hall instead of from the Merrali representing Mulikkalam, which might be expected to have exercised its jurisdiction over Peruneydal, as it had done in the case of the Tiruvanvandur and Tirukkakkarai temples. Pati or kudipati is the term which has been applied to chieftains in the Kottayam plates' of Sthanu-Ravi - Pungaittalai-ppati and Pulaikkudi-ppati, who were petty chieftains controlling restricted areas. Desavafis or officers in charge of desas or villages would be their equals in status. Arandard which literally means misery, here appears to signify some kind of tax in money or in kind leviable by the village officers on behalf of the king. Of the places named in the record, Kadambanadu and Iiandurutti are the localities from where the taliyadiris or presidents of the Nediyatali assembly are said to have been selected. Kapalimangalam and Kamakkapappalli are mentioned in the Tiruvalla plates and Mutturu may be the same as the modern Mutturu in the Tiruvalla taluk. Tirukkuprappuls seems to be identical with the village of the same name near Karttigaippalli (Quilon Do.) and belonging to the Edappalli chief.? Nediya tali and Merralio occurring in several other records at Tirukkakkarai may, in all probability, refer to these two assemblies in addition to being specific villages answering to these names. 1 Tali means a temple' but here refers to the meeting halls (within temples P) where certain assemblies met. Compare v. 69 of the Sukasandila of Lakshmidasa (circa 12th cent. A.D.) where the Chers capital Mahodayapura, has been described as having talis, presided over by all-powerful presidents: vAcA yeSAM bhavati nRpatirmAyakI rAjyala myA sAmAn paSTiM catura hA ye gAnaceSTA nayanti / zastre zApi ca bhRgunimaH zavadAsate yA vipranTresavipukhamaThavaryAkkhISu sthalISu // * Trav. Arch Series, Vol. II, p. 80. Comparandai-keduttu saran-tarum=ital-ena '-silappadigdram (Uraiperubaffurai, 3). Trav. State Manual, Vol. I, p. 220. * Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. II, p. 166. * Mutturry-korram was the name of an ancient territorial division and it was situated somewhere in the Pandyan kingdom (Puram v. 24), but it had nothing to do with the village in this record. Compare t. 125 of the Upanilisandilam, where this village has been referred to Matturricho honnini ya palayam pinnilittichohu Ganga m-uttirya tvam viravodu sakho Nalukodikku choka. * In the island of Vaipeen, there is another langunnappula whoso famous Subrahmanya temple was, prior to its absorption by the Coobin Durbar, under the management of the Raja of Paravur and an influential san kolam wielding high sacerdotal power (Cochin State Manual, p. 373). Tirukkaprappolayum being med in the noutar gender can have nothing to do with the chief Yakkap Kuprappolav figuring in the Tirukkakkara record of the 20th century A.D. * Trav. Arch Series, Vol. III, pp. 166-8, and 172-3.

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344 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. First side. 1 Svasti sri [1] Ira. 2 mandai=kkedir e3 ttam=andu Kulai. 4 sekara-Koyiladi5 karigal tiruv-ra. 6 chchiyan=chella7 ninra Karkkatakat8 til Viyalatti9 1* Virichchika10 nayisru nalu11 taliyaiyun-Tiru12 kkunrappolai 13 yun-kutriko14 ndu Neliyatali 15 irunn-aruli Peru16 neydal-attaik17 kalal 'nalppa18 dip-kalan-nel19 lum Peruneyda20 1-arandaiyum a21 ttil-peray ti22 rukkai nanaichch=823 ruliyar [ll] Attai24 kol namakkara mum 25 Mabara tamuneti26 ruvullam pan27 siy-aruliyar a 28 maichchulluru[t*]ti29 y 'Kulaisekara-Ko30 yiladikariga! [1] TEXT. Second side. 31 Attaikko! 32 na;padin-kala33 mum arandaiyu34 m Peruneydal35 urum poduv-a 36 Jum attil.pec? 37 ray kond[a]r [!l*] Koyi38 ladikariga39 | Kapalimanna40 lattum Muttu41 rrum olla 42 kudi-patik43 ku tirumuga44 n=tiruvullam45 pannie-Kkama46 kkapappalli 47 Iraman-Taya48 num Kadamman49 natu Naraya50 pa[p*]-Narayananum 51 ur-ppoduv-a52 lun=kuli tiru. 53 m[u]gam patiy-uru54 ttio Irandur55 kkuli-patiyu56 m Peruneydal 57 m[ujkkalvale. 58 cattu vannu 1 From ink-impressions prepared by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, BA., M.R.A.S. * Read irao. Read Kuulakekhara. * The usual form will be Karkofakattil Vigalan ninra; the double locative is uncommon. The correct accusative will be Tiruckunrappolaiyaiyum. * Nalppadin is the Malayalam form of arpadin (1. 32). Read affipo. Panni would be more appropriate. Pati-uputta would be inore grammatical or pati-ugutliyar, a finite verb, may have been used, as the secter.ce following mentions a separate item of fact. Pati-uutti though a finite verb in modern Malayalam cculo not have been in vogue at the time of the present record, as declensional endings have been used in aruliyar, kordar and koduttar. 10 Before wa, letter has been entered and emused.

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PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI. Second Side. First Side tfr yq tr j Third Side. bhrh 18 r b jndh z mrj` , `n hrmwn yh khm nh ml. 12 w nm h hwrmkhn@, 14 wrth nh by bh shnh nh 892 mn 10 nh rmnh n H`hhh th nwfn dn rHm dy 88 bh 24 thyh w wSfh & wh : 86863 bn ` m`h bhr wkwnyk Printed by Burvey of India, Calcutta, 1925. SCALE : ONE-SEVENTHS HIRANANDA SASTRI

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No. 40.) PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI. 316 Third side. 59 kudi a60 randai la61 dikkuma62 d=olin63 nom=en64 ru kal-e65 ludi na. 66 tti=kko67 duttar 68 tiruvul69 lam-pan. 70 piy=arali71 yar(ya) mar73 ggame cil*] TRANSLATION. Hail ! Prosperity ! In the month of Vrischika, of the eighth year current opposite to the second year of (his) prosperous reign, when Jupiter was in Karkataka, Kulasekhara-Koyiladhikari was pleased to be present at Nediyatali taking (with him) the four talis and Tirukkunrappolai, and was pleased to grant as an atipperu with libation of water, (tirukkai-nanaichch. aruliyara) the annual income of forty kalam of paddy (accruing) from Peruneydal and the arandai of Peruneydal. After informing the ministry, Kulasekhara-Koyiladhikariga! was also pleased to order the feeding" (of persons) and the reading of the Mahabharata' in the temple) from (this) annual income. (The members of the village of Peruneydal and the podural received as attipperu this annual income of forty kalam and arandai. The Koyiladhikarigal having issued the royal order to the chieftains of the inhabitants of Kapalimangalam and Mutturu, and Raman.Tayan of Kamakkanappalli and Narayanan Narayanan of Kadambanadu, as well as, the ur-poduva!, having together carried (this) royal order to the chieftains, the chieftains of the inhabitants of these two villages came to the temple of Peruneydal and caused the fact that they, as stated in the royal order, ceased to levy the arandai, to be engraved on stone and had it set up. 1 It cannot be ascertained whether there is any mistake in this word here. If mere collection is implied, the word used is rather rare. Another word ' adukkuvadu' is defined by Mr. Nagam Ayya in his Trav. State Manwal as a fee due to the Sirkar from the heir on his succession to the virutti holding, for the grant of the Royal neet. Dr. Gundert explains it as the rights retained by the original proprietor from the purchaser.' * See note 1, p. 343, above. * Tirukkai-nanaichcha uliyar means' was pleased to wet bis auspicious (royal) hands,' i.e., 'was pleased to give away with a libation of water' (atfippofu, wdakada num). * Namakkaram (Skt. namaskaram) is an arrangement which consists of feeding Brahnians in the temple premises with the food that had been previously offered to the god as wivedanam, for the merit of, and with the donations made by some individual, either royal or private. The reading of the Mahabharata was a favourite form in which temple charities were utilised. Poduval, corresponding to madhyasthas of Tamil inscriptions, representa persons who had the supervision of charitable institutions. They were sub-divided into agao and purl.poduval. * In the expression atpaikkol, attai=annual, and kop (the substantive of koj - to receive) the receipt, so the annual income (in kind) from the lands is meant. . Adikkumadu scems to ineau realisation (of the tar), 2 Y

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846 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII No. 41.--THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA; SAKA 1182. By C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., OOTACAMUND. This grant is engraved on three copper-plates which were forwarded to the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, in the year 1916, by M. R. Ry. M. Ramakrishnakavi, M.A., late of the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras, who had obtained them on loan from M. R. Ry. T. Achyuta Rao Pantulu, M.A., Deputy Inspector of Schools. No definite information as to their discovery is available. Their contents have been reviewed in the Madras Epigraphical Report for the year 1916-17.1 The plates have since been acquired for the Madras Museum and deposited there. The plates are oblong in shape and are held together by a copper ring, the ends of which are rivetted into the back of a circular seal. They measure 91" by 58" and are about " in thickness. The ring and the seal have a diameter of 31" and 2" respectively. The ring had not been cut when the plates came up for examination. They contain four faces of writing in all, the first and the last plates being engraved on their inner sides only. The entire set with ring and seal weighs 274 tolas. On the seal, on a counter-sunk surface, are engraved in relief (1) the symbols of the Crescent and the Sun at the top; below these (2) a boar* facing the proper left with a dagger placed in its front with the point upwards, and (3) a cow facing the proper left at the bottom. The inscription is composed in the Sanskrit language and written in the Telugu characters of the period to which it belongs. The invocatory and narrative portion of the record (lines 1 to 45) consists of 21 verses. This is followed, in lines 45 to 63, by the categorical enumeration of the donees with their gotras and their shares. Lines 63 to 65 give the boundaries of the gift village. These are followed, in lines 65 and 66, by the usual minatory verse beginning with Tacai' and the closing benediction 08 :'. On the whole, the inscription is engraved very carefully. The position of the anusvara is not uniform. In some cases it is placed at the proper left top corner of the letter to which it belongs as in the later Chalukyan records, while in a few others it is placed by the side of the letter as at the present day. The ansvara takes the place of the nasal before all consonants. But in some places it does not; e.g. dibanti in line 1 and niruvekayanti in line 2. The consonant following the repha is doubted. The doubling of the letter na is effected by adding a subscript n to na, e.g., varnna in line 28 ; vistirana in line 26, etc. The word veli used for veli in verse 1 suggests the influence of the vernacular pronunciation which has a tendency to substitute la for the Sanskrit la. The expression 'Garavapadakhya in verse 21 seems to have been employed inadvertently as in Telugu, the correct form Garavapldwalohy being somewhat difficult to pronounoe. The composition is marked by force and fluency of style. The author's diction in some places reminds, us of that of some great poets. Our mind is drawn to the beautiful expression of Kalidasa A saudAmanyA kanakanikaSasigdhayA' in the Meyhadata, by his phrase 'saudAmanyA kAnakanikaSacchAyayA' employed in verse 6'. 1 Appendix A, Nu.4 and page 122, paragraph 30. * No. 328 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1905 belonging to King Prataparudra of this family has the figure of a boar carved above it. The Boar emblem of the Kikatiyas has been noticed by Prof. Hultzach (above, Vol. XH,p. 180). See also copper-plate No. 17 of Nellore Inscrptions in which the Boar' emblem is carved. [The name can very well be Caravapada or pada, as given in the inscription, unless the subscript = was left out bgithe engraver.- Ed.] . (Ho might have taken it from the Moghadala itell-Ed.]

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No. 41.) THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182. 347 This inscription is the second copper-plate record, hitherto found, of the Kakatiya dynasty. The one already discovered also belongs to the time of King Ganapati and is published in the Nellore Inscriptions. It is dated in the Saka year 1176 corresponding to the cyclic year Ananda and is thus six years earlier than the grant under notice. In verses 1 to 6 are praised in order Vighnaraja (i.e., Vinayaka), Varaha, Sarasvati," the moon-crest of Sambhu, the Lord of Ambika (i.e., Siva), and Vishnu. Verse 7 gives the description of the Lotus coming out of the navel of Vishnu from which was born the fourfaced Brahma (verse 8). Verses 9 and 10 state that from his oye came Aditya (i.e., Sun) and from him came Manu who was a king that regulated the castes (varnas) and (their) duties (dharmas) etc. The genealogy from Aditya given in the record is as follows: Aditya. Manu. Kalikala-Chala. Durjjaya. Prola. Rudra. Mahadeva. Ganapatideva. Kalikala-Chola is stated to have gone to the Dakshinapatha in the course of a hunting expedition (verse 11). Alighting there upon a famous town called 'Kakati' he pitched his extensive camp near it (verse 12). King Durjjaya who had the epithet Rana-durjaya' (invin. cible in war) was the next notable member of this family by whom the line of the Kakati kings was first established (verse 13). Then is mentioned (verse 14) King Prola i.e., Prola II according to the genealogy of the Motupalli record of Ganapatideva. His son was Rudra'(verse 15) who was succeeded by his younger brother Mahadeva whose elephants made a breach in the ramparts of the residence of the Sevuna (king) (verse 16). His son was King Ganapatideva whose 1 Copper-plate No. 17. * The expression actually used is 'Sirasvatakhyam-tejak' by which it is clear the author is glorifying the goddess Sarasvati. * A Copper-plate grant of about the 7th century A.D. (No. 6 of Appendix A to the Emigraphical Report for 1916-17) mentions Maharaja Rana-durjaya as the founder of the family to which king Prithivi-Maharaja of the record belonged. He belonged to the Kafyapa-gotra. It may be recalled here that Karikala-Chola and his descendants claimed to belong to this gotra and that the long inscription at Malkapuram refers to the Kakatiyas as Durjaya-Kshatriyas (pigraphical Report for 1916-17, page 122, para. 32). Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, page 189. Prof. Hultzsch remarks here that the first king of this dynasty, Prola I is not mentioned in any other Kakatiya inscription.' It may, however, be noted that he is the earlier of the two "Prolas' mentioned in No. 107 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1902. From No. 204 of 1905 it is om that Pron II had two other song, viz., Harihara and Ganapati, not generally known. Of the Gapapati probably died at an early ago. This must be the Devagiri Yadava king Bhillama who reigned from A.D. 1187 to 1191 or Jaitugi I who reigned from A.D. 1191 to 1210 (Bom. Gax., Volume I, Part 2, page 519). Mahidova's latest year would be A.D. 1197 or 1198. 2 x 2

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348 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII exploits were great (verse 17). His minister was Davaraja! who was famed for his wide charities (verse 18). He had four sons through his wife Lakshmi; they were respectively called Rama, Tikka, Manchaya and Betaya (verse 19). In the Saka year 1182, corresponding to the cyclic year Raudra, in the month Chaitra, on the day of the Solar eclipse in the dark fortnight, Tikka, the second of the said four sons, granted the village of Garavapanu as an agrahara, to fifty Brahmans of several gotrass learned in the Vedas (verses 20 and 21). The date, according to the late Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Ephemeris, corresponds to Monday (not given in the inscription) April 12, A.D. 1260. On this day there was & Solar eclipse as stated in the inscription. The statement that Karikala-Chola fixed his capital at Kakati in Dakshinapatha is not found in any other known record of this dynasty, though Kalikala (or Karikala)-Chola as an ancestor of the family is mentioned in some. In a few records, however, 'Kakati' is referred to as a place with which its early members were connected. An unpublished epigraph refers to Kakati as the family city' (kulapura) of this dynasty. Another such epigraph refers itself to king Ganapatideva of Kakatiyyapura.' A chief named Kakartya Gundyana is mentioned in an unpublished copper-plate grant belonging to about A.D. 945 as a subordinate of the Eastern Chalukya king Amma II.' The family to which the chief belonged is called Samantavoddi. The epithet 'Kakartya', which is evidently a variant of Kakatya, must, therefore, refer to a place to which the chief belonged. It is thus almost certain that Kakati' was an ancient place and the family name Kakati, Kakatya, Kaketa or Kakatiya was based upon the original connection of its members with a town of that name and not upon the worship of any family deity as suggested by Kumarasvamin [Burnell quoted by Fleet.-Ed.] the learned commentator of the Prataparudriya.. If the latter 1 Devaraja was not the only minister of the king for we are told that a certain Sivadevayya was his Chief Minister (Lives of Telugu Poets by Viresalingam, Old Edition, page 36) who was looked upon as no less than a god, sivadovayya must have been identical with the great Saiva teacher Visvesvara-Siva-Desika, the pontiff of the Golakimatha and the raja-guru of three kings among whom was King Ganapati (Epigraphical Report for 1917, page 123). The commander Tikka has to be distinguished from his two contemporaries of this name viz., (i) the great poet Tikkans who wrote the latter fifteen parras of the Telugu Mahabharata and who is stated to have gone as an ambasador to the Court of Ganapati from king Manumasiddhi of Nelluru (Nellore) whose minister he was and (ii) the warrior Tikka, the cousin of the poet, who was the commander of the armies of Manumasiddhi. Siddha, the father of the last was minister under king Tikka, the father of Manumasiddhi (Lires of Telugu Poeta, pages 33 to 39). The name Tikka, it may be noted, is a contracted form of Tiruk-Kalatti' & Prakrit form of Sri-Kalahasti. The name was taken after that of the popular god Sri-Kalahastigvars at Kalahasti, Chittoor District, Madras Presidency. See Nellore Inscrip sions, A. 7, G. 45, G. 60, etc. Though verse 20 of the inscription states that the village was granted to "fifty'Brahmans, actually only fortyniae Brahmans received shares. The fiftieth share was granted to Vallabhs of Srikakolanu viz., Srikakulam in the Divi taluk of the Kistna district. This is the god of the place who is known also by the name 'Srikakulesvars and has hoon popnlar from early times (se Mads Epigraphical Collection for 1883, Nos. 136-172). While making grante of apariran it was customary for ancient kings to provide shares for the local deities and for the Vidas, chiefly Rik And Yajus (above, Vol. XVI, p. 253, text line 273 and p. 283). The first eleven recipients of shares are of the Yaaka-pikira which is very rarely met with in these days. Yaska, the author of the Ninuita, was of this poira. His patronymio is Paingi in the Anukramans of the Atreyi-lakha (Weber Indische Studien, 1 71, n; 3396; Vedic Index by Maodonell and Keith, Vol. II, page 23). The Muni Yaka is mentioned in the brala yana-Srovarira (Utarardha) along with Vadhala, Mauna, Mauka, sarkarikshi, Sarshti, Savami, Salankayana, Jaimiri and Daivantyayana, most of whom were founders of gotros, * No. 204 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1906. No. 111 of 1902. * No. 1 of Appendix A to the Epigraphical Report for 1916-17. Ind, page 117 1. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 12.

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No. 41.] THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182. 349 were the case the deity would have been invoked or praised at least in a few of the innumerable records of this family. And even if there was such a deity known or familiar to the commentator it must have been called so after the place 'Kakati.'! There are many instances of the presid. ing goddess Durga of a village being called after the village. Kanker, the head-quarters of the state of that name, situated immediately to the north of the Bastar State in the Central Provinces was formerly called Kakera, Kakaira and Kakaraya. Since epigraphs refer to Kakati as a pura (i.e., city) as noticed above, it is very likely that Kanker, as suggested by its ancient names, was identical with Kakati. The forms Kakati' Kakatya,' etc. might have, in local pronunciation, taken the forms Kakera (cf. the form Kaketa). The connection of the Kakati kings with Kalikala-Chola, who is well-known to South Indian history as a king of about the 6th century A.D., and the story that he fixed his capital at the town of Kakati and the appearance, in the adjoining state of Bastar, of an early (Saka 983) Chola Chief Chamdraditya-Maharaja who calls himself, like the Kakatiyas, a descendant of KarikalaChola, point to the possibility of the said identity. The advent, again, of Annamaraja, the brother of Kakti (i.e. Kakati) Prataparudra into Bastar, the present ruling family of which is Kakatiya-though curiously enough Somavamsi-must have been only a return to the inherited family territory lying bere or such territory reconquered and recovered now.5 Among the boundaries of the gift village no village or town is mentioned to help us in its identification. There are villages of the name 'Garapadu ' in the Guntur and the Sattenapalle taluks of the Guntur district and in the Nuzvid taluk of the Kistna district. From the reported fact of the discovery of the plates near Ellore in the latter district it may have to be identified with the village of Garapanu in the Nuzvid taluk. TEXT.1 [Metres. Vv. 1, 3 Sragdhara; v. 2 Svagata; v. 4, Indravajra; vv. 5, 18 and 20 Sardulavikriditam ; v. 6 Mandakranta; vv. 7-8 Upajati; v. 9 Harini; vv. 10, 12-14 and v. 21 Anushtubh ; v. 11 Pushpitagra; vv. 15-17 Malini; and v. 19 Upendrarajra.] First Plate. 1 lakSmI haste dizanti pramadamupaharaMtya bdhiveLAdukUlAmu. 2 vI nivezayanti pratidizamacalAM kortimAnatayaMti / kiMcAnyadya3 yadiSTaM nidadhati nikhila tattadagre samagraM nityaM nirbaya'mAnA: kuzala 1 In almost all carlier inscriptions the family name is given as 'Kakati' (sce Nos. 213, 244 and 288 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1893). ?[and vice versa.-Ed.) Vide Nos. 252 and 253 of the Malras Epigraphical Collection for 1908 and Nos. 124, 128, 109, 228 and 229 of the Lists of Inscriptions of Central Prorinces and Berar by Hiralal. * No. 198 of the Lists of Inscriptions of Central Prceinces and Berar and No. 231 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1908. [It is doubtful if philology can allow of such a derivation. Besides, history or rather trdition, goes against it in w much as the Kakatiyas are said to be the descendants of the Pandava Arjuna and of the Lunar race whereas Karikala-Chola and Ganapatideva belong to the solar race.--Ed.) (Line 64 of the text would show that it stood on the Bhagirathi. N. P. C.] From ink-impressiona kindly lent by the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras. This side of the plate is marked close to the ring-hole with the Telugu-Kannada numerical figure for l. * Tho lino commences with a spiral which may stand either for Owl or for Sri. The latter is more probable since even to-day the orthodox practiou in the Telugu country is to commence any w.iting with the letter Sri or an omamental flourish presentingit. (See above Vol. xvii, p. 352 1.1.-Ed.]

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850 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 4 'kulazahA vighnarAjapraNAmAH // [1* ] bhUtaye bhavatu vasma varAho-bhUbhuvaHsvaradhidaivatamekaM / ekadApi yajanapravaNAnAM bhUpatitvampapAdayate yaH // [2] tejassArasvatAkhyaM hRdayasarasije vaH B 6 7 prakAzeca zItajyotirmuktAsudhAM bhonidigaganadhunIcaMdanAna 8 'danIyaM / yasmin saMvitsamudre sphurati kimaparaM nirbharavistaraM 9 ti sphAyanmA [dhu]ryyadhuryyAH parimaLitadizaH znokakazolalekhAH // [3* ] [[]]tavaSciyasaMvibhAgAmarAidaMSTrAparibhUtibhUmiM / a 10 11 saM [mu]tamaugdhAM sukuTena zaMbhoSasaMbhAvitAM dhyAyata caMdralekhAM // [ 4* ] taM 12 'bhAyarobikAsahe [ca]raM sarvvepi davakarAlaMkArAMga manaMgadadamanaM 18 zrIcaMdra [cU ] DAmaNiM / [ccha ] yasya carAcaraccha labhavaDe vidhyalokatra 14 [yo] sRSTisthityupa[saM] pratikramamaya krIDAjatA beDanA // [ 5* ] lacmyA caM Second Plate; First Side. 15 catkanakanika [Sa] cchAyayA cAruvaccA saudAmanyA gatacapalatA saumya - 10 'evAMbuvAhnaH / nirmArthyAdaDiparathahayokti' tAdRksammR [dhye] bhU [tye] ni 17 tyaM bhavatu puruSaH puM[Da] rokekSaNo vaH // [*] manAtapAyatta ni [ja] prabodhaM macaM18 drikAsaMpadadhInanidraM / cito viSTapamAvirAsIdamuSya nAmerara viMdamekaM // [ 7*] - 19 [ma] sarojAdudabhUtsvayaMbhU statsAmyaramyai vaMdanecaturbhiH / dizazvatato yu20 [ga]paddiSTakhan ta [vai] va " sAMgaM caturopi vedAn // [*] ajani nayanAttasyAdivya triloka [VoL..XVIII. 21 vibhUSaNaM timira [ pa ] TaladrohijyotiH pariSkRta maMDalaH / kamalamiva yaH kA22 tya lokaM vikAsayate parerakhila mamalairaSTAbhihiMgdalera bhito hataM // [*] tasmAtmanurabhU 23 drAjA " vadanaM dhaniyAmakaH / nAghanIyaH citibhRtAM devAnAmiva vA kalikAla 24 savaH // [10] tadabhijanajanistatI [dha]ritrImaf [Sa]dimAM coLadevaH [i*] 25 dizi dizi mRgayAcchalena khelabupagatavAnatha daciNApadhaM" saH // [ 11* ] puraM sa 3 Band kukhagTaka. * Road prakAzava. * Read "bhAvayatAM * Bond sUnaye. 10 Rond tathaiva [and sAMgAMca - Ed.] Read pa *Read offer. * Read bAMbu * Road canacandri Read. Read degdrizA 11 Read [or q.-Ed.]

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GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA: SAKA 1182. DR. 90 ddiddimuddimuphrNdddu kaalmu trN veeyni ddimulu maayN baasr kuNdoo vivpddtuddni tmnnaa: pul 11 v viNj drvmulu yeerpvee cNttuu mNddi meeN ekkyjn prvcuupriNmu || vidaaykN.jsvrsN kRpuddy sN.l jevu uNcumu suNdu ceetnaa || alyy jnnivi ( suutmhNsRtN - ynnmu mddyyaa viriyu 20: shshtrulee || ny sNsmuNpu priml.. VyN telugu mlN btkddmNcN nluvdddd vidr ptttti bddliNpu mukhNpai taamu sussNgaa muddi 010 uldddu iia. cn smyN muppunu tpmu nvvaadaanyy ddi yoo ddivaiddpg/2. 16v munupNddu - mnnv: naaNdaameNttoo nu c ( addi viddcuudd mudd veeddimeeshN |16| cduNcutmu tddi tmu mudd nu vlli nmni Cat08:37 tnuddnu psuveeygaa 35 . pN pilcucul ssaa nvrNnu viddivnndttupm my teeddvaanaamvaivaa | Manmn mNciknH || iNtvtNtydinNgaa vaarmulyN cainbelsdaan sdsum. alaa ceeyNddddu leevNttu meppudduu vy kaanmye simul mnoovaa vnN H. KRISHNA PARTRI, SCALE -6 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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iib. vstlNdri tmmuddu jrupdiiymbaattuloo nnmni trcuudaayN muNt durNdhrN 36 ttNtpNpiddipddinNjplivaalyN elaa 12 mNcpean try dNttu mdaahN aavidd puujooddu duddu gautmaanmaamlu jy jy prsnnuumunu nmulu venuk raam liNdoo muNci maaku 12 baikeey tgku keevlNdiNcee krmN tNjneessu yerugudlain tmu 14 prkaarN ddipootuNdi. mri stt lNcaalku tgin prvshaali naamN anuvain prpddudaaN-vee mnsaa RAISE mNdi mun shnivaamgaamulu psimit cutaaynddigaagmmyN mNdaamnaammgddaa maaddtaaru G amrnaammu ylu yuvt avaarN ssu kaalyNloo psivaalaapn smyN Renu E PORTAL mNcin smsyki areAdaarulnu gaaddilaa 2022kulmnn sujnaa 788 saayN taagnnmyulNtaa aalyN tumkumumlgngaa plu shaaluvaarmee tl tutN paalnlgmun eddddu sNpaaylu rNddi cmurit mdaaymu 10:1saayulu mudduNddN maa 66 - Adbe 12 v dNpkNdmugmutaaN - - SEAL.

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No. 41.] THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182. 26 kAkatiriti prakhyAtaM tava bhUpatiH / prApyA[ma] nastaritInaM skaMdhAvAraM kalpaya 27 t // [ 12* ] prAsIttadanvaye rA[jA] durvvayo raNadurjayaH / yadupacaM vada tyasya vaM 251 28 zyAn kAkatibhUbhRtaH // [ 13* ] tatsaMtato samudabhUbrolarAjAbhiSo nRpaH I 29 praNAmavimukhArAtirAjanyagajakesarI | [ 14* ] calamaRta tadotho naMdana30 tatiM tAM zamitasakalalA kopadravo rudradevaH 31 paurvvatApaH pratinRpajalarAzInaMjasA vidradhadaratimaMtavyaMttara saMjahAra " [15] abhiSadakhila su vacakramA - 32 cakravAlAttadanu tadanujanmA zromahAdevarAjaH / yadibharadabavi[ : ] 33 se [vya]NAvAsaMvapraH zaravathA ( ba ) bhavabhinaM vizrute krocamadriM // [1] zratha gaNapa Second Plate; Second Sides. 34 tidevastasya putro dharitrImudavahadurageMdrAtudAyAmabAhuH / 35 muvana (bhuva) matirabhUpAyatta muktAtapatrAM vyadhuratirathazaktavyaMsya bI 36 rAyitAni // [17] tasyAsIdatha devarAjasacivo visaMbhabhUrbhUpatervizvAzAmu 87 bagItako rttivibhava [ jyo ] nAvilAsAzravaH 1 yo dAnAMma 1. Read saurya [or "sauSadhaM Ed.] Read sevayA 38 ronita vidvajjana sphUrgama durga tatvazamalaH sarvvazriyAmAzra 39 yaH [18] jayatraya vAyasarAya [pa] sya bhU [je]: samAnA madhusUdavazca / 40 lakSmyAmabhUSavatha tasya rAmastikAbhidho maMcayabetayAkhyau / [18] 41 zAkAnde yadikazamaNi va ca rojhabhiDe' caive mAni 42 sitetara zubhadine sUryoparAge sudhoH / zrImAn timracamU43 yatiH pravitataM teSvagrahAraM zubhaM viprebhyaH phalaprAvidhAvivaM 44 paMcAzate prAdadAt // [20] asmin garavapADAsye' avinA / 45 nammagoRRSi viste viduSAM vedavedinAM / [21] somanAthA 46 hibhAgI / janAInA ekabhAgI / nAmanA: ekabhAgI / vAsanArthaH ekabhA- 1 This side of the plate is marked with the Telugu-Kannada numerical symbol for 2. * Rend prodrAmiSe. 4 Read jagacaya * Road pAr3A,

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362 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vor. XVIII. 47 gI / kAmanAN: ekabhAgI / mainArArtho dimAgI / somanAtha Aya eka48 bhAgI / kezavAya: ekabhAgI / mA[sa]vArya: ekabhAgo / dAmodarArya[:] Third Plate. .49 ekabhAgo / mAranArthaH ekabhAgI / ete yaskagotrAH // kezavAryo hibhAgI / co. 50 DanAva: ekabhAgau / nAganAryaH ekabhAgo / () kezavAya: ekabhAgo / ___eeopotArya61 [6] *ekabhAgI / prolanArya ekabhAgI / []] na siM] hAryaH ekabhAgo / ___ prolanArthaH ekabhAgI [1] pA. 52 dityArthaH ekabhAgI / bhAskarAya: e[ka*]bhAgo / potanAyeM: ekabhAgI / __ete haritagocA: [*] 53 potanAryo dimAgo / cA[va]nAryaH ekabhAgI / appanAyaM ekabhAgo / . pokhanAryaH 84 ekabhAgI / kAmanAyaH ekabhAgo / prolanArya: ekabhAgI / mAmenAryaH ekabhA- - 56 gI / prolanArthaH ekbhaagii| sUranArtha: ekabhAgI / ete zrIvatsagotrAH / . suranArtha: ekabhAgI / gautamagotraH // anenAryaH ekabhAgo / pAtreyagotraH // mAranA67 yaH ekabhAgI / vAdhUlagotra: / naMdanAryaH ekabhAgo / gAyagotraH' / pota58 nAryaH ekabhAgo / bohanAyaH ekabhAgI / mailArAya: ekabhAgA / [ete"] kAzya-59 pagovAH // prolanAryaH ekabhAgI / kosanAryaH ekabhAgI / prolanArya: 60 ekabhAgI / komanAryaH ekabhAgI / cauvanAyyaH ekabhAgI / ete ___ bhAradvAjagovAH // 61 prolanAryaH ekabhAgI / komanAyyaH ekabhAgI / komanAyaH hibhAgo / govaInA * Theplate in marked with the Telugu numerical figure for 3 near the ring-hole, [Danda is unnecessary.---Ed.] * Read gAya' mobA.

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No. 41.) THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182. 353 62 euriti aered caramit i A[tTrade Centro pa ete kauzikagovA: // zrIkA63 kolanivanabhasya eko bhAgaH / prasva grAmastha somAnaH / pUvataH' jAgulakaMTa / pAmbeyyAM 64 kemaz i afava:1 RWICH I faufanartam: star [et] , 37 65 a: Puraj [g]E 1 : FYE eat acent 9 66 urt i afy gratefa Arrit:n=1t: fastant creat fanfar" , [**] Make TRANSLATION. (Verse 1). Salutations to Vighnaraja, offered every day, being the family home of prosperity, bestow wealth on hand, convey great pleasure, cause the enjoyment of the earth which wears the silk garment of the sea-coast, set a-dancing everlasting fame in every quarter of the globe and also place before (us), exhaustively, everything that is desired! (V.2). May that Varaha (i.e., the Boat incarnation of Vishnu), the sole presiding deity of (the three worlds) Bhuh, Bhuvah and Svah, who bestows royalty even on those that were once devoted to sacrifice, be for your prosperity (i.e., bless you)! (V. 3). May that Lustre of Learning, shine in the lotus of your heart, which is delightfully enjoyable like the Cool-rayed (Moon), the pearl, the nectar-sea, the celestial river and the sandal! And what more? While this sea of knowledge heaves up, series of the waves of verses flow forth unceasingly, laden with increasing sweetness, perfuming the quarters. (V. 4). Meditate upon that streak of the Moon which has not shaken off its coyness (i.e., remains tender), which is honoured by the crown of Sambhu, which knows not the vicissitudes of growth and decay and which is not subject to humiliation by the fangs of Rahu! (V. 5). Worship you all the Companion of Ambika, the glorious Moon-crested One (i.e., Siva), whose body is adorned with snakes, who destroyed the pride of Ananga (i.e., Cupid) and whose volition is the cause of the repeated sport consisting of the order of creation, protection and destruction of the three worlds (with their) duality born of the apparent (phenomena of the movable and the immovable ! (V. 6). May the Lotus-eyed Purusha (i.e., Vishnu) whose chest is beautiful with (the goddess) Lakshmi of sparkling hue like that of the golden streak on the touchstone and who is) compar. [Rules of sandhi are not obeerved in this list.-Ed.) *Read pRrvataH'[The danda is to be omitted. -Ed.) * Read mo. [Read mfa:--Ed.) * The reference here might be to the story of Varaha-Vishnu having rained to royalty the Devas, who were devoted to sacrifices, having vanquished the Asura Hiranyaksha. Or it may be to the fact of His bestowing Nyul glory upon the descendants of the Munis, Manavya and his son Harita, 1.e., the Chalukyan, who had the Boar emblom, probably on this account. [wq would show that there is no such reference. The idea seams to be that Variha bostows royalty even on those who worship him only once-Ed.)

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354 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XVIII. able to the cloud (lit. with lighting), that is void of fickleness and handsome, be ever for (i.e., grant) that prosperity of limitless increase such as overflows with elephants, chariots and horses ! (V. 7). From the navel of this (Vishnu) who desired to create the world there appeared a lotus, which did not depend upon the Sun for its awakening (s.e., blossoming) and which did not depend upon the splendours of the moon-light for its sleep (i.e., closure). (V. 8). From that lotus arose the Self-born (Brahma) simultaneously determining the four quarters with the four faces beautiful like itself (i.e., the lotus) and even so (i.e., simultaneously) revealing the four Vedas with thejr branches (angas). (V. 9). Of his eye was born the Sun, the ornament of the three worlds, whose round form is adorned with the light which is hostile to the mass of darkness and who opens (i.e., awakens), at the morn, the entire world (which is) like a lotus closed in all round by the eight petals, viz., the eight quarters. (V. 10). From him was born the king Mann, the regulator of castes and (their) duties, who Was praiseworthy among the lords of the earth like Vasava (i.e., Indra) among the Devas. (V. 11). Then (i.e., in course of time) ruled this earth Kalikala-Choladeva, who had his birth in that noble race (of Manu). Sporting, for the sake of hunt, in the several quarters, he reached Dakshipapatha. (V. 12). Reaching there the well-known town called Kakati, the king fixed his extensive camp at that extensive place.. (V. 13). In his family was born King Durjaya, unconquerable in war (rana-durjaya), whose fonndation (people) say that the Kakati kings, born in his race, were. (V. 14). In his line was born the king called Prdlaraja, who was a lion to the elephants, viz., the hostile kings disinclined to do homage to him). (V. 15). (Then) adorned that race, his son Rudradeva, who removed all sufferings on eartb and the sea-fire of whose prowess, causing internal (i.e., mental) distress, quickly consumed the oceans of hostile kings. . (V. 16). Then, his younger brother, the glorious Mahadavaraja ruled the entire circle of the earth right up to the Chakravals mountain, the residential rampart of the Sevuna (ling) breached by the tusks of whose elephants, eclipses the Krauncha mountain cleft by Saravanabhava (i.e., Kumara).' (V. 17). Then bore (i.e., ruled) the earth, his son, Ganapatideva, who had arms long enough to give pain to the Lord of serpents (.e., Adilesha) and the exploits of him, who had the strength of an atiratha (i.e., super-chariot-Warrior), rendered the earth (with its royal) pearl umbrella subject to the authority of) no other king. (V. 18). Now, that king had a minister (named) Devaraja, who possessed his confidence, who was the repository of the glory of the moon-shine of great fame, sung by the mouths of the Beveral quarters of the globe and, who removed the dirt, which was the insurmountable poverty of learned men, with the waves of the big streams of water (poured onth on the occasions) of gifts and who was the refuge of all (kinds of) prosperity. (V. 19). To him were born, through (his wife) Lakshmi Tfour sons) viz., Raima, Tikka, Martchaya and Betaya, resembling the four) arms of MadHusudana (i.e., Vishau) who is occupied with the protection of the three worlds. 11. 20). In the Bakayoar counted by to, the elephants of the quarters (ie., eight) and Itas (ia, eleven), .e., 1182, in the cyclic) year called Raudra, in the month Panitre, on the suspicious day (in ths) dark (fortnight) on (the occasion of the volar eclipso, the wise and the illustrious general Tikka, of those (four brothers), gava, to sfty BOLL 3c p. 348 above.

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No. 41.] THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182 855 Brahmans, an extensive and prosperous a rahara (i.e., Brahman village) possessing fruitful paddy (-fields). (V. 21). (Hereunder) are written the names and the gotras of the learned Brahmans versed in the Vedas and holding shares in this (agrahara) called Garavapadu. No. Name. Share or shares. Gotra. No. Name. Share or shares. Gotra. I Srivatas. Gautama. Atroys. Vadhuls. Gargya. 1 Kabyapa. 1 Somanatharyya . 2 Janarddanaryya . 3 Namanaryya Vamanaryya 51 Kamanaryya 6 Mailararyya 7 Somanatharyya . 8 Kesavaryya Matavaryya (Madhavaryyat) Damodararyya. Maranaryya Kesavaryya 13 Chodanaryys 14 Naganaryja Kekavaryys Erapotargya Prolanaryya Narasimharyya . Prolanaryys Adityaryya . . Bhaskararyya . Potanaryya Potanaryya 24 Chavanaryys 26 Appanaryya 26 Prolankryya 27 Kamaniryya Prolanaryya Mamenaryya 30 Prolanaryya Saranaryya Suranaryya Arnenaryya . Maranaryya . Namdanaryyat 36 Potanaryya 37 Boddanaryya 38 Mailararyya . 39 Prolankryya Kollanaryya 41 Prolanaryys 42 Kohmanaryys. Chaavanaryys . Prolanaryys 45 Kothmaniryys. Kormanaryys. Govarddhanaryya 48 Kesaviryya Modanaryya . Vallabha of Srikakolanu. -Bhandre I Harita. 46 Kausika 49 1 Srivatsa. This is a god. [The plate gives Gara vapida (or padi. See f. n. 3 on p. 346 above).-Ed.) *[Prols (or Pola) seems to be connected with Poleri or Poleramma which is corruption of Prolelamms the goddess that presides over the city'. The elixion of accounts for forms like Pole, Polori and Polimers, ev.-K. V.8.] Read Nandanarya. 2 2 2

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356 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VCL. XVIII. Ll. 62PS The boundaries of this village (are) : On the east: Uddugulakunta1; On the south-east: Velagakunta1; On the south: the centre of Nelagunta'; On the south-west, west and north-west: (the stream) Bhimarathi; On the north: Payurhputta3; On the north-east: Muraputta'. [V. 22 is the usual minatory verse warning one against the sin of revoking gifts of land made by oneself or by others.] (L. 65). May there be three-fold prosperity, auspicious and great! 1 This must have been a pond. "This must have been an ant-hill.

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INDEX. 146 219 . 337 * 332 PAGE PAGE agrahara,. . . 216, 228, 231, 234, 235 a, acousative plural ending in, . . . 182 Abavamalla, epithet of someboara I, 27,.46, 174 a, initial form of . . . Ahavamalla (Somovara I), Chalukya k., 26, 54, 55 h., 173, 176 d, used for ya. . . . . Abhaya, Chola k., Ahavamallakula-Kala, title of Vira-Rajendra,. . 28, 29 64 . Abhaya, sur. of Kulottunga II (1), . Aichadeva, ., . . . . . . 294 Abhayagiri, Buddhist sect, Aschula, m., 294 . . 331. . . Abhayagirimahivihara, . . Aihole inscription,. Abhayagiri-vihara, Aimpapaichchari, a. a. Aimbanaichoberi, part of ... 332, 333 . . Conijeveram, . . . . . . 119 Abhayagiri monastery, . . 338 Aimpapaichchori (Aimbanaichcheri), i., 116, 122, 124 abhitvaramana, official, . . 306 Ajohha(javara) Nakimayya 8.. Nakimayya, 186, Achchavinna-Chadangavi, m., * 122, 124 186, 188 Achchipoti, queen, . . . 309, 310 Ajjava, family, . 183, 184, 187, 192, 196 & n. Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman,. . 308 ajna (executor),. . . . 309, 310, 311 adda-chinna, coin, . . 173, 175, 176 ajnapti (oxecutor), 4, 7, 11, 14, 57, 58, 60, 118, Adhikarana Sarapan, M., . . . . 334 228, 233, 235, 259, 814, 316 adhikarika, official, . . 249 Akalankap, Chola k., . . . . . 29 Adhirajendra, Chola k., . . . . 30, 332 n. Akalavarsha, Rashrabilfa , . . . 244, 252 Adhirajendradeva, Chofa k.. Akkatangora-bhavi, well, . . . . 171 Adigal Ganda Marambavai, probably queen of Akshapada or Nyayo, school, . . 176 .. Nanditarman III, . . . . . 118 akshapatalika, official, ... . . 221, 226 Aditya, ., . . . . . 213, 214, 217 aksha(6)alin . . . . . . . 298 Aditya alias Kodandarama, Chola k., . , 27 akshas:lika, . . 285, 295, 296 Aditya or Adityavarman, Chola k., . . 23, 42, 52 akshasalin, goldsmith, . . 312, 313 Aditya I, Chola k.. . . . 23, 24, 118 akshayani-dharman, . . . . 61, 63 ). Aditya-Bhogika, m., . . . 308, 310, 311 Alaka or Alakapuri, city of Kubera, 174, 177, 197,198 Aditya-Manchin, m.. . . 308 Alalars Nagadevayya, m., . . . . 192, 195 Adityaryys, m., . . . 352, 355 Alamanda plates of the year 304, 311, 312 Aditya-Sena, k.,. . . . 81 Alambakkam, 8.2. Alappakkam, . . 118 Adity Edvara, o. a. Kodandaramesvara, . . 23, 24 Alambakkam, ni.. . 119 adya-pitha,. . . 241 Alanyimahapura, . . . 219, 221, 223 Agastys, aage, . . . 109, 113, 212, 217 Alangudi, ., . . . . . . 166 Agastyesvars, god. . . . 216, 218 Alangudi-sthala, di., . . 165, 167 Agastyesvara, te., . . . 170, 212, 213 Alapa, di... . . . 219, 223 Aghora (siva), . . . . . 197, 199 Alapaka-Bol. . Agila, m., . 326, 327 Alapagrims, vi, . . . . . . 300 agnihotra, rite, . . 238, 250, 257 Alapa-pattala, dia, .. . . 221 Agnikarmma-tTiruvodi (Trivedin), ., 122, 124 Alappakam, i.,.. . 123, 124 Agnitarmman, m., . . . . . 69,60 Alappakka- Vijaiyapallalap, they . 116, 118, 121 1 Mr. G. S. Ramanathan, B. A., of my office has proved very waful in the preparation of this index.. N. B.-The figures refer to pagos ; 1. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vifo I. The following other abbreviations are used :ch. chief; co. country; di district or division : deditto :: dy. -dynasty; E.Eastern; k-king; man; ma amountain; ri=river ; 8. Gesame ; surm.me; 16-temple; vi village or town; w=womaa; W-Western

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368 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XVIII. PAGA 228 Ananlundava, vis . . 335 Apbil plates or grant (of Sundara-Chola), 15 n... 26 Andaja, family, . . . . . 292 Andavamba, family, . . . . . 290 Andoki, 8. a. Addanki 1, . . Andeki, vi.. . . 232, 234 Andhakesvara, god, . * 189 Andhak Svars, . a. Madanesvara,. . . 189 Andhakeevara (Bhimeavara), te., . . 170, 171 Andhasura (Andhasura), god, 185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 206, 206 Andhasura, 8. a. Andhakevara, te. 170 Andhau inscriptions of Rudradaman I,. . 339 Andhra, Co., . . . 104, 105, 108, 112 andhraka,. . . 306 Anduliya (Andoolea), ui., . Argiras or Angiras, sage, 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123, 160, 151 PAGE Alexander, Macedonian k., . . . . 282 valam, vi., . . . . . 119 Allala-Bhatte, m., . . . 161, 163, 164 alphabeta Brahmi, . . . . 168, 169, 317 Grantha, . . . 6, 21, 22, 116, 331 Gapta Brahmi, . . . . . 18 Kannada or Kanareso, 138, 171, 178, 182, 189, 196, 190, 201, 205, 206, 207, 208, 212 Kharoshthi, ... . . . 16, 20, 262 Nagari, 74, 100, 128, 219, 224, 284, 320 Nandi-Nagari, . . . 188, 180, 185 Old Kanareve, . . . . . 172 Pallava-Grantha,. . . . . 146 Tamil, . . . . . 6, 21, 22, 116, 138, 391 Telugu, . . . . 227, 346 Telugu-Kannada,. . . . 165 Vatteluttu, . . . . Amalapaatika-grama, vi., . . 62, 63 Amaravati pillar inscription, . . . . 148 Amarosa or "svars (Indra), . . . 41 amatya, official, . . . . . 308 Ambarisha, myth. k., . . . . . . 76, 78 Amma (II) or Ammaraja II, Chafulya k., 227, 231, 232, 233 & 1., 234 & n., 315, 348 Ammaraja (I), Chafuleya k., . . . . 229 Athenaryya, ., . . . . . 352, 356 Amoghakalaka, sur. Vidyadharabhanjade a,. . . . . 285, 286, 287, 297 Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakufa k., 105, 236, 237, 238, 240, 241 & 1., 242, 246, 247, 248, 249, 251, 253, 254, 255, 258 Amoghavarshadova, 8. a. Amoghavarsha I, 267 Amohins votivo tablet of the year 72, 272 Amudaaigars or Amadasagaramuni, author and Jaina teacher, . . . . 64, 65, 67, 68, 69 Amvasarasari (=Ambasarabhitta (*)), vi.. . 300 Anadiyuvan (siva), . . . . . 140 Ananga (Cupid), . . . . 350, 353 Anantskantha-pandita, ., . . . . 299 Anantapalarasa, thug . . 189, 191, 193 Anantavarman, Ganga k., . . . . 312 Anapaya, Chola k., . . . . 88 Anapaya, sur. of Kutottunga II (+), . . , 88 Anartta, co., . . . 101, 104, 108, 112 anatti (aj tapti), 7, 8, 11, 14, 116, 121, 123, 269 Afijuvannam, . 70 Apmapamgura or Anmananguru, vi, 228, 232, 234, 235 Annada-mangala, work, . . . . . 62 Annamaraja, Kakatiya prince. . . . 349 Arpigeri inscription, . . . . . 201 n. An-si (Parthia), co., . . . . 276, 278 antahpurika, official, . . . . 221, 226 Antirigam, ti., . . . . 302 Antirigam plates of Yababhafijadeva, 283, 284, 302 Antroli-Chharoli copper plato grant of Kakka of Baka 679,. . . . . . . 238 Anupama, sur. of Govinda III, . . 247, 254 anupravarasAshtakavat,. . . 297 . . . . . 294 Bhargava, . . . 295 Bhargavavat, . . . . . 294 Chyavanavat, . . . 294 Jamadagni, . . . . . 294 Rohitavat, . . . . . . 297 Vikvimitravat, . . . . 294, 297 Anuradhapura, vi.. 331, 333 n., 335, 336, 337 Anuruddha, Aramana k., . . . . 333 anusenapati, official, . . . . . 157 anusvara, symbol, 32 ..., 33 *., 34 n., 36 ., 41 ., 46 n. anusuara, unnecessary insertion of . 32 . ansvara, replaced by guttral nasal, . . 87 Aurre, . . N. B. The figures refer to pages; . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on PP. vii to . The following other abbreviations are weed-ch chief; co. country, di, district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty: E. Eastern ; k=king ; ms man ; mo-mountain ; ri.=river ; 8. d.- same as ; sur surname; & templo; vi. village or town; w.woman; W.-Western.

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INDEX. 359 S PAGE PAGE anusvara, replaced by dental nasal, . 100 Arrari (Vishnu), . . . . 49 anuvara, used for nasals, . , . 160, 346 atradhyaksha, official, . . . . . . 156 anusvara, wrongly used for final #, . . 87 Afvalayana-frautasutra, work, . . . 348 n. anusura, consonants doubled after, ahamedha, sacrifice, . 50, 222, 228,259 onuttara, penance,. . . . . 131, 136 advaroha, official 1, . . . . . 156 amvara, . . . . . . 199 & . Asvatthaman, epic hero, 6, 10, 13, 150, 151 Aparajita, Pallava k.,. . Athamallika, &. a. Athmallik, . . 289 A pastamba-dharmasulra, work, . 314n. Athamalik or Athmallik State, . 288 ., 289 Apilomuleri, vi, . . . . . * 800 atithisantarpana, . . . . . 250, 257 Appanaryya, m., . . . . . 352, 355 atithitarpana, . . . . . . 238 Appar, Saiva saind, . . . . 162 Atri, sage, . . . . . 131 & 1., 136 Ara inscription of the year 41, 264, 269 affaikkol, annual income, . . . 344, 345 n. aradhya, fille, . . . 205, 206 & +. affipperty . . . . . 344, 345 & the arandai, taz, . 342, 343, 345 Attiraiya, used for Atreya, . . . . 122 Aramana or Arumana = Ramafifia, 331, 333, 336, 337 Atyantakams, epithet of Rajasimha II, 149, 161, 162 agai or apaiy-olai, report, . . 11, 14, 119, 124 Audumvarika vishaya, di., . . . 62, 63 Archer Type of Gupta coine, . . 79 Aurva, sage, . . . . 133, 137 Arghyatirtha, . . 179, 181 Avalokitesvara, Bodhisattra, . . . . 74 Arichit (Arisil), ri., . . . 7, 10, 13 Avanijanasraya, epithet of Pulakesiraja, . . 93 Arindama, Chola k.. . 24, 27, 43, 53 Avanijanasraya-Pulakesiraja, Chafukya k.. . 93 Arisil, 8. a. Arichit, . Avanivarman II, Surashtra ch., . . . . 106 Arjuna, epic hero, . . . . 53, 152, 217 Avanti, co., . . . . . 102, 103, 239, 240 Arka, . . . . . . . . 28 Avantivarmman, Maukhari k., . . . . 82 Arthasastra, work, . . . . . 156 Avasthi-Sri-Malhe, m., . . . . 225, 226 Arumolideva-valanadu, di, . . . 119 Avattamba, used for Apastamba, . . . 124 Arundhati, w., . . 209, 211, 215, 217 avom, . . . . . . . . 207 Aruru-chavadi, di.. . . . 163, 166 Ay, dy. . . . . . aru-ana, . . . .177 & 1., 178, 185, 188 Ay, tribe. . . . . . . . 161 Aruvi-nadu, di.,. . . ayatana, . . . . . 173, 174, 176 r. Aruva-vadatalai-nadu, di.. . . . 8 n. Ayuh, myth. k., . . . . 132, 136, 161 Arvala-kurram, di., . . 123 Ayumitra, ch., . . . 18 Arvalam 8. a. Alivalam, . . . 119 Azes, k., 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 276, 277, 279, 280 Arya Patalamalla, 8. a. Patalamalla. 241, 247, 255 Azes-Azilises, . . . . 274 Aryavarman, Ganga k., . . . 149 Azilises, . . . . . . 273, 274 Aryavarta, co., . . . 22, 26, 39, 51 Aryyahu (), family (1), . . . 3, 4 Asadhia, M., . . 156, 157 Asanapura, vi., . . 55 & 8., 56, 57 as aroha (=artaroha), official, . Bacbi-Setti, 7., . . . . . . 206 Aecharyamanjari work, . . . . 342 Badagachi (Burgachoe), ti, . . . . 62 Aseka, m.,. . . . . . 328 Badakshan, vi., . . . . . . 282 Ashtakulasimha, title of Vira-Rajendra,. . 48, 54 Badami, caves at- . . . 142 Ashtangalakshmi, Badami, vi.. . . . Aboks or Abakavarman, myth. k., 147, 150, 151 Bagwan, vi., , . . . 62 Aboks, Maurya Emperor, . . . . . 281 Bahadur Khan-ji Museum, . . . 389 abbka tree,. . . . ... 65 Bahubalin, 17., . . . 201 & #., 202, 204 93, 238 N. B.-The figures refer to pages ; . after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch, chief; co.country: di.district or division; do..ditto; dy. -dynasty ; E.-Eastern; kking: -man; mo-mountain; ricriver; 6.4mme ;ur, surname tetomple; vi. village or town; w.woman : W.-Western.

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360 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. : . 302 PAGE Babula, vi., . . . 302 Bahur, ti., . . . .6, 8, 9 Bailaman (Valla-mandala 2), . nu ngala ),. . . . 93 Balachandra-Bhattarakadeva, n. 173, 175, 177 Baladitya, Magadha k., . . 82, 83, 84 &#. Baladitya, poet, . . Balagamve inscription of the time of Chalukys Jayasinha. . 321 Balaji, w. 1, . . . . . . 268 Balaka-palvala, pond,. . . 259, 260 Balanandi, w.. . . . . . 268 Balasvamin, ... . . 268, 282 Bali, demon k., . 32, 48, 112 n. bali, 76, 78 & 1., 238, 250, 257 bali, . . 189, 131 Ballalasens, Bengal k., . . . . 130 Balligami, ti., . . . . . Balsar plates, . . . 93 Bamadeya ? m.,. .156, 167 & n. Bamanghati, di... * 300, 301 Bamanghati, vi, . 300, 301 Bamanghati grant of Rajabhazjadeva, 283, 300 Bamanghati grant of Ranabhafijadova, 283, 300 Bamra, family, 288. Bamra, state, . . . . 288 Bana, family, . . Banabhatta, author, 92 Banajiga=Valazjiyar, : . . 335 Banavasi, di., . . . . 208 Bangkai, ri., . . . 85 Baniswara, ti.. . . 320 Banswara plates (of Bhojadeva), 320, 321, 322 . Baramba, state, . . . . 288. Bargo, vi.,. . . . 220 Baripada, vi., . . 289, 300, 301 Baroda plates of Karkaraja, 104 ., 105 *.., 239 Baru (Broach),. . . . 93 Basach (Vaisali), vi.. . . . 242 Basava (Chenna-Basava), minister, . . . 150 Baudh State, . . . . 288, 300, 302 Baudh, .,. . . . . 202, 800 Baudh grant of Kanakabhafijadova, 201, 302 Baudh grant of Ranabhafijadova of the 28th year, .. .. . . . . 283, 300 Bandh grant of Rapabhafijadevs of the 54th year, . . . . . . 283 PAGS Bauka, Pralihara k., 87, 88, 89 & 1., 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 102, 103, 106 bele, . . . . . . . . 192, 195 Belur, &. a. Velapura, . . . . . 241 Belvala di., . 174, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 186, 189, 190, 191, 194, 196, 1979 198, 201, 203, 205 Belvala three-hundred, di.. . . . . 193 n. Belvalaverad-acu-nuru, . . 191, 193 & *. Benares, vi., . . . . 181, 218 Benares inscription of Pantha, . 125 Bendaki, vi.. Bengal Asiatic Society's copper plate of Vinaya ka-pala,. . . . 101 Betaya, Kikxiya prince, : . . 348, 351, 354 Betmi, vi.. . . . . 320, 322 & add. Betwa, ri., . . . . . . 125 Bhadra, queen of Harichandra Rohillad. dhi, . . . . 88, 90, 95, 97, 98 Bhadram[@gha), k., . . . . . 160 Bhadrsarinya, Kalachuri k., . . . 129 bhaga-bhoga-kara, . . 222, 224, 220 Bhagale, to. . . 206, 208, 210, 212, 213 Bhagalpur copper-plate of Narayanapala, 104 n. Bhagenabbe, w., . . . . 173, 174, 176 Bhagiratha, myth. k., 22, 26, 36 Bhagirathi (Ganges), ri., . . 36, 62, 96, 98, 305 Bhagiyabbe, w.,. . 173, 176, 178 Bhairava Sainz school,. . . . 176 n. Bhaktavatsalegvara temple, . . . 334 bha midagarika, official,. . .156, 157, 221, 226 bhayas, . . . . . . . 189 Bhandi, clan, . . . 93, 101, 108, 111 Bhafija, dy., 282, 285, 286, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 295, 297 Bhanu, m., . . . . . . 126, 127 Bhanuchandra, M., . . .. 308 Bhanu Gupta, Gupta k., . . 81, 82 & n., 83 Bharadvaja, sage,. 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123, 150, 151 Bharani-svamin, m., . . . . . 63, 64 Bharata, epic hero, . . . 22, 28, 37, 80 Bharata, epic, . . . . . 214, 216 Bharatachandra Raya, Bengali poet, ;. 62 Bhargava (Parasurama), . . . . Bharsar, ti.. . . . . * 81 N. B.-The figuree refer to pages; after figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. viito The following other abbreviations are need-ch.chief, Co. country, di district or division; doditto dy. -dynasty: K.-Eastern:k king: man; Mo=mountain; ri-river; 4. d. same as ow.romama: to.templo; vi village or town; .=woman: W-Western.

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Bhaskara, school of-, Bhaskararyya, m., bhata,. Bhata-Nirola, Bhata-Nirola Nirla, bhatta, Bhatta, m.,. bhatta, title, Bhatta Brahmavira-evamin, m., Bhattacharya, samaya or school, Bhattadhanneka, m., Bhattagunda, m.,.. Bhattakesavadeva, m., Bhattara-kola (Bhatta's lake), Bhattapurandara, m., Bhattarudada("drata), m., Bhattas' lake, Bhattasumangala, m., Bhatta Unmilana-svamin, m., Bhatta-grama, vi., Bhatti, clan, Bhattika, epithet of Devaraja, Bhattika Devaraja, s. a. Devaraja ?, ch., Bhilladitya, Pratihara k., Bhilfama, Yadava k., Bhillamala, vi., 250, 256 96, 98 96 93, 98 88, 90, 96, 98 347 n. 92. 88 239 217 n. 116 2, 227, 231, 233 & n. 227, 231, 233 353, 356 129, 133, 137 129, 134, 137 170, 171, 199, 206 221, 226 205. 242 83 88, 95, 98 28 297 308. Bhogika Bhoi, palankeen-bearer, Bhoja, Bhojadeva or Bhojaraja, Paramara k., 66, 320 & n., 321, 322, 323, 324, 325 Bhilluka, 8. a. Bhilladitya, Bhilmal or Bhinmal, vi., Bhima, epic hero,. Bhima, Pallava prince, Bhima (I), Chalukya k., Bhima (II), Chalukya k., Bhimarathi, ri., Bhimata (I), Kalachuri k., Bhimata (II), Kalachuri k., Bhimeevara, te., bhishaj, official, Bhishma, epic hero, PAGE 176 n. 352, 355 250, 256, 294, 296, 306 302 303 299 238, 249, 256 285, 287, 306 61, 63 176 n. 110, 114 227, 233, 235 297 179 297 296 181 285, 295 63, 64 * Bhitari pillar inscription, Bhitari seal, == Bhogabhata, Pratihara prince, Bhogabhumi, bhogi-bhogin, used for bhaga-bhogin, . . * . INDEX. . . PAGE Bhoja, Pratihara k., 80, 90 & n., 93, 94, 95, 98, 100, 106 & n., 107, 109, 110, 113 & n., 114, 125, 239 106 Bhojadeva, s. a. Bhoja, Bhrigu, sage, Bhuakupa, . 137 n. 95, 96, 98 Bhuda, queen of Sivaraja (II), 134, 137 bhukti, territorial division, 78 n. bhumi-chchhidra-nyaya. 250, 257 n., 306 Bhupati, epithet of Kakka, 90 Bhutadatta, Pallava k., 147, 150, 151 Bhuvanaikamalla (Someevara II), Chalukya k., 189, 191, 194 5 201, 203, 205 213, 215, 218 93, 102 & n., 103 302 Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Bijja or Bijjala, ch., Bijjala, Bijjara or Bijjanadeva, ch., Biladuri, author, Binka, vi., Binka, s. a. Vinitapura, Boar, emblem on seal, Boar (image of Vishnu), Boddanaryya, m., Bodda Patti, vi., Bodh-Gaya, vi., Bodh-Gaya inscription of Mahanaman of the Gupta year 269, Bodhi tree, -Bol Bonai, state,. Bonula, vi., Bosiga, 8. a. Gangara Bosi, bow and carp fish crest, Boya, Boyalu, boyana, 361 125 17 1, 2, 4 n., 314 n. 288 n. 303 200, 201 23 2 2 266, 282 brahmadiya, 11, 14, 15, 23, 47, 54, 116, 119 122, 123, 124 311 sion, Brahmanavasti, vi., Brahmanavasti Brahmanavas, brahmanottaran, 160, 346 & n. 82 352, 355 302 17 Brahmanapalani, canal? Brahmanavasti-vishaya Bamanghati sub-divi Brahmapuri, Brahmaputra, ri., Brihadievara temple, * 301 301 301 306 175, 177 & n., 185, 188 329 334 N. B.-The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co.-country; di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy.-dynasty; E.-Eastern; k.-king; m.man; mo.-mountain; ri.-river; s. a. same as; sur.surname ; 16.temple; vi.village or town; 10.-woman; W.-Western. 3 A

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362 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. . . 185 PAGE Brihaspati, sage,. . 8, 10, 11, 13, 14, 150, 151 Brihaspatisava, sacrifice, . . 155 British Museum,. . . . 320. Broach, ti... . . . . . 91 Buchkala inscription of Nagabhata of V. S. 872, . . . . . 100, 105 ** Budana-Gutti, . . . . Budana-Mone, * 185 Buddha, 128, 130, 135, 266, 267, 336, 337, 338 Buddhavarman, Pallava k., . 147, 148, 149, 150, 151 Buddhist, samaya (school), . . 176 n. Budha, myth. k.,. . . * 132, 136, 161 Budha (Mercury), planet, . . . 82 Budha-Gupta, Gupta k., . . 81, 82, 83 Buguda plates of Madhavavarman, . . . 290 Bukka (I), Vijayanagara k., . . 138, 140, 144 Bukkami, queen of Isvara, . . . 161 Bull emblem, . . . . . . 311 Bull standard on coins, . . . . 79, 80, 81 Buragutti, . . . . . 190, 193, 196 PAGE Chandasiti (Chadasata), Andhra k., 317, 318, 319 Chandraditya-Maharaja, Chola ch., . . 349 Chamunda-Raja, Ganga ch., . . . 66 Chanakya, m., . . . , 209, 211, 214 Chandala, . . . . . . chandavura or chandavura, . . . 189, 195 Chandel, dy., . . . . . 224 Chandra, k., . . . Chandradeva, Kanauj k., . . 223, 225 Chandragupta, Koala k., . 240, 245, 253 Chandra-Gupta, Gupta k., . . 79 Chandra-Gupta II, Gupta k.,. 81, 86, 242 Chandra-Gupta III, Gupta k. . . 84 Chandrambhojavati, &. G. Chandrapushkari. pi,. . . . . . . . 140 Chandrapushkarini, tank, . . . . 144 Chandravarman, Pallava k., 148, 150, 151 Chandravarmman, Pushkarand k.,. . . 86 Chandravati, vi.. . . . . . . 219 *** Chandravati plate of Chandradeva of V. S. 1148, . . . . . . Chanduka, Pratihara k., . 88, 94, 96, 98 Chapa, dy., . . . . . . 92 n. Chapa, kingdom, . . . . . . 92 n. Chapotkata, 8. a. Chapa, . . 92 n. charu, . . . 76, 78 & n., 238, 250, 267 Chashtana, Kshatrapa k., . . . . 339 chata, . . . . 250, 256, 294, 296, 306 Chateu inscription of Baladitya, . 106, 107 n. chaffa, . . . . . . . 299 chata-samaya, . . . 173, 174, 176 & n. chaturdica-gana, . . . . . 14 n. Chaulika (Chola), . . . . 241, 246, 254 chauroddharanika, official, . . . . 306 Chauvanaryya, m., . . . . 352, 355 Chavanaryy, m., . . . . 352, 355 chayitra-pavitraka, 8. a. chaitra-pavitra, * 185 Chedi, dy... . . . . . 73, 281 Chendalur, vi., . . . . . . . . 228 Chendalur plates (of Kumaravishnu II), . . 148 Chendalur plates of Sarvalokaarays (Mangiyu. varaja), . . . . . . 314 Cherdisarman, m., . . . . 1, 2, 4 Chenganacheri, vi., . . . . . 340 Cheras, people, . . . . . . 29 Chera, co.,. . . . . 28, 341, 343 *. * 23 Cape Komarin, a, a, Kanyakumari, . 21 carp fish crest, . . cha, used for ta, . . . 16 Chachika, m., . . 285, 287 n., 297 Chadasata (Charhdasata), Andhra k., 317, 318, 319 Chaitra-pavitra rites, . . 188, 210, 212 & n. Chakraraya, m., . . . . 139, 140 Chakravala, myth. mo., . . 35, 50, 144, 351, 354 Chakravartin Vijayabahudeva, name of Vijaya bahu I, . . . . . . . 337 Chakrayudha, Kanauj k, 101, 104, 105, 106, 108, 112 & 1.., 235, 240, 245, 253 Chaligunta, pond, . . . . . 232, 235 Chalikya=Chilukys, . . . . 314 Chalikys, dy. . 315 Chalukya, dy., 1, 3, 4, 25, 31, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 89 n., 91, 92, 93, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179, 181, 183, 185, 186, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, 196, 197, 198, 203 16., 204, 228, 238, 239, 243, 252, 259, 260, . . Chalukya, Easterndy. . . . Chalukya-Bhima (I), Ondfukya k., . .2, 314 .2, 314 229, 280 N. B.-The figures refer to page ; . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to z. The following other abbreviations are used ch, chief: 00. country; di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy. -dynasty: B. Eastern; kking: . man; mo.mountain; ri, river; d. samo as our.surname te. templo; vi, village or town; w.woman; W.-Western.

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INDEX. 363 . Conjeeveram, oi., . . Conjoeveram plates of Ktishnadevaraya, consonanta, doubling of-, after r, . couchant ball, embiem, . . . crescent, emblem, . . . . crescent and star (sun ), emblem, . . . . . PAGE 140 162, 168 . 236 . 115 . 55 * . . . 67 . . . 92 PAGE Chera, dy... . . . . 23, 340 Chera, k., . . . . . 28, 29, 30, 68, 161 Cheramanar, title, . . . . . . Cherupura, vi., . . Cherupuru, 8. a. Cherupura,. . . 2, 3, 4 Chettuppakkam, ti, . . . . . 11, 12 Chhandas-sostra, work, UN -800TU, TI, . . . Ohhandomanjari, work, . . . . 236 Chhandomanjari-parisishi, work, 236 Chhandombudhi, work, . . . . . 86 Chhandopisita (Chhandovichiti), 8. a. Pingalam, . . . . . . . 67 Chhandovichiti, work, , , O , ch OTE, , . . . . . 66, 67 Chharampasami svamin), m., . . * 295 Chhatarpur, vi... 224, 225 Chicacolo plates of Devendravarman, 307, 308 Chicacole plates of Indravarman,. . 308 Chidambaram temple, . . . . . 29 Chidambaram, vi... . . . . 25, 27, 68 Chikkanika, . . . . . . 210, 212 Chikkarass, . . . . . 186, 189 Chipurupalle, 8. a. Cherupuru (1), . . . 2 Chipurupallo plates of Vishnuvardhana I . 2. Chiragohaka, m., . . . . . 156, 157 Chirrambalam (Chidambaram), . . . 64 Chita, m., . . . . .325 add., 326 add. Chitpavan Brahmans, . . . . . 256 n. Chitra, myth. k., . . . . 23, 27, 40, 51 Choda-Bol, m., . . . . . 2,-4,5 Chodanaryya, m., . . . . : 352, 355 Chola, co., 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 42, 47, 59, 64, 116, 119, 121, 123, 331 n., 332, 333 Chala, dy., 7, 21, 22, 23, 26, 31, 41, 65, 68, 78 ., 123, 161, 192, 195, 202, 204, 331, 332, 334 Chola, myth. k., . . . . .22, 28, 38, 51 Chola-mandala, di., 65, 139, 141, 145, 162, 163, 166, 167, 189 Cholas, people, . . . . 116, 121, 123, 189 Chadamani-Nigandu, work,. . . 84 n. chula . . . . . 326 & add. Chulamani, work, . . . . . 65& n. Chulayakha, . . . 327 & add. Chullavagga, work, . * . 19 Chura copper plate, . . . 148 Chutapallava, Pallapa k.. . 148, 149, 150, 151 oonch, emblem, . . . . . 224 Dabhra-sabha, s. a. Chidambaram, . . 47, 54 Dabhra-Sabhapati, (siva enshrined at Chidam baram), . . . . . . . 25 Dacca Museum, . . . . 78 Dadda, Pratihara prince, . 88, 91, 95, 98 Dadda II, Broach k., . Daddapayya, m., . . . . 171, 172 Dadhicha, sage,. . . . . 248, 255 Dahala, 8. a. Chedi, . . . . 229 Dahala, co., . . . . . 240, 245, 253 Dakshinapali, di., . . . . . .303 Dakshinapatha, co., . . 347,848, 360, 354 Dakshina-Varanab(s)i, 8. a. Puli, . . . 205 Dalada-Patra-dhatu-svamidovargal. Tooth and Bowl Relics, . . . . 337, 338 Daladay-pporum-balli, te of the Tooth Relio, 337, 338 Damajadakri I, Kshatrapa k., . . . 339 Damodarkryys, ... . . . . 352, 356 Damodarpur, vi., . . . . . . 75 Damodarpur plates, . . . 62, 76 m., 84 Damuka, m., ' . . . . * 75,78,78 Danarnava, Ganga k., . . . 308, 309, 310 Dandaka forest, .. . . 317 *. danda or danda-patika, official, 293, 200, 306 dandika, official, . . . . . 306 Dandin, author, . . Dangur, Di., . . .. 334 Dantidurgga or "durga, Rashtrabaja k., 89 n., 238, 239, 243, 252 Dantiga, 8. a. Dantivarman (1), . . .' 7 Dantivarman, Pallava k.. . . . 7, 13, 118 Daranikondapokar, m., . . . . . 117 Darota, 6. a. Kalu, . . . 243 Dass, name ending. . . . . 78. dakparidhika, oficial, ... 806 Dabaratha, epic k., Dabaaya (Ravana), . 108 . . 164 N. B.-The figures refer to pages; h. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. vii to z. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.-chief; co.= country di.district or division; do..ditto; dy.-dynasty ; .-Eastern ; k king: .man; mo-mountain; ri, river; ..samo ms; our surname; te. templo; vi village or town; 10.=woman; W.-Western. 84%

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364 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. PAGS 11th, . . 12th, . . PAGE Dasi or Dasiraja, m., 208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 215, 217, 218 Duspalla, . . . . . 288 7., 291 n. dates expressed by chronograms rasishuramachandrao (1356), 139, 143, 145 Datta, name ending, . . . . . 75 . Dattakars, general, . . . . . 24 n. Daulatpura copper-plate of Bhoja, . . 94, 101, 106 Divadi-Gahiyasahasa, M., . . 238, 249, 258 days . . . . . . . 308 10h. . . . . . . . 308 16, . . 308 20, . . . . . . 308 days, lunar bright fortnight : 5th, . .97, 183, 184, 320 . .190, 193, 196, 219, 221, 223 * 173, 175, 177, 190, 191, 194 . . . . . . . 285 . 197, 198, 199 14th, . . . . . 321 16th or Full Moon, 57, 139, 143, 145, 171, 190, 192, 193, 195, 196, 225, 226, 320, 324, 325 dark fortnight : 2nd, . . 208, 210, 212, 216, 218 ard, . . . . . . . 321 5th, . . . . . 200 days of the month 1st, . . , 265, 282, 318, 319 End, . . 20th, . . . . . . 16, 17, 18 21st, . . . . . . . 306 days of the week Friday, . . . . . 183, 190, 227 Monday, 165, 167, 169, 171, 174, 179, 190, 192, 193, 195, 196, 208, 210, 212, 215, 218, 221 Saturday, * * . . 183, 190, 200 Somadina, . . 219 n., 221 , Sunday, 173, 175, 177, 179, 183, 184, 187, 344 Thursday, 183, 190, 191, 194, 268, 269, 260 Tuesday, . . . . 174, 219, 223 Wednesday, 161, 163, 164, 190, 197, 199 daye, solar lut. . . . . . . 159 days, solar-contd. 2nd, . . . . . . . 79 5th, . . . . . . 99, 160 decimal figures . . . . 308 . . . . . . . 307 . . . . . . . 307 Dolhs, m.,. . 321, 323, 324 Dema, m., . . . . . . 176, 178 Dema[na ?), M.,. . 173, 178 Demaya, M., . 178, 180, 181 Denuva, m., . . . . 74 & n. Deo-Barnark inscription of Jivita-Gupta, 82 Deogarh, vi.. . . . . 125 Deogarb pillar inscription of Bhojadeva of Kansaj,. . . . . . 125 Deogarh rook inscription of Kirtivarman, 125 Deoli grant, . . . . . . . 241 .. Deopani, ri.,. . . . . 329 Delastha Brahmanas, . . . . 256 n. dodavidis, officiuls, . . . . . Deva 1, m., . . . . . . 156, 157 Deva, general, . . . 332, 333, 338, 337 Dovabhanija, Bhatija k., . . 285, 286, 298 devadina, . . . . . . . 23 Devadalarmman, ... . . . . 20 Devagiri insoription, . . . . 134 . Devaki, w., . . . . . Davaki, queen of T'imma, . . 161 Dovakunda, di.,. . 301 Dovapala, or PSvapaladeva, Pala k., 106, 113 11., 304, 305, 306 Devapayye, m., . . . . 213, 214, 217 Devaraja, m., . . . 348 & n., 351, 354 Dovaraja, Pratihara k., 93, 100, 101, 103, 107, 111 Devaraja, Vijayanagaru k., . . . 141 Devaraja, 8. a. Devaraya, . . . 145 Devaraja (I), Vijayanagara k., . .. . 144 Dovaraja (or Devaraya) 1, Vijayanagara k., . 138 Dovariya, Vijayanagara k., . . 143, 144, 145 Devaraya Maharaja II, Vijayanagara k., . 138 Dovaraya-Maharaja, Vijayanagara k., 141, 144 Devaraya II, Vijayanagara k., . 138 & 7., 140 Devarchidan Annarruvan, m., . 122, 124 Devasarmman, m.. . - . . 314, 315 devathayaka (dewa-sthanika),. . . 156 n., 167 . 242 N.B --The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. viito x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch, chief; co.country: di.district or division; do.-ditto; dy. -dynasty; B.-Eastern; k.king: Neman; moumountain; ri.=river ; 8. d.-same as ; sur. - surname; to-tomple; wi.- Village or town; w. woman; W.-Western

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Devayani, myth. queen,. Devendravarman, Ganga k., Dewai inscription of the 8th Vaisakha 200, Dhamadhaya, m., Dhamula, m., Dhanam-dibba, remains of Buddhist stupa at-, Rock cut wells at dharma-chakra, emblem on seal, Dharmachandra, m., * * Dharmapura, di... Dharmapuram, vi. Dharmaraja or Yudhishthira, epic hero, Dharmaraja-ratha inscriptions, dharma-siana, ba,. Dharmmapala, s. a. Dharmapala, dharmmeta, dhavaka, official, dh, doubling of -, before y.. Dhenukakata, Dhanika, Guhilot prince, Dhannakada (Dhanyakata), vi., Dhannavallika, vi., Dhannavallika, 8. a. Dhanoli, Dhanya-Vishnu, brother of Maharija M tri Vishnu 82 n., 83 Dharadhara, m., Dharaka, m., 299 159 252 Dharavarsha, Rashtrakuta k., Dhiravarsha (Dhruva), Rishiratuta k., 237, 239 244 Dharavarsha, sur. of Dhruva, . Dharma, s. a. Dharmapala, Pala k., 106, 109, 113, 240, 245, 253 304 308, 310, 311 328 66 PAGE 161 311, 312 280 326 * . 106 n. 149 242, 243, 250, 256 243 Dharmadovi, w., Dharmakirti, author Dharmanetra, Kalachuri k., 129 Dharmapala, Pala k., 89 n., 104, 105, 106 n., 235, 239 Dharmapaladeva, s. a. Dharmapala, Pala k., 306 302 228 28 . . INDEX. . . dharmmadhikarana, official, Dharmmaditya, k., Dharmmakalasa, wrongly read for Amoghakala 326 317 317 146 25 251 78 m., 81, 84, 85 287 305 213 & n., 216, 218 156, 157 1 325, 326, 327, 328 Dhritaka, Pallava k., Dhritipura, vi., Dhruva, myth. k.,. 147, 150, 151289, 300, 303 210, 212 Dhruva, Rashtrakuta k., 103, 104 n., 105 n., 238 258 Dhruvaraja Indravarman, Chilukya k., Dhundhu, Asura k., 35, 49 . PAGE 287 286 286 285, 297 87, 101 22, 26, 37, 50 218, 219 Don Buzurg plates of Govindachandradeva of V. S. 1176, Don Buzurg, vi., Digbhanja, Bhanja k., Digbhanja I (Satrubhanja I), Bhanja k., Digbhanja II, Bhanja k., Digbhanjadeva, Bhanja k., Dighwa-Dubauli plate of Mahendrapala, Dilipa, myth. k., Drona-ka-ghar or garh, Dronayanashada, . Durddama, Kalachuri k., Durgadeva or Durggadeva, m., Durgaraja or Durggaraja, m., Durgasarman, m., Durgga, m.,. Drauni (Asvatthaman), . Dravila, co., Drona, epic hero, 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123, 150, Durjjaya, Kakatiya k., Durlabhadevi, queen of Kakka, Durjayabhanja, Bhanja k., Durjaya-Kshatriyas, epithet of K.katiyas, Durvasa, sage, duta, official, dataka, official, duta-praishanika, official, duvar ja yuvar ja, E Ekakshara, title, Ekambarapuram, vi.. ekari, . Eliyeru, ri.,. Eastern Chalukya dynasty, Eastern Ganga dynasty, eclipseslunar, solar, Edappalli, edava, epithet, Edavanahallada, Ejavati, Ekadhira, sur. of Nandivarman II, Ekadhiramangalam, vi., . 225 116, 120, 123 246, 254 365 151, 219 219 219, 222, 224 129 285, 295, 296 228, 231 & n., 234 " 2, 3, 4 126, 127 286, 291 347 n. 347, 351, 354 88 & n. . 110 n. 221, 226 251, 257, 285, 295, 307 306 258 . . 258 308 192, 195 309, 310, 348, 351, 354 343 196 & n. 193 159 117 117 194 & 7 166 189 58, 59, 60 N. B. The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch-chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do.=ditto; dy.-dynasty; E. Eastern; k.king; m.male; mo.=mountain; ri.river; 8.a. same as; sur.surname ; te. temple; vi.village or town; w.woman: W.-Western.

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366 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. PAGE Ellainilaiyitta, epithet, . . 139 Ellora Dasavatara Cave Temple inscription, 237, 239 Eppakuqi, or Enpaikudi, vi.,. . .161, 163, 164 Ennayiram, vi... . . . 66 Epar, vi.. . . . . . 122, 124 Era-Dronasarman, m., . . . . 314, 315 Eran, di., . . * 242 Erap, vi.. . 82 & *., 83 Eran Boar inscription of Dhanya-Vishnu, . 82 Eran inscription of Goparaja, Erapotaryya, m., . . . . . 352, 355 erse Chalukya-Vikrama, . 194 Kanishka, . . 20 Kollam, . . . . . 341, 342 Ganga. . 312, 313 Gupta, . . 160 Sam or Sanvat, . . . . 20 Unknown, . Eravitta, m., . . . . 171, 172 16 Faridpur plates, five great sina, Four forged grants from Faridpur, . . . . . 81 338 & n. . 75 RAav Ganapati, image on seal, . . 238 Ganapati, Kakatiya k., . . . 347 & ..., 348 n. Ganapatideva, Kakatiya k.,. . 347, 351, 354 Ganderu, vi.. . . . . . . 56, 57 Ganderuvati, di.,. . . . . 55, 56, 57 Gandhakuti, . . . . 337, 338 & n. Gandhara, . . . . . . 16, 273 Gandhata, see Ganadanda, . . 286 Gandhatapati(?), . . . . . . 303 Ganesa temple inscription at Mahabalipuram, 146 Ganga or Ganga, dy., 201, 229, 239, 241, 244, 246, 252, 253, 254, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312 Ganga (Ganges), ri., 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 50, 51, 54, 103, 104 n., 114, 180, 186, 219, 223, 225, 226, 239, 244, 252, 290, 305 Ganga-dvara, vi.. . . . . . . 96, 98 Ganga-dvara, 5. a. Haridvar, . . . . 95 Gangai, . . . . . . . 53. Gadgai-konda, title of Rajendra-Chu I . 25 Gangaikondasolapuram, vi.. . . . . Gangakuta, mo... . . . . Gangani, vi.. . . . . . . 69 Ganga-Pallava, family, Gangara Bosi (Bosiga), m., . . . 200 Gangavadi di., . . . . . . 241 Gangavaria, family, . . . 288 7., 290 Gangavati, co., . . . . 25, 27, 47, 54 Ganges or Padma, ri., . . . . 62 Gangeys, . . . . . 205 n. ganginiki (gangiua) . . . . . 61, 62 Ganginika, identified with Jalangi, . . . 62 Ganjam, di., . . . . . . 301 Ganjam plates of Netribhasjadeva, 283, 301 Ganjam plates of Vidyadharabhafijadova, 283, 301 Garakhonna, vi... . . . . 309, 310 Garavapadu, vi., . . . . 348, 351, 355 &. Gardabhilla, Ujjayini k., . . . . 274 Garuda standard on coins, . . . . 79, 84 Garuda, figure of,. . .178, 182, 208, 212, 320 Garuda seal, . . * 224, 236, 249, 256 Gatas, . . . . 325 & add., 326 & add. Gatha-saptasati, work, . . . 242 & n. Gattipundi, vi, . . . . . Gaude, co., . . * 81, 89, 103, 239, 244 Gaudas, people, . . . 94, 96, 98, 106, 306 Gealasarman (Aichadova), M., . . 294 & . 16 . 220 ga, used for ya, . . . . . Gadhipura, kingdom, . . Gajababu II, Ceylon k . . Gajapati, . . . . . pahapataya (?), official, Gahiyasahasa, ... Ghainsis, . Gajavottai Pratapa-Dovariyamaharays, jayanagara k.,. . . gamagamika, official, . . Gamga (Ganges), ri., . . Ganga-Gargoya, title,. . . 333 . 161 156, 157 . 256 n. Visi 140 Gana, .. . Ganadanda, title, . Ganadanda, title of Virabhadra, paradanda-nayaka, official, paradanda-pala, official, Ganadhara,. . . . papaka, official, . . . Gapapata, sumaya or school, . . 289 289 201, 204 166, 167 . 176. . . . . . . N. B.-The figures refer to pagos; # after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. vil to x. The following other abbtoviations are to chechief; co.-country: di..diatrict or division; do.ditto; dy. -dynasty + E.-Eastern; k.king; male; mo.=mountain ; ri-river; 8. Chame as our surname; 10. tom plo; vi village or town; 10.woman; W.-Wontorn

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INDEX. 367 . . 128 242 PAGE gaulmika, official, . . . . 306 Gautama Buddha, . Gawarwad inscription, . . . . 201 n. Gaya, . . . . . 179, 180, 181, 186 gh, used for h, . . . . . 236 Gharika, m., . . . . 156, 157 Ghaisasageri, vi... 183, 185, 188 & n., 190, 193, 196 Ghaissas, sur., . . . . 256 & n. Ghaligai, vi., . . . 20 Ghanavatta-Bi[ro]ja, m., . . 233, 235 & n. ghafakayar,. . . . 117 Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka, 87, 88, 93, 94 Ghatiyala inscription of Pratihara Bauka, . 94 Ghatiyala inscriptions, . 91 Ghatotkachagupta, prince Ghazni, vi., . . * 278 Ghosha, name ending, 75 n. Ghoshapada, vi., . . . . 62 Ghugrahati, vi... . . . 75 Goa plates of Saka 532, . 258 Gobbadi, m., 314, 315 Gogu-Ranaka, m., . , 251, 257 Gokarna-svamin, god, . 399, 310 Gokarnesvara, god, . . 196 Gokarnna, tirtha, . 305 Gokar nesvara, 8. a. Gokarnesvara, 192 Gbla, .. . . 327, 328 Golaki-matha, . . . 348. Golasarman, m., . . Gola-Shadamgavid, m., . . . 249, 256 Gola-Shadangavid, 8. a. Gola-Shadamgavid, 238 Gola-raniya, . . . . 328 gomandi'nda)lika, official, . 156, 157 Gomilaka, M., . . 126, 127 Gommimayya, m., . . . 178, 180, 181 Gondophares, k., . . . . 275 Gonekaka,. . * 325, 326 Gongana (Konkana), people, 116, 121 Gopa-Chandra, k., . 81, 84 Gopala, Gauda k., . 239, 304 Gopalpur, vi., . . . 18, 19 Gopalpur, vi., . . . Goparaja, ch., . . 82, 83 Gopendra-choraka, vi., . . . . 77, 79, 88 Gorava, . . . . . 180 Gorava, Saiva ascetics, . . RAOS Gorma, ch., . . . . . . 201, 205 Gormma, 8. a. Gorma, . . . . . 203 Gosahasra, mahadana,. . . 162, 163, 165 Gotama, used for Gautama,. . . . 124 Gotiputa, m., . . . . 158, 159 & n. gotrayAtriya, 59, 60, 122, 124, 161, 163, 164, 183, 184, 187, 233, 235, 352, 355 Aupamanyava, . . . . . 306 Bharadvaja, 4, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 217, 225, 226, 228, 231, 232, 234, 238, 249, 256, 299, 352, 355 Gargya, . . 352 & n., 355 Gautama, . . . 122, 124, 352, 355 Harita, . . 352, 355 Harita, . . . . 57 Iradhitara (Rathitara), 122, 124 & add. Jatukarna or Jatvakarnna, . 116, 122, 124 Kappa or Kapya,. . Kasyapa, 63, 139, 143, 145, 292, 352, 355 Kondina or Kaundinya,. 116, 124, 314, 315 Kausika, . 285, 294, 321, 323, 324, 352, 355 Madala or Mathara, . . 122, 124 Rauhita, . . .. 297 Sandilya, . . 178, 180, 181, 309, 310 Sandilyayana, . . . 257, 259, 260 Srivatsa, . . : 352, 355 Vachchha or Vatsa, 219, 222, 224, 238, 250, 256, 285, 294, 295 Vaddamukha . . . 238, 249, 256 Vadhuls or Vadula, 122, 124, 352, 355 Yaska, . . . . . 348 n., 352, 355 Govaditya-Bhatta, m., . . . 238, 250, 258 Govarddhanaryya, m.,. . . 352, 355 Govinda, Rash, raku a k., . . . 238, 251 Govinda I, Rashtraku a k.,. . 237, 238, 243 Govinda II, Rashtrak ifa k.,. . 239 Govinda III, Rash rakuja k., 7, 94, 104 & n., 105 & n., 235, 239, 240, 241 &n. Govinda Bhatta, m., . . , 238, 249, 258 Govindachandra, Gahadavala k., 219, 221, 226 Govindachandradeva, 8. a. Govindachandra, 223, 225 Govindapur, vi., . . . . . 300 Govindapur, identified with Gopendra-choraka, 88 Govindaraja, commentator, . . . .317 n. grama-grima, . . . . 4>>. 294 N. B.-The figures refer to pages ; 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to z. * The following other abbreviations are used-ch. =chief ; 20.= country; di district or division; do. -editto, dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; k=king; M =male; mo.=mountain ; ri,=river ; 8. . same as ; sur.=sur name: 16. tom ple; vi.= village or town; w=woman; W.Western.

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368 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. . 103 . 294 91 n. 91 - 88 PAGE PAGE grama-kuta official, . . . , 249, 256 Hansot plates of the Chahmana feudatory Bhar. Gudrahain, di., . . . : 315 trivaddha II, . . . Gudufars, k., 262, 263, 270, 272, 273, 275, 279,282 Haradars Santayya, m., . . . 192, 195 Gudufara, 8. a. Gondophares, * 263 Haraha inscription, . . . . . 82 Gudufara inscription,. 278, 279, 280, 281, 282 Hari-Bhatta, m., . . . , 238, 250, 256 Guhaba, m., . . . . . Harichandra, 8. a. Harichandra Ruhilladdhi, Guhila II, Guhilot prince, . . . 107 89 & n., 94, 95, 97, 103 Gujarat, di.. . . . . Harichandra Rohilladdhi, Prathihara k., 88, 90, . 321 Gujerat, 8. a. Gujarat, . . 91, 92, 93 Haridvar, vi, . . Gujjaratta, 8. a. Gurjjaratra, . 95 Harigupta, Pallava k., . . . 301 147, 150, 151 Gumsur grant of Netfibhanjadeva . . . Harihara, figure of, . . . . . 182 n. 301 Gumsur, t'i.. . . . . . . Gunabhara, epithet of Mahendravarman I, 150 Harihara, god. , 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188 Harihara, Vijayanagara k., . * . 141, 144 Gunadhavala, m.. . . . . . 251, 257 Gunakanka (Gunaganka), s. a. Rakkasa-Ganga, 66 Harihara (II), Vijayanagara k., . . 138 Hariputra (Arjuna), . . . , 214, 217 Gunakankiya, work, . . . . . Hariputra (Karna), . . . . 214, 217 Ganarnava, Ganga k.,. . . 307, 308 . Gunasagara, author, 297, 309, 310, 311 . . sarman, m.,. . 65 & 7., 66, 67 . Harischandra, myth. k., . . . 67 & n. . Gunasagara-Bhatara, m., . . 22, 26, 36 Harisuta (Bhima), . . 228, 231, 234 . . Gundamayys, .. 214, 217 & 16. . Harisuta (Yama), . . . . 214, 217 Gunjadevasarman, m., . . . . . 314, 315 Harita, aage,. . . - . 235 . Guntoru, ri... . . . . . 353 n. Gupta, dy... 75, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 242, 248, 255 Haritiputra, epithet, 2, 56, 59, 228, 258, 315 Harivamea, work, 129 & n., 131 n., 133 n., 136 n. Gurjara or Gurjjara, co.,. . . 241, 243, 254 Gurjara or Gurjjara, dy., * 192, 195 Haritamsa (Jaina), work, . . . 102, 239 Harjjara, . . . . . . . 329 Gurjara, people,. 91, 103, 104, 105, 106, 189, 252 . . . Harsha, author, Garjarashtra, 8. a. Gujarat, co., 201 . . . Harsha, k., . . . . Gurjaratra, province, 90, 91 & 7., 106 . . . . . . Harshacharita, work, . . 91, 93, 106, 205 . . Gurjara, kingdom,. . . . . 90 . Harsharaja, Guhilot prince, Gurjara, clan, . . 90, 91, 92, 93, 239 . . Harshavardhana, Thanerar k., . Gurjara kings of Broach, , , , 91 . Hasanabad, vi,. 101, 102, . . Gurjara-Pratihara, clan, . . Gurjara-Pratihara dynasty, genealogy of -- 93, Hashtnagar inscription of the 5th Proshtha pada 384, Gurjja-rashtra, . . . . * . 280 Hastigrama, vi., . . 302 Gwalior, vi., Hastivarman, Ganga k., . . Gwalior inscription or prabasli of Bhoja, 90 n., 93, 308 hastyadhyaksha, official, 156, 308, 311 94, 100, 102 hasty-afv-Oshtra-vaba)la-vyapritaka, official, 306 hasuge, . . . . 196, 212, 218 hatharoha, (?) official, . . 156, 157 1, used for p . . . . . 189 Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, 318 n. & add. Haihaya, myth. k., . . . 129, 132 hathivaka, (?) official, . . . 156, 157 Haihaya dynasty of Ratanpur, . . : 289 Heasi, m., . . . . . . 156, 157 Hala, author, . 242 & n. Helapura, vi., . . . . 241, 246, 254 Haleka, m., . . . . . 223, 224 . Hemakuta, hill,. . . 161, 163, 164 . Hammikabbe, w., . . . . 173, 174, 176 Hemisvaratha, mahadana, . . 139, 143, 145 Hamsa, symbol on coin, . . . 80 Hidda epigraph of the year 28, . . 264 N. B.-The figures refer to pages ; . after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.chief; co. = country: di.. district or division; do.. ditto: dy..dynasty : E. Eastern ; k. king: m.male; mo.=mountain; rivor ; 6. d.= same as ; our surname; te.temple; vi. village or town; 10.woman; W.-Western. 99

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INDEX. 369 RAav Pags Himachala, mo., . . . . 243 Indravarman, Chukya prince, . . . 2, 4 Himadri (Himalaya), mo.. ..210 Indravarman, Ganga km . 307, 308, 309, 310 Himalaya, mo., . . 106, 240, 252, 253 , initial form of- . . . . . 146 Himavat (Himalaya), . . . 245, 246 insignia (1) of Idangai, . i . . . 335 Him[i]ngana, m., . . 160 I pur, vi.. . . . . . . . 58 Hindol, state, . . . . . 288 n. Tradhitara, used for Rathitars, Hirabandh, tank, . . 152 Iraippunaichcheri, vi., . 8, 11, 12, 14, 15 Hirahadagalli inscription of Sivaskandavarman, 318n. Iraman-Tayag, m., . . . . . 344 hirannya, used for hiranya,. . . . 138 Iramar-Tiruvadi Koyiladhikarigal, 8. a. Kulai Hiranyagarbha, mahadana, 238, 239, 243, 252 & n. sekhara Koyiladhikarigal,. . . 341 Hiranyagarbha, school of- . . 176 . Irbballi, . . . . . 34 Hiranyakeci-sutra, work, . . . 124 Irbuli, v., . . . . . 257, 259, 260 Hiranyaksha, demon, . . . . . 363. Irralu[r]-Boya, epithet of Durgabarman,. . 2, 4 Hiranyavarman, Pallava k... 116, 117, 121, 123 Isalaks, m., . . . . 327, 328 Hiuen Thsang (or Tsiang), pilgrim, 20, 91, 92,95 Isvara, Vijayanagara k., . . . . 161 Hoolee, 8. a. Huli, . . . . 170 n. hottalu, . . . . . . 183 Hou Han-shu, work, . . . . 276 Huli, (Puli), vi., . 170 & n., 171 j, used for y, . . . . . . 219 j, changed into y, . * 91, 92, 306 Huna, people, . . . . 263 . Jachchhika, ., . 82 . . . . . . Huns, 8. a. Huna, 285 . . Huvishka, Kush na k., . . jagadala, . . . . . . . 205 Hydaspes (Jhelum), ri., . jagadalam, . . . . . . 201, 203 Hydraotis (Ravi), ri.,. Jagadekamalla, myth. k., , . 23, 27, 42, 52 . Jagadekamalla (II), Chilukya ki, 173, 290 & *. Jagadekamalladeva, Chilukya k.,. . 176, 177 Jagadokamalla-vijayi, epithet of YasabhanjadeIdangai, eub-sect of Velaikk"ras, 335, 337, 338 ra,. . . . 290 & ., 298 Ikshvaku, myth. k., 22, 26, 28, 34, 107, 108, 110, Jagadekamallavijayi, . . . . . 298 111, 336, 337 Jagadhara-sarman, m., . . . . 285, 299 lla, myth. princess, 129, 132, 136 Jagati, vi.. . . . . . . . 800 Ilam (i.e., Ceylon), . . 24. 28, 29 Jagattunga or deva, title of Govinda III, 238, ilam-putchi, parihara,. . . . 122, 124 241, 246, 249, 253, 256 Ilandurutti, . . . . . . . 343 Jaiminiya, vedantic samaya or school, : 176 Tlangai(Ceylon),, . . .. . 336 Jain, samaya or school, . . . . . 176. Ilangunnappula,. . . ...343 n. Jaintamuri, vi... . . . . . -803 Imperial Gupta dynasty, . . . . 242 . . . . . 288. Imperial Pratihara dynasty, . . 87, 89, 90, 94 Jaipur (Northern) . . . . . 290 imtta, used for inda, . . . . 138 Jaipur (Southern), . . . . . 290 Indra IV, Rashtrakuta k., . 241 Jaipuri=Jaipur Zamindari 1, . . 308 Indra-Bhattaraka or Indraraja, 8. a. Indravar. Jaitngi I, Yadava k., 811, Tak K., . . . . . . 347. man, Jajjikadevi, queen of Nagabhata, 88, 90, 96, 98 Indraraja, Chalukya k., . . . . . 229 Jalangi, ri., . . . . . . . . . 62 Indraraja, ch., . . . . . . 105 Jalayura, vi.. . . . 58, 59, 60 Indraraja, Rashtrakuta k., 105 1., 237, 238, 243, 262 Jamalgarhi inscription of the 1st Aspaia (1) 369, 280 Indraraja IV, Rashtrakufa k.. . . 89 7. Jamarapura, vi... . . . 302 Indravarman, Chilukya k., . . 1, 2, 3, 4 Jambupadraka (Jamda 1), vi.. . * 300 The figures refer to pages; . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. ni to .. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.=chief; co.=country; di.district or division: do. ditte ; dy=dynasty; E.=Eastern; k.=king; m.Emale ; mo.mountain; ri-river ; 8. 4.e same as ; aur.=surname; te templo; vi.= village or town; w=woman; W.Western. SB Jaipur,

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370 Jamdapir, Jamnavegere, vi., Janadeva, m., Janarddana-Kunda, m., Janarddanaryya, n., Janta, m., Jata, m., Jatiabadi, homestead, Jati Budi, w., . Jatvakaranna, 8. a. Jatukarna, Jayachandra, Kanauj k., Jayanaga, k., Jananathamangalam, s. a. Pulanari (= modern Polonnaruva), Jananathanallur (Vayalur), vi., janapada, EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Jayasimha, Paramara k. of Malwa, Jayasimha (1) Vallabha, Chalukya k., Jayasimha (F), Chalukya k., PAGE 300, 301 213, 216, 218 294 Jayasimha (II), Chilubya k., Jayasimhadeva, Gurjara k., Jayasimha-Vallabha Jayasithha II, Jeldda-Bola-kshetra, mandalam, Jayasimha, Chalukya k., Jayasimha, Gurjarashtra (Gurjara) k., . Jetavana, Buddhist sect, jk, form of-, Phiarivallika, vi., Jharivallika, 8. a. Zaroli, Jhota, Prathara k., Jhovada (?), m., jhvamaliya, use of-, Jimutaketu, myth. k., Jimutavahana, Bodhisattva, Jina (the Buddha); Jina, figure of, Jinasema, author, Jivadaman (1), Kshatrapa k., Jivadatta, m., Jivita-Gupta, Gupta k., Janabakti, Jaina saint, 336 145 289, 293, 295 76, 78 351, 355 222, 224 126, 127 86 86 116, 122 Jayangondasola-mandalam, di., Jayangonda-sola-mandalam ancient Tondai * * * 158 62, 63 64, 69 321 201, 205 201 1 n., 55, 56, 57 229, 313 m., 315 229, 313 n., 314 203 . 314, 315 314 n., 316 331. 189 238, 250, 256 243 88, 96, 98 294 . 1, 307 130, 248, 255 130 129, 337 172 239 339, 340 75, 76, 78 82 189, 190, 191, 194, 205, 206, 207 192 PAGE Jnanasakti-Panditadeva, s. a. Jnanasakti, 191, 191 Jodhpur inscription of Pratihara Bauka, 102, 103,111 n. Jodhpur State, Jodhpur, vi., 91 Jodhpur Pratihara dynasty, Jot (mutaka), private property, Jot (yokrta), land measure, Jota, shortened form of Jotika, 87, 91 94 79 n. 62 n. Jotika, Jumna, ri., Junagadh State Junagadh, vi., Junaid, general, Jupiter, planet, Jurz (-Gurjara), Jyamalla, Pallava k., jyeshthadhikaranika, chief judge, k, doubling of, Kabul, co., Kabul valley, Kacharis, K Kachchippedu, vi., Kachchippedu, 8. a. Conjeeveram, Kadakina-kere, (Kadaku tank). Kadakka-Muttaraiyar, m., [VOL. XVIII. Kadalibasanta, 8. a. Kodolibosonto, Kadamba-nadu, Kadambavamsa, family, Kadambari, work, . Kadaram, Kadphises I, Kushana k., Kadphises II, Kushana k., Kadupatti Pallava, Kadupatti-Tamila-peraraiyan, title, Kaduvapur, vi.,. Kailasanatha temple inscription, Kakati, vi., Kakatiya, dy., Kakandivada, Kakartya Gundyana, ck., Kakka, Pratihara k., . 79 n., 86 104 & n., 239, 252 339 339 93, 103 340, 341, 345 93 147 & n., 150, 151 76, 78 87 275 278 329 12, 15, 116, 122, 124 9, 119 192. 195 117 303 * Kahla plate inscription of Sodhadeva, Kailasa, mo... .. 79 n. 342, 343, 344, 345 288. 66, 120 n. 25 m., 28, 29, 30 270, 275, 277 275, 276 . 9 129, 136 n. 48, 135 146 347, 348, 349, 351, 354 346 n., 347 & n. 58, 59, 60 348 88, 89, 90, 94, 95, 7 8 Jaana aktideva, s. a. Jaanasakti,. The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following, other abbreviations are used:-ch. -chief; co.=country; di district or division; do. ditto: dy, dynasty. Eastern; b.king; m.-male; mo.mountain; ri,river; s. same as; sur,surname; te.temple; vi.village or town; to. Woman W.-Western. 96, 98, 106

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PAGE Kakkuka, 8. a. Kaku(t)stha, .. 100, 111 & . Kakkuka, Pratihara k., 88 & n., 89 & n., 90, 91, 93, 107, 111 & n. Kakustha (Kakutstha), Pratihara prince, Kaku(t)stha, myth. k., Kakutstha, epithet of Puranjaya, Kala (Yama), Kalabhanana (Ganapati), Kalabhartri, Pallava k., Kalabhras, people,. Kalachuri, dy., Kalachurya or Kalachuryya, dy., 192, 195, . Kaladiya Bolagadi (Bodagadi), ch., Kalahasti, vi., Kalakacharya, m., Kalakacharyakathanaka, work, 107, 111 & n. 107 & n., 110 22, 26, 35 110 m., 192, 195, 230 140 147, 148, 149, 150, 151 116, 121, 123 128, 129 Kalasesa, 8. a. Kalasasvara, Kalaeeevara, god, . Kalavali, poem, Kaldarra epigraphs, kalam, Kalamjana (Kalanjara), vi., 208, 209, 211, 213, * 209, 211, 215, 218 INDEX. 173, 174, 176 23 274 273, 274, 276 29 215, 218 176 m., 191, 194, 205, 206 68 68 194 n Kalamukha school, Kalappal, vi., Kalarirrarivar, s. a. Seramanperuma)-Nayanar, Kalas inscription of Saka 851, Kalasavalligeri, 174, 176, 178, 183, 184, 185, 187 & n., 188 & n., 190, 193, 196, 197, 198, * * 199, 210, 212 199 197, 198, 199 28, 29, 30 262, 263, 279, 280 196, 346 .213, 215, 217 213, 215, 217 173, 176, 178 190, 193, 196 84 Kalidasa, poet, Kalidasa (I) (Kalimayya), m., Kalidasa II, m., Kalideva, m., " Kalidevayya-Setti, m.,. Kalighat hoard, Kalikala or Karikala-Chola, myth. k., 347, * 348, 350, 354 Kalimandai-Chadangavi, m., . Kalimayya, m., Kalinda, Pallava k., Kalinga, co., 25, 27, 45, 47, 54, 104, 105, 108, 112, 240, 241, 245, 246, 253, 254, 307, 309, 122, 124 208, 209, 211 147, 150, 151 310, 331 n. PAGE Kalinganagara, vi., 309, 310, 311, 312 Kalingattupparani, work, 25 n., 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 31 & n., 49 n., 51 n., 53 n., 54 n. Kali-Vishnuvardhana, Chalukya k., Kalkutiga-gere (Stonemason's tank), Kalluvi, ri.,. 229 179 242, 250, 256 243 243 67 228 201, 203 .320 n. 28, 29, 30 284, Kalluvi, s. a. Kala, Kalu, ri., Kalugumalai, vs.,. Kalvakuru, vi., kal-vesam, Kalyan, vi.,. Kalyana, vi., Kalyanakalasa, sur. of wetribhanjadeva, . Kalyanapura, vi., Kalyani, vi., Kamakkanappalli, vi., Kamanaryya, m., Kamandakiya-nilisara, work, Kamari, vi., Kamauli plates, Kamban Araiyan, m., * * Kamonaryya, m.,. Kamnharadeva, Rashtrakuta k., Kampili, Kamikagama, work, Kamsa, epic hero, . Kamboja, people, Kanada, samaya or school, Kanagopa, Pallava k., Kanaka, Kalachuri k., Kanakabhafija or Kanakabhanjadeva, Bhanja k., 286, 287, 293, 295 25, 27, 46, 54 290 n. 312, 343, 344, 345 352, 355 112 n., 113 n. 302 . 222 n. 118 352, 355 203 28 371 72 211 305 . 176 n. 149, 150, 151 129 286, 292 209, 214 180 5 Kanakadri, myth. mo... Kanakamahachala, myth. mo., Kanakarama, m.,. Kanauj, kingdom,. .92, 101, 105 Kanchana, queen of Lakshmanarajadeva (II), 129, 134, 137 Kanchi (Conjeeveram), vi., 7, 58, 148, 149, 241, Kanchipuram, 8. a. Kanchi, vi., Kandan Madavan, m., . Kanderuvadi or Kandravadi, s. a. Ganderuvati, Kanduru-Gana, 246, 254 117 64, 68, 69 56 201, 202, 204 0 The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co. country; di.-district or division; do.- ditto; dy. dynasty; E.-Eastern; k.-king; m. male; mo.mountain; ri. river; a. a. same as; sur.-surname; te.temple; vi.=village or town; w. woman; W.-Western. 3 B2

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372 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 56 230 55 Rlakh Kanhars, .. a. Krishna III, Rashtrakufa k., . 201, 205 Kanishka, Kusha na k., . 18, 267, 276, 277, 280, 281, 282 Kanishka casket from Shab-ji-ki-dheri, . .16, 18 Kanker States . . . . . . 349 . Kannada, . .. . 29 Kapni, 8. a. Kanya, . . 341 Kanni-kavalan, title of Pandya kings, . Kankona, Kanbona or KannasonnaA, 8. a. Karnasuvarnaka, 62 Kanteru, 8. a. Ganderu, vi.,. . .. . Kapthika-Vijayaditya,. . . . Kanya, rasi, . . . . 341 Kanya-bhataraki, . . Kinya or Kanyakubja (Kanuaj), . 101, 221, 223, 225 Kanyakumari inscription or grasasti, 23, 24, 25, 26, 31 Kanyakumari, vi... . . . . . 21 Kanya-Pidariyar, goddess enshrined at Kanya. kumari, . . . . . . . 26 Kao-fu (Kabul), co., . . . . 276, 278 Kapalimangalam, vi., . 342, 343, 344, 345 Kapila, sage, . . . . . . 36, 50 Kapila, samaya or school, . . . 176 n. Kapeha, .. a. Kujula Kadphiges, 279, 280, 282 Karahada, di.. . . 238, 249, 256 Karikbandi, canal !, . . . 311 Karila, Pallava k.. . . . 148, 150, 151 Karaikkal (Karikal), vi.. . Karambichchettu, vi., . : . . 122, 124 karana, official, . . . . : 293, 295 Karamchodu, vi., . . . . 228, 232, 234&n. karanika, official, 77, 79, 223, 224 & n., 225, 226 Karda grant, . . . . .241. Karbad grant, . . . . . 241 n. Karbida Brahmans, . . . . 238, 256 n. Karikalasola-Pallavaraiyag, 8. a. sekkilar, 68 Karigai, work, . . . . . . 69 Karigai s. a. Yapparungalakkarigai, work, 69 Kirigai-Kulattur 8, a. Kulattur, ... 64, 68, 69 Karigai-[Yappu), 8. a. Yapparungalakkarigai,. 69 Karikala oro-Chola myth. k. .23, 27, 29, 41, 52 Karikala or "Chola, 8. Q. Vira-Rajendra deva, 25, 26, 27, 47, 48, 54, 65 kari-turaga-pattan-akara-sthana-hokul-adhikarin, official, . . . . . . . 221 Karkaktai vi.. . . 162, 163, 166 PAGE Karkaraja, ch., . . . . . 105 & n. Karkataka, rasi, . . . . .340, 341, 34, 345 Karkka, or Karkkaraja 1, Rashtraktita k., 237, 238, 243, 252 Karkka II, Rashtrakuta k., . . . . 238 Karle, vi., . . . . . 325 Karma-rashtra, di., 228, 231, 234, 257, 258, 259, 260, 314, 315 Karmmakara-tataka, tank,. . 259, 260 Karna (Karna), epic hero, 205 m., 217, 305 Karnasuvarna, 8. a. Karnasuvarnaka, . . 62 Karnasuvarnaka, ti. . . . . . 62, 63 Karnata, family,. . . . . . 27 Karpnata, people, . . . . . . 306 Kartabhaja, sect. . . . . 62 Kartta, Kalachuri k., . 129 Karttavirya, myth. k., . , 132, 136 & 7., 137 n. karuva, . . . . 183, 185, 188 Karvetinagar, vi.. . Kakakudi plates of Nandivarman Pallavamalla, 51., 14 n., 15., 117, 147, 148, 149 Kasi (Benares), . . . . . . 220 Kasia, vi.. . . . . . 18, 19, 128 Kasia copper plate inscription, . . . 18 . Kalyaps or Kayapa, sage, 22, 26, 28, 33, 49, 292 Kataganga, canal, . . . . . 85 Kataketa, . . . . . . 233, 235 n. Kataha, co., . . ... 25, 27, 45, 54 Kathiawar, di.. . . . 273, 339 Katibarman, m... . . . 55, 57 Kattiyageri, vi., 183, 186, 189, 190, 192, 193, 196, 208, 210, 212, 213, 216, 218 Kattumapparkoyil, vi.. . . . . . 24 Kaumara, samaya or school, . . '. 176 n. Kaubambi, identified with Kosam, . . 158 Kautilya, author, . . . . 156 leasachasamanapafaka, . .. 223 1. Kavadiya Madi-Ganda, 3. a. Midi-Gauda, . 206 Kaverakanya or Kaverasuta (Kaveri), ri., .39, 163 Kaveri, ri., 7, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 38, 41, 51, 52, 84, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 145, 161, 162, 165, 167, 169 Kavirippumpattinam, vi.. Kavyadarka, work, . . . Karyavaloka, work, . . . 66 67 The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used ch.-chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do. ditto ; dy. Iynasty; E. -Eastern; k. king: .male: mo. mountain ; r rivor ; 4. same as ; sur, e gurname: 16. temple; vi. village or town; .woman; W.Western.

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INDEX. 373 Kokava, M., PAGE kayastha, community. . . . 74, 75 n., 257 Kodara, tirtha, . . . . 180, 186, 305 Kendara Keta, m., . . . 171, 172 Kendara Marasinga, M., . * 171, 172 Kenwood House, . . . . . . 304 Keonjhar, .. a. Khinjali, . . . 289, 292 Keonjhar State, . . 288, 291, 292, 300 Kerala, co.,. . 24, 241, 246, 254, 333, 341, 342 Keralas, people . 116, 121, 123, 336 Keralotpatti, work, . . . . 343 Kere-Siddhappa, te., . . . . 170, 196 ... 127 Kotavs, m.,.. 75, 77, 79, 178, 180, 182, 287, 296 Kokava-Bhatta, n., . . . 185, 188 Kidavadeva, m.,. . . 285, 287 & 1. Kekavaditya, god, 176, 177, 185, 188, 192, 196, . 197, 198, 203, 204 Kebavaditya, .,. . . . 184, 187 Kosava-Gahiyasahasa, m., . . 238, 250, 256 Kesavanasho?, . . . . . 157 Kesavaryya, m.,. . . 352, 355 Kekavasarman, m. . . . . 59, 60 Ketumala, myth. k., . . . 23, 27, 40, 51 Khachara (Sun),. . . . 210 Khaddavali - Kodavali, 317, 318, 319 Khaduvapali, . . . . . . 300 Khalif Hasham,. . Khalimpur grant of Dharmmapaladova, .79 n., 104 n. Khamba or Stambha, 7., . . 287 & n. Khandadeuli, vi, . . 291, 303 Khandadouli grant of Ranabhafijadeva (Naren. drabhafijadeva), . . . . 291, 303 khandala, territorial division, . . . . 78. khandapala, oficial, . 298 Khandapara, state, . . 288 n. thandaraksha, official,. . . 306 Khandichandra, m., . 308, 311 Khandichandra-Bhogika, M., khandika, measure, . Khandimalepi, M., . 313 & *. khari, land measure, . . 232, 233, 234, 235 Khasa, people, . . . * .. . 306 Khatiya, vi.. . . . . 300 Khatiya-shaya, di., . . . 300 khafvanga-dhvaja, insignia, . * 117 Kheroshwar Mahadeo, te., . * 224 & n. RAav Khetaka (Kaira), vi... . 238, 243, 252 khi, form of- . . .. . . 155 Khiching or Kiching, vi., . 289, 300, 301 Khijjinga (Kiching), vi.. . . 300, 301 Khijingga or Khijjinga, 8. a. Khiching, 289 Khijjinga-kotta,. . . . . 303 Khijjinga Kotta-Khiching, . . . Khimidi, identified with Khimjali,. . * 292 Khimjali or Khinjali, di., . . 285, 289, 292 Khindini, misreading for Khimjali, . . 292 Khinjali-mandala-Keonjhar State, . 300, 303 Khinjali-mandala, di.,. . . . . 300 Khipatti, m., . . . . 156, 157 Kidaram, . . Kilanadigal, Kerala princess, . . . 341 Killi, myth. k., . . . . 29 Kil-Paitaram, vi., . . . . 9, 12, 15 Kilvali-Vagur-nadu, di.. . . 8, 11, 14 Kimidi, di., . . . . . 291 Ki-pin, di., . . . 275, 278 Kirari, vi., . . . 152, 153, 154 Kirata, co., . . . 104, 108, 112 Kiratarjuniyam, work,. . . . . . 157 Kirimambakkam, vi., . . . 9 Kirimappatti, 8. a. Kirimambakkam, . . 9 Kirimappatti, vi.. . . . 12, 15 Kirti, Sinhalese prince,. . . . 332 Kirti or Kirttivarman L Chalukya k., 1, 2, 4, 55, 56, 57, 89 n., 257, 258, 259 Kirtinarayana, epithet of Govinda III, 240, 245, 253 Kirtivarma-Prithivivallabha, 8. a. Kirtivarman 1, . . . . . 267, 260 Kirtti, ch., . . . . . 201, 203, 205 Kirtti, meritorious work, . . 114 11. Kirttigiri, .. a. Luachchhagira (Deogarh), 125 Kirttivarman II, Chalukya k., 89 - libora-vadavi-go-mahishy-aj-avik-adhyaksha, ofi cial, . . . . . . . 306 Kieuvayara Ravikimayya-Nayaks, m., 178, 179, 181 kkramagata, used for keramagata, . . . 125 Kodandarama, 8. a. Adityavarman, Chola k., 23, 42, 52 Kodandaramokvara, te.. . . . . 23, 24 Kodavali, vi.. . . . . . . 316 Kodolibosonto, . . . . . . 303 Koeti (East-Borneo), co., . . 162 ., 153 Kokkili, Chalukya k., way . . . . . . . . 229 . 93 . * 308 60 N. B. - The figures refer to pages; N. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additiona on pr. vii to X. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch-chief; co. dountry: di district or division; do. aitto ; dy.dynasty: E.Eastem: k. king: m.-man; mo-mountain; ni. river; 6...samo as our.ro surname; te. tomplo; vi village or town; 10.woman; W.Western.

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374 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 225 . . 228 PAGE Kokkuligori, 190, 192, 193, 196, 209, 210, 212, 213, 216, 218 Kolala, vi, 201, 205 Kolalapura, 8. a. Kolala (Kolhapura), . . Kolalapuravaradhisvara, title of Pitta, Kolhapur, ti.. . . . . . . 241, 242 Kollaniryya, m., . . . . . 352, 355 Komaria Akron, 8. a. Kanyakumari, . . 21 Komar, 8. a. Kanyakumari,. . . . 21 Kombajul, vi.. . . . . . 122, 124 Kommanaryya, m.. . . . . Kommara, vi., . . . . . . 58, 59, 60 Komyana, vi. 285, 299, 302, 303 Konalageri (?), . . . . 183, 186, 189 Konavada, ri., . . . . . .223 n. Kondanaguru, vi.. . . . . 1, 2, 3, 4 Kondav[e]rupur, ri... . . . 258, 259, 260 Kondavid, identified with Kondav[e]rupur,. 258 Kondina, 8. a. Kaundiaya, . . . 116, 124 Kondivarman, ch., . . Koneya-Malla (?)-Kramita, m., . . 186, 188 Kongariyanellur, . . . 165, 166, 167, 168, 169 Kongeda, vi.. . . . . . . 290 Konkana, di... . . . . 29, 321, 323, 324 Konkanas, people, . . 116, 123 Konkani, Pallava I.. . . . 147, 150, 151 Konkani Ganga k., . . Konkanika. Pallara k., . . 7, 10, 13 Konnur inscription of Amoghavarsha of Saka 782, 235, 236, 237 Konomona, ri.. . . . . . 302 Kontaravangarishaya, di.. 285, 299, 302, 303 Kontinthi (Kontinvi). 3. a. Kontuani, . 300 Kontinvi 8. a. Kontuani, . . . 300 Konttaya-gada,. . .. . . 303 Kontuani, vi.. . . . . . . . 300 Kopasimha, . . . 302 Koppa or Koppam, . * 25, 28, 29, 30 Kopparam, ri., . . . 257 Korandiyo, di.. . . . . . 300 Korinjiya, ci.. . . . 300 Kosala, co., . . . 240, 245, 253 Kosam, vi., . . . . . 158 & 1., 160 Kosika (Kausika), aoge, . . . . . 38, 53 Kotalipada, vi.. . . . . 84, 85, 86 & n. PAGE Kotayagada, vi., . . 302 Koti, di., . . . Kotiara Metropolis, 8. a. Kottaru, . 21 Koti-pallal, di... . . . . Kotrangudi plates of Nandivarman II,. 115 Kottabhanja (Silabhanja I), Bhanja k., 286, 291 kottagaram (goshth-griha), . . . 119, 122 Kottaja-vavi, well, . . 208, 209, 211 kotlapala, oficial, . . . . . . 306 Kottara, 8. a. Kottaru, . . . . . 21 Kottaru, vi.. . . . . . . 21 Kottaaramatapovana Kuting, . . . 300 Kottayam Plates of Sthanu-Ravi,. . 69, 341, 343 Kottayam plates of Vira-Raghava-Chakravartti, 69 Kotwali para spurious grant of Samachara-Deva, 74 Kovai, . . . . . . . 65 n. Koyilolugu, work, . . . . . 31, 139, 140. Kramavittanar-Kula Bhattan, m., . , 122, 124 Krauncha, mo.. . . . . 351, 354 Krimila-vishaya, di., . . . . 306. Krishna, m., . . . . . . 139 Krishna I, Rashfrakuta k., . . . . 239 Krishna III, Rashtrakuta k., . . . . 24 Krishnaraja (Krishna III), Rishrabiita k., 24, 27, 43, 53 Krishparaya, Krishnadovaraya or Krishnadeva. maharaya, Vijayanagara k., 161, 162, 164, 165, 166, 169 Krishnarayapuram, &. a. Ennakudi, 163, 164 Krishnarayapuram &. a. Vadambur-Ekamba rapuram, . . . . 165, 167, 168, 169 Koishnesvara, m., . . . . . . 97, 99 Kritavirye, myth. k., . . . , 129, 136 n. Krovi, family, . . . . . 232, 234 ksha(kahej trapa, official, . . 306 Kshatrapa, title,. . , 272, 275, 277, 339 Kshatrasithha, epithet of Rijasimha II, 149, 151, 152 Kshatriyamalla, sur. of Nandivarman 11, 116 Kshijjinga Kotta, 8. a. Khijjinga, . . . 300 Kubera, m., . . . . . . 285, 236 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana (I), Chalukya k., . 229 Kudal (Madura), . . . . . . 28 Kudal, Kudal-sangamam, or Kutal-sangama, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 46, 54 Kudalsaravala-Nayinar, m.,. . . 139 kudava, 8. a. kulyavapa ?, . . . 79. N. B.- The figures refer to pages ; . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used ch.chief; co. country: di.=district or division; do. ditto ; dy.dynasty: 4. - Eastern; k=king; m.=man; mo=Mountain; ti=river ; 8. 4.= same as ; sur, gurname; te.=temple; ti.= village or town; w=woman; W.-Western.

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PAGE kudipati, headman of village, 342, 343, 344 Kujula Kadphises, or Kuju's Kara Kadphises, 270, 275, 276, 277. 278, 279, 280 Kushana k., Kukka, m., kulam, parihara, 159 122, 124 Kulamanikyanallur alias Naochikrurchchi, vi., . Koyiladhikarigal, Kulasekharadeva, Kerala k., 8. a. Kulasekhara, author, Kulasekhara-Alvar, Vaishnava saint, Kulasekhara or Kulasekhara Koyiladhikarigal, Chera k., . 340, 341, 342, 344, 345 Kulasekhara-Chakravartigal, s. a. Kulasekhara Kulasekhara-pPerumal Koyiladhikarigal, Kulattar, vi., kulavara (arbitrator ?), kulavaya, land measure, Kulottunga II, Chola k., Kulottungasola-valanadu, di., Kulottunga-Solan-ula, work, Kuluta, co.,. kulyavapa, land measure, Kumarachandra, m., Kumara-Gupta, Gupta k., Kumara-Gupta I, Gupta k., Kumara-Gupta II, Gupta k., Kumara-Gupta III, Gupta k., Kumarakkudi, vi., . Kumarasvamin, author, Kumaravishnu, Pallava k., Kulika, people, Kulika, serpent, kuli(la)puttra, official, Kulitturai, ri., Kulottunga, Kulottunga-Chola (I) or Kulottunga-Choladeva, Chola k., 25 n., 29, 64, 67, Kumari, e. a. Kanyakumari, . Kumari, vi., . Kumara-krama-Tiruvedi, m.,. Kumarasarma-Chadangavi, m., 139, 141, 142, 145 342 342 . INDEX. 341 341, 342 . 26, 29, 49 n., 53 n. 24 & n., 25, 27, 45, 47, 53, 54 76, 77, 79 & n., 86 285, 298 .79, 81, 84 n., 81, 83, 242 81, 82 84 139, 142, 145 122, 124 122, 124 348 147, 148, 149, 150, 151 26 48 122, 124 303 Kummangi, vi., Kumurukela, vi., Kumurukela grant of Satrubhanjadeva, 291, 303 Kumtala or Kuntala, co., 183, 184, 186, 201, 202, 204 Kulasekhara 341 64, 67, 69 77, 79 n. 79 n. 306 215, 218 157 21 . 69, 332, 333, 334 68 68 PAGE 75 n. Kunda, name ending, Kundi or Kundi Three-thousand, Kuprattur, vi., 173, 174, 176 68 Kunrattur-nadu, di., Kuram plates of Paramesvaravarman I, Kuravadiri, vi., Kurram, vi., 67, 68 147 122, 124 16, 20 7, 10, 11, 13, 14 179, 180, 181, 186 128 Kuru, myth. k., Kurukshetra, Kusanagara, identified with Kasia, Kusapala, m., Kusulaa Padika, s. a. Patika, 158, 159 Kushana, dy., 269, 270, 271, 273, 275, 277, 278, 282 Kushanas, people, 270 272 62, 63, 64 30 189, 191, 193. Kuvalalapura, 8. a. Kolalapura, (i. e., Kalir), 291 m. Kuvalaava, myth. k., Kutkuta-grama, vi., Kuttan, author, kuttumbitti, 22, 26, 35, 49 Kuyula Kapsha, 277 , changed intoI, 1, replaced by !, 1, replaced by 1, 1, replaced by and r, 7, use of-,. !, used in Sanskrit, , wrong use of-,. Laccadive Islands, L Lachchaladevi, 8. a. Lachchale, Lachchiyabbarasi, s. a. Lachchale, Lachchiyabbe or Lachchale, w., Lahula, m.,. Lakha Mandal prasasti, . Lakshmana (I), Kalachuri k., Lakshmana (II), Kalachuri k., Lakshmana-raja, Kalachuai k., Lakshmanaraja II a. a. Lakshmana II, Lakshmanarajadeva (III), Kalachuri k., . 375 178, 182 314 207 189, 201, 213 147 1 189 . 152 n. 174, 176 174, 175, Lakkarasa, m., Lakshadvipa, s. a. Laccadive Islands, Lakshmana, epic hero, . 22, 26, 37, 50, 90, 100, 176, 177, 178 173, 174, 176 225, 226 125 189, 191, 193 152 n. 110 & n., 111 . 129, 133, 137 & n. 129, 134, 137 129, 137 & n. 129, 137 n. 134, 137 & n. N. B. The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pn. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch. chief; co. country: di,district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E.Bartern; k.king: m.man; mo.mountain; ri.-river; s. a. same as; sur. surname; le.temple; vi.village or town; w. woman; W.-Western.

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376 Lakshmi, w., Lakshmidasa, author, Lakshmikavya, work, Lakulisadova, m., Lamka or Lanka (Ceylon), Lamka, statues from--,. Lambarayati, Lamkari (Rama), . Landore, s. a. Govindapur, languages Kanarese 182, 206 Old Kanarese 171, 172, 178, 189, 196, 199, 201, 205, 207, 208, 212 Prakrit, 16, 19, 87, 155, 158 Sanskrit, 1, 5, 22, 55, 58, 61, 87, 99, 115, 125, 128, 138, 159, 160, 165, 182, 189, 196, 201, 208, 212, 219, 224, 227, 236, 284, 307, 311, 314, 320, 331, 339, Lamkonda, vi., Liaka Kusuluka, Kshatrapa, Lilavati, Ceylon queen, limkad-amka, limkad-amka-palaka, linga-cult, 346 331 Sinhalese, Tamil, 5, 22, 64, 115, 138, 165, 331, 340 Lankesvara (Ravana), Lata, co., Latamandapaya, Latas, people, Later Hans, dy., Left hand' castes, lehaharaka, official, Leiden or Leyden plates or grant, , use of-, . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. PAGE 348, 351, 354 343 n. 139, 145 n. 191, 194 . 219, 241, 336, 337, 338 254 254 n. 246 300 . . 91, 93, 105 & n. 330 92, 306 276 335 156, 157 Lokamahadevi, queen of Rajabhima Il, . Lokamatris, . Lokanarendrasimha, epithet of Rajasimha II, Lokayata, samaya or school, . 14 n., 15 n., 22, 26 232, 235 272 335 .201, 203, 205 & n. 173, 176 & n. .150 178 231, 233 315 151 176. * Lord of Kalam or fijana, epithet of Tribhuvana malladeva, Lord of Madhura, title of Manabhisha, Lords of Kimidi, title, 211, 218 161 292 Loriyan Tangai inscription of the 27th Proshthapada 318, Loriyan Tangai statue,. 280 281 Loriyan Tangai stupa, lotus flower, nine-petalled and expanded, emblem on seal, M lotus flower, seven-petalled, and expanded, emblem on seal, Luachchhagira, Lucknow Museum, Lunar race,. m final, form of, m, replaced by .. ma, land measure, Mabarata 8. a. Mahabharata, [VOL. XVIII. 1, 307, 314 238 48, 55 344 Macchagaon, vi., . 303 263, 280 Machai record of the year 81, Machchha, Machchha", Machchha, Machha", or Machhadagrama, vi.,. 285, 295, 301, 303 n. Machha or Machhadagrama-Majhigam,. 203 . 303 n. Machchhadagrama-Machhgaon, 301 Machha or Machhadakhanda, di., 285, 295, 297, 301, 303 300 Madaneevara, te.,. Madevi-perundattan, m., Madhavavarman II, Ganga k., Madhurantaka; sur. of Rijendra-Chola Madhurantaka, sur. of Parantaka I, Madhva, school of-, Madras Museum, Madura, Madhura or Madhura, vi., . * Machhia-khanda, di., Madanapala or 'deva, Gahadavala k., 220, 221, 223, 225, 226 170, 189 9, 12, 15 149 Madhyadesa tract between Bengal and Orissa, Madi, or Madi-Gauda m., Madiraikonda Parakesarivarman, title of Parantaka I, * PAGE 281 55 . 58 24, 25, 27, 45, 53 24, 27, 43, 53 176 n. 302 206 125 218 133. Maghinduvaraja, Mahinduvaraja, identified with the Pallava king Mahendravarman III, 23, 24 346 24, 27, 28, 29, 43, 53 Magadha co., 241, 246, 254 Maghanamdin, or Maghanandin, m.. 201 &#., 202, 204 . 58, 60 58 N. B. The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch-chief; co.=country; di.= district or division; do.= ditto; dy.=dynasty; E.-Eastern; k-king; m.-man; mo.=mountain; ri.=river; &. d. same as; sur. surname; te.temple; si. village or town; w0.-woman; W.-Western.

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INDEX.. 377 PAGE PAGE Mahabalipuram, vi., . . 145, 146 Mahatantra, division of Velaikkara forces, 332, Mahabharata, epic, 7, 110 7., 113 n., 114 n., 130, 334, 338 225, 342, 345 & n. Mahato 8. a. Mahattara , . . . . 78 n. Mahabharata war, . . . . 28, 29 Mahattaka, . . . . . . . . . 251, 257 Mahabhashya, work, . . . 154 Mahattara-kutumvin(mbin) . . . . 308 maha-dana, . . . . . 239 Mahattara, title . . 78 n., 249 maha-dandanayaka, official, 306 Mahavagga, work, . . avugga, work, . . . . . . 19 mahd-daubsidhasidhanika, oficial,. . 306 Mahavanda, work .72 1., 73, 331, 332, 333, 336 Mahadeva, . a. Mahadeva, 210, 212 & n., 215, 217 Mahavibara, Buddhist sect, . . . . 331 1. Mahadeva, m., . . 183, 187, 208, 213, 294 Mahavrata, Saiva school, . . . . 176 n. Mahadeva or Praja, Kakatiya k., .347 & #., 351, 354 Mahendra, mo. . . . 309, 310, 311, 312 maha-kartta kritika, official, . . . 306 Mahendragiri, vi.. . . . . . . 24 n. Mahakobala kings, . . .. . 289 Mahendrapala oro deva, Kanauj k., . 106 & n. Mahakabatrapa, title . 287, 272, 276, 339, 340 Mahendravarman, Pallava k., . . 150, 151 maha-kumar-amatya, official, . . . . 306 Mahendravarman I, Pallava k.. . 146 n., 160 Mahal, . . . . . . . 289 Mahondravarman III, Pallava k., . . . 58 maha-mahattara, official, . . 309, 310, 311 Mahesvara, samaya or school, . . . . 176 . Mahamalla, epithet of Rajasimha II, 149, 151, 152 Mahesvarasikhamanidiplamaulib, epithet of RijaMahamata, w., . . . 328 withha II, . . . . . . 149, 151 Mahanadi, ri., . . 152, 300, 302, 303 mahanasika, oficial, . Mahichandra, Gahadavala kg 156, 157 . . . 220 . mabansvami, tithi, . 259, 260, 261 Mahinda V, Ceylon k., . . . . . 332 Mahipala I, Pala k., . . . .89 n. Mahaparinirvana, . . . 128 . Mahishman, Kalachuri k., . . 129 Maha-parinirvana-Chaitya, . . . . 20 . . . Mahodaya or Kanauj, vi, . . . 239 mahd-pratihara, official, 306, 311, 313 & *. Mahodayapura, n., Maharaja, title, . .1, 231, 234, 278, 282, 800, . . . . 343 . Mailaladevi, o., . 310, 311, 312, 314, 315 . . 201, 203, 206 . Mairavana, . . . . . 193, 196 & 1. Maharajadhiraja, title, . 26, 48, 54, 62, 75, 76, makara, figure of . . . 207 78, 81, 90, 174, 175, 179, 183, 191, 197, Makara-rabi, . 202, 215,221, 223, 225, 226, 237, 238, 249, . . . . . . 341 Makaradhvaja, sur. of Vishnuvardhana I, 55, 56, 57 256, 306, 322 maharaja mahata, title, . . Malai-nadu,. 277 . . . . . 29, 53 n. . Malaiyalar, sub-secl of Velaikkapas, 335, 336, 337, 338 Maharaja rajatiraja, title, . . . . Maharajas of Uchchakalpa,. Mala-nadu, di., 139, 141, 145 . . . Maharaja Sarvan or Sarva, title of Amoghavar. Malapayya (Malayya), m., . 213, 214, 217 sha I, . . . . . 240, 246, 253 Malapayya, m., * 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 215, 217 Maharaja-Sarvan, name of Dantidurga, . .'239 Malava, Malava, Malwa or Malwa, co., . 83, 101, 104, Maharajni, . . . . . . 90, 94, 96 105, 108, 112, 240, 245, 253, 320, 321 Maharapura, . . . . . Malava, dy., , . . 192, 198 Maharashtra, di., . . 256 n. Malavas or Malavas, people, . . . 92, 189, 306 mabarayarayaraya devaputra, title,. . * 277 Malays, mo. . . . . . 37, 50 maharaya rayatiraya, title, . 277 Malayya, m., . . . . 208, 210, 212 maha-samanta, official, . . 306 Maliyapu di grant, . . . 227, 233, 234 n. mahdsenani, official, . . 156, 157 Malkapuram inscription, . . 347 . Mahabramana, (the Buddha), . . . . 74 Mallasacharys, m., . . 162, 164, 165, 168, 169 Mahasthan (Paundravardhana), vi., 86 Malliga, 8. a. Peruva Malli, . . . 200, 201 N.B.- The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :chechief; co-country di district or division; do. ditto ; dy.dynasty : E. Eastern : k.-king: m=man; mo.=mountain; ri. river ; 8. a.=same as ; eur. surname; le templo; vi, village or town; 1. woman W.Western. So 302

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378 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XVIII. 65 PAGE Mambakkam, vi., . . . 12, 18 Marchaya, Kakatiya prince. . 348, 351, 354 Mardalia, vi., . . . 219, 221, 223 Mandara or Mandara, mo., . . 214, 217 Mamenaryya, m., . . . . 352, 355 Margalarnava, Mangalarnpavadeve, Manga jarnava or Mangalarnavadeva, m., 180, 192, 195 Mammi (Mahamiya), queen, . . 285, 295 Mammana or Manmani, vi... 285, 297, 301, 303 . Mahndeyaga or Mandeyara, Makapayya, m., 192, 185 Mana, Ceylon k., . . . . . . 333 Manabhusha, lord of Madhura, . . 161 Mangsa, lake, . . 134, 137 Manavarinallur, vi., . 165, 166, 167, 168, 169 Manavya, sage, . . . . . 353 . Manavyasagotrah, epithet of the Chalukyas, 2, 66, 69, 228, 268, 815 Manchin-Bhoi, palankeen-bearer, . .308 . Mandakini (Ganga). . . . 11, 14, 29 Mandal (Mandor 1), . . . 93 mandala, territorial division, . . . 78 n. Mandalapurusha, author, mandalika, official, . . . . 289 Mandara, vi.. . . . . . . 303 n. Mandara, vi. . . . . . . ** 301. Mandabarmen, m., . . . . . 67 Mandavya, sage, . . 96, 98 Mandavyapura or Mandor, vi., . 88, 91, 94, 95, 98 Mindhatri, myth. k., 22, 28, 29, 36, 49, 246, 263 Mandor, vi.. . . 87 Mangadur grant, . . 149 Mangala, Mangalajanapada or Mangalarashtra, di., 116, 121, 123 Mangalam (Mangal), vi.. . . . . 119 Mangalanidivip, .,. . . 121, 123, 124 Mangala-nadu, di.. . . . 119 Mengi, Nolamba k., . . . . 229 Mangi-yuvarija, Chalukya k., . . 58, 229 Mangiyuvarija, epithet of Sarvalok israya, 314 Manibhadra, yaksha, . . . . 168 & n. 159 Tanikiala casket, . . . . . . 16 Manikiala inscription,. . . 267, 268, 269 Manikkavichakar orsakar, saint, . . .71, 73 Manikya-tirttha,. . . . 201, 203 1. Manigramakkir, .. a. Manigramattar, . . 71 RAav Manigramam, . . . , 69, 70, 71, 72 Mapigrimattar, . .. 70, 71 & 1., 72 Manjratiya mound, . . . . . 18 Manmani-Mandara (?) . . . . . 301 Mapnai, . . . . . . . 53 . Mapnata, (Karnata 1), co., . . . . 25 Mannata, family (*) . . . . . 46,54 Manoratha, myth. k., . . 23, 27, 41, 52 Manru, .. a. Manram, . . . . . 119 manru pidu, parihara,. . . 119, 122, 124 mantrin, official, 221, 226, 231 Manu, myth. k., 22, 26, 28, 30, 34, 49, 107, 110, 129, 132, 138, 180, 209, 211, 214, 215, 216, 217, 347, 350, 354 Manu, quoted, . .'78., 177 6., 181 ... 234 . Manumasiddhi, k., . . . . . 348 1. Manusmriti, work, . . 88 ., 136 . minya. . . . . . 228, 233, 235 Manyakota or Manyakheta, vi, 24, 27, 45, 63, 238, 241 ., 249, 256 Maraparyy, m., . . . . 352, 355 Marafijadaiyan, Pandya k., . . . . 67 Maribarva (Maharaja Sarvan), prince, 240 Marata-Bol, . . . . . . . 4 Marata-Boye, epithet, . . . . 2,4. Maratta, . . . . . . . 29 Marichi, sage, . . . . 22, 26, 28, 33, 49 Marmad, (Maru-mada), di.,, . 93 Martanda or Marttanda, Vesali ch., 7, 11, 13 Marttapda, m., . . . . . . 207 Mashaka, til, . . . . 314, 315 Masharfa, vi, . . . . . . 158 Matantira (Mehatantra). . . . . 837 Matavaryya (Madhavarya 1),. . . 362, 365 Mathi Kuar, . * 128 Mathuri Lion Capital inscriptions, . 286, 287, 268, 269, 272 Matrae, . . . . . . . 117 Matrikin (Divine Mothers), representations of 125, 126 Matrikas, goddesses, . . .114 & n., 126, 127 Matris, . . . . . . 126, 127 Matri-Vishnu, ch., .. 82 & ., 83 Matays, co., . . . . 101, 104, 108, 112 N.B.- The figuree refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to 'x. The following other abbreviations are used :-h.=chief ; 6.=country: di district or division; do. ditto ; dy.dynasty;-E.-Eastern ; k=king; men; mo. mountain; ni, river ; 8. 4. same as ; ,surname; te.temple ; vi, village or town; 1. Woran : W. Western.

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INDEX. 379 . 162 PAGE Matsya-Purdna, work, . . . 317 mattar, land-measure,. . 195, 196, 212, 218 Maues, Saka k, . . . 273 Maunada Bhattara, m., . 201 n. Maunideva, m.. . . . 201, 202, 204 Maurya, dy., . , . . . . 281 Mayamata, work, . . . . . 72 Mayilappil, vi., . * 122, 124 Mailararyya, m., . . . . . 352, 355 Mayura, k., . . . . . 89, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99 Mayurabhanja, epithet, . . . . 290 Mayurabhasija State, 288, 289, 291, 292, 300, 301, 303 Mayurabhanja, vi.. . . . 290 Mayuraka,. . . . . . . 291 n. Mayurakshaka, m.. . . . . 126 Mayuri, . . . . . . 291 n. Mayurika, . . . 291 n. Mayurikas, people, . 290 Moyurki, * * * . 290, 291 & *. Meda, . . . . . . . 306 Medalkonda, vi.,. . . * 232, 235 Medanaryya, . . . 353, 355 Medantaka, vi.... . . . 88, 96, 98 Medantaka-pura, 8. a. Merta, . . . 94 Meghaduta, work, . . . * 188 h., 346 & n. Moghanada (Indrajit), . . . . 107, 110 Meherauli pillar inscription, . . 86 Meherpur, di., . . . . . . Melaikkudi, . a. Polaikkudi, . . . Melasesvara, god, . . . . . Mrrali, . . , 343 Merta, identifled with Medantaka,, . . 88 Moru, mo.,. . 164, 215, 217, 243, 248, 262, 263 Moshika, vi.. . . . . . . 308 metres Anushfubh, .6, 31, 95, 107, 126, 140, 162, 166, 174, 179, 183, 190, 197, 202, 208, 213, 220, 243 n., 244 n., 246 n., 249 n., 349 Arya,. . 6, 95, 120, 126, 130, 293 n. Aryagui, . . . . . 140, 202 Aupachchhandasika, . . . . 31 Champakamala, 174, 179, 183, 190, 197, 202, 206, 213 Drutavilambita, . . . . . 6,220 Dvipada . . . . 171 PAGE Guli, , . . . . . Harini, . . . . . 31, 107, 349 Indravajra, . . . 120, 220, 349 Kanda, . 171, 174, 179, 183, 190, 197, 200, 202, 205, 208, 213 Kattalaikalittunai,. . . . . 65 *. Mahasragdhara, 183, 190, 202, 207 Malini, 31, 95, 245 n., 246 n., 247 n., 249 n., 293 n., 295 n., 296 n., 349 Mandakranta, . . . . 31, 130, 349 Mattebhavikridita, .171, 174, 179, 183, 197, 202, 206, 207, 208, 213, 236 & +., 245 ., 247. Praharshini,. . . . 8, 31, 120 Prithvi, 31, 207, 245 m. Pushpitagra, .120, 248 n., 295 n., 297 n., 299 n., 349 Rathoddhala, . . . . . 31, 120, 129 Salini, . 31, 126, 140, 162, 168, 179, 220, 246 #., 249 #. Sardulavikridita, 31, 95, 107, 120, 130, 140, 208, 213, 220, 245 n., 246 1., 247 ., 248 n., 293 n., 295 7., 297 ., 298 n., 299 n., 331, 349 Sikharini, . 31, 107, 120, 126, 190 Sragdhara, . 31, 95, 107, 130, 149, 162, 166, 244 n., 245 n., 247 7., 298 r., 349 Svagati, . 31, 349 Upajati, . . . 31, 107, 202, 330 n., 349 Upendravajra, . . . . 31, 349 Utpalamala, . . 174, 183, 202, 208 Vamsastha, . . .. . 31, 129, 130 Vamsasthavila, . . 243 n., 244 .. Vasantatilaka, 6, 31, 107, 130, 149, 220, 244 n., 294 n., 296 . meyi, . . . . . . . . 8 Meynilaiyitta, epithet, . . . . . 139 Mihira, sur. of Pratihara k. Bhoja,. . 100, 101 Mihira, 6. a. Bhoja. . . . . 109, 113 Mihirakula, Huna k., . . .82 & #., 83, 84, 91 Milalal-nadu, dt., . . . . . 67, 69 Milalai-nattu, -Vel, epithet of Kanday Madavan, 64, 68 Milupadi, vi. . . . . 300 Miminhaska, samaya or school . .176 .. Mira, M., . . . . . . . 282 Miraj platos, . . . . . N.B. The figures refer to pages ; 1. after figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vil to X. The following other abbreviations are used :haghiol; co.country; di.--district or division , do. aitto ; dy.-dynasty; E.=Eastern; k-king; mg: mo. mountain ; ri, river; 4. d.-same we; our. surname; te. tomple; vi. village or town; w.-WOMAA: W.Western 3 c 2

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880 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. PAGE Mithradates II, Parthian k., . 273, 274, 275 Mechchhas, people, . . 93, 101, 103, 107, 111 Moga, Kushana k.. . 272, 273, 275 Mon inscriptions of Burma, . . . . 130 Monghyr, vi., . . . . . 89, 94, 95 months Ashidha, . . . . 279, 280 Aspain (?),. . . . 280 Asvins, . . . . . . 16, 17 Avadunaka (Audunaios), . . . 17, 18 Bhadrapada, . . . 320, 321, 324, 325 Chaitra or Chaittra, . 97, 99, 171, 172, 320, 321, 348, 351, 354 Chingam, . . . . . 341, 342 Dhanus, . Dios, . . . 275 First,. .. . . 318, 319 Jyai or Jyishtha, 190, 193, 196, 219, 221, 223, 314, 315 Karkataka, . . . . . . 341 Kartika or Karttika, . 57, 77, 79, 161, 163, 164, 165, 167, 169, 225, 226, 258, 259, 260 285, 299, 321 Magha, . . . . . . 320, 321 Makara, . . . . . . 174 Margairaha, . . . . . 318 Panemov, . . , 275, 280 Pausha, . . . . 257 Proshthapada, . . . 280 Pushya, 173, 175, 177, 183, 187, 190, 191, 193, 194, 196, 197, 198, 199, 208, 210, 212, 215, 218, 250 Sravana, .190, 192, 195, 200, 280 Tenth, . . . . 16, 17 Vaisakha, 139, 143, 145, 265, 266, 280, 282 Virichchika or Vrischika, . . 344, 345 moon, emblem on seal, . . . . . 160 Moon, progenitor of race, . . . Motupalli record of Ganapatideva, . . . 347 Mount Banj inscription of Sam. 102, 262, 264, 280 Mo-Yu-lo (or Mayura), vi.. . . . . 95 Mrityu (Yams), god of death,. 22, 23, 39, 41, 51, 244 Mrityujit, myth. k., . . . 22, 27, 39, 51 Muchukunda, myth. k., . . .22, 26, 28, 35, 50 Muddappa, m., . . . . . 140 Muddikavve, w.,. . 183, 184, 187 Pada Mudgagiri, vi.. . . 98, 98, 306 Mudgagiri, 8. a. Monghyr, . . 94, 95, 106 Mugalan or Vyarini Mugalan, Buddhist monk, 3 2, 333, 337, 318 & >>. Mugamur, vi., . . . 257, 258, 259, 260 Muhammadpur, ti., . . . . 79 Mujumpuru, vi.. . . . . . Mukundamala, work, . . . . . 342 Mulamachhada or Mulamachhadagrama, vi., 285, 297 Mila prakritis, . . . . . 117 Mula-Ptithu, myth. k.,. . . 107 & n., 110 %. Mulasthana, important seat of monka, 337, 333 Mulasthanadeva, . . . . . . 188 Mulavarman or Mulavarmman, Borneo k., 162 , 163 Mulikkalam, . . . . . . 343 Mumneru or Mannoru,. . . 168 Munsiyaduvar, Saiva saint, . . . . 67 Mungamur, identified with Magamir, . . 258 Munindra (the Buddha), . . 129, 131 mudrukai, epithet of Velaikkapan, . 334 Mupru-kai-tiru-Velaikkarap-Daladay-perum-pal li, another name of the shrine of the Toolh Relic of Buddha . . . . . 332 Manru-kai-ttiru-Velaikkaran Daladaypperum. balli 8. a. Daladaypperum-balli, 337, 338 Mura putta, . . . . . . 353, 356 Musiya or Musiyanabarman, m., 228, 231, 232, 233, 234 Muttaraiyar, chs., . . . 23 Mutturpu-kurram, di.,. . . . . 343 . Mattaru, vi., . . 342, 343, 344, 345 muyyalikuttu, . . .235. Myaksdoni inscription of Palumivi, . . 318 >>. final, replaced by anusura,. . . . 238 Nachchikrurchchi, . . . 139, 142, 145 Nachchikrurchchi-pallika, . . . 141 Nachchiparkkipigar, author.. .70 & ., 119, 120 nadu-baral, parihara, . . 122, 124 Naga, tribe, . . . . . . 156, 157 Nagabhata or Nagabhata I, Gurjar-Pratihara k., 100, 101, 102, 103, 107, 110, 111 n. N.B.-The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes: and add to the additions on Pp. viito x. The following other abbreviations are used :-chchief: co.= country: di.. district or division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty; B. Eastern ; k. king : .man; mo.-mountain; ri, river: 4. 4.-same we; sur.sumamo: femtemplo: vi. village or town; w. - Woman: W.-Western

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INDEX. 381 . PAGE Nagabhata, Pratihara k., . . 88, 90, 93, 95, 98 Nagabhata or Nagabhata II, Gurjar. Pratihara k., 94, 100, 104, 105, 106 & n., 107, 108, 112 & 1, 235, 240, 245, 253 Nagadatta, monk, . . ... . 268 Nagadeva, M., . . . . . . 85 Nagaladevi, queen of Narasa, . . . . 161 Nagananda, work . . 129, 130 Naganaryys, ., . . . 352, 355 Nagara Bhavi, well, . . . 170 Nagarakhanda Seventy, di.,. . . Nagarakhandi or Nagarakhamdi, vi.. . 208, 210, 212, 213, 216, 213 nagararakhin (nagararakshin), official, . 156, 157 Nagariti or Nagarikidevs, m... . . 205, 206 Nagaratta=Nagarattar, . . 335 Nagarattar, di. of Velaikkara forces 332, 334, 335, 337, 338 Nagas, . . . . . . . 182 Nagavarma or Nakiga, author, . . . 66 Naga-vavi, well,. . . . 213, 215 Nagivaloka, identified with Nagabbata I, 103 Nagavaloka, identified with Nagabhata II, . 101 Nagaya, m., . . . . . 9, 11, 14 Naghumsha, wrong form of Nahasha, . . 132 Nagikavve, 10., . . 183, 184, 187 Nahar collections, Nahusha, myth. k., . , 76, 78, 136, 161 naimittika, official,. . . 221, 226 Nakarasa, Nakimayya, Nakimayya-Nayaka, or Nakiyappa, ., . . . 183, 184, 185, 186, 187 & n., 189 nakshatra Bharani, . . . . 161, 163, 164 Sadayam or Sadaiyam, . . . 28, 53 .. Nalanda monastery. . . . . . 82 Nalanda plate, . . 304 & 1., 305 .., 308. Nalandi, site at . . . . . . 19. Nalatadiga (Nar or Nal), vi.. 321, 322 & add., 324 nalgur-narpapper or nalgu nalppa ppar, 119, 122 nall-a, parihara, . . . . . 122, 124 nall-erudu, parihara, . 122, 124 Nalddaya, work, . . . . . . 342 namakkaram, . . . 345. Namankryys, m.. . 351, 355 Nandanaryya, 7., . . . . 362, 365 . 110 PAGE (Nam ]dava(ba)la, m., . . . . 159 Namma var, saint, . . . . . 334 Nanadosi mercbanta, . . . . . 335 Nandagrama, vi.. . * , 243, 250, 256 Nandagrama, 8. a. Nandagaon, . . 243 Nandavalla . . . . . 96, 98 Nandi, figure of, . . 182 n., 189 Nandisarma-Bhattan, m., . . 122, 124 Nandivarman or Nandivarman I, Pallava k., 116 & ., 149, 150, 151 Nandivarman, Nandivarman Pallavamalla, Vijaya-Nandivikkirama-parumar or Nandivarman II, Pallava k., . 7, 116, 117, 118, 121, 123, 147 Nandivarman, Vijaya-Nandivarman, VijayaNandivikramavarman or Nandivarman III, Pallava k., . . . 7, 8, 10, 13, 116, 117, 118, 121 Nanimeya, 7., . . 83, 184, 187 Nahkolada, vi., . . . . . 300 Nannaraja, Kalachuri k., 129, 133, 136, 137 & . Narabhata, Pralihira k... . . . 88, 95, 98 Naraka, demon,. . . . . . Narasa, Vijayanagara k., . . . 161 Narasigha, wrong form of Narasimha, 249 Narasimha, m., . . . . . 222, 224 Narasimha-Dikshita, m., . .238, 249 & 1., 256 Narasimha-Ghaissa, m., . . . 185, 188 Narasimha Gupta, Gupta k., . . . 81 Narasimha-Gupta Baladitya, Gupta k., 82, 83, 84 & n. Narasimharyya, 7. . . . . 862, 866 Narasimha-Somayajin, .. . . . 186, 188 Narasimhavarman, Pallava k., .. . 150, 151 Narayana, sage, . . . . . 110, 111 r. Narayanabhadra, ch., . . . . 61, 62, 63 Narayapan Achchan, M., . . . 70 & *., 71 Narayanap-Narayanag, m., . . 342, 344, 345 Narendrabhanja or Narendrabhafijadova, Bhanja k., . . . 281, 291, 292, 293 Narendraditya, legend on coin, . . . 79, 80 Narendramrigarajs, sur. of Vijayiditya II, 227, 228, 229, 234 n., 235 ., 315 Narendrasithha, epithet of Rajasinha II, . . 162 Narendra-Vinata, legend on coin, . 79, 80 Narmada, ri.. . . . . 73, 240, 215, 263 Narrio or Narrarakkudi, ti.. . . . . 48, 55 Narsinghpur, slate, . . . . . 288. . 81 N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. viito x. The following other abbreviations are wodoh.chief : 00.= country; di..distriot or division do.ditto; dy. -dynasty : E. - Eastern; k-king; -man; HQ = mountain ; r river ; 4. same way out, sumane; to.templo: vi. village or town; 10.-woman; W.-Western

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382 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. PAGE Nasik or Nasik cave inscriptions, 165, 157, 267 Nathamunigal, Srivaishnava acharya, . . 24 Nattavakkal, canal, . . . . 163, 165 Nattavakkal, 8. a. Nattar, canal, . 162 Nausari plates or grant of the Gujarat Chalukya Pulakekiraja, . . . .92 n., 93, 102, 103 Navakammika or Nauakarmika, monastery of 17, 18 Navasakha, . . . . . . . 76 m. Navyavakabiki, vi.. . . 75, 76, 78 & 1., 85 Nayagarh, state, . . . . . . 288 s. Nayanaga, m., . . . . 75, 77, 79 Nediyatali, assembly hall, . 342, 343, 344, 345 Nelagumta or Nelagupta * 353, 356 nela-vartti, . . . . . 192, 195 Nelluru (Nellore), vi.. . . . . 348 . Nelvayippakkam, vi.. . . . . 12, 15 Nema, Nemana or Nemayye, ., . 173, 175, 176, 177, 178 Neminddam, soork, . . . 70 Nepmalippakkam, vi... . . . . 12, 15 Neriyan, title of Choja kings,. . . Nerkugram, vi.. . . . 122, 124 Nerunjikufumbu, vi.. . . . 12, 15 ner-vayam, parihara, . . 122, 124 Netsibhafija or Notribhafijadeva, Bhatija k., 284, 286, 287, 291, 292, 293, 295 Nidamarru, 8. a. Niduparu or Niqubaru, . . 56 Nidhanpur grant of Bhaskaravarman, . . 62 nidhi,. . . . . 163, 165 Nidugatta-tataka, tank, . . . 314, 315 Niduparu or Nidubaru, vi.. . . . 55, 56, 57 Niduparu grant of Jayasinhha, I . Nidur, vi... . . . . 64, 67, 68, 69 nikayaz fraternity of Buddhist monks, 331 & .. 333, 336, 338 nikshepa, . . . . . . 163, 165 Nilaitangi, sur. of Martanda, . . . 7, 11, 14 Nilgiri, state, ... . . .288 1. Nilgund inscription, . . . . . 105 . Ninety-eight sub-sects of the Idangai, . . 335 Niravadya-Sakalalokasraya-sri-Prithvigamund. in, m., . . . . . 314, 316 Nirupama, sur. of Dhruva, . . 239, 244, 252 Nirvana temple, . . . . 19 Nisumbhasudani, form of Durga, . . 23 PAOA nivartana, land measure, . .. 257, 260 Ni[y]ino, vi.. . . . * 311, 312 & n. miyukta or myuktaka, official, . . 249, 256 nj, used for ji, . . . . . . 1 Nriga, myth. k., . . . 76, 78, 162, 164, 166 Nrimrida, myth. k., . . 23, 27, 40, 52 Nripatunga, m., . . . . . 9, 12, 18 Nripatunga or deva or 'varman, Pallara k., 6, 7, 8 &#., 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 Nrisimhs, epithet of Bauka, . . 90 numerals Telugu-Kannada, . . . . . 160 numercial symbols128, . . . . . 308 100, . . . . . . . 307, 308 20, .. . . . . . . 308 8, . . . 308 ny, used for ja, * 58. Narruvar-Kannar 'the hundred eared,' (sat.. akarni). . . . . . . 318 & . Nuvaragal Devasenevirattar, . . . . 338 Nyayapadra, di.. . . . . . 321, 322 Nyayapadra saptadasa (seventeen), 322, 324 Odraka, 00., . . . 240, 245, 253 Olajale, ., . . . . . 208, 209, 211, 213 Om, denoted by a symbol, . . . . 200 . Oriss grant of Vidyadharabhaojadova, 283, 284, 301 P p initial, retention of . . . 178, 189 p initial, changed to h,. . . 208, 213 padamalika, temple attendant, . 156 & n., 157 Padirippuliyar (Cuddalore), vi., . 68 Padma, ri, . . . . . . . 62 Padmini, queen of Kakka, . 88, 90, 96, 98 Paganuru, vi.. . . . . . . 4 Pahlavas, people, . . . . . . 271 Paja inscription of Sam. 111, 262, 264, 279, 280, 281 pakshasSukla, . 221, 299 second, . . . 318, 319 N.B.--The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vil to . The following other abbreviations are used-ch. chief : co-countrydi. -district or division; do.-ditto: dy.dynasty: E.-Eastern; k.-king: man; mo.=mountain; ri, river ; 8. d.-samo ; WT surnarne te templo: vi, village or town; N. woman ; W.-Western.

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INDEX 383 . . . 145 RAav Pala, dy.. . . 89 r., 104, 105, 106, 239, 240 Palakkada branch of the Pallava dynasty, 149 Palar, ri., . . Palaraviyar, m.,. . . . . 68 palavithida(ka -(pa)lika, official, . . 156, 157 Palidhvaja, . . . 244, 252 Palita, name ending, . . . . 75 the Pal Lahra, state, . . . . 288 Pallava, myth. k., 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123, 147, 160, 161 Pallava, dy., 7, 9, 12, 15, 23, 42, 52, 58, 59, 116, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152 & #., 241, 246, 254, 331 - Pallavadi-Araiyar, m.,. . . . . . . 117 Pallavamalla, sur. of Nandivarman II, . 116, 118 Pallavamalla, prince, . . . . 117 Papaingavu, palace, . . . . . 342 Paficha or Panchapa, myth. k., . 23, 27, 40, 51 Pafchalinga, te., . . . . 170, 201, 200, 20 paricha-mahapataka, sina, . . . 337 pancha-maha-yajnas, . . . * 78 n. Panoharitra, samaya or school, . . . 176 *. Pandaringa, m., . . 228, 234 &#. Pandya, co.. . . 26, 27, 28, 54, 246 Pandya, dy., 10, 13, 21, 23, 24, 27, 43, 44, 52, 53, 254 Pandyas, people . . . . 28, 116, 121, 123 Pandyakulantaka, title of Vira-Rajendra, . . 54 Panini, author, . . . . 6 7., 96 ., 178 Panjtar inscription of the lst Sriva a 122, 276, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Pappalarma-Chadangavl, ., . . . 122, 124 Paracbakrarama, another name of Vijayaditya II, . . . . . . . . 229 *. Parkohakrarama, wrong form of Parachakrarama, 229 Parakesari, myth. k., . . . 26, 28, 89, 51 Parakobari, Choja title,. . . . . 22 Parikramabahu I, Ceylon k., . . 66, 333, 336 Paralia or Paraliyard, ri.. . . . 21 parama-ashta-kula-simha, title of Via-Rajendra, 48 paramabhattaraka, tille, 90, 174, 175, 179, 183, 101, 197, 202, 221, 223, 225, 226, 231, 237, 238, 249, 256, 306, 322 Paramamaheevara, title, 221, 223, 225, 226, 231, 293, 296, 207 Paramara, dy., . . . . . 320, 321 RAOU paramaasugata, title, . . 908 paramosvan, title, 82, 174, 175, 179, 183, 197, 202, 215, 221, 223, 225, 226, 237, 238, 249, 266, 306, 3.22 Paramvaravarman, Pallava k... , 160, 182 Paramasvaravarman II, Pallapa k., . . 117 Parangs, wrongly written for Pandsranga, 231 Parantaka I, Casa k., . . 3, 24, 27, 42, 62, 67 Parantaks (II), Chola k., . . . 24, 44, 63 Paribrajaka Maharaja, . . . . 83 Parava (ba) ls, Rashtrabufa k., . . 306 Paravur, vi.. . . . . . . 843 *. pariharas (exemptions), Parivarakkondam, sub-sect of Vipaikkapus, 335, 337, 338 parivriti, . . . . . . 248, 254 - Parla-Kimedi plates of Indravarman, 308 Paruor Perunatkali, "kili or killi, myth. I., 23, 27, 41, 52 paruoulu, . . . . . . 236 h. Pasanna(=Pasana), vi.. . . . . 300 pasuge, . . . . . . 195 Pabupata, school of religion or philosophy, . . 176. Patalamalla, Rafa ch., . . . . . 241 Patanjalo, samaya or school,. . . . 176 *. Patanjali, author, . . . . . 164 Pat Ganzshvara Pal, Mh., . . . . 288 pati, o. G. loudipati. Patika, Mahakshatrapa, 271, 272, 275 Patika plate or inscription, 282, 273, 275, 280, 281 Pat Muni Pal, m., . . . . . 288 Patna Museum grant of Ranabhafijadevs, 291, 303 pata, piece of land, . . . . 61. patiala, district, . . . 219 Pattapada vafaka or Pattavadapataka, Pattapur (Patatupuram, or Pattupuram), vi., 285, 299, 302, 303 . Pattattalmangalam, vi.. . 116, 119, 122, 124 Paffinappalai, poem, . . . . . 28 Pattuppaffu, work, . . . . 119 Paulastya (Ravapa), . . . . 107, 131 Paundravardhana, ds., . . . . . Pavittruks, m., . . . . 75, 76, 78 paputra, wrong form of paudra, . . . 58 s. Payimma or P&yimmarasa, ch, 173, 174, 176, 178 Piyumputta, . . . . 353, 356 Payyan ur-pappola, soork, . . . . 60, 71 N.B.-The figures refer to pages : . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vil to The following other abbreviations are used :- h.chief; co.=conntry : di district or division, do. ditto : dy.-dynasty : E. Eastern ; k. king; man; mo.=mountain; ri, river ; 4.4. me M a mamo he temple; vi,= village or town; 10.womap; W.-Waters.

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384 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. 242 PAGE Pehovi grant of Mahendra-Pala, Pelaikudi (Melaikkudi), pi., . 162, 163,168 Pellzpelli, name of Narabhata,. . . 83, 95, 98 Penukuparu, vi... . . . . 314, 315 Perggummi, vi... . . . 201, 203, 205 Periplus, work, . . . . . 21 Periyakrishnaraya-Uttamanambl, m., , . 139 Periyapura sam, work, . . . 87 & #., 68 & .. Periyavachchapillai, commentator,, . . 334 Perma or Permma, ch... . 201, 203, 205 Permmadiraya, . . . . . 203 . Perth Museum, . . . . . 60 perdanam, . . . . 338 Perumal-Uttamanambi, m., . , 139, 143, 145 Perumbadappu Gangadhara Vira-Kerala Tiruk. koyiladhikarigal, title of Cochin kings, . . 342 perundaram or perundaram, title, . . . 78 n. Peruneydal, vi.. . .. . 342, 343, 344, 345 Peruneyil, vi.. . 340, 341, 343 Peruneyil inscription, . . . 341 Perunguli-Kilkombu, vi.. . . . 48, 55 Peruva Malli, m., . . . . . . 200 Peshawar, w., . . . . . 19, 282 Pikira grant, . . . . . . 149 Pilavayal (Vayalur) vi.. . . . . 146 Pillaigaldanam, sub-sect of Velaikkares, , 336, 337, 338 Piqui-Tamil, . Pi-lo-mo-lo, 8. a. Bhillamala, . . . . 92 n. Pingala, author, . . . . 66, 67, 236 Pingalam, work,. . piram adeyam (brahmadeya), . . . Pithapuram, vi., . . . . . 316, 317 n. Pitta, Ganga ch., . . . , 201, 203, 206 Plaki, di., . Pjolnandu, Prolnandu or Prolunandu, di, 68, 69, 80 podural, officers superusing charitable endowment, 342, 345 & .. Polonnaruva, vi,, . . . 830, 332 m., 883, 336 pon, coin, . . . . . . . 30 pota, . . . . . Potanaryya, m.. . . . . 352, 355 poti, * 58 Poygai, poet, . 28, 29 Prabhachandra Siddhantadeva, m., . . 170 Prabhakara, . . . . . . 60 PAGE Prabhakara-kshetra, Prabhakaravardhana, Thanesar k., . 90, 91, 92 Prabhavaka-charita, work, . , 101, 274 n. Prabhutavarsha (Govinda II), Rashtrakafa k., 237, 239, 244, 252 Prabhutavarsha, sur. of Govinda III, 237, 241, 246, 253 Prabhatavarsha, sur. of Krishna II, . . Prakasaditya, k., . . . . . . prahatva, used for prahatya, . . Praksit used in official documents, . . . pramati, official, . . . . . . 306 prantapala, official, . 306 praplans tridasa, used for praplats-tridaba, . 125 prafati, . . . . . 6, 9, 11, 14 Prabnottararatnamilikd, work, . . . Prataparudra, Kakatiya k., . . . . 346 Prataparudriya, work, . . . . . 348 prathi, used for pathi ?, . . . 126 Pratihara, insignia, . . . . 110 pratihara, official, . . 156, 167, 221, 226 Pratihara, Prattihara or Pratihara, dy., 87, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 103, 105, 107, 111 n., 239 Pratihara Brahmanas, . . . . . 88, 98 Pratitya-samutpada or Nidana-Sutra, Buddhist formula, . . . . . . . 16, 18 pravani-kara, . . . , 222, 224, 226 pravaras Aghamarshana, . . . . . 294 Aghamarabana, Vibvamitra and Kausika, 321, 323, 324 Angirasa, . . . . . . 296 Angirasa, Barhaspatya and Bharadvaja, 225, 228, 299 Bharadvija, Agnivesys, Angirasa, and Barbaspatya, . . . . 249, 258 Bhargava, Chyavana, Aurva, Jamadagnya and Apnavana, . . . . 222, 224 Rohita, Ashtaks and Visvamitra, . . 297 Prayaga, tirtha,. . . . . 179, 181 prayasaka,. . . . . . . 254 n. Prichchhakaraja, Rashtrakufa k.g. 237, 238, 243, 251 Prithagrasuta (Yudhishthira), epic hero, .3 & . Prithividuvaraja, 8. a. Prithiviyuvaraja, 2 Prithivi-Maharaja, Kakatiya k., . . . 347 n. . . 87 N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :--ch.chief; co= country: di.-district or division; do.ditto ; dy-dynasty ; E.=Eastern ; k=king; m.-man: mo.=mountain ; ri.=river ; 8. d. = same 89 ; sur.-surname ; 19. tomple; vi. village or town; W.=woman ; W.-Wostern.

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INDEX 385 Pushkarana, vi.. . . Pushpaketu, myth. k., . P'a-ta, co. 1,. . . . . . . . . Paos . . 86 23, 27, 40, 61 . . 878 Quilon, vi., . . Quilon epigraph, . . . . . . 340, 341, 342 ... 341, 342 * 66 PAGE Prithivipothi, daughter of Maghinduvaraja, . 58, 60 Prithivivallabha, epithet of Kirtivarman I and Pulaketin II, . . . . . . 258 Prithiviyuvaraja, title,. . . 258, 259,260 Prithu, myth. k., .22, 26, 35, 49, 110 & 11., 132, - 136, 243, 252, 304 Prithuvardhana, Saila k., . Prithvibhanja, Bhanja k., . 286, 291 Prithvivallabha, title, . 174, 175, 179, 183, 191, 197, 202, 209, 215, 237, 249, 256, 258, 259 Priya-Datta, m., . . . . . 76 & 1., 78 Prola (Pola), . . . . 355 n. Prola (IT) or Prolaraja, Kakatiya k., 347 & n., 351, 354 Prolanaryya, m., . . . . 352, 355 & n. puda-nali, parihara, . . . 122, 124 Polaikkudi-ppati, ch., . . . . . 343 Pulakodi II, Pulakebin II or Pulakcsi-prithivivallabha, Chalu kya k., 92, 93, 257, 258, 259, 260 &# Pulanari (Polonnaruva), vi.. . . 336, 337, 338 Palasti, sage, . . . . . 336, 337 Palastipura (Polonnaruva), vi... . Pali, vi, 171, 173, 174, 175, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 218 Puligere or Puligere three-hundred, d., . 189, 193 R. Puliyadeva, m., . . . . . 191, 194 Puliyur-kottam, di., . . . . 68 pulli(= virama sign), . . . . 116, 331 pumaya, used for punya, . 138 Puonagavriksha Mala-Gara,. . . 175, 177 Pannaittalai-ppati, ch. . . . . 343 Punta, m., . . . . . . 222, 223 Pura or Pura-Gupta, Gupta k., . : . 81, 83 Pugam, work, . rum, Work, . . . . . 119 Purandara, m., . . . . 285 Parandara, myth. k., . . 28 Puratijaya (Kakutatha), myth. k., 22, 26, 34, 49 Purattays-nadu, di.. . . . . . 48, 55 Purle plates of Indravarman, VARMAA, .. . 308 puroga. . . . . . . 308 Pura, myth k., . . . . . . 133 *. Pururavas, myth. th . 132, 136, 140, 144, 161 Pasa-Bola-kshotra, . . . . 314, 315 Pashkalavati, vi, . . . 1, doubling of consonants after-, 1, 6, 87, 147, 320, 346 r, form of- . . . . . . 320 , superscribed form of- . . . 6 7, Telugu letter, use of . 1, 314 Rachamalla, Ganga k., . . Radhanpur plates of Govinda III, 104 n., 105 *., 113 n., 311 Raghava (Rama), epic hero, . . 202 Ragholi plates of Jayavardhana II, . 103, 290 Raghu, myth. k.,. . . . 204 Raghuvamba, work, . . . 120 ., 196, 198 . Rahara-moradi or Raha's Hill,. . 186, 189 Rajabhafija, Bhanja k., . . . . . 286 Rajabhima (II), Chalukya k., . . . . 230 Rajadhiraja I, Chola k., 25 & 1., 27, 46, 54, 119, 332 . Rajaditya, Chola k., . . . . 24 & n. R&jagarinbhfr-valanidu, di.. . 189, 14, 145 rajahansi, used for rajahansi, . . . 128 Rajakesari, myth. k., . . 26, 28, 39, 61 Rajakegari, Chola title,. . : . . 22, 31 Rajakesarivarman, k.,. . . . 70 Rajaksarivarman, sur. of Vira-Rajendra, 26, 48, 65 Rajakosarivarman (Aditya I), Chola k., . 118 Rajakula (), title of Vira-Rajendra, . . 64 Rajakulabhavaka, do. ao. . . . 48 Rajalila, coin type 1 . . . . 79, 80, 81 Rajamahendra, Chola k., . . . . 30, 31 Rajamarttando, Chalukya k., . . . 230 rajanaka, official, . . . . . 293, 295 Rajanarayananallur, vi., . . 139, 142, 145 rajaputra, title, . . 129, 134, 293, 295, 306 Rajar (Hashtnagar), . . . . . 281 N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vii to X. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch, chief; co. country: di. -district or division; do.ditto dy.dynasty : . Eastern ; k.king : 77, man mo, mountain; ri, rivor ; &, 4.same as ; sur.- surnamo; te-templo; vi village or town; .=woman; W.-Western 3D

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386 Rajaraja or Rajaraja I, Chola k., 24, 27, 44, 53, Pajaraja-Pandi-nadu, di., Raja-rajendra, biruda of Vira-Rajendra, Rajasekhara, m.,. Rajasekhara, title of Vira-Rajendra, Rajasimha, Rajasimha II or RajasimhaNarasimhavarman II, Pallava k., Rajasimha, Pallava k., Rajasimha, Pallava title, Rajasimha, sur. of Hastivarman, Rajasimha, sur. of Indravarman, Rajasimba III, Pandya k., Rajasraya, biruda of Vira-Rajendra, rajasthaniya, official, Rajasiya, sacrifice, rajatiraja, title, rajavishayadhyaksha, official, EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Rajendravarman, Ganga k., Rajim stone inscription of Jagapaladeva Rajjila, Pratihara k., Rajputana, co., Rajula, Mahakshatrapa, Rajyapala, Pala prince, Rakkasa-Ganga, Ganga k., Rakshaditya Kramavid, m., Rakshasa form of marriage, 332 & n., 334, 336 . 48, 55 26, 48, 55 140, 145 48, 55 Ramachandradeva, m.,. Ramadeva, m., Ramaka, m., Ramalavva, di., 148, 149, 150 9, 152 n. 149, 152 308 308 67 . 155 275, 278 232, 234 Rajendra, Rajendra-Chola or Rajendra-Chola I, Chola k., 25 & n., 27, 46, 54, 332 n., 334, 336 Rajendra-Chola-Pallavaraiyan Rajarajamarayan, general, Rajendra-deva, Chola k., 25 & n., 27, 30, 31, 46, 54, 332 n. 311, 312 290 88,91 95, 98 104, 290, 292 267, 272 307 66 238, 249, 256 238, 243, 252 154 n. PAGE 26, 48, 55 306 * . + 24 n. Rama, commentator, epic Rama, Ramabhadra or Ramachandra, hero, . 10, 13, 22, 26, 37, 60, 90, 95, 97, 100, 107, 108, 109, 110 & n., 112 n., 113, 144, 214, 217, 222, 232, 233, 235, 254, 307 Rama, m., 139 Bama, Kakatiya prince. 348, 301, 354 Rama or Ramabhadra, Gurjar-Pratihara k., 94, 100, 106, 108, 112 & n. 173, 175, 178 183, 184, 187 339, 340 301 PAGE Ramanarayananallur, vi., 139, 141, 142, 145 Ramannia or Ramannadesa-Lower Burma, 331 m., 336 Raman-Tayan, m., 342, 345 176 n 146 341, 342 Ramanuja, school of-, . Ramanujamandapa inscription, Ramar-Tiruvadi, Kerala k., Ramayana, epic,.. 110 m., 111 n., 154 & n., 214, 216, 317 n. 342 151, 152 . [VOL. XVIII. Rameevara, god (at Quilon temple), Ranajaya, Pallava title, . Ranabhanja, Ranabhanja I or Ranabhanjadeva, Bhanja k., 284, 285, 286, 287, 291, 292, 293, 295, 297 .286, 291, 292, 293 308 Ranabhanja II, Bhanja k.. Ranabhita, aur. of Hastivarman, Rana-durjjaya, epithet of Durjaya, 347 & n., 351, 354 Ranajaya, epithet of Rajasimha II, ranaka, official, Ranamalla, prince, 151, 152 306 117 240 62 Ranavaloka-Khambadeva, s. a. Stambha, Rangamati, identified with Karppasuvarnaka, . Ranganatha, god, 29, 30, 31, 139, 140, 162 Ranganathasvamin, te., 160, 162 Rangir, state, 288 n. 305 143 256 227 Rannadevi, queen of Devapaladeva, raseshuramachandradeg-1356, . rashtra, rashtra, written as raltra and raltra, Rashtrakuta, dy.,. 7, 10, 13, 89 n., 91, 104, 105 & n., 106, 231, 234, 237, 238, 239, 242, 243, 245, 248, 251, 253, 255, 305 249 285 & n., 294, 301 301 289 156 156, 157 337 255 rashtrapati, official, Ratanga, vi., Ratanga Rottongo, Ratanpur, vi., rathadhyaksha, official, rathika, official, Ratnas (Three), Buddhist Trinity, Ratta, dy., Ratta inscription, 202 n. Ravana, demon, 100, 110, 135, 196 n., 215, 218, 219, 317 m., 338 n. 241 &. * . Ravana, statues of, Ravikamayya or Ravikimayya-Nayaka, m., 178, 179, 181, 182 Ravikulasekhara, title of Vira-Rajendra,.. 54 N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are tised :-ch. chief; co. country; di.-district or division; do.ditto; dy.dynasty'; E.-Eastern; k.-king; m.man; mo.mountain; ri.-river i 8. a. same as; sur,eurname; 14.-temple: vi village or town; w.woman; W.-Western.

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INDEX. 387 . 99 RAOS Raviyanageri, vi., 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 186, 188 & n., 190, 193, 198 Raviyani, vi.. . . 188, 189, 190, 192, 196 Ravulabado, vi... ago, ... . . . . . . . 301 Rayabhanja I, Bhanja k., . 285, 286, 298 Rayabhafija II, Bhanja k., . . 285, 288, 298 regal duty, ten principles of, * . * 338 & . Rehrakhol, . . . . . . Revi, ri, : . . . . Revakanirmadi, or (r)mmadi, w., 201, 203, 206 Reviyakka, w., 208, 209, 211, 213, 215, 217 ri, used for ri and vice versa, . . . . 1, 236 Right hand' castes, . . : : 335 Ripumalla, Pallara k., . . 147 & n., 160, 161 Kitasiddhi, sur. of Bhima I,. . 227, 233 h. Rituparna, myth. k.. . . . 22, 26, 36, 80 Rohamita, M., . . . . . 326, 327 Rohana, co., . . 331 1., 333, 336 Rohilladdhi, eur, of Harichandra, . . 97 & . Rottango, vi.. . . , 301, 303 n. Royara, vi., . . . . . . .' 300 Royara-vishaya, di, . . rana, used for rona, . . . . . 306 Rudradaman I, Kshatrapa k., Rudradeva or Rudra, Kakatiya k., 347, 351, 354 Rudrasimha I, Kshatrapa k;. . . . 339 Rudrasimha II, Kshatrapa k.,. . . 339 Rudragere, vi.l, . . , 197, 198, 199 Rupavarttani, di.. . . . 311 Rupavatara, work, . . 66 Rapyavati-vishaya=[Ru]pavarttani-vishaya, 309, 310 Rushi, ri., . . . 166, 167, 169 Buubhumi, . . . 17, 20 & n. PAO) Sabhar, ruins at, identified with Navyavakasiki, 88 Sadangavi-Tayasarman, M.,. . . 122, 124 Sadayam, or Sadaiyam, nakshatra, . . 28, 63. Sagakula, co., . . . . . . 274 sagandhaka, saugandha orodhika, official, 156, 157 Sagara; myth. k., 22, 26, 36, 50, 222, 261, 294, 296, 299, 304, 307, 313, 323 Sagar Tal, . . . . Sahadeva, m., . . . . . 223, 224 Sahafija, Kalachuri k., . . . . 129 Sahasrada, myth. k., . . . 132, 138 Sahulasarman, M., . . . . 225, 226 Saila, dy., . . . . . . 103 Sailodbhava, dy., . . . . . 290 Saindhava, co., . . . . . 108 Saiva, achool of religion or philosophy, , . 176 Saivaya, di., . : 129 & n., 133, 137 Saiyadi, vi, . . 66 Saka, tribe. . . . 271, 273, 274, 275 Saka-dvish (Vikramaditya), . . . 305 Sakala, vi., . . . . . . 83 kalabhuvankuraya, epithet of Vira-Rajandra. 48 Sakalalokasraya, epithet of Jayasinha II, 314, 315 Sakalamahontra (dra), epithet of Vira-Rajondra, 48 Saka-mani or Sakya-muni (the Buddha), 16, 17, 18, 19 Sakta, samaya or school, . . . . 176 #.. Sakys-muni, .. a. the Buddha, . 16, 17, 18, 19 Salai,. . . . Salanki=Salki, ri., . . . . 800 Salimi, ri., . . * . .. 290 Samaohara or Samachara-deva, kr . 75, 76, 78, 70, 80, 81, 84, 86 Samangadh charter, . . . . . 233 Samantavoddi, family, . . . . . 348 Samara, m., . . . . . . . 160 Samastabhuvanasraya, epithet, 174, 176, 179, 183, 191, 197, 202, 200, 216 Samastakhirjalidadhipali, title, * . 298 samayas, schools of religion or philosophy, .176 .. Bambapuropadhyaya, 16., . 308, 311 sandhivigrahiba, official, . . . * 287 . Sandhya, . . . . . . 130, 135 Samgama, Vijayanagara k., . 188, 140, 144 Sarjans, . . . . . 242, 250, 258 6, doubling of . . . . . . 138 8, doubling of in place of visarga, 87 #elision of before sth. . . . aa, used for ba, . . . . . 320 da, used for ea, . . . . . 820 Sabhapati, m., . . 162, 164, 165, 166, 169 Sabhapati, Siva enshrined at Chidambaram, 28 Sabhar, Imitation Gupta coins found at, . 85 N.B.-The figures refer to pagos: . after a figure, to footnotes and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used ch.=chief; co.country: di.=distriot or division: do. ditto dy. -dynasty: W. Eastern; k. king; man; mo, mountain; ri.=river ; * .- samo m w. mramo, te-templo; vi. village or town; 1.-woman; W..Woworo SD 2

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388 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XVIII S PAGI Samhjana Twenty-four, village group. . 242, 256 Bathjana, . a. Sasijan, vi.. . 238, 242 Barkaragapa, Chilot prince, 106 & n., 107 Se[th]karavaba)la, ., . . . . . 150 Samo or Sankarayya-Nayaka, m., . . 216, 218 sammarajya, med for samrajya, . . . 138 Samrile, s. a. Sankaragana, * 229 Samudraghosha, conch,. . . . 117 Samudra-Gupta, Gupta k.. . 81, 86, 148, 163 Samudrajit, myth. k.,. . 23, 27, 40, 51 Banyu, aage, . 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123, 150, 151 sandhi rules, violation of, . 6, 116, 147, 225, 250 1., 331 adndhivigrahika, oficial, 287, 295, 296, 298 Bangabodhi or Sangabodhivarman-Vijayabahudeva, . . . 331, 336, 337 Sanghamitra, Mh., . . . . . . Sangramamalla, prince, . . . 117 Sapjan, vi., . . . . . 235, 242 Basjan copper plate, * 102 t., 105 n. Sankara, school of . 176. Bankaragapa, Kalachuri k., . . 129, 132, 136 Sankara-Raja, . .. * . 30 Bankara-Solan-ula, work, . 26, 30, 31 n. sankitam, . . . . . . 343 . Sankha, queen of Nandivarman, . . 7, 10, 13 napotaka-lona, . . . 219, 221 sarabhanga, official, * 306 harira, bodily relics, . Sarkaravataka, i . 810, 311 Barnath, vi, . . . . 130, 804 Barnath inscription of Budha Gupta, . . 82 Sarshapa-yanaka, . . . . . . . 62, 63 Sarvan, feudatory k., . . .240, 241, 246, 253 Barvachandra, m., . . . . . 308 sarvadhikrita, official, . . . 808, 310, 311 Barvajanaaraya (), Mh., . . ... 58. sarva-namwaya, tenure, . 179, 181, 185, 188,192, 193, 195, 196, 210,212, 216, 218 Sarvasiddhi, sur. of Jayasitha I,. . 66, 313 n. Barvasiddhi, sur. of Jayasinha II, . . .313 7. Barvastivadin, school, . . . . 16, 17, 18 Sarvva[chandra), Mh., . . . . . 313 Barvvaldkasraya, Chalukya k. 314, 315 Barvvavarmman, Maukhari k., . . . 82 RAav Sasa (Saba), m., . . . . 317, 318, 319 Basaimaus, vi., . 225, 226 Sabanka, k., . . . . . . 79, 81, 84 Sabanka, Sailodbhava k., . . 290 bata, land measure, 186, 189, 192, 193, 196, 213, 216, 218 Sa or Batakarni, . . 318 & >>. Satapatha-Brahmana, work,. 153, 154 & *. Batars plates of Vishnuvardhana I. . . 268 Satks or Sri-Satka, m., . . . . 74 & n. Satrubhanja I or Satrabhasjadeva, Bhanja k., 284, 286, 293, 296 Satrubhafija II, Bhanja k., . 286, 291 Satrughna, epic hero, . . 22, 26, 37, 50 attra, . . . . . . 76, 78 & n. Batyadraya, sur. of Chifukya kings, 24, 27, 44, 53, 176, 177, 181, 186, 193, 198, 204, 257, 258, 259, 260 & 11. Satyakrayakulatilaka, sur. of Chalukya kings 174, 175, 179, 183, 191, 197, 202 Satyaoraya-Vallabhondra, Chilukya k.,. . 229 Satyavakya Butuga II, Ganga k., . 201 Saulkika, official, . . . . . . Saamittri, 8. a. Lakshmana, epic hero, . 107, 110 Saura, samaya or school, . . . 176 n. Saurinathodaya, work, . . . . . 342 sauti, . . . . . . 189, 193, 196 Savaraja, m., . . . 285, 295 Savikuvara, ar Savikuvara Kramavid, m., 238, 249, 256 Bessons : . 249, 255 Hemanta, . . . . . . 266 Hima, . . . . 249 Rainy, . . * 160 Sarat, . . . 249, 256 Sisirs,. . . 249, 256 Varshi, . 249, 255 Vasanta. . . 249, 256 Winter (hemanta), . . . 319 Sedirayanallar, vi.. . . . 186, 168, 169 Saga, m., . . . . . . 329 Seistan, co., . . . . . 273 Sekkilan Ammaiyappan Parantakadevan, 8. . Sokkilar, . . . . . . 68 Sekkilan Palaravayan Kalappalarayan, m., . 68 Grishms, ........ N.B.The figures refer to page8 : 1, after a figaro, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vil to 2. The following other abbreviations are tied . Rohief; coroountry ; di.-district or division; do. ditto: dy. -dynasty; K. - Eastern ; k. king: m man mo, mountain ri.erivor ; 8. 4. same as Ouf. surname; te,tomple; vi. village or town; to. Woman W.-Westorn.

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INDEX. 389 PAGE sakkilar, author,. . . 67, 683 Seliya, . . . 159 Sellada, vi., . . . . . . 309 senahhogika, official, 251, 257 Senamukhs, . . . 72 Sepamukhattar, . 70, 72 senapati, official, . . . 156, 157, 221, 226 Sendabarma-Chadangavi, m., . . . 122, 124 Sendasarman, m., . . . . . 122, 124 Senigagere,. . . . . 186 Sermanperumal-Nayapar, Saiva Saint, 68 & n. Betu, 163, 164, 210, 212, 243, 246, 252, 305 Sestuppakkam=Chettuppakkam, . . . 11 Sestuppakkam, vi., . . . 8 & Th., 14, 15 sevaka, . . . . 306 Seven Pagodas (Mahabalipuram), . . 145 Sevuna, . . . . . . 347, 354 Sevyana (Sevuna), . . . . . 351 Shadakshari-deva, poet, . . . Shahbazgashi, vi. . . 261, 273, 282 Shahbazgashi inscriptions of Aboka, 264, 265, 279 Shankardar, ui., . . . . 20 Shermadevi, vi. . . . . . . . 334 Shorkot inscription of the year 83,. . 130 Shore Temple Balipitha inscription, . . 146 Shrine of the Tooth Relio of Buddha, 332, 333, 336 shy, changed into e, . . Siam, co., . . . . . . 70, 71 Sibi, myth. k., . . . 28, 129, 255 Sibi, tribe, 129, 130, 133 n. Sibi Ausinara, 8. a. Sibi, . . 133, 137 Sibipura, 8. a. Shorkot, . . . . 130 Siboi, 8. a. Sibi 1, . . . 130 Siddhantakaumudi, work, . . 178 Siddhantam plates of Dovendravarman . 308 Siddhartha=tho Buddha, . . 304 Siddhesvara, saint, . . . 196, 197, 198 Siddhesvara Mahadeva, . . . 96, 98 Sidhabimba-vishaya, di. . . . . 303 Sihndhaya, m., . . . . . . 327 Silabhanja I or Silabhaojadeva, Bhanja k., . 284, 286, 293, 295 Bilabhanja II or Silabhafijadeva, Bhanja ., 285, 286, 287, 288, 297 Silahara, family,. . . . 242 Silappadi karam, work,. . . 318 n., 343 n. PAGE Silavanka, dy., . . . . . 290 Silodbbava, 8. a. Sailodbhava, Siluka or Silluka, Pratihara k., 88, 93, 94, 96, 98, 103 Silparatne, work, . . . . . . 155 Simgaraas or Singarasa, m.,, 189, 191, 193, 194 Simhala, co., . . . 24, 27, 43, 53 Simhalantaka, sur. of Parintaka, 24, 27, 43, 53 Simhavarruan, Puskan k.. . . . 88 Simhavarman, I, Pallau k., . 116 & n., 148, 149, 150, 151 Simhavarman II, Pallara k., . 116, 148, 150, 151 Simhavishnu, Pallava k., 116, 148, 149, 150, 151 Simhipura, vi.. . . . . . . Sindhu, co., . . . . . 104, 112 Sindhu, ri., . . . . . 35, 49, 274 n. Sindhurajadeva, Paramara k., . 322, 324 Sipyamanur copper plates . . . . . 67 Siriyadevi, w., . . . . 201, 203, 205 Sirkap, site, . . . . . 277, 278 Sirriyarrur, vi.. . Sirudanam, sub-division of Velaikkaras,. 335, 336, 337, 338 Sipa-Kunra-nadu, di., . . . . 64, 68 Sirukugra-nadu, possibly 8. a. Kunrattar-nadu, di. . . . . . . . . 67, 69 Sirupulugil, vi.. . . . . 122, 124 Sisimau, vi.. . . . . . . 225 Sifupalavadha, work, . . . . . 135 n. Sita, epic heroine, . . 37, 50, 174, 176, 209, 211 Sitha(dha)raja, m., . . . , 156, 157 Sittamalli, vi.. . . . . . . 166 Sivachudamani, title of Rajasimha II, . . 149 Sivadevayya, M., . . . . . . 348 1. Sivamegha, k., . . . . . 159, 160 Siva-raja (I), Kalachuri k., . . 129, 133, 137 Sivaraja II, Kalachuri k.. . . . 134, 137 Sivarudrasarman, m., . . . . . 57 Sivavachanabhushanam, work, . . . 334 Siveyageri, di., . . . . 190, 192, 195 Siveyageri, . 174, 175, 177, 178, 190, 192, 195, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 216 Siyakadeva, Paramara k.. . . . 322, 324 Skanda-Gupta, Gupta k.. . 79, 81, 83, 86, 242 Skandamula, Pallava k., . . 160, 161 Skandalarman, m., Skandalarman, m... . .. . 309, 310 Skandasishya, Pallava k., . . 147, 148, 149 N.B.-The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to 1. The following other abbreviations are used : ch. = chief; co.-country: di.=district or division; do. ditto ; dy.=dynasty; E.=Eastern; k.=king; m.=man; mo. mountain; ri=river ; &. .= same as ; Aur. surname; te=temple; vi, village or town; 1.-woman; W.-Western.

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390 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. PAGE PAGE Skandavarman, Pallava k., . 116, 148, 149, 150, 161 Srimedinivallabha, . . . . 48 Skandavarman I, Pallava k., . . 148, 150, 151 Srimogha, epithet of Rajasimha II, 149, 161, 152 Skandavarman II, Pallava k., 116, 148, 149, 150, 151 Srinagara-bhukti, di., . . . . . 306 Skarah Dheri epigraph of the year 399, 263, 264, 280 Sri-Naranam, tank, . . . 70, 71, 72 Sobhana or Sobhana-Nayaka, m., . 183, 184, 187 Srinidhi, epithet of Rajasimha II, 149, 151, 152 Sobhanayya, m., . . . . . 171, 172 Sodisa, Mahakshatrapa, Sripura (Sirpur), vi.. 158, 272, 275 . . . . . . 240 . sojja, . . . . . 189, 192, 195 Sri-Rajendra-deva, 8. a. Vira-Rajendra, Chola Solamandalasadagam, work, . , . k.. 67 55 . . . . Sriranga (Vishnu), . . . 214, 215, 217 Solanabhanja, Bhanja k., . . . 286, 291 Sola-nadu, 8. a. Chola country, Srirangam, island, . . . . . 144 Solar race, . Srirangam temple, . 100, 331, 336, 337 . . 31, 139, 143, 145 . . Soma, m., Srirangam, vi.. . . . * 30, 140, 160, 162 213, 214, 217 . . Somadeva, m., . . . . 191, 194 Sriangam plates of Harihararaya-Udaiyar III, 139 Bomanatharyya, m., . . . 351, 352, 355 Sriranganatha, god, . . . 138, 139 Somayajula-Vellekki-Bol, M., . . . 4 Srirangapattana, vin . . . .. 161 soma-sa nathas, rites, . . . . 177, 188 Sri-Sanghabodki Vijayabahu=Vijayabahu I,. 332 Bomaskanda panel, . . . . 146 Sri-Sarvasiddhi, legend on seal, . . 68, 313 Somosvara, m., . . . 196, 198, 199 brila, used for bruta, . . . . 147 Somesvara (IV) or Somesvaradeva, Chafukya k., Sri-Tyagadhenu, legend on seal, . . . 1 * 190, 193, 198 sri-Tyagadhenu, sur. of Indravarman, . . 1 Somilanaka, m.,. . . . . 327 Srivallabhankodai, Vanadu ruler,. . .342 . Sonadu, di., . . . . . . . 68, 69 Srivatsa mark, . . . . . . 329 Sonnavararivar, shrine of, . . . 64, 68, 69 Sri-Virupaksha, sign manual of Vijayanagara Soppavarsrivar, 8. a. Kalarirrarivir, . . 88 linge, . . .. 144, 145, 160, 164, 169 Soppur grant of Satrubbanadovs,. . 283, 300 Sri Visnamasiddhi, legend on seal,. . . 68 Sonpur State, . . . 300, 302, 303 Stambha, ... . . . 285, 287 & 16., 298 Soter Megas, Kushana Viceroy, 276, 278 stambha, k., . . . . . . 240 sofi, . . . . 183, 186 wambya, used for stambhitvi, . . . . 87 Southern Benares (Pali), . . . . 206 #thala, sub-division, . . Sovad, m.,. . . * 294 hanapati, official, . . . . 139, 143, 145 Spalagadames, coin legend, . . . * 274 8thanvisvara (Thanosar), w., .321, 322, 323, 324 br, changed into sh, . . 263 Stonemason's Tank, . . . . . 181 Sravapa-Belgola inscription, . . .. . 241 Stravani, co.. . . . . . 94, 96, 98 Sribhavana, vi, . . . . . . 240, 241 Stravani, 8. a. Tamani . . . 94 Sri-Bhojadeva, sign manual of, . . Subandha, author, . . 242 Srichandradeva, Gahadavala k., . . 220, 221 Subhachandra or Subhachandradevs, m., 201 Sri-Dandi, ., . . . . 116, 122, 124 202, 204 Srt-Devapaladevasya, legend on seal, . . . 304 Subhadradhananjaya, work, Why WU . . . . . . 342 Sridhara, m., . . 225, 226, 299 Subhakta, m., . . . . Srimad-Amoghavarshadevasya, legend on seal,-. 296 Subhatunga-Vallabha, name of Krishna I, 239, 243, 252 Brimad-Govindachandradevah, legend on seal, - 224 Suohindram inscription, . . . . 120 1. Srikakolanivallabhs or Srikakulakvara, god, 348 h., 353 Sachi-Palita, ., . . . . . .. 78, 78 Brikakolanu, Srikakulam or Srikakolam, v., 848th, 355 Sudhaladeva, m., . . . . . 288 Art-Kalahastibvars, god. . . . . 348 . Sudharman, m., . . . . 201, 202, 204 Srimalla, prince,. . . . . . 117 Sud Vihar copper plate of the year 11, 264, 267 N.B.-The figures retor to pages: . after a tiguro, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to The following other abbreviations are used chief; co.country: di district or division; do. ditto ; dy.-dynasty; 2. Eastern ; L-king; m.man; mo-mountain ; r river ; 8. Ces same as ; suis marname; templo; vi village or town; w.woman; W. Western. . 165 ......

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INDEX. 391 . . . . . . 343 . 86 PAOE PAGE Subasandisa, work, . . . . . 343 . Takht-i-Bahi inscription, . 266, 272, 273, 275 Sun, progenitor of race, . . . . . 290 Ta kshakila (Tazila), . . . . 271, 278 Sun, emblem on seal, . . 180 Talaraja or Onripa, Chafukya k., . 229, 230 Bundara-Chola-Pandya, Chola prince, 25 n. Tais-tataka, . . . . . 314, 316 Sundaramurti-Nayanar, Saida saint, .. . 64, 68 . . . . . . 288 n. Sungandavirtton, . . . . . . 29 Talcher plates of Gayada-Tungadeva, . . 61 Sunyavadin, samaya or school . . . 176. Talisarman, ., . . . . . . 59, 60 Supratika-Svami, m., . . . 75, 76, 77, 78, 79 taliyidiri, . . . . . . Bura-Datta, m., . . . . . . 76, 78 Taliyadirimar or Taliyalvan, . . 343 & 1h., Saranaryya, m.,. . . . . 352, 355 Tamani, di.. . . . . . . 94 Surath, vi., . . . . . Tambads Keta, ., . . . 171, 172 Sarjja (Surya)=Sun, . . . . 330 Tamin, general, . . . Buryasena, m., . . . . . 62, 63 | Tandantotfam plates of Nandivarman, 7, 117, 119, 120 Surya-Siddhanta, work, , . . 280 Tajapuri or Tanjore, vii, 23, 27, 42, 62,65, 332 7., Burya or Suryyavarman, Pallava k. 147, 160, 161 334, 336 Susunik Hill inscription, Tanjore temple, . . . . . 332. . . . . 223, 224 Tapatisamvarana, work, rutradhara, official, . . . . 342 Tars, Buddhist goddess, . . . 74, 130, 131, 135 stras 161, 163, 164, 267, 269, taragu, parihara, . Apastamba, 122, 124 260, 314, 415 Tarakosvara, te., . . . . . 199 Afvalayana, . . . . 139, 143, 146, 306 lara-puti, official, . . . . . 306 Avattamba (Apastamba), . . 122, 124 T'rasingi, ti., . . . . . .303 n. Hiranyakesin, . . 59, 60, 122, 124 tarika, official, . . . 306 Suttavalichoda-valanadu, di., . 165, 166, 167, 169 Tasapaikera, vi... . 302 Suvarnnavithyadhikrita, title,. . . 76,78 n. Tasapaikera grant of Ranabhaojadeva,. 291, 302 Svamibhata, ch. 1, . . . . 126, 127 Tata, Pratihara k., . 88, 90, 92, 95, 96, 98 Svami Jivadaman (IT), Kshatrapa k. . 339 Tatpurusha, m., . . . . 189, 191, 194 Svastiks, mark on seal, . . taxes, several forms of, . . . . . 139 Bwat, ri., . . . . . . . 20 Taxila, vi.,. . 19, 270, 272, 273, 278, 282 Taxila oopper plate of Patika, .264, 269, 271, 272 Taxila silver scroll inscription of the year 136, 16, 17 1., 271, 276, 277, 279, 280 1, doubling of . . . . . 87, 160, 182 Tejadika, . . . . . 287 7. 1, doubling of, when followed by . 236 Tekkali, vi., . . . : . 307, 309, 311 t, final form of-,. . Tekkali plates of Indravarman, . . . 308 ta, changed into da, Telanadi-Tel, ri., . . . . 302 ta, written as na, . . . Telugu Mahabharata, work, . . . 348 n. Taban, 6. a. Tamani, , . Temple of Bowl Relio,. . . . : 338 Ta(Da)ntivarman, Pallava k. Temple of Tooth Relic, . . . . 338 tad-ayuktaka, official, . . 306 Tepkarai-Arvala-kurram, di., . . 116, 119, 121, 123 Tadisama or Osami=Tadasinga (1), . 301 Tevadi-kramavittaj, m., . . . 122, 124 Tadisama or 'sami-vishaya, di., 301, 303. Tezpur, vi, . . . . . . . 329 Tadisama-vishaya, di.,. 286, 297 Thakkura, tille, . . .223, 224, 225, 226 Tailapa, Chafukya k., . . . . . 321 Thingswar, 8. a. Thanosar, vi.. . Taittiriya, charara, . . . . 57, 314, 315 Thatthasika, m.,. . . 321, 323, 324 Tajikss or Arabs, . . . . 83 Thihari=Tikkarapada,. . . . . 303132 -Takht-i-Bahi, vi., . . . . 281, 273 | Thihara-vishaya, di. . 285, 299, 302, 303 thi T 10 . N.B. The frgures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :ch-chief:.co.oountry: di district or division , do. ditto; dy dynasty; E.-Eastern; b-kingi m@man ;-mo.mountain; ti, river ; 8. d. samo 10 ; W.-- arame; 10. templo; vi village of town; M.Woman: W.-Western

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392 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII . 343 PAGE PAGE tiger-banner, crest, . . 23, 28, 51 Tiruvanvandur temple, . . Tigaria, state, . .228 n. [Tiruv jarur-chavadi, di.. . . . . 162 Tikanarya, m., . . . . 178, 180, 182 Tiruvodi-Pottakarmap, m., . . . 122, 124 Tikka, Kakatiya prince, . 348 & n., 351, 354 Tiruvellarai inscription, . . . . 70, 71 Tikkana, poet, . . . . . . 348 1.. Tiruvellarai, vi.. . . . . 70 & 1., 71, 118 Tilakwada plates of V. 8. 1103, . . .320 n. Tiruvindalur-nadu, di., . . . . 67, 68, 69 Tillai (Chidambaram), vi., . 64, 67, 68, 69 Tiruvorriyur epigraph of 938 A.D., . 341 Timandira(=Tendra), vil, . . . . 300 tithis Timma, Vijayanagara k., . . . . 161 9th, . . . . . 258, 260 Timmanarya, m., . . . . . . 139 bahula prathama, . . . . . 318 Timmapuram plates, . . . . 258 full moon, . . . . . * . 314 Tippaji, queen of Narasa, . 161 go-dvadali, . . . . 161, 163, 164 Tirthas=Tirthankaras, . . 203, 205 & n. paurnamasi, . . . 314 Tiruchchirrambala-kkovai, work, . . . 73 uchchayanaikidafi, . . . . . 299 Tirukalambur or "budur, ., . 165, 166, 167, 168, 169 utthanadvadisi . . . 165, 167, 169 Tirukkadaiyur, ti., . . . . 68 Tolkappiyam, work, . . . . 70 & n. Tirumaladhisa, M., . . . . . . . 139 Tondai, di., . . . . . . . 69 Tiruvalur-sima, di.. . 165, 167, 169 Tondaikavalan, epithet, . . . 64, 68 Tiru-Jfanasambandha, Saira saint,. . . 162 Tondaimaparrur or Tondaimayporarrur, proTirukkakkarai temple, . . . . . 343 bably 8. a. Tondaiminad. . . . 23 Tirukkakkarai, vi.. . . . . 348 1. Tondaimanarrur-tukjina-Udaivar, . . . 23 Tiruk-kalatti, vi, . . . . . 348 . Tondai-mandalam or Tonda-mandalam, di., 65, 149 Tirukkalukkupram, vi., . . . . 333 Tondaimandalasadagam, work . . . 671. Tirukkunrappolai or Tirukkunrappula, vi., 342, Toramana, Huna k., . . . 82 & n., 83 343 & n., 344 Torapara Butayya, m., . . . . . 200 Tirumalainatha-Uttamanambi, m., . . . 139 Torapas, family of bandits, . . . , 200 Tirumalpuram, vi.. . . . . . 23 trailokyasara, ruby, . 25, 27, 47, 54 Tirumihachchur, 8. a. Tirumiyachchur,. 162 Treta or Tretaitirtha, . . . . 95, 96, 98 Tirumihachchur-pattu, di., . 162, 163, 165 Tribhanga, pose, . . * . . . 80 Tirumoli, work, . . . . . 334 Tribhuvanadeva, m., . . . . 288 tirumugam=(Sanskrit erimukha), . . . 119 Tribhuvanadeva (Kulottunga-Chola III), - . 70 Tirumurugdrruppadai, work, . . . . . 119 Tribhuvanadhavala, epithet of Govinda III, 240, tirunakahatram, . . . . 332 & 1., 336 245, 253 Thirup padirippu li yur-Kalambagam, work, . . 68 Tribhuvanamalla or deva (Vikramaditya VI), Tirupperundurai (Avadayarkoyil), vi.. . . 73 Chalukya k., 178, 179, 181, 183, 184, 186, 189, Tiruppilavayal or Tiruppilavayil, ancient name 191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 198, 201, 202, 204 of Vayalur, . . . . . . 145 Tribhuvanamalladeva (Bijjala), Kalachuri k., Tiruppilavayil-udaiya-Nayanar, god . 145 208, 209, 211, 215, 218 Tiruvadi, honorific title, . . . . . 342 Tribhuvanaviradeva, 8. a. Kulottunga-Chola III, 70 n. Tiruvalangadu grant or plates, 15., 22, 23, 24, 25, 26 tridanda, . . . . . 202, 204 & >>. Tiruvalla plates, . . . . . 343 Trikalingadhipati, title,. . . . . 289 Tiruvallam inscriptions of Nandivikramavarman, Trikalinga-Mshadevi, title, . . . 285 7, 8, 14 n. Tri kalingamahadevi, wrong form of Trikalinga. Tiruvalur, vi., . . . 166, 340, 341 mihadavi, . . . 297 Tiruvalur-sima, di. . . . 165, 169 Trikutesvara, god, . 193, 196 Tiruvapaikkal, . . . 70 n. Trilochanapala, Pratihara k., . . . . 89 n. Tiruvaranganallur, vin, . 139, 141, 142, 145 | Triplicane inscription of Dantivarman, . . 118 N.B. --The figures refer to pagos : . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to X. The following other abbreviations are used ch=chief; co. country: di,district or division: do. ditto: dy.=dynasty : E.Eastern; k=king; m.-man; mo.=mountain; ri.=river ; . .sante as; sur.gurnamo; te. templo; vi, village or town; w.-WOMAD ; W.-Western.

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INDEX. 393 PAGE RAav Tripuradahaan, work, . . . . 342 Ummarakanthi-Bol, . . Trisirappalli-rajya, di., . . 139, 141, 145 Uspunilisandebam, work, . . . 343 n. Trivikrama-Shadangavid, m., . 238, 249, 258 upadhmaniya, represented by symbol for p. 227 ts, changed into tt, . . . . . 263 upadhmaniya, represented by symbol , 227 tah> ksh, . . . . upadhmaniya, use of,. .. . 87, 208, 236, 307 Teutra (kshudra-) Varmayabas (1), m., 17, 18 upadhmaniya, wrong use of,. . . . 182 #ri, used for tri, . . . . . . 87 wparila, official, . . . . . . . 308 tulabhana, . . . . . . 338 & n. Upasika, . . . . . . . 268 Tultaicha-Sarman, m., . . 219, 222 & 1., 223 Uplat, vi. . . . . . . . 243 Tulus, people, . . . 116, 121, 123 Uppalahatthaka, vi., . . 250, 256 Tumiyapundi, . . . . . . 234 *. Uppalahatthaka, . a. Uplat, . . . 943 Tumiyaveniyapundi, . . . . 232, 234 & n. uppu-klochcheygai, parihara, . . . 422, 124 Tundira, co., . . . . 25, 27, 47, 54 lit, members of village assembly, . . . 342 Tundurava, vi., . . . . . . 301 Uraiyur, vi., . 65, 70 & 1., 71 Tundurava-Tundura, . . 301 tirafchi, parihara, . . . 122, 124 Tungabhadra, ri.,. . 161, 163, 164, 187, 241 | Urattur, vi.. . . . 12, 16 Tungana, tank, . . . 310, 311 Urlam plates of Hastivarman, . . . 308 Tungana or Tunganni, vi.. . . 309, 310 Urupputtur, vi... war, , . . . . . . 122, 124 Tungavarman, 8. a. Nripatunga varman, 11, 14 Uruvupalli plates,. . . . . 149 Turushka, co., . . 101, 104 Orvasi, nymph, . . . . 132, 136 Turushka, people, . . . . 108, 112, 161 Ukinara, legendary ., . 129, 133, Turvagt, myth. k., . . . 161 Utkala, co., . . 24, 27, 45, 63 Tyagadhenu, sur. of Indravarman, . 3,-4 utakeritam, used for ukiranam or utkaritam,. 219 tyajya, used for tyaktvi, . . . . . 87 Uttama-Chakraraya, m., . . . . 139 Uttamanambi,7. . 139, 148, 145 Uttamaraya, m.,. .. . . 139, 140 Ubbarada Bammayya, m., . . . 192, 195 Uttamabila, m., . . . 7, 8, 11, 14 ubhaiya-gana, . . . . . . 117 Uttamabolap, field, . . . . 67 Ubhaya-Khinjala or "Khifjali-mandala (Upper Uttama-801a-valanada, di., . . 48, 55 and Lower Keofjhar ) di.,. 285, 300, 302, 303 Uttara Kosala, co., . . . . . 220 Ucharana (Uttarasens ). . . . 17, 20 &n. Uttarapalli, di., . . . , . 302, 303 Udagai fort, . . . . . 20, 53 . Uttarapalli Uttaratira, . . . 302 Udaya or Udayagiri, mo.. . . . 108, 111 Uttarapatha Uttarasilli, . . . .303 n. Udayendiram plates or copper plate grant, 116, Uttaratirs=tract north of the Mahanadi, . 302 147, 148, 149 uttarayana, . . . 9, 12, 15 . . Udit8days-perundattan, n., . . 232, 234, 250, 257 . uttaruyapa-samkranti, 176, 177, 160, 191, 193, Uditodita, m., . . . . . 12, 16 . 194, 196, 197, 198, Uditodita, biruda of Pallava Rajasinha,. . 9 199, 208, 210, 212, 216, 218 xdugrihalaru (udgrahalar), . . . * 183 Uttoralmula or Uturu!mula monastery, . 332, 333, Oddagulakumta or Odugals-kunta, . . 353, 358 337, 338 udupokku, parihara, . . . . 122, 124 Uturolmola Uttarola, . . . . 333 Udyana, ancient kingdom, . . . 20 Uyyagondacholondra-valanada, di., 162, 163, 165 Ujjain (Ujjayini), vi.. . 102, 103, 238, 239, 243, 252, 320 v Vijayini, kingdom, . . 274 30 changed into , . . . . . . 263 Um hanakata, * 325, 326 , cursive form of * 182, 189 N. B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used Sch.chief; co.=country: di.=district or division; do.=ditto ; dy.=dynasty ; E.Eastern; k=king; mman; mo.=mountain ; ri.sriver; $. d.- same as ; w. surnamo to, templo: vi. village or town; to woman : W.Western. SB

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394 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIIT. . . . 182 PAGE PAGE sed for b, . . . . . . 182 Valla, Valla-dosa or Valla-mandala, di. 93, 94, 96, 98 , tised for final m. . Vallabha, god, . . 348, 353, 355 Da, used for pa, . . . . 16 Vallabha, epithet of Chalukya kings, 54n., 259, 260 Va(Ba)li, myth. k., . . . . . 306 Vallabha, aur. of Rashtrakifa kings, 227, 231, 233, Vachcha, &. a. Vatsa, . . . . 294, 295 247, 264, 257 Vadagava, 6. a. Chandravati, . . . . 219 7. Vallabhanarendradove, epithet of AmoghavarVadagrama, vi. . . 219 & 7., 220, 221, 223 aha 1, . . . . . 237, 249, 256 Vadambur or Vedambur, vi., .. 166, 168 Vallabhas, people, . . . 116, 121, 123 Vadambur. Ekimbarapuram, vi... 166, 167, 168, 169 Vallabhavallabha, title of Vira-Rajendradov, 26, 47, 54 Vadugar, subdivision of Velaikkaras, 335, 338, 337, 338 Vallaikkali-milai,. . . . Vignari (Sarasvati), . . 30 . . . . . Vallkainga (Balasinga), ui.. . . . 300 Vigur-nadu, di.,. . . . Valmiki, author, . . . . 184 Vigur or Bihur, vi., . . 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 14, 15 Vima, Saioa school, . . . . . 176. Vigur-vidyasthans, . . . . . 11, 12 Vamana-mudra,. . . . 169 Vagvanita (Sarasvati), . . . . . . 210 Vamanaryys, m... . . Vahiravada, vi... : . . 351, 356 . . . . 303 Vimatakti or Vimasaktideva, m., 190, 193, 196 Vahukadhavalo, Surashtra ch., . 106 & l. Vanga, co.,. 27, 84, 88, 94, 104, 108, 112, 240, 263 edhyali, . . . . . 246, 264 h. Vaikuntha-Perumal templo inscriptions, . Vangakati, vi.. .. . . . . 117 . . 303 Vangendra,. . . . . 25. Vaipeon, island, . . 343 n. Vangipparu, vi, 122, 124, 228, 233, 235 & n., Vairagya (1), . . . . . 87 314, 315 Vairagyasadaka, work, . . . . . 135 .. Vangiya Sahitya Parishat, . . 81 Vaishnava, samaya or school, . . . 176. Vanigagramattar, mislection of Manigramattar, . 70 Vaiyisa, samaya op school, . . . . 176 n. Vaniya-gama (Community of Traders), 326 Vijapoys, sacrifice, . . 154, 156 Vaijulvaka, vi., 284, 286, 289, 293, 296, 297, 301, 302 Vajjaladeva, m., . . . . . 2411 Vanneru, ri.. . . . . . . 56, 57 Vajasaneya, charana, , 294, 295, 297, 309, 310 1 aida, used for mana, . . 128 Vajra, son of Baladitya, . Yapabhumi or Vapabhumigrama, vi., 285, 299, 302, Vakhata-Sumalika, pool, . . 62, 63, 64 303. Vakh (kkha)pideve, m., . . 191, 194 1 Vapabhumi-Boppangi, . . . . 303 n. Vikpat-Mufijs, Paramara prince, . : 321 Vapabhumigrima-Boppangi. . . . 302 Vikpatirajadova, Paramara k. . : 322, 324 Vappaghoshavata, vi., . . 61, 62, 63 Vals, demon, . . . . . . 13 Varadarajarys, m., . . . 161, 163, 164 Valabba, myth. k., . .. . 23, 27, 41, 52 Varagupa, Varaguna Maharaja of VaragunaVilabha Kayastha, family,. . . 251, 257 Pandys, k., . . Valabhi, si.. . ." . 91, 02 & Varahamihira, author, 68. V(B)Aladitya, 7., : . * 110 & R., 114 Var harita, 71... . Valangai, sub-division of Vejaikborse, 335, 387, 338 Varaka-mandala, di, . 75, 76, 78 & 1., 84. Vilafjiyar, division of Velaikkiga forces, 332, 334 | Varipaki (Bemare). . . . . . 228 Varapidi, ..., Benares. ... 318, 316 Volanjiyas, corporation of merchants, . 336 Virokido. . . . . . . 216 Valaijiyar, . . . . . . 71 Varspati, do... . . . . . . 179 Velavan, title of Choja hinge., . . . 23. Varobdhi, di. . . . 286, 297, 301 Valhalla, . . . . . . . 2007 virguilika, official) - 285 & 7., 287 7., 297 Valiyadimainilaiyitta, epithet of Perumal-Ota W : . . . . 158, 159 manambi, . . . . . 139, 143, 145 Varmayadas, .,. .' . : 17, 20 . 73 . 306 337, 338 N; B.The figures refer to pages : # after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to . The following other abbreviations are used. ch -ahief; co. country: di.-district or division; do.ditto: dy. dyBusty Easter;k king: hmm; Mamountain ;. river; 8. d. same s ; Hr. surname M.- mplo; vi village or town; 16. Woma:- W.Wantern.

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Vasavadatta, work, Vasishthamuni, sage, Vasithiputa, epithet of Chanda-sati,.. (Va)stradatta, M Vastunamdika, m., Vastusarmmaka, m., PAGE 242 286 318, 319 339, 340 339, 340 339, 340 301, 303n. 301, 303n. 60 101, 104, 108, 112 Vatsadevi, mother of Baladitya, Vatsa-Kunda, m., 84 76, 78 251, 257 Vatsaraja, m., Vatsaraja, Pratihara k., 89 n., 93, 94, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105 m., 106, 108, 111, 239, 240 122, 124 145, 146 147, 148, 149 306 Vasudevakhanda-vishaya, di., 285, 293, Vasudevapur or Vasudevapura, pi., Vatatta (?), m., Vatsa, co., * vatti-nali, parihara, Vayalur, vi., Vayalur inscription, V(B)rahman-ollaran, Vedamburu-Yekambarapuram, s. a Vadambur Ekambarapuram, Vedos and SakhasAtharvana, Bahvricha, 209, 211, 214, 216 238, 250, 256 222, 224 294 Chhandoga,. Kanva Madhyandina or Madhyandiniya, 299, 321, 323, 324 Rik. Saman, Yajus 209, 211, 214, 216 209, 211, 214, 216 209, 211, 214, 216, 299 259,260 229, 245, 246, 253 n., 254 Vedasarman, m., Vegi or Vengi, co., Vel. 69 INDEX. * Vemalurpadu, vi., Vena. Vangi, co., Veniyapundi, Veppaya-Chadangavi (Shadangavit), m.,. Veppisarman, m.,. Velagakunta, Valaikhara. Velaikkara forces, Velaikkara-padaigal, Velangudi, vi., Velapura (=Belur), vi., Velarpalaiyam plates of Vijaya-Nandivarman, 7, 15 n., 116, 147, 148, 149 227 110. 166 353, 356 333, 334, 336, 337, 338 332, 336 334 165, 166, 167, 169 241 * 25, 27, 47, 54, 66, 241, 246 234 n. 122, 124 2 Vesali, family, Vesali-pperaraiyan, epithet of Martanda Vesalippadi, di., Vesali, s. a. Vesalippadi, vibhanga, Sanskrit commentary on the Pralityasamutpada, Vibhishana, demon, Vidarbha, co., Videlvidugu, sur., Videlvidugu, sur. of Nandivarman II, Videlvidugu-Kadupatti-Tamila-peraraiyan, Videlvidugu-Vikkiramaditta-chaturvedi-manga title of Ullamasila, lam, vi, . PAGE 10, 13 . 11, 14 3:5 . . 7 7 19 n. 219 104, 105, 108, 112 7 . 7, 117 7, 11, 14 86 Videlvidugu-Pallava-perundachohan of Aimpanaichcheri, m., 116, 118, 122, 124 vidya-bhoga, educational endowments, 8, 11, 12, 14 Vidyadhara, m., Vidyadhara, Vidyadharabhanja or Vidyadharabhanjadeva, Bhuja k., 285 286, 287, 288, 297, 303 77, 79, 86. . 114 n. 8, 11, 12 191, 194 310, 311 ** Vidyadhara-Jotika Vidyas, s. a. Matrikas, Vidya-sthana, college, Vidyesana, m., Vidyudganga, 306 Vihekarata-miera, m., Vihita Ghosha, m., .76, 78 45, 53 Vijaya (Arjuna), epic hero, 143, 144 Vijaya, s. a. Vijayaraja,. Vijayadibahu, Vijayabahu or 'deva I, Ceylon k., 331 & n., 332, 333, 336 Vijayaditya-(L)bhattaraka, Chalukya k., 229 Vijayaditya (LI), Chalukya k., 227, 229 Vijayaditya (III), Chalukya k., 229 Vijayaditya (IV), Chalukya k., Vijayalaya, Chola k., Vijayanagara, dy., Vijayanagara (Hampi), vi., Vijayanallulan, m.. 116, 118, 121, 123, 124 Vijayanallulan, 8. a. Alappakka Vijaiyanallulan, 118 Vijaiya-Nandivikkirama-parumar (Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman), 229, 223 n. 23, 27, 42, 52 138 161, 164, 166 Vijaya-Nripatungavarman, s. a. Nripatungavar 7 121 man, 6, 14 Vijayaraja, Vijayanagara k., Vijayarajapura (Polonnaruva), 138, 141, 144 337, 338 Vijayarajapura, another name of Polonnaruva,. 33 Vijayasiddhi, eur. of Mangi Yuvaraja, 58, 59, 60 N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and all. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do. disto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern ; k-king: m.man; mo, mountain ri, river; s. a. same as; sur. surname; te. temple; vi.village or town; w.woman; W.-Western. SE 2

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396 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XVIII. PAGE Rlav Vikrama, epithet of Amoghavarsha I, . 244, 254 Viraniriyana or Viranarayanam, agrahara, 43, 53 Vikrama, epithet of Govinda III, 241, 247, 253 Vira-Narayana (Vishnu), . . 243, 251 Vikrama-Chola, Chola k., . . 29, 30, 140 Viranarayana-eri, tank, . . . 67 Vikramaditya, Bana ch., . . . . 7,8 Viranarayanapura, agrahara, . . . . 24, 27 Vikramaditya, k., . . . 242 Vira-Nrisimha, Vijyanagara k., . . 161 Vikramaditya, Ujjayini k., . nya, mayin k.. . . . . 274 Virantaniru (Virabolanaru), ri., 162, 163, 165 Vikramaditya I, Chalukya k., . .229, 233 n. Virapalita, m., . . . . . 156, 157 Vikramaditya II, Chalukya k., 230 Virarajamangalam, agrahara, . . . 26 Vikramaditya V, Chalukya k., . . . 321 Vira-Rajendra or Vira-Rajendra-dova, Chola k., Vikramaditya or deva VI, Chalukya k., . 196, 22, 25, 30, 31, 46, 47, 48, 54 200, 201, 202 Vira-Rajendra (Raja-Rajendra), . Vikramaditya Varaguna, Ay ch., . . . . . 161 27 Vira-Saiva, cult,. . . . Vikramanka, s. . Vikramaditya I, 227, 204, 231, 233 . . 160 Virssons, myth. k., . . . .23, 2739, 61 Vikkirama or Vikrama-Solan-ula, work, 26, 28, Virasimha, Pallava k., . 29, 30, 31 ... 49 ., 53., 54 . . . . . 147 Vikakshifravs, myth. k., . . 22, 26, 34, 49 Viravarman, Pallava k, 148, 149, 150, 151 Vilangattangaduvasur, vi. . 8, 9, 11, 12, 14 & 11.,15 Virparu, vi.. . . . . 258, 259, 260 Vima Kadphises, Kushana k., 273, 275, 276, 277, Virudarajabhayankara-valanadu, di. . . 87 278, 279 Virupaksha, god, 161, 163, 164, 165, 167, 169 Vimala, Pallara k. . . 7, 10, 13, 150, 151 Visaiya-Nripatongavarmman-NripatungaVimaladitya, Kulula k., . . . 24 n. varman, . . . . . Vimba, co.,. . . . . .45 & n. Vijayaragadeva, Chera ch., . 341 &n. vishlati-trir-varahe, used for trayd-vimse-varshe, 80 & n. Visalagrama, u., . . . . 321, 323, 324 Vimbendra . . . . . 25 & n., 45, 54 visarga, . . . . . . 6, 43 n., 47. Vinayachandra, m., . . . . 308 visarga, changed into 8, . . . . 100 Vinaya-pitaka, work, . . . 19 visarga, changed into the consonant following it, 236 Vindafarna, . . . 262 visarga, omission of . . . . 6, 138 Vindhaya or Vindhys, mo., 104, 109, 113 & n., visarga, wrong use of . . . 236 240, 241, 245, 263, 290 Vishamasiddhi, sur. of Vishnuvardhana,. . 58 Vindhyatavi, forest, 251, 316 vishaya, affairs, ... . . 78 n. Vinitapura (Binka), . . . 289 vishaya-district, . . . . . . 314 viniyuktaka, official, vishaya, territorial division, . . . 78 n., 256 Vipparla, vi., . . 268 vishaya-mahattara, title, . , 75, 76, 78 n. Vita or Viranatha, m.,. . . 202, 204 vishayapati, official, 76, 249, 293, 295, 297, 306 Virabhadra, figure of, . . . . . 125 Vishnu, figure of, . . . . 178, 182, 329 Virabhadra (Ganadapda), Bhatija k., 286, 280, 291, 293 Vishnu-Bhatta, m., . . . . 238, 249, 256 Virabhadra, 1o. . . . .170, 172, 178, 182 Vishnudas, Pallava k., . . . . 150, 151 Virabhafija, Bhauja k., . . . 285, 286, 298 Vishudharmottariyam, work, . . . . 168 .. vir-abhisheka, . . . . . . 28 Vishnu (Gupta 1)-Chandraditya, k., . . 84 Vira-Chola, biruda of Virarajendra, 25, 26, 27, 47, 48, 54, 55 Vishnugopa, Pallava k., . . 147, 148, 160, 161 Vira-Choln, epithet of Parintaka I,. Vishpuravi, M., 27, 43, 63 . . . . 97, 99 . . . . . Vishnukarman, W., . 3, 4 Viracholapuram, agrahara, . . . . 28 Vishnusimha, Pallara k., . * . Virakta-maths, 147 . 170, 171, 208 . . . 170, 171,2 Virakuroha, Pallava k., . 116, 121, 123, 147, 148, Vishnuvardhana, k., . . . . . 84 149, 150, 151 Vishnuvardhana (I), Chalukya k., . 1, 2, 3, 4, 55, 56, 57, 58, 258 Virapichirya, m., 162, 164, 166, 168, 169 Vira-Narayana, epithet of Amighavarsha Vishnuvardhana (II), Chalukya k., 2, 4 n., 55 r., 58, 59, 60, 229, 314, 316 1, . . . . 238, 241, 243, 248, 251, 255 N.B.-The figures refer to page ; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on PP viito I. The following other abbreviations are used che chief ; 00, country: di district or division; doditto; dy-dynasty; E. Eastern : k. king: m. mman mo.mountain ; i. river; 4. 4,- samo ns; sur. - surname to.temple; vi. villago or town; w.woman W.-Western . 306

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INDEX. 397 . . 117 PAGE PAGI Vishnuvardhana (IUI), Chalubya . 58, 60, 60, 229 Yapaniya-Samgh . . 176, 177, 201, 202, 204 Vishnuvardhana (IV), Omfukya khung . 229 Yapparungalakbirigai, work, 64, 66 & +, 66, 67, 69 Visvadhinatha, . Yalabhaja, Yatabhafijadova Bhailfa k., 286, . . . . . 26, 32 . 286, 288, 200, 298 806 Viivavarman, Malapa ch., . . . 128 Yaavadhans, .. . . . . . 328 Vitvesvara-Siva-Dotiks, Mhes . . . . 348 (Y eava bajla, tiling . . . . . 159 Viyala (Jupiter), . . . . 341, 344 Yahodharman, k., . . . . . . 84, 91 Vodad, m.,. * Yabdvardhana, Prathara ks . 204 . . . . 88, 96, 98 Voda-vishays, ding and . Yalovigraha, Gahadanla k 286, 296, 302 . . . . . 220 Vonones (I), Parthian ... * 274 Yayati, myth lig . * 76, 78, 182, 186, 161 Vrishabha-lanchana, . year Vritlaratnakara, work,. . . . . 236 Chiluky-Vikrama ers : Vyaghra, ri, . . . . . . 66, 67 7, . . . 178, 179, 181 Vyaghrachoraks, vi., . . 76, 77, 79, 86 2 . . . . . 190, 191, 194 Vyaghrapuri=Viyalur, . . . . . . 145 82, . . 200 Vyaghraporisvara, te., . . 145, 146 & . Chola-Ganga era : Vyala(r) or Vairibhayankara, myth. d. 23, 27, 42, 62 * 288, Vyarini Mugalan, m., . . . 332, 337,338 & n. of the oyolo: Vyasa or Voda-Vyaan, sage, . 57, 68, 261, 267, Ananda, . . . 139, 143, 146,347 310, 311, 313 Bhiva, . . 161, 163, 164 vyatspata, yoga,. . 183, 184, 187, 198, 199, 215, 218 Chitrabhann, 0, 192, 195, 208, 210, 212, 215, 218 Dandabhi, . . . . 178, 179, 181 Isvara, w . . . .' 183, 184, 187 Kradhans, . . . . 174, 176, 177 Krodhin, . . . . 190, 193, 196 Wardak vase inscription, . Nandana, . Wema Kadphises, Kush na k.) . . 250, 257 . . 18 Pirthiva, .. 171, 178 Western Chalukya dynasty,. . . 290 n. Raudr, 848, 351, 354 Western Ganga dynasty, . . . 7, 149, 241 Barvajit, 166, 167, 100, 197, 198, 190, 200 White Hups, tribe. . . . . 82. Tarapa, 173, 176, 177, 190, 191, 193, 194, 196 Vikram, . . . . . . 170 Gangs ers: y, doubling of consonants before .. 1 . . . . . . 308 yi, used for initial a, . . . . . 182 . . . . . 808 Yldava, dy., . . . . 243, 347 . . . . . . 308 Yadava Misra, sobool of . . . . 176 128, 308 Yado, myth. I., 132, 136, 140, 144, 238, 261 187, . . . . . . 308 Yakkap Kunrappolan, M.,.. 188, . . 308 Yakahadatta, ., . . . . 126, 127 164, . . . . 807, 308, 310, 311 Yamadha 1 legend oh coin, . . , . 183, . . . . . . 808 Yamuni, ri, . . . . . . . . 308 Yamunarya alias Alavandar, Srivaishnava . . . 812, 313 Acharya, . . Gupta ors: yana[hjalayudhagharika, oficial, . 156, 157 88, . . . . . . 100 ydna-odisa, camp residence, . . . 219, 221 610. . . . . . . 399 N.B.-The figuree refer to pages ; . stora figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to The following other abbreviations are und chechied; .= country di district or divisione do.ditto: dy-dynasty: E.-Eastern; k-king: m man; mo-mountain river; . momzw.imamo te temple; vi village or town; woman, W.-Western 28.8 80. 91, 244 105, 810, * 24

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898 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XVIII. Karthks ara: . Kottam era: 1436, . 1450, . 286, . . . . . . 75, 77, 79 278, rognal Phd,. ard,. th, 8th,. 10th,. 14th, 21st, 23rd, . 28th, 83rd, . 34th,. 88th, 48th,. Opth, . . . . . Pags RAOS 1306, . . . . 145 . . . . . 161, 164 . . 16, 17, 18, 20 . : 166, 168, 169 Samvat: 341, 342 1091, . . . . 320 . 341, 342 Vikrama-Sauvat: 894, . . . . . . . 97, 99 . 180, 193, 196, 318, 319 1076, . .. . 320, 321, 324, 325 . . . 285, 299 1078, 820, 321 . 48, 54, 190, 192, 195 1176, . * 219, 221, 223 . . . 8, 11, 14 1177, . . . . 225, 226 340, 344, 345 Unknown ers: . 103, . . . . . . . 283 . 258, 259, 260 Yoramdagori, Brazhdagiri or Erandagert, vi. . . . 58, 60 213, 216, 218 . . . 288, 282 Yen-Kap.cben (Vima Kadphise), 276 . . . 306 progam, council or corporation, . 312, 343 . . . 23 Ysamotika, k., . . . . . 270 . . . 64, 68, 69 Yuan Chwang, pilgrim, . . . 82, 83, 84 n.. . . . 84, 68, 69 yabdha, used for yuddha, . . 147 118, 121, 123 Yuddhamalla, Chlukya L.,. . . 229, 230 . .116, 118, 121, 123 Yuddharjana, opithet of Rajastha II, 149, 161, 162 . . . . 118 Yudhishthira, epic hero, . . . 67, 260 Yudhishthiravijaya, work, . . . . . 339 yuldaka, official,. . . . 240, 256 . . 238, 250, 257 yupa,. . . . . 163, 164 & *., 155 . . . 171, 172 Yupa inscriptions of Malavarman,. . . 163 321 Yusufzai, di., . . . . 282 173, 175, 177 Yuvamahirija Vishpagops, Pallana prince, 148 183, 184, 187 *196, 197, 198, 199 173, 174, 175, 177 208, 210, 212, 216, 218 Zaroli, vi.. . . . . . . 170 Zede inscription,. . . . . 260, 281. 190, 193, 196 Zejonises, kahatrapa, 269, 276, 277 . . 348, 361, 354 | Zoilos, k., . . . . . . 269 . . . Goth, . . . Saks: 100 to 118 or 119, 793,'. . W . . . 941, . . 986, . . 2019, 2020, 1087, 1084, 1142, . 1146, 1182, M.B.-The figures refer to page . after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. vii to I. The following other abbreviations are wod-ch.chief ; .-country: di.=district or division , do-ditto; du dypesty: 3. Eastern ;k king M.man; mo.=mountain; ni. river; d. l.=same as ; ut, surname: 16 templo; vi village or town; 1. woman; W.Western.

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