Epigraphia Indica Vol 18

Author(s): H Krishna Shastri, Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032572/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. XVIII (1925-26)
OOO
ogo
NON प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावृणु
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1983

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. XVIII. 1925-26.
600
OT अनकनतिमाश
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-11001 1
1983

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Reprinted 1983
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
1983
Price: Rs. 90.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press, 5/33 Kirti Nagar Industrial Area New Delhi-110015.

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
Vol. XVIII. 1925-26.
EDITED BY
RAO BAHADUR H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A.,
GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA, AND
HIRANANDA SASTRI, M.A., M.O.L., D.LITT.,
GOVERNMENT EPIGRARHIST FOR INDIA.
LONDON: KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRÜBNER & Co.
CALCUTTA :
MANAGER, GOVERNMENT OF INDIA CENTRAL PUBLICATION BRANCH. BOMBAY BRITISH INDIA PRESS.
NEW YORK: WESTERMANN & Co. CHICAGO: S. D. PEET.
PARIS: E. LEROUX.

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CONTENTS.
Pages
S. No. Contents No. 2
(iii) 5
(iv) 15
-
No.4
21
-
55
No. 8
No. 9
No. 14
No. 17
Bahur plates of Nripatungavarman : By prof: E. Hultzsch, Ph. d. Balle Kanyakumari Inscription of ViraRajendra-Deva - By the late T. A. Govinda Rao, M. A., Trivandrum. Nidur Inscription of Kulottunga-Chola by K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, B. A. A Note on Manigramattar occurring in Tamil Inscriptions - by the late T. A, Gopinatha Rao, M. A. Pattattalmangalam Grant of Nandivarman. by K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyer, B. A. Srirangam Copper-Plates of Devaraya II : Saka - Samvat 1356. By S. V. Visvanathan, M. A. Mannargudi and the late T. A. Gopinatha Rao. The Vayalur Pillar Inscription of Rajasimha II - By H. Krishna Sastri Two Copper - plate Grants of Krishnadevaraya - by the late T. A. Gopinatha Rao. Polonnaruva Inscription of Vijayababu I - by S. Paranavitana Peruneyil Record of KulasekharaKoyiladhikari - by A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar.
115 138
- -
124 145
No. 18
145
-
152
No. 21
160
-
169
No 38
330
-
338
No. 40
340
-
345

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CONTENTS.
The names of contributors are arrangert alphabetically,
.
. .
. .
.
.
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.
.
320
.
.
K. AMBITA RAO
8. T. A. Gopinatha Rao and K. Amrita Rao. R. D. BANERJI
No. 39. Junagadh insoription of Jivadaman (I) . . . . . . L. D. BARNETT
No. 7. Vappaghoshavata grant of Jayanaga . . . . . .
22. Inscriptions of Hali . . . . . . . . .
30. The Mungir plate of Devapaladevs : Samvat 33 . . . D. R. BHANDARKABS
No. 26. Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I: Saka-Samvat 703 NALINIKANTA BHATTASALI -
No. 11. The Ghugrahati oopper-plate inscription of Samacharadeva . . K, N. DIKSHIT :
No. 37. Inscription on a Vishnu Image from Deopani. . . D. B. DISKALKAR :
No. 35. Betma plates of Bhojadeva : [Vikrama]-Samvat 1078 . . . T. A. GOPINATHA RAO
No. 4. Kanyakumari înscription of Vira-Rajendra-deva .
9. A Note on Manigramattar occurring in Tamil inscripcions. T. A. GOPIKATHA RAO AND K. AMRITA RAO No. 21. Two oopper-plate grants of Krishnadevaraya . . .
. A.-Of Saka-Samvat 1436 . . . . . . . . .
B.-01 Saka-Samvat 1460 . . . . . . . . HRALAL No. 29. Four Bhanja oopper-plato grante . .
. . . HIRARANDA SABTEI -
No. 19. Brahmi inscription on a wooden pillar from Kirari . E. HULTZBOX
No. 1. Kondanaguru grant of Indravarman
. 2. Bahur plates of Nripatungavarman . 6. Niduparu grant of Jayasimha I .
6. Ipur plates of Vishnuvardhana III . . . . . 25. Vemalurpada plates of Ammaraja II . 27. Koppatam plates of Pulakesin II . 31. Tekkali plates of Danarnava's son Indravarman . . . 32. Tekkali plates of Rajendravarman's son Devendra varman . .
33. Penukaparu grant of Jayasimha II . . . . . . STEK KONow :
No. 28. The so-called Takht-i-Bahi inscription of the year 103 . . A. KRISHNA SASTRI
No. 18. The Vayalur pillar inscription of Rajasimha II . . . .
34. The Kodavali rook inscription of Chandasati : the second year of reigo O. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU
No. 41. Garavapada grant of Ganapatideva : Saka-Samvat 1182. . .
.
.
.
165
.
.
.
282
.........
226 257
307
311 313
.
.
.
.
115 313
.
.
343
3

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XVIII.
PAGE
340
R. C. MAJUMDAR -
No. 12. Jodhpur inscription of Pratihara Bauka : V. S. 804 .
13. The Gwalior prasnati of the Gurjar Pratihara king Bhoix. V. NATESA AIYAR -
No. 3. An inscribed relic oakket from Kurram . .
10. Inscribed Buddhist Image from Gopalpur :. . S. PARANAVITANA -
No. 38. Polonnaruva inscription of Vijayabahu I A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR :
No. 40. Peruneyil record of Kulasekhara-Koyiladhikari . . . . . . . DAYA RAM SAHNI :
No. 15. Deogarh rock inscription of Svamibhata
16. A Kalachuri stone inscription from Kasia 20. Three Brahmi inscriptions from Kosam :.
23. Don Buzurg plates of Govindachandra: (Vikrama)-Samvat 1176 , 24. Chhatarpur copper-plate inscription of Govindachandradeva of Kanaal : [Vikrams]
Samvat 1177 . . . . . . . K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AYYAR —
No. 8. Nidur inscription of Kulottunga-Chola .
. 14. Pattattalmangalam grant of Nandivarman . MADHO SARUP VATS :
No. 36. Unpublished votive inscriptions in the Chaitya Cave at Karle . . . . . 8. V. VISVANATHA AND T. A. GOPINATHA RAO
No. 17. Srirangam oopper-plates of Devaraya If : Saksamvat 1356
128
158
325
.
.
367
INDEX . . . . . u n commotions Title-pago, Contents, Lists of Platoe, and Additions and Correotions
.
.
.
.
. is

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LIST OF PLATES.
No. 1. Kondanaguru Grant of Indravarman . . . . . . . between pagos 2 & 3 . 2. Bahur Plates of Nripatungavarman, ia-iiib . .
10 & 12 iva-v . . . . . . to face page
12 4. Inscribed Ralio-Casket from Kurram : the 2ist (P) year . . . . between pages 18 & 19 → 6. Kanyakumari Inscription of Vira-Rajendra : the 7th year, I.
31 & 35 ► 6.
→ → . . . » "
38 & 39 7. . ,. ,
.
III . . . > > 44 & 45 8. Niduparu Grant of Jayasimha I . . . . . .
56 & 57 9. Ipur Plates of Vishnuvardhana III . .
. . to face page 10. Vappaghosha-vata Grant of Jayanaga . 11. Jodhpur Inscription of Pratihara Bauka : Vikrama Samvat 894
96 . 12. Pattattalmangalam Plates of Nandivarman . . . . . . between pages 120 & 121 13. Rock Inscription of Svamibhata from Deogarh . . . .
. to face page
126 14. A Kalachuri Stone Inscription from Kasia . . . . . . ”
132 15. Srirangam Plates of Devaraya II : Vikrama Samvat 1356 . . . . bet ve 'n pages 142 143 16. Vayalar Pillar Inscription of Rajasimha II . . . . . > > 150 & 151 17. Wooden Pillar with a Brahmi Inscription from Kirari . . . . . to face page
154 18. Brahmi Inscription on a wooden pillar from Kirari . . . . . between pages 156 & 157 19. Three Brahmi Inscriptions from Kosam . . . . . . . to face page
160 20. Srirangam Copper-plate Grant of Krishnadeva-Raya : 8. S. 1436
between pages 162 & 163 .. 21. Huli Stone Inscription of the reigns of Somesvara I and Jagad ekamalla II: Saka 966 and 1067 . . . . . . . . . . to face page
174 22. Huli Stone Inscription of the reign of Vikramaditya VI: Saka 1029. .
197 23. Huli Stone Inscription of the reign of Bijjala : Saka 1084 . . .
214 , 24. Vemalurpadu Plates of Ammaraja II . . . . . . . between pages 230 & 231 25. Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarsha I: Saka-Samvat 793 . . . .
219 & 219 , 26. Kopparam Plates of Pulakesin II , . .
. . . to face page
259 27. Takht-i-Bahai Inscription : the year 103, being year 26 of Gudufara .
>>
282 Four Bhanja Copper-Plate Grants 28. H–Ganjam Plates of Netribhanjadeva
. between pages 292 & 293 , 29. I-Ganjam Plates of Netribhanjadeva, with damaged seal . .
.
» 294 & 295 , 30. J-Ganjam Plates of Vidyadharabhanjadeva . .
•
296 & 297 , 31. K-Antirigam Plates of Yasabhanjadeva . .
•
298 & 209 . 32. Mungir Plate of Devapala : the 33rd year. A--Obverse
. to face page 304 ,,33. Mungir Plate of Devapala : the 33rd year. B-Reverse.' . .
306 , 34. Tekkali Plates of Danarnava's son Indravarman . . . . . between pages 310 & 311 ... 35. Tekkali Plates of Rajendravarman's son Devendravarman .
>> 312 & 313 36. Penukaparu Grant of Jayasimha II . . .
316 & 317 . 37. Kodavali Rock Inscription of Chandasati : the second year of reign . to face page 318
38. Betma Plates of Bhojadeva : [Vikrama-) Samvat 1076 . . . . between pages 322 & 323 39. Unpublished Votive Inscriptions in the Chaitya Cave at Karle (I) .
326 & 327 » 40.
(11) . .
328 & 329 , 41. Deopani Vishnu Image Inscription . . . . . . .
» 330 & 331 42. Polonnaruva Inscription of Vijayabahu I . . . . . . to face page 337
43. Junagadh Inscription of Jivadaman (I.) . . . . . . . . . 340 .. 44. Perunegil record of Kulasekhara-Koyiladhikari . . . . . .
344 45. Garavapadu Grant of Ganapatideva: Saka 1182
• between pages 350 & 361
3F 2

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 2, 1. 23.-For Bol read Bol.
, 6, 1. 30.-For ellačinnum read ellaiinnum. , 10, text l. 11.-- For bțindam read vşindam.
13, translation of v. 10.-For toir ght read to right. 16, 1. 2 in para. beginning with "The Palæography".-For Shāh-ji-ki-dheri read Shab-ji-ki.
dhērī. 17, 1. 2 of translation.--For (Uttarasena ?) read (Uttarasēna ?). „ 18, 1. 4 of Notes.-For-dheri, read -dhēri.
21, 1. 3.-For Komarei read Komar. . ., 1. 7 from bottom. For (präsas) read (anuprūsas).
22, 1. 1.- For am aturer read a maturer. 23, 1. 13.-For been read born. 26; 1.16. -For Sankara- read Sankara-. 27, 1. 4 from bottom.-For Gangavāți read Gangavāvi.
28, item 29.-For Kalavaļi read Kalavali. ,, 29, item 22.- For Kadāra read Kadāram. , 30, 1. 7 from bottom.- For nscription read inscription,
,, item 27.-For Parani read -p Parani. , 32, f. n. 1.-Omit the first and '.
33, f. n. 11.-For afea: read ofca:. , 35, text 1. 84.–For quimiraa read qiama.
36, „1. 116.-Insert “ ()" after ç.
40, f. n. 8.-Insert "?" at the end. , 49, translation of v. 12.- For king read kings..
„f. n. 1.-Omit the hyphen between.Rāja and pārampariyam and for Solan rest So!ın -
51, f. n. 6.-For Kalingao read Kalingao. , 59, text I. 2.-For-gu- read -ga-. , 61, 1. 13 from the bottom.-For Mayurabhanja read Mayūrabhanja. » » 1. 10
For akshayarl read akshayani. , 62, 1. 16.–For Amala- read Amala-.
64, 1. 3.—For Bhạrao read Bharao. ,, „, f. n. 1.- For amil read Tamil. , 67, 1. 15 from the bottom.-For Chhandas-šāstra read Chhandas-sästra. » » 1.7 »
.-For village and Milalalai read village and Mijalai.

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vili
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
Page 76, f. n. 6.-Insert ] at the end.
81, 1. 3 from the bottom.--For Nāhār read Nahar. ; 83, f. n. 2.-Omit the "a" at the end of the line. » 86, 1. 19.--For = read , 92, f. n. 1, 1. 2.- For Hiwen read Hiuen. , 93, 1. 10.--Insert, after Marmad. , 113, f. n. 1, 1. 3.- For Nītīsārā read -Nitisāra. ,, 114, f. ns. 5 & 6.--For ender read render, and for na cription read inscription. ► 116, 1. 17.-For-råshtra read -rashtra. „ 177, 1. 15.- For ghata kayar read Ghatakayar. , , penultimate line.--Insert a between fu and s. , 118, 1.23.--Insert 'r' between 'sepa ' and 'ated'. , , f. n. 2.-For 53 read 541.
, f. n. 3.-For IX read XI. , 119, 1. 10.-For tates read states. ,, ,, 1.11.-For fart a T 14 read faut 14 TRIT. , 120, text L 10.-For "fær read of , 124, serial numbers 4, 6, 9 and 10 of the table.For Irādhīdara, Eņūr, 51, 52, Sēndao and
Sadangao read Irādhītara, Eņūr, 52, 53, Šēndao and Sadangao respectively. 230, 1. 21.-For 'undovbted' and 'thts' read' undoubted' and 'this respectively. , 131, f. n. 2.- For a read at. 139, 11. 3 & 13.--For Nācchikrurchchi and sthānapati read Náchchikrurchchi and sthānapati
respectively. 140, 1. 4.-For Musalmans read Musalmāns. 141, text 1. 16.--For a read and for reader'.
„ „ 1. 21.- Foroeflo read . » 144, „ .81-Delete.
145, 1. 17.---For sthānāpati read sthānapati. „ , f. n. 1, 1. 2.-For-Kāoya read-Kavya. , 156, 1. 15.-For the read 'to'. „ „ 1. 16.–For Hastyāo read Hastyao. „ 159, text 1. 6.-For Vrrisa read Varisa. , 160, 1. 11.-For Sri- read Sri-. , 166, Metres.-For Salini read Salini. , 171, heading.–For 17 read 171. . . 11. 23 & 24.--For eltus' and 'i' read ellu' and is respectively. „ „ 1. 26.-Insert a hyphen at the end. , 181, 1. 22.-For Gaya read Gayā. , 183, 1. 8.-For Sõbhana- read Sobhana.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 194, f. n. 2.- For th' read the '.
, 198, f. n. 3.-For Kāļidāsa read Kālidāsa. ,, 199, f. n. 3, 1. 3.-Forsten' read 'stem'. , 206, 1. 1 of translation of J.--For 'he' read the '. , 217, f. n. 4.-For appaya-' read' Appaya-'. „ 218, 1. 5.-For Bijjanadēvă read Bijjanadēva. , , translation of 11. 38-43.- For dharmēta read dharmmēta
219, f. n. 1.- For foreado , 222, f. n. 4.-For Kamaulf read Kamauli.
223, f. n. 1.-Insert at the beginning. 228, 11. 14 and 17.-For Andeki read Andēki.
234, 1. 20.--» » , 235, 1. 6 from bottom.-For Govinda III. read Govinda III, , 240, 1. 4 from the bottom.-For Amõgh varsha read Amõghavarsha .. 244, text 1. 12.- For yagfas read caufula. , 250, text 1. 64.- For eft read ft.
253, translation of v. 24.-For Kösala read Kõsala. » »
» V. 29.-For Jgaattunga read Jagattunga. .. 275, 1. 8 from the bottom.-For full read fall.
285, f. n. 3.-For , read . and commence a new sentence with 'The'. 287, 1. 9.-For Amoghakalasa read Amoghakalasa.
, f. n. line 5 from the bottom.-For 49 read . 289, 11. 14 and 42.-For Baripada and Binka read Baripadā and Binkā respectively.
291, f. n. 2.- For Bhanja and Daspalla read Bhañja and Daspallā respect.vely. , 292, para. 1.-Close the quotation at the end of the penultimate sentence and omit the.
quotation mark at the end of the para, 293, II. 1 and 12.-For a read #:. » 294, text l. 21.-For a sfrat read 1 (eitsfa) and for yo u read 497[*] . » » 1. 23.-For T: () apread (sform. » f. n. 4.-For Aüchadēva read Aichadēva. , 297, f. n. 10.-For Matre read Metre. , 305, text 1. 8.-For sva-dharmm read sva-dharmmē , 314, f. n. 5.- Por Bēļu read Bol and omit .Vel XVIII'.
318, f. n. 4.-For Hathigumpha read Häthigumphā.
321, 1. 6 from bottom.-For Delha read Dēlha. , 322, 1. 4.-For , read . and omit the rest of the paragraph. , 324, 1. 4 from bottom.- For Delha read Dēlha. , 325, text 1. 2.- For Vitasa[m*]gao read Chitasa Ga° [N. G. Majumdārg.

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x
33
Page 326, translation of No. I.-For 'Vitasamgata' read 'Chita of the Gatas' [N. G. Majumdar].
text of No. V.-For Chu[la]pētukasa read Chulapitukasa.
33
327, 1. 2.-After clear' add [Chulapitukasa means of the father's younger brother, i.e., uncle'.-Ed.]
33
ور
39
•
33
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
33
translation of No. V.-For "Agila, a resident of Chulapētu (?)" read "his uncle
(Prakrit Chula -Sanskrit Kshudra") Agila " [N. P. Chakravarti].
VI.-For Chulayakha read "Yakha (Yaksha) the Junior (KshudraYaksha)."
328, No. XI, text and translation. For "Mahamata " read "Malamita (Mahāmitrā)".— Ed.
translation of No. XII.-For "Dharma dēvi" read "Dhamadēvā (Dharmadēva) ".-Ed.
,, 336, 1. 24.-For Poionnaruva read Polonnaruva.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
VOLUME XVIII
No. 1.-KONDANAGURU GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE).
Ink impressions of this inscription were sent to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, along with the following description of the original plates:
"This set of five copper-plates was received from Pendyala Subrahmanya Sastri, National College, Masulipatam, through the President, District Board, Godavari, in June 1921. The plates are held together by a circular ring rivetted into the back of a circular seal, on the countersunk surface of which are cut, in relief, a crescent, the word śri-Tyagadhēnu, and an expanding lotus-flower of six petals. The plates bear writing on eight faces in all, the first and last plates having writing only on their inner sides, and have no raised rims. They measure about 7" in breadth, and a little less than 2' in height. The ring-hole is bored at a distance of about " from the left margin of the plates and measures about " in diameter. The ring has a diameter of about 4", and the seal is a little more than 2" in diameter. The plates, with the ring and seal, weigh 100 tolas. The ring was cut in this office."
The writing on the plates is on the whole in a state of very good preservation. The alphabet resembles that of other early Eastern Chalukya inscriptions. The secondary forms of i and i are not always clearly distinguished. The Jihvämaliya occurs in yake kaśchid (1.30). A final form of m is frequently used; one of t is found in pradat (1. 18) and vaset (1. 34), one of n in raja[r]shin (1. 26), and one of in -Bol (four times in 1. 28 f., and once in l. 37).
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose; but three verses of Veda-Vyasa are quoted in lines 31-35. The Telugu plural -Bol occurs four times in line 28 f., and once in line 37. Lingual is used also in Chalukyanam (1. 6), -yugalah (1. 16), and in the Telugu villagename Vellekki (1. 29). The Telugu r occurs in the two village-names Cheruparu (1. 20) and Irrala[r] (1. 22). The vowel ri after consonants is generally expressed by the syllable ri. After r, consonants (except sibilants) are doubled, and dh is doubled before y in maddhye (1. 21). In -vaksha-sthalasya (1. 9 f.) is elided before sth. In line 28 the group j is employed instead of jf in viñjapanaya and äñjäpti (for ajñapti). In line 21 the adjective niv[a]sin seems to be used in the sense of lying, situated.'
4
The inscription records the grant of the village of Kondanaguru to the Brahmana Chendisarman by the Mahārāja Indravarman, surnamed éri-Tyagadhēnu, i.e. the (celestial) cow in liberality,' who was a son of the Mahārāja Vishnuvardhana and a grandson of the Mahārāja Kirtivarman, and who belonged to the family of the Chalukyas. The donor's father, Vishnuvardhana, has to be identified with Vishnuvardhana I, the founder of the
[The inscription has been reviewed in the Epigraphical Report for 1922; App. A, No. 2, and p. 96.-Ed.] The same surname forms the legend on the seal of this grant which is reproduced on the back of Plate of the Niduparu grant of Jayasimha I, infra.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vor. XVIII.
Eastern Chalukya dynasty, who is known to have been the younger son of the Western Chalukya king Kirtiyarman I. Consequently, Indravarman must be the actual name of the younger son of Vishnuvardhana I, who is called Indra-Bhattaraka or Indraraja in the inscriptions of his successors, and who, according to later tradition, reigned only for seven days.
The grant seems to have been made at the request of a chief named Kondivarman, and the executor of the grant seems to have been Indravarman's eldest son, who likewise bore the name Indravarman. From other inscriptions we know only of a single son of Indra-Bhattaraka or Indrartja, who succeeded to the throne as Vishnuvardhana II.
Line 28 f. contains four signatures of witnesses of the grant, each of which consists of the name of some village, followed by the word Bol. In the opinion of Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri, Bol (for Boyalı) is the Telugu plural of Boya. In the Chendalir plates of A.D. 673, Boya ooours five times, and is once replaced by the Sanskrit word vdstavya, a resident, inhabitant." The same must be the meaning of the word Boya in a grant of Vishnuvardhana II, where a large number of donees are mentioned by name and are stated to have been Böyas, i.e.
residents,' of certain villages. In the Chendalár plates of A.D. 673 the actual names of the dones are omitted, and the expression resident of such and such a village ' is employed in the place of the donee's proper name. Similarly, the donee's grandfather, Durgasartman, receives in the subjoined grant the epithet. Irratū[r]-Boya by name' (1. 22). It might be concluded from this that Boya is the designation of a village-clerk (Karnam). But this possibility is excluded by the fact that in the above-mentioned grant of Vishnuvardhana II two different individuals, Vennisarman and Chamundisarman, are stated to have been Mārata-Boya, i.e.' resident of Mårata. In a grant of Bhima I the donee (or his grandfather) is styled Ummarakapthi-Bol, i.e. a resident of Ummara kanthi.! This use of the plural Bol suggests that the berm Bol in Alapak-BO, eto. (1.28 f.), and in Choďa-Bol (1.37) will have to be explained the honorifio plural of Boya,' a resident, inhabitant.'
Liner 19-21 contain the names of four villages which formed the boundaries of the village granted, Kondanagara. The boundary in the South was Cherupuru (1. 20). This village is perhaps identical with Cherupurs in the Plaki district, which, according to Dr. Fleet, was probably an older form of Chipiirapalle in the present Vizagapatam District. The remaining village-names I am unable to identify.
TEXT.
First Plate ; Second Side 1 Svati Ge] Srimatam(tām). sakala-bhavana-sarstāyamāna-Ma[na]vya-sago % tro m(nam) Hariti putranám(på) svåmi-Mahasena-p[AO]d-Inadhya3 tēnām (ām) Kausiki.vara-prasada-labdha-rajy[&]nām bhagavan-Nārāyana-pra4 Ida-bamāsādlita-varāba-lñchhan-ēkshana-kshana-vagikri(kri:)t- sha
1. See above, Vol. VII, Asperdix, p. 16 vnd gute 9. See my remarks, above, Vol. VIII, p. 238. . Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 287 f:
Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 188, text lithes 41 and 60. Above, Vol. V, p. 139, text line 6..
This is the actual tranding of the Chiparapalle-plate of/Vähqurudhaan I; 16 abovey. Vol. IX, p. 318, et. Vol. XII, 138,
* Ind. Ant., Vo: XX. pp. 15, 96, • Prom ink imprigione supplied by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sutri. . This word is onterad by the writer on the left side of line 2:

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KONDANAGURU GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN.
பேதி'
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SURVEY OF INDIA.
II. KRISHNA SASTRI.
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Page #19

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Page #20

No. 1.)
KONDANAGURU GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN.
Second Plate ; First Side. 5 mahibhritām [-]asvamēdh-avablaritha-snāna-pavitrikrikri)ta-minasa-Carina]6 ņām(nam) sva-ya-vishayikri(ksi)ta-trailokyānam (nårh) Chalukyanām(nan) ku7 lam-ala[m]kri(kļi)tya nija-janmanah(nā?) virējamānāḥ(nah?) $ri-Ki[r*]ttivarmma
maha8 rājasya naptā sri-Vishņuvarddhana-mahārājaḥl tuņa-mukha-ga(sa)ta-ripu
Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 vijaya-samupalabdha-Sri-vadhu-nivåsāyamina-vipula-vaksha-sthala20. sya putrah fakti-traya-samadhigata-maha-khyati-vibhuti[b] tri11 vargga-seva-nipunaḥ Porānapurusha ivs bahu-loka-stu12 taḥ Purārātir-iva bhäta-gana-priyaḥ dvitiya iva Makaradhvajaḥ
iva
Third Plate; First Side 13 pañchama iva lokapālaḥ Pridhagrasata iva satya-Bandhaḥ sari(ra)t-kāla 14 krita-bandhujiv-otsavaḥ pirvv-achalöndra iva mitr-oday-ånuküla15 mahimă mahipati-makuta-tate-ghatita-maharatna-marichi-mer 16 ñjari-rañjita-charan-aravinda-yugalah kr-Indrava[r]mma-mahărājaḥ Tya17 gadhēny-äpara-nāmadhēyaḥ ndaka-purvvakar sarvva-kara(ra)-parihår-opētam
Third Plate; Second Side 18 brahmad[*]yiksitya Kondapagūru-namagråma-gråmam prădăt [*] Tasya grămasya 19 dig-vibhăgă[b ] | Uttaratah Mujuzitħra-nama-grama[h 1] Pūrvvataḥ Pagun Oru
nama-grå20 maḥ [*] Dakshiņa-vibhag-[a®]vasthitaḥ Cherupuru-nàimh-granath ] Paschimatah
Irbba21 [lji năma-gr[a]maḥ [18] Etēsām gråm [a]ņām maddhyēm niv[a]et kritaḥ [1]
Vajasaneya-cha22 rapasya Du[ro]ggata[ro]mmanaḥ(90) Brahma-vihita-karmma-níratasya frala[r)
Boya-năma
Fourth Plate; First Side 28 [brāhmaṇa]sya pautrāya? abhijana-vidya-vri(vri)ttavataḥ(to) Bhäradvaja-sagðtra24 sya Vishộusarm manaḥ patråga vēdavid-vipra-samstayamána-charitaya 25 Chențifarmmaņš mātãpitror=ātmanag-cha panyo(ny-)vāptay&(ya) iti cha [1] 26 Bhăvind raja[r*]shin yathopachåra-purassaram(rar) sammănayati [*] Āryya. 37 hu-va[rn] fa-gagana-tilaka-bhata-Kondi]varmmana mahărajasy-digranata 1" Read makärajnsya:
Read ofdhatinutri • Road Prits-agra-nuta ( e. Yudhishthira). • The syllable lő is corrected by the writer from 10.
Read malära jar=Tjāgadadwo-apara-ramadhayan." Cancel this antura
Raid pasiträgěäbnijuma.

Page #21

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. ndravarm mana namadhöyal viñjāpanaya tasy-Asjäptirovam Alap ka-Bo! 89.. ppi-Bo[!] Somayajula-Vellekki-Bo! Marata-Bo! [1] Apicha mobál-lobha30 d-vă yah-kaschid=vighna-karttåra sa pañcha-mabăpătaka-yukto bhavishyati
iti cha [1] 31 Vēda-Vya[sa*]sy. flok[a]s-ch-átra [1] Nighnato bha[r*]tri(tři)-go-vipra-bala
yoshit-ta32 pasvinaḥ [*] ya gatis-sibhavět=vrittimo harata[bo] fäsan-ánkitám (il 1 M Shashthimma varsha-88
Fifth Plate: First Side. 33 ha(ha)kråņi svargg tishthati bhtimi-da[b ] | Akshēptă cheanumant[a*) cha
tány-ova na34 rake vasót [ll 2 1*] Bahubhir=vva[su*]dbă dattă bahabhis-ch-an upálită [18]
yasya-ya85 sya yadà bhūmi[s-] tasya-tanya tadă phalam[|| 3 ||*) Iti Kanakarāma-likhi36 to ka ba (ra) no chatushashthyāśaḥ7 [] Etēshả nămănăm kaik-āsaḥ 37. [pälva]kam)-ok-ama[i] [1"] Choda-Bolo tri(tri)tly- [m]šam [lo]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. The Maharaja Indravarman, whose other name was Tyāgadhënu (1. 16 f.), adorned the family of the Chalukyas (1. 6 f.); was a grandson of the Mahårăja Kirtivarmen (1. 7 f.); and was a son of the Maharaja Vishņuvardhanglo (11. 8-10). He granted the villagell of Kondanagaru (1. 18) to Chendisarman (1.25), son of Vishnušarman of the Bharadvāja götra (!. 23 f.) and grandson of Durgasarman, (also called Irralū(r)-Boya, of the Våjasanēya charana (11. 21-23). The boundaries of the village granted were : in the North, Mujumạūru ; in the Kast, Pagundru; in the South, Cherupūru; and in the West, Irbba[lji (11. 18-21).
The grant seems to have been made at the instance of a chief named Kondivarmen, who belonged to the family of Āryyāhū(P), and at whose request the Mahăraja's (viz. Indravarman's) eldest son, who, (like his father), bore the name Indravarman, was appointed executor (ājñapti) of this (grant).19 Line 28 f. seems to contain the names of four witnesses of the grant, preceded by the particle ēvam, thus,' viz. Alapāka-Bol, , . ppi-Bol, Bomayājula-Vellekki-Bol, and Marata-Bo."
Read perhaps Indratarmma-namadhoyo. * Read rigñapanayā tasy=ājnaptihl Eram=. Read kartta.
• Read bhavishyat=iti. Read bhavēd=orittim.
• Read Shashfith. Read chatuhshashty-anfas.
. Read perhaps Etoshan brahmananām ēkaik-ana). A point or dash is engraved between bo and ). 10 The genitive -paksha-sthalasya in line 9 f. proves that the nominative maharajah in line 8 must be mistake of the clerk who drafted the grant, for maharajasya.
21 The text reads grāma-grāma, village of villages,' i.e. a large village' (P) or 'a chief village' ®). The me expression occurs in another Eastern Chalukya grant; see Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 138, text live 18.
12 The parpose of the pamage from which 1 derive these statements (II. 26-28) is uncertain. If my correction Indratarmma-namadhiyo is accepted, it would still be necessary either to supply after Konditarmmand the word kritaya qualifying the instrumental vijfiäpanaya, or to read Kondisarmmaño.
10 Bēļ is the honoritic plural of Boya, 'a resident, inhabitant'; see my remarks on p. & above.
* The epithet Mārafa-Böga is applied to two of the donees in a grant of Vishnuvardhana Il; see Ind. Ant., Wai. VII, p. 188, text Maes 41 and 50. In 1. 80 of that grant, san prägta must be corrected into sampratta.

Page #22

No. 2.]
BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN.
(This) edict (sasana) was written by Kanakaráma (1. 35 f.). The village granted was divided into 64 shares, of which each of the doneest received one share (1. 36). "The last line (37) contains the names of two further recipients of shares, of whom the first, whose name is doubtful, received one share, and the other, named Choda-Bol, one-third share.
No. 2.-BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, P .D.; HALLE (SAALE). As stated by M. Julien Vinson, this inscription is engraved on flve copper-plates which were discovered by M. Jules Delafono in 1879'at & depth of about one metre, in the middle of a structure of bricks, at six metres south of the pagoda of Bahür, an important locality on the south of Pondicherry, from which it is 23-5 kilometres distant. The plates are now preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. They measure about 91.5 millimetres in height, 20)9 mm. in breadth, and 4:1 mm, in thickness, and weigh altogether 3106 grammes. There is the usual ring-hole, 13.5 mm, in diameter, at a distance of 9-10 mm. from the left margin of each plate; but the ring which must have been originally passed through the holes and borne the royal seal, has not been recovered. It had surely been broken long ago; for the first side of the third plate and the second side of the second one are in worse condition than the other sides. They were no doubt on the outside of the set. This allows us to conclude that the document has been buried with carelessness or in impatient haste.' I am deriving all these details from M. Vinson's article Le collège de Bahour au IXe siècle,' in which he fornis.ed a tentative transcript and translation of the inscription. Years ago I had published a few remarks on it, based on a transcript which had been prepared by a Tamil pandit and supplied to me by M. Delafon. This transcript has been recently printed in full, with some additional remarks, by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri. The historical importance of the record now induces me to re-edit it from a set of photographs which M. Vinson had been good enough to send me in 1905. The photographs are not quite perfect and distinct, but nearly every detail of the text can be made out from them with certainty.
The languages of the inscription are Sanskrit and Tamil, and the alphabets are Grantha and Tamil, respectively. There are 32 Sanskrit verses (11, 1-45 and 74-77); the rest of the text is in Tamil prose (II. 45-74 and 78 f.). Grantha letters are occasionally used also in the Tamil portion (Nri, 1. 45; rmma, 1. 46; brahmadēya, 1. 50; vidyastha, 11. 51, 71; vidyābhāga, 11, 52, 71 f.; hā and vyavaste(ethai), 1. 72; sarurapariha, brahma, and datti, 1. 73; Uditodaya and dë, 1. 78; Nripatu ga, 1. 79), and the Tamil syllable rai occurs in a Sanskrit verse (1. 34), while the purely Tami] name Nilaitangi is written in Grantha letters (Nilaitang-iti, 1. 30). In the Sanskrit portion, the secondary form of i is not distinguished from that of i, nor that of ri from that of ra, nor p from v. In the Tamil portion, the length of initial i and o is not marked in éri (1. 72) and odai (1. 69). The secondary forms of i, e, o are the same as those of i, e, o. The length of the vowel is marked in ür, Vāgur, 'Urattūr, rūr, nür, and posi; but the mů of immūnrürum (1. 50) does not differ in shape from mu, and from the lu of -pāluri= (1. 68).
The names of the 64 shareholders are not specified, but the latter are alluded to by the pronoun ētē, these,' which implies that they were assembled in the king's presence when he made the grant. For similar instances of the use of the pronoun tad see above, Vol. IX, p. 59, note 6. The unnamed doneos perhaps consisted of the chief donee Chendisarman and his relatives, and of the four persons who were mentioned as witnesses of the grant in lino 28 f.
1 To the same gentleman we owe the discovery of the Käsākadi plates of Nandivarman (S. I. 1, Vol. II, No. 73).
Mémoiru Orientaux (Paris, 1905), pp. 211-263. Above, Vol. IV, p. 180 f. S. I. I., Vol. II, pp. 513-517.

Page #23

EPIGRAPALA INDICA
[VOL. XVIII
All these defective spellings are well known from many other Tamil inscriptions. They were not intended to imply actual differences of pronunciation, but are only due to the yet imperfect development of the old Tamil alphabet. In my transcript, I have, therefore, sub stituted the long vowels wherever they are required. In the Sanskrit portion, a final form. of m is frequently employed (11. 11, 12, 13, etc.). Viráma is expressed by a vertical dash after * (11. 10, 29 (P), 35 (P), 40, 41), but seems to be omitted generally after final t (11. 4, 5, 26, 29, 30, 45), where I have tacitly supplied it. Superscribed has the same shape as Virama, but is represented by a point in mirhabhau (1. 16) and -pürovaka[m] (1, 32). In the Tamil portion, Virāma is expressed only in two instances: by a vertical dash in tan (1. 48), and by a point (pulli) in im (1. 50). In the Sanskrit portion, the end of a verse is marked indiscriminately by various signs of punctuation, consisting of one or more of five different elements (1,1b, 0-), but which I have in every case replaced by the usual mark (l1). The end of the first half of a verse is marked by a horizontal line (--) only in five instances (11. 13, 15, 17, 26, 30). At the end of the two Tamil passages, two other signs of punctuation are employed, tis. : 110 (1. 74) and :In- (1. 79).
The orthography of the Sanskrit portion calls for a few remarks, Tamil pronunciation is responsible for the forms Tantivarmman (11. 14, 18) for Dantivarniman, and rēbha (1.33) for rēpha, and agātha (1. 37) is meant for agādha. The group ksh is replaced by tsh in raratsha (1.9 f.), tshmāpāla: (1.14 f.), -didritshaya (1. 17), and Latshmir- (1. 20). The Sandhi rules are disregarded in palanät-bhūmini (1. 15), ksitarān=śāstra- (1. 46), svarggam-vimänëna (1. 13), and labdham-vidya- (1. 35). Visarga is dropped, not only, as optionally permitted, in tēja sthiti- (1.3) and dasa 8thānasya (1. 44), but also in ta sriyam- (1.1) and rajñia frio (11. 21, 42), Consonants are doubled after , with four exceptions (Sri-bhartus-, 1.3, nirbabhau, 1. 16, and Dha[r*]jafir-jata, 1. 36). Double t is simplified before u in datva (1. 39) and tatva (1. 45). The Tamil of the grant portion is on the whole correct. The only mistakes in it are pakamum (1.49) for opakkamum, naffi and vidutka (1.53) for nāti and vidukka, vidunda (1. 56) for vidutta, t mam (1. 67) for úrum, vyavasteyum (1.72 f.) for vyavasthaiyum, and a few other slipa in the two last lines of the inscription. The genitive aftiz in is joined to ellai, a boundary,' without Sandhi in ellavin (11. 58, 63, 64 f., 65, 66), and its final, is doubled before the conjunctive affix um in ellaünnum (11. 58, 59, 60, 61). Similarly, the past relative participle ayina is spelt aina (1. 62). For the past gerund ay we have āyi (1, 72, and twice in l. 73), which is an archaie form; mêyi (1.68) for mēy, 'to graze) and Neltāyiprākkam (1. 59 f.) for Nelayppäkkam.
The metres of the Sanskrit portion are: Drutavilambita (verses 1, 7), Vasantatilaks (15, 31), Arya (32), and Anushtubh (3-6, 8-14, 16-30). The metre of verse 2 is Praharshini; but its fourth Päda is Anushtubh, and in each of the two first Pädas the tenth and eleventh syllables of the Praharshipi metre are missing. I am unable to correct and translate this verse in a satisfactory manner.
The Tami) portion of the inscription records a grant of three villages, and the Sanskrit portion preceding it professes to be a eulogy (Prasasti, 1. 45) celebrating the donor. The Tamil and the Sanskrit versions supplement and corroborate each other, and have both to be considered together. The grant was made in the eighth year (11. 46, 51) of the reign, of king (ko) Vijaya-Nfipatungavarman (1. 45 f.), or simply Nripetungavarman (1.74 f.), Nripatunga (11. 24, 25, 32), or Tangavarman (1. 42), who boasted of the title lord of the three worlds (11. 22 f., 41 f.). Verses 2-16 contain the following genealogical account of this king. From the lotus-flower arising from Vishnu's navel was produced Brahma; from him, Abgiras; from him, Brihaspati; from him, Samya; from him, Bharadvāja ; from him, Dropa; from him, Asvatthaman; and from him, king Pallava (verse 6). The same mythical pedigree in fonnd at the begin.
*Cf. 8. I. I., VOL I, Preface, p. v. to
In varshayad (1.16 1.) the doubling of the abilant is prohibited by Pipin, VIN, 4, 49

Page #24

No. 2.)
BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN.
ning of several inscriptions of the Pallava kings of Kanchi. Next we are told that from the family of Pallava arose a group (of kings) commencing with Vimala and Konkoņika' (verse 7), and that, after Vimala, etc., had gone to heaven' (terse 8), there was Dantivarman (verse 9), whose son was Nandivarman (verse 12). As I have suggested on a former occasion, the group (of kings) commencing with Vimala and Konkanika', which is sandwiched between the mythical king Pallava and the historical king Dantitarman, probably owes its mention to the desire of claiming for the latter connection with the Western Ganga kings, whose ancestor is believed to have been Konkaņi. The queeri of Nandivartan, Sáňkha by name, was borti in the Rashtrakūta family (verse 13) and bore to him the donor of this gratit, Nripätunga (verse 15). Of him verse 16 tells us that he supplied a Pāņdya king, whose proper name is not disclosed, with an army, and that he defeated some enemies, who are not specified either, on the further bank of the Arichit river. The name of this river must be a Sanskritized form of Artsil, a branch of the Kávēri which enters the sea at Kāraikkal (Katikat). It may be concluded from verse 16 that Nřipatunga allied himself with a Pâtidya king and undertook a expedition into the dominions of the Chola king. The two námes Dantivarmat and Nripatuñiga odeur also among the Rashtrakūta kings, with whom Nanditarmat becaine Éctually connected through his queen Sankhâ, and Dantivarman is perhaps identical with Dantiga, the ruler of Kanchi who was defeated by the Rashtrakota king Govinda III in A.D. 804.* Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri has shown quite recently that the Vélirpaļaiyam platés of Vijaya-Nandivartha'ni and the Tandantottam plates of Vijt ya-Nepdivikremavarman probably belong to the reign of Nrípatunga's father Nandivatman.
According to the Tamil portion, the grant was made at the request of Vēšali-pèraraiyan (1. 46), i.e. the great chief of Vēsāli.' The Sanskrit portion supplies his proper name, Märtanda (1. 27 f.), and his surname, Nilaitāngi (1. 30), and cells him, with a play on his name Märtända, the sun of the Vēgali family' (1. 27 f.). From other inscriptions we learn that Vēšā. lippādi was the name of a province, of which Vāgür-nádu, i.e. the country round Bāhär, formed a subdivision. Evidently Mártanda was a hereditary chief of this province. He elaimed descent from the family of Kuru (11. 27, 31 f., 43), the mythical ancestor of the heroes of the Mahabharata. At his own request (11. 32, 46 f.), he had received three villages in his own province (röshtra) from king Nřipatunga (verse 21). This probably means nothing but that his sovereign accorded him permission to give away these three villages, and explains two apparently conflicting statements, vis. that, in verses 23, 26, and 29, Mārtanda is represented as the actual donor, while, in verse 31, Nripatungavarman claims the merit of having made the grant himself
The executor (ājnapti in Sanskrit, 11. 32, 39, and 41, or anatti in Tamil, 1. 47) of the grant was Uttamasila (1. 41), the minister (mantrin) of king Tungavarman (1. 42), i.e. of Nřipatanga. He had the title Vidéividugu-Kadupetti-Tamila-pērarsiyen (1. 47), i.e. the great chief of the Tamilians of Vidēlviņugu-Kadupatti.' As Kādupatti is a synonym of Pallava, Uttamasila's title suggests that Vidēlvidugu, i.et. 'the crashing thunderbolt,' was a surname of the Pallava king Nřipatunga. The same word Vidēlvidiga seems to have been a surname of his father Nandivarman. For an inscription of king Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman and of his feudatory, the Bāņa chief Vikramădity at Tiruvallam records the grant of a village named Vidēlvidagu-Vikkiramăditta chaturvedimangalam. The first member of this compound word
Above, Vol. IV, p. 181.
* cf. above, Vol. III, p. 164, 6, 8, and 61. L, Yol. III, 98 t. . 8. 1. 1., Vol. II, p. 62, n. 8.
Ind. Amt., Vol. II, p. 187. SI J., Vol. it, PP. 508, 18. • Thiu Tamil name is paraphrased in Sanskrit by lökänai wilaya) (1. 29).
See M. Vmood's 'article, p. 381 7., and Venkayga's Preface to S. L'I, Vol. 11, pat • Bep above, Vol Vu, p. 25, n. 1, and J. BA, 8., 1013, p. 6277
$. I. , Vol. , N 44.

Page #25

8
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XVIII
must refer to Nripatunga's father Nandivarman,1 and the second one to the Bapa chief Vikramaditya. The executor (anatti) of the Tiruvallam grant was Kadupatti-Tamila-pera [rai]yan which may be taken as a title either of Uttamasila himself, or of another minister who preceded him in office during the reign of Nandivarman.
The recipients of the grant were the residents of a seat of learning' (vidya-sthāna), or college, at Vägür (11. 51 f., 71; see also 11. 35, 37 f., 38 f., and 44 of the Sanskrit portion), i.e. Bahur, where the plates were discovered by M. Delafon. As M. Vinson remarks, the modern form looks like a learned corruption, deriving the ancient name Vagür from the Sanskrit bahu, an arm,' instead of the Tamil vägu, 'beauty.' The grant was to be a vidya-bhoga (11. 52, 71 f.), i.e. a source of revenue for the promotion of learning. This is perhaps the earliest case on record of a university scholarship or educational endowment.
As in the Leyden plates (a scholarly transcript, translation, and analysis of which still remain a desideratum), the official routine cbserved in this grant was as follows. The three villages having been granted to the Vägar college, an order (tirumugam, 1. 54) communicating this fact and calling for a report (araiyolai, 11, 53, 55, 56) was issued to the headmen of KilveliVägür-nādu, (a subdivision of the district) of Aruva-nadus (1. 48). Having read the order, the headmen of the nadu reverently placed it on their heads and circumambulated the limits of the villages granted. Line 40 of the Sanskrit portion suggests that, as in the case of the Leyden plates, they were accompanied by an elephant whose hoofprints marked the boundaries, on which they raised stones and planted milk-bush (11. 53, 55). The names of the three villages were Seṭṭuppakkam, Vilangaṭṭengaduvanür, and Iraippuṇaichcheri (11. 48-50). According to the report submitted by the headmen of the nadu, their boundaries were as shown in the two subjoined diagrams (11. 56-66).
Vågür
a Brahmadeya
Mambakkam
Viļāngāṭṭan. gaḍuvapür
Settuppakkam
Urattür
Nelvayippakkam
N
Neņmalippakkam
& forest
Neņmalippakkam
1 Just as his name is given here and in other inscriptions in the fuller form of ko Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, his son Nripatungavarman calls himself also ko Vijaya-Nripatungavikramavarman; see above, Vol. IV, p. 180 f. and Vol. VII, p. 140. See his article, p. 236.
Cf. Venkayya's Preface to 8. I. I., Vol. II, p. 27. According to the Tamil dictionaries, Arava-nadu is one of the two districts in which common Tamil (Kodun-Tamil) is spoken, the second being Aruva-vadatalai-nādu. Spelt Cheffuppakkam in Grantha (1. 32 f.).

Page #26

No. 2.]
BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGA VARMAN.
Vägtr
Kirimanpatti
Ipippapai chcheri
Nerunjikaṛumbu
M. Vinson has consulted a local map and tells us that, besides Vagar (Bahir), two of these village-names survive to the present day: Kirimanpatti is now represented by Kirimambakkam, 6 kilometres north-east of Bahir, and Vilangaṭṭangaḍuvanir is perhaps connected with Kaḍuvanur, 5 kilometres west of Bahir. I hope my Brahmin friends in Madras will find an opportunity for making enquiries on the spot, and will succeed in identifying a few more of the village-names which are registered in the detailed description of the boundaries of the grant.
a forest
In verse 30 we are told that the Sanskrit prasasti, which forms the first portion of the inscription, was composed by Nagaya, a servant of the Vagar college. At the end of the whole document, its writer informs us of his name and parentage in a Sanskrit verse (32) and in Tamil prose, (1. 78 f.). He was a goldsmith (suvarnakrit or, in Tamil, taṭṭan), named Nripatunga (11. 77, 79),evidently after his sovereign,-a hereditary servant of the Pallava family, the son of Madevi-perundaṭṭan, and the grandson of Uditodaya-perund ṭṭan of KilPaisaram near Kachchipēdu (Conjeeveram). The name, or rather the title, of his father means 'the great goldsmith (by appointment) to the chief queen.' Similarly, the name of his grandfather would mean the great goldsmith (by appointment) to (king) Uditodaya,' and Uditodaya (1. 78) or Uditodita (1. 76) may have been a surname of one of the immediate predecessors of king Nripatungavarman. Uditōdita is actually known to have been one of the numerous birudas of Rajasimha, an earlier Pallava king of Kanchi. From this king it may be supposed to have descended to one of the predecessors of Nripatungavarman.
TEXT.
First Plate; First Side.
1 Svasti šri[h] Disatu va[h] śriyam-ambuja-lõchanas-tridasa-maali-nighri
2 shta-pad-ambujah [] sakala-loka-bhayamkara-rakshasa-prasama-netur-a
3 je (jo) Madha (dhu)-sndanah || [1] Śrt-bhartas-sayana parasys nětre yat=
teja[b]
sthiti-laya-su
1 See his article, p. 235 f.
-From a set of photographs supplied by M. Julien Vinson. Read perhaps -bhūlutájak.
S. 1. I., Vol. I, p. 15, 6th niche.

Page #27

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVII.
4 ti-hētuḥ [1] tan-nabhēr=ajani samasta-bajam-abjam-Atmayonis-tato-bhavat || [ 2 ] 5 A[n]girås=tata atpanno loka-näthäch=chaturmmukhat (1) Brihaspatis-tato 6 mantri Sakrasya Vala-bhedina| [31] Tatas-Samyus=tato jē (ja)jño
Bharadvāja-sa7 māhvayaḥ [I] tato Droņo mah-òshvåsas=samar Sakra-vikramah | [4 II Tats 8 Dronim-maha bāhus-sarvva-yu[do]dha-visårada) [1] Asvatthami kil-Imgöna samba9 bhuva Pinkkinah | [5 ] Asvatthämnas-tato rāja Pallav-åkhyo babhava
(yah) [*] ra
First Plate; Second Side. 10 ratshaksha) nava-khanda-sthan-bhüpatin-sa-kfishivalan II.[6 Il Vimala-Kom kanik.
adi ta11 d-anvayad=ajani brindam-ari-pramad-anatam [19] nihita-sasanam-anya-nfiposhv=api 12 priyatamañ=jaya-ghosham=anāratam [71] Bhuktvā bhuvam 868-Viryyéps
chatus-[sā)13 gara-měkhalām tata[ho] svarggam-vimānênal gatëshụ Vimal-adishu || 181] A. 14 sit-Purandara-samo rija dripa(dha)-bhaktir-Mmura-dvipi(shi) [io] TaDs)ntivatmm
maha-[b]Thuh tahmā(kshmā). 15 pāla-makut-anataḥ !! [91] Dharmmēņa pälanät(a)=bhumim Kaläv=api yugo
npipaḥ | va16 rshaņād=api dānasya parijanya iva nirbabhau || [10 || Ātmano baridi-yukt
[nām] Ya17 m-alaya-didsitsha (ksha)ya. / pathêyam-iva kritv=ārin=papļāni visa [sa]rjja ya
|| [11 1) Nandi18 varmmā mahā-båhus=sa jātó Te(Da)ntiva[r*]mmañaḥ [1] Bamare vijitä
bhamir=asahāyo
Second Plate; First Side. 19 na yēna saḥ || [121] Asich-Ohhankh-ahvaya devi tanv-angNandivarmmanah
[1] Rashtra20 küta-[ku]lē jātā Latshmi(kshmi)r=iva Mura-dvishaḥ || [13 |"] Kahamiyatı
dharitr=iv& mā[tri®]-vaj-jagataḥ 21 priya [1] habhau samkh-ahvayā dēvi rijña[b] Srirsiva ripiņi || [141]
Tasyam 22 [ba] bhava mati-kānti-kal-adimatyām-mányaḥ kulēna guņavān-bhavana-tray-e23 saḥ [1] utpadyamăna-tapanådhipa-tulya-tēja jish uḥ kalâván=samarë. 24 Nřipatum gadēvah || [15 ) Yat-prasid-a[r*]ijitā sönā Pandyens samare pură [] 25 páro-Richit-saraj-agnir=ddadāha ripa-amhatim || [16 |] Nripatumga iti khyāto 26 bālo=pi bhuvan-ěsvaraḥ khyāto na kēvalam-bhumáv=amushminn-api Rama-vat 27 | [17 ||*] Tasy-opakāra-samyukto räjñaḥ Kuru-kul-odbhavaḥ [l*] Vēsali-yamsa-MI
1 Bead Roarggan pimanona. • To satisfy the metre, this word must be cancelled. . Read perus;s yukt-anyans. • Read perhape -kandini. • Pead gajito. • fustead of the last syllable of kalavān, the metre requires
hurt syllable ; rond perhape kalapa-samare

Page #28

BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN.
ia.
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メタンハッタンのここにある ・クラシックスでいくん37のラーメン
。 さてこのイージーランラーメン・ミロシューズコント220
ランシー
ii a.
いいこいこいのことです。 EC2
きるこシミをと ここでとるとBE
31
スターするこう
シュのすべて
26
ama
SCALE THREE-FOURTHS.
HIRANANDA SANTRI.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #29

ミーからするこ
36
ii a.
ini b.
ベントごと
Towered
ここでさっくる 522112342ca30
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WESTるそうです。
この公へ! 22 A4 Kois スキン 245R2237 AUTIE, ミたくて asstagrsg くるくるチタンスミュー

Page #30

No. 2]
BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN.
11
Second Plate Second. Side. 28 rttāņdaḥ prajānām sarană rataḥ || [18 l"] Sasi-vat-telako loká gambhiryga
adan? 29 samudra-vat ( 80[r]yya-vad-rakshapal-lokan lokaninnilayo nripab [19 ||*] 30 Tasmāt=tasy-ochitan-nāma Nilaitang Iti dēva-vat) athavā sutarān=nama-pra31 tyakshatvād=visām=patēḥ || [2011] Gråma-trayam 868-rashtro saḥ Kuru-vamia
vivarddha32 naḥ [19] vijñā (pya] Nripatunag-ětālalabdham=ājñapti-pürvvaka[m] [21 ] Ohettu33 ppakkam-phal-adharam gråmameekumanth=¶m [19] gramah(mara). Vidya
viļāmg-ādi-rēbh(ph)-a34 nta-pada-nāmaka[m]. ll [221] Tasmäd-Iraippunaichcherin=tritiya sarvva-Esampajuam
[1] ēvam 35 grāma-traya l abdham-vidya-sthānāyat dattavan | [23"||") Mandākinin
samayāntim-ürmmi36 vēga-samākulam () sa [ba]bhara yathā děvo Dho[ro]jaţir-jatay-aikayt | 24 |
Third Plate; First Side.
37 Vidya-nadi tath-ag[X]thă(dha) Sohaturddiśa-gan-akala, [19]. Vago[xlgrima jasle [dan] 38 sthānam vyāpya yasmåd=vyavasthita 11. [25 11*] Tat=sthånam-evam vidushan.. vidyer 39 sthānam=prachakshatë [1] tēbhyo datvättva) sa bhopalo grāmān=ājñapti40 parvvakan || [261] Hasti-sanchäri-simántān=ātmānam-bahu-manyate [1] yuktānésa 41 Tuva-(pa]rthārair-akaratvēna rakshitan || [27 11"] Ājñaptir-Uttame filles-trailo42 ky-ebyara-pajitah [1] mantri Brihaspati-prakhyo rajña[b]. sr1-Tung
va[r]mmaneh ||.[28] 43 Ācāminah prajapalau-yachatë Kuru nandanah [1] dha[rmma syaitasys påmanya44 tæpālaniya iti svayam || [29 (1) Dāsa[] sthanasya vidyaya Vagür-grāma
jushām-845 yam [1] kritavān()=sästra-tatva(ttva)-jñaḥ prasastin-Nagayas=su[kri*]t ( [30*] Ko Višaiya-Nfi
Third Plate; Second Side.
46 patongavarmmarku yāndu ettăvadu Vēšali-ppēraraiyan vinnap47 pattál Vidēlvidagu-Kadupatti-Ttamila-pporaraiyan anatti aga 49 Aruvānabba-Kkivali-Vagur,nattu nättir -kange (1) Teninttu Sette 49 ppa[k]kamum Viļāngattangaļuvenīrum Iraippuņaichchēriyu50 m-aga immdprurum palayav-afamum brahmadoyamumo nikki mgu. 51 D perrirai marri yandu ettävadu Vågür vidyasthanat 52 tārkku vidyabhogam-aga-pparittom [ll] Táðgaļum padāgai nadan53 da kallum kalliyum n[a]tti apaiyolai serdu ?vidutka(kka)v-opru 54 nättärkku-ttirumagam vida [ll] Nåttar tirumugan-gandu toludu talai 55 [k]ku vaittu-ppadagai nadandu kallur=galliyu-n ţ arai(yolai)
1 The necond part of the aw of -adau is engraved at the beginning of the next line!
Read -lökanl.. Read a.
Read Lebeasi vidyar. .[Read Abdur-Ed.) • The reading - imam would be more suitable, [This wand may be mad Mpidutaga.-30.]

Page #31

EPIGRAPHLA INDICA:
(VOL. XVIII.
Fourth Plate; First Side. 56 seydu näţțår vidunda(tta) agaiyolai-ppadi nilattukk-ellai [lo] Viļā. 57 gåttangaduvapurkku-Jettuppakkattukkum-aga irandu drkkus-gi58 l-park-ellai katta ellaisgnum Nenmalippakkattu ellaiïn 59 mirkun-dep-park-ellai Nenmalippakkatt-ellaiïonun-Nelva60 yippakk attrellasīpnum Urattūr-ellaikku vadakkum mol-på61 keellai Mambokkatt-ellaiippum iv-Vilangațţăngaduvsņu. 62 p-ppār-piramaděyam-äïqa aqubadu sepuvukku-kkilakkum Vada-park-ellai Va63 gür-ellaiïp-rerkum [1] Iraippuņaichchērikk=ellai kil-pārk=ellai natta64 m ullitta kattukku mögkun-dep-park-ellai Neruñjikusumbip ellai65 în vadakku-mel-park-ellai Vågürzellaiin kilakkum Vada-părk=ellai
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 66 Kirimappatti ellain-rexkum-igaivv-isaitta-peru-nåpg-ellai67 gaļilam-agappatta nilap nir-nilapum pupseyyum ūmaml ûr-irukkaiyu68 mapaiyu-mánai-ppaďappu=manrus=gapra-mēgi-palun-guļamun-gottaga [ra]
mun-gidangan-gepiyun-gåduń=galarum Odaiyum udaippum ullittu ni[r]
pasi nedum paramb-erindo adumb-adi amai tavalndad-e[118]. 71 m up-pilan-oliv-inri Vágür vidyāsthäņattārkku vidya (bho]. 72 bhogam-dyi Vigürödő ori Vagur persa parihāramum vyavaste(sthai)(yu)73 m perru sarvva-pariharam=ayi brahmaděyam-ayi-pparadatti senra74 du Panyazh samar kritavatam parirakshatañ-cha tad-rakshat-êti npipatir-Nnti75 patunga varmma [1] ågåminah kshitipatin-prapamaty-ajasram m ürddhak
Mukunda-chara[D-m).
Fifth Plate; First Side.
76 buja-běk haröna || [31 ||*) Uditodita-kala-tilaka[h] suvarnpakpit-Barvva-[Gästra]. 77 nishpåtaḥ [10] slikhan-Nfipatung-akhyaḥ Pallava-kula-mila-bhfitytra || [321] 78 Kachchipēţtu Kil-Paisarattu Uditõdaya-peru[n]data[*] magan Madēvi
peru[no]datta79 magan() Nkipatumga[*] eluttu #
TRANSLATION
(Line 1.) Hail! Prosperity!
(Verse 1.) Let Madhu's destroyer (Vishņa) grant you prosperity, the lotus-eyed one, whose lotus-feet are rubbed by the diadems of the gods (bowing to him), the unborn one, (whe became the means of the destruction of demons that terrified the whole world!
(Verse 2.) In the eye of the sleeping husband of Sri (Vishnn) was produced the luminary (i.e. the Sun P), (which is the means of duration, destruction, and production. From his
Read Arum.
* Cancel the bracketted ayllable.

Page #32

BAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN.
|
ད ་ ངེའང་《ར
ལ མ ། གནངོ– བ བ ངེ ཚེ རྒྱུ ད ་ གའི ་ འ །མྨོ་ཅན་ ཕྱིའི་ཞིག་
། ༢ ་ བ ཀླའི འི ་ ༠72 གལ་ མ ༤ ཡོ © ཆོས་ ཀྱི་ - འའི་ ངའ་ ཙ༡--༤༽ འ >> ཨ ་་ - - - ...- མ བུ་ མ ར མརS ཀྱ བ ན 《 རྟེ ཆེ ༤ > རྗེ་
བ ། – ལ ནི ཙེ ཤེ ཙཤ༤
io b.
ee
ད ད ག | ཀྱ 《༨ ག: ཀུ : བྱི་ཨུརྒྱརྒཙ1g61:༢ ༡༥ + དངུད -L << ) ༤༡༨ | འཕྱིས་ནས 23ཏུ ཀཆུ་ཚབྷཱག།
འབཀང་པ བར ། ཚིག སྨྲ །དུ 3: 《
| ༨ Sབཤ ། བ མ ་ག ༢_< < 2 2 འདན འ ཀུན་ ཚོ འ དུ ད ་ བ བ ར ་ བ ཚེ་ ངག | @eased ། ན་གི། འ༤་ - །
2 ནང་པའཚུ ཀྱི། འབྲུག་ང
ག ་དུ་ 1: ང གཤིན་རྗེ་ཡི་ས་
78
ཀ ཀྱི ཀྱིའི
HIRANANDA SASTRI.
SCALE THREE FOURTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #33


Page #34

No. 2.)
RAHUR PLATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN.
13
(Vishnu's) navel arose a lotus-flower, the germ of all. From this (flower) the self-born one (Brahma) was produced.
(Verse 3.) From this four-mouthed lord of the world, Angiras was born, (and) from the latter, Brihaspati, the minister of Sakra (Indra), the splitter of the demon) Vala.
(Verse 4.) From him was born Samyu; from him, he who was named Bharadvája; from him, the great archer Dropa, whose valour equalled that of Sakra in battle.
(Verse 5.) F:om this Dropa was produced, it is said, by a portion of Pinākin (Siva) the long-armed Asvatthaman, who was skilled in all fights.
(Verse 6.) From this Agvatthaman was born & king named Pallava, who ruled the kings residing in the nine continents, together with the ploughmen.
(Verse 7.) From his family arose a group (of kings) commencing with Vimala and Konkaņike, which was bowed to by the wives of enemies; which imposed commands even on other rulers of men; which was much beloved; (and) which continually shouted victory.'
(Verse 8 f.) Then, after Vimala, etc., having enjoyed by their own valour the earth girt by the four oceans, had gone to heaven on aerial cars, there was the long-armed (king) Dantivarman, who resembled Purandara (Indra), showed firm devotion to Mura's foe (Vishnu), (and) was bowed to by the diadems of the rulers of the earth.
(Verse 10.) By ruling the earth according toir ght even in the Kali age, and by showering gifts, (this) ruler of men shone like a sin-cloud.
(Verse 11.) He dispatched arrows, furnishing (them) with provisions for (their) visit of the nether world under the guise of the blood of those of his) enemies who were not (already) confined in his own prisons.
(Verse 12.) From Dentivarman was born that long-armed Nandivarman who subdued the earth unaided in battle.
(Verse 13.) Just as Lakshmi is the consort) of Mura's foe (Vishnu). (the wife) of Nendivormen was the slender queen named Sankha, who was born in the Rāshtrekūta family.
(Verse 14.) Full of patience like the earth, beloved by the people like a mother, the queen named Sankha shone as if she were the embodied fortune of the king.
(Verse 15.) By her who possessed intelligence, beauty, arts, etc., was born the virtuong Nřipatungadēva, the lord of the three worlds, noble by birth, resembling the rising sun in splendour, (and) victorious in fights with arrows.
(Verse 16.) Resembling fire, this king, by wbose favour the Pandye had obtained an army formerly, burnt a confederation of enemies in a battle on the further bank of the Arichit (river).
(Verse 17.) Even in his youth (this) lord of the world (was) renowned by the name) of Nfipatunga (i.e. the high one among rulers of men'). (He was) renowned not only on earth, (bat) even in the other world), like Råma.
(Verse 18.) Provided by this king with benefits (was) Martaņda of the family of Vēsāli." a descendant of the family of Kuru, (and) intent on (affording) refuge to (his) subjects.
(Verse 19.) An ornament to the world like the moon, (and) resembling the ocean in profundity, etc., (this) ruler of men (became) the resort of the people by protecting the people we if (he were the sun.
1 i.e. he either imprisoned or shot his enemies.
* Verres 19 and 20 saggest that the word Märtända (i.e. the sun) is not a mere metaphor (ripakam), bat bete be taken bere as a proper name.

Page #35

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL XVIII
LES
(Verse 20.) Therefore the (sar)name Nilaitangi (ie the support of the world') (was as) suitable to this ruler of men as (anto) a god, or because (his real) name (Mártanda, i.e. the wan) was quite manifest (to all).
(Versey 21-23.) This promoter of the family of Kuru gave to a seat of learning (vidyasthāna) three villages in his own province (rashtra) which, at (his) request, (he had) received, provided with an executor (ājAapta), from that lord Nřipatunga, viz. the village of Chettuppakkam rich in fruit, then another village whose pame (consisted of a word ending in an and beginning with Vidyacilariga,' (and) thirdly the very prosperous (village of) Iraippunai. chchēri.
(Verses 24-26.) Just as the god Dhärjati (Siva) carried on the single lock of (his) hair the approaching Mandakint (Ganga), agitated by the velocity of waves, thus the deep river of learning, filled with troops (of scholars) from the four directions, stayed after it had filled the seat of the residents of the village of Vāgür. Therefore they call this seat of scholars a seat of learning,
(Verse 26 f.) This ruler of land thinks highly of himself after he has given to those (scholars) the (three) villages, provided with an executor, their limits having been circumambulated by an elephant, accompanied by all immunities, (and) protected by freedom from taxes,
(Verse 28.) The executor (was) Ottamasila, worshipped by the lord of the three worlds, the minister, resembling Bțihaspati, of the glorious king Tungavarman.
(Verse 29.) The descendant of Kuru himself entreats, future kings :--As this charity is common (to all kings), it must be preserved (by you as well)!'
(Verse 30.). The servant of the seat of learning of the residents of the village of Vagor, the pious Nāgaya, who knew the truth of sciences, composed this eulogy (prasasti).
(Line 45.) In the eighth year (of the reign) of king. Vijaya-Nripatvigayarmay, at the request of Völkli-poraraiyans Vidēlvidugu-Kadupatti-Tamila-peraraiyap being the exeontor (anatti). Let the headmen of Kilvali. Vāgūr-nādu, (a subdivision of Aruvā-nādu, see (this order) 6
(Line 48.) In the eighth year of our reign), we have granted three villages of your nādu, viz. Settuppakkam. Viļángattangaduvapor, and Iraippunaichchēri, dispossessing the former, tenante..(aud) excluding ancient cbarities and Brahmadoyas, to the residents of the seat of learning at Vāgür as a source of revenue for the promotion of learning (vidya-bhoga).
(Line 52.) And issued an order (tirumugam) to the headmen of the nādu, telling them to circumambulate the limits, to plant stones and milk bush (along the boundaries), and to dray up and submit a report (araiyõlai)!
According to the Tamil portion, the fall name of this village was Viļángăţtangaduvagur, to which the word vidya is still prefixed here because it was granted for the promotion of learning.
? With chaturdifu-gana cf. the expression chátudisasa bhikhu-su[n]ghasa at Näsik, above, Vol. VIII, 78, text lipe 5.
The local authorities fized the boundaries by letting an elephant walk round the limits. Cf. pidi nadappittu or pidi filadu in the Leyden plstes, pasam; karixi-parikrama na-vispashta-sima-chatushayam..... gramam, ibid., 1. 86 f.; ibil-parita-si manam, above, Vol. XY, p. 63, text line 109 f. ; pidi filmdy, ibid., p. 64,itext lines 184-138..and P, 65, text line 166) pidi nadatti, Travancore Areh, Series, Vol. II, p. 79
• i.e. king Nripatuóga; see verse 15.
Cf. line 105 of the Kasakudi plates.
• Padāgai nadandu corresponds to padägai ralai-jeyidu in line 110 of the Kasakudi platas; pidágai valaia joydw iq. Tiruvallwp inscription of Nandivikramararman, 8. I. L. Vol 1 01. Leyden plates, pastim; and pradakshini-ksitya in Sanskrit.

Page #36

No. 2.)
BAHUR PLIATES OF NRIPATUNGAVARMAN.
15
. (Line 54.) When the Headmen of the nadu saw the order, they raised (their) joined hands (before it), placed (it) on (their) heads, circumambulated the limits, planted stones and milk-bush, and drew up a report.
(Line 56. According tu'the report submitted by the headmer of the wadu, the boundaries of the land (granted are as follows: Of the two villages of Vilagatta gaļuvalgür and Šetřuppakkam, the eastern boundary is to the west of the boundary of a forest and of the boundary of Neptalippakam; the southern boundary is to the north of the boandary: of Nenmalippakkam, of the boundary of Nelvayippackam, and of the boundary of Utattur ; the western boundary is to the east of the boundary of Mambakkam and of sixty rice-fields (sesuvu) which form a Brahmadaya near this Viļāngātāngaduvanur ;l and the northern boundary is to the south of the boundary of Vāgür.
(Line 63.) The bourdaries of Iraippuņaiohchēri (are) -The eastern boundary is to the west of a fore-t surrounding the village (nattam); the southern boundary is to the north of the boundary of Neruñjikurumbu; the western boundary is to the east of the boundary of Vāgür; and the northern boundary is to the south of the boundary of Kirimappatti.
(Line 66.) Altogether, the land enclosed by the four great boundaries specified here, including wet land and dry land, villages and village-buildings, houses and house-gardens, clearings and young trees, waste grounds for grazing, tanks, store-houses, ditches, wells, forests, brackish ground, water-courses and breaches, wherever water is conducted (P), long harrows are applied, iguanas run, and tortoises creep, not excluding the cultivated land, being joined ? to Vågür itself as a source of revenue for the promotion of learning to the residents of the seat of learning at Vāgūr, enjoying the immunities and agreements enjoyed by "Vägür, possessing all immunities, (and) being a Brahmadēya,--the grant was made.
(Verse 31.) The good works of those who perform (them) and of those who preserve (them) are equally (meritorious). Therefore preserve you (this gift)! Thus requesting them), king Nripatungavarman perpetually bows (his) head, which bears on its ciest the lotus feet of Mukunda (Vishọn), to future kings.
(Verse 32.) The ornament of the family of Uditõdita, the goldsmith named Nripatunga, who was skilled in all sciences (and) a hereditary servant of the Pallava family, wrote (this).
(Line 78.) The writing of Nripatunga, the son of Mādēvi-perundattāp (who was the son of Uditodaye-perundattan, (s resident) of Kil-Paisāram near Kachchipēdu.
* In two other instances (Ik. 49, 56 f.), the a of ffa is represented by whert a.
. These three doubtful terms nocar also in line 281 of the Leyden plates, and in the Anbil plates, above, Vol. XV, p. 65, text line 167 f., wliere they are translated by halls, wastes in which the calves graze.' I adopt M. Vingon's Tenderings of manum and kinrum (as the Leyden plates read for kayraw).
* Por koffagaran see 8. 'I.'I., Vol. II, p. 61, n. 3; above, Vol. XV, p. 71, n. 3; Travancore Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 177, n. 3.
. See 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 64, n. 1.
The expression sir print occurs also in line 284 of the Leyden plates, and nodum parambeenindu in line 305 (which ought to have been murbered 186) of the same. Both terms are used in line 434 of the Tiruválangada plates, S. I. T., Vol. III, P 410. • See 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 109, n. 2.
Tari may be the intransitive for of erri, having joined. • Por vyavastha, see S. I. I., Vol. I, No. 40, L. 20 and 56; Vol. II, No. 98, 11. 58 and 62.
. The two words paradatti fenradu oceur also in line 138 of the Kibikudi plates, and in line 63 of the Valurpaniyam plates (S.I. L., Vol. II, p. 509), where I would read paradatk (with Grantha da) ins' end of paradatti and cancel the note on paill of the Addenda and Corrigenda. The Apbil plutes (above, Vol. XV, p. 66, text line 180 f.) read pard.tti for paradatli.

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16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
No. 3.AN INSCRIBED RELIC CASKET FROM KURRAM.
BY THE LATE PANDIT V. NATESA AIYAR, B.A., PATNA.
This casket was brought to my notice in the year 1917, when I was Superintendent of the Archeological Survey, Frontier Circle, Peshawar, by Khan Sahib Mian Wasi Uddin, my Assistant. On enquiry I learnt that its exact find-spot was unknown, but that it was given as a present by a villager to one of the sons of the Nawab of Landi Yarghazo, while he was Tahsildar of Kurram. The casket is now in the possession of his younger brother, a student of the Edwardes College, Peshawar, from whom I tried to acquire it for the local Museum, of which I was the ex-officio Curator; but I could not succeed until the moment of my departure from Peshawar in January, 1919.
[VOL. XVIII.
The casket is made of copper and measures 18" in height. Its base is square and is attached to the drum by means of a fillet and grove joint. The harmika is of the convertional shape and loosely threaded on to a central shaft, also of copper.
The casket is almost perfect in every detail and has the appearance of a miniature stup with its harmind and umbrellas. (Pl. I, a)
The relics which the casket was meant to enshrine are no longer traceable. Likewise, as I have observed already, the exact find-spot of the casket is unknown. Neither could I, owing to the unsettled state of the Kurram valley, visit the spot and obtain any local information.
The inscription on the casket consists of four lines of Kharōshṭhi script punctured, as in the case of the Kanishka casket from Shah-ji-ki-dheri, on the four sides of its square base. The writing covers a space of 4" x 2" on each side and seems to be in fairly good preservation, except as regards the lowermost line on two of the sides, which, unfortunately, has disappeared altogether. (Pl. I, b, and Pl. II.)
The paleography of the record presents the same peculiarities as the silver scroll inscription from Taxila, the Kanishka casket from Shah-ji-kl-dheri and the Manikiāls casket. The letters are of the elongated and cursive variety and belong. undoubtedly, to the Kushan period. It is noteworthy that in the case of some of the letters in the present record, such as ka, dha, ya, sa and sa, the shape is not uniform throughout, but differs slightly in different places. This I attribute more to the carelessness of the engraver than to the transitional nature of the script at the time. This is borne out also by nearly the same symbol being used to represent ta, ra, ba and similarly of a and va.
The language is Prakrit and of the variety peculiar to the Western Punjab and the North-Western Frontier of India, which constituted the ancient kingdom of Gandhara. Among the orthographical peculiarities may be mentioned that cha is invariably used for ta, va for pa and ga for ya. Besides, double consonants are always represented by single consonants, as in avija for avijja, prachaga for prachchaga, viñana for viññana, phasha for phassa, tusha for tanha and dukha-khamdasa for dukkha-khamdhassa.
The inscription records the enshrinement of the bodily relics (sarira) of the Holy Sakya-muni in a shrine (gaha ?) belonging to the Sarvästivädin sect, in the year 21 (P), cn the twentieth day of the tenth month, Asvina. Then follows the anuloma portion of the text of the Pratitya-samutpada or Nilana-Sutra, which the Lord Buddha revealed soon after
1 A. 8. R. for 1912-13, p. 18 f. and Plate; Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, plate facing p. 295.
4. 8. R. for 1908-9, p. 50 f.
J. R A. S.. 1920, pp. 193 ff.
•
[Wi h the reading and translation as given by me below, some of these details will be modified.-P. W. T.]
Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, Plate facing p. 299.

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No. 3.] AN INSCRIBED RELIC CASKET FROM KURRAM. his enlightenment under the Bodhi tree at Bodh-Gays. The inscription ends with the prayer that these sacred relics, as well as the Sutra propounded by the Lord, may be honoured by all sentient beings.
TEXT. 1 [Sarn 2011 masa 10 Agunakasa di 20 igel chhunami [khe]tre Varme
[ya"-putrasa [Ruu]bhumi-rañasa . . . . mi Uoha[rga]na Sarva
[sti]vadanas.. gaba[mi]su[bha]mi Bhagavata]sa Saka-mun[i]sa 2 sarira . pradiokhadi Sakayuta Bhagava[ta) Avija-prachaga Barnkara samkara
prachaga viñana viñana-prachaga nama-ruva namaruva-prachaga sha(d-a]y&
tana] sha[-a]yatana-prachaga phasha phasha-prachaga vedana vedana-prachaga tusha tusha-prachaga avadana uvadana-prachaga
bhava bhava-prachaga jati jati-pra[chaga) jara-marana-soga-pari[bhava-dukhader
manasta? uvaga[88]. ... kevalasa dukha [kame]dhasa samudae bhavati sarira mahiphati[e]nal sarva-satvara puyae
sa[rva] sa[tva]na
payao
eśa cha [pra]tichasamasa cha
TRANSLATION In the year 21, of the tenth month Āśvina, on the 20th day, at this moment, in the territory of Varmayasas' son, the king of Ryubhumi, in .. Uoharsana (Uttarasens P) [consecrated), in the sacred shrine of the Sarvāstivādins, the bodily relics of the divine Sikya.' muni. Says the holy scion of the Sakas :
"From Ignorance spring Impressions, from Impressions springs Consciousness, from Consciousness spring Name-and-Form, from Name-and-Form spring the Six Provinces of the six senses), from the Six Provinces springs Contact, from Contact springe Sensation, from Sensation springs Thirst (or desire), from Thirst springs Attachment, from Aitachment springs Existence, from Existence springs Birth, from Birth spring Old Age and Death, Grief, Lamentation, Suffering, Dejection and Despair. [Such is] the origin of [this] whole (or unique) Mass of suffering. May these] relics of the Lord of the Universe [be] honoured by all sentient beings and (likewise) this summary [doctrine] of causes and effects."
[Dr. Thomas's revised text and translation (inserting marks of vowel length).] 1 S. 21 māsa Avadinakasa di 20 ise chhunami Teutra-Varmayasa-putrasa
navakammi[asa Samghārā]mami acharyana[m] Sarvåstivádána[m gaha]mi thabammi Bhagavatasa Saka-munisa
In the Brahmi inscriptions of this period (cf. Lüdere' List Nos. 32, 34) the corresponding expression is comi tahunc or asma kshune, wbile the Tazils silver scroll inscription sa isa dipase. [The e-mark is not seen. The etter may be read ya.-Ed.] ? Read rajasa.
Rond vadina. • The formation of this word does not seem to be quite clear. . The usual form is bhagara (nom.) or bhagavato (gon.). • The other versions have parideva.
+ Read manse * Read than
• Raed samadao, 10 Read mahipatianan.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
2 Barira
pratiṭhäviti yatha(etha ?) utah(rata[th])
Bhagavata avija-prachag samsk(kkk Pära samnak (kkh ?)ara-prachaga viñana villana-prachaga nama-rava nama-riva-prachaga shad-ayatana shad-ayatana-prachaga phasha phasha-prachaga 3 vedană vedana-prachaga tasha(taseha?) tasha (tarsha)-prachaga uvādāna [uvadana-prachaga] bhava bhava-prachaga jäti ja [ti-prachaga] jara-[marana]-soyaparideva-dukha-domanavi(si)-uvega Math[bhavati kevalasa dukha-sk(kh ?)arhdhase samudae bhavati
18
4 danatidamahiphatilena (PP) mevastvina[th] pityse sarra-catriza[th] püyse ayn[]-cha paticha-samupäde
TRANSLATION.
Year 21, month Avadanaka (Audünaios), day 20-on this date, in the monastery of the navakarmika, son of Tsutra (kshudra)-Varmayasas (?), in the abode of the reverend Sarvästivādins, in a stupa, was deposited a relic of the Holy Sakya-muni
[This casket is given by...] for the honouring of all beings, and also for the honouring of all beings this pratitya-samut pada [formula] is engraved.]
NOTES.
The record is of great importance for many reasons. To begin with, the inscription says in so many words that the relics to the consecration of which it refers are those of the Buddha himself. We know of very few instances of this kind so far. Even the epigraph on the Kanishka relic casket discovered at Shah-ji-ki-dheri, in Peshawar, fails to supply us with anything but sircumstantial evidence as to the authenticity of the deposit. It follows, therefore, that the tonement in which the present casket was enshrined must have been regarded originally as among the most important in the country.
Secondly, there have been discovered in India only two other inscriptions containing the text of the Nidana-Sutra. The one comes from the village of Gopalpur in the Gorakhpur District of the United Provinces, and the other from Kasia, the ancient Kasinagara, also in the same district. But, in both cases, we have only the Sanskrit recension of the Sutra. The Gopalpur inscription is carved on both sides of one of 5 inscribed bricks which were dag out from a brick retic chamber in the centre of the Manjratiya mound, and coins of Wema Kadphises, Kanishka and Huvishka and one of Ayumitra are said to have been found along with the bricks. The script employed is the northern variety of the Gupta Brahmi, and the text of the Satra is given as follov sl:
INSCRIPTION ON BRICK Į.
(Obverse.)
1 Evam maya frutamokasmin samaye Bhagavaй-Chhravastyam viharati Jētavanes (A)nathapindadasy-arame tatra Bhagavan bhikshan-amantrayati sma dharmāņāṁ vo bhi
3 kshava achayam cha desayishyamy-apachayam
cha tach-chhriputs [sadhu
ch-asushva cha]
1 The text of the inscription is quoted here, because it gives a complete version of the Sutra in Sanskrit, which even the Kasia copper-plate does not.
Proo. 4. 8. B. for 1896, pp. 99 f.

Page #40

Inscribed Relic-Casket from Kurram : the 21st (?) year.
F. W. THOMAS
WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS. COLL
SCALE FIVE-SIXTHS

Page #41

حفله
SCALE TWO-FIFTHS
Eye-copy
ا
س کی انا کی پرانی انا کار ی اور کم عمر اور مورخ 228 8 از برتری و لاورمرد
شلوار و دا - خرم دره از خودرو و موثر و و جوانان و مردم در ساری عمر کا 23 22 5. ارجو
2
به
مه دوم قرار ويروير" 83579 890522D5 لالام د وژنوموار کے رو که باز 2
- - - - 232 ی 5, والدور55
در این بوده و
اداره کرد
فرد و عالی در دو گرووميز 3

Page #42

No. 3.) AN INSCRIBED RELIC CASKET FROM KURRAM. 4 manasi karnta bhīshishya dharmāņām=ācheyah katamaḥ yad-nt-Remin sati 5 darh bhavaty-way-atpådād-idam-utpadyatd yad-tt-avidya-pratyayah samskirib
samskāra6 pratyayaih vijñānam vijñāna-pratyayan Dāms-röparin nama-riya-pratyaya(b)
sparsab 7 sparsa-pratyaya voda[n] vodenā-pratyaya triabņā trishnã-pratyayaman padinamai 8 pūdina-pratyay tahswah bhever pratyaya jātir-jati-quratyaya jari-mens 9 soka-paridova-daħkh-ådër=(oa-domanasy-opāyāsāḥ sathbava(z)ty=čvam-noyam ahatao
(Reverne. 1 duḥkha-kundhasya wadāyo bhavaty=syam-acheyata dharminima-ashaya sthan
māņi2 m-apachayah katanrah yad-at-kvidya-miridhät-sataskāra-rivedhah meniskára-nirdahlida
vi3 jilina-nirödhaḥ vijñāna-nirodhân-náma-rūpa-nurodhaḥ náma-rupa-nirodkat-shad
ayatana4 nirodhaḥ shad-Eyatana-nirodhad=vödana-niridhai vēdanti-mirodhat-tristm-mirodhaḥ 5 trishņā-mirodhad=upädäna-nirodah upadána-nitrochd-blava-nirodhaḥ bhava-nirodhirje
jāti6 nirodhaḥ jāti-nirðdhāj-jarā-maraņa-soka-paridēva-duḥkh-adar="a-do) manasy-opying 7 nirudhyanty=ēvam=asya [kēvala]sya mahato duḥkha-skandhaaya nirodho
bhavaty=syam=uchyato 8 dharmiņām=apachayaḥ dharmāņāris V bhikshavatachayam cha dăsayishyamya
apachayam cha 9 itim yad=uktam-idam-otat-pratynktam-idam=avāchad=Bhagavan-ättama[nasas=të] 10 bhikshavo bhagavató bhashitama[bhya]nanda[n]
The other inscription which contains the text of this Batma oomes, as I have said, from Kasia. It is partly carved and partly written in ink on a copper-plate which was recovered from the relic chamber of the large stipa behind the Nirvana temple: The language and the wording of the record are identically the same as those of the Gopalpur inscription, build the date is about two centuries later.
Again, the present epigraph is of considerable value from the philological standpoint. That its language is local Prákpit goes without saying. In this the dedicaters seem to have faithfully followed the injunotion laid down in the Buddhist scriptores, for it is stated in the Chullavagge
"anujanāmi bhikkhave sakāya niruttiya Buddha-pachanath pariyapunitun Hills that is, that the Buddha had allowed that every one should learn the sacred texts in his own language. The same remark holds good in the case of the inscriptions discovered at Taxila, Peshawar, and other places on the North-West Frontier. The literary Peli version of the Sätra is contained in the Mahāvagga of the Vinaya-pitaka, and this version is prefaced by an account of the incidents which led up to the propounding of the doctrine of Causes and effects' by the Holy Bakya-muni. From this and from the fact that the only record bearing the complete text of the Sutra, of which the provenance is definitely known, comes 14. 8. R., 1910-11, pp. 73 t.
* Oldenberg, Introduction to Vinaya-pitaka, P XLYTIL Pull text of the Batrs and its vibhanga in Bapekrit are incised on some briokua which Mr. Page nearthed at Naland in 1924 Iam editing them in the Ep. Ind..6]

Page #43

20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
from the Maha-parinirvana-Chaitya of the Buddha, it is easy to see how much importance the Buddhists attached to the same. It is for this reason that I remarked above that the monument in which the present casket was enshrined must have been considered in olden days as one of the chief places of worship.
Let us now see if the places and persons mentioned in the inscription afford any clue to the identity of the monument. The only names available for this purpose are (1) Varmayasa-putrasa, i.e. the son of Varmayasas, (2) Ruubhumi-raña, i.e. the king of Ruubhumi, and (3) Ucharsana, which I take to be the name of an individual. Who this Varmayasas was and where he reigned-as, undoubtedly, he seems to have been a king-I have not been able to ascertain from the materials at my command. On the other hand, Ucharsana or Uttarasēna, if supposing I am right in my equation, though not a historical personage, yet seems somewhat capable of identification. In the itinerary of the Buddhist pilgrim Hiuen Thsang it is said: "About sixty li south-west from Mangkil city and on the east side of a great river was the tope erected by Uttarasena, king of this country, to enclose his share of the relics of the Buddha's body, and near this was the tope which that king built to mark the spot at which his large white elephant bearing the precious relics had suddenly died and become a rock."
Commenting on this passage Watters remarks: "There does not seem to be any mention either of Udyana or of Uttarasena in the various accounts given in the various Nirvapa treatises of the division of the Buddha's relics. But other authorities relate how a female elephant named. Mo-tu (or Mata) bearing relics of Buddha died suddenly on the way, was afterwards reborn as a human. creature and became an Arhat with an enormous appetite." Major Deane identifies the monument mentioned by Hiuen Thsang with the remains of a stupa which are said still to exist between the villages of Ghaligai and Shankardar on the Swat river in what used to be the ancient kingdom of Udyana. It may be asked, however, how, inasmuch as the casket is reputed to have come from Kurram, it could be associated with any monument in the Swat valley, which lies in quite the opposite direction and in a different region. This objection can be met, in my opinion, by the fact that, as I have observed at the very outset, the exact provenance of the casket is not known even to its present owner and that, therefore, there would not be any inherent impossibility, if we were to suppose that the object gradually found its way from the place of its origin to the locality where it eventually came to light, because both the places are situated in the same province and are inhabited by almost kindred races or tribes, who are not too far removed to have constant intercourse with one another.
Lastly, we come to the date of the inscription. It is given merely as Sam. or Samvat 21 without reference to any particular era. We are, therefore, left to conjecture what the era. could be. For this purpose our only guides are the paleography and the language of the record. The former, as I have noted above, shows the cursive variety of the Kharoshthi script of the middle period. And this, we know from other records found in that region, has been attributed to the early Kushan period. I am, therefore, inclined to refer the date of the present inscription to the era of Kanishka which, according to the latest authorities, commenced in or about the year 150 A.D. If this supposition is correct the date under discussion would work out as A,D 171.
From the language, it seems to me difficult in the present state of our knowledge to draw any definite conclusions with respect to date. And this difficulty is all the more pronounced, because we are not yet in a position to trace the development of the different varieties of Prakrit which once prevailed in different parts of the country:
Watters, On Yuan Cherang, Vol. I, p. 236. [With the reading and translation as inserted by me above the names Runbhumi and Ucharsana disappear.-F. W. T.]

Page #44

No. 4.]
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
21
No. 4.-KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
BY THE LATE T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., TRIVANDRUM. The village of Kanyakumiri, as everyone knows, is situated in the extreme south of India and is a very ancient place of great reputation. It was known to early Greek writers under the names of Komaria Akron, or Cape Komaria, as Ptolemy calls it, or simply Komarei, as described by the author of the Periplus. The latter says: "After Bakare occurs the mountain Pyrrhos (or the Red) towards the south, near another district of the country called Paralia (where the pearl-fisheries are which belong to king Pandion), and a city of the name of Kolkhoi ..... Next to this is another place called Komar, where is the Cape of the same name and a haven. Those who wish to consecrate the closing part of their lives to religion come hither and bathe and engage themselves to celibacy. This is also done by women; since it is related that the goddess once on a time resided at the place and bathed." Paralia mentioned in this extract is the name of the river Paraliyāru, which waters a portion of S. Travancore and empties itself into the Kuļitturai river. I have shown elsewhere that the land watered by the Paraliyaļu was the country belonging to the powerful dynasty of Ay kings, who had their capital at Kottara, which is mentioned by Ptolemy under the name of Kotiara Metropolis' and Kottara' by Pliny. From time immemorial, the Pandyas were the guardians of Kanyakumari and the temple in it; one of their distinguishing titles being Kapni-kavalan, the guardian of Kapni (i.e. Kanyakumari).
The temple of the goddess Kanyakumari is situated on the very brink of the Indian Ocean. Opposite to the central shrine is a mandapa locally known as the manimandapa, which contains six cylindrical stone pillars covered with writing in Grantha (ll. I to 419) and Tamil (11. 420 to 444) characters. Kanyakumari was visited by the Madras Government Epigraphist in 1896, when an attempt was made by his staff to obtain a mechanical copy of the inscriptions contained on these pillars, but the task was given up as impossible. I tried to copy the inscription in 1910; the result was not at all satisfactory.' Since then I have visited the place more than once; every time I saw the inscription on the pillars, which is clearly legible in some places, but more or less completely worn out in others, I was impelled to make a fresh attempt to copy it; and what was to be the last, & serious and determined effort to secure a good impression of the writing on all the pillars, was made in 1916. The first and foremost difficulty experienced by all up till then was that of removing the thick crust of oil and dirt which from a long time past had accumulated on the pillars. This was completely removed after one or two unsuccessfal attempts, and the inscription was found in some places defaced, being corroded by the action of the sea-air. Though these parts did not appear legibly on the impression, it was still possible with great difficulty to read the writing on those parts directly from the stone. After straining every nerve to obtain a set of good estampages, with lamp in hand, leiter by letter, word by word, the record was deciphered from the original stone itself. Tbe success is largely due to the indomitable perseverance of my Pandit, Mr. V. Srinivasa Sastri, Smritivigirada; he and I worked at the epigraph, on the spot, for Dearly one month. Most of the verses employ rhymes prasas), which also came in handy by suggesting conjectural readings which in almost all the cases proved, upon reference to the original stone inscription, to be quite correct. Thus then the text was at last nearly com, pletely recovered from the worn surface of the pillars.
The inscription may fitly be called the “Chola-va insa-prasasti." It is extremely important for the history of the Cholas as it contains many pieces of information hitherto unknown to history. As I think that it is not right to defer the publication of this very important document
Caldwell's History of Tirnovelly, p. 19.

Page #45

EPIGRAPHLA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIIL
any longer, I am giving in this article what may be considered a preliminary notice, am aturer edition being reserved for my own publication, in the Travancore Archeological Series.
As has been already romarked, the six pillars are covered with writing from the top to the bottom. At first I conceived that the writing went round the pillar in a spiral; bat on closer examination it was discovered that each pillar consisted of two sections, one on the back face and another on the front. The inscription is continued from pillar to pillar in the following systematic order Ia, Ib, IIa, IIb, and so on, where I represents the first piller and a and i represent the back and front faces of the pillar. The language is mostly Sanskrit. At the end of the record occurs the grant portion beginning with the birudas of king ViraRajēndra, and giving his regnal year. The birudas and names of the king in this section are written in the Grantha alphabet, while the rest is in the Tamil alphabet and language. The Sanskřit portion of the record, giving the genealogy of the Cholas, is entirely in verse, whereas the Tamil portion is in prose. On the whole the epigraph consists of 444 lines.
In the first two verses the god Siva, and in the third Vishnu, are praised. The god of the Universe first created the Brahmånda, and then Brahma was ushered into existence for the purpose of creating all other things. Brahmå, in his turn, created several Rishis to assist him in his task. One of them was Marichi. The son of Marichi was Kaśyapa; his son was Vivasyān: the son of the latter was Manu; Manu's son was Ikshvāku; his son, Vikukshi. grave; Purai jaya, who obtained the title Kakutsthe, was the son of the latter. In the lineage of Kakutstha was born king Prithu ; in tbe same race arobe Kuvalāśva, Mandhatri. Muchukunde, Harischandra, Sagara, Bhagiratha, Rituparna and Dilipa. In this illustrious family was born the Lord (bhagavān) in the four aspects of Rāma, Lakshmana, Bharatx and Šatrughne, purposely to teach the world how each one has to conduct oneself towards others; that is, a son towards a father and mother, a younger brother towards his elder brother and so on. The verses describing Råma (vv. 25-26) are very beautiful. Up to this the genealogy is purely pauranic. Next follows what might be considered as legendary and semihistoric.
In the solar race was born a king named Chole. To this king, who ruled over the whole earth, the forests served as a sort of artificial garden. Once upon a time this king was sporting for some time in the forests inhabited by Rishis; with a small army be once proceeded on a hunting excursion in the adjoining forests. Then a Rakshasa who had assumed the shape of
deer appeared before him. Pursuing the animal he and his followers reached another forest, where he killed that deer. By this time he had reached the bank of the river Kāvēri; he went along its course, bathed in its water, which was as sweet as amrita; he looked all round for Brāhmaṇas and found none about the place. He then brought several Brāhmaṇas from the Äryävarta and settled them comfortably on the banks of the river Kåvori. Cutting down the forests on either bank of the Kåvēri, ho planted gardens containing creepers of betel leaves and areca palms.
Rājakēeari, the son of Cho!a, suoceeded him after his death. The son of Rajakesari was Parak @sari. The prasasti does not mention the fact that in the Chola dynasty the titles Räja. kësari and Parakesari were assumed by alternate kings, as is stated in the Leiden and the Tiruvălangadu grants. In this dynasty were born Mrityujit, who conquered Mrityu, the god of
[This has since been done by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar in Volume III of that series, pp. 85 to 158
Ed.)
* This is evidently an imitation of a similar occurrence in the life of Rå ms. areh. Survey of South India, Vol. IV, p. 204, and South Ind. Iners., Vol. III, p. 883.

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KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
death; Virasena; and Chitra, frightened at the power of whose arrows Devendra (Indra) accepted the tiger-banner, in which he also took refuge. From that time the tiger became the crest of the Cholas just in the same manner as a pair of carp fish and the bow were respectively the crests of the Pandyas and the Cheras; then came Pushpakētu, Ketumala, Samudrajit and Pañchapa. The last mentioned king cut open five arteries in his body and fed with the blood issuing out of them five Yakshas who came to him as his guests and demanded of him this curious and cruel food. For feeding the Yakshas in the manner described he obtained the name Pañchapa. The king Nrimrida sprang in this race, and by the grace of Paramesvara conquered Mrityu, the god of death; then appeared Manoratha, and the illustrious Parunatkili (Perunatkilli) and others. Karikala, who was born in this family, seeing that the river Kävēri by its irregular flow was destroying the crops, caused embankments to be constructed on both its sides, the kings conquered by him carrying earth on their heads for that purpose. Valabha,1 Jagadēkamalla and Vyalabhayankara were also been in this dynasty.
23
Here commences the genuine history of the Cholas. Vijayalaya is said to have been born in this lineage. He was worshipped by all kings; he is here stated to have constructed anew the city of Tañjapuri in the Chola country; but the Tiruvalangadu grant distinctly mentions the fact that Vijayalaya took Tañjapuri by force and set up in it the goddess Nisumbhasüdanı (Durga). Evidently, the composer of the Kanyakumari prasasti did not know exactly how Tañjapuri came to be the seat of the Cholas in the time of Vijayalaya. The true fact seems to have been remembered by the composer of the Tiruvalaågäḍu document. It has been stated elsewhere that Tañjapuri must have been seized from the Muttaraiyars, the vassals of the Pallavas, by Vijayalaya. The son of Vijayalaya was Adityavarman alias Kodandarama. In the village of Tondamanaḍ near Kalahasti there is a temple of the Chola period. One of its inscriptions belonging to the 34th year of the reign of Madiraikonḍa Parakesarivarman, i.e. Parantaka I, calls the temple by the name Kodandarāmē vara alias Adityēsvara. Mr. Venkayya in his Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1905, wrote about it thus:-"No. 318 of 1904 mentions the king's son éri-Kodandaraman while No. 347 of 1904 refers to prince Kodandan. Even at the present day Kodandan is a familiar abbreviation of Kodandaraman, and we may therefore suppose that both Nos. 318 and 347 of 1904 refer to the same prince, who was the son of Parantaka I. In the same village of Tondamanaḍ is another inscription of Parantaka I, dated in his 34th year (about A.D. 939), which mentions the temple of Kodandaramēśvara alias Adityēsvara. It is not impossible that this temple was called after the Chola prince Kodandaraman. If this surmise proves correct, it may be concluded from the other name Adityēsvara given to the Tondamanad temple that Kodandaraman was the surname either of the king's eldest son Räjäditya or of his second son Gaṇḍaraditya." Subsequently, while reviewing No. 286 of the Collection of the Madras Epigraphist for the year 1906, found in Tirumalpuram which stated that the village of Sirriyārrür had been granted as a devadana and as a brahmadeya in the 21st year of Tondaimaṇārrür-tañjinn-Udaiyar, Mr. Venkayya changed his opinion and said that Tondaimāṇārrar-tunjina-Udaiyar, i.e. the lord who died at Topḍaimänärrür,' must refer to Aditya I, that Tondaimiņārrür is probably Tondamanaḍ near Kalahasti in the North Areot District which in a record of Parantaka I found at the place, is called Tonḍaimanperärrür,
1 The Tamil word Valavan, which later on came to signify, like the word Cholm, any Chola king, is converted here into Valabha.
2 See 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 418, vv. 45 and 46.
Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, p. 136.
Ep. Rep., 1905, p. 50, para. 9.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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and that the temple of Kodaņdaråmēśvara at the village, which is also called Adityēsvara in the inscription of Parantaka I must have been called after Aditya I. This latter conclusion is now proved by the explicit statement found in the Kanyakumari inscription that Aditya I, father of Parantaka I, was known by the name Kodaņdarāma. The Kanyakamāri inscription adds that Aditya I alias Kodaņdarama killed the Pallava king seated on his elephant. The opponent of Aditya I was Aparajita.
The next king of the dynasty was Parāntaka, son of Aditya. Ho destroyed the Pandya king together with his whole army, took the whole of his treasure and burnt Madura, his capital. From these military exploits he was known as Madhurāntaka, that is, "death to Madhura (i.e. Madura)." Because he defeated the unconquered Krishiņa-Raja ho came to be known as Vira-Chöļa. It is only in this inscription that we hear that the Rashtrakāta king Krishna III was defeated in battle by Parāntaka I. Krishna ascended the throne about A.D. 940, a year which falls within the reign of Parantaka I (A.D. 907-948). It is quite probable that Krishna III was defeated by Parantaka I, and it was perhaps in vengeance thereof that the former invaded the Chola country soon after the death of the latter and early in the reign of Rajaditya, Parantaka's son and successor.
In all his Tamil inscriptions Parantaka I is described as Madiraikonda Parakesarivarman, that is, .Parakosarivarman who took Madura.' Sometimes the word “flamum" occurs after
Madiraiyum' in the inscriptions of this king. We shall see presently that he conquered also flam or Ceylon as reported in the Tiruvalangāda grant.*
The Kanyakumāri inscription states that Parantaka caused his army to cross the sea and conquer Simhala ; by killing the lords of Simhala and subjagating the country be obtained the surname Simhalántaka. As it is stated that it was only his army that crossed the
A we have to infer that Parāntaka I himself did not lead the army to Sinhala, bat, entrusting the invasion to his generals, stopped on the mainland. He is further stated to have constructed several agrahāras like Viranārāyanapura and granted there for the enjoyment of Brahmaņas. This Viranårāyapapara seems to be the same as the modern Kattumapņārköyil, a suburb of Gangaikondasolapuram which was the native place of the great Árivaishnava acharyas Nāthamuniga! and Yamunarya alius Aļavandār.
The son of Parantaka (I) was Arindama. To Arindama was born & son named Parāntaka (II). Anticipating trouble from this valiant king, the Pāṇdya king fled across the mountains, evidently to the Kerala country. Parantaka II fought several battles and imprisoned a large number of kinge.
The son of Parantaka II was Rājarājs. He caused a number of yāgas to be performed. It was the custom with Rājarāja never to kill those enemies who surrendered to him ; in spite of this well-known fact the Chalukya king Satyasraya senselessly ran away from the battlefield.
Rajaraja had a son named Madhurāntaka. He conquered the Kuntala king, that is, the Chalukya, and made Manyak hēts, his capital, a camping and sporting ground for his army. Sending his generals at the head of his powerfal army northwarde, he caused them to defeat guccessively the kings of the Kulata and the Utkals countries and to kill the kings of
1 Ep. Rep., 1907, p. 71, para. 80. * Ibid., 1906, p. 65.
+ [It has been shown in Arokl. Suroey Report for 1908-09, p. 188, that Räjāditys died before his father and did Rot socceed to the Chola throne. --Ed.]
• South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III, p. 396, vv. 51-52.
* An inscription found at Mahendragiri (No. 897 of the Madras Epigraphist's Collection for 1897) state that " a general of Rajendra-Cbols (named in Tamil, Rajendra-Chola-Pallavaraiyan Rajarajamárāyap) overcame the Kulūta king named Vimaliditys and set up a pillar of victory." The general is called Dattakars in another epigraph found in the same place.

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Kalinga and Vimgēndral; and to bring the water of the Ganges filled in pots carried on the heads of the conquered kings. The latter statement regarding the conquest of Rajendra-Chola of the countries as far as the Ganges is in close agreement with that found in the Tiruvālañgåda grant. In both the records it is distinctly mentioned that Rājēndia-Chola ulias Madhurāntaka himself did not proceed against the northern kings and did not extend his arms as far as the Ganges by leading the army in person, but got the credit of having
taken the Ganga river' (Gangai-konda) by the victories achieved by his generals. The inscription states further that he sent his army across the sen to the Kataha country and set fire tits and that there was n thing impossible for this monar-b to achieve.
This king, Madhorāntaka (that is, kājëndra-Chola I), had three sons, named (respectively) Rajā hiraja, Rajēndra-dēva and Vira-Rajēndra-dēva. Of these, Rajadhiraja was the eldest. For the first time we have the very explicit statement in the inscription under notice that Rajendra-Chola had three song.. Up till now the relationship existing between Rajēndrn-Chola and the three brothers, Rājādhiraja, Rajendra-dēva and Vira-Rājëndra-deva, was vaguely conjectured.
The Kanyakumari inscription states that Rajadhiraja destroyed the city of Kalyanapura and conquered the lord of that place, Ahavamalla. These facts are well known to students of Indian history by the inscriptions of this king. Kalyanapura was the capital of the Chåļikyas and Ahavamalla was the Chalukya contemporary of Rajadhiraja.
After the death of Räjädbiräja, his next younger brother Rajëndra-dēva ascended the throne, and the latter in his turn was succeeded by his younger brother Vira-Rājēndra-dēva. He killed the Mannāts (Karnata P) kings in the battle at Kudat-sangama. This king, Vallsbhavallabha, took possession of Vèngi and Kalinga, left uncared for by his elder brothers and consequently overrun by enemies; Vira-Rajendra, who is known also by the names Karikāla and Vira-Chola, set up several dharma-tāsanas (that is, engraved deeds of grants). He presented an invaluable ruby, known as trailokya-8āra, to the god Dabhra-Sabhāpati (the god of Chidambaram), and it was set up in the crown of that god. He established a number of agraharas in the Chola, Tuņdira, Pandya, Gangavāți and Kulüta countries and colunised them with forty thousand Brahmapas well-versed in the Vēdas. From the other inscriptions of this monarch we know that he won a victory over the Chāļukya Ahavamalla ut Kūļalsangama and Koppa and captured all the treasures belonging to his opponent, as also
[The note on Text 1. 860 below roade (2] .--Ed.] · South-Ind. Insors., Vol. III, p. 424, v. 117. • Ibid., v. 128. The conquest of Kadiram also is described in the historical intrudaction prefixed to his Tamil inscriptions
• The Kalingattupparani seems to indicate that Rajēndra-Clola I, seeing that he had no sons to succeed him, resolved on electing Kalottanga-Chola I, & grandson by his daughter, as his successor. This information is not of much value as it is not based on actual facts. Inscriptions of Räjähirija I and Rájöndradēvs enumerates number of Cbola princes who stood in the relation of uncles, brothers, and sons to the kings. Besides, the Tirarálangada Plates state that a certain Sundara-Chola-Pandya was Rájëndra-Chola I's son ; see 8. I. I, VOL III, p. 423, vv. 93 and 99.
The following is the passage in 8. I. I., Vol. III, Part I, pp. 69-70, which describes this event
" (L. 28) Having moved (his camp), he declared :-(We) shall not rutgrn without regaining the gol country of Vengai, which (we had formerly) subdued. You, (who sre) strong, come and defend (it), it (yon) are able! That army which was chosen (for this expedition) drove into the jungle that big army, which wted (ita enemius) on the great river close tn Visaiyavādui (and) which had for its obiefs Jananitha, the Dandana, ka Rajamayap, whose mast elephants trumpeted in herds, and Mupparusap.
(L. 29.) His elephants drank the water of the Godavari. (Ile) crossed even Kalingam apd, buyond it). despatched (for) battle (his) invincible army as far as the further end of Sakkara-kottam (Chakrs-kõtta).
" (L. 30.) (He) 76-00Equered the good country of Vengri and bestowed (it) on Vijayadityan, wbuse broad hand (hold) weapons of war, (zd) who had taken refuge at bis lotus-feet."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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his women. The fact of his presenting the god Sabhāpati with a jewel is quite new. That he established a number of agrahāras does not appear to be a mere boast; we have even now several of them, such as Virarājamangalam, Viracholapuram, etc.
The Tamil portion of the inscription begins afresh with the phrase Svasti Sri and states that the king Bajak barivarman Vira-Rājēndra, who bore the birudas and surnames! Maharajadhiraja, Rajasraya, Raja-Rājēndre, Vira-Chola, Karikāla-Chola, etc., seems to have made a grant of land to the temple of Kanya-Piļāriyar (Bhagavati) at Kumari i.e. Kanyakumāri). This portion of the inscription is damaged and cannot be easily deciphered.
On the whole the Kanyakumari inscription is a valuable document for the construction of the history of the Chola dynasty. With the Apbil grant, the Leiden grant, the Tiruvalangadu grant and the Kanyakumari inscription, the four most important documents, the history of the Cholas could be written completely and satisfactorily. The Tamil works Kalingattupparani, etc. may also be of great interest in the study of Chola history.
The following table gives the genealogy of the Cholas as found in the Kanyakumari insoription; and the genealogies derived from the Tamil works, the Vikrama-Solam-ula, the Kulotturiga-Solan-ula and the Sarkara-Solam-ula, are also added for purposes of comparison.
The Kanyakumari inscription.
1
Vilvädbinātha.
2 Brahma 8 Marichi. 4 Kasyapa. 6 Vivusvān.
6 Mann.
13 Machokunda. 14 Harischandr. 15 Segara. 16 Bhagiratha. 17 Rituparna. 18 Dilipa. 19 Raun, Lakshmana, Bharata and Satrughna. 20 Chöln, wbo fret came to the south and settled
down tbere; brought several families of Brabmaņas from Aryavarta and populated the
new kingdom. 21 Rajakesari. 22 Parakēnari.
7 Iksbraku.
8 Vikakshifrava. 9 Kakutatha alias Parañjaya. 10 Pritha. 11 Kuvalaiva 12 Mändbätri.
1 The following is the passage referring to the several titles of Vira-Rájöndrs which occurs in No. 161, Chintamani Tk., Kolar District of the Mysore province :
Bakala-bbuvan-äfraya Bri Prithvi-vallabbs mabārijādbirija paramé vara parama-bhattarska Ravi-kula-tilaka Chale-kula-sekhara Pandya-kul-iptaks Abavamalla-kula-kala Ahava mallapai aimmadi menkanda Rajasekhara • Rajara ya Raja-Rajendra Vira-Chöln Karikala-Choļa Sri Vira-Rajandra-dēvarku yandu apvada."
In 8. I. I, Vol. III, p. 198, also wo find :-"Sakala-bhuvanafraya Sri Mödinivallabhs mabarajadhiraja Chola-kola-sundars Pandya-kul-antaks Ahava malla-kulu-kala Ahavamallapai mummadi men-kaņda Rajáfraya Vira-Chala Karikala-Chola Vira-Rajendra-dēva Rajakēnari-peramánadiga!... yandu 4 vedo."
Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, PP. 48. . Arohl. Survey of 8. India, Vol. IV, pp. 204 ff. • 8. L I., Vol. III, pp. 883 8.

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KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
23 Mrityujit, who conquered Death.
24 Virasena.
25 Chitra, who made Indra seek refuge in his tiger
banner.
26 Pushpaketa.
97 Kētumála.
28 Samudrajit.
29 Pañchaps, who cut bis veins and fed with his blood five Yakshas who came to him as guests.
The Kanyakumari inscription.
30 Nrimrida, who with the help of Paraméévara conquered Death.
31 Manōratha.
34 Valabha.
85 Jagadōkamalla.
36 Vyulabhayaakara.
44 Bajadhiraja destroyed with fire Kalyanapura, defeated and dealt with Ahavamalla and his generals.
37 Vijayalaya, who made Tañjapari the capital of the Chola country.
38 Aditya alias Kodandarama, who killed the Pallava that was seated on his elephant, in battle.
39 Parantaka, who killed the Pandya king, extinguished his army, took all his treasure, and set fre to Madura, his capital. Hence he was called Madhurantaka. He conquered the unconquered Krishnaraja and was therefore called Vira-Chōla. He crossed the ocean and defeated the kings of Simbals and was hence styled Simhalantaka. He established Viranarayanapura and other famous agrahāras.
40
32 Perunatkilli.
42
33 Karikala, who built the embankments of the Kaveri, which was destroying the crops by its excessive flow.
41
27
Arindama.
Parantaka.
The Pandya was driven away and several kings defeated in battle.
Rajaraja, who defeating several kings in battle, performed several yagas. Satyaáraya rau away from him in battle.
45 Rajendra-deva.
48 Rajendrs or Madhurantaka; he conquered the king of the Kuntala country; made Manyakheta the playground for his army; his general defeated the kings of Kulüta and Utkala and killed those of Kalinga and Vanga and made the defeated kings carry the water of the river Gaugă on their heads for his lord. His army crossed the sea, defeated the king of Kataha and set fire to it.
46 Vira-Rajendra (Raja-Rajendra). He conquered in the battle of Küdalaangams the kings of the Karnata family. He took the countries of Vengi and Kalinga which were neg lected by his brothers and had, therafore, been seized by enemy kings. He was called Vira-Chola and Karikala. He set a famous ruby called the trailökyasara in the crown of the lord of Chidambaram. He established agrahäras in the Chōla, Tundira, Pandya, Gangavati, Kulüta and other countries and caused lands to be granted to 40,000 learned Brahmanas.
D 2

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[VOL. XVIII
Tbe Kalingattupparaņi.
1
Vishņu.
2 Brabms. 3 Marichi.
28 Ho who guve his blood to be drunk by
demon. 24 He who commanded the wind. 25 He who destroyed the flying forts. 26 He who roamed about the sky in his serial
chariot. 27 He who helped Dharmaraja in the Mahabharuta
4 Kasyspa. 5 Arks.
8 Mana.
WAP.
28 Hobo married. Naga princes. 29 He who, being pleased with the poem Kelavali
of the poet Poyrai. liberated the Chērs. 80 He who made kingp (conquered by bim) build the
embankment of the Kävēri.
31 He who received in his praise the poem called
Pattinappalai.
7 Ikshváku. 8 He who drove his chariot over his own son. 9 Parandars. 10 He who made the tigar and the deer to drink
water in the same stream. 11 Mehukunda.. 12 He who made it possible for the guils to drink
ambriga. 13 He, who weighed himself against dove
(sibi). 14 Suradhiraja. 15 Chôls. 16 Räjakësari. 17 Parakesari. 18 He who explained the law to Duath. 19 He who brought the river Kaveri from the
west. 20 He who took the higher worlds and ruled the
whole of this world. 21 He who made Indra reside in his fing. 29 De who made the western Ocean mix with the
easteru one.
82 He who destroyed the kings of the Pandya
an the Chēra countries and took Kudal (.e.
Madura) and Isam. 33 He who celebrated the festival of his birth
day (Sadaya-nakshatra) in the Chers coun
try. 34 The king who made his horses drink water from
the river Ganga and took Kadiram situated
beyond the sea. 35 He who set up & pillar of victory at Kampili,
took Kalsaņs and caused the tiger emblem to be engraved on the eight chief mour
tains. 36 He who, seated upon an elephant, came out
victorions at the battle of Koppa and received the anointment of heroes (cir-a.
dishika). 37 He who enforced the Laws of san and
was thrice ( four times) superior to Mana
himself. 88 Abhaya, who was victorious at Kudelsangams.
The Vikrama-śőlap-ula.
7 He who made the tiger and the deer to drink from
the same stream.
1 Vishņu.
Brahma. 3 Kabyapa. • Maricbi. 6 The wheeled charioteer (Sun). 6 He who drove his chariot over the body of hiel
Owadon
8 He who drove in bis aerial chariot. 9 He who ruled over the Bbögabhumi (Purandara). 10 He who explained the law to Death. 11 He who .... ... 13 He who destroyed the flying forts.

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The Vikrama-Solap-uli.
22 He who took the Gangi and Kadars and was
pleased to be seated on nimsana. 28 He who conquered the city of Kalyiņs after
attucking it thrice. 24 Ho who fought the battle at Koppem.
13 He who made the water of the western ocean join
with that of the eastern ocean. 14 He who married the Naga princesa. 16 He who got into the scale-pen against the weight
of a dove. 16 He who brought the Kåvõri river to the Cbols
country. 17 He who built the banks of the Kiveri. 18 He who, being pleased with the poem of Poygai,
liberated the Chöra king. 19 He who was adorned with 96 scart on his chest,
received in battlefielda. 20 He who covered the hall (Chidambaram temple) with gold.
adambaram temple) 21 He who took in day the kingdom of the
Malai-nida.
26 Ho who presented the god Ranganaths with
serpent couch. 26 H who defeated his enemies at Kudalaangamam
and killed several elephanta. 97 He who twice destroyed the kalam at Salai, who
tout the western cean, defented the Pandyu, Cheras, took Konkans and Kannada, killed the Märatta king, and who is known by the name of Abbays.
Vikrama-Cbols.
The Kulõttunga-solap-uli.
1 The Sun (R)
16 Ho who broke the rock that stood in the way
of the Kaveri river and brought her into his 2 He who drove his chariot over his son.
country. 3 He who .......
16 He who woended the scalo-pen ngajout the weight
of dove. 4 He who protected the castles of the gods.
17 Karikala, who made hings curry ourth to build 8 Ho who wt on the throne of the lord of gods (Indra) along with him.
18 Killi, who married (the Näga) damsel. 6 Killi, who explained the law to Death.
19 He who liberated the Chers king, being plenaed 7 Måndhitri, who made the tiger and the door to with the poem Kajaali of Poygai. drink water from the same stresm..
20 Ho who wussdorned with 96 in on his chest & The king of kings who brought down Mandakini received in battle.
(Gang) to send his ancestors to heaven by bathing their bones with the holy water.
21 He who tore to pieces Brahmarakshas and
repaired the Chidambenim templo: who took 9 H who fought against the Kauram in tho I am and Medan Mabibhänta war.
32 Ho who took and destroyed the fort of Udagal ta
one day.
8 He who took the river Gage and the country 11 H, who took the bead of .. ...
Kadaram and was pleased to be noted on the
wisha sana.
34 Suigundavirttög. 18 Ile who destroyed the dying forte.
26 Akalakay, who received in his pralo the
Kaliagattupperasi. 14 B who joined the western ocean with the eastern.
| 26 Kalöttung Chole

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[Vol. XVIII.
The Sankara-sõlan-ula.
18
The king who liberated the Chēra, being
pleased with the poem Kalavali sung by
Poygai. He who bore on his chest 96 scars received
in battle.
19
20
The king who covered the Hall with gold.
21 He who took the Kéraļa country in one day.
1 Vishnu. 2 Manu (). 3 The Sun. 4 He who drove his chariot over his own son, 6 He who made the tiger and the deer to
drink from the same stream. 6 He who drove in a celestial chariot. 7 Purandara. 8 He who explained the law to Death.
9 He who ...... 10 He who destroyed the flying forts. 11 He who joined the western ocean with the
eastern. 12 He who married the Någa princess whose
ancestors possessed the seven worlds. 13 The king who presented 11,000 pons for one
Verse. 14 Another who gave 16 crores of pons for a
verne. 16 He who ascended the scale-pan against the
weight of a dove. 16 He who conducted the Kavori from the west
to his country. 17 Ho who built the_embankments on both
sides of the river Kavēri.
22 He who took Ganga and Kadaram. 23 He who fought thrice against the city of Kal
sana. 24 He who took 1,000 elephants at Koppam. 25 He who gave to Vishnu in Köyil (Sri.
rangam) a jewel couch in the shape of a
Berpent. 26 He who defeated his enemy at Kadalsanga
mam. 27 He who received the Kalingattu-Parani in
praise of himself. 28 Vikrama-Chöln, who received the ula in his
praise from the pen of Kattan. 29 He who was praised in a Valsaikkali-malai
and a Pillai-Tamil. s0 Be who presented for each verse of an ulu
praising him 1,000 pons. 31 Satkara-Raja.
We bave to mention here two Chola kings, viz. Adhirajëndra and Rāja mahendra, who seem to have reigned as co-regents with Rajendra-dēva and Virarajendra.
Dr. Hultesch believes that Rajamahēndra must be the son of Räjēndra-deva and the predecessor of Vira-Rajendra-deva. He writes about these kings thus :-" As regards Rājumahēn. dra, his reign seems to be covered altogether by those of Rajēndra-dëra and Vira-Rajendra I. Perhaps he was a fon and temporary co-regent of Rajendra-deva. This was suggested already by an neoription of the 9th year of Rajendra which mentions among the boundaries of a village the road of Rajamahendra.' A further confirmation is furnished by the fact that his successor Vira-Rajendra adopted the surname Rājakēsari. If he had recognised Räjamahendra Räjakēnarivarman as his rightful predecessor, he would, in accordance with all precedents, have assumed the title Parakösari."
The Kaliriyattupparans, the Vikrama-Solar-ula and the Sarkara-Solar-ula refer to a king who is stated in the two latter works to have given to the god Ranganatha of Srirangam

Page #54

No. 41
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
31
a golden serpent couch. The Koyilolugu informs us that the king Rajamahendra was a devotee of the god Ranganātha and that be constructed one of the prakaras of that god's temple. Putting together the statements of the two sets of literary evidences, I think it is possible for us to infer that the king who presented to the Srirangam temple a golden serpent couch must be identicul with Rajamahēndra. Since the Kalisigattupparani, etc., place him before Vira-Rājēndra, the finding of Dr. Holtzsch receives further strength. It is quite likely that he was made a yuvarāja with the title Rajakėbari, that, when his father and uncle were engaged in war with the Chalukyas, he was administering the kingdom in the capacity of the ywvaraja, but that he died before his father and therefore never ascended the throne. As a consequence, when Vira-Rājēndra ascended the throne, in regular succession to Rajendra-deva, he also called himself a Rajakësari.
The Kanyakumari inscription, which traces the descent of the Cholas down to Vira-Rajondra, is silent about Rajamahendra, bis immediate predecessor. This silence about him is significant and corroborates further the hypothesis of Dr. Hultzsch.
TEXT. [Metres : vv. 1, 10-12, 18, 21, 24, 26, 44, 47, 52, 56, 73, 76, 77, 79, Sardalavikridita; vv. 2-9, 15, 20, 60, Sragdharā; v. 13, Varhastha ; vv. 14, 49, 71, Sikharini; v. 16, 48, 50, 57, 67, 72, 74, Vasantatilaka ; v. 17, 23, 25, 41, 62, 65, 69, Mālint ; vv. 19, 27, 28, 40, 75, Mandakrāntā; vv. 22, 53, 78, Svägata; vv. 29, 45, Aupachchhandasika; vv. 30-31, 61, Prithut; vv. 32, 46, 59, Praharshini; vv. 33, 38, 39, 42, Salini; vv. 34-35, Harini; vv. 36-37, 58, 63, 66, 66, Rathoddhata ; vv. 43, 54, 55, Upajati; vv. 51, 64, 70, Upendratajrā; vv. 80 and 81, Anushfubh.]
First Pillar : First Side. I TOT C:*] : Af whe 2 तभवस्थिंतिलयानुत्भूतया ली. ३ लया बो वाचामधिनायकरत्र4 grau d ar [*] 5 यत् भक्तिप्रवणैरपायविष6 मस्तार्यो भवाम्भोनिधिया7 त् वस्म विभूतिमिन्दुशकलापोडो
1 The Kalingattupparaşi describes this king thus :
Papuvalukku mudalaya Vēda-nangir
pand-uraitta neri pudukkieppalaiyar tangan. Mapuvinukku mummadi näşmadiyam Solan
madik kndaikkil-san-daļirppa vaļarndavárum The Vikrama-Solar-ula thus:
Pad-arava-ttenn-Aranga-měyarkku=ppapmapiyil. adaraya-ppäysl-smaittapum ..... Mapralan. käppaņaik-Koyir-karamagicka napikkappappaņai seydaļitta pårttivapau...
sasikara, 11. 41.43, Both from the original stores and the mechanicnl impressions pr/pared by ms. * Read . * Road Jaat.
Head oxfa. • Boad

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32
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
8 भवानोपतिः [1] माणमाया[मि]नों
9 यो वहति जगदिदं रञ्जयन्तों'
10 जयन्तों ज्ञानाज्ञानप्रस्
fa
11 ति स्फुटविपुषा योगभाजा12 गभाजा [] सत्वामत्वानुकम्पो हि13 तमुदितमहा [सा]पशूनाम् पशू14 नाम शम्भुभ्यम्भुनपापव्यति 15 कृति भवतस्स प्रपातात् प्रपा16 तात् ॥ - [ 2 *] चक्रे चक्रेण दैत्य
17 प्रकरमतिवलं यचमस्तं समस्त
18 [म्] पाता पाताळ मूलाहित बलिर निश
19 म् भासुराणां सुराणां [it] सद्यस्स द्य
20 वीरिलिजगद्रक्षये
21 न क्षणेन खैरं खैरं [भ] लेशै - ' 22 [fa ]रण सम्भव भिर्भवत्भिः " 23 - [१] पादो देवस्मितामुपनत 24 मय: [ प्रत्यवेक्षा]मदम्भ्राम् बिभ्रत्' 25 विद्याविनयसुचितजगदारम 26 भ्रमम्भस्मस [1*] तस्मिविक्षिप्य 27 बोजबिजमजमखिलं चिलो. 23 कीकर ण्डम् ब्रह्माण्डं तेन [चक्रे ] 29 व्यधित विधिमपि स्र[g] मेनां
वि[ना]
30 "यम् [४] तथाणास्तदानों स
31 कलमपि जगत् सप्रपचं विरि
32 चः कृत्वा तस्तार वीर्य ब्रिजमयमपरान् "
[VOL. XVIII.
• Read सुराणाम्
1 The anusvara symbol is entered twice and once at the end of this line and again at the beginning of the next. • Read प्रसूतिं Read quat. The ai symbols alone are in this line and the letter is in the next. 7 Read faue.
• Real भवह्निर्भवह्निः
Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar who has studiel the inscription and edited it in the Tr. Arch. Series adds some notes and correct readings which passim are enclosed in rectangular brackets. The correct reading seems to be "fe.]
at the commencement
[The inscription seems to read fan, the è sign being at the end of 1. 29 sad of 1. 30.]
10 [The correct ronding is दुबरवन जनयदपरान्. ]

Page #56

No. 4.]
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
33
33 ब्रह्मणः [तान् मुनीन्द्रान्तेषामेक[: त] 34 शेषैरपि . . वि विभ . व . ततानिस
First Pillar : Second Side. 35 . . . बिष्वग्रोचिरीचिस्त्रिभुवन. 36 (न)[भवनात्] सञ्चकासाच्चकार 37 ॥-[.] तस्मा[हि मेरपत्मासमनयन38 चयस्पष्टदृष्टोजितत्रौश्वे39 यस्सम्पत्तिमाजा()धुरि गणितगु.
__ण: काश्यपः पश्यकोभूत् [*] प41 न्योन्योन्भनेन नियमित दध42 तो यबसूतासुराधा निर्व्याज. 43 विजयन्ति प्रचुरमुपचितानंबु44 राशेस्तरंगान् ॥-[] तस्माजात. 46 स्तदानीं [समयकत]सम [वै]: प्र. 46 भावैरुदारैर्विश्वत्राणप्रवी. 47 णैस्मततमतितरां निजयन् [खा]' 48 विवखान् [*] निद्रामुद्राविभेदं प्रथ49 मम[नुभवन्यन्मयूखाभिमाहातु50 [का रविन्दैमह सकळगुरो51 [र्नाभि पनय]काशे ।-[0"] यस्योदस्यात्-' 52 भिरारादव[तम] सतति"व्याततैरंश53 जाल खत्कालखरा[ण्डम 54 प्रथममभिगळत्काकिमेवा(म्)ब56 भासे [1] यविम्बः। सर्णिका[व] बिब56 इति किरणैः केसरैराहि57 तथोक्त्"माढहिन्दळोधे58 रुप[र']चितचो व्योमपंक-"
IRend मुनीन्द्रान। [Mr. K. V. S. Aiyar has कर्मनिष्ठाम्तेषामेवाए. Perhaps the notial reading is a] बनिय[rom न.-Ed.]
? [The reading of this line, in the Trae. Arch. Beries, by Mr. K. V.8. Aiyar is equally doubtful and defective -Bd. Read पचासन. • Read °4.
• Rend नम्बुराशेतरसान. • Read समयकदमम.
The anepāra is in the next lize; read our. . (eg seems to be the correct reading.] Randef.
1. Rand मतिं. Head यरिय:
- Read पहा.
" Read °पडे.

Page #57

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
59 रुहस्त्र ।-[८] एतस्याभूत्तनूजो 60 मनुरमलतनु भुजाम् बीजमाद्य 61 येनकान्तेन योगामनिभिरभि62 हिता मानवीयं प्रति [*] लोका63 नामकवन्द्यः प्रविदधदतलं सम64 धर्मप्रपचैर्भावान् भाखत् 65 '. . . पितरमिव' सुतं यम् प्र66 काशीचकार ।-[९] तस्यैखाकुरभूयशो67 भिरम दिखाततैश्योभितम्68 नु . . . भूभतां सुरगणैय्यत्की69 तिरुद्गीयते [*] यस्यामिषनराधिरामवि.
Second Pillar : First Side. • 70 रहात्रम्हा(१)स्मर्वतो [दृष्टा71 ति]प्रसर व्यजेष्ट बलव[चिच72 स्य तेजः परम् ।-[१०] तस्याभूत्तनयम73 मुबतनयः प्रेषी विकुक्षिश्रवो 74 रक्षामक्षतविक्रमसमकरोत् 76 मामण्डलस्वास्थ यः [1"] पन्योन्य76 प्रविमईनन महती या पार्थिवे. 77 लभ्यते तां [स्ते श्रियमयमं चि78 तिभृतां यत्पादयोरानति[:"] ॥-[११] पुषस्तस्य 79 पुरमयसमभवत् संग्राममाजन्मुषां' 80 जेता भूमिभुजाजिगीषुरसुराल. 81 जे स मान्यस्ततः । [जंभारिं] वषर्भ वि. 82 धाय ककुदे] स्थूलेस्य यमंस्थित. 83 [स्तहे] वैरधिकप्रमोदग[ति]ताम् प्रा[पत्]"
I Rend मा .
Road : . [The gap may be filled up with the word data) · [The text reade fite which has to be corrected into fuu.] . Read
Road यस्कोति. Read out. The ansåra ia in the next line, • Bend बंधारित
• Rnd यम.. Rond 'गदिताम्
"[The correct reading in Te.)

Page #58

Kanyakumari Inscription of Vira-Rajendra : the 7th year.
First Pillar: Front.
First Pillar: Back.
F. W. THOMAS
SCALE THREE-FIFTHS
WHITTINGHAM & GRIGOS, COLL

Page #59

Second Pillar: Front.
Second Pillar: Back.
MR 889
2000
100
102
104
106

Page #60

No. AT
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
84 ककुत्*ि ] स्वाभिधाम् ।[१२] पृथ्वभाव कुले 83 [कुलाद्रिणा] समस्नमस्तावनिपालवन्दितः [1] 86 [विवेकधुस्तपतौ' स नन्दधु' वे[प]87 'धुर्बापि च याचधु[स]नः ॥-[१३] पसुमिन्वं88 [0] भूमहति कुवलावी नरपतिः स्फु89 [हीडरतिनिभृतमुत्भासि90 सतनुः [1] स धुन्धुन्दैत्येन्द्रम् बहक21 सिकतासिन्धुपिहितं हितं लोकाया92 सौ विदधदवधीदुइतबल: ।-[१४] वंशे8 स्प्रिचुत्बभूवात्भुत महिमभरचाजितस्या-' * मराररंगो विश्वंभरातिप्रभमनमनि95 शं कर्तुमुत्मिहकोतिः [*] मान्याता' 98 नाम राजा जननयनमहानन्द97 संदोहजायो यस्याधर्मक्षयाय व्यच98 रदतिजवात् चक्रमा चक्रवाळात् ।-[१५] त99 सिबुपे परमतेजसि भासतौमाम् भू100 मिञ्चचार हरिणा हरिणस्महापि [*] 101 सर्वो मिथस्महजमप्यज[हा]हिरो102 धधर्मास्त्वधर्मविरहान तथा चकार । [१] 108 उदयमिह दधानस्मत् मुखैरेधमान104 सततमसदपाये वृहिमत्यन्ववाये [1] उदनि 106 मुचुकुन्दः कुन्दगौरैर्यगोभिः परिण108 ब व चन्द्रः योममानमयूरो: । [१७]
- Read धुर्जनः
[Read y like me, tuy and se which follow, must be the abstract nouns derived from the roots fafes etc., by adding the termination vey. But fafar is not, according to the Dhätapatha, a fit root and hence the reading fat is very doubtful. -Ed.]
Read °धु
[The correct reading appears to be wafat.] - Read °g and मुद्या.
• Read °नुभूवाछुत1 The length of fir is at the beginning of the next line. (We should have rather expected and not मरार.-Ed.]
* Read TATAT. The secondary å symbol is at the beginning of the next line. Read दायी.
Read [The correct reading seems to be मानी मयूख:]
12

Page #61

36
107
108
109
110
111
112
113 मकरोद्यु
114 शेभवदभिभवबोजसा राज
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Second Pillar: Second Side.
115 वृन्दं लब्धानन्दमितिषु हरिव
116 न्द्रनामा नरेन्द्रः [*] दि[त्] सामेकां दधदपि
117 नयन कोशिकायान्धनायां स्वं व्य
118 क्रीणात्तृणमिव तथा यस्तुपुत्रं कळ
119 अम् ॥ [ १९*] प्रासीदचान्ववाये सगर प्रति [2]
•
नृप[स्तेषां स्व]मतीव दुर्ग
[ता]नामपि ॥ - [१८] अस्मिन्वं- '
120 पस्ततिाशेषभूपो यैनार[म्बे]
121 पि कामं हयमखनिकरे चासितो
• Read त्रयंखि
122 देवराजः [*] यत्पुत्राणाम् प्रभावा123 लवणजलनिधौ सागरत्वं प्रप
125 ·
124 मे शेषाणां वारिधीनामपि [स]कस्नागरत्वञ्चकार ॥ [२० *] मासीद126 त्र [भ]गी [र*]थः चितिपतिर्वशे स्वयं127 [मो]वानुवर्त्तुं कपिलप्रकोप
128 दहनब्वालावलोभस्मितान् [1] स्व [स्मि ]129 धुं वसुधावयन्त्रिपथगाचक्रे
130 स भागोरथीं मर्त्यानप्यमृतान्व्यधात्
1. The anustara is in the next line.
[The è sign of
131 सुरसरित्वा'रिप्रवाह सृशः ॥ - [२१] मन्द132 येत्र सुमहत्यवतीर्ण (:)[सर्व]भूपतिगु
133 णैः परिपूर्णः [*] सज्जनस्तुतिविरा
134 जितवर्ण: ग्रामरचदखिलामृतुप
135 णः ॥ - [ २२* ] इह समजनि भूपः सर्वली
[The correct reading would be fatet.-M.]
is at the end of the previous line.]
[VOL. XVIII.
• Romal रिहारि

Page #62

No. 4.]
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
136 केकतीप:
चपित [भुवनता]पणासिता
137 रिप्रतापः [*] अरियु[वतिविलाप ] स्यारि-'
188 'तोहामकोप [ मिति वि]जयिचा [प][प्राप्]तकी-" अस्मि[अंशच ] तुष्टयेन प्रभुः [क]टां
139 र्त्तिर्द्दिलीप: ॥ – [२३*] 140 भगवान् वंग्रेज [नि ]ट _141 [व]च्य वसुन्धरामतिबलैर्दृष्टे - 14
143 युतोथ भरतश्श [बुन्न] युक्त [स्सुतद्दन्छ ]
144 विष्णुर्भुजायुगद्दयतुला[म्] [स्वर्ण][r] य
145 द्ययौ ॥ [ २४ ] पितरि तनयवृत्तं भ्रातरि भ्रातृ
Third Pillar: First Side.
[हा]राचसे [] [रामो ला]पसं
146 युवतिषु पतितं
मात्र
147 वे शत्रुह [त्त]म् [1] मुनिषु नृपतिवृत्तवन्धुवृत्तं सकलम
148 म् ब[1]न्वये 149 खिल [नाम]: " मिचयामास" लोकम् [२५] ॥ 150 [मो] कोपेन" जवान राच[सप]ति का 151 मेन" न प्रेयसीं स प्रत्याहृतवा[न्*] म 152 होशचरितं कादन्येन चक्रे परम् [1] 153 नो चेरिकन्तपसि स्थितं स म 154लये जानासिना किं 155 वानत्ययकातिष्ट [त्यु] पश्चितान्त [त्या*]156 ज सोतां [दु]तम् [२] तुं तुं 167 पिबलमसौ ब (ल) न्धयब्रेकम
158 ब्वौ चक्रे वक्रेतरगुणनिधि - "
150 मंसेतूनशेषान् [] [वि]
1 Hend दीप:.
* Read usrft. [I would suggest farsfceft the more probable one.-Ed.]
The symbol of a is at the end of the previous line.
.]
[The correct reading is
• Read कीर्तिर्दिलीपः.
ג
• [ भातृषु is tho actual ronding in the inscription.]
" [सुपति is the actual reading in the inscription. The sign of vē at the beginning of 1 147 is at the and of 1.146.]
10 Rena नाथ:
[न क्रोधेन is the actual reading.]
14 Read
• [The text rends क्रीतकी.] Read मंडा.
11 Read शिचयामास.
13 The symbol of mi is in the previous line.
37

Page #63

38
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
160 बुधविपदां व्यापदान्दानवीनां रामं
161 कामं कथयति जनस्ात्गुण [[" ] नाविधा [न] ' ॥ [२७] 162 अस्मिन्वं [ ] जनि विदळयबोजसा [रा]अबू163न्द [ चो]को नाम चितिपतिरतिस्फीतराज
164 म्यकालः [*] यस्याशेषामवनिमवतो' 165 राजधानीमिव स्वां लीलोद्या
166 'नैस्तुलनमदधन्सर्वतः कानना[नि ] ॥ [२८] 167 विहरन् रप्रभः कदाचिन्मुनिवृन्दा
168 ध्युषि[तेषु का] ननेषु [*] अनयदिबु
169 धाश्रयो विहारप्रतिलब्धाव - '
170 सरा [णि] वासरा [णि] ॥ - [२e*] कदाचन मृग
171 व्रजप्रमथनप्र [भु]ज्ञादरञ्चचार®
172 [व] पिनान्तरेष्वनतिभूरिसैन्यः []
173 मी [*] तदा स मृगरूपिणा झटिति केन
174 चिद्रक्षसा [हृतो] हरितमन्वगात्
175 प्रकृतिदक्षिणो दक्षिणाम् ॥ - [१०*] मृग
176 न्तमनु[ग]च्छता प्रजविना शनैर्वा -
177 जिना पृथुद्रुमसमाकुलं विपि -
178 नमन्यदासादित' [*] न्त'मन्वयुरनारतं प्र
179 विततप्रयाणोन्मुखा जवेन र
180 भसोत्पतत्पृथुवरूथिनीना
181 यकाः ॥– [३१] तं हत्वा रजनिचरं स तत्र 182 भूपः कावेरीमनु विचचार भूरिचा[*] चीरांभोनिधिमथनात् सुरै184 रक्ाप्तम् पीयूषम् भुवि सलिलच्छला
18
185 [द्दहन्तीम् ] ॥ [ १२* ] तत्र [ना]त्वा
1 Read सगुणानां निधानम्.
2 The secondary a symbol of the letter to is in the next line. The ai symbol of nai is at the end of the preceding line. The secondary a symbol is engraved in the next line.
6 व looks like न.
The secondary a symbol is in the next line.
● Read सभ्
The secondary a symbol is in the next line.
डिवे
• Read प्रफुल्लादर क्चार
Read a
[VOL. XVIII.

Page #64

Kanyakumari Inscription of Vira-Rajendra : the 7th year.
Third Pillar: Front.
Third Pillar: Back.
Rene
osjanie
Sega3333
92
COM
FIBA
220
F. W. THOMAS
SCALE THREE-FIFTHS
WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL

Page #65

Fourth Pillar: Front.
Fourth Pillar: Back.
224
202
228
284
284
288
272
238
280
SU
248
282
248
284
250
ROBI
288
Deras a LI
280
256
292
258
294
296

Page #66

No. 4.]
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
Third Pillar Becond, Sadas
186 [भ्यो] नापश्यत्तान्वश्यचित्त
187 स्तदानीम् [*] चार्यावर्ताविर्या
188 [मेनका ] 'नानीयाध्यावासयामा
189 [म] तीरे ॥ [ ३३* ] विपिनमखिलं चित्वा
190 पूर्ववकार वनमहत्तदनु वि
191 [दधे धी] रमारं सनागसाहु
192 [] [] उपवनचयेरन्ये कावेर
193 तातटद्दयवसुमतीमेकच्छाया
194 मनेकफलां व्यधात् ॥ [२४] अमरस
195 [ति] खानम् भूयस्तपचरवचना 196 विदति त तस्याः पचिविष्टपकच्छ्राचिविष्टप
197 काम्यया [] ४ विरचितं खानं [घोर]
198 तपच सुरालयादपि शुभतरे [
198 से ब] स्थिरीकुरुते सताम् । [१५] अन्वया
200 समनु राजकेसरी वासराधिपा
201 समद्युतिः [*] चोकभूपतनयो नयात्
202 [विभुः ] चोणिमाजलधि 'वाहिताहितः ॥ [24*]
203 त [त]स्तु परकेसरी नृपी मा
204 री [तम]निवार्यमासन: [1] सद्मखः
205
ताहरनिया
208 रमचिमः ॥ [१०]
मिम्यं लुधिया 207 म राजा मृत्योर्जेता पातितारातिव
।
208 [ ] []जे' पराजयाच प्रका 200 [देव][ []न्तोषयन् वयं
210 [] [२८] अस्मिन्वंशे वीरसेनामिया 211 [नो जा]तो नीताशेषडोकाचित
212 [] [] देवे राजा तेजसा भातृतु
•
89
Read f1.
1 Read 1 नका.
Between and कवेर two long syllables are wanting [Perhaps "रन्येोयं might be suggested..d.]
• [This correct reading is ताप्रित'.]
• Bond प्रच्छयूँतोषयन्
• Rond नयाद
• [This word may also be read न े.]
* The secondary ঁ symbol is in the next line.

Page #67

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XVIII.
218 ल्यः कल्याणानाम्मन्दिरं सुन्दरांग: ॥-[२८] 214 चिचिोधाम' क्षितिपतिरभूत्तत्र वंशे. 215 धिकीर्विवस्तारिप्रकरविनतिव्यक्त216 विच्छिवकीपः [1] वृषारातिझटिति' स217 मरे तजितो यस्य बाणैर्मिीत्तो218 भूतस्मततमभजव्याघ्र केतुध्वजत्व219 म् ॥-[४०] प्रवनिमखिलपारावारतीराभि220 रा[मा]म् परतनुविरतत्रीशासितुवाभि221 [तारिः] [*] निजभुजबललीलावष्टराजन्य222 समीरित समजनि वंशे भूपति[: पुष्पक-' 223 तुः ॥-[४१] पस्मिन्वये केतुमासाभि
Fourth Pillar: First Side. 224 धानी जातो राजा जातशम्पाप्र225 कायः [*] इत्वा सर्वमाभृतां [केतु]226 माला येनावाप्तं केतुमालाभि227 धानम् ॥-[४२] समुद्रजिवाम नरा[धिराजो] 228 [भुवं] . . . . . . . वोर्यः [1"] पूर्वापरा229 मभोनिधिमित्रणेन [पण्येन . . . 230 अमुतां [स] लोभिः] [४३"] श्रीमत्य[च कुल] 231 बभूव महितीः पञ्चपाख्यो नृपो 282 निर्व्याजातिथिपूजनोनितमना य[चा] 233 न स पञ्चातिथीन् [] विड़ा पच्च[सि] रा. 234 स्खयोणितमसौ तैर्याचित[स्साद]235 रं कोणन्तत् सकसानपाय[य]त त्यवा[]तस्तु 236 [*]त् पक्षपः ॥[४४.] प्रभवविभवेज-20 287 [य]न्दिगोशानिह वंथे नृपतिमधाण238 कान्तः [1] नृमृडम मृडस्ख सम्प्रसादादI Rend चिची नाम- Read "भटिति.
Road 941. •[ga farfarefacer appears to be the actual reading.]
The symbol ol ki alone is in this line. • The secondary å of the letter is in the next line. [Perhaps
is the actual reading. Ed.] [वंशन विशाल are seen before वीय:.-d.] .Could the paasage readमसभे.
phe secondary å symbol is in the seat luo. • Bad भवधिभवे.

Page #68

No. 4]
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
239 जयन्मत्युमनत्ययप्रभावः ॥-[४५] पचा[भूद]240 मखगुण[*] कुलेतुलथोस्तेज खी म. 241 मिति मनोरथाभिधानः [*] यो वा 242 झटिमि' मनोरथानरोणाम् ... 243 मामकुरुत सतफलात् बलन । [१] 24 एतस्मिन्परनक्किळिप्रभृतयो .. 215 धराधोखरा भयांमस्तु निता246 मरेखरबलबीविक्रमा जतिर [*] ये. 247 षामाजलधिक्षमांसपतनव्याप्त 248 यशोभिशशुभैराब्रमाण्डमख. 249 हदेशसमयं विश्वजग[द्राजते ॥-[४.*] 250 पस्मिन् कुले कुलधराधरस[वि]- . 251 काशः काशोपमान[विततोरु]252 यमःप्रतानः [*] पासीत् क्षितीशतिल. 253 कः करिकालनामा चोकममुस्थितरि264 पुषितिपालकाल: ॥-[४८*] स कावेरो256 न्दूरीकतसकलसस्यां विदधतीम् प256 यःपूरै स्मारेरवनिम[विनीती]257 इति[१]र: [*] प्रतौरोभूताभिर्बरपति करा. 258 शिलष्टपिटकप्रकीभिर्मभिरुण259 दरुणाग्रेसरसम[:] । [४८] [अस्मिन्कुले] 260 सकलपार्थिववन्धपादो [जातो]
___Fourth Pillar : Second Side. 261 भिजात गुण[संहति . . . श्रोः [*] 262 [अर्जखलोत्भुत नि[मा प्रतिमप्र263 ताप(स)सन्तापितारिशिलभो" - 264 सभो महीमः ॥-[५.] बहान्वये265 भूदमरीमतुखः परास्वविह
Read fefe. • Read guit • Rend °वर्म सतपनं बाप्न. • Road Sरपति 10 Real gन.
* Could the reading here be em P • The anuarāra of is in the neat line. • Read वियंचन.
- Rond पूरैः याः
• Read
r.
" Read शखमी.

Page #69

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vorxvfti.
266 जनतापशयः [*] समसराजा-' 267 तकरि[भि]: चमाधिनायो' 268 जगदेकमनः ।-[५१*] - 269 सिबरिराजवन्दितपदहन्दारवि270 न्दचमि राजा [व्यास]भयंकर' 271 स्ममभवत् - - - - - व. [*] दो. 272 ईण्डाञ्चितखटखसण्डितरिपो23 यस्योर्जितश्रीजुषः को274 पाग्नि: हिषदनामसलि-1 276 लैस्मातः परं गाम्यति ॥-[५२*] पब 276 येत्र विजयालयमामा समब
भा भूव सकलचितिनाथः [*] यत्प278 दाम्बुरहयुग्ममनसं खरीक279 तमशेषमहीपैः ।-[५३*] निवेश. 280 [यामास स चोकदेशे नवीनता281 शेषगुणप्रहहां [*] कक्षास282 नाबैरमरैः प्र[गौ]तान्तचापु-15 283 रीवाम पुरी नरेन्द्रः ॥-[५४*] पादितवर्मा-10 284 भवदस्य पुत्रः कोदण्डरामाभि285 धया प्रसिद्धः [*] • उत्पुत्व” मत्तहिरद. 286 [५] संस्थजघान य: पनवराजमा-" 287 जौ ॥-[५५*] पस्याभूत्तनयः पराक्र288 मवतामेकाधिपः माभुजां वोर289 श्रीनिलयः परान्तक इति ख्यात: -
The secondary å symbol is in the next line. Read wu:. • The secondary i symbol of 7 is in this line. • Read °चमौ.
The reading is not quite certain; it might also be afr. • [The traces before this word would admit of the reading ut.] - Read दोर्दण्डाञ्चितबड़.
• The secondary i symbol slone is in this line. • Ready . " Read "निषिद.
1 The secondary ai symbol is in this line. " [For the existing traces, स्मित: would be better.] # The secondary i symbol of 9 is in the previous lino. 14 The secondary å symbol is in the next line "ता would rhyme better with कमा.
1. The letter of looks like a. M Read उपन्य.
- Read हिरदेन्द्र 1. The secondary å symbol is in the next line.

Page #70

No: 4.1
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA RAJENDRA-DEVA.
43.
290 माधीश्वरः [*] बेसीद्यानविहारि291 [भि]मंदकळयंहारणाधीश्वरै-1 292 स्विन्ते मदसिन्धभिः प्रतिदिशम् 298 पाथर्धासि पाथोनिधः ॥-[५६*] त्वा 294 तु पाण्यमखिलेन बञ्जन सा.. 295 कं त्वा तदीयमखिलं वह वीर्यमा 296 [ली ।"] भस्मीचकार मधुरां यदधाता
Fifth Pillar : First Side. 297 मि ततम मधुरान्त298 कमामधेयम् ॥-[५७*] पब्लिगाय 299 विजयोपमद्युतिः कृष्णराजमजि800 तबराधिपः [*] भूरिविक्रम[क्वि]801 चितद्युतिर्वीरचोळ इति ते. 302 न कोय॑ते ।-[५८] यत्तौणन. 803 सनिधिमपतैबलौ304 धै'संयत्तान् समिति जघान] 805 सिंहळेयान् [*] तत् सर्वत्पिति 806 पतिवन्धमानपादहीन्वर्था307 मभजत सिंहकान्तकाख्य[*]म् [- ] 308 दृष्टान्त: कोस्य राजस्मकलगु809 णनिधे[शम्नुयात्] कोस्य [व]810 म 'भूयि[:"]शाध्यान् गुणौघान् युधि] 211 समिति रिपोबिक्रमैकासदस्य [1] 319 यो विधिप्रभोग्याननुपम318 विभवान्बीरनारायणाया[नत्य314 ग्यानपहाराब्ब्यधित [विधि]रिर्व ख316 मस्तारिवर्मः ।-[.] अमुष तनयो 316 भवडिभुररिन्दमाथी नृपः०
1 The ai symbolu are in this line and is in the next line. + Road परिखें.
The secondary ai symbols are in the previous line and ghe in l. 304 • Read "चि.
The secondary a symbol is in the next line. • Rond मलयात IRead भूय.
• Read अमित. • The i nymbol alone of the letter is in this line.
* The vism ga is in the next Hne.

Page #71

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
817 क्षपाकरसमद्युतिः त्वपित'318 'वैरिपक्षोत्करः [] यदीयभुज319 विक्रमश्रिवणसंभवत्माध्व820 सैपैरवनिभृत्गुहा321 गृहनिवासिभि[:"] स्थीयते ।-[६१"] [य]322 [म*][त च*] राज[:] खैरमानाविधे[या]323 व्यधित विधिसमानामपदं स324 जनानाम् [*] अतनुत नुतबीर्यो [व्या]325 पदं शात्रवाणामतुलयदतुल२26 श्रीश्चन्द्रकान्तिं स्वकान्त्याः । [१२] अस्य 327 सूनुरभ[व]त् परान्तकस्मन्ततक्षपि328 तवैरिसन्ततिः [*] चिन्तयन्यदुदयं स399 साध्वस: पाण्यभूपतिरसंघय. 330 गिरिं ।[१३] चकार कारास रिपूनशे331 षामस्तता' भूरीन्समरामबुरािशीन] [*] 832 जहार तापं बुधसंहतीना[स]ता333 [न] सन्तापमसजना[ना]म् ॥-[५४*] अखिल 334 गुणनिधानात् भूमिपासादमुभा.
Fifth Pillar: Second Side. 335 दुदजॉन नरनाथो राजराजाभि336 धानः [*] [मदन"] रुचिरदेहः कान्त837 [ने"]ोरविन्दो [धनद इति] परं [यत्रा].' 338 जराजेन तुल्यः ॥-[६५] संजहार स339 मरे स पार्थिवानुजहार विप. 340 दस्म भूतकात् [*] आजहार च मखान341 'नेको व्याजहार [च] [स] सून्त . . त 342 सत्याश्रये स्थिरत]रे बत राजरा343 जे सत्याश्रयः किल पलायत मन्द
-[1]
I Rend चपित.
One of the secondary i symbols is in the next line : Rond fema. • Read भा . +Rend °निरिक.
Read Autore • Read नेवारविन्दो.
. Rond at ry. The i of në is in the preceding Mpe. ..Could the pasuge hero he read as सूत्रला गिरः?

Page #72

Kanyakumari Inscription of Vira-Rajendra : the 7th year.
Fifth Pillar : Front.
Fifth Pillar: Back.
338
298
298
338
SING
103 Bero Eco
3
Wh
310
350
312
352
354
356
380
aco
322
362
23 23:30R
324
38 333
364
326
366
396
23
368
370
WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL.
F. W. THOMAS
SCALE THREE-FIFTHS

Page #73

Sixth Pillar: Front.
Sixth Pillar: Back.
374
376
376 414
378
378
416
380
380
418
382
886
320
sae
424
390
392
019136 22. 11.
G22:
396
494
400
436
409
438
404 40
442
zo
406
408
40B 444

Page #74

No. 4.]
KANYAKUMARI INSORIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
पाली
344 बुधिनत्या' जयन्ति म[भ]या रिपव. 345 स्वमाजी न वाजयत्ययमसनरि346 भिश्चियस्तैः ।-[१०] तख सूनुरन[स].' 847 स्य शासिता पाकथासन इवारि. 348 शासनः [*] शंबरारि[*]चिराडतिर्नुप349 सम्बभूव मधुरान्तकाभिधः ॥-[{"] 350 प्रवयदजितवीर्यः'] . . . . . 361 विजय व म[मस्तान] कुन्तकानामधी862 शान् [1] पारत स[किरीटं] चचियाणाबि353 इन्तुः . . . , . . . . [जामदग्न्य] - 354 [स्थ] वीर्यात् [te'] जहार हारन्तुति 355 नांशकान्ति] . . . तोविनाम' 358 निर्जितारिः [*] विहारभूमि निसे. 367 निकाना स चाकरोत् संय858 ति मान्यकैटम् ।[...] खसनाधीशा359 नप्रतिहतकुलूतीकलप(ति)360 ति: कलिंगाग्विंशेन्ट्रैस्म[] 361 बहळवीर्यान्विदलयन् [*] स [गंगा]362 मुत"विजकरिघटापाति[त ]तटाम्" 363 घटैन" भूभनकुटनिहि364 "तैरतनलाम् ॥[१] संचिताम्बु365 धिभिव[]तबाहुवीर्यनि[ीत866 [वैरिसनरनाथ[बलप्रप367 सैन्यैः " बटाहमद[यमन्य राजेन्द्र
1 Read fc
+Randa The lottery is engraved below the line.
Road tuft •Thumininguyllable may borend मोन्टय.-d.] • [The gap after this word may be alled with the syllables wmfurpata ]
[The gap contains the syllables -Ed.] • The ai symbols an in this line and in the next line,
[Porably ta ww meant-Ed.) 1 Rond F . [The correct reading is w() .-d.). "Real mat. 1. The ai symbols are at the end of the provious line. " Read 'प: :
____.Read मदायराम.

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46
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
368 चोकनृप [ते] किमसाध्यमस्य ॥[१]
369 तस्यासंस्तनया [स्त्र] यस्त्रय' इव
370 ख्याताः [क्रतोर ] म्नयस्तेषान्तु प्र.
371 यमः चितीतिलक राजाधिरा
372 जो नृपः [*] [य: "] कव्याबद्रा दय373 तो [चित्यि] तबायकानादावाडव
Sixth Pillar : First Side.
374 मज्ञ
375
376 न् गते त्रिदिव[सु"][[]तोको377 कस्ता चितिमिमामक्रिया.
.
378 मरचत् [*] राजेन्द्रदेवप्रति
379 रिपूनशेषान् षोपमी'
380 नभगभुजः' प्रकयं व्यने
381 बी । [४] तस्मिन्यते चिदिवस
382 [स्तख] नस्तेजितारिः प्राज्यं रा
383 व्यथित विधिवत् वीरराजेन्द्र
384 देवः [*] भूत समधिकको
385 राजराजेन्द्रदेवः शत्रुव्रातं व्य388 जयत जयातु" वामाभ्यन्तरच । [५]
887 हत्वा कूटलसंगमे चितिभृ
388 तः मच्णाटवंशोत्भवान्" सैन्यं 389 यत्रभुजां प्रवर्धयति यस्तै - " 390 हैवभूय" गतेः [*] 391 वोन
येने
392 ोषितैः [m]त्वान्धां सरितं "
* Rond जुज: क्रिवि.
1 Read.
The secondary à symbol is in the next line.
The secondary a symbol of the letter
• Read पनोभयभुनः.
• Rend व्यति° and बहौर
is in the next line.
• Read far.
• Read and
14 Bead ग्रीवान्. The amuseära of j is in the next line.
11 The as symbols of से alone are in this line.
14 The anusvara is in the next line.
AVOL. XVIII:
॥ [७३] [हि]
बलो निव्य त
Read fir.
3 Ranid
+ Read 9.

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No 4.7
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA RAJENDRA-DEVA.
393 समुद्रवनिता संतोषितो । 394 वारि[धिः'] ।-[७६] भावभ्यां समुप. 395 चितं जनपदं वंशक्रमाभ्या396 गतं [कान्तं वैरिमहिवरे397 रतिबगीन्कलिंगा. 398 नपि [*] जित्वा शत्रुपरम्परामतिब. 399 सां हित्वा च भीतान् बहन्छौमा400 वनभवभक्षितिपतिः 401 क्षेमण' तं सोन्यसात् ।-[७७*] 402 वोरचोळनृपतिः करिकालः का. 403 ल[य]न् कलिबलं सकलं सः [*] 404 धर्मशास[न*] समुच यमुचं व्या405 तनोति' [हित]सारसमेतम् ॥-[७८*] 406 देवस्थाद्रिसुताधिपस्य मत][वि . 407 [] लोक्यसाराभिधं श्रीमद408 [मभा] नटस्थ मकुटे माणिक्य409 [कारोपितम् [*] मधे वैरिकुखा
Sixth Pillar: Second Side. 410 • • • • • • • • • • • • • 411 . . . . . म . . . . . . . [व] . . निजवय412 तस . . . . . . 'शानुसमारो413 पितः ॥-[*] चोळतुण्डीरपा414- येषु गंगावाटिकुलतबोः [*] 415 वरराजेन्द्रनावा सौ ब्रा416 देवान[क]मयत् -[."] चत्वारिंग417 तसहस्राणि ब्रामणाना418 न्द्रयीविदर्द [*] पतोषयत् भूमि419 दानरखापवदत्तिविरम् ।-[८१]
Read it"; the ai symbols of alone are in this line and in the next lino. * The secondary i of is in the previous line. Read #1917.
Read [The reading appears to be a.)
Read HT ('The reading seems to bn wry.--Ed.) • The secondary a and the visarga of of: are in the next lina. • Read ग्वयौविदाम्,
" Bond चवीषयद्

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48
420 Svasti sri[h] Sakala-bhuvan-asraya 421 Sri-me [di]ni-vallabhal mahārājā422 dhiraja saka [la]mahëntra parama-a423 shta-kula-simha raja-kula-bhāvaka424 kula [sekha]ra.... kulanta]425 ka Aha[vama]lla la Aha
426
[di-me]p-ka.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
vamallanai
427 pda Rajasekhara Räjäśraya 428 Raja-Rajendra Vira-Chola Karikāla 429 Chola Rajakesarivanma śri-Vira480 rajendra-devarkku yanḍu šļā
431 vadu te
pat
432 tin
433 Vira-Rajendra
.
434 mma rāva
Rajara
435 [ja]p-Pandi-nat[tu] Uttama-Sola-va
436 lanaṭṭup-Purattaya-naṭṭu Kumari-[k]ka
437 ppiya-piḍāriyärkku vepḍum nityani438 vandangalukku Chakkarava[t]ti [ári-Vira-Ra]je439 ndra-[dovar] kudutta Uttama-Sola-valanät
440 tu Purattaya-nāṭṭu Narrirākkuḍi-nila
441 iru-norr-elubatt-opre-mukka
442 le irandu mavum in-naṭṭu-pPeru443 bgudi kilkombu atpaṭṭa nila444 aiymbatt-opbade-onbadi
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS.
[VOL. XVIII.
Line 1. Be it well: Prosperity!
Verse 1. May the moon-crested BhavanIpati (ie. Śiva), who is the sportive author of creation, protection and destruction, who is the master of speech, the only abode of omniscience (sarvajñata) and by whose grace his devotees are enabled to cross the dangerous ocean of samsara (metempsychosis), grant you good fortune.
V. 2. May Sambhu, who is full of grace towards moveable and immoveable objects, who holds one with his own body,-which is situated on the mountain (Kailasa) and which is effulgent with light, that of the great Maya, who cheers the Universe, who establishes science and nescience (jñāna and ajñāna) and who is pleased with the happiness and distressed with the unhappiness of souls (jiv-atman),-may He save you easily from sin and protect yon from downfall.
V. 3. He, who killed with his discus the hordes of the army of Asuras, who drove to the aether regions (pātāla) the emperor Bali and who is ever the protector of the Devas, may that Hari wipe off your sins by protecting the world through you who are so many portions of His own Self existing on earth.
V. 4. The Lord of all (Sarvesvara), with a view to procreate the Universe, first ushered into existence water, which (is the primordial matter and which) is the fittest object for that purpose. Therein He sowed His eterual seed and raised from it the Mundane Egg, which envelops the three worlds. He also created Brahma for bringing into existence all other things.
[The actual reading is melani.-Ed.]
The rest of the inscription cannot be traced.
[Who swells with the pleasures and pains of creatures willingly burne-Ed.]

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No. 4.] KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
49
V.5. This Brahma who was thus begotten, having created all the worlds, containing every kind of thing, produced other Brahmås. One among such was Marichi who shone with a light which spread on all sides.
V. 6. Kibyapa, who, with his omniscience, could perceive the subtlest things (pasyaka) was born of Marichi. His great beauty (Sri) was noticed by the eyes of Brabmä. He is reckoned as the first among the men of pre-eminence (óreyas-8ampatti). The constant fight among the Devas and others born of Kaśyapa, to own Prosperity appeared like the dashing against each other of the waves of the ocean (which bore Lakshmi).
V.7. From him (Kidyapa) was born the transcendent Vivasvan, who is the father of time, who by his generous light or power (prabhava) which is capable of affording protection to the world, subordinates the planets, and by the contact with whose rays the lotus issuing from the navel of the Lord of all (Vishnu) as also the lotuses, the faces of Brahma, renounced sleep for the first time.
V. 8. When the rays of the sun began to dispel darkness from every quarter, the shining golden Brahmånda appeared as though the gold) was emitting the flaws (kalima) in it; and The dise of the sun looked like the pericarp of the Sky-lotus of which the petals were the directions of the compass, and the filaments the solar rays.
V. 9. The patriarch of all kings (who ruled over the earth later on) was Mann, the son of Vivasván, from whose connection the homan race received the name Mänava. Manu was worthy of being praised by the world; he created and promulgated laws and made humanity happy. Vivasvān made his son Manu as resplendent as he did his father (Kasyapa).
V. 10. T. Manu was born Ikshyakul, who had unblemished fame spreading in all quarters and sung by the hosts of Devas. The all-pervading prowess of this conquering king, having had no enemies (amitras) to conquer, vanquished the sun (Mitra, a word which means also "a friend ")
v. 11. Vikukehidraya of high ideals of justice and of great intelligence was the son of Ikshväku. This powerful king afforded protection to this earth. Kings used to acquire wealth by warring against each other, and they have now the easy method to attain it, namely to worship the feet of this king.
V. 12. The son of Vikukshifrava was Parañjaya who subdued those king who offered him battle. Having transformed Indra into a bull, he stood on its high hump to conquer the Agoras; the gods in great joy addressed him as Kakutstha (he who stands on the kakud, hump of a bull), and this became thenceforth his name.
V. 13. Prithu, who was comparable to the great mountains (kula-parvatas) and who was respected by all other kings, was born in this family. During his regime all the people were wise and pleased. There did not exist then trembling (for fear) or beggary.
V.-14. In this great dynasty appreared the king Kuvalasya. He was famous for his powerful horses. This powerful sovereigo, in order to afford protection to the world, killed the Agura named Dhundhu, who had taken refuge in the sandy river Sindhu.
Vy. 15-16. Of astounding greatness, the incarnation of Asurari (Vishnu), the king Mān. dhătri was born in this race to remove the distress of humanity residing on this earth.
1 Sea Kalingattupparapi, Raja-parampariyan, v. 9; Vikkirama-Solar-ula ll. 1-6; Ep. Ind. Vol. XV, D. , v. 6 & 7, South Ind. Inrere., Vol. III, p. 398, v. 4 and Arch, Survey of South India, Vol. IV, p. 206.
See Kalinyattupparani, v. 10, Vikkirama-Solar-wla, 11. 6-8 and Kulottunga-Solar-ula, 11. 2-4.
South-Ind. Insors., Vol. III, p. 893, v. 5. • south-Ind. Inscr., Vol. III, p. 998, v. 6. Ibid. v. 7.
Jbid, 8. Tom, v. 12.
• Ibid, v. 14. • Ibid, p. 304, v. 16.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
He afforded pleasure to the eyes of his subjects (by his personal appearance, perhaps). To drive off uprighteonsness (adharma) his discus (chakra) travelled as far as the Chakravāla mountain. While this famous monarch ruled the earth, the lion and deer lived together amicably. All objects renounced their mutual hostility (that is, became friends); but dharma alone became an exception to this statement, for adharma did not exist (that is, it could not become a friend of adharma).
V. 17. The king Muchukunda of many good qualities was born of this race, which is never exposed to danger and which is ever prospering; this sovereign shone bright like the moon with his fame, which was white (unblemished) as the kunda (jasmine) flowers.
V. 18............ The king made it impossible for even those who fell in battle to enter heaven.
V. 19. In this family was born Harischandra, who subdued by his prowess hosts of kings and who delighted in war, Valuing them as a mere straw, he sold his own body and his wife and son to pay the money of Kausika (Viśvāmitra).
V. 20. In this dynasty was a king named Sagara, who was dreaded by all other kings. When this monarch began to perform a number of afvamēdha-ydgas, Indra began to tremble (lest his position be lost to Sagara by the virtue which he was going to acquire by his meritorious deeds). Owing to the greatness of the sons of Bagara, the salt oceans obtained the name sågara, and this name began to apply to other seas also.
V. 21. Bhagiratha was born in this race. Having brought down from heaven the river Ganga to raise his ancestors (the sons of Sagara) to heaven from the ashes to which they were redaced by the fire of the anger of the sage Kapila, he caused the celestial river to flow in three regions (that is, heaven, earth and hell) and the men who touched its waters to become immortal.
V. 22. Ritaparna, who was full of kingly virtues and who possessed a fame which was praised by all good men, sprang from this dynasty and protected the earth.
V. 23. In this family was born king Dilipa : he was like a lamp to the universe ; he had removed from the world misery and had destroyed the power of his enemies; his anger drew tears from the eyes of the queens of hostile kings (that is, if any hostile king excited his wrath, that king was sure to meet with his death at the hands of Dilipa). He was a famous sovereign whose bow was ever destined to be crowned with success.
V. 24. Seeing that the earth was groaning ander the evil deeds of the powerful and wicked Rāksbasso, the Lord of the Universe, Bhagavān, became incarnate in four different aspects as Rāma, Lakshmana, Bharata and Satrughna. The two first and last pairs of brothers resembled the right and the left pairs of arms of Vishnu.
V. 25. This universal Lord taught the world the modes in which a son should conduct himself towards his father, a brother towards his brother, a young man towards his wife, an enemy towards his enemy, kings towards Rishis and relations towards relations.
V. 26. It was not out of anger that he killed the king of the Rākshasas (Råvaņa); por wag it out of bis (carnal) love for his wife that he rescued her (from her captivity under Rāvana); he only discharged his duty, which as a sovereign he was bound to do. If it were not so, why then should he bave killed a Sadra who was doing penance on the Malaya mouptain or soon after (rescue), abandoned his wife, Sītā, of resplendent beauty and rare courage ?
V. 27. Sri-Rama, of straight (uncrooked) virtnes, had a bridge constructed across the sea for the army of monkeys to march over. (By his act of killing Rāvana, a monster having evil ways), he firmly established all dharmas (dharma-sētu) on the earth. This Rāma, full of good qualities, is praised by men as the dhūmakātu (comet) to the misery of the gods (caused by the Rakshasas) and the source of chagrin to the Asuras.
South-Ind. Inscriptions, Vol. III, p. 393, v. 17.

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No. 4.]
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
Vv. 28-35. In this race there was a king named Chōla. To this king, by whom the world was governed as though it was but his capital city, the forests appeared like so many pleasure-gardens. Once upon a time this king, who was resplendent as Hara, was spending his time in sport within the forests inhabited by hosts of sages. At another time he strayed into other forests, with a band of his army, for the purpose of hunting deer; then was he allured by a Rakshasa, who had assumed the shape of a deer, and was beguiled into the southern regions. In the pursuit of this (pseudo-) deer the horse of Chola took him gradually into another forest thickly studded with trees. The commanders of his rapidly marching army, who were prepared to accompany their sovereiga to distant lands, kept pace with his swift horse. Having killed the deer-asura, the king began to march along the bank of the river Kāvēri. It seemed from the sweetness of her water that the river Kaveri was carrying the very ambrosia (amrita) which the Devas churned (with great effort) out of the ocean. After bathing in her water, the king (looked for) Brāhmaṇas but found none in that region. Therefore, he brought a large number of Brahmanas of superior virtues from the Aryavarta and settled them down there (on the banks of the Kāvēri). He cleared the jungle and planted betel-vines and areca trees in large numbers. He created several other kinds of gardens, whereby the country was rendered shady (and cool) and also productive of fruits. People bathe in the river Ganga and do penance in order to obtain svarga; but the bath in the Kaveri and penance on her bank would take those who do them to regions higher than svarga.
V. 36. After him (Chola) his son Rajakēsari, who was bright as the sun and who drove his enemies to the brink of the ocean, ruled the earth.
V. 37...
.. Rājakēsari's son was Parakesari3
V. 38. In this family there shone the king Mrityujit, who conquered Mrityu (Death). He felled the hosts of his enemies, pleased the Devas by the yāgas performed by him and made his foes tremble.
V. 39. The king Virasēna, who removed the sufferings of his subjects, who was resplen dent as the sun, who was the abode of all auspicious qualities and who possessed beautiful limbs, was born in this race.
V. 40. There was born in this dynasty a king named Chitra, whose anger would disappear if his enemies prostrated themselves before him. Being terrified in battle by the arrows of this king, Indra forthwith made friends with him and adopted Vyaghraketu's [i.e. Chitra's] banner of tiger.
51
V. 41. Pushpakētu, who by the spell of his prowess playfully drew, towards himself the wealth of all other kings, was born in this family to rule the earth as far as the borders of the
seas.
V. 42. Ketumāla, who shone as bright as the lightning, was born in this race. Having seized the rows of standards (ketu-mala) of other kings he came to be known by the name of Ketumala.
V. 43. In this race was born a king named Samudrajit. He made the eastern ocean join the western one and as a prize for it obtained the hand of the daughter of a king in marriage.6
V. 44. Pañchapa, who delighted in treating guests, belonged to this family.7 Having been requested by five Yakshas, who came to him as guests, he cut open five arteries in his body
1 South-Ind. Insors. Vol. III, p. 394, v. 28 and Ep. Ind. Vol XV, p. 60, v. 12.
and Ibid, p. 395, v. 30.
Ibid, p. 395, v. 36.
Ibid, v. 37.
Kalingattupparani, V. 18.
South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. III, p. 391, v. 24.
a 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
and offered the blood issuing from them with great tenderness to the Yakshas to drink. From this act of hospitality he came to be known as Pañchapa.
V. 45. Surpassing the dik-pālas in greatness and similar to the moon in his splendour, king Nsimsida was a member of this family. This king of undying fame conquered death by the grace of the god Paramosvara.
V. 46. King Manoratha of unblemished character and of incomparable wealth was born in this dynasty; he was powerful in war; through having been able to destroy the desires of the enemies and fulfil those of his (friends and dependants)..... he was dubbed Manoratha.
V. 47. Perunatkillil and other kings who surpassed Indra in strength, wealth and reputation, were born in this family. Their fame extended to the very borders of the earth And ses, and reached even the sun and the Brahmapda and was ever shining.
Vy. 48-49. Karikāla-Chola, who was firm as the kula-parvatas, who possessed great fame, as white and unblemished as the flowers of the kāfa plant and who was Death to the hostile kings who met him in battle-field, was born in this family. Seeing that the river Kāvērl was overflowing its banks and not allowing crops to flourish, this monarch, who curbed the baughtiness of insubordinate kings, caused the embankment of this river to be constracted with the earth carried by (such insubordinate) kings in baskets on their hands, and afforded protection to cultivation.
V. 50. In this dynasty was born the king Valabha, who possessed good qualities, wealth and prowess which compelled other kings to prostrate themselves before his feet; ho burnt with the flames of his admirable valoar the insects (salabha), his enemies.
V. 51. Jagadakamalla, who was comparable to Indra, drove off poverty from learned men, and wielded the weapon called the bhalla (spear), which was Death to other kings, was born in this family.
V. 52. The king Vyaļa (or Vairi P)-bhayankara was born in this family. The hostile kings prostrated themselves before his feet. The fire of the anger of this powerful king, who fought with the sword held in his long arm, could be quenched only by the tears flowing from the eyes of the queens of hostile kings.
V7, 53-54. The lord of all the earth, the king Vijayalaya, was born in this frmily. All kingy bowed before his feet. He established in the Chole country the city of Tanjäpuri, which was praised even by Brahma and other gods. Being a newly founded town, it flourished with all good qualities.
V. 55. The son of this Vijayalaya was Adityavarman, better known by the name of Ködanda-Rama. He fell on the Pallava monarch, who was seated upon a maddened elephant, and killed him in battle.
Vv. 56-60. To bim (Aditya) was born a son named Parintaka, who was the abode of the goddess of valour (vira-fri). By the water flowing from the temples of the mast elephants of this king, which were sporting in the gardens adjoining the shores of the seas, the water of the seas became soentod. Parantaka destroyed the Pandya king with his whole army, took all his
1 South-Ind. Ingeriptions, Vol. III, p. 896, v. 41. . Ibid, v. 42.
Ep. Ind. Vol. XV, p. 60, v. 18. विनयावधीजनि तदबी जया विजिताविसावनितची महाबलः । परमपेन्द्रमकुटस्थपखखचिरमिरचितपदानुनाया।
Loiden Grant. ficut Ind, I neers, Vol. III, p. 896, Vv. 47 and 48.

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No. 4.]
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA DEVA.
wealth and barnt (his capital) Madhură; for this achievement he received the title of Madhurantaka. This king, who was as bright as Arjana, conquered in battle the thitherto unconquered king Kfish arija, and thereby augmented his own glory. In recognition of this feat he was entitled Vira-Choļa. Parantaka, who is respected by all kings, caused his army to cross the sea and defeat the king of Simhala, who was waiting on the sbore to give him battle, and thereby received the true surname of Simhaļāntaka. Who could stand comparison with this king, the abode of all good qušlities? Who can describe the traits of this monarch, who conquered his enemies in battle and who was the only residence for prowess? The destroyer of the enemies, Parāntaka, brought into existence superior villages of great wealth like Viranārāyaṇam, just as Brahmi created svarga, and caused them to be enjoyed by learned Brahmaņas.
vy. 61-62. The son of this king (Parantaka) was Arindama, of glory similar to that of the moon. He destroyed the power of his enemies. Many & king, who had heard of the valour of this sovereign, took refuge in mountain caverns. He brought all other kings ander his sway; like Vidhi (Brahma), he conferred riches upon good men ; this king of repated prowess caused grief to hostile kings. This sovereign of unparalleled beauty made the lustre of the moon comparable to his own splendour.
Vv. 63-64. Parantaka, who always destroyed the hosts of his enemies, was born to Arindama. Taking into consideration the advent of this sovereign, the Pāņdya king crossed the mountain and fled away, Parantaka imprisoned all his enemies and fought successfully several battles. He satisfied the needs of learned men and was a terror to bad ones.
Vv. 65-67. To this monarch (Parāntaka), the abode of all virtues, was born the lord of men, Rajarāja. This king, who had a body as beautiful as that of Cupid and handsome lotus-like eyes, was comparable to Kuvěra (otherwise known as Rajaraja) only in his manificence. He killed in battle the enemy kings and rooted out evil from the earth. He celebrated several yāgas and was ever veracious. Satyåsraya, when he could have obtained strong support in Rājarāja, ran away senselessly from the battle-fieid. In fact, the terrified enemies of Rājarāja win him over in battle by quietly bowing before him; nor will he deprive such suppliants of their life or property,
Vv. 68-72. The king Madhurāntaka, who punishes those who do not submit to him, who chastises his enemies and who possesses a body as handsome as that of Cupid himself, was born as the son of Rājarāja. This monarch, as powerful as Arjana, defeated all the kings of Kuntala (Kuntalānām=adhisān). This king, who wore a hara on his neck, abstracted the glory of the moon (that is, caused the glory of the moon to wane before his own). Conquering hostile kings by the power of his arms, he made Māngakhēta a sporting ground for his army. He cansed the kings of the Kulata and Utkala countries to be defeated by his generals; the
& His achievements are described in South-Ind. Inscra. VOL III, p. 896, Vv. 61-62 & Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 61, Y. 21. See also Kalingattupparani, Bājapáram, Vv. 22 and 23. . Compare : afar fara a formula euforfetari
Loiden Grant. • Hp. Ind. Vol. XV, p. 61, v. 28. • South-Ind. Inscra. Vol. III, p. 896, Vv. 55 and 56.
• He is mid to have been born under the asterism, Sadaiyam, to have captured Udagai (Kalingat. v. 24 and Kulött. 11. 46-48) and to have taken Malai-nada (Vikkiram. II. 83-84).
King Bajarija was great giver of wealth (dhana + da), and in this rospect resembled Kavors, who bore the name Dhands. But Kuvēra was, as his name indicatee, ill-shaped in body while king Rajaraja ww not. One of Kavöra's eyes was yellow. Rajaraja, the king, had none of these drawbacks.
His conquests of Mapnai, Kidaram and Gangai are mentioned in the Kalingat., v. 25, Vikkiram., 1. 84.36 And Knlott. II. 49-50.

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54
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ Vol. XVIII.
kings of Kalinga and the Vimsendra (?) were also vanquished by his generals, who reached the Ganges, whose banks slipped down the river through the battering of his elephant brigade ; the water of the (holy) Gangā was carried in pots on the heads of kings (to his capital city). He made his powerful army, which uprooted several hostile kings, cross the sea and set fire to Kataha, which it was not possible for other kings to conquer. What act was impossible for this monarch Rajēndra-Chola ?
V. 73. This king had three sons, comparable with the three fires in a yāga. Of these, the preeminent Rājādhiraja was his first son. He set fire to Kalyanapura, defeated its king and did something to king Ahavamalla, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
v. 74. When this king went to heaven, his younger brother who removed the sorrow of the world, ascended the throne. Rājēndra-dēva, the monarch, who had arms resembling in shape the snake Adi-Sèsha, killed all his enemics.
Vv. 75-81. When this sovereign also went to heaven, his younger brother Vira-Rajendra who caused the valour of his enemies to wane, succeeded to the throne with due formality. He conquered not only his outside enemies, but also his own five senses. He killed the kings of the Mannāta family (?) at Kudalsangama"; these kings augmented the army of the Dēvas (in the celestial world). The ocean was gratified by this king, who by killing hosts of men in battlefields created a new river, a river of blood, and mado her join her lord, the sea. The countries of Vēngi and Kalinga, which had been in his family for a long time, but, being abandoned by his elder brothers, were then in the occupation of his-enemies, were recovered by Vallabhsvallabhas by driving off some of those enemies and defeating others by the power of his arms, and were ruled over by him. Vira-Chola (that is, Vira-Rajendra), also known as KarikālaChoļa, having deprived the world of the evils of the Kali age, established several dharma-śāsanas which afforded succour, were full of substance and were lofty in their aims. "To the Lord of Pārvatī, who is dancing in Chirrambalam (Dabhra-sabhā), he made a gift of the valuable ruby known by the name of trailokyasara . . . . . . . He created several brahmadēya villages in the Chola, the Tundira, the Pandya, the Gangavāți and the Kulata countries. He also furnished forty thousand Brāhmaṇas, well-versed in the Vēdas, with gifts of lands.
LI. 420-445. In tho seventh year of the reign) of Räjakësarivarman --who bore the birudas and surnames the Asylum of the whole world,' Lord of the Earth,' Maharājādhiraja,
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ashtakulasimha, Rajakola (?, [Ra]vikulasēkhara, Pandyakulāntaka, Ahavamallakula-Kala, he who defeated Āhavamalla
[See note 9 above, p. 45, Ed.]
South-Ind. Inscrs. Vol. III, p. 400, v. 117:-- विजितस्तदीयतटभूमिनायकः सलिलं तदीयमथ पावनं वरम । निजनायकाय मधु रान्त काय तरसमनोनयत्सपदि दण्डनायकः ।
Ibid., v. 123:- #renadforwafuafvarova:
His conquest of Kalyana and the planting of a pillar of victory are mentioned in the Kalingattupparari, v. 26, and Vikkirama-solam-ula 11. 36-38.
"The outside and the inside enemies" is the expression employed in the text. The sense of sight, smeh etc., are always considered the enemies of man, which reside in his own body.
Kalingattupparani, Rajapāram. v. 29 and Vikram. 11. 42-44.
• It is belief that ore who dies on the battle-field goes to heaven. The number of warrior kings who were despatched to the other world by Vira-Rajendra-dēva being great, the army of the Dēves must have been giently strengthened by these new recruite.
The sea is considered to be the husband of all rivers. Vira-Rajendra canised river of blood to flow from the multitude of human beings he killed in battles, and gave her in marriage to the sea, wbicb pleased the latter very mucb.
.so named because he subjugated the Vallabha (Chalukya) king.

Page #84

No. 4.)
KANYAKUMARI INSCRIPTION OF VIRA-RAJENDRA-DEVA.
five times, Rājasēkhara, Rajāśraya, Raja-Rajēndra, Vira-Chola and Karikāla-Chola, . . . . . . in Purattāya-nādu, a sub-division of Uttama-$29-valanādu in RájarājaPāņdi-nāļu. . . . . . to the Kanya-bhatāraki ... the land, two hundred and seventy-one and three-quarters and two mi (in extant) comprised in the village of Narrarākkuļi in Purattāya-nāļu in Uttama-sola-vaļanāļu, together with Perunguļi-Ki]kombu in the same nādu, containing fifty-nine and nine mi of land . . . . . . . . . by the emperor (chakravartti) fri-Rajendra-deva. . . .
No. 5.- NIDUPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA I.
BY PROFESSOR E. HOLTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). A set of ink-impressions of this inscription was sent to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, who had received the original plates for examination from Mr. M. Ramakrishnakavi, M.A., Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras. The inscription is engraved on three oblong copper-plutes, the second of which bears writing on both sides. The margins of the four inscribed sides are only very slightly raised into rims. The plates measure 2' in height. The two first are 7" in breadth, while the third is cut on the right margin and hence measures only 63". The plates are strong on & ring which is 28" in diameter, and which is passed through a hole of about *" in diameter. The two ends of the ring are fixed in the base of a circular seal of about 1' in diameter which bears, in relief, the legend Sri-Sarvvasiddhi, with a crescent at the top and an expanded lotus-flower of nine petals at the bottom. The weight of the plates, with ring and seal, is 70 tolas.
The writing is in a tolerably good state of preservation; but some aksharaa, anusvāras, and vowel-marks are indistinct, and at the end of the first five lines of the third plate, two or three letters are lost. The alphabet resembles that of other early Eastern Chalukya grants. A final form of t occurs in -vāsa kāt (1. 1) and vasēt (1. 24). The syllable ru is used in the Telugu proper names Gandēru (11.9 f. and 10), Vannēru (1. 10), Niduparu (1. 18 f.) and Nidubaru (1. 11).
The language is Sanskrit prose as far as line 19. The last plate contains four Sanskrit verses. Consonants are not doubled after r, except in -ātti- (for -ūrtti-, 1. 3), pravarddha' (1.6) -mantrărtthio (for-mantrărtthe', 1. 16), dryya- (1. 19), obhir=rva sudha (1. 22). As the notes on the text will show, the rules of Sandhi are frequently, neglected. For -kalapa (1. 8) the sense requires the instrumental -kalāpēna.
The inscription records the grant of the village of Niduperu or Niềubaru to the learned Brāhmaņa Kātisarman (read Kotisarman ?) by Jayasinha (1) Vallabha, son of Vishộuvardhaca (I) and grandson of Kirtivarman (I) of the Chalukya family. Vishņuvardhana I bore the surname Makaradhvaja, 1.e., Cupid, whom he is stated to have surpassed in beanty (1. 5). The donor, Jayasimha I, had the surname Sarv vasiddhi, by which he is designated on the seals of his two grants."
The king's order was issued from Asan apura (1. 1), and the donee's grandfather was an inhabitant of the same town (1.12). The village granted was included in Ganderuvati and
[Mr. K. V. 8. Aiyar reads in 1. 426 mummadi and translates: who saw the back ot Xhava nella three times -Ed.]
* See Ep. Rep. for 1917, App. A., No. 7 and p. 118. • See Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 97. • See the first paragraph of this article, and Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 187.
The grandfather of the doneo of grant of Vishnuvardhana II also resided in Ampapara; Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 192.

Page #85

50
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
wes situated on the river Vannēru, north of the Vyāghra river, and two gavyātis east of the royal residence of Gandēru. The district of Gandēļuvāți is evidently the same as Kandēruvadi or Kandravādi in other inscriptions from the Telugu country.1 Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri has identified Gandēgu, the chief town of this district and the residence of Jayasimha I, with the village of Kantēru in the Guntar Tāluk of the Guntur District, and the village granted, Nidapary or Nidubaru, with the modern Nidamarru 'which is actually about two gavyütis (i..., eight miles) to the east of Kantoru." Mr. Sewell informs me that Kanteru is a few miles N. E. of Guntar near the main road leading to Bezvade, and that Nidamarru is a few miles N. N E. of it. He is ndable to trace the Vyāghra and Vannēsu rivers, and the town of Asanapura.
TEXT.
First Plate ; Second Side. 1 Svasti [*] Srimad-Asanapura-vasakāt svåmi-Mahäsēna-päd-ánudhyātānāı Hariti
putránă[m] Manavya2 sagðt[r]ånăm Mátri-gana-paripälitanăm* aśvamēdha-yäjinăm Chalukyānām vi[Juddha
vam[]-oda3 yagiri-sikhar-odita-kshitipaty-ahimadidhitēņ
a kala-jagad-a[r]tti-hara-karmana[b] 4 Sri-Kirtivarmaṇaḥ priya-naptă sašaláñchhanasy=ēva sakala-jagan-ma[n]o-nayan-åna. 5 ndana-karasya 8v8-rdpa-lávany- vajita-Makarathya(dhya)jasya Makaradhvaj-apara
nămnaḥ śrimad-aida[m]yugina6 Vishņoņi Vishņuvardhana-mahärājasya priya-tanayaḥ pravarddhamān odaya-pratap
Opanata-sama
Second Plate ; First Side. 7 sta-så manta-makuţa-tata-ghatita-maņi-mayakha-mañjari-pumja-pimjarita-charan-äravinda
yugalah(lo) nija8 guņa-didhiti-kalapa? Kaliyuga-dhvāntam niräkarishnuh Akhandala iv-akhandita
paura(rushaḥ pa9 rama-brahmanyo måtãpitfi-pát-anndhyātaḥo sri-Jayasimha-Vallabha-mahäräjaḥ(jo)
Ganda 10 ruvaty [m] Vyāghra-nadyas-ch=Httaratah(t)) Vannēru-nadyas-cha tirë Gaņdēru
răjadhånyaḥ 11 pärva-dig-vibhago gavyata(ti)-dvayė Nidubaru-nama-grāmam-adhivasatah
kudum(tum)binaḥ samaveta12 n-ajñāpayati [ll] Viditam-asta vo yath=Asenapura-sthåna-nivåsino ghatika-sámánya
See above, Vol. VI, p. 148, and Vol. XII, p. 62.
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1916-17, p. 116. Aceording to Mr, Sowell's Lista, Vol. I, pp. 37 and 39, there is a pair of other villages of the same name (Kaptēra and Nidamarro) in the Tanuku and Bhimavaram Taluka of the Godavari District. At my request Mr. Sewell has kindly looked up the Taluk maps in the British Museum, and be quite agrees with Mr. Krishna Sastri's identification, became the village of Kantorp in the Guntur District
is far more important place than the little out-of-the-my village of the mme name in the Tanuka Täluk of the Godivari District,' and because the two villages of Kantara and Nidamarru in this last district are not very close together, and seemingly quite small places' • From the ink-impressions.
• Read tanam . Read Viskipör-,
• As there was no room for the group w of Vishnu at the bottom of the plate, the engraver placed dash (cirāma) above it and added.ww after it Read .kalapina,
.Rend 'rishura
. Read -pad-andhyata.

Page #86

NIDUPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA I.
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SURVEY OF INDIA.

Page #87

SEAL OF THE NIDUPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA I.
SEAL OF THE KONDANAGURU GRANT OF INDRAVARMAN.

Page #88

No. 5.]
NIDU PARU GRANT OF JAYASIUHA I.
Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 sya sa-(pa]da-kram-ānukram-adhita-voda-dvayasya sa-kalp-opanishat-puran-tibas-indka
dharmaśāstra14 Vidaḥ(do) Man[da]sarmanaḥ pantriya sva-pitur=adhika-guna-sampad-gan-(0)párjila
nirmala-yaso-viso15 shë[na] [a]tmandenvayam-alam-alara karishņoh agnishtöma-yājinaḥ śivarudraśarmaņa[h] 16 patråya dvi-v[o]d-adhyayind yajthagam-opanishan-mantrărtth-i(e)tihasa-parāņa-dharma17 sastru-vimalikțita-vina(nI)ta-matayê Harita-sagotraya Taittiriya-sabrahmachăra(ri)ņē
Kātiśarmaņē 18 Kartika-piurņamāsyān måtâpitror-ätmadas-cha yasah-pang-abhivirdhayės sampratto - yam Nidupa
Third Plate; First Side. 19 fa-nama-grimaḥ [*] Nisya badhá karaplya [H] Ajñaptir-atr-kryya-mand
bbirimuh Sri-virga-[m]ă (tes] .... 20 naśrayo=yam* [*] bhupendra-niti-pravibhaga-daksbah (ksho) [vo]danga-vit-sarva-kal
Antaraññab (jñab) [ll 1 ||') Atra Vyāsa-gitaḥ [II] [Svaj[dattam pa*]21 ra-dattám vã yatnád=raksha Yudhishthira [1] [mahir mahi][ma"]tām frēshtha
dānách=chh[r*]ð=nu[p]ål. [nam] til 2 || Bahu*]. 22 bhir=vvasudba [da]ttă babubhis-ch=anu[pāli]tă [] yasya yasya yathā(da) bhimi
i. [sya) [tasya*]6 23 tada phalam [ll 3 1) Shashti[m] varsha-sahasrapi svarga(rgo) mödati bhimi
daḥ ["] åkshēpta ch=ano[ma][ntä сha] 24 täny=8[va] narakē vasēt [|| 4 ||*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. Hail! From (his) residence in the prosperous Asungpura (1.1), Jayasimhz-VallabhrNahārāja (1. 9),--the dear son of Vishnuvardhana-Mahārāja (1.6) whose other name was Makaradhvaja (1. 5), and the dear grandson of Kirtivarmen (1. 4) of the family of the Chalukyas (1.2), --commands as follows) the assembled ryots inhabiting the village named Niquborů (which lay) in the district of) Gandēruváti, north of the Vyaghra river and on the bank of the Vannēru river, at a distance of) two gavyūtis on the eastern side of the royal residence (rājadhāni) of Gandēru (ll. 9-12).
Be it known to you that, on the full-moon (tithi) of Karttike, (I have given this villago named Nidupofu (1. 18 f.) to Kātisarman of the Harita götra and of the Taittiriya (charana) (1. 17), son of Sivarudrabarman (1. 15), and grandson of Man[da] Sarman (1. 14) who resided in the town.(sthana) of Asanapure and was a member of (ite) college (1. 12). Man[da]šarman is stated to have studied two Vēdas together with their Pada, Krama, and Anukrama' and to have known many law-books, together with Kalpa, Upanishad, Puripa, and Itihasa;' Sivarudra. tarman, to have performed Agnishtomas; and Kätisarmun, to have studied two Vedas' and to have purified and trained his mind by sacrificial lore, Upanishad, the menning of Mantras, Itihasa, Puriņa, and Dharmasastra.'
Read ekonpatmandRead Orish porsagni".
Real-abdivriddhaye. • Read perhaps fri-viryapan Sarvajanäsrayonyam. • Read bhumiratasya-tasya. • For ghatéká sve above, Vol. VIII, p. 26 and 1. 1; South-Ind. Ingor., Vol. II, pp. 502, 510 4.

Page #89

HPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XYHL.
The execator (ajñapti) of this (grant) was ........ who knew royal politics, the VedaAgne, and all arta! (verse 1, 1. 19 f.). The record ends with three verses sang by Vyasa! (1. 20).
No. 6.-IPUR PLATES OF VISHNUVARDHANA III.
BY PROFEBBOR E. HULTZCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE), I am editing the inscription on these plates from a set of ink-impressions supplied to me by Bao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. The plates were found while digging in an unspecified village of the Kistna District and now belong to the collection of Mr. Brindavanam Gopalacharlı at Ipur, & village in the Tenali Taluk of the Guptar District. These are three oblong copper-plates, the second of which bears writing on both sides. The margins of the four inscribed sides are slightly raised into rims. The three plates have a slight inward curvature in the middle of the long edges and measure 6)" by 21". They are strong on & ring of about 3? in diameter, which Passes through a hole of about " in diameter and bears a circular seal of 11 in diameter. The seal bears, on a countersunk surface, the legend Sri-Vishamariddhi in Telugu characters, with an expanded lotus-flower of seven petals at the bottom and a crescent enclosing a star (or the sun ? at the top. The weight of the plates, with ring and seal, is 35 tolas.
The writing is in a state of good preservation. The alphabet resembles that of other Eastern Chalukya grants of the same period. The language is barbarons Sanskrit prose, and two verses are quoted in lines 21-24 of the last plate. Owing to the dense ignorance of the drafting clerk, orthography, Sandhi rules, and grammar are disregarded in every line. Still the inscription is an interesting historical document and can be made out almost completely. It records an order issued in the twenty-third year of his reign by Vishnuvardhana, son of Vijayasiddhi, and grandson of Vishnuvardhana of the Chalukya family. As Vijayasiddhi is known to have been surname of Mangi-yuvarja, his father has to be identified with Vishņuvardhana II, and his son with Vishnuvardhana II. From the seal of the subjoined grant we learn that the latter-like his two ancestors Vishņuvardhana I and II-bore the surname Vishamasiddhi.
The king's order refers to a grant of a field and of a house-site with flower-garden to a Brahmapa residing at Kommara. The field granted formed part of the village of Jalayiru in the district of Plölnandu and was situated to the west of the Eliyesu river and to the east of Kakandivada. None of these local names I am able to identify. But the district of Plölnå du is evidently the same as Prolnāndu or Prölunindu near Pithapuram.
The grant was made by the daughter of Maghinduvardja, Prithivipöthi, who seems to have been one of the queens of Vishņuvardhana III. The second member of the queen's name cannot have anything to do with Hindi pothi, a book.' Perhaps it is a misspelling of poti, a feminine derivative of pota which is known to have formed part of the names of Pallava kings. I hope I am not considered too bold if I further propose to identify the name of Prithiviposhi's father, Maghinduvarāja, with Mahēndravarman II, the Pallava king of Kanch1.7
1 Perbaps he WMA Brihmana minister of the king. His proper name is uncertain because of the break at the end of line 19 of the text. It may have been Sarvajani raya.
* See above, Vol. XVII, p. 384 and Ep. Rep. for 1920, App. A, No. 10 and pp. 99 #. . Note the spelling paoutraga for pauraya (1. 18), and fy for ji in ångapayati (1. 12) and unyapti (1. 24). . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 387.
Above, Vol. IV, p. 230, and Vol. V, p. 74. South-Ind. Incr., Vol. II, p. 841.
1 Above, Vol. X, p. 4.

Page #90

No. 6.]
IPUR PLATES OF VISHNUVARDHANA JII.
59
The period of the reign of Vishnuvardhana III (A. D. 709-746) would suit this identification. A close connection between both dynasties might be gathered also from the fact that the panegyrical descriptions of kings in the Eastern Chalukya grants remind of those of some Pallava grants.
TEXT.
First Plate ; Second Side. 1 Svasti (11) Srimata[rn] sakala-bhavana-samsta(sta)yamána-Månavya-sagðtra2 n[am") Håriti-putrån[am] Kausiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rājy[X®]nām Mātri(tri)-ga3 pa-paripalitānă[m] bhagavan-Náráyapa-prasåda-Bam[8]sădita4 var[a]ha-lañchanchha)nänä[m®]* afvamëth(dh)-ävabhri(bhri)tha-mana-pavis tri®]
kri(kşi)ta-vapasham 5 Chbaluk hy ni[m]' kulam-ala[m]karishņo[ho] sri-Vishnuvarddhana-mahardja-6 byssinor-anoka-mara-88[m]ghatt-Opalabdha-yudha (ddha)-vijaya-ya7 sak-prasu (sd)ty- [8*]moda-gandh-adi(dhi)väsita-sakala-dig-tiapçalasya tri
Second Plate ; First Side. 8 Vijayasiddhiddhah) priya-tanaya[5] va-vikram-[á]krinta-mahi(hi)-mandalasya?
ari9 timira-pral[a]y[á]ditya(ty0) yuvati-jana-Makha(ka)radhvaja(38) vidvaktavi-dripra
vandita-lp10 taka-10jana-Kämadhônanih machhchåjy-19 [a]lasya-naishtirjyarishya Spaiso (Sn)nya11 rahita St-bhkļa-/vri(vri)ddha-buddha-praha[r]shaņi(pi)ýa-ra(ru)pa[1] Sri-Vishnu
A[r]ddhana-me12 häräjasyal ē[va]m-arya(jña)payati [ll] Kommara-v[**]stavy[&*]yals Ātri(trd)ya-8818 triya (Hi® ]Nora Joyakébi-itriya! Agnisarmmana[b] pavutrayal Taliba-19
Second Plate ; Second Side. 14 rmmana[ho] patriya Kasavabarmman[e] Plölnandu-vishayo Jalaytiru-n[t]ma15 grām[0] padchima-disaya [*] Eliyēru-nadi(di)-pa[ách]imata[1] Prabhakara
kshētra-41 16 a[ttara]ta[h] Kikandivaca-kshētra-pă [ro]vvata(to) valmi[ka]-dakshinata état(ch)-cha17 tar-avadhi vi[m]la[t]i-khandika-bri(vrl)hi-bija-pariprāmāņa [m] ksha18 tra[] Sakramti-nimities o(u)daka-på[r]v[va][m] [da]tta[m] grim (gri) ha
st[a](sthá)n[a] pushpa-vasi(ti)19 -ka-eshita[m] sarya-kara-parihare[na) prava[r]ddhamana-vijaya-ra
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 99.
Above, Vol. VIII, p. 287. . From the int-impressions. • Read nanama.
* Read Chalukyanai. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 106, text line 7t. * Read mandalozri..
. Read vidvat-kavi.. • Read -randiReadpåfhaka.
11 Beed denne
1 Read matary Read ishtharyarishta-. 14 Rend -bala
'Read räja. Rond Ooydy-Atroya.
11 Read -trays Agni ** Read pautrāya. 1 The syllable da was corrected by the engraver from ma. \ Rend -disayam or .dilye
Bend -trētr-ottarafah. - Read -parimanas. # Read sankranti-minitta.

Page #91

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVII.
Third Plate; First Side. 20 jya-samvachhatsa)rē vimgsti-trir-varshēl sri-Maghimduvaraja-priya-duhit[a] 21 Srl-Pri(prijthivi(vi)pöthi-Snima datta[m 1 Bahubi(bhi)r-Vasudā(dha) datta
bahubi(bhi)s-ch=ana. 22 pâlită [lo] yasya-yasya yad bhimi tasya-tasya tada ba(pha)la[m] [ 1 ||']
Bra-da
23 ttam para-datta vär y yd(yo) harēriti vasundhara[m ] śashtir-Ivarsha
sahasråņi visht[] (shthå)24 y[a][mn] jäyatë kr[i*]mi[b] [ll 2 |*] Āöya(jña) pti[b') kada-ereya(yo) Vätatta
nåma(mā) [1] Tinasya gri(gri)25 ha-stä(stha)namin datta[m M']
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. Vishnuvardhana-Mahārāja (1. 11 f.),-the deer son of Vijayasiddhi (1.8), the son of Visbņuvardhana-Maharaja who adorned the family of the Chalukyas (1.5 f.), -orders as follows:
On the occasion of a Samkrānti (1. 18) in the year twenty-three of (my) reign (1. 19.f.), a field (and) a house-site accompanied by a flower-garden were given to Kēšavasarman of the Ātrêya-gotra and Hiranyakēsi-sütra, who resided at Kommara (1. 12) and was a son of Talisarman and a grandson of Agnisarman, by Prithivipõtbi, the beloved daughter of Maghinduvarāja (1. 20 f.). The feld granted lay in the western part of the village named Jaļayūru in the district (vishaya) of Plölnandu (1. 14 f.). Its four boundaries were to the west of the Eliyēru river, to the north of the field of Prabhakara, to the east of the fields of Kakaņdivāda, and to the south of an anthill (11. 15-17). It required as seed twenty khandikas of paddy' (1. 17).
The executor (ājñapti) was the chief of the camp, 10 Våtatta (?) by name. By him the house-site was given to the (donee) (1.24 f.).
No. 7.--VAPPAGHOSHAVATA GRANT OF JAYANAGA,
BY LIONEL D, BARNETT. The record belongs to the Museum of Perth, to the authorities of which I am indebted for permission to edit and reproduce it. It was presented to the Museum some time ago by Mr. J. Greig of Caloutta. The Museum possesses a paper signed by him and containing a copy of a
This curious expression is meant for trayövimi tarehe. · The th of pothi slightly differs in shape from the th of Prithio and of a tramith(dl)-deadhri(Ikrétha- in te 4; but it cannot be r, it has been read in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1919-20, p. 99 f. Cf. the of Eligögw- (1.16) and -ereya (1. 24).
Instead of -dukita (i. 20) and #ama we would have expected -duhitra and naming. The peat word is a ruperilaous repetition of datta in line 18. * Read mos. . Read -dattan od.
Read harëta. Read shashtin
. Read perhaps Tērsāsya. . Cf. above, Vol. V, p. 121, . 6, and Vol. XII, p. 62, n. 3. In Vol. X, p. 48, text lipe 8, rond 34° for .
As suggested in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1919-20, p. 100, kada-saya in the same na batabe ndja, the chief of the royal camp, for which we above, Vol. VII, p. 184 f., and Vol. IX, p. 49 . According to Kittol's Kannada-English Dictionary, 1. o. 1, the Kaparose noun sroya (Tamil fraivan) synonym of the Sekrit nija

Page #92

IPUR PLATES OF VISHNUVARDHANA III.
|
w
ਤਾਜ ਤੋਂ ਡਰ, 1 ਸਾਰਾ ਜੱਗ ਤੇ | ਕਾ ਨਾਉ ਤਾ ਜੋ ਹੋ ਗa g Tਰਾ ਤੇ
ਹੈ ਤਾਰਾ ਠੇ ਨੂੰ ਹਰਾ ਧੱਟ ਰੋਸ ਵੀਡ. * (
G.3 3 ਚ ਹੈ ਤ ਰੱਖਦੇ ਦੇਣ
੭ ੧੪ 6 * * ਨੂੰ ਘ
, ਤੇ ਏ । R: 503 n ਨ ਏ ਹf a g aa
ta.
8 ਤੋਂ ੬ਹ ਵੀ ਡਰ ਤੋਂ ਝ ਨੂੰ ਵੋਟਾਂ ਰਾ @ ॥
30 ਗਏ ਹ, ਰਤਨ ਹੱਥ ਟ ਰਡ 10 » ਹਰ ਵਰ ਵੀ
ਬਹੁ .. ਰਣ ਝੱਬA8 %8ਵਰ ਕਰ | ੬
ਤੋਂ ਤਾਂ ਧਰਤ ਤ ਹ ਰ ਹਨ। ਹਰ ਸ਼ਾ। Aਨ ਤਾ ਬਸ ਜਾਂ ਹੋਰ ਤਹ 3 8 6
iib.
14 ਬਾਹਰ
ਸਨ । ਵੈਨ
ਨਰ ਤੋਂ 83 18 Cਤ, ਵੀਟ ਨੂੰ
ਹੋਰ ਪਊ . SOਡaਛੋ ਤਾਂ ਨਾਂ
ਹਨ SA131392 र
त्पुरम To é ਤ ਹ ਨੂੰ
ਧ ਧ ਨੂੰ ਨਸ਼ ਹੋ !
20 S ਨੂੰ ਰੱਬ ਨੇ ਉ ਸ ਨੂੰ ,
38 ਨੂੰ ਜਾਤ ਹਟ ਪਟਣ , 22 ਈ ਹ ਰ ਗ ਣ ਕy z 0 ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ
ਸ਼
ਰਾਬ 24 ਤੋਂ ੬ ਹੋ ,
ਹੈ ਨਾਂ ਤੇ ਹਟ ਤੇ
Ki )
ਬ
H. KRISHNA SASTRI.
SOALE.76.
SURVEY OF INDIA.

Page #93


Page #94

No. 7. ] VAPPAGHOSHAVATA GRANT OF JAYANAGA: somewhat unsuccessful attempt to translate and annotate the plate, which bears the subscription: "R. Mittro, Asiatic Society, 6th December 1854," and to which Mr. Greig has prefixed the note" Translation of a Copper Plate foand in the Indigo Estate at Mallial by one of Mr. James Smith's villagers, and presented to me by that gentleman in January 1855."
It consists of a single rectangular plate of copper, slightly irregular in shape, about 71 in. in width and 54 in. in height, with a circular seal about 3 in. in diameter soldered on the proper left side. The seal, which is very much worn, shews traces of an upright female figure, apparently Lakshmi, with either one or two elephants performing the kumbhabhishēka over ber, while in the exergue below there are the remains of a now illegible inscription. The plate itself, which is inscribed on one side only, is in very good preservation, except for a crack ronding down it, which has been repaired by a small rivet. Two or three letters at the end of 1. 14 and a whole line of writing immediately following the latter have been deliberately erased. The characters, which have been picked out comparatively recently with white paint, are of a well-formed upright Gupta type, apparently of the latter half of the sixth century, and average in height a little less than in. In most respects they are archaic enongh to justify an ascription to the fifth century; but the forms of the initial i (iti, I. 11) and the bipartite y (passim), make the latter date more probable. The conjunct nasals and consonants are used in preference to the simple consonants with preceding anusvára (e.g. -sambhoga-, 1. 3).
V and b are confused (e.g. -8àmbatsarē, 1. 2, Audumvari[ka-], 1.3, but sa-vrahmacharini, 1. 5, -urāhmanānām, 1. 8, etc.). Internal ā is denoted either by a doubly waving line curving upwards towards the right from the top of the shaft (cf. the 8th and 18th syllables of 1. 1), or by a short a pward tick at the right corner of the top of the 14th syllable of 1. 1), or by a downward loop from the right corner of the top (cf. the 15th syllable of l. 2). Internal is represented usually by a waving line similar to the first type of a but in the opposite direction (e.g. the 18th syllable of 1. 2), rarely by a perpendicular tick on the left corner of the top (-svā minē, 1. 5) Internal o is inade with the waving ¿ combined with either the ticked or the downward, looped a. The curve of internal i is sometimes single (e.g. fri, l. 2, -simd, 1. 9), sometimes double (e.g. grāmina., 1. 14). The angularity of the base of the th (dasyath=ēti, 1. 7) is acte worthy; so also is the combination of the syllable ti with a following danda, in which the curving line denoting i is carried around the / and upwards to the right of it, terminating there in a small horizontal tick on a level with the top of the t (see 11. 4, 7, 13), & peculiarity which seems to bave been affected by Eastern scribes, as we find it again even as late as the Tälcher plates of Gayada-Tungadora (see Nagendranath Valu's Archwol. Survey of Mayurabhanja, plate to face p. 154. and J. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. XII, 1916, No. 6, pl. 4, last line).-The cursive rya in Sürya(1.3) is also significant. The language is Sanskrit prose, becoming in parts loose and almost dialectal. As already remarked band v are confused. Lexically we may note the words akshayanl. dharman (1. 6); gariginikā (1. 9 bis), the modern gäriginā, which possibly may be used here as a common noun meaning "dry river bed" (see above, Vol. XII, p. 66, n. 3, and p. 78, n. 5), but more probably is the name of a particular river (see below); and tämra-patta (11. 8, 11, 13, bis), which here, instead of its primary meaning of " copper-plate" (as above, Vol. VII, pp. 87, 95, 98, Vol. VIII, pp. 152, 157-59), signifies an estate granted under a warrant engraved on a copper-plate.
The object of the document is to specify the bounds of a certain village named Vappaghoshavăța granted to the Bråhman Bhatta Brahmavira Svāmin by the Samanta Nārāyan - bhadra, and is dated in the reign (the word qualifying the samvatara is unfortunately effaced)
! As I am unable to locate "Mallia" with certainty, I have judged it advisable to designate this charter by the name of the village granted in it.
. Cf. aboro, Vol. II, p. 883, gräman...tämrakan. Tabhi The word paffa by itself is sometimo Reed to donote a piece of land : of. Gupta Inscr.. p. 104 & 2.

Page #95

02
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
of king Jayanaga, who was at the time residing in Karnasuvarnaka, and who, to judge from his title of Maharajadhiraja, must have been a ruler of considerable importance. The document was drawn up in accordance with Narayanabhadra's instructions by his commissioner (vyavaharin) Suryasena. On the principles of this administrative hierarchy the student may profitably compare the observations of Mr. Radhagovinda Basak in his paper on the Damodarpur Plates (above, Vol. XV, pp. 116 ).
Of Jayanaga we know nothing from other sources. But Mr. John Allan has suggested to me that he may be the same as the king whose coins, described in his Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties (Catalogue of the Indian Coins in the British Museum), pp. lxi., civ., ovi., exxiii, 150-51, and pl. xxiv, bear on the obverse the abbreviated name Jaya and on the reverse a seated Lakshmi with an elephant sprinkling her. This connection seems highly probable. In any case, the present document furnishes an important fact concerning the early history of Karpasuvarna, which, taken in connection with the Nidhanpur grant of Bhaskaravarman (above, Vol. XII, p. 65), supplies material for interesting speculation.
The names of places mentioned, besides Karnasuvarnaka (1. 1), are the Audumvarikavishaya (1. 3); the villages of Vappaghoshavăța (1. 6), Kutkuta-grama (11, 8, 14), and Amalapautika-grama (1. 10); Ganginika (1. 9, bis), literally "river," which here is perhaps used as a proper name; the Sarshapa-yanaka or "mustard-channel" (1. 10); and the pool of VakhataSumalika (11. 13-14). On the geographical position of Karnasuvarnaka, the ancient capital of the kingdom of the same name, see T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang, Vol. II, pp. 191-93, and H. Beveridge, The Site of Karna Suvarna, in J. A. S. B., 1893. pp. 315 ff., the latter of whom identifies it with Rangamați, near Murshidabad, which is said to have been formerly known as Kapsōna or Känsona, a name which phonetically corresponds perfectly to Karnasuvarnaka, through an intermediate Prakrit form Kannasonnaa. On the other names I am indebted to Mr. S. K. Chatterji, M. A., D. Lit., for the following observations. The Ganginiks seems to be the river Jalangi, a branch of the Ganges or Padma which unites with the Bhagirathi near Nadiya, the classical Navadvipa. The Bengali poet Bharatachandra Raya (c. 1740 A.D.) in his Annada-mangala (pp. 136 and 151 of Muktārama Vidyavägisa's edition, Calcutta, 1857) speaks of the ancestors of the Rajas of Nadia as living in the parganah of Bagwan (Bagoan) at a village called Andaliya: "Gangå herself i.e. the Bhagirathi to the west, to the east the Gangini; there is the village of Badagachi; opposite to it, on the other side of the river, is Anduliya." In the Survey map of the Nadia District. Bagwan is a village in the Meherpur sub-division, and close to it, on the two sides of the Jalang!, are the villages of Badagachi ("Burgachee ") and Anduliya (" Andooleea "), as stated by Bharatachandra. It seems likely that this river Jalangi is the Ganginika of the present record. North of Bagwan, at some distance from the Jalangt, is an important village named Gangani, which may possibly preserve the name of the Ganginika. Rivers in the plains often change their courses. None of the other place-names can be located. But it may be noted that Vappaghoshavata (vappa is the Bengali bap, "father," and ghosha-vata="dwelling of herdsmen") would be a likely village-name in Southern Murshidabad and Nadia, where there was much cattle-breeding. A Ghoshpādā exists in the south, on the Bhagirathi, and is well known as the home of the founder of the Kartabhaja sect; cf. Goas (i.e. Go-vasa or Gopa-vasa) in Nadia and Murshidabad, Goad1 (i.e. Gopa-vātikā), a suburb of Krishnagar, near Nadia town, etc. An extended stem Vakhaṭaka is apparently the origin of the Middle Bengali place-name Bahada or Bahara, in Modern Bengali Bay (a)da or Bay (a)ra, which is found in the names of e.g. Jot-Bayra, opposite Kumarkhäll
1 This identification is not accepted by Mr. Manmohan Chakravartti, J. A. 8. B., 1908, p. 280 f. But he admits that in quite recent times a suburb of Murshidabad was named Karnasuvarna (see v. 2 of the preface to Radhakanta's Sabda-kalpa-druma).
2 Jöt is from yōktra, " yoke of oxen," hence a measure of land; but the name is sometimes falsoly sanskritised into the pretentious Yadu-Bayarā.-S. K. C.

Page #96


Page #97

E. W, THOMAS
SCALE NINE-TENTHS
WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL
10
12
14
ལ1ང ཀྱ
པཉམས་
མགམ 1:བ ལ མམར ༤་མག་མ་ མ ས པ ནི ས འ ན :|1 ལན ལྷགཞོན་པས་ཡརྣཔའི མ ཀར༥༤༧པན་ཡ་ཚན1:| གྱི་ གཞི། མམ། ང་ཟླ་མམནཔ་བཅན་ བྱསག བཀམ 3བཀཽ1¢p�ལོ༞་རུ1ནམཔཡི ཉིག པ ལདམག པ། ། སྐྲཊ་ནི་མཐུསྡམ་ལ་འགྲོ།་ལ༔སང་ཁ ཏོན མནམས མ ལ ཥཀ ནུ :|:ཚ མར མས པ བ བ ཀན ན མ ཉིན་མ་ནང་ ཝེནཝེ,ཡུཧཱིམ སཱུཏིཝ ཉཱངྒ བྷ ཡིལཱཔྲ ལ ནི མནཱ ཙ || སོགཅན རྒྱབདེནཧཱ པ༔ ནྱཁསརོསབཏྠེནདིནི མ སྐམས། འཇུགམ པ ་ མ གིལ དབ འན་པཐམན་ནོར [16བ3 ཚོནིལན པ ཙཱརམའི་ཀམཱརྒྱཕྲལ� པ མ ནས |: ཀུན དུ ན ཐ མ རཿཐལ པ ན མཱ པཙགནཻནནྡཏེནཱ ད པར མིཡཏེ 2:
ལས ཀྲུའོནན་མཱིལ ར དཀ འི མཿ ཊཿ མཱ ད པྲ ཀ རླུ བཿཀ མིཥྞསཱཎཱ
ས པང་ ཡས ཡངེ དྲ
པཱམཱནི
10
12
14
Vappaghosha-vata Grant of Jayanaga.

Page #98

No. 7.)
VAPPAGHOSHAVATA GRANT OH JAYANAGA.
63
in the Kushtiya sub-division of Nadia; Bayrā on the Kabadak or Kabatakh, in the Bongong (Vanagrāma) sub-division of Nadiā; Hāt-Bayță i.e. Hatta-Vakhataka), and elsewhere.
TEXT.1 1 Svasti Karņņa[s]uvarạnak-avasthitasya mahārāj-adhirājah(ja)-parama-bhāgavata. 2 fri-Jayanaga-[a]ēvasys . .1. [bh]yudaya-sāmbatsarēx tat-pād-anuddhyåta-gri.
sā manta3 Nārāyaṇabhadrasy-Audum varika-[visha]y&-sambhoga-kale cha [ta*]d-vyavah ri
mahā-pratihāra-Sürya4 sēnē vyavaharati tad-asy-ajñā sri-sāmanta-pādaiḥ pradattāḥ(tt) Kāçyapa
sagðttrāya Chh5 ndoga-savra(bra)hmachāriņě bhatta-Vra(bra)hmavira-svāminē mayā mātā-pittrör
atma[na]6 fecha puạy-ābhivriddhayē Vappaghoshavăţa-grāma akshayapi-dharmmark pra
dattaḥ visha7 ya-mudr-alan krisikri)ta-tämra-fāsanam sim-āghāta-parichchhinna[m] dāsyath-oti
attra sim8 lingāni yattra paschimasyān=disi Kutkuţa-grāmiņa-vrā(brā)hmaņānām satka-tämra
patta9 simā utta[ra]syām ganginika pūrvvasyām=iyam=ēva ganginiká tato nisssito 10 Amala pautika-grāma-paschimā(ma)-simn=ānagatas-Sarshapa-yānakaḥ, tênai[va s1] - 11 [mn] [sa]mparichchhinnð yåvad-Bhatt-Onmilana-svāmi-tāmra-patta iti tasmach
'cha dakshina-din(8)-bhāga12 d-bhiyas=tēn-aiva simnā uttarān=disam-anuvalamānas=tāvad-āgato yāva[do]
Bharani-svāmi13 tâmra-patta-simušti tatpipraguņēna Bhatt-Onmilana-svāmi-tāmra-patta
simni Vakhata-[S]im.14 likā-dēva-khatam=praviấya tāva[d] gato yāvast*] sa ēva Kutkuţa-grāmiņa
vrä(brā)hmana-sim=ěti ... 15 (Effaced)
TRANSLATION. Hail ! In the year of the rise ... of the Great Emperor, the supreme worshipper of the Lord, the fortunate king Jayanaga, when he is resident at Karnasuvarnaka, at the time that the Buron Nārāyaṇabhadra, who meditates upon his feet, is in the enjoyment of the Audumbarika province, his commissioner the Mahåpratihära Süryasēna acting as administrator: the command given to him by the noble Baron is as follows: "The village of Vappaghoshavāța has been given by me to Bhatta Brahmavira Svāmin, a member of the Kaśyapa götra and colleague of the Chhāndogas, for the increase of the merit of my mother, my father, and myself, as a perpetual endowments : you are to give (a deed engraved on) & copper-plate adorned with the seal of the province and specifying the boundaries." The signs of the boundary therein are : on the west, the boundary of the grant belonging to the Brahmans of Kutkuţa-gråma; on the north, the river-bed; on the east, the same river-bed; issuing thence and running along the western boundary of Amalapautika-grāma, (the boundary) is the Sarshapa-yanaka ; it is limited hy
1 From the plate.
Read eadratsare. 1 Apparently akahayani-dharman denotes the same form of tenuro akshaya niri er niol - dharma, on which see Mr. Radbogovinda Bwak's note above, Vol. XV, p. 181, n. 8,

Page #99

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII
the same boundary), as far as Bhatça Unmilans-svāmin's grant; from the south thereof, (the boundary), turning along further by the same boundary to the north, proceeds as far as the boundary of Bharani-8Vāmin's grant, thence in a straight line enters the pond of VakhataSimilikä on the boundary of Bhatta Unmilana-bvāmin's grant, and goes as far as the same boundary of the Brāhmaṇs of Kutkuta-grama,
No. 8.-NIDUR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA.
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AYYAR, B.A., OOTACAMUND. The subjoined two inscriptions are engraved on the south wall of the Siva temple at Nidūr, & village situated on the north bank of the Kāvēri in the Mayavaram taluk of the Tanjore district. This temple is one on which the Saiva saint Sundaramürti-Näyapár of the 8th century has composed hymns. Though the preservation of the records is not good, there are enough traces left in them to make out the inscriptions almost completely. It would have been certainly much better if they had not suffered damage. I am editing the inscriptions from impressions secured during the field season of 1921-22 by Mr. A. S. Ramanathier of the office of the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, and registered as Nos. 534 and 535 of Appendix B of the Annual Report on Epigraphy for that year, where, however, the importance of these metrical records has not been noted.
The two inscriptions are dated in the reign of Kulõttunga-Chola. The king bears no distingaishing epithets : but to judge from the characters employed, the records appear to be of the time of Kulottunga I, who reigned from A.D. 1070 to 1119. The high regnal years 46 and 38 given to the king in these records also point to the same conclusion. As will be shown below, the inscriptions are of great value to students of Tamil literature as they almost fix the time of one oi the most important works on Tamil Prosody.
Inscription A is dated in the 46th year of the reign of Kulottunga-Chola and registers that a certain Kandan Mādavan-called also Milalai-nātu-Vēl, Tondsi-Kavalan, and chief of Kulattür (Karigai-Kuļattür in B)--caused to be made of stone the shrine of SonnevaFarivār and constructed a pavilion for expounding the Purāņas in the temple at Tillai, i.e. Chidambaram. Incidentally reference is made to the Tamil Prosodist Amudasāgara and his work Karigai which was begun and completed at Kulattar as well as to the construction of the temple at Nidar with stone, by the same chief, in the thirty-eighth year of the reign of the Chola king (Neriyan).
Inscription B, which is dated in the 38th year of the king's reign, states that this same Kandan Mādavan--who receives here also the epithets Milalai-náttu-Vēl and Tondai-Kavalanis stated to have built the excellent stone vimāna at Niļür. This inscription further tells us that Kandan Madavan was the marumagan (i.e. nephew or son-in-law) of an un-named person at whose instance Amudasāgara-Muņi of Tamil fame composed the work called Karigal, and was the chief of Karigai-Kulattür in Siru-Kunra-nadu in Jayangonda-sola-mandalam (ie the a..cient Tondai-mandalam).
The mention of the name of the Jaina teacher Amudasagara-Muņi and of his composing the work Kärigai, by which is no doubt meant the well known Tamil work on Prosody Yapparungalakkärigai, is of great interest inasmuch as it enables us to determine the age when that author flourished. The fact that Amudasāgara was a contemporary of the uncle or father-in-law of Kandap Mādavan shows that he lived in the 12th century A.J., the date of the subjuined epigraphs.
Neriyan, Senni, Ponni-tturairan and Neri-verpan are some of the synonyms of "Chõla," according to the amil lexicon Chidamasi-Nigandu. (Soo Makkafpeyar-togidi, v. 18.)
• By vimana is meant the temple for the other inscription uses the word kaprali in its place.

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No. 8.]
NIDUR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA,
Yapparungalakkarigai is generally believed to be a much earlier work. In discussing the date of Châļāmani, one of the five smaller kavyas of Tamil, the late Mr. C. W. Damodaram Pillai wrote the following:
“ Several stanzas from the Chalamani have been cited as examples in the Yapparurigalavirutti and in the commentary written in the interval between Saka 200 and 300 by Guņasāgara on the Yapparunigalakkärigai of Amudasāgara which was based on Yapparurigalavirutti. As it is known from the introductory verse of the Chalamani that that work was composed during the reign of Vijayarāja who ruled from the city of Kårvētinagar in Cholamandalam and as that city was earlier than Urandai, the work must be not less than 1,500 years old."
It is not possible to ascertain whence Mr. Damodaram Pillai obtained the date " between Saka 200 and 300" for Gunasāgara's commentary and what his anthority was for the statement that " Kārvēținagar in Solamandalam was earlier than U randai (i.6. Uraiyur)." There are literary evidences to show that Uraiyar in the Trichinopoly district and Kā virippumpattinam in the Shiyali taluk of the Tanjore district were the capitals of the Cholas prior to Tanjore. But there is none so far to the effect that Kārvēținagar was even a famous city. Neither was this situated in Chola-mandalam. Evidences, both literary and epigraphical, would point to Kārvētinagar having been included in Tondai-mandalam. We shall discuss the upper limit of Guņasāgara's age after citing the opinion of Pandit M. Raghava Aiyangar on the date of Yapparurigalakkūrigai. Writing on the age of Mandalapurusha, the anthor of the Tamil Nigandu, he says that "there are ample reasons that confirm that Amritasāgara could not have lived before the 10th century A.D."3 and it is pretty certain that he must have with him materials to prove his point. These are the only two definite pronouncements that we know of regarding the date of Yapparungalakkärigai, besides the statement of Mr. Narasimhacharya which will be referred to later on.
It is interesting to note here the account preserved in the Tamil literature respecting Amudasāgara and his work. From the invocatory stanza of his work it is learnt that the author was a Jain, for it is addressed to the Arbat under the shade of the Asöka treet. Guņasāgara, the Jain commentator on Yāpparungalakkärigai, has the following say on the name of the work and the method adopted in its composition :
"Like the Prākpit grammar Palittiyam and Pirgalam otherwise called Chhandspifitam, this work i.e. Yapparurigalakkärigai) is made of Kärigai verses; and like the Karnataka Chhandas Gunakarikiya, each stanza is addressed to a female and is concise. It cites examples like the Mahësvara-Yappu?; like the Seyyutturaikkovai of Tamij music ; like the Vargakkorace of the Ashtakas in the Vēdas and like the Nitaka-flokas of the Rūpābatāra, it gives the commencing portions of the verses cited as examples. As the Nirutta
1 See his introduction to the work.
* For citations of the Chilamani stanzas in the Yapparungalakkarigai, see the comment on Terse 18 of Urupe piyal, v. 13 of Seyyuliyal and v. 6 of Olibiyal.
& Mythic Society Journal, Vol. XIII, page 490 • Nandamadivil kadi-malar-ppindi-kkann-ar-nilar-kil andam-adigal-inaiy-adiy-êtti eluttafai fir pandam-adi todai påv-inan-kiruvan pallavattin sandamadiyar-adıyan maruffiya tal-kulalē. [Perhaps Chhandôvichiti.Ed.)
• The word Kårigai means beauty, woman, the metre called Kaffalaikkalittupai and the work on prosody known as Yapparungalakkärigai. It is bere used in the sense of the last. According to the Amara, Karika means Vritti. In Sanskrit it means the concine statement in verse of any certain doctrine.
Though this work is not now extant, stray stansas from it are found quoted by Ganasigars himself in his commentary, e.g. see his comment on v. 17.
Korai is a short verse indicating the commencement or end of a passage or sometimes the number and order of words or sentences in the Value and Upanishads. It is both an aid to memory and measure of the contenta.

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[VOL. XVIIE
(ie Nirukia) is to the Vedas, m the Kärilas are to the Vyakarana, as the Naladi Torty is to Avipaya's Yappa, wo is this work a component part of, and jewel to, the Prosody called Yapparurigalam; it is hence called by the name Yapparurigalakkārigai. The author who is stated to have made into Kärigai the great ocean of Ariyam (Sanskrit Prosudy) and rendered it in Tamil, W & saint who bare the name Amudasłgara-Achārya. The work is divided into three chapters, vie., Uruppiyal, Seyyuliyal and Obibiyal; there are 44 kīrikas, containing 90 groxthas and 28 letters, - grantha being equal to 32 letters inclusive of vowels and vocalie consonante, excluding non-vocatic consonants. Of the 44 KĀrigai, 21 commence with wör-asai (long syllables) and have in each foot 16 letters exclusive of non-vocalia consonants; and the remaining 23 verses begin with niraiy-asas (short syllables) and have in each foot 17 letters: thus making in all 2,908 letters (which when divided by 32 give 90 granthas and 28 letters)."
From the extract given above, it will be observed that Guņasāgars, the commentator on Yapparusigalakkedrigai, was acquainted with Pingala's Olhandovichiti, the Rūpāvatūra and the Guna käsikiya, & work on Kanarese Prosody. By Pingala? may be meant either the earlier Sanskrit Pingala or the Prākpit Pingalad on which was based Nāgavarma's Chhandas. There were more works than one bearing the name Rapavatara. The author of one of them was Dharmakirti, who has been identified by Prof. M. Rangacharya with the Buddhist blikah of that name who flourished in the court of Parakramabāhu I of Ceylon, and who, as such, belonged to the 13th century A.D. It is worth pointing out that a lithic record found at Epnāyiram in the South Arcot District, detailing a boarding educational institution maintained in the temple at that place, states that as many as forty students were learning the Raptoatdrab and this must refer to an earlier work bearing that name and cannot refer to Dharmakirti's treatise mentioned above. The best way to take it is that Rapavatāra was the name of a subject taught and that there were some treatises written bearing the name of the subject, one of which being earlier than the middle of the 11th century A.D. and another belonging to the 13th century A.D. It is not certain which work Gunnsåg ara alludes to in his commentary. If it is to the latter, he should have lived after the 13th century A.D. As regards Gunakarikiya, Mr. R. Narasimhacharya has shown that Någavarma, called also Nākiga, the author of the Kannada work Ohhandombudhi, flourished during the reign of the Western Ganga kings Richamalla and his younger brother Rakkasa-Ganga; and that his patron was Chamunda-Rājs, his own elder brother. He, therefore, belongs to the end of the 10th century A.D. when also lived Bhojarēja of Dhārā, who is said to have made a present of horses admiring the author's other work Kadambari. It appears to me that the most relevant say on the authorship and time of the Karnătaka chhandas Gunakankiyam is what has been made by Mr. Narasimhacharya who in his introduction to Kavyāvaloka identifies its author with Nāgaverma, the earliest writer on Kanarese Prosody, and the work Gunak ikiya with Ohhandombudhi, equating Gunakan ka (Gunagkaka) with Rakkasa-Ganga (Intr., pp. 5 f.). He has also shown from internal evidence that Nāgavarma Was A resident of Saiyadi, & village in the Western Ganga territory, though his grandfather is stated to have belonged to a village in the Véngt country. It may be noted also that this chhandas of Nagavarma bears the description given above by Gunasāgars.
This mode of noting the contents of work is not consaon to Tamil writers but is peculiar only to Bapakid. The commentator's knowledge of Sanskrit and Print blandas shown that he was a good Sanskrit bolar.
* Sec Aufrecht's Catalogue Oat dogorum, Vol. I, p. 976, and the 6th Yol of Dr. Weber's Indische Studien.'
• Kittel is of opinion that this work is later than the Sanskrit Pingala bob not later than the oth century 4.D., i.e. the time of Varkhamihin.
Eve Kittel' iubroduction to the work. usual Report on Bpography for 1918, Part II, pp. 146-6.

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No. 8.1
NIDUR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA.
In any case, from internal evidence alone, it might be said that Gupasāgara could not have written his commentary on Yapparungalakkārigai in the interval between Saka 200 and 300 as stated by the late Mr. C. W. Damodaram Pillai. Now that we have definite information that Amudasāgara wrote his work in the reign of Kulottunga-Chola I (A.D. 1070-1119), it is clear that Gunasigara should have commented on it in still later times, i.e. after the beginning of the 12th century A.D. An earlier Ganasigara-Bhatāra, also a Jain by religion, is known from inscriptions. He figares as a contemporary of the Pandya king Mårañjadaiyap in two inscrip tions of Kalugamalai in the Tinnevelly district, dated in the 3rd year of the king's reign. This Gunasagara, who fourished long before his namenske-the commentator on the Yapparungalakkārigai--seems to have made a gift of land for meeting the expenses of foeding oertain Vairagyas (?) who were required to expound the Siddhanta. From paleographical grounds as well as from references made in those epigraphs to the tank Viranātāyana-ori evidently called after Par otaka I and the field called Uttamafolay it might be inferred that this Marañjadaiyan must have been a suOB Bor of the Pandya king Rajasimha III in whose reign the bigger Sippamandr copper-plates were issned.
Besides settling the date of the Tamil work Yapparusigalakkdrigai, the extract given above from the commentary of Gapasāgara enables us to know definitely the authorship of the Banskrit work Chhandovichiti which is referred to by Dandin in his Kávykdersa (First Parich. v. 12) and which has been considered by some to be one of Dandin's own works, wbile others regard it to be an earlier treaties. As Gupasagara states that Ohhandopifita (Chhandovichiti) is otherwise called Perigalam, it is clear that the latter name must have been derived from the name of its author who must have been no other than Pingals and by Ohhandovichiti must be meant Pingala's Ohhandas-Sastra, if there was not a different work of the name Ohhandovichiti by the same author.
Of the places mentioned in the two inscriptions, Nīdür, as stated already, is in the Mayavaram Taluk, and is reputed as the birth-place of one of the 63 Saiva saints called Mupaiyaduvir who gave away all the wealth acquired by him to Siva temples and Saiva devotees. Tiruvindaļür, the district in which Nidar was situated, is a village near Nidūr. It is very likely that the epithet Karigai was applied to Kulattur in commemoration of the composition of the work at the place or by the fact of its gift to the author. I am not sure if we can identify this place with Kulattar, a village near Nidär. Millalai-nidu is stated to be a sub-division of Virudarājabhayankara-valanada in an inscription of Véppattår.
Sisukupra-nadu is perhaps identical with Kaprattar-nägu, whence Śēkkilar, the euthor of the Tamil Periyapurd nam, hailed..
In connection with the construction of the pavilion at Tillai for expounding the Puraņas it is interesting to note that according to the Tamil Periya purānan the thousand-pillared mandapa in the temple at Chidambaram was the place where originally that work was first expounded by
Nos. 116 and 117 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1894. * No. 45 of the same collection rodiora probably to bemele disciple of this Gunasigara-Bhatara. .See the We of Yogniyuduvar in the Periya puranam, .No. 47 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910. • Kalattir-periyor pēr-paļaitta guņattir-perigitte kodai-pperiyor
talattir-periyor-Anapayap-ralara tamugautapilerippalattir-peru-pabobak kara nil-pidiyir. Periyapuranattai valattirkolav-arang-orri-vaittar sola-mandalamē.
v. 76, Solamandalasadagam. Viņnir-plakkum pagal-kKung-nádap vilatgu-Tamil-ppappir-pirakkam Periyaparanam pagar dapirap.
v. 19, Tondaimandalaiada gam. Orar-mali-Puliyur-kköffn-nar-Kupratturil-alla tirar-valamali-päkkilaron pagal Chehekalavon.
v. 66, Tond aimandalatadagım.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
Sēkkilar in the time of the Chola king Anapāya, identified with Kulottunga II. It is very likely that the mandapa referred to in A is the same as this thousand-pillared mandapa, though we cannot be sure that the puräna expounded in it was the Periyapurānam. If the identity of Anapāya with Kulottunga I instead of with Kulottunga II could be conceded, then the Purāņu referred to in our inscriptions might be the Periyapurānam itself. In this connection it may be pointed out that the titles or surnames Abhaya and Anapaya are found applied to the Chola king who was the contemporary of Sēkkiļār. We have references to gifts made by the author of the Periyapurānam and his brother Põlarāvāyar in two inscriptions which come from Tirukkadaiyur and Kalappā! (Mannargudi Talak), where the full names of the donors are given as Sēkkilän Ammaiyyappan Parāntakadēvan alias Karikālasola-Pallavaraiyan of Kunrattar in Kupfattär-nādu, a district of Puliyor-kottam alias Kulottungasola-vaļanādu and sēkkilan Palazāvāyan Kalappā arāyap of Kuprattar in Kupfattar-nāda. The shrine of Soppavārarivār in the temple at Chidambaram referred to in inscription A may have been built in honour of the visit of the Saiva saint Sēramāpperumā!-Nāyaṇār who was also called Kalarirrarivār of which Soppavārafivār is only a synonym. It is recorded in the Periyapurānam that the Chēra king visited Chidambaram, Travārür and many other Saiva places in company with Sundaramörti-Nāyaṇār. From the Tamil work Tiruppădirippuliyür-Kalambagam, we learn that there was a shrine of Ganapati called Sopgavāraivār in the Siva temple at Pàdirippuliyor (Cuddalore). But there could not be a reference to this shrine in our inscription 88 the phrase Tillaiy-ambalattd vadaktlppal (i.c. on the north-east side of the temple at Chidambaram) clearly shows that the shrine referred to in our epigraph was situated in the Chidumbaram temple.
TEXT OF A7 1 Svasti sri [I] [Kūri] Sya[v=u]lag-anaittaiyun-kudai-kkil-a2 [kkiya] Kulottungegolarkk-and-oru-nā[r]patt-ar-adan-idait Tillai-ambalat3 tēl vadaki)[p]päl por-iyal-amattadu Soppavār-arivār-köyilum puriņa-nöl-virikkum 4 purisai-maligaiyum varisaiyal vilanga=pporuppinal virappura-chchedop Nēriyark-in5 d-el-aiñ-u[da]n-maprigil nigar-ilaukkarrali Nidūr-niläviņārk-amaitta nilavinan6 Amudas garan-edutta.. togutta-Kārigai kKulattür-Mannavan Tondai7 kävalan Sigukupra-nätt.. karpagam Milalai-năţţu Vél-andava8 Kandan Mädavanēl [ll
TEXT OF B.11 1 Svasti sri 2 En-disai-ulagai oru-kudai-nilarkil iruttiya Kulot2 tungasölark-iyānd-oru-muppatt-ettipir-Choạätt-isai 3 valar Tiruvinda!dr-nått=un.... dai nidiya Nidor Umaiyo4 du-niláviņa-Perumärk=u vandu.... lai nialai[y]-ena=chchilaiyal-atta
1 See Periyapuranam where it is stated that it took one full year to read the work in the mandapa. * Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1912, p. 60. *Venri-ven-kudaiy-Anapayap seyys-vēl-Abhayap (Periyapurinam, tirumalai-chchirappu).
• No. 39 of the Madrus Epigraphical collection for 1906 from Tirukkadaiyur and No. 445 of the same collection for 1912.
See the life of Sēramåpperamal-Niyapir in the Periyapuranam. • See verse 1 of this book where Sondavar riyam-y&nai means the elephant (faced god called) Soppavasarivir. 1 This inscription is registered as No. 535 of the Madras Epigraphical colleotion for 1921.
. These two letters are almost completely worn out in the original; but wit ought to rhyme with põriya, Nöriya and Kärigai and alliterate with keu, they have been pretty surely filled in.
• The o sign is in the previous line.
10 This is a viruttam in fourteen fir, the measure being disam-ma-vifam-md-vifam-vitam-må repeated twice in each fout.
11 This inscription is registered as No. 684 of Appendix B of the Madras Epigraphical Report for the year 1921-22

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No. 8.]
NIDUR INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA.
5 ma-vimāpam-ing-amaittap (tan-Dal]mil-Amida sigara-Muniyai Jayango6 ndasola-mandalattuættan-Sigukupra-[nātta] ttirutti.... 3 7 no-Karigai avapär-kaņdavap-maru máy Karigai-Kulat[tūr)8 kkával-nilāvinănevarkkuo-karuņaiyun-ti[vagamun] -kattiya Mila9 lai-nätta-Va! Kandan Müdavaņēs [11]
TRANSLATION
A. Hail! Prosperity! In the forty-sixth year of the reign) of Kulottunga-Chola, who had brought under (his) parasol all the known worlds, Kandan Mãdavan, thu Vēļ of Milalai-nádu, and the ruler of Tondai, who had earned fame by constructing in the year seven times five added to three (i.6. 38) (of the reign) of the Nēriyan (i.e. the Chola king), the incomparable stone temple of the resplendent god of Nidür, who was the chief of Kulattür, where Amudasgara began [and] completed (his work) Kārigai, and who was (as it were) the kalpaka (wishgiving tree) to the people (?) of Sirukupra-nada, was pleased to construct of stone the shrine of Sonnavārarivār in the great ....on the north-eastern side of the hall (ambalam) at Tillai and the walled pavilion (in it) where works on Purānas were expounded and which were thus made to appear extensively splendid.
B. Hail! Prosperity! In the thirty-eighth year (of the reign) of Kulottunga-Chola, who had brought the world with its eight quarters under the shade of his single (i.e. incomparable) parasol, Kaņdan Madavan the Vēl of Milalai-näļu, who was the nephew (or son-in-law) of him that caused the fine work Karigai-[Yappu) (prosody), to be composed by Amudasāgaramuni of Tamil fame, who was the chief of Kärigai-Kulattür ...... Sirukupra-nadu (a sub-division) of Jayangondabola-mandalam and who showed mercy and generosity to all, was pleased to construct an excellent stone vimana as high as a mountain to the god who was resplendent with (his consort) Umå at Niờür of high (mansions) and....(situated) in Tiruvindalár-nadu (a sub-division) of śoṇāļu.
No. 9.-A NOTE ON MANIGRAMATTAR OCCURRING IN TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS.
BY THE LATE MR. T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A. The word Manigrāmam was first met with in some copper-plates belonging to the West Coast of the Madras Presidency. It is found, for instance, in the plates of Sthåņu Ravi and of Vira-Raghava-Chakravartti preserved in the Seminary at Kottayam. The meaning of this word Was discussed by the Rev. Dr. H. Gundert in his article on the plates mentioned above, in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. XIII, Part II. In it he takes the word to mean what he believes to be one of the four immigrated merchant tribes and quotes in support of it the following extract from the Payyanür-patjola, an old Malayalam poem :
Chávåļare-ppolē ni agala-ppovim channātam vēņam perigay-ippo! Kovátalachchetti Añjuvannam kottam Maņikkiramattar-makka! namma!ål nålu nagarattilum
nilarő-kkoļka-kkudikku chērnnor. 1 The letters in brackets are much worn out ani the traces would admit the reading given. Naff has been filled in with references to inscription A.
This gap may be filled up with the syllables yappu. The traces for yå gam un are very faint and doubtful. . is expletive. The metre is the same as in A.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVII
which he translated thus:Strong guards (or companions) are now required (to) take the children of the Govatala-Chetti, of Añjuvannam and of the Manigramam people, who, together with ourselves, are the four (classes of) colonists in the four towns." The later view of Dr. Gundert regarding the meaning of the terms. Manigramam and Añjuvappam is that they are two different trading communities of foreign merchants. Drs. Gundert and Burnell later on took the persons denoted by the term Añjuvannam as the colony of the Jews and that denoted by Manigramam as that of the Christians. It was Mr. Venkayya who first rejected the idea. But he has not expressed his opinion as regards the religion of the members of the Manigramam; nor are we able to infer from his comments on the plate of Vira-Raghava-Chakravartti whether he took them for Christians or Hindus. Some time aiter the interpretation given to the term Manigramam by Dr. Gundert, the Rev. Peet made the following observation on it :"Manigramam is the name of a class of Christians who relapsed into heathenism through the influence of a sorcerer (Mäņikkavachakar). Some of that class are still found near Quilon. Each individual is called a mani (in native books), a jewel, on account of his apostacy and the whole of them constitutes now a sub-division of the Sudras." On this the Rev. Taylor comments "I venture the conjecture that they were disciples of Mani, a colony of Manichaens, such as the Arabian travellers found in Ceylon."
Some years ago I copied the inscriptions in the rock-out Siva temple at Tiruvellarai and gave them to the late Pandit S. M. Națesa Sastri for publication in the Indian Antiquary. In one of them belonging to the reign of a Rajakesarivarman the following passage occurs
Tiruvellagai Tiruvapaikkal-Peramanadigal-achcham-bodu amuduseydaralumbodu Vēdam-vallan ora Brahmananai üṭṭuvidaga Uraiyür Manigramattu Narayanan Achchan ivv-ir-kkallal vachcha pon añpadin-kajanju [*] ponnin palisaiyinal.......
Here Narayanan Achchan is said to belong to the community of Manigramam of Uraiyfir.
The next reference to Manigramam is in a stone inscription in Siam; this inscription has been published by Dr. Hultzsch in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for April 1913, and states that (the tank) Śri-Naranam was placed under the supervision of the Manigrāmattār and the Sepämukhattar. Thus far are the references in inscriptions to the words Manigramam and Manigramattar.
The word vanigagramattar (a clear mislection of Manigramattar) is given, as an instance of kuluvin pevar (the name denoting a community), by Nachchinärkkipiyar in his commentary on the Tolkappiyam (sutra 11, Peyariyal)
In medieval Tamil literature, the word Manigramattar occurs in the grammar called Neminadam. In the commentary on verse 31 of that work we find the words avaiyagattar, attikosattar and manigramattars given as instances of kudiyarper, that is, of the common appellation of groups of men or communities. This grammar was composed in the reign of the king Tribhuvanadeva, that is, Kulottunga-Chola III (A D. 1178 to 1216).
I would prefer to tranelate the passage thus: "You are going a long distance like the fävälar and you (therefore) necessarily want escort; the chief Chetti of Kova, Anjuvannam-küttain, the children of Manigramam and ourselves-we of the four nagaram-are the only four commuuities esteemed as Kō-kkudi (families held in high estimate by the king)."
2 Narayanan Achchan, a member of the Manigrama community of Uraiyür, gave (to the temple) fifty kalanju of gold for feeding a Brahmana versed in the Vedas at the time the god of the Tiruvanaikkal is offered the mid-day offerings; the gold was weighed by the standard stone of the town of Tiruvellarai in which the temple is situated.
These are the very examples given also by Nachchiparkkipiyar in his commentary on the Tolkäppiyam.
4
[We know of Tribhuvanavīra-deva-another name for Kalottunga III-but not of Tribhuvanadeva.-Ed.]

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No. 9.] A NOTE ON MANIGRAMATTAR OCCURRING IN TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS. 71
CLASSIC
From the above extracts the chief points to be noted are :
1. That the Payyamir patrola does not name the four communities mentioned in it as professing Christianity or any other religion; it simply implies that there resided four communities closely allied to each other by similarity of interests, namely, trade, eto.
2. That the Manigrāmam community is not peculiar to the Malabar Coast alone and that it was found in the interior also, as evidenced by the Tiruvellarai inscription.
3. That Hinda institutions were placed under their protection, which would not be possible if they belonged to the Christian community; and
4. That it is simply the name of a certain corporation or community, perhaps engaged in trading, like the Valanjiyars, as Mr. Venkayya suggested.
The Rev. Mr. Peet opined, as already referred to, that the Manigrāmakkars were originally Christians and that a sorcerer, Måņikkavachakar, converted them to Hinduism. His hard to believe that the conservative Hindus, who in these days of free thought refuse to take back even converted Hindus into Hinduism, wonld in those ancient times have consented to take wholesale communities of entirely alien religionista into their fold. Again, it is well known, that Máņikkavāchakar never visited the Malabar Coast; the religious disonssion in which he took part was with the Bauddhas of Ceylon, and that wae at Chidambaram, according to the Vaulart purānam.
If Manigrāmattār in the Tiruvollarai inscription, were to be taken as the name of a Christian trading community of the Malabar Coast, how was it possible for Nariyanap Achchan, who, from his name, may certainly be taken to be a Hindu and not at all a Christian, to belong to the Christian community of traders of the Malabar Coast, but living then in Uraiyûr ? Again, how could the tank muntioned in the Siam inacription bearing the distinctly Vaishnava name of Set-Nirupam, meant evidently for the use of the Hindus, be placed under the protection of the Chris traders of Malabar then residing in Siam ?
In dealing incidentally with the Siam inscription I beg to differ from the interpretation of Dr. Hultzsch, and offer the following fresh reading of it as I am able to make out from the impression reproduced by Dr. Hultzsch in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
1. ....... (yalvarmatku cyl..... 2. .. [m]an tân nan[gu] rayai . .. 3. . . [t]totta kulam [ll*] për Sri4. Naranam [1] Mapikkir mattår. 5. [ko]kum Śapamugattårkkum 6. [kn]last"]tarkkum adaik kalam [1]
Dr. Hultasch's remark, that the remnant of the Sanskrit name ravarman in the first line of the record might perhaps be that of Bhaskaravarman, is evidently due to his conviction that the Manigri mattar were members of a trading community belonging to the Malabar. Coast of the time of the Malabar king Bhaskara Ravivarman. That this notion of his was the cause of the Tristake is corroborated by the following extract from his paper : "Mapigrämam occurs in Tamil inscriptions of the Malabar Coast; as shown by Rai Bahadur Venkayya, it is the designation of a trading corporation." Later on he adds: " We may thus conclude that in the eighth Of ninth century there existed in distant Siam & colony of traders from the Western Coast of Southern India, who had built themselves a temple of Vishnu." Again, he remarks: " If the words wbich I have given are correct, they would imply that at the beginning of the inscription A lengthy passage is lost, which, it it had been preserved, might have completod and explained
"[The fact that some personer. budyn ets were meded to protect . cortal pit or obarity made to as institution of particular nationality cannot by iteoll are that the ment betonged to that nationality. It wrong premise is allowed to stand, Mapigrimatter en well be said to be Christians boonan they were required to protect the gift made to the Christina charsh of Thrupippeli in the 8thiņu Bart plates.Ed.).

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the remaining portion." This statement appears to me to be doubtful, for the inscription, as in the case of many others, begins with the name and regnal year of the king, and at the most, a few words such as svasti sri and yandu and the numeral expressing the regnal year and the first portion of the name of the benefactor, the capitalist who dug the tank, all amounting to about five or six words could be supposed to have been lost. Dr. Haltzsch interprets Sēnāmukha according to Winslow's Tamil Dictionary by (1) 'the front of an army', and (2) 'a division of ad army'. Its meaning may be settled, however, from the following quotations, to be the name of a military cantonment. The Mayamata says:
सर्वजनेमकीर्ण नपमवनयुतं तदेव तथा ।
बहुरक्षोपेतं यत् सेनामुखमुच्यते तन्नेः । And the Kāmikāgama defines it thus :
राजवेश्मसमायुक्तं सर्वजातिसमन्वितम् ।
गुधप्रदेशसंयुक्त सेनामुखमिहोचते " Consequently, the place where the tank was dag was perhaps a military cantonment, consisting of a large Hindu population, and this latter was exhorted to protect the charitable institution, vis, the tank Sri-Nāraṇam. Dr. Baltzsch says that "Nāranam is a neuter formed of Naranap, a tadbhava of the Sanskrit Narayani, and means a temple of Vishạn!", but þriNáraņam is distinctly stated to be a tank and not a Vishnu temple.
The translation of the record must be "(The year) ..... of (the reign of the king) ..... yavarman ....... ...... man.... dug a tank in our ......... Its name is Sri-Naranam. This is placed under the protection of the Manigrāmattár, the Sēņamugattár and (his own) descendents".
We thus see that there is no ground for taking the Manigrāmattār to be exclusively the merchants of the West Coast of Southern India; they were found wherever trade flourished. Nor were they Christian, since Hindu institutions were placed under their protection.
From the foregoing discussion, we arrive at the conclusion that Manigrämam never meant or implied a community of immigrated Christian merchants who were received and settled by a Malabar king in his country and that they were peculiar only to the Malabar Coast.
Regarding the Manigrūmattar Mr. Vincent A. Smith, collecting facts from the articles of a number of writers on the subject, adds an appendix (M) to chapter IX of his Early History of India. In it he summarises his opinion on the word thus :
"Historical traditions of India and Ceylon, when read together, seem to carry the evidence for the existence of the Church in Malabar back to the third century. We learn from the Ceylonese chronicle the Mahavamsa (ch. xxxvi), composed about the beginning of the sixth century, that in the reign of king Gothakābhaya or Meghavarnabhaya whom Geiger places in A. D. 302-15, & learned Tamil heretic overcame an orthodox Buddhist theologian in controversy and gained the favour of the king, who placed his son under his tuition. The Mahāvanía represents the victor in the disputation as being a monk named Sanghamitra, versed in the teachings concerning the exorcism of spirits and so forth'. Mr. K. G. Sesha Ayyar interprets this statement as meaning really that the successful controversialist was a Hindu, and identifies him with the famous Saiva saint Māņikka (or Maşi-) Vasagar. The Tamil account of that personage affirms that the saint actually converted the king of Ceylon towards the end of his career. That king may be identified with Gothakābhaya, and it is possible that the author of the Mahavam sa may have misrepresented the Saiva Hindu Māņikkavāsagar as Sanghamitra, a Buddhist beretic.
1 Tamilian Antiquary, Vol. I, No. 4, p. 64. The writer does not cite the statement in the Xaharamia correctly. The Tamil legend is given ibid, p. 66, and in Pope, Tirwedlagam, p. xxxi.

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No. 9.) A NOTE ON MANIGRAMATTAR OCCURRING IN TAMIL INSCRIPTIONS. 73
“However little credit we may be disposed to give to the story about the conversion of the king of Ceylon, or to the identification of that king with the Gothakabhaya of the Mahavamia, I see no reason for hesitating to believe the Indian tradition that Mapikkavasagar visited Malabar and reconverted two families of Christians to Hinduism. The descendents of those families, who are still known as Manigrāmakåns, are not admitted to full privileges as caste Hindus. Some traditions place the reconversion as having occurred about A. D. 270. If that date be at all nearly correct, the Malabar Church must be considerably older. So far as I can appreciate the value of the arguments from the history of Tamil literature, there seem to be good independent reasons for believing that Manikkavāśagar may have lived in the third century. Some authors even place him about the beginning of the second century. If he really lived so early, his relation with the Church in Malabar would confirm the belief in its apostolic origin."
Evidently the name Sanghamitra, occurring in the Mahāva inka, could not belong to the Jain or Hindu community; but since he is called a Tamil heretic therein, we must take him to be a Mahāyānist, who, to the Hinayanist, is a heretic. There is nothing against his being a Tamil Buddhist, but it is impossible to identify him with a Tamil Hindu, as was attempted by Mr. K. G. Sesha Ayyar. The description of Sanghamitra as "versed in the teachings concerning the exorcism of spirits and so forth" clearly evidences his mastery of the Bauddha Tantrism and never points to a Hindu. Månikkavābakar refers to Varagona-Pandya twice in his Tiruchchirrumbala-kkovai and this Varaguna is the same as the Varaguņa-Mahäraja who was crowned in A, D. 862; and I have long ago arrived at the conclusion that Māņikkavāsakar lived in the first half of the 10th century.!
No Tamil work dealing with the life of Māņikkavāsakar states that he went to the West Coast of the Madras Presidency. They are uniform in asserting that he went to Tirupperundurai, or the modern Avadaiyārköyil, in the eastern part of the Presidency. He must have gone to purchase horses brought down from Pegu and other places in the east-places which were familiar to the Tamils. It is only when the Arabs came to the West Coast in mediaeval times that horses were imported from Arabia. Till then the chief sources of the supply of horses must have been the Eastern Archipelago and Burma.
No. 10.--INSCRIBED BUDDHIST IMAGE FROM GOPALPUR.
BY THE LATE PANDIT V. NATESA AIYAR, B.A., M.R.A.S. The village of Gopalpur is situated some three miles to the south-east of Bheraghat popularly known as The Marble Rocks,' in the Jubbulpore District : it lies on the right bank of the Narmadā. The village contains only a few scattered houses: owing to its secluded position the place is seldom visited by travellers or tourists. Sir Alexander Cunningham, the pioneer archæologist, however, seems to have visited the spot in the winter of 1874; for in one of his reports he gives an account of an inscribed stone tablet of the Chedi dynasty which, he says, was discovered there previously by Professor Hall. It was this fact alone which induced me to explore the place while I was encamped at Bheräghåt some eight years ago. Although, unfortunately, the inscription in question could no longer be traced, I was lucky enough to discover within a fortified enclosure, which, I learnt, was then in the occupation of a certain sadhu, named Vindhya-sari, five elegantly carved stone images of the medieval period. At
Ibid pp. 73--79., and pp. 53–55; and Mackenzie, p 138. The late Dr. Pope, shortly before his death, expressed his acceptance of the opinion that Manikkaväégar lived not later than the fourth century (Tam. Ant 166. supra, p. 54).
See my article on the Age of Manikkavichaker" in the Madras Christian College Magasine for 1006. 4. S. R., Vol. IX, p. 99.

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the time when I noticed these images they were almost completely buried under the ground. However, sufficient remained visible to prove that they possessed great archeological value and were worth acquiring for the Central Museum at Nagpur, which contained scarcely any Buddhist specimens of this period. I, therefore, had them extricated from the earth and carefully cleaned. And my trouble was more than repaid by the discovery of dedicatory records on three of them.
Four of these images represent the Bodhisattva Avalokitēsvara, while the fifth is that of his consort Tāră. They all wear elaborate ornaments and are seated in an easy posture under a richly decorated canopy, consisting of seven umbrellas rising one above the other like the familiar hti on Buddhist stūpas. Numerous attendant figures are ranged on all sides and portrayed as paying devotion to the main deity in the centre. From their technique and the scheme of decoration it appears that they are products of the "Magadha school."
As I have already remarked, only three of the sculptures bear dedicatory inscriptions, and of these latter, two contain barely the Buddhist formula "ye dharmi hëtuprabhava," etc. The remaining one is more detailed and, therefore, more important. The characters are NĀgari and belong to the 11th or 12th century A.D. Subjoined are a transcript and translation of this record.
TEXT. Line 1 Yo dharma hotuprabhavă hēta[m] těsham Tatha ga]to hy-avadat [*]
těsha[m] cha yo niro[dha"] éva[m] vadı Mahāśrava(ma)[ņa]h !
[D7]yadha[r]mdyam pravara-mahājánujäyi[nah]" 2 param-opåsaka-kayastha-sri-Subhakta[sya]|suta-sri-Satka(kta)-davvă(dauvă)rikā (ka)
Dēnuvāyā [Ya*]d-atta(ttra) panyam [ta]d=bhavaty=a[ch]áry-opă[dhya]ya
mätäpitri(tri)-pirvva[nga]mam [kri]3 två sakala-satva-rå [sēr]=ano [tta]ra-jñā[n-"]våpta[ye-stu]"
TRANSLATION. Line 1. Whichever phenomena are cause-born, of them the cause the Tathāgata (Buddha) alone has said, and what annihilation also there is of them. Such is the lore of the Great Gramaņa (Buddha). • Ll. 1-3. This is the pious gift of the follower of the renowned Mahāyāna school, the gate-keeper Dēnuvā, devoted to the illustrious Satka', son of the great lay-worshipper, the famous fubhakta, a kayastha. Whatever merit there is herein, let it be for the attainment of supreme wisdom by all classes of sentient beings, particularly, beginning with my spiritual guide, my preceptor and my parents,
No.11.-THE GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA-DEVA.
BY NALINIKANTA BHATTABALI, M.A., CUBATOR, DACCA MUSEUM. An article on this plate by Mr. R. D. Banerji, under the title Kotwalipări spuriona grant of famiohara-Diva', with a prefatory note from Mr. H. E. Stapleton, appeared with a facsimile plate in the August, 1910. number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, wherein Mr. Banerji upheld Dr. Bloch's opinion (Arch, Surv. Rep. for 1907-8, p. 255) that the plate wa forgery.
Bead yan-anugarina. * One of the two verbs astw or bharat (1.9) must be cancelled. . Pomibly Sutku or sa-Baths was the dane of the Master ander whore Diagrå served as a gate-keeper.

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No. 11.] GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA DEVA. 75
Three other copper-plates of a similar nature had, however, been found in the Faridpur district in 1891 and 1892 and been purchased for the Asiatic Society of Bengal by Dr. Hoernle. These, after various vicissitudes, were taken in hand by Mr. Pargiter and published in the Indian Antiquary of July, 1910, in a very able and critical article. The publication of these plates necessitated reconsideration of Mr. Banerji's propositions, which he did in an article published in the J. A. S. B., June, 1911. Shortly afterwards, Mr. Pargiter published an article in the August, 1911 number of the J. A. S. B., which was based on the first article of Mr. Banerji and was evidently written before Mr. Pargiter had occasion to see Mr. Banerji's second article. In it, Mr. Pargiter very ably defended the genuineness of the Faridpur plates and published a revised reading of the Ghugrahati plate, which went a long way towards clearing it from the aspersion of ambiguity and unintelligibility cast on it by Mr. Banerji. Mr. Pargiter also showed, by discussing the palæography of the grant, that it was not spurious, but a perfectly genuine one. Mr. Banerji answered this article in his paper entitled "Four forged grants from Faridpur" in J. A. S. B., Dec., 1914, but had no better success than before in maintaining his ground.. The recent discovery of five plates from the village of Damodarpur in the Dinajpur district of Bengal, and their publication by Prof. R. G. Basak in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XV, must perhaps induce Mr. Banerji now to reconsider his decision, as these plates bear close family resemblance to the Faridpur plates both as regards palæography and documentary form. In this article I shall not only try to furnish additional reasons, if any are at all required, for the recognition of the Faridpur plates as genuine, but also hope to identify the Mahārājādhirāja Samachara-dēva as one of the kings who took the place of the Guptas in Eastern India towards the end of the 6th Century A. D. It will be seen that in the presentation of the text and translation also, I have been able to improve upon Mr. Pargiter's reading of the plate in several important points.
I refrain from giving the usual description of the plates, its orthography, etc., since these have been completely dealt with by Messrs. Banerji and Pargiter, but proceed at once to give the text which I have read from the original plate, now in the Dacca Museum. Before doing so, I give, in brief, the contents of the inscription. It refers itself to the 14th year of the reign of a hitherto unknown emperor Samachara-deva who is styled Mahārājādhirāja. In that year, Jivadatta was the viceroy or governor in Navyavakäsika, which appears to have been the Divisional head-quarters. The District Officer in the district of Varaka-maṇḍala approved by Jivadatta was Pavittruka. The latter was assisted in his administration by a District Court presided over by the Judge Damuka. The affairs of the village or locality to which this refers, were in the joint care of a number of Elders (Vishaya-Mahattaraḥ), of whom six are mentioned as in the second plate of Dharmmaditya (Ind. Ant., July, 1910 p. 200). Other men of experience in the village had also a say in village affairs. These represented the villagers and like the Panchayets of the present day, transacted the ordinary civil and criminal affairs of the village.
Supratika Svāmi, a Brahman, approached the District Court presided over by Damuka as well as the Elders and men of experience of the locality and applied for a piece of waste land of that locality for settling himself on it. The Elders and the men of experience decided to give him the piece of land free of any consideration, and after authorising Kesava, Nayanaga and
i All my attempts at determining the exact find-spot of these three plates have hitherto been unavailing, Dr. Christie, Honorary Secretary to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in his letter No. 2234 of the 26th September, 1919, informed me that the plates had originally belonged to one Kohiluddin and were purchased from Allul Kak Abid, but he could not tell me in which particular village the plates were found.
It deserves to be noted, as already noted by Mr. Pargiter, that the name-endings of these Elders were Kunda, Palita, Ghōsha, Datta and Dasa, all of which are to be met with in the surnan.es of the present day Kayasthas and Navatākhas of Bengal,
K 2

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others to mature the transaction on their behalf gave the piece of land to Supratika Svāmi. The transaction was ratified by the District Court by the issue of a copper-plate deed. The measurement of the land, which was situated in the village of Vyaghrachoraka, is not given; but it included the whole of that place, minus three kulyavāpas, which had already been' granted to some one else and which were, therefore, separated before the present grant was made.
TEXT.1
Obverse. 1 ९ वस्त्यस्याम्पृथिव्यामप्रतिरथे नृगनहुषययात्वखरीषसम. 2 धृतो महाराजाधिराजश्रोसमाचारदेवे प्रतपत्वेतच्चरणकरल' 3 युगलाराधनोपात्तनव्यावकाशिकायां सुवर्णं वो 'प्याधिवतान्तर* उपरिकजीवदत्तस्तदनुमोदितक[:] वारकमण्डले विषय. . 5 पति[:.] पविच को यतोस्य व्यवहरतः सुप्रतीकस्वामिना ज्येष्ठाधि6 करणिकदामुकप्रमुखमधिकरणम्बिषयमहत्तरवत्स. 7 कुण्डमहत्तरपचिपालितमहत्तरविहितघोषशरद[त्त"].' 8 महत्तरप्रियदा स्तमहत्तरजनाईनकुण्डादयः अन्ये च । 9 वहवः प्रधाना व्यवहाणच' विज्ञाप्ता इच्छाम्यहं भवता प्रसा-" 10 दाञ्चिरो"वसबखिलभूखण्डलकं वलिचरुसत्तप्रवर्तनाय" 11 व्राह्मणोपयोगाय च तामपट्टीकत्व तदईथ प्रसादकत्त"12 मिति यत "एनदभ्यर्थनमुपलभ्य शंथो परिलिखिता
1 From the original plate. * Read kamala. • The second na looks like a ta and is probably a sign for doubling.
• Mr. Pargiter read võtkyå, but on a comparison with the other o and i warks used in this inscription, it would appear that the correct realing is vithya.
• Read सोपरिक •[Read °करणं विषय.-Ed
1 The omission of the adjective malattara before the name sära-Datta, is probably due to carelessnes. The ni mark is indicated by the sign for # accompanied by a short horizontal stroke or dot below, to the right. Here, the left limb of the w mark is curtailed for want of space, and of the two dots to the right, one is probably a natural depression.
• The engraver originally inscribed Priyadasa, which was subsequently emended to Priyadatta, with the result that the word now appears like Priyadasta.
• Read oyavakarinafcharjiapta. [Rather, we must read rijhapitamin the Damodarpur Plate-Rd.] 10 Read tam. 11 Only the left half of the letter så is seen. The other half was not engraved on the plate for want of space. " Read rā.
11 The letter nå at first sight appears to be ni, but it is in reality nã as it should be. Compare the other long Totters in the inscription, especially aya in 1.1.
- Read प्रसादं कर्नु " Read itad. [This correction is unnecessary-Ed.]
16 Mr. Pargiter had much trouble with this word which cannot be anything else than ytatho. The loft loop of yainolonrly visible in the original plate, but is incised u.uch shallower than the other letters.

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Reverse. 13 ग्यवहारिभिः समृत्य' सावटा मापदैर्गुष्टा राम्रोधम्म' निष्कला 14 या तु' भोग्योक्ता भूमिपस्वैवार्थधमाकतद वाणादा यतामि15 त्ववकृत्व करणिकनयनागकेशवादोन्कुशवारायारण्य प्राकामपट्टी16 तक्षेचकुल्यवापवयंमपास' व्याघ्रचोरकी' यच्छेषं तचतुःसीमा17 लिजा निर्दिष्ट कावास्य सुप्रतीकवामिनः ताम्रपटोकख प्रतिपादित 18 सोमालिकानि चाच: पूर्वस्यां पिशाचपवंटी दक्षिणेन विद्या19 धरजोटिका पश्चिमायां चन्द्रवम् कोटकोण: उत्तरेन' गो. 20 पेन्द्रचोरकग्रामसीमाचेति । भवन्ति चान बोका: पष्टिम्वर्षस-" 21 साणि खर्गे मोदति भूमिदः पाक्षेमा चानुमन्ता वा तान्येव नरके वसेत् । 22 खदता म्परदत्ताम्वा यो परत वसुन्धरा खविष्ठाया कमिभूत्वा पितमि" 23 सह पचते । सम्बत् १०४ कार्ति दि २० ॥
1 The word, as Mr. Pargiter very remonably brought out, is undoubtedly sothomrtya, but the projection of the perpendicular stroke of na upwards, cannot be taken as an amuwara as the other su's in this incription bave also this peculiarity. The arumvara over sa seems to bave been left out through the engraver's mistakes. [The reading is and not a. I do not see the resign of on the impression-Ed.]
Mr. Pargiter's anggestion of shatā here as the irregular instrumental case of the numeral shask is inadmie sible, m it would give shasha. The second letter of the word looks like ba, but it has also a very close resemblance to pa, occurring in the same line. If it is a ba which has in no other place been used in this plate, it is an incorrect 080, the word avata, meaning hole, is spelt with o and not 6. The letter may, however, be either p or sh and should be emended to v.
Read dharmmartha. Tho d mark is left out. Mr. Pargitor's sugrortion that the word is bhavyartha cannut stand. The letters clearly read dhammartha, the doubling of being indicated by peculiar stroke (vido nuvarana in 1, 8). The tube which makes the double is broken. It is not the sign which is used in doubling was for in other cases of double w in the inscription it is not seen.-Ed.)
The second letter on this line is clearly tu. The first letter hins certainly been fu-formed and the simplest and the most probable emendation is gā.
. Read kritta, .Read Brahmanaya diyatamo. 1 Ronde tragamapasya. * Read choraki. • Rend linganirddishan. "Read tan [1. 110miti. 11 Read garuma. Mma is not wpa, Mr. Pargiter takes it to be. Cf. dharwma on line 14.
18 The wood is könal and not liman. The right stroke of 7 over k is represented by a series of short shallow strokes, which are clearly visible on the original plate. Neither Mr. Banerji nor Mr. Pargiter observed there otrokes, and thus missed some very important historical information furnished by the plate.
14 Rendutarina. 15 Rend shashin varskao. ** Read madattarle paradattam va.
11 Mr. Pargiter read i, bat there is no justification for it. The right horisontal stroke in the middle, which makes i, is absent.
18 Read yan. 1Read rohi. 0 Read °bhinaka. 11 The figure is 8 and not 1. Both Mr. Banerji and Mr. Pargiter bave overlooked that there is a symbol like comma (Possibly it is not intentional-Ed.] below the wual mark for 1 which makes the figure 3.

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TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1 to 5.) May success attend. May welfare accrue. While the Mahārājādhiraja (the supreme lord of kings), Samachara-deva, who is without a rival on this earth and who is equal in prowess to Nriga, Nahusha, Yayati and Ambarisha,-is (ruling) in splendcur, Jivadatta, of the intimate class of servants (of his Majesty), master of the bullion market, (flourished as governor) in Navyavakaś ikā through paying court to the twin lotus-like feet of that monarch (Samachara-deva) and the district officer in (the district of) Varaka-mandala, approved of him (Jiva-datta),. (was) Pavittruka.
5
(Lines 5 to 11.) While he (Pavittruka) was administering, whereas his District Court presided over by the Chief Judge (Jyeshthadhikarapika) Damuka, as well as the Elders Vatsa-Kunda, the Elder Suchi-Palita, the Elder Vihita Ghosha, (the Elder) Sara-Da[tta], the Elder Priya-Datta, the Elder Janárddana-Kunda and others in charge of affairs? (of the village in question), and many other leading gentlemen (of the village) skilled in Laws were apprised by Supratika Svāmi (thus): I wish through your honours' favour for a piece of waste land which has long lain neglected, for the establishment of Bali, Charu and Sattra", (thus) getting it to be of use to a Brahmana; do ye favour me (with it) by issuing a copper-plate deed.
For this explanation of the symbol at the beginning see my remarks, above, Vol. XVII, p. 352. *This phrase expresses the force of the word seasti better than the usual Hail'.
Suvarnnagithyadhikrita is in all probability a title, bonerary or otherwise. Vithi means a market, a stall a shop in the market; and hence I have translated the phrase literally as above. The real title, however, may have been 'Master of the Mint or Treasury'.
Navyävakäsikä was, without doubt, the Divisional head-quarters.
The name of the district was Varaka-mandala. The expressions such as Varaka-mandale vishayapatiPavittrukah, Värakamaṇḍalavishayadhikaranasya suggest that the name of the vishaya itself was Varaka-mandala. From a study of the Bengal plates, it appears that bhukti was the largest territorial division of a kingdom; it was divided into a number of vishayas or districts. These were again divided into mandalas or ejrcles, which were again sometimes sub-divided into khandalas or parts.
Mahattara is a title, something like the Honourable of the present day. It is of frequent use in the epigraphs of this period and survives in the term Mähäto applied to village Elders down to the present day. It carries with it the idea of dignity and superior worth and may adequately be translated by the term Elder. [In Tamil Chola inscriptions of the 11th Century, we have the corresponding title perundanam or perundaram conferred on officers and other private persons (S. I. Insors.) Vol. II, p. 98, 141, etc.-Ed.]
1 Vishaya-Mahattara has nothing to do with the territorial division Vishaya. Vishaya here means affairs. Compare the phraseology of this part of the present deed with the second plate of Dharmmaditya, vis. Jyeshtha-kayastha-Nayasenapramukhamadhikaranam Mahattara Sömaghosha-parabsaras-cha Vishayapam Mahattara vijñäptäh. These deeds were the issues of a District Court, namely that of the district of Väraka-mandala, and the Mahattaras cannot reasonably be supposed to have jurisdiction in districts other than the district of Varaka-mandala as vishayānām, used in the plural number, would indicate, if, vishaya were to mean, a district', here. Thus vishaya- here becomes a plain word meaning 'affairs'. [In the first plate of Dharmaditya a very large number of vishaya-mahattaras the leading men of the district' are mentioned in connection with a grant in the very same Varaka-mandala. Perhaps vishaya-mahattara like mahattara was a title without any particular reference to a function. In our inscription Vatsa-Kunda may have been a District Elder (Vishaya-Mahattara) in this sense, while the others were only ordinary Mahattaras (Elders) that formed a sabha for the occasion, being the leading men' of the village, they were not necessarily men of law (eyavahāriṇaḥ).-Ed.]
"
The technical term eyavahara is ordinarily used to mean law, and Vyavaharins are these who are experts in law and legal procedure.
Manu (Chap. III, verses 67ff.) enjoins on all householders the performance of the five great sacrifices (Pancha-maha-yajñas), viz. :-(i) Study and teaching, which together is called Brahmayajña or Rishiyajña; (ii) offering oblations to departed ancestors-Pitriyajña; (ii) giving food to all creatures- Bali or Bhutayajua (iv) entertaining guests-Nrigajña; (v) Homa or ascrifice-Divayajña. Of these, the 2nd, 3rd and 4th (which are equivalent to Charu, Bali and Sattra) appear to have been the most important, and the term Bali-Charu-Sattraprovarlanam (i.e. establishment of Bali, Charu and Sattra) came to mean the establishment of a householder.

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No. 11.) GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA-DEVA. 79
(Lines 12-17.) Wherefore, the above-enumerated Elders and others who were skilled in Law, receiving this petition and calling to mind (the following slöka) :- The land which is full of pits and which is infested with wild beasts, is unprofitable to the king both as regards, rovenne and religious merit. That land, if made capable of being used, does bring revenue and merit to the king himself';-and having decided-Let it be given to this Brāhmaṇa'-and having recognised (ie, constituted) the Karanikas Naya-Naga, Keśava and others as the representatives of the public and having separated the three kulya sowing areas of land previously granted away by a copper-plate, (the aforesaid gentlemen) established the land that remained in Vyāghra-choraka by the issue of a copper-plate, after the demarcation of boundaries, as being (henceforward) in the possession of this Supratika Svåmi.
(Lines 18—20.) And the boundary indications are these :-- On the east, the goblin haunted Parkkatti tree; on the south, the Vidyadhara Jotikas; on the west, the corner of Chandravarmman's fort; on the north, the boundary of the village Gopendra-choraka.
(Lines 20-23.) And here apply the verses :-The grantor of land delights in heaven for sixty thousand years. The confiscator or one who approves of confiscation resides in hell for an equal number of years. Whoever takes away land granted by himself or others becomes worm in his own ordure and rots there along with his ancestors.
The year 14, the 2nd day of Kārttika.
Now, I propose to discuss the various issues raised by the inscription. The first point is the determination of the identity of Samachara-dēva.
Mr. Pargiter has pointed out that even if the grant were spurious, no forger would be so foolish as to date it in the reign of a king who never existed (J, A, 8. B., August, 1911, p. 499). We can adduce stronger proofs of his existence. I refer to the two gold coins, described as
Uncertain' on pp. 120 and 122 of the Catalogue of Voins, I. M. C., Vol. I, and illustrated as Nos. 11 and 13 on Plate XVI. They are both of gold (considerably alloyed with silver). One of them, of the Rājalilă type, was found near Muhammadpar in the Jessore district of Bengal along with a gold coin of Sasanka, and another gold coin of the light-weight "Imitation Gupta type, as well as silver coins of Chandra-Gupta, Skanda-Gupta and Kumāra-Gupta (Allan, Catalogue of Gupta Coins, Introd., Sec. 171, and J. A. S. B., 1852, Plate XII). The provenance of the other coin is unknown. It is of the common Archer Type of Gupta coins. The king's name occurs below the right arm of the king. A letter occurs between the feet of the king which Dr. Smith recognised as Oha. The reverse legend is recognised as Narendra-Vinata with some hesitation. Of the Räjalila coin, he read the name of the king on the obverse as Yamadha written in characters of the close of the sixth century A. D. and the reverse legend as Narendrāditya. Mr. Allan, in his Catalogue of Gupta Coins, attributes the Archer Type' coin to a period earlier than that of Saśääka (Intro., p. LXI), and, from the supplanting of the Garuda Standard of the Guptas by the Bull Standard on this coin, surmises that the coin was of a devout Saira. The
Mr. Pargiter explains kulavaras as referees or arbitrators. The word is composed of two sectioni, kula and våra; the former means the chief, the head; and the latter means the common populace, the public. Hence the meaning the chief men of the people'.
? As much land as could be sown by a kula (winnewing basket) full of seed. The term Kudad, equivalent to Bigba, the most current land-measure in Bengal, appears to be a corraption of the term kulyanapa. The name survives in the form of Kulavāya (qara), the name of the standard land-measure in the Sylhet District.
* Mr. Pargiter explains Jopikaan ennivalent to Bengali Jot, meaning cultivating tenure. This is hardly dotensible, though the word is a derivative for Jofa. Jot is most likely derived from the Sanskrit word gautaku, which means, one's exclusive private property, any property in general. The word Jofa is derived from the root Jutto come together. Jofa is still a very cominon word in Bengali, meaning union or coming together. The ter:n jopika, with the shortened form jofa, occurs also in the Khalimpar grant of Dharmaapillova (Rp. Ina, Vol. IV, 1. 249, text 11. 36.). Reference is to the corrected reading of the plato in Gaudalékhamala by Mr. A. K. Maitreys,

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king's, name he reads hesitatingly (Sec. 165) as Saha or Samacha or Yamacha, and thus wants to connect it with the Rajalila coin on which he reads the king's name as Yamacha. The reverse legend he reads on both the coins as Narendraditya.
In the Archæological Survey Report for 1913-14, Mr. R. D. Banerji discusses these two coins again. He observes that the name of the king on the obverse of both the coins is the same, viz. Yama. The reverse legend is read as Narendravinata.
A careful study of the two coins will convince any scholar that the name of the king is the same on both the coins and it cannot be read as anything else than Samacha (r) and the reading is confirmed when we come to know of a contemporary king Samachara-deva by name, whose copper-plate inscription was discovered not far from the find-spot of one of these coins (the Rajalilä coin) and the lettering of whose name, as written on his copper-plate, closely agrees to the lettering on these coins. The coins may therefore be assigned to Samacharadeva of the Ghugråhäti plate and they furnish proofs, hitherto wanting, of his existence and reign and of the genuineness of the Ghugrahati plate. These coins may be described thus:No. 1. Coin of Samachara deva; alloyed gold; provenance unknown; wt. 148-2 gr. Diameter 9 in.
Obv.-The king, in traditional Gupta dress, standing in the Tribhanga pose with a halo round the head, to the left of which curls are shown. He has a necklace of pearls. A bow is shown in the left hand, while the right hand is offering incense at an altar. Below the left hand, in characters of the close of the sixth century A. D., is found Sama; between the feet is cha, and above the Bull of the Standard, probably ra. The a in ma is a superscript angular stroke and the a in cha is a short perpendicular stroke to the proper left, exactly as found on the Ghugrahati plate of Samachara-deva; but in this plate cha has the angular stroke and ma the perpendicular one. These methods of marking & appear to be indiscriminate.
To the right of the king appears a standard surmounted by a bull. The Bull Standard would indicate that the king was a devout Saiva and belonged to a line different from the Gupta line so long predominant.
Reverse:-A goddess, nimbate, seated on a full-blown lotus with a lotus bud in her left hand and a noose in the right. To the right of the head of the goddess is seen what appears to be an indistinct monogram and on the left margin occurs the legend Narendravinata.
No. 2. Coin of Samachara-deva; alloyed gold; slightly purer than No. 1; wt. 149 gr. Diameter 8 in.
Obv.: The king, nimbate, sitting on a coach in (for coins) a unique Rajalila pose, and looking to his right. His left hand is raised as if to fondle the female figure standing to the left by touching her chin. The right hand is placed on the hip. Above the left hand occur Sa ma, below the couch cha and beneath the feet of the female figure to the right of the king,
ra.
Reverse :-Goddess Sarasvati, nimbate, standing on a lotus bud in Tribhanga pose and looking to her right; the left hand rests on a lotus, while the goddess draws another lotus towards her face with her right hand. A lotus bud is on a stalk below the bend of the right hand, below which again is a Hamsa (swan) with neck stretched upwards. On the left margin occurs the legend Narendravinata. The reverse type is also unique.
Some conclusions force themselves upon the careful observer of these two coins:
(1) The king was certainly not of the Gupta lineage, though he may well have been a successor of the Guptas in the dominions where the Guptas had once held sway.
* Allan calls the figure Lakshant, but Haras (swan) is ordinarily associated only with the goddess of learning, Sarasvati,

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(2) Samåchåra must, on paleographic grounds, be placed earlier than Sasanka in chronology; also because there is no place for Samachara in chronology after Sasanka whose immediate Successors in Eastern India were tirst Harsha and then Aditya-Sena and his descendants.
(3) He was a devout Suiva. The continuance of the Bull Symbol by Sasanka, as well as the facts (a) that the Räjalilà coin was found with a coin of Sasanka, (b) that Sasanka's lineage and parentage have never yet been satisfactorily established, make it almost certain that Samachara was a predecessor of Saśžáka in the kingdom of Gauda and of the same lineago, perhaps his father.
(4) The Räjalilá coin may be later than the other coin, as it shows a distinctly greater change from the almost conventional type of the latter.
Two other kings stand connected with Samachara-dēva, viz. Maharajadhiraja Dharmmiditya and Maharajadhiraja Gopa-Chandra of the Faridpur plates published by Yr. Pargiter. In order, therefore, to locate the position of these kings in the chronology of the country, it is necessary to clear up, if possible, some doubtful points in the chronology of the Gupta kings and their successors during the sixth century A.D. The publication by Prof. Basak of the five plates of the Gupta kings Kumara-Gapta, Budha-Gupta and Bhanu (?)-Gupta (Above, Vol. xv., No. 7) has given all students interested, the opportunity of rediscussing the matter.
The evidence of the Bharsar hoard (Allan, Gupt. Coins, Intro., li), in which coins of Samudra-Gupta, Chandra-Gupta II, Kumara-Gupta I, Skanda-Gupta and Prakasaditya were found buried together, made possible the natural deduction that Prakásiditya succeeded Skanda-Gupta and the hoard was buried in Prakasaditya's reign. No one has yet succeeded in solving the problem who this Prakāśaditya was, and the purity of gold in his gold coins has been a puzzle. It may be now accepted that Kumara-Gupta II was the son and successor of Skanda-Gupta and so we must see if he can be connected with the coins bearing the legend Prakā aditya. These coins are all of the horseman' type and the letter which signifies the king's name on the obverse has been taken to be an otherwise inexplicable Ru (Allan, pp. 135-36, Plate XXII, Nos. 1-6). I think, however, that this reading will have to be revised. The letter on coin No. 1 is almost certainly Ku, the matrā or the top horizontal line being very prominent, though unfortunately mixed up with a band hanging from the saddle of the horse. On coins Nos. 3 and 4, this letter is indistinct, while on coins 2 and 6 the letter certainly looks like ru. The letter on coin No. 5 has been made in one stroke, thus * and it is hardly possible to read it as ru. This, I think, will have to be taken as K16, and the letters on Nos. 2 and 6 also as Ku, executed as badly as the horse and the horseman on the coins are.
Several scholars have attempted to identify this Kumara-Gupta with Kumăra-Gupta. the son and successor of Narasimha-Gupta, and to thrust in the reigns of Nara and Pura between G.E. 148=467 A.D., the last known date of Skanda-Gupta, and G.E. 154=473 A.D., the first known date of Kumāra-Gupta. By this arrangement, Budha and Bhanu are to be placed after Pura, Nara and Kumāra. This is a rather risky proposal. There is no certainty that 467 A.D. is the last date of Skanda. Similarly 473 A.D. may not be the first date of Kumāra. If these two dates approach each other by even one year, Pura and Nara have barely four years left between them. The find of coins, which presupposes their currency in a locality, is more or less & sure measure of the importance and duration of the reign of kings represented by them and the extent of their kingdom. The British Museum Catalogue describes 12 coins and the Indian Museum Catalogue 6 coins of Nara; 4 and 3 coins respectively of Pura are described in the British Museum Oatalogue and in the Lucknow Museum Catalogue. I have seen a number of coins of Nara in the Nåhär Collections of Calcutta and in the collection of the Vangiya Sahitya Parishat of Calcutta. Sonte more coins of Nars are to be found in the possession of Rai Mrityunjay Choudhuri Bahadur of Rangpar. To escribe a reign of only two or three years

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to a king of such widely distributed currency is not reasonable. The next king, Kumárs, who is songht to be thrust in between the years 473 and 477 A.D., has also 18 coins described in the B. M. C. and three in that of the Indian Museum.
Para and Nara were undoubtedly successors to the Gupta throne, at a time which we have yet to determine, with very much diminished power and territory. Their coins have been found exclusively in Eastern India and it is hardly reasonable to place a real emperor like Budha after Pura and Nara who were perhaps only kings of Eastern India.
Narasitis ha-Gupta Båláditya is generally credited with standing against Mihirakula in Magadha. The claims of no other Balāditya have yet been substantiated. Mihirakula cannot be put earlier than the beginning of the sixth century A.D. and the proposition to put Balāditya between circa 470 and 473 A.D. makes him precede Mihirakula by half-a-century.
From the Haraha inscription (Above, Vol. XIV, No. 5), Sarvvavarmman and his son Avantivarmman's date can be put as 560 A.D. onwards. In the Deo-Barnark inscription of Jivita-Gupta, the Paramētvara Baláditya is spoken of as preceding Sarvvavarmman and Avantivarmman. Sarvvavarmman, the father of Avantivarmman, was the immediate predecessor of the latter, and the presumption is that Baláditya also preceded Sarv vavarmman closely, say, by not more than a generation. This fits in well if Båläditya's date is circa 530 A.D. But Bäläditya becomes too far off from Sarvvavarmman if he is put at 470 A.D.
Again, the history of the founding of the Nalanda monastery, as recorded by Yuan Chwang is evidently rather confused. But the mention of Budha.Gupta as a predecessor of Baladitya is significant, and is, in my opinion, in true chronological order.
Kumăra-Gupta II was succeeded on the imperial throne by Budha Gupta probably abont G.E. 157=476 A.D., as the Sårnåth inscription of Budha-Gupta is dated G.E. 158=177 A.D. Here, again, his relationship with his predecessor is not known, bat until evidence is produced to the contrary, we may take him as Kumara-Gupta II's son.
The latest date on the silver coins of Budha Gupta is G. E. 175=491 A.D. (Allan, No. 617).
The next king, Bhanu Gupta, who from his name (Bhanu and Budha are both names of planets appears to have been a brother of Budha-Gupta, may be tentatively taken to bave come to the throne in G.E. 177=495 A.D.
The Huns under Toramāņa were by this time preparing to contest with the Guptas, the sovereignty of India. In G.E. 165 = 484 A.D. the two brothers Matri-Vishnu and DhanyaVishnu, who were local rulers of Eran, had acknowledged the suzerainty of Budha-Gupta (Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 88). But in the Erap Boar inscription of Dhanya-Vishnu the interval between which and the pillar inscription cannot very weli be more than 25 years, the suzerain acknowledged is Toramåņa in whose first year the Boar was installed. Toramana must have ousted the Guptas from these parts in the course of these 25 or 25 years.
The memorial Eran inscription of Goparăja of G.E. 191=510 A.D. gives a clue to the situation. The inscription mentions that Goparaja was killed at Eraņ while fighting a great battle,-probably with the Huns under Toramana, in the company of the brave Bhānu-Gupta and allies.
[ This inference based on the names of planets is not satisfactory.--Ed.]
? The exact year of Toramana's accession to the kingship of the Indian dominions of the White Huns is not known, but it was unquestionably later than 484 A.D., the date of the Eran inscription of Badha-Gapts which mentions Matri Vishnu as the local king reigning, while Dhanga-Vishna was his younger brother. In the Eran Boar inscription of the first year of Töramana, Dhanya-Vishna is the local king and his elder brother Matri-Vishna is said to have gone to heaven. If Toramina ascended the throne immediately after 484 A.D., the battle of Eran in 510 A.D., in which Göparája was killed, will have to be taken as Bhanu-Gupta's attempt to regain the former PORNOBions of the Guptas from the grasp of türa tay or of his son Mihilakula

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From the acknowledgment about the same time of the suzerainty of the Guptas in the eastern parts of the country (modern Central Provinces) by the Paribrajaka Mahārājas and Maharajas of Uchchakalpa, Prof. Basak has been led to suppose (Ep. Ind., XV, 7, p. 125) that Bhanu-Gupta was the victor in the battle in which Goparaja was killed. But I do not think that the supposition is reasonable. The following facts should be considered :
(1) Goparāja who appears to have been a powerful ally of Bhanu-Gupta was killed in the battle.
(ii) If Bhanu-Gupta were victorious, the fact would certainly have been mentioned. Victory lay on the other side, hence the silence and the consolation of some high-sounding adjectives.
(ii) Bhanu-Gupta had evidently lost his former power; for, had he still been the suzerain, the fact would have been mentioned; and the loss of power can only result from defeat in battle in such a situation.
(iv) The suzerainty of Toramana is acknowledged by Dhanya-Vishnu, king of Eran, while some years previously he and his elder brother Matri-Vishnu had acknowledged Budha-Gupta as the suzerain,1
From these it appears to be clear that the contest between Bhanu-Gupta and the aggressive Toramāņa took place in Erap about 191 G.E.=510 A.D., and that the battle resulted in the Gupta Emperor being worsted and having to cede Malwa to the invader, Bhanu-Gupta was probably killed in action, as was his faithful ally Goparaja, and also perhaps Matri Vishnu; or, if Bhanu-Gupta survived, he is not likely to have survived long.
Thus from Skanda-Gupta to Bhanu-Gupta we have an unbroken line of succession. Where, then, is the place for Pura-Gupta of the Bhitari seal and his line? Mr. Allan and others have assumed that during the latter days of Skanda-Gupta, Pura-Gupta, his brother or half-brother, revolted and established an independent principality (Allan, Intro., Sec. 62). But where was this principality? We find Budha-Gupta implicitly obeyed from Malwa to Paundravardhana. Where is the place in which Para-Gupta or his successors were obeyed ?
Prof. Basak wrote (Ep. Ind., XV, p. 120): "But with our present stock of knowledge, it is not very easy to indicate the place where the branch line headed by Pura-Gupta may have raled; . . . . ... It may be believed that the rulers of the stronger branch may, by courtesy and in good-will, have suffered the other branch to rule somewhere in the eastern portion of the Gupta empire, perhaps in south Bihar."
Such courtesy to a branch whose origin was in revolt would be, to say the least, impolitic. The truth seems to be that Pura-Gupta was a child of four or five when Kumara-Gupta I died and Skanda-Gupta succeeded him on the throne, and that the child was brought up in the harem, as his name signifies. When the last king Bhanu-Gupta of the main line died, possibly without leaving any successor, this Gupta prince, the grand-uncle of the last two kings, who must now have reached an age of at least 60 years, was called to fill the vacant throne. If subsequent researches prove my inference to be correct, a tragedy like the crowning of Pura-Gupta has seldom happened in history.
Pura-Gupta cannot have reigned for more than a few years and the accession of his son Narasimha Gupta Baladitya may be dated in 196 G.E.=515 A.D. Mihirakula may have succeeded his father at Sakala about this time.
We know from Yuan Chwang that Mihirakula invaded the kingdom of Baladitya, who is called king of Magadha. In the war that ensued Mihirakula seems to have been taken
[These ressons are not quite convincing.-Ed.]
[This does not appear to be a reasonable inference. The author is evidently led to it by Pura, meaning a narem.-Ed.]
L 2

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prisoner and condemned to death, but was saved from death by the intervention of the mother of Baláditya (Vatsadēvi). This contest may be dated about 525-530 A.D.
I leave out of discussion the position of Yasodharman and Vishyo-vardhana in chrono. logy as it has hardly nny bearing on the present schome.
Narasimha-Gupta Bălăditya did not probably long survive his victory over Mihirakula, and the accession of the next king Kumara-Gupta III may be dated in G.E. 213=532 A.D. The last Damodarpur plate is dated in 214 G.E. and it was issued during the reign of a Gupts whose name has been broken away. I have reasons to thiuk that he was Kumars-Gupta III Prof. Basak supposes that only two letters have been broken away and lost; but the letter ra, the last letter of Kumāra, which is simply & perpendicular stroke, does not occupy much space, and further discoveries will, I think, show that the Gupta king ruling in the East in 214 G.E.=533 A.D. was Kumāra-Gupta III, son of Baladitya.
On the testimony of the Kalighat hoards which contained coins of Baliditya, KumáraGupta III, Chandra-Gupta III and Vishņ (Gupta ?)-Chandraditys, we may take the successor of Kumara-Gupta III as Chandra-Gapta III, who appears to have been succeeded by one whose name began with Vishnu and whose title was Chandraditya. We cannot my definitely who this Vishnu was. But there cannot be any doubt that he was of the imperial Gupta line, as the Garada standard on his coins would signify.
For the remaining period, until the first established date of Sasanka in 606 A.D., Eastern India was ruled, as Mr. Pargiter has demonstrated, by the emperors Dharmaditya, Gopa-Chandra and Samichårs. It has been already pointed out that Samachara was a devotee of Siva; and it does not seem an impossible conjecture that all these kings were related to one another and formed a dynasty that took the place of the Guptas in Eastern India.
TOPOGRAPHY.
As already pointed out, Váraka-mandala was the name of the district.
About the position of Våraka-mandala I am in substantial agreement with Mr. Pargiter and I think that he is right in thinking that Varendra or Varendrr is derired from the same root. The word Varaka means obstructing, opposing; mandala means a collection of small areas. So the word Varaka-mandala should be taken to mean, an area of land consisting of smaller areas lying between and separating rivers; Väraka may also be taken in the sense of
the deltaic land that obstruats and alters the current of a river'; Varaka-mandala would then be a group of deltaio areas. Anyway, Varaka-mandala would be the district round Kotalipada in the present district of Faridpur, almost in the heart of what was anciently known as Vanga.
Kotălipăda is at present & Parganah in the district of Faridpur. The old settlement was in and about the old mud fort there, in the vicinity of which the Ghagråhati plate of Samåchåra-deva was found. A number of gold coins of the Gupta emperors have been found outside the western par or embankment of the fort.
Prof. H. Roychaudhari's objections to identify Narasimha-Gupta Baladitya with the conqueror of Mihirakula de not appear to be very sound (J. 4. 8. B., Vol. XVII, p. 315). Even allowing that Yuan Chwang's statements regarding Balāditya's predecessors are historically accurate, Tathagata is not stated to be the father of Balāditya nor Badhe of Tathigata, and there is no mention of inmediate succession. Baladitya's son is Kurin-Gupte Yuan Chwaug gives his name as Vajra; but evidently this is a pet name or a family name, and not the royal name.
See Allan, Intro., See. 166-169 and pages 137-146.
A 320 well as a muon. A son of scorching rays to his enemies and moon of pleasing and cool rays to hh Priende.

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No. 11.) GHUGRAHATI COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF SAMACHARA-DEVA. B3
LA
Koţālipadă is at present surrounded on all sides by big marshes; it is inconceivable that any Bade man could think of a royal settlement in such a water-logged area. But the big fort is there, and brick constructions very often come up unexpectedly from low water-logged places. As correctly gurmised by some scholars, the low level of Kotålipădă appears to be the effect of subsidence due to earthquake. Wo find a new town Navyávakäsiká springing up during the reign of Dharmmaditya which does not seem to have existed in the third year of the same king. The presumption is that, about the fifth or sixth year of the reign of Dharmmåditya, owing to an earthquake, marshes began to form round Koţälipădå which had been a flourishing royal gettlement for the past two centuries and a half, and necessity was felt for shifting the gubernatorial head-quarters to some new and safer rite on more settled land. Koţälipada continued as a district head-quarters, but the value of its land decreased so much that we find almost a whole village, which is described as having long lain fallow, given away to a Brahmin for no consideration.
Where was Navyāvakāsis, the new Divisional head-quarters ? Nāgadēva had his headquarters at Navyävakašikā, which from the very name appears to have been a recently founded town during the reign of Dharmmaditya, in the interval between the plates A and B pablished by Mr. Pargiter.
Ara kāśa means an opening, an aperture, and its derivative avukafika may very well mean a khal, a canal, and the whole name Navyāva kāśikā would mean, the place provided with a new canal. There is a place called Säbhär the Dacca district which contains imposing ruins of a traditional king called Harischandra. Numerous gold coins of the Imitation Gupta' type have been found exclusively from Sábhår. The Dacca Museum cabinet possesses eight such coins from Sābhār. The place contains a fort, 250 yards by 190 yards in area. A water coorse breaks off from the river Bangsai about two miles above the place where the fort standa and after running through the eastern part of the site of the old town, turns to the west and re-enters the river just below the southern face of the fort. The canal, which is undoubtedly in part artificial, is locally called Káțăgångå-the dug-out river'. The ruins of the royal palaces and temples are situated on the south-east corner of this enclosure, outside the Kātagāngā. This old site appears to answer to the name Navyāvakasikå very well. The discovery of Imitation Gupta' gold coins thmughout this site distinguishes it from any other old site in Eastern Bengal and also shows that its foundation goes back to the time we are discussing.
It would thus appear that the rains at Sabhår may be identified with Navyšvakasika. The word Sabhar, a corruption of Sambhāra, means fullness, wealth, affluence. A visit to the site will convince anyone that it was a well-planned city of very great affluence surrounded by an artificial water-course. The latter might have been the cause of its name Navyåvakäsikä, while its subsequent opulence and splendour earned for it the name of Sambhāra—"Wealth and plenty materialised."
It is easy to prove that Kotalipada is the older of the two ancient sites. Below we shall show that the fort at Kotălipădă dates from a period previons to the Guptas, but the discovery of the gold coins of the Gupta emperors exclusively from this site and only coins of the Imitation Gupta' type, which were undoubtedly much later currency, from Sabhår tends to show that the former site is the more ancient of the two. It is needless to notice in detail the gold coins discovered at Koţälipădå or the 'Imitation Gupta' coins from Sabhar. This is done in separate article in the Numismatic Supplement to the J. A. S. B. It may only be stated hero

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that gold coins of Chandra-Gupta II and Skanda Gupta and silver coins with the figure of peacocks on them have been found in and about the ramparts of the fort there.
The land granted by the Ghugråhäti plate was in a village called Vyāghra-choraka. Three hulya-bowing areas of land were taken away from it and the rest of the hamlet was given to the donee. The boundary indications of the land granted are thus given :-On the east, the goblinhaunted Paukkatti tree; on the south, Vidyadhara Jotika; on the west, a corner of Chandravarmman's fort; on the north, the boundary of the village Gopëndra-choraka. Chandravarmman's fort cannot be any other place than the big fort at Kotalipada.
About half a mile to the north-west from the north-east corner of this fort, there is a forBaken homestead with a tank, which is called Jatibadi or Jaţia's house. It is traditionally remembered to have been the residence of one Vidyadhara and his wife Jaţia Budi. The place is supposed to be haunted. By the north bank of the tank at Jaţiábådi, there run, east-West, two curious parallel embanked roads. The one was, they say, meant for the king and his officers And the other for the common people. This double road appears to have been denoted by the term Joţikå or two roads placed together. The village of Govindapur begins a little north of this place and this was no doubt the Gopēndra-choraka of the plate, the words Govinda and Gopēndral being synonymous.
Who is this Chandra varmman, who was still remembered in his handiwork-the fort at Kotalipada-even in the time of Samachara deva ? This fort, which measures 21 x 2 miles, is the biggest ancient earthwork known in Bengal, the next in size being that at Mahästhan (the ancient Paundravardhana) which is only 1,000 yards x 1,500 yards. He must have been a powerful king who could construct so large a fort, in this low-lying tract, and the discovery of the gold coins of Gupta emperors from the vicinity show that the founder was at least is old as the Guptas. We are at once reminded of the Chandra of the Meherauli pillar inscription who " when warring in the Vanga countries, kneaded and turned back with his breast the enemies who uniting together came against him and thus wrote fame on his arms by his sword." (Fleet, 0. I. I. p. 141.) Fleet emphasised the early character of the palæography of this inscription which is not dated, and Allan, with his usual insight, rejected the identification of this Chandra with Chandra-Gupta II. Finally M. M. Haraprasad Sastri has identified this Chandra with Chandravarmman-son of Simhavarmman of Pushkaraná, of the Susunis Hill inscription,---who was finally overthrown by Samudra-Gupta about the third decade of the fourth century A.D. When we see that a most impressive monument in the shape of a great fort, to which Chandravarmmau's name is applied even in the sixth century A. D. turns up in Kotálipădá near the heart of old Vanga, we are finally convinced that these scholars, and particnlarly X. M. Sastri, are right in identifying the Chandra of the Meherauli pillar inscription, who came and warred in Vanga, as Chandravarmman, of whose advent in Bengal we have now a tangible proof in the shape of the great fort know after him. Chandravarmman's campaigns in Bengal and the foundation of the fortified settlement at Kotalipadas may be approximately duted about 315 A.D.
· [The identification is not convincing.-Ed.]
? In an attempt to identify Chandra with Chandra-Gupta I, Prof. Basak writes: "Where in the evidence that Bengal had over been in the possession of Chandravarmman P ... We bave as yot got no sach historical evidence nor can 106 expect to get it in future." (Ind. Ant., June, 1919, p. 101.) This last statement ouly jeoros ibe necessity of caution in our prediction as to what future may bring up.
Kogalpãţi means the pada or hamlet founded on the ali or num parts of the kof or fort,

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No. 12.]
JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V. S. 894.
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No. 12.-JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V. S. 894.
BY R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D., DACCA.
This inscription was first edited, without any translation and facsimile, by Murshi Deviprasad of Jodhpur in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1894, pp. 1 ff. I re-edit it at the suggestion of, and from an estampage kindly supplied to me by Professor D. R. Bhandarkar. The stone which bears this inscription was discovered about 1892, in the wall surrounding the city of Jodhpur, but, as Professor Bhandarkar suggests, it was probably brought there from Mandor, five miles to the north of the city.1
The inscription consists of twenty-two lines of writing which cover a space of about 2'-10" broad by 2-14" high. It is generally in a good state of preservation, although some letters have peeled off here and there. The engraving is remarkably excellent. The size of the letters is between " and ". The characters are of the type used in the inscriptions of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty, but the following peculiarities may be noted:
The triangle at the right lower end of kh is represented by a simple wedge. Both the forms of a illustrated in Bühler's Chart (V. 24. II, III,) are used. Nis formed by a distinct loop, as in the Dighwä-Dubault plate. The forms of bh and a resemble those of the Pehoa Prasastis and are different from those used in the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja I.
The language is Sanskrit; and excepting the benedictory formula "Om namo Vishnave" at the beginning, and the date and the engraver's name at the end, the inscription is written in verse. As Munshi Deviprasad remarks, "the language offers some serious blunders." Thus we have dhimain and varśajām in v. 3, where the anusvära stands for the final n. Similar errors also occur in v. 27. Tyajya for tyaktva, stambhya for stambhitva, and prahatva for prahatya occur in 11. 17 and 15, respectively. Other instances will be noticed in their proper places; but it appears that the writer was influenced by the idiome of the Prakrit language, which, as the Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka' shows, was also used in official documents, about this period. As regards orthography we have to notice (1) the regular use of the proper sign for the letter b; (2) the use of upadhmaniya before p (e.g. in vah-payad in l. 1); (3) the doub ling of s in place of visarga (e.g. in yatas-sarga in l. 1); (4) the use of the guttural nasal instead of anusvara before (e.7. in -varsa" in 1. 2); (5) doubling of k and t in conjunction with a following r (e.g. in vikkramantitan and -bhrättra in I. 2); (6) the doubling of consonants after r (e.g. in sarggà, 1. 1); but note the use of single v and y after r (eg. in prättharyam in 1. 3 and "r-virachitam in 1. 19); and (7) the use of ttri for tri (in kshattriya in 11. 3 and 4).
The inscription records in the last five verses (27 to 31) the military exploits of a Pratīhara chief called Bauka and gives in vv. 4 to 26 an account of the dynasty to which he belonged. The eulogy of Bauka as described in the record seems to suggest that Bauka must have been away on a career of conquest when his kingdom was attacked by a confedera cy of kings. His own partisans were unable to stand the fight and broke into disorder, when Bauka suddenly appeared on the scene, rallied his men and gained a complete victory. This beroic feat that saved the country from a great disaster is the main theme of the inscrip. tion.
1 Progress Report of the Archeological Sureeg of India, Western Circle, 1306-7, p. 30
Ind, Aut. Vol. XV, p. 112. Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p 244. Pablished below as No. 13. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 277 ff,

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The inscription supplies us with the following genealogy of Bluka.
Harichandra Rohilladdhi,
Brabrana. By his unnamed Brahmapa
By Bhadra, his wife
Kshatriya wife
The Pratihära Brahmaņas
Bhogabbats Kakka Rajjila Dadda
Narabhata. otherwise called Pellapelli.
Nagabhata m. Jajjikádėvi.
Bhoja
Tata Yasovardhana
Chanduka silaka
Jhota
Bhilladitya
Kakks
By queen Padmint
By queen Durlabhadevit
Banks
Kakkuka
The Gativ&lk Inscriptions of the Pratthara Kakkuka, dated in the Vikrams year 918,9 confirm the above genealogy, although in two cases the names are slightly modified such as Silluka for Siluka, and Bhilluks for Bhilladitya. As these inscriptions trace only the direct line of descent, they omit the names of the three brother of Rajjila and of the brother of Täta bat add a new name to the dynastic list, vie., that of Kakkaks, the son of Kakks and Durlabhadēvi. Kakkuks was thus a step-brother of Blaka.
The foundation of the dynasty is thus ascribed to a Brahmapa who married two wives from two different castes. This is very interesting from & social point of view. His sons are credited with the conquest of Mandavyapura (modern Mandor) where, as already observed the stone must have been originally put up. The grandson of one of them fized his capital at the city of Medantaka, which, a Munshi Deviprasad remarks, is possibly represented by the town Morta in Mürwärt. Shortly after this the military ardour of the family gives way to a
1 Tho wames Durlabhadôvi and Bakkaks are taken from the Chatiyald ingeriptione. • J. R. A. B. 1895, p. 618 f Bp. Ind. Vol. IX, pp. 977 4.
. (Hawwwpiti (III. 18) allows a Brihmapa to marry non-Brilmapa women--KA.] ..J. B. 4. 8. 1894, p. 8.

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No. 12.] JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIBARA BAUKA: V. S. 894.
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religious one, and the next king Tata spent his last days in a bermitage. His three successors seem, no doubt, to have been powerful rulers, bat his example was followed by the next two kings who spent the last part of their lives on the banks of the Ganges. Kakka, the successor of the last of them, is described to have fought with the people of Bengal (Ganda) in distant Monghyr, and the full significance of this will be explained later on. His successor, Baula who is the hero of the inscription, defeated a king named Mayura.
The date of the inscription has given rise to much disou.ssion. Munshi Deviprasad who originally edited the inscription read the figures as 940 but Kielhorn held that thero is only one nameral figure, which is 4 and read the whole as Samvat 4.1 Professor D. R. Bhandarkar reads the date as San 894. He reads the letter following Sas as vra and takes it to be a sign for 8.
As regards Kielhorn's view I entirely agree with Professor D. R. Bhandarkar that what the former reads na dva is more like ora and that the sign which he reads as t denotes the cipher for 9. There is also undoubtedly much force in the learned Professor's contention “that there can be no question that ura also is a sign for some integer and that it may be taken as equivaleut to 8," although as he himself admite, tra has never been so far found to represent the integer 8. Apart from the arguments advanced by him, there is one consideration which is decidedly in favour of his view, and seems to me to be fatal to Munshi Deviprasad's contention. If the date of the record be 940 Samoat, as the latter holds, Bāuks must be looked upon as a younger brother and successor of Kakkuka. It is, therefore, inconceivable that his name should have been omitted from the dynastic list of our inscription which retaing the names of collateral kings of earlier generations. On the other hand, as Kakkuka's inscriptions do not refer to any collateral king at all, it cannot be a matter of surprise that Bauka's name is not mentioned therein. On the whole, therefory, I am inclined to think that Banka was the earlier prince and that the date of the inscription is Samvat 894 or 837 A.D. as read by Professor Bhandarkar.
The historical importance of the inscription is very great. It gives us a line of chiefs extending over twelve generations. Taking twenty-five years as average for each generation the total reign-period of the dynasty would be about 300 years,
As the dates of Kakkuks and Bauka, representing the twelfth generation of kings, are respectively 861 and 837 A. D., Harichandra, the founder of the dynasty may be placed at about 550 A. 1). The Imperial Pratihara dynasty, however, cannot be traced back beyond the beginning of the eighth century A. D.. So far, therefore, as the available evidence goes, Harichandra must be looked upon as the earliest Pratihåra chief. The verse 5 of our inscrip
1J.R. 4. 8. 1894, p. 9. * Progress Report Arch. Suro. W. Oirele, 1906-07, p. 80.
• Dr. Hoernle remarks: The two half-brother Kakkuks and Banks formed the twelfth generation of the Parihar dynasty. This fact, et the usual rate of twenty years for reigo, will place Harichand, the founder of the dynasty, at about 840 A, D." (J. R. 4. 8. 1906, p. 28). Dr. Hoerple here overlooks the difference between reise and generation. A consideration of the duration of the well known bistorical dynasties would show that the arenge duration of generation may be fairly taken to be at least 25 years. Thus
(1) Eight gonerations of Pala klage from Dharmapila to Mabipila I ruled for considerably more than 200
years. (11) Soven generations of Chilukya kings from Kirttivarman I to Kirttivarman II ruled for more than
180 years. (ii) Nino generations of Rishtakuta kings from Dantidurga to Indranija IV ruled for more than 229
years. (iv) Nine generations of Pratibara bingo from Vatparija to Trilochadepåla ruled for more than 944
years.
These gire 27, 26, 26, and 37 your respectively for the arengo duration of a generation. • J. Bo. Br. R. 4. S. Yol. XXI, p. 491.

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"bion says that the song that were born of Harichandrs and Bhadra were known as Pratibāras and were wine-drinkers. This might imply a common origin of all the Protihars roling clans, and it is not impossible that the Imperial Pratharas of Kananj also branched off from this family. The two following grounds may be urged in support of this view, althongh the question oumot be fmally settled till fresh evidence is available
(1) The common mythical tradition about the origin of the name Pratihära, both tracing it to Lakshmana, the brother and door-keeper of Rama.
(2) The community of names in the two families, such as those of Kakkuks, Nigabhata and Bhoja.
It is not easy to determine the status of the chiefs mentioned in the inscription. Their names are not preceded by titles like maharajadhiraja, parana-bhaffaraka, eto., which often accompany the names of independent and paramount sovereigns in insoriptions. But no conclusions can be based on the absence of these titles in the present instance, for we know that in some inscriptions the Imperial Pratthāras are mentioned without any of those pompons titles, which are, however, preserved in other inscriptions. Professor Bhandarkar has dealt with this point in detail and his arguments have been fully endorsed by V. A. Smith; and I believe it is impossible to avoid the conclusion, that so far at least as this period is concerned, titular formulas, in reality, are of extremely slight significance.
Our inscription applies the term .rajhi' to Bhadra, the queen of Harichandra, the first chief, and to Jajjikadevi, the queen of Nāgabhats, and the term Maharajai to Padmini the queen of Kakka. It refers to the "rajadhāni" of Nagabhata and the "räjya" of Tata, Jhota ana Bhilliditya. The sons of Harichandra are called Bhū-dharapa-kahamah'; Kakka is styled Bhupati' and Bauka is called Nrisimha. These are the only references, direot or indirect, to the royal power exercised by these chiefs. In this respect it bears a close rosemblance to the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja I published below. The latter adds no royal epithet to Nāgabhata, the first chief; calls the second and fourth kings respectively as ** Kshemabhpidita' and Kuhmdpala' while Nāgabhaţa and Bhoja I, two of the greatest kings of the dynasty are introduced without any royal epithet. Whatever might be the reasons, the close parallel between these two contemporary epigraphic recorde would preclude any conclusion regarding the subordinate rank of the chiefs of our inscription, on the basis of the absence of high sounding royal epithete.*
As we have seen before, the first chief Harichandrs must be placed at the beginning of the latter half of the 6th century A. D. This is in full accordance with the fact that the earliest reference to the Gurjaras, to which race the Pratibáras belonged, is carried back to the same period by the reference, in the Hartha-Charita, to the wars of Prabhakaravardhana against them. The province of Gurjaratri, which was named after them and mast, therefore, be looked upon as the province where they gained a firm footing and established themselves, ww under the sway of this dynasty. This is quite evident not only from the find-spots
1 ff. vent with varno.B of the Gwalior inscription of Bhöja publiebed below. (also droh. Duro. of India, 1908-04, p. 280 1.)
. J. B. Br. R. 4. 8. Vol. IXI, pp. 409-10. . J. R. 4. 8. 1909, PP. 248-249. ..C..Dr. Haornle's remarks in J.R. 4. 8. 1905, pp. 27 ff.
The above discussion shows the Insecurry of his statement that the Prasastis of the Jodhpur "Prathams give them ao berritorial title whabeoevee, not even hje". Bis other contention that the term Maharaja applied to Padan ini denote her father's rank rather than that of her husband does not commend itself to me.
.J. Bo. Bt. R. 4.... Vol. XXI, p. 41 . Ibid, pp. 414-16.

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of inscriptions of this dynasty which have all been found within ith area, but also from the express mention in the Ghaţiyala inscriptions, that Kakkuka ruled over Garjuratråd (v. 16). The inscription also throws some light as to the period. when this province was being gradually occupied by the dynasty. Verses 9 and 10 tell us that the four sons of Harichandra built a huge rampart round the fort of Māndavyapura which was gained by their own prowoss (nija-bhu-arijite). Mandavyapara is evidently Mandor, the ancient capital of Mår war, near Jodhpur. It is evident, therefore, that the Gurjarne under Hariobandra and his sods had occupied the province, known after them, and proceeded up to Mandor, before the end of the sixth century A. D.
The period was indeed a suitable one for such conquest. After the downfall of the shorti lived empires of Mihirakula and Yasodharman, northern India must have presented a favour able field for the struggle of nations. The Gurjaras, who probably entered India along with or shortly after the Hūņas, found a favourable opportunity to press forward till they advanced as far as the Jodhpur state. Their further advance was checked by the prowess of Prabhakaravardhans and his son, and they were therefore obliged to establish themselves in the province which was subsequently named after them. Harichandra must have been the leader, or at least one of the principal leaders, of this advanced section of the Gurjaras.; in any case his dynasty was ultimately able to establish its supremacy over the entire clan. This seems to be the only reasonable inference from the circumstances stated above, and I do not know of any thing which contradicts this view.
Inscriptions testify to the existence of a line of feudatory Gurjara chiefs ruling at Broach. The earliest date of the third chief of this dynasty is 629 A. D. Allowing fifty years for the two generations that preceded him, we get the date c. 580 A. D. for the Samanta Dadda, who founded the line. The date corresponds so very well with that of Dadda, the youngest son of Harichandra, that the identity of the two may be at once presumed. It has been already sag. gested, on general grounds, that the Broach line was feudatory to the main line of the Garjaras further north, but no link, connecting the two, has been hitherto obtained. The proposed identification would not only supply such a link but would also explain why the Gurjara inscriptions record that Dadda I was of the race of Gurjara Kinge (Gurjara-ngipacania) although he and his descendants are referred to as Samantas or fendatories. It further closely fita in with the theory of the Gurjara invasion dealt with above. It would appsar that after Harichandia had carved & principality for himself in Gurjaratri and the neighbouring country, the nomadic habits of the tribe led them farther south till they conqnered a fair portion of Lata. The necessity of preserving their own against the rising power of the Chald. kyne probably led to the foundation of a fendatory state in the southern province under Dadda, the younger brother of the ruling king Rajjila. Instances like these are furnished by the history of the Chalukyas and the Rashtra kātas.
The Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang visited a Gurjara kingdom which was about 300 miles north of Valabhi or Surath. It is a noticeable fact that Gurjaratrā or the country round about Mandor exactly answers to this description. As Harichandra's dynasty wag certainly ruling in the locality at the time of the pilgrim's visit, we are justified in identifying
Vor the extent of Gurjaratra as deduced from epigraphical references se Ibid, p. 416. • Gajisratta is 8kr. Gurjjaratri, no. Gajerät as supposed by the Translator (J. R. A. 8. 1896, p. 590). • J. R. 4. S. 1894, P. 3. . For a detailed account of them, see Dynasties of the Kinarose Districts, pp. 312 .
• Thus Bübler infers from the title of Sasiasta used by these cblots that " it is not unlikely that they were Vassalo of the Garjaras of Bhillauila" (Ind. 41. xvii. p. 184).
• Watter's Yuan-Chwang II, p. 249.

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their kingdom with the one described by Hiuen Tsiang. Nay, I believe that we are even able to identify the king whose court was visited by the pilgrim. "The king" says he " is of the Kshatriya caste. He is just 20 years old. He is distinguished for wisdom, and he is courageous. He is a deep believer in the law of Buddha and highly honours men of distinguished ability." Now, as the pilgrim visited the kingdom abont hundred years after the foundation of the dynasty we may reasonably expect four generations of kings to have passed away during that period and the young king may be looked upon as belonging to the fifth. On referring to the dynastic list we find king Tata occupying this position. Verses 14-15 inform us that king Tata, considering the life to be evanescent as lightning, abdicated in favour of his younger brother and himself retired to a hermitage, practising there the rites of true religion. The curious confirmation about the religious fervour of the king, who may be held on other grounds to have been contemporary with the pilgrim, gives rise to a strong presumption about the correctness of our identification.1
The Gurjaras, after their settlement in Rajputana and Broach, had to fight for their supremacy with Prabhakaravardhana of Thaneswar who seems to have headed the native resistance against the invading hordes of the Hñuas and the Gurjaras. We have already referred to the wars of Prabhakaravardhana against the Gurjaras. The poetical language of Banabhaṭṭa may be taken to imply that the further advance of the Gurjaras was stayed in the north. The struggle was not, however, a decisive one, and seems to have been continued till the time of Harshavardhana. The feudatory Dadda II of Broach is said to have protected a lord of Valabhi against the Kanauj Emperor, and surprise has justly been expressed how a small state like Broach could withstand the force of the mighty emperor. Every thing however appears quite clear if we admit Broach to have been a feudatory state of the dynasty of Harichandra and remember its hereditary enmity with the royal house of Thaneswar. That the Gurjaras were not worsted in their struggle with the kings of Thaneswar appears quite clearly from the fact that they retained their independence, as Hiuen Tsiang informs us, till at least a late period in the reign of Harshavardhana. The struggle between Dadda-II and the rulers of Kanauj incidentally referred to in inscriptions, may thus be looked upon as part and parcel of the great and long-drawn battle between the two powers.
The extension of the Gurjara power to the south brought it into conflict with the rising power of the Chalukyas. It is recorded in the Aihole Inscription that the Chalukya hero Pulakesi II (611 to 640 A.D.) defeated the Latas, Malavas and Gurjaras. The Gurjaras here must be taken to refer to the Pratthara dynasty under consideration, for it cannot denote the feudatory line founded by Dadda as it is included under the Latas. The mention of the Gurjaras along with the Latas and the Malavas clearly shows that they occupied a territory contiguous to these two provinces and the kingdom of the Pratihära line under consideration exactly corresponds to this. The struggle between the two powers must have been of long duration; for during the reign of the successor of Pulakesi, a branch of the Chalukya dynasty was founded in southern Gujarat, and this was evidently to keep in check the powerful Gurjaras in the north.
1 It has been urged by Bühler (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII, p. 192) and V. A. Smith (J. R. 4. S. 1907, p. 923) that the kingdom visited by Hiwen Tsiang was that of Bhillamale, ruled over by the Chapa dynasty. Professor D. R. Bhandarkar has pointed out several drawbacks in this explanation (J. Bo. Br. R. 4. S. Vol. XXI, p. 417). It will suffice here to point out that the identification of Pi-lo-mo-lo with Bhillamala is far from satisfactory, in view of its distance from Valabhi as given by Hiuen Tsiang. Again, the Chapotkatas or the Chapas are clearly distinguished from the Gurjaras in the Nansäri grant of the Gujarat Chalukya Pulakesiraja (Kielhorn's Northern List No. 404) and the Chapa kingdom cannot, therefore, be identified with the Gurjara kingdom visited by Hinen Tsiang.
Ep. Ind. Vol, VI, p 6

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No. 12.] JODHPUR INSCRIPTION OF PRATIHARA BAUKA; V. S. 894.
The Gurjara Pratihara line founded by Harichandra thus established itself in Rajputānā and fought successfully against the royal houses of Thaneswar and Badami: For about two hundred years they 1uld in splendour over the greater part of Rajputana but the Arab invasion of about 725 A.D. brought about a decline. The Nausari plates of the Gujarat Chalukya Pulakēśirāja, dated in October, A.D. 738, tell us that the Gurjaras were destroyed by an invasion of the Tajikas or Arabs, apparently shortly before that time.1
93
It seems very likely that the Arab invasions referred to in the Nausari plates were those undertaken by the officers of Junaid, the general of Khalif Hasham (724-743 A.D.). Biláduri gives a short account of these expeditions and mentions, among other things, that Junaid sent his officers to Marmad Mandal, Barus and other places and conquered Bailaman and Jurz.* There can be no doubt that Marmad is the same as Maru-maḍa which is referred to in the Ghaṭiyala inscription of Kakkuka and includes Jaisalmer and part of Jodhpur State. Barus is undoubtedly Broach and Mandal probably denotes Mandor. It is now a well-known fact that Jurz was the Arabic corruption of Gurjara, and Bailaman probably refers to the circle of states mentioned in our inscription as Valla-mandala. It would thus appear that the Arab army under Junaid conquered the main Gurjara states in the north as well as the feudatory state of Broach in the south.
This catastrophe must have taken place at the beginning of the second quarter of the eighth century A.D. According to Biláduri the Arab expeditions were arranged by Junaid during the Caliphate of Hasham who ruled from 724 to 743 A.D. According to Elliot Junaid was succeeded by Tamin about 726 A.D. Evidently this last date is far from being definitely known and we may therefore conclude that the expeditions were undertaken shortly after 724 A.D. The Nausari plates show, however, that the expeditions referred to in them took place between 731 and 738 A.D. For, according to the Balsar plates, Avanijanafraya-Pulakesiraja did not come to the throne till the year 731 A.D., and as he himself takes the credit of having repelled the Arabs from Nausart, the event must be dated after that year.
The Chalukya prince Avanijanasraya-Pulakesiraja, who successfully resisted the Arabs, probably took advantage of this opportunity to wrest the Låta province from the Gurjaca kingdom. The decline of the Gurjara power thus brought about by the Arab invasion in the north and the Chalukya aggression in the south favoured the growth of a rival Pratihara dynasty which was ultimately destined to play the imperial rôle in India. The origin of this dynasty is described in verses 4 and 7 of the Gwalior prasasti of Bhoja published below. It records that Nagabhața, the first king, defeated the Mlechchhas, and after him ruled his two nephews Kakkuka and Devaraja. Vatsaraja, the son of the latter, became a very powerful king and wrested the empire from the famous Bhandi clan. Now, our inscription tells us that Siluka who was the protector of Valla-mandala (a circle of kingdoms) defeated Bhaṭṭika Devaraja (v. 19). As Devaraja of the Imperial Pratthara dynasty was the father of Vatsaraja whose known date is 783-4 A.D., he probably flourished about the middle of the eighth century A.D. Siluka, according to our scheme of chronology must also have been ruling about the same time and the identity of the two kings called Devaraja may be at once presumed. A careful study of the two inscriptions seems to show that Nagabhata, the founder of the Imperial Pratihāras, successfully resisted the Arab invasions which proved so disastrous to the other Pratihara line. His successors were not slow to take advantage of this favourable situation, and Devaraja entered into a contest for supremacy with Siluka. He was defeated by the latter.
Transactions of the Vienna Oriental Congress, Arian Section, p. 231.
Elliot-History of India, Vol. I, p. 126.
Above, Vol. IX, p. 278.
Elliot-History of India, Vol. I, p. 442.
Referred to in J. Bo. Br. R. A. S., Vcl. XVI, p. 5; and above, Vol. VIII, p. 231,

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EPIGAPIA INDICA,
[VOL. XVIIT.
but his son Vatsarāja purened his policy with signal success and wrested the empire from the family of Harichandra.
All these successive changes in the fortone of the dynasty are reflected in our inscription. According to our scheme of chronology Chanduka was on the throne when the Arab invasion took place. It becomes therefore a significant fact that whereas he is passed over with mere conventional praises, tribute is paid to the prowess and heroism of his successor Siluka. Then, again, the two successors of Siluka are said to bave taken to religious life and not a single act of martial glory is attributed to any of them. This was apparently the time when their rivals gradually established themselves in the position of recognised suzerainty over the entire confederate clans which was so long enjoyed by them. The subsequent kings of the line of Hari. chandra retained possession of their own kingdom, although they lost their supreme position, and gradually seem to have reconciled themselves to their new situation. Kakka, the great grandson of Siluka appears to have accompanied the new suzerain power in its wars of conquest. For we are told in verse 24 that he fought with the Gaudas at Mudgagiri or Monghyr. Apparently he fought as a feudatory of Nāgabhata II one of whose known dates is 815 A.D., and who is said in the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja (below) to have defeated the king of Vanga.
There was, however, a temporary revival of the Pratihara power in the middle of the pinth century A.D. The Daulatpnrå copper plate of Bhoja, dated in the year 843 A.D., records the grant of a piece of land situated in Gurjaratră, but the Ghatiyaļā inscription of Kakkuka refers to the province as being held by that king. As this inscription is dated in 861 A.D. Bhoja must have lost this province between these dates. In fact a close study of the Daulatpurā plate seems to indicate that the province was held by Vatsaraja and Nagabhata but lost by Ramabhadra and regained by Bhoja before 843 A.D. For it speaks of the original grant by the first, its continuation by the second and renewal by the fourth king, leading to the evident conclusion that there was a break in the possession of the territory during the reign of the third. This view entirely agrees with what we know of the rival Pratīhāra dynasty; for Nagabhata II was crushed by the Rashtrakāta king Govinda III and Råmabhadra's reign was an inglorious one. The difficulty of the rivals must have presented the requisite opportunity to the Jodhpur Pratihāras to regain the power that they had lost. Thus whereas the two successors of Siluka are described as practising austerities--an unmistakable indication of their political and military inanity-Kakka, the third king after Siluka is described as a great fighter and his queen consort is called a mahārājñi. Their son Bauka was also a great hero and his military exploits are described at great length in our inscription. According to the Ghatiyāļå inscriptions Kakkuka also ruled over a vast dominion. Nothing is at present known about his successors but it is likely that with the revival of the Imperial Pratshiras under Bhoja during the latter part of Bhoja's reign, their territory was finally annexed by the latter.
A few words may be said regarding the geographical names contained in the inscription. Mandavya-pura and Mēdantaka-pura (1. 7) most probably denote the cities of Mandor and Merta. Line Il contains the names of Stravaņi and Valla-dēša, two provinces, close to each other. As Šiluka is said in the same line to have been Vallamandala-palaka', Valla must denote the region over which these Pratihāra chiefs ruled. As Siluka is also said in verse 18 to have fixed the boundary between Stravaņi and Valla, the former would appear to have denoted a neighbouring kingdom. Stravaņi is probably the same as Tamani of the Ghatiyala inscription of Pratihara Báuka as the latter occurs along with Valla in a list of contiguous countries. The locality of this Stravani or Tamani has not been established so far. It seems to me, however, that it is to be identified with the kingdom of Taban referred to by the Arab geographers of the ninth century A.D. A comparison of the various refereucne to this kingdom

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by Arab writers 1 seems to show that it consisted of a part of the Panjab just to the north-west of Rājputāns. Reference is twice made (vv. 27, 29) to Mayora, a king defeated by Banka. We know of no such king, but Hiuen Tsiang refers to a city called Mo-Yu-lo (or Mayūra) situated near Gangadvåra mentioned in v. 23. Mayura of our inscription may refer to the king of the locality.
Trētā-tirtha (v. 20) and Bhūakūpa (v. 27) cannot be identified. But Ganga-dvāra (v. 23) and Mudgagiri (v. 24) are well known names denoting respectively Haridvār and Monghyr.
TEXT. [Metres used: v. 1 to 26, Anushtubh; vv. 27-28, Sragdhara; v. 29, Aryā; v. 30, Sardalavikridita ; v. 31, Mālini.] 1 Om namo Vishnavē || Yasmin=visa]nti bhūtāni yatas-sargga-sthiti matē i BA
vahepāyàd=Dhộishikēso pirggunas-bagunas=cha yaḥ | [18] Guņāb-pūryvan
pu(parushanam ki[rttyanto] tēnas 2 panditaiḥ 1 gana-kirttireanabyanti svargga-vása-kari yataḥ 11 [2*]* Ataḥ 811
Bāuko dhimam sva-Pratihāra-vansajām prasastau lēkhayámára ért-yaso
vikkram-anvitan | [38] Sva-bhrättrå Rå3 -mabhadrasya prätiháryam kfitam yataḥ śrt-Prattihäral-van boxyam-atag=ch
Onnatim=åpnuyat8 ! [14] Vipraḥ śri-Harichandr-akhyah-patni Bhadra cha
kshattriyā tābhyan=tu [yé su]tā jātāḥ [Pratiha]rāms=cha tān=vi4 duh | [15] Babhuva Rõhilladdhyankó Véda-sästr-årttha-påragah | dvijaḥ fri.
Harichandr-akhyah Prajapati-samo guruḥ | [6°] Tēna fri-Harichandröna
pariņstă dvij-ātmaji [dvi]tiya kshatti5 Bhadrā mahi-kula-gun-invita [1171 Pratihāră dvijá bhätá Brāhmaṇyām
ye-bhavamt10-sutäh rājñi Bhadrā cha yamt=sfitë të bhätå madhu-payinah |
[18*] Chatvára[6]-ch=ātmajās-tasyān jätä bho-dharana-ksha6 måb erimān=Bhõgabhatah Kakko Rajjilö Dadda ēva cha [19] Mandavya
pura-durggē=sminn-abhirunnija-bhuj-árjjité | prākāraḥ karitasatungo vidvishan
bhiti-varddhanah [10] Amisham Rajjilaj-jātaḥ frImin-Narabhatah gutah | Pallāpēll=Iti nåmæābhad-dvistiyam] tasya vikkramaih
Fu111 Tasmán-Narabhaltaj-jätah srfmån-Nagabhataḥ 11 Sutah [1] Tajadhani
sthira yasya mahan-Mēqentakam puram || [12*) Rājsyām srt8 Jajjik.-dēvyās-tato jātau mabā-ganau | dvan Butan Tata-Bhoj-akhyan SAD-18
daryau ripu-marddanau [13*] Tatēna tēna lokasya vidyuoh-chamchalajfvitar | budhval rājyam laghor-bhratul6 eri-Bhoja
Elliot- History of India, Vol. 1, PP. 4, 6, 13, 21, 25. · Watters Yuan Chuang 1. 328-9.
The letter ma looks like epi. + The sloka-metre here employed is faulty-the sixth syllable in the first pada being short against tule, Read dhiman.
. Read Dahlajās. * The doubling of t in prattikära is apparently due to the exigencies of the timetre. Read panfor • Read =ápnuyat.
Rend. Kohatiriya. 10 Read Hæc and gata in the same line, as per sutra * (VITI--30) of Pipini. 11 Read .
" Read -devgassa 13 Rend so.
W.Read, buduhu. 16 Read bhrātu.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
9
dharmma
sya samarppitain [11] Svayamñ1-cha samsthitas-Tata[h] suddham [m] samacharan Maṇḍavyasy-iśramo punye nadt-nirjjhara-sobhite | [15*] Śrt-Yaśövarddhenas-tasmat-puttro vikhyata-paurushaḥ bhato ni[ja].
1
10 bhuja-khyātiḥ samast-oddhṛita-kanṭakaḥ || [16] Tasmach-cha Chandukaḥ Sriman-puttro-bhat-prithu-vikkramaḥ tejasvi tyaga-stlas-cha vidvisham yudhi durddharaḥ [17*] Tataḥ Sri-Siluko jataḥ puttro durvvāra-vikkramaḥ [1] yena
11 stma kita nitya Stravani-Valla-desayoh [18] Bhaṭṭikem Devarajaṁ yo ta[tksha]pam bhamau Valla-mandala-palaka[m]ḥ ni[pā]tya prāptavān chchhattra-chihnakain [b] | [19] Pushkariņi käritä yona Ttrētȧ-tirtthe cha pattanam | Si12 ddheśvaro Mahadevaḥ karitas-tunga-mamdiraḥ3 || [20] Tataḥ śri-Śrlukaj-jātaḥ śriman-Jhōtō varaḥ sutaḥ yênh rajya-sukham bhuntva Bhagirathyam] krita gatiḥ [121] Babhava satvavan-tasmad-Bhilladityas-tapo-ma
13 ti yuna rajyam kritam yena panaḥ puttraya dattava(va)n | [22] Gangadvāram tato gatva varshäpy-ashṭādasa sthitaḥ ante ch-anasanam kritvā svargga-lokam samagataḥ [23] Tato-pi ért-yutaḥ Kakkaḥ
14 puttro jato mahāmatiḥ yas Mudgagirau labdham yena Gaudai samant rap [24] [Chhando] Vyakaranam Tarkko Jyotib-sastrain kal-anvitari | sarvva-bhasha-kavitvan-cha vijñātam su-vilakshanam [25] Bhatti (?)-va
15 ns-visudhāyām? tad-asmát-Kakka-bhüpatēḥ śrimat-Padminyaḥ
[VOL. XVIII
maharajnya
jataḥ śrt-Bbauka suta iti [26] Nandavallam prahatvá10 ripu-balamatulam Bhüsküp-prayātam drishtvå bha
16 gnam sva-paksh[a]m ddvije-nripe-kulajā sat-Pratiharabhapām dhig-bhataikena tasmin-prak-tita-yasasa śrtmatā Baukēna 19 sphärjan-hatva13 Mayuram tad-anu nara-mriga ghatita he
17 [tiju-aiva [27] Kasy-anyasya prabhagua -sachivam-annja
rāṇasu
tyajyals
dasa-disi tn val stambhya16 chtamttraḥ (1) ken-aiken-äti-bhite ātmānam-ēkam dhairya[n-m]uktv-asva-prishṭham kahiti-ga
There is a redundant anusvara after ya which may be cancelled.
The syllabla ka has both the anusvära and the risarga added to it as in palakaḥ in the same line. Cancel the anuseara in the latter al the visargs in the former.
The first pada of this stuk contains one syllable too many.
Read bhukkivä.
Read Gaudaik.
• Real vami.
7 Pead risuddhāyām.
Carcel mat-and read Padmingam mahārājāyām.
Read fri-Baukas=sutḥ iti. Cancel iti. [Perhaps hero ended the prasasti which was caused to be written by Bauke ss mentioned in verse 3 above; the indiclinable iti indicates it.-Ed.]
10 Read probatya. [Read which would suit the metre better than
-Ed.]
11 Read Lhagnan sva-pakehän ddvija-ripa-kulojän ant-Pratihara-bhupās.
12 Cancel the unr ecessary punctuation.
13 Sphurjan is an adjective qualifying Bankena and must therefore be corrected into sphärjata, though this rendors the motre ircorrect.
14 Read prabhagnam.
15 Rend tayktvä ränisu tamttram, though this offends against the metre.
18 Corr etly stambhayitra.

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-ta-charapān=&ei-hastena śattrar chhityal bhitvā émakanan kitam-ati-Ebha)yadam Bauk-anyena tasmin il [28] Navd-mandala-nava-nichaye bhagne hatya Mayaram-ati-gahana / tad
ant 19 bhrit-Isi-taramgă sri-mad-Bauka-nşi-singhēnas || [29] Sārddh-arddhaih-praga[lad
bhirakta-susbirair=bba[b]-orn-pad-angakair=ēntrais-ch-Opari-lamvi(bi)tair=virachitar"
sava-griham phētkäral-satv-akulam 20 yach-chhrt-Bäuka-manda [1]agra-rachitam prākuchhattru-samgh-akula tat=samgmritya
na kasya sampratibhavēt-trās-odgamas-chētasi [1] [30] Nann sama ra* ]
dharāyām Baukė nityamán sava-tanu21 Sakal-antrēshv=eva vidyasta-pădo i samam=iva hi gatāstotishtha-tishth=eti
gitad-bhaya-gata-osi-k[u]ramgās-chittram=état-tada-sit 8 [31] Sam 894
Chaittra su di 50 22 Utkirnnā cha hēma-kāra-Vishnuravi-s[]nunā Krishņēsvarēņa !
TRANSLATION (Line 1). Om ! Salutation to Vishnu !
(Verse 1). May Hrisbikësa, in whom all elements enter and from whom creation and protection are supposed (to proceed), who is both nirguna and saguna (i.e., with and without attribute) protect you.
(Verse 2). The glories of ancestors are first song by wise men because perpetual recitation of glorios (has for its effect) the dwelling in heaven,
(Verse 3). Hence the illustrions wise Bauka caused (the glories of his ancestors), belonging to his own Pratihara olan, and possessed of wealth, fame and prowess, to be written in this) prakasti.
(Verse 4). Inasmuch as the very brother of Rāmabhndra performed the duty of doorkeeper (pratihära), this illustrious clan came to be known as Pratibāra 10 May it prosper.
(Verse 5). (There was an illustrious Brāhmaṇa named Harichandra and his wife (was) Bhadrā, . Kshatriyā. The sons born of them are known as Iratthärns,
(Verse 6). There was an illustrious Brāhmaṇa named Harichandra Rohilladdhi, who was versed in the meaning of the Vedas and the sõstras and who was a preceptor like Prajipati.lt
(Verse 7). That illustrious Harichandra married (first) the darghter of Brahmara, an!, (as) second (wife), tho Kshatriya Bhadra, belonging to a noble family and possessoil of good qualities.
1.
Read chbittva. * Read bhitta. . Read • sitken. Some such phrase as sēna hati has to be applied in order to complete the senee.
• Rend pragulad-virakta. Il bhi is retained, we should, grammatically have expected pragaludbhi (Pånini, VI. 8, 111).
* Read -antrails
The word virachidan is redundant nince later on occurs also the word rachitam. It may be omitted in order also to set the metro right.
Rend phetkari. Read-lavitaif-Gara• There is the figure of a 'wbeel' after this wonl. .There is the figure of a conch' after this word.
* The word Pratihara is variously written as Pratihara(1.2) and Prudkhara (1. 3). I have adoptel the first form throughout the translation.
1 The meaning of the word Rohilladdhyanka' in this verse is uncertain. (Haricliandra's surname o: birada may have been Rohilladdhi though it sounis rather outlan lish- A.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIIE.
(Verse 8). Those sons who were born of the Brāhmaṇa wife became Pratihāra Brahmanas. Those who were born of queen Bhadrå became drinkers of wine!!
(Verse 9). Foar sons, fit to hold the earth, were born to her, viz., the illustrious Bhögabhata, Kakka, Rajjila and Dadda.
(Verse 10). In this fort of Mandavyapura, conquered by their own arms, they erected a high rampart, (which was) calculated to increase the fear of the enemies.
(Verse 11). From Rajjila among then was born the illustrious son Narabhata. On account of his prowess his second name was "Pēllāpelli.'
(Verse 12). From Narabhata was born a son, the illustrious Nagabhata, who had his permanent capital at the great city of Mēdantaka.
(Verse 13). From him, begotten on Jajjikadēvi, were born the two uterine accomplished sons named TÄta and Bhoja, who were oppressors of enemies.
(Verse 14). By Tata, who realised that the world was evanescent as lightning, the kingdom was conferred on his younger brother, the illustrious Bhoja.
(Verse 15). Täta himself retired to the pious hermitage of Mandavya, adorned with streams and rivers, and practised there the rites of pore religion.
(Verse 16). From him (Täta) was born the son, the illustrious Yasovardhana renowned for his prowess, (who earned) fame by his own arms and rooted out all the thorns (i.e. enemies).
(Verse 17). From him was born the son, the illustrious Chanduks of great valoir, (who was) full of splendoor, of charitable disposition and invincible to enemies in war.
(Verse 18). From him was born the son, the illustrious šiluka of irrepressible prowess, who fixed a perpetual boundary between the provinces of Stravaņi and Valla.
(Verse 19). Who, the protector of Vallamandala, having knocked down Bhattika Dovaraja on the ground, at once obtained from himn the ensign of the umbrella.
(Verse 20). Who had a tank excavated, a city established, and the lofty temple of Siddhēsvara Mahadēva constructed, at the holy place called Trēta.
(Verse 21). From the illustrious Silaka was born the excellent son, the illustrious Jhöța, who proceeded to the Bhagirathi (Ganges) after enjoying the bliss of kingdom.
(Verse 22). From him was born Bhillāditya, possessed of satva quality and disposed to austerities (tapas); he governed the kingdom, while young, and then bestowed it on his son.
(Verse 23). Then proceeding to Ganga-dvāra he stayed for eighteen years and finally went to heaven by practising fast i.e., dying by abstinence from food).
(Verse 24). From him, too, was born the noble son, the illustrious Kakka, who gained reputation by fighting with the Gaudas at Mudgagiri.
(Verse 25). (Whose) knowledge of Prosody, Grammar, Logic, Astronomy, with attendant arts, and Poetry in all languages was extraordinary.
(Verse 26). From king Kakka, begotten on the pure illustrious great queen Padmini, of the Bhatti clan, was born the illustrious son Bauka.
(Verse 27). Having found the matchless enemy gone to Bhfaküpe after killing Nandavalla, while the good Pratibāra princes, born in the family of the Brahmaņa king and belonging to his party, had broken in disorder, the illustrions Bauka, A single man dospised by the enemy, suddenly burst forth and killed, with bis weapons, first Mayura and then his mon why were like deer, and thus was his glory manifest.
distinct
1 It is curious to note that the Arab travellers of the ninth century A. D. have also laid it down characteristic of the Brälmaņas, that they abstain from wine. (Elliot'. History of India, Vol. I, p. 9.)

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(Verse 28). What other king but Bāuka, while his authority over other kings was destroyed, his own younger brothers and ministers had left him and his army on all sides was seized with terror, could, upaided, stand firm like a pillar, and, leaving the horse-back and standing on the ground unperturbed, sword in hand, pierce the enemy through and through, causing thereby a terrible burial ground in that battlefield ?
(Verse 29). After having dispersed the recent gathering of the newly formed confederation, and killed Mayüra, Båuka, the lion among men, killed the army which was supporting waves of swords.
(Verse 30). Whose mind would not now be filled with terror on remembering the house of dead made by Bāuka's sword, which ere long was put in confusion by the enemy's host-the house of dead which was made by the arms, thighs, legs and other limbs, rent in twain, with oozing as well as bloodless cavities, together with the entrails hung above, and which was full of jackals?
(Verse 31). Verily, when Bauka was dancing in the battle-field, placing his feet on the very entrails and other parts of the dead bodies, the frightened men (enemies) who were like deer, became quiet as it were with strain tishtha, tishthal. This indeed was very strange!
(L. 21). The year 894, (the month of) Chaitra, the fifth day of the bright fortnight. (L. 22). Engraved by Krishnēsvara, son of the gold-smith Vishnuravi.
No. 13.-THE GWALIOR PRASASTI OF THE GURJARA-PRATIHARA KING
BHOJA.
By R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D.; DACCA. The stone which bears this inscription was discovered in 1896, about half a mile west of Gwalior town, at Sågar Täl in the Gird-Gwalior district. It contains 17 lines of writing covering a space of about 3' 41" broad by 1' 2" high. The first twelve lines are incised with great care and neatness and the letters are so distinct and beautiful that they can be read without hesitation even from a distance. The remaining lines, for some unaccountable reasons, are not so distinctly engraved, but can be read, without any great difficulty, especially from the reverse side of the estampage. The whole inscription is thus clearly legible except two letters at the end of line 5 where the stone surface is damaged.
It was first edited by Pandit Hirananda in the Arch. Suru. Report for 1903-4 (pp. 277-285), with a facsimile Plate. Then, in March. 1905 Dr. Kielhorn gave a short account of the inscription in Nachrichten von der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göt. tingen (pp. 300-304) without any reference to the first edition. I re-edit the inscription from fresh impressions kindly procured for me by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A. My excuse in taking up the subject again, is that, in my opinion, the great historical importance of the record requires further scrutiny and comment. I follow the previous Editors as far as possible but give my independent opinion only in cases where I feel it necessary to do so.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and except the benedictory formula om namo Vishnavē at the beginning, it is throughout composed in metrical form. The author shows himself to be well versed in the best form of the Kavya style, and his chaste dignified verses make one sincerely regret that no further production from his able pen has been preserved for us. Special attention may be drawn to the ease with which flēshas and dhvanis have been frequently introduced into this historical poem.
[The word lishtha is onomatopatie. As one plunges bis lege in miry ground and lifts them up with force, the steps are likely to inake the noise tishtha, tishtha - Ed.]
N 2

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[VOL. XVIII.
The important points to pote in the matter of orthography have been already mentioned by Pandit Hirananda in A. S. R. for 1903-04 pp. 277 ff.
The use of dental nasals instead of anusvára, e.g. in hinéran (v. 3), and in vante (v. 4); the different spellings of the same proper name as in Pratihāra (v. 3) and Pratihara (v. 4) : and the change of the visarga followed by , into that letter, e.g. in yasy-aitas-sampadas-cha (v. 6), ostais-samuchita-charitaih (v. 12), and upāyais-sampadan (v. 13) may be noticed.
The characters of the inscription are of the Nagari type current in Northern and Western India during the ninth century A.D. Pandit Hirananda remarks that they resemble most closely those of the Pebevå grant of Mahondra-Pála. But a close examination of the two records shows that the letters 1, 5, , th, dh, 1, m, 1, and 6 of our inscription are different from those employed in the Pehevå grant. As a matter of fact, the only published inscription to which our record shows the closest resemblance is the Gwalior inscription of Bhoja of the year 933. The only noticeable difference between the two records is to be found in the new forms of bh and é used in the latter, in addition to those employed in our inscription. The close resemblance between these two records is only quite natural as both come from the same locality, and belong to the same reign.
It may be noted that the new forms of bh and i which we find in the Gwalior inscription of the year 933 along with those in our record, have alone been used in all the later inscriptions of the dynasty, of which facsimiles are available, with the single exception of the Pehevā grant of Mahēndra-Pala. On the other hand, only the forms used in our record are found in the Buchkală inscription of Nagabhata, dated V.S. 872, the only known record of the dynasty before the time of king Bhoja. It may thus be presumed that the record is earlier than 933 V. S., although much stress should not be laid on this conclusion in view of the recurrence of the forms in the Pehevä grant.
The inscription records the erection of a house in his seraglio, by the Gurjara-Pratihāra king Bhöja in honour of Vishnu, and begins with an invocation to that God. Verse 2 describes the creation of the Sun and names some important kings born in the solar race. Verse 3 refers to Rama and his terrible fight with Răvapa. The family to which Bhoja belonged is traced from Lakshmana, the younger brother of Råma (v. 3). The genealogy of the family, as furnished by this inscription, may be explained by the following tablet :
Lakshmana of the
Solar race.
I. Någabhata I.
An unnamed brother.
II. Kakkuks
or Kākutatha.
III. Dévarija. IV. Vatsarāja. V. Någabhata II.
VI. Rāma.
VII. Bhöja (alias
Mihira).
Cl. the plate, above, Vol. I, p. 244. * Ibid, p. 160. . Ahovs, Vol. IX, p. 198. • Some of these kings bu also other appellations ; C, the genealogical tablo above, Vol. XIV, p. 179.

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Of these, Nāgabhats I defeated a Mlēchchha army (v. 4), and Dēvarája is said to have defeated a host of kings (v. 5). His son Vatsarāja, a famous king, forcibly wrested the empire from the Bhandi clan (vv. 6-7) and Nagabhata II defeated Chakrāyudha and also conquered kings of the Anartta, Turushka, Málava, Vatsa, Matsya and other countries (vv. 8-11), Bhoja, also called Mihira, is said to have defeated his powerful enemies and verses 16-26 describe his greatness in general terms.
The chronology of the kings mentioned in this inscription may be fixed with & tolerable degree of certainty. We have the dates 756-7 A.D. for Någabhata I, 783-4 A.D. for Vatsarija, 815 A.D. for Någabhata II, and dates ranging from 843 to 881 A.D. for Bhoja. Again, we learn from a Jaina book, the Prabhävaka-charita, that king Någåvaloka of Kanyakubja, the grand-father of Bhoja died in 890 Vikrama-Samvat, and this Någåvaloka has been correctly identified with Nagabhafa II. Thus the first three kings of the genealogical table may be placed between 725 and 775 A.D., and the fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh kings may be taken to have ascended the throne respectively at about 775, 800, 833 and 840 A.D.
Before the discovery of this inscription, our knowledge of the Gurjara-Pratthåra kings, who played such an important part in Indian history, was very limited and inaccurate. Although the late A. M. T. Jackson, M.A., 1.C.S., and Prof. Bhandarkar laid the true foundation of our knowledge about the Gurjara-Pratihåra history, a complete understanding of the subject, in all its bearings, was impossible, in consequence of the view held by Dr. Fleet, Dr. Kielhorp and others, that the homonymous kings referred to in the copper-plates lived earlier than, and were thus different from, those mentioned in the stone inscriptions. It was the discovery of this inscription that finally settled the question and facilitated the proper treatment of the GurjaraPratihåra history. Dr. V. A. Smith has clearly pointed out, that the express mention of the family name of the kings in this inscription helps us to definitely assign the royal dynasty of Kanauj to the Gurjara-Pratthåra olan,
The rise and growth of the great Gurjara empire, which played such a conspicuous part in Indian polity in the ninth century A.D., is clearly traced by our inscription. The names of the early kings of the dynasty, recorded in inscriptions, such as the Daulatpură copper-plate of Bhojadova, Dighw, Dubanli plate of Mahendrapala and the Bengal Asiatic Society's copperplate of Vinåyakapalal are but a mere string of names withont any details such as are to be found in the present inscription. This invests our record with particular importance, and the data it furnishes may be justly said to have revealed an altogether new chapter of Indian history.
The founder of the royal line is named Nāgabhata, a name not yet found in any other record of the family. He is said to have defeated the Mlöchchha army, and the manner in which this solitary fact is mentioned with regard to him, seems to show that it was looked upon
1 Above, Vol. XIV, p. 179, foot-note 8.
* A. M. T. Jackson, in Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, App. III ; Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar in J. Bo. Br. R. 4. 8., Vol. XXI, p. 406 f., 413 f.
• This point is fully brought out by Dr. Kielhorn (loo. oit). • J. R. 4. 8., 1909, p. 58. . Above, Vol. V, p. 208. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 105. 1 Ibid, p. 138.

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as of great importance in the history of the family. Now the locality of Nagabhata's kingdom and the period when he flourished may be gathered from a passage in the Jaina Harivansa.1 The passage has been noticed by various scholars, and the following remarks of Dr. Fleet may be taken to represent the earlier views regarding its interpretation. "A passage in the Jain Harivansa of Jinasena tells us that that work was finished in Saka-Samvat 705 (expired), =783784 A.D., when there were reigning-in various directions determined with reference to a town named Vardhamanapura, which is to be identified with modern Wadhwan in the Jhālāvāḍ division of Kathiawar,-in the north, Indrayudha; in the south, Śrivallabha; in the east, Vatsaraja, king of Avanti (Ujjain); and in the west, Varaha or Jayavaraha, in the territory of the Sauryas." This seems to have been the accepted view till 1902 when Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar gave a somewhat different interpretation of it. He translated the last portion as follows:-"In the east, the illustrious king of Avanti; in the west, king Vatsaraja; (and) in the territory of the Sauryas, the victorious and brave Varaha." Quite recently Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar has drawn my attention to a passage in an unpublished copper-plate grant in his possession, which runs as follows:
"Hiranyagarbham rajanyair-Ujjayanyam yad-asitam ↑
Pratih rikritam yona Gurjar-ēé-ādi-rājakam || "
This points to a Gurjara-Pratihara kingdom in Ujjayini; for, the word Pratihara, apart from its usual meaning, is evidently an allusion to the name of the clan. This is decisive in favour of Dr. Fleet's interpretation of the passage.
It has been unanimously held by scholars that Vatsaraja, referred to in the above passage, is the Pratihāra king of the same name, the grand-nephew of Nagabhata. As Vatsaraja was reigning in 783-784 A.D., Nagabhata may be taken to have flourished in about 725 A.D. Again, Avanti must be looked upon as the home-territory of the dynasty, for, although Vatsaraja ruled over a vast kingdom, he is simply called the ruler of Avanti in the passage quoted from the Harivamsa. It may be held, therefore, that Nagabhata ruled over Avanti about 725
A.D.
As we have seen, in connection with the Jodhpur inscription of Pratihara Bauka, this was the period when the great Arab raid took place. As Bilăduri clearly mentions Ujjain as being attacked by the Arabs, there can scarcely be any doubt that the Gwalior inscription, like the Nausari plates, refers to the Arab expedition described by Bilăduri.
Our inscription tells us that the Arab forces were defeated by Nagabhața I, and this is fully in keeping with the account of Biláduri, who observes :-"They (i.e., the Arabs) made incursions against Uzain, and they attacked Baharimand and burnt its suburbs. Junaid conquered Al Bailaman and Jurz..." Thus whereas other places. were conquered, the Arabs merely sent
Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 141; Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 197, f.n. 2.
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 195-6.
J. Bo. Br. R. 4. S., Vol. XXI, p. 421, f.n. 4.
It was formerly in the possession of his elder brother, late Prof. S. R. Bhandarkar and noticed by him in J. Bo. Br. R. A. 8, Vol. XXII, p. 117. It will be henceforth referred to as the Sañjan copper-plate. Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar is engaged in editing it for the Ep. Ind. and I take this opportunity of expressing my indebtednes to him for having kindly permitted me to use the inscription before its publication.
See above, p. 93.
For Biladuri's account of the Arab expedition, cf. Elliot's History of India, Vol. 1, p. 126.

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incursions against Ujjain, and if we remember that this is from the pen of an Arab historian, it must be looked upon as a tacit admission that the Arabs failed in their expedition against Ujjain. It is also significant, that the Nausari plates do not include the king of Avanti in the list of those that were defeated by the Arabs. Further, Biláduri himself admits that Janaid's successor was feeble, and, in his days, the Musalmans retired from several parts of India and left some of their possessions.
Thus all the available evidence shows that Någabhata I established the greatness of his family by his triumphant success over the Arabs. The Hansot plates of the Chābamâna fendatory Bhartsivaddha II records a grant that was made at Broach, in the increasing reign of victory of the glorious Nāgāvaloka, in the year 756 A.D. Prof. D.R. Bhandarkar upheld the view that this Nāgāvaloka is no other than Nagabhata I, and Dr. Sten Konow has accepted it. It would then follow that he re-established the Pratihāra sovereignty over Broach which the family of Jodhpur must have lost during the Arab expeditions. A reminiscence of Nagabhata's struggle with the neighbouring powers seems to have been preserved in the Raghóli plates of Jayavardhana II, a king of the Saila dynasty, ruling over part of the Central Provinces. We are told that Prithuvardhana, a king of the family, who probably ruled about the middle of the eighth century A.D., conquered the country of the Gurjaras.
We have seen above, in connection with the Jodhpur inscription of the Pratihāra Bauka, how, as an indirect result of the Mléchchha invasion, the suzerainty hitherto enjoyed by the dynasty of Harichandra passed into the family of Nāgabhata. It would appear that shortly after 725 A.D., when the Arab invaders seemed to have carried away everything before them, and, in particular, defeated the Pratihara clan who had been ruling in Rajputānā for about two centuries, Nagabhata gained successes over the Mléchchha forces and established his supremacy over the clan. The struggle which thus began between the two Pratthára families was long and tedious. Siluka, the king of the Rajputana family, succeeded in regaining his territory after defoating one Dövaraja, probably the nephew of Nagabhata I. Vatsa raja, the son and successor of Dēvarāja, however, continued the struggle and gave the final blow to the tottering rival power. The empire over which it had ruled for well-nightwo hundred years then fivally passed into the hands of the family of Nagabhata.
The data furnished by our inscription, supplemented by a few other known facts, enable ug to sketch a brief history of the ompire that was thus founded by Vatsarāja. Verses 6 and 7 describe his mighty prowess and splendour, and mention, in particular, that he had subdued the whole world. This statement, allowing for the natural exaggeration of the Prasasti writers, cannot be said to be altogether inaccurate, inasmuch as it is pretty certain that Vatsarāja had conditered the lord of Gauda and was thus probably master of by far the greater part of Northern India. This state of prosperity, however, did not continue long. The Rashtrakūta king Dbruva inflicted a crushing defeat upon him, overran his territory as far as the Ganges
.
1 Transactions of the Vienna Oriental Congres, Arian Section, p. 231. . Above, Vol. XII, p. 197.
Ind. Ant., 1911, p. 240. • Above, Vol. XII, p. 200. . Above, Vol. IX, p. 41.

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and Jumna, and forced him to take shelter in the deserts of Rajputāna. The effects of the Ráshţrakūta blow seem to have been disastrous. The Pålas took advantage of this opportunity and entered the field as rivals of the Gurjaras. Dharmapāla, the second king of the dynasty, carried a campaign of conquest from one end of northern India to another, and placed his own nomince Chakrāyudha on the throne of Kanauj, apparently as a balwark against the possible Gurjara invasions. The Gurjara, power was, however, merely stunned by the blow for the time being, and Nagabhata II, the son and successor of Vatsaraja, once more sought to realise the imperial dreams of his father (vv. 8-11). The poet tells us in v. 8, that kings of Sindhu, Andhra, Vidarbha and Kalinga succumbed to his power liko moths unto fire. Now, moths are attracted by the glare of the fire and approach it of their own accord, although it leads to their ultimate destruction. The force of this simile is preserved if we suppose that the kings of these four countries were not conquered by Nágabhata but joined him of their own accord in the first instance, although, ultimately, they lost their power thereby. The position of these four countries confirms this view. Joined to Málwă and Rājputână which were the home-territory of the Gurjaras, the four countries form a central belt right across the country, bounded on the north by the empire of the Pālas, and, on the south, by that of the Rashtrakätas. It appear's quite likely, therefore, that they formed a confederacy against the two great powers that pressed them from the two sides, although, as so often happens, the most powerful member of the confederacy ultimately reduced the others to a state of absolute dependence. This seems to me to be the real significance of the eighth verse. In the next, the poet describes the first achievements of the confederacy thus successfully launched by the Gurjara king, viz. the defeat inflicted upon Chakrayudha. War with Chakrāyudha was, however, but a prelude to the war with the Pala king whose protége he had been, and this is described in the next verse, in words befitting the occasion. The simile which the poet employs in this connection is, again, significant. We are told that after defeating the dark dense array of the lord of Vanga, Nägabhata revealed himself even as the rising Sun reveals himself by dispelling the dense darkness. This means, in plain language, that the rise of Nagabhata was possible only if he could defeat the Vanga king, and that is why he first turned his arms in this direction. The Sun of Gurjara glory had set with Vatsarăja, and the fortunes of his family, crushed by his powerful enemies, lay enveloped in the darkness of night as it were, till a defeat inflicted upon them ushered in a new dawn for the Gurjaras in the east. Soon the dawn passed away and the Sun reached its noonday height; for, the next verse informs us that Nagabhata captured the strongholds of the Anartta, Mälava, Kiräta, Turushka, Vatsa and Mataya countries. The poet leaves his hero in the height of his glory, but we know from other records that the Sun reclined to the west and the dusk set in even in the life-time of Nägabhata II. We learn from the Rashtrakata records that the kings of Gurjara, Málava and other countries along the Vindhya mountains were defeated by Govinda
1 Cl. verso 8 of the Radhanpar plates of Govinda III, abovo, Vol. VI, p. 243. That Dhrays actually proceeded as far as the Ganges and the Jamna is clear from the following passage of the Baroda plates of Karkarsja :
“ Yo Gangi-Yamano taranga-subhago grihnan=parebhyah samar säksbach-chiha-nibhēna ch-öttama-padam tat-priptavin=aivaram | doh-isemmita-vaibhavair=iva gunairay yasya bhramadbhiruddin vyåptar-tanya babhūya kirtti-purusho Govinda-rijab sutab IP"
. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 169. Dr. Fleet who edited the above inscription took the first two lines as referring to Govinda III (Ibid, p. 163), and Mr. R. Chanda also adopted the same view (Manari, Vol. VII, p. 589). In my bumble opinion this is a niatake and the last line clearly shows that the reference is not to Govinda-rija bat to his father Dhruva.
Cf. v. 6 of the Khalimpar copper-plate (above, Vol. IV, p. 343 2.) And v. 8 of the Bhagalpur coppor. plate of Nariyayapala (Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 304 f.).

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III and one inscription specifically refers to the defeat inflicted upon Nagabhața by the same king, and his triumphant march to the Himalayas. It would thus appear that the Gurjara empire so laboriously rebuilt by Nagabhata II once more fell beneath the crushing blows of the hereditary foes of his family. There are reasons to believe that this was brought about by a confederacy between the two chief enemies of the Gurjaras, viz. the Palas of Bengal and the Rashtrakutas of the south. For the same inscription that records the defeat of Nagabhața II in the hands of Govinda III also mentions the fact that Dharmapala and Chakrayudha visited or submitted to the last named king of their own accord3.
105
The victory of the Rashtrakutas, although by no means final and decisive, was no doubt disastrous to the Gurjaras. The province of Malwa passed into the hands of the Rashtrakuta, and Andhra, Vidarbha and Kalinga also possibly shared the same fate. The Pratihāras, however, did not cease to give trouble to the Rashtrakutas, for we are told in the inscription of the feudatory chief Karkaraja of Gujarat, that the Rashtrakuta king had "caused his arm to become an excellent door-bar of the country of the lord of the Gurjaras."
But ere long the political situation changed. The Rashtrakutas themselves were torn asunder by internal dissensions. Karkaraja of Lata, the son and successor of Indraraja, was expelled by his younger brother in 812 A.D., and what was worse still, the revolutionary movement, thus set on foot, afterwards developed into an attempt to prevent the accession of Amoghavarsha 1.5
This unexpected embroglio in the Rashtrakuta affairs left the Palas and the Gurjares free to fight among themselves. It appears that Nagabhata retained his hold upon Kanauj
1 Cf. Radhanpur plates, v. 15 (above, Vol. VI, p. 244), and the Nilgund ins., v. 5 (ibid, p. 102). Two passages in the Baroda plates of Karkarāja also seen to refer to the conflict between Nagabhata and the Rashtra. kūtas. Thus it is said with reference to Indraraja, the brother of Govinda III, and the founder of the Gujarat branch of the Rashtrakutas:
"Yen aikena cha Gürjjar-ösvara-patir-yy öddhum samabhyudyataḥ Sauryya-pröddhata-kandharo mriga iva kahipram diso grahitab bhit-isan (m)hata-Dakshinapatha-maha-samanta-chakram yato raksham-apa vilunṭhyamana-vibhavam Śrivallabhēn=adarat ||
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 160.
As it is explicitly stated that. Indraraja was placed on the throne of Lata by Govinda III, this defeat of the Gurjaras must have taken place during his reign. It was thus different from the expedition undertaken by Dhruva against Vatsaraja, and the word kena distinguishes it from the campaign of Govinda III referred to in the Radhanpur plate or the Nilgund inscription. Thus the opponent of Indraraja was most likely Nagabhata himself who is represented in the above passage as entering into some alliance, protective or defensive, if not offensive, with the mahāsāmantas of the south against Govinda III and actually prepared for war (cf. Fleet's remarks, ibid, p. 158). This fully confirms what I have suggested above on the strength of the eighth verse of our inscription. The other passage refers to Karkaraja as follows:
Gaud-endra-Vangapati-nirjjaya-durvvidagdha = sad-Gürjjar-vara-dig-arggalatah cha yaaya
nitvä bhujam vihata-Malava-rakshanarttham |
avami tatha-nyam-api rajya-chha (pha) läni bhunkte ||
Dr. V. A. Smith identified the "Lord of Gurjaras" in the above passage with Vatsaraja (J. R. A. 8., 1009, p. 252). But this is untenable. As Govinda died about 814 A.D., it must be maintained that the Gurjara chief against whom he employed his nephew in 812-3 A.D. could not be any other than Nagabhata who is specifically mentioned as being defeated by him (see f. n. 2 below). As Nagabhata defeated Vangapati, the phrase "Gaud-endra Vangapati-nirjjays-durvvidagdlaa" might well apply to him, and the Buchkala inscription (above, Vol. IX. p. 198) shows that he was ruling in 815 A.D.
The Sañjan copper-plate; J. Bo. Br. R. A. S., Vol. XXII, p. 118. Svayam-ay-opanatau cha yasya mahatas-tan Dharma-Chakray adhau || (Ibid.)
Baroda plates of Karkarāja; 11. 39-40; Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 160. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, pp. 402, 409.

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which he had conquered from Chakrăyudha, transferred his capital there, and probably succeeded in offering an effective resistance to the Palas till his death in 833-834 A.D.
Of Rāmabhadra, the son and successor of Nagabhata II, we know very little, but that the Gurjara power declined during his reign is quite evident from the scattered notices we possess about him. The twelfth verse of our inscription seems to imply that Rāmabhadra freed his country from the yoke of foreign soldiers. It seems likely that the band of foreign soldiers belonged to the Palas, for the other rival power (the Rāshtrakūtas ) is not known to have advanced as far as the Gurjara kingdom at this period. The Daulatpuri platesl also lead to the same conclusion. It renews the grant of a piece of land in Gurjaratra which was originally made by Vatsarāja, and continued by Nāgabhata, but had fallen into abeyance in the reign of Bhoja. This seems to indicate that the province was held by Vatsaraja and Nagabhata II but lost by Råmabhadra and regained by Bhoja, some time before 843 A.D., the date of the inscription.
Bhoja, the son and sucoessor of Ramabhadra, seems to have been a very powerful king and is described in nine grandiloquent verses. He inflicted a crushing defeat apon his powerful enemies and the poet seems to imply in verse 18, that the Goddess of Fortune forsook Dēvapala and chose Bhoja as her lord. It would thus appear that Bhoja regained the power and prestige of the family by defeating the Pala king. Our inscription closes with the resuscitation of the glory of the Gurjara Pratihāra clan under Bhojadēva. The poem reflects the true sentiment of the Gurjaras whose revivified enthusiasm, after a long period of stress and storm, led them once more to embark on that struggle for empire which had been unsuccessfully waged for four generations,
The hereditary struggle with the Palas and the Rashtrakūtas which seems to be the cardinal fact in the history of the Gariaras is also referred to in the inscriptions of the feudatory princes of the latter. Thus the Jodhpur inscription of the Pratihāra Bauka published above informs us that Kakka defeated the Gaudas at Mudgagiri or Monghyr. Most likely he had Accompanied Nagabhata II in his eastern wars. Another chief that probably accompanied Någabhata II on the same occasion was Våhukadhavala, the chief of Surashtra. For we learn from an inscription of his great-grandson Avanivarman II, a feudatory of Mahendrapaladēva, that he defeated king Dharma in battle, and as Kielhorn observes, this king Dharma may be identified with the Pala emperor of the same name. We can still trace & third chief who joined Nagabhata in his expedition against Bengal. This is Sankaragana, the Guhilot prince, referred to in the Châţsa inscription of Bäläditya. Again, Harsharaja,
Above, Vol. V, page 208.
Above, Vol. IX, p. 2 f. Kielhorn held that Välukadhavala lived in the middle of the ninth century A.D. and was fondatory of Bhöja (ibid, p. 8). Dr. V. A. Smith (J. R. 4. 8., 1909, p. 266) and Mr. R. Chanda (Gauda-raja-málä p. 28) have supported this view. But as his great-grandson was feadatory of Mahendrapala at the end of the ninth century A.D. it is more reasonable to hold, Mr. R. D. Banerji has done (Banglar Itihasa p. 167), that Vähukadhavala was a feudatory of Nagabhata at the beginning of the ninth century A.D.
* Above, Vol. XII, p. 10 f. It contains the following verse with reference to Sankaragana :
Pratijõām präk=kpitvondbhata-kari-ghatá-samkata-rane bhatarin jitvi Gauda-kshitipam=svanim sanngarahritäh balad-dain chakra (prajbha-charanayor-yab pranayinim tato bhupab soubhởjejita-baba-ranah Sarkara
ganah Il" Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar who editod this inscription concluded from the above that Sarkaragana conquered Bhata, the king of the Ganda country, and made a present of this kingdom to his overlord. Ho further suggested that this Bhata might be Bürapalo. I beg to differ from the views of the learned scholar. The verge seems to mean that Sarkaragana defeated the king of Ganda, a great warrior (bhata), and made the whole world, gained by warfare, subservient to his overlord. Secondly, Sankaragana was the great-grandson of Dhanika, one of whose known dates is 725 A.D. (ibid, p. 11). Sarkaragana should therefore be takon a contemporary of Nagablata and Dharmapāla at the beginning of the ninth centary A.D. The verse thus shows that Sarkaragana bolped his overlord Nagabhata to wrest the empire from Dharmapala by defeating the latter.

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the son of Sathkaragana, is said to have conquered the kings in the north and presented horses to Bhoja, who has been rightly identified with the great Pratihara emperot Bhoja by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar. Further Gahila II, the son of Harabarāja, is said to have defeated the Gauda king and levied tribute from the princes in the east,
TOTS [Metres : vv. 1, 8-11, 26, Vasantatilakā; vv. 2, 4, 7, 18, 19, Sardalavikridita ; . 3, 5, 6, 12, 27, Sragdhard ; vv. 13, 14, 16, 21-23, 25, Anushfubh ; vv. 15, 24, Upajats; v. 17, Sikharini ; v. 20, Haripi.)
1 Omsa namo Vishnavo II Sosh-ahi-talpa-dhaval-adhara-bhåga-bhlaivakshah-sthal-ollasita-Kaustubha-kanti-hopar kyāmam vapu[bo] sasi-viróchana-vimya(bimba)-chumvi(mbi). vyoma-prakåsam=avatản=Naraka-dvisho vaḥ i Atm-årăma-phalåd=apăriya vijarar dëvens Daitya-dvisha jyotir-vvijamoakfittrimē
gupavat[i] kshöttrē yad=aptama pură 1 Gröyah-kanda-vapus-tatas samabhavad-Bhasvan-atas-ob- parë Manv-Ikshváku-Kakusthal-müla -Prithavaḥ kshmăpăla-kalpa-ddr[u]mah ! 2 # Těshår varfë Bajanma krama-nihita-padë dhämni vajr-ëshu-ghorar Råmah Paulastya-hindram? kshata-vihati-samit-karmma chakrë palásaih
släghya3 s=tasy-ánajd=sau Maghava-mada-musho Mėghanădasya sakhya Sanmittrisztivra-dandaḥ pratiharapa-vidhērayaḥ pratihāra isīt ! 3 # Tad-vansē9 Pratibāra-kētana-bhfiti ttrailokya-raksh-aspadě dövő Nagabhataḥ purătana-manēr=mattire=vva(bba) bhüvæădbhutan 1 yen-âsau sukrita-pramăthi-va(ba)lavan 10-Ml@chohh-&
-dhip-akshathiņih kshundânallsphurad-ugra-hēti-ruchira(rai)reddorbhis-chaturbhiruvvabhau # 1 Bhrátus-tasy-itmajo-bhūtækalita-kula-yabāḥ khyata-Kakustha18-námá loko gitaḥ pratika-priya14-vachanatay. Kakkukaḥ kshmābhrid-fgah Grimån-y-anajanmd Kulike dhara-dhurim-advahan Dēvarjo yajtēls-chchhinte-ora-pakshakshapita-get1 Above, Vol. XII, p. 12. + Verse 28 of the Chainseription. IHd, p. 16. . From the ink-impressions supplied by Prof. D. B. Bhandarkar, M.A. • Esprewed by symbol. • Read -bbijama.
Read - Kakutathas. [Could Müla stand for Müla ka for which see Pargiter Anet. (Ind.) Hist. Trad. p. 147-Ed.] * Read -hitsran.
Read on the
Read *
w ars 1. Pandit Hirananda roads it as Valana' and Prof. D. B. Bhandarkar reads it us Volaola (Ind. Ant, 1911. p. 940). The third letter, however, seems to me to be clearly a va, it being quite distinct on the reverse of the
tam page. I therefore read the whole expressions alaraw-Mléchchha. The loop of mis tho ewfontet erwariant mla is probably omitted through the engravor's mistake. 11 Read kabundang.
12 Read bablau. 18 Read - Kalutatha..
# Real-priya. 15 Road jajkies
16 Read about hinn.

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ti kulam bhübhrităm sanniyanta II 5 | Tat-sunuḥ präpya răjyam nijam-Udayagiri-sparddhibhåsvat-pratāpaḥ kshmå-pålaḥ prăduräsin-nata-sakala-jagad-vatsalo-Vatsarājah | yasy-aitás-sampadas-cha dvirada-mada-sur-dsvåda-sändra-pramodaḥ padmákshir-Åkshipantyal pranayi-jana-parishvaiga-kåntā virējuḥ | 6 | Khya (tāde-Bhandi)-6
-kulán=mad-otkata-kari-prākāra-durllanghato yah sämrajyayad hijya-kärmmuka-sakhă samkhye hathad-agrahit ēkaḥ Kshattriya-pungavēshu cha yaso-gurvvin-dhuram prodvahannIkshvak[0]h kulam-annatam sucharitais-chakre sva-nam-Ankitar | 7 || Ādyaḥ pumăn-punar=apisphuţa-kirttir-asmajjätas=sa ēva kila Nagabhatas-tad-akhyaḥ yattr=A. 7 -ndhra-Saindhava-Vidarbha-Kalinga-bhupaiḥ Kaumāra-dhåmani patanga-samair-apáti Ttra(tra)yy-Aspadasya suksitasya samriddhim ichchhuryaḥ Kshattra-dhäma-vidhi-vaddha-vali-pravandhaḥ jitvå par-asraya-krita-sphata-nicha-bhávam ChakrĀyudham vinaya-namrs-vapur-vvyarajat II 9 || Darvvåra-vairi-vara-varana-vāji-vårapāņ6-angha-samghata
na-ghora-ghan-Andhakaram ! nirjjitya Vangapatim-dvirabhūd-vivasvanudyann-iva ttrijagad-aka-vikásako-yaḥ | 10 Anartta-Málava-Kiráta-Turushka-VatsaMatsy-ádi-răja-giri-durgga-hath-apahiraih yasy-atma-vaibhavam-atindriyam=k-kumăram= åvirvvabhäva bhuvi visvajanina-vrittēḥ || 11 | Taj-janmā Rāma
nämá pravara-hari-vala?-nyasta-bhubhfit-pravandhairåvadhnan-vähininām prasabham-adhipatin=uddhata-krura-satvin påp-dchår-ántariya-pramathana-ruchirah sangatal kirtti-dåraistrata dharmmasya tais-tais.samuchita-charitaih půryvavan-nirvvabhall 12 1 Ananya-sādhan-Adhina-pratäp-akränta-di
Amukhah upāyais-sampadar svåmi yaḥ sa-vridam-upåayata | 13 | Arthibhir-yviniyuktanăm sampadan janma kövalam 1 Read akalipantgal.
Only the first letter is distinct. Bead samrajyamadhiya.
• Rend baddha-bal-prabandhan. • Read yan.
. Read avirobabmoa. Read bala.
• Rood -prabandhair, . Read -abadanan.
* Read sangatur 11 Read mirbbabans.
10

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11
12
yasy-Abhüt-kritinaḥ prityai n=&tm-chchhà-viniyogataḥ || 14 | Jagad-vitrishņuḥ sa viguddha-Batvaḥ prajapatitvam viniyoktukamaḥ Butan rahaaya-vrata-suprasannåt Süryadav
-pan-Mihir-ábhidhảnam | 15 || U parodh-aika-samruddha-Vindhya-vşiddhër-Agastyataḥ Akramya bhübhrităm bhokta yaḥ prabhar-Bhoja ity=sbhát || 16 | Yusasvi sänt-atmå jagad-ahita-vichchheda-nipunaḥ parishvakto Lakshmya na cha mada-kalankëna kalitaḥ vabhäval pröm-årdro gupisha vishayah sunfita
giảm. Asad Rāmo vedgré sva-kriti-gananāyām=iha Vidhēḥ || 17 || Yasy-abhat-kula-bhāmi-bhpit-pramathana-vyast-anya-sainy-Amvudhërvvyadhăm cha sphatit-dri-låja-nivahăn-hutvi pratap-analo ! gupta vriddha-guņair-Ananya-gatibhiḥ Såntais-sudh-odbhasibhir
dDharmm-apatya-yasah-prabhttir-apară Lakshmiḥ punarbhū13
rennaya | 16 1! Pritaih pålanaya tapodhana-kulaiḥ snēbåd-gurinam ganairbhakty bhatya-janona niti-nipupair-vrindair-aripam punah 1 vifvën&pi yadiyam=&yur-amitam kartam va-jiv-sishina tan-nighnå vidadhā Vidhatari yathả sampat-par-arddhy-Asraya | 19 | Avitatham-idam păvad-visvar fruto.
-r=anu fåsanádbhavati phala-bhāk-kartta n=ēšaḥ kshitindra-latēshv-api adharita-Kaloh karttēr-bharttus=Batam Bukritair-abhadvidhurita-dhiyam sampad-vriddhir-yad=asya tad-adbhutath | 20 || Yasya vairi-vrihad-vandan-dahataḥ kopa-vahnină! pratăpăd-arppasām răsin=påtur=vvaitfishṇyam=ivabhau || 21 |
Kamåraiva vidyånăm 15
vrindēn-Adbhuta-karmmaņš i yaḥ sagas-Asurin=ghorån=straiņēn=&str-aika-vpittină || 22 | Yasy-aksha-patalē rājñaḥ prabhutväd=visva-sampadaḥ lilökha mukham=alokya prátilekhya-karu Vidhiḥ || 23 Uddama-tējah-prasara-prasută fikh-iva korttir-dyumapin vijitya jāya jagad-bhartu
14
1 Read babhina.
Read -ambudhir [Read ambudhéreryüdha. Ed.] . Read bhritya.. Read brihad-adfans
Read-abablau.

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riyāya yasya chittram tv-idah yaj-jaladhinl-statāra Räjña tēna sva dēvinăm yasah-puny-abhivriddhayo antah-pura-puram nämnă vyadhảyi Naraka-dvishab 25 Yåvan=nabhaḥ Sura-sarit-pa (pra)sar-ottariyam yávat-su-duschara-tapah-prabhavah prabhavaḥ satyañ=cha yavad-uparistha (shtha)m-avaty afësham távat pu
nātu jagatim-iyam-arya-kirttip 26 # Patur-vvisvasya samyak-parama-muni-mata-irėyasas-samvidhånad - antar-vrittir-vvivèkah sthitaiva purato Bhojo-dévasya rajñaḥ vidvad-vrind-årjjitánăm phalam=iva tapasåm Bhatfadhannöks-sunur. v Váladityaḥ prasastēḥ kavir=iha jagată săkam-d-kalpa-vrittëh || 27
17
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TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om, adoration to Vishnu !
(Verse 1.) May the dark-blue body of the Enemy of (demon) Naraka protect you,- that body which shines like the sky kissed by the discs of the Sun and the Moon, inasmuch as) it is illuminated by the white lower part of the serpent Sēsha used as a bed, and is made crimson by the brilliancy of the (jewel) Kaustubha glittering on its breast.
(Verse 2.) As from the fresh seed taken from a fruit in a garden, and sown in # natural fertile soil, grows bulbuous root of a superior kind, from which again spring forth Kalpa trees; 80 from the particle of) light evolved by the Enemy of Demons from self-delightedness (ātmārama) and sown by him in soil well qualified by nature, was born the Sun, the root of all that is good, and from the Sun, again, a line of kings such as Manu, Ikshyáku, Kaku(t)stha and the first Prithu.
(Verse 3.) In their race, in the family in which Vishņu set foot, Räma, of auspicious birth, carried on a war of destruction and slaughter with the demons-dire on account of the adamantine arrows--which killed Råvana.
All praise unto his younger brother, Lakshmaņa (Saumittri), stêrn rod of chastisement in war with Möghanada, the destroyer of Indra's pride,--who served as the door-keeper (of Răma), owing to (his) commandment not to allow others to enter (lit. to repel others):
(Verse 4.) In that family, which bore the insignia of Pratihara (doar-keeper), and was a shelter of the three worlds, the king Nigabhata I appeared as the image of the old sage (Nárāyana) in a strange manner, inasmuch w, having crushed the large armies of the powerful
1 Read jaladhin-. * Pandit Hirananda roads asya but anya ia quite clenr. • Rend Eb Baladityah.
• There were several kings called Pritho. Cf. e.g. Mahabharata, (Madras edition), Adiparva, 201, 18; 206, 115 Vanaparve, 205, 2. Måls-Pritha may, therefore, be taken to denote the Arst king of the name, viz., the son of Vona.
The allusion is to the incident describod in the Ramayana, VII, 116. Kila in the shape of an ascetio visited Räms and told him that he was there to talk about something very confidential. He extracted a promise from Rama that any one who listened to, or observed them, would be put to death. Thereupon Rama noked Lakemaņa to send away the gate-keeper and guard the door himself. The sequel of the story describes how Lake mape WAS forcal to interrupt the conversation of Rama with the ascetic owing to the importanities of Duvhd, and died a voluntary death in fulfilment of the promise of Rims.

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Mléchchha king, the destroyer of virtue, he shone with four arms brilliant on account of the glittering terrible weapons.
(Verse 5.) His brother's son, who added to the renown of the family and had the wellknown name Kakustha (Kakutstha), but who, on account of his (habit of) saying welcome things in an inverted manner, was known in the world as Kakkuka (i.e., one who always laughs), was a paramount king.
(Then) was born his illustrious younger brother, Dēvarăja who performed the same task as the great Wielder of thunderbolt (Indra); (for) he curbed a multitude of kings (bhübhrit) by having destroyed their powerful allies (paksha”) and caused them to cast off their (free) movements (gati); Indra also curbed a multitude of mountains (bhubhrit) by having destroyed their powerful-wings (pakshab) and thus caused them to cast off their movements (gati).
(Verse 6.) His son, king Vntearāja, who was compassionate towards the entire world he had subdued, and resembled the Sun in prowess, revealed himself by attaining his own kingdom which rivalled the mountain Udaya.
His riches, too, highly fragrant by reason of the flavour of the wine of elephant ichor, and shining in company of the needy, appeared exceedingly beautiful, having eclipsed the lotuseyed women, who too became exceedingly merry by having tasted wine which was like ichor of elephants and appeared charming in the fond embrace of their lovers.
(Verse 7.) With strong bows as his companion he forcibly wrested the empire, in battle from the famous Bhandi clan, hard to be overcome by reason of the rampart made of infuriated elephants.
Having successfully wielded a position weighty with renown, he, the foremost among the most distinguished Kshatriyas, stamped the noble race of Ikshvaku with his own name by virtue of his blameless conduct.
Both Dr. Kielhorn and Pandit Hirananda take the fourth line of the verse to mean that Lakshmans was Ráma's door-keeper since be repelled the enemies (pratibaranavid beh). This mesning does not seem satisfactory for there is no connection between the repelling of enemies and acting as a door-keeper. One of the well-known meanings of pratiharana is to avoid,'shnin,' etc., and vidhi also means a commandment, * precept, which enjoins gomething for the first time. In the well-known incident of the Ramayana, quoted above, Rāma enjoined for the first time that all persons should be excluded from his private interview with the ascetic, and appointed Lakshmana As the door-keeper to accessfully accomplish this purpose. This makes it quito clear why Lakshmana is described so the inscription as pratihara owing to pratiharang-vidhi. In other words, the poet implies that Lakshmana was not an ordinary door-keeper, but served as such on account of the particular commandment laid down by Rama
The fourth verse of the Jodhpur inscription of Pratihåra Bauka also traces the origin of the name of the Prutihin dynasty to this incident, and it cortainly well deserves the dignity, because literally as well as figuratively, it was the last act of self-sacrifice on the part of Lakshmaņa, whose whole life was one of sacrifice for his brother.
The derivation of the name Pratihara which is given here is evidently not the same as that indicated by the word prátibarya in the Jodhpur Prasasti of Bauka. Here the poot suggests that the pratiharanavid Mi displayed by Lakshmana in his fight with Meghanada, is the origin of the family name Pratihárs and not the traditional prätiharya-door-keeper's place This is a grammatically possible derivative since Charana-hara-depriving or taking away or destroyinr.-Ed.]
The obvious implication le, that the terrible weapons glittering in the two hands of Nagabhata made it appear mif he had four hands, and he thus resembled, although in a strango manner, the old tago Narayana who possessed four hande too.
Pandit Hirananda translates "khyata-Kakuatha-nama” as celebrated the names of the descendants of Kkkurth and gives K its as the only name of the king. But the two expressions kayata.Kakutha-nama and löki gitah placed side by side on to indicate that he had the well-known name Kakutstha, but was popularly known as Kakkuka. The root bakke means to laugh and Kakkuka was a At appellataon of one who laughed api mado peoplo laugh by his inverted way of saying things.

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(Verse 8.) The primeval man was againl born to him, and, being far-famed, and possessed of elephant hosts, was called Nāgabhata (II).
The kings of Andhra, Sindhu, Vidarbha and Kaljnga succumbed to his youthful energy as moths do unto fire.
(Verse 9.) Who, desirous of the great growth of virtuous acts enjoined in the Vēdas, performed a series of religious ceremonies according to the custom of the Kshatriya families; and, after having defeated Chakrāyudha, whose lowly demeanour was manifest from his dependence on others, he became eminent, although he (lit. his body) was humble through modesty.
(Verse 10.) Having vanquished his enemy, the lord of Vanga, who appeared like a mass of dark, dense cloud in consequence of the crowd of mighty elephants, horses and chariots, Nägabhata, who alone gladdens (the heart of) the three worlds, revealed himself, even as the rising Sun, the sole source of manifestation of the three worlds, reveals himself by vanquishing dense and terrible darkness.
(Verse 11.) Of him, whose mode of life was beneficial to all mankind, the incomprehensible royal qualities (like eloquence, statesmanship, etc.) became manifest in the world, even from boyhood, by his forcible seizure of the hill forts of the kings of Anartta, Málava, Kiráta, Turushka, Vatsa and Matsya.
(Verse 12.) (The great Rāma), the protector of virtue, after having forcibly bridged over the oceans (lit. the lords of rivers), full of exceedingly cruel animals, by means of continuous chain of rocks placed by the best monkey force, looked bright by having killed the evil-doers who served as obstacles and as he thereby) got (lit. was joined by his wife and renown. His (Nagabhata's) son, Rama by name, also shone forth like this (homonymous) predecessor, by similar worthy deeds ; for he, the defender of religion, too, had the haughty and cruel commanders of armies forcibly bound down by his subordinate) kings who had the best cavalry under their charge, and looked radiant by having .destroyed the obstacles caused by the evil-doers (as he thus) attained the fame which was unto him even as a consort.7
(Verse 13.) That lord of prosperity, who had overpowered the points of compass by means of valour (alone), unsupported by the other expedients (such as sāma, dāna, bhēda), was yet
1 The phrase punar-api denotes either that the primeval man who was once born as Nagabhata (cf. v. 4) appeared again, or that Nagabhata, the first man in the family (adyah puman), was again born as such.
? There is pun on the word kaumára-dhamani. Kumára means fire as well as youth.
8 [In verse 9 bali-prabanda) must mean the collection of taxes as Mr. Hirananda Sastri interprete. A king has to collect taxes if he has to perform Vedic sacrifices and protect the Dharma. Rid of all alankara, the verse means that the King collected taxes only as per prescribed law for increasing Vedic merit; and conquered king Chakrāyudha who had joined the enemy. With alankara it means "he excelled Vishnu-though like him ho also imprisoned Bali, since he was not loto like Våmans nor proud like Trivikrama, but was full of cinaya. -Ed.]
There is an implication in this verse to the effect that Nägabbata excelled Vishnu (Chakrayudha). Both were Trayy-aspadasya rikritasya samriddhimrichchhuh, but Vishnu could not, like Nagabhata, be mid to have been Kshattra dhama-vidhi-baddha-bali-prabandha as he could not subdue Bali by Kshatriya rites. Then, Visha was par-äfraya-krita-aphufa-nicha bhava. This refers to the Vámana incarnation in which Vishnu took the body of a dwarf. Again, whereas Nagabhata was namra-ta puh only through vinaya, Vishnu's body was actually namra inasmuch as he was a dwarf.
There is an implied Glasha in this verse. The adjective tricjagad-ika-vikarako-applios both to Nagsbbata and the Sun, and both vanquish darkness, in the one case literally, apd in the other, figuratively.
Pandit Hirananda translates atma-vaibharam by "greatness of winl." It is better to take it, as suggested by my friend Mr. J. C. Ghatak, M.A., as equivalent to the technical term at ma-apat meaning a group of royal qualities as explained in Kamandakiya Nitisara, Ch. IV, vv. 14.JR.
1 The phrase sa igatah kirtti-daraih seems to be a significant one. The ovidont mening is, that ss in the cro of Ramachandra, he was joined by his wife after she had been in enemy's stronghold for some time, Ramabhadra, too, regained the fame which was so long in his enemy's possession. This seems to show that Rāmabhadra's power was overshadowed by his enemy till he defeated him and captured his commanders.

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demurely waited upon by the other Means (i.e. although he neglected them as not necessary, they were within his beck and call).
(Verse 14.) The production of the wealth of that successful one was merely a source of delight; it was at the disposal of the supplicants, but never a means to satisfy his own desires.
(Verse 15.) A pare soul, averse from the world, he obtained a son, by name Mihira, by (the favour of the Sun, propitiated by mysterious rites, in order to dispose of the lordship over his subjects.
(Verse 16.) The lord, who ruled over many kings (bhūbhrit) after having overcome them, and being therefore) known as Bhoja, shone more gloriously than Agastya who (merely) checked the rise of a single bhabhrit, i.e. mountain) Vindhys through favour (and not by his own prowess).
(Verse 17.) Famons, unperturbed, adept in removing the evils of the world, embraced by Lakshmi (sovereign power), but not soiled by the stain of arrogance, he was affectionate towards the meritorions and an asylum of good and pleasant words. Does he or Rams stand foremost when Brahms counts his own creation ?
(Verse 18.) The other Lakshmi, the source of the fame of Dharmma'. (Dharmapala's) son, who was cast out of the ocean of hostile forces, churned by the Kula mountains in the form of kings of his (Bhoja's) own race, who was married by offering (as an oblation) fried grains, which were the destroyed enemies, in the fire of his valour, and who was protected by (his). superior accomplishments, mild, uncommon and pure like nectar, became & fit remarried bride of that king.
The ancient writers on Hinda polity laid down sama, dana, bheda and danda m the four wpayas or expedients which a king should adopt towards other kings. (Some add three more, making the total number to be seven cf. the Kamandakiya Nitisara, Ch. 18.) Now the poet implies that of these the king followed only one, viz. danda and did not take resort to the rest. His position was, therefore, similar to one who possesses many wives bat cares for only one. But, as in this case the neglected wives, as in daty bound, would still continue to pay their humble devotion to him, so the other political expedients, although not adopted by the king, were always within his beck and call. The poet thus indicates that though in practice the king used only one expedient, it should not be concluded therefrom that he was ignorant or incapable of handling the rest.
The general meaning conveyed by the verse seems to be that although he was averse to the worldly pleasures he wanted a son, not for his own delight, but merely for the reason that he might leave a ruler for his subjects.
The allosion is to the mythical story that the Vindhys mountain once got angry with the sun and began to rise higher and higher in order to check his daily coarse. At the request of the gods the sage Agastya approached the mountain and asked it to bow down in order to make room for him on his way to the south, and not to rise up till his return. The Vindhys agreed, and as Agastya never returned, had to remain in the same position. Cf. Mahabharata, Vanaparva, Chap. 104.
The poet contrasts the deeds of Agastya and Bhoja. The contrast is between (1) Vindhya and bhs britate (2) samruddha-osiddha and bhokta and (8) wparõdha and akramya. One had to do with only one bhibrit (mountain), the other dealt with a number of bhübhrit (kings as well as mountains situated within their kingdoms); then in one case the question was merely of checking the growth, in the other, of complete conquest; lastly, one gained his object by request while the other had achieved his purpose by means of prowout.
• The principal clause in the sentence Yasy-abhadrapara Lakshmi punarbhürennayā clearly means that Lakshmi who belonged to another became properly his punarbhi or remarried wife. According to the poet Lakshmi acted properly (naya). A similar sentiment occurs in an almost contemporary record. (Cf. e.g. verse 8 of the Radhanpur plates of Govinda III, above, Vol. VI, p. 243.)
The expression dharmm-apatya-yafah prabhiti, applied to Lakshmi has been translated by Pandit Hirananda as "source of fame, progeny and virtue." But Lakshmi who is merely a conventional representation of sovereign power can hardly be said to be the source of progeny or virtae. I have, therefore, taken daarom-apatya in the sense of " son of Dharma or Dharmapala, (i.e. Dēvapala)." This fits in well with the context, implying that Lakshmi who was the consort of Dövapala now belonged to Bhöja or in other words, the supreme position passed from the one to the other, and this has been shown to be historical fact.

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(Verse 19.) In order to extend the duration of his life beyond all measure, the ascetics pleased on account of the protection afforded to them, the preceptors, out of affection, the servants, out of devotion, the multitude of foes, out of policy, and mankind in general, for the sake of its livelihood, made their respective services (treasures) subservient to him, who was as worthy a recipient as the Creator Himself.
(Verse 20.) According to the injunction of the Sruti, this is a truism, sp long as the world lasta, that he who does a thing enjoys the fruits thereof, and not (another) though he be the lord of even hundred kings. It is strange that the meritorious deeds of honest men, whose intellect was undefiled, went to increase the prosperity of this king, who was the conqueror of Kali and the lord of Fame.
(Verse 91.) Of him, who had burnt the powerful hostile races by the fire of his anger, and guarded the oceans by his valour, the absence of greed (for further conquest) shone indeed (even as the satiety of a man who had drunk a large quantity of water).
(Verse 22.) Like Kumăra (Kárttikėya) with his host of Måtrikås who performed wonderful deeds, he subdued the terrible Asuras with the help of a band of women that lived upon arms.
(Verse 23.) Vidhi (Fate), writing anew (the destinies of the world), wrote in the chancery of that king, looking at (ie, being guided by) his face, since the latter was the master of the world in consequence of his prowess. (In other words the destiny of the world was absolutely at the command of that all-powerful king.)
(Verse 2+.) Fame, resulting from the unbounded energy of that lord of the world, was unto him even as a consort, and like a flame, issuing out of a flood of luxuriant lustre, returned after conquering the Sun. It is a wonder that she crossed the oceans.
(Verse 25.) In order to increase the fame and religious merit of his consorts, the king erected a house within his seraglio compound in the name of Narakadvish (Vishnu).
(Verse 26.) As long as the sky has the flowing celestial stream (Gangā) as its upper gar ment, as long as there lasts the power originating from severe religions austerities, as long as Truth proteote all that is above, so long may this noble and famous workpurify the world. .
(Verse 97.) Daladitya (is) the poet of this prasasti which would exist' along with the world up to the end of the Kalpa; (he) the son of Bhattadhanněka and the fruit of penances, as it were of a number of learned men, (is) the (personified) inner faculty of discrimination, standing before king Bhöjadēva, the protector of the world, inasmuch as he (Baláditya) follows the good rules sanctioned by the best of sages.
The verno apparently means that all tried their best to prolong the life of the king. The ascetics, by religious observances on his behalf, the preceptors, by touching him proper mode of life, the servants, by looking to his com. forts, the enemies, by not disturbing him, and the subjects, by loyally carrying out his orders, would all contributo towards the same end, vis a long and happy life to him.
This verse completes the sense of the previous one wherein it was implied that the king enjoyed the fraits of the meritorions deeds of various categories of people.
* [Vaitfishnyam in my origion, means here the opposite of abpence of greed' i.e. thirst (for conquest). This thirst, says the poet was evident because the King had burnt the vagas (races or bamboos) of his enemies and had drunk (or protectod) on account of that great beat (pratäpa), the ocean. --- d.)
• The allusion is to the fight between the Deras and the Dänavas in which Kamara was the commander-inchief of the forner, and had in his army a number of Matrikās. cf. Mahabharata, Salyaparya, Ch. 45 (Madras Edition). Although the female companions of Kumārs are usually called Mátrikäs, the use of the word Vidya is probably to be explained by the fact that it is sometimes used as a synonym of Matrika, both meaning Durga. (Vids in the case of the King should be taken to mean Source of Knowledge.'-Ed.)
This verse furnishes another instance of the use of the word 'Kirtti' in the sense of any work of public atility calenlated to header famous the name of the constructor of it.' For full discussion on this point, cf. Fleet Gupta iuperiptions, p. 212, f. n. 6.
I am indebted to Mr. Radhsgovinda Basak, M.A., for valuab e suggestions regarding the translatica of the as cription.

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No. 14.] JVZ JOVI
PATTATTALMANGALAM GRANT C
OF NANDIVARMAN.
No.244RATTATTALMANGALAM GRANT OF NANDIVARMAN.
BY K. VI SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., OOTACAMUND. sday at (87) seravin adt to seran lazoming out love t
175
In October 1922, when I was in charge of the office of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, Mr. P. V. Jagadisa Aiyar obtained the following set of copperplates from Mr. Rm. St. Sivananda Pillai of Kumbakonam and sent it to me for examination. As I had soon after to go away to Ootacamund, I left the plates to be noticed by Mr. Venkoba Rao in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1922-23. The set is marked as No. 5 Appendix A in the Report for that year and finds a short notice in Part II which will be referred to in the sequeli I edit the inscription on the plates with the help of one set of impressions kindly placed at my disposal by M. R. Ry Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri Recently an article entitled " the Kot. rangudi plates of Nandivarman II" has appeared in the Mythic Society Journal, Vol. XIV, pp. 125 to 129 under the editorship of Mr. T. N. Subramaniam. There the discovery of the plates has been described in detailed v baromes a blow out i
13
The set consists of five plates of which the first and last are engraved only on their inner sides. They were driginally strung together on a ring bearing a massive seal, 3 inches in diameter. The emblems and legend on the sealiare sa badly bliterated that they cannot be made out. A couchant bull is all that could be faintly seen. The ring had been cut when the plates reached me and it is not know when and by whom it was cuts The plates measure nearly 10" by 31" and the ring hole, boned at the left margin; is in diameter. The five plates with the ring and seal weigh: 820 tolas and the plates alone greigh 175 tolas prometni pe-aprendre
The inscription on the plates is neatly executed and is in good preservation. The only places where some damage is done to letters are at the commencement of lines 7 and 8 of IIb, lines 1 and 2 of IIIa, lines 5 and 6 of Ib and line 8 of IVb. It has been found possible to restore with certainty all the damaged portions except that in line 1 of IIIa. The reading of the damaged portion in line 6 of Hb is tentative. As is usual with most of the copper-platé charters of South India, this inscription consists of two parts of which the first is in Sanskrit poetry (eleven verses in ally written in Grantha characters and runs from line 1 to line 22, where the second part in Tamil prose commences and runs to the end i.e., line 60. The few Grantha letters and words emploi - "small bortion and sun, and brahmade (1.37), hāram (1. 38), brahmade (142) Jauta (11. 43 and 45), nyx and Ara (1. 43), bhattà (11. 44 and 48), falva (144), Hernlyd (11. 44 and 48), Agnisarmma and gotra (1. 47), de (1. 48), sarmma (11.45, 53, 56, 57, and bey and -Dands (160) tesis
Rayh
A few alphabetical Seculiarities deserve notice The symbol for secondaryt (long) is a con cave curve with a commencing loop engraved on the top of the consonant, while in the case of (short), this Toopsbsent. The three letters mu, pu and u are almost similar in shape, but can be well distinguished on close examination: while the symbol of mu is written immediately below the horizontal line, it is engraved at the end of a vertical downward stroke drawn from the is distinguished a small indenture at the right end of the horizontal stroke. Two forms of of yo occur of which one is a semi-circle with two upward arms on the right side, while the other is a is a simple loop twice wound round. The shape of va is almost that of a triangle with its base at bottom. La has not got the usual convex curve on the right side; it has only an angle. The repha is invariably marked in this epigraph and in most cases the pulli also. The Tamil sandhi rules have to account for the change of into y in perar-brahma (1. 42). But it may be pointed out that the same change noticed in the word vinnappattur occurring before Alappakka (1.97), in raliyar occurring before masai (1. 31) and in Mayilappir before Naudi
Tin of the horizontal in the case of pu. Though lu is formed like pu, it
P.2

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116
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
(1. 44 f.) is unusual and against the rules of grammar. Among the götra names, Jatvakaranpa (1.44) and Kondina (1. 54) stand for Jātükarna and Kaundinya respectively.
After an invocation to Vishņu (v. 1) and the primeval cause of the Universe (v.2), the mythical geneaology of the Pallavas is given in verse 3 which states that from the lotus-navel of Narakār; (.e., Vishnu) came Brahmā; from him came Angiras; from him Dēvaguru (i.e., Bțihaspati): from him the renowned sage Samyu; from his son Bharadvāja was born Dröna of established skill in handling the bow in battles; from him Drauņi (i.e., Asvatthäman) of unsurpassed valour; and from him Pallava. Prosperity and Earth rested with the Pallavas to the exclusion of other kings (v. 4) and the sovereigns of this family obtained glory by conquering all enemies (v.5). In the line of kings counting from Virakurcba and others who had obtained svarga, there was king Hiranyavarman : and then came Nandivarman (v. 6). He was a powerful monarch and it is stated of him that he came to rule the kingdom while he was very young and conquering all enemies, he had his foot-stool adorned with the crowns of the lords of earth who bowed before him (v.7). The darkness of the world was removed by the splendour of his fame (v. 8). Waiting to get entrance, it is said, there were at his gate the Vallabha, Kalabhra, Kērala, Pandya, Chõla, Tulu, Gongana (Konkana) and others (v. 9). Verse 10 gives out that the chief officer of his, who was ruling the province of Mangala-rashtra and who was a great hero, virtuous and respected by the good, having petitioned the king, gave (a brahmadēya) to number of Brāhmaṇas. The Tamil portion records that at the request (vinnappan) of Mangalanādāļvāŋ and at the inatti of Alappakka-Vijaiyanallülān, king Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman issued an order in the 61st year of his reign to the nātsār of Topkarai-Arvalakurram in sola-nādu granting as brahmaděya 40 vēlis of land, which included an old brahmadēya of 24 vēlis, another brahmadeya of 12 vėlis granted in the 59th year of the same king's reign at the request of Mangalanādālvān and the āņatti of Alappākka-Vijaiyanallādāp and the remaining 4 velis now assigned. The nätfär made obeisance to the order, received it on their heads, circumambulated the granted land and planting boundary stones and milk bush, issued their order freeing every kind of land in this grant portion from all the rights of the kingwhich are here specified-and constituted it as a new village under the name of Pattattāļmangalam. The names of the donees are then mentioned (see table below). The inscription was engraved by a certain Sri-Dandi son of Vidēlvidugu-Pallava-perundachchan of Aimpapaichchēri (Aimbupaichchēri) in Kachchippēdu.
There were more kings than one of the name Nandivarman or Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman in the Pallava family. The earliest of them is he who issued the Udayēndiram copper-plate grant wherein he is stated to be the son of Skandavarman, grandson of Simhavarman and greatgrandson of Skandavarman. The Vēlūrpālaiyam plates which say that Simhavishņu was the son of Simhavarman and grandson of Nandivarman', seem to refer to this Nandivarman. The second sovereign of the Pallava family who bore the name Nandivarman was the son of Hiranyavarman and a lineal descendant of Bhima, the younger brother of Simhavishņu. He bore the surnames Kshatriyamalla, Pallavamalla and Vidēlviďugut. The third of the name was the grandson of this Nandivarman Pallavamalla and it was during his reign that the Velūrpasaiyam plates were issued
The first question to determine is to which of the three Nandivarmans we should ascribe the present Inscription. Mr. Venkoba Rao in noticing this inscription in his report for 1922-23
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 145.
South-Ind. Inacrs., VOL II, p. 508, v. 9 and 10. The exact relationship between Simhavarman and Nandivarman is not mentioned. Ibid. p. 350, vv. 28-30.
• Ibid. p 360, line 78
Ibid, p. 511, vv. 16-19.

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No. 14.]
PATTATT ALMANGALAM GRANT OF NANDIYARMAN.
117
states that it must belong to the reign of Nandivarman III. I consider this conclusion of his to be quite untenable. I would at the outset point out that the Tandantöttam plates which are suppoged to have been issued in the reign of Nandivarman III should correctly be attributed to his grandfather Nandivarman II Pallavamalla. According to the Tandantottam plates the king bore the surname Ekadhirat and this was the surname of Nandivarman Pallavamalla as is clear from the fact that the grant made in the Kāśākudi plates was constituted into a new village under the name Ekadhiramangalam which should have been so termed after the king's surname Ekadhira. The second point to note is that the Nandivarman of our plates was the successor of Hiranyavarman as was the Nandivarman of the Kāsākudi and the Tandantottam plates. The third ground, which is much stronger than all, is furnished in the VaikunthaPerumal temple inscriptions: explaining the sculptures representing the events that took place immediately after the death of Paraméávaravarman II leading to the accession of Wandivarman Pallavamalla. It says:
After the death of Paramēbvaravarman II, a deputation consisting of the Matras,
the Mülaprakritis and the ghatakayar waited on Hiranyavarma-Mahārāja and represented the fact that the country was without a ruler and requested him to grant them & sovereign. Thereupon king Hiranyavarman sent for the chief potentates (kulamallar) and enquired which among them would accept the sovereignty. All of them refusing, he asked his sons Srimalla, Rapamalla, Sangrāmamalla and Pallavamalla. Pallavamalla humbly offered to go, but king Hiranyavarman was at first unwilling to risk his son, who was then only twelve years of age, in such a perilous undertaking. But Hiranyavarman was soon persuaded by Darapikondap5śar to give his consent. Receiving the weapons presented to him both by his father and Daranikondapõsar, Pallavamalla proceeded to Kāñchipuram, crossing on his way several hills, rivers and forests. Hearing of his approach a certain Pallavadi-Araiyar came with a large force, and placed him on an elephant's back and returned to the city where he was received by the feudatory chiefs, the members of the merchants' guild, the mūlaprakritis, and Kādakka-Muttaraiyar. He was then crowned king under the name Nandivarman and with the insignia of Vidēlvidugu, Samudraghosha, Khatvānga-dhvaja and Vrishabha-lanchhana by the ministers, the feudatories, the ghatakayar and the ubhaiya-gana.
The above facts show that Nandivarman Pallavamalla's accession to the throne took place without any bloodshed, the whole country being instrumental in getting him as their sovereign. This fact does also find expression in the Kāsākuļi plates which state that he was chosen by the subjects. The statement that Nandivarman was quite young (i.e., 12 years of age according to the Vaikuntha-Perumal temple inscription) when he became the ruler of the Pallava dominions is correctly reflected in the present grant which states of him w afat gåa to. A further point in favour of our view is that Nandivarman Pallavamalla bore the surname
1 South-Ind. Inerne., Vol. II, p. 520, v. 4 and p. 629, noto 4 * Ibid. p. 359. • Ibid (Texta), Vol. IV, G! No. 135, pp. 10 fl. • South-Ind. Inscra., VOL II, p. 357, v. 27,

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XVMORE EPIGRAPHIA INDIOKAM JATTATTAI
[VOL XVII.
36
Videlviḍugu as stated already, and it is after this title that the father of the engraver of the grant must have been called Videlviḍugu-Pallava-perundachchanowaldensten stimp ad of that It is noteworthy the ajnapt of our inscription, viz., Alappakka (Alabakka) Vijaiyanallulan figures in an inscription of Pallavatilaka-Nandivarman found at Tiruvellagar in the Trichinopoly district. This chief's younger brother, Kamban Araiyad by name, figures as the constructor of a big well in the same place as recorded in an inscription of Pallavatilaka Dantivarman. It is now beyond question from the present grant that these kings Pallavatilaka-Nandivarman and Pallavatilaka-Dantivarman," in n, in whose inscriptions figure the two brothers Vijayanallulan and Kamban Araiyan as donors, are identical with Nandivarinan Pallavamalla and his son and successor Dantivurman. Thus it becomes clear that the term Pallavatilaka was not the surname of any particular king of the Pallava Hine which was later on adopted as a title by his successors. In editing the Tiruvellafal well mscription was mielitied to follow the late Mr. Venkayya in considering the successors of Dantivarman as belonging to the family of Pallavatilaka, that being almost the special designation then known to be of Dantivarman as indicated in the Triplicane inscription of that king The present gran shows that gharter-writers did not mean any distinction between Pallavakula and Pallabatilababula Therefore, in case we meet with inscriptions of Nandivarman or Dantivarman with the word Pallavatilaka or Pallavatilakakula prefixed to their names, we have to distinguish the king from those who bore similar names, by other evidences than what is furnished by the mere title Pallavatilaka. In this connection, it may be pointed out that Adigal Gandan Marambavai, who figures as donor in a record of the early Chōla king Rajakesarivarman (Aditya L) and who is stated to be the queen of Pallavatilaka-Nandivarman", cannot be the queen of Pallavamalla, for Aditya I and Pallavamalla are sepa ated by over a century in all probability she must have been the queen of Pal'avamalla's grandson Nandivarman III Row (avagerill
118
As has been noted, the present inscription is dated in the 61st year of the king's reign. In my Historical Sketches, I gave my consideration to the question whether or not Nandivarman Pallavamalla could have reigned for a long time, usurper as he was then known to be, and taking only into view the several conquests he effected and the time of rule of his contemporaries, I arrived at the conclusion that he should be credited with a long period of rule. This conclusion is now made certain by a study of the Vaikuntha Perumal label epigraphs and the present copper-plate grant according to both of which the price was quite young i.e. 12 years of age, when he became king and by the fact of the present inscription being dated in the 61st year. The latest regnal year, however, of Pallavamalla is the 65th which is furnished in a Mahabalipuram inscription recently discovered by me in the courtyard of the VarahaPerumal cave. If this be the last year of his rule, the king should have lived up to his 77th year of age. de segon selloutoralis nammavibas Jeilt wodz stost ovode sdf
It may be noted that the titles Ferumbidugo, Videlvidagu hu Mataplug which had been awumed by the feudatory chiefs of the Muttaraiyans might have been derived from the Pallava who were thein overlords. In the extract given from the Vaikuntha Perumal tesitple inscription, it is seen that at the time of Pallavamalla's coronation he was invested with the new pam Vidalvidugu while the Tiruvellarai, well inscription shows that Pallavamalla's son Dantivarman was called Marapiqugfter visto ai enninirent 3971 No. 63 of the Madras pie Epigraphical collection for 1905.
dei weiv 10, to movet ai taing sad?
3 and above, Vol. IX, pp. 154 ff. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 292.
.968
4
Lea Mbank 0936 qt de troon bi-diso South-Ind. Inscrns., Vol. III, p. 229. "Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekkhan, pp. 45 ff. br This inscription is under publication in the Memoirs of the Adh. Surv Department by M. Ry. Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, along with 4 other new inscripti ns and some sculptures discovered by me at Mahabalipuram in the year 1922.

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No.147.207)
PATTATTALMANGALAM
GRANT OF NA
NANDIVARMAN.
क्षप
33
Brahminste
The object of the inscription is, as stated already, to register the grant of certain lands in the vicinity of a village situated in Arvala-kurram, a sub-division of Sola-nadu, constituted into new village under the name Pat Pattattālmangalam to a number of Brahmans who are introduced by, the collective term nalgur-narpappär. It is worthy of note that in the Tandantōṭṭam plates also, the donees are similarly styled. Two possible modes of interpreting the term nalgur-nar"the good Brahmins of Nalgür" and "the päppār have been given by Mr. Krishna Sastri yiz.,, poor good Since in two instances the donees have been so styled, it does not seem ge of that name. Accordingly, we may adopt the second probable that Nalgur means a village made de on their request which was conveyed to the king interpretation. The grant must have been by the chief of Mangala-nadu, and this is perhaps clear from the Sanskrit portion which tates famalar Nalgar were a village/it might have been mentioned in the Sanskrit portion also. It is to be noted that most of the donees were highly learned men being Kramavits, Arvala-kurram Shadegerits and riding on the illeges in Arvala küram, are mostly found in the for Patṭattāļmangalam in that same taluk of the Tanjore district, we have to Negapatam tal Arvala prea Walled Ames, of which Vijayanaliko was a native, has already been identified by me with the village of that name Trichinopoly a sub-division by
to
was a
miles Lalgudi on the Arumdeva-Vaabu and in it waisted the village of Mangalam now called Mangal. It is needless to say that Kachchippēdu mentioned in the record is identical with Conjeeveram and Aimpanaichcheri is Aimbunaichcheri, a quarter of it.
"c
manram
portant words occurring in this in inscription. We may here add a short note on some As "arai" means to beat" and "ōlai" " a (written) palm-leaf," we may take the compound "araiy-olar" togan "the draft contents had to be proclaimed by beat of tom-tom." Tirumugam (1. 33 f.) is only the Tamil form of the Sanskrit word srimukha" a sacred order, a royal writ. it. Kaltağaram (155) seems to be the Tamil adaptation of the Sanskrit goshtha griha" a cow-pen, kranit is sometimes employed in the sense of a king's residence, palace, Manru (1. 38) is a word which is largely met with in Tamil inscriptions e.g., manrupadu, manrum kanru-mey-palum, etc. As such, its meaning deserves to be noted. In Puram 34, occurs the phrase iratti-nidiya agan-ralaiaccording to the commentator, means "the extensively spacious common ground (podrgny with long stats tree standing on Mant-ppaldvin jack-tree standing on the common ground (podiyil)" occurs in Puram 128. Again, we meet with this word in the phrase perisai-mudur-manran-kande in Puram 220. In all these cases the commentator takes on theeting ground" (poduvidam or podiyil). word manru in the Common A distinction is, however, made between podiyil and manram in Tirumurugaṛruppadai, one of the ten Tamil idylls known as Pattuppattu. Nachchinarkkipiyar takes the word podiyil to mean sambalam, which, by the way, we may remark, is another term used in inscriptions-and the word manram he explains as the space under a tres in the middle of a village where all people meet urut aqubey ellarum trukkum marantady." "From the references quoted here, it will be plain that manram refers to the place where the village assembly met to transact its business and that this was under a (big) tree (which afforded them shade). Epigraphical references are not wanting to support the fact that in the assembly grounds there were trees and that provisions had d been made to have them washed and swept clean. An inscription of the time of Rājā. HET AND BRET FP We as a stage met under a tamarind tree that dhiraja I states that an assembly of a brahmadeya village met 123 13 158192 GSTUS BARUPEES ibSontheinde Juscras., Vok II, p.21, 1875 1o orov Jesi ne vole sug
Adbi, kendte Bettie vir 129.as pay ines that fo ford par my? Above, Vol. IX, p. 155.
South-Ind. Inscrns., Vol. II, p. 521, 1. 37 f and Introduction, p [21] * Line 226
119

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL XVIII.
stood on the bank of a channel while making a grant to a temple. From other inscriptions we learn that the ancient practice of convening meetings was by blowing trumpets. The Tandantottam plates of Nandivarman (Pallavamalla) actually provide for the man who had to water the ambalam and we have to take it on the authority of Nachchinärkkiniyār, to refer to keeping clean the meeting ground of the village assembly under the trees.
TEXT. [Metres: v. 1 Sikharint ; vv. 2, 3, 6 and 10 Sārdūlavikridita ; vv. 4 and 5 Indravajra ; v. 7 Praharshini v. 8 Pushpitāgrā; v. 9 Rathoddhatā and v. 11 āryā. ]
1. स्वस्ति श्री [:1 *] रसि विल
First Plate.
। श्रियो भर्त्तुर्मू[[र्त्ति ]रकतसमानैर्भुजयते श्श यानस्याभोधावु
2 सरकोस्तुहरुचिः [*] पयः पातुं सिन्धीवंसघरघटेवाप्ड पतिता तटियुका' भवताम् मंगलमसो ॥ [ १ ] भवताम्मंगलमसौ ॥[१] यमुले पदमुत्तमं यदच
3 भान्ती दिशतु यच्चापि यथो
4 विनाम्ध्येयधोरधिया स्तुवन्ति यदसम्बासुराः [1] चावल त्रिगु विधास्थि
5 तिलयोत्पत्ति (ती) बिंधातुं गतम्मेदं यत्स्व [ म* ] भिनमप्यवतु वस्तहस्तु विष्वम्मुच्चम् ॥ [ २*] ब्र
6 प्रभूवर कारिनाभिकमलात्तस्मादभूदंगिरास्तस्मा देवगुरुस्ततो मुनिवर शंयु
7 राजतः [*] द्रोणस्तत्तनयादजायत धनुः प्रख्यातवोर्थो रणे तस्म । हौणिर8 वायवीयमहिमा तस्यादभूत्यशवः ॥[२] लक्ष्मीवो य[र] सधवानां राजां
समासा
Second Plate: first side.
9 [च] कळपभावम् [1]
पार्थिवमण्डला
नाम् ॥[४* ] य
10 जानामवनोपतीनामानीतं विवारिविजित्य [1] वस्तु प्रदायाजिनाय
1 Read in.
सम्प्रत्यसाधारणताम्परेषामासेदतुः
भूयः कु·
1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1910, Part II, para. 21.
See my Annual Report on Archaeology of the Travancore State for 1920, pp. 41 and 49, and No. 156 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1919. The actual words used in the Suchindiram inscription are "maha-sabhaiyār kāļam-üdivichohu-kkuri särri-true-akkirasälaiyir-kküffam niramba-kküḍi-irukka.
South-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. II, p. 527, text-line 199.
Read. The first half of this verse reminds us of vv. 10 and 11 of canto X of the Raghuvamba :प्रभानुलिप्त श्रोवरसं लौविभू मदर्पणं । कोजुभाख्यमपां सार विमाचं गृहतीरसा || बाडुमिर्मिटपाकार दिव्याभरणभूषितः । *Read after.
• Road विष्वसु. With the latter half of this verse compare नमो विश्वकी पूर्व विश्वं तदनु विभुते । अथ विव vv 16 and तुभ्य' मेधा स्थिताभने । रसान्तराष्करसं यथा दिव्यं पवीत्रुते । देये देशे मुमेयेवमवस्थास्त्वमविक्रयः । 17 of the same canto. Compare also with the first verse of Kadambari which contains the same idea couched in similar words :-रजोलुषे जन्मनि सभ्यवृत्ती स्थिती प्रजानां प्रकये तमः सथे। अजाय सर्गस्थितिनामदेव यौनयाय विचारम
नमः ॥

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PATTATTALMANGALAM PLATES OF NANDIVARMAN.
པཾ ཨུ (@{༄༅ ཀཾ &[ ཆཆ༥པ378༡༣@66%&It oཕྲོ་ [མང་ ཨ%ry%g | པ།(ཆ་སoerསྒྱུ་ཁg༩༥<༥༩ཆོ cཆj7%gtཝཔj@csgjg•ད། ། Ai112 ரணகயா ஜயகது 37கபோணகரான
8%8Yཆཚ༩༦༡༩།ཁ་<ད;ད་ཆེ| གྱོནོ poc7ds azo>%gcftcar& ཆ•tm/? ཁྱུང༥པp9&g༢01:ཝུg%| ཁང།ཆ་*༠༠༩ ཆ༄༅ཀ་༠པ་ལ་བྱ༩༡༢
ཨsaཚཙཆཔཚན་བཏ<<པཆུ་ཚབ་ པ། & 12
“ཚུ༩ཆཆེsuggcགཡཐུ[cག g༦༢༦པ ༧ སྤྲུལཾ༩༥༥tret_༼ཆཔཆཙྪ།ཕྲུག7%[-e6&fཆཆ(ཨཆe7?114
རྩྭ རྒྱུགས་ཕུལsu༥g@ $6gn@༩:ཁ་པ༠ཎཏྟ6?2<°༄༅པ%8 16 ། ཆ་རྐཁ ཆཚ༩༩༩pauཔོpporrསྒྲ༥༢ ཁཀerv8@<ཁr༩you | 16
üb.
9ཞ༧?S'་པge% གot [༤?ཀླུ0༦༩:རྒྱརླཞུས >༩༠>ཕssg;s7%R eggURF༢•ཆེ86ཡོཞ༦《ཡཾརྒྱུnཔ་ཚ༢e876b"རྒྱ ངས7%༤༩26མ་ 48 <3 Tui ở Trung Giang ăn chass: 7dqz2| 20 z༩ gཁྲི༩) 2°2@ ༨% [uཔ@ཉཔ《ཙཙnཆཔས ༦༠༦ཨ་]ཁྱུe/ eifཀྱི་རུac༩༠༥།༢swijaq- ཆ6qe༦ འ༦ (+dwནཱgss༠༠༩=གས་
ཉིཅད$ $: «ps༤ ༥།༡༤F42 ssཆརྒྱ/n<<༩་ཤབ་ཆ༠༧+པg༩༦ 24
ini a.
ཎ
༦ qs aཚོs out&iབདུ་བཞsཆཔ་ཅན》 sas t ers on Go Tỏ rat canh bat dau la sit 26
ཤ<༢༠rང་བ་༦= asy༤༥-༣༦པའut ༠༤བསྐྱr+7བསྒྱུར་ཁ་ཆ,8er༩༩༠།e འO༩༦༤༠ཆཡ༤༩ ཅ14eaཚམས་༦དལ་བར་བཅུད་
སྐུའ༨ཚ༤༩༣ “འཁy@ཆqsc༠༤༠༦ཌན་གཔལག ཅ༠༩j༠༦༥༦ 7130 1༤༠གནསོགསལ7sན6&
ཚདྲུ༩) ཆོ་༥>
28
H, Karsaw
sTRL.
BCALE -5.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #157

32 |
iitb. கிக்மேனாக பாதுகாகக் 32 sur+தானன்ப்பாதுகாகமனப்பா பாவே டனே தானே மாயும்கா 34
. =TARTIST ளைவு 3 36 போக்காக்கலான பyrus
4438
டக
கோக
ios.
பருக
Asu s 'T', யுவானதுயY3ATS வாகசொன்னப்பா
பவானபலகான் க்கானது. போதுபாஐலrossbcs?[ 42 பாக்காககாது கேக்கதுகனகது மாக்கபாகனும் தான்ணாக்கிக்துதலைக்காகதுவை 44 SUஆம் Srsக்கது ஆகக்க்பசைவம் TAGE I OF 33காக்க்க்து பக்கா
1, 46
ஆ
iob. ககவுங்க பதுகுக கக பக்கத்து பைக்காரனும் Stக்க்கது தசைக்கிக்துனூன்
பயும் கதாபாக்ககது பக்கமாக்க் கதுபக
டகப்பாகக் கது சதுக்கிது STI எ துப்ப
கத்து இயக்க பாக்காதது Lகதுப்பும் freeக்க்கதுபககககக்துது போர்த்துது கவழைனும் 8க்கத்துக்காகது34Alger, 1
கனாக்க்க-க்காகக ட
FOLG
பதக்கங்க்ககைகககக்கம்பக்கத்து
56 பத்துப்ப்பமU Earta பதுக்கித்து பகக் கட்டிகள் 56
| SINCILழன்பதுகளால் மக்கயைாளாக்கிகள் பக்கம் அக்கலகதுகனைபதுகளவும் பெர்கர் 58
quongsonjouceomcntisovou concausagarpal coast 6. பக்கான்ன்ன வன்
58 -1
60

Page #158

No. 14.]
11 व्रतं कीर्त्तिसमानं हि ॥ [ ५*] तखेषु नृपेषु 'धारि
12 सुपतेषु जति
PATTATTALMANGALAM GRANT OF NANDIVARMAN.
नृपतिर्भू
13 पालभर्त्ता ततपर्व्वच किरोट घृष्ट चरण श्रोनन्दिवर्णाभवत् ॥ [*] पाधत्त प्रथित14 बली राज्यरूम खातच्कुरित पाचपाचिकः [*) यो हत्वा सकल
रिपूि
15 जित्य भूयसम्वचितिपतिमौलिपादपोठ: ॥ [७] धवळितककुभा यदी [य * ] को
[५] खेषु नृपेषु सिन्धुरशनां सम्य
चीवीरकुर्यादिड [1] चासीत्तच हिरव
भुवनम
16 भूषवलं हतान्धकारम् [i] रवितुनतु सार्थको स्तः कुमुदसरोरुहदोग्विंका[म्]
Second Plate: Second Side.
17 प्रबोध्य [] या यज्ञभकळकरका[:] पायचीतुकुम गयादयः [] हारि वे
18 शसमयाभिकचिची 'षितुरिवकाशमासते ॥[2] भव्यस्तस्य परन्तपोष 19 निधिब्बौरो वरिष्ठस्मतान्मान्यो मानधन [ : ] स्वकीत्तिंविसरख्याता' खिलाशान्तरं ' विशवास
20 ददाहचाय नितराम् विज्ञाप्य स खामिने यस्मिन्मंगलराइममिति:" स्याता जय 21 वधये ॥[१०] मंगलजनपदमनुं तिरियम्यज्ञवेन्द्रत्वस्य [["] चा घरचे ज 22 पेराचन्द्रदिवाकरं स्यात् ॥ Ko
Vijaiya-Nandivikkirama-parumarku yandu arubat
23 t-op[rāvadu Manjgalanādaivān vippappattal Alappakka-Vijaiyanalloyan & 24 patti[y-ā]ga Solanā]ttu tTopkarai-Arvala-kkdprattu nāttar kanga tañiga-pattuThird Plate: First Side.
lir-churru närpadirru-vēliyullum palam-piramadeyam-irubat
25 ttapi[yür]
tu-nāl
26 [vāliyum] nikki nipra padigaru vāliyullum yāndu symbatt-opbad-svadule Mangala-. 27 nādā]vān vippappattar" Alappakka-Vijsiyanallālānāpattiyaga perum
Road धाची.
28 nadigaļum piramadeyam-aga aruli-chcheyda panniru-vēliyum yandu arubatt-o
29 prāvadu Mangalanada]vān vippappattal Alappakka-Vijaiyanallula
121
• Read f
• Read विसरव्यात.
' Read [:1 *].
★ Boad स्वर्गमुपस्थितेषु.
Read fear
• [The Reading परन्तपो would be bettor-Ed.] Read 'faffa:
• Read °°.
10 Misread as aymbattongãoads in the Mythic Society Journal, Vol, XIV, p. 128.
11 Read vissappaltal.

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122
EPIGKAPKEA INDICAAN MITEIT
(VOL XTIL
30 minuttiyaga Wroli-chcheyda nas potiyum tillittu pai-arullomklai
ir 31 ru pulli-valiyart-mapaiyum mapai-ppadappum oliv-ipri-ppirada doyamaga-Ppapi
* 1 Third Plaids econg Side. F * 32 ttēm-enru nāțţārkku vitta tirumugan-nāțţăr toludu talaikku=vaitt-ells ai] 33 pöy-kkallun-kanniyun-nätti-ppadágai valañ-cheydu nätýār vidunda & 34"y-Blaippadi ür-kkütu-palli-váhyppridh-ad-
v aka hiyo Afalsafyrum mapatu 9 35 padappum kutamurottagitanut variompilum kagum paiyunir pun 36 nedum-paramb-eri[ndu udumb-o]diy-imai-tavalndad-ellām kövum [po]riye 37 n-tirandu (kudiyil sāmätys kurut padi-ppadil yar) sarvva-parihara[m] pe[Iru) * bratimada.
Hit STP STPT5PFEN 35707 38 yam-āy[ifru|||*) Ivv-[ū]r perra parihāra[m] [vat]ţi-nāliyum pudā-näliyum man ru-pādum urat[chi]
Tot fowl PalFirst Shide. IST#1515| ABF ar 39 yum taragun-kūlamum ilam-pūțchiyum-idai-ppūțchiyum hidu p ini põkku[m] 40 uppu-kköchcheygaiyum nall-avun=nal:erydum när-yāyamum ivaiy-ullittu 41 ko-ttott-undappālav-ellām evvegrippattavum uņna-pperādār-āgo[yu*]m[1] 42 Pattattāļmangalam-époum pērāre-brahmadēyam-aga perra nalgtr nal 43 ppäppar Gautama-gottirattu Iranyakësi-süttirattu Nepkunrattu kra-* F1 44 mavittana[*] Kalabhattanti+Jabvak RETNA igotstesttu Hingeki süttinattu Mayila45 ppir?-Nandisarmma bhatoupal Gautema-göttirattu Avattamba-sūtřitattu Kummangi 46 Vennaya-chohadangaviyum-Irādhitara-göttirattu Avattamba-süttirattu Kuravasiri
in south Place decona sige Ent miss 09 47 Agnisarmma-ttiruvědiyum Vädūla-gotrattu Avattamba-sūttirattu Tiruyēdi48P ]Potbalarminan
uch
t a Hikmatlikttu Baurechaoi 19 49 ņna-chchadangaviyum|--Attiraiya-göttitattu Awaitfilmbibaltation Kontakt os 50 tuKumarasarmma-chchaiqlangaviyimhkkattimatbeschebattitats poppetur Kāļi51 mandal-chehadadga vigumi4 Kapangattomasti Avättifobassáttitaittoirbpaleo- 69 52 gil Sandabarmmachchadatgavigiin dodania-rottipaktu w At yüttembrüetiäattu MAS 53 gipparuttu Sadangavi Tåyakarmmapum-I-kköttirattu i-chchūttirattu ivv-ür Kumā64 rafkrama)-ttiruvődiyuml - Kondina-gottitattu Avattamba-süttirattu VangipSerw is u 197 1'bao 10o-sit ..... TIRI GS Fifth Plate : First Side.
- - 66 parutta Tävadi-kikiramavittagum-Qodam youtéritta Ävattabila ibtitráttu as 56 [n]gippaputtu Pappasarmma-chchalariga tifhm Vidula-gottimatte Avattamba sáttira67 ttu Karambichchotu Sendakarmma pailgaraiyum Attiraiga-gottitattu Katilmes 68 ba-süttirattu Kombaruttu Sandalarmrháp pasig-braiyum pevarohidán Andrtu. 69 vapum-Ivv-ejuttu vēţtinên KachchippeftAimpanaichchöri Vidalvidtgun 60 Pallava-Pporuntaohehan matap Sri-Danddyönl
.PE? boni Road vajal. * Read kallinen
Read vidutta. •The reading in brackets is tentative : badly damaged in the original. . Read yal Read poral.
Read Opit

Page #160

No 14.1.
PATTATTALMANGALAM GRANT, OF NANDIVARMAN.
128
uhus
! TIRANDALI A te hae vabi s M si Verse 1). Hail! Prosperity. Let that body of the husband of Stl (da, Vishnu), which in resplendent with the kaustubha jewel onsita cheat and which with a hundred matrahata like armag is lying on the ocean, resembling a collection of clouds Instrous with the interspersed lightning and settling on the waters of the ocean to imbibe (ite). water, grant you welfare aliv od o s bowl. 2) That which is the highest plaob of salvation, lå immutable, id omnipresetit,' is contemplated on by yogis and that which tha Brahmans excessively extol always with firm wisdom and with the chanting of the Vēdas, which though itself undivided, assumes ehree differentiations by adopting the three qualities in order to accomplish the work of protection, destruction and creation may that all pervading object protect you to browol bus 18w iw ten
(V.3). From the navellotus of Nátektrite. Vishnu was born Brahma from him was born) Angiras; from him Dēvaguru (i.e., Bțihaspati) dom him (Came) Samyu the best of sages from hiskon Bharadviga (was borhy Drona'Who Was renowned as an archer in the Battle-field from hihi teatre) Draud Yie. Afvabtamany who was of resistable great power, and from him came Pantal bed 9 od 89.8 l build to lisboa
5-ox. opvadas -deilyv. 4Lakshmi and the Goddess of Eatkhaving attained the status of contortal to the kings of this family they could not be approptiated by the assemblage of othery kings.
(Vy. 5 and 6). In this dynasty of kings, whose family vow was the accumulation of fame, by giving largesses to suitors after having made the wealth their own by conquering all enemy kings, after the illustrious Virakurcha and others had gone to Heaven after having enjoyed the sea-girt earth for a long time, there camo Hiranyavarman, the foremost of rulers and then Nandivarman, whose' glorious feet were rubbed against by the diadems of all kings.
(V. 7. This king of renowned prawes whose foot-stool was the crown of prostrate kings, ruled his kingdom, even while young, after having killed his enemies and conquered the kingdom single-handed with his unsheathed sword scintilating in his hand.
(v. 8). The entire world was, vidofite darkness by his fame with which all the quarters were whitened, and the sun and the moon were (only) useful for awakening (.e., opening) the lotus and lilyi ponde respectively.
(V.) At his gabe there await without (getting opportunity (tolenter the Vallabhas, the Kaļabhras, the Koraļas, the Pāņdyas, the Cholas, the Tuļus, the Korkanas and others desirous of obtaining admission to serve (him).
manoy. The ervatit of this kis) who was the "storehouse of austerities and virtue, who was, hernio, highly.distingpished, respected by the goods whose wealth was honour, whose spreading fame enveloped the interior of all the quarters, and in whom, who was the relative of the world, the name Mangalarashtra-bhartri (the lord of the district called Mangala-tāshtra) becstfrie Werftohti, gate to a concourse of Brahmans (their) desired object, having repeatedly petitioned the king. T . .
.
10 si (V. 11). May this gift of the ruler of the country of Maagala, the subordinate of the Pallava king watand an long as the Earth, the ocean, the Moon and the Sun (exist). U
(L1. 22 to 32). In the sixty-first year of (the reign of) king, Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman, the following order to the residents (of Arvala-kūrfam) was issued at the request of Mangalanādālvip and at the command (äratti) of Vijaiyanallülān of Alappākam :
Let the residents of Tenkarai-Arvalia-kurram in the Choļa country (Sola-nadu) observe. Out of the forty-five vēli (of land) round about the free village of ... in your sub-division, efter stoluding the bla. bratomade of twenty-four beli there remain sixteen peli (of land). These sixteen véli--formed by adding together the twelve behi fot land which the king. (Perumanadigan had been pleased to grant as a brahmalayd in the fatty-nkinth year (optis reign) at the request

Page #161

124
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII
of Mangalanädalvān and at the instance of Vijaiyanalluján of Alappakkam and the four vēli (of land) which the same) had been pleased to be converted into a brahmadöya (now) in the sixty-first year of his reign) at the request of Mangalanādā vāp and at the command of Vijaiyanallūlāp of Alappākkam,-without excluding the houses of the residents of the persons who settle the village and house-sites (manaipadappu)—these we have ordered (to be) a brahmadēya."
(Ll. 32 to 38). The residents of the district made obei ance (to the royal order), placed it on their heads, planted stones and milk-bush, went right round the padägai and issued the order for publication (arai-olai). According to it, the sixteen vēli (of land) including houses, house-sites, tanks, kraals, uvar, village-waste, forest, streams and all other) kinds of lands covered with water and ploughed with parambu where inguanas run and tortoises crawl were removed from the exercise of the rights of the king and (his ) authorities and were granted all parihāras in ordert: it (then) became a brahmaděya.
(LI. 38 to 43). The parihāras which this village received were :-Inclusive of vafti-nāli, pudā-nāli, manrupādu, úrāfchi, taragu, kulam, ilam-pütchi, nadu-kāpal, udupokku, uppu-kkochcheygai, nall-ā, nall-erudu, nēr-odyam and all other kinds of taxes which the king had a right to levy and enjoy shall not (henceforth) be paid to him); that under the name of Pattattāļmangalam, the undermentioned poor Brahmans received the brahmatlēya.
Serial Number
of line.
Götra.
Sutra.
No.
Village.
Name of person.
Gautama
Hirapyskani
Nekupram.
Kramavittanár. Kila
Bhattap. Nandisarma- Bhattan. Vennaya-Chadangavi
(Shadangavit). Agnifarma-Tiruvědi
(Trivedin). Tiruvēdi. Pottasarmap Achohaviņņa-Chadangavi. Kumārafarma-Chadangavi Käsimandai-Chadangavi. Sandakarma-Chadangavi Sadajgayi-Tiyaбarman. Kumāra-krama-Tiruvödi. Tövadi-kramavittap.
Jätäkarona 1 Do.
Mayilä ppil . . Gautama. Avattamba (Apas. Kummangi .
tamba). Iradhidara (Rat- Do.
Kuravakiri . bitara). Vädüla (Vädhüla) Do. Mädala (Mathara) Hiranyakőfi Enur . . Attiraiya (Atröya) Avattamba Kombaru. . Do.
Urappattar Kappa (Kipya).
Sirupalagil Gotama (Gautama)
Vangippara Do. Do.
Do. Kondiņa (Kaun
Do. dinys). Gotama (Gantama)
Do. Vidüla (Vadhūla) Do, Karambichohőttu Attiraiya. .
Kombaru. .
Do.
Do.
Do
Pappalarma-Chadangari. Sandalarman. Šandalarman Dövarohidan-Affärravan
(L1. 59-60). The inscription was engraved by Sri-Dandi, son of Vidalvidugu-Pallavaperun-tachchap of Aimpapaichcheri in Kachchippădu.
The doubtfal words kudiyil samatya biru are not translated.

Page #162

No. 15.
ROCK INSCRIPTION OF SVAMIBHATA FROM DEOGARH.
125
No. 15.-DEOGARH ROCK INSCRIPTION OF SVAMIBHATA.
BY DAYA RAM SAHNI, RAI BAHADUR, M.A. The antiquities of Deogarh situated about 22 miles from Lalitpur in the district of Jhansi are described in Dr. Führer's Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, pp. 119-121 and 338, Mr. P. C. Mukherjee's Report on the Antiquities in the District of Lalitpur and General Cunningham's Archeological Survey Reports, Vol. X, pp. 100-110. The ancient fort at Deogarh is designated Luachchhagira in the Deogarh pillar inscription of Bhojadēva of Kangaj, Vik. Samvat 9191 while the Deogarh rock inscription of Kirtivarman of the Vik.] year 1154 gives it the name of Kirttigiri."
This inscription is engraved on a much-worn rock-cut flight of steps which led down on the south side of the Deogarh Fort to the water of the river Betwă which encloses it on three sides. This flighit of steps is locally known as the Nahar or Når Ghati und possesses as many as eleven niches all contemporaneous with the Ghăț some of which still contain their images. The panel occurring at the top of the Ghät, with which we are here concerned, contains & row of nine seated figures which represent, beginning from the left :-(1) A male figure holding • rind between both hands, probably Virabhadra, (2) Brahmi with three faces, (3) Mähögvari seated on a lion and holding Gapēda in her left hand, (4) Kaumäri on her peacock, (5) Vaishnavi on the Garuda, (6) Varihi, (7) Indrapi, (8) four-armed Chamanda, seated on a human corpse and (ə) two-armed Ganapati.
The inscription under description is engraved immediately above this panel of the divine Mothers. The inscribed surface is l' 11' wide and 1' l' in height. The inscription consists of seven lines and is in a fairly good condition of preservation though six letters in the beginning of the first line and a few letters in the beginning of each of lines 5-7 are mutilated. The characters which belong to what Dr. Bähler styles the " soute-angled alphabet” of Northern India, are closely allied to the alphabet in which the Bodh-Gaya inscription of Mahānaman of the Gupta year 2695, the Prasaste of the temple of Lakha Mandal at Mádhá in Jaunsár Bawar Pargana of the Dehra Dun District, the Benares inscription of Pantha and several other documents are written. The striking peculiarities of this alphabet are the highly ornaniental konas and matras and these are fully shared by the epigraph under discussion. Dr. Bübler assigns the Lakha Mapdal prasastad to about the end of the 6th century A.D. In my paper on the Benares inscription of Panths referred to above I assigned that doou ment erroneously to the beginning of the 8th century A.D. In reality it must be as early w the other inscriptions reforred to. This is obvione, besides other considerations, from the ne of the archaic form of y consisting of the loop and two vertical lines. This form of y is also used throughout in the present inscription, and I feel no hesitation in assigning it to the 6th century A.D. The language of the document is Sanskrit and except for the opening words om namah at the beginning of line 1, the inscription is in verse throughout. In the matter of spelling and sandhi, only one or two irregolarities are observable in our inscription. One of these is the use of práptáns-tridata instead of praptans-tridasa in line 5. Similarly although the doubling of consonants in contact with r after vowels is quite regular, the form kkrama gata (1. 4) in the beginning of the third quarter of v. 4 is objectionable, as the consonant k concerned.
1 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, p. 808 seq. • Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, pp. 811 81. and Vol. XVIII, pp. 937 . • Pleet, Gupta Inscriptions, Pl. XLI, A. . Epigraphie Indies, Vol. I, p. 10 seq. . Ibid, Vol. IX, p. 69 and PL, facing p. 80, • Indian Palmography, edited by Dr, Fleet u na Appendis to the Indian Antiguary, Vol. XXXIII, p. 40.

Page #163

126
21.00 ROTE
[VOL. XVIII.
is not preceded by a sowel. The word prathi in 1.8 in is not found in dictionaries. It is probably in pathi, Tecative singular of pathin, meaning 'range', A.M. MUTARE ini e MAR AVA Ta
'reach', etc.
НА 4014(Яози доя EPTGRAPE INDICA,'
18
D
T
The inscription does not appear so far to have been published, anywhere. Its existence is referred to by Mr. P. O. Mukherjil but all that he has to tell us about it is that, in it the name of the reigning king is lost." Dr. Führer appears, however, to have deciphered a part of t the inscription as he has the following remark about it. "Near the Naharghati, there is a valuable record of Svamibhata, dated Samvat 609, written in characters of the latter Gupta period. Now, though the first part of the remark is quite porrect, there is, 79 trace of a date anywhere to be seen in the inscription, g to ema odt ti oviy tell 1897 [V] sd to mauravin The inscription consists of seven - OWB to Semperit menam verses. The are not The interpunotuation is also not regular, for though the ends of the yeges are verywhere marked by the usual double vertical stroke (danda), the half verses are only pecasionally indicated by curved horizontal stroke which the 40 34 9 2 o que, or two cases has a more complicated form. As to the content of the document, the day to omor ATO CHE UTERO Invokes the blessing of the divine Mothers Verses 2 to 4 contain the pedigree of a certain vambhats whose high qualities are eulogised in verse 5. The next verse states that this hata caused an imperity ahren 110 Prasasta was abode to be constructed for Which the he Deogarh Fort en Bell, Dels92 Tak badatta and, engraved by him, the s adatti Situated. erection is recorded in this epigraph is probably
4104 and T
30
the divine Mothers on the mountain on composed by a certain Jata, the son of Durgga. The botte of the Mothers identical with the niche in which the group of the even mothers and the inscription are angraved unless we are to suppose that the upper part of the tight of stop was origin covered with a roof and did duty as a temple The building of temples for the worship or the divine Mothers appears to have been soution in bent times. One such temple was erected by a certain Mayurakshake, a ministarifarma in the year 480 of the Maleva era, 1.6. the Vikrama erat quarnet te wg for guided doide salon
od 2gratis postimi
Turvy coa
Nothing is known about the donor (Svamibhated) mentioned in this other source. In the inscription he is described as the grandson or ornament of the Solar race and might therefore have been a man of some consequence, at are todaya side to sang gora od catsin ene har god Leg such obou dqxgigs on d bezude flu sead? Bas av buse sood Labremo vidgat 2000 da to be out soode of anker Addal out angiass zodat al o Sand Spares Erode of berrier adta to notgraut aranse sile no topo al A lena MV 6 und 7, dushubh V8, Balint kniptjob saleda so podto asblad aroido ei aid of borister amoitqieni nedto edt an been cala af y lo no enTecji fasitrov owt ha qool eds to gaitaianoo y to mot oiados edt to and tight basolina e ti odgods dan) ang tumour key I.A guriage to AT SETSY at nogen sit set to gainaiged et te fi aldaredo eza aeitiangori owe to go be bus
100
3 Juil
"इति किरयविदारक सतिलकः to aadh d diupar els nov zadev dw to a stondos to gardrob सुचरित पदवीमनुयान्ति bat Hanfiar anglaiadiged odi ai ( .1)
“मान
sihat padron inscription any SAR 18 Borsad domfaké who was an
TERCAL
po 206.q.VI .lobal T YES IV 107 bos: 118 qy do for y amyitni erbak 1 Report on the Antiquities in the District of Lalitpur, Vol. IX.14 The Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in North-Westorg Pequigees QedP Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 74. 08.q yoisel.19 ban 08 1 obi The letter is written below the line. arman of busqgA na so too! vd becibe qarponi Imobel
•

Page #164

ROCK INSCRIPTION OF STAMIBHATA FROM DEOGARH.
|
L.
*
এর বাণসখঠে মুখ। লেখা
(ঘ) মামী বলল ১৭ এর
সময় মাথা দিবো।সংঘের সক।
২০০৫ সােল ৫৪ মিঠবস ঐexter
এখ( সহেলী যশ্রেদী -লেন
H. KRISHNA SASTRI.
SCALE TWO-FIFTHS.
Photo.-engraved & printer by Survey of India, Calcutta. 1994

Page #165


Page #166

DIVX .Jovi No.15.1
ROCK INSCRIPTION OF AVAIBH APA FROM DEOGARH.
227
3 ILI 10 :01 #W avuto @IUBIT ara:[.]
पाये मार्गे . अथेयसीमिया मातीतुत सन्ततिं यस्ततान [..] Igleglede #
### Sha d es o lela sote on -&V BOX STIRROOOH vd kerong 9999 tk rod bil a main teil on dbull na W a
tahind tilidado ti duhet obru ew re m ix T vie
w s van xist added Bo Biot: aldagral od Loisiw si olidaridaderosols y obie stron aufi 20 ** Ibino daw na dak oris es awozdzM890, Vintas dias
on esistentibus stao is afetarabalhal:9956994 Street T
rans vi IS12Mo Rid pensidag staat glue t heir fans or emot for your ons en el ai l1 . vd X sasauro multafordit- of R994 di
id) si bod y wil to 110 1971 bermotor od od uoitinti od) 10 W
i re
UVT NEM
boste trend or 09: 35 idba inarolari ALALUHU Hritid oft niedt bedioami berteiflettentooid isadi va sawol er svodsot home, atrs to eyniddelbart ervali h .be/1970091 90
Ph illind it oude buts yo9tyd bailgate 19do Tatte
149SMA T3 i rog sdt toetustar od toegedig 2074 sou
wearlowed to de 58 Soovee to ito ide rentetanggal
i n en sets ? 085BAV I 1949 sier : TRANSLATION b.
it
e id sa loloddodiach i bebos autori von S
W AT YR O ONID das of Mothere, the mothers of the tuniverse. having their, dwelling egaod yr hond word "haviate produs de fór the preservation of the world be for your vino los ot lierists'i stort arrodon ator' i bocito ki turite arti ish ods Weld T daid Iburg b ila brasiment of the pure race of the thousand-rayed ji 1. (X. 22. There whe Cone) Gomilaka, the-brnament of the pare race of
whaka meritoribus conditis Hofbqualled to this day by righteous mens '184 (V. 3), F9m him wash
(Y3). From him was om keduvadqual to Vishplus-whone eatensive fame was well-known in the world, and who, of firm righteousness, produced progeny wf lofty, teputation which was
iw o dobu firmly established in the primeval path of righteorino) ili w ym (Kalava), ha donated stamtbbeta of great prown, adorned with the handsome ornament of his traditional fatuity plety O bowit
(V., 5). The multitude of whose eminent and countless virdaes - was not obsoured by Kali e virtues which encompassed in the direction by their lamirga and brilliant lustre, which
feand an engga pakige everywherb) andlwhich incope, had early reached over the cities the residents Abode the gues/ just as the rays of the moon are not obocared by the though manifestuotty stitched to herty i row to
b 8 Bhim yokmibhatay who honoured his suppliesnts, desirous as it were of excellel By him (SvAmibhata) who konod: HAPA MSHINN 2901 Store sent gifts, was caused to be madeAdib on this bill, a very costly and indestructible abode of the
noro isc
itto sto Mothers. .%This foremost (pratabtry weig totopoped by: Játh the son of Yakshadatta, and 1.14.20 ind of Diggrof polished intellectu
l a ko to og LAN
the reading witha has been kindly suggestto til bedii reati P517 39.
9 9 &ad to their
fasts 2 sd by Mr. H. Sastri.
* Read af. * After the word fra one or two syllables were first engraved and then scored-out, .1111X LYF [The expression rulet: may near who is clever i erigrarig! RTK

Page #167

128
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
No. 16.-A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA.
BY DAYA RAM SAHNI, RAI BAHADUR, M.A.
The stone slab on which this inscription is engraved, was discovered by Mr. A. C. L. Carlleyle1 in 1875-76 at the Buddhist ruins near Kasia which has since been proved by successive excavations to represent in all probability the ancient site of Kusanagara where Gautama Buddha breathed his last or entered Mahaparinirvana. The exact spot where this discovery was made was on the south side of the door-way of the brick shrine in which the large blackstone image of the Buddha at the moment of his enlightenment, locally known as the Matha Kuar, was originally enshrined. This shrine turns out to be the chapel of a monastery of the 11th or 12th century A.D., and not an independent temple as Mr. Carlleyle presumably imagined. This monastery was excavated by Pt. Hirananda Sastri in 1911 and 1912. As the inscription which forms the subject of this paper, was found in this monument, it seems to me likely that this document recorded its erection. The loss of the latter portion of the inscription to be referred to later on is, therefore, much to be regretted.
The slab is the blue stone of Gays of the same kind as the material of the colossal Bodhi statue, referred to above and must, likewise, have been brought from that District and inscribed and set up in the building where it has been recovered. Mr. Carlleyle had rubbings of this inscription made for Professor Kielhorn from which and certain others supplied by the Curator of the Lucknow Museum, the late Professor published a résumé of the contents of the record in his Epigraphic Notes in Nachrichten von der Königl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen Phil.-historische Klasse 1903, pp. 300 to 303. Professor Kielhorn did not edit any portion of the inscription. The text that I edit below was prepared in 1912 when I was Curator of the Provincial Museum at Lucknow and I believe I have succeeded in deciphering the whole of the record as far as it was decipherable. Besides, a fuller treatment of the inscription was necessary as this is the only record, so far known, of the branch of the Kalachuri family to which it belongs. The condition of the inscription is described in Professor Kielhorn's notes referred to and only salient points may be mentioned here. This slab is 36" wide and 173" high. The existing portion of the inscription contains 24 lines, but evidently some writing is lost at the end of it. The annexed plate will show the amount of damage that has occurred to the document from the peeling off of the surface, rendering illegible large portions of several lines and making other parts almost unreadable except with difficulty from the original stone. The size of letters ranges from " to " exclusive of the vowel marks. The smaller size of " occurs in the lower lines due evidently to considerations of space that was available on the slab when the engraver had reached a certain stage of his task.
The characters are Nagari of the 11th or 12th century A.D. I agree with Professor Kielhorn that both the writer and the engraver have done their work carefully but, even so, a few mistakes have crept in. In 1. 9 we notice Nahusha spelt with gh in place of h. In four cases the anusvara in the body of words is replaced before the sibilants sa and sa by the nasal of one or other of the vargas. These are vansa for varia in 11. 10, 11 and 12 and rajahanet for rajahamsi in 1. 19. Sandhi is everywhere carried out except once in kalpataruḥ trijagat in 1. 19. As is usual in inscriptions of this period, the final consonants are sometimes written small, with a curved stroke beneath them, and the consonant va is written in place of ba. I have used the correct form throughout. The inscription is composed throughout in Saskrit verse with the exception of the invocation of the Buddha in the beginning of 1. 1. The metrical portion contains thirty verses and a few syllables of the 31st verse. Professor Kielhorn has published a list of
14. 8. B. Vol. XVIII, p. 68.
4. 8. R. for 1910-11, Part II, p. 68 and 1011-12, Pt. II, pp. 188 ff.

Page #168

No. 16.]
A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA.
129
the first 29 stanzas indicating the metre of each and the number of the line of the inscription in which each verse ends or would have ended had the document been better preserved. As to the metres of these stanzas, I agree to Professor Kielhorn's list, except in regard to the 28th verse, where he doubtfully makes the metre Vamiastha, though it is more probably Rathoddhata, the space being just enough for 44 syllables and the scheme of the extant last pāda as read by me being that of the Rathoddhata metre.
In respect of its contents the document is divisible into three portions, namely, (1) the invocations of deities (vv. 1-5), (2) the mythical and legendary portion of the genealogy (vv. 6-12), and (3) the historical portion. In connection with verses 4 and 5 it is interesting to observe that the two Nandi verses of the Buddhist drama, the "Nāgānanda ", also invoke the Buddha under the epithets of Jina and Munindra, the appellations in our inscription being Tathagata and Munindra. In connection with the second section, it is to be observed that in v. 8 the marriage of Badha with Ila, the daughter of Mana, is also mentioned though it is overlooked in Prof. Kielhorn's résumé. It is also noteworthy that while the Kahla plate inscription of Sodhadoval of another branch of the Kalachuri dynasty mentions Kpitavirya after Haihaya the Harivarhsa has as many as seven kings between Haihaya and Kritavirya. The names of these seven kings are (1) Dharmanētra, (2) Kartta, (3) Sahañja, (4) Mahishman, (5) Bhadraérēnya, (6) Darddama and (7) Kanaka.
The historical portion of the genealogy begins with v. 13 and embraces the rest of the preserved portion of the document. The founder of the branch of the Kalachuri dynasty represented by the present epigraph was Sankaragana as was Lakshmana-raja of the other branch referred to in the preceding paragraph. My text of the Kasia inscription elucidates two or three obscure points in the summary of Prof. Kielhorn, and furnishes the names of one or two other kings which are omitted by him. In the first place Prof. Kielhorn was doubtful about the relationship of the third king Lakshmana (I) (v. 16) to his predecessor Nannarāja. My reading of the verse clearly makes him a son of Nanna-raja. The same remark applies to the next king Siva-rāja (I) (v. 18) who must bave been a son to Lakshmana (I). Again Prof. Kielhorn's summary makes Rajaputra (v. 20) the son of Bhimata (I) mentioned in v. 19. It now appears that the term rajaputra is only a title of Lakshmana (II) not mentioned in Prof. Kielhorn's notes, who was in all probability the son of Bhimata. The last king (v. 27) mentioned in the extant portion of the record is Bhimāta (II), son of Kanchanā probably the wife of Lakshmanarāja II or of another king whose name may have disappeared in v. 26. It is impossible to ascertain whether the inscription was set up in the time of this prince (Bhimata II) or whether the missing portion contained the names of one or more other princes, Nor is it possible, for the same reason, to say what the object of the inscription was.
The only place mentioned in the epigraph is Saivayas (verse 17) to which Lakshmana resorted after having entered & fort whose name is missing. The verse mentioned above describes it as a mountainous district (fikhari-vishayah) which was the residence of Sibi the son of Usinara. Prof. Kielhorn proposed to identify this locality with Seweya, sitasted a few miles south or south-east of Kasia. I have nothing to say against this suggestion, for the place must have been situated somewhere in the vicinity of Kasia where the inscription has been found, though it must be observed that the village Seweya, which I personally inspected, is situated on perfectly level ground and not in a mountainous region. In an interesting article on the Shorkot inscription of the year 83, Dr. Vogel has discussed the history of the Sibi tribe
1 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VII, pp. 86 seq.
Haridania, Calcutta edition of 1889, adhyaya 38, v. 1845-50.
Saivaya appears to be a mistake for Saivya ( Sini + the safix aya), i.e., the country or city of the sibis (The metre requires such a form which might be nidha.-Ed.]
• Epigrapbia Indica, Vol. XVI, pp. 15-17.

Page #169

130 Alam MOS EPIGRABRIS INDICA ISUHOLAYA [VOL. XVIII
... at sonde length ft According to the Mahabharatay. this tribe lived in the westera toof Indin. Dr. Las consider the Siboi, one of the tribes.subaned by Alexander, the Great, to be identical with the Sibía of the ancient Indian literature and Mr. Smith in his Early History of India "locates them in the Doab of the Hydagpes and Hydratin The inscription referred to above appears to show that the mound at Sharkoty where the record bas been found marks the site of Sibipura which Dr. Vogel believes to have been the capital of the Sibis. It thus becomes evident that the Sibis, were at one time masters of the greater part of Northern India. 201 The name of the king who had this inscription installed is lost in the lower obliterated portion of the record, and we know nothing about him beyond the fact, as we gather from versen 1-5, that though. Buddhist by faith, he revered, along with the Buddha and Tarā, the Brahmaniçal god śiva. This is in keeping with the state of the society, during the period to which the inscription belongs and we are aware of Bali lagēna, king of Bengal, who in the beginning the bin migawes, a Buddhist, but turned Spina, A hir later life. At the Buddhist trine of Sarnath.and pther, ancient sites, Brahmanical images have been found side by side with Buddhistiques, in the shrings of the late, medieval period. Further proof of the reconciliation of Hinduism and Buddhism during this perioda sorded by certain. Mon inscription Burme L'ecording the consentation and dedication 20f69 great regions building pr Palace" the cere; monial lasted a number of days and Brahman astrologers as well as Buddhist monks took part in it. This process of harmonising the two faiths must, however, have begun much earlier syphe attainaalhandda of Harlsha, to which reference been made above represents an Windovtea atent in the direction, for dowell not find in 4 the Bodhisattva Jimatavahana worshipping the Brakmanical gods and father Jimitakda leading the life of an agnihotrin after his retiremenit?
TEXT, ** Metales a vv.17, 15,29 and 30 Sragdharau wi2, 3, 6, 10 and 12 Sardalavikntdita. i 4 Faksastha ; 49: 5, 13, 14, and <17 Mandākrānta w.8, 9, 11, 16, 19, 20, 24, 25 and 27 Vasantatildkét a iv. 18 Sikharini; w 21 to 23 and 26 Arya; , 28 Rathoddhatan] 1) itqu (Drestid * Tartu
AT utu pricepetitfa: ** afan a nistfqafe ario பராமர் A i
mit
pietro . U TRESetela daghigan fantaa . He
m
3111 Vouw 2017 atid nadwagfarrefer the
i s do STOU TO KO to agurround Joviat 2.0 LA R T.
ARTHAFSTELLU E cuatrots fuftuat la figura dut
Lidia Bug 12 tane ****seed #ot b ut ***** FICK H of. The Modern Buddhim and followers Orica by N. A. Yapu Antroduction by Mahamabopa! dhyaya Haraprapas Sastri, . 2. id viitab ox hgregon frouloi
etapiau to ou si Reports of the Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Borms for tho year ending 81st March 1912, PP: 1416, and 1918, pp. 22-23, and Epigraphia Birmanica, Vol. fir, Pt. 11, p.. 7
$1 1 be remembered that Mr. A. C. L. Carlleyle resa ti burgund on wamo BudaXdyha namo Buddhaya bhiksbunēti Professor) Klelborn has shown that what Mr. Carileyle and ad Shikshumë is really yafutin which commencer vervele. Ho hiphself read the first Buddhaya & Rudrága A elose examination of the passage on: the original stone leaves no doubt, howeyer, that it is really ruddhaya, i.e., who has subjected himself. The sub, joined consonant of the second syllable. of the word has decidedly & closed loop like the ddha of Buddhāya (1.1) acd is distinct from dra in chandrama (1. 8), narēndra (1. 19) and haiglad i h (1.27) (The word must be Iudraya as indicated by the first 2 verses in prate of Sansek ]
H ere, we wight restore the words tad pahontana.
The syllable sam is written below the line.
W

Page #170

No. 16.)
A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA,
131
तत्काला(लो)चितचारचाटुघटनापर्यावंडोसत्व[] पौलस्त्योर्जितदोईयो
- -
पाया: सुचिरं तया सतायोलवा पारः ॥[२] मूर्तिधम्ममयी छपारसव चेतो विण्डा धियः मचे मैत्रगुणानुरागसुभगे यान्ताभिनीतो करो । खे]वं समतानुभास[न]
--अधि(वि)यं खां तनं विभाणा भवतां सुखानि बनुतां सारा चि(वि)लोकेश्वरी ॥[*] जयत्वसंजातविचित्रवासना[गुणा]नुरागोच्च(ब्ज्वलधोस्तपोनिधिः । तथागतः स्तम्भितमारसुन्दरमहोत्सव: सिंहगणैर[भि]
[ष्टुतः][187 श्रेयः सत्वी(स्वो)पति]परमिं] पश्यता' येन तत्तस्वप्राणैरप्यतिथि[७] लतं कोर्तितं य[कथा]भिः ] [योगैश्वर्याज्जगति सुबडून स(स)म्वि(वि)धायावतारान् [कति कार[यै]कप [रभवः [सदासो सुन[1]
यहीजं जगतां लयस्थितिविधी यवेक्षमालम्बनं देवो देखनिषूदनः स भगवान्बयापमग्रेिसजत्] । तिना] चिजगबपतरचनाचाराविधीकसा सप्ताचि[प्रमुखाः [प्रजाधिपतयो ध्या[खा]
[स] मुत्पादिता [*] तवात्रिस्त्रीणि दिव्यान्यनत शिवाणीमराणा मव्यापात्म हसान्य(ख)निमिबक्कोडारामतपमा । तहीर्यादायनेवादलनि मदिशो] भाजयोतिरोधः
--विम्माभिवम्बनिरपतनिधिबन्द्रमाः प्रभवतः[] - तमादजायत सुधीः स्मरहमकान्ति
I originally rand these threr Hables as to-taga. I owe the reading in the text to the kindaen of Mr. H. Sastri.
cf. Haritamfa, Calcutta, 1889, Adhyâya 25, v. 1814-16, whore Atari' iphone panenou i dasoribed.
अनुचरंजाम तपो न त महरपुरा। चौषि सामाषि दिव्यागोविनः बन्। बोरिवसतस्थ शिवस्वानिमिवस्य ।
B2

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182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII
9
रिन्दोरनिन्धमहसी यशसानिवासः["]] लोकत्रयेपि बुध इत्यभिगीतनामा [पनी]मिलामयमवाप [म]
[नोखन] जा(जाम्) [-] पासीत्ततोपि जगदगुतरूपकीर्तिराधान्तविस्तृतयथास्तनयस्तपोधि:[1"] येनीवंशी विबुधलीकमपास्य सर्वे रेमे चिरं सह पुरुरवसे समूः [] पायु[स्तस्य सुतस्ततोपि] नधुं()[चारमा]
[बयाति स्वसौ तस्वीवीपतयी यदुप्रकृतयः पचाभववालजाः ।। सूनुचापि यदोः सासद इति स्यातः चितीशीभवत् पैलोक्याचितवा(वंश)विस्तृतिरभूत्तनापुम[संहयः] [॥१.] --u-uuu
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रानन्दितेच भगवान्स बभूव बो (वंशे) । यः कार्तवीर्य इति पुस्खतमाभिधानः एबी प्रयोरपि गुरधिकौर्विनिये ।[११] मदिवस्य पुरा पुराणविधिना वालभू -~---uv-v-uv
लेमतेस्तदेवाधिपे [*] तस्मिबतिमासने बिमपरं चिन्तामयीमप्यसौ तत्कालेखबदापतबविनयप्राप्ति प्रनाखामृगत् ॥[१२] वा(वंश) तस्य प्रथितमासः सम्प्रहत्ते त्रिलोकी ----Uuuuum-u--u---
- शारगण इति ख्यातमूर्तिर्व(ब)भूव • प्रोत: प्रादारख मिर. पुरणिचिसहाय यी [१३] तस्मादुर्थीनिवसनसरिनाथपर्यन्तकोत्तेंदोषापायप्रसभविल[स*]हिखवग्योदयवीः । श्रीमान् बने रवि[रिव]-- ---

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No. 16.]
A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA.
14
- सोपहितवसुधापावनो नवराजः [१४] यसेनासुन्दरीभिर्ववतिलकलतालातीन्यापगा[ना मुख मङ्गलीलासमधिकरमणीयानि पत्या मुखानि । भाजबेचोत्पलानि मितनलिनदलातामलोखाधराf [ण] ----U--uuuuuu
[स]सई वीषितानि [...] तस्वासपबघनकीर्तिलतावितानसंचादिताखिलदिगन्ततनोस्तनूवः । श्रीलालः बपितवैरिबसः प्रतापः 'प्रत्वषविग्रहपरिग्रहवानिवासीत् [...] एक[को]दरमयन[यो] -----------
भिमुखमोतिराविश्व दुर्ग । पचादीयः शिखरिविषयं वयाख्यं स भेजे मासर्वस्वं तदपि हि "मियः खानमौसीनरस्य' [१७] पभूदीयस्तयादवनिवलयसास्व सुययाः .. gatutaoufafan te vu--vuu- [*]
16
[जित] इति कोर[पि] जती प्रतीतः सर्वमिचगति शिवराजः शिव व [१८] तस्वात्मनो नरपतिरभवबुजम्मा बरखोपमागुरुगकनिधिः शितीमः[1"] बीभी[म]ट: सभ[८] - - --
1 The syllable na is written below the line. . The rending of the word pratyaksha has been kindly supplied by Mr. H. Buutri.
* In verse 17, Mr. H. Sestri suggests tikhari-vishayan and girē ia place of filhari-pislam and Sive me originally read by me. The last akshana of the first word is damagad, bat Mr. H. Sastri's reading gives better sense and I have adopted it. There is, however, no doubt as to the correctnew of my own roading of Sibe) (H00 next tootnote).
According to the Haricana, Sibi was one of the five sons of Uhinars of the Paru bracel of the Lanar raco. He was the founder of the Sibl tribe.
उौनरस्थ पल्पनु पञ्च राषिवंशना: ....................
पाहत्या' सब शिविरौशीनरी नृपः
विचेतु शिववक्षात
...... (Harivanda,Adhyiyaan,w.1874-79).

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निर्व्याजमार्जनकलाकुमासि
[श्री][म] च परिषताखि[स] चापयिष्यः ॥ (1) पासीवृपाणयतान्यतिपत्य घेणे
यं राजपुत्र' इति नाम शिवराजस्तव सुतः मिय
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
11
या
तस्यास धर्मपत्नी विश्वपचचया हितच्छाया
भूदेति भूतिभावो मानसमा राजही (हंसी) व (i) [२३] त[मा]
चन्द्रादसङ्गसु
-U
[1 "]
3
--- जगति लक्ष्मणराजदेवः ॥ [२४* ] येनावचितिषु निरक्षपात
निर्भिदेरिरिकृतीविमुः ।
काफले मसविभात्र
मिश्री
—
[कव्यre: ] [] चिजगदभिगीतको बिरेन्द्रचूडामपि ॥[२२]
[कल्पतरुः
गुणप्रसूत (ति) [:] । व सर्व्वार्थकोविदः
( ) [२०*] समभू [त्]
[i]
तपनपुर [विश्वम: ] चि... [u] [२१* ]
S
[n] [re]
U
तस्यामसो नरपतिः प्रचतारिच चूडामणिप्रकरभाखरपादपीठः । श्रीभोमटं विकटपिक [अ] सम्मकीर्ति
ता काचना बाम [२*]
Vv
[VOL. XVIII.
[s] [२५]
[n] [२०]
12121222-211212
Javva[य] कथयन्ति साये [क] [१८* ]
कामः कखदुमायामतुदिनखननमक्रियारोडच
चि[न्तावि] तर
1 Like Professor Kielhorn, I first interpreted this word as the proper name of a king. I accept Mr. H. Sustri's suggestion that rajaputra is here only a title.
I originally read these letters as mat, but Mr. H. Sastri's suggestion that it might be sută, appears to be more plausible.

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No. 16.)
A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA.
133
23
---U
U UUUUU-- - - - - ----U--uuuuuU--u--u-- [] [RE] ---- - Eufera vuu--U--u--
ara HTC] v--u-- - ----U--uuuuuu--U--u-- Vuuuuuu
[][RO] . . . . TITIET .
.
24
.
TRANSLATION Omh! Salutation to the Self-controlled, salutation to the Buddha !
Verse 1. May the eternal vision of Siva, who destroys the threefold' fear of (mundane) existence, protect us or you, the vision) which is subtle and unique, which is luminous after having cat agunder the knot of dense and extensive darkness by the sword of knowledge which is hostile to the assembly of the entire multitude of all the sense-organs; which shines in various superhuman aspects such as the manifest, etc., and which gladdens. ...........
V. 2. May Sankara defend you for a long time, (Sankara) who is engaged in coaxing entreaties befitting the occasion on seeing Pārvati averse (to him) on account of anger through jealousy due to his salutation to Sandhya; (and) who (Sankara) at that very moment obtains the pleasure of a violent embrace (given) by her (Parvati) frightened (by the Kailasa mountain being lifted up) by the two mighty arms of Råvana). 8
V. 3. May Tară, the mistress of the three worlds, extend enjoyments to you, (Tärä) who bears her body (which is beautified) by the law of the Buddha in this way :-(her) form (is) an embodiment of piety; (her) mind (is) replete with the sentiment of mercy; (her) intellect (is) clear; (her) eyes (are) beautiful with love for the merit of friendship (and her) hands are disposed in a peaceful posture.
v 4. Victorious is the Buddha, the ascetic, whose intellect is bright on account of the absence of partiality for the three) qualities and desires of various kinds, who having curbed the triumphant joy of Mara was extolled by the groups of Siddhas. .
7.5. Who, seeing the highest bliss in the welfare of the sentient beings has performed good actions of various kinds for the sake of the needy even at the cost of his own life, which (actions) are eulogised in stories; (and) who, having assumed by (his) power of yoga very many incarnations in the world, was always the sole (repository) of mercy; such is the lord of sages.
V. 6. That God Vishnu (Bhagavan) the Destroyer of Demons, who is the root cause of the worlds and the sole support in the processes of dissolution and maintenance, created Brahman in the beginning. And by him (Brahman) who is the store house of the art of skill in the creation
* See note on the text. Ed.
? In the translation, the word triparuta has been construed with prabhava-bhaya, the three dangers in question being birth, old age and death (cf. Vairagyu-Sataka, verze 7). Or possibly the three miseries Adhyatmika, etc., are meant. The word might, however, equally well be rendered as an adjective to jyotin like fåeatar in the same line.
This episode is frequently & Naded to in the Puranas and other Sanskrit literature. Cf. Situpalatadha, 1, vorse 30.
This is a meno conjectare.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII
of the threefold universe, were quickly created through meditation the seven lords of creation beginning with Atri.
V. 7. Of them (the Prajapatis) Atri, the leader of the learned, practised the penance known as Anuttara for three thousand divine years with winkless eyes, without cessation. Through his prowess, of his (Atri's) noble eye was born the moon, who, a mass of light, lit up the ten directions, whose light is pleasing to the whole universe and who is the repository of nectar.
V. 8. From him, the moon of irreproachable resplendence, was born the wise one, brilliant like pure gold, a store-house of fame, who is celebrated as Budha in all the three worlds. He took for his wife Nã, the daughter of Mana.
V. 9. From him (Budha) again was born) a pious son ; who enjoyed a wondrous fame in the world, whose glory extended up to the limits of the quarters : with whom, Paruravas, Urvast of beautiful eye-brows discarding the entire body of gods lived happily for a long time here on this earth).
V. 10. His (Puräravas's) son was Āyns; from him (Ayus) sprang Nahusha; and from him (Nahusha) the famous Yayati. His (Yayati's) sons were five kings Yadu, eto. And the son of Yadu, too, was the king known as Sahasrada. From him (Sahasrada) again (sprang) Haihaya whose vast dynasty was honoured by the three worlds.
V. 11. In this dynasty gladdened by kings of ............. virtues, there was the fortunate one who had the lacky name of Kārttaviryas and who governed the earth by virtues excelling those of Prithu.
V. 12. During the reign of) that king the same path (was followed) by (all) sentient beings as (was established) by ancient custom for the universe. What more should be said, during the esteemed rule of that (king), he being equipped with a missile took immediate notice of the approach of misconduct in the very thought of his subjects, and checked it at once.
V. 13. In the family of him (Kárttavirya) of extensive glory .... there was Sankaragana of prominent appearance; to whom Purajit (Siva) being pleased instantly granted an emblem of his own.
V. 14. From him (Sankaragana), whose fame (spread) up to the ocean which is a garment of the Earth, sprang the illustrious Nannarāja whose rising power which was honoured by the universe shone intensely on account of the absence of faults like the Sun whose glorious rige worshipped by the universe shines violently at the close of the night, (and) who purifies the Earth of .........
V. 15. Whose (Nannarăja's) forces cast longing eyes on the shores of the Lord of the streams adorned with young tilaka (trees) which are exceedingly beautiful on account of the sport of rising (waves) which resemble eye-brows, which have blue lotuses for bright eyes, petals of whito lotuses for their smile and reddish (ones) for their fickle lower lips; just as damsels behold eagerly the faces of their husbands which are adorned with fresh tilaka marks, which are extremely handsome on account of the sportive and prominent knitting of brows, which have bright eyes like blue lotuses, emiles like petals of white lotages and restle-s lower lips like reddish lotuses. [The subject of the verse iपापगाना पत्या and the object is पापगाना [मुखानि] "The ocean who is the lord of the rivers, saw with surprise the faces of his wives (.e., rivers) (viz., river ouths) adorned etc...,..' by the women in his (i.e., Nannaraja's) forces."Ed.]
Prajapatis were the Maharishis whom Brahman created to assist him in the work of creation. According to the Mama-Smriti, L. 85, these sages were ten in number.
1 The Kahls plate inscription of Sodhadeva referred to above and the Harivanha, v. 1850, give Arjuna as the name of this king who was the son of Kritavirya.

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No. 16.]
A KALACHURI STONE INSCRIPTION FROM KASIA.
137
V. 16. He (Nannarāja), the creeper-canopy of whose unrivalled dense fame had covered the entire body of the quarters, had a son (named) the illustrious Lakshmana (1) who had destroyed the strength of his enemies (and) was, as it were, glory (itself) which had assumed a visible body.
V. 17. . . . . . having, entered a fort. . . . . afterwards that lord (ériLakshmana) resorted to a mountainous district named Saivaya which was the sum total of the universe and the residence of Sibi Ausinara.
V. 18. From him (Lakshmana) was born the famous lord of this wide world named Sivarāja (I) who..... brilliant... ... with (his) prowess resembling the light of the flame created by Aurva3 (Rishi), who was more successful even than Kirtti, and was famous in the whole world like Śiva.
V. 19. The son of that king (Śivaraja) was the Lord of the Earth, the illustrious Bhimața (I) of fortunate birth, the sole repository of the multitude of qualities and all comparisons. ... good warriors,. . . . . a sword dexterous in the art of deceitless destruction (of the wicked)
V. 20...... there was the illustrious Lakshmana (II)5 who had mastered all the feats of bowmanship (and) whom the title, the son of a king, the source of virtues, befitted more appropriately than hundreds of (other) princes.
V. 21. His (Lakshana's) son was Sivaraja (II) (who) was conversant with all topics, like Śiva who. . . . . . confusion in the circle of (his) enemies.
V. 22.
... there was born the crest-jewel of kings, whose fame was sung in the three worlds, who was the desire-granting-tree of.
V. 23. That prosperous king had a heart-captivating wife named Bhüda of noble descent on both sides, whose patronage was beneficial (or who had a clear complexion) like a female goose going to the Manasa lake and casting the shadow of both her white wings.
V. 24. From him? (Bhuda's husband) was born Lakshmaṇarājadēva (III).... in the
world.
V. 25. By whom (Lakshmaṇarājadēva). . . . . . . . with pearls dropped from the broad temples of the elephants of the enemies split asunder by hard strokes of the sword on the battle field, (pearls) which are mixed with tears resembling the trickling saffron.
V. 26... named Kanchana, the daughter of....
V. 27. On her (Kanchana), that king (Lakshmanarajadēva) whose footstool was illumined by the multitude of the crest-jewels of the circle of prostrating enemies, begot the illustrious Bhimata II who had earned fame by his fierce prowess.
1 Prof. Kielhorn was doubtful about the relationship of Lakshmana to Nannarāja.
2 Here, too, Prof. Kielhorn's query about this king being the son of Lakshmana should be deleted.
Aurva was a descendant of Bhrigu. Karttavirya intent on destroy: g the descendants of Bhrigu destroyed the children even in the wombs of the women of that family. One of these women secreted her embryo in her thigh. Hence the child that was born was called Aurva. At the very sight of him, the sons of Karttavirya were struck with blindness and his wrath produced a flame which threatened to destroy the whole world.
The reading of this passage is almost certain, but who the Kirtti was, that is referred to here, cannot be ascertained.
This name is not noticed by Prof. Kielhorn.
• The name of the king in this verse has disappeared in the missing portion of the stanza.
1 Prof. Kielhorn's summary here reads "her son Lakshmanaraja (II)". The first word of the stanza is, however, most probably tasmät.
This lady would appear to have been the wife of Lakshmanarajadēva (III) mentioned in v. 24.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII
No. 17.--SRIRANGAM COPPER-PLATES OF DEVARAYA II; SAKA-SAMVAT 1356. By S. V. VISWANATHAN, M.A., MANNARGUDI, AND THE LATE MR. T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.,
TRIVANDRUM. This is another set of copper-plates of the Vijayanagara king Dévaraya II in the possession of the authorities of the Sri-Ranganātha temple at Srirangam (see above, Vol. XVII, No. 8). It was examined by the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras, in his Ep. Rep. for 1906, and noted as No. 19 of App. A. We edit the inscription below from inked estampages kindly supplied by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. The description of the plates as noted on his office copy runs as follows: "Three plates in a ring in the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam." The following further details may be added :
The inscription is written on three copper-plates with a ring hole at the top. The first and third plates are engraved only on their inner sides. They measure 11:3' in length including the arch at the top, and 7" in breadth. The hole has a diameter of .75". The first and second plates are numbered at the left hand top corner with the Kannada numerals 1 and 2 and the word puta in Någart; the third plate bears the Kannada numeral 3 just below the ring hole. The rims of the plates are slightly raised. The writing runs across the breadth of the plates, is legible and devoid of any erasures. The average height of a letter is 25". The inscription is in the Nandi-Nagari characters. But the signature Sri-Virupaksha at the end is in Kannada. The Tamil letters and have been used in lines 51, 58, 65, the latter being sometimes expressed by a rēpha marked above the letter ra (e.g., in 11. 50, 51, 53). The languages employed are Sanskrit which is largely the language of the inscription and Tamil (Dēšabhäsha) which is used in describing the details of the property granted. The latter is here and there interspersed with a few Kannada words.
The orthographical peculiarities to notice in this inscription are:-the insertion of an anusvāra before and and the labial m, e.g., punnya for punya (11.4 and 12), sdimrājya for sämrājya (1. 20) and hirannya for hiranya (1. 66); the doubling of consonant after an anusvāra, as in bhrāntta (1. 30), intta for inda (1. 47), manchchal (1. 49); and the omission of the visarga or the consequent doubling of: in chatuslma (1. 88) and praptai sarvair and ayai samanvitam (1. 44). The genealogy of the first Vijayanagara dynasty, given in the inscription, runs thus :
Sangama. Bukka (I).
Harihara (II). Dēvarāja (or Dåvarāya) I..
Vijayariya. Dėvariya Mabărăja II.
1 Originally, it appears as if only two villages were granted by these three plates, but after reconsideration the number of villago. was changed to five and a revised second plata was added without, however, destroying the original second plate for which this was substituted. Thus there are now four plates in the set, the second of which has to be deleted inasmuch as the revised fresh plate hai to take its place. Care was taken to begin the revised second plate with the same word w in the old plate and and it similarly with the same word. as in the old one, so that the pawne might fit in with the contert of the Art and the third plates, though in the middle fow more worses in prime of Dénariys II and some knee regarding the additional villages were added. The odd plate which Mr. Venkayys noted under . Bemarlo in his Ep. Rap. for 1906, App. A., No. 20, was perhaps the original second plate.

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No. 17.)
BRIRANGAM PLATES OF DEVARAYA II.
139
The date of the grant is expressed by the chronogram rasëshurdmachandra=1356 of the Saks era which corresponded to the cyclic year Ananda, the Paurnimi day of Vaisakha. On this day and on the occasion of the Handduaratha-mahādāna, the king granted the five villages of Kulamāņikyanallar alias Nācohikrurohohi, Tiruvaranganallür, Räma. nirayananallur, Kumărakkudi, and Rajanārāyananallfir, These villages were situated in Chöla-mandala and in the Trisirappalli-rajya. The first three villages were on the southern bank of the river Kāvēri, in Rajagambhira-valanāļu. The last two villages were on the northern bank of the Kāvērl,-Kumarakkudi being situated in the western half of Mala-nadu and Rajan rynnanallar being in the eastern half of the same division. Thus the villages given lay on either bank of the Kāvērt. Of these places, Nāchchikurchchi is the village Nachohikkurichi in the Trichinopoly Taluk. The donee was Valiyadimaini layitta-Perumal-Uttamanambi, son of Uttamanambi, who belonged to the Kāśyapa-gotra Rik-sakha and the Asyalāyana-sutra. He was the sthanapati of the Srirangam temple and the above said villages were evidently granted to him for oonducting the daily worship of the god Sriranganātha.
A large number of taxes and incomes acorning from the villages are enumerated in the inscription such as those on nañjai (wet-land), pufjai (dry-land), kamuku (areca grove), karnnu, vaippu (Margo-a), tennamaram (coconut trees), kolundu, valai (plantain trees), karumbu (sugarcane), mañjal (turmeric), Aji (ginger), Serikalunir (flower) and other vän-payir (minor cultivation); vasal-vari, pör-kadamai, tari-kkadamai (tax on looms), mara-kka damai (tax on trees), fekku-ka damai (tax on oil mills), māvadai, maravadai, kulavadai, idatoras, pulvari, mandai-kandörram, olugu-nir-pattam, ullāyam, vil-param, maghamas, mallayi-maghamai, ina-vari, nattu-kanikkai, kaddayam, kirukula-vitesham, arabupēru, nallerudu (good bull), nal-kida (good sheep), nal-pasu (good cow), palatali, arisi-kanam, talaiyārikkam, madarikkai, rdyasavarttanai, avasaravarttanni, katfigevarttanai, karanike, jodi, nirūpivari (water tax), nattukanakkuvari akkasa levari, ala manji, aligam (servioe), etc.
The above list includes taxes and customary dues levied in ancient times. We have not the means of knowing the proportion of the taxes to the prodaoe, the right incidence of taxation, etc. It is elear, however, that no produce from the land or any other property was left antaxed. The various kinds of proceeds from the villages, as enumerated in our record, disclose how carefully municipal taxes were levied in South India under Vijayanagara kings. The incomes granted to the donee included vari (revende taxes), magamai and surika (tolls).
The donee Valiyadimainilayita-Peruma!- Uttamanambi who, under the name Uttamanambi, has been already referred to in the Srirangam Plates of Harihararāya-Udaiyar III (above, Vol. XVI, page 223), is said in the Köyilolugu-the temple history of Srirangam in Tamil-to have made some additions and repairs to the Ranganitha temple. The same work also refers to him by the names Maynilaiyitfa-Uttamanambi and Ellainilaiyitta-Uttamanambi. Two other relations of his who, like himself, had been the managers of the temple were Periyakrishnar yaUttamanambi and Tirumalain tha-Ulamanambi. The Lakshmikavya, a Banskrit poem written by the latter, gives the genealogy of the family as under :
In the Kábyapa-gðtra.
Chakrasiya
Uttamariya (posnesed royal insignia and managed the Rangwobba
temple)
Timnanarys
(became & sangasin)
Uttama-Chakrariya
m. Lakshmi
Krisbņa
Rama
Tirumaläabiha
Kidalánravala-Nayipar

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XVIII.
In the above pedigree, Uttamarāya the brother of Chakrarāya must be identical with the dinee of our grant. According to the Köyilolugu,l he set up an image of Garuda in front of the central shrine of Ranganatha in Saka 1387 and replaced the image of Rāma, which was originally installed by Vikrama-Chola bat which was destroyed by the Musalmans. It is also stated that he obtained from Gajavēttai Pratāpa-Dēvarāyamabārāya for himself the sole management of the Ranganātha temple, and the title Chakrurāya for his brother and that he was in power from Saka 1340 to 1366.
The inscription states that the verses were composed by Rājasē hara. We do not find mention of the name of Rājasēkbars in any of the hitherto known grants of the first Vijayanagara dynasty. We find that some inscriptions of the time of Devarāya II were engraved by one Muddappa.
TEXT.
[Metres : v. 1 and 2, 4 to 36, 43 to 46 and 48 Anushfubh; vv. 3, 37 and 42 Sardalarikridita ; vy. 38 and 47 Salini ; vv. 39, 40 and 41 Arya-Gui.]
First Plate. 1 श्रोगणाधिपतये नमः । कल्याणायास्तु जगतां कारुण्यं कलभा2 ननं । अनादियुनोः शिवयोरानंदाइतकंदि][१] स पायात्म3 ततं मायावराहो वदनेन यः । जगदात्मा जलनिधनगतीमु. 4 ददौधरत् [२] कावेरी दयाभिरामपुगिने (पु)स्थे जगन्मंग(के) चं. 6 द्रांभोजवतीतटीपरिसरे धात्रा सम[*]राधिते । श्रीरंगे भु[*]गें6 द्रभोगशयने लक्ष्मीमहीसेविते शेते य: पुरुषोत्तमः स भ7 गवानरायणः पातु वः ।। *] नमस्तुंगशिरघुबिचंद्रचामरच[*]र8• वै । वैलोक्यनगरारंभमू[*]स्तंभाय शंभवे ।। *] पस्ति क्षीराणवी नाम 9 विदशायुष्यकारखं । उत्तंसोपवनं शभोश ध्या(शा)तप्रभवी ह. 10 रे: । ५*] ततीजनि' सुधासूतिश्स(स्म)हायः पुष्पधन्वनः । मुरारामनयनं 11 मूल्तरमापते: ।। "] सत्सूनोः सौम्यतो जाता बाहुजा बाहुश12 लिनः । पुरूरव:प्रमृतयः (पुण्यश्लोकपुरस्मरा' ।। ७*] तत्कुले सत्कु18 लनिधिर्यदुर्नाम तृपोजनि । तइंशे संगमो जने संगमस्म14 संपदा [ ८*] तत्सुतो बुलभूपो भूत् शौर्यधैर्यनिवासभूः । महारा
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XL., P. 141 it. .. From ink-impressions supplied by M. R. By. Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. • Read °बाबा.
fa of offer is inserted above the line a: is a correction from fa:.
• has in addition the consonantai sign ot र. • 1 is inserted below the line.
'भू is corrected from भी Read भको .

Page #180

No. 17.]
SRIRANGAM PLATES OF DEVARAYA II.
15 जो हरिहरस्तत्सूनुरशिषन्महीं ।। *] देवराजोभवत्तस्य नंदनः 16 साधुनंदन | दोईंडखंडितारतिमंडल खंडविक्रमः । [ १०* ] ततो वि 17 जयराजोभूत्सर्वविद्यासुधबुधिः । निजान्नामानि जग
18 द्रच्चाविचचणः । [ ११ ] स्वतसुलभ सौरभ्य सारस्वत सरखतः । त19 स्व ऋष्यंति सुधियः सुधानिधंदया गिरा ।। १२* ] तदात्मजो देवराय20 महाराजः प्रतापवान् । सत्वसाधित सर्वोर्वोसां (सा) याज्यः संप्रका21 शते ।[। १२*] कूर्मेण कुंडलीद्रेण कुंजरेच कुलाचले । दुर्वहां यो महीं 22 धत्ते केयूरमकरोमिव ॥ [ १४* ] दारितारातिभूपालदुवैसाविस्र23 गधिनी' । यस्य खड़लता सूते सुरभिं कीर्त्तिमंजरीं । [ १५* ] यस्य को
24 र्त्तिमये दुग्धपारावारे प्रसर्पति । स्फुरंति बुडुदाकारा [: *] स्फा
25 रा ब्रह्मांड कोटयः । [ ।
20 कर्णताळसमीरण यस्य 27 गाढाघातोदितध्वनिः । यद्रि[](ण) -
१५*] दिग्गजा येन संहृष्टां [: *] सर्वामालंघनोन्मुखीं ।
141
Second Plate; First Side.
कीर्तिमवोजयन् ।। १७* ] यस्यासि: मनुकोटीरभाति स्वर्योषितामेष तवेत्युपोषयंनि ( यचिव । [ १६ ]
28 खखरंक्षुस्यै रजोभिरक्षणं नभः ।
विभाति वीरश्रीमुक्तः क्रीडार्थैरिव कुं29 कुमैः । [ १८* ] यस्य कीर्त्यावदातेषु भुवनेषु महौजसः । अनीलं जायते 30 सद्यस्थि (बि) तद्दिषतां यशः । [ २०*] यस्य प्रतापसूर्यांशसंतप्ता भ्रांता (त) दि31 तटाः । भूयोपि वैरिभूपाला [ यच्छ] छवं मन्यते गतिं । [ २१* ] यत्कीर्तिघनसा32 रस्य॒ ब्रह्मांडं तु करां (रं) डकं । यदीयमुखलावं (व) व्यबिंदुरिंदोष मं[७] - 38 लं । [ २२*] यस्थातपत्रचंद्रेण भाति नक्षत्रमंडलं । मध्ये ख[चि*]तमाचेंद्र34 नीलोपलकळंकिना । [ २३* ] यत्करांभोजमासाद्य त्यागलंच्प्रोगरोय[सौ] [["] 35 पशदारुशिलासंगपरिवादं विमुंचति । [ २४ ] विसिरामशिराज्ये36 स्मिन् कावेर्या दक्षिणे तटे । राजगंभीरवळनाडंतरे चोळमं
37 डले । [ २५ ] कुलमाथिकानशूराननाश्चिकुर्थिपशिका । सप्तसप्ततिवे[स्य]38 [] वेलिनं चैवान्विता ।[1 24*] सिह साध्यभुवा सार्धं चतुसी (मी)मासमन्विता । तिरुव
39 रंगनशर्च चतुष्कीमासमन्वितं । [ २७* ] रामनारायणनचूर् चतुति (सी)मा40 समन्वितं । [एतड्रा ] मत्रयं चात्र कावेर्या उत्तरे तटे । [ २८ ] मकनाडंतरे पू[र्वा ] -
• Road बावर.
1 There is an extra length-sign for T.
Rend गम्बिनी.
* सुवा] and are entered below the line, their omission being denoted by nstorisks.

Page #181

142
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII,
41 परयोः खंडयोयी: [1] कुमारबुडीति पश्येका पथिमे खंडके तत: [१८] पक्षि
चतुखी
42 राजनारायणनशूर पक्षी च पूर्वक [] एतङ्ग्रामदयं शा (चा) व 48 मासमन्वितं । [१] तटवीषभवीतत्कावेर्या ग्रामपंचकं [ 1"] प्राप्त44 स्त्री (सी) मान्वितं प्राप्त स ( स ) वैरायै स ( स ) मन्वितं । " आयानां नामधेयानि
लिख्यते
45 देशभाषया । [३१ * ] पाककुटय विवर 1 उभयमार्ग पोरंपाक'
कुज (क)मा
46 चिक्ानशूरान नाचिकुर्सि
तिरुवरंगनशूर रामनारायण -
चेतुं मंचे (जे)
47 नहूर कुमारकु (कु) डिपनि राजमारायणनहूर् इंत (द) पथ (शु)' জ[कुं]48 पुंजी (जे) कमुकु करवी वेष्षु तेनमरं कीकुंडु वाले करंबु 49 मंचल' | इंचि' । शेंकेलुनीर्' 50 रि पेरकडमै तरि (रि) क (क) डमे । 51 रखडे (डे) कुळवडे (डे) 52 कु[क] नीरुपा" उकार्य
उपह पल वां (वा) न्पयिर्कड मई वाशलवमरक (क्क) डमै । चेक (कु) कडमै । मावडे मकं इडतोरें पुरुषरि मंदैकंडे (डे) "श्री - विषयं मघमे महामघमे" ।
Second Plate; Second Side.
53 इनवर " ना काणिके (कै) । 54 लेरुदु । नकिडा । नल्पशु 55 रिशिकाएं तले (यारिकं (हं)
is entered below the line.
qis inserted below the line.
is entered below the line. In the original second plate of the duplicate inscription-not published herethe passage after चतुरसीमासनम्बितं of line 89, begins with एतनामचर्य, and continues with the word प्राप्तेष्टर्वैरायैसमन्वितं as in 1. 44, thus omitting 11.39-44
कडायं किर्दकुळविसे (शे) षं परशुपेर्स्" नपलत कि । अरिशिकाणं विरिञ्जु " - मादारिके(३) राय सवर्तन (ने अवसर [ब]। -
।
• पोरं पाक is probably porambolke' waste land'.
r'a ring is what we find in the original second plate.
• Read बाळे.
[1] Eand मखळ
• चि is inserted below the line. Rend भूमि.
• Read शाळुमीर्
10 Read कडमे ं.
11 After trah is seen in the original.
12 Read ओळुगुनौर्पाह
30. Betwoon महार मधे मे and at the end of line 62 the original second plate has ड कडेमाथि
14
is inserted above the line.
is inserted below the live.
For fat we have fafcy in the original duplicate copy of the second plate.

Page #182

H. KRISHNA SASTRI
i.
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iia992
HALF SIZE
KalGuोतमा कल्याणयावरूगल कागकतनी ननानारियनरावया पानाहतकावलासपाटारमा
माया वावरायगडामाजलानामागतम राजाकावेजमातिवामपलिन वापसगागलय डानमवतीतटीपनियावासमवायतायाजशनमा उतरायलमामी सेवितरोतापत्रम.सन गवान नाम:
पानमसाराबवामगबन वाला कानगपातमसंततिवमानतामा वीनामा
यषाकाउनसोपवनरोत्तालयांततवार हात तामसवासनिसहाय कायनुनामवीवमिनयन मनाममा वातानसनोसाम्प्रतीकाता बारमाबाहरा लिन।937वापतमापावापानमा मतदलसावा 12 लामयियादिनामनामनात इरोतामाझसगमरमहा संपतिसतो बकपनिनसीपयशानवासमा TOK सनरान्महातपातसातरना। सायनंदना र पाडता पानिमाडलाँडविकमाततावित यसवावासीबायानकाकामा नानकटग साविवसुलतमा लास वस्त्र समरखता18 SAND: स्थानिषारयागजातदानमो देवमाया HKIJIYतापवाना साधासाघीसामऊलका
m3131सकलावतारवयामा यो यसभिवातामाताजातरवसाविस JIOनामसारलता समातकानबाटासा की। (मावासमतबसाका मासा शाब के र
सरशासवासालवनोन्मारक
28TRAI कीमतीकयनाचसा:कोटी20
जादाबातोदितानातातिसभ तामेषत पहजनवादी रिपोतिनताविताना सोम कैकाडा धावा
मेटसा की माया नवनषमसामनालसाता 30 सतरवत EKTIयस्तावसुधारासतनाव बराह 30 कानयालिपालामन्चनजानायकातायतस स्जदोड13मरमरपलानाबरवदारखा नामसातपETIनातिनावमाउलामारपतमाही नालापलका लकि नायक नाता तमासा अत्याजलोजगायला
परालासंग विवातावासमामा। 36रिमतकावयालगावलनाउनबोलना
उसलमान पान नाजिवलकासप्रसप्रतिमेला पवेलिन वे तत्लान्ति मानिसाना बनसामास मात्र मानिसका
जनववतसोमासमनिताना मनाचा मानवतातमा । 40 समानामबावेमा उत्रतटेनन नाइन0
पारडयोहयो कमा पातपलोकारिखमेरपंडके तानाता तिला नीवडामहाररावतली 42 नासमन्धित तट यो तयानजतका वनामकाज सामाना सवाल मचामानौना मधोयानिलिरते। देखनाममा नायकातरयचिव ऊतयमार्गाचवा मामाजमा। m कानल माननानक तिवगनलमा मनापासा बलममा पालगना चाहमानलाइतमबरन न मक का मतलकानीलकाबा 48 म झलकलना- लपपलवालिक डमईवाराल विपे 3 मेगा 3 नाम का भावना काड मे मा वडा नवडे कुलवडे सकोस्वत माटो मनोज बाला विलमा माय मा मलाइल 52
Srirangam Plates of Devaraya 11 : Vikrama Samvat 1356.
WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH

Page #183

is.
39
१८४
54
Marमामा डाकिकालावसषमतन
रानाल डानलपरालवालासावारावास चराकानलेमामा दानिक पायसवतनावसना 58ति। कहियो वनिक के जाउ नानावना का
56 संगसाले वावमालमधिलगाउलमा इनमगन्तवा aafiq५वनियनिलेपलाजामसागामिला उसासांगामियी नागरिमनोगत ऊसाम्यकत्स Kaसबमानामा माहारासायिक मालिसा मानवाविah तारखेपनामा डेरा के वानरचलवाजमा स्पा वसारमा मासा महा राजकालारवगा जामताबापतकाराजपान्नटामन्मनासारखा लाटा नसतास तेरवेरना नमनाला किसान तेवरियाडमनिलमिट पे 3 मालामतबले नशिराबासमारताह Enानकायपला वनसतनाबान्धात्य नानिमा
करता मनपरभवोमारावाला का बाराबता काविया नाविकारानवसार साहित्यानमालकावितमरवारपलन की लापरवा मतितास्वनिकिनियासबा वकालमरमा सामसतियनपति:सात रोवतालपादेवाप्रति70 ताडीमातेसाबासा मामालनीमा मानवतापवगीतवता ना चाहिने विजयामतीइतनयपडितराइडर्मलाज तिन वनतम मैलिका रचनायनवालामलतता
बगामातस्मा का वनवालात उत्तमन बीज बराकारणवानुयाजाश्रमसिलमाऊरातकाच मागतमा मायादेवनायनापनेसासनमवाना तलमालिकानसावाससोविजयाताउतनमानुलाकाता म कानविन बचतवनस्फुत्वितापायामाचा घाममा मवनसमतोमानवालावलीत्वामानारवराचवे।
P
A GH7वजनतालावे 80 जामतकका नावराटन मान2 MAHRAIजानततर त लवाय-ययनकाजल 4 Imवपाटोला विमाडापालनया मया डाबानुमान महायानपाना 8
SATISTIोटमननजामकालकालना 8837नाविनापाबडाया
नटाया 25-लदा कानाराम 904 मनानासमतावालातूउगना तारक
म.15( महा नानानामहरमा सनायामहा नायासतलापता

Page #184

No. 17. J
SRIRANGAM PLATES OF DEVARAYA II.
56 [] ( ) । कहिगेवर्तने करणिके जोडि । मोराणिवरि । माहुकचकु[च] - 57रि । 'अंगसालेवरि । आाळमंजि । खकिगं । डल्प (म्प) ङ । इंनं मुंगेपिर्रकुं (कुं) [पु]
08 तुवरि । प वरि निधिनिचेपजलपाषाण अक्षीणिभागामिसि
59 इसाध्यंगकुं आगामि गोभूहिरण्य [r* ] दिषष्टभोगतेजस्वाम्यंकळ स
60 fear | सर्वमान्यमाक | पाचंद्रार्कस्थायि चाक । प्राचंद्रार्कस्थिरं सर्व61 मान्यं बाधाविवर्जित (तं) । रसेषुरामचंद्रेन्दे शके चानंदवरे । पौर्न (र्ण) मा62 स्यां तु वैशाख्यां हेमाश्वरथसंज्ञिके ॥[२२* ] पुष्ये महादानकाले (1) देवरा63 यो महोपतिः । श्रीरंगस्थानपतये (1) काश्यपान्वयजन्मने । [३३* ] पाव
64 लायनसुखाय सते
65 ने । [ ३४* ]
व'
समायुक्तं हि
148
रु (ऋग्वेदं (द) वेदिने । उत्तममंत्रिपुत्राय भग[व* ]क्तिशालि - यडिमे (मै) निलयिडपे (रु) माकुडत्तमनं बिबे [*] भक्तिश्रवा
66 (1) ण्योदकपूर्वकं । एकाधिपत्या' मेव त्वमेतद्भुदेवेति दत्ता वान् । [३५*] राजन्य मौकिमा
67 णिक्यनीराजितपदांबुज:
। देवराजो महीपालो नीयादाचंद्रतारकं । [ ३५*]
विद्या
68 [नां] निरुपाधिको भु (भ) वनं
साहित्यसौहित्यभूर्ल क्ष्मीविभ्रमदर्पणोखिल '
69 कलापूरस्य वाररांनिधिः । सौंदर्यस्य निजांक (ग) णं वितरणे संचारिकल्पद्रुमः (1) 70 श्रीम[1*] संप्रति देवरायनृपतिः सर्वोत्तरो वर्द्धतां । [ ३७* ] लध्वा पुवं देवराग्रक्षि
71 तोंद्रो भुंजानोसौ प्राज्यसां (सा) बान्यलच्झीं । चाकल्पांत (तं) रचताद्दिप्रवर्गानेवंभू - .72 तैरग्रहारो ( रा ) दिदाने [ : ] |[|२८* ] विजयच्चितद्रतनयं खंडितदोदंडमंडलारा
73 तिं । अनवरत मिंदुमौकिख्याच्छ्रीदेवरायनरपालं । [ ३८* ] अलभत 74 पंचग्रामानस्माच्छ्रीदेवरायनरपालात् । उत्तमनंबी रंग
76 वेशः काश्यपान्वयाश्चार्क: ।[180"] इदमखिल राजशेखरम [धु]कर []
76 कारगीतमा हाम । श्रीदेवरायनृपते [: *] शासनमवनि
1 Road [वरि
2 Read 'grafe as in the original of second plate in the duplicate copy.
The original reads pala.
The original reads tali.
5 Read ऐकाधिपत्य 4 in the original of the second plate in the duplicate copy and भुजेति.
• Read म.
1 A letter was here wrongly entered and erased.
T
Read
• Bond महात्म्यम्

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-
=
77 तलपारिजातस्य ।[1४१.] भूखत्रीविजयचितींद्रतनयी भूलोकचिंता78 मणि: पुष्चकोर्तिविभूषितविभुवनस्फूर्जप्रतापोदयः । पाच79 द्वामिमामवं(व)वसुमतीमाचक्रवाळाचला श्रीमानाहतभाववो
Third Plate. 80 विजयते श्रीदेवरायो वृपः । [...] एकैव भगिनी लोके स81 वेषामेव भूभुजंजा [*] न भोग्या न करपात्रा [विप्रद 82 ता वसुंधरा ॥ [१] ग्व(ख)दत्तारि(द्विगुणं पुस्खं परदत्तानुपा83 लनं [1] 'परदत्तापहारण खदत्तं निष्फलं भवेत् ॥ [.४.] स्व[६]84 तां परदत्ता वा यो परत वसु(मुं)धरी । षष्टिवर्षसह
साणि विष्टायां जायते क्रिमिः ४५.] दानपालनया(यो)मध्ये
दाना(छ)योनुपालनं । दानात्वर्गमवाप्रोति पालना87 दच्य[तं] · पदं ॥ [४] सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुं वृपाणां काले काले पा88 लनीयो भवद्भिः । सर्वामिता भाविनः पार्थिवेद्रा भूयो 89 भूयो याचते रामचंद्र[:*] ॥ [४७]- पलसाकलसका(च्छा)यमंगो90 कतमनोभवं । जा(अमृतांशुकळाचूडमव्यात्त्वां शंकर 91 महः [४८"] इति तेने(न) महाराजेन दत्तमिदं धर्मशा92 सनं । अत्र च तस्य महाराजस्य स्वहस्तलिखितं ।93 श्रीविरूप(पा)क्ष
Abstract of Contents. V. 1. Adoration to the Elephant-faced god (Ganesa). V. 2. Adoration to the Boar avatāra (of Vishnu).
V. 3. May God Nārāyana, who is pleased to recline on (the serpent) Sasha in (the island of) Sriranga, on the bank of the tank Chandrapushkariņi in the sands of the Kāvēri adored by Brahmā, and who is attended by the Goddesses Lakshmi and the Bha (Earth), protect you.
V. 4. Adoration to Sambhu.
Vy. 5-8. Describes the descent of the family, as usual, from the Moon throngh Purüravas and Yadu to Samgama, the first historical king of the dynasty.
Vv.9-12. Samgama was succeeded by his son Bukka and Bukka by his son Harihara who was succeeded by his son Dēvardja. Vijayaraja succeeded Dévardya I.
V. 13. His son, the valiant Dēvaraya-Mahārāja shines in splendor as sovereign having conquered the whole world by bis valour.
1 Vomes 39, 40 and 41 are omitted in the original second plate of the duplicate copy. - Read धर्मसेतुर्म.
Read नेताम्मा'.
Read'द्राग्भू It is doubtful if the new sentences preceding the sign mamu.l of the king form A verse. • In Telupn-Kannada characters

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V. 14. He held in his arm, as a bracelet, the earth, which could not be supported even by the primeval Tortoise, the Serpent Lord, the Mountains and the Elephants.
[Vv. 15-24 describe his exploits and fame, which spread to all the eight quarters of the globe, his beauty and his charity.]
SRIRANGAM PLATES OF DEVARAYA II.
145
Vv. 25-31. The king granted the three villages of Kulamanikyanallur alias Nachchikrurchchi, comprising 77 velis (of dry land ?) and vēli of nañjai (wet land), Tiruvaramganallur and Ramanarayaṇanallur, all situated on the southern bank of the Kāvēri, in Rajaga mbhira-valanaḍu of Chōla-maṇḍala, and the Trisirappalli-rajya together with the new villages of Kumārakkuḍi and Rājanārāyaṇanallur, situated respectively in the western and eastern divisions of Mala-naḍu, on the northern bank of the Kāvēri.
[Ll. 45 to 49, enumerate in the deśabhisha (i.e. Tamil) the taxes and incomes due from the villages granted to the donee.]
Vv. 32-35. The grant was issued in the Saka year counted by the numerical words rasa (6), ishu (5), Rama (3), and Chandra (1) (i.e., 1358), corresponding to the cyclic year Ananda. On the full moon day of the month of Vaisakha, king Devaraya, at the time of making the celebrated mahādāna gift called Hemavaratha, to Valiyadimai-nilayiṭṭal-Perumāļ Uttamanambi, son of Uttamanambi, the sthanapati of the Srirangam temple who belonged to the Kasyapa-gōtra, the Asvalayana-sutra and the Rig-Vēda.
[Vv. 36-42 contain the praises of Dēvarāja (or Dēvaraya) and a prayer for his long life and increased prosperity and mention the name of the composer Rajasekhara.
[Vv. 43-47. The usual admonitory verses.]
[V. 48. Benediction (by the donee).]
Ll. 91 to 93. Thus was the grant given and signed by the king with his own hand (as) Sri-Virupa-(pa)ksha.
No. 18. THE VAYALUR PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMHA N.
BY H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A., RAO BAHADUR, OOTACAMUND.
Vayalur is a small village on the north bank of the river Pålar at its mouth and is situated three miles south of the historic town of Sadras once the chief seat of the powerful Dutch Factory and 22 miles south-east by south of Chingleput on the South-Indian Railway. The village is also reached direct from Madras by the Buckingham Canal and would then be 43 miles due south of it, past Mahabalipuram, the famous "Seven Pagodas" of Pallava antiquities.
The Śiva temple of Vyaghrapurisvara at Vayalür was first examined by the Epigraphical Department, Madras, in 1908 and its lithic records were then completely secured. The earliest of these, from the paleographical and historical points of view, is No. 368 of 1908 which is published for the first time below with a facsimile plate. The other records of Vayalar, which are not quite so interesting as the present one, range in date from the 10th to the 16th Century A.D. and mention the village by its surname Jananathanallur; and the god of the temple also is therein called Tiruppilavayil-uḍaiya-Nayapar, i.e., 'the lord of Tiruppilavayil,' thus supplying the proper name Tiruppilavayil or Tiruppilavayal, i.e., 'the mouth of the sacred cave' of which
1 The meaning of this Tamil attribute is he who established his title as the hereditary servant (of Ranganatha)' and corresponds to the Sanskrit Vamfa-krama-mula-bhritya which occurs in the Lakshmi-Käoy a referred to above.
2 These are registered as Nos. 362 to 368 in Appendix B to the Epigraphical Report for 1909, p. 39 f. From impressions prepared by myself with the help of my friends Messrs. Venkoba Rae and Srinivasa Rao
T

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evidently the present name Vayalür is a relic. The current name Vyaghrapurlévara, i.e., 'the lord of Vyaghrapuri,' is a Sanskrit translation from Pilavayal which was somehow connected by mistaken analogy with Palivayal.
The importance of the record under publication was first brought to notice in my Annual Report on Epigraphy (Madras) for 1908-9, Part II, paragraphs 16 and 17. Since then Professor Jouveau Dubreuil of Pondicherry has discussed its contents in detail in Chapter II of his work "The Pallavas" published in 1917 and has given there the facsimile of a part of the inscription. The present paper supplying the deficiency by giving a complete facsimile of the record which was examined in situ attempts to discuss certain discrepancies in the readings of Professor Dubreuil and to examine certain other points in the chronology of the Pallavas to which the book of the Professor has given publicity.
The dilapidated temple of Vyaghrapuriévara at Vayalar must have had its palmy days when its prakara wall, subordinate shrines, mandapas and vimana were in a perfectly good condition. The central shrine, which is now the only standing structure, has the gajaprishtha or the elephant-back form peculiar to many Siva temples in the Chingleput district and enshrines within it a stone linga. On the back side of the linga and close to the rear wall is placed a stone panel containing the group of figures Siva, Parvati and Kumāra, generally known in iconography by the name Somaskanda. The existence of such Somāskanda panels is a striking characteristic of the Saiva shrines of Pallava origin; bat the panels, in these cases, are invariably cut or fixed into the wall behind the linga. What then could the existence of this detached panel in the Vyaghrapuriśvara shrine signify? Perhaps the original temple which was founded in Pallava times disintegrated in course of time and was rebuilt, as is found to be the case with many other South-Indian temples, in some later period, only to repeat once again a second course of dilapidation, such as it now presents to us. Still another characteristic, if one is required, of the Pallava origin of the temple, consists in the many Pallava pillars with large cubical sections intercepted by an octagonal middle, bearing medallions of lotus decorations on each face of the cube and plain-cut corbels. These pillars are largely found in the east gopura -the main outer entrance into the temple; and one of them-the one on the right side as one enters has on it the subjoined record inscribed in 14 lines of writing, going round the pillar in the form of a spiral from top to bottom. Line 1 of the inscription begins on the south face of the upper cube and ends on the west. From line 2 which commences on the west, just below the lotus, and by the side of a creeper-device suggesting a branch of sprouts, the lines go on regularly descending so that the end of line 2 runs on to meet the commencement of line 3 on the west face until we reach line 14 on this face with which the inscription closes.
The alphabet is the usual Pallava-Grantha of the florid type used in the Rāmānujamandapa, the Ganesa temple and the Dharmaraja-ratha inscriptions, of Mahabalipuram, the Balipitha inscription of the Shore Temple in the same village and the Kailasanatha temple inscription at Conjeeveram. The writing is for the most part well preserved and could be completely deciphered with the exception of three or four syllables in line 2 and some doubtful letters in line 12. As regards paleography it may be remarked that the initial vowels a and i
1 The linga of the Vyaghraparisvara temple is plain and does not show the eight or sixteen facets which is one of the special features of the Siva-lingas set up by the Pallava kings after Mahendravarman I.
2 See Dubreuil's" Handbook of Dravidian Architecture," p. 33, fig. 25.
The name Pallava which happens to occur here is by tradition connected with a bed of sprouts; see SouthIndian Inscriptions, Vol. II, p. 355.
Ep. Ind., Vol. X, Plates 2, 3 and 4.
Annual Report on Epigraphy (Madras) for 1916, Plates I and II, between pages 112 and 118.
• South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, Plate IX, facing p. 248.

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occur in 11. 1, 2 and 10 and the Dravidian ) in . 3 and 4. The punctuation symbol used in the inscription is a triple vertical joined at the top, the component lines being often of varying lengths. Two other symbols of an ornamental type occur in line 9, evidently also being used as punctuations; but these are not quite distinct. In the matter of ortaography, the use of the anusvara and its change into the class-nasal in compound letters is generally correctly observed, e.g.- Asgirāh in l. 1, Konkanih in line 3 and Skanda in 1. 4. The donbling of consonants after a conjunct occurs throughout. There is one mistake of spelling in spita for fruta (1. 10); and wrong sandhi in jiyat-ma for jiyānama (ibid.) and no sa lhalu for Onassa khalu (if my reading is correct in l. 11). In line 10 the form yubdha for yuddha is apparently & mistake of the scribe.
As stated in the Annual Report on Epigraphy (Madras) for 19091 the record is a very interesting one on account of the long list of Pallava names it supplies. When I drew up the report, I was not able to give the whole list, for want of time and a satisfactory estampage. Also the Völürpalaiyam plates which give, though summarily, a similar list of names in the ancestry of the Pallavas, had not then been published, and consequently, the big list of the Vayalar record did not attract much attention. Thanks to the scholarly work of Professor Dubreuil in the field of South Indian Epigraphical research and especially in the study of the Pallava dynasties, we now possess a full statement of the contents of this valuable inscription and its bearing upon Pallava chronology.
The Puriņic names in the list from Brahmă to Asoka (11, 1 and 2) are found in the Kssakudi plates of Nandivarman Pallavamalla? ; and up to the eponymous Pallava, the predecessor of Asoka, they are found also in the Kuram plates of Paramēśvaravarman I and the Udayêndiram Plates. Among the names of other early kings which the Kasākuļi plates incidentally mention are those of Virasimha and Vishņusimha which do not find a place in the Vayalar list. The Velttrpāļaiyam plates, which are later, give the Parāņic names in the same order up to Agokavarman correctly, but after a gap supply us with the three names Kalabhartri, Ohutapallava and Virakuroha in the order of father and son exactly as we find in l. 3 of our inscription. After these comes the name of Skandasisbya which does not figure in the Vayalor record. It looks, therefore, as if the authors of the Kālākuļi, Udayệndiram, and the Vēlārpālaiyam plates, all of which are admittedly later than the Vayalar record, but not very much later, drew these stray names for airing their knowledge of early Pallava chronology purely from memory and were not always correct. The Vāyalür record after mentioning Asoka gives eight names, viz., Harigupta, Bhutadatta, Süryavarman, Visbņugopa, Dhritaka, Kalinda, Jyämalla and Ripumalls which do not appear in the later grants. After these come the thirty-six names listed by Professor Dubreuil on p. 20 of his “Pallavas" with the small difference that the name Konkapika is actually found on the estampage to be Konkani.
Monsieur Dubreuil tries to attribute to the Vayalur list the credit of supplying a complete genealogical succession from even the time of the eponymons founder Pallava, including practically all the names mentioned in the Prākļit and the Sanskrit copper-plate grants hitherto discovered and in the later stone inscriptions. In doing this he finds many difficulties in his way but attempts to get over them by finding accidental coincidence in the order of the names. In Virak rcha, Skandasishya, Kumāravishnu and Buddhavarman of the Velärpālaiyam plates for instance, he finds coincidence with the set of names Nos. 29 to 32 (11 to 14)? of the Vayalar
1 Part II, paragraph 17, p.76 1.
* South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, p. 342. * Ibid., Vol. I, p. 144.
• Ibid., Vol. II, p. 363.
Ibid., p. 501. • Professor Dubreuil rende by mistake the two Dames Jyamalla and Ripamalla - Byåmalla and Ekamalls. and Suryavarman as Āryavarman (see his“ Pallavaa," p. 20). 7 Here and below, M. Dubreuil's numbers are given in brackets.
T2

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list. Here, however, it has to be observed that Virakorcha, whom Dubreuil selects as the first of the ruling Pallava kings, perhaps from a statement made about him in the Vēlürpāļaiyam plates, was the son of Chatapallava and grandson of Kalabhartri-thus corresponding to No. 23 (5) of the Vayalar list and not to No. 29 (11). Also the three names that succeed this Virakārcha are Chandravarman, Karāļa and Vishņugopa and not Skandasishya, Kumäravishņu and Buddhavarman as Dubreuil puts it down. Again, his presumption that the Chendalür plates must be a copy of some ancient record, suits his purpose very well; since the inconvenient names Skandavarman, Kumäravishnu and Buddhavarman which these plates give, occur in that order in Nos. 30, 31 and 32 (12, 13 and 14) of the Vāyalar list; but here again he forgets that the fourth name that occurs in the Chendalir plates is a second Kumaravishņu and not as is to be expected No. 33 (15) Skandavarman of the Vāyalór list. The partial coincidence in the earlier Pallava names mentioned in the Vāyalur list with those of the Chendalar and the Velárpālaiyam plates serves no practical purpose and the agreement, if any, could be attributed only to an accident by what we may call the kūkataliya-nyāya. It does not, therefore, give to the Vāyalar list any more completeness than what could be claimed for the Kasakudi or the Velúrpaļaiyam accounts. Perhaps Dubreuil also, though he has not expressed himself clearly on this point, meant the same thing when he said "we should not rely too much on the order of succession of the kings given in the Vayalār inscription after Virakūrcha (11)."
Passing on after 32 (14) Buddhavarman to eight other kings and in the interim identifying Vishnugopa 37 (19) with Vishņugopa of Kāñchi, the well-known Pallava (?) contemporary of Samudragupta about the end of the 4th Century A.D., Professor Dubreuil says that from Viravarman 41 (No. 23) the Vayalar inscription becomes trustworthy, evidently again in the sense that it supplies a complete list of kings in the order of succession down to Rajasimha Narasimhavarman II. This is also extremely doubtful. The Sanskrit grants even though we may exclude the Chendalir plates, which according to the Professor must be a copy of an older inscription giving some early names that have to be placed before the time of Viravarman, supply us with the names of only six kings whose succession in the order given below may be taken as certain :
Mahārāja Skandavarman I. Virakärcha or Viravarman.
Skandavarman II.
Simhavarman 1.
Yuvamahārāja Vishnugopa.
Simhavarman II.
Of these, the Yuvamahāraja Vishnugopa may not have ruled. The information obtained from the Udayéndiram and the Churas copper-plates, both of which are decidedly later by reason of their palæography and are otherwise also untrustworthy, cannot be used, as has been done by Professor Dubreuil, for the purpose of obtaining a continuous Pallava succession after Sinhavarman I or Simhavarman II. If this could be done, there is no reason why the names Simhavarman, Nandivarman and Simhavishnu which occur in the Amaravati pillar inscription of about the 12th Century A.D. should not be utilised for a similar purpose. Again, the 188umption, in the first place, of two simultaneously ruling families, one at Kāñchy and the other in the Telugu country, and in the second place, the statement that Simhavarman 43 (25) of the 1 * The Pallavgi," p. 28.
* Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 144. • Egigraphical Report (Madras) for 1914, p. 82. . 8. I. I., Vol. I, p. 26.

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Uravapalli plates probably resumed possession of Kāñchi are not founded on any sure ground. We very well know that the early Pallava kings while ruling at their capital Kāñchi had their Viceroy at Dhaññakada (Dhānyakata) in the Telugu country. Why the later kings succeeding Skandavarman II should have chosen a different course of administration, dividing the kingdom between two ruling dynasties and why, even if this were so, the Vayalar inscription whose definite purpose is to describe the ancestry of king Rajasim ha-Narasimhavarman II of the Palakkada branch should go out of the way to include the names of the collateral Kanchi branch 43 to 46 (Nos. 25 to 28) which according to Professor Dubreuil was altogether unconnected with it, are questions that require to be explained satisfactorily before we could follow the theory of Professor Dubreuil postulating two separate dynasties simultaneously ruling in the Telugu country and in the Tonda-mandalam. Again, in the set of names enumerated one after the other from Nos. 43 to 50 (25 to 32), what authority does the Professor discover to presume that while the first four raled in a given order, the second five (omitting the first of them) ruled, not after them as should be expected, but simultaneously with them? Do not these kings possibly stand to each other in the relation of father and son as the first and the last sets of names in the list suggest or again, as the partial coincidence in the order Virakūrcha to Buddhavarman (Vélirpalaiyam plates) and full coincidence in Skandavarman to Nandivarman (Udayéndiram plates), indicate? In fact, therefore, the list of the names given by the Vayalür inscription remains to be as indefinite as those supplied by the Käsākudi, Udayēndiram and the Vèlārpālaiyam plates and there is not the least possibility of finding therein a succession list either whole or partial except after No. 49 (81) Simhavarman, the father of Simhavishņu. Professor Dubreuil's arguments are thas seen to be vitiated by wrong identifications and gratuitous assumptions and by his acceptance as genuine material of what still remains only tentative and requires further careful examination and scrutiny.
One positive and important result, however, derived from a study of the Vayalar list, is that certain conclusions arrived at in my contribution -on the Vēlārpālaiyam plates require correction. The identification of Kalabhartội with Kiņagopa on page 503 of the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume II, is now untenable since both these names occur in the Vayalar list as Nos. 21 and 28 (3 and 10); similarly, the identification of Chitapallava with Skandavarman and Virakārcha with Viravarman of the Pikira and the Māngadir grants cannot any more be upheld. The three kings Kalabharti, Chūtapallava and Virakorcha mentioned in the Vēlürpālaiyam plates must be some traditionally known very early kings of the Pallava family. Skandasishya (possibly same as Skandavarman), Kumaravishnu and Buddhavarman, who are mentioned in order of succession next in the Velärpaļaiyam plates, do not find the same place in the Vayalar Jist. There must evidently be a mistake due to the carelessness of the author of the Vēlārpālaiyam plates in describing the relationship of Skandasishya to VIrakttrcha. Perhaps these three kings also must have been some forgotten old kings with whom the later genealogy derived from the Sanskrit copper-plate grants cannot be connected. Consequenly, the probable period of about the middle of the 4th century or thereabouts for kings Simhavarman and his son Skandavarman, who, one after another, were crowned on their thrones by Aryavarman and Madhavavarman II of the Western Ganga dynasty and the beginning of the 7th century fixed for Mahēndravarman I, the author of the rock-cut shrines of South India, must remain still as the only two milestones in Pallava chronology.
The two verses recorded in lines 9 to 14 of the inscription are respectively in the Vasantatilakä and the Sragdhard metres and are rather corrupt. They give the king the already known titles Rājasimha, Kshatrasimha, Yuddhārjuna, Atyantakāma, Srimégha, Mahamalla, Ranajaya and Srinidhi. The adjunct #ifwatafuatilfe which occurs in these verses and which, literally rendered, means 'one whose diadem shines with the head-juwel, vis. Mahekvara (Siva),' is rather perplexing. Comparing this with titles like Sivachadamani ete.

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and the verse TATT , etc. which occurs in the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume I, Nos. 18 and 19 (v. 3) and अभिषेकजलापूर्ण etc. in ibid., Nos. 21 and 22 (v. 2)-all with reference to king Rājasimha-it looks as if the king did actually wear a figure of Siva or rather his symbol, the liga, on his head. This fact is evidently also hinted in the verse गुषभरनामनि रानन्यनेन लिन faffa etc. (ibid., No. 33, v. 2), which refers to the conversion of the Pallava king Mahondravarman I Guņabhara from Jainism to Saivism. Again, v. 4 of No. 34 in the same volume speaks of "Siva fixed in the mind, being worn on the head." All these references clearly point to the existence of a linga-cult long before the revival of the Vira-Saiva faith under the auspices of the famous Kalachuri minister Basava (ChennaBasava) in which the wearing of the liriga plays a prominent part. Again, the sense of the two verses, particularly that of the second, is such that it suggests the occasion for the engraving of this record to be the accession of king Bājsimha to the throne. This, if it were so meant, would indeed have been a fitting opportunity to eulogise his many acts of heroism, charity and piety, and to proclaim to all subjects his assumption of power over his hereditary dominions.
TEXT.1
1 ब्रमा परि[r: M] वृहस्पति: । [यु.. m भारहानः m द्रोणः ॥
अश्वत्थामा [0] 2 पक्षवः ॥ अशोकः ॥ हरिगुप्तः m [भूत]दत्तः सूयं वर्मा
[m] . . . . विष्णु]गोपः ॥ धृत3 [क] [m] [क]किन्दः m ज्यामम[: m रि]पुमशः [m] विमल: ___ कोइणिः [m क]ळभर्ता ] चूतपशव[m] वीरकू[:] m
चन्द्रवर्मा . 4_m कराळ: ॥ विष्णुगोपः ॥ स्कन्दमूलः [0] काणगोप: m वीरकूर्च : m
[स्कन्दवम्म[ 0] कुमारविष्णुः 5 m बुधवा [m] स्कन्दवर्मा ॥ कुमारविष्णुः m बुद्धवर्मा M स्कन्दवर्मा
m विष्णुगो8 प: , विष्णुदा[स]: 0 स्कन्दवम् n] सिंहवर्मा वीरवर्मा m
स्कन्दवर्मा M सिं7 हवा m स्कन्दवर्मा ॥ नन्दिवर्मा सिंहवर्मा [] सिंहवा
विष्णुगोप: 8 सिंहवा सिंहविष्णः ॥ महेन्द्रवा नरसिंहवर्मा M महन्ट्रव9 U M परमेश्वरवा ' श्रीपलवान्वयकुलाचलराजसिंहो
1 Direct from the stone.
1 This syinbol which is evidently intended as a mark of punctuation is followed by another which is rather complicated. It is seen on the facsimile plate though indistinctly.

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South Face
F THOMAS
Vayalur Pillar Inscription of Rajasimha II.
East Face
COALE AUF SITKIMIY
WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL

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North Face
West Face

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No. 18.] THE VAYALUR PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF RAJASIMHA II.
10 यचसिंह इति 'विश[त] पुण्यकीर्त्तिः [1] जीवात्महे खर शिख][1] मषिदीप्तमौलि []
11 व्थाणुंने[1] [व] ख[]] लोकनरेन्द्रसिंह [m] [१] [भ]श्रोः पादार [विन्ददय]परिचरणे नित्यमत्य
12 न्तकामः श्रीमेघो विप्रसख्या करविभवकरे [व्यो] मरबोधच [न्द्रः] [["] राज्यान्त [T] राव [गा] हवि - '
13 दोतमहामशब्द [: *] प्रजानां रच [1] दीचाधिकारं वहतु रणजय [: *] श्रीमि14 विद्दोपलचम्
[२* ]
(Ll. 1 to 9)
1. Brahman.
2. Angiras.
3. Brihaspati.
4. Bayu.
5. Bharadvāja.
6. Drōna.
7. Asvatthaman.
8. Pallava.
9. Asoka.
10. Harigupta.
11. Bhutadatta.
12. Saryavarman.
13.
14. Vishnugopa.
15. Dhritaka.
16. Kalinda.
17. Jyȧmalla. 18. Ripumalla. 19. Vimala. 20. Konkani.
21. Kalabhartṛi.
22. Chütapallava.
23. Virakürcha.
24. Chandravarman.
25. Karāļa.
26. Vishnugopa.
27. Skandamula.
TRANSLATION,
28. Kapagōpa.
29. Virakōrcha.
30. Skandavarman. 31. Kumāravishņu. 32. Buddhavarman.
33. Skandavarman.
34. Kumāravishņu.
35. Buddhavarman. 36. Skandavarman. 37. Vishnugopa.
38. Vishnudāsa.
39. Skandavarman.
40. Simhavarman.
41. Viravarman.
42. Skandavarman.
43. Simhavarman.
44. Skandavarman. 45. Nandivarman.
46. Simhavarman. 47. Simhavarman. 48. Vishnugopa.
49. Simhavarman.
50. Simhavishnu. 51. Mahendravarman. 52. Narasimhavarman.
53. Mahendravarman. 54. Paramesvaravarman
Bead faga. ● Read °डार्ज्जुनस्ठ कल
It is difficult to rectify this corrupt passage. it is perhaps a mistake for a and perhaps stands for Tala, an ocean. Among the numerous titles of Rajasimha given in the tions the only one which ends in chandra is Udayachandrab. [Analogy with qftar... like avanidiväkara, chandadanda and udayachanars would suggest that the reading might be करविभवकरी व्योमरबोथ चन्द्रः - Ed.].
• Read जोयाम्म° • Road करो.
151
bis is again corrupt. Metrically one long and one short syllables are wanting. appears to be a possible emendation of the latter part of the compound. Can the first part be
corrected into a Conjeeveram inscripand the epithets
1afafea AKSZ:

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(LI. 9 to 1L) Be he victorious, the royal lion (Rajasinha) on the top of the chief mountain of the glorious Pallava race, whose spotless fame as the lion of warriors (Kshatrasimha) is widely known, whose crown is resplendent with the crest-jewel, vis. Mahēsvara (Siva), the lion among lords of kings (Narēndrasitha) of the whole earth, and an Arjuna in battle (Yuddharjuna).
(Ll. 11 to 14.) May he exercise the royal prerogative and take up the vow of administering (his) su bjects up to the extremities of his kingdom, as even to include the thongand-islands, he, who is known by the name "the great wrestler" (Mahāmalla) on account of his (skill in) hand-to-hand fight, who is excessively devoted (Atyanta kāma) ever to serve at the pair of the lotus-feet of Sambhu (Siva), who is the blessed cloud (Sri-Mēgha) that makes the mass of crops, the Brahmans, prosperous, who is the Moon to the ocean of (his) race," the victorious in battle" (Ranajaya) and the storehouse of prosperity" (Srinidhi)!
No. 19.--BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI.
BY HIRANANDA SASTRI, M.A., M.O.L. Kirari is a small village in the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. It lies some ten miles to the west of Chandarpur and about twenty miles to the south-east of Kharsiä, which leads to the Jogimārā cave, so well known for its very ancient fresco-paintings as well as early Brāhmi inscriptions. The river Mahānadi flows some four miles to the south of it. Outside this village there lies a large and old tank called Hirabandh which is rather an em bankment meant to collect the overflowing rain water at the time of floods. Owing to draught this tank had dried up and in April 1921 the agriculturists of the village began digging its bed to throw the fertilizing silt over their fields. On the 29th or 30th of that month they hit upon a wooden pillar which they removed from the mud and placed in the sun, not knowing the disservice they were doing thereby to the cause of Indian Epigraphy for, the moment the pillar began to dry a good deal of its surface peeled off carrying with it the major portion of the invaluable record which was incised on the pillar. Noticing that the pillar bore some letters on it some of the villagers called their Pandit, named Lakshmiprasāda Upadhyāya, to see if he could read the writing. Failing to make it out he very carefully took an eye-copy of all the letters which he noticed on the pillar at the time of his arrival, not omitting even the faintest traces of a letter over it. Apparently, he was not aware how the record ran, which side came first or which was the top or bottom of the letters. Like a true copyist he wrote out each line separately on sheets of paper available to him at the time according to the maxim of writers
यादृशं पुस्तकं दृष्टं तादृशं लिखितं मया। यदि हमशचं वा मम दोषो न विद्यते॥ This is a doubtfal translation of the word nie . I propose to take it as an aoyayibhava deriving it 1191 g a far af xfat. [far: ufort, etc, is another suggestion—H. 3.] If this interpretation is correct, it shows that the Pellava role must have extended in the time of Rajasimba even to the distant islands in the ocean. The word guy may also be corrected into ou and with repeated we may translata ap to the thousand islanda.'
Could there be a reference by dhwani in the word t ee to the Laccadive !slands called qurtain Fana'srit? The exact relation that might have then existed between the Pallava king Rajasimha and the Lacerdive Lolanda bas nowhere been found. In this connection it may not be out of place to point out that Dr. Vogel in his learned contribution on the Yüps inscriptions of king Müla varman from Koetei (East-Borneo) (Nederlandech. Indü, 1918, p. 192) aaks :-"Supposed the powerful Pallava princes of Kanchipura had equipped armadas and carried their arms to the remote shores of Champa and Jays, may we not assume that their conquests on the far wide of the ocean would have been extolled in their prabantis with no lees effusion than we find lavigned on their victories over the Chalukyu ? " Here we have, though not a prafasti, at least a sigoificant bint that the Pallata dominion was ambitious otough to extend to the distant islanda,

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No. 19.]
BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI.
153
so often found at the end of the manuscript copies of Sanskirt books. How faithful his copy is can be judged from the facsimile of the mechanical impressions of the portions which were copied when I first inspected the pillar in 1921 and which were still intact when I again examined it in 1924 at the Nagpur Museum. Comparison will show that the eye-copy can be taken as quite trustworthy in the case of the portions which are now lost for ever. The fact that the copyist did not even understand which side represented the top and which the bottom of the lettering precludes the suspicion of forgery altogether. How he succeeded in bringing out the shapes of the letters accurately is, I think, due to the little knowledge of drawing which he possessed and to his intelligence. But as the fact remains that those portions of the epigraph do not exist now, we would naturally feel hesitant to draw large conclusions from the hand-copy. The Pandit took a copy of not less than 349 aksharas whereas at the time of my first inspection the pillar had not more than 60 or 70 letters and now not more than 30 or 40 including the traces of vowel marks. The Pandit's eye-copy was handed over to my draftsman at the time of my visit to Kirāri and I have used it in preparing the comparative facsimile plate as well as in reading the lost portion for which it was the only source now to depend upon.
The find was next brought to the notice of Pandit Lochan Prasad Pandeya of Balpur, & village attached to the Chandarpur Post Office, not very far off from Kirāri. He promptly brought it to the notice of Sir John Marshall under whose instructions the pillar was immersed in water in a tank at Kirāri where it lay till it was finally removed to the Government Museum at Nagpur' after being very carefully treated chemically for the preservation of the writing on it. The Museum authorities have now cut it into two parts, one of which, i.e., the upper portion, they have placed in a glazed case, accommodating the other in an outer verandah of the Museum. The former still shows not less than twenty-two continuous letters more or less distinctly, while the latter retains traces of lettering here and there and some three or four complete aksharas as well. The fate of the lower portion cannot fail to remind us of the all powerful law of nature which permits the survival of the fittest only!
As has been stated above, the pillar is wooden and measures about 13' 9" from top to bottom. It is surmounted by a solid kalasa which is about 1' 2" high. The kalasa has a narrow neck, a broad and almost flat mouth, the body being more elliptical than round. I am reproducing here two of the photographs which were taken at the time of my inspection during 1921 to replace further description of this interesting find. The surface of the pillar has badly flaked and I cannot positively say if it was shaped into facets and planed, at least at the middle, for writing the inscription. The lower portion, in all probability, must have been left unshaped, as it was meant for insertion in the ground. I got a few chips of the pillar examined and am told that the tree of which it was made belongs to the order of Leguminosae papilionaceae and its botanical name is Pterocarpus mareupium, the Hindi name being Bijā Sal. This tree gives a handconte and useful tiraber of Central India and is almost as good as teak.
This find, I believe, is the first of its kind yet made in India. So far some four sacrificial posts have been found in this country and perhaps a similar number in Koetei in the Indian Archipelago. All these have recently been noticed by Dr. Vogel in his paper on the Yöpa Inscrip tions of king Mūlavarmman. They are all of stone and appear to be memorial gūpas for, sacrificial yūpas, as would be shown by the terms yūpa-dru, yüpa-druma o: yüpa-dāru, were usually made of wood. Possibly these were put up instead of the wooden pillars or yūpas and were their exact copies in stone. A close comparison of the illustrations of these pillars and of the one represented on the asvamëdha coins of Samudragupta the Great, with the photograph of the Kirări pillar, herein reproduced, will show that the latter cannot be a yüpa or sacrificiul poat. The description given of a yüpa in the Satapatha-Brāhmana would point towards the same inference

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According to this authority1 the shaft of a yupa, except for the lower portion, should be octagonal and bent at the top. At the same time a yupa is distinguished by a head-piece or top-ring (cha. shala) and marked by a girdle rope (rasana) which winds round it. The Kirari pillar reveals none of these characteristics. Taking it for granted that all the eight corners and the 17 cloths with which, according to this authority, a sacrificial post is to be wrapt or bound, have disappeared, we cannot account for the absence of the hollow at the top and the disagreement in height which ought to be 17 cubits in the case of a yupa. But as the Brahmana gives different heights for different purposes and says that "the sacrificial stake of the (ordinary) animal sacrifice is either three or four cubits long and one above that belongs to the Soma sacrifice" we cannot depend on the length of the pillar for its identification. That it cannot be a yupa or pillar connected with animal sacrifice will be shown by a reference to Patanjali who in his Mahabhashya clearly puts down that a yupa must be made of either Bilva (Egle marmelos) or Khadira (Acacia catechu)
" खादरी वा युधः स्यात्" इत्युच्यते । यूपच नाम पचनुबन्धार्थसुपादीयते । शक्यं चानेन यत्किञ्चिदेव काष्टमुच्छ्रित्यानुच्छ्रित्य वा पशुरनुबन्धुम् । तत्र नियमः क्रियते ।।"
As I have already stated, the Kirari pillar is made neither of Ægle marmelos nor of Acacia catechu but of Pterocarpus marsupium. In the Rāmāyaṇa3 of Valmiki, however, it is stated that 21 yupas were erected at the time when a horse sacrifice or Asramedha was performed by Dasaratha. Out of these six were made of Bilva (Egle marmelos), six of Khadira (Acacia catechu), six of Palasa (Butea frondosa), one of Śleshmataka (Cordia Myxa or Latifolia) and two of Devadāru (Avaria longifolia and Erythroxylon sideroxyloides or Pinus deodar). Including the one added by Monier Williams in his Sanskrit Dictionary we find that the pillar under examination cannot come within the category of yūpas as far as the tree of which it is made is concerned. In other words the Kirari pillar cannot be connected with any animal sacrifice (paévanubandha) on the authority of Valmiki and Patanjali at least. The description given in the Satapatha Brahmana is not free from confusion and if we follow it, I think, the Kirāri pillar might be connected with the Vajapeya rites. The top portion does not provide a very convenient seat for the householder to occupy at the time he has to hold a dialogue with his wife in reference to their mounting to heaven. Still, as we learn from the Brahmana, in
1Satapatha Br. S.B.E., Vol. XLI, p. 31, and Vol. XLIV, p. 124. The height of a sacrificial stake has to vary, for the Brahmana says: "When he who is about to perform an animal sacrifice makes a stake one cubit long, he thereby gains this (terrestrial) world; and when he makes one two cubits long, he thereby gains the air world; and when he makes one three cubits long, he thereby gains the heavens ; and when he makes one four cubits long, he thereby gains the regions."
*Adhyaya 1, Pada 1, Ahnika 1.
I, 14, sts. 22-25.
Under the word yupa and in reference to the Ramayana he has brought in one yupa of Udumbera (Ficu glomera a) saying 6 of Bilva, 6 of Khadira,6 of Palaia, one of Udumbara, one of Śleshmataka and one of Devadăru The text would not support this division for, it makes no mention of the Udumbara yupa. It runs as follows:प्राप्त रूपोच्छयै तस्मिन् षङ्गैश्वाः खादिरशस्तथा ।
ar
faefar: fds art
मानकमयी दिटो देवदारुमयस्तथा ।
हावेव तच विहिती बाहुव्यक्तपरिग्रही ॥
The words drātēva as explained by the commentator Rama (drau dēvudārumayan vihilau) mear: two of Devadare and make no room for Udumbara. Possibly Mon. Williams had another edition before him.
Bee S. B. E., Vol. XLI, p. 31, and footnotes, etc.; also Barnett's Antiquities of India, p. 167, ani references given above.

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WOODEN PILLAR WITH A BRAHMI INSCRIPTION FROM KIRARI.
A - COMPLETE.
B- UPPER PORTION DETAIL).
FROM PHOTOGRAPHS). SCALE THREE-FOURTHS.
HIRAXANDA SASTRI.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 19.)
BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI.
155
some cases he has to ascend a yüpa by a ladder, touch the mortar-shaped top-piece made of wheaten dough, rise by the measure of his head over the post and descend after performing certain rites. Our pillar could serve such a purpose very well. But here we should remember that Vājapēya is one of the several Soma sacrifices which kings or Brāhmaṇs have to offer before celebrating the Rājasūya and the Brihaspatisava. Why should a sacrificer select a thing connected with a rite which is after all a minor one as compared to the principal Yajfa and write a large inscription on it giving the names of very high officials such as this pillar bears? To solve such a question satisfaetorily one would like to explore the site where the pillar was unearthed and see if any vestiges of some other sacrifice or sacrifices are to be found there.
The association of a reservoir or tank (Hirābandh) might suggest this pillar to be an ordinary tank-pillar, such as we see erected in the midst of tanks in the Central Provinces or elsewhere. But then, we have to remember that such columns are generally of stone. Besides, there would be no reason why such an important record should be incised on it mostly to remain hidden under water. Another likelihood may be that it was a jayastambha or column of victory, but there too, looking at the position of the personage responsible for its setting up and of the officers connected with him, it will be quite reasonable to expect a more permanent and dignified material than an ordinary bija trea of which the pillar is made. The other alternative would be that it was a dhvajastambha or a flagstaff connected with some temple for, that may be made of stone or wood, circular, sixteen- or eight-sided and shaped like a kumbha (pot) at the middle or at the beginning. Its height varies according to its nature. The emblem (vāhana) of the god to whom it is dedicated is to be put on it together with the banner cloth (dhvaja-pata). Such an assumption would naturally suggest the existence of some structure close by and until we find any traces of it we are not in a position to call the pillar a dhrajastambha. Whether it is a post connected with the Vājapēya or similar rites or a dhvajastambha, the fact remains that it is a unique find yet made in India.
The writing on this pillar very closely resembles that of the Näsik cave inscriptions. Leaving aside other symbols the one for khi is particularly noteworthy. In the two impressions reproduced here this is represented by the fifth letter while in the Näsik cave inscriptions it is to be seen in the word dhamarakhitëna though in another word, i.e., in bhikhusanghasa, it is written in a different manner. Regarding the age, I am to remark that on palæographic grounds the record is to be assigned to about the second century of the Christian era. The extant portion shows no trace of any date in it. It is chiefly on account of its age that this relic of the past possesses considerable epigraphical value for, early Brāhmi inscriptions are rather very rare. As an historical document, however, one will be sorry to find that whatever importance it had originally is now irretrievably lost with the portion that has peeled off. What we may now surmise from the nature of the contents as they are at present is that the inscription must have been connected with some mighty ruler of a very high rank who had a well-organized staff of officers such as the Commander-in-Chief, the Accountant, the Treasurer, etc., etc.
The language in which the document is couched is Prakpit, or one might call it corrupt Sanskrit prose. It is like the language of the Nāsik inscriptions alluded to above.
As to the nature of its contents I am to observe that the record now mostly consists of official titles or designations and the names of some of the individuals who must have held them.
01. silparatna (Trivandrum S. S. No. LXXV), p. 234 :
शिलया दावचाबाच नाकारमषापि वा।
EUT 7 TETT Wwfega: etc., etc. ? See above, VOL VIII, No. 18, plate V (n. 3).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
Such of the designations as are practically certain together with the names of a few of the incumbents as are still intact or can be made out are these : Nagararakhins (city-guards or police-inspectors) named Virapalita and Chiragohaka; Sēnäpati (commander of army) named Bāma'dēyal (P) (1. 1, estampage and eye-copy); Pratihāra (door-keeper) named Khipatti; Gapaka (accountant) called Hēasi, a Nāga; Gāhapātiya (P=garhapatiya, keeper of the house. hold fire) named Gharika; Bhāndākā(gā)rika (store-keeper) called Asādhia ; Häthārðha (P=hastyāroha or ? the king's elephant-driver); Asvārõha (horseman, perhaps Superintendent of horses); Pādamülika (temple attendant); Rathika (possibly the Superintendent of chariots); Mahānasika (kitchen-officer), (1.ü, estampage and eye-copy); Hathivaka (=hastipaka, perhaps Superintendent of elephants); Dhāvaka (fore-runner); Sasugandhjaka (=Saugandhika, officer in charge of perfumery ?); Göma[ndislika (= gomāndalika, or officer in charge of cows or cattle ?); Yana[6]ālāyudhagharika (officer in charge of carriage-shed and armoury); Palavithida(ka P)vā-(pā)lika (Inspector of meat-stalls); Löhahāraka (=lêkhahāraka, letter-carrier) ; Kulaputraka (perhaps chief architect); and Mahäsēnăni or Commander-in-Chief (1.4). It is interesting the observe here in passing that these desig. nations do not fail to remind us of the several functionaries like Aśvā hyaksha, Hastyádhyaksha, Rathādhyaksha mentioned in the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya. As I have already remarked above the mention of all such persons of rank would show that our pillar must have been set up in connection with some extraordinary ceremony performed by a very high personage who was, in all probability, not less than a great king of renown, whose name is now cast into oblivion but, perhaps, would have been preserved had photographs or mechanical copies been carefully taken the moment this important relic of the hoary past was dug out. In line 4 of the eye-copy there is a name which comes after the title of Mahäsënāni and reads like Sitha(dha)rāja. A few letters after it we have a word which reads putasa (putrasya), and then comes a verb which may be taken to be arpayati. This might indicate that the pillar was in some way connected with Sidha]rāja or his son. The proper names of some of the officers, which are fully preserved on the pillar, like Khipatti or Hēasi are, apparently, non-Sanskritic. The latter, i.e., Hēasi, is distinctly called a Näga or a member of the Serpent tribe. Possibly these people were non-Aryan or aboriginal.
The portions of the two lines which were copied at the time of my first inspection and are represented in the facsimile may be transcribed as follows :
No. 1. (PART OF LINE 1.)
Text. Nagar[a]rakhiņo V[í]rapa(a)lita-Ch[i]ragohaka-[Sēnipatid jēva.
Remarks.-Nagararakhiņo possibly stands for nagara-rakshinau and means the two guar dians of the city or police officers. These were named Virapalita and-Chiragöhaka. The first is more an attribute than a proper name. The second looks to be of non-Sanskritic origin. The Tame of the Senapati or commander of the army is not certain but might have been Deval.
1 Sce footnote 2 ou page 157.
* Padamülikn is a derivative of padamula which occurs both in Sanskrit (see Kielhor's note in Ind. And, Vol. XXVII, p. 252) and Tamil inscriptions (see 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 138 n. and p. 250) apparently in the sense of a temple attendant--one attached to the feet (of the god). It frequently occurs in the Jatakas. From the Paranta pa Jataka (J&taka, Vol. III, p. 417, lines 2 and 3) it would appear that padamulilas were associated with purohitas for it says 'devii chi purohitaji cha Parata pa namakan padamulikai cha gahalta,' eto. In this inscription the term comes after the word dērathayaka, which reminds us of dēva-sthanika. So the word seems to signify a priestly attendant or one whose function is to attend to ide feet of (i.e. worship) god or du sonne such duties.
. Sce Ep. Ind. Vol I, p. 58; Vol. IX, p. 58. The word usually means 'sons of nonlemer.'

Page #202

T
HIRANANDA SASTRI,
BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI.
II.
(From impressions).
SCALE ONE-FOURTH.
I HUKLXגshvie
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #203

(FROM EYE-COPY BY PANDIT LAKSHMI PRASAD UPADITYAYA).
1st line.
2nd line.
an suami juz 2.Th7F222 22x2W drunnet TQUEZOIX ZWxT d 42.?...... d. .. b.. ? . 7 Ú-rom GW BUS 20 zgazzi838
rderst Arany Varh 2w211F7FJFYUD yarodiya Eroty u to give NOW JL , X23Jogurdade Zyxaxy Xosfx i IVF4212
4th line.
3rd line.
SU 22% RUJULUU OJ EUTHEY .27 . puwa nx yoyo..Lady.. 2.27X
f aut
id ན ཎ y༤ ཏུ འཅན། ། oxidywau rryaw?
Hay an under TJ KUTJİ UZJory x? 3 UxvxuJy250 X 38335 LIJ774UVY Rusty z tytanu?
5th line.
wws ཟླ། སྐུ་ ་པུམ༔
SCALE ONE-FOURTH

Page #204

No. 19.) BRAHMI INSCRIPTION ON A WOODEN PILLAR FROM KIRARI.
157
No. 2. (PART OF LINE 2.)
Text. P[r]ati[hā]ra-Khipatst Ji-gaņakā(a)-Nago(a)-Hēasi-găhapätiya-Gharika-bh[@]odák(g)ēri[ka].
Remarks. The first word is certainly pratihāra which means door-keeper. The second word may read vaipatti signifying good foot soldier but comparison with the Nāsik cave inscription, referred to above, would show that it must be read as Khipatti. The conjunct t is partly visible in the impression but clear on the eye-copy. What follows must be ganaka. Had the preceding word been vaipatti one could take it, in reference to the Kirätārjuniyam (XV. 16), in the sense of an officer whose chief function is to muster the infantry or superior foot-soldiers.' But I prefer to read the first akshara as khi and would take ganaka in the sense of accountant'. The word that follows, i.e., Nāga, indicates the tribe to which Heagi belonged. Hēasi is appar ently an aboriginal term. 'Gäha pātiyal I would connect with the word Garhapatya and translate as the keeper of the household or gärhapatya fire. Gharika must have been the name of this officer and is perhaps an apabhrama of grihika (?) as is gharini, the Pāli form of grihini. The word that follows is certainly the equivalent of Sanskrit bhāndāgārika and means 'storekeeper'.
Now I give a transcript of the eye-copy, as far as I have been able to make it out, for what it is worth, or rather to satisfy a curiosity. In the facsimiles the impressions of the existing portions of the epigraph and the whole of the eye-copy are reproduced. The paper used by the Pandit was of a small size. So lines could not be brought out in their full length. Taking the entire lines into consideration, the inscribed portion of the pillar measures about 8 feet and the eye-copy approximately supplies of the actual size of the letters on it. The text given below follows the order in which Pandit Lakshmi Prasad copied the inscription.
Text. (Line 1.) Naga[ra]-rakhino-V[1]rap[a]lita Chirag[]hake Sē[n]āpa[ti]-[D7]val bama[dējo yadhi....g(?)..nantāvasa(b?)hathi bama [de]yikama, sa patali . i ....i....si. i. i. ...sā..i ..... să. a. no bhatāya kës[a]va-vīțhida kāmik(a ore) tatě (or bhabhë) sāvida (n)im[i]tta.
(Line 2.) P[r]atih[ā]ra Khipatti ga[ņa]ka-Nāga Hēasi gāhapätiya Gharika-bhandakärika Asādhia vaihäthädhiāra hathārõhë asäröhe devathayaka pădamūlika rathika sisāra khakhimala (?) butanamaka tabhaka mahanasika kukudabata.
(Line 3.) Hāthivaka yamasrika dhāvaka sagandhake gõmandilika yānasālāyudhagharikë daliakhēmha (?) palavithida välikë avasakāraka sava(or kha)radāpa(or ha)deaka vadi Kesavanäshö(?) vacharé anu . yino dunuvșitta lēhahārako pētsa (?) payutasäva (?) kuli(la)puttra kuli(la)puttramanusēnā]pati.
(Line 4.) Vu ... salinama. [bu)hésara mah[@]sēnāni Sitharsā]ja .. Kudva (?) .... putasa .... pijta (?).. rapayati game puvarathi .... kavayu ... se na k[u]m[āro .... da . nayaka
(Line 5.) Bhayayu (or ghē ?)ra (da)pā. ta(?) (a?).. puna[vi?]yāma
1 Gáhapatiya is a proper name, also, sec Burgess, Cave Temples, p. 89. Deva may be taken as a proper name, and bamaděya msy stand for brahmadiya. That will give us ore more official, to wit, one in charge of cbarities?

Page #205

158
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
No. 20.-THREE BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM KOSAM.
BY DAYA RAM SAANI, M.A., Rar BAHADUR.
The three inscriptions discussed in this paper were discovered by me in the cold weather of 1921-22 when I was engaged on the preliminary operations connected with the re-erection of the ancient pillar in the ruined fort at Kosam', District Allahabad. These inscriptions were found in the villages in the vicinity of Koram and I am glad to say that at my request the owners have presented all the three records to the Archæological Department and they have been placed as exhibits on loan in the Provincial Museum at Lucknow. Along with these inscriptions I was fortunate enough to bring to light a fourth inscription of the time of king Jayachchandra of Kanauj which furnishes final corroboration of General Cunningham's identification of the remains at Kosam with the ancient city of Kausi mbi. This inscription is being dealt with in a separate article.
The impressions reproduced in this paper have been supplied by Mr. Prayag Dayal, Curator, Provincial Museum, Lucknow.
Inscription No. I. This epigraph is incised ou & stone slab measuring 2' 10% high, l' wide and 2!" in thickness. The stone was fixed in the parapet of a well in the village of Masharfa situated about a mile and a half to the north-west of the stone pillar at Kosam. The inscription is engraved on the front face of the slab and consists of fourteen lines. Each line consists of five to seven aksharas except the last line which probably contained only three characters, now mostly defaced. For the rest, the epigraph is in an excellent state of preservation. The inscription is written in Brahmi characters which closely resemble the alphabet used in the inscriptions of the Mahakshatrapa Sodása, like which it is drawn up throughout in pure Prakrit. The inscription is not dated, nor does it mention the name of the ruler of the time. The object of the document is to record the erection of a stone railing (vēdikā) by a certain householder named Gotiputa, son of Kusa pala and grandson of Vâri who was a caravanmerchant and a votary of Manibhadra. The inscription begins with a salutation to a certain Bhagavat whose name unfortunately is not given and ends with the wish that "the deity may be pleased ". Here too, unfortunately, the name of the deity is not given or, if it was, it has been destroyed in the last line of the inscription. The traces left on the stone, however, seem to favour the reading 'Bhagava'. We are thus left to guess the identity of this god. I am inclined to think that it was the Yaksha Manibhadra, the favourite deity of the grandfather of the donor. We know from other records that this deity enjoyed extensive worship in ancient times. The inscription is silent as to the purpose for which the stone balustrade mentioned in it was intended. Probably it surrounded some sacred monument such as an image of the deity Manibhadra, a pillar, a chaitya or some sacred tree. The stone on
1 The visiblo antiquities of Kosam have been described by several scholars :--Cunningham, Archeological Survey Reports, Vol. I, pp. 301-815; F. E. Pargiter, Two Recorde on the pillar at Kosam in Ep. Ind., Vol. XI. Pp. 87 ff; R. D. Banerji, Some Soulptures from Kosam in the 4. S. R., 1913-14, part II, pp. 262-264 ; and the Annual Report of the Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Hinda and Buddhist Monuments, Northern Circle, for the year ending 31st March 1917, p. 18.
· Cf. M'emoirs, 4. 6. 1., No. 6, PI, XXVI, 6 and Ep. Ind. Vol. II, p. 199, No. II and plate and other inscriptior.
Vide 4. 8. R., 1916-16, Pt. II, pp. 104 ff. and Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda's Paper entitled Four Ancient Yakala Statues published in the University of Calcutta, Anthropological Papers, No. 8. [For the dhyana of Mapibhadra e Vishudharmõttariyas III, 78.18.-Ed.)
• Ct. Diya kho cha karita " the rail pattern and the ya kaha have been on sed to be made" engraved above the image of a yakawa in Cave No. 18 at Nasik (Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 93, No. 2.

Page #206

No. 20.]
which the inscription is engraved must have been one of the posts of the railing, the back portion of which was cut away in later times.
THREE BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS FROM KOSAM.
1 Namo Bhagavatě
2 sathavahasa
3 Manibhadasa1
4 gahapatikasa
5 Ējāvati-putasa
6 Vrrisa puts gahapatiko
7 Sėliyǎ-puto
TEXT.
8 Kusapālo nama 9 tasa putēna
10 gahapatikëna 11 Gōtiputēna
12 asika1yam karitā
13 vedika piyatam 14 [Bhagava].
159
TRANSLATION.
"Salutation to the Blessed One! [There was a certain person] named Kusapala, & householder, the son of Seliya, (and) the son of Vari, a caravan-merchant, (and) householder, the son of Ejavati. (and) a votary of Manibhadra. By his (Kusapala's) son Gotiputa, a householder, this railing of stone was caused to be made. May [the Blessed One] be pleased!"
Inscription No. II.
This inscription is engraved on a stone slab, measuring 2' 3" x 1' 10" x 3" in thickness, which is broken into two pieces across the width. The top and the bottom are irregularly broken and it is difficult to say for what purpose the stone was originally intended. The existing portion of the inscription consists of five lines, measuring 17" to 21" in length. The inscription is incomplete. The first line is undoubtedly the beginning of the document but how many lines are lost at the end owing to the peeling off of the surface it is impossible to say. The surviving portion of the record is in a bad state of preservation. The left halves of the first three lines have completely disappeared, while several letters in the beginning of the 4th line are damaged. The characters are Brahmi of the Gupta period and the language Sanskrit. The document was engraved on the 1st day of the 2nd fortnight of a certain year which is broken off in the beginning of the 2nd line, in the reign of a certain Mahārāja the illustrious Sivam [e]gha. This prince is not known from any other source as yet, and it is impossible to say to what dynasty he belonged. Then follow the words "On this occasion" after which we notice the names of certain individuals preceded by their fathers' names. These persons probably did some meritorious work which was recorded in this inscription, but its fragmentary condition prevents our making out what the nature of this work was.
TEXT.
1 [Maha]ra(a)jasya śri-Sivama(e)ghasya samvatsara]. . 2.... [varsha pikshē] 2 divase pa(pra)thamē ē[tasyām]
3 [pārvvāyām]... kasya Sa[m] karava(ba)la p...
4 dav[ishthaka]sya Samanaka-putrasya Dharakasya [Nam] dava (ba)la-putra.. na
5 kasya [Da]manaka-putrasya Dharakasya [Ya]sava (ba)la-putrasya Kukkasya [*]
1 Cf. Māņibhadra-bhakta() in the Padmavati Manibhadra Statue Inscription, 4. 8. R., 1915-16, Pt. II, p. 106, Text.
2 This word is engraved between the 5th and 6th lines.
• Gotiput=Gōtiputa (Sanskrit Gaupti putra) is here undoubtedly a proper name. We find the word used ir other inscriptions both as a metronymic and as a proper name (ef. Lüders, List of Brahmi Inseriptions, No. 663, 681 and 682).
* Abikä-ätika corresponds to the Sanskrit asmika, the taddhitu form of afm-19.

Page #207

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Inscription No. III.
The slab bearing this inscription was secured from the village of Hasanabad close to the ancient remains of Kosam. It was lying near a well and would appear to have been used for sharpening tools and other utilitarian purposes. The slab is rounded at the top and a portion of it is broken off at the bottom. Its present dimensions are 2' 10" in height and the same in width, the thickness being only 3". Only four lines of the inscription now remain in the upper round portion of the stone, but that originally the record covered some more space of the slab is obvious from the traces of aksharas which have survived in the rest of the defaced surface. The characters are similar to those of inscription No. II, like which the record is composed in Sanskrit. The only information of any interest obtainable from the inscription is the name of the ruler which on the analogy of the ruler's name in the preceding epigraph has been read as Mahārāja Sri-Bhadram [ēgha]. It is gratifying to note that in this inscription it is possible to make out the date with a considerable degree of certainty and it is the 5th day of the 3rd fortnight of the rainy season in the year 88. The era unfortunately is not given but if, as seems likely, it was the Gupta era, the corresponding Christian year would be 407 A.D. This, however, is a mere conjecture. Śivamegha mentioned in Inscription No. II and Bhadram[ogha] of the present inscription presumably belonged to the same dynasty about which we at present know nothing more.
160
TEXT.
1.. Mahārājasya śri-Bhadram [eghasya]
3.
2 [Samvatsa]re 80 8 varsha paksha 3 divasa 5 sya Samarasya (?) puttra Him[i]ngana ayayādāvadāra!.
4
[VOL. XVIII
No. 21. TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
BY THE LATE T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., TRIVANDRUM, AND K. AMRITA RAO, M.A., MADRAS.
The two inscriptions edited below are engraved upon two sets of copper-plates belonging to the Ranganathasvamin temple at Srirangam. They are edited for the first time from impressions prepared under the supervision of one of us.
A.-INSCRIPTION OF SAKA-SAMVAT 1436.
This record (No. 23 of the Madras Epigraphist's Copper-plate Collection for 1905-06) is engraved upon three plates, which are strung together on a ring which bears a circular seal. On the seal are shaped in half relief a boar, the sun and the moon-the usual Vijayanagara emblems. The first side of the first plate and the second side of the third are left without writing, and the rims of the plates are raised. The writing is consequently very well preserved. The plates are numbered with the Telugu-Kannada numerals 1, 2 and 3 engraved on the second side of the first, and on the first side of the second and third plates respectively, to the right of the ring-hole.
The alphabet in which the epigraph is written is Nandinagari, and the language Sanskrit. At the end of the inscription is the word Sri-Virupaksha, the sign-manual of the king, written in the Telugu-Kannada alphabet. The inscription almost always employs the anusvāra, wherever the nasals have to be used. The tin conjunct consonants is usually doubled unnecessarily, as in prattyuha in 11. 4 and 52, in kirttyä in 11. 28 and 44, in vrajedittya" in 1. 45, in avarttya in 1. 55, in ittyukto in 1. 60, ittyādi in 1. 62 and nittya in 1. 65. There occur also omissions of letters in some places, due to the carelessness of the engraver, e.g., t in vyatantt in
1 My attention has been kindly drawn to the existence of the first da in this word by Mr. H. Krishna Sestri The meaning of the compound is uncertain. It may perhaps be interpreted as arya-yadava-dāraḥ, the wife of the noble Yadava, who ever he was.

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No. I.
No. II.
YYUYXT
LOKLY
HES
H. KENNA SASTHI.
Three Brahmi Inscriptions from Kosam.
DRYIR ntynnu RYHY7B
туплиун
WW 2143
Wachterent
224047 tulit
TYHAY τtynnu TYHYU YIT FUK Ymgy
SCALE THREE-EIGHTHS
No. III.
YESELL THUTH
g37700
INTER
72000
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

Page #209


Page #210

No. 21,1
TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
1 21. st in Nrisimkändrat in 1. 25, t in akdrshit ip 1 31, the ruoundary symbol in ya in hyranya n L 40, t in larigalyatanit in l. 41 and so on these amissions are supplied in the transcript with an asterisk. The visarga is also omitted in a large number of instauces where it is wanted and there again it is inserted wimilarly in our transcript. Besides these cases, there are here and there verbal errors, and the corrections of these are afteptad in factreotes. In both the records the genaslogy of the kiog Krishnadôvertya is given me follows
The Haos
Budha
Par travas
ya
1
Nabusha Tayái, m. Devayani Turyss Pinaina, m. Dåvakt Tovara, . Bukkema
Narass, who, having built a bridge across the Kāvěct, defeated the pnemy, took him prisoner and captured Srirangapattana ; defeated the Chēra, the Chola and the Pandys, Mānabhusha, the lord of Madhară, the Turpshkse, the Gajapati and otherx.
By Тірраў
By N&galdov1 Vira-Nộisinha
Krishnadēvaraya The record is dated $. 1436, wiela popresponds to the eyelig voor Bhaya, in the reign of Krielpadėya-Mehāraza of Vijayanagan. In this yeer, on Wednesday which coinoided with the Go-dvadasi tithi in the month Karttiks, the nakshatra for that day being Bharani, the king granted the wildege of Ennakudi to the Brahmape AllALA-Bhatta. Regarding this date the Hon'ble Mr. L. D. Swamikkapau Pillai, Dewan Babedar, writes --
"Ś. 1436, Bhāva, Wednesday, Go-dvādast-tithi in the month Kārtika, Bharani nakshatra.
Abvina Sukla Dvālast is called Go-dvādasi (Ind. Ephemeris, p. XIX); but in A.D. 1514-15=$. 1436, Bhāva, Asvina Sa. 12 fell on Saturday, 30th September, 1514, and the nakshatra was Satabhishaj. "The day intended was probably Mārgasira Su. 12, Wednesday, 29th November, A.D. 1514, when the wakabatra was Bharani."
The name Go-dvadafi cocurs in other documents sukso. We meet with it, for instance, in the ancient record of the Āy chieftain, Vikramaditya Varagopa (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. I, p. 192); what observances there are on this particular dvādast is not known. On the date specified the king Krishnadeveviy, being the presence of the god Vinaphs in the temple at Vijayanagara (Hampi), standing a pon the bank of the Tungabhades and near the hill Eēmakata, granted the village of Ennakuļi under the name of Krishnariyapuram to Allada-Bhatta, son of Varadara járya, of the Atreya gôtra, of the Apostamhours and of the Yajna sakha, who was a master in the six systems of philosophy. The occasion on which this

Page #211

162
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
grant was made was the giving of the mahadana called the Go-sahasra. The village granted is said to be situated in the Cholamandala-rajya, that is, that province of the empire which was known by the name of Cholamandala ; the village was in the western portion of the division called the Uyyagondacholēndra-valanādu, which belonged to the [Tiruv]ārür-chāvadi and was situated in the Tirumibachchür-pattu; the village was situated on the bank of the river Kāvēri and was to the cast of Karkaktai (?), to the south of the canal Naţtāvākkal, to the west of Pēlaikudi (Mēlsikkuļi) and to the north of the river Virāntanāru.
It is not quite patent how a document issued to u private person found its way into the treasury of the temple of Ranganathasvamin at Srirangam. Perhaps the donor, a Srivaishpavs, was a native of Srirangam, and he may have either deposited the copper-plates in the temple treasury for safe custody or have presented the village with its original deed of gift to the god Ranganātha. As regards the donee, nothing can be said definitely, as do distinguishing family names are affixed to his name; to which of the acharya-purusha families he belonged is not easy to ascertain.
At the end of the document it is stated that the composer of the inscription is Sabhāpati and the engraver Mallaņāobarya, the son of Viraņācharya.
The names of places, eto., which occur in the document are :-Uyyagondacholēndra val. niąu, [Tirav]ārtir, Tirumihachchir, Eppakuļi, Karkaktai, Pēlaikaời and the rivers Kāvēri, Virāptanāra and Nattāvākkal. Of these Uyyagondacholendra-valandu is the same as Uyyakkondachola-valanādu, an ancient division of the Chola days. Tiruvārür is a town of great importance for the large Biva temple situated in it; it is in the Negapatam Taluk of the Tanjore District. Tiramihachchår, same as Tiramiyachchur, a place whose praises are sung by the Saiva enints Tiru-Jõāna sambandha and Appar, is situated in the Nannilam Taluk. The river Kávērt is too well known to need any comment. The Nattāvākkal is the same as the Nattår, which runs through the Nannilam Taluk anú the French territory of Käraikkal. The river Virantanāru seems to be the same as the Virasolaparu, which runs through the Mayavaram Taluk and disembogues south of Tranquebar. We are not able to identify Karkaktai (here the reading itself appears to be wrong) and Pēlaikudi (Melaikkudi) and Eppakudi.
The portions of the inscriptions A and B which contain the genealogy of Krishnadevarhys are similar to those found in other inscriptions of this king. For instance, vv. 1-28 of A are identical with those of the Conjeeveram Plates of Krishnadevaraya edited in Vol. XIII, pp. 126-189. VV. 9-11 found in A are omitted in B. Therefore vv. 1-8 of B agree with vv. 1-8 of A, and vv. 9-24 of B with vv. 12-28 of A. Since the geneulogioal portion of the inscriptions A and B have been printed in the Epigraphia Indicu more than onoe, they are Omitted in the transcripts of the texts given below.
A.
TEXT.1 (Metres : v. 28, Sragdhard; vv. 29-454, 471-501, Anushtubh ; v. 46, Giti; v. 517, Salint.)
Second Plate : Second Side. e . . . . . . . .
ali 64 [स]धोभिः स विजयनगरे खसिंहासनस्तः, मापालान् कृष्णराय65 fafaufaruterte al TETTU [1] gafarurfufa
From 10 knd impresions prepared under the supervision of Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao. Read .
Read

Page #212

iia.
H. KRISHNA SASTRI.
SOALE -5.
Katrina मनमा गरिरहना हवामानामा 2ला मानमत्तामा रहनकालाबाजार
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(Gaanaलहानमा दमामालाना 6 नववती
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Srirangam Copper-plate Grant of Krishnadeva-Raya; S.S. 1436.
SURVEY OF INDIA.

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iib.
iii.
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No. 21.)
TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
168
66 कटकादा च हेमाचलाता (0)दा सेतोरधिमार्थ (:)त्रियमिह बहलीलत्व 67 कोा समिधे (:) [२८] शालिवाहननिनते शकाब्दे सचत: यतः
पहि[श]68 ता च संयुक्तैः संख्याते दशभि[:"] शतैः [२८] भावसंवत्सरे मास
कार्तिके बुधवा69 सरे । गोहादस्यां च पुण्यायां भरण्यां समये शुभे [३०] तुंग
भद्रापग[1]70 तीर हेमकुटोपशोभिते । श्रोविरुपाक्षदेवस्य संनिधौ मुक्ति[दा]71 *नि [३१] पात्रेयगोत्रजाताय वरापस्तंबसविणे । यशखिने य[:]. 72 शाखा[ध्या] यिने गुणशालिने [३२] ष[१]न्यिंबुधेः पारदृश्वने शत73 शोभिने । श्रीमद्दरदराजायंसुनवे सुतोतये ।[३३] गोसह म[7]74 दाने विश्रुते शुभदायिनि । प्राचार्याय विशंधाय वाचार्य्याय म75 हालने ३४] पुरु[षा]ये" सरस्वत्यै "स्य भीलाय धीमते । पखाल76 भट्टवेषाय शेषाय गुरवे धिया ।। ३५*] चोलमंडलराज्यांत[भ]तदक्षि77 णरोधसि । पुण्य (7) कवेरकन्याया दृश्यमाननिजस्थितिं ।। २६.] पार" 78 रुचावडरंतर्भावं चापि समाश्री"तं । विख्यातमुय्यपोंडश्रीची लं]-10 79 []वळना[डु]के ।[1 ३७"] तस्यैव पश्चिमी भाग इति ख्यातिमुपाश्रीत"] [२].
Third Plate: First Side 80 [म्ये] तिरूमियरुपडके विहितस्थितिं ।। ३८] कलीग्रामतः प्रा[] 81 नाहावाक[*]लप्रदेशतः । दक्षिणत्वं श्रीत पलैकुडिग्रामाच पचि. 82 मं ।। ३८] वोरांतनात्तुशी माया उत्तरस्यां दिशि स्थितं । कृष्णरायपुर चे. 83 ति प्रतिमाम समाश्रितं [॥ ४.] ग्राममेण्णकुडीत्याख्या विख्यातामाथिति] 84 वरं। सर्वमान्यं] चतु[:]सीमास"युतं च समंतत: ।।। ४१] निधिनिच
पपाषाण85 [
मिशा ध्यजलान्वितं । पक्षिण्यागामिसंयुक्त मेकभोग्यं सभूक1 Read न्ता. - Read पाँते.
• Read षटुिं. • Read भयो च. • Read कू.
Read fu.. • Read शु.
- Read °सूनवे सूत्र 10 Read a.
1 Read °शुद्धा. 11 The netual reading on the plate is giù.-which has to be corrected into g'o ù.-Ed.) - Read पु. 1Read .
Is Read पि. • Read "मुख्यगोंडवीचील. 17 Read °मणमित
w Read तिमिका - Read ter.
Rahu..
1 Rend d. Minist
24 Road
Read सू.

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164
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XVIm.
86. ४२] वापीकूपताच कच्छमापि [समन्वितम् ।"] पुषघौचादि
मि) [v] क्र. 87 मादाचंद्रतारकं [॥ ४३*] दानस्थाधमनस्यापि विक्रयस्यापि चोचितं । प88 रीतः प्रयत[:] शिनग्धः "] पुरोषितपुरोगमैः [॥ ४] विविधै(:)विदु.
धै: ] श्रोतप89 विवरधिगिरा । अणदेवमारायो माननीयो मनचिना ॥ ४५*] स90 हिरण्यपयोधारापूर्व]कं दत्तवान्मुदा [४ ] तदिदमवनीवनीपकविनु1 तधरायस्य कष्णरायस्थ [*] शासनमतिवले शासनतरकरदान12 व सा[प]दानस्य [ 41] अणदेवमहारायचासमैन समापति[:.]
पमा. 28 पोन्म[स]: तदिदं ताशासन sey'] वटा श्रीमानाचार्यो]
वीणा9 भार्यनंदन: आकल्पमतको इति भासम लेणक[ः ॥ ४८"] 90 दानपालनयोर्मधे दाना[2]योनुपालनं [1] दानाख गमवा. 90 प्रोति पालनाद"तं पदं [very"] खदत्ताहिगुणं पुण्यं" परदत्ता97 नुपालनं [1] परदत्तापहारेण स्वदत्तं निष्फलं भवेत्] [ *] 98 सामान्योयं धर्मसतं"बृपाणां काले काले पालनोयो भवडि][: 1] 89 सवा नेतान् भाविनः पार्थिवेंद्रान भूयो भूयो याचते रामचंद्रः [॥ ५१७] 100 श्रोविरुपाक्ष [*]]"
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. (Vv. 25 to 28.) King Krishnaraya raled the earth, being sented upon the jewelled throne at Vijayanagara, in as glorious a fashion as the ancient kinge) Nriga and others grating ample sums of money to rappliants throughout the length and breadth of the land, from Seta to the Mēra mountain, from the Mountain of the rising Snn to that of the setting Sun.
(Vv. 29-35.) In the year one thousand four hundred and thirty-six of the Saka era, norresponding to the (oy olio) year Bhave, in the month of Kartika, on a Wednesday, the G8-dvadasi tithi and the Bharaņi nakshatra, the king granted, in the presence of the god Virū. pakaba, on the bank of the river Tungabhadr. and near the Hēmakūta hill (at Vijayanagara), the village of Ennakudi ander the new name of Kfishnarayapuram, to Allāla-Bhatta, son of Varadarlijaryo, of the Atreya götra, Apastanu ba sūtra and Yajus sākha, who was a master
1 Road 1 • Rende 1 Road तारसम्म 1. Resl . - Read al
• Read fe.
• Read खना. ittende.
• Read मृ. # Read 7.
• Rend तस्व'. " Read हिगुवं पुच्च
1Read . 18 Written in Telaga Kannada characters. Bead face.

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165
in the Six Systems of philosophy and the Sruta (i.e. the Vedas), who was over veracious, who officiated as priest during the Gosahasra-mahadana, who was pure, prajseworthy, the goddess Sarasvati in male form, (of good conduct and intelligent and in wisdom like the teacher Sesha (i.e, the serpent Adißosha).
(Vv. 36 to 454.) The village granted was in the Chola mandala-rajya, on the soath bank of the Kivēri. It belonged to the jurisdiction of the) Araru-chavadi (Tiruvarur) and was in the Tirumthaohohuru-pattu the western half of Oyyagondachölēndra-Valanādu. It was situated to the east of the village of Karkaktai, to the south of the Nattavakkal, to the west of the village of Palaikudi (Mēlaikkudi ?) and to the north of Virantanāru. It was granted with the enjoyment of the eight items of proprietorship, such as midhi, mikshapa, eto., as a freehold to be enjoyed by the donee and his descendants as long as the Moon and the Sun subsist, with the rights of gift, sale, mortgage, etc., by the illustrious Krishnadeva-Msharaya, who was surrounded (nt the time of the gift) by his Purohitas and a utuinber of Brahmanas well versed in the Srauta learning, with pouring of water together with gold.
(V.464.) This is the säsana of king Krishnaraya, whose income from land is praised by suppliante for munificence, which is equal to that of the tree (Kalpa-oriksha) of Indra's region.
(V. 47The copper-plate document was composed by Sabhāpati at the command of Kpishộadeva-Mahāriya.
(V. 481.) Mallanacharya, the son of Viraņācharya, the artificer, who engraved this document on the oppor-plater, obtained one share in the gift.
(Vv. 49 to 514.) The usual admonitory versen. Line lvo. (Sign-mapoal of the kings of Vijayanagara, the word) Sri-Vir[0]P[<]ksha
B.--INSCRIPTION OF SAKA-SAMVAT 1460. This inscription also is engraved on set of three platos, of which the first side of the first and the second side of the third plates are left anengraved; the rims of the plates are raised, The writing is very well presorved. This set also, like the other set A above, buy a ring and seal. The plates are not numbered.
The alphabet in which the record is engraved is Nandinågari, and the languages Sanskrit and Tamil: the earlier portion, describing the genealogy, the praises of the donor and the donee and the village granted, is in the Sanskrit language, while the letter portion describing the boundaries, etc., of the village granted, is in Tamil. The sign-mangal, SriVirūpāksha, at the end of the document is written in the Telugu-Kannada alphabet. The orthographical peculiarities of this epigraph are almost the same se those of the other. In addition to those already detailed under A, this inscription introduces visargas in a number of places where they are superfluons, and in these instanies they are marked off in the transcript by round brackets. The engraver bas done his business in a rather slovenly wanner, allowing many omissions and errors to occur in the document.
The inaoription belongs to the reign of Kfishụsdēva-Maharaya and is dated Saka 1450 which corresponded to the cyclic year Sarvajit. In this year, on a Monday, which was also the Uttbans-dvadasi tithi in the month of Kārttika, the king nade a grant of an agrahara to A number of Brahmaņas of various gotras, sūtras und Vēdas. The village granted WEB Vadapibür-Ekambarapuram-its name being changed into Kpisaneriyapuram at the cime of the grant. The village was situated on the south bank of the river KĀvēri in the Tiruvālür-sima of the Ohola-mandala, belonged to the Suttavalichoda-valanddu and was in the sthala (sub-division of Alangudi; it was bouided on the west hy Manavarinalltir, on the north by Kongardyanellur, on the east by Tirukafambridir, and on the south by Valanguçi.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
The village itself seems to have been situated on the bank of the rivulet called the Rushi river. In the Tamil portion the boundaries of Vedambaru-Yēkāni barapuram are given as follows: Tirukalambur on the east; Tirakaļambür and Vélanguļi on the south-east; Velángudi, and Sēdirāyanallur on the south; on the south-west Sēdirayanallar and Mānávarinallor; on the west Mänåvarinallär; on the north-west the same (?); on the north Kongarayanellår, and the same on the north-east. It was divided into thirty-two shares and distributed among Brahmaņas who had different gðtras, sūtras and fakhās. The names of the Brāhmaṇas, however, are not given as promised. One share each was given to the gods Vishnu and Siva in the village, and the fasana-engraver Mallaņācharya gets, as usual, one share for his work.
Regarding the date, the Hon'ble Mr. L. D. Swamikkanuu Pillai, C.I.E., kindly furnishes us with the following note :
" S. 1450, Sarvajit; Monday, Utthāna-Dvadasi, in the month of Kārtrika.
Kārttika Su. 12 is called Utthāna-Dvadasi (Ind. Ephemeris, p. XIX). In A.D. 1527=s. 1450 (current) Sarvajit, Utthana-Dvadasi or Kārttika Su. J2 fell on Monday, 4th November A.D. 1527: the tithi commenced at 19 ghafikās after mean sun-rise on Monday and came to end on Tuesday at 154 ghatikās after mean sun-ribe."
At the end of the inscription we are told that the composer of the document was Sabhpati, and the engraver Mallanacbarya, son of Virandcharya.
The following are the names of places, etc., mentioned in the record :-Ekambarapuram, Vadainbüror Vedambūr, Tiruvālor, Suttavalichoda-valacădu, Alangudi, Mānāvarinallür. Kongarāyanellar, Tirukalambüdür or Tiru kalambir, sedirāyanallar, Vēlangadi and the rivers Kāvori and Rushi. Of these Tiruvalur has already been identified with the town of that name in the Negapatam Taluk; Suttavalichoda-valanādu, which is one of the divisions of the Chola days, takes its name from the village whole modern spelling is Sittamalli and which is situated in the Mannārguļi Taluk; Aladgudi, Kongarāyanellar, Tirukalambar and Vēlangadi are in the Nannilam Taluk of the Tanjore District. We are not able to identify "Vadambor, Ekšmbars. param, Mānivarinallür, Sadirāyanallar and the river Rushi.
B.
TEXT. [Metres : v. 25, Sragdharā; vv. 26-43, 45-46, Anushțubh ; v. 44, Salini.] (Lines 1 to 52 have been omitted, as they agree with the text of the Conjoeveram Plates of the same king published on pp. 126-9 of Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII.)
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Read af. • Read 7.
• Read संख्याते.

Page #218

No. 21.]
TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA.
58 सर्वजिहसरे नाध्ये कार्त्तिको 'चंद्रवासरे । उया'नहादशीति
59 [2] यापुण्यकाले शुभे दिने । [ २७* ] तुंगभद्रानदीतीर (१) विरुपाच स्थ*
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61 [] [स्त्राणि *] विविधानि च । शाखाय विविधास्त्वानि' नामानि विवि
62 [ध]ानि च [ २८*] बिभ्राणेभ्या' हिजाति[भ्यो] वेदविशे विश' षत[: । "]
60 धौ
[गो]
भूदान
63 [प] ाचभूतेभ्यो विशृतेभ्योधिमेदिनी" [ ३०"] चाडमंडलसंमध" तिरु-] 64 []लूरिसीमन "सवकीचोकमा [] धाडिली ।। ११*] [T]65 वैरिदचिणा सर्वापाभिते" | मानवारोचन[]रुमा-"
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66 च्यां दिशिमुपामितुं" [३२] कोम “रायास्यने][[]]रुदचिण[स्य दिशि ]
Second Plate: Second Side.
67 [f]" | "तिरुकाळचीबूदूरपचमायां दिशि स्थित" [२५] 68 बैलांवर (T) मादुदोच्चा दिशिमा" चितं [] रुवीन [था)
69 स्वततीरग्रामपथमत श्वितं । [ २४ ] वडंबूरिसमं नाम येकां70 बरपुरं तथा । प्रतिनाम क्रिष्णरायपुरमित्यभिशाभितं ।। ३५*] ग्रा[म]-* 71 प्रासार्थं मस्वय" चारग्राममहोत । तग्रामपूर्वदिग्भागे सुच[च]72 [ वलि ] मास" [ २६*] निधिनिचपपाषाणसिध" साध्यजलान्वच: " । अक्षि73 ण्यागामिसंयुक्तं समस्तवलयान्वित [म् *] [ ॥ ३७*] पुत्रपौत्रादिभि (:)र्भाग्य' [मा]
[The reading is चंदु and must be corrected into चंद्र.Ed.]
• Read 'त्या.
● Read प्या: पु.
• Read ut.
* Read it.
11 Read चोख and 'संघ'
13 Read कावेर्या दचिणे भागे सर्वसस्योपथीभिते.
1 Read प्राचीं दिशमुपाश्रितम्.
10 Rend .
18 Lines 80 and 82 below read तिफल बूर without the penultimate consonant 1 Read af and feat. 20 Rend 'होचों दिशमा
11 Bead fa:fer [at the beginning of the line must be changed into
• Read Яte.
• Read थे.
25 Read "नाडाबा
167
• Read स्व.
Read लामि
10 Bead for and ff.
14 Read मानावरिनजूद as in il. 84 and 88 below 17 Read -
.--Ed.]
* The anuseara on is merged slightly in the top line of the next letter. Read wat.
20 Bead प्रतिनाया वच and शोभितम्.
34 There is a dot on T resembling an anusrära.
20 Rend लङ्काम.
* Rend निचेप and सिए.
Real मस्यैव.
ardend सुचेनावखिनत क
20 Bond चित

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188
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XVIII
% 3D
74 [दा]चंद्रतारक । सरि "] खपयोधारापूर्वकं दावायदा' ।। २८] तब 75 [विंशतिं वित्तिकसात्वा समाहितः । वित्तिमंतो विनि[व्यं]. 76 से [व]दवेदांगपारगा: ॥[ ३८] खग्रामदेवयोश्चैव शैववैष्णवयारपि 77 । जानेवेबभोगार्थ 'वित्तिराद्या [स]मर्पितं [...]
Third Plate : First Side,
78 तैस्त'समन्विताचि दिक्षु प्राच्यादिष क्रमात् । सोमनुसा' पहा. 79 रण विख्य[-]ते देशभाषया [॥ ४१] बेडंबूस्येकांबरपुरतुक्कु प्रतिनाम. 80 मान क्रिष्णरायपुरतुक ये विवर" [1] किळकि तिक्कळंबूरिति 81 येथे चंदु" मुंना नडुवितु वामनमुद्रकानु" । पा[ग्ने]यसका ति[क] 82 कळबरि बलाडिबेडंबूरि[*] यह पदु" [क]कुडिन चामनमुद्र88 सु ॥ "तिर्क वै[लां]कुडि दिरायनम" बेड(0) बर]न"] येथे चंदु" कूड़ि84 7 वामनमुद्रका । मेलमूचे शेदिरायन क मानावरी..
। नजूरु वेडंबूरि[न'] येले दु" डिन" मुक्कलि वामनमुक*] ॥ 86 मेछु मानावरिन[*] येथे चेंदु" कुडन" वामनमुद्रका । ते87 कुवडमल मूखमा" येथे चंदु" कूडिन वामनमुद्रकनु । वड[क]. 88 साल [को]गरायनक"] यज्ञ चंदु" डिन वामनमुद कर ॥ वडके89 डकमूले कोंगरायनेजूरु वेडरि" येथे चंदु" कूडिन वामनमुद्रि]90 कनु ।-1 येकेव' भगिनो लोके सर्वेषामा व भूभुजां []न भोज्या
11 मामा विप्रदत्त" वसुंधरा ॥[४२*] दानपालनयोम ध्ये दानाच्छ्रेयोनुपा92 लनं । दानाखर्गमवाप्नोति पालनाद[चतं पदं [४३*] सामान्योयं ध.
* Rent
I Read मुदा.
- Read द्वात्रिंशतं इतौ: कल्पयित्वा. Read वृत्ति. • Rend
- Read यो. . Read off and ofáar.
Read dex and of • Read Arifes. The secondary å symbol of a looks like a line representing a stop rather than like the secondary symbol. • Read सौभागीया. 10 Read gegy
11 Read - Read .
Read Q. - Read किळके. " Read तिबकळपारिए
1 Read शोचन. 16 Bend Tgfee and gir " Rad अचु.
20 Read तिबकलंक लाकुडि. " Read देवे.
tead शैदियरायमहरु उंचूरिन्. B Rend मुद्रकल. - Read तेग्मेलमुले.
Readt.
Read ofr. # Read चन् कुडिन, " Read मुशिल. • Read बडर्मक मूले शाक'.
- Read वकिळा मूल .. " Road रिक
. Read - Read ता.
ss Reed मे.

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No. 21.)
TWO COPPER-PLATE GRANTS OF KRISHNADEVARAYA
169
93 AT Tarut [ *] ate 'Tertarafa: i wataai wife: []94 füagt ut ut i
& [88] UTAFITTINTH 95 7 Futufa: 1 yaaru ca afec aiara [84] ANTI96 [af]azzi[:*] 10 Tiaga: 1 914CA Jani faft? 21897 ca: [84*] 98 tragua [*]
ABSTRACT OF CONTENTS. (Verses 26-40.) In the year one thousand four hundred and Afty of the Saka era, corre. sponding to the (cyclio) year Sarvajit, on Monday in the month Kārttika and the Uttbāne. dvadasi tithi, the king Kțishṇadēva-Mahārāya granted as an agrahāra the village of Vadambur-Ekāmbarapuram to a number of Brăbnanas of various yotras, sūtras, sakhās and of different names, who are well versed in the Vēdas, fit to receive land-grant and well known. The village granted was in the Tiruvālür-sima and belonged to the Chola-mandala ; it was situated in the Alangudi-sthala in the Suttavaļichoda-valanadu, on the south of the river Kávēri. It stood to the east of Mānāvarinallar, to the south of Kongarāyanellür, to the west of Tirukaļambadör and to the north of the village of Vēlanguļi, on the river Rushi. The village was divided into thirty-two shares and given to learned Brāhmaṇas by the pouring of water together with gold. One sbare was given to each of the gods Siva and Vishnu in that village. (The rest of the plate is left unengraved, perhaps it was meant to fill up the names of donees.)
[V. 41 states that the boundaries, etc., will be given in the language of the country in which the village ią situated.]
(Ll. 79-90.) The details of the boundaries, of Krishnariyapuram alias Vadamburkāmbarapuram are :On the east the boundary line joins the boundary of Tirukalambür and touches the
stone bearing the Vāmana-mudră in the middle of Munnēru. On the south-east the stone bearing the Vāmana-mudra at the point where Tiruka
lambir and Vēlāngudi join the boundary of Vedambur. On the south the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra at the point where Vēlanguļi and
Sēdiyariyanallur join the boundary of Vedambar. At the south-west cornør the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra at the meeting point
where Sēdiyarayanallar and Mānāvarinallür join the boundary of Vedambúr. On the west the boundary line joins the boundary of Manivarinallar and touches the
stone bearing the Vāmana-mudra. At the north-west corner the stone bearing the Vamana-mudrā. On the north the boundary line joins the boundary of Kongarāyarella and touches the
stone bearing the Vanana-mudra ; and On the north-east the stone bearing the Vamana-mudra at the point where Kongarāya
nellar meets the boundary of Vedambur. Vv. 41-43. The usual admonitory verses.]
iv. 44 states that Sabhāpati composed the document at the command of Krishnadev.Mahārāya.]
[V. 45. Allots one share to the engraver of the fisana, Mallaņãohārya, son of Virantchārya.]
(L. 98.) Sri-Virüpāksha, (the sign-manual of the king.) Read age.
Read @ atat. Read 017. Read 19. 5 Read em
af
. • Road 'araat. * Read of
• Written in Telugu-Kannada aiyumvuw, Pegd fact.

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170
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XVIII.
No. 22-INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
BY LIONEL D. BARNETT. The village of Hali, anciently termed Pūli, lies in circa long. 75° 14', lat. 15° 47}', about five miles east-by-north of Saundatti, the chief town of the Parasgad Taluk of the Belgaum District. It was formerly a town of considerable importance, and was one of the "Eighteen Agraharas” (Dynasties of the Kan. Distr., p. 443n.), as some of its inscriptions testify. In his Archæological Survey of Western India : Report of the First Season's Operations (1874), Pp. 12-14, Dr. Burgess has given an account of its chief architectural remains; and in 1889 the late Dr. Fleet made a survey of its epigraphic records, as a result of which a number of ink. impressions were prepared for him, which are now in the possession of the Trustees of the British Museum. Of this collection the texts published below are the most important. Their provenance is as follows: A (a vira-gal), of A.D. 985, from the north of the Bhiměśvara or Andbakesvara
temple. B (Jain), of A.D. 1044-45 and 1145, from the temple of Virabhadra. 0 (Vaishpava), of A.D. 1082, from the same temple. D (of the cult of Harihara), of A.D. 1097, from the same temple. E (Saiva), of A.D. 1104, 1162, 1184, and 1224, from the temple of Madanēsvara. F (Saiva), of A.D. 1107, from the temple of Kere-Siddhappa. G (a vira-gal), of A.D. 1107, from a site north of the Bhimēsvara temple. H (Jain), date lost, from the Pancha-linga temple. I-J (Saiva), from the same temple. K. (saiva), from the Bhimavara temple. L (Vaishnava), of A:D. 1162, from the Virakta-matha. ***
M (Vaishnava) of A.D. 1162, from the Agastyasvara temple.
Of these temples the largest is the Pancha-linga, on which see Burgess, First Arch. Report, pl. xv and xvi. Burgess attributes it to about A.D. 1100. It was originally Jain, as is shown.by the figure of a Jing on the lintel, and by some Jain inscriptions, one of which, carved over the lintel of a door, records some building executed by the lay-disciples of Prabhāchandra Siddhāntadēva in the Saka year (lapsed) 114[2], corresponding to the cyclic year Vikrama, i... A.D. 1220-21. Now, as the name implies, it has been converted to the service of the Saiva cult. The temple of Virabhadra is a modern and insignificant building near the tank, which lies on the north-east of the village. That of Bhimēśvara, which the villagers seemed inclined to call Andhakēsvara, lies on the north of the village, in Survey No. 693. It was already partially ruined in 1882, and was covered by a rank growth of prickly pear. It is in the Dravidian style, without porch, and contains two shrines, one at the east end and one at the West. The temple of Madanēsvara, as the villagers call it (it is termed Andhakësvara by Sir Walter Elliot, but the inscriptions call it the temple of Andhăsura), lies to the north of the village, a little way up the hill, in Survey No. 688. It is a Saiva sanctuary of the Dravidian order, containing a porch, open mantapa, and shrine with litiga. The Agastyēsvara is a sandstone temple, situated on the eastern bank of the Nāgara Bhāvi, a well or small tank on the north of the tank marked in Survey No. 694;, it is of the Dravidian order, and consists of a porch now ruined), walled mantapa, and shrine with linga. The temple of Kere-Siddhap
wacha,
This is the situation according to the Bombay Survey sheet No. 805, where it is entered as "Kaaba Hali." In the Indian Asla thoot 41 (1859), where the name is spelt“ Hoole," it is a little further towards the east.
* To the ne departed friend I owe drafts of the texts, which have greatly lightened the labour of making my own transcripta, and some notes on the archeological remains of Hali.

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No. 22.]
pa, or "Siddhappa of the Tank," stands on the eastern side of the tank marked in Survey No. 694, towards the north-east of the village. It is of sandstone, of the Dravidian order, containing a shrine with linga, walled mantapa, and porch (now in ruins). The Virakta. matha is (or was) a building in the north-eastern part of the village, which served for lodging ascetics.
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
The Elliot Collection (Royal Asiatic Society's copy) contains transcripts of nine of these inscriptions: D. is given in vol. 1, fol. 233a, E. ib., fol. 284b, F. ib., fol. 307a, G. ib., fol. 306b H. ib., fol. 412a, I. in vol. 2, fol. 374b, J. ib., fol. 374b, K. ib., fol. 375a, and M. ib., fol. 1la. As nsual, these transcripts leave much to be desired.
171
A. OF THE REIGN OF TAILA II: SAKA 907.
The following inscription is incised upon a black stone which was found to the north of the Bhimesvara or Andhakesvara temple, on the west bank of the Akkatangera-bhavi, in Survey No. 693. The slab was set in a base, and was 5 ft. 2 in. in height and 2 ft. 1 in. broad. It was a vira-gal, or hero's monument, and in accordance with the usual practice was divided into horizontal compartments, four containing sculptures and three writing. Of the sculptures I have been unable to obtain particulars. The first compartment of the writing (about 5" high) contains 11. 1-4, the second (about 3 high) 11. 5-9, the third (about 21" high) 11. 10-11 The inscription is fairly well preserved, and is in good Kanarese script, with letters between " and" in height. The special form of y noted above, Vol. XII, p. 336, seems to occur in bhandiy, 1. 3.-The language is Old Kanarese: 11. 1-4 are in prose, and then come three verses. The forms are those of a transitional period: thus we find the short accusative and. genitive, the locative in -o (11. 5-8, 10), and the verbal forms irdan (1. 5), ildan (1. 7), sandar (1.4), beside the archaic verbal forms antoran (1. 5) and küḍidon (1. 8). The word eltus apparently the original of the later ettu, seems to occur in bhandiy-eltam, 1. 3. The i not preserved, except in negaida (11. 8-9).
The record is of the usual type of vira-gal. It announces that on a certain date Dadda payya, a pergade or official in the service of Sobhanayya, made a raid upon Pali, whereupon Kendara Kēta, Ereviṭṭa, and Tambada Kēta attacked his party, slew the leader, his horse, and three of his men, and died the death of heroes. Verses 1-2 (11. 5-9) eulogise Kendara Kêta; the mutilated and obscure verse 3 mentions a certain Kendara Marasimga as dying heroically
in battle.
The date of this record is :. Saka 907 expired, the cyclic year Parthiva; the full moon of Chaitra; Budhavara, or Wednesday (11. 1-2). These details are slightly irregular: the tithi Chaitra sukla 15 of the given year corresponded to Monday, 9 March, A.D. 985, on which day it ended about 16 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise, and it cannot have been connected with the Wednesday.1
The only place mentioned is Pali, i.e. Huli (1. 2).
TEXT.2
[The metres are: verse 1, Mattēbha-vikridita; verse 2, Kanda. The fragmentary verse 3 may possibly be a Dvipada.]
1
2 Chaitrada punname
Pūliya po
Svasti [*] Sa(1)ka-nripa-kāļ-ātīta-samvatsaramga3 907neya Partthivasamvatsarada
Sobhanayyana perggade Daddapayyam
Budhavaradandu
1 I am indebted to Mr. R. Sewell for the verification of my calculations of this and the other dates in the present paper.
From the ink-impression.
Abbreviated for samvatsara-satamgrlu.
T 2

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172
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
3 lada bhapdiyl-eltam kemman-akaranam kondu poge Kendara Kētanum Erovit
tanum Tambada Kētanum parichcho(chchhë)dar-geyda müvaruń mėl-āļu kudureyuma ["]
kondu mokshakke sandar [ll*] 5 Durado!-käydu kadamgi pomgi maled-or-ant-içdan=eytandao machcharadind
āntoran-Anta6 kang-idad [o] kol-chand-ikki mikk-i vasun[dh]areyol-tan[n]-adatur patapamume
ad=rāj-ottamam pe[r]chchi 7 Kendara Këta[m] vara-Vāsav-å[m*]ganeyaro! kod-iļdan-ā svarggado! || [1"]
Todum bidum-ad-uduga8 de påd-apid-echch=āji-ramgado! vājiya[n]=alk-āļi sur-ā[m]ganeyaroļaṁ kūdidon
ēm kaliye nega9 ļda Ken[dara Kētaṁ ||] [2] 10 Si[m]gam-ibhamgalam nuguv-antes tara .. gi samgado! kaļida Kendara
Marasin11 gam me...... gandan=adaţano | [3] .
TRANSLATION (Lines 1-4.) Hail ! On Wednesday, the full-moon day of Chaitra of the 907th (year) of the centurier elapsed from the time of the Saka king, the cyclic year Pārthiva, when Bobhanayya's officer Daddapayya without right or reason was carrying away the cart-oxen() of the fields of Pali, Kendara Kēta and Erevitta and Tambada Kēta, slaying the three men forming the division, the leader, and his horse, attained salvation.
(Verse 1.) He stood worthily fighting in the fray, burning, striving, boiling: when, advancing, with indignation he despatched his adversaries to the Death-god, exercising the opportunity for slanghter (*), his prowess and majesty were extraordinary on this earth; and this noble prince becoming great, Kendara Kēta was united in paradise to Indra's goodly damsels.
(V. 2.) Shooting on the stage of battle his arrows with understanding of the right manner, so that the fitting (of the shafts on the bow-string) and their discharge did not slacken when he was exhausted he espoused the celestial ladies : what a hero is the illustrious Kendara Kēta!
(V. 3.) As a lion crushes elephants... Kendara Marasinga, who passed away in battle... what a man of valour and spirit ! B-OF THE REIGNS OF SOMESVARA I AND JAGADEKAMALLA II:
SAKA 986 AND 1087. This record is carved on a black stone set upright in the ground against the outside of the Western face of the Virabhadra temple (see above). The stone when found was 4 ft. 7 in. high and 1 ft. 8 in, wide. The upper compartment, which was rounded on the top, contained soulptures, viz., in the centre, a squatting Jina facing to the front, with a cow and calf on the proper right and a scimitar on the left, while above these was the sun (to left) and moon (to right). The inscribed area below this is 3 ft. 1 in. high and 1 ft. 7} in, wide. The character is Old Kanarese, the average height of the letters in 11, 1-2 being from Y' in, to in. The y is uncertain.
Perhaps to be corrected to eytandi. . For perchcha?
• The e is not quite clear. The t is somewhat uncertain: it is written very small, below the lino. • Renting eytandu for the eytanda of the stone.

Page #224

No. 22.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
173
and in l. 3 from rain. to in., after which it increases gradually to between in. to in. It is a fairly good type of the script used in the middle of the 12th century A.D. (see below). - The language is throughout Old Kanarese, verse and prose, with the exception of the introduotory Sanskrit verse. The ! is not preserved : instead we find ? in elgeyaṁ (1. 12), pogalut. (1. 13), podaļda (1. 16), nāļke (1. 16), pēļu (1. 20), pēļ (1. 54), and on the other hand r in erdda (1. 6) and negardda (11, 12, 18). On the instrumental artthiye (1. 14) see above, Vol. XIV, p. 27, n. 9. Of some lexical interest are the words chatta-samaya (1.9), (?)āyavana (1.9), linkade anka-palaka (1. 14), and adda-chinna (11. 35, 49).
The record is a double one, containing two endowments, the first of which is dated in Saka 966 and the second in Saka 1067. It was actually written in its present form in the latter year, as is proved by the absence of comminatory formule and the character of the script. The first part refers itself to the reign of Āhavamalla (Sömösvara I) in 11. 3-5, and then proceeds to celebrate in verse his feudatory Kaladiya Bolegadi (or Bodegidi), the governor of a Ninetysix district, whose son Pāyimma married Hammikabbe and by her had two daughters, Bhāgenabbe and Lacbcbale or Lachchiyabbe. Lachchale married a governor of the Kündi Three-thousand, and was a generous benefactress of religion (11, 5-15). After some verses in praise of Pali and the thousand Brāhmaṇ burgesses of that town (11. 15-20) comes a prose statement that these burgesses sold to Lachchiyabbe an estate, on which she constructed a Jain sanctuary, assigning certain lands for the maintenance thereof, and appointing as trustee Balachandra-Bhattarakadēva (11. 20-37). Then begins the second document (11. 37-54), which announces that in the reign of Jagadēkamella (II) a local pergade named Nēmaņa or Nēmayya, having purchased some land from the burgesses of Poli, made a further endowment to the same sanctuary for the maintenance of the ascetics residing in it, the trustee being a certain Ramachandradēva. This Nēmapa was a great-grandson of the above-mentioned Lachchiyabbe, his pedigree being as follows:
Lachchiyabbe
Dēma[ņaP] m. Bhāgiyabbe
Pāyimma
Kalidēva
Nēmaņa The document then ends somewhat abruptly, without any concluding formule.
This record, being twofold, contains two dates. The first is given on 11. 20-22 as: Saka 966 expired, the cyclic year Tärapa, Pushya suddha 10, Adivära (Sunday), the uttardyana sankranti. These details have been recently examined by Mr. A. Venkatasubbiah in Some Saka Dates in Inscriptions, p. 129, who remarks as follows: "Tārapa by the northern luni-solar system=$. 966=A.D. 1042. In this year, šu. 10 of the lunar month Pushya ended at 44 gh. 21 p. after mean sunrise on 24th December, on which day, the Makara-sankranti occurred at 14 gh. 38 p. after mean sunrise according to the Sarya-Siddhānta. The week-day however was Friday - and not Sunday. In the solar month Pushya, i.e. Makara or Tai, [Magha-]bu. 10 ended at 11 gh. 36 p. after mean sunrise on Sunday, 23rd January, A.D. 1043. The (Kumbha-]sankranti, which occurred at 41 gh. 32 p. (S.S.) after mean sunrise on the preceding Saturday, fell, 1.6. was observed on this Sunday. This day, therefore,--Sunday, 23rd January, A.D. 1043—is the regular equivalent of the given date."
Kolborn in his List of Southers Inscriptions (abore, Vol. VII, App., No. 160) given the equivalent Sunday 28 Decemner, A.D. 104. (But the tithi ought to be the first and not the 10th ; No Ind Ant. Vol. XXIV. p. 6, No. 148.-Rd.).

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174
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
The second date is given on 11. 40-41 ás: Saka 1067 (expired), the cyclic year Krydhana, the tittardyana-sankranti. Naturally this cannot be verified The sankranti took place 20 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise on Monday, 24 December, A.D. 1145, and 1 Makara was accordingly reckoned as corresponding to Tuesday, 25 December.
The places mentioned, besides Pali,are Kūadi (1. 14), the Beļvala-nadu (1. 16), Siveyagēri (1l. 34, 47), Kaļaśavalligēri (1.48), and a nameless Ninety-six district (1.6). For Belvala seè above, Vol. XIII, p. 40. On the Kündi Three-thousand see I. A., Vol. XXIX, p. 278. The other places I am unable to identify. Kaļaśavalligari was a parish (këri) in Pali.
TEXT: [The metres are as follows: verse 1, Anushtubh; verses 2, 3, and 8, Kanda; verse 4, Utpala-mālā ; verses 5 and 6, Champaka-mala ; verses 7 and 9, Mattēbha-vikridita.] 1 Srimat-parama-gambhira-syadvād-āmogha-lámchcha (chchha)nam [1] jiya[t"]
trailo2 kya-näthasya sasanam Jina-bāsanaṁ || [1] 3 Svasti [lo] Samasta-bhuvan-graya Sri-Prithvi-vallabha mahärājädhirāja paramèsvara
paramabhattara4 kam Satyasraya-ku!a-tiļakam Chaļuky-abharaṇam srimad-Ābavamalladēvara
vijaya-rajya5 m-uttar-ottar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhamānam=8-chardr-ārkka-tāram saluttam-ire !
Tat-păda-padm-opajivi | Mēl-e6 rdds pagevaram nirmmåļi(li)si jasamam nimirchchi dig-bhitti-varam Kiladiya
Bolagadis tale påli(li)sidar Tombat-&7 rumam bhuja-baladim || [2] Atana patram vinay-opētam Payimmma-nri(npi)patig
oppuva sati 8 vikhyati-yate Hammikabbege Sitege sari Bhāgeṇabbe Lachchaley-ogedaru 11
[3] Ishta-ja9 nakke chatta-samayakke mahajana-bhojanakkey=utkri(kri)shta-tapăra (dha)narggeye
a?id=ayava: 10 nakke sa-kamnyak-alik-a(a)gnishțageg-eyde nälku-samayakk-anurāgade bēgay-in11 tu santushtate Lachchiyabborasig-aressati(ri)yar=ssa-char-achar-orvviyola [4] 12 Sakala-dharitriyo!-negardda (Ida) vamdi-janam sale rūpin=élgeyam prakațate-vetta då13 na-gunamam bulad-umnatiya Jin-āmghrigalg-akutila-chittamam pogaļut-i[rppu14 du Kūmdiyalimkad=anka-pāļakana kul-ottam-āmganeyan=artthiye Lachohaladēvi.
yam 15 jagarn[d 5) © Baranidhi-mokhal-āvri(vn)ta-vasundharey-emba vilisini-mukh
Amburuhava(da)vol-virăji16 NOVA Belvala-niļke(ige) podaļda sobheg-agaram-eni[s-i]rppa Pali tiļak-akri(kri)
tiyimd=esed-irppud=ā puran sura-pu17 ramań Kuboran-Aļakāpuramam nagugum viļāsadim ol [ 6*) Alli Sakala
vyakaran-arttha-sa18 stra-chayadoļu kāvyañga!o! samda nätakadolu varnna-kavitvadol=negarddaljde)
vēdāṁtargalolos 19 pirami[rt]th[ika]dot lauki[ka]do!te samasta-kaleyo! Vagisanirndar yago-dhiProm the ink-impression.
71.e., ela.
or possibly Bödagadi. For sale ?
Or posaibly chagat, or the alphara li looks like be on the plat-Ed.?

Page #226

Huli Stone Inscription of the reigns of Somesvara I and
Jagadekamalla II : Saka 966 and 1067.
అండదంటున్నాము
అమరతదుగా
BASENAFI అల
తపురం
మన అజం ను తన ముందు
కంపముండనవిజనవాడా వరకు అంతకం పతనం
గరుత్రరంపం నగరముగము manaకండియరింగ దేశం 2 .
ముందు వాయిదు అడంగి మత
గిరివాతం నయగరగా మనుక మజుం
జనం తం వారవర్గీయులు శయన కమనుగడగడం
యువ చేయండి అందరి ఎగజాం రండవది అగరకు జరిమానాగదు
చందముగా జరూరరవమంటు చెబీడలవాడకు దసnect వంతంగా
ಕಾಲವನ್ನು ಬಳಸಲು ఆయణరం ఆ
మరం గరం గడవు ఉంగు గుండం
కందని
Keepeats తంతు అయడుకు జనయండి
పండుడు
కం
-
అప్పుడు అందరవం,
పలు
దంపబడు వన్న ఆ అవయవ ఆంజు గడవని వర్షం కు మూడు వారాలు MAఅమ్మడి నించు పద
ములవాడ నవరతము లను వనత్రయం అందలమంది అమర జరుపురమున జమున రంగాలయందు
ఎవరిగడ దుల ధరంజయుజ మరణం Aది వదవందమండపంగులుతERYసంయు వత్తరముతున్నయదయమున కయందురని మనసుధ జనవరిదసనం అండ దగర మరియు వీడియా ముందుకు దగక పడుకులును ను ఇరు రావడం
మమతలమయం అయెమ్మదిగా జయించి మరియు మరింత విస్మమ ప్రజలు ఉదరం ఆం
వాడు కనువిబ అదనందుకు చముగయిపncశ్యప మ యణకయి తము ఆముదండము
మరుగవంతుబజరిగా
పగుందాం వారనరసమందును రియలు
రంగుణంగా కవితలు మనం నిడివడు
F. W. THOMAS
SCALE ONE-FOURTH
WHITTINGHAM A GRIGOS, COLL.

Page #227


Page #228

No. 22.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
175
20 kar-Idar-ppogalva'lig-ar-alave polu s sirvvara khy&tiyar || [70) Svasti Saka
nri(npi)pa-kal-ātīts-samvatsara21 gatamgaļu obnega Tarana-samvatsarada Puśya-sudhdhat 10 Adivālam
a(u)ttarayana22 sankrantiyandu Yajana-yajana-adhyayan-adhyapana-dana-pratigraha-shat-karmma
niratarum sri23 ma ch-Chalukya-chakravartti-Brahmu(hma)puri-sthånam (na)- pitsi-pita maha - mahim-as
pada-rakhshan-e24 rttha-kovidarum vidagdha-kavi-gamak [io]-vādi-văgmitvarum-atithiy-abhyāgata-vifishta25 jana-pôjana-priyarum Hiranyagarbhbha-Brahma-mukha-kamala-vinirggata-Ru(Ri)g-Yaju. 26 B-Sam-Atharvvana-samasta-vodi(da)-vodamg-opāng-aneka-sastr-āshtādasa-smri (emri)ti-pa
råņa27 kavya-nataka-dharmm-agama-praviqarath s apta-soma-sachsth- vabhrit(th)- vagahana
pavitrikriksi) 28 ta-gätraru kamchana-ka[la]sa-sita-shat-chhatra-chāmara-pamcha-maha-sabda-ghatika
bhëri-rava-ni29 ner(na)ditarumāfri[ta-jana)-kalpa-vri(vpi)ksharum-abita-Kaļāntakarum-ēka-väkyarun 30 Sarap-agata-vajra-pa[m]ja[rarum cha]tus-samaya-samudhdharaparum sri-Kēšavāditya
deva31 labdha-vara-prasådarum=appa sriman-mah-āgrahāram Poliy=fir-odeya-pramu32 kha silsirvvar-mmahājanangaļa divya-sri-pāda-padmamgalam [Lajohohiyabbarasiyeru
88
33 hirapya-parvvakam-ārādhisi bhūmiyam padedu basadiyam mädisi kham34 da-sphustilta-jirpp-odhdharanakke paduvana poladalu Siveyagěriy-āru-mattar-vva35 sugeyam ma[t]tarimg=adda-chinna-lekkadimd=asu-vapamam misu panamam tett
unb-an36 t-agi Sri-Yāpaniya-samghada Pannāgavri(vri)ksha-mila-ganada fri-Balachandra-Bha37 ttārakadēvara kälam karchchi bittaļu || Svasti [1 ] Samasta-bhuvan-ābraya
Śrl-Pri(pri)thvi-vallabha mahā. 38 rajadhiraja para měśvara paramabhattārakam Satyāsraya-kula-tiļakam Chaļuky.
ābharaṇam 39 Srimat-pratāpa-chakri(kra)vartti Jagadėkamolladēvara vijaya-rajyam-uttar-Otta40 rabhivri(vpi)dhdhi-pravardhdhamānam=ā-chandr-ārkka-taram barain saluttam-ire [1]
Saka-va41 raha 1087noya Krõdhana-samvatsarad-uttarāyaṇa-sainkrantiyamdhu(du) yama.
ni.
42 yama-svidhy@ya-dhyāna-dhārama-mo(mauồn-ãnushth&pa(na)-japa-samādhi-618
sampamnnar=appa 43 Srima[n)-mah-Agraharani Paliy=ir-odeya-pramukha sāsirvvarummahitjanatga[la] 44 divya-sri-pāda-padmangalam perggade Nēmaņam sa-hiraṇya-pårvvakam=aradhisi
(dha)45 [ra]-parvvakam midisi kom[dn] tamma must*]tavve Laobchiyabbarastyard
mādisida basa46 diyal-irppa ri(ri)shiyar=āhāra-dāna-nimittam=alliy-acháryyaru Ramachamdra47 dēvara kāla karchchiy-avaru munnay=āļuva padavapa polada siveyagériy
āju-matta
1 Read Puolya-fuddha.

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176
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
48 rævvasugeyim padu[va]na [bhā]gadalu Kalasavalliyagėriyal sthā[na]d-olag=āļu mattar
kkeyyam 49 mat[t*]arimg=adda-chinna-l[ekkadimd=açu)-vaṇamar mūsu paņamam tett=umb=amt
Ågi bittaru | 50 Pati-bhakte Dhë(Dē)ma... sati Pāyimmarasan=agra-sute sakala-jana-stute
Bha51 giyabbe-rāņige sut ..... md=1 [Nēma]yyan-andäryya-guņai al [ 8*]
Jina-dēvam tanag=āptanza52 [rtthi]-janata-kalpa-druma[m-v-]yyane tamm=ayyan anūna-dani Kalidēvam
s-akshar-a58 grēsaram tanag=aņņam guņa-ratna-bhúshaņan=e[-] samnd-irda Nēmag-enalk
anavady-āchasranam)84 ge bhū-vale(!a)yadoļu pê! (-U- -u-] || [9*]
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) Victorious be the teaching of the Lord of the Three Worlds, enjoined by the Jinas, which bears the infallible token of the blessed and supremely profound doctrine of alternatives !
(Lines 3-5.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Batyäsraya's race, embellishment of the Chāļukyas, king Ahavamalla, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars :
(L.5.) One who finds his sustenance at his lotus-feet--
(V. 2.) Uprooting high-rising foes, spreading abroad his fame as far as the walls of the skyquarters, Kāladiya Bolagadi perfectly (?) protected the Ninety-six by the might of bis arm.
(V. 3.) To the renowned Hammikabbe, the distinguished wife of his son the cultured prince Päyimma, a peer of Sitā, were born Bhāgeṇabbe and Lachchale.
(V. 4.) In the chatļa-samayal of agreeable persons, in the feeding of Brahman householders, in the supply of) measured spoons to distinguished ascetics, in (furnishing) fire-places with rows of maidens, indeed, the four churches straightway were delighted with affection : who are equal to Lachchiyabbarasi on the earth with its stock of living and lifeless things ?
(V.5.) While illustrious eulogists are active over the whole earth, the world with joy praises for excellence of beauty, eminent generosity, distinction of race, and sincere devotion to the Jinas' feet Lachohaladēvi, the exceedingly high-born wife of the limkad=amka-pāļaka of Kiņdi.
Read Kalafanalligēriya.
* This phrase is obecare. It seems most probable that chatta is to be taken as a derivative of Sanskrit shat (cf. Tamil fatta-varggam). Six samayas (schools of religion or philosophy) are often mentioned. The Saivas recognime Morthodox the Bhairava, Vama, Kaļāmukha, Māhivrata, Pasopata, and Saivs samayas, and as anorthodox the Lökayatas, Buddhists, Jains, Mimărsakas, Pāficharātras, and Bhattacharyss. Another group is : Buddhists, Jains, Bhairavas, Kāļām khas, Lõkāyatas, and Sünyavadins. Six Vaidic samayas are recognised, viz. Saiva, Vaishnava, sakta, Sears, Ganapata, and Kaumara; and there are six Vodántic samayas, viz. Kapils, Kanada, Pitaniale, Akshapada or Nyāya, Vsiylsa, and Jaiminiya. The Vaishṇavas admit 6 samayaas orthodox, viz. those of Sankara, Yadava Miára, Ramanuja, Madhya, Bhaskara, and Hiranyagarbha
The reading here is certain, but the division and sense are not. Ayarana is a rare Atharva-vedic word explained "stirring-spoon"; but here it seems to have another meaning.
• The four samaya, are the Mähösvaras, Vaishnavas, Buddhists, and Jains.
"I can only conjecture that linka is connected with lenka,"servant," and that atka is used in the sense of "War" cf. akakapa); the phrase would then mean something like "Commander of the military forces of Kurdi" (Sme fnot-notA 6. p. 174, above-Ed.]

Page #230

No. 22.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
177
(V. 6.) Pāli, which is indeed a site of conspicuous charm, appears with the aspect of a beauty-spot npon the county of Belvala, which is radiant like the lotus-face of that fair lady the ocean-girdied earth. This town by its bright appearance laughs to scorn the city of the Gods and Kuběra's city of Aļakā.
(L 17.) In this (town)
(V. 7.) In the series of all grammars and treatises on economic science, in poems, in goodly drama, in panegyric poetry, in the illustrious Upanishads, in transcendental and secular lore, in all arts, they have become superior in glory to the Lord of Speech (Brahman]: say, who are equal to praising the renown of the Thousand ?
(Ll. 20-22.) Hail ! on Sunday, the occasion of the uttarayana-sankrānti, being the 10th of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Tāraņa, the 968th of the centuries elapsed since the time of the Saks king :
(Ll. 22-23.) Lachchiyabbarasi, having adored with (offering of) gold the divinely blest lotus-feet of the Thousand Mahājanas, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahāra of Pali, who are constant in the six duties of sacrifice by themselves and by others, study, teaching, almsgiving, and acceptance (of charity), skilful for the purpose of maintaining the rank of honour of father and grandfather at the establishment of the Chāļukya Emperor's Brahmapuri, accomplished as wits, poets, reciters, disputants, and rhetoricians, fond of serving guests, visitors, and men of culture, versed in all the Vedas, the Rik, Yajus, Sáma, and Atharvaņa, which have issued from the lotus-mouth of Hiraṇyagarbha-Brahman, and in the Vedangas, the subsidiary sciences, all books of teaching, the eighteen sacred law-books and Purăņas, poems, dramas, and traditional rules of religion; whose bodies are purified by plunging in the baths of the seven soma-samsthass; who are (honoured) with golden pitchers, six white parasols, and yak-tail fans and saluted with the five great musical sounds, gongs, and drums; who are trees of desire to clients, Kalántakas to adversaries, uniform of speech, adamant chambers to refuge-seekers, restorers of the four churches, and recipients of the grace of boons from the god Kēšavaditya,
(LI. 33-37.) and having obtained from them) land and constructed a sanctuary, laved the feet of Balachandra-Bhattārskadēva, of the Punnagavriksha Mola-Gaņa in the YåpaniyaSamgha, and granted for the restoration of broken, burst, and outworn (buildings) six mattar of va suges at Siveyagēri in the western field, to be enjoyed on payment of an asu-vana of three paņas, at the rate of half a gold piece on each mattar.
(LI. 37-40.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyasraya's race, embellishment of the Chalukyas, the angust Emperor Jagadēkamalladēva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, san, and stars :
(LI 40-41.) on the occasion of the uttarāyana-sankranti in the Saka year 1067, the cyclic year Krodhana,
(Lines 41-49.) the sheriff Nēmana, having adored with (offering of) gold the divinely blest lotus-feet of the thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahāra of Pali, who practise the major and minor disciplines, scriptoral study, spiritual concentration, observance of
1 See Manu, i. 88.
A quarter for the residence of Brahmaps in connection with a templo. · These rites are enumerated in Ep. Carn., Vol. VII. i. Sk. 74. • See above, on v. 4 of this inscription. . See Kittel, 8. v. hange, and above, Vol. XIII p. 37.
• The apa-apa is quit-rent for tenancy of land in connect un with amounted to pana per mattar, in all amounting to 8 panai.
religions establishment; here it

Page #231

178
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XVIII.
the vow of silence, prayer, and absorption, and having arranged for purchase with pouring of water, for the purpose of furnishing food for the Rishis resident in the sanctuary constructed by his great-grandmother Lachohiyabbarasi, laved the feet of Ramachandradēvs and granted six mattar of meadow in the grounds of Kalasavalligēri, in the part west of the six mattar of vasuge in Siveyagēri in the western field formerly under his seigniorage, to be enjoyed on payment of an aru-vana of three paņas, at the rate of half a gold piece per mattar.
(V. 8.) This Nēmayya, illustrions in virtues, is . . . son of the universally praised Bhāgiyabbe-rāņi, the chaste wife of Dēma , .. and elder sister of Päyimmarasa.
(V. 9.) As the Lord Jina is his friend, that tree of desire to the needy . . . his father, Kalidēva the unstintingly bountiful and foremost among men of letters his elder brother, say, (who is equal] to Nēma, who is adorned by the jewels of virtue . . . and is blameless of conduct, on the circling earth ?
c.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: THE 7TH YEAR. This inscription is on a black stone built into the western wall inside the temple of Virabhadra, at its north-western corner. The stone itself was 4 ft. 11 in. high and 2 ft. 21 in. broad. On the upper compartment, which was rounded, were the following sculptures : in the centre a standing figure of Vishnu, facing full front; to the proper right of this, a kneeling Garuda, facing half towards Vishņu and half towards the front; to the left of Vishņu, a cow with calf; above these, the sun on left) and moon (on right). There may have been some other details concealed under the coating of chunam upon the stone. Under this is the inscribed aren, 3 ft. 3 in high and 2 ft. 2 in. wide. The character is Kanarese of the period, a fine ornamental hand with a tendency towards Aourishes. The letters, which are generally well preserved, are from in, to f' in. high. The language, with the exception of the formal Sanskrit verses 1, 12, and 13, is Old Kanarese. Initial p is preserved. The archaic ? remains in negaldar (1. 22) and negalda (1. 23), where the vowel before it is metrically short ; on this point I may refer to my observations above, Vol. XIII, p. 327. On the other hand, is changed to in alidange (1. 15), bilgui (1. 17), baļ padavě (1. 26). The double 1 in Shandillya, for Sindilya, (1. 21), is worth notice : cf. Päņini VIII. iv. 47, Siddhantakaumudi 48.
The record, after referring itself in 11. 2-5 to the reign of Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI), gives in 11. 5-11 details of an endowment, consisting of certain lands, whieh Were purchased by Kisuvāyara Ravikinayya-Nayaka, a distinguished member of the Hundred Brahmap burgesses of Raviyaņagēri (a subdivision of the Thousand burgenses of Poli), for the upkeep of a temple of Vishņu which he had built. After some hortatory matter in prose (11. 11-14) and verse (11. 15-17) the author proceeds to celebrate in verse Bēļvala, Pali, the Thousand Brāhmaṇs of Pali, the Hundred of Raviyanagēri forming & part of them, the family of the donor, and the latter personally (11. 17-30). The pedigree is as follows:
Dēinnya, of the St quilya gotru Gommimayye
Ravikimayya
Tikaņārya
Kēdays The data of this record is given on 11. 4-5 88 : the 7th year of the Chalukya-Vikrama ere, the cyclic year Dundubhi; the uttardyana-sankranti. The sankranti in question

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No. 22.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI,
179
occurred on Sunday, 26 December, A.D. 1088, at 13 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise, and 1 Makars was accordingly reckoned as corresponding to the following Monday.
The places mentioned, besides Pali and the tirthas in l. 15, are Raviyanageri (11. 9, 20). the Belvala-nadu (1. 17), Bhattara-kols or "The Bhattas' Lake" (1. 11), and Kalkutigagoro or "The Stonemasons' Tank " (1. 11). On Belvala see above, Vol. XIII, p. 40. The other places seem to have been in or about Pali, and can no longer be traced ; Raviyaņagðri was a parish (kéri, literally "street") of Pali, as will appear below.
TEXT.
[The metres are as follows : verses 1, 13, Anushtubh ; verse 2, Matt&bha-vikridita ; verses 3-9, 11, Kanda ; verse 10, Champaka-mala ; verse 12, Salini.]
Svasti [lo] Jayaty-avishkpitam
Vishạör=vvăraham
kshobhit-arộnavam [lo]
dakshiņðnnata-damshtr-agra-viếrāmta-bhuvana
vapu[b*] [1*7
9
2
der
Svasti [1] Samasta-bhuyan-Israya
Śrt-Prithvi-vallabha
mahārājādhiraja
paramēśvara paramabhattarakam Satya3 śraya-kuļa-tiļakaṁ Châļuky-abharaṇam srimat-Tfi(Tribhuvanamalledēvars vijaya
rajyamenttar-ottar-abhi4 vsiddhi-pravarddhamanam-d-chandr-arkka-tårar saluttam-ire [1] Srimach
Chalukya-Vikrama-varshada neys 5 Dumndubhi-samvatsarad-attar yaņa-samkrāmtiyandu. Svasti [1] Yama-niyama.
svādhyāya-dhya6 na-dhāraņa-mo(mau)n-anushthana(na)-japa-hôma-samādhi-sampannar=appa Srimad
agrahāram Pali. 7 y-or-odeya-pramukha säsirvvarum r1-Kisuvāyara Ravikimayya-ndyakath
madisi8 da eri-Näriyaņa-dēvargge dharmm-abhivsiddhi-nimitta [m dēva]ra jirņņodhdharapan
khanda-sphatitakkam sana9 gandha-dhtpa-dipa-nivedyakkamy-amga-bhogakkam satrakkam Raviyapagöriya
norvvara kayyo! Ravikima.. 10 yya-näyakah dravya-pfirvvakadim dhård-pärvvakar mädisi kondu tri-Nkrypa.
dövargge Bhatta11 ra-koladalli bitta mattar=āļu Kalkutigagereyalli Paralu matter-ondu | Itti
dharmmamam sarva-nama12 bya(sya)m=ägi säsirvvaruń pratipāļisu var-Idam pratipāļisidargge Vara doi
Kurakshētrav-Argghyatirtthath 13 Prayage. Gayey=embe tirttha-athIna nga!ol-mahl-danangalam midida punyam
akkum=int-appadan=aridus14 sirvvaruń dharmm-otter-attar-Sbhivsiddhiy-app-am-l-chandr-Erkka-tarama-barack
pratipālisuvar | Vritta |
1 From the Int-impreusion.

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15 Ivan-iy=&mdadin-eyde põlisidavang=isht-arttha-samsiddhi sambhavikur
kond-alidamge Gaṁge Gaye Kh@(Kë)dāram Kura16 kohotram-emb-ivarol-pesade pårvvaram gorevaram go-brimdaman pendiram tave
komd=ikkida pāpam=eydugum=a17 vam bilgu nigodangalo! [2] Ambudhi-vrita-dharaṇige vadanom
Belvala-nad(d)-adark ke tiļakada vol-chelvar-biruve Pu18 li-grimam budha-jana-nilayam-enipud= puravarado! || [3] Amita-gun-ånvita
vipr-Ottamarsishţă-purtta-va19 rttanar-ssåsirv var-yyama-niyama-svadhyâya-pramukh-achäraressamasta-dosha-vidarar
(4) Avar-olage voda-sa20 stra-pravarar-shat-karmma-niratar-enipeunnatiyim Raviyanagèriya norvvar.
bhbhuvanado!=ativisada-kirttiyam 2) prakstisider [5] Alli Shă(Sandillya-gotra vanaruha-chapdakara[m]
brahma-vidyeyol-saka!a-jagan-mandanan=eni22 sida perp-ola-kond-ire Dēmaya-papangiyarlssale regaldar [6] Avar
Atirajanerkhila-kaļd-pravipan-animi. 23 tta-bandhavan Manu-charitam dhavala-yaso-nidhiy-ene pempu-vadedu jagad-olage
Gommimayyan negaļda | [7*)
24
de
Tat-tanajūtar
61-Poronhattama-pada-kamala-yugala-bhrimgar
dharmm
odátta-manam vibhu sakala-jaga26 t-tilakar Ravikimayyar-mala-charitra [8] Tad-anujar-agesha-vibhav.
ispadha(da)r-ishta-vifirhța-janake Su26 rabhiya vol=bēļpadav-ittu pempa-vadedar-sead-amalar=ene Tikaņāryyanum
Késavanum || [9] Vpitta || Anupama27 kirttiyar padeda mivarolam prabhu Raikimayyan-o!pina kaņi dharmma
chittamane bhāvisi chelvins Vishņu-ge28 ha main jana-natama[in] paratre(tra)-hitamam bhuvana-tritayak ke pūjyam-ayt-ene
kadu-sevyam-adudeene madisi29 d-andam-id-argge ti[rtthaP]mo | [10] Vanadhigalum chandr-arkkaray
animisha-nkgomdra-lokamn[m] vakuiratiyum Kanak30 mah (cha)lamu[m] (a)l!inegam sale nilke Ravikimayyana dharmma | (1197
SAminyo-ya dharmma-66(s)tar-pripap [m] 31 k[ald ká]lo pålaniyo bhavadbhiḥ [1] saryvån-btan(n) bhagi(vi)naḥ partthiver
drim(1) bhayo bhtiyo yacható 32 Ramachat]draḥ [ll 12*] Sva-datt[do] para-datt[s] våy haréti(ta)
Vasundhară[tin 1") shashtir(tim)-vvarsha-sahasråņi vishthayam já33 yato krimiḥ || [13"]
Kead shadadiyar.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
181
TRANSLATION (Verse 1.) Victorious is the manifested Boar-form of Vishọn that stirs up the ocean and holds the earth at rest upon the tip of his uplifted right tusk.
(Lines 2-4.) When the victorious reign of-bail !--the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyagraya's race, embellishment of the Chalukyas, king Tribhuvanamalla, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars :
(Ll. 4-5.) on the uttardyana-samkrānti of the 7th year of the Ohalukya-Vikrama era, the cyclic year Dundubhi :
(Ll. 5-11.) the Thousand, headed by the mayor, of the Agrahara of Pali, who practise the major and minor disciplines, scriptural study, spiritual concentration, observance of the vow of silence, prayer, oblation, and absorption, for the purpose of fostering the religious practice of the temple of) the god Nārāyaṇa constructed by Kisuvāyara Ravikimayya. Nayaka, for the restoration of outworn (buildingo) and (renewal of) broken and burst (masonry) belonging to the god, for baths, perfumes, incense, lights, and oblations, for the personal enjoy. ment of the god), and for the choultry, Ravikimayya-Nayaka made over to the god Nårāyaṇa six mattar at the Bhattas' Lake (and) one mattar of gravel soil (?) at the Stonemasons' Tank for which he had arranged the purchase with pouring of water and gift of money from the Hundred of Raviyanageri.
(Ll. 11-14.) So the Thousand shall protect this pious foundation as A sarva-namasya holding. To those who protect it shall accrue the merit of making the great gifts at the holy places of Benares, Kurukshētra, Arghyatirtha, Prayaga, and Gaya ; knowing this to be so, the Thousand shall protect it for the continuous increase of religion as long as moon, sun, and stars endure.
(V. 2.) To him who protects the foundation) duly as it was given by him (who established it) shall befall the fulfilment of the objects of his desire. To him who appropriates and destroys it shall accrue the guilt of doworight cold blooded slaughter of Brāhmans, Goravas berds of kine, and women; he shall fall into (degraded) forms of rebirth.
(V. 3.) The county of Beļvala is the face of the ocean-girt Earth. Like a beautyspot thereon is the town of Pali, uverspread with loveliness ; & home of sages there is in this excellent town.
(V. 4.) The Thousand (of Pūli) are noble Brahmans possessing boundless virtues, active in works of kindness and beneficence, practising the major and minor disciplines, scriptural study, and other duties, far removed from all sin.
(V.5.) Among them, the Hundred of Raviyanagðri, who are eminent in the lore of the Vedas and devoted to the six practices, have displayed to an exalted degree exceedingly brilliant glory on earth.
(L. 21.) Among them
(V. 6.) As he possessed such eminence as to be called a sun to the lotures of the sandilya götra, an ornament of the whole world in divine lore, Dēmaya the Shadangi was truly illustrious.
(V. 7.) His son Gommimayya was illustrious in the world, attaining distinction ng one who was expert in all arts, a kinsman withont (selfish) object, following the practices of Manu, a treasure of white glory.
1 The construction seems to be an anscolathon, the subject sasiruvaru being left as a nominativus pendent. - A class of Saiva ascetier. . See Mann, i. 88.
A master of the six angas or ancillary sciences of the Vedas.

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(V. 8.) His son is the lord Ravikimayya, a bee to the two lotus-feet of the blest Purushottama, having a soul exalted in godliness, an ornament of the whole world, stainless in conduct.
(V. 9.) His younger brothers Tikaņārya and Kēšava, truly stainless men, havo attained eminence, holding rank in perfect dignity, like Surabhi granting their desires to agreeable and cultured persons.
(V. 10.) Among these three (brethren) possessing incomparable fame, the lord Ravikimayya, a mine of excellence, inspired by a godly spirit, constructed a beautiful house of Vishņu renowned among folk, bringing welfare in the other world, so that it has become an object of worship to the three worlds, an object of intense reverence: who are there that have a holy place of such sort ?
(V.11.) As long as the oceans, the moon and sun, the worlds of Gods and Nägas, the earth, and the great Golden Mountain exist, so long forsooth may Ravikimayya's pious foundation stand.
Vy. 12-13: two common Sanskrit formulæ.
D.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: SAKA 1019. . This document is cut upon a slab of black stone that was found built into the outside of the northern or front face of the temple of Virabhadra, on the western side of the door. The stone is 3 ft. 104 in, above the ground, and 2 ft. in width. It has a rounded top, with the following sculptures in the uppermost compartment: in the centre Vishnu' standing, and facing full front; to his proper right successively, beginning from him, Nandi, a priest behind Nandi standing facing Vishnu, and two kneeling worshippers likewise facing the god; to the god's left, successively a kneeling Garuda (half turned towards Vishnu and half to front), a Cow with calf, and a scimitar; above all these are the sun (on right) and moon (on left) Below this is the inscribed area, measuring 2 ft. 101 in. in height and 1 ft. 11 in. in breadth It is on the whole well preserved. The character is good Kanarese, but of a type about a century later than the alleged date of the record (Saka 1019); it may be a genuine later copy of the original grant, but in estimating its authenticity we must note also the irregularity of the date. The letters in lines 1-4 are about in, high; then they begin to increase in height, and from line 6 onward are on the average about in. The letter i in pishi (1. 13) is apparently represented by a modified ri. The special cursive form of • (above, Vol. XII, pp. 335, n. 1 and 337) appears 39 times, as far as the text is legible.-The language, except in lines 1-2 (verses 1-3, followed by the formula namo Närāyanāya), which are in Sanskrit, is Kanarese, verging on the medieval dialect. The archaic I is always changed to 1 (malkeyin, 1. 15; malpar, 1. 22; hala, 11. 35, 51-53; alidham[ge], 1. 58; bila[um]. 1. 60). V is changed sporadically to b (brajads, 1. 13; dibyan, 1. 23; bya[t] patamur, 1. 25; dibya-, 1, 32; drabya-, 1. 37). The wpadhmaniya is falsely written in hpuțita- (1. 33), for sphutita. The consonant t is doubled before y in attydyata- (1. 18) and atiyanta- (1. 20); cf. above, on inscr. C. Initial a is written ya (1. 36). In the prose parts final m before a vowel is occasionally changed to y, and initial p becomes h in hala (11. 35, 51-53), ha suge (11.35, 51). hab-batte (1. 36), haralalli (1. 38), hannodu (II, 39, 43), hēringe (1.55), horege (ib.), hottalinge (ib.), honnan (1. 56 f.), while it remains in padeda, pana, paduvana, paduvalu. As regards flexion, we find an accusative plural in final -a three times (-pādangala, 11. 37, 39, 42), and corresponding adverb (-pūrovaka, 11, 42, 50); that this is the genuine medieval form, and not a mere slip, is suggested by the adverb sattata (1. 22) and the dative ndyakaṁga (1. 16), where the vocalic ending is guaranteed by the metre. There are a few words of lexical interest,
1 (Probably Haribara, as suggested by vv. 9 and 14 of the inscription and the figure of Nandi to the proper right side.-Ed.]

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such as udgrahakar, 1. 9 (spelt udugrahakaru), "studying successfully" (cf. the Sinhalese ugannavä, "to learn "), and the technical terms karuva, 11. 39, 43 (from karma ?), sata, 11. 52-3, soți (P), 1. 54, and hottalu, 1. 55.
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
The record, after three introductory verses, refers itself to the reign of Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI), and then launches out into verse in praise of Kuntala, Belvala, Pali, the Thousand Mahajanas of Puli, and the Hundred of Kalasavalligēri (11. 1-13). Among the lastnamed was a distinguished Brahman family, the Ajjavas, belonging to the Atroya götra; to this stock belonged Sobhana-Nayaka, who begot by Muddikavve Nakimayya (Nakarasa or Näkiyanna). Nakimayya begot by Nagikavve Nanimeya, Ramadeva, and Mahādēva (written Mahadeva for the sake of metre), and rebuilt a temple of Vishnu in Puli (11. 13-23). Then follow specifications of various purchases of land acquired by Nakimayya from the Hundred of Raviyanagēri, Kalasavalligēri, and Ghaisasageri, and from the Thousand of Puli (11. 23-53).. Two minor endowments (11. 53-57) and a hortatory stanza (11. 58-60) conclude the document.
The date of the record is stated, on 11. 23-25 as: Saka 1019 (expired), the cyclic year Isvara; Pushya suddha 5, Adityavara (Sunday), the uttarayana-samkranti, the vyatipata, or yoga in which the declination of sun and moon are identical. This date again is irregular. Pushya suddha 5 of the given year corresponded to Saturday, December 12, A.D. 1097; it began about 53 m. after mean sunrise on the preceding Friday, and ended about 34 m. after mean sunrise on the Saturday. It could not be connected with the uttarayana-samkranti, which occurred 10 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise on Thursday, 24 December-twelve days after it.
The places mentioned, besides Půli and the tirthas in 1. 58, are Kuntala (1. 4), Belvala (1.5), Kalasavalligēri (11. 12, 37, 38), Raviyanageri (11. 34, 53), Ghaisasageri (1. 40), Konalagēri (P 1, 50), Kattiyagēri (1. 52), and some minor localities; see above.
1
[The metres are as follows: verses 1-3, Anushṭubh; verses 4, 5, 16, Mattebha-vikridita verse 6, Maha-sragdhara; verses 7, 8, 11, 12, 14, 15, Kanda; verses 9, 10, Champaka-mala; verse 13, Utpala-mala.]
3
Namas-tumga-siras-chumbi-chandra-chumara-charave [*] traüokya-nagar-aram
bha-mala-stambhya Sa(Sa)mhbhars[1]
Srimatu-Harihar-akhyasya
pad-amburha (ruha)m-akshayam [*] bhakti-namra-janānāṁ
2 cha santi-pushți-karam sadā || [2*]
Jayaty-a(8)vishkri(kri)tam Vishnor
vv[a]raham kshöbhit-arnna(rna)vam [1] dakship-onnata-damshtr-agra-visranta-bhuvanam vapuḥ [] [3] Nam Narayanaya ||
Svasti [] Samasta-bhuvan-asraya Sri-Prithvi-vallabha mahārājādhirāja
Chaluky-abharapa
183
paramesvara frima [t]-Tribhuvana
paramabhaṭṭāraka
TEXT.1
1 From the ink-impression.
Satyaaraya-kula-tilaka
Read Srimad-Dharihar

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4 malladava[ra] rājyam-uttar-ättar-abhivriddhi-pravardhdhamanam=ā-chandr-arkka
täram-baram saluttam-ire | Vasudha-vissi(sru, tam=appa Kuntaļa-vadha
saumy-a5 nanam täneenalu pesaram-betta mah-āgrahara-nagara-sri-pattan-akirnna (rņa)dim
rasavad-dhänya-samasta-vastu-chayadim sri-Beļvolam 80(80)6 bhisalk-esev=å Pūlimah-igrahāra-tilakam tad-dosadolu rajikum || [4] Alli ||
Alad-ambhorha(ruha)-råjiyiṁ parimala-sri-mallik-årima 7 dim sale sand-irdda tatāka-kupa-vibhava-prākirnna(rņa)dim sutti-gond(nd)
eļasutt'airppa sahasra (sra)-ramya-Siva-kat-ánoka-koti-prabh-oj[jo]vaļitam ta8.tu(a)-bahiramga-sevya-vibhavam sri-Paliy=int-oppugu || [5] Mudadim sri-Keśava
dityara pada-vinu(na) tar=vvēda-vēdāmga-vidya-vidi9 tar shatu-tarkka-satu-pravudiyo!"-atisayad-udugrahakaru nitya-yajñaru mada
måtsaryy-adi-darar sakaļa-vibhu bu)dha10 samrakshakar pajyar-erndun sadayar bäsirvvar-urvvi-vinutar-akhiļa-sästr-årttha
kävya-praviņar || [6"] Ka || Dinapam tam11 nna karangalan-anupamadim Paliyalli pumjisi niratam jana-vinutar-ssāsirvvaran
anavaratam padedan-amt-av(d?)=ēm kri(kpi)ta-kri(kri)tyaru || [7"] 12 Palav=agrahărakk(k)=ellam salalitadim Pūli tiļakam=alliges kaļašam sale
Kalasavalligēriye viļa(la)sitam-ag-oppal-ese13 dar amti norvvaru || [8] Avaro! | Tili-go!ad=ante tan-mukutad=ante risi
brajad-arte kade nirmmaļam-enis-irddud-Ajjava14 kulam sale puţtidan=alli permmeyim salalita -chåru-bach-charitadim prabhu
Sobhana-Nayakan maha-bala-yuta-gotra15 vardhdhanan=udatta-guņam Siva-pada-sekharam || [9] Spburiyise sippinalli sale
muttina māļkeyin=imtu puttidam su16 ruchire Muddik avvo-satiga sale 80(87)bhana-Nayakamga vistaratara-punya
mirtti purus(sh)-ārttha-sikhåmaņi Ná17. kimayyan-udhdharisidan-iṁtu Påli-pura-madhyado!-arijita-Vishpu-gēhamam || [10*]
Ka | Ayana sati bhuvanado18 l-attyāyata-pati-bhakte Nägikavve visēša(sha)-sri-yute mahante nischcha]
fröyaskara-murtti potravati bahu19 guņadim || [114] Ka | Ātröya-vaṁsan=endum mitra-protsābi dāna-tatupara
vibhavam pătrav-arid-Ivan-udya20 du-Otra-pavitra prasidhdha-vibhu Nakarasam! [12°1 Vpi || Tat-tanujar
fu(su) Sobha-vibhu Nanimeyam sale Rāmadēvan-attyam21 ta-manojña-märtti Mahadēva-maha-prabhu nilku-voda-vödāmta-samasta-Sāstra-vidaram
parisho (po)shisi dåna-dharmma22 mam saṁtata malpar=ant-avara samtati räjisal-uttar-ottaran | [13] Tad-anan
tara Kal Sale nälvar-irddad-alliye nelas-i. 23 kkum deyvam=ante vipra-sahabra(sra) salalita-vidya-vibhavaru viļasitare-ire
Harihar-ākhya-nilayame dibyam | [14] Svasti srl24 matu-Sa(82)ka-varsha 1019 noya Isva(sva)ra-samvatsarada Puśya(shya)-budhdha
pamohami Adityavārada duv-uttara25 yaņa-ba[m*]kramä(ma)pamum bya[ti]påtamum banda punya-dinadoļu [lo]
yaja[na]-ydjan-adhyayan-adhyapana-dana-pra
The pranu, I and b, is irregular. • Rend riebi.
* Read -at-prandhigol.
The prins is irregular, la for la.
Or possibly all-ire. Rond vilaritar.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF HOLI.
185
26 tigraha-sa (sha)t-karmma-niratarum srima[ch]-Ch[*]}ukya-chakravartti-Brahmapuri.
sthan-adhipatya(tiya)rum Hiranyagarbhbha-mu27 kha-vinirggata-chatur-vvēda-vödämga-bästra-smri(smpi)ti-purāņa-kāvya-nana-nataka-pravi
parum sva-same(ma)ya-samu28 dita-barabchandral-chandrika-chakorarum
kamchana-kalasa-si(si)ta-la (sha)tuchchha(chha)tra-chämara-pamcha-maha-sa buda-ghathika-bhöri-rav29 di-rája-vhihn-äbhirajitarum sapta-Bðma-samsth-avabri (bhri)th-avagähana-pavitrikrita
Sarirarums | Hara-has-ábhåsa (sa)-vi30 Sada-yafah-kirttigaļum ! Srimad-Andhäsurat-déva-pād-årādhakarum f aran-agata
rakshaka[r]um sri-Kogavāditya-deva-la31 budha-vara-prasāda-sampannarum-appa srimau-mah-ägrahāram Paliy-ar-odeys
pramukha såsirvvar-mma32 hājanamgala dibya-bri-pådamgalan=srådhisi avara samnidhiyalu | Ajchha(jja)vara
Näkimayyam tänu māçisi33 da sri-Harihara-dóvara naivedyakkam Chayitra-pavitrakkam khaņda-bpu (sphu)ţita
jirnné-odhdhārakkam pājāriya jivitakkan 34 Rave(viya)nageriys närvva[ra] pådamgalam Suvarnpa-ptlrvvakam aradhisi Büdans
Moneya Raviyanagēriya 35 hāla hasugeya badagana tale-kamdikeyalli padeda mattaru mūsu a keyige
paduvana sime Kēšava-dėvara ke36 yil badagalu heb-batte madala Badana-Gutti i temkalu på köriya
bhämil intru mattarggan 18 apu-vapa paņa37 v=ordu vi(vi)sam eradu kāņieradu | mattan | Kalasavalligēriya nirvvåra
sri(Gri)-pådamgaļa i Näkimayyam drabya-pa38 ryvakam=ärădi(dhi)si totada haralalli Sēņigagereyim kelage sarvva-namasya(sya)
Vrågi padeda mattar omdu mattam Kaļafavallige[ri]39 ya nirvvara sri-pādamgala Ž Nækimayyam hiranya-pürvvakam=årădi(dhi)ei
padeda karuva-geyi mattaru ha40 nnomdu å keyige tiguva apu-vana mattarim]ge hägar erada || Ka ||
Ghaibasagerig-adhiparu bhåsura-tēja[ru] 41 mahamtar-enisida nõrvvaru Kolava-Mahoša dēvara lös-enisida påjeg-ittaru
virjjita-dhareyam | [15] Antes nöryvara Sri-padangala. Ajjavara Nakimayyam dravya-pärv vaka ärådhisi
padeda ...... ma 43 mattaru hannordul a keyige ti(t)ruva aru-vapa mattaringe hägar erada
yeradu kēriya karıve-vaney-eraduman nålku maneyam māļi dövara Brahmapuriyo [la] gri(gri)ha
dāna-bhumi-dånaman Nækimayyam 45 adida kramam-ent-endode | Késava-Bhattarige bhatta-vri(vpi)ttiyam nadasdy
amt-ire paduvaņa müdala mane avarige keyi 46 mattaru ayi[du] | avaru dēvarige ti(t)rava &ru-vaņa paņa erada higan
erada | al[l]im müdaņa mane [Na]rasimha47 Bomayaj[i]yarige avarige keyi mattaru eradakkam Ara-vana panav=onda 1
allim mädana mane Nsrasin ha
1 Read -farach-chandra
* Reed -ghatibi. . Read -pavitrikrita-fariraruth. * Here and below the dk is written with the subscript character which n ally denotes th. . Read jira
• This danda is superfluous. Read ittar-ürijita-di'.

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48 ghaissarige lavarige keyi mattara eradakkam apu-vana panav-omdu allim
mūgana mane | Kõņeya Ma[lla(P)-kra]mita49 rige avarige koyi mattaru miru avaru ti(ti)ruva uru-vapa panav-omda
hågar eradu | Mattam vir-odeya-pra50 mukha säsirvvaremmahājanamgaļa divya-bri-pada-padmangalam A[i]javara
Nakiyannam dravya-pursvaka drådhisi [P Ko]ņa51 lagēriya hāļa hasugeyolu 12 sarvva-namasya (sya)v=ägi padeda mattaru eradı!
kammam nâ[1*]ntr-avattu [1] 52 á keyige sithe badagala srimad-Andhäsura-ddvara keyil mudalu Kattiyagēriya
hāļa sata terkalu Mola53 sthāna-dóvara keyi padaval[a Ra]viyaniya hàļa sata i Ayivatt-okkaluń
sama-chchhāyeyol-irddu dēvara 64 divigege soţige enpeyam bittaru || Matta Näkimayya-Nāyakam Rāhara
moradiya 55 Chikkarasana eleya sumka högimge .... horege nõru h ottalińge
ayivattu mán=akki 56 gadyåpan nälvatt-ayidu honnan ko ........ paduvana bhāgada
nåvira kāďayamanus 57 muru gadyåpa honnam kodu ........... papa eradu häga...
58 Ida(va)n-ly-anda[dinæeyde] påļisuvava[ig-isht-arttha-samsiddhi sam]bhavikum
komd-alidha (da) [ge Gamge Gaye Kodáram Ku]ru59 kshötram-emb-iva[rolu] pēsade päryva[ram go]ra[varam go-vrimdama] pendiran
ta [ve komd=ikkida påpam=e]60 [ydagu]m-avam bilg[um nigo]damgalo[lu 1 ] [16*]
TRANSLATION (Verse 1.) Homage to Sambhu comely with the yak-tail fan that is the moon kissing his lofty head, the foundation-column for the structure of the city of the Triple World !
(V. 2.) The blest Harihara's lotus-foot is eternal, and ever causes increase of peace to those who bow down to him in devotion.
(V. 3 : identical with verse 1 of C.) (Line 2.) Homage to Narayana !
(LI. 3-4.) When the reign of-hail!-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyasraya's moe, embellishment of the Chalukyas, king Tribhuvanamalladēva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars :
(V. 4.) While the blessed Belvala with its multitude of renowned great agraharas, cities, and happy towns and with its abundance of sapful grain and all kinds of treasures shines indeed, as one may say, as the lovely face of the world-renowned lady Kuntala, this bright Pali, an ornament of great agrahāras, is resplendent in that region. This danda is superfluous.
* This danda is also superfluous. Those letters are mostly very uncertain : we may rond either ka or ko, and the ya is doubtful.

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(L. 6.) In that (Puli)
(V.5.) Being encompassed by lines of swaying lotuses, by pleasances of jasmine rich in perfume, indeed, and with a profusion of splendour of appropriate pools and wells, radiant with the brilliance of many pinnacles on thousands of charming sanctuaries of Siva wherein men find delight, having worshipful majesty in the exterior thereof, thus does the blest Pili display itself.
(V. 6.) Joyfully bowing at the feet of the blest Kēšavaditya, renowned for lore of Vēdas and Vēdāmgas, extraordinarily proficient in goodly skill in the six (courses of) logic, holding constant sacrifice, remote from conceit, envy, and other (vices), protectors of all sages, worship. ful ever, gracious, world-famous, versed in the purport of all books of teaching and in poetry are the Thousand (of Pūli).
(V. 7.) The sun, massing to an incomparable degree his rays on Pali, constantly and ceaselessly has engendered the world-famed Thousand : thus have they not fulfilled their
end ?
(V. 8.) Pali by its charmingness is an ornament of all the many agrahāras; as Kalasavalligēri in truth appears in grace as a pinnacle thereto, thus the Hundred (of Kalasavalligēri) are eminent.
(L. 13.) Among them
(V. 9.) Stainless like a clear pool, like a diadem thereof, like a company of saints together is the Ajjava family, in truth; in it was born the lord Sobhana-NĀyaka, who by his eminence, his charming and beautiful conduct caused the increase of his mighty gotra, being exalted in virtues, crowned by Siva's feet.
(V. 10.) In the wise of a pearl in sooth as it flashes in its shell, so was born indeed to the most charming lady Muddikavve and to Sobhana-Nayaka, Nakimayya, an embodiment of most abundant merit, a crest-jewel of mankind's desires : so he restored the splendid house of Vishņu in the midst of Pali.
(V. 11.) His good wife is Nāgikavve, immensely devoted to her lord, peculiarly fortunate, great ever, having a form fraught with blessing on earth, a mother of sons through ex. ceeding virtue.
(V. 12.) Of the Atreya lineage, ever encouraging friends, having his high estate devoted to charity, one who makes gifts with knowledge of the recipients, a purifier of his noble gotra, is the renowned lord Nakarasa.
(V. 13.) His sons, the brilliant lord Nānimeya, in truth, Ramadēva, and the great lord Mahadēva exceedingly charming of form, foster the masters of all the lore of the Four Vēdas and the Upanishads and practise constantly the duty of charity: as thus their lineage becomes increasingly illustrious :
(L. 22.) Subsequently to this
(V. 14.) With the four present there, in sooth, the divine sanctuary of Harihara stands like a celestial building) with a thousand Brāhmaṇs magnificent in charming lore displaying themselves in grace therein.
(Ll. 23-25.) Hail! On Sunday, the fifth day of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Isvara, the 1019th (year) of the Saka era, on a holy day on which occurred both the uttarayana-sankranti and the vyatipata,
1 If the text is right, it must mean " diadem of the Hundred of Kalasavalligeri"; but the sense seems rather strained, and one is tempted to conjecture sa- kufad=.
2 Namely Nákimayya and his three sons. : A yoga in which the declination of the sun and the moon are the same.
2 A 2

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(LI. 25-32.) Having adored the divinely blest feet of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahara of Pali, who are constant in the six duties of sacrifice by themselves and by others, study, teaching, alms-giving, and acceptance of charity), masters of the establishment of the Chaļukya Emperor's Brahmapuri,l versed in the lore of the Four Vēdas that issued from Hiranyagarbha's mouth, the Upanishads, sacred law, Puranas, poetry, and various dramas, who are chakora-birds to the moonlight arising from the autumnal moon of their church, who are decorated with golden pitchers, six white parasols, yak-tail fans, the five great musical sounds, gongs, drums, and other emblems of royalty, whose bodies are puri. fied by plunging in the baths of the seven sôma-samsthas, who have glory and renown brilliant as the radiance of Hara's smile, who are worshippers of the god Andhäsura's feet, protectors of refuge-seekers, receiving the grace of boons from the god Kosavāditya,
(Ll. 32-35.) In their presence, Ajjavara Nākimayya, having adored with (offering of) gold the feet of the Hundred of Raviyanagēri, purchased three mattar in the upper kandike on the north of the waste-land hasuget of Raviyaņageri at the Ghost's End for the expenses of) the oblations of the temple of) the god Harihara constructed by himself, the Chastra-pavitra, the restoration of broken, burst, and outworn (masonry), and the mîintenance of a priest.
(LI. 35-37.) Of this field the western bound is the field of the god Kēšava; on the north, the high-road; on the east, the Ghost's Copse ; on the south, the lands of the parish. For these three mattar the asu-vana? is one pana, two visa, two kani.
(Ll. 37-38.) Likewise the same Näkimayys, having adored with offering of money the blest feet of the Hundred of Kaļasavalligëri, purchased (of them) one mattar as a sarva-nama sya holding below the Gildsmen's Tank in the gravel-land of the garden.
(LI. 38-40.) Likowise the same Nākimayya, having adored with (offering of) gold the blest feet of the Hundred of Kalasavalligöri, purchased a karuva-field of eleven mattar; the asu-vang paid for this field is two häga on each mattar.
(V. 15.) The Hundred who are lords of Ghaisāsagēri, brilliant of splendour, great, have given abundant land for the approved worship of the gods Kēšava and Mahēša.
(Ll. 41-43.) So Ajjavara Nikimayya, having adored the same Hundred's blest feet with (offering of) gold, purchased eleven mattar . . . ; the asu-vaņa paid for this field is two haga on each mattar.
(LI. 43-49.) When he had built two karuva-houses in each of these two parishes, (altogether) four houses, the arrangement under which Nākimayya made his grants of houses and land in the Brahmapurt of the god was as follows For Kēseva-Bhatta, houses on the west and east, so as to keep up a professor's stipend; for him a field of five mattar ; the asu-vana paid by him to the god is to be two pana and two haga. To the east thereof, a house for NarasimhaSõmayāji ; for him a field of two mattar, on which the anti-vana is to be one pana. To the east thereof, a house for Narasimha-Ghainga ; for him a field of two mattar, on which the art-vana is to be one pana. To the east thereof, a house for Kõneya-Malla(?)-Kramita ; for him a field of three mattar ;, the aru-vana paid by him is to be one pana and two haga.
(LI, 49-53.) Likewise Ajjavara Näkiyaņņa, having adored with offering of money the divinely blest lotus-feet of the Thousand Mahājanas, headed by the mayor, purchased as a sarvanamasya holding two mattar and four-hundred and fifty kamma in the waste-land hasugo
Cf. sbove, on inser. B. A list of these is given in Ep. Carn., Vol. VII. i. Sk. 74. *Cf. Mēg dita I. 58. • See Kittel, .. v. hasige, and above. Vol. XIII, p. 37. . Apparently the lands of Rariyanageri. . Namely Kaindavalligēri and Ghaifangeri.
Bee I. 4., VOL. XXXVII, p. 52. * See above, on inscr. R.

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of Konalagòri(!). Of this field the bounds are : on the north, the god Andhāgura's field; on the east, the fata of the waste-land of Kattiyagēri; on the south, the field of the Müla-sthāna god; on the west, the fata of the waste-land of Raviyaņi.
(L. 53-54.) The fifty households by common agreement granted oil for burning in the god's lamps.
(L. 54-57.) Likewise Nakimayya-NĀyaka (assigned] a toll on the betel-leaves of Chikkarasa of the Rāhas' Hill, . . . on a large) load, a hundred on a small) load, fifty on a bagful; (on) a maund of husked rice, forty-five gadyāna in gold . . . . . .
(V. 16 : identical with verse 2 of inscription C.)
E.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: THE 29TH YEAR, ETC.
This is an inscription upon a black stone that was found standing against the east wall of & small empty shrine a little to the south-east of the front (eastern) face of the temple of Madanēśvara pr Andhakėśvara. The stone was 7 ft. 6 in. high, and 3 ft. 05 in. wide. Its top was a rounded panel containing the following sculptures : in the centre, a liriga in a shrine; to the proper right of this, a priest sitting, facing it, in the same shrine ; in the proper right corner, a cow with calf; in the left corner, the bull Nandi; above these, the sun (to left) and moon (to right). Below this is the inscribed area, 4 ft. 8} in. high and 3 ft. broad. The character is Kanarese, a good hand of the last quarter of the twelfth century, with a supplement in a later hand (11. 53-56). The letters are on the average in. high; they are generally well preserved. The type of jh noted on the Siļi inscription F. above, Vol. XV, p. 86, occurs on 11. 22, 27. The cursive v is used in -chakravartti (1. 47).-The language, except for the introductory Sanskrit verse, is Old Kanarese, verging on the medieval dialect. The ? is preserved in negalda, 1. 38, and i duvs, 1. 39, and wrongly written in Belalav=, 1. 5 ; on the other hand, it appears as in pël, 1, 15, pogalgum, 1. 30, ēloneya, 1. 40, el, 1. 43, hala, 11. 37, 42, 50, and as in negarddar, 1. 8, negarddan, 1. 25 (both with the second syllable short), and norppada, 1. 24. Initial p in the prose is retained in pēringe, 1. 34, pasuge, 1. 37, but changed to h in hāļa, 11. 37, 42, 50, hasuge, 11. 43, 45, 50, hana, l. 43, haduvana, 1. 46, heb-batte, 1. 51, haffada, 1. 52. Lexically interesting are : bhānasu, 1. 4, kuttunbitti, 1. 5, ēkari, 1. 13, bali, 1. 14, sojja, 1. 34, chamdāvura, 1, 34, sata, 11. 44, 47, 51, 52, and sauti, I. 46.
The record is a consolidated one, comprising three different grants to the same foundation (11. 1-39, 40-47, and 47-52), with a later supplement (11. 53-56). When the third grant was executed and written out (A.D. 1184), the two earlier grants were copied and prefixed to it; and in A.D. 1224 some one began to write as a supplement the fourth grant, but did not complete it. The first grant begins by referring itself to the reign of Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramaditya VI), and then states that a general and minister, who was also Steward of the Royal Kitchen, by name Anantapālarasa, had a son-in-law, Lakkarasa, a general who administered Belvala and Puligere; and this Lakkarasa, with the authority of Anantapalarasa, commissioned a certain Singarasa to assign one share in the proceeds of fines levied in Pali to the treasury of the god Andhăsura, a form of Siva (11. 2-7). This was accordingly done, under the auspices of the Acbārya Tatpurusha, a disciple of Jñanasakti ; this Jñānasakti was a distinguished divine and scholar, to whom king Bhuvanaikamalla (Sõmēśvara II) paid particular reverence, in connection with which a fine temple of Siva (probably that bearing the name of Andhisura, with which the present series of grants is concerned) was built (11. 7-18). Then comes, apparently as a supplement to this grant, a record of two endowments of Andhdsura. The first (11. 18-36) opens with verses praising the town of Pali and its mayor ür-odeya), a scion of the Chāļukys race named Mangaļarnava, who seems to have won some rerown in the wars against the Ohõļas, Malayas, and Gurjaras, and is stated to have settled 1,000 Brahmans on an estate granted by

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himself; after this come verses in praise of the Thousand, who are said to have built a stately temple of Andhäsura (probably that already mentioned). Then follows another supplement (II. 36-38), chronicling a donation of land by four persons.
The second main division of the record (11, 40-47) announces gifts of land to Andhasura from the above-mentioned Jhānasakti (11. 40-44) and the Thousand (11. 44-47). Next comes a third paragraph (11. 47-52) announcing the gift of some land to the god by the Hundred of Kalasavalli. göri, the Thousand of Pali, and certain Kalidēvayya-Setti. Last comes an unfinished paragraph, added long after the preceding, to chronicle a grant by the guild of weavers to the Achārya Vāmasakti for the expenses of the establishment (11. 53-56).
Corresponding to its composite character, our inscription contains four dates. The first of these is given on 11. 7-8 as: the 29th year of the Chalukya-Vikrama era, the cyclic year Tāraņi; Pushya suddha 10, Brihaspativära (Thursday); the uttarāyana-samkrānti. This is irregular. The tithi Pushya suddha 10 corresponded properly to Wednesday, 28 December, A.D. 1104, on which it ended about 18 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise, i.e. about 12.25 P.M., so that the connection with the following Thursday is not far wrong. But it cannot possibly hate been connected with the uttarāyana-samkrānti, which took place about 6 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise on the preceding Saturday, 24 December.
The next date is that given in 11. 40-41; the 7th year of the Kalachurya Tribhuvanamalla (Bijjala), the cyclic year Chitrabhānu; Srāvana full-moon, Somavåra (Monday); an eclipse of the moon. This again is irregular, but only to a slight degree. The given tithi corresponded to Friday, 27 July, A.D. 1162, on which it began about 55 m. before mean sunrise ; and it ended about 4.41 A.M. on the following Saturday. On the same Friday there was a lunar eclipse lasting from 21 h. 45 m. to 23 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise (see Eclipses of the Moon in India, p. xxvii). The Simha-samkrānti took place about 6.13 A.M. on Saturday, 28 July.
The third date is given on 11. 47-48: the 2nd year of Sõmēśvara (IV), the cyclic year Krodhi; the full-moon of Pashya, Somavára (Monday); the uttarayana-saņkrānti. This is also irregular. The given tithi corresponded to Wednesday, 19 December, A.D. 1184; it began about 4 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise on the preceding Tuesday. The uttarāyana-san. korānti did not occur until several days later; it took place about 22 h. 53 m. after mean sunrise on Monday, 24 December. Thus we see that the details of our date are a conflation of two distinct dates, as is often the case.
The last date is stated on 1. 53 as: Saka 1146 (expired), the cyclic year Tārana, Jyaishtha buddha 8, Somavāra (Monday). This is correct. The given tithi corresponded to Monday, 27 May, A.D. 1224, on which it ended about 19 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise.
The places mentioned, besides Pūli, are Belvala and the Six-hundred of the "Two Belvalas" (11. 5, 19), Siveyagēri (1. 37), Kokkuligēri (11. 42, 49), Kattiyagēri (11. 44, 52), Ghaigāgagēri (1. 46), Kalasavalligēri (148), Raviyani and Raviyanagēri (11. 44, 51), Biragutti (1. 51), and some minor localities.
TEXT.1 [The metres are as follows: verse 1, Anushtubh; verses 5, 7, 9, 10, 12-15, 18. Kanda. verses 4, 17, Mahasragdhara; verses 6, 8, 11, Champaka-mala.] 1 Namas-turga-siras-chumbi-chandra-chämara-chåravē [1] trailokya-nagar-arambha
mo!a-stambhāya Sambhavě [ll1*]
From the ink-impression.

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2 Svasti [*] Samasta-bhuvan-äßraya Sri-Pri(pri)thvi-vallabha mahārājadhirajam
paramēsvaram paramabhattārakam Satyāáraya-kula-tiļakam Chaļuky-abharaṇam
sri3 mast*]-Tribhuvanamalladēvara vijaya-rajyam=uttar-ottar-abhivri(vri)ddhi-pravarddha
mānam-a-charhdr-arkka-tāram saluttam=ire [l*] Tat-pada-padm-o4 pajivil samadhigata-pancha-mahā-sabda-mahāaimantādhipati mahaprachanda-daņda
nāyakam Sriman-mahåpradhānam bhånasu5 verggade Anantapalarasara deseyin=&ver=aliyam dandaniyaka Lakkaragam kut
tumbitti bhatta-gåvey=olag -ägi Belvalaverad-aru-na6 pamam dushţa-nigraha-sishta-pratipalanadimd=aļuttam-irddu va(dha)rmma-käryy-oddo
sadim tanna paļihatam Simgarasanam kared=agrahāram Paliya 7 srimad-Andhäsura-dēvargge Paliya danda-doshad-olag-ondu bhagama[m] bid=endu
sama[r*]ppise frimach-Chāļukya-Vikrama-kalada 2oneya Tāra8 ņa-samvatsarada Pushya-suddha dasami Bri(Bți)haspativărad-uttarayaņa-samkra
manada divya-tithiyo! || I mahiyo!=negardda (Ida)r=vidyā-mahi9 m-onnatiyol=ugra-tapadol-mukti(kti)-sri(Gri)- mukha-mani-makurar - Kkālāmakhar = ēno
(naḥ)-paran(i)mukhar-mmuni-mukhyar || [2] Vritta | Avaro!=Paliya10 dēvar-embar-esedar-nnishth-āgraganyar=bbaļikk = avarimdam Lakuļigadēvar = avarim
Vakhka(kkhá)ạidēvaregguņa-pravarar=asarvva-kal-agama-prathita-Vidyēšāna-yogin
dra11 r=antzavarim pe[m]pina Somadēva-munipar=vviévambharä-bhăgado! || [3*] Ruchir
Odyad-ratna-rochi[s]-stabaka-vilasit-anēka-bhīpala-chudā (da)-nichaya-prðdghfishta-på12 da-dvayan-upagata-särasvatar nütna-va (ka)rmm-Opachay - ämbhorasi - Kaļānana(la ?)
nikhila-munindr-ottama moksha-lakshmi-kucha-kumbh-alamkļit-Ora[s*]-sthala13 n=amala-yasa[m] Jõānasakti-vratimdra || [4*] Ekariy-ire bahu-tarkka-vyākaranam
Jõānasakti-pandita-dēvarggrēkāksharam=emdu mahi-lokaṁ bannisuvud'-avara 14 mahim-Önnatiya || [5*] Vitata-yasam Chaļukya-kula-tigmakaram Bhuvanay(ai) ka[ma]
lla-bhapati baliy-atti tan-mini-pad-abja-yugakke vinamna15 n=āgi nißchita-mati kotta pājeyo!e māļisidar-Śsiva-gëhamam fil-ayatanaman-intu
mädipare pöl=enutur va(dha)re bannip-annega || [6*] Avar=aņugi16 na sishyar-iļā-pravarar=gguna-gana-samanvitar-nnānā-sastra-vidar - Ttatpurusharuddig.
vivaramgalan-amala-kirttiyim dhavalisidar || [7*] Int=enisida sthan-ācha17 ryyar=appa Tatpurusha-panditara samakshado!am tr-odeya-pramukha såsirvvar
mmahajanangala sannidhānadalum Srimad-Andhāgura-dévara pā18 da-prakshāļanan-goydu dēvar=amga-bhogakkam khanda-sphuţita-jirņp-oddhārakkam
daņda-doshad=o!ag=onda bhagamam perggade Simgarasam bitta © Vanadhi
parita19 bhūta!a-viļāsavati-makhad=ante torppa chelvine kaņi Belvalakke tiļak-akri(kļi).
tiyind-esed-irppa Paliy=on=Animisha-rājan-irppa purama Phaņi-răjana ră. 20 jadbåniyo manuja-nivasam=allad=enisal=neregun perat-ondu Sobheyim || [8] Ada
vēdamgala tây-maney=adu nånā-tarkad=irkke-däņam kēļ=ant-adu 21 Såstrargala kaniy-enisidud-avant-chakrad-olage Pali-gräma || [9*] Arame part
eragida sahakārame bhorrendu morey at-irpp=aļini22 jhamkārame sagandha-kusum-āsárame popa-volalol-endodes vaņņipado || [10]
Sura-nilayamgal-Ilana Dinēšana pada-yugakke bhaktar-appara[n]23 var-irppa salvata-padakk-adardd(rd)-Orisal=erdu siram-ag-ire Bidi kattid-ondu
patham=emba vol-ambaramam tagumbi bhāguratara-Satakumbha-kalaianga1 Read -Öpajivi.
? The da has been omitted and then rreoved in, written small.

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24 in-oppagum-entu norppada (11) Akhila-mahidovar-Śsatamakhanam tapipalke
kademādutt-ire kārmmukhadhal vol-esegum nåna-ma25 kha-dhima-stomadindam=emdum vyoma || [12*] Chola-kula-Kāļa-daņdam MĀļava
kula-vilaya-këtu Gürjjara-ku!a-nirmmüla[ka]n=enesale regardda (lda) 26 Chāļukya-kul-onda Mamgaļārņnava-dēva || [13*] A Mamgaļārņņavam jagati
mudrita-vima!a-kirtti Barvva-namasyam bhumiyan-ittu sahasra-dha27 rămararam nilisi Poliyam pålisida | [148] Gadi chamaray-ojjha(ija)ram bel-gode
hadapam ghaligey-u bhaya-samkham modal-ageodeya maha28 mahimoyam-ar-odoya fri-Mamgalāraṇavam kude padedar || [15] Vachana || Antu
paded-tr-odeya-pramukha såsirvvar-mmahajanangala maha29 mahimey-ent-endade | Vipulāchārar-aganna (pya)-paņņa(pya)-nile(!a)yarallok-aika
přijyar-kkalā-nipunar-ssā (66à)rada-nirad-opama-yasar=ssisht-e30 shta-vargg-amar-
a ghripar=udvșitta-virodhi-säva(dha)na-harar-fri-Kesavaditya-dėva-padambhoruha-bhri(bhri)mgar-emdu pogalgom säsirvvaram bhitala || [16] 31 Param-sudaryyakke janm-alayar-enisida såsirvvarum tammol=atyadaradimdam kūdi
va(dha)rmm-imritamanuosedu piral-manam32 [go]mdu lok-ottaram=app=ātmiya-kirtti-prabala-lateg-adarpp-embinam Srimad-Andhi
Bora-dev-āvisamam māļisidar=amara-faiļakke 33 Bådri(dri) Syam=ågal || [17] Ant-enisid=ūr-oqleya-pramukha såsirvvar-mmabājanamgal=
(ai)kamatyay-ag-irddu "nela-varttige bäsirakke 34 pannomd-adakeya sojjamumam chandăvuram bele modal-ag-uļid-adakegalg-ellan
säsirakke irppatt-omd-adakeya sojjamumam pöringe labha35 gavaligeyzențu-if-eleyumam tale-vos[e*]ge labba-gavaļigeya nal-nar-eleyuma[m*]
Srimad-Andhāsura-dėvais pada-prakshalanan36 midi dēvar-amga-bhögakk-erdu sāsirvvar-bbitar | Allara Någadēvayya
Haradara Santayły ja Mamndeyara Mäkaņayya 37 Ubbarada Bammayya int-i nālvaru Siv[e*]yagēriya nürbburige påda-ghá(pa).
jeyam kottu baļa pasageolage Kadakina38 kereya kelage nālku mattar=kkeyya sarva-namasya(sya)V-ági srimad- Addha
(ndha)sura-davarige komdu bittar || Jagad-olage negalda Poligo39 l-aga(gba)-pattar-ddēva-Divabav=ellam kichchim dhagadhaga bhugilt-end-uriyal
poge kham dam muttad-ilduv-Amndhåsurana || [18] 40 Svasti [1] Srimatu-Kalachuryya-chakravartti(rtti) Tribhuvanamalladēva-varsa
(rabad-ēļeneya Chitrabhānu-samvarsatsa rada Srāvaņa-sudhdhat puņnami
Somavāram[no]m 41 soma-grahanamum kadi banda punya-dinadoļu Srimad-Andå (ndha)sura-dēvara
sthānad-icharyyar=appa sri-Jñanasakti-dēvaru sriman-mah-a(a)gra 42 haram Paliy=tr-odeya-pramukha säsirvvaram dravya-porvvakam=arādi(dhi)si děvara
Bnana-nivēdyakk-emdu Kokko![i*]gériya hāla hasuge43 yalı komdu bitta mattaræðļ=adakke aru-vana mattarimge haņa ordu [1]
keyya sime ent-e[*]dade badagana sime Gokharpņēsvara -děvara key[y]im # temkalu Ajjavara-devta(va)ra keyCy®]i^ badagalu mudalu Kattiyagēriya
sa(ka)ta paduvalu Raviyaņiya sa(la)ta Svasti [l ] Srimad-d46 r-odeya-pramukha sāsirvvarum Srimad-Andā(ndha)etra-dēvargge snāna-nivēdyakkey
ode-volada hasugeyalli sarvva-namasya(sya)
1 Read karwmukada. • Read fuddha.
kend parugey-olage Reed Gökarosáfoara-..
There seems to be an r written over tbe kha.

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No. 22.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULT.
193
46 Yeagi bitta mattar emța [1] adakke simey-ent-e[m]dade mädana 81[me]
Akkasăligeyi temkapa sime betta | haduvana sime sauţi badagan
sime Ghais(a)47 sagoriya sa(la)ta I(II) Svasti [1] Śrimatu-Chalukya-chakravartti fri-8ðmēsvara.
dēval-varga (raha)d-oradeneya Krodhi-sam vachha (ta)rada Pufya(shya)-sudhdha
puppami. 48 Somavåra attarāyapa-samkramā(ma)ņadamdu srimatu-Kalasa(ba)valligēriya närvvarum
Båsiryvarum same(ma)ya-chakravartti Kali49 dēvayya-settiyarum sab[i*]tam srimad-Amdhisa[ra]-dēvargge snåna-nivēdyakke
Mairavanada hadinälku mattaru keyam. 50 mamme-mār[7*]tav-āgi Kokkuļigəriya hāļa harugeya modala sthaladalli sarvva
namasya (ya)v-ägibi 31 ta mattara (1) adara fi(81)me Raviyanngöriya sa(la) tadimdam mädala
badagana sime Biragut[t*]i-heb-batte 52 miçapa sime Kattiyagēriya sa(ka)ta temkapa simey=Edavanahallada battey-i(1)
da(dha)rmmamam sāsirvvaru pratipaļisu varu II
Svasti [1] Srimatu-Saka-varsha 114eneys Tarana-samvatsarada Jyoshtha
sudhdha ashta[mi] Somaväradardu [1] Svasti [lo] Samasta-guna-sampannar-appa 54 srima (t*]-Trik[a]tavara-dévara divya-sri-pada-padm-ärādhakarum-appa Sri-Paliya
såliga-sama55 yamgaļum=ir-odeya säsirvvara sannidhanadalu Srimad-Andhäsura-dovara sthan
åcharyyaru. 56 m-appa Vamadakti-dēvarige döva-käryyakk-endu dhärä-pürgvakav-ägi kotta
harike okkalimge homge6
TRANSLATION.
(Verse 1 : identical with verse 1 of inscription D above.)
(Lines 2-3.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyaśraya's race, embellishment of the Chāļukyas, king Tribhuvanamalladēva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars -
(LI. 3-7.) On behalf of him who finds sustenance at his lutus feet, the great Lord of Fendatories who receives the five great musical sounds, the great august general, high minister, and Steward of the Kitchen, Anantapalarasa, -his son-in-law, the general Lakkarasa, administering the Six-hundred of the two Beļvalas, including the kuttunnbitti and provisionvillages, so as to suppress the wicked and protect the cultured, despatched his deputy Singarasa on a mission of religious business, and having bade him to assign one share in the proceeds of the fines of Pali to the god Andhāsura of the Agrahara of Pali, consecrated (thesame); whereupon
Read Sõmerparadera.
Read fuddha.
Read keyya (). • l'ossibly & numeral has been dropped before mattaru. . There seems to be a sonne at the end of this word on the stone, over the ge. • The record here seems to break off in the iniddle of the sentence.
This means the Three-hundred of Belvals and the Three-hundred of Paligere : see Dr. Fleet's note on the Boratür inscription, above, Vol. XIII, p. 178.
• Soe note on bhatta-grane (Sūdi inscr. F., 1. 20) above, Vol. XV, p. 92, a. 1

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194
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. VIII.
(LI. 7-8.) On the holy lunar day, Thursday, the tenth of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Tarana, the 29th year of the Chalukya-Vikrama era, on the uttarāyanasamkrānti, -
(V. 2.) Illustrions on this earth are the eminent saints of the Kaļāmukha order for exalted majesty of learning (and) for severe austerities, being jewel-mirrors for the face of the Spirit of Salvation, remote from sin,
(V. 3.) Among them flourished one named Puliyadova, pre-eminent for devotion in the world; after him, Lakuļisadēva ; after him, Vakkhanideva excelling in virtues and the great Yogi Vidyēdāns, versed in all arts and sacred tradition; so after him, the distinguished saint Somadēva.
(V. 4.) The great ascetic Jhānasakti has his two feet much rubbed by many monarchs' crowded crests brilliant with masses of lustre from bright noble gems; he is endowed with literary genius, highest of all the great saints who are like fires of doom to that ocean the rank growth of modern religions, stainless in fame, having his breast adorned by the rounded bosom of the Spirit of Salvation.
(V.5.) As Janatakti Panditadēva's vast knowledge of logic and grammar is unique (?), the public lauds his exalted dignity, styling him Drakshara.
(V. 6.) In the course of the worship which king Bhuvanaikamalla, of widespread fame, a sun to the Chalukya race, despatching a messenger, reverently (and) resolutely offered to the lotus-feet of this saint, they constructed a sanctuary of Siva, which the world ever praises, saying " Say, can they make thus a building of stone "
(V. 7.) His beloved disciple Tatpurusha, eminent on earth, endowed with numerous virtues, knowing divers books of instruction, has caused the expanses of the regions of space to become white with his stainless fame.
(LI. 16-18.) Having, in the presence of the local Acharya Tatpurusha, as above deseribed, and in the presence of the Thousand Mahājanas headed by the mayor, laved the feet of the god Andhäsura, the Steward Singarasa made over for the personal enjoyment of the god and for the restoration of broken, burst, and outworn (masonry) one share in the proceeds of the fines of Pūli.
(V. 8.) Shining in the form of a beanty-spot on Beļvala, that mine of loveliness which appears like the face of that graceful lady the ocean-girt Earth, Poli is perfect in comeliness, thing unique and apart, so that men say: "Is it the city where dwells the king of gods, or the royal residence of the lord of serpents ? It cannot be a dwelling-place of mortals."
(V. 9.) It is a mother-house of the Vodas, it is a dwelling-place of divers systems of logic, hearken, so it is a mine of books of instruction : thus is the town of Pali known within the circuit of earth.
(V. 10.) As regards the pleasances, the mango-trees drooping with fruit, the marmoring of swarms of bees that hum with buzzing sound, the showers of scented flowers in the outskirts of the town what description can fit them?
(V. 11.) How brilliant are the temples, when one observes, with their exceedingly radiant golden pinnacles, obstructing the sky, as if to say that this is a peculiar path built by
Ekakahara, lit." monosyllable," is the mystic Om and the lore connected with it applied m . title, it mens master of that lore (cf. the naine of the poet Shadakahari-dēva, the "master of the six-syllabled ipell."
cil, örh namarSivaya). A work on logie by an earlier Ekakahara-Mani is mentioned in the Kiln inscription of Saka 851 (above, Vol. XIII, p. 882, 1. 64), Here there woems to be play on the double meaning of eakalara, which apparently is taken a signifying "uniquely literate" (cf. -akshara).
* Seo Dr. Fleet's note on th word bali in his paper on the Dövagēri inseription, above, VoL XI, p. 8.

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No. 22.)
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
195
the Creator as his choicest work in order to raise the votaries of the feet of Isa and the Sun to enter into the everlasting seat where they abide.
(V. 12.) The sky is ever bright with masses of smoke of various sacrifices, like a rainbow, which all the Brahmans together make for the satisfaction of the Lord of a Hundred Sacrifices (Indra].
(V. 13.) Mangalarnavadēva, a moon of the Chaļukya race, has become in sooth illustrious as a rod of Käla to the Chola race, a meteor of ruin to the Malava race, an uprooter of the Gurjara race.
(V. 14.) This Mangaļārņava, whose stainless fame is stamped upon the earth, having given land on sarva-namasya tenure (and) settled a thousand Brahmans, protected Pāli.
(V. 15.) The fortunate Mangalarnava, the mayor, received as a gift (marks of -Ed.) the high dignity of governorship, namely the flag, yak-tail fans, discus (?), white parasol, betel-bag, gong, double shell, and the rest.
(Ll. 28-29.) As regards the high dignity of the Thousand Mahājanas, headed by the mayor who has had this fortune :
(V. 16.) The earth extols the Thousand as being men of abounding (good) conduct, seats of incalculable merit, uniquely worshipful to the world, skilled in arte, having fame like autumnal clouds, celestial trees to the companies of cultured and agreeable men, ravishing the powers of haughty foes, bees to the lotus-feet of the blest god Kosavāditya.
(V. 17.) The Thousand, who are birth-sites of supreme generosity, having together drunk with delight the nectar of religion with exceeding reverence for him, moved in spirit, built & dwelling for the blessed god Andhäsura, which was to be as it were a support for the mighty creeping-plant of their own superhuman fame, so that it was like to the celestial mountain.
(Ll. 33-36.) The Thousand Mahājanas headed by the mayor thus described, by unanimous consent, laved the feet of the god Andhāsura and granted for the god's personal enjoyment on nela-vartti eleven sojja of areca-nuts per thousand ; on all other areca-nuts, such as chandavura and bele, twenty-one sojja per thousand; on each load (of betel-leaf), a bundle (consisting of eight-hundred betel-leaves'; on each hend-load, a bundle (consisting of) four-hundred betel. leaves.
(LI. 36-38.) Aļalara Nagadēvayya, Haradara Santayya, Mandeyara Mākaņayye, and Ubbarada Bammayya, these four, having offered worship at the feet of the Hundred of Siveyageri, purchased (of them) and assigned to the god Andhästra as a sarva-namasya holding four mattar below the Kadaku Tank within the waste-land pasuge.
(V. 18.) In Pūli, which is renowned in the world, the whole company of gods is griefstricken if a morsel (of sacrificial food) should enter the flames in fiery glow with crackling sound, without coming to Andhasura.
(LI. 40-41.) On the holy day on which occurred Monday, the full-moon of the bright fortnight of Srāvana in the cyclic year Chitrabhanu, the seventh of the (regnal) years of -hail !-the blest Kalachurya Emperor Tribhuvanamalladēva, together with an eclipse of the moon,
(Ll. 41-44.) Jñanasaktidēva, the Acharya of the establishment of the god Andhågura, having adored with (offering of money the Thousand, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahåra of Poli, purchased and assigned for the god's baths and oblations seven mattar in the
Namely Iss and the Sun.
* Läbha-gavalige: the word kavalige means ", quantity embraced ; a pack or bundle of betel or plantain. leaves, etc." (Kittel, kt.). • Soe Dyn. Kanar. Distr., p. 474.
2 3 2

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196
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XVIIT.
waste-land hasuga of Kokkuligori; the aru-vana for it is one hana on ench mattar. As regards the bounds of the field, the northern bound is from the field of the god Gokarnesvam, on the south from the field of the god) of the Ajjavas, on the north-east the fata of Kattiyagērı, on the west the sata of Raviyaņi.
(LI. 44-47.) Hail! The Thousand, headed by the mayor, assigned to the god Andhåsura for baths and oblations eight mattar as & sarva-namasya holding in the hasuge of the Lower (?) Field. As regards its bounds, the eastern bound is the Goldsmiths' Field, the southern bound the hill, the western bound the sauti, the northern bound the fata of Ghaisasagēri.
(LI. 47-48.) On the uttarayana-sankrānti, Monday, the full-moon of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Krödhi, the second of the (regnal) years of-hail !-the Chalukya Emperor Somësvaradeve,
(LI. 48-52.) The Hundred of Kaļasavalligēri and the Thousand (of Pali), together with the Samaya-chakravartti Kalidēvayya Setti, assigned to the god Andhäsura for baths and oblations a (?) mattar as a sarta-namasya holding in the first grounds of the waste-land hasage of Kokkuligēri, in exchange for a field of fourteen mattar belonging to Mainivana. Its bounds are : on the east from the data of Raviyanagēri; its northern bound the highroad of Båragutti; its eastern bound the fata of Kattiyagēri ; its southern bound the road of the Edava's river." This pious foundation the Thousand shall protect.
(L. 53.) On Monday the eighth of the bright fortnight of Jyöshtha in the cyclic year Tirana, the 1146th year of-hail !-the auspicious Saka era,
(L!. 53-56.) Hail ! Endowed with all virtues, worshippers of the divinely blest lotus-feet of the god Trikütösvara, the weavers' guilds of Pili, in the presence of the mayor and the Thousand, granted with pouring of water a votive gift (?) to Vāmasaktidëva, the Acharya of the establishment of the god Andhasura, for the business of the god : for each household, on every gold-piece..
F.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: SAKA 1029. This is an inscription on the upper part of a black stone found standing in the manda pa on the southern side of the entrance into the adytum of the temple of Kere-Siddhappa. The lower part of the stone, with the inscription from 1. 31 onwards, has been broken away and lost. What remains is 3 ft. 5} in, high and 1 ft. 84 in, wide. It has a rounded top, on which are sculptures, vis, in the centre a liriga; to the proper right of this, & squatting figure, possibly Śiva or a Yogi; to the left of the liriga, a cow with calf; over the cow, a scimitar; above these, the sun (to right of linga) and moon (to left). The inscribed area below this is 2 ft. 2 in high and 1 ft. 8} in, broad.-The character is good Kanarese of the period, with letters about in, high, which, however, become smaller as the inscription goes on. The cursive occurs in ryatipātadalu, 1. 26.-The language is Sanskrit in the prelude (11. 1-3), and for the rest Old Kanarese. The ! appears only as ), viz. in vogaļuudo (1. 14) and pogaļuud- (1. 18).
The record opens with two Sanskrit verses, the first of which is the formal Namasturgao, and the second the introductory stanza of Kalidasa's Raghuvarka (11, 1-3). It then refers itself to the reign of Tribhuvanamalladēva, i.e. Vikramaditys VI (11. 4-7), and next ins series of verses extols the Belvala nadu, Pali, the Thousand of Pūli, the Hundred of Kalasavalli. gēri, the Saiva divine Siddhāśvara, and his disciple Somēģvara, both of whom were Acharyas
The Ajjava family is mentioned above, in inscr. D.
1 This is the name of a demon, an ally of Rävaņs, whose legend is popular in the south. Possibly & sanctuary of his may be meant; but it is doubtfal.
On the epithet edava noe above, Vol. XV, p. 81, n. 7.

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10
12
16
18
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20
28
Huli Stone Inscription of the reign of Vikramaditya VI: Saka 1029.
గరిష్ట బేత ప్రొహమ్మ ళాయిల దా
గురక్రయ తినవల్ల మఘ రాజ్ • ప్రమధరుడం గగ
దరదు తరచితమgoo. గరగా కారు దిగుమ తుల ఉమ జయ రాజ వారి 32 వరమములో వివరాల ఏకముఖ డాంత అదగల చేరయ బరీడాలని ద కొత్త రంజుగ దిబో అనార్థ దశ గరగదేమని
భ
రచడి క్రీ.
F. W. THOMAS
శతర దేశమూర్తి దర్శణ రాసు మయనంది ఈగ ఉదకు దించిన మరియు రండటం
ChD (దీడిత కుడదు డోలై ఇంత గా జనార్
“ గరియ గు
పోరు అని మాబాబరు వనజ పిరమనియుదురు. దాని కేలర దీనిఖడి
నినినిదియ
డదని గట్టద
సనా ఖిరి యంబా
రక్ష రోజుదా డూ జబపిం దుల దుడుజగపబడిన వరం జంగండి. ಇಸುವಕಾರು (ಪರಶಿವನು ಆಕಾರದ ಜಾನಿ ಯ ఆయండిడువకోన భావం దారుణరు ఈ అననది తరకుడ మదన జడనిది జరిత్ర వసుదా ఆడదు కా దందడం డ లో గాచుతరు బతికిస్తు యగులో జరుగు దర్శడు) "దువయని పాయ మరల ద విరియుని ఐడియ భీముఖముడూ జనగడంగా NQ మరుండగు వ వ ండద
యునికి మ
రాజ్యం గుర్తుక దయరముననే విదే జాతీయ రతి
SCALE ONE-THIRD
WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL
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NO. 22.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
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of the temple of Kalabesvara in Kalasavalligēri (11. 7-24). Descending then into prose, it chronicles a gift of land to this sanctuary by the Hundred of Kalasavalligöri, in the midst of which it is broken off.
The date of this record is given on II. 24-26 as: Saks 1029 (expired), the cyclic year Sarvajit; Pushya śnddha 12, Budhavāra (Wednesday); the uttarāyana-samkrānti. This is irregular, being another instance of the conflation of two distinct dates. The tithi Pashya suddha 12 corresponded to Saturday, 28 December, A.D. 1107; it ended about 20 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise on Saturday, 1.e. about 2.11 A.M. on Sunday. The uttarayana-sankranti again occurred abont 50 m. after mean sunrise-scil. 6.50 A.M.-on Wednesday, 25 December
The places mentioned are Puli, the Belvala nādu (1.9), Kaļašavalligēri (11. 16, 28), and Rudragere (1. 30). The last cannot be identified.
TEXT. [The metres are as follows: Vv. 1, 2, Anushțubh; v. 3, Onampakamala; v. 4, Mattēbhavikridita; Vv. 5-9, Kanda.]
) Namas-tunga-sirag-chumbi-chandra-ch&mara-chåravo traiļosya-nagar-Srambha
mu
2 ļa-stambhāya Sambhavė [1] Vāg-artthāv=iva sampriktan våg-arttha
pratipattayz [lo] 3 jagataḥ pita[r]au vamdö Pärvvati-Paramēšvarau || [2] O namaḥ śivā[ya ||] 4 © Svasti [l*) Samasta-bhuvan-āšraya Śri-Pțithvi-vallabha mahārājādhiraja 5 paramēsvara paramabhaçţărakam Saty.eraya-kula-tilaka Chaluky-- 6 bharanam śrima[t]-Tribhuvanamalladēva-vijaya-rajyam-uttar-Otta7 r-ábhivri(vpi)ddhi-pravarddhamanam=ā-chamdr-arkka-tāram saluttam-ire | Sarar 8 nidhi-měkhal-Avrita-vasundharey-emba viļăsini-mukh-amburuha9 da vol=virājisuva Belvala-nālge podaļda sobheg=&garam=enis irppe 10 Pali tilak-akritiyird-esed-irppudes puram Sura-puraman K[u]11 bēran-Alaka-puramam nagagum viļisadim || [38] Bhuvana-prastutar-ka-vákya12 reachalar=śrt-Kēšavāditya-děva-vara-prăpta-samasta-sampadar-asésh-asi(si)-s& 13 māktrnna(rnpa)-varnna(rņņa)-viļāsar-chchaturar=chchatus-same(ma)ya-samadvyarachchan
tur-Vvēda-Šā14 stra-vichara-kshamar endada voga!vndo säsirvvara khyatiya [4] 15 Alli | Viditar (ta)-sri-Pali-pura-vadan-alokana-sudarppaparettáveenipa16 raggad-amala-charitar-guna-gana-sadanar=enalu Kalasa (8a)valligēriya nu17 rvveru || [5*] Alliy=achāryyaru || Snåna-japa-homa-niyama-dhyan-á18 nushthana-sila-tatparanam
sad (i)-jñána-nidhi mina-nidhiyremd-Inardade pogalvud-a19 yeni Siddhēgvaranam [6] Bauddh-Arbata-Sankhyåyås-bod[hb]dhrigal-end-e[mm]20 be birudu sanduda jagadol-Siddhēsvars-panditarg-atyuddhata-vād-ibha-simhar-e21 ne mechchadar=ārs [7] Avara sishyaru Agha-dora-muniśvaranuda
jaghamnyam(nya)-yati-ta22 tiyol=endu saman-ēn=abarkku laghu-guna-rahitam bhuvanadol-Aghora-japa
nishthit-ätma-S3From the ink-Impression. • The ta was omitted by the engraver and then added below the line.
Corrupt : the true rending may perhaps be sankhyāyana. (taking ayana ms equivalent to sastra) Cov rather Sankhya-Nyaya-Ed).

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[VOL. XVIII. Jalanidhi-parita-vasudhataladoļu naishthika-muni(ni)svar
24 68sa-dova-p[*]da-kamala-bhrimga Sömesvara-bratisam stutyam1 [9] Svasti [i] Srimach-Chhaka-varsha
| ឧ ន
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
23 měsvaranam || [8]
aradhyam éri-Kala
25 1029neya Sarvvajitu-samvatsarada Pushya-suddha 12 Budhavaradam26 d-uttarayapa-sam kramti-vyatipatadalu śriman-mah-agraharam
27 Puliy=ür-oḍeya-pramukha-sasirvvar=mmahajanamgala samnidhanadalu
28 śrimatu-Kalasa (sa)valligēriy-asesha-nurvvar-mmahajanamgaļum śrimatu-Kale (la)6829 évara-devara [kham]da-sphutita-jirnn(rpp)-öddharakkam
nivědyakkav-alliya
dhanar-shara30 [dānakkam]
kamma
tapo
keyi Rudragereya mattaru nålku
TRANSLATION.
(Verse 1: identical with v. 1 of inscription D. above.)
(V. 2.) For attainment of words and ideas I adore Parvati and Paramavara, the parents of the universe, who are united like word and idea.
(L. 3.) Om Homage to Śiva!
(Ll. 4-7.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyasraya's race, embellishment of the Chalukyas, king Tribhuvanamalladēva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and
stars :
(V. 3.) Püli, which may well be called a mine of brilliant beauty, displays itself in the form of a beauty-spot on the county of Belvala, which is radiant like the lotus-face of that graceful lady the ocean-girdled Earth. This town by its elegant appearance laughs to scorn the city of the Gods and Kubera's city of Alaka.
(V. 4.) As they are known as being praised throughout the world, uniform of speech, unwavering, receiving all good fortune from the boons of the blest god Kesavaditya, having the splendour of their praises diffused through the whole of space, skilful, worshipped in the four churches,* competent for the study of the four Vedas and books of instruction, what praise can befit the renown of the Thousand ?
(L. 15.) In that (town)
(V. 5.) The Hundred of Kalasavalligēri are indeed goodly mirrors to view the face of the famed and blest town of Pali, being men of good stainless conduct, seats of numerous virtues.
(L. 17.) The Acharyas there
(V. 6.) The earth with delight praises Siddhesvara, who is devoted to the practice of bathing, prayer, oblation, minor disciplines, and contemplation, as a treasure of goodly knowledge, a treasure of dignity.
(V. 7.) The title of instructor in Buddhist, Jain, and Sankhya doctrines is applied in the world to Siddhësvara-Pandita: who are there that do not laud him as a lion to those elephants the exceedingly haughty disputants ?
1 The defective metre shews that the text is wrong. The most likely emendation seems to be -bhringa Sömesa-brati samstutya.
Line 20 ends with this word. Towards the end of line 31 the tops of a few letters are visible, but not one letter in the line is complete. The rest of the stone is lost.
This is the opening verse of Kalidasa's Raghuvansa. Bee above, on inser. B, 1 10.
[See f. n. 3 on p.197.-Ed.]

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INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI,
199
(L. 21.) His disciple
(V. 8.) When can there be) even a great saint remote from guilt in the series of recent ascetics, who is his equal ? Can he match? Sömēśvara, who is void of vain qualities and whose spirit is devoted to prayer to Aghora ?
(V. 9. On the sea-encompassed earth the great ascetic Somēsvara is adored by devout saints, a bee to the lotus-feet of the blest god Kalasėsa, highly honoured.
(Ll. 24-26.) On Wednesday, the twelfth of the bright fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Sarvajit, the 1029th (year) of-hail !--the auspicious Saks era, during a vyatipata in the uttarayana-sankranti,
(LI. 26-30.) In the presence of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great Agrahāra of Páli, the full Hundred Mahajanas of Kalafavalligöri (assigned] for the restoration of broken, burst, and outworn (masonry of the temple) of the god Kalasesvara, for oblations, and for the supply of food to the ascetics of the place . . . a field, four mattar .. kamma of Rudragere . . . .
G.-OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI: THE 82ND YEAR.
This is a vira-gal, which was found by Dr. Fleet lying between two stones of the same class, one of them being the inscription A. above, lying to the north of the Bhimosvara temple. It was removed by him into the porch of another temple which stands a few yards to the north of the Bhim svars, and for which the villagers had no certain name, though they inclined to call it the Tarakośvara. The stone is 6 ft. 2 in, high (not reckoning the tenon at its base); its breadth is 1 ft. 9 in, at the first line of writing, and 2 ft. 1 in. at the base. The basis in which it ori ginally stood has been lost. It is divided into seven compartments, four containing soulptures and the intermediate three the text. The uppermost compartment, which is rounded at the top. has in the centre a linga in a shrine ; on the proper right of this is Gandía seated and facing foll front, with a worshipper at his right knee. On the proper left of the liriga are three wor shippers, and there are three more round the upper part of the compartment. Below this are lines 1-4 of the text. The compartment next below these has in its centre the figures of three Heated goddesses, facing full front; to the proper right is a female dancing, and on the left a seated female playing on a lute. Above these are eight females standing in a row, who hold chowries. Underneath this come lines 5-6 of the text. The compartment immediately below the latter has at its centre a male figure in movement, with his arms on the shoulders of two females, one at each side of him ; in each of the four corners is a group of three figures, also in motion. Below these are lines 7-10 of the text. In the lowest compartient is a figure of a man shooting arrows from a bow; he faces half front and half to the proper left. Two corpses are lying under his feet. Facing him are two horsemen and three archers, and behind him are two or three archers shooting at the other party; and behind these again, in the upper proper right corner, are twelve cows running away. The character is good Kanarese of the period; the letters are generally in high. The language is Old Kanarese. The appears as / (alidan, 1. 10). Of some lexical interest are the words Vaddavāra, 1. 2 (cf. above, Vol. XII, p. 147), talaga, 1. 3f., mölad-al, 1. 9, and anuvara, 1. 9.9
1 This translation is based upon the assumption that abarkku is the same as a mark on. But this is not quite certain, and the word is perhaps corrupt. TA Yoga in which the declination of sun and woon is the same.
Anuvara is glossed in Gangadhara Madwaleswar Tarmari's Sabda majari (Dharwar, 1890) as kalaga, baltlo," which is probably right. Bat neither the word itself nor the verb anw-eri is given in the P. B.; Kittel in loco translaten it selecting, making anything) one's special sim," and he gives the verbal sten au-varian, ignoring the explanation of the Sabda majari.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
The record itself is of a type common on monuments of the kind. It begins by referring itself to the 32nd year of the Chāļukya-Vikrama era, i.e. of the reign of Vikramaditya VI, and then relates in prose that a certain Torapara Bütayya carried off cows belonging to Pali, and thereupon Gangara Bősi (Bõsiga) and his messmate and comrade Peruva Malli (Malliga) made a brave attempt to recover them, in which they perished. Each of these heroes has a verse devoted to his praise.
The Torapas are mentioned as enemies of the Hundred-and-four Mahajanas of Ron in an inscription of Ron of Saka 1102 which is also being published by me in this Journal. It styles the latter Togapa-kulārtakarum. Apparently they were a race of bandits.
The date of the inscription is given on 11. 1-2 as: the 32nd year of the Chalukya-Vikrams era, the cyclic year Sarvajit ; Sravana bahula 5, Vaddavāra (Saturday). This is regular. The given tithi corresponded to Saturday, 10 August, A.D. 1107, on which it began about 3 h. 50 m. before mean sunrise.
The only place mentioned is Pöli (11.3, 7).
TEXT.1
[The metre is Kanda.] 1 Om? [lo] Svasti [*] Érimach-Chaļukya-Vikrama-kalada 32neya Sarvvaji. 2 t-samvatsarada Srāvana-hehuls 5 Vaddevăradamdu 3 Torapara Būtayyam Paliya taracam kondades ta4 lara-nāyakam Gamgara Bõsiyuv=ātan=odan-unda kele5 yam Peruva Malliyum turuvig=addam bamdu mēl-āļu kudureyu6 man-iridu palaram komdu süryya-mamdalamam bhojisidar || 7 Torapar-idiretti Paliya turuvam kole kamdu Bõsiga[m] pagevarán=int-i8 şidu Divijėmdra-purado!=meredam nija-vikrama-pratāp-onnatiy[i*] m || [1] 9 Odan-umda keleyanar samgadad-A!am mēļad=āļan=anuvarad-edeyo! bida10' l-agad-erdu Bobigan=odan-aļidam Malligam pratāp-onnatiyim || [2]
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1-2.) On Saturday, the 5th of the dark fortnight of Srāvana in the cyclic year Sarvajit, the 32nd (year) of-hail !--the auspicious Chalukya-Vikrama era,
(LI. 3-6.) When Tora para Butayys had seized cows belonging to Pali, the chief beadle Gangara Bosi and his messmate Peruva Malli stepped in the way of the cows, synote the leader und (his) horse, slew many, and enjoyed the orb of the sun.
(Verse 1.) When the Torapas, making an assault, carried off the cows of Palli, Bõsiga, seeing it, confronted the foemen, sincte them, and became brilliant in the city of the Lord of Gods by the high degree of his valour and nobility.
From the ink-impression. * The om is denoted by a somewhat fantastic figure, apparently based upon the fankha symbol · The on upems to have first written kondede, and then cancelled the first o.
• This means that they were killed in the battle and their souls were carried ap to the Valhalla of fallen beroes in the sun. Cf. the well-known verse Draveinau purulau 10kė irya-mandala-bhedinau ll pariuridyoga-yuktafocha rane füra-southe katal

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INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
(V. 2.) Saying "I cannot leave my messmate, my associate, my comrade on the field of battle," Malliga perished together with Bōsiga by reason of the high degree of his nobility.
201
H. OF THE REIGN OF VIKRAMADITYA VI.
This is a fragment of a Jain record. It is cut on the upper part of a back stone which was found lying in the courtyard of the Panchalinga temple, and was placed by Dr. Fleet for security in the sabha-mandapa of the sanctuary. The lower part of the slab was lost. The remainder was 2 ft. 7 in. high and 2 ft. 8 in. broad. The topmost compartment, which was rounded, contained sculptures, viz. in the centre a squatting Jina (Parsvanatha ?) facing full front, with a canopy of inflated cobras' hoods over his head, in a shrine, and having below him a pedestal with a floral device and on each side of it a lion; to his proper right a coy and calf; to his left a scimitar; above him, to the left, the sun and moon. The inscribed area beneath this is 1 ft. 4 in. high and 2 ft. 7 in. broad.-The character is good Kanarese, with letters of about in. high.-The language is Sanskrit (verses 1-4 and 6) and Old Kanarese (verses 5, 7-17 and prose). As regards the latter, we may note that is not found; it appears as ? (pogalvinam 1. 4, podalda, 1. 10, pogalut, 1. 20) and r (norppadame, 1. 9, norppade, 11. 10, 11, negardda, 1. 18). The words jagadalam, 1. 17, limkad-amka, 1. 19 (see above, on inscr. B., 1. 14), and kal-vesam 1. 21 may be noticed.
The record, after the usual Jain prelude, extols in poetry the Ganadhara Sudharman, Bahubalin, the famous Jain divine of the Kaṇḍuru-Gana of the Yapaniya-Sangha, Subhachandra and Maunidēva, of the same Gana, and Maghanandin (ll. 1-5). Then it refers itself in prose to the reign of Tribhuvanamalladēva (Vikramaditya VI), whom it lauds in verse (11. 6-9), thence proceeding to extol in verse Kuntala, possibly Belvala, and Pali with its Thousand Mahajanas (11: 9-15). It next gives the titles of an otherwise unknown raja named Piṭṭa, who styled himself "Lord of Kōlala, best of cities" (11. 15-17), and adds in verse that he had four sons, Perma, Bijja or Bijjala, Kirtti, and Gorms, and a daughter, Mailaladevi; Bijjala slew certain kings, and had some relations (a lacuna prevents us from knowing what they were) with king Jayasimha of the Gurjarashtra, possibly the Paramara Jayasimha of Malwa, who flourished about 1055 A.D. (11. 19-20). A mutilated verse speaks of Revakanirmaḍi as sister of king Kanhara, comparing to her Siriyadevi as sister of somebody else (1. 20). We then learn that Bijjala built a Jain sanctuary, which possibly may be the Pañchalinga, and apparently that he or somebody else granted to it a place named Pergummi(?). The rest is lost.
The reference to Rēvakanirmaḍi and. Kanhara is interesting. Kanhara is the Rashtrakūta Krishna III, and Revakanirmaḍi was his elder sister; she married the Ganga Satyavakya Batuga II, who succeeded between 933 and 940 A.D. This fact, and the titles " Gängeya of the Gangas" and "lord of Kolalapura," indicate that Pitta was a scion of the Ganga family.
The places mentioned, besides Puli, are Kuntala (1. 9), Kōlalapura, i.e. Kolhapur3 (1. 16), the Gürjarashtra, i.e. Gujarat (1. 19), Belvala (1. 22), Pergummi (ib.), and Manikya-tirttha (1.24).
1 Bahubalin is well known. Maghanaudin and Subbachandra may conceivably be the same as the divines so named who are mentioned in Inser. Sravana Belgola, Nos. 40-1, 43, 45-9, 59, 64-5, 144, and I. 4., Vol. XIV p. 22. A Mannada Bhaṭṭāra is mentioned in Inser. Śrav. Belgola, No. 6.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 71; cf. ib., Vol. IV, p. 352, and Dyn. Kanar. Distr., p. 304. The Gawarwad inscrip. tion previously published by me speaks of Bütuga as Revakanirmmaḍiya vallabham (1. 15); so does the Annigeri record which is almost identical.
[Kolalapura is only an epigraphic variant of Kuvalalapura which has been identified with Kölär, the chief town of the Kolar district in the east of Mysore. See Bomb. Gas. Vol. I.-Part II, pp. 297-8.-Ed.]
20

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
TEXT.1
[The metres are as follows : V. 1, Anushțubh; vv. 2, 3, 6, Trishtubh Upajati; v. 4 Aryagiti (?); vv. 5, 12, 13, 16, Kanda; v. 7, Mahasragdharā; vv. 8, 15, Champakama a vv. 9, 14, Utpalamala; vv, 10, 11, 17, Mattëbhavikridita.] 1 [śrímat-parama-gambhi]ra-syādväd-amogha-lamchchhanam [1] jiyā[t*]=trailokya
náthasya sasanam Jina-bāsanam © [1] Sri-Vira-nathasya gan-ē vard=bhätz
Sudharmma-nāmā pravidhata [- - - ] 2 [V - v v ] Vāpaniye sa[ighē) punas-tatra cha chāru-märgge
[2"] Kandūru-vikhyāta-gaņē babhova para munimdrā bahavo maha(?)
3
[v -u v ]d-aika-simho munisvarð Bahubali babhava [3] Jayata
Subhachapdradēvaḥ Kamdar-ggana-pumờarika-vana-mārttamdabachamda-tridamda
4....Spårago budha-vinutah [4] Nuta-Y&paniya-samgha-pratita-Kandor
kgan-Abdhi-chamdramar=end=1 kshiti-va!e(la)yam pogaļvinamumnati-vettar
Mmõ(Mmau)ni[dē). 5 [va-divya-munımdra] re* @ [5*) Śri-Maghanathdi-bratinātham=ida Kämärit-bhim.
o[ra]ga-Vainat@yah [lo] nam[n]-āvanipāļaka-viddha-ki[r*]tti[m") si[dah Janta-ta[ttv]
Arņņava-pūrņņa-cha[mdram [6*] 6 [Svasti (i*] Samasta-bhuva]n-&srayar Sri-Pri(Pri)thvi-vallabham mahārājádhiraja[m]
paramośvaram paramabhattārakam Satyāáraya-kuļa-tilakam Chāļuky-ábharaṇam
srimat-Tribhuvanamalla17 [dēvara vijaya]-rajyam-uttar-ottar-abhivri(vri)ddhi-pravarddhamanam-a-chandrārkka-,
Yaram-baraṁ salattam-ire Kshitig=ellam tanņa tējam to!agi belage
tann=ājõe Chol-a[vani] 8 [- u v - - - 0]! narttisut=ire sale tann=ārppu lokakke Kalpa
kshitijätam kāde paột=amt=ire Kaliyugadolu puttiyum Raghav-ādi-kshitipal
apıkaroļu på[u ] 9 iu v y - Vikra]madityactēva [7) Jaļadhi-parita-bhttaļa-vadhū
tige kumtalad-amdadim manam-goļisuvud-erta nörppadame Kumtala
desam-ava(da)kke chinna-poga!a teradamte ramjis[ -] 10 [u -
-]tta mauktik-ivaliya podalda harada voleirppudu norppade Pāli lileyim [8] Mattam Pom-ga!asamgaļimd=egeva då va-gribamgaļin=oppu-vetta vārāmganeyarkka![= Y u u ]
1 From the ink-impression. . It is doubtful whether this is d or
The pa is not quite certain. This gap is filled from 1. 31 of the second Ratta inscription in Journ. Bo. Br. R. 44. Soc., Vol. X P. May be corrected into Kapadi-Ed.) The vowel before ta may be either à or 0.

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11 - 0
viprarimde
- (P)poda]lda Vēdamgale mürtti-gomḍud-enip-amdadalgrāmaṁgala chakravarttiy-esed-irddudu norppade Pali [9] Mattam-alliya viprara malimey-e[nt-emdoḍe] [*] pithan-enipa śri-Krishna-devam savistaradim tanna sahasram-appa pesaram rûp-ag-iralu māḍi s-akshara-Ved-akshara-jivamamtra-chayamam tiv-iṭṭu Poli-maha-pura[--~ ~]
12 [
3
13 -
esedar]-ssäsirvvar-imt-urvviyolu
[10] Upam-tam-nippa pempu gunam-audaryyaṁ chalam sahasam japa-homam niyamam mah-önnatikasatyam saucham---]
14 [
15
16
17.
oppuva
lileyim
21
18 [
22 [
vara-prasādar-esedar-ssasirvvar-imt-urvviyolu
cha(?ba)lisida hari-bada-beṭṭim
19 [
. kk-emdu nirakaripudu sasirvvar=nchitade
chalita-vachanam
[12*] Svasty=anavarata-vinamad-Ama[ra]-rājat-ti(ki)rīṭa-kōṭi-tāți (ḍi)ta-Jine[m]dracharan-aravimda-ma
20 [~
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
—
·
Bijjala-ripath
d[
Kōlaja-p[uravar-adhiśvaram
.. [emt-em]dode
Mamḍalika-jagadalaṁ mar-kkomḍara Javan-artthi-janake kalpa-mahi (hi)jaṁ gamḍara tirttham sitagara gamdam mar-kkola Bhairavam Pitta-nripam
[13] Mattam [
] sastrad-odavim śri-Kesavaditya-děva-pad-ambhoja[11] Hari kile-neleyim
-
[chala]d-uttaramga
Permma-nripa Bijja-mahipati Kirtti-bhüpanum jeṭṭiga negardda(da) Mail[a]ladēviyum-amte rūpinimdh(d) iṭṭalavägi [10 [14*] limkad-amkad-ari-bhabhujaraṁ tave komdu Gürjja-rashṭrada dharaniśvaranam nija-rajya-lakshmiyolu padu[
Gamga-Gamgeya Chapala-vairi-vahini-samhanana-pratāpa-Laṁkēs varam
Vira-vidvishta-samharapa-pratapa-Kārttikēya
208
chauvisa-Tirttharkkalam
~ 1]
)
-plo
galut-irppudu Bijjala-bhamipalanam [15] Mattam ම Rēvakanirmmadi Kamnharadevaṁg-emt-akkan-amte bhf-nute Siriy[ādēvi]
[] [16*] [~
-
~]
mudadim
~ 1]
puṭṭidar-oppe Gormmanumh
~]
~]
Jayasimhadēva
~]du dal-tay-vaney-emhdu māḍisi kal-vesam
dim bitta [ ] Belvaladol-imt-opp-ippa Perggummiyam [1] Harrubadakat(?)
samesi
1 Three more lines are more or less visible, but only a very few letters in them can be deciphered. In 1. 23 can be read the words Chalukya-chakravartti Permmäḍizayan kayyol, and in 1, 24 sadisida Manikya-tirttha. The rest of the stone is lost.
202

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
TRANSLATION.
(Verse 1: identical with verse 1 of inscription B. above.)
(V. 2.) There was a Ganadhara of the blessed Vira, named Sudharman, who had cast away...... and again in this Yāpaniya-Sangha, which is beautiful in its conduct, -
(V. 3.) In the Gana known as that of Kandor there were formerly many great saints ...... there was the great saint Bahubali, a lion .. .
(V. 4.) Victorious be Subhachandradava, a sun to the lotus-park of the Kandür. Gana... to the terrible tridarda..renowned among sages.
(V. 5.) As the circling earth extols him as a moon to the ocean of the famous Kapdür-Gaņa in the renowned Yāpaniya-Sangha, the great and holy saint Maunidēva rose to eminence.
(V. 6.) I adore that lord of ascetics the blest Maghanandin, a Garuda to the dreadful serpent Kamari, whose fame is attended by bowing monarchs, and who was a full-moon to the ocean of the principles of doctrine.
(LI. 6-7.) When the victorious reign of-hail!-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, supreme Master, ornament of Satyasraya's race, embellishment of the Chaļukyas, king Tribhuvanamalladēva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars :
(V. 7.) As his splendour shines radiantly over all the earth, his authority dances upon [the heads ?] of Chöļa kings, his power in truth as it were bears fruit equally with the Tree of Desire for the world, and he, being born in the Kali age... in the company of Raghu's Bon and other monarchs ... king Vikramiditya.
(V. 8.) How doth the land of Kuntala, even as one looks, fascinate the mind by its semblance of a lock of curls on the head) of that lady the ocean-encompassed Earth! ... is resplendent after the manner of golden flowers. Pali, when one looks, is in its graceful aspect like a conspicuous string of... threaded pearls.
(L. 10.) Moreover,
(V. 9.) Puli, when one observes, appears as an emperor of towns in its gracefal aspect, with golden pinnacles, with bright temples, with comely public women ... with Brahmaps so stately that the ... Vodas seem to be incarnate in them.
(L. 11.) Moreover, as regards the eminence of the local Brāhmans :
(V. 10.). The blessed god Krishna, who is a basis . having abundantly caused his thousand names to take bodily form, and richly stowed a multitude of syllables of the Vodas, together with the Syllable [Om], and of vital spells, in the great town of Pali..... thus the Thousand Care eminent] on earth,
(v. 11.) Dignity transcending coluparison, virtue, generosity, spirit, enterprise, prayer and oblation, minor disciplines, high exaltation, truth, parity ....... by possession of teaching-books, the Thousand, having the grace of boons from the lotus-feet of the blest god Kolavāditya, are thus eminent on earth.
(V. 12: mostly illegible.)
(Ll. 15-17.) Hail!. As regards the .. of him who is an impassioned bee] to the Lord Jina's lotus-feet which are beaten by the crests of the radiant diadems of. ceaselessly
1 The trida da are the sins of body, speech, and mind.
* Votally Kämäri means "the foe of Käma," pis. Siva; but the context suggests bere the meaning that enemy Kima." (Beef. n. 6 on page 202-Ed.]
. The icon seen to be that the Thousand of Poli are incarnations of the 1,000 Dames of Krishna or Viahp

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INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
205
bowing celestials, who is a lintel of high-spirit, a majestic Kirttiköya in the destruction of valiant foes, a Gangēyal of the Gangas, a majestic Lord of Lanka in shattering the armies of unsteady foemen, the Lord of Koļāļa, best of cities :
(V. 13.) A jagadala of governors, a Death-god to adversaries, a Tree of Desire to the needy, a way of salvation to warriors, a warrior against the wanton, a Bhairava of counterarrows, is king Pitta.
(L. 17.) Moreover,
(V. 14.) . . . there were born with distinction king Perma, king Bijja, king Kirtti, the wrestler Gorma, and Maiļaladēvi, thus forming a group in beauty ...
(V. 15.) As he slew hostile kings of the linkad=amka ...... the monarch Jayasinhadēva of the Gurjara kingdom in his own royal fortune . .. [the world] praises king Bijjala.
(L. 20.) Moreover,
(V. 16.) As Rēvakanirmade was the sister of king Kanhara, so the world-renowned Siriyādēvi ......
(V. 17.) Saying: "Truly a mother-house......", king Bijjala, having with joy constructed (images of) the twenty-four Tirthas, prepared a building of stone ... granted the beautiful Pergummi in Beļvala.
1.-ON NAGARASI'S COLUMN. This is an inscription on the eastern face of the south-western column of the four centrul columns in the outer mandapa of the Panchalinga temple. The face of the column is 94 in. high and 1 ft. 5} in, wide; the whole of it is covered by the writing, which runs over the margin to about an inch round it. There are no sculptures. The character is good Kanarene with letters of about in, high. The language is Old Kanarese, mostly verse.
The purport of the inscription is to record the construction of the column by the Saiva divine Nagarasi, disciple of Jñanasakti-probably the same Jñanasakti who was introduoed in inscription E. above, and to land their merits.
TEXT.
The metres are: V. 1, Mattābhavileridita ; v. 2, Kanda.]
i
Tanag=1 Dakshipa-Váraņāti-paru-Pali(11)-panrad-Am.
2 dhåsuram janatä-bhäsuran-Anat-äsara-narom3 dr-årādhyan-Erädhyan=olpina Kalamukha4 darppaņam ni(ni)ja-guru Sri-Jinalaktisan-e5 nd-ene vidya-nidhi Nagar diyan-ad-inn var6 ppipam bannipar | [1] Yele-veļdimgala karti7 ya balagaman=o!a-komda ni(ni)ja-ya8 80-ruchiyim bht-valayakk-anuraktateyam 9 taledam sri-Nagarasiy=enag=idu chitram [ 10. garasidēvaru mädisidar-I kam bamam |
Karna or Bhishme. [Rather the latter for Karpa was not a Gangöy-Bd.) See above, on inscr. B., 1. 14.
The Tirthathkarte or Jinne,
From the ink imprension,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIIT.
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) As he had (for deity) Andhägnra of this Southern Benares, the great town of Puli, for his master the blest lord Jñanasakti, who is resplendent among men, an āradhyal adored by bowing monarchs of demons and men, an excellent mirror of Kalamukha (doctrine) can a panegyrist now find words to laud the treasure of learning, Nägarasi P
(V. 2.) By the lustre of his fame, which possesses the mass of loveliness of the young moon, the blest Nāgarāśi has gained the affection of the circle of earth: this is singular to me. (Lines 9-10.) Nāgarāśidēva caused this column to be made.
J.-ON MADI-GAUDA'S COLUMN This is an inscription on the eastern face of the next column to the south of the column which contains inscription I. The inscribed face is 1 ft. 2 in high and 1 ft. 5 in. wide. It has no sculptures. The character is good Kanarese, with letters about in. high. The language is Kanarese, the verse being in the older dialect and the prose medieval,
The object is to record that the column was presented by Madi-Gauda, son of Bachi-setti and lay-disciple of the Nägarāái mentioned in inscription I., and to sing the praises of Madi and his master.
TEXT.S [The metre is Champakamāla.]
1
- Suvidita-bhoga-bhoginige Bhagale-nārige BA
2 chi-Settig=udbhavisida Būnu dina-Ravi-sonu 3 vacho-Mbuja-sõnu sad-guna-pravarana 4 Nägarāsi-munirājana si(fi)ksheya sinu 5 lokadol-Kavadiya Madi-Gaudan-esevam 6 mahi(hi)-mastaka-vastu-nayakam || [10] Guru Sara7 pu | Kavadhi(di)ya Madi-Gauda mad[i]si ko8 tan-i kambhava 11
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) Illustrions in the world, a master of treasure at he head of the earth, is Kavadiya Madi-Gauda, who is the son born to the lady Bh&gale, the enjoyer of famons delights, and to Bachi-Setti, and who is in bounty a son of the Sun (Karpa], a Son of the Lotus [Brahman) in speech, a son of the teaching of the king of saints, Nāgarasi, who is eminent in good qualities.
(Lines 6-8.) The Master is our refuge. Kavadiya Madi-Gauda caused this columin to be made and gave it.
K-RECORD OF MARTTANDA. This little poem is engraved on the eastern face of the beam over the adytum of the western shrine in the temple of Bhimavara. The beam, which is 2 ft. 3 in, high and 7 ft. 4 in. broad, is adorned with a good piece of soulpture representing Durgā dancing on the back of a
The title of a class of Saiva Brahmaps.
* This is the rhetorical figure viskama: fame is conceived as white, and anuraktată, literally "redness," mean also affection"; so red is prcdaeed from white.
Froin the ink-impression.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
207
crouching demon, with Sarasvati on her right, another goddess on her left, and the eight Dikpālas in a row above her; the rest of the stone is filled in with figures of lions and other creatures, and on each side is a large makara or sea-monster, as our inscription states. The inscription runs along the bottom of the beam, covering an area 2 in, high and 6 ft. 2) in. broad. The character is Kanarese, of about the same date as Nos. I. and J.; the letters are generally between in, and in, high. The language is Old Kanarese verse. The appears in tilchidano (1.1), which seems to be an error for tirolchidano, and is replaced by ? in pogaļad= (1.2). Aron (1.2) is archaic.
The object of the inscription is to celebrate the beauty of the archway above mentioned, on the beam of which it is engraved. We learn that the archway was constructed at the instance of Jñanasakti, whom we have already encountered in Nos. E. and I. above. The third verse praises the virtues of Marttands, who may possibly have been a disciple of this sage; his connection with the work is not clear, but conceivably he may have caused the inscription to be added some time after the construction of the archway.
TEXT. [The metres are: V. 1, Mahasragdharā; v. 2, Prithvi; v, 3, Mattēbhavikridita.]
1
-
Idanxatyānandadinda[m]
samedano
Kamala-prodbhavam
Višvakarmmark
mudadim mēr-int-idar tisch[i]dano makara-yugm-invitam törapam gattidano mēn pratyag-asa-patiy-idan=ene saryv-orvvi-sobhā-vibhūty-āspadam-int-i Jõānasakti, vrati sam[e]yisida[m] [- - -]lpad=entum
[19] AnunataruPadmasambhava-Bhav-A[b]janābh-ārchchega! manoharataramga!=āgi [ma]ka
2 ra-dvayam cobhey[i*] manam-golise māờid=1 makara-torana dhătrıyo!
vinatataram-imt=idam pogaļad-irppan=ivom gadam || [28] Hara-pād-āmbujashatpadam [ u
- ] vār(a?)-ibha-pamchānanam durit-orvvidhara-vajran. aj[j]vala-[ - - - ]rat[n] a [karam
-]1 rati-důran ishta-janat-adharam kaļā-kovidam guru-bhak[t]am niyam-oktan-embudan=enal Márttaņ[djan=ém dhanyano | [3]
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.) Hay the Lotus-born (Brahman) in exceeding delight fashioned this, or has Vigvakarman with joy executed this, or has the lord of the western region (Varuna] constructed this archway adorned with a pair of sea-monsters ? Such a site of the magnificence of the whole earth's splendours is that which this ascetic Jhānasakti has caused to be fashioned ... in every way.
(V. 2.) This archway (adorned) with sea-monsters, which has been made so that the very numerous images of the Lotus-born (Brahman), Bhava (Siva), and (the god) of the Navel. lotus (Vishnu) are most charming and the pair of sea-monsters with their elegance delight the mind, is very famous on earth : 80 who indeed is there that does not praise it?
(V. 3.) As one may state the fact that he is a bee to Hara's lotus feet, #lion to the elephants ... disputants (?), 8 thunde.belt to the mountains of sin, a jewel-mine of brilliant ... remote from carnal love, & support to agreeable persons, skilled in arts, devoted to his master, holding speech by rule, how fortunate is Mārttande From the įuk-impression.
? Apparently meant for tirohelidano,

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208
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L.-OF THE REIGN OF BIJJALA: SAKA 1084.
This inscription is engraved on a black stone which was found on the road outside the house known as the Virakta-matha, and was placed by Dr. Fleet for security in the sabha-mandapa of the Panchalinga temple. The height of the stone is 5 ft. 2 in. and the width 1 ft. 9 in. The rounded top bears sculptures, viz. in the centre a standing Vishnu, facing full front; to his proper right, a kneeling Garuda facing full front; to the left of Vishnu, a cow with calf; over them, the sun (to left) and moon (to right). Under this is an inscribed area, 3 ft. 5 in. high and 1 ft. 8 in. wide. The character is fairly good Kanarese of the period, well preserved. The average height of the letters is about in. The language is Old Kanarese, verging on the medieval dialect in the prose, with two opening stanzas and a final verse in Sanskrit. The upadhmaniya appears in Vishnuh-p°, 1. 2. The l is not preserved: we find nnegarda, 1. 11, and on the other hand elgeyol, 1. 25, hala, 1. 39, and bilgum, 1. 47. The treatment of initial p fluctuates: we have it changed in the prose to h in hala hasugey, 1. 39, hittilalu 1. 43, harada-, 1. 43, hannondam, 1. 44, while in other cases it is preserved. On the genitive shța-sishțara (1. 19; the same in inscr. M., 1. 25) see my note in Journ. R. Asiat. Soc., 1918, p. 105.
[VOL. XVIII,
The record refers itself in 11. 4-6 to the reign of the Kalachurya king Tribhuvanamalladēva (Bijjala), and then proceeds to sing in verse the praises of Puli, the Thousand Mahajanas thereof, and the Hundred of Siveyageri forming part of them (11. 6-12); and it celebrates the excellences of a family in the latter parish, giving the following pedigree (11. 12-33) :— Malapayya, of Bharadvāja-gōtra.
Kalimayya, m. Rēviyakka
I
Dasiraja, m. Olajale and Bhagale
Mahādēva
Malayya
We then learn that on the given date Dasiraja restored the decayed temple of Kesava (Vishnu) of Nagarakhandi, reconsecrated it, and bought from the Thousand of Pali some land which he assigned for its maintenance (11. 33 ff.).
The date of this record is given on 11. 33-34 as: Saka 1084 (expired), the cyclic year Chitrabhanu; Pushya bahula 2, Somavara (Monday); the uttaṛāyaṇa-samkrānti. This is nearly but not quite regular The given tithi corresponded to Tuesday, 25 December, A.D. 1182; it began about 13 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise on the preceding Monday, and ended about 12. h. 58 m. after mean sunrise on the Tuesday, with which it was properly connected. The uttarayana-sankranti took place about 6 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise on the Tuesday, while the tithi bahula 2 was still current.
The places mentioned are, besides Páli, Kalamjana (i.e. Kalañjara, on which see Dyn. Kan. Distr., p. 469), 1. 4, the Koṭṭaja-vävi, 1. 7 (apparently a pond in Pali), Siv eyageri, 1. 12, Nagarakhandi, J. 35, Kokkuligëri, 1. 39, and Kattiyagēri, 1. 40. On the Nagarakhaṇḍa Seventy of the Banavisi province see I. A., Vol. XIX, p. 144, and above, Vol. V, p. 213 ff.
TEXT.
[The metres are as follows: Vv. 1, 2, 17, Anushtubh; v. 3, Sardalavikridita; vv. 1, 10, 11, 14-16, Mattebhavikridita; vv. 5-9, 12, Kanda; v. 13, Utpalamala 1
1 [Ja]yaty-avishkritam Vishpor-Väräham kshobhit-årnna (rppa)vam [*] dakship.
om(n)nata-damshtr-agra-viśranta-bhu
1 From the ink-impression.

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INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
209
2 [vana vap]ub @[1'] Jald Vishạo [8] stha! Vishpur-Vvishpub-parvvata-mastake
(1) jvála-mila-kuļ& Vishnus-sarvvam Vishnu3 [ma]yam jagat || [2] 4 Svasti [1] Samasta-bhavan-āárayam Śri-Prithvi-vallabham Kalamjana-puravar.
Adhisvaramdamaruga-ta. 5 ryya-nirgghoshaņa Kalachury ya-bhujabala-chakravartti Tribhuvanamalladevara
vijaya-rajyam-utta6 ottar-abhivriddhi-pravarddhamanam-a-chaundr-arkka-táram saluttam-ire | R&m-āră.
ma-vikirnna (rpna dir nikhiļa-dëv-&nika7 dim Ri(Ri)g.Yajas-Sam-Atharvvaņa-Voda-Sastra-vidita-vyāpara-châturyyarim frimat-Kot
taja-vāviyim ke8 regaļim kāntā-jan- nikadindo mato sale Pali lile-vadegu[m] pa-domad-omd
oļiyim || [3"] Inanam tē9 jadol-Imdrana vibhavadol-Chāņā(na)kyapa(na) ni(nt)tiyol-Manuvam chăru-charitra
dol-jalari(dhi)yam gämbhiryyado10 | dhairyyado!-Kanak-adrindraman-eyde polpar-enip-1 säsirvvara khyatiyol
mma(ma)nuja[r*]kkal-padipati [P]a11 sati samam-barpp-amnar-Ar=ddhatriyo! || [4] Alli || Orvvorvvorvvarl-pparibhävise
sarvvajña[r]=nnegarda Va[da-Śs)12 strangalol-erd-urvvitalam-abhivarnni(roni)se närvvar-sri-Siv[e"]yagəriyol-karam-68e
dar || [5"] Avaro! || Bhara 13 dvaja-ku!-&graņi cháru-charitram vivēki vāchaspati Kamsäri-pada-kamala-bhrimgan
udaram prabhu 14 Malapayya-perggadey-esedam || -[68] A vibhuvimg=udi(da)yisidan Sri-vanitä-priya
tanujan-amnam rü15 pin bhô-valaya-prastatyanol-avam dore Kāļimayya-sachiv-ottamano! || [7"] Ātana
kula-vanit-o 16 ttame Siteg-Arundhatige Ratige pempim gunadim khyātiyin-ati ayam=enipal=nitiya
kapi Rēviyakka17 n=ene mechchadar-ār || [8] Ā dampatigalg-ogedar Vodānta-priyan-Ananta-bhakta
pesarim sri-Dāsirājan=um(n)18 natan-adam vikhy ta-kirtti. märttamda-nibham || [98] Charitam san-mani-mola
sūtramaritan Våg-dévată-manga19 |-ábharaqam kirtti dig-amgana-kusuma-vallı-då mav-ārpp-ishţa-sishtara bayt-itta
suvarnna (ropa)m-erdod-itara20 reppolv-amnar-ir-sad-gup-otkaranam perggade-Däsirajanan-udara-bri-sur-Orvvija
nam || [10] Sahajar satyav-u21 dāram=anvaya-gunam svābhåvikam sad-guna-grahapar niti-nisarggam-atma-kola
dharmmam chårn-chi22 ritram=ishţa-hit-arttham nija-jivitavyam=aļa-vatt-á mantra-sakti-trayam saha-jätam
tanag-erdad-im piri23 yar-ir-sri-Dasirajam baram || [118] Ratiy-amnalu räpimh Bharatiy=amna!-våg
viļåsadim saushtha24 vadih kshitiy-amnal=Dasiya kula-satiy-Olajale-nāriy=antu nontorum-o!are li [12]
Kshira-samudra25 manthanade puţtida Lakshmiya rūpin=ölgeyol-Gauriyol-omdi ninda pata-bhaktiya
permmeyol-im
1 Read Opc-orovare,
2D

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210
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
26 pu-vetta Vág-näriya väg-viļāsa-tatiyo!-nere porve(lve)ge-vamdal=e[mo]dod-imn-ar
ene Däsirajana ma27 norame Bhagalog-i dharitriyo! | [13] Tat-Butar || Grihado! Lakshmi mah.Otsavam
berasu 28 nimdal-tamna tad-vaktrado! - mahim-alamkritey-appa Väg-vanitey-i dalletamna
kirtti Setu-Hima29 drindradol-eyde tivida!=enal=sāmânyan=&g-irdaně Mahadēva-prabhu Dasiraja-tana
yam 30 saujanya-ratnākaram || [4*) Dhruvan=amnam dhpitiyo!-Sarojabhavan-amnam vag
miyol-chemna Madhavanzam31 nam nija-mürttiyo!-Khacharan-amna danadol-Kumbhabambhavan=amnam eucharitra.
dol-jaladhiy=an32 naṁ gumpino!-bhävisal-saman=&rs=pperggade-Däsiraja-tanayath Malayyanol-mina33 [va]r [15*] Svasti [1] Srimatu-Šaka-varsha 1084neya Chitrabh&nu-samvatsarada
Pushya. 34 bahuļa 2 Somavāradand-attarāyana-samkrantiya divya-tithiyalu srimat-pe
rggade Dasirājam Nagarakhandiya sri-Kobava-dēválayam jirnnist-iralu jiran
oddhāramam punah-pratishthe sahitam māļisiy=ă dēvara khanda-sphuţita-jirnn(rạn)
oddhărakkam ni37 tya-nivödya-Chaitra-pavitra-nanda-divige prijāriya jivita-nimittav-igi Srima38 n-mah-ågraharam Paliy=tr-odeya-pramukha-Bâsirvvarummahajanamgala divya39 Sri-pada-padmangalam dravya-P[6]rvvakam=āradhisi Kokkuļigeriya hala hasu. 40 gey-olage Kattiyagöriyim paduvalu Galatige-gexyim badagalu Chikkanika41 ra-doyara keyyim müdalu mattaringe panav=ondara lekkadimd=apu-vanamam
ti(tiruv=A42 nt=&g-ire padedu bitta mattar=ăşu | A davarige Kalasa(sa)valligêriya badagana
koppala 43. hittilalu harada-vaneyim madalu båda-vaneyim paduvana meyya sthalada
nivobana44 d=agalav=e[k]-kayi nila hapnondam mattam sāsirvvaram hirapya-parvvakar
Aradhisi sarvva-nama45 Sya(sya)v=āg-ire padeda bittar [1] Int=i mathamumam keyyuman=áverväntara
Vasate-nyayam. 46 gaļu pațțidadam s&sirvvarum sa[do]dharmmadim pratip&lipar Initar
nichayam-age bhāvi. 47 suvud=1 dharmmakk-e(a)pāyak [k*]e varppapramogham sa-kulat nigoda-taļadole
bilgam mahå-påta48 kam manam-old-int=idan=eyde rakehisuva devamg=akkum=äyushya-varddhanam:
atyúrjjita49 lakshmi nirmmala-yasam bhadram fubham mangalam # [16] Sva-dattām
para-dattan Tå yo harota va 50 sundharam l shashtir(shtim)=yva[r*]sha-sahasrápi vishthāyām jā yatë krimiḥ [17"]
Irddal would be more regular.
* We should expect irddano. * The engrater first wrote saanut, and then corrected it to samourar. • Read jiranin.
Rend jina • Tue ga was first omitted by the engraver, and afterwards added, partly on and partly below the line

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No. 22.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
211
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1: identical with verse 1 of inscription C. above.)
(V. 2.) Vishnu is in the waters, Vishņu is on land, Vishņu is on the mountain-top, Vishnu is on the multitude of lines of fire : the whole universe is composed of Vishnu.
(Lines 4-6.) When the victorious reign of-hail !-the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, lord of Káļāmjana, best of cities, attended by the sound of damaruga drums and (other) musical instruments, the Kaļachurya Emperor, strong of arm, Tribhuvanamalladēva, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars :
(V. 3.) With a profusion of delightful pleasanoes, with the company of all the gods with men skilled in renowned familiarity with the lore of the Rik, Yajus, Sama, and Atharvans Vēdas, with the blest Kottaja well, with ponds, not to speak of companies of fair women, (and) an unbroken line of flower-gardens, Puli in truth possesses a charming aspect.
(V. 4.) What men on earth are such as to bear comparison with the renown of these Thousand, who in sooth resemble the Sun in brillianoe, Indra in majesty, Chanakya in policy, Manu in beautiful conduct, the ocean in profundity, the great Golden Mountain in firmness?
(Line 11.) In that (town),
(V.5.) While the earth lands them by saying that each of them, if one considers, is omniscient in the illustrious lore of the Vedas, the Hundred in the blest Siveyagēri are verily distinguished.
(L. 12.) Among them,
(V. 6.) A leader of the Bharadväja race, beautiful of conduct, discreet, a lord of speech, a bee to the lotus-feet of Kamsa's foe (Krishpa), generous, the noble sheriff Mālapayya was eminent.
(V. 7.) To this noble man was born (a son) like in form to the dear son of the lady Fortune: who is peer to the great minister Kāļimayya, renowned in the circuit of the earth ?
(V. 8.) His excellent high-born wife Bāviyakka, a mine of propriety, may be said to surpass Sità, Arundhati, and Rati in eminence, virtue, (and) renown: who does not praise (her) in these terms ?
(V. 9.) To this couple was born a lover of the Vedanta, a votary of Ananta, by name the blest Disiraja; he is exalted, renowned in glory, like the Sun.
(V. 10.) His conduct is a basic rule for worthy saints, his learning a festal ornament for the Goddess of Speech, his fame a festoon of flowering creeping-plants for the ladies of the regions of space, his power (like) the gold which agreeable and cultured men have laid in deposit: hence what other men are such as to compare with the sheriff Däsirāja, a crowd of good qualities, a celestial tree of noble fortune ?
(V. 11.) In born truthfulness, the generous virtues of his lineage, congenital appreciation of good qualities, natural instinct for propriety, the religious practices of his race, beautiful conduct, his own life devoted to the benefit of friends, the congenital attendant triad of powers of counsel being his, who are superior to the blest Dāsirsja P
(V. 12.) Do any even observe religious vows like the lady Olajalo, Desi's high-born wife, who is like Rati in form, like Bhārati in grace of speech, like the earth in steadiness ?
This seems to mean that his power is like the property of Brähmaņe, in that it was not liable to be diminished by adverse occupation or limitations (Närada-smriti i. 81, Brihaspati-emriti ii. 12 and 21), and that it could not be taken from him (Närada-8° xviii. 49), or that it enabled him to acquire boundless worlds, like the gift of property to Brāhmans (pastamba-dharmad-odfra II. X. 26, 1).
2 D2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
(V. 13.) As she fully equalled the high degree of beauty of Lakshmi born from the churning of the Milk Ocean, the greatness of wifely devotion present in Gauri, (and) the series of graces of speech of the charming lady Vak, who on this earth now are peer to Däsirkja's beloved Bhagale P
(L. 27.) Their sons :
(V. 14.) Fortune abode with great delight in his house; the lady Vák adorned with magnificence resided in his mouth; his goodly fame completely filled (every place) from Sēta to the great Snowy Mountains: hence was Dāsirāja's son lord Mahadeva,' that gem-mine of nobility, an ordinary man ?
(V. 15.) Like Dhruva in firmness, like the Lotus-born (Brahman) in eloquence, like the comely Mädbava in his form, like the Sun in bounty, like the Jar-born (Agastya) in right conduct, like the ocean in profundity, when one considers--what men are equal to the sheriff Dāsirija's son Malayya ?
(L1, 33-34.) On Monday, the end of the dark fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Chitrabhānu, the 1084th (year) of the blessed Saks era, on the holy lunar day of the uttarayana-sankranti,
(Ll. 34-42.) As the temple of Kēšava of Nagarakhapdi was falling into decay, the sheriff Dāsirāja, having restored the decayed parts and reconsecrated it, adored with (offering of) money the divinely blest lotus-feet of the Thousand Mahajanas, headed by the mayor, of the great agrahara of Pali and for the restoration of broken, barst, and decayed (masonry of the templo) of that god and for the regular oblations, Chaitra-pavitra ritos, perpetual lampe, and stipend for the officiating priest, purchased and granted six mattar within the waste-land hasuge of Kokkuligēri, on the west of Kattiyagēri, on the north of the field of Galatige, (and) on the east of the sanctuary of the Chikkanikas' god, on which is to be paid an aru-vana at the rate of one pana on each mattar.
(LI. 42-46.) Having again adored the Thousand with (offering of) gold, they purchased and granted to the same god a dwelling one cubit in width and eleven in length in the meyya sthala north of Kalafavalligēri, east of the traders' house at the backyard of the townhouse, as a sarva-namasya holding. So the Thousand shall religiously protect this monastery and field in respect of any minor claims to possession that may arise.
(V. 16.) Realise this with conviction : the great sinner who comes to overthrow this pions foundation will inevitably sink to levels of (degraded) rebirth, together with his race; Bo to the king who cheerfully guards it in due wise shall accrue increase of vitality, most brilliant fortune, stainless fame, luck, welfare, happiness. (V. 17: a common Sanskrit formula.)
M.-OF THE REIGN OF BIJJALA: SAKA 1084. This inscription is on a black stone built into the northern wall on the inside of the mandapa of the Agnatybvar temple (see above). The slab is 4 ft. 10 in, high and 2 ft. 2 in, wide. The topmost compartment bears the following sculptures : in the centre, Vishņu reclining on a serpent with seven hoods, with Brahman seated above him on the lotus arising from his navel, and to his proper left Lakshmi seated at his feet; below Vishnu, Garuda; to the proper right of Vishņu a goddess (Earth or Sarasvati !), seated and facing full front; to his proper right, a Cow and calf; over these, the gun (to left) and moon (to right). Below these is the inscribed area, 3 ft. 1 in, high and 2 ft. 1 in, wide. It is in good preservation. The character is fair Kaarese of the period, the letters being from fin, toin, high. The language is Old Kanarese, with an introductory and a final verse in Sanskrit. The Kanarese verses are richer in vocabulary By metrical license for Mahadeva.
See Vishpon-purana, I. xi-xii. Bee I. 4., VOL. XXXVIII, p. 52. . [V. 2 of this inscription would indicate that she is the Earth-goddess. -Ed.]

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and more skilful in technique than most of the kind. The is not preserved: it appears as r in erttamdu (1. 3), nega[r]d- (1. 4), and arbhbh (1. 16, for alvi), and as in pel (1. 16), pēlvaḍ(1. 18), elgeyim (11. 20 f.), kalalchuvan (1.31), balaldu (1. 33), hala (11. 40, 44), and bilgum (1. 48). The p is changed to h in halgalam (1. 31, verse), hōheyam (1. 32, verse 19, for hüheyam), hun (1. 33, verse 20), hala hasugey (11. 40, 44 f.); elsewhere it is kept, even in prose. As to lexicography, we may notice dharmmēta (1. 40) and sata (1. 41).
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
The record, after preliminaries of the usual sort, eulogises Puli, its Thousand Mahajanas, and the Hundred of Siveyageri (11. 4-13). It then gives in 11. 13-31 the pedigree of the same family which figures in inscription L. above, but with some more details: putting the two together, we have the genealogy
Aditya, of Bharadvāja-gōtra
I Devapayya
1
Sōma I
Malapayya I
Kalidasa I (Kalimayya), m. Rēviyakka
I
Dasiraja, m. Olajale and Bhagale
Mahadeva
213
Malapayya (Malayya)
Kāļidāsa II
Two vigorous verses then introduce king Bijjala (11. 31-34). Next comes prose referring the record to his reign and giving him full regal titles (11. 34-37), followed by tho date (11. 37-38) and details of some lands purchased and granted by Dasiraja for the upkeep of the Nagara-Bhāvi and some other local establishments and for the expenses of the worship of the Agastyěśvara temple (11. 38 ff.).
The date, given on 11. 37-38, is identical with that of inscription L.
The places mentioned are, besides Pali, Siveyageri (1. 13), Kalamjana (1. 35: see above, on inscr. L.), Naga-vävi (1. 39), Kattiyageri (1. 41), Nagarakhamdi (1. 41: see on inscr. L.), Yēramḍageri (1. 42), Kokkuligēri (1. 44), and Jamnavegere (1. 47). The Näga-vävi or "Nagas' Well" is the same as the Nagara-Bhāvi, on the side of which the Agastyēsvara temple stands (see above). Yoramḍageri (i.e. Eramda-geri, the "street of the castor-oil plants") seems to be another of the parishes of Pali.
TEXT.3
[The metres are as follows: Vv. 1, 22, Anushtubh; vv. 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, Sardalavikridita; vv. 4, 9, 11, 14, 15, 21, Mattebhavikridita; vv. 6, 12, 13, 16-18, Kanda; vv. 10, 19, 20, Champakamālā.]
Jayaty-avishkritam Vishpor-Vväräham kshobhit-ärnna(rppa)vam dakshin. onnata-damshṭr-agra-viśranta-bhuvanaṁ vapaḥ [1] G
1 This denotes some kind of religious establishment, and may possibly be derived from dharm-ayata (=ayatana).
1 See Dgn. Kanar. Distr., p. 475.
From the ink-impression,

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214
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vou. XVIII.
2 2 Kshir-ambhodhiyo!-ipp-Ananta-sayanam Narayanam Kaustubh-adháram tamna
samakshado!=Kamaleyum Bhū-kante3 yur nibhiyolesár-Amsarn-baded-Abjagarb[h]bha-sahitan Sri-Palig-erttamdul nind
Āradhyam karuņā-ras-årdra-hridayam ra4 kshikke såsirvvaram || [2] Ant-enisi negap)"]d=agrahāra-chaļāmaņiya vikhyātiy=
ert=appud-erdade [lo] Samasta-kalegalge ni5 laya-sthanamum viļāsakkivásamum śpingårakke janma-bhumiyum Vasanta-sama
yakk ikke-danamum=enisidud-ar6 tum=alladeyum | Rám-irama-viktrnna(rņna)dim nikhiļa-dev-ånikadim Ri(Ri)g
Yajuh-Sam-Atharvvana-Vēda-Śästra-nivaha-prakhyata-sa7 sirvvarim Kam-oddå ma-gajamga!ant-ir-eseva vårangan-ånikadim Grimat-Pali
nirantaram sogayikum sat-sévya-sampattiyim || [3] 8 Inanam tējadol-Imdranan vibhavado! Chánā(pa)kyanam nitiyol-Manuvam cháru
chari(tra]do! jaladhiyam gambhiryyado! 9 dhairyyado! Kanak-adrimdraman=eyde polpar-enip-i 'sāsirvvara khyatiyo!=manu
jarkka!-pațipăţi păsaţi samam-barpp=amna10 rmir-ddhatriyo! || [4] Sri-Rāmāyapa-Bharat-adi-Manu-chåritramgaļa vyaptiyol=sár
sära-vichara-tarkka-nichaya-pra11 fkhya*]ta-sästrargalo! surar=Vvēda-samtihadol=bakala-tat[t"]va-jñana-sampattiyimd=
iridhyar-ddhareg=erdadim piriyar=ār=säsirvvarind-urvvi12 yol || [5] Avar-olage || Kavi-gamaki-vidi-vågmiga!a vivěkada deseyan=ariyar
Agrita-be(ja)nam=utsavadim bēdalk-ivar-s8avilá(ai)13 gal-alte Siveyagöriya natrvvaru [6] Avar=olage || Bhäradvája-kul-imbare
dyumaņi tējah-punjadim permmeyim kshir-ambhonidhi [dh]ai14 ryyad=umnatikeyimdam Mandaram sauryyado! sri-Raman paramärttha-nischayadin
& Kamjäsanam tan=enalk-arun polvege barppard bu. 15 dha-jana-prastutyan Adityano! || [7] Tat-suta Srirangamgratibhaktan-oppar
amal-acharam yaso-vallabham pāråvárame morey=A16 d=avani(ni)jarkkalg=eyde chakrośvaram såra-grāhi samasta-dēšadavargalg=arbhbh(rbb)
ikk-iralu rakshipam dhir-odáttaneenippa Dēvapayanol=pēļ=ā17 rasgamam-barppare || [8] Tat-Buta | Dhuradol-band-urad-oddi nimd-ari-bala
bråtakke kayy=antu bamdeered=artthi-prakarakke vara-vanit-Anika18 kke garbhara-sagaran-1 p[erggade Soman-Entwiriyal-iyal-solisal-palvad-i Hari
patram Hari-putran=ā Hari-sutam tanwenda19 dwör(e) Vannipani [9] Tat-anta # Vara-vanita-janamgala manam Kusum
Astra-Sarakke Aad-budh-otkara-kara-pankajamh bahu-suvarnna-chayakk-adhingtha
mam20 diram sthiratara-rajya-lakshmig-edey-adavu räpa-viļisad-ölgeyim nirupa[ma")-dana
dim pati-hit-om(na)natiyim prabhu-Malapayyanim* || [10*] Tat-su21 .ta Akalankan tanavzági varttisuva Chandraṁ kantiy-om -ölgeyim sakala
vyäpakan-ägi jādyatanamam bittzirda Padmasanam Rukavindratva
* In classical spelling el-tandu. * Apparently for a fou (or arou.-Ed.)," harm."
Apparently to be corrected to estu=ā. Perhaps a slip for Mälapayyana. Indda would be more alal.

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Huli Stone Inscription of the reign of Bijjala : Saka 1084.
R
వారు
పంపడమటి యందనుక మనము మనము చేసిన జనమునందమయము మగాడి మునుపటియు ఇమాముని
దవకంతం వినివద్రి అనువాదం ముగజగండి లేత సుమ ని
రేసరసమ్మ మనం మనవడలో సందడి వామపండు జడిదయా నియం యది దవడ కనకల ని
గ 10 మందు తమకు తామును ముందుగా నాజరవ నిజం
ద పడమర సముదుదపడంతం వదలండగా 12 shందూడ ఆ పనులను పరిగడది వాడడయయం తన సుత ం
వయసు మూతలు నూడదువజ ప్రస్తుత కర్మలు కలకు సరిపోయిన సుడయ్యణ మంత్రం యక్షగా ముసలావిడ శ్రీ సువరింకూడ పప్పులు ఆగంతకులను నయం వ్యక కరావాహికంగా సమ య రసమంత పడగడం లు
తడతనని పసయనులు సమతలుపు తడబడరన్ సంఘంసలకడలు కనపరనిందను మయ యకడ
అన్నంత అనంతలు వనవవినడముననుసరంలో కలదు
. తమదిగా రంగాజుల గడయ మతపండునిరతుండడం కలలను నడపయని - కడపోత
వాటంకయడు. వాడు తనముంది -డడము మంచగలతీయించు దీనుత్తరులనయ్యడం మనవాడినవదీ మన బందువరియను మనసు నిండ నననన తనని తడుముండనం తనకు నా మనసులో
ముదురుతుంది సహజమును మంజూరు ఎవమునయనాల ఆపుకు చురులు జుజు వరకు భాగోణం Poine పసరు తెరపడనుసులు రంగురయ్యాల నురుగింపు ఆడు వలదం ఉవ బడంగతనతనుల వేపుడకవని సనాతనమునిపం ముంబయనకు నడుము నందలియాన సంపన పడుతాడను పదంజ పరకటన జలని తన నడపడం జయపడడం ముచు 32 జయంతుడు తన రుకాలుండవు కనుకనే
పడుపడుతాడ్యుయవాన 34 - పాడు పనులక రంపాలక మండ లోపున్న సత్రను దర్శకులను
తీయవ్వనమూలజడిత కరవు పరము నవంటి రసవతంత తరచు 38 కంతయ్య గురువును స య త
త
గం . మకరజలు జము అను బచదనంగా మంతను నడపులులు దకామముడి తమ 38 పురమంటుంది. అక్కయ్య తరహం
రుతుక్రమంజుల ముందు మంది యువ నవగతజయం Tapం శమయత తనకు పలు కావు దయవాడటం మరువక మతపండలు మనండలువయదయమును య
ము మరుపతయ్య యవ్వడమూమిలడకుండFOంది కానూ
నవంతుమునబడ సవనము సమంతను బదులు మనకు 44 20 నుంచున యపుడా అడగంత రజత్వచం సమంతకమణ జనంటాడగలకు మరింతుముఖన్నారు
గతజనకుడువసాయ మండలము ముందు ముంజలు. జలు జనరగటమైనపుడువలు తకుడగలమడక వలసలు
P
RAD
,
WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGS, COLL.
F. W. THOMAS
BCALE -23

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Page #272

No. 22.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
215
22 dol-Isanim kidada Kamar rupa-sapattı(tti)yim prakatam-betta charitradim
Manuy=enippar Kalidas-Ottamam || [119] Tat-sati | Ratiy-amal rapi(pi)m
Bhá23 [ra]tiy=amna! våg-vilásadim saushthavadim kshitiy=amna! permmeg-Arundhatiy
amna! Röviyakkan-ene mechchadar-ir [12] À dampatigalg ogedam
Vēdanta24 (pri)yan-Ananta-bhaktam pesarit fri-D sirkjan-irjjitan=&dam vikhyāta-kirtti
märttamda-nibham (13"] Charitam san-muni-mula-sotravmaritam Vāg.
dē (va]ta25 margall-ábharapan kırtti dig-angana-kusuma-valk-dama-irpp-ishta-fishtara
baytitta suvarạnav=endad-itararappolv=amnar-år=sgad-gun-otkaranam 26 [perggade)-Dasirājanan=udára-fri-sur-Orvvijanam || [14] Sahajam satyam
udāram-anvaya-guņam svábhEvikam sad-guna-grahaņam niti-nisa27 [rggam-a]tma-kula-dharmmam charu-charitram-ishța-hit-arttham nija-jivitavyam-ala
vaţt=ā mantra-sakti-trayam saha-jātam tanag-emdodim piriyar=:28 [regri-D]āsirajam-baram [15] Tat-sutaru | Sriramga-dova-bhaktan=udarate
yim kalpa-bharuham sthirateyo!=i Möru-girindram permmeyo29 [1]-arind-atyadhikan=alte Mahadēva-badham [16] Atana tammam śrata
vikhyātam Siva-påda-sekharam bakala-guna-bråtame bhashanamenipam nitiya 30 kaņi Mālapayyan=ene mechchadar=aru [17] Avar-irrvarinde kiriyam
bhuvana-statan-enipa Kalidasa Kumbhodbhavanamnam charitradin-ivar
opp[u]. 31 Va Dåsiraja-sutar-esed-irddaru ! [18] Javan-ivan=ovan-emban-adatim Kuļik.
Shiya halgalam kalalchuvan-idir-äge Rāvananuvam nelak-ikkuvan-U32 gra-ho(hu)heyam bha (ba)varado!'-Antodeštana bhujamgalan-oppuva khalga-dhåre
yimdame kadi-khamdam-Age tarivam sale Bijjaņadēva-bhabhuja || [198] 33 Pariv=arup-Ar bu süsida midul-pared-okks karul-balaldu jold-ari-kari-samkulam
suridu kittuva hun beras-duy-attey-im charam-seya34 lke påduva bhatarkkala pan-daleyimde nodal=gsuramum-agurvyum-syt-iridu geld
ede Bijjanadēva-bhüpana [20] Svasti [1] Samasta-bhavan-d85 śraya Sri-Prithvi-vallabha mabäräjádhirăja paramevaram Kaļāmjana-puravar
adhibvaram damaruga-taryye-nirgghoshanam para-chakra:bhisha36 nam śrimat-Kalachuryya-bhujabala-chakravartti Tribhuvanamalladore-vijaya-rajyarn
uttar-ottar-abhivsiddhi-pravarddhamanam-a-chamdr-&37 rkka-tårar saluttam-ire Srimach-Chhaka-Varsham 1064noys Chitrabhānu
samvatsarada Pushya-bahula 2 Somavāradamd=uttarayana-samkra88 [nti@]yalu vyatipātam kadida divya-tithiyala dharmma-karyya-nimittam perggade
Däsirajam sriman-mah-ágrabăram Paliy=tr-o39 deya-pramnkha-säsirvvar=mmahājanamgala divya-bri-pada-padmangalam dravga
pūryvakam aradhisi Våråpå(a)liyat samảnav=appa Näga-våviya khamda[The reading weems to be Haihaya (Arjana Kartavirya). -Ed.)
? The engraver seems to have begun with the intention of making the first letter ab, and to have finished it oft As bh; for, unlike the regular bh, it is not open at the base, but on the other hand it has a horizontal tick on the right-hand top comer, like a regular bh.
* The engraver has omitted galast, and then inserted it below the line, marking the corrigendum by crues abore the line.
The på bas been omitted, and inserted above the line.

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216
40 sphuțita-jirnn(rpp)-öddharapakkam-alliya dharmmētakkam
emdu Kokkuligeriya hala-hasugey-olage sarvva-nama
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
agnishḍagey-raykegam
41 éya(sya)m-agi bitta mattar-ar-adara sime maḍalu Kattiyage[ri*]ya sata | temkapa sime Nagarakhamḍiya Kesava-devara bhami [*] paḍuvana [8]1
44
42
me perggade-Śamkarayya-nayakara satrada bhumi [*] badagana sime Yēramdagerige pratinidhiy-agi kotta bhumi Int-1 dharmmama
43 n=ava nyayamum-adoḍam sarvva-namasya (sya) m-agi sasa (si)rvvarum sadharmmadim
pratipaliparu || Mamgala-maha-éri érl
© A punya-tithiyol-alliya paschima-dvārada śrimad-Agastyēsvara-devar-ashṭavidharchchana-nimittam Kokkuligeriya bāļa
45 hasugey-olage sarvva-namasya (sya)v-giy-ar-oḍeya-pramukha-sasirvvar-mmahajanaṁ
galan-amgadiy-ür-odeya
46 pramukha-bhakta-janamgal-aradhisi padadu bitta mattar-erad-adara sime madalu Melasēsvara-dēvara bhumi
47 temkalu Jamnavegereya dari paduvalu kara-bhumi [] badagalum Melasēsvara-dévara bhumi Initam nischayam-age
48 bhāvisuvud-i dharmmakke (a)payakke varppan-amogham sa-kulam nigōda-talado! bilgum maha-patakam manam-old-imt-idan-eyde rakshisu
49 va devaṁg-akkum-ayushya-varddhanam-atyurjjita-lakshmi nirmmala-yasam bhadram subham mamgalam [21] Sva-dattam para-datta (tta)m vā yo harēti (ta) vasumdha
50 rām [*] shashtim-varsha-sahasrāņi vishṭhāyām jāyatē krimiḥ || [22] @
TRANSLATION.
(Verse 1: identical with verse 1 of inscription C. above.)
(V. 2.) May Narayana who rests upon Ananta in the Milk Ocean and who wears the Kaustubha jewel, worshipful, with heart moist with the liquor of grace, coming to blest Pali and dwelling (there) in company with Kamala and the lady Earth and the Lotus-born (Brahman) who enjoys his essence in his navel, protect the Thousand!
(Lines 4-6.) If it be asked what is the reputation of that crest-jewel of agraharas which 18 so illustrious, (we answer): it is called a dwelling-place of all arts, an abode of brilliance, a natal ground of ornament, a home of the season of spring; and moreover :
(V. 3.) With a profusion of delightful pleasances, with the company of all the gods, with the Thousand who are renowned in all the lore of the Rik, Yajus, Sama, and Atharvapa Vēdas, with the multitude of public damsels who are brilliant like fiery elephants of Kama, the blessed Pali is ceaselessly splendid with fortunes subserved by worthy men.
(V. 4: identical with verse 4 of inscription L. above.)
(V. 5.) As they are men of might in mastery over the blessed Ramayana, Bharata, and other works and the course of conduct of Manu, (and) in famous teaching-books of manifold studies of reality and unreality and of logic, adored by the world for their attainment of knowledge of all the principles in the series of the Vedas, who now are superior on earth to the Thousand P
(L. 12.) Among them :
(V. 6.) Knowing not a place of distinction between poets, reciters, controversialists and rhetoricians, giving (alms) when clients cheerfully ask, the Hundred of Siveyageri are in sooth brilliant.

Page #274

No. 22.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF HULI.
217
(L. 13.) Among them :
(V. 7.) As he may be termed because of the mass of his splendour & Sun in the sky of the Bhåradvăja race, because of his greatness & Milk Ocean, by reason of the high degree of his firmness a Mandara, in heroism a blessed Råma, in judgment of transcendental lore the Lotusseated (Brahman) himself, can any compare with Aditya, who was renowned among sages ?
(L. 15.) His son :
(V. 8.) Say, who can equal Dēvapaya, who was deeply devoted to Sriranga (Vishņu), a man of eminent stainless conduct, a darling of fame, verily an emperor to the natives of the ocean-bounded earth, gathering the best of all knowledge), & protector of the peoples of all lands when harm befell, firm and exalted of soul?
(L. 17.) His son:
(V. 9.) Going to battle and ceaselessly resisting the multitude of foemen's hostsstretching forth his hand to the troops of suppliants that came and begged (of him)-a deep ocean to the companies of publio danisels--this sheriff Boma was in his own person a Hari's son (Arjuna) in confronting and smiting, a Hari's (Sarya's) son (Karna) in making gifts, a Hari's (Krishna's) son (Yama) in conquering, when the tale is told : hence how can one sing bis praises P.
(L. 19.) His son:
(V. 10.) The souls of choice damsels became a place for the shafts of the god of the flower-arrows, the lotus-hands of companies of worthy sages a place for abundant quantities of gold, the royal mansion a place for the right firmly established Fortune of the kingdom, through the lord Malapayya, by reason of the perfection of his grace of form, his incomparable generosity, and the high degree of his services to his sovereign (respectively).
(Ll. 20-21.) His son :
(V. 11.) The excellent Kalidasa was indeed through the unique perfection of his beauty a moon appearing with unspotted form, through his high skill in poetry a Lotus-seated (Brahman) devoid of insentience while pervading the universe [or, intimate with all], through his gift of beauty a Kama who was not destroyed by Isa, by his eminent conduct a Manu.
(L. 22.) His good wife :
(V. 12.) Röviyakka was like Rati in form, like Bhārati in grace of speech, like the earth in steadinese, like Arundhati in greatness: who do not give praise in these terms ?
(V. 13 : almost identical with verse 9 of inscription L. above.) (Vy. 14-15: identical with verses 10-11 of inscription L. above.) (L. 28.) His sons :
(V. 16.) The sage Mahadova is a votary of the god Sriranga, Tree of Desire by reason of his generosity, a Mount Meru in firmness, altogether surpassing all in greatness, truly.
(V. 17.) His younger brother Malapayga is renowned for scriptural lore, crowned with Siva's feet, an aggregate of all virtues, & very ornament, a mine of propriety: who do not give praise in these terms P
(V. 18.) The youngest brother of these twain is the world-renowned Käļidāsa, like the Jar-born (Agastya) in conduct: these eminent sons of Desiraja have become distinguished.
Dhir-odatta is a term for one of the types of hero of drams, and is defined in Dafaripaka ii. 5 AR "of great excellence, exceedingly serious, forbearing, not bonttal, resoluto, with self-sertion suppressed, and firm of pur. pose" (Haas's translation).
• [Bat Yama is also called Hari. So it would be better to take Kärttikėya or Bhima as the upamina especially when Hari is an epithet of Siva and of Viyu also.-Ed.)
This verse, like the preceding, in an instance of the rhetorical figure yathtisankhya.
• This is the rhetorical figure adhik-abhäda-räpaka [secording to appaya Dikshita, Bee Kuval ayananda under Rüpaka-Ed.]
21

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218
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
(V. 19.) The monarch Bijjanadēva would say "what can this Yama do P"; boldly he would knock out the serpent Kulika's teeth; if he confronted him, he would strike to earth even Rāvana; if he were to meet in battle the figure of Ugra, he would lop his arms into fragments with his bright sword-edge.
(V. 20.) When one looks, the place where the monarch Bijjanadēva has won victory by blows is demoniac and frightful by reason of the decapitated heads of warriors uttering song while there arise sweet sounds from the headless trunks whose wounded limbs move in concerted action, (wounded limbs) from which drink snorting the troops of foemen's elephants whose marrow, over which streams gushing blood, and loosely out-bursting entrails swing about and dangle down.
(Ll. 34-37.) When the victorious reign of-hail !--the asylum of the whole world, favourite of Fortune and Earth, great Emperor, supreme Lord, lord of Kalanjana best of cities, attended by the sound of damaruga drums and (other) musical instruments, terrible to other realms, the Kalachurya Emperor strong of arm, Tribhuvanamalladēvs, was advancing in a course of successively increasing prosperity, (to endure) as long as moon, sun, and stars :
(Ll. 37-38.) On Monday, the 2nd of the dark fortnight of Pushya in the cyclic year Chitrabhanu, the 1084th (year of the blessed Saka era, at the uttarāyaṇa-samkrānti, on the holy lunar day with which coincided a vyattpåta;
(LI. 38-43.) For the purposes of religion, the sheriff Dāsiraja, having adored with (offering of) money the divinely blest lotus feet of the Thousand Mahājanas, headed by the mayor, of the great agrahara of Päli, granted as a sarua-namasya holding for the restoration of broken, burst, and worn-out (masonry) of the Nagas' Well, which is equal to Benares, and for the dharmēta of that place, and for the management of the fire-hearth six mattar within the waste-land hasuge of Kokkuligêri. The bound of this is on the east the fata of Kattiyagéri ; the southern bound is the land of the temple of the god Kēšava of Nāgarakhandi; the western bound is the land of the sheriff Sankarayya-Nāyaka's choultry; the northern bound is the land granted as a substitute to Erandagēri. So whatever claims may arise, the Thousand shall religiously preserve this pious foundation. Happiness! Great fortane!
(61. 44-47.) On the same holy lunar day, having adored the Thousand Mahājanas, headed by the mayor, and the votaries, headed by the bazaar-mayor, he purchased (from them) and granted for the purposes of the eightfold worship of the temple of the god Agastyèśvaras at the western gate of the town two mattar within the waste-land hasnge of Kokkuligëri as a sarva-namasya holding. The bound of this is on the east the land of the god Melasēsvara, on the south the road of Jannavegere, on the west the black (?) land, on the north the land of the god Meļasčśvara.
(Vv. 21-22 : identical with verses 16-17 of inscription L. above.) No. 23.-DON BUZURG PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRA: [VIKRAMA).
SAMVAT 1176.
BY DATA RAM SAHNI, M.A., RAI BAHADUR. These copper-plates were lent to me for examination and decipherment by the Maharaja of Majhauli in the Gorakhpur district of the United Provinces in 1906 when I toured in the Gorakhpur and Saran districts under the orders of the Director General of Archæology in India, to co Hect notes on certain places for the use of the late Dr. Fleet. At my suggestion, these plates were deposited in the Provincial Museum at Lucknow where they are now preserved. The plates were unearthed by a Chamår cultivator in a field near the village of Don Buzurg situated 7
[See foot-note 1 on p. 215.-Ed.]
* Namely by offering of water, scent, flowers, rice-grains (akshata), incense, lamps, oblations (naivedya), and betel.
* See above, p. 170.

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No. 23.)
DON BUZURG PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRA: [V. s. 1176.
219
miles to the north of Mairwa Railway Station on the Bengal and North-Western Railway, and made over to the Mahāraja of Majhauli. At my visit to this village, I did not notice any other antiquities of special interest. The village itself is, however, situated on a large ancient mound and the size of bricks unearthed by the villagers averages 11}" x 9" x 2".
The plates are inscribed on one side only and measure 1+1" by 10%" and 14" by 10%, respectively. The edges of the plates are fashioned into rims the maximum height of which is ". Both the plates were originally soldered on a circular ring passing through the upper part of Plate II and the lower part of Plate I. Plate I is loose on account of a small piece having broken away from the ring-hole. The seal is now attached to Plate II and is of the usual Gahadavāla type. The only orthographical peculiarities in the record that deserve special mention are the use of j for y in parjantah (1. 18) and jathā (1. 25) and the confusion of sand $ and of v and b. A for ya in vishthāāṁ (1. 30) is an evident mistake or a Prikritism. The form utakēritam in l. 36 evidently stands for utkirnnam or the causal utkäritam. There are many other mistakes of spelling in the inscription and they have all been corrected in the text.
The inscription consists of 36 lines, of which 19 are engraved on Plate I and the remaining 17 on Piate II. The whole of the document is in an excellent state of preservation. The characters are Nagari. The language is metrical Sanskrit in the first eleven and last eleven lines which contain respectively the usual genealogy of the Gahadavála kings of Kanauj and the imprecatory and benedictory verses. The remaining fourteen lines as well as part of the last or 36th line are in Sanskrit prose and represent the formal historical portion of the document.
The inscription records that on Tuesday the 8th tithi of the bright half of Jyēshtha of [v.] s. 1178 (A.D. 1119-20) after bathing in the Ganges at his camp-residence (yāna-väsa) at the village of Mandalia, belonging to Alamvimahāpura, the Gåhadavåla king Govindachandra granted the village of Vadagrāma? in the Alāpa district to a Brāhmaṇa named Tulţāieha-3 Šarman. This Brahmaņa belonged to the Vachchha (Skt. Vatsa)-gotra of Dröņāyaṇashada. The fourth syllable of this latter name is not decipherable, but it is not impossible that it was the name of a town or village or of some muni to whom (a branch of-Ed.) the Vatsa-götra owed its origin. If this assumption is correct, we may without hesitation identify this locality with the village at which the plates were found and which is still called Don Buzurg, or the Holy Don. It is interesting to note here a legend which describes a small cultivated area in the neighbourhood of this village as Droņa-ka-ghar or Drona-ka-garh, that is the residence or citadel of Dröna, the preceptor of the Kaurava and Pandava princes. It is stated by the villagers that Dröņa resided at this place and was on one occasion transported to Lanká to prescribe medicine for Vibhishana, brother of Rāvana. The story is not worth much, but it shows at least that the local pandits already recognize in the name Dön a corruption of Dröna, probably a remnant of the original long name of the place.
At the time of issuing the grant, the king Govindachandra was encamped at a village named Mandalia, which was situated in Alamvimahāpura. The latter was probably the name of the district in which the village in question was situated, and it is evident that the village stood somewhere on the banks of the Ganges. I am as yet unable to identify either of these places. The village granted was sa pataka-kõna-Vadagrāma which I interpret as Vadagrama together with its outlying hamlet and its corners. This village was situated in the district (pattala) of Alūpa.
1 [This requires correction, for the original (1. 19) clearly gives WATER, i.e. Monday. Reference to the late Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Ephemeris, Vol. III, p. 240, will show that this date is quite regular and rightly corresponds to Monday, the 19th May, 1119 A.D.-Ed.]
Vadagrāma appears to have been a common village name. In the Chandravati plate of Chandradēva of ry.) S. 1148 (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 802 f.) we find Chandravati referred to as Vadagavi, a slightly modified form of Vadagrāma. (See f. n. 1 on p. 223.-Ed.]
[See f. n. 2 on page 222—Ed.)

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which cannot as yet be identified. Bat there is a village of the name of Barg8 in the Salempar Pargana of the Gorakhpur district which might represent the Vadagrāma of our inscription.
TEXT. [Metres : Vv. 1, 3, 10, 11, 13-20, Anushtubh; .2, 21, Indravajra; w.4,7, Sardalavi koridita; vv. 5, 6, 8, 22, Vasantatilakā; v. 9, Drutavilambita; v. 12, Salini.]
First Plate. 1ों ' खस्ति ।
भकुण्डोकण्डवैकुण्ठकण्डपीठसुठलरः [1] परम्भः सुरतार [स] श्रियः श्रेयसैस्तु वः [१] पासोदसी(भी)तधुतिवंस(स)जा
झापालमाल[7]सु दिवङ्गतासु । [सा चाहिवखानिव भूरिधाना नाना यशोविग्रह रत्युहारः । [२] तसुतोभूमीचंद्रवंद्रधाम
निर्भ निलं । येनापारमकृपारपार व्यापारितं यमः ॥ [१] तस्याभत्तनयो नयैकरसिक: क्रान्सहिषग्मंडलो विध्वस्तोतधीरयोषति
मिरः श्रीचंद्रदेयो(बो) नृपः । येनोदारतरप्रतापस(अ)मितास()षप्रजोपद्रवं श्रीमहाभिपुराधिराज्यमसमं [दो] विक्रमेणार्जितं [*] (तो)ीनि
क(का)सि(भि)कुसि(भि)कोत्तरकोस(स) खेन्द्रखानीयक(का)नि परिपालयता[धि] मम्य [1] हमामतुल्यमनिसं(शं) ददता हिनेभ्यः(भ्यो) येनाहिता वसुमती
स(च)तस(ग)स्तुल(ला)भिः ॥ [५] तस्यात्मजी मदनपास इति चितींद्रचूडामणिविजयते निज[गोवचंद्रः ।' यस्वाभिषेककलयोसितैः प.
योभिः प्रचालितं कलिरजःपटलं धरियाः । [१] यस्वासोदिजयप्रयाणसमये तमाचलोबलग्मायकुंभिपदक्रमासम- .
भरमस्व(ख)बाहीमंडलो(ल.) [1] चूडारबविभिवतालुबलितस्त्यानासुगुडासित: से(शे)षः पेववसा(मा)दिव चरमसी कोडे निलोनामन[:] [ ] From ink-impressions
Expressed by • symbol. • Cancel one danda

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No. 23.] DON BUZURG PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRA : [V.] S. 1176. 21 9 तमादजायत निजायतवा(बा)हुवषि
वं(ब)धावरानवराज्यगजो नरेन्द्रः। सांद्रासतद्रवमुचा प्रभवो गवां [यो]
गोविन्दचंन्द्र(द) इति 10
चंद्र वांबुरासे (थे): ॥ [*] न कथमप्यलभन्त रगच[मां]तिरुषु दिचु गजानथ वषिणः । ककुभि व(ब)ममुरचमुवाभप्रतिभा(टा)
व यस्य घटागजाः ।.[*] सोयं समस्तराजचक्रसंसेवितचरतः । स च परमभधारकमहाराजाधिरा].
अपरमेख(ख)रपरममा12 ख(ख)रनिज भुजोपावितत्रोक(कान्यकुम्जाधि[पत्यं] बोपद्रदेवपादानुधातपरम
भारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेख (ख)रपरममा18 रेख(स)रथोमदनपासदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभधारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेख(स)रपर.
ममाहेख(ख)रथीम[होविन्दचंद्रदेवो विज14 यो । पखापपत्तलाया(यां) सपाटककोचावडग्राममध्ये पूर्वदत्तदेववा(बा)पण । तथा कवचसमानपाटब एतान् व(ब)
शिक्षस्थ ग्राम पस्थिन्' 16 निवासिनो निखिलजनपदानुपगतानपि च रावरात्रीबुवराजमंचिपुरोहितप्रतो
हारसेनापतिभांडागारिकाचपटखिक16 मिषम्नमित्तिकान्त:पुस्विदतकरितरनपत्तनाकरखानगोकुसाधि[कारिपुरुषान् समा
नापयति वो(बो)धयत्वादिस(अ)ति च 17 यवा विदितमस्त भवतां यथोपरिशिक्षितमामः सनराखल]: सलो[सवाकरः
सगतॊ [ष र समधूकचूतवनवाटिकाविट18 पतृपयतिमोचरपन(य)न्तः ससोमापर्यन्तवतुराघाटविस(यु): [व]तत्वधिकस(स)
तेव(वा)दस(अ)संवत्सरे बैठे म(मा)सि स(स)कपचे पष्ठ(ट)19 म्यां भौमदिने पलं विमहापुरीये मंदलिपापामा
Second Plate. 20 'मापासे पातः संवत् ११७ ज्येष्ठ दि ८ मौमे मंदसिपायानवास
श्रीमहंगायां विधिवत्वाखा मंचदेवमुनिमनुज*[The correction is unnecessary; for both the forms Kao as well w Kao are used- d.] * Cancel the danda.
[The original reads Plafra which is correct, see f. n. 1 p. 219 above.-d.] •cancel the syllable मा. [The original reada eta aw for ő is evidently clerical mistako.-Ed]
Rend बामयिक

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[VOL. XVIII.
21 भूतपिढगणांस्तयित्वा तिनि(मि)स्पटलप[*]टनपटुम हसमुणरोचिषमुपस्थायौ
षधिपतिस(घ) कलये[ये खरं समभ्यय त्रिभुवग(ग)22 त्र[*]तुर्बासुदेवस्य पूजां विधाय प्रचुरपायसेन विर्भुजं हुत्वा मातापित्रो
रात्मनश्च पुण्ययसो(यो)भिषये अस्माभिः द्रोणाय23 णषडीयवच्छ (म)गोवाय भार्गवयववा(न) धर्म (पौर्व)जामह (द)ग्न्यभाप्रवानप(प)
चप्रवराय छ[t"]दोगसा(शा)खिने । भवीनरसिंहप्रपौवा24 य भश्रीजान्तापौवाय थोपून्नपुवाय भावी'टस्टाइचश्व (श)मणे गोकरण
कुशलतापूतकरतलोदकपूर्बमाच(च)दा याव26 च्छासनीकृत्य प्रदत्त इति मत्वा ज(य)थादीयमानभागभोगकरप्रवणिकर
प्रभृति[स] सवा(|)दायान्. दास्यथ ॥४॥ स्वस्तिकर26 रोक:(काः) । भूमि यः प्रतिग्रहाति या भूमि प्रयति उभी तो
पुण्यकर्माणो नियती स्वगंगामिनौ ॥ [१०] सं()वं भद्रासनं [च] क्र'
वरावा - 27 वरवारणाः । भूमिदानस्य चिहानि फलनेभा(म)व पुरंदर ॥ [११] सर्वानेभा(ता)
म्भाविनः । प(पा)धिवेंद्रान्भूयो भूयो याचत (ते) रामभद्रः] । सामा28 न्योयं धर्मास(से)तर्नृपाणां काल क(का)ब(जे) पालनीयो भवनिः । [१२]
व(ब)(छोभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः समरादिभिः । यस्ययस्व यदा भूमि29 स्तस्यतस्य तदा फलं .. [२९. स(स)वर्न()मक(क) गामक(का)
भूमेरप्य(प्ये)कामंगुलं । हरचरक्मायोति यावदाभूत्स(तसं)प्रवं ॥ [१४]
तडा[गानां सहस्रेण प्रश्न30 मेधस(म)तेन च गवां कोटिप्रदानेन भूमिहतो न सु()ध्यति । [१५]
स्वदत्ता परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधरां । स विष्ठामा(यां) कृमिभूत्वा
पितभिः 3] सामन्नति ।। १.षष्टिं वर्षम(माया(सा)णि स्वगर्गे वसति भूमिदः ।
पाच्छोता चानुमक्खा च तान्येव नर[क(a)] वसेत् । १७] वारिहोने
वरन्ये (स्थेषु स(ए)ष्ककोट[र]32 वासिनः । कृष्णसप्यो(ो)च जायन्ते. देवबाब(स्व)हारिणः ॥ [१८]
न विषं विषमित्याहुव्र(ब) अश्व(ख) विषमुच्यते [*] विषमेकाकिनं इन्ति
व(ब)स्वं पुत्रपौ[a]. [Cancel the danda.-Ed.] • [The syllable rendme Posibly. stands for लहा.-Bd.] · Cancel the syllable in brackets.
•[The rendingsoems to. be भवनि चास ग्रीका:. In the Kamaal plates, above, Vol. IV, p. 101, text 1. 28 f. there verses are rightly culled ge t :--Ed.]
[Renda-Ed.]
न विम

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No. 23.)
DON BUZURG PLATES OF GOVINDACHANDRA: [v.] s. 1176.
223
SE
33 [pej ' (et) $7(et) Fa[*] t(at)art Herl(#1)feraiti
Oracelet (ET) FIAT (17) Asterau [70*] arts
दत्तानि पुरा 31 at(T)gefarfa wataiga () To i fanfaarmafaat(at)fa alfa
Hary: gauceta [22] arataan 35 AFAT agarfetcATUTAHITAJTria) farsituutT: AITIENT
fa(fa) HAT TUTTI # # 36 0 MAST uretaania [I 22"] fafan #tfukauterzati (
n aviga sakra(at)
TRANSLATION. (Lines 11 to 25.) That victorious and illustrious king, Paramabhattaraka, Mahārajadhiraja, Paramégvara, Paramamåhēsvara Govind&chandraděva,-whose feet are honoured by the entire circle of kings, who meditates on the feet of the illustrious P.M.P.P. Madanepāladēva, who (in his turn) meditates on the feet of the illustrious P.M.P.P. Chandradēva, who acquired the sovereignty over Kanyakubja by (the strength of his own arms, orders, informs and commands all the people assembled, residing in this village, (namely), in the midst of Vad agrā ms, in the district (pattala) of Alapa, together with its outlying hamlets and corners, after excluding the portions) already given to gods and Brāhmaṇas, also portions meant for fortifications as well as the kings, queens, brown-princes, ministers, preceptors, door-keepers, generals, treasurers, record-keepers, physicians, astrologers, chamberlains, messengers, and officers charged with the care of elephants, horses, towns, mines (P), sthānas and gokular in the following manner :
"Be it known to you, that I have, on Tuesday, the 8th of the bright fortnight in the month of Jyōshtha, in the your comprising) eleven hundred increased by seventy-six, while staying at the village of Mandalia belonging to Alamvimahāpura, in figures Samvat 2176, Jyēshtha su. di. 8, Tuesday, after bathing in the prescribed manner in the holy Ganges at (my) camp, at Mandalia; after propitiating the sacred texts, divinities, sages, men, beings and the groups of deceased ancestors; adoring the Sun whose Instre can dispel heaps of darkness; worshipping the Moon-crested (Siva); worshipping Väsudėva, the protector of the three worlds and after offering to the god of) Fire an oblation rich in milk-rice for the increase of merit and fame of my mother and father and myself, bestowed by a charter by (pouring) water from the palm of my hand, sanctified by the gokarpa and kusa-grass for (as long as) the Moon and the Sun endure, the above-mentioned village, together with water and dry land, mines of iron and salt, with pits and deserts up to and including gardens of madhūka and mango (trees), parks, and trees, grass and pasture-lands, up to its proper limits clearly defined by the four boundaries, apon the learned and illustrious Tulţāicha-sarman, the son of the illustrious Punta, the grand.
The name of the village seems to be Köņávada.-Ed.)
? I am unable to offer satisfactory explanation of HHOZ. Literally it would mean "portions resembling cont of mail." The rendering in my translation is a mere conjecture. [The word påfaka would suggest that what is read as 49 gives the name of some hamleto-Ed.]
*[See f. n. 3 on p. 221, above. --Ed.)

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sin of the learned and illustrious Jant and the great-grandson of the learned and illustrious Narasimha of the Chhändöga school, whose five pravaras are, namely, Bhargava, Chyavana, Aurva, Jämadagnya and Apnavāna, and who belongs to the Vatsa-gðtra of Dröņāyaṇashada. Bearing this in mind, you should give (the donee) the bhāga-bhoga-kara, the pravani-kara and all the other sources of income that are due.
[LI. 26 to 36 contain thirteen imprecatory and benedictory verses.]
(L. 36.) Written by the Karanika, the illustrious Thakkura Sahadēva. Engraved by the illustrious sūtradhāra, Hālēka.
No. 24.-CHHATARPUR COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTION OF GOVINDACHANDRA
DEVA OF KANAUJ: (VIKRAMA]-SAMVAT 1177.
BY DAYA RAM SAHNI, M.A., RAI BAHADUR.
The copper-plates on which this inscription is engraved are two in number. They were forwarded to the Director General of Archæology in India by the District Magistrate of Cawnpore with the following information about the circumstances that led to their discovery: “The plates were discovered on or about the 5th July, 1920, by one Chhatiyan Chamår when digging the foundations for a hut. Local rumour has it that he found with it jewellery and gold ornaments, but of this I have no corroboration. No one has claimed the plates or any knowledge of their antecedents. The site was the village of Chhatarpur near Sheorājpur, & small town, lying on the Grand Trunk Road, 21 miles north-west of Cawnpore. Sheorăjpur was formerly a place of some importance : the seat of the Rajas of Chandėl family. Chhatarpur itself contains a very old temple of Khëroshwar Mahadeo which is regarded with the greatest veneration." The plates were in a much corroded state when they reached the office of the Director-General of Archaeology in India, who had them thoroughly cleaned and sent to me for publication in this Journal
Both the plates on which this inscription is engraved are rectangular in shape, each measuring 1-31" by 10". Their edges are turned upwards, thus fowning a rim, "high, on all sides. The plates are held together by a stout circular ring of copper which passes through two holes cut in the bottom of plate I, and the top of plate II, respectively. To the ring is attached, as is frequently the case with such plates, a heavy seal of the king bearing the inscription Srimad-Govindachandradērah with a figure of Garude above it and a conch below it. The plates, the ring and the seal are in a perfect state of preservation, except one corner of plate II and another of plate I, which are slightly damaged; but we find no lose of the inscription on this account. The epigraph, which consists of thirty-two lines, is engraved on the inner side of each of the two plates, the number of lines on each plate being sixteen. The characters are Nagart and the language is Sanskrit throughout. In respect of orthography, we observe the same peculiarities as in other inscriptions of this king. The letter ba is everywhere written as rd and the palatal é as the dental sibilant, though occasionally it has its own proper sign, especially in
This word means a scribe, i... one who has to do with documenta' (karaña). Mr. Y. R. Gupte has kindly drawn my attention to the fact that certain families among the Chandrasoniys Kity astha Prabbus ( claw of writers in the Deccan) to this day bear the surname of Karnika (Sanskfit karamika). Tbe Prabbus referred to are supposed to have migrated froin the district of Oudh in the United Provinces.
.. The correct name would appear to be Kshirēsvars.

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No. 24.
CHHATARPUR PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA: [V.) . 1177.
225
ligatures. A few other mistakes of spelling may also be noticed. In line 18, we meet with sorddhadhaf- for sordhvadhas. In the same line we also find ushna wrongly spelt as nina, while in line 21, the rapha is omitted from the name Bárhaspatya. The Sandhi is frequently disregarded.
The first ten lines and a half are in verse and contain, as in other copper-plate inscriptions of this dynasty, the genealogy of the king beginning from Chandradēva, while the nine lines at the end (11. 24-32) are taken up by seven benedictory and imprecatory verses quoted from the Mahabharata. The rest of the inscription, i.e., from the middle of line 1l to line 24, and the latter portion of line 32, is devoted to the formal subject matter of the epigraph. The object of the document is to record the fact that king Govindachandradove, son of the illustrious Madanapaladēva, son of the illustrious Chandradēva, after bathing with the water of the Ganges at Varanasi on the occasion of the full moon of Kartika in the Vikrama)-Ban vat year 1177. after having daly propitiated the sacred texts, divinities, eto., and adored the Sun, Mahädēva and Våsudėva, gave away, by this charter, the village of Sasaimaua in the Köți district, clearly defined by its four boundaries, together with what is above and below it, to the Brahman, the illustrious Bahulašarman, the son of the illustrious Thakkura Låhula, and the grandson of Avasth1-Sri-Málhē, whose pravaras are Angirasa, Barhaspatya and Bhårad vāja, and who belongs to the Bharadvája-gotra. The king further commands the residents of the aforesaid village to continue regularly to pay all the taxes to the donee. The document was written by the Karanika Thakkura Sridhara.
The name of the village, whose grant is recorded in this inscription, was Såseimana. The locality, where the two copper-plates were unearthed, was, as mentioned above, the village of Chhatarpur near Sheorijpar in Cawnpore district. If Chhatarpur is really the place where the donee of the grant actually resided, then the village of Sásaimana must have been situated some where in its neighbourhood. I have referred to a large scale map of the Cawnpore district, but have failed to discern any village of this precise name. I have, however, received a copy of a letter from the District Magistrate to the address of the Director-General of Archeology in India, which states that there is a village of the name of Bissman, which now forms part of the Cawnpore City. This village answers very nearly to the ancient village Såsaimaus. The District Magistrate is unable to throw any light on the ancient district of Koti.
TEXT.
First Plate. fLines 1 to the middle of 11 are the same as in the Don Buzurg plates of Govindachandra of
[Vikrama-Samvat 1176; above, p. 218.] 11 . . . . . . . . . . TU A T e afarer: 1
परमभारवमहाराणाधि12 TOUTÀTUTHATÈTT() fotonyaituifwazitumgrefumitacauterg
ध्यातपरमभहारकामहाराजा[Thio romark is not justifiable for the word is written with or without ; cf. Sabdakalpadruma under the word; "Tud for ."-Ed)
[I think it is there. -Ed.]
Not mentioned in the inscription which simply ways feefs. It may be any of the five parnassEd.)
[It would be better to take mastra-deva together, menning gode invoked by, etc. -Ed.) . From the ink-impresioa.

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226
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XVIII.
13 धिराजपरमेश्वरपरममाहेश्वरथोमदनपालदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिरा
जपरमेश्वरपरम14 माहेश्वरश्रीमहोविन्दचन्द्रदेवो विजयो । कोटिपत्तलायां सासैमौषग्राम
निवासिनो निखिलजनपदानुपगा(ग)तानपि15 च राजराजीयुवराजमग्धिपुरीहितप्रतीहारसेनापतिभांडागारिकाक्षपटलिकभिष
ग्नैमित्तिकान्तःपुरिकदूतकरितुरग16 पत्तनाकरस्थानगोकुलाधिकारिपुरुषांचाचापयति वो(बी)धयत्यादिशति च विदितमस्तु भवता यथोपरिसिखि
Second Plate. 17 त(ग्राम:) सजलस्थल: सलोहसवणाकरः समत्स्याकरः सपणाकरः सग(तो)षरः
समधुकचूतव नवाटिका] वि. 18 ड(ट)पतुण्यतिगोचरपर्यन्तः सो ( )धचतुराघाटविसु(): खसोमापर्यन्तः
सम्बत् ११७७ पोह' वाराणस्या कार्तिकपर्वणि 19 गंगोदकेन नात्वा विधिवग्मग्वदेवमुनिमनुजभूतपितगणांस्तर्पयित्वा तिमिरपटच
पाटनपटुमहसमुन(ण)रोचिषमुपस्था20 यौषधिपतिशकलसे(0)खरं समर्थ विभुवनचातुर्बासुदेवस्य पूजां विधाय
प्रचुरपायसेन हविषा हविर्भुजं दुत्वा मातापित्री21 रामनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृश्चये गोकरणकुस(स)लतापूतकरतलोदकपूर्वमस्माभिः भारहा
जगोचाय पांगिरसवा(बा)हस्पत्यभारहाजत्रिप्रवराय अवस्थीश्रीमाल्हेपौत्राय ठकुरीलाहुलपुत्राय श्रीसाहुलशर्मणे बा(
ब्राणाय पाचन्द्राळ यावच्छासनी23 कृत्य प्रदतो(त्तो) मत्वा यथा दोयमानभागभोगकरकू[]प्रवणिकरप्रभृतिसर्जा
दायात्(न) तुरुष्कदंडादायं पाज्ञाविधेयीभूय दास्य24 थेति । । भवन्ति चाच बोकाः । . . . . . . . . .
(Here follow seven benedictory and iropreostory verses.] 32 . . . . . . . . करणिकठमुरथोत्रीधरेण [लिखितं] [*]
No. 25.--VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
BY E. HULTZBCH, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). For ink-impressions of these copper-plates I am indebted to Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri, who acquired the plates for the Madras Museum in 1910 from a Muhammadan resident of
[The plate gives adysha.-Bd.] [See Ep. Rep. for 1910,p.10, pars.10, and p. 15, App.A, No.4.-Ed.]

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No. 25.]
VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
Vēmalarpāḍu, a village close to the Phirangipuram Railway Station in the Guntur District He describes them as follows:
227
"Five plates with raised rims. The first and the last have writing on their inner sides only. The plates measure 9" by 44". They are held together by a circular copper ring which measures 5" in diameter and 2" in thickness. The ends of the ring are fixed into the bottom of a seal whose base is fashioned into a lotus of eight petals. The seal, which is circular, measures 38" in diameter and bears, within a countersunk surface, the figure of a running boar facing the proper left, with a chauri in front of it. Below the boar is the legend Sri-Tribhuvan[am]k[u]sa in old Telugu characters, and below it a lotus flower of eight petals spread out, with the sun and an ankusa to the right, and the crescent of the moon to the left. The ring had not yet been cut when the plates were received from the Collector of Guntur. The plates and seal together weigh 410
tolas."
The writing on the plates is in a state of good preservation, with the exception of portions of plate iv, b. The alphabet is Telugu, and the language is Sanskrit prose, interspersed with 19 Sanskrit verses. The description of the boundaries of two fields in lines 59-63 is in a mixture of Sanskrit and Telugu. The writer seems to have possessed a very superficial knowledge of the former language. As the notes on the text will show, he has committed an inordinate number of mistakes and omissions in copying the historical introduction from the records of his office. I shall not waste space and time by lengthy remarks on the orthography of this document. The upadhmaniya is represented by the Telugu symboly in line 8, and by p at the beginning of line 67. The Sanskrit word rashtra is spelt raltra and raltra in line 48.
The inscription on the plates records a grant of land by the Eastern Chalukya king Ammaraja II, and opens with a historical account of his ancestors which is nearly identical with the one given in the Maliyapundi grant. As I have already discussed this genealogical portion elsewhere, I need note here only the corrupt verse 1 (line 11), according to which it remains doubtful whether the reign of Vijayaditya II, surnamed Narendramṛigaraja, was believed to have lasted either 48 or only 40 years."
Verses 9-15 seem to have been composed by a Brahmana named Bhaṭṭagunda (1. 73) and do not reflect much credit on this panegyrist as a grammarian and poet. Verse 9 states that Amma II was the son of Bhima (II), the grandson (in reality, the great-grandson) of Bhima (I), and the great-grandson (in reality, the grandson of the grandson) of Vikramanka. The same verse alludes to the attack made by Vallabha, i.e. the Rashtrakuta king Krishna II, on Bhima I. It implies that Bhima I bore the surname Ritasiddhi,' and that Vikramäñka (i.e. Vikramaditya I) had received the dignity of heir-apparent, but did not ascend the throne. Verse 13 informs us that Amma II was eight years old when he was anointed to the dignity of heir-apparent, and that he was twelve years old at the time of his coronation. From other grants the exact date of the last is known to have been Friday, 5th December, A.D. 945, in the twelfth year of his age."
The regnal year of Amma II in which the grant recorded in the Vemalurpaḍu plates was made, is not specified in them. On the day of a winter-solstice (uttarayana, 1. 56), the
Mr. Krishna Sastri has very kindly deciphered from the original copper-plate, and rendered into English, a few Telugu words of this passage which I had been unable to read and explain.
Above, Vol. IX, p. 48 f.
3 Cf. Fleet's remarks in Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 100 f. See below, p. 283, note 15.
Ibid., p. 102, and above, Vol. IX, p. 84f.
See Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 103.
See Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 271; above, Vol. IX, p. 55 f., and p. 134 1.
2 y 2

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228
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XVIII
king gave an agrahāra (11. 45 and 57) or mänya (1. 71) to a Brāhmaṇa named Musiya (1. 39 and 51) or Musiyanašarman (1. 56), whose father seems to have enjoyed the complimentary title of Mahārāja (1. 39 ff.), whose grandfather's name was Gundamayya (1. 41 f.), and who belonged to the Bhāradvāja-gotra (11. 42 and 56). The king did this at the request of Durgarija, the great-grandson of PA[pda]ranga (1. 43 f.). Durgarāja seems to have been the royal superintendent of the district (rāja-vishay-adhydisha, l. 53) or feudatory chief of the province of Karma-rashtra (1. 48) and to have communicated the king's decision to the inhabitants of this district and to the donee himself, who is addressed in the second person (tvam) in lines 39 and 51. Durgarāja may be meant also by 'the famous chief of the camp' who was the executor (ājñapti) of this grant (1. 72). From the king's own words, which are quoted in line 44 f., we may conclude that the donee, Musiya, was Durgarāja's minister (mantrin). Both Durgarāja and his great-grandfather, the general Pandarānga, are well known from other inscriptions.
The object of the grant were two fields which had been cut off from the two villages of Aạmañanguru (II. 52 and 59) and Apdoki (1. 54) in the district of Karma-rashtra (1. 48). This district must have corresponded to portions of the Ongole Tāluk of the Nellore District. For, it included the village of Chendalar in this täluki and the two villages of Dharmapuram and Kalvakuru in the Addanki Division of the Ongole Tāluk. Andeki (1. 54) is perhaps an old form of the name of Addanki itself. In the absence of local maps I am unable to trace the four villages which formed the boundaries of the subjoined grant (II. 57-59). The two villages of Karamchôdu (1.55) and Vangiparu (1. 73) where the recipient and the composer of the grant resided, respectively, are mentioned in a grant of Narendramrigarāja in the slightly different forms of Kärañchēdu and Vangiparpu. On sheet 3 of the Madras Presidency Map published by the Madras Survey in 1892, I find ' Karanchédu,' 10 miles west by south of Bapama; and Vangipatru may be the same as Vangipuram in the Bapatla Taluk, which borders on the Addanki Division. On the same map I notice Nútulapád,' about 15 miles west of Bapatla. This is perhaps identical with the village of Nutulaparu in Karma-rashtra.'
TEXT..
First Plate. 1 afar [*] wat m y HETATUTHT arena[*]*7 pre2 fargar fortauer TTTT Arata framfara[t]" 3 खामिमहासमपादानुदधताना" भगवनारायणप्रसादसमासाधित-" 4
Wuuuuufaarf THAT Wu 8 [1]quafanfarnagarpis (1) syarat greuen" (1) auto 1 See below, p. 284, note 4.
Soe abovo, Vol. IX, p. 49 f. • Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 284 and 238.
Abovo, Vol. IX, p. 50. In Copotablo'. Hand Atlas of India, plato 34, D, b, Addanki is entered on the left bank of the Gundlskamma rivor. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 418.
Xr. R. Sowell's Lists of Antiquities, VoL I, p. 86. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX ,p. 105. . From ink-impressions rugplied by Bao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, B.A.
A flower is engraved at the beginning of this lino. 10 Road Two 11 Road garet.
- Read T. 1 Read Crowtarat. 1. Road alfa.
15 Kead atea, stear, H . 16 Read area
11 Read defce:.

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No. 25.]
VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
329.
6 यवतमन्द्रस्याः' (0) भाता अनविषुवईचाष्टाद' वर्ष[*]णि (1) वेंगीम7 ण्डल[म *]प[*] यत् । तदात्म ]जो जयसिंहनयमितत्' । तदराजेन्द्र
राजनन्दनी
Second Plate ; Pirst Side. 8 विषुवईनो नव । तनुम्मंगियुवरा[न]xपंचविंगति । तत्पुवा'
___ जयसिंहस्खयो9 दश । तदवरज[:"] कोविलिष्यस्म[*]सान् । तस्य ज्येष्ठो धाता विष्णु
__वनस्तमुचाव सप्तविंशत[म] 10 वर्ष[*] विं' [1] तत्पुत्रो' विजयादित्वमा[*]रकोष्टादश । तमुतो विधुवईन.
ध्वनिमतम् । नरेन्द्र 11 मृगराणाख्यो मृगराजपाराक्रमः' । विजयादित्वभूप[*]:" म" चत्वारिंश
दध्यरक' । [१] 12 तपुत्रः कलिविणुवीधाईवर्ष । सब्रुवाः" पराचाक्ररामापरानाम13 धेयः । हत्वा भूरिनीदंबरावृपति" मगिमहासंगर" गंगानाचीतगंग-" 14 कुटपिखराबिनित्य सहा[*] साधीशं सरितमुवामयुतं यो भाययित्वा च. 15 तुषत्वारिंशत: । मब्दकार" विजयावा ररक्ष चितिं । [२] तदनुजस
लब्धयौवराज्य[स्व] 16 विक्रमादित्यास्व" मुतवालुक्वभिमस्विंगत । तस्याग्रजो विजयादित्यः परमार[न्।']
Second Plate ; Second Side. 17 तदप्रसूनुरम्भराजसप्तवर्ष[*]पि । तनुमाक्रम्य बास च[*]लुक्यभीम[पि]. 18 वृष्ययुधमहास्य नन्दनस्तान* मासमेकं । नानासामन्तवग्गरधिववस..
IRead दुखा.
* Read monter.
• Renda. • Read रस्तुमि, विंशतिम्। तत्पुबी.
- Read बिंधतं. • Read वर्षाथि. "The initial is ontered below the lino. • Read °मविशतम्• Read पराक्रमः" Thosyllable uml entered below the line. 11 This is entered below the lino.
1 Pada 4 of this verse is corrupt of, another corrupt version of it abuve, Vol. IX, p. 61, text line 13. °दग्ध्य बsema to have been engraved on an erasure and may be meant for either "दष्टकor °दब्दबान. " Read वनी.
" Rond तत्पुवः परचक्ररामापरणाम. . "Read भी .
" Read मंगि. - Read नावितसंगकूट.
"Read किल. "Road रिशतमन्द
• Road 'यादित्यो. 1 Road °दिवस.
n Resd कमीम'. " Road बालं.
"nesd कृपी.. - Read धमोर.

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230
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL. XVIII.
19 युतम्मत्तमातंगसैणहत्वा' तं तासरानं विषमरणमुखे स[*] चमत्युग्रतेजाः [१] 20 एब्दि' सम्यगभोनिधिवलयतामवर चहरिवि (1) श्रोमान्चालुक्यभीमक्षि21 तिपतितनयो विक्रमादित्यभूपः । [३] पवादहमहमिकया विक्रम[1]22 दित्यास्तमने कक्ष इव प्रजाबधानपरा' दायादराजपुत्रा राज्याभि23 लाषिणो युधमनराजम[*]र्तण्डलकण्ठिकावीजयादित्यप्रभृतयो विना24 हिभूतास्तासन् [*] विग्रहणैव पाच वर्ष[*]णि ग[सानि । ]1 ततः ।
योवधिद्राजमार्तण्डन्ते-- 25 षा येन रणे कृतौ [1] कण्डिकाविनयादित्य [यु']बमको विदेशागौ ।
[४] पस्ये मान्य[म]
Third Plate ; First Side. 26 हीभृतोपि बहवो दुष्टप्रवृत्तावता:" (0) देयोपद्रवकारिण: प्रकटिताः कालाल27 य" प्रापिताः [*] दोहण्डरितमण्डलामलतया यस्योगसंग्रामकानाज्ञा त28 परभृकृपैश्च पिरमो मालव सन्धार्यते । [१] नादम्वा विनिवत्तिते"
रिपुकुल कोपा29 निरा मूलतः शुभं यस्य यशो न लोकमखिल" सन्तिष्ठते न भ्रमत् [1]
द्रव्य[1]30 भोधरराधिरप्यनुदिनं सन्तप्यमाने भृशं दारियोग्रसरातपेन जन31 ससस्ये न नो वर्षति [ *] स चालुक्यांभिमनप्ता (6) विजयादित्य
नन्दनः।"] हाद[1]32 ध्यानमारसम्यक् राजभीमो धरातलं । [७] तस्य महेश्वरमूर्तरुमासामा
' Read गसमेवा .
• Read एकाद 'Read सम्यमभी', 'हरिवी.
• Road श्रीमाबाबु. . Abovo, Vol. IX, p. 62, text line 23, this was needlessly corrected into awek •Read राचसा.
Read प्रजाबाधन. • Cancel the syllable aafter राजमाच. Road °काविन. • Read वियहीभता पासन
10 Read चंच. 11 The letters enclosed in brackets are supplied from the Maliyapundi grant. WRead यीवधीद्रा, नीषा.
"Read °मत्रो. "Read विदेशगी.
15 The Maliyapundi grant reads . 10 Read वृत्तीवता.
11 Readě. "Read perhape °मकस्थाना.
" Read रमन. WRead भादग्धा.
1 Read वति. ** Read 'fee.
" Read मासस्ये. " Read चालुका भौम. *)nlens wie is intended for an imperfect of quale it might be corrected into the imperfoot of धाम् Read 'न्य गाव.
" Band षमासमा.

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“ Vemalurpadu Plates of Ammaraja II".
ಕವನತರಂಗಹಾನ್ಯಾವನವಾನಿಸಿದ ರ್ತ ಸ ಗೌಪ್ಯವೇಶನಕಾಡ್ರನ ಫ್ಯಾಕಾಶ ಪ್ರಾರ್ಥನೆ 2 ಸವ'ವೆಅಷ್ಟಾಪನ(ಪಾನ್ ಶೇಷಣ್ಣಿನಶಾಣಪ್ರಸಾಷನ್ನಷ್ಟಷಟ್ * ಘನವಾಡವಪುತ್ರ. ಅಪ್ರಾತವವನ್ನು 4 ಎನ್ ಮತ್ತು ನಶವ ಪತನೆ ಪತ್ರವುಆಟವಟ(ತಪ್ಪು ಫಲವೆನನಷಪಾತತ್ವಪಥ್ಯ ಇಷಸವಣ್ಣ ಸತತ 6 ಸ್ವತಂತ್ರ ವಿತರಣೆಯಾಗಯಾಸಿಟಿ'ಅಪನಗಳು
iia.
ತೃಣತನೇಪಣೆ ಸ್ಥಾನವತಾಜ್ಞಾನವಾಪರಿದ್ದ 10 ನಿಶ್ಚಿತವಾಸವನ್ನು ಪ್ರವೇಶಿಸುತ್ತಿ೬ಸಾಕ್ಷತನ ಪ್ರತಳಪಟ್ಟ 10
ಚಪಾಗಿ ಕಾಪಾಡಪಟ್:ಮಣ ಇದ್ದಾವಲ್ಲಭತ್ವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿದ್ದರು! 12 (2) ಪ್ರಸ್ ವತ್ಸ ನಶವ ಪತ್ತಾಪುಜಾಪ್ಪಭಾವಪುಜಾನಪು - 12 - ಜಂತಾ:/ುತ್ವ ಪಪತತ ಪತಮಸಪ್ರಸುರ್ತನ್‌ಷಿಪಸಭ್ಯ 14 ಪ್ರಾಣಾಪ್ರಸಪ್ಪ ಅಪಗಳಾಗಿವತ್ರನಾ ತಂತಾನ ರೈತಾಪ ಹೆದ 14 54 ಸತತೆ ಕಾಪಾತ್ರೆಶೆಕಲಿಕೆಪೋಸ್ಟಾerಯ್ಯ ಅವರು
iib.
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| TAಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರವಾಸದ ಪ್ರಪಟ ಠಾಣವೆಗೆ - ಸಪ್ಪನಪ್ರತ 20 ವಷ ವೇನೇಹದಲಿ ಇಟ್ಟಿಗೆ ಕಡಿತ – ತವರು 20
' * *ತನ್ (ಪವಪಾಪಪಟುತ್ವm Tejವ 22 ಸ್ಪ. ಲ್ಲಿ ಕಲಿಸುತ್ತಾನದ ತಾಯಪ್ಪ ತಾಪಾe 22 - ಮಗಾ.ವ.ವೈಪಶಿವ ತನ್ನನ್ನು ಕತಯ ತಪುಪ್ಪ
53. 24 ನ ನ 43 ಇ ರ್ವ) ವನಪು 65110ರೊವೇಗ ನ್ನ
iiia.
26
. .. ಸಾವಿಬೆಟವಣ್ಣವ್ಯಾಪ್ತಿ ಲಾಲು ಪ್ರಸಕ್ತ ವೇತನ ತ. 28 ಇಸವಪ್ರಸರಸಿದ್ಧ ಪ್ರವನ್ನು ವ್ಯಾಪಿನಾಶಪಾಣಿನಿತ್ಯ : ಹೌ 28
ಸವ) - ಎದೆ ಮನುಷTಂವಹನದ ಶತಣಿಸುವ 30 ಸತಾಪ ] ಸಾನ.
ನನ್ನೆನಪಷ್ಟವಶಾತ್ತ ವನ್ನು 30 8 ಪು. 7ನೆ / ತಪಸತು ಎಚಳುವಳನಾ ವೃತ್ರನನಚಿತ್ರ 32 5 ನೇ ನೈವ'ಶೆತಾಸಿನವರ್ಘ ತಪಪ್ರತಿ ವಷ್ರವೂಶನ್ಸಈ 32
A. - ವ ಇತನ :ಹವ ಪ್ರತಿ ಅಂಗುಷ/ವಶವತಾe . 34 ವಸಂತಿ).ಪುಪತವಕಾಶವಿ ಸುಪ್ಪತ್ತು 34
SURVEY OF INDIA.
H. KRISHNA SASTRI.
SCALE. 5.

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irib.
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ಕ ಸನಶಾಸ್ತ್ರಾಥಾ 48 ಭಿನ್ಯ ನುಡಿಸುವ ಪ್ರಯವಂತ ಕೋತಿ
ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರತ್ಯಕ್ಷ ಸಾತತನರ್ತಕತ 50 ತತವ್ಯಸ.ಸ೮ ಪತೈಕಾಸವನಾತ್ಯತತ್ವವನಾವಸ್ಥಈಟಿವಿ ಅಕ ಸಂತೃಪ್ತತನತ್ತ ತಪ್ರಾಶಸIGತ್ತಾತ್ಮನಾ ಸ ಇಹ ಪ್ರಜೆ 52 ಮಾತೃಭದ್ರೇಶ್ವಾಪಸಾಷ್ಟಾಂಪತತ ತಪಸ್ತಾಪ ಇವಾಹಕ/ಆಧಾರ | G9ಕನಸಾದರಪತಿ
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ತೆಳು ಕೈ - ಕಷ್ಟ ನಿವಾಸಕ್ಕೆ
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Sex
66 ಕತ್ತರಕ್ಕೆ ಪಾವಗಡಿಪಸ್ @
66 ಸತತ ನಾಮ ಜಪ 68 @೦ಸಗಿನಜಿತಸಈ ಹಸ್ತಪತಿ ಆಳ... ಪಪಾತ್ರೆ: 68
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ದ ಸಪ್ಪುತಿನ್ 'ಯಾTಶವ ಸ್ತ್ರ) 42 70 ಆ ರಸ ಇತ್ತಾಹವಾತ 72 2 53 ಸಜಿಪ ಪ್ರಸವಿದ ಕಣಕ್ಕೆ ಇತ್ಯಾದre: 72
ನಸ ಪಡಿವತ್ರನಾ ತಾತ್ರ 74 ಪ್ರಕರನತೆ | ಪNG Y(ನ 1.ಸ. ಸ . 74

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No. 25.]
33 नाकृतेः कुमाराभः [*] लोकमहादेव्य [r* ]: खलु यस्समभवदम्मराजाख' [॥ ८*] 34 श्रमाधीशस्ततोभुत्परबलजयिनो' भिमभूपस्य पुत्र
VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
Third Plate; Second Side.
35 श्वत्रान्ते वज्ञभेन प्रहृतमपि पुन: पट्टद्म [1*][1]य धर्मर्था- ' 36 [1]][1]तर्त्तसिडेब्विनयपरभृहत्भीमराजस्य' पौनो यव्व-"
37 श्रोराज्यकण्ठाभरणविलसतो विक्रमांकस्य नप्त [ r * ]
38 तमनोविशुद्धः पराप्रियान्मुक्तवचोविशुद्धः [*] परोपकरि 39 free मत्वमिति विशुडो सुसियाभिधानः [ ॥ १०* ] श्रीमन्मह [1*]40 र[1*]जपदोत्तमस्य शिट्टेहबन्दुप्रियदर्शनस्य' [it] देवावृण[r*]
41 मि प्रतिचतोलं पुवोभवत्सत्कुलनन्दनस्य [ ॥ ११* ] गुण्डमय्याभिधा
42 नस्य षटुकारिणमदा [it] पौत्रो भारद्वाजस्य गोत्रेणामितते [ज]43 स [: ॥ १२* ] स्वामिनातुलयोष्टतस्य " पारंगस्य " नतु [1"] दुग्गराजेन" विज्ञा
• Read नाख्य:
• Read : न्या. • Read योद Instead of श्रौयौवराज्य.
॥ [*] परस्खसन्त्य -
44 पितोम्म[र]ाज:'" तस्मो 45 विग्रहारन्दास्य [[*] मोति
षिक्तो हि
46 षत्क[सं] व्वत्सरपह्वच: [1] महाहवेषु प्रसभब्रिहत्य रिपुनने कान्प्रिवभ[1]-20 47 ति नित्यं [ ॥ १३* ] सोयं समधिगतपंचमह [ 1 * ] शब्दपरमब्रह्मष्यपरमभट्टार48 कपरमम[r*]हेश्वरो मातापितृभक्त [: *] (i) करवासिनो” राङ्गकूटप्रमु 49 खाकुटुंबिना [1*]मेव समायेत्यमाज्ञापयति" [ ॥"] विदितम50 स्तु वः । इट्टेश्वरप्रस[1] दस्त" सर्व्वजिवदयावतः:" [1*] नित्यधर्म्मादथक [1*]मस्य"
' Read चन्द्माचोशलतोभूत्प
• Read 'मुडीम
The metre seems to have induced the author to use the impossible form
Fourth Plate; First Side.
प्रसवचित्तः स्व[r] मिहिताय प्रीतीपुर्व्वन्तव" मप्रतिवचनमुक्तव[[*]न् ॥ स यम्वराज्याष्टसमेभि- "
11 Road दुरा
1 Road यौवराज्ये..
10 Road राह.
n Road सजीव
Read पकारी.
• The metre of Pida 3 is faulty.
11 Read पाव्ड गस्य and cf. above, Vol. V, p. 125, text line 35.
Read perhaps fate.
10 Read perhaps er.
13 Read राजस
10 Road रिपून.
19 Read समाइयें.
Road चर्चार्थ.
231
Road भोम
14 Read प्रीतिपूर्व
17 Read
20 Read perhaps ex.

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232
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XVIII.
51 किमतो मुसियस्थ ते [१४] अमराजाभिधानायो' माचन्द्रावुभो'
स्मृती [*] तवकीभू52 य किं चित्रं प्रजानां हितकारिणौ ॥ [१५] भण्मगुरुन[[*]मग्र[[*] मे
दक्षिणदिग्भागे 53 राजविषयाध्यक्षसत्कारपूर्वकं दशकारिकोदवबोजावापक्षेत्रमादाय' 54 अण्डेकिनामग्राम उत्तरदिग्भागे पूर्ववहशखारिकोद्रवबीजावापक्षेत्र.
___Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 55 माद[*]य येतस्मिन्नामे' अभ्यन्तरीक्तत्व कारंचेतव्यय' क्रीविकुलाय 56 भारद्वाजगोवाय मुसियनशाणे सर्बपरित[*]रीत्व उत्तरायननिमि] 57 तुमियवेशियपूगिडनामग्र[*]मादिकायमग्रा[*] . प्र[*]दात् ॥ प्रस्थाव58 धयः पुर्वत: मेदकोण्ड दक्षिणत: गहिपुण्डी" पथिमत: कोण्डन[*]
मग्र[*][मः] 59 उतरत अस्मणं] गुरुनामम[*]मः । क्षेत्रसिमानि पुर्वत: मु[य]खिकुट्टन 60 शामी" [1]न्नेयत: गुण्ट दचिनतः गुण्टेटिप" कठिकति []वुल" गीनु [ना]. 61 रितित' वेंच दक्षिनमुन परवुलु पचिमत: एटिय कमिति चटखलु] 62 व[*] यव्यतः [कुण्ट] उत्तरंडरतः चचिगुण्ट इममत:" मुय्यलिकुट्टन वेज68 eerयु ॥ अस्योपरि न केनचित्वाधा" कर्तव्या [*] यः करोति स
पंचमहापात. 64 कोर्युल्को" भवति [*] [यः] प[*] लयति स पुखो भवति ॥ तथ[rij
चोक्तं रामभद्र[ण] [*] 66 स[[*]म[*] न्योयन्धम[भ] तन्दि]पा[f कनकल पालनोयो भवत्मिः" [1]
सा Read perhaps श्रीमती. - Read मायौं.
*Read भी अनी. • Read तावे. • Read दमखारि.
• Read एत. - Rond °डुबालव्याय.
• Read पनि. •A doubtfal symbol is entered below the चिवचिव.
"Read पूर्वत:" Read पुखि. - Read उत्तरत:.
"Read °सीमानि पूर्णत: 1. Read et. "Road चाग्मेषत:
"Read दधिपत:Read °टिय.
"Mr. Krishna Sastri correote this into वेमल. "Road नेतन:"Read उत्तर:
M Read ऐमानत:1 I owe the reading of this ward to Mr. Krishna Smatri. "Road "चिवाधा. "Read °पातलो .
"Road भट्रेप. WRend तुर्व पायां कारी काल. MRead अवधिः

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No. 25.]
VEMALURPADU PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
Fifth Plate. 66 नेतान्भ[*] विना:' पार्थिवेन्द्र [T] भूयोभु[यो' या]चते रामभद्रः ॥ [१६*]
मइंशज[1]67 प्पराम[हीप तिवंशजाव पापादपतमन[सो] भुवि [भा]विभूपाः [*] ये 68 प[*]लयन्ति मम धाममिमं समस्तन्तेष[*]मयं विरचितोंजलिरीष मु. 69 त्रिं ॥ [१७] बहुभिर्वसुध[*] दत्ता बहुभिचानुपलता' [*] यस्य यस्य
यदा भूमिस्त70 स्यतस्य तदा फलं [॥ १८*] खदत्ता परदत्तावां' यो हरेत वसुन्धरा [*] षष्टि71 वर्षसहसनि विष्टायां जायते क्रिमिः । [१९] मान्यं विंशतिखारीको72 द्रववीजावापक्षवं [*] पाञप्तिरस्य धम्मस्व कटकेशो यशोनिधिः ॥ [२०] 78 वंगिपवस्तय॑नात्रेयगोत्रेण भट्टगुण्डेन विरचितं काव्य[म् ।*] 74 सौ भागद्दयन्दत्तं ॥ घनवट्टयो रोजेन लिखित: ॥ सिवमस्तु" ॥५
TRANSLATION.
[As far as line 33, the text is identical with that of the Maliyapundi grant, lines 3-34, as translated above, Vol. IX, p. 55.]
(Verse 8.) Ammarāja (II) who was born to him by Lökamahädēvi, just as Kumāra to Mahesvara by Uma ;ls
(V. 9.) From her (viz. Lõkamahādēvi) was born the lord Amma (II), the son of prince Bhima (II) who vanquished the armies of enemies; the grandson of the modest great king Bhima (I)4 who seized and wore again at the top (?) of (his) parasol the diadem although it had been struck at by Vallabha, (and) who duly attained success by righteousness ;16 the great. grandson of Vikramănka?? who was resplendent with the neck-ornament of the glorious dignity of heir-apparent (yuvarāja).
(V. 10.) Thou whose name is Musiya, the best of the twice-born (Brāhmaṇas), (art) pure in three (respects). For, (thou art) pure in thoughts which are removed from the pro. perty of others, pure in words which are devoid of unkindness to others, and pure in deeds, being) a benefactor of others.'
1 Read माविनः * Read it.
Read जापरम". • Read धर्म. • Read मधि.
• Read पालिता. - Read °दत्ता वा.
• Read °सहस्राणि विछायां. • Read वास्तव्येना 10 Read लिखितं.
"Read शिव 1: A flower is engraved at the end of this line. 18 This verse is identical with verse 9 of the Maliyapūndi grant.
By mistake the panegyrist has omitted one generation (Vijayaditya IV). For, Amma ll was not the grandson, but the great-grandson, of Bhimal.
16 Or, who duly attained (the surname) Ritasiddhi.' 16 For this meaning of na plā see above, Vol. IV, p. 329, note 2, and Vol. IX, p. 319, note 1.
1 In reality Amma II was not the great-grandson, but the grandson of the grandson of Vikramaditya I. cf. note 14, above.
21

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234
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
(V. 11 f.) He (viz. Musiya) was the son of him who was the best of (those bearing) the glorious title of Mahārāja, whose sight pleased wise men, friends, and relatives, who fully discharged the debts to the gods, etc.,' (and) who graced a noble family ; (and he was) the grandson of him whose name was Gundamayya, who always fulfilled the six duties (of a Brāhmaṇa), who was a Bhāradvāja by götra, (and) whose dignity was boundless.
(Ll. 43-45.) Having been requested by (Musiya's) lord Durgarāja, the great-grandson of Pā[pda]ränga whose fighting-power had been unequalled, -Ammarāja (II), whose heart was pleased with this devoted servant (viz. Musiya), replied :- I shall gladly grant an agrahāra to your minister.'
(V. 13.) This (king), who had been anointed to the dignity of heir-apparent at the age of) eight years (and) crowned at the age of) twice six years, is always resplendent, having forcibly slain many enemies in great battles.
(LI. 47-49.) He who has attained the five great sounds, who is deeply attached to Brāhmaņas, the supreme lord, the fervent worshipper of Mabēsvara, who is devoted to (his) mother and father, having assembled all the ryots, headed by the Rashtrakūtas, inhabiting (the province of) Karma-rashtra, commands (them) as follows:
(LI. 49-57.) Be it known to you (that), having greeted the royal superintendent of the district (rāja-vishay-ādhyaksha), having cut off a field requiring as seed ten khäris of kodrava on the southern side of the village named Apmapanguru, having cut off likewise a field requiri..g as geed ten khāris of kodrava on the northern side of the village named Andeki, having joined (these two fields) to this village, he has given,' at the occasion of the wintersolstice (uttarāyana), the two villages named Tumiyavepiyapundi, etc., (as) an agrahāra, having provided (them) with all immunities, to Musiyanasarman who resided at Karamchôd[u]," belonged to the family of Krövi (and) to the Bhäradvāja-götra.'
(V. 14.)0 To thee, the glorious Musiya who desires the favour of (his) lord, who shows compassion to all beings, (and) who is always eager for virtue and politics, (he has made this grant).'12
(V. 15.) The meanings of the two words ammals and rājan are declared to be mother' and 'moon' (respectively). Is it wonderful (that) these two are beneficial to the subjects (of a king) if they have become united (in the name Ammarāja)?
1 See T'aidiriya-Samhita, VI, 3, 10, 53-aarait à neufanaat 144 wwwūferita awat faaxa:.
* These six duties are enumerated by Manu (1,88; X, 75) and in the Bandhayana-Dharmaitra, I, 10, 18. 2: च ख' महिमामं ब्राझोष्वदधादध्ययनाध्यापमयननयाजनदानप्रतियहरू युनं वेदाना मुम्य.
The pedigree of Pandar[8]oga in the Maliyepåpdi grant (above, Vol. IX, p. 56) shows that naptá has to be taken, here too, in the sense of a great-grandson.' Of. above, p. 288, note 16.
. This title, which is restricted to feudatory chiefs, suggests that Durgarajy, and not his sovereign Amma II, is meant here. Cf. Fleet's remarks, above, Vol. XII, p. 266 and note 2.
* See above, Vol. XIII, p. 121, note 1. . See above, Vol. V, p. 121, note 14.
The subject of this sentence is probably king Amma It.
• Is this the new name that was bestowed on the two fields 1 Perhaps the first field had originally borne the name of Tamiyapandi, and the second one that of Veniyapundi.
This village is mentioned three times, and its name is spelled Karañchodu (with dental d) in every che, in grant of Narendrampigarāja ; see Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 418.
10 This verse and the next one are inserted after the words be it known to you ' in line 50 11 s.c. of Durgarāja whose minister he was see line 44 f. 13 Sapply prädd from line 57. 1 Thlo to one of the Dravidian words meaning' mother.'

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(LI. 57-59.) The boundaries of this (agrahāra are) - To the east Mēdalkonda ; to the south Gattipündi; to the west the village named Lēmkonda ; to the north the village named Apmaņanguru.
(L). 59-63.) The limits of the fields (are) To the east a damit (tree) at the meeting point of three boundaries;' to the south-east a pond (gunta); to the south & gönu (tree) with margosa trees on the bank of the Gunţēru (river); to the south-west the salt marshes on the southern side of a lake; to the west . . . . . on the bank of the river; to the north-west & pond ; to the north the Chaligunta (pond); to the north-east a white stone at the meeting-point of three boundaries.
(L. 63 f.) Nobody should cause obstruction to him (viz. the donee). He who does (it) will be guilty of the five great sins. He who protects (the gift) will gain merit. And Rāmabhadra has spoken thus :
[LI. 65-71 contain four of the customary verses (16-19).] (L. 71 f.) The grant (mānya) is a field requiring as seed twenty khāris of kõdrava. (V. 20.) The executor (ājñapta) of this charity (was) the famous chief of the camp.
(L. 73 f.) The poetry was made by Bhattagunda who resided at Vangiparu' (and) belonged to the Ātrēya-gotra. To him two shares (of the grant) were given. Written by Ghanavațţa-Bi[ro]ja. Let there be prosperity!
No. 26.-SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I: SAKA-SAMVAT 793.
BY PROFESSOR D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., PH.D., CALCUTTA. The copper-plates, which are being edited here for the first time, were originally lying with my brother, the late Professor Shridhar Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, Elphinstone College, Bombay. They were originally discovered, so I was told by him, at Sanjān in the Țhāņā District, Bombay Presidency, and were forwarded to him for decipherment by & Parsi friend of his, whose name I do not know.
At my suggestion, however, Professor S. R. Bhandarkar published a note on two verses from this grant to show the contemporaneity of the Rashtra kūta king Govinda III, the Pratihāra ruler Nāgabhata, the Kanauj sovereign Chakräyudha, and the Gauda king Dharmapāla. These plates constitute the first genuine record of the Rashtrakūta king Amoghavarsha, hereupto known. It is true that many inscriptions of his time have come to light, but none of them seems to have directly emanated from him. The best known of these is the Konnūr stone inscription of Saka 782 which, however, is not an original record of the
1 Prosopis spicigera. * For muyyalikuttu see above, Vol. IV, p. 96, noto 4. · [The word paruvulu has been taken to be the plural of para=& salt marsh.-H. K. 8.) • Here the two fields specified in lines 52-55 are added up.
This is only a half-verse.
• The word yasonidhi is perhaps a general epithet, and not a proper name. The katakāda probably was Durgarāja himself. Cf. above, Vol. IX, p. 50.
"A village named Vangiparru is mentioned four times in a grant of Narendramrigarāja ; see Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 418.
Rie., Viropādhyāya of Ghanavatta. For öja see above, Vol. VIII, p. 140, note 8, and Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary, s.v. õju.
Hore I wish to thank my pupils Messrs. Rakhohari Chatterjee and Chintaharon Chakri varti, to whom a good deal of credit is due for this work. 10 J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 116 and fl.
2 & 2

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ruler but professes to be a mere copy of a copper-plate charter of his, prepared about the middle of the 12th century A.D.
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The plates are three in number, each about 18" long and 10" broad. The edges of them all are fashioned slightly thicker, so as to serve as rims for the protection of writing. The record is inscribed on the inner side of the first and third plates and on both sides of the second. The plates are strung together by a stout elliptical ring of about 48" and 37" in diameter and of about " in thickness, passing through holes on one side of each plate. The ring was intact when the plates were examined. The ends of the ring are soldered into a roughly square seal, which measures 17" in height and breadth, and bears, in relief, on a counter-sunk surface, as the principal figure, an image of Garuda, on a lotus seat facing full front, with his prominent beaknose and holding a snake in each hand. Two discs are seen above the ears of Garuda, but it is difficult to say what they represent. On Garuda's proper right, there is a representation of Ganapati in the upper corner, and lower down an indistinct chauri and a lamp. On his left, near the top is some goddess, standing in front of an animal (perhaps a lion) and holding a ladle in her right hand; below her is a chauri, and, near the bottom, a Svastika.1 Beneath the central figure are in relief the letters: Srimad-Amoghavarshadēvasya.
The engraving is clear and on the whole well-executed, but the record is full of inaccuracies due chiefly to the incorrect draft written by the scribe on the plates. The characters agree fully with those of other Rashtrakuṭa records of the period. The language is Sanskrit throughout. Excepting the introductory "Om Svasti," the inscription is in verse down to line 57 (Third Plate). As regards metrology attention may be drawn to verses 23 and 39. The metre of these is Mattebhavikriḍita, which is not found in classical literature. It is not noticed in the Sutras of Pingala, Vrittaratnakara or Chhandomañjarī, but is described in the Chhandomañjari-parisishta as sabha-ran-mau ya-la-gas-trayodasa-yatir-Mattebhavikriditam. As regards orthography I might say that (1) v is almost invariably written for b; (2) a consonant is invariably doubled after r, in the case of y, n, t, m, dh, n, p, k, and also v when not followed by y (cf. nirvyapēksham in 1. 7), but not always in the case of g and j (cf. Karahada-vinirggata in 1. 60 and yasörjjana in 1. 20, but vishaya-vinirgata in l. 61 and 'r-örjita in l. 8); (3) Visarga when followed by &, sh or sis, as a rule, changed to that letter; (4) gh for h is found in one instance only (cf. Ayodhyasinghasana in 1. 8, Pl. I); (5) final n is sometimes replaced by m (cf. sva-bhrityäm jhatiti in l. 13, and tām bhubhṛito in 1. 15) and m by n (in gadhan-gajar, 1. 21, very rare); (6) upadhmaniya is frequently though not invariably used (cf. bhedah-pasūnām-iva, 1. 40, but not in turagaiḥ pitañ-cha, 1. 21); (7) the vowel ri and the syllable ri are sometimes interchanged (thus in kirttis-trilokyän, 1. 33, and trinagra-lagna, 1. 71);(8) t is, as a rule, doubled when followed by r; and lastly (9) in prose portions Visarga is retained in some instances where it should be replaced by o (cf. paschimataḥ Nandagrāmaḥ in 1. 65, Pl. III), and in some places where it should be elided (cf. Dakshinatah Uppala, etc., in l. 65).
The first thing that strikes one about the contents of this grant is that some of its verses are identical with those in the Konnue Inscription of Amoghavarsha published by the late Prof. Kielhorn. Thus verses 2-15 of the latter are identical with stanzas 2-3, 6, 8, 10-12, 27, 29, 36, 45, and 50-53 of the former with slight variations in some cases. With reference to the Konnur Inscription, Prof. Kielhorn expresses the opinion about the middle
1 The figures on the seal are on the whole similar to those of the Cambay plates. (Above, Vol. VII, pp. 26-7.) [For the use of this metre in Kanarese inscriptions as well as literature see, for instance, above, p. 197, v. 4, p. 206, v. 1, p. 207, v. 3, etc., Vol. XVIII, p. 172, v. 1, or Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. IV, part II, p. 384, Inscription No. 76, of Nagamamgala Taluq and Adipampa's Adipuräna, quoted in Karnataka Karicharitě, Vol. I, PP. 26-27, or Nagavarman's Käryävalokanam, p. 10, v. 59, or Andayya's Kabbigara Kavam (Karnataka Kavyamañjari Series No. 2), p. 5, v. 19.-Ed.]
Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, pp. 29 and .

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of his paper that "the genealogy was concocted some time after the date which is recorded in this inscription, and has not been copied from a genuine copper-plate charter of Amõghavarsha I." The same view he sets forth more clearly at the end of that paper. "Stating distinctly what I have indicated above," says he, "I consider it possible that lines 1-59 of this inscription really were based on a copper-plate charter ; at the same time, I feel certain that, if such was the case, the transcribers have taken so great liberties with the original as to deprive this copy of the value of an authentic document." The present plates, however, enable us to decide how far Kielhorn's opinion is correct. A comparison of lines 1-14 of the Konnür Inscription with the genealogical portion of these plates leaves no doubt as to the lines 1-59 of the former being copied on stone from a genuine charter of Amõghavarsha I, as the concluding part of it informs us. But what about the glaring blunders in the genealogy which Kielhorn has detected in the Konnūr Inscription? How did they arise? In the first place, in our plates also the father of Govinda I is called Přichchha karāja, as the same verse occurs in both the records. Přichchhakarāja may be a new name not known from previous Rashtra kūţa grants, but that does not mean that it is a fabrication. And, as a matter of fact, it may be another name of Indrarāja who is mentioned as the father of Govinda I in the fragmentary Ellorā Daśāvatāra cave temple inscription. Again, Kielhorn says that the Konnür Inscription makes Prabhūta varsha (-Govinda II) a son of his younger brother Dhārāvarsha, and consequently Prabhūta varsha (Govinda III) not a nephew but a son of the former. This discrepancy, flagrant though it appears, can be easily explained away by the mention of the fact that Dhārāvarsha-sutas of the inscription is a misreading of the transcribers for the correct wording Dhārārarshasutatas, such as that supplied by our grant. Then, again, Kielhorn tells us that in the Konnur epigraph Karkarāja I is called Karkara, an apparently later form of the name. Here, also, the transcribers must have read Karkkara-prabhuḥ wrongly in place of Karkkarāt prabhuḥ as appears in our grant. And it can scarcely be disputed that Karkkarāt is precisely the same word as Karkkarāja. This name occurs in v. 4 of the Konnür record, which, however, begins with Indr-āvanipāla-sutēna dharini instead of dhanus-samutsāritabhubhritā mahi as in our plates. This discrepancy alone is of a serious character as it makes Indra not a son but father of Karkkarāja. It is, however, possible to get over this difficulty by taking Imdr-āvanipāla-sutēna as a bahuvrihi compound. In this connection we have to bear in mind the fact that of all the verses common to the Konnür Inscription and our charter, this is the only stanza where one whole line is entirely different. Was it deliberately composed and inserted or is it an example of sheer carelessness? If the introductory portion of the former is compared to that of the latter, it will be seen that the former, as it were of set purpose, wants to bring the genealogical account into the narrowest possible compass. This is quite clear from the fact that verses 12 and 27 of our charter, which are the same as verses 8 and 9 of the Konnur Inscription, are connected with each other in the latter record by the two words: tasya sutah. It is not impossible that the transcribers are responsible for this abridgement as their main object must be to give in full only those details that relate to the grant proper and curtail them rigorously in all other respects. And it is not inconceivable that in their zeal to epitomize the genealogy they may have coined the line Indr-āvanipālasutēna dhārini, which if we take it to be a bahuvrihi compound, can be made to yield the sense that Indra was the son of Karkkarāja, and can thus make one verse serve the purpose of two.
The charter is one of the Rashtrakuța prince Amoghavarsha described in 11. 57-58 as the Parama-bhaffäraka-Mahārājādhirāja-Paramësvara-Prithvivallabha the prosperous Vallabhana. rēndra dēva, who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattāraka-Mahārājādhirāja-Paramēšvara,
1 Arch. Sury. West. Ind., Vol. V, p. 87.

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the prosperous Jagattungadēva. It records that in the Saka year 793 when Amöghavarsha was staying at Mänyakhöța, his capital, he granted to four Brahmans the village of Jharivallikā from the Twenty-four-village Group adjacent to Samjana for the purpose of maintaining the bali, charu, vaisvadēva, agnihotra and atithitarpana sacrifices. The donees are all Brāhmans of the Bahvpicha-sakha. Two of them, namely, (1) Narasimha-Dikshita, son of GolaShadangavid and grandson of Sāvikūvāra, and (2) Rakshāditya-Kramavid, son of Govinda-Bhatta and grandson of Bhatta, were of the Bharadvāja-gotra. The third, Trivikrama-Shadangavid, son of Vishnu-Bhatta, grandson of Dāvadi-Gabiyasahāsa, belonged to the Vaddamukha-götra ; and the fourth and last, Kösava-Gahiya sa hāsa, son of Goväditya-Bhatta and grandson of Hari-Bhatta, was of the Vatsa-götra. They all hailed from the same district, namely, Karabada. They were probably the Karhādā Brāhmans.
Having thus disposed of the formal part of the grant, we shall now see what historical in. formation can be gleaned from the introductory metrical portion, which sets forth the genealogy. After the introductory Om, it opens with the well-known invocatory verse with which most of the Răshtrakūta records begin. The next verse is in praise of Vira-Närāyana, by whom is here to be understood not only the god Nárāyaṇa, the originator of the Rashtrakūta family, but also Amogha varsha, the Rashtrakūta king, the donor of the grant, who bore that epithet. In verse 3 we are told that in the line of the Yadus there was a king Govinda, son of Psichchhakarāja. This Govinda is, of course, Govinda I of the Rashtrakūta dynasty of Mänyakhēta. He was succeeded by Karkka, on whom nothing but conventional praise is bestowed in vv. 4-6. Verse 7 says that after him came Indrarāja, who married the daughter of a Chalukya king at Khetaka by the Rākshasa form of marriage. This clearly shows that the Rashtrakütas, in the time of Indrarāja, came first into hostile contact with the Chalukyas not of the Dekkan but of Gujarat, for the seat of this Chālukya power is mentioned as Khőtaka, the same as Kairă in North Gujarät. These Chalukyas must, therefore, be the Gujarat branch of the main dynasty ruling at Bädāmi. In this connection is worth noting the Antröli-Chhäröli (in Surat) copper-plate grant of Kakka, dated Saka 679=A.D. 757. This record mentions-(1) a Rashtrakūta prince named Karkka, (2) his son, Dhruva, (3) his son, Govinda, and (4) his son, Karkka II, with whose name are coupled the titles Mahārājādhirāja, Paramesvara and Paramabhattāraka. One feels exceedingly tempted to say that the third and fourth of these princes are identical with their namesakes who preceded Indrarāja, father of Dantidurga. One is, however, confronted with the difficulty that whereas under this supposition we have the date Saka 679 for Karkka, we have Saka 675 for his grandson, Dantidurga, supplied by his Sämangadh charter. This difficulty, however, is not insuperable, because there are reasons to doubt the genuineness of this last record. That the portion of it relating to the details of the village granted has been tampered with was pointed out long ago by Dr. Fleet when he edited the inscription. And the authenticity of the record as a whole has recently been called in question by Dr. V. S. Sukthankar on palæographic grounds. Thus the date furnished by the Sämangadh grant is not above doubt, and the identification just pointed out may hold good. We may thus take it that before the time of Dantidurga his predecessors were occupying South Gujarāt.
Verse 8 tells us that Indrarāja was succeeded by Dantidurga, of whom the next verse says that when in Ujjain the various Kshatriyas performed the ceremony, namely, the Great Gift of Hiranyagarbha, he made the Gurjara and other lords his door-keepers (pratihāra). The verse evidently means in the first place that Dantidurga either performed himself or took a
1 F. Kielhoru'. List of Inscriptions of Southern India, No. 64.
Iod. An, Vol. XI, P. 110. . Above, Vol. XIV, p. 121, n. 6, and p. 122.

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prominent part in this Hiranyagarbha ceremony in Ujjain. And this receives confirmation from a stanza occurring in the Dasavatara cave temple inscription at Ellora. This inscription gives Mahārāja-Sarva as another name apparently for Dantidurga, and claims that in that very Ujjain, in order to enjoy a diversion with other princes, he instituted a mahā-dāna worthy of kings, and poured all kinds of wealth and precious stones on the supplicants. There can, therefore, be no doubt that Dantidurga had gone to Ujjain and performed the Hiranyagarbha ceremony. Secondly, verse 9 of our grant also implies that at Ujjain was then ruling a Gurjara dynasty called Pratihāra. There can be little doubt that this must be the Pratihara dynasty, that became supreme after seizing the throne of Mahodaya. We know for certain from epigraphic records that their capital became Mahodaya or Kanauj from the time of Bhoja I onwards. But we did not know with certitude where they were actually ruling before they became rulers of Kanauj. And it was a mere surmise when some scholars thought that it was Bhilmal or Bhinmal in South Rajputana. Our grant, however, enables us now to say definitely that their original seat of power was Ujjain. It also enables us to interpret properly the third line of the stanza so often quoted from the Jaina Harivansa of Jinasena. We can have no doubt now as to the correctness of Dr. Fleet's translation, which makes Vatsaraja king of Avanti. This Vatsaraja, of course, is the Vatsaraja of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty, and the Jaina Harivamsa may be regarded as strengthening the inference that the Pratihāras were estab lished at Ujjain and not Bhilmal before they transferred their capital to Kanauj. Dantidurga was succeeded by Subhatunga Vallabha (v. 10), that is, Krishna I, who is represented to have seized the Chalukya sovereignty. He was followed by Prabhutavarsha, that is, Govinda II, and the latter by Dhārāvarsha, that is, Dhruva (v. 12). Verse 13 contains no historical information, but the verse following says that Dhruva snatched away the royal parasols of the king of Gauda as he was fleeing between the Ganges and the Jumna. This Gauḍa king, who would be a contemporary of Dhruva, is either Dharmapala or his father Gopala, of the Pala dynasty. From the inscriptions of this family, however, Gōpāla does not seem to have been in any way a powerful prince; and we must, therefore, suppose that Dharmapala was the Gauda prince defeated by Dhruva. But the curious thing about this victory is that he was defeated not in his own country but outside. Does this not show that the Ganda prince had gone outside his dominions, perhaps, to help the king of Kanauj? This agrees with the fact, mentioned in the Baroda plates, that Dhruva seized the territory between the Ganges and the Jumna and thus added the emblems of the two rivers to his imperial insignia. This territory certainly coincides with the Kanauj kingdom, and what appears to have happened is that when, after defeating Vatsaraja, Dhruva was pressing his victories northwards, the Gauda king must have made common cause with the Kanauj sovereign, but that, when the Rashtrakuta prince inflicted a crushing defeat on the latter, he began to pursue the former and encountered him before he was able to reach his dominions. Verse 15 says that Dhruva's fame, which had already spread as far as the extremities of the earth, now extended to the heavens, implying that he died. The next verse furnishes Nirupama as an epithet of Dhruva, and tells us that, as soon as his son Govinda III was crowned king, he re-instated some of the feudatories in their own principalities, and, apparently against the wishes of his councillors, in particular, released the Ganga prince, who, as we know from the records, was imprisoned by his father. This move
1 Arch. Surv. West. Ind., Vol. V, p. 88.
2 Jour. R. As. Soc., 1909, p. 57; Smith's Early His. Ind., p. 378.
Above, Vol. VI, pp. 195-6. Verse 9 of this charter of Amoghavarsha was communicated to Dr. R. C. Majumdar for being utilised in his paper entitled the Gurjara-Pratihāras published in the Jour. Dept. Letters (Cal. Univ.), Vol. X (p. 25 and ff.).
Dr. Majumdar was the first to show that this verse of the Baroda Plates (Ind Ant., Vol. XII, p 159) was to be taken as referring to Dhruva, and not to Govinda III as had been done by Dr. Fleet (Jour. Dept. Letters, Vol. X, p. 35, n. 2).

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was apparently dictated by the disa ffection among the vassal kings who had transferred their allegiance from him to another overlord (v. 17). This is evidently a reference to his contending, immediately after his accession, against a confederacy of twelve kings led by Stambha, who can be no other than his elder brother Ranävaloka-Kambhadēva.' This opposition, however, he quickly put down. But the Ganga, whom he had released, refused to pay the fine imposed on him and had to be put in fetters again (v. 18).
Verses 19-20 contain nothing but conventional praise of Govinda III, but the second of these supplies for him a new epithet Tribhuvanadhavala, not known from previous records. From v. 21 begins the description of his expedition of conquest in the north. He appears first to have encountered and defeated Nāgabhata and Chandragupta. Who the second of these princes was it is not difficult to say. The only prince of that name who can be a contemporary of Govinda III is Chandragupta .of the Köbala country ruling at Sripura or Sirpur in the Central Provinces. The name of the family to which he belonged was Pāndava, but there can be no doubt that it was one of the paramount dynasties of the eighth and ninth centuries. As regards Nāgabhata, the other prince vanquished by Govinda III, there can be no question that he pertained to the Imperial Pratīhāra family and was the son of Vatsarāja, king of Avanti, referred to above. His victorious march in the north, as verse 23 tells us, continued till his horses drank and elephants plunged themselves into the spring waters of the Himalayas. And it was here that two more princes, Dharma and Chakrayudha, seem to have offered him their submission. This verse winds up by saying that he thus resembled the Himalayas in kirti or fame, and, therefore, came to be known as Kirtinārāyaṇa, which, we know, was another epithet of Govinda III. Of the two kings who submitted to him as he approached the Himālayas, Dharma has been recognised to be Dharmapāla of the Pāla dynasty, and Chakräyudha to be the prince of the same name who obtained the sovereignty of Kanauj through Dharmapāla.
From the Himalayas Govinda III returned to the Narmadā; and, turning to the east, be went along the bank of the river, conquering the Mālava, Kosala, Kalinga, Vanga, Dahala and Odraka countries (v. 24), and in this connection we are informed of another title that he bore, namely, Vikrama. Making his enemies submissive, he followed the other part of the river and established himself in a capital at the foot of the Vindhyas (v. 25). From verse 26 it appears that he was then in the kingdom of a small ruler, called Mahārāja Sarva, and in the bame verse we are further told that while he was encamped there, a son was born to him who was known as Mahārāja Sarvan and about whom, verses 27-8 tell us that the astrologers predicted a happy and brilliant future. Evidently there is a pun here on the terms Mahārāja and Sarvan. In one case they are taken as two separate words referring to . Mahārāja called Sarvan, no doubt, the Chief in whose principality Govinda III was temporarily settled on the banks of the Narmadā and at the foot of the Vindhyas; and, in the other case, the two terms are to be taken together so as to make Mahārāja Sarvan as the royal title by which we know Amöghavarsha, son of Govinda III, was known. What Verse 26 intends us to understand is that as Govinda III was turning to the west of the Narmadā and was temporarily established in the petty kingdom of his feudatory Sarvan, Amögh varsha was born. Similar information is contained in two other copper-plate grants of this king which tell us that after receiving the submission of the Mālava king, he marched to the Vindhy&s, where a prince named Mārāśarva conciliated him with his choicest heirlooms, and that he spent the rainy season at a place called Sribhavana. Märāśarva
Fleet's Dyn. Kan, Distr. (Bomb. Gazet., Vol. I, pt. II), p. 396. Above, Vol. VI, p. 195. ? Kielhorn's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 617. Above, Vol. XI, p. 185 and fl. * J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XXII, pp. 118-9. • above, Vol. VI, p. 174.
Ibid., p. 250.

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is evidently the same as Mahārāja Sarvan, and Srbhavana must be the capital of the principality of this ruler where Govinda III was encamped for the rainy season and where his son Amoghavarsha was born.
Verse 29 makes mention of the two titles which were borne by Govinda III, namely, Prabhätavarsha and Jagattunga; and the two verses following inform us that from this encampment in the Vindhyas he afterwards set out to attack and humble the Dravida kings. Who these Dravida kings were is made clear in verse 32, and it appears that in this expedition to the south he vanquished the Kērala, Pandya, Chaulika (Chõla) and Pallava. With these are also coupled in the same verse the rulers of Kalinga and Magadha and the Gurjara to show that he was rightfully styled Vikrama. Then we are told that, presumably in this excursion, he chained and put to death certain Ganga princes who had become disaffected (v. 33). They apparently do not include the Ganga ruler referred to in verse 18 above, and probably belonged to more than one Ganga family. Which these were exactly it is difficult to say. One of these was certainly the Western Ganga dynasty ruling over the Gangavādi province, and the other is probably what is called the Ganga-Pallava family. The second half of verse 33 informs us that he made his campground free of dust through the lords of mandalas by compensating them if they were friendly and by subjecting them to forced labour if they were otherwise, such as the Vëngi ruler was. This fact is also mentioned in the Rādhanpur charter of that king. Where this camp is to be located is not certain, but it seems to be Hēlāpurs of the next verse,-a place from where he is represented to have enforced the obedience of the king of Larkā (Ceylon) and his minister. As a result of this obedience he seems to have received two statues apparently of Rāvana, its most ancient and traditional ruler, which he, however, transferred to Kāñchi, and put up as two columns of fame before the temple of Siva. Where can this Hēlāpura be located ? According to the Rādhan. pur grant he was then encamped either on or near the Tungabhadra. Can this Heläpura be thus Vēlāpura or Bölūrs in the Hassan District of the Mysore State ?
Verses 35-36 speak of the death of Govinda III and the accession of his son, Amöghavarsha, to sovereignty. The subsequent four verses inform us that just when Amoghavarsha came to the throne, some of his feudatories, ministers and even relatives became disa ffected and raised the standard of revolt. But it was through the help of one Arya Pätālamalla that he succeeded in quelling the rebellion (v. 41). Nothing is known about this Pātāla malla from other records. One Sravana-Belgoļa inscription, no doubt, speaks of one Pätäla malla, elder brother of Vajjala dēva, a contemporary of the Rāshtrakūta king Indra IV. But this Pätälamalla would be a little too posterior to Amõghavarsha I in time. Then follow five 'verses, which are purely laudatory. And from verse 47 it appears that to ward off some public calamity the king who is here called Vira-Nārāyana cut off his left finger and dedicated it to the goddess, Mahālakshmi. What this public calamity was it is impossible to tell, but Mahālakshmi appears to be the same as that of Kolhāpur, which is described in one unpublished inscription as the adya-pitha, or original seat of that goddess.? The same goddess,
1 Rice' Mysore and Coorg, p. 60.
• Fleet takes it to be Månyakhēta which about this time became the capital of the Rashtrakūta dynasty (Dyn. Kan. Distr., pp. 396 and 402-3). But this has no foundation. The Karhad, Deoli and Kardå grants, again, say that the city of Manyakbēta was constructed (not merely completed), not by Govinda III, but by his son and successor, Amoghavarsha I. See above, Vol. IV, p. 287 ; Ibid., Vol. V, p. 193 ; and Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 268.
[Or perhaps of the king who reigned at the time and some other potentato connected with him. See Amir. • Khuro's Chronicle quoted in Mr. K. V. S. Iyer's Historic Sketches of Ancient Decoan, p. 300.-Ed.) . Above, Vol. VI. p. 250.
Dyn. Kan. Distr., p. 491, • Kielhorn's List of Macriptions of Southern India, No. 136. * Dyn. Kan, Distr., p. 540, note,
21

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again, was the family deity of at least one branch of the Silāhūra race. It is possible that Amõghavarsha made a gift of his finger as bali to Mahalakshmi of Kolhāpur to avert some calamity which threatened his kingdom. Verse 48 compares him to a Gupta king in point of generosity and decides in favour of the former. The Gupta prince was no doubt traditionally handed down as a donor, but he had stigmatized his career by killing his own brother, seizing the latter's kingdom and queen, and wresting heavy sums from her. Amoghavarsha, on the other hand, panted neither for kingdom nor for self, and freely gave them away several times. The latter point reminds us of the Prasnoltararatnamalika, the Digambara Jaina copies of which inform us that the work was composed by Amõghavarsha “after he had abdicated the throne in consequence of the growth of the ascetic spirit in him."! And it is quite possible that the figure of a royal ascetic found in & natural caverna at Bādāmi may represent this Amõghavarsha. But this was nothing more than a surmise, as the other copies of the work omitted all mention of the Rashtrakūta sovereign. But our plates now clearly show that Amõghavarsha abdicated his throne, not once but more than once, before Saka 793 (=A.D. 871), the date of the charter, when, however, he was carrying on his kingly duties. This shows that a king could In ancient times temporarily resign his sovereignty and enjoy the life of a hermit or ascetic. But who was the Gupta prince who was noted for his liberality up till the 9th century and who sinks into insignificance by comparison with Amõghavarsha ? The Gathā-saptašati of Hāla who is ascribed to the beginning of the sixth century and the Vāsaiadattā of Subandhu who has been placed in the same century but at its close, for the first time speak of a king called Vikramaditya renowned for his generosity. And it has been suspected that this Vikramāditya is either Chandra. gupta II or Skandagupta, both of the Imperial Gupta dynasty. Of the former, there is no record to lead us even to surmise that he ousted his brother and usurped the throne. In the case of Skandagupta, however, the Bhitari Pillar Inscription says that when his father (Kumāragupta I) died, the sovereignty of the family was tottering but that he put down his enemies and thereafter went to see his mother just as Krishna did Dēvaki. The reference to Krishna and Dēvaki indicates that this was a family feud and that his enemies in the present case were his kinsmen.& We also further know that Skandagupta had a brother named Ghatotkachagupta who was in charge of the Eran district when Kumāragupta I was alive. A seal of Ghatotkachagupta was also found in Basärh (ancient Vaisāli), which was the seat of the Yuvarāja during the Gupta rule. It appears probable that there was a fratricidal war between Ghatotkachagupta and Skandagupta in which the former was killed and the throne seized by the latter. It may not, therefore, be unreasonable to hold that Skandagupta-Vikramaditya was the Gupta king alluded to in our charter for comparison to Amõghavarsha,
The village granted, as we have seen, is Tharivallika which is said to be situated in the Twenty-four-village Gệoup of Samjána. The boundaries of the village are specified as follows:-To the east is the river Kalluvi, which falls into the sea ; to the south, the village of Uppalahatthaka; to the west, Nandagrāma; and to the north, the village of Dhannavallika. All these localities can be identified and are to be found in the northern part of the Thänā District of the Bombay Presidency. Samjāna is, of course, Sañjān, the original refuge
*R. G. Bhandarkar's Early His. Dek. (Bomb. Gast., Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 201). Prog. Rep. Arch. Surv., Ind., West Circle, for 1909-10, p. 42.
This Ascription is problematical for the age of Häls or of the Saptafati is still an open question. See, Sir George Grierson's note on Prakrit in the Encyclopædia Britannica (XI ed.), Vol. XXII, p. 253, Dr. Sten Konow's Essay on Rajasekhara in his edition of the Karpuramanjari, p. 193, Mr. A. C. Woolner's Introduction to Prakrit, p. 73, and Keith's Sanskrit Drama, p. 74. So the proposed identification of the Vikramaditya of this anthology would require further demonstration.Ed.]
Bhandarkar Com. Vol., p. 189. [His Bhitari Inscription would show that they were rather the Savage Hans.--Ed.]
• Ind. Ant., 1920, pp. 114-5. [In this connection we should not lose sight of the fact pointed out by Mr. Carde (loc. cit.) that the word expressing relationship of Ghatotkachagupta with Kamaragupta I is now not forthcoming in the document referred to.-Ed.]

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of the Parsis and the place from where these plates come. Jharivallikā is Zaroli; Kalluvi is the Kälū, also called Dārotā, which, no doubt, flows gradually westwards from this place till it falls into the sea. Uppalahatthaka is Uplat; Nandagrāma, Nandagaon%3 and Dhannavalliki, Dhanoli. All these places are traceable in Bombay Survey Sheets, Nos. 133E and 134.
- TEXT.
First Plate. 1 ओं' [*] स वोव्याद्देधसा धाम यवाभिकमलं तं । हरच यस्य
कान्तेन्दुकलया कमलंवत' [१] अनन्तभोगस्थितिरच पातु वः
प्रतापशीलप्रभवोदयाचलः [1] 2 'शराङ्गकूटोछितवंशपूर्वजः स वीरनारायण एव यो विभुः [२] तदीय
वीबीयतयादवान्वये क्रमेण वाविव रजसंचयः [*] वभूव गोविन्द
महीपतिर्भुवः' प्रसाधनो' पृच्छकराजनः ॥[३] वभार" य: कौस्तुभरवविस्फुरहमस्तिविस्ती
वर्णमुरस्खलं ततः [*] प्रभातभानुप्रभवप्रभाततं हिरण्मयं मेरुरिवा
भितस्तटं [४*] मनांसि 4 पचासमयानि" सन्ततं वांसि यत्कोर्तिविकीर्तनान्यपि । शिरांसि यत्पादन
तानि वेरिणां यांसि यत्तेजसि नेशरन्यतः ॥[५*] धनुरासुरसारितभू.
भृता मही प्रसारिता 5 येन पृथुप्रभाविना । महौजसा वैरितमो निराकृतं प्रतापशीलन स
कर्कराट् प्रभुः ॥[] इन्द्रराजस्ततीरशात" यश्चालुक्यनृपात्मजा [-]
राक्षसेन विवाहेन रणे खे6 टकमण्डपे" [७] ततोभवहन्तिघटाभिमईनो हिमाचलादास्थितसेतुसीमत: [1].
खलीलतोत्तमहीपमहलः कुलाप्रणीर्यो भुवि दन्तिदुर्मराट* ॥[*] हिरण्य7 गर्भ राजन्यैरुज्जयन्यां यदासितं [*] प्रतिहारीलतं येन गुर्जरेशादिराजकम्"
.n[e*] स्वयंवरीभूतरणांगणे ततस्मा निर्व्यपेचं शुभतंगवाभः [1] चकर्ष चालुक्यकुलबी
IFrom the original plates. * Expressed by a symbol. • Road सुरा . • Road बभूव. • Road प्रसाधन: 1. Read HTC " Read 'महापा " Read 'यिन्या.
• Metre: Anushtubh. Metre of this and of the following four verses : Vamasthavila.
'Read °महीपतिर्भुव:• Read राजनन्दन:
11 Read que 1Metre 1 Anushtabh.
"Metre : Vanjaathavila * Metre Anushțubb.
*212

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8. ' 'बलाfहलोलपातित्वजमावभारियां' ॥ [१०] 'अयोध्यसिंघासन चामरोतिसितातपचप्रतिपचराव्यभाक् [1] अकालवर्षी इतभूपराजको वभूव राज-' 9 रिषिरशेषपुण्यकृत् ॥[११* ] ततः प्रभूतवर्षोभूहारावर्षस्ततशरे रावर्षायितं
येन संग्रामभुवि भूभुजा ॥[१२] युषेषु यस्य करवालनितयतुमूर्ध्नावोष्णरुचिरासवपान
10 मतः । चाकष्टपूर्वषठरः परिदसम्म लुहारयविव स काहलधीरनादः" [१३] गङ्गायमुनयोर्मध्ये रात्री गौडस्य मध्यतः [*] लक्ष्मीलीलारविन्दानि श्वेतच्छत्राणि यो हरेत्" ॥[१.४* ]
यस्य
11 व्याप्ता विश्वश्वरान्तं मधिकरधवला यच कीर्त्ति समन्तात् प्रयच्कालि मुक्ताफलशतमफरानेकफेनीरूिपे" पारावारान्यतीरोत्तरचम विरजं कुर्वतीय
प्रयाता ख
12 वर्ग " गोर्खापहारद्दिरदसुरसरि हत्तराष्ट्रच्छलेन " ॥ [ १५* ] प्राप्तो राज्याभिषेक निरुपमतनयो य" स्वसामन्तवर्णास्वेषां " स्वसामन्तवर्णाक्येषा" सेषां पदेषु प्रकटमनुनये" स्थापयिथानय
13 वाम्" । पिचा यूय" समाना इति गिरमरथीन्मन्विवर्मा" शिवमयुतः अत्येषु दचः चितिमवति यदोन्मोचयन्वचगंगं" ॥[१५] दुष्टांस्ताव रस्त्य भटिति विघ
14 टिता" स्थापितान्धेशपाशां" युद्धे युहा स वध्वा" विषमतरम होचानिवोग्रान्समग्र " [1"] सुक्ता सार्द्रान्तरात्मा विकृतिपरिणतौ वाडवाग्निं समुद्रः चीभो नाभूद्दिपचान
15 पि पुनरिव तां" भूभृतो यो वभार ॥ [ १७* ] उपगतविज्ञतिः कृतघ्नगंगी यदुदितदण्डपथायमीनुवन्धाध्यपगतपदचलः" पती यनिमलवन्धगवः:"
• Boad बच्चा ; and 'भारियों
Read श्रियं.
* Metre of this and of the following verse: Vashisthavila.
• Road बभव.
• Bead Craft.
• Metre : Anushtubh.
• Road पानमन्त. [The original reads मच:- Ed.]
Road हरत्; Metre: Anushtubh.
48 Read °च्छृंखालि° and
16 Metre of this and of the following two verses: Sragdhara.
17 Read य..
10 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
11 Read f.
14 Read ख
10] Read • वस्लेषां.
ॐ Rond स्थापयिष्य ब्रशेषान्.
* Read
14 Read °पाशान्.
Road नये..
12 Read T.
25 Read विघटितान्.
28 The letter is engraved below the line. Rond मान्.
* Bond बभार.
20 Read तान्.
0.
# Road बम्धात् [i] व्यपगत [The original correctly rends उपगत'. Bd.]
4. Bond 'सिंहासन'.
' Bond मरे। धारा:
1 Read "सरिवार्य.
" Bond
14 Read * Read
[2] Boad ब
.
वव्याण .

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16 छातम येन' ।[१८] श्रीमान्धाता विधातु' प्रतिनिधिरपरी 'राष्ट्रकूटाग्वयत्री
सारामारामरम्बपविततनगरमामरामाभिरामामुर्बीमुबश्वराणां मकु. 11 टमकरिकाश्लिष्टपादारविन्दः पारावारोश्वारिस्फुटरवरशमां पातसम्युद्यतो' यः ।
[१८] नवजसघरवीरवानगम्भीरभरीरववधिरितविश्वाशान्तरा18 सो रिपुर्णा' [1] पटुरवपदढयाकारणोत्तालतयंत्रिभुवनधवलस्योद्योगकालस्य
कालः ॥[२०] भूभृग्मूर्षि सुनीतपादविशरः" पुण्योदयस्तेजसा क्रान्ताश19 षदिगन्तर प्रतिपदं प्राप्तप्रतापोबति: [1"] भूयो "योप्यनुरन्तामण्डलयुत).
पद्माकरानन्दितो मातगड स्वयमुतरायणगत"तेजोनिधिमक [२१] स
नाग20 भटचन्द गुप्तऋपयोयशौर्य रणेस्वहार्यमपहार्य"धैर्य विकलानथोन्मोलयत्" [1]
यशोजनपरो सुपान्खभुवि शालिसस्यानिव(0) पुन:पुनरतिष्टि21 पत्वपद एव चान्यानपि" ।[२२"] हिमवत्पव॑तनिझराम्वु तुरगैः वीतच"
Second Plate ; First Side. 22 नितं मजनतूर्यकेहिंगुणितं भूयोपि तत्कन्दरे [*] स्वयमेवोपनती च
यस्य महतस्तौ धम्मचक्रायुधौ () हिमवान्कोतिसरूपतामुपगतस्त23 कीर्तिनारायणः ॥[२३*] तत प्रतिनिहत्य "तबकतम त्यकम्मत्वयः प्रताप
मिव नर्मदातटमनुप्रयात पुन: [*] सकोशलकलिंगवेगिहलौड़क[1]-" 24 मालवां विलभ्य निजसेवक 1 स्वयमवभुजविक्रमः ॥[२४] प्रत्याहत्तः प्राति
राज्यं विधेयं छत्वा रेवामुत्तरं विन्ध्यपादे [1] कुर्वन्धम्किीतने: पुण्य[]न्दैरध्यष्टात्तान्मो-3
IMetre: Pushpitagri.
Road fertig.
• Road सारा सारा • Read भिरामाम्। तवों.
• Read पातुमन्यु • Metre : Sragdhari.
'Read °वधिरित. . Read fegut. • Metre: Malini.
10 Rend मूधि 11 Read frec.
11 Read mo. 13 Read IV . "Rend °सुत्तरा
15 Metre : sárdülavikridita. "Read चन्ट्री . '(The original has चन्द्र'.-Ed.]
17 Read ate. " Rend रणेष्वहार्य
"Read विवसायीम्मूख्यत्. 10 Read otfafso. [The original reads of correctly.--Ed.] 31 Metre : Prithvl. m Rend "निवभरा.
" Road पीतच. " Read गात्र गर्ने * Metro: Mattëbhavikriđita.
Road a.
M Read प्रति . "Rond at. » Rond °वंग. [The Andhra kingdom of Vigi for Verngi) might be meant here. kee V. 88 below.-Bd.] - Read °मासवान्
Read °सेवकः • Read भभुनरि. 13 Metre : Prithvi.
". Read मुत्तर. - Read रध्यष्ठाचा सी.

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246
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XVIII.
26 चितां 'राजधानी' [२५] मण्डलममहाराजसख' यदमूवः। 'महाराज. . सबखामी भावी तख सुतोजनि' [२६] यजम्मकाले देवीरादिष्ठ(ष्ट)
विषहो भुवं [1] भोक्तेति हि26 'मवत्मतुपर्यान्ताम्बुधिमेखला [१२७'] योहारोमोघवर्षेण 'वहा ये व युधि
हिषः [*] मुक्ता ये विछतास्तेषां भस्मतशृंखलोवृति: [२८] तता:
प्रभूतवर्षस्मन्स्वसंपूर्णम27 नोरथः [1] जगतुंगम' मेला भूक्षतासुपरि स्थितः [२८] उद[ति]ष्ठद
वष्टम्भं भक्तुं द्रविलभूभा [1] स जागरपचिन्ताखमम्पपश्चान्तचेतसा ।
[...] प्रखानेन हि . 28 वलं प्रचक्षति स्वच्छादिताच्छादिता धाची विक्रमसाधनेमकलुष विहेषि
दृषिों [*] समोरप्युरसो सवेव पवनप्रायासिता यासिता चिव दिगो 29 गमद्रिपुयमसन्तानकं तानक. [२१] पस्यत्वोरलपायचोलिकपसंपनवं
पनवं प्रसानिं गमयकालिंगमगधप्रायासको यासकः [*] गळूहुर्जरमोशो-10 30 शौर्यविलयो "लंकारयजुयोगस्तदनिग्यशासनमतसविक्रमी विक्रमः [३२]
मितिविनतगंगाखलोवानिष्ठा" मतिमयुरनुकूला "मण्डलमा ख31 त्या [*] "विरजसमहितेनुर्यस्य वाचालिभूमि "परिति विष्टया वेगिनाया
दयोपि ॥[२१] रावामात्यवराविव स्वहितकार्यासस्थनष्टौ ठाइण्डेनैव नि32 यम्य मूकबधिरावानीय" हेवापुर [1] "संकातच्छिल तप्रभुप्रतिकती का(ची).
[ीमुपेतौ ततः कीर्तिस्तचनिभौ. शिवायतन येत "संस्खापितो" ___[३४*]या38 स्वा कीर्तिस्तलोयाबिनभुवनभरं' भर्तुमासीसमर्थः पुषवाखाकमेकाफसमिति
तं जन्म धम्मरनकः [*] किं कर्तुं संयममिचिति" विम
1 Road रावधानों.
Motre : šalini.
• Read ममी महाराबः सर्गः खो. +Rand महारावर्ग:
Motre of this and of the following four versch: Annshţubb. •Road सेतुपर्वताधि.
Read tuts.
• Read जगतुंग. •Motref o this and of the followingrerne : Bardilaviknigita. Read मौलि. - Read संचारवग्कारबपीये.
Read खवापर URead मसभाः खमया. MRead 'ममितेव
"Read पतितिमनु. 10 Metre: Malini. Rendaftar
M Road संकाव: किच.
"Read °मुपेत. Read ofurat.
Read खापिते.
11 Metre: Sárdalavikridita * Rend याचा.
" Road निचोकी गिन. "Read जना. * Bend aj.
11 Read ago

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No. 26.]
SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793.
247
-
34 लय पुण्यगोपानमामाँ स्वर्गप्रोत्तंगसौध प्रति रदनुपमः कीर्तिमे(मे)वानु
यात्त:(त:) [२५*] वधूनां वन्धुराणामुचितनिलकुले पूर्वजानां प्रजाना जाता. 35 नां वनभानां भुवनभरितसत्कोतिमूर्त्तिस्थितां [*] चातुं कीर्ति सलोका
कलिकलुषमथो तुमंतो रिपूणां श्रीमामि हासनखो "वुधनुतचरितोमोघव. 36 र्ष प्रशस्ति ।[२६] चातु" नमाविजेतं रणशिरसि "परान्प्राथकेभ्यः प्र(1)दातं
निर्बीढं रूढिसत्यं धरणिपरिढो नेशोन्यः [*] इत्थं प्रोत्थाय सार्थ
पृथुरवपद37 ढकादिमन्द्रप्रघोषो "यसोन्द्रस्येव नित्यं ध्वनति कलिमलध्वन्मिनो मन्दिराये ॥
[२७*] दृष्ट्वा तबवराज्यमूलि[स]बर्मप्रभाव" नृपं भूय' षोडशराज्य38 वत्कृतयुग प्रारम्भ हत्याकुल: [*] मश्यबन्तरनुप्रविश्य विषमो मायाम
योसौ कलिः "सामन्तासचिवग्ववान्धवजनानक्षोभयत्स्वीजताम् [३८*] 39 गठमर्च प्रविधाय "त्कूटशपथैरोपवतंचा स्वयं विनिहत्योचितयुक्तकारिपुरषा
मा स्वयंपाहिण: [*] परयोषिदुहिता" खसेति न पु. 40 नर्भद पशूनामिव प्रभुरवं कलिकालमित्ववसितं" "सहत्तमुत्तः ॥[२८]
विसतमहिमधानि योनि संहत्व धावामितवति महतीन्दोमेण्डा 41 सं ताराका [*] उदयमहिमभागो भाजितास्मप्रतापे विरतवति विजिया
खोजितास्तावदेव(:)" [४•*] "गुरुवुधमनुयातमार्यपातालमझा- 42 दुदयगिरिमहिखो रहमार्तण्डदेवः । पुनरुदयमुपेत्योत्ततेजस्विचक्र प्रतिहत
मथ कृत्वा लोकमेक' पुनाति [४१] राजात्मा मन एव तस्य 43 सचिवस्मामन्तचक्र पुनस्तनीत्येन्दियवर्ग एष विधिवहागादयस्वकाः []
देहस्थानमधिष्ठित" स्वविषयं भोत स्वतन्त्रः क्षमस्त
I Read °सोपान.
Read at.
• Read यद. • Metre of this and of the following two verses : Sragdhari.
• Read बन्धना. • Read बन्धुराणा.
[The original rends नामान्प्रनामा.-Rd.] • Rend मूर्तिस्थितानाम्.
• Read कीर्ति.
10 Read °सिंहा. " Road बुध.
" Read °वर्ष: प्रशाति. 18 Resd urg 16 Read
Read यस्ये. mo
" Supply समर्ष:. 11 Read #fant.
1* Read mo
" Road भूय:- Read युगप्रारम
n Rend सचिवाखबान्धव and °खोलतान m Metre: Sardalavikridita.
" Road मन्चं.
" Read कूट'. - Rend °खचा :
• Road पिलि.
" Road कासरत्य'. " Rend मुत्तत:
* Metro: Mattēbhavikridita. - Read तारकाय.
u Metre of this and of the following verse: Malind. M Read 'बुध.
- Read 'मौर्य.
" Road यीच. - Read मेक:
- Read 'द्रौत्येन्द्रिय - Read भो
1 Rend °हित:

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248
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
Second Plate ; Second Side. 44 साम्भोक्तरि' सविपातविवशे सर्वेपि नश्यन्ति ते [४२*] दोषानौषधवा
. नामनिलवत्यष्कन्धेनान्यम्निवत् ध्वान्तं भानुवदात्मपूर्वज. 45 समानायागतान्द्रोहकान' [1] संतापान्विनिहत्व' यः कलिमलं धाच्यादि
सम्प्रान्ततः () कीचन्द्रिय एवं चन्द्रधवलच्छविया 46 भाजितः ॥[४३] 'यण्डाभिहतोत्तरोरिव फलं मुलाफलं मण्डलात् () यात'
शूकरयूथवाहनतस्तन्मन्दिरं हास्तिकं । यत्कोपोग्र47 दवाग्निदग्धतनवः प्राप्ता विभूतिं पन' (1) तत्पादोपमतप्रसादतमव: प्राप्तो"
विभूतिम्पर" [४४"] यस्वाज्ञां परचक्रि" सजमिवाजलं शि48 रोभिवहन्त्यादिग्दन्तिघटावलीमुखपटः कीर्तिप्रतानस्मतः । (0) यत्रख स्खकर
प्रतापमहिमा कस्यापि दूरस्थितः (0) तेजक्रान्तसमस्तभूमृदि49 न एवासौ न कस्योपरि [४५] यहा परमण्डलाधिपतयो दौवारिक
र्वारिकैराखानावसरं प्रतीय वहिरप्यध्यासिता" यासिता । गाषिक
वरबमौ50 शिकचितं तहास्तिकं हास्तिकं () नादास्थाम" यदीति" यत्र निजक
पश्यन्ति नश्यन्ति च ॥[४६*] सप्पै पातुमसो" ददो निजतनुं जोमूत
केतोमुतः (१) श्येनायाथ शिविः क. 51 पोतपरिरक्षात्यं दधीचोर्थिन । तेप्येकैकमतर्पयश्किल महालक्ष्म्यै खावामांगुलिं"
__ लोकोपद्रवशान्तये स्ा दिशति श्रीवीरनारायण: ॥[४७*] हत्वा भातर52 मेव राज्यमहरहेवीं च दीनस्ततो लवं कोटिमलेखयकिल कलौ दाता
स गुप्तान्वयः [*] येनात्याजि तनु खराज्यमसलहाधार्थक" का
कथा (1) हो53 तस्योबतिराष्ट्रकूठतिलको दातति कोावपि [*] भुजभुजसमिबिंयो.
प्रदंष्ट्राग्रदष्टप्रवल(वल)रिपुसमूहमोघवर्षे मधी" (0) न दधI Read °सिग्भीकरि.
Metre of this and of the following six verses : Sārdülavikridita, Read w [Note the shape of here and in lioc 10, 68, 73 and 74 below--Ed.]
Read #19 f«for. • Roadन्द्रिवदैव. • Read बहनाभिहवातरी.
'Rond पायात.
• Road पर. * Read WET. [The original correctly reade t-Ed.]
Read पर. URead चक्रिर.
" Road "ति :
14 Road 99:" Bond महार
17 Road fr. " Bond वरख.
1. Road Tratament; but this spoils the metre. - Read बर्दति.
ni Rond Cast. The original ha et-Ed.] Mad ददी.
Bead fufc.
"Read खंबामा. "Read खस्विच
Read at:
Read mr. ** Read ag and Tz.
- Rend कमपि • Band बनविप्रपल.
" Rond मी
• Read °न्दीपकान
MBend देनाकाम

Page #308

SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA 1: SAKA-SAMVAT 793.
AANEMALL/KALAदिसामा मायरस यादगाहा मालामाल या नाविनाका काम AAPARESMALPATAN TRA
AMAR SIPRITAMAALAAR MAINSTATIC MUSTI Vishkamlesed HEAANSHREENAVARICTURE ले ताकि किसान मालकाला बाया जानाAR aduineleist SAT की भी कि लालसा की
शामली-गावात मामासाकारता पर newala phal NROFILIATEL
विवादी काजमाताका लायालयामाहाकार l-Raशिल 79.5 पी 25ERIEना-. सनकी कुवामानशाकअनु लावलासका साबुन का नाम SPIRCRASADEHET /शिकायतािािषाणात पाशा का नाराका साकारल्या ASAN PARIYA मानिया खतुकायहरूमा
जानकार
10
12
SANSARANASANCHAMPLEARN पानामावालालमनालाबासकार MESTEN
TENNER वनामक पारालासर का मजमन्ना 1 HR
हमलवायारामनाजाशावर लाल (CAME749मयमा तिलाaareANAPावहात्रिपायातलाशयकाकीमार मालपरकोलाहलपका are-51554464 जीब-10ROSAVललावासरचारमपराधमाकाबाडका AHARASHIताल पछा- Tashanागा साधावसाकारायला सशक्षा A. SANAM
RESUSCRIHRC- जय मल्ल राजयी करामदायकाशन RESUBानकाय को बधा
मालामामामाशायरल कलाका STAR STATEAST CIA कयामा काममा समनाशवाजामापा +5 यो थालीमार्यपहावातिकवाद का ही सहारा are-विला 22411
TANETA-मया
iia.
A
..
-
-
--
-
RELATETTEAMICROREtakeभामा कायागमनमा नजारा USRAMERAAHENNA निकालिम्पसायाला सका।
यत्यानडामा कालनी नागनालयकामाखनवाला PRATTI
E74 16 कालापाना सवार हावत्या शहरालाहाकाहाका SHABANARAD ALADSANILEOपाइहाला इलाकाहासागवावा READARASTRATIM
बोत्याजदरमायाम का काEिRY DESCRIRANDI T ATICADAIलावायला लावा ना
! SARAMATRIKE IMAGट लालाकि
ल
गानाDAAMA NE E RING TIGERepalisra का मनात काही जलानाथ नलिका S TANTALATA विकासमा सनक हन
! AHARANA PELA का
ताला RAMERITUATIENTATE का बाबकास मनतालयावर आपण RELAMMADRASILICARRE/AAAAशकाकुलमा
बादशादी कर रहा या कामा JNAARACKERALA SUPPOINCLTT सदा जलायादला का SEARS 120 SATARA Kलमाला पका का नामकरण बालाघालतमाम सामना 302950 1517 SONAHA
THRATHIबकायबर POSTERNORFriमादा
बाजार महास FEARमरालयकायकायामामय
ICLEARNAMA Fali FREETI ACTERS.मामाया रानात!
RAVE41144210150वापान कायमसभाकासाकमा 16 17 SATARAया मावालालारकी कार
HIMANANDA SANTRI
SCALE. ONE-THIRD.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #309

iib.
RELAMMOHANSI-278K CRETSMARATHA पहला STERESPONSISTRATIMES र न
मानता dARATHACTARIAARC
मान व
सताना 48DSE
NTREPRETATESTIMATERIAAHTAKATTETपुकानवलासदार Reeta THERAICHTRACHARYANA
Anal 50RRAGEMETHETICHRISTMAITHIबस्त करानालकलाटा लावलापानमाला _TAJHEA
T C-AASANA काटनमारकालापान तपशुपमा ASTRI FACHARमाया मापा जानाALI 2015AM STOTRACAREERमाधवायाधमाकासदशका 64ARHI SALKERALA SAMACHAadsis नामुष्पा राना LETTES Ishanसासादायक माना जालोर
जिला 90ECRETMAIT महाशाखाकर माह
मायाना SHARELATERIODENGALINICIATTARAHATARRAISEलारवा Mal Refgoalai5011574
//इकरावासात
बारमालकालापानला जा RECORIANDAMERMIRANGA HAN SHRES TRATIतवासात जना IMSHEMA 187 ( 47840Hधामा नाका काक यादका निकालना HTI RAAB मातरमशालामा 2116 300
शराब मायारामानहायुमायानाकर 1 345020401 45 PARALACE
सानाLEASERLDARI
iit
a
nemanna 64
रन की लीला खान पुन र रामारीमा नागरिक PNBTELEVM SAINM: 3.7442 बजटामस काहाना कामा समानामा PERSEENET
/451/EKIN कलाकाडाद, नाबालकाला NOTEKARNERaman5
0 64/
मा पुरानाराकासका लागी AMRODAISISTANTRACTERSIT55सारवान्यारकादायकलाकात JEETROOTJARATARAKHANAheवादमागणलालाम्यासाला समोर Axisan या ARORStuमानामा कायापालका महानाहानालायला Samasha
i nmMRATA आजारामनाया मालशाना बनानासाका निम्ति दार 796 साना ACTER HEATERTIECTIVझारखाना साना महातारासदार C
OACHART1 ललिताखाला लाटकलादालनामावतारका I
N EEReal todhan-BATE नाम हिकारतालयालादा माहवारमालगायतलावात
लिन सायदादा -MARKOT मुन्ना लाल कलर कालका दामामा नवदा बार कपालमा 1 EN T ERS/FIRSaree मा दयामानामा मतग
त कारोवार मतका सहर TRथा NRI कारघा काय पाटकमकुम का मकान
SEAL OF THE SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA 1.
बनतामसाइला
SCALE. ONE-HALF

Page #310

No. 26.) SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 249 54 ति पदमीतिव्याधिदुष्कालका (6) हिमशिशिरवसन्तग्रीष्मवर्षायरस' ।
[४८] चतुम्मसुद्रपर्यान्तः समुद्र यबसाधित [*] भम्बा समस्तभूपालमुद्रा
55 रुडमुद्रया ॥ [५.] राजन्द्रास्ते वन्दनीस्तु' पूर्वे 'येषाधर्मात्र
• पालानीयोस्मदादैः० [*] ध्वस्ता दुष्टा वर्तमानास्मधर्म" प्रार्थ्या ये
ते भविन: पार्थिवेन्द्राः [॥५१*] भुत कै. 56 पिचक्रमेणापरेभ्यो दत्तं चान्येस्त्यामेवापरयंत [*] "कस्थानित्ये सत्र
राज्य महद्भिः कीर्त्या धर्माः केवलं पालनीयं ॥[५२*] तेनेदमनिलवि.
बुचञ्चलमवतो
17 जीवितमसारं 10) चितिदानपरमपुखं प्रवर्तितो "ब्रमदायोर्य [५३"]
___ स च परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरबीजगद्गदेवपादानुध्यातपर-" 58 मभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरीपत्रीवाभचौमदमोघवर्षश्रीवल्लभनरेन्द्रदेवः कु.
मली सर्वानेव यथासम्वन्ध्यमानकाबाष्ट्रपतिविषयपति59 ग्रामकूटयुक्तकनियुक्ताधिकारिकमहत्तरादी समादिशत्वस्तु (1) वसंविदितं यथा
मान्यवेटराजधान्यातस्थितेन" मया मातापिचोरात्मन(क) चैहिकामु60 पिकपुथयशोभिवषये
कराडविनिर्मातभरहामाग्निवेश्यानां पांगिरसपारस्पत्यानां भारहानाजेसन प्रचारिणे" साविकूवारक61 मतपौत्राय । गोलमडगमिपुत्राय । नरसिघदोचितः । पुनरपि तस्मे
विषयविनिर्गता" । तमे गोचे - भट्टपोचाय । गोविन्दभट्ट62 पुचाय । रच्छादित्वक्रमातः । तसिं देवः । वहमुखसमचारिणे दावडि
गपियसहासपोचाय । विभ()पुत्राय । “तिविक्रम 1 Rooder
IMotre : Malint. • Rand aमई.. Metre: Anushtabla.
• Rond बन्दा • Read बन्दनीया. • Road शेषा वर्ष
• Rend पाबनी. • Read दाय:1 Rond 'खचर्य.
13 Read wife "Rend पाकि
"Motre of this and of the following verse: Salini. 15 Read . 1. Rood for
M Read वास्था " Read राव्य. " Rend बी.
Read °मौय:M Rand °विषुवचन. * Road .
** Metre : Arya - Read गग. " Rend सम्बध.
- Read महत्तरादौन. - Read चाबखिवेन.
- Read भरवाजानिदेशागिरसपाईस्पबाम'. " Read °ाजमोचन -Rand 'कवित " Read °षडंगवि
- Read नरसिंपदीविताय. - Read °सविषय "Rond fवनिर्मताब.
Read बिन्- Read श्रमविद. 31 Road afgan.
** Read . - Read पि.
• Read पर्यन्त.

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63 षडंगमि:' । पुनरपि तस्मिं देखें वच्छगोत्रसव्रह्मचारिणे । हरिमहपौवाय ।
गोवादित्यभट्टपुत्राय । केसवगछियसाहास: ।
Third Plate. 64 चतुका:नां वचसखाना । पवं चतुकः ब्राह्मणानां ग्रामो दत्त: संजाण
समीपवर्तिनः चतुविंशतिनाममध्ये । करिवलिकानामग्रामः तस्य चाघाट65 नानि:' पूर्वतः कब्रुवी समुद्रगामिनी नदी । दक्षिणत: उप्पलहस्थक"
भट्टग्रामः । पश्चिमतः नन्दग्रामः । उत्तरतः धनवनि काग्रामः । भयं
ग्रामस्य संज्जाने 66 पत्तने भुंकन शुष्णयामिग्रामं सक्षमालाकुलं भोकाव्य" । एवमयं चतुराघाट.
नोपलक्षितः सौदंगस्मपरिकरः सदण्डदसपराध: सभूतापात्तप्रत्ययः सोत्प67 द्यमानविष्टिकः सधान्यहिरण्यादयः अचाटभटप्रवेश्यः सर्वराजकीयानामहस्त
प्रक्षेपणीया पाचन्द्रार्कार्णवक्षितिसरित्पर्बतसमकालिनः16 पुत्रपौवान्वय
क्रमो.
68 पभोग्यः "पूर्वप्रत्यव्रह्मदेवदायरहितोभ्यन्तरसिद्याय भूमिच्छिद्रन्याएन' . शकनृपकालातीतसंवत्सरशतेषु सप्तम नवतयत्यधिकषु नन्दनसंवत्सरा
न्तर्गतपुष्य69 मास उत्तरायणमहापर्वणि वलिचस्वैखदेवाग्निहोत्रतिधिशं(सं)तर्पणात्य
प्रद्योदकादिसर्माण प्रतिपादितः पतोस्थोचितया ब्रह्मादायस्थित्या भंजतो
भोज70 यतः क्वषतः कर्षयतः प्रविशतो वा न कैश्चिल्यापि परिपन्थना कार्या
तथागामिभद्रतपतिभिराइंश्यैरन्यैर्वा सामान्य भूमिदानफसमवेत्य विद्यमोखा71 न्यनित्यैखाणि पिणाग्रजम्बजलविन्दचंचव च जीवितमाकलय्य खदायनिर्वि
शेषोयममहायानुमन्तव्यः प्रतिपालयितबाब । यखानानतिमिरपट
1 Read गविद. * Rond afuren.
Read Rao and . • Read #and givery Read erat.
Read . - Read एवंचतुपावना
• Read °वर्तिचतुर्विंशति. • Read नानि 10 From here the rules of sathdhi have not been striotly obrerved. Read यकी.
1The sense of this line is not clear. WRead दशापराध:.
" Rond पातमव्यायः [The original rends संभूतीपात-Rd.] WRead °चौय:. in Rend काबीन:
- Read प्रदान " Read म्यन्तरसिधा.
• Read 'न्यायम. • Read नवत्युत्तर चधिकषु [or rather तिनव or लयीमवश्व -.]. 11 Read of and ofterfafe. W Read शाय'. 1Read .
" Read कैबिदरूपापि. * Read aur and faren "Read महायों.

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72 सातमतिराच्छिद्यमान चानुमोदेत स पंचभिर्महापातवैशोषपातकैश्च'
सयुक्त' स्यादित्युक्त च भगवता वैदव्यासेन व्यासेन । षष्ठि वर्षसहस्रा73 णि खम्में तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*] पाच्छता(त्ता) चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके
वसेत् [*] विन्ध्याटवोचतोयासु शककोटरवासिनः [*] कणसर्या हि
जायन्ते भूमिदानं हरन्ति 74 येत [५५*] अम्नरपत्य' प्रथमं सुवरणं भूवैषणवी सूर्यसुताव गाव: [*]
लोकत्रय तेन भवेधि दत्तं यः कापचनं मां च महीं च दद्यात्
॥[५६*] वहुभिबसुधा भुक्ता 76 राजभिमगरादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल
[५७*] खदत्ताम्यरदत्तां वा यन्नाद्रच नराधिप [*] मही महिमता
श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छेयोनुपालन" [५८*] 76 इति कमलदलाम्वुविन्दुलोला" श्रियमनुचिम्ख मनुष्यजीवितं च [*] पति
विमलमनोभिरामनी हि "पुरुषपरिवीतयो विया: [५८]
लिखितं चैत धर्माधि77 करणसेनभोगिकेन" वासभकायसवंग्रजातन । श्रीमदमोघवर्षदेवकमलानुजीविना''
गुणधवलेन वाराजसूनुना ॥ मरतको 78 गोगूराणक" राजाखमुखादेशेन इतकमिति" ॥ मंगल महबी ॥e
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1). May He (Vishņu) whose navel-lotus was adopted by Brahman as his abode, and Hara, too, whose head is adorned by the beautiful digit of the moon, protect you !
(V. 2). May that Vira-Nārāyana himself protect you here, who is all-pervading, who resta on the hood of (the serpent) Ananta, who is the rising mountain of valour, character, and greatness, and who is the progenitor of the lofty line of the good Rashtraktas. May that Viru-Nariyapa (Amoghavarsha) himself protect you here, who is powerful, who lives in endlosenjoy. ments, who is the rising mountain of valour, character, and greatness, and the ancestor of whore lofty line was the good Rashtrakūta.
(V. 3). In the line of Yadus, long extending through his prowess, in course of time, came to be, like a heap of jewels in the sea, prince Govinda, ornament of the earth, and son of Prichchhakaraja.
1 Road मतिराच्छिन्यादावि
• Road पातप
• Rondon. - Read षष्टि.
. Read • Rend स्यादिति । उक्र.
. 'Road रपयं.
Read a .
• Road at "Rond महीमा.
M Rnd oयी.
- Rond °दशानुविन्दु WRead रामनीनन 14 Read gexar. [Note the crose-mark above. The letter yis engraved below the line.-RA) 15 Read frotar:. "Read चैता.
"Road चाधिवरषिक. "Road देयाममा WRead राबबी.
"Band पवस. "Read दूतक इति 2 Read मा महावी..
12

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(VB. 4-6). Then came lord Karkarāt, who bore an expansive chest with the rays of the Kaustubha jewel throbbing like Mēru which bears golden slope spread all over with lustre emitting from the morning sun; full of fear for whom were constantly the minds of the enemies, proclaimers of whose fame were (their) words, bent at whose feet were (their) heads, and lost in whose lustre was (their) glory; by whom possessing the power of Pțithu the mahi (the dominions, the earth) was widened, the bhübhrits (the kings, the mountains) were pushed back by the bow, and by whom of great ojas (might, splendour) and of pratāpa (valour, scorching heat) was dispelled the darkness, namely, the enemies.
(V. 7). Then (came) Indrarāja, who in the marriage) hall, namely, Khotaka, seized in battle the daughter of the Chalukya king by the rakshasa (form of) marriage.
(V. 8). Then flourished on the earth king Dantidurga, the chief of his family, who smote hosts of elephants and humbled the circle of proud kings from the Himalayas down to the limit of the Sētu.
(V. 9). By whom kings such as the Gurjara lord and others were made door-keepers when in Ujjayini the Great Gift called) Hiranya-garbha was completed by the Kshatriyas.
(V. 10). Then in the battle field which proved a (place) of choice marriage, SubhatungaVallabha listlessly and forcibly wrested away the Fortune of the Chalukya family, bearing the garland, namely, the waving Pålidhvajas.'
(V. 11). Though elevated by means of incontestable throne and chowries, possessed of a white umbrella and enjoying a kingdom without any rival, Akalavarsha, who destroyed kings and ehieftains, was a royal sage, a doer of unending holy acts.
(V. 12). Then Prabhatavarsha became (king), and thereafter Dhårāvarsha, by which king was rained down, as it were, a shower with arrows on the battle field.
(V. 13). That (low) deep sound of whose drum is, as it were, the satiated Death belching out, (who is) intoxicated with potations of tasteful liquor, namely, the slightly warm blood from the enemies' heads cut off by his sword in battles and (who is) (now) with stomach filled to the throat.
(V. 14). Who seized the white umbrellas, the sporting lotuses of the Lakshmi (Goddess of Sovereignty), of the Gauda king, as he was fleeing between the Ganges and the Jumna.
(V. 15). Whose fame, white as the rays of the moon, having pervaded to the end of the earth on all sides, (and) having as it were uninterruptedly crossed to the other shore of the ocean in the shape of numbers of moving conches, hundreds of pearls, saphara fish, and waves with manifold foam, reached heaven under the semblance of the necklaces and elephants of the gods, the heavenly river, and the dhartarashtra (swan).
(V. 16). The son of Nirupama, devoted to tri-varga and diligent in duties, as soon as he was crowned, being desirous of openly re-instating all classes of his feudatories, with courtesies, in their respective positions, and intent upon releasing the imprisoned Ganga addressed the words: “Ye are (unto me) like (my) father," to the assemblage of councillors, while they were protecting the earth.
(V. 17). Quickly fighting in battle and capturing all his wicked vassals like great bulls, extremely uncontrollable and fierce, that had snapped (his noose) but had those of other lords cast over them, and releasing them when their spirit of defection ended, he, with his heart softened, harboured them as the ocean does the submarine fire. It was no perturbation to him. He again supported the kings (Chubhrits) that were his enemies (vipakshas) just as the ocean does the mountains (bhūbhrits) deprived of their wings (vipakshas).
For a description of the Mahädäna called Hirapya-garbha, see the Bhavishya-Purana, U Hara-paruan, shap. 176.
. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 104

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(V. 18). By whom when the ungrateful Ganga was disaffected in consequence of fleeing away from the fine ordered by him, that villain, who had been freed from fetters on the feet, had (now) fetters put round his neck.
(V. 19). Who was the illustrious Mandhātri, another viceroy of the Creator, in as much as he with his lotus-like feet touched by the makara-shaped crowns of the lords of the earth, exerted himself to protect the earth, which had as the essence of (her) royalty the line of the Rashtrakūtas, which was charming in consequence of beautiful women, and towns and villages that were delightful, extensive and possessed of gardens, and which had for (her) girdle the ocean resounding clearly with (its) expansive waters.
(V. 20). Who, deafening the intervals between all the quarters with the noise of the deepsounding drums, the sound of which was as loud as that of a new cloud, and with (his) dhakkas, kāhalas, and the loud turyas sounding shrill, is death to the busy time of the enemies of Tribhuvana-dhavala.
(V. 21). Who, moreover, being an unbearable store of lustre, was the Sun himself gone into the Uttar-ayana (the north; the northern part of the elliptic), bringing his pāda (feet; rays) to stretch on the murdhans (heads; tops) of bhubhrits (kings; mountains), being of auspicious rise, covering the intervals between all the quarters with his lustre, getting at every step increase of pratapa (valour; heat), having an anurakta (devoted; red) mandala (feudatories; disc) and being padmakar-änandita (gladdened by the hand of the goddess of sovereignty; gladdening the assemblage of lotuses).
(V. 22). Carrying away in battles the fair and unshakable fame of kings Nagabhața and Chandragupta, he, intent upon the acquisition of fame, uprooted, like sali corn, other kings, in their own dominions, who had become destitute of all fortitude, and afterwards re-instated them in their own places.
(V. 23). The water of the springs of the Himalaya mountains was drunk by whose horses and plunged into by whose elephants, the thunder was redoubled in (its) caverns by the türya musical instruments of (whose) ablutions, (and) to whom, the great one, those (kings) Dharma and Chakrayudha surrendered of themselves. He thus bore resemblance to the fame of Himalaya, and was consequently Kirti-Nārāyaṇa.
(V. 24). Who returned from there, (thinking) that it was now the work of the ministerial servants, and following again the bank of the Narmada as if (following his own) prowess, and acquiring the Malava country along with the Kōsala, the Kalinga, the Vanga,' the Dahala, and the Oḍraka, that Vikrama himself made his servants enjoy them.
(V. 25). Making (his) enemies submissive, he returned to the remaining (part of the) Røvă, and established himself in a capital befitting (him), at the foot of the Vindhyas, performing pious deeds by constructing temples, which are stores of spiritual merit.
(V. 26). While the Mahārāja Sarva, lord of a small kingdom, was his own, a son was born to him who was to be Mahārāja-Sarva, lord of the earth.
(V. 27). At the time of whose birth it was foretold by astrologers that "being irresistible he would enjoy the earth bounded by the Himalayas and the Satu, and girdled by the ocean;
(V. 28). "Of the warriors, (his) enemies, those that were bound down in battle by Amōgha. varsha would be released, but, if disaffected, there would be release from fetters only by being reduced to ashes."
(V. 29). Then he was Prabhutavarsha, as he satisfied the desires of those that were his own. He was Jgaattunga, being at the head of bhubhṛits (kings), just as Meru is jagattunga (lofty on earth) being at the head of bhibhrits (mountains).
1 [I would put Vegi (or Vemg) instead. See f. n. 29 on p. 245 above.--Ed.]

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(V. 30). He (then) stood up to destroy the haughtiness of the Dravila kings, who were sleepless, anxious, and with minds distracted through deliberations.
(V. 31). By whose mere setting out, the clear undivided earth shakes, being shabbily covered by the instruments of his valour. Lakshmi too moves a way, displeased, from the breasts of the enemies who hate him intensely, like a creeper pulled out by the wind. It is not the dust that has flown away to the quarters, but the loom that extended the fame of his enemies.
(V. 32). He terrified the Kēraļa, Pandya and Chaulika kings, caused the sprouting Pallava to wither, was the afflictor who caused the Kalinga and the Magadha to sit and fast themselves to death, was destruction to the valour of the head of the thundering Gurjjaras (and thus) behaved (like Rāma), enemy of Lankā;' (and as he) got its unimpeachable orders carried out assiduously, he was Vikrama of laudable valour.
(V. 33). The Gangas, who became disaffected through baseness, were bound down with fetters and met with death. The lords of mandalas, who were friendly, made his camp ground along with the enclosure, free of dust by wage, but the lord of Vērgi and others by unpaid labour.
(V. 34). By whom having forcibly by (his chastising) rod controlled, like dumb and deaf persons, the king and the prime minister, ruined through laziness in working for their good, (and) having brought to Hēlāpura from Lamkā two statues of its lord, these, having afterwards proceeded to Kanchi, were established there in the temple of Siva like two columns of fame.
(V. 35).“ (My) fame has occupied the three worlds, and my unique son is able to bear the burden of his world," -80 (thinking) he made his life fruitful through various religious acts. "For doing what should I stay in this (world)?”-80 saying Anupama followed (his) fame, while going to the lofty palace, namely, heaven, to which spotless fame and holy merit formed the steps.
(V. 36). In order to protect the fame (along with the subjects) of the ancestors in his worthy family, and of his pleasing relatives, who were the Vallabhas of the peoples, and who were now living in the form of (their) good fame which filled up the world, and in order (thus) to destroy the sinfulness of Kali, there rules the prosperous Amoghavarsha, sitting on the lion-throne, the exterminator of enemies, whose deeds are praised by the wise.
(V. 37). In front of the palace of whom, the destroyer of the impurity of Kali, (as in front of that) of Indra, sounds incessantly the deep rumbling sound of loud-sounding dhakka and other (instruments), soaring high with the import : "there is no other lord of the earth like this one, able to protect the humble, to conquer enemies at the front of the battle, to make gifts to supplicants, and maintain the truthfulness of custom."
(V. 38). Seeing that new kingdom which consisted of sixteen principalities but (seeing also) the king, the might of whose righteousness was profuse and ennobling, the crooked, deceitful Kali, distressed that it was the beginning of the Kpita Age, fleeing and penetrating into the interior, distracted the fetidatories, the ministers, and his relatives, who were made his own.
(V. 39). Giving deceitful counsel through false oaths, they were independent of (their) lord. Of their own accord killing the appointed officers who were worthy, all seized for themselves.
Another's wife is a daughter or sister,'-such distinction there was done, as among the beasts. The Kali Age becoming thus supreme, good behaviour became extinct through sinful living.
(V. 40). When, withdrawing (his) expanse of lustre from the sky, the great (sun) sets, the disc of the moon and the stars shine out, attaining to the glory of a rise. When a 8a-pratapa
The word prydnaba I take in the sense of pray-saba. Praya signifien' seeking death by fasting, fasting sitting down and abutaining from food with some object in view (gonerally with words like da spavis etc.)'Apto's Sanskrit-English Dictionary.
Lohidranti Itako in the sense of Lamborived-deharati, behavos himeelt like (Rama), the enemy of Latki . For the words wyali and parivpiti soo Abov, Vol. VI, p. 280 and . 3.

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SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793. 255
(possessed of heat; possessed of valour) (temporarily) ceases to be, for that length of time only do the vijihmas (the dismal ones; the crooked ones) rise.
(V. 41). Following guru and budha (the two planets of those names; elders and wise men), the lord, the sun of the Rattas, taking, again, his rise through the greatness of the rising mountain, namely, Arya Pātālamalla, and overpowering the unruly circle of tejasvins (luminaries; men of fiery spirit), again, purifies the world alone.
(V. 42). The soul is the king; the mind is his minister; the group of senses is again that circle of feudatories according to the political science; and speech, &c., are the servants conform. ing to the prescribed rules. Presiding over his place, namely, the body, he (the soul) is able to enjoy, independently, his own vishaya (kingdom; worldly objects). When that enjoyer is subject to samnipata (a kind of fever, collision), they all perish.
(V. 43). Who, having, with rage, destroyed the sedition-mongers that were so by regular succession from their own ancestors as does a medicine diseases, wind clouds, fire dry fuel, and the sun darkness, (and) having (thus) destroyed by fame as by moon-light the darkness of Kali from both the beginning and extremity of the earth, he shone by the beauty of the royal parasol, white like the moon.
(V. 44). From the mandala (feudatories) struck by whose danda (chastising rod) pearls came to his palace like fruit from a tree (struck by a stick), (and) to his palace came a host of elephants, like a herd of boars, from the forest, with mandala (temples) struck by danda (stick). With the bodies consumed by the fierce fire of whose anger the enemies were reduced to ashes; (as) others, with bodies favoured on account of their falling at his feet, attained to prosperity.
(V. 45). Whose order the alien kings incessantly place on their head as a chaplet. Whose expanse of fame is the white veil on the fow of the temples of the elephants of the quarters. Far off from whom stands the greatness of the pratapa (valour; heat) of his karas (hands, rays), though it is in him? Overpowering all the bhubhṛits (kings; mountains) with his tējas (prowess, heat) over whom is he not a very ina (king; Sun)?
(V. 46). At whose gate the lords of the hostile territories are put to trouble by relays of door-keepers, being made to sit outside, while waiting for the proper time of (his) assembly-hall, and where, when they perceive that they will not obtain back their own bevy of courtezans and group of elephants, covered with choice gems and pearls, which have gone into his possession, they droop down.
(V. 47). That son of Jimutaketa, gave away his own body in order to protect a serpent; Sibi, again, to a hawk to save a dove; (and) Dadhicha to (his) supplicator. But they, we are told, gratified each a single individual, (whereas) the illustrious Vira-Narayana presented his left finger to Maha-Lakshmi for the pacification of a calamity to the (whole) people.
(V. 48). That donor, in the Kali Age, who was of the Gupta lineage, having killed (his) brother, we are told, seized (his) kingdom and queen, (and) thereafter the wretch caused her to write down one lac, one crore (in the document). But he, who gave away more than once his own kingdom, insignificant (to him), (saying): of what account are the external objects', was bashful even when the fame (had spread) that the ornament of the exalted Rashtrakutas was the (real) donor.
(V. 49). While Amoghavarsha, whose cluster of powerful enemies are bitten by the fangs of the terrible jaw of the snake, namely, the sword in his hand, is the ruler of the earth, no (adverse) times characterised by calamities to husbandry, plagues and famines can set their foot in the Hemanta, Sisira, Vasanta, Grishma, Varsha and Sarat seasons.

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(V. 50). When the (earth), as far as the coast of the four oceans, bearing his seal, was subdued, the seals of all kings were broken by the Garuda seal.
(V. 51). Those kings are, indeed, worthy of respect who were of the past and whose charity is to be maintained by us and others. The (kings of the) present were wicked and had been destroyed. Those who are to be besought for (the maintenance of) our charity are kings of the future.
(V. 52). What consideration can there be for that unstable kingdom which is enjoyed by some through valour, passed over by some to others, and given up again by some others? By the great a charity alone should be maintained for fame.
(V. 53). Considering that this life is unsubstantial and as fickle as a breeze or flash of lightning and that a grant of land is a supreme religious merit, he has promoted this gift to Brahmanas.
Ll. 57 ff. And he, the P.M.P. Śri-Prithvi-vallabha, Sri-Amoghavarsha, Sri-Vallabhanarendradeva, who meditates on the feet of the P.M.P. Sri-Jagattungadova-being well, commands the officials such as the lords of the provinces (rashtra), the lords of the districts (vishaya), the heads of the villages (grama-kuta), the accountants (Yuktaka), the deputyaccountants (Niyuktaka), the leading persons, and others,-all according as they are concerned.
"Be it known to you that by me, while residing at the capital of Manyakhēta,--for the enhancement of religious merit and fame, in this world and the next, of my parents and myselfhas been granted to four Brahmanas of the Bahvricha sakha, namely, (1) Narasimha-Dikshita, son of Gōla-Shaḍamgavid, grandson of Savikūvāra-Kramavid, a religious student of the Bharadvaja (götra) consisting of (the pravaras) Bharadvaja, Agnivésya, Angirasa, Barhaspatya, (originally) come from Karahaḍa; (2) Rakshaditya-Kramavid, son of Govinda-Bhatta, grandson of Bhaṭṭa, of the same götra and come from the same province; (3) Trivikrama-Shadamgavid, son of Vishnu-Bhatta, grandson of Davadi-Gahiyasahasa, a religious student of the Vaddamukha (götra) (residing) in the same country; (4) Kesava-Gahiyasahasa, son of Göväditya-Bhatta, grandson of Hari-Bhatta, a religious student of the Vatsa (götra), (residing) in the same country;-the village called Jharivallika from the Twenty-four-village Group adjoining to Samjana. Its boundaries (are) to the east, the river Kalluvi, flowing towards the sea, to the south the village of the Bhattas called Uppalahatthaka, to the west Nandagrāma (and) to the north the village of Dhannavallikā.
That (village), so marked by the four boundaries, together with the royal share," with the appurtenances, with (the proceeds of the punishments for) faults and the ten offences, with the (right) of toll upon the appearance of a spirit, with (the right to) forced labour as it arises, and with the assessment in grain and gold, not to be entered on by the Chaṭas or Bhatas, and not to be seized by the hand of any (officials) belonging to the king, to be enjoyed lineally in regular
1 D. R. Bhandarkar's Asoka, pp. 53-4.
2 Above, Vol. VI, p. 241, n. 3. Kramavid probably signifies "one conversant with the Krama arrangement of the Vedic text." Gahiyasahasa corresponds to the modern Ghaissas, a surname at present found among the Desastha, Chitpavan and Karhādā Brahmans of the Maharashtra.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 189, n. 39.
When any spirit manifests itself at any particular place, many people come there to propitiate it, and the place thus becomes a source of income (Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 242).
"The meaning of these words is unknown. I have therefore left them untranslated. They have generally been taken to signify "regular or irregular troops," but this is a mistake. For another meaning of chata, see Above, Vol. IX, p. 284, n. 10. The correct sense, however, appears to be that deducible from the quotations which Professors K. B. Pathak and H. M. Bhadkamkar have cited from Samkara's gloss on the Brihadaranyck. opinishad (Ibid., pp. 296-7) and the Yajnavalkya-smriti (Above, Vol. XI, p. 176 and n. 1) respectively. See also J. Ph. Vogel's Antiquities of Chamba State, Pt. I, pp. 130-2.

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No. 26.] SANJAN PLATES OF AMOGHAVARSHA I; SAKA-SAMVAT 793.
257
succession of sons, grandsons, etc., to endure for the same time with the sun, the moon, the sea, the earth, the river and the mountains, to the exclusion of previously given grants to Brāhmaṇas and gods, and according to the custom of cultivable and uncultivable landi for the purpose of internal adjudication was bestowed to-day on the great festive occasion of the Uttarāyana in the month of Pausba falling in the (current) Nandana-Cyclic year, seven centuries of years increased by ninety-three having elapsed since the time of Saka king, for the sake of bali, charu, vaisvadēva, agnihotra and atitkisantarpana, by pouring water and so forth (from the hand). No hindrance should in the slightest degree be caused by any one to one enjoying (this village), allowing (others) to enjoy (it), cultivating it, causing (it) to be cultivated, or occupying (it) in accordance with the manner of a gift to a Brāhmaṇa. Likewise, this, my gift (to Brāhmaṇas) should be assented to and supported, just as if it were their own gift, by the good kings of the future, whether my descendants or others, bearing in mind that the fruit of a gift is common (both to the grantor and to the preserver), and considering that ephemeral wealth is as fickle as the flashes of lightning and life as unsteady as the drops of water clinging to the ends of grass. And he who, with his intellect, enclosed by the cover, namely, darkness of ignorance, will assent to the actions of) one ready to confiscate (this grant of land), will be invested with the (guilt of the five great sins and minor sins. (For), it is also said by the divine Vyāsa, the arranger of the Vedas(Vv. 54-59 are the benedictory and imprecatory verses with which a charter usually ends.] This has been written by the judge and Sēnabhögika, Gunadhavala, son of Vatsarāja, who is born in the Kāyastha family of Vālabba and serves the lotus (feet) of the prosperous Amoghavarshadeva. The Mahattaka Gogū-Rāņaka was the Dütaka through the king's own verbal order.
No. 27.-KOPPARAM PLATES OF PULAKESIN II.
By E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). luk-impressions of these copper-plates were sent to me by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri, who had received them from the late Mr. K. V. Lakshmana Rao, M.A., Telugu Encyclopædia Office, Egmore, Madras. The plates had been found near Kopparam in the Narasaraopet Täluk of the Guntur District. For a description of them, and for remarks on their alphabet and lan. guage, see Mr. Lakshmana Rao's valuable article in the Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute, Vol. IV, p. 43 ff. I now re-edit the inscription because I believe that I am able to improve a few of his readings and renderings. The composer of the text knew so little Sanskrit that in some places it is difficult to divine what he really wanted to express.
The inscription records a grant made by the Mahārāja Satyagraya Pulakēsi-Prithivivallabha+ (line 6 f.), the " dear grandson " (1.5) of the Mahārāja Kirtivarma-Přithivivallabha of the Chalukya family (1. 4). As stated by Mr. Lakshmana Rao (loc. cit., p. 43), priyapautra must be a stupid error for priya-putra," the dear son." For we know from trustworthy documents that Pulakāáin II was not the grandson, but the son of Kirtivarman I.
The donee was & Brāhmaṇa of the Sāņdilyāyana-gotra and the Apastamba-sútra, who resided at Mågamůr (1. 10). The grant consisted of a field of eight hundred (nivartanas of land) in the village of Irbuli in (the district of) Karma-rashtra (1. 11). The field lay to the south of
For the expression bhūmi-chchhidra-nyayena, see Ind. Ant, 1922, pp. 77-9.
* Siddhi= "decision, adjudication, determination (of a lawsuit) "-Monier-Williams' Sanskrit English Dictionary.
See also Malras Epigraphical Report, for 1923, App. A, No. 14.
In this compound the shortening of the final i of Prithivi is permitted by Papini, VI, 3, 63 ; cf. compounds like Håriti-putra (line 1 of this inscription), Kalidasa, eto.
2

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[VOL. XVIII.
Kondav[e]rupur and to the north of Virparu (L. 12). For Karma-rashtra, see above, Vol. XV, p. 250. Mr. Lakshmana Rao (loc. cit., p. 49) identifies Kondav[e]rupur with Kondavidu, and Virparu with Vipparla, both in the Narasaraopet Taluk of the Guntur District, and Mugamür with Mungamur in the Kandukur Taluk of the Nellore District.
In line 10 we are introduced to a great warrior named Prithividuvarāja whom Mr. Lakshmana Rao (loc. cit., p. 46 f.) identifies with Satyasraya Dhruvaraja Indravarman of the Gos plates of Saka 532.1 I venture to propose another identification. If we connect the participle sampradatta (1. 8) with ajñaptiḥ (1. 14) and with its Prakrit form aṇatti (1. 10), we are driven to consider the words -rajyasya Prithividuvarājam-āṇatti (1. 9 f.) a mistake which would not be without parallels in this incorrect text for rajyasya Prithividuvarājasy-ajñaptiḥ. Now, duvarāja is a Dravidian tadbhava of yuvaraja. If we contrast the title Prithiviyuvaraja, "the heir-apparent of the earth," with Prithivivallabha, "the husband of the earth," which was the title of Kirtivarman I and Pulakesin II; and as it is stated in line 9 f. that Prithiviyuvarāja had "secured the kingdom to the lineage of his son," it seems that Prithiviyuvaraja can be safely identified with Vishnuvardhana I, the younger brother of Pulakesin II and the founder of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. It follows further that Vishnuvardhana I continued to be dependent on Pulakesin II in the twenty-first year of the latter's reign (text line 13). From the Satara plates we already knew that he held the office of Yuvaraja in the eighth year (of Pulakesin II). In a grant of A.D. 632, which was the 18th year of his own reign, and in the Timmapuram plates, Vishnuvardhana I already bears the title of Mahārāja.
The words Vallabha-sama[ksh]-āvastite (1. 8) may have to be corrected into Vallabhě samakshavasthite, "Vallabha (i.e. Pulakesin II) being present in person." The mysterious words marnta Kali-kulanām... sva-bāhunā (1. 8 f.) may be compared with Kaliyuga-khalanirmathanai[h]. . . .charitaiḥ in the Satara plates of Vishnuvardhana I,' and may be corrected accordingly into matha Kali-khalānām. . . . sva-bāhună, "by his arm. .(which was) a churning-stick of the wicked (people) of the Kali (age)." The compound at the beginning of line 9, which Mr. Lakshmana Rao (loc. cit., p. 53) refers to Prithiviyuvarāja himself, has to be connected likewise with sva-bahună, and has to be corrected into nishkrishtamandalagra-sanathena, "wielding the drawn sword."
Line 13 contains the date of the grant: the year twenty-one of the reign (of Pulakesin II), the month of Kärttika, the great ninth (tithi), a Thursday. For authoritative remarks on this date I refer the reader to the Postscript on pages 260-61 below, which has been kindly contributed by Mr. R. Sewell,
TEXT, First Plate.
1 Svasti [*] sakala-bhu[va ]na-samstuyamana-Manavya-sagotrāṇā[*] Haritiputripath] eapta-lõks-matgibhib) Sapta-Ma
Srimatām
1J. Bo. Br. B. A. S., Vol. X, p. 365 f.
See e.g. above, Vol. VIII, p. 146, note 8, and Vol. XVIII, p. 7,
See above, Vol. IV, p. 180, note 5.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 16.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 304.
Above, Vol. IX, p. 317.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 309, text line 5 f.
From ink-impressions supplied by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Saetti, B.A.
The of stu is corrected by the engraver from

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6
8
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14
16
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iib.
KOPPARAM PLATES OF PULAKESIN II.
ដូចគ្នាថា កាសកាយកម្មនៅមានជ័យយកជ័យល្អ BIEBESD សឱវាទសអាល្លឺភាពវិជ្ជមរយានយកពាក្យរាយក 33 សមភាពទី៣៩ និង 9 343ៗគ្នា បាន លើមខ្លះថាសកង3FIងចាមបាន escre
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HIRANANDA SASTRI.
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2
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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No. 27.]
KOPPARAM PLATES OF PULAKESIN II.
259
2 tribhi[b] [sa]myag-abhivarddhitānā[*] Kärtikėya-paripälan-adhigata-kalyāņa
paramparäpa[m] bhagavan-Narayana-prasi. 3 da-si(sa)māsāda(di)ta-varäha-lañchhan-ēkshana kshana-valkpit-ādesha. mahibhritam-anēk
åóvamëdh-avabhsita(tha)-sna4 na-pavitrikrita-vapushā[m] Chalukyānā[m ] kalam-abhyalamkarishno[h*) prathita
kirttoh Sri-Kirttivarmma-Prithivivallabha-ma[hara-]
Second Plate; First Side. 5 jasya priya-pau(pu)tra[h*) pranat-ānēka-mahipati-makuța-taţa-vilagna-maņi-makarika
ghộishta-pād-aravinda-dvaya6 gya pratigat-ārāti-chakra-vidhva[n]sana-vividhi)-visåradasya dēva-dvija-guru-vriddh
apachāya(yi)na[h*] pit=aiva sūra[1] Sar 7 tyasraya-pratihat-ājña[h*j' Sri-Pulakēsi-Pri(Pri)thivivallabha-mahārāja(jo)
yathāruha sanmå(mmā)nayati [11*] Viditi(ta). 8 m-astu Vallabha(bhā) sama[ksh]-āvasti(sthi)to vidhivi(va)t=88[m]pradattā marntas Kali-kulanām=anēka-sangrăma-sähasa-dakshēna
Second Plate ; Second Side. 9 niki(shkşi)shta-mandalāgrā(gra)-sanāthëna sva-bāhună vipaksha-mandala[mh*) nirjitya
BV&-But-ånvayo pratishtā(shthā)pita-ra10 jyasya Pri(Pfi)thividu(yu)varājam=āņatti? [1*] Mugamur-vv[**]stavyāsya]
Chha(Sandilyāyana-gotrasya Apasta[mba)11 sūtrasya viprasya "Vēdasarmmana[h*] Karmma-räshțrë Irbuli-grå më ashța satam!
kshetram datam(ttam) Belāka-ba(pa)lva12 lā[t*] pūrvvata[h*] Karmmakāra-taţākā[t*] paschimata[h*) Kondav[e]"rup[r]pathā[d=*] dakshiņata[h*] Virparu-patha' uttaratash *
Third Plate. 13 pravarddhamana-vijaya-rājya-sa[m]vatsarö Ekavi[m*]satis Kärttika-māsā
mah[ä-navamyām]" Bri[haspati-văro pra14 sasto muhürttē-syā datti(ttē)r-ājñapti[h 11*] Bhūmi-dānātı5 tpa(pa)ran-dā[na*]n-na
bhūta[m] na bha[vi*]shyati [*] tasy=aiva haran[ät-pā]15 pan na bhūta[th*) na bhavishyati (111*] Bahubhiruvvasudha datta bahubhis-ch
anupalita [1] yasya-yasya yadā bhūmi[g-*]tasya.
1 An i is also affixed to the tt of te.
Read pitseva. The va is entered below the line. Read Salgåérayo-pratihat-ajñah.
• Read yatharha th.
5 Read matha. • Road Kali-khalanams.
Read rajasy-ajnaptih. • Either read-ordslavyaaya, or replace the four genitives following it by datives.
[The name seems to be Aiļa. The symbol for è in l. 13 below would suggest that the first letter is di and the second lettof geems to be fa.-Ed.)
10 The ta of-fatan is entered below the line. Two crosses (kakapada) above the line mark the place whore it has to be inserted. Mr. Laksmana Rao (loc. cit., 1. 44 f.) mistook them for numerical symbole. (The original seems to read fata.-Ed.) 11 [The letter looks more like che.-Ed.) 11 Read -pathadeutlaratab.
13 Read ēkapitre. 1. The tops of the bracketed letters are broken away, but the reading is certain. 16 There is a vacant space after this word.

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[Vol. XVIII.
16
tasya tada phala[m || 2*) (Sva-da]t(tjä[m] para-dat[t]a[th*]
Yudhishthira [* mahi[m] mahi(hi)bhuja[m] frosh[tha
vā yatnád-raksha dana]te!
TRANSLATION. (Lines 1-6) Hail! The dear grandson (read: son) of the glorious Kirtivarma-PrithiviVallabha-Mahārāja who adorned the family of the glorious Chalukyas, etc.; whose fame was (widely) spread; whose pair of lotus-feet was rubbed by the makara ornaments of jewels attached to the slopes of the diadema of many prostrate princes; who was proficient in achieving the destruction of the circle of opposing enemies; (and) who honoured the gods, the twice-born, the Gurus, and the aged ;
(L. 6 f.) the glorious Pulaköki-Prithivivallabha-Mahārāja (who), like (his) father, (is) a hero, the abode of truth (Satyasraya)* whose commands are unopposed, suitably honours (the officials of this district and informs them as follows) :
(Ll. 7-10) “Be it known (to you that), Vallabha being present in person, the execution (of the present grant) was formally bestowed on Prithividuvarāja (i.e. Prithiviyuvarāja) who, having defeated the circle of enemies by his arm (which was) a churning-stick of the wicked people) of the Kali (age), which was skilled in daring (deeds) in many battles, (and) which was wielding the drawn sword, has secured the kingdom to the lineage of his son."
(LL. 10-12) "To the Brāhmaņa "Vēdasarman who resides at Magamur, belongs to the Sandilyāyana-gotra, (and) follows the Apastamba-sútra, a field of eight hundred (nivartanas) in the village of Irbuli in (the district of) Karma-rāshtra has been given. (This field lies) to the east of the Balaka-palvala (pond), to the west of the Karmakāra-taţāka (tank), to the south of the road to Kondav[orupur, (and) to the north of the road to Virparu."
(L. 13 f.) “In the yoar twenty-one of the reign of increasing victory, in the month of Kärttika, on the great ninth (tithi), on a Thursday, at an auspicious moment, the execution of this grant (was bestowed on Přithiviyuvarāja)."
[LI. 14-16 contain three of the customary verses.)
POSTSCRIPT.
BY ROBERT SEWELL, I.C.S. (RETIRED). At Dr. Hultzsch's request. I have examined the date of the Chalukya inscription published on pp. 43 to 54 of Part I, Vol. VI of the Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute which is stated to belong to "the year twenty-one of increasing victory” of a Chalukya sovereign who is perhaps identical with Pulakēsin II.
The details of the given date are “ Thursday the mahānavami day in the month Kārttika." It is not stated whether this 9th day was in the light or dark fortnight, but in the absence of this information it is reasonable to assume that the 9th day of the month was meant, or more accurately the day on which at sunrise the 9th sukla tithi of Kirttika was current. If the inscription belongs to the reign of Pulakēsin II it must have been composed about A.D. 629 or 630, or thereabouts.
1 Read danachachhrĒyo napalaram
? According to Cowell and Thomas (Translation of the Earshacharita, p. 266), " the word makarika appears to denote & makara-shaped forehead omament."
* This was the favourite surname of Pulakësin II. Sve Fleet's Dyn. of the Kan. Districts, sec. ed., p. 351. • Seo footnote 9 on the prooeding pago.Ed.)
[See footnote 11 on the proceding page. ..] 6 The bracketed words are supplied from linee 8 and 10.

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Calculation for a date of that period must be made either by the mean-system computation of the First Arya-Siddhanta, or of the Brahma Siddhanta, which latter was compiled in A.D. 628.
By either of these the 9th sukla tithi of Karttika fell in A.D. 628 on a Wednesday. In A.D. 629 it fell on Sunday by the First Arya-Siddhanta and on Monday by the Brahma-Siddhanta. In A.D. 630 it fell on Saturday by both authorities. But in A.D. 631 it fell on Thursday, by both these Siddhantas, and that Thursday corresponded to October 10 A.D. 631. This last satisfies the requirements of the case if, in the practice of those days, the 9th sukla tithi of Karttika marked a mahānavami day. I regret that I am unable to give an opinion on this point. The modern mahānavami day is, I understand, the day corresponding to the 9th sukla tithi in the month Aśvina.
If the day in question was actually Thursday October 10 A.D. 631, it makes the king's accession to have taken place on or after October 11 A.D. 610, seeing that it belongs to his 21st regnal year.
As regards this date it must be noted that Fleet (Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 23) stated that Pulakesin II's accession must have taken place "early in Saka 532 (A.D. 610-1)"; that R. G. Bhandarkar fixed it as in Saka 533, i.e. A.D. 610 or 611, according as the Saka year was treated as current or expired (Early History of the Dekkan, p. 38); and that Professor Jouveau-Dubreuil (Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 111) gives it as in A.D. 609. Fleet's fixture slightly conflicts with the date October 11 A.D. 610, since the year Saka 532 began on March 19 in that year.
R. SEWELL.
No. 28. THE SO-CALLED TAKHT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103.
BY STEN KONOW.
The stone on which this inscription is incised measures 17" by 144", and it is now in the Lahore Museum. There is some uncertainty about its provenance. Cunningham originally stated that it had been discovered by Dr. Bellew at Shahbazgarhi. Similarly Mr. Hargreaves writes in a letter dated Simla 4th December 1913: "In connection with the Gandhara
10th
sculptures I had occasion to look up references to the very well-known and frequently quoted Takht-i-Bahi inscription, and to my surprise find that there is no absolute certainty it emanates from Takht-i-Bahl at all, it may very well come from Shahbazgaṛhi."
Later on Cunningham speaks about the record as hailing from Takht-i-Bahl, without mentioning his previous note on the subject, and since that time the epigraph has always been spoken of as the 'Takht-i-Bahi' inscription.
Both places are situated in the same neighbourhood, Shahbazgarhi 6 miles east and Takht-i-Bahi about 8 miles north-west of Mardan in Yusufzai.
According to the Editor of Trübner's Record, June 1873, Dr. Bellew had left the stone at Hoti Mardan "in Dr. Johnson's compound. Several years afterwards, in 1870, he authorised
1 Readers will learn with sincere regret that this veteran scholar, to whom Indian History and Chronology are so heavily indebted, died in London on the 30th December 1925 in the eighty-first year of his age.--E. H. 2 Trübner's Record, June 1878, reprinted Ind. Ant., Vol. II, 1873, p. 242,

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Dr. Leitner to take away anything he might have left at Hoti Mardan. Dr. Leitner, after personal inspection, got the stone carried down to Lahore by bullock-cart, and there got the inscription both lithographed and photographed. The discovery of the stone therefore belongs to Dr. Bellew, that of the inscription to Dr. Leitner."
262
A rubbing of the inscription was forwarded by Dr. Leitner to Professor Dowson, who gave a notice of it in Trübner's Record of June 1871. A second notice was published by Cunningham in the same Record, June 1873,1 and a fuller account, with an excellent plate by Dowson, who read the date portion and, in a second note,3 gave a new reproduction of the same. Then follow editions by Cunningham, Senart and Boyer. I now edit the epigraph from excellent estampages which I owe to the kindness of Professor Vogel, who had them prepared for me when he was Superintendent of the Punjab Circle of the Archeological Survey.
The inscription consists of six lines, and the average height of the letters is 14". In the first line there is an apparent gap after the seventh letter, but nothing has been omitted, the intervening space having been purposely left without any writing on account of the roughness of the stone. Similarly there is a vacant space in the middle of 1. 5.
Cunningham remarks that "as the stone has been used for many years, perhaps for centuries, for the grinding of spices, all the middle part of the inscription has suffered and become indistinct, and some portions have been obliterated altogether." In such circumstances it is intelligible that the reading and interpretation is in some places beset with considerable difficulties.
The alphabet is Kharoshṭht of the Saka variety. The letter ya has the relatively broad angle which we also find in the Paja inscription of Sam 111, and the Mount Banj inscription of Sam 102. The continuation of the vertical of sa up towards the upper curvature, which is seen in both those records, is apparently not met with. We find the same occasional lengthening of the right top of ma as in Mount Banj. Ba has the older curvilinear and not the later angular shape. The curvature of the upper end of da towards the right is very insignificant. There is no dental na, and the cerebral na has the rounded top which we find in the Mount Banj and Kaldarra epigraphs and also in the Patika plate. The shape of individual letters is not, however, quite consistent, and more especially the letter ya has several somewhat different forms, so that it is not quite certain whether it should not, in puyae 11. 5 and 6, be read as puas. Note also the curious flourish after the last letter of the inscription, which is certainly e. It is perhaps due to damage to the stone during the years when it was used for grinding spices.
With regard to individual letters we may note the akshara following after the break in 1. 1, which I follow Professor Franke? and M. Boyer in transliterating f. M. Senarts transcribed it as bh and Professor Lüders as vh. I use f because this writing has the advantage of greater simplicity, and because the Latin form of the name in which the letter occurs has familiarized us with the f. But it is not my intention to convey the impression that the actual sound was necessarily the voiceless spirant f. Gudufara, the name in question, is not Indian but Persian, derived from an old Vindafarna "the winner of glory". The last part of the compound is derived from the Aryan base svar, and sr is usually represented by uv in Ancient
1 Reprinted Ind. Ant., Vol. II, 1873, p. 242.
2 J. R. 4. 8., New Series, Vol. VII, 1875, pp. 376 ff., with plate.
Ibid., Vol. IX, 1877, pp. 144 ff.
Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. V, 1875, pp. 58 ff., with plate XVI, No. 3.
Journ. Asiat., VIII, xv, 1890, pp. 114 ff., with plate.
Ibid., X, iii, 1904, pp. 457 ft.
1 Pali und Sanskrit. Strassburg, 1902, p. 111. Journ. Asiat., IX, xii, 1893, p. 206.
J. R. 4. S., 1909, pp. 655 ft.

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Persian, i.e., the result was probably & voiced sound. The Kharoshthi siga itself seems to be derived from v and not from p, by adding an upward stroke to the right. A similar stroke is found in the Kharðshthi documents discovered in Chinese Turkistan, where we sometimes find the letter which is usually transliterated at provided with a perpendicular, rising from the right end of the cross-bar. Of. plate XCII in Sir Aurel Stein's Ancient Khotan, where Messrs. Boyer, Rapeon and Senart read the akshara as sth in sthishyadi, 1. 9. I am, therefore, inclined to think that vh, i.e., an aspirated voiced spirant, was the sound meant, and it would probably be more correct to transliterate vh. I do not think, however, that we can be certain about the pronunciation, and, for practical reasons, I prefer to write f.
I may further draw attention to the compound letters tsa in sarbatfarao, 1, 2, and rjh in erjhana, 1. 5.
With regard to orthography and phonology we may note the change of intervooalic j to y in maharayasa, 1. 1 ; puyao, 11. 5 and 6; the softening of intervocalic t to d in madr, 1. 5: pidu, 1. 6; the change of v to b after an anusara in sa nbatéarae, 1, 2; of ts to tf in the same word; of shy to fin isa, 1, 2, and of śr to sh in shadhadana, 1. 4. Such changes are, as is well known, of frequent occurrence in Indian Kharðshthi inscriptions.
In spite of all the care that has been bestowed on the reading and interpretation of the epigraph, several points are still far from being finally settled. Dr. Thomas has, therefore, rendered a real service to scholars in preparing the new facsimile plate published together with this article.
The first line can be read with perfect certainty and has never presented any serious difficulty. Dowson read the second akshara of the king's name m instead of du, but & comparison with du in madu 1. 5, pidu, 1. 6, conclusively shows that the letter is du. The third akshara has usually been rendered as pha, but I have already given my reasons for transliterating fa. We must accordingly read: maharayasa Gudufarasa vasha 20-4-1-1, (during the reign of the Mahārāja Gudufara, in the 26 year. Vasha is also used in the Kaldarra inscription of the year 113 and the Skārah Dheri epigraph of the year 399, while the Machai record of the year 81 has vashē, which is probably intended in the other dates 28 well. There is not, however, any trace of an e-mātra. No certain inference can be drawn from the use of varsha instead of samvatsara irf these instances; the word may have been chosen in our record in order to distinguish between the two dates in 11. 1 and 2, or in order to indicate that the year used in the first one began with the rains.
Cunningham and Dowson identified Gadufars with the king Gondophares of Christian tradition, and this identification has been generally accepted and may be considered as certain. The date of 1. 1 has, further, always been interpreted to mean that the inscription belongs to the 26th year of the reign of King Gudufara. Epigraphiste will, however, agree with me that we are oply informed that it was issued during Gadufara's reign, while the year can just as well be referred to some era which may have been introduced by some of Gudafara's predecessors. If We compare the dating of Brahmi inscriptions of the Kushåna period, we might be inclined to think that the latter was the one. Of. o.g. No. 149a of Professor Lüders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions : maharajasya rajdtirdfanya dēva putrasya shahēr-Vudvishkasya rajya-samvatsari 24 and other similar records where an is used instead of rajya-samvatsaro. Nobody would here think of the regnal year of the king mentioned in the inscriptions, but ur hesitatingly refer the date to the Kanishka era. I shall state below why I think the same to be the case ip our epigraph.
Then follows, in l. 2 and the beginning of 1, 3, a new date.

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The first word was read san ... by Cunningham, and sa hvatsarasa by Dowson. E. Thomas demurred to Dowson's reading, but did not suggest any alternative. Messrs. Senart and Boyer read sambadhae and explained this word as meaning "du comput continu ", " in the continuous reckoning ". There cannot, however, be any doubt that Dr. Thomas was right in reading sarbatéaraē. The traces of the letters visible in the impressions and the plates make this reading absolutely certain. Moreover, the use of té for Sanskrit ts in this very word seems to be quite regular in Kharðshthi inscriptions. Thus we find sanvatsaraye in the Taxila copper-plate of the year 78, in the Mount Banj inscription of the year 102 and in the Paja record of the year 111. Similarly sanvatsarë is the usual form in the Kharðshthi documents from Eastern Turkistan.3 In the Suë Vibär plate we have samvatsarē, but the upper part of the compound is misshaped, wherefore Professor Franke roads sa nuachare and Mr. Majumdar sa nuachchhare. The Hidda epigraph of the year 28 and the Ara inscription of the year 41, finally, have sambatfaraē.
The writing té is no doubt meant to render the current pronunciation of the compound ts. The usual Prakrit representative of ancient ts is chohh, which only differs from tf in being aspirated. It is probable that the form tá is due to the linguistic tendency of the north-western dialect which the Indo-Skythians adopted.
The same compound occurs in the Kharðshthi manuscript, of the Dhammapada, where M. Senart reads it vis, in ahitsai, A* 8; bhamētsu, B 34; bhätsidi Cvo 3 and matsana Cxviii vo 2. The two last words correspond to Sanskrit bhētsyati and matsyanām, respectively, where ts has a similar origin as in samvatsara. In ahitsai and bhamatsu & t seems to have been inserted between a nasal and with a consequent change of sto s. There is nowhere any trace of the aspiration which comes in in the common Prakrit form.
There are indications which seem to show that the absence of aspiration in similar compounds is an old feature of north-western vernaculars. For we find pacha for pascha in the Shahbāzgarhi version of the Aboka inscriptions. On the other hand, pātcho, afterwards, in Ancient Khotani might lead us to the conclusion that we are faced with a phonetic tendency in the home-tongue of the Indo-Skythians.
The change of v to b in sambatéarae is perhaps to be explained as a result of the influence of the Indo-Skythian substratum. For not only do we find b for v after an anusvāra in the Kharo.hthi manuscript of the Dhammapada, where api and tvu become vi and va, respectively, after vowels, but bi and ba, respectively, after an anusvāra. But in ancient Khotani b frequently corresponds to Sanskrit , not only in loanwords such as bina, Sanskrit vinā, but also in indigenous words such as bissi, Sanskrit visva. The actual sound was perhaps a bilabial spirant, English w
The word following after sarnbatsuraē is certainly tisatimae. M. Senart read tisatamaē, but the s-stroke of the second ta is too distinct to be acoidental. The form fatimua also occurs in the Pāja inscription, where we read ēkada[sa"]éatimayē, and, as remarked by M. Boyer, in the Skärah Dherl image inscription, where I follow Dr. Fleet in rending ēkupachadusatimae.
Then follow the numerical symbols 1, 100, and 1 1 1, and Vesakhasa masasa divase, as has always been recognized.
L. 3 ff. were not read by Dowson, and Cunningham only attempted to make out some few words. M. Senart was the first one to give a transliteration and interpretation of the greater portion of these lines, and M. Boyer gave a continuous reading of the whole. .
1J.R. A. 8., New Series, Vol. IX, 1877, p. 10, footnote. 'J.R. 4. 8., 1913, p. 636*. . Cf. Konow, Acta Orientalia, II, p. 114. • Pali und Sanskrit, pp. 96 f. • Sir Antosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. IIT, PL. 1, PP. 489 # . Cf. Konow, Festschrift Windisch, p. 91.

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The first word in 1. 3 was read panchamē by the two French scholars, who also agreed in reading the ensuing sign or signs as pa, which, according to M. Senart, is the sign of the figure 5. I cannot accept this reading and interpretation.
The first akshara is much damaged, and there are several strokes which are probably the result of the use to which the stone has been put. There cannot, however, be any doubt, that it is a pa. I cannot see any trace of an anusvāra, but there are some strokes at the bottom, which may be the remnants of an u-matrā or of a post-consonantie r. The second letter consists of a vertical, bent towards the left at the top, and a distinct cross-bar. If the latter is accidental we would think of dha, and if the curvature at the top is due to accident or oversight, we would have tha. I have already in another connexion suggested to read prathamē, and I still think tbat reading the most likely one, though pradhame would also be possible.
What M. Senart read as the symbol for 5 I read as di 1. It is, as is well known, the unvariable custom in Kharðshthi to use the symbols for 4 and 1 when the number five is given in figures, and not in words. And it would be very extraordinary to find a notation of the kind suggested by M. Senart.
The ensuing aksharas were for the first time read by M. Boyer, and his transliteration iba is certainly correct, though both letters are damaged, and it is possible that isē is the reading intended. Isa and ifē are of frequent occurrence in Kharoshthi inscriptions in India and Eastern Turkistan, and the meaning is clear; they render Sanskrit asmin and atra. M. Boyer thinks that isa," with $ instead of s as in Magadhi," is Sanskrit ēsha, but that explanation cannot be right, esha being nothing else than the nominative singular, and the change of s or sh to s not being a feature of the vernacular. Scan only be an old sh or the representative of an old shy. In the Shāhbāzgashi version of the Asoka inscriptions we repeatedly find forms such as arabhilamti, Sanskrit Arabhishyanti, and in the Kbarðshthi manuscript of the Dhammapada é is frequently the representative of Sanskrit shy. Isa would accordingly be the regular representative of a female oblique form from the base i, and it is possible that the theme ishya has developed a stereotype locative adverb ishyē. At all events, the base must be the pronoun which we find in id-am.
After isa M. Boyer read chhunami samana, and M. Senart ... pade .... Ohhunumi would of course suit the context very well, but samana could not represent Skr. framana, as M. Boyer thinks, the only possible forms of that word in the dialect being samana and shamana.
Now there cannot, I think, be any doubt that the two last aksharas of the passage are pachhe. The traces of both letters are quite distinct, and puhas also been recognized by M. Senart. The new plate will show that chhe is also beyond doubt. Pachhe can scarcely be anything else than Sanskrit pākshē, pakshē, or, perhaps, pathye, salutary, suitable, auspicious, here used to characterize the day or the moment when the inscription was issued.
There accordingly only remain two aksharas between isa and pachhē, and so far as I can see the extant traces are more in favour of dinë than of chhune, though it is impossible to be quite certain.
I accordingly read the second date as follows: sumbatsaruě tisutimae 1 100 111 Vēšakhasu masasa diva se p[ratha]me di 1 isa [dinē] pachhē, in the hundred and third year-103, on the first day-d. 1 of the month Vaisakha, on this paksha-day, or, on this auspicious day.
The interpretation of the word pachhë is difficult. If we were justified in explaining, it as corresponding to Sanskrit pathye, we should be able to prove conclusively that the date of
18. B. A. W., 1916, p. 801.
. See Johansson, Actes du 8 congrés international des orientalistes 11, iii, pp. 129 and 169, where, however, the use of has not been explained.
* See Konow, Festschrift Windisch, p. 93.

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the insoription is the first and not the fifth Vaisakha. That date was auspicious because it was considered to be the Buddha's birthday. Tradition placed that event on the full-moon day of Vaišākha, and the Takht-i-Bāhi inscription would accordingly show that the months in north-western India were pūrnimānta, just as it can be proved to have been the case when the Kharðshțbi epigraphs dated in the Kanishka era were drawn up.
There is, however, one grave objection to this interpretation. In the Asoka inscriptions and in the Kbarðshthi records from Central Asia there are two different aksharas which are usually both transliterated chh, one with, the other without a cross-bar below the head. The latter one is usually stated to be the only one occurring in later Indian Kharðshthi inscriptions. That statement is not, however, correct. We find the cross-bar form in inscription J on the Mathura Lion capital, where we must read palichhina, Sanskrit parichchhinna, instead of Bühler's palishțēna. Now an examination of the Kharosbțhi manuscript of the Dhammapada shows that the cross-bar form represents old chh and also ohh derived from thy, while the other form stands for Sanskrit ksh and should probably be transliterated ksh and not chh. It is this form which is used in pachhe, and it, therefore, seems necessary to explain this word as Sanskrit pakshē or pākshe. I would therefore suggest to explain dini pachhê as dinē pākshe, on (this) paksha-day, and assume that the day is designated in such a way in order to mark it as the first day of a paksha, though the pakshas are not usually mentioned in Kharoshthi inscriptions.
Then follow five letters which M. Boyer read bēlasamisa, while M. Senart could not make out more than the two last ones. M. Boyer adds that the e-stroke of the first letter is, perhape, only a flaw in the stone, and it seems to me that such is evidently the case. I, therefore, read balasamisa, the genitive of balasami, which corresponds to Sanskrit balasvāmin. The final sa is quite distinct, and I, therefore, do not venture to follow Dr. Thomas, whol thinks that we ought probably to read mira as in l. 4.
M. Boyer saw in bēlasamisa the name of the donor. It seems to me that such can scarcely be the Okse, the donor being mentioned in 1. 4, and I, therefore, think that balasamisa should be taken with the opening word of 1. 4.
The last four akskaras of 1. 3 were read goyanasa by the two French scholars, but only M. Boyer tried to translate this word. He took goyana to correspond to Sanskrit göydna, a carriage drawn by oxen, 4 cart in general, and drew the final sa to 1. 4. I think, however, that the extant traces show that Dr. Thomas was right in reading boyanasa as in 1.4. I only differ from him in transliterating the nasal as the cerebral in accordance with my remarks, above, Vol. XIV, pp. 181 ff.
Boyana, which is also used together with the name Mira in 1. 4, cannot be an Indian word, M. Boyer sees in Mira Böyana the Iranian neme M9 poßovams, and this explanation is probably right, but it does not help ns to understand the word böyana itself. It seems to contain a base boy and a termination ana. The latter is no doubt the well-known suffix ana, which forms adjectives from nouns (as in Khotavi balysäni, belonging to the Buddha (balysi') and in the word kushana from lushi) or participles from verbal bases. The base böy can be identified with Iranian baug, to save, if we remember that aj between vowels has become y in maharaya and puya.
Boyana can accordingly mean "saving", "saviour", and I take it to be an Iranian translation of the same title wtp which has been Indianized on Indian coins as tratara. I think that such is evidently the case, and I take böyanasa as a title of Balasami. It follows from this interpretation that the final sa cannot be taken together with the first word of 1. 4.
13. 8. 4. 8. 1913, P. 686*,

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Here M. Senart read pa .. aa, but M. Boyer was certainly right in reading par[t]vara. At first sight one is inclined to read parovara, which might be explained as a compound of para and Jvara. Ovara would have to be taken as identical with ovaraka, cell, which occurs in several Brāhmi inscriptions, Parovara might mean " the predominant cell". This explanation cannot, however, be upheld. An dvara for ovaraka does not occur in any other record, and even Ovaraka itself is never met with in Kharðshthi inscriptions. I think that M. Boyer is right in thinking that the apparent cross-bar of the first r of par[i]vara is accidental, and that there are traces of an i across the left extremity of the upper portion of the ukshara.
The word parivara, Sanskrit parivāra, occurs in many ancient records. M. Boyer took it together with the final sa of l. 3 and explained sa-parivara as an adjective characterizing göyana, the whole meaning "a cart together with a covering ". He is fully aware of the difficulty arising from the nature of the donation, which would hardly justify the engraving of an inscription. He thinks, however, that the object of the epigraph may have been to honour the prince mentioned in 1. 5 more than to record the gift. Or else, the cart may have been of great value, and the donation accordingly of especial merit. In this connexion, he draws attention to a passage in the Divyavadāna, where we read yana danan dadati riddhipadavipäkapratilabhasa ivartaniyam, he gives a cart, a gift leading to the acquisition of the result of the state of supernatural power. This explanation is very ingenious, but I fear that it is too ingenious, and if Dr. Thomas' reading boyanasa in 1.3 is accepted, we shall have to look out for another explanation.
The meaning "covering (of a carriage)" is well attested for the word parivara, but it is never met with in ancient inscriptions. In Brahmi inscriptions we find saparivara, 6.g., in the Nasik inscriptions Nos. 8 and 9, and in his edition of them M. Senart remarks: “It is, I think, too precise to translate sa parivara by 'with his family'. If such were his intention, the engraver would rather have used special names of kinship or some generic word, as jati, which occurs elsewhere. Parivara may, together with the family or even excluding it, apply to companions of the donor, fellow-workers or caste-partners." The original meaning of the word seems to be "covering ", "surrounding", and it actually has this meaning in some passages in classical literature, but more frequently it must be translated by some word meaning surroundings, train, suite. This meaning does not, however, seem to give any sense in oar inscription, and it may perhaps be of interest to samine other instances of its use in Kharoshthi records.
The oldest Kharðshthi inscription where it occurs is the Mathura Lion capital. We are there informed of the fact that the chief queen of the Mahakshatrapa Rajala puts up some relics of the Buddha, together with some of her relatives, the atēura and the horaka parivara. Here atëura corresponds to Sanskrit antahpura, the inner court, the female apartment of the palace and those who live in it. The horakas are the officials who are called horamurta in the Māņikiāla inscription, and horamurta is a "Saka" rendering of Sanskrit dänapati.. Now it should be remembered that parivmita is used in the Satapatha-Brahmana (8.6.1.20) and elsewhere to denote & place enclosed with walls and used for worship, and hora kaparivara might accordingly mean "the enclosed hall of the horakas" and further "the horaka-department", a meaning which would be very appropriate in our passage, where the word is used in connexion with antakpura, which has a similar sense.
The next time we find the word parivara in a Kharðshthi inscription is in the record under discussion. The follows the Suë Vihar copper-plate of the year 11, during the reign of Kanishka,
See Lüders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Index of Miscellaneous Terms, sub voce apavaraka'.
ed. Cowell and Neill, p. 482, 1. 20. • Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 77. • See Laders, J. R. 4. 8., 1900, pp. 650 ., 8. B. 4. W., 1912, pp. 421 f.
2 L 2

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of which we have now a good reproduction in the excellent edition by Mr. N. G. Majumdar.1 The third line of this record, where the word parivāra occurs, cannot be read with absolute certainty; and I shall not, in this place, try to show how I arrive at my reading of the whole of it. We learn that a yathi, a staff, has been raised (in memory) of the friar Nigadatta, and that the Upasika Balanandi, the wife of a householder, and the mother of Balaja, makes a present of an anuparivara, which in my opinion can hardly mean anything else than & subsequent enclosing through a wall for the purpose of building up the shaft in which the staff was placed.
The word paritāra again occurs in the Måņikiala inscription, where we read that the dandanāyaka Lala erects a stúpa, together with some other persons and the whole paritara : sa(in)vona cha parivarēna sadha. Here we may translate " together with the whole retinue", but the original meaning of paritära can very well be the same as in the Mathuri Lion capital inscription.
Finally, we meet with the word parivara in the Wardak vase inscription, where I would read in 1. 3: mahiya cha rohana sada sarvina avashadigana-sa parivara cha-agrabhagapadi. yasai bhavatu, and let my deposit--and also the surrounding wall (or chapel)-for ever lead to sharing in the preferential lot for all (beings) up to the heretice.
I think that this examination will have shown that parivāra can be translated by "surrounding structure","hall ", " chapel ", and such is, in my opinion, the meaning of the word in our inscription, which records the donation of some structure bearing the name of Balasvāmin, the Saviour, perhaps a memorial monument, or a building raised by him.
The next word was read yadha .. na by M. Senart and sadhadana by M. Boyer. The first akshara can hardly be sa. Its top is more rounded than in the sa of rēšakha, 1. 1, and the damaged sa of isa, 1. 2. Moreover, there are traces of a vertical below the upper curve. I have, therefore, suggested to read shadhadana. I think that this reading is quite certain. The change of fr to sh is a regular feature in Ancient Khotant and apparently also in the north-western dialect of the Kharoshthi inscriptions, though we always find é in the name of the month Srāvana. In that word, however, the Sanskrit form would naturally exercise its influence. We find the same tendency to substitute sh for śr in the dialect of the Kharðshthi Dhammapada, and it is probably due to the linguistic peculiarities of the dialect which the Indo-Skythians adopted in the Indian border districts.
The third akshara da has a peculiar shape. Its lower end is curved towards the left and continued upwards in an angle. It is possible that we are here faced with the a-mitra, which is of frequent occurrence in the Kharðshthi documents from Eastern Turkistan. Or else the hook is the mark of the anusvāra, indicating the nasalization of a vowel before a nasal, which is a common feature in Ancient Khotani. We must accordingly read shadhadana or shadhadarna.
The corresponding Sanskrit word would be sraddhadana, or sraddhadāna. M. Boyer compares Páli saddhādeyya, Buddhist Sanskrit sraddhādēya, "a gift of faith ", " a pious gift"
Of the ensuing aksharas M. Senart only read the two first ones, in which he saw sapa. M. Boyer read sapayasõvadana, and explained this as saprajāsuradana, taking it together with the following miraböyanasa, so that the whole should mean" with his children Suvadani and Miraboyana ". He thinks that the curiously shaped last letter contains a na with a du added above after the na had been engraved, when there was no more space left below. I am unable to accept his reading. The initial sa is certain. The second akshara is pa, but has a distinct loop at the bottom, so that we must evidently read pu. The third letter, which was
1 Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silper Jubilee Volumes, Vol. III, Part I, pp. 459 fr. ? 8. B. A. W., 1916, p. 801. . Cf. Konow, Festschrift Windinol, p. 94. . cf. e.g. the document N. XXIV viii 9 reverse in Sir Aurel Stein's Serindia, Plate XXIV.

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read ya by M. Boyer, has a distinct vertical, rising from the left hand termination, and looks like ta. The following akshara cannot, I think, be sa, but seems to be dhi, though it is different from the dha in shadhadana. With every reserve I would therefore read sa putadhi. But then the following akshara cannot be anything else than ta, though it looks more like a ra. The upper stroke is sloping upwards and not horizontal as in va. Moreover, there are traces of an upward stroke at the left termination of the letter, which has become somewhat indistinct AB A consequence of the following letter having been engraved across it. That last akshara is quite misshaped, and it seems necessary to infer that it has not been engraved before the eusaing akshara. It seems as if it had originally been overlooked and was subsequently added, after the omission had been detected. There was not then sufficient space for the proper shape of the akshara, and its apper part was engraved above the other letters and across the preceding ta. We have a similar letter at the very end of the Zeda inscription, where the last word is no doubt Sanghamitrarajasa. I therefore read the akshara as sa and the wbole compound as saputadhita ea.
The remaining portion of 1. 4 does not present any difficulty, and both M. Senart and M. Boyer agree in reading Miraboyanasa. I have no hesitation in'accepting this reading, only substitating na for their na. Mira is, as stated by M. Boyer, the Iranian Mithra, and it is of interest to note that tr has become r as in Ancient Khotani.
The first three aksharas of 1.5 were read ejhshuna by M. Boyer, while M. Senart only read the first and third letters. The second akshara is certainly a compound, and the upper part is clearly jh. The curved line across the lower vertical is the usual sign of a r preceding the consonant, and such is evidently its significance in our inscription as well. A compound jhsh is in itself very unlikely and has never been met with in any Kharoshthi record, while rjh also occurs in the Zeda inscription. The loop below the akshara looks like an u-mătrā and it would be natural to read erjhuna. If we bear in mind, however, that the usual way of denoting a r forming the first part of a compound in later Kharðshthi inscriptions is to add a loop at the bottom, it is perhaps possible to consider our compound as an intermediate form and to read erjhana and, finally, the reading erjhāna might also be possible. Cf. my remarks to the word shadhadana, 1. 4. At all events, there cannot be any doubt that we have to do with an un-Indian word.
The letter jh is seldom used in Indian inscriptions. Where it occurs in Kharðshthi records, it seems to represent a voiced z, just as is the case in the Kharoshthi documents from Eastern Turkistan, where s is commonly softened between vowels so that we find dajha for dása, divajha for divasa. The letter is found in the Zeda inscription, where marjhaka, 1. 2, is evidently identical with Khotani malysa kia; in the Mänikiāla inscription, where we must read Kartiyasa majhé divasē 20, with the same softening of s between vowels as in the Turkistan documents, and in the Ara inscription, where Vajheshka corresponds to Brahmi Vási shka. This name is evidently derived from the Iranian base vāza, strength, vigour. Similarly jh is used for 2 in the coin-legends of Zoilos.
The sound , had long ago become obsolete in Indian languages, and considerable difficulty Was experienced when it had to be expressed in foreign words. The form Vāsishka shows that it was occasionally written as s, and later on j became the representative of 2, as, c.g., in the coin-legends of Zeionises. If Kusuluka, which occurs in the Tazila copper-plate of Patika and on the Mathuri Lion capital, is the same word as kujula in the name of the first Kushåpa ruler, we here have s and j in the same word as different attempts at rendering the voiced ..
1 I read the word so. 8.B.A.W., 1916, p. 801. ! Cf. my remarks, Festschrift Hirt, p. 280.

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A fourth attempt was made in the records of Ysamotika and his successors, viz., by means of the compound ys; and this same device became the rule in Ancient Khotani.
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Erjhana accordingly represents an attempt at rendering the sounds of erzana or erzana, and there can be no doubt that in this form we have to see the same word which occurs in Ancient Khotani as alysānai, eysamnai, which is used to render Sanskrit kumara. The l before the voiced s in this word, as also in malysaki, is certainly a later development in Khotant, which, on the whole, agrees with Old Iranian in using r for 1 throughout.
M. Boyer, who read ejhshuna, saw in this word the name of a prince and thought that this name was an Iranian compound containing izad as its first part. But no similar name is known to exist, and in my opinion, my explanation of the word is absolutely certain.
If now erjhana belongs to the language which I have called Khotani, it would be natural to infer that the individual characterized as erjhana, i.e., kumara, belonged to the tribe or tribes who used that form of speech. His name must be contained in the fourth and fifth. aksharas of 1. 5, which M. Senart read as kapa, while M. Boyer, who admitted that the first akshara looks like ka, suggested to read [bhu]pa. There cannot be any question about the nature of the first letter. It is ka, and it is so clearly cut that we have no right to correct it. The second akshara is certainly pa, but underneath there are distinct traces of an akshara which I have formerly suggested to read as fa or sha. It now seems to me that it must be read as sha, there being distinct traces of a vertical below the semi-circle, i.e., of the letter sha. I still think that this kapsha cannot be anybody else than the Kushana prince whose name is written in many different ways, kadphises and kadaphes in Greek letters, and kasa, kaphsa, kadapha in Kharoshṭhi. With regard to the use of sh when the Greek rendering has we may compare Kharoshthi ayilisha, Greek azilises.
We know that the national tongue of the Kushanas was identical with, or closely related to Ancient Khotant, and Sir John Marshall's discoveries at Taxila have shown that Kujala Kadphises followed almost immediately after Gudufara as ruler of that place. Sir John writes*: "After the death of Gondophernes his empire was split up into smaller principalities, and it was then that Hermaeus and Kadphises I appear to have made their successful invasion of Gandhara and Taxila." I therefore feel no hesitation in identifying the prince mentioned in our inscription with Kadphises I, since he is characterized by a Khotani title and bears a name which is almost identical with the names used in his coin legends.
The remaining portion of the inscription is quite clear. After Kapsha follows the genitive termination sa, separated from Kapsha by a wide gap, and further puyae 'madu pidu puyae. The curious flourish to the left of the final è is, as stated above, probably accidental.
The inscription carries, as we have seen, a double date: in the 26th year, during the reign of Gudufara, and in the 103rd year. The latter date has usually been referred to the Vikrama era. Sir John Marshall has tried to show that that reckoning was instituted by Azes, and Professor Rapson endorses that view. I am unable to accept it, for several reasons. Sir John's theory is based on his interpretation of the word ayasa occurring after the figures denoting the year in the Taxila inscription of the year 136, which he takes to be the genitive
1 Cf. Lüders, S. B. 4. W., 1912, pp. 407 ff. The recent attempt made by Mr. N. B. Divatia, J. Bo. Br. R. 4. S., XXVI, pp. 159 ff., to vindicate the rendering of the compound as ghs is a failure. The learned anthor has failed to recognize that ys is the regular sign for voiced & in Ancient Khotaui.
28. B. A. W., 1916, p. 801 f.
Cf. Konow, Z. D. M. G. 68, pp. 85 ff.
• J. R. 4. S., 1914, pp. 979 f.
6 J. A. R. 8., 1914, pp. 973 ff.
The Cambridge History of India, Vol. 1, pp. 571 ff.

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of the name Aya=Axes, characterizing the year as belonging to an éra established by Azes. In my edition of that inscription I have mentioned the reasons which have been urged by various scholars against this interpretation, and so far as I can see they are still as cogent as they were ten years ago. If ayasa were the name of a king, the inscription would necessarily fall within his reign. The absence of every title is, however, so extraordinary that it is almost impossible that the word can be the name of a ruler. Professor Rapson, it is true, asks us to remember "that the inscription belongs to a people that knew not Azes. His family had been deposed and deprived of all royal attributes. The throne of Takshasila had passed from the Sukas and Pahlavas to the Kushanas. Azes could scarcely have been furnished with his wonted title, 'Great King of Kings', in this inscription, without prejudice to the house then actually reigning." Are we to believe, then, that the people who did not know Azes still used his name in connexion with the era current in the district?
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There is another reason which, in my opinion, makes it impossible to ascribe the establishment of the era to Azes: that theory makes it necessary to separate one of the Kharoshṭhi inscriptions, the Taxila plate of Patika, which is dated in the same way as the other epigraphs, from the rest and construct a special era for it. That has also, as is well known, been done by several scholars. Sir John Marshall has, consistently with his interpretation of the Taxila silver scroll, explained the words maharayasa maham tasa Mogasa in the Taxila plate as indicating the ruler who established the era used in the record. Professor Rapson thinks that this era "may possibly mark the establishment of the new kingdom in Seistan, after its incorporation into the Parthian empire by Mithradates I c. 150 B.C. If so, the date of the inscription would be c. 72 B.C., a year which may well have fallen in the reign of Maues." He further shows that the theory according to which Mithradates I conquered NorthWestern India is based on a misunderstanding of a statement of Orosius and goes on to remark: "The invasion of India must be ascribed not to the Parthian emperors, but to their former feudatories in eastern Iran; not to the reign of Mithradates I, but to a period after the reign of Mithradates II (i.e., after 88 B.C.), when the power of Parthia had declined and kingdoms once subordinate had become independent." M. Foucher holds a similar view, but seems inclined to refer the date of the Taxila plate to the Parthian era of 248 B.C., supposing the figure for hundred to have been suppressed, so that 78 would stand for 178 and correspond to 70 B.C.
"Just as much as the use of
I cannot accept any of these theories: Sir John's not because a proper name in the genitive in connexion with the date in ancient records invariably denotes the ruler in whose reign the inscription was executed, and the other ones because I do not think that we have any indication of the use of foreign eras in India in ancient times, at least not in private documents, and most Kharoshṭht inscriptions are of that nature. I quite agree with M. Foucher, who discusses the supposed use of the Seleukidan era in some Kharoshṭhi epigraphs and, after mentioning the well-known dated coin of Platon, goes on to say: the Greek reckoning seems to us to be on its place on an essentially official and governmental piece like the Platon coin, just as difficult would it seem to us to justify it in the case of a private ex-voto, emanating from a simple indigenous donator." Patika can hardly be supposed to have used an old era belonging to the dynasty from which the invaders of India, the ancestors of his own suzerain, had made themselves independent. Even if we were to admit the possibility of omitted hundreds in these dates, what I do not think we are justified to do, the only natural inference from the general state of things in the Indian borderlands in the first
1 Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 286 f. 21.c. p. 582. L'art gréco-bouddhique du Gandhara II, p. 488.
sl.c. pp. 568 ff. 490.
2.c. p.

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century B.C., would be that the era used in the Patika plate was instituted in commemoration of the conquest of India by the dynasty to which Moga belonged, or of its emancipation from dependance on the Parthian overlords. In other words, the initial point of the era cannot fall before 88 B.C.
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The date of the Patika plate can, as is well known, be broadly fixed with reference to the Amohini votive tablet of the year 72, during the reign of the Mahākshatrapa Śōḍāsa. Professor Rapson, it is true, gives1 42 as the date of that epigraph. He seems to be unaware of the fact that Professor Lüders has proved that the symbol used in the Soḍasa inscription, something like a St. Andrew's cross, must be read as 70 and not as 40. So far as I can see, no other scholar has accepted Professor Rapson's reading, and so long as he has not shown that Professor Lüders' convincing arguments are inconclusive, we can safely adhere to the prevailing opinion.
I agree with most other scholars in referring the date of the Soḍāsa record to the Vikrama era. It accordingly corresponds to 15 A.D. In that year Sodasa was Mahākshatrapa. In the inscriptions on the Mathura Lion capital Suḍasa, i.e., Śōḍāsa, is mentioned as Kshatrapa, while his father Rajula is characterized as Mahakshatrapa. The Lion capital must accordingly be older than the Amohini tablet, how much older we cannot say. Sir John Marshall has shown that Rajula was probably ruling about the beginning of the Christian era, and we can provisionally date the Lion capital between, say, 1 and 10 A.D.
In addition to Rajula the inscriptions of the capital also mention another Mahakshatrapa, Knsulaa Padika, who cannot be anybody else than Patika, the son of the Kshatrapa Liaka Kusuluka, who issued the Taxila copper-plate. Sir John Marshall therefore suggests to date the Taxila plate about 17 B.C., and 1 do not think it is possible to refer it to an earlier period. A priori I should be more inclined to say between 10 and 1 B.C.
According to Sir John's theory we should accordingly have to state that about 17 B.C. an era, instituted by Moga, was in use in the country about Taxila, while, at the same time, the era of Azes had already been in use for forty years. This simultaneous use of two foreign eras at the same time and in the same neighbourhood during a prolonged period is not very likely, and the state of things becomes still more difficult if we admit, as I think it is necessary to admit, that Moga was still reigning at the time of the Patika plate, i.e., according to Sir John, about 17 B.C. In that case it becomes impossible to claim Azes, who is known to have succeeded Moga, as the establisher of the Vikrama era.
The Azes theory will, I think, have to be abandoned. Everything we know from Indian tradition points to the conclusion that the Vikrama era was a national Indian era, and ancient Indiar ideas seem to be traceable in the oldest Vikrama-dates. The eras used in Kharoshṭhi inscriptions, on the other hand, are partly framed after the model of the Macedonian calendar. That is evident from the occasional use of Macedonian month-names and from the habit of reckoning the days of the months through, from full moon to full moon, while the Indian calendar divided the month into two fortnights. It seems, accordingly, necessary to infer that the era or eras used in the Patika plate as well as in the so-called Takht-i-Bahi inscription are of foreign origin, and if it is granted that Moga was still reigning in the year 78 of that era, and we meet with Gudufara in the year 103, it is difficult to avoid the inference that both
1 l.c. p. 575.
2 Ep. Ind., IX, pp. 243 ff.
Archaeological Survey of India; Annual Report, 1012-13, p. 48
J. R. A. S., 1914, pp. 985. f.
Cf. Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 185 L

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records should be referred to one and the same era, so that there are, accordingly, 25 years between the Patika plate and the so-called Takht-i-Bahi inscription, or, in other words, between Moga and Gudufara.
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Such an interval is about what we would expect, considering the fact that only the king or kings known as Azes and Azilises seem to intervene between them. The reason why this inference has never been drawn is probably that Cunningham's dictum, that the inscription is dated in the 26th year of the reign of Gudufara, has never been challenged. I have already stated above that a comparison of other ancient records necessarily leads us to the conclusion that the Gudufara inscription is dated in the year 26 of some era which may or may not coincide with his individual reign. And if it is admitted that Moga was still reigning about 17 B.C. or perhaps even later, and that we have absolutely no real reason for referring the Gudufara date to the Vikrama era, we are inevitably led to the conclusion that the year 26 refers to an era established by some of Gudufara's predecessors, and in that case there cannot be the question of any other ruler than Azes. If, therefore, we refer the Patika date and the Gadufara date to the same era, it will be seen that the era which I think commemorates the accession of Azes begins one year before the Patika date. But then his record hails from Taxila, while the socalled Takht-i-Bahi inscription only informs us of the fact that, 25 years later, the rule of another dynasty had extended its sway as far eastward as Takht-i-Bahi or Shahbazgaṛhi. The conquest of Taxila did not take place in the first year of the Parthian era.
There is nothing inconsistent in this supposition. The Saka conquest started from Seistan, reached the Indus country and thence extended over Taxila and Gandhara. The Parthian dynasty, to which Gudufara belonged, came from the west through the Kabul country. It found a Saka era in use in the conquered territories, and the use of this era had become so firmly established that a subject of Gudufara, 26 years after the establishment of Parthian rule, thought it necessary to record the date of his epigraph, not only in the Parthian era, but also in the old Saka reckoning.
Nor can we wonder at the absence of any later reference to the Parthian era. The dynasty founded by Azes was short-lived. After Gudufara's reign it was replaced by the Kushāņas, the successors of the Sakas, in the Kabul country and in Taxila, and the second Kushāņa ruler, Vima Kadphises, reconquered "India", i.e., the Indus country and probably also Kathiawar and Central India, and I still think that that event was commemorated through the institution of the Saka era, as stated in the Kalakacharyakathanaka. In other words, the Saka era commemorates the final re-establishment of Indo-Skythian rule after the interruption caused by the Parthian conquest, and it is a revival of the Saka era introduced after the first Saka conquest of India. In this way it also becomes intelligible why Chinese sources speak of Vima Kadphises' conquest as a re-conquest.
I agree with Messrs. Foucher and Rapson that the first Saka conquest must be subsequent to the demise of Mithradates II in 88 B.C. The subsequent weakening of Parthian power made it possible for the Sakas of Seistan to assert their independence, and the strengthening of their power resulting from the immigration of new Saka hordes led to an expansion of their realm into the Indus country. We do not know who the first Śaka conqueror was. We only know the name of the Saka ruler or rulers Maues, Moga, and we have seen that Moga was still ruling 25 years before the Gudufara inscription.
It has been customary to speak of several rulers intervening between Moga and Gudufara, one or two bearing the name Azes and one or two called Azilises. Opinions differ as to the nationality of this or. these rulers. Some scholars think that they were Parthians, others that they were Salas. I have never been able to understand why it should be necessary to assume
Cf.iny remarks, S. B. 4. W., 1916, pp. 811 f.; Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 293.
2 x

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the existence of more than one ruler Azes-Azilises. As pointed out by Dr. Thomas, Azes is a short form of Azilises. And if we compare the coin legends, we are, I think, led to the concluBion that Azes and Azilises are one and the same person. When we find coins with the legende basleds basileon megalou Azou on the obverse and maharajasa rajarajasa mahatasa Ayilishasa on the reverse, or basileos ... megalon Azilisou on the obverse and maharajasa [rajaraja] sa mahatasa Ayasa on the reverse, the only natural inference from the use of the imperial title on both sides is that we have not to do with more than one ruler.
Nor do I think that there can be any doubt about the nationality of this ruler : he was & Parthian and not a Saks king. That follows, in my opinion, from the coin-legends showing the Dames of Spalirises, Spalahora and Spalagadames. In the first place we have the coins of Spalirises, the king's brother, with the legends basileos adelphou Spalirisou on the obverse and maharajabhrata dhramiasa Spalirisasa on the reverse. Then we find Spalirises associated with Azes, with the legends basileos megalou Spalirisou on the obverse and maharajasa mahatakasa Ayasa on the reverse. Here A zes is associated with Spalirises, but he has not yet assumed the Imperial title. We may infer that he had not yet acquired the power attested by his later legends, and also that he was a Parthian ruler. Finally we find Spalirises designated as basileon basileos megalou Spaliri sou on the obverse and maharajasa mahatakasa Spaliritasa on the reverse. In addition to Spalirises we have Spalahora, alias Spalyris, and his son Spalagadama, whose names are associated with that of the great King of Kings Vonones. There are several coin types and legends : basileðs basiloon megalou Ondnou on the obverse and maharajabhrata dhramikasa Spalahorasa, or Spalahorapatrasa dhramiasa Spalagadamasa on the reverse ; Spalyrios dikaiou adelphou tou basilede on the obverse and Spalahoraputrasa dhramiasa Spala. gadamasa on the reverse.
Numismatista seem to agree in the opinion that Spalirises and Spalahora were both brothers of Vonones, and that the former survived Vonones and succeeded him on the throne. Vonones, on the other hand, is considered to be different from and older than the king Vonones I of Parthia (8-11 A.D.). The name of Spalirises is not, however, anywhere combined with that of Vonones, and I cannot see any obstacle to the assumption that he was an older member of the dynasty, perhaps the father of Azes and the uncle of Vonones, in which case the latter can very well be identical with Vonones I of Parthia.
Acoording to my view, the state of things can accordingly be summarised as follows: Some time after the demise of Mithradates II in 88 B. O., a Saka ruler of Seistän made himself independent, invaded the Indus country and established a new era. According to the Kalakacharyakathanaka the Jaina Kalakacharya applied to the Saka rulers of Sagakala for assistance against King Gardabhilla of Ujjayini, who had abducted his sister, and the result was that the Sakas made themselves masters in Ujjayini, where their rule, according to some well. known memorial stanzas, lasted for four years. They were then ousted by Vikramiditys, who established his own ers. As I have stated elsewhere, I see no reason for disorediting this tradition. The Vikrama era is a national Indian era, established by an Indian ruler to commemorate his victory over the Šakas. And in my opinion it is the first secular era of Indian origin. The oldest certain instance of its use is the Sodāsa inscription of the year 72, and from the fact that the date portion of this record does not make any mention of the paksha but simply mentions the 9th day of the month, we may infor that the calendar was partly arranged according to the principles introduced by the Sakas.
1 J. R. A. 8., 1906, p. 208.
1 Cf. Rapson, 1.c. Pp: 573 f.; R. B. Whitehead, Catalogue of Coins in the Punjab Museum, Labore, Vol I, pp. 91 ff., where further references to the literature about the subject are given.
*Z.D.M. G. 34, pp. 247 f.
•[According to the Prabhavatacharita (IV. 43-44) it is sakhidőta-the country of the Sathis, otherwise called Gabas-lying on the Sindhu in the west.-Ed.] of my remarks, Acta Orientalia, I, p. 88,
• Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 293 f.

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The best known of the Saka rulers is Moga, who was still on the throne in the year 78 of the old Saka era. If it is granted that the establishment of that era must be subsequent to the year 88 B.C., the year 78 cannot be earlier than 10 or 9 B.C. The Patiks plate mentioning it is dated on the fifth Panemos. From the use of the Macedonian name we can infer that the year began, as in the Macedonian calendar, with the month Dios, i.e., it was Kärttikādi. The month Panemos corresponds to June. If the beginning of the era coincided with October 88 and the years were current, the earliest possible date for the Patiks plate would be June, 10 B.C., and if the years were elapsed, Jane, 9 B:0. It is not, however, probable that the era was established before one or two years after the demise of Mitbradates II. On the other hand, some time was required for Patika, who in the year 78 was not even a Kshatrapa, to acquire the rank of Mahakshatrape, and further for Sodāsa, who was Kshatrapa when Patika wa Mahakshatrapa, to be promoted to Mahakshatrapa, a position which he held in 15 A.D. We oan, therefore, with some confidence, state that the last ten years before the beginning of our ere must be the period when the Patiku plate was engraved.
Now I have tried to show that a new, Parthian, era had been established one year before the date of the Patiks plate, by Azes, the first Parthian conqueror of the Kábul country and Western Panjab, and that the so-called Takht-i-Bāhi inscription is dated in the 26th year of that era. That would take us to the time 16-20 A.D., which would be a very likely date for Gudufara, who is generally assumed to have come on the throne in 19 A.D.
Gudufara is, as I have already mentioned, certainly identical with the King Gondophares who, according to Christian tradition, summoned the apostle Thomas to his court. This tradition is not, however, of much use for chronological purposes. In the first place, the name of the king is not mentioned before the third or fourth century A.D., and, in the second, the whole tradition cannot prove anything more than that the name of the King Gudufara had become known in the Christian east about the time of Christ's death or of the first Christian mission.
We do not know how long Gudufara's rule lasted. We learn from the Panjtar inscription that a Kushāņa-Mahārāja (Gushana maharaya) had come into power in the year 122, i.e., 19 years after the date of our inscription, and from the Taxila silver scroll that this same Kushāna had assumed the imperial titles maharaja rājātiraja dēva putra 14 years later, in the year 136. If the so-called Takht-i-Bähi inscription belongs to one of Gudufara's first years, he cannot, accordingly, have held undisputed sway for more than about twenty years, and we do not know anything which militates against snoh an assumption.
With regard to the ralor mentioned in the Panitär and Taxila records opinions differ, but all scholars are agreed that it is the same ruler who is mentioned in both inscriptions. From & consideration of the find-places of the two epigraphs we can infer that he had, between the years 122 and 186, extended his sway eastwards, and the increase of his power consequent on this extension is illustrated in the higher titles used in the Taxila scroll. Bat both find-places full within the territory which the Chinese called Kipin, and which, according to them, was' con quered by Kadphises I, while "India", which was subdued by Kadphises II, must be located outside of Kipin.
In full agreement with this state of things Sir John Marshall' has shown good reasons for identifying the Kushāņa-Mahāraja of these records with Kajala Kadphises, and I am more convinced than ever that he is right, though the prevailing opinion seems to be that Vima Kadphises is the ruler mentioned.
Cf. Ep. Ind., XIV, pp. 290 ff.
* J. R. A. 8., 1914, pp. 977 f.
2 m
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We know from the Hou Han-shu, the annals of the Later Hang, Ch. 118, fol. 11" that the hi-hou of Kuei-shuang, K'iu-tsiu-k'io, 1.e., Kajüla Kadphises, after conquering four other hi-hous, established himself as wang (king) and used the dynastic title "King of Kuei-shuang", 1.6., Kushana King, that he invaded An-si (Parthia), seized the territory of Kao-fu (Kabul), annihilated Pu-ta and Kipin, and that all these territories formed his empire. He became eighty years old, and was succeeded by his son Yen-Kao-chen, 1.6., Vima Kadphises, who "again" conquered India, where he appointed & general to rule as his vioeroy.
The Hou Han-shu cover the period beginning with 24 A.D. Kajola Kadphises' consolidation of the Kushana empire accordingly falls after that date. Before then he can only have been a petty hi-hou or a young prince. But afterwards he gradually became king (wang) and king of Kuei-shuang.
It will be seen that all these details point to the conclusion that the Kushäņa-Mahārāja was Kujala and not Vima Kadphises. The latter ruler does not seem to have resided in India. He ruled through a vioeroy, and in my opinion this viceroy is the Soter Megas, whose "coins are found in extraordinary abundance, and over a wide stretch of country extending from Peshăwar to Mathuri. These facts point to a great power and a long reign, and are much in favour of the supposition that we must look for Soter Megas amongst the most important of the kings and satraps known to 18, as it is very improbable that such a great potentate would be nameless and unknown except from these coins. The style of the coins, which are in copper only, and the absence of square forme point to a period about the Kushăpa conquest, so that Soter Megas was probably a contemporary of one of the two Kadphises."
"Certain types almost invariably exhibit in the field the Kharoshthi akshara vi,"l and I agree with Cunningham that this vi may possibly be the initial of the king's name, though Mr. Whitehead does not accept this view. If it is correct, we would have a clear indication of Vima Kadphises being the suzerain on whose behalf the Soter Megas coins were issued.
Mr. Whitehead thinks it possible that these coins were struck by more than one ruler. I think that he is right, and that the Soter Megas coinage covers the period from the accession of Vima Kadphises to the installation of Kanishka. Sir John Marshall is no doubt right in assuming an interval between the reigns of Kadphises II and Kanishka, but we have no information about the Kushāņa rulers who held sway at headquarters after the demise of Vima Kadphises.
Moreover the designation Kushana-Maharaja is more easily understandable, without the addition of any personal name, in the case of the ruler who first introduced it, than with his suo. cessor, and if Vima Kadphises was the king who introduced the later Saka era, as I think we must infer from a comparison of Chinese tradition and the Kalakācharyakathānaka, he cannot be the Kushāna-Mahārāja of the Panjtår and Taxila records. We can only think of Kajūla Kadphises.
It has been arged against this that the Taxila scroll shows a monogram which is characteristic of the coins of Vima Kadphises. Sir John Marshall has, however, drawn attention to the fact that the same monogram also occurs on the coins of his predecessor, and I may add that it is likewise met with on coins of Zeionises. Professor Rapsons objects that the coins in question "bear the name not of Kajúla Kadphises, but of Kujala Kara Kadphises, who was probably another member of the dynasty .... Kajala Kara Kadphises seems to have succeeded the Satrap Zeionises in the kingdom of Pushkalivati, and he may have been contemporary with Vima Kadphises."
· Cf. Whitehead, 1.c. p. 160. • Archeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1919-18, p. 8*. he. p. 5821.

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Not being myself a numismatist I feel some hesitation in differing from a scholar whose knowledge of Indian coins is probably at the present time unsurpassed. I cannot, however, help thinking that numismatists are too much inclined to construct different rulers at the hand of different coin-types. Just as I have not been able to convince myself of the existence of more than one Azes, in the same way I fail to see that the variety in the titles used by Kujala. Kadphises makes it necessary to assume the existence of more than one ruler of that name. We must not forget that Chinese tradition assigns a long period to his reign.
Kujula Kara Kadphises cannot have been a petty chief or a subordinate ruler like the Kshatrapa Zeionises. He is designated as maharaya rayatiraya and maharaya rayaraya devaputra. Similar titles, viz., maharaja mahata and maharaja rajatiraja are met with on coins which bear the name of Kuyula Kapha, and I do not think that it can reasonably be doubted that Kujala Kadphises and Kujala Kara Kadphises are one and the same person. Sir John Marshall' found at Sirkap a coin showing, on the obverse, the bust of Hermaeus with a corrupt Greek legend, and, on the reverse, a Kharoshthi legend of which we can at least read jula kara. Here Kujala Kara's name occurs on a coin showing the bust of Hermaeus, and thus his identity with Kadphises I becomes still more probable. We do not know the etymological meaning of the word kujula. I may add that I do not any more think it likely that it is a Turki word. We have no certain traces of Turkish in the language or titulature of the Indo-Skythians. The title yavuga, which has often been stated to be an adaptation of the Turki yabgu, has not been etymologically explained, and it is perhaps more probable that it is originally an Iranian word which has been taken over by the Turks than that the opposite should be the case.
I therefore identify Kujala Kara Kadphises with Kujala Kadphises and cannot admit that the use of the monogram in question on the Taxila silver scroll can be urged against the view that the Kushana king mentioned in the inscription is Kujala Kadphises.
There is still another reason which strongly speaks in favour of this identification: Vima Kadphises is never, in his coin-legends, designated as a Kushana, and nobody would, I think, a priori be inclined to identify him with the Gushana-maharaja of the Panjtar inscription and the maharaja rajatiraja devaputra Khuskana of the Taxila silver scroll, if it were not for the common theory that the Saka era was established by Kanishka.
I do not overlook the fact that Sir John Marshall has found some coins at Sirkap which seem to show the legend maharajasa rajatirajasa Khushanasa yavugasa, while the obverse bears the head of a Kushana king, resembling that of Vima Kadphises. Sir John is inclined to ascribe these coins to Vima Kadphises and writes: "The epithet Yavuga (=Turkish jabgou) is found on coins of Kujula Kadphises, and is supposed to have been replaced by the title maharaja rajatiraja after the conquest of India. The simultaneous use, however, of the two terms in one and the same legend appears to indicate that the prevalent view regarding the meaning and use of this title is not wholly correct." He is not, it should be noted, certain about the assignation of these coins to Vima Kadphises, and, in my opinion, the use of the title Khushana yavuga goes a long way towards proving that they should be assigned to Kujala Kadphises. The legend informs us of the fact that he who was then the maharaja rajatiraja had risen to that exalted position from the rank of a Khushana yavuga, and I cannot help thinking that there is a touch of justifiable pride in the wording of the legend.
1 l.c. p. 52,
Cf. Lüders, S. B. 4. W., 1922, pp. 260 f.
Hultzsch, Z. D. M. G. 69, p. 176, thought of güylü, strong, and I have myself, S. B. 4. W., 1916, p. 799, compared güzel, beautiful.
Archeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1912-13, pp. 44 ff.

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Professor Rapson has no doubt about the identity of the maharaja rajatiraja Khushana yavuga with Vima Kadphises. He says: "Most of the coins of Kujala Kadphises show clearly both by their types and by their fabric that they were struck in the Kábul valley. They are imitated from the barbarous issues of that region which still continued to reproduce mechanically the legends with the name of the last Yavana king, Hermaeus, long after his death. They are found in enormous numbers beyond the limits of the Kábul valley in Takshasila, where the stratification of the objects discovered in the excavations proves unquestionably that, in that district, they are rather later than the coins of Gondopharnes. At first sight the evidence of the finds would thus seem to show that Kujula Kadphises himself was later in date than Gondopharnes and that he was the actual conqueror of Takshasila ; but since the coins in question manifestly come from the Kábul valley, we must suppose that they represent the ordinary currency of the Kushăņas at the time when the invasion took place, and that they were introduced into Takshasilā as large numbers of Sassanian coins were brought into the country of the lower Indus from Irān by the Hüņas of the fifth century A.D. It is, therefore, by no means impossible that Kujala Kadphises may have been not later than, but contemporary with, Gondopharnes; and there is no reason to doubt the statement of the Chinese writers that it was not Kujúla Kadphises, but his son and successor, Vima Kadphises, who extended the dominions of the Kushåņas from the Kabul valley to N.-W. India."
I quite agree with Professor Rapson that the bulk of Kujala Kadphises' coins may have been struck in the Kabul valley, but in other respects I differ from him toto coelo. The Chinese sources do not, as we have already seen, tell us that Vima Kadphises, and not Kujala Kadphises, conquered N.-W. India. They state that the latter invaded An-si (Parthia), conquered Kao-fu (Kabul), P'u-ta (probably the country about Ghazni) and Ki-pin. But we know that Ki-pin comprised parts of the Panjab, i.e., N.-W. India, and the "India" conquered by Vima Kadphises cannot be identified with N.-W. India.
In such circumstances it seems to me that the Sirkap coins must be ascribed to Kujala, and not to Vima Kadphises. Coins of the known types of the former were found in the same locality, but no coins of Vima Kadphises or of Soter Megas. It cannot be objected that Kujala Kadphises' bast does not occur on any of the coins which can, with certainty, be ascribed to him. Professor Rapson has given the explanation of this fact : these coins were struck in the Kabul valley, and it was only after the conquest of Takshafila that Kujala Kadphises introduced his bust on his coins, probably in direct imitation of Gondopharnes.
It is of interest to note that the form Khushana occurring in the Sirkap legends is also found on some coins of Kujāla Kadphises with the legend Khushanasa yavuasa Kuyula Kaphsasa sachad hramathitasa, and some of these coins were found together with the new type at Sirkap, with the legend Khushanasa yavugasa Kuyula Kasasa.
So far as I can see, the cumulative weight of all these indications makes it necessary to Ascribe the silver coins found at Sirkap, with a head "resembling" that of Vima Kadphises, to Kujala Kadphises and to infer that they were struck during his rule at Taxila, in imitation of the practice adhered to by his predecessors.
Now I have tried to show above that the date of the Gudufara inscription must fall between 16 and 26 A.D. Nineteen years later, i..., between 35 and 45, the Kushana ruler of the Panjtår record had assumed the title Maharaja, and 33 years later, i.e., between 49 and 59, he uses the imperial titles Mahārāja rājātirāja dēva putra. If the ruler in question was Kujala Kadphises, he had already a distinguished career behind him when he began his conquest of the Parthian empire. He had succeeded some other ruler as yavuga, and he had subjected four
11.c. p. 581 f.
* Cf. Franko, Beiträge aus chinesischen Quellen nur Kenntnis der Türkrölker und Skythen Zentralaien, Berlin, 1904, pp. 59 f.

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SO-CALLED TAKUT-I-BAHI INSCRIPTION OF THE YEAR 103.
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other yavugas to his rule. He cannot have been quite a young man. If we assume that he was about 40 years old at the time of the Panjtar inscription, his death must have taken place between 75 and 85 A.D., and it will be seen that the establishment of the Saka era, which I ascribe to his son and successor, falls within that period. On the other hand, he can hardly have been an old man when he started on his eventful career. We know from Chinese sources that that happened after 24 A.D. We can infer, with some confidence, that he was born shortly before or shortly after the beginning of our era, and as he died an octogenarian, that would take us to the same time as I have come to above. I am unable to see how Vima Kadphises can possibly be pressed into the period between Gudufara and the establishment of the Saka era, and the theory that that reckoning was introduced by Vima Kadphises is the only explanation which is not merely based on general chronological considerations but derived from definite statements in Chinese and Indian literature, and I have not seen any serious grounds urged against it.
In such circumstances my identification of the prince (erjhana) Kapsha mentioned in l. 5 of the Gudufara inscription with Kujäla Kadphises receives considerable support. He is not distinguished by any title which would lead us to infer that he was a ruling prince. He is not even styled yavuga, but simply characterized as erjhana, 1.6., kumära. We would naturally infer that he had not yet risen to the rank of yavuga, and at all events, that his conquest of the other yarugas had not yet taken place. He may have been a young man, of say twenty years, and if he were born about the beginning of the Christian era, the date of the Gudufara inscription would correspond to c. 20 A.D.
I do not think that it is possible to arrive at more definite regults at the hand of the materials themselves, without any hypothetical interpretation of their text. I believe, however, that there is one indication in one of the ancient Kharoshthi records which may some day lead us to an absolutely certain conclusion about the initial point of the era. I refer to the word ayasa in the Taxila scroll inscription.
I have stated above that I think it impossible to explain this ayasa as the genitive of the name Aya, Azes. But then ayasa must be connected with ashadasa masasa, and the only question is why the month is characterized as aya. Aya might, of course, correspond to Sanskrit drya, and Professor Jacobi has mentioned the possibility that the month may have been called Aryan because the Indian and not the Macedonian month is mentioned. It will, .however, be seen from a comparison of the dates of the Gudufara, the Påja, the Kaldarra and the Panjtar inscriptions, that the use of the Indian and not the Macedonian names of the months was a common feature at the time when the Taxila silver scroll was inscribed. I therefore still think, as I thought when I published the record, that ayasa corresponds to Sanskrit adyasya. It should be remembered that adya does not become ajja in any Prakrit dialect, and that the change of dy to yy is attested through uyyana, Sanskrit udyāna, which is met with both in Pali and in the Shāhbázgarhi version of the Asoka edicts.
When the month Ashådha is designated as the "first" Ashādha, that does not, of course, mean that Ashādha was the first month of the year, but that there were two Ashādhas in that particular year. Can this information help us to settle the question about the precise date of the record ?
The reply would, of course, be in the negative, if we had to do with the ancient Indian calendar of the Jyotisha, according to which there was an intercalated Ashādha every five years. I have, however, already drawn attention to the fact that the calendar used in the old Kharðshthi inscriptions is not purely Indian but contains foreign, Greco-Macedonian, elements. In other
1 The difficulty becomes still greater if the Gadufars date and those of the Panjtar and Taxila records are referred to the Vikrama era.

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words, we have to do with the initial stages of that development which finally led to the recasting of Indian astronomy and the Indian calendar on purely scientific lines.
The question then arises whether we should not be justified in applying the methods of the Siddhantas to the date of the Taxila silver scroll. It is true that the Siddhantas are later than the inscription. According to Dr. Thibaut, the Sarya-Siddhanta and rome other Siddhantas are probably at least some centuries older than 500 A.D., but not necessarily more than two or three centuries older. But then it should be borne in mind that the Siddhantas are the result of a long development and not the first laying down of scientific astronomical principles. It is, therefore, not excluded that their methods can be used for a still older period. The question is not so much what the general Indian astronomer knew about calendar matters in the first century A.D., as what the Indo-Skythian successors of the Greek princes had learnt from their predecessors and how they had arranged their Greco-Indian calendar.
I do not myself understand anything about astronomy, and I cannot, therefore, form an independent opinion. I have, however, submitted the question to my friend the Dutch scholar Dr. W. E. van Wijk, who has been good enough to calculate which years between A.D. 50 and 80 had an intercalated Ashādha according to the Siddhantas. He has informed me that such was the case in the years 52 and 71 A.D., and Mr. Sewell has accepted this result.
Of these two dates only the former one is possible. For, if Sam. 136 corresponded to 71 A.D., the 5th Panemos 78, the date of Patika plate, would correspond to 13 A.D., only two years before the Sodasa inscription, and two years are not sufficient for covering the events falling between the two records. The year 52, on the other hand, excellently suits the facts as we know them. If it shonld prove to be right, the date of the Gudufara inscription would correspond to 10 March 19 A.D., 1.6., about 60 years before the beginning of the Saka era, and if Kapsha, 1.e., Kujúla Kadphises, were then twenty years old he would have been born in 1 B.C. The year 103 would have begun in October 18, and the accession of Azes, if the figure 26 refers to an era instituted by him, would fall in the year 9-8 B.O., wherewith it is impossible to know whether the use of the term varsha for year' points to a year beginning with the rains and not with the autumn.
If this result is accepted, it would become possible to give the dates corresponding to those occurring in other Kharðshthi records of the older series. The Patika plate of the 5th Panemos 78=June 6 B.C.; the Machai inscription of the year 81=4-3 B.C.; the Mount Banj inscription of the year 102=18-19 A.D.; the Paja inscription of the 15th Sråvaņa 11l=23 June 27 A.D.; the Kaldarra inscription of the 20th Sråvaņa 113 = 5 July 29 A.D.; the Panjtar inscription of the 1st Srāvana 122=7 June 38 A.D.; the Taxila silver scroll of the 15th of the first Ashadha 136=17 May 52 A.D.; the Dewai inscription of the 8th Vaisakha 200=24 March 116 A.D.; the Loriyān Tangai inscription of the 27th Prðshthapada 318=27 August 234 ; the Jamalgarbi inscription of the lat Aspaia (P) 359=September 276 A.D.; the Hashtnagar inscription of the 5th Proshthapada 384=7 June 300 A.D.; the Skārah Dheri inscription of the 10th (or 20th) Ashādha 399=28 April or 8 May $15 A.D.
I give these identifications with every reserve. Future research may make it necessary to fix the initial point of the era some few years later than I have done, but the relative chronology is, I think, certain. The new arrangement also removes a great difficulty which has been felt by everybody who has studied the history of the Indo-Skythians: the many different eras supposed to be used side by side in their records. The late Dr. Fleet consistently maintained that all the dates of Indo-Skythian records should be referred to the Vikrama era, which he held to be introduced by Kanishka. I do not think that anybody holds that view at the present date.
Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathematik, p. 46. * See Acta Orientalia, III, pp. 82 f.

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Most scholars are of opinion that the Patika plate stands alone with an era of its own, that the older series should be referred to the Vikrama era, while the Kanishka group is dated in Saka years. The dates with years higher than 300, finally, it has become customary to refer to the Seleukidan era. M. Foucher has demurred to the latter part of the prevalent theory. I have quoted his remarks about the improbability of the use of a foreign era in private votive inscriptions above, and I think that they are quite to the mark. But I do not think that his own solution of the difficulty is in any way better. He holds that the high figures should be referred to the so-called Maurya era, a suggestion which had already been made by Mr. R. D. Banerji in his valuable paper on the Scythian Period of Indian History. He reckons the year 322 B.C. as the starting point of the Maurya era and draws attention to the fact that the beginning of the Saka era comes exactly 400 years after that date. In his opinion the Saka era is only a continuation of the Maurya era, with omitted hundreds.
It is extraordinary how tenacions this idea of suppressed centuries is. I quite accept the dictum of the late Dr. Fleet : " There is, in fact, no sound reason for thinking that this irrational method of recording dates was used in ancient times in any territory which comes in any way within the scope of our inquiry." The results of referring the Kharðshthi inscriptions with years higher than 300 to the Maurya era are, moreover, just as fatal as if we use the Seleukidan reckoning. We would have to date the Loriyan Tangai statue in the year 3 B.C. and the Hashtnagar pedestal in 63 A.D. Now paleography seems to be in discredit at the present date, but still I think most scholars would experience some difficulty in ascribing the Loriyan Tangai epigraph to an earlier date than the Gudufara and Påja inscriptions. M. Foucher himself thinks that the epoch of the Loriyan Tangai stūpa is late, and according to him, approximately the second century A.D. The point d'appui for this dating is the Kanishka reign, which he supposes to begin about 78 A.D. If now the accession of Kanishka took place more than 50 years after that date," the Loriyan Tangai stūpa must be referred to the third century, as I have done above. M. Foucher, it is true, places the inscribed statues from Loriyan Tangai and Rājar (Hashtnagar) before Kanishka, but it seems to me that his reason, the good style of the foldings of the garments, is far from being convincing. If an older image was broken and had to be replaced by a new statue, the Gandhara artists of a later period were certainly not more backward in imitating ancient models than the Indian craftsmen of the present day. And statues without heads and hands are, it would seem, not the very best material for drawing chronological conclusions.
Moreover, it would seem to be a necessary preliminary to the reawakening of the theory of a Maurya era to show that the strong reasons cannot be accepted which have been brought into the field in order to show that the whole idea of such an era is without any foundation. And it would have been well to try to explain the curious fact that there is not the slightest reference to any such era in the numerous epigraphs of the great Maurya emperor Asoka. His inscriptions are, it should be remembered, official documents, and if a Maurya era had been in existence, we shonld certainly expect to find it used in them. The only inscription in which the Maurya era is supposed to be mentioned, belongs to a different dynasty, that of the Chodis, and besides, the supposed date is given in such a way that no unbiassed person could be supposed to understand the ineanings
M. Foncher has made no such attempt. He has been content to state that his whole theory stands and falls with the Maurya era, and there is, so far as I can see, absolutely no more
11.c. Pp. 484 ft. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, 1908, pp. 25 ff. ; sos especially p. 67. 'J. R. A. 8., 1913, p. 984. . I hope to show that such was actually the case in my edition of the Zeda inscription. For further details I may refer the reader to my remarks, Acta Orientalia, 1, pp. 12 ff.

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foundation for the belief in its existence than there would be if somebody were to suggest that an era was instituted to commemorate the conquest of India by Alexander.
The only objection against referring the high dates in Kharðshthi inscriptions to the old Suka era of which I can think, is that it seems difficult to understand why it was not replaced by the Kanishka era. But then we have the analogy of the Gudufara inscription, which shows that the old era had gained such a firm footing in Yusufzai that it survived the introduction of a new, Parthian era. There are, on the whole, no traces of Kanishka and his successors in Yasufzai proper. The capital was no more Pushkalāvati or Shahbāzgahi. Those districts, and the country further to the north, where the Gandhāra school of art had had a richer development than anywhere else, were no more in the centre of political activity. Peshăwar, on the high road to the stronghold of the Kushānas in Badakshān, bad become the most important city in the west, and the route from Taxila to Peshawar did not lead through Yusufzai. That country had been reduced to be an out-of-the-way territory, where Buddhist civilization and art remained, but where political vicissitudes were of little importance. No wonder that the indigenous donors and sculptors went on using the old era, un disturbed by the accession of Kanishka.
TEXT.
1 Maharayasa Gudufarase vasha 20 4 11 2 gambartéarae tilgatimae 1 100 1 1 1 Vesakhas. masasa divase 3 [pratha]me [di i i]ša (diņe] pacbhe Balasamisa [bo]yaņasa 4 par[i]vara [sha]dhad[a]pa sapu ta]dhitasa Mira boyanasa 5 erjhana Kap[sha]sa puyae madu 6 pidu puyae
TRANSLATION (Duting the reign of the Maharaja Gudufara, (in) the year 20, in the hundred-and-third year-103-on the first day-d. 1-of the month Vaisakha, on this paksha-day, the chapel (*) of Balasyāmin the Saviour [is] the pious gift of Mira the Saviour, together with his son and daughter, in honour of Prince Kapsha, in honour of his mother and father,
No, 29.-FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
BY RAI BAHADUR HIRALAL, B.A., DEPUTY COMMISSIONER (Retired), JUBBULPORE, The Government Epigraphist for India forwarded to me impressions of 4 sets of copperplate grants belonging to the Bhañja dynasty sent to him by the late Mr. Tarini Charan Rath, B.A., Dietrict Munsiff of Aska, Ganjām District. Brief notices in respect of them appeared in Rao Sahib Krishna Sastri's Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1917-18 on pages 12 and 135 ff., paragraphs 10-14, I now edit the charters from the impressions supplied by him, which are reproduced in the accompanying plates.
The Bhanja grants yet discovered number eleven including the present ones, four of which have been edited in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society and the rest in this Journal including the one of the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, which has been re-edited by Dr. Kielhorn in Volume IX, above. For facility of reference the charters have ben assigned
1 Cf. Chavannes, Thoung Pao II. viii, p. 187.
Şixteen. See Postscript.

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Takht-i-Bahai Inscription: the year 103, being year 26 of Gudufara.
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1 x 3 7 7 7 7 7 8 7 0720
F. W. THOMAS
فی سبیل ہے talalaikah latest
the 2011
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W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., PHOTO-LITH

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No. 29.]
FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
distinguishing letters given below, especially because some of them bear the same name, having been found in the same locality. In editing the two Baudh charters Mr. R. D. Banerji distinguished them by the letters A & B and Mr. Mazumdar gave to the Sonpur grant the letter C, which have been retained in my scheme.
A. Baudh grant of Ranabhañjadeva of the 54th year; by Banerji, Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, page 322 ff.
B. Baudh grant of Ranabhañjadeva of the 26th year; by Banerji, Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, page
325 ff.
C. Sonpur grant of Satrubhañjadeva; by Mazumdar, Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, page 98 ff.
D. Bamanghați grant of Ranabhañjadeva, J. B. A. S., XL, Part I, page 165 ff.
E. Bamanghați grant of Rajabhañjadeva, J. B. A. S., XL, Part I, page 168 ff.
F. Orissa grant of Vidyadharabhañjadeva, J. B. A. S., LVI, Part I, page 154, re-edited by Kielhorn in Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, page 271.
G. Ganjam plates of Netribhañjadeva, J. B. A. S., Vol. V, page 669.
H. Ganjam plates of Netribhañjadeva edited below.
I. Ganjām plates of Netribhañjadeva edited below.
J. Ganjam plates of Vidyadharabhañjadeva edited below.
288
K. Antirigam plates of Yasabhañjadeva edited below.
The description of these plates supplied by the Epigraphical office is reproduced below.
H. Ganjam plates of Netribhañjadēva.
"This is a set of three copper-plates, oblong in shape, strung together on a ring of the same metal, which passes through a hole of about in diameter near the proper right margin and has its ends riveted into the arms of the bracket at the back of the seal accompanying it. The ring was uncut when the plates reached this office. The plates have writing on five faces in all, the first plate being engraved only on the inner side. They measure about 6" in breadth and 3" in height. They bear slightly raised rims on either face, though those of the first plate are worn out a little. The ring has a diameter of about 3". The seal is circular in shape and has a diameter of about 1". On its countersunk surface it bears in relief the figure of a lion at the top of proper left with the legend Sri-Netribhañjadevasya' below it in two lines. The entire set weighs about 158 tolas."
I. Ganjam plates of Netribhañjadeva.
"This is a set of three copper-plates, oblong in shape, strung ogether on a ring of the same metal which passes through a hole about " in diameter at about 1" from the proper right margin. The ring was uncut when the set reached the office. It carries a fixed seal which is now partly damaged and must have been circular in form originally. The engravings on it are all lost. The first plate is written only on one side while the other two have writing on both the faces. The plates have very slight rims. They measure 6" in breadth and 31" in height. The set weighs 71 tolas."
J. Ganjam plates of Vidyadharabhañjadeva.
"This is a set of three copper-plates, oblong in shape and strung together on a ring 24" in diameter, which passes through a hole of about 1" in diameter near the proper right margin. The ring carries a seal into the two arms of the bracket on the back of which are fixed its two ends. The seal is much damaged so that nothing remains of the original engravings on its surface. Its diameter is about 1". The plates measure 74" in breadth and 3" in height. They have writing on four faces in all, the first and the last ones being blank in outer faces. The first plate is broken to the extent of 1" in the right band top corner. The total weight of the set is 85 tolas. The plates are not uniformly thick, the first being slightly thinner than the other two."
2 N 2

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K. Antirigam plates of Yasabhañjadeva.
"This is a set of three thin copper-plates strung on a ring of the same metal passing through a hole about " in diameter near the proper right margin. They are oblong in shape and have four faces of writing in all, the first and the last being blank on the outer sides. They have no rims worth the name; still the writing is in good preservation. The ring which is about 1" in diameter carries a turned knob into the base of which its two ends are fixed. The knob is about 1" long and is a miniature representation of the kalasika seen on the top of the broad umbrella used in the South Indian temples. The plates are a little drawn out in the side margins and have therefore slightly rounded corners. They measure about 81" in breadth and 3 in height. The weight of the set is 72 tolas. The plates were found in a village called Antirigam in the Purbakhanda division of the Chatrapur tāluk, not far from Jauguḍa, in a field while ploughing."
The language of all the records is Sanskrit written in the Nagari character influenced by the Oriya style more conspicuously in charter K than the three others, which closely resemble one another not only in characters, but in the phraseology used in them. All the records as usual are divided into three portions, the first and the third in verse, the former recording the invocations to the family god and the genealogy of the king and the latter benedictions and imprecations quoted from religious books, while the second or the middle portion in prose deals with the business in hand. There is also a little prose at the end of the records giving the names of the messenger, the writer, the engraver and the seal-affixer. The first portion being composed by a learned man of the court once for all during the currency of a reign, is always ornate and so it is in the present grants. The second is usually full of mistakes, as business respects neither rhetoric nor grammar and goes straight to the point, even admitting forms like Svamisya, Sarmisya, Agnihotrisya, so long as the sense is not obscured. Imprecations-being mere quotations from Dharma-Sastras are pure formalities of the age, given little care in point of accuracy, though in well written records they receive as much attention as the other parts of the records. In our records there is ample evidence of the carelessness with which quotations have been entered. In some cases the verses are incomplete, in others they have been mutilated and strung together in a new form, for instance, see J, where a verse occurs as follows:
यस्वयस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्वतस्य तदा फलं । मा भुवफलमा वः परदत्तानुपालन 7: 1 which gives a jumble of mis-spellings and misjoinders.
As regards the peculiarities in writing a full description has been given by Dr. Kielhorn in his article on the Orissa plates of Vidyadharabhañja, re-edited by him in Vol. 1 p. 271 ff. in this Journal. His remarks almost wholly apply to the plates H, I and J, and need not be repeated. The plates K are more modern than the other three and exhibit more prominently the Oriya style of writing, the chief characteristic of which is the rounding of the straight or angular por tions into a curve. The plates H, I and J will show that the top lines of letters are not straight, but slightly curved, furnishing each letter with a sort of a horn. In K the form of gets transformed into, & into a into and so on. These are really Oriya letters. Of course Oriya characters are no other than Nagari letters with the inevitable rounding resulting from an iron stylus playing on palm leaves, which would be torn if straight lines were drawn on them. As a matter of fact the slanting limbs of the letters in all these four records are too prominent to require any mention. I would not therefore dilate any further on this point.
I shall now proceed to the contents of the records and the historical data they give us. The charters Hand I were issued from Vañjulvaka by Netribhañjadēva surnamed Kalyanakalasa, son of Banabhañjadeva, grandson of Satrubhañjadeva and great-grandson of Silabhañjadēva,

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H grants a village named Ratangal in the Vasudēvakhanda-vishaya to a number of Aguiho. trins belonging to the Kausika- and Vatsa-yotras. The plate I grants a village named Mach. chhadagrāma of the Mächhädakhanda to another donee of the Vataya götra. These two records do not give either the residence of the donees or the place whence their forefathers came, nor do they state the occntion on which they were granted. They state as usual that the gifts were made for increasing the religious merits of the king's father, mother and self. They do not refer to any date whatsoever, but simply say that they were issued at the king's own order and written by the Minister for pence and war, in the case of H by Savaraja and in the case of I by Kubēra. Both were incited by a goldsmith (akshasalika) named Durgadēva. The seal in H was affixed by Mämmi, apparently a short form of Mahāmāyā (the queen) and in I a lady, named Jachchhika of the noble family. The messenger for H was Bhatta Sumangala, but the name of that in I is not legible.
The charter J was issued by Mahārāja Vidyadharabhañjadēva, surnamed Amõgha kalasa, son of Silabhañjadēva, grandson of Digbhañjadēva and great-grandson of Raṇabhañjadēva. It was issued from the ancestral capital Vañjalpaka and records the grant of a village named Mülamāchhāda (i.e., Māchhāda proper) situated in the Māchhadakhanda-vishaya to Bhatta Purandara, an emigrant from Manmāņā, situated in the district Taqisama-vishaya in Vsrebdhi' (province). In this case as in the previous two, the gift was made for increasing the religious merit of the donor and his parents and bears no date. The record was composed by Stambh, the Minister for peace and war, and incised by the goldsmith Kumārachandra, and the seal was affixed by Trikalinga-Mahadēvi, on the record being apparently presented by the Prime Minister Bhatta Kēgavedēva. One Chichika is recorded as the värgulika which appears to be an alternative term for dūtaka or messenger. All these names occur in plate F except the last, with a medley of offices, which throw a doubt on its genuineness, but this is Busceptible of being explained, as would appear later on. The last charter K was issued in the 3rd year of the king's reign) on the 11th day of the bright fortnight of the Kārtika month (known also as Prabodhini Ekādasi), the day on which Vishnu awakes from his four months' sleep, granting the village Komyāņa of Vodā-vishaya to the astrologer Jagadhera-Śarmsn, resident of Pattavada pataka, situated in the district of Kontarávange-vishaya, emigrant from Vapabhūmi, situated in the middle of Thihāra-vishaya by Yasabhañjedēva, son of Rāyabhañja II, who was son of Virabhañja, who was son of RĀyabhasja I, who was son of the Rajadhiraja Dēvabhanja, styled' Samastu-Khiñjali-dēs-adhipati or lord of the whole Khiñjali conutry, which connects him with the family headed by Silābhañjadeva, from whom the kings referred to in the preceding three (H, I, J) records, were descended. Though Khiñjali is not mentioned in the three foregoing records in hand, it finds a mention in A, B and C. In the latter there is a mention of Ubhaya-Khiñjali-mandala which shows that the Khiñjali was divided into two mandalas or divisions, though owned by the same king. The records, however, do not show how Dévabhanja, the original ancestor of Yasabhanja's family, was connected with the parental stock to which all the kings mentioned in plates A to J appear to belong. From these elevent records of the Bhañja family the following tentative genealogy may be made out :
[R. B. Krishna Sastri would read this name as Arātaha ; see his Ep. Rep. for 1917-18, p. 12, No. 6.-Ed.] (R. B. Krishna Sastri would read it as Varēndhi, see ibid., p. 136, para. 13.-Ed.]
[If it is a derivative of the Teluga targe- ledger, the official might have been lodger-keeper of land given. By analogy it appears to be supported by the Kanarese expression vargakods which means to deliver land ta somebody as his property."-Ed.]
Sixteen. See Postscript.
. (In drawing the genealogical tree we sbould not lose sight of the fact that some of these rulers used different seals, for such a difference CAD well indicate a different honge or branch of a dynasty-14.]

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Digbhanja II (F. J.)
Šilhañja II (F. J.)
Satrabbanija II
(A. B. C. L. N. P.)
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Ranabbañja II
(A. B. L. P.) Solagabballja (M)
Darjayabhaja (M)
Virabhadra (Ganadaṇḍa) (D. E. A. O.) Koṭṭabhañja or Silabhañja I (D. E. 0.) (H. I.)
T
Digbbaja I or Satrubhalija I (D. 0.)
T (G. H. I.)
Ranabhañja I
(D. E. F. G. H. I. J. O.)
I
Vidyadha [ra"]bhañjadeva or Rayabhañja I Vidyadharabhañja Amoghakalasa)
(F. J.)
Nětribhanja (Kalyāpakalasa) (G. H. I.)
Devabhanja (K)
(K)
Virabhañja (K) Rayabhanja II (K) Yasabhanja (K)
Rajabhañja (E.)
[VOL. XVIII.
Prithvibhanja
(0.)
Narendrabhanja (0.)
Kanakabhañja (M)
NOTE:-Letters in the brackets refer to the charters as named in this article and the postscript. Ganadanda appears to have been the title of the original ancestor, which is found in some records in a corrupted form as Gandhata.
In the Bamanghati charters (D. E.) which appear to be the oldest, it is stated that the original ancestor of the Bhanja family was one Virabhadra, who was reared up by Vasishthamuni. From him was descended in the main line king Koṭṭabhanja whose graudson was Ranabhanja; this seems to imply that there were several other branches, the senior being the one in which Ranabhanja I was born. As the saying goes, two swords cannot remain in a single scabbard, the junior members of the family had apparently no alternative but to ttle elsewhere, either as subordinate or independent rulers. It appears that the senior branch continued to observe the Orissa practice of repeating the names of its ancestors, while the junior ones adopted a different scheme. Thus in the main branch with 8 kings, there is only one whose name is not repeated, while in the second there is only a single name out of 6, which has been repeated. In the main line there were 2 Śilabhañjas, 2 Digbbañjas, 2 Satrubhañjas, and 2 Ranabhañjas, although in one case the first Digbhanja was apparently identical with the first Satrubhanja. In the junior branch there were only 2 Rayabhañjas. In the main line the word Bhanja forms an integral part of the proper name, without which the latter would be ridiculous. In the junior line this is not the case as its elision would still give an appropriate connotation. For instance, it would be extremely uncomplimentary to name one's

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son as Satru or enemy, unless bhañja were to be an integral part of it, which would make him
4
the vanquisher of an enemy'. Similarly fila is a rock, but with bhanja added, it makes its wearer the breaker of rocks'. Rana is battle, but a king is no battle; he is Ranabhañja, the ⚫ conqueror in battle'. Dis are the 4 or 10 quarters. Obviously the king cannot be dis, but it is a great compliment to him to be called Digbhanja, the 'victor of all the quarters'. There is only one name in that line which appears to be self-sufficient without the bhañja and that is Vidyadharabhañja found in two plates (F and J) where in each case the last letter ra is absent which, however, is supplied by the seal attached to the charter F. By the way I may here note that the king had the title of Amoghakalaśa', which was conjectarally read by Dr. Kielhorn as Dharmmakalasa, owing to an over-engraving in the part where the epithet occurred. It was natural for him to read it as such, on the analogy of Kalayanakalasa attached to the name of Netribhañja, especially as the last letter looked like double m, which was apparently meant for gh. Dr. Kielhorn has clearly shown that plates F are palimpsests, but what is most curious is that the alterations are most prominent in the names of the donor, his title and his ministers. Plates J show that the Prime Minister was Bhatta Kesavadeva, who presented the charter to the queen for affixing the royal seal, and that the composer of the charter was Stambha, the Minister for peace and war, in whose office it appears that such records used to be prepared. In plates F the offices are reversed, whereby Kesava becomes Minister for peace and war, while Stambha becomes the Mantri. The alterations were so carelessly made that Khambha (the popular form of Stambha) continued to be shown as Minister for peace and war and, as such the writer of the charter. This led Dr. Kielhorn to suppose that Stambha and Khambha were different names, occupying the offices of Mantri and Sandhi-vigrahika respectively, while Kesava was put down as a messenger, in view of the fact that no messenger was mentioned in the record.
287
My view of the matter is that the record F was originally prepared during the reign of a short-lived king, the immediate successor of Silabhañja II, but it could not be issued before his death. At this stage Vidyadhara, the younger brother of the deceased, was installed, not without a coup d'état, which brought the Minister for peace and war to prominence causing the supersession of the Prime Minister Kosava by Stambha for the time being. The accession of Vidyadhara to the throne must have been an occasion for munificent gifts and apparently the charter F was issued in hot haste, with necessary corrections, though not very carefully carried out as
1 Our record J which has no signs of being tampered with at all reads as follows at the end :खाञ्छितं श्रचिकलिङ महादेव्या (4) मंत्रिया श्रौमहकेशवदेवेन । (ठ) बालिकचा चिकन लिखितं सांधिविग्रहिक श्री
सम्प्रेम । चरकीचाच सालीकुमारचन्द्रेण ।।
I think the original record was exactly like this, except perhaps that at (a) the word fad and at (6) d or some such equivalents were omitted. Ia tampering with the record the first alteration to have been made was the insertion of the family name of Stambhsdēva as Tējadika, which took the place of pravěsitam at (a) leaving no room for the word mantrina to precede his proper name, which was next inserted in the place of Kesavadēvēna. The official designation mantrinä had therefore to follow instead of preceding his name against the usual practice. Thus the word mantrină had to be put in the place of the unknown word at (6). This necessitated the insertion of his part of the duty (that is, presenting the record to the queen for affixing the royal seal) further on, again against the usual practice, and the word af had therefore to go in the place of rife. There remained now Kesava's name to be inserted and it was apparently put in the place occupied by if which was as usual followed by fafed fufauft, which was left intact, the duty and the office of the displaced minister thus being joined with his name in this manner. What was omitted to be done was the elision of which created an almost meaningless colophon as follows:
लाकितं श्रौमहादेव्या तेजडिकेन श्रौमहसम्भदेव मंदिष्या प्रवेशितं केशवेन लिखितं संधिविग्रहिक खम्भन उरको चाच सालीकुमारचन्द्रेन ॥
[The expression Tejadika might be connected with the Telugu and Kanarese Teji meaning a horse. The title may have been derived from the fact of Stambha or his ancestors having been originally Keepers of royal horses.-Ed.]

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referred to before. Things may have afterwards resumed the norinal condition including the restoration to office of previous employees, when the charter I was issued. This would also account for the peculiar name Vidyādhuru as Silābhanja II's successor, who should have bee: in the ordinary course named as Digbhañja 111, (who should be no other than the deceased eider brother of Vidyādhara in the present case). I feel this is rather a wild conjecture, bat until evidence to the contrary is available, there is nothing strange about it. In Origga the Šāstraie custom of continuing ancestral namest has survived even up to the present day. For instance, the Raja of Bāra is either : Sūdhaladēva or a Tribhuvanadeva and I have personally known three generations, Sir Sadhalndēva, bis son Tribhuvanadeva and his grandson Südhaladēva ayain. In Pāl Lahrā, situated between Bāmra and Keonjhar, the Rāja is either " Pāt Ganeshvara Pal" or "Pat Muni Pal". In the Bbaña family the recurring names appear to have been four', Viz.. Sila, Dig, Satru and Rana, and ench has had a repetition according to the inscriptions found. There is nothing to prevent the discovery of a third name-sake of any or all of them.
There are a number of geographical names in the records which have been yet found, but no serious attempt was ever made to identify them. In an appendix to this article I have tried to identify not only places mentioned in the four records in hand, about which I have added a #pecial note in the end, but also those mentioved in charter's previously edited. It will be seen from them that the oldest charters D and E refer to villages in the extremo north of the Mayarabhañja State, A, B and C to those in the Baudh State to the west, and the remaining ones to those in the Ganjām District. This gives an indication of the extent of the Bhanja kingdom, which apparently included almost all the tributary states of Orissa together with the Dorthern portion of the Ganjam District covering about 16,000 square miles, about Lalf of which is occupied by Mayirbhañja and Keonjhar States, both of which were owned by Ubhaya-Khiñjal-yadhipati, or the lord of both the Khiñjalis. This title was retained by the latest king of the family, tis., Yasabhañja of charter K, who styled himself as Samasta-Khiñjalides-adhipati or the lord of the whole Khiñjali country', which can be no other than the present Keonjhar. The aspirate of the first letter disappeared, a soft . after i crept in after the Oriya mode of pronunciation and the l at the end changed into r, which transformed the original name into Keonjhari or Keonjhar.
The latest Imperial Gazetteers stutes." Keonjhar is divided into two widely assimila: tracts, Lower Keonjhar being a region of valleys ard lowlands, while Upper Keonjhar includes
Cf. V. A. Smith, Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXV, p. 291.
. The traditions of the various Raj families of these states support it ; for itstauce. the Keonjhar Rāja cluidos descent from a brother of the Bhañjn king of Mayürbhanja State, which is referred to later ou in some details. Pal Lekvá was admittedly subordinate of Keonjhar, which claims that one of its Raju got Achanalik frore. the Puri king. The Daspalla chief traces his origin to & younger son of Raja Narayana Bhanj of Baudh, where they say the original Raja was a Brahman, but was ousted by the Bhanja chiefs (Cunuingham, Arch. Rep., Vol. XIII, p. 110). The Bonni State of whiclı Rehrakhol is a branch has peacock for its crost with a curious
tory, which looks like variant of the origin of Mayurablañs kinge discussed later on The Bouai legend avers that its original ancestor when born was abandoned and was in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy when #peacock swallowed it and kept it in his craw, until the danger was over. The infant was born under: Kadamba tree, so the family came to be called Kadambavami, but it regards the peacock as sacred. This Wacock totem certainly establishes # connection with the Mayürnbhanja family. The Bimra family are (langavamsis, whose connection with the Bhañjas has been shown later on. The chiefs of Dhenkanal admit that they were feudatories of the old Orissa Rajas, who conferred the title of Samanta on them. The Athamalik KAJA who bears similar title has a tradition of his origin similar to that of Mayurabbañja, 1.e., from an emigrant from Jaipur. The Khandapara and Nayógarh States, the latter being an offshoot of the former, got the title of Raja daring the Maratha campaign of O.. . None of the other states, Baramba, Hindol, Narsinghpur, Nilgiri, Bangir, Talchor and Tigaria, encompass an area of more than 400 square miles and could not but lave by a kaburdicate to the Bhanjas. if they existed as separate entities in those times, Bee h o is toho in Inlia", Tar! VIII, Lucknow edition.
See Yol. LXV, p. 202.

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the mountainous high lands." These are natural divisions which must have existed, as they do to-day, during the Bhañja rule, and the word "ubhaya" meaning 'both 'found in the records in connection with Khiñjali not only justifies its use, but affords a clue for the identification of the country. Local chroniclers also support the fact that Keonjhar was ruled by the Bhañja Rājas. Hunter's Gazetteerl plainly records :-"Keonjhar State originally formed part of Morbhañj, bat about 200 years ago, the tribes of this part, finding it a great hardship to travel through the perilous forests of Morbhanj to obtain justice from their prince, separated themselves and set up the brother of the Morbhañj Rāja as their independent ruler." That is to say, Keonjhar separated from the parental stock less than 300 years ago and was part of the Mayūrabhañja State where many of the Bhañja inscriptions were incised.
The records show that there were about three capitals of the Bhañja kings, either coexisting or at different periods of their role. D. and E., the oldest records as noted before, give Khijinggā or Khijjinga as the residence of the king. This is identical with the present Khiching to the west of Baripada, the present head-quarters of the Mayūrabhañja State. It still contains numerous ancient remains about which Rai Sahib Nagendra Nath Vasu remarks:-“The superior workmanship of these has indeed been a startling discovery for us. The faces of the goddesses beam with radiant smiles which seem to be & realization on stone of the best dreams of poets and artists. The smiles ......... look as fresh and soft as newly-blown bads .............. and illustrate that motherly grace which is a pure Indian conception and is quite distinct from what we find in the Italian painter's Madonna." A., B. and O. refer to Dhritipura as the old capital which is untraceable. F., G., H., I. and J. were issued from Vanjulvaka and as the villages mentioned in them are all found in the Ganjam district, it is perhaps not unfair to conclude that Vañjulvaka was also situated within that district. The name connotes & gn perabundance of cane plants, for which the Ganjām district is noted. The last record, K., mentions no capital at all.
In spite of the extensive area occupied by the Bhañja family and its branches, it, however, appears that they were not the sovereign lords of the country they ruled. The original ancestor of the family appears to have been an officer of some Gana or Hiuda republic, as his title Ganadanda indicates. The title was apparently a short form of Ganadanda-ndyaka or Gangdanda-pala, the former being equivalent to a Minister and the latter to an officer in charge of the maintenance of the army. There are numerous instances of ministers or army officers becoming kings, whenever they found the administration over them weak, Traditions of a strong member of the democracy usurping the power of government and finally becoming king are not wanting in the Orissa Janapadas as the political communities were called in olden days of which the Athmallik State is an excellent example. It was ruled by eight representa tives of the people by turns, which gave it the name of Athamallika (the tract ruled by eight). It is not very far away from Mayorabhañja. What wonder that Virabhadra and his descendants should have seen their opportunity and become the sole masters of their political community. Judging from the titles of the inscriptional kings of this line, however, it does not appear that they ever attained to paramount sovereignty, and as such they must have become the Māndalikas of the Mahākošala kings, firstly of the Somavamsis of Vinitapura (Binka) and later on, of the Haihayas of Ratanpur, both of whom bore the title of Trikalingādhipati or "Lord of the Trikalingas," which, apparently, included the Orissa Tributary Mabale. The omission, in tbe grants, of references to any sovereiga power, howover, indicates that the Bhañjas enjoyed much extended powers and were at any rate semi-independent chiefs, • Vol. VIII, p. 121 (Second Edition).
Mayürabhanja Arch. Rep., Part I, Prefana, Dane vil * Mr. Jayaswal's Hindu Polity, Part II, pp. 134 and 147.
20

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
There is no record of any conquest made by them, the eulogistio epithet of Jagadekamalla-vijayi added to the name of Yasabhañja being ambiguous. It may mean the conqueror of Jagadėkamalla or the one warrior and conqueror in the world'. It, however, seems that the Rajas of the Bhanja dynasty were connected with the Southern Jaipur instead of the Northern Jaipur of Rajputana, to which local chroniclers connect them, in the wake of all Rajputs, who consider it an honour to link themselves with the country regarded as the true home of the Kshatriyas. The Jaipur Zamindar, formerly a Raja, who still holds an estate covering about ten thousand square miles, relates that the predecessors of his family belonged to Silavama, and we know from the Buguda and Sasanka's charters that the family of Silödbhavas or Sailödbhavas (born of rock or hill) were ruling on that side about the 7th century A.D. It sent out its scions to different parts of the country, one of whom settled in the Vindhyas in the Central Provinces and conquered many countries round about, as revealed by the Ragholi plates,5 the only record yet found about that branch. Another adventurer, apparently, settled in Mayurabhanja. The date of the advent of the Mayurabhañja conqueror, as related in local chronicles (viz., 1,300 years ago), very well fits in with the dates of the inscriptional Silödbhavas, and the family has more than one Bhañja named after Śila: In fact, the oldest ancestor found in the inscription is named Silabhanja. Distinguished Indian families usually seek for supernatural origins. As is well known, Rajputs claim descent direct. from the Sun or the Moon. This may look edifying, but they have pushed the matter so far as to make it ridiculous. Some trace their origin from an inanimate object or an animal of any kind whatsoever, because such an origin implies some miraculous power. It mystifies the real origin which lurks beneath it and which might cause a blush in its bare nakedness. Here is, for instance, the origin of the Silödbhavas as recorded in the Buguda? plates of Madhavavarman :-"There was a personage named Pulindasēna, famous amongst the people of Kalinga. He, although endowed with many excellent qualities, did not covet sovereignty for himself, but rather worshipped Brahma in order that the god might create a fit ruler of the land. And Brahmā granted his wish and created out of a rock the lord Śilödbhava, who became the founder of a distinguished family." Laid bare, the story would show that the dwellers of the local mountains or rock produced a person, who became the ruler and as such the founder of a dynasty. In editing the Ragholi plates I have shown how Śailavamsa was patronymic and how the metronymic of the same family was Gangavamsa. The dynasty was thus the outcome of a mountaineer husband and a river-born wife (the sacred Ganges), which was delicately turned into a compliment, when describing the local river Salima on whose bank Köngeda, the capital of their kings, was situated.7 "On its banks covered with flowers of excellent trees," said the eulogist, " pools of water have formed resembling the river of gods (Ganga), which issued from the sky and the streams of whose waters are split and dashed outside by masses of rocks."8 Bereft of the allegory, this would signify that a brave mountaineer of Orissa married a Gangavamsi lady and their son became the founder of a new dynasty. By a similar process the Andavamsa family was evolved from a pea-hen's egg. A scion of the Sailavamsa left his parental home and went to the country where peacocks (Mayura) abounded, which gave to the people of that locality the appropriate name of Mayurikas, as found in the Rajim stone inscription of Jagapaladeva. He defeated them and thus became the Mayurabhañja (breaker of Mayñras) and in due course married a Mayurki, a local lady, whose
[The attribute anafaat given to Yasabhanja in 1. 11, Plate K, is very significant and may lead one to surmise that he defeated one of the Western Chalukya kings of Kalyāņi, perhaps Jagadekamalla II himself or one of the feudatories.-H. K. S.]
Hunter's Gazetteer, Vol. VII, p. 64 (Second Edition). Above, Vol. VI, p. 143 ff.
6 New Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. XVII, p. 355. Above, Vol. VI, p. 146,
Above, Vol. III, p. 41 ff. Above, Vol. IX, p. 41 ff.
7 Above, Vol. IX, p. 42. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 135 ff.

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No. 29.]
FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
291
pregeny became the founder of a new dynasty. A Magurki, literally pea-hen, lags eggs and, therefore, her offspring must be andajah or born of an egg. The peacock became the family totem and that is why there is still a strict prohibition against killing peacocks in the Mayirabhañja State.
Postscript. It was after I had sent my article to the Government Epigraphist on 6th May 1923 that I received a letter from Mr. McLeod Smith, Dewan of Mayürabhañja State, dated 21st May 1923, in which, besides giving certain local information in reply to my queries, he was good enough to add that in 1916 a copper-plate grant was found at Khandadouli in Pargang Khảnta Pir of the Bāmanghāti sub-division, and was published in the 4th volume of the Journal of the Bihar anu Orissa Research Society which I had not consulted at all. This led to a research which brought to light as many as three other grants of the Bhañja family, published by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar in Vol. II of the Journal, and a genealogy of the same dynasty as given by Mr. R. D. Banerji in the 3rd volume of the same Journal. Had these been before me when I was drafting the above article, the discussion in it would have asenmed a somewhat different form, but it is now too late to recast it. I would, therefore, note here the salient points after inserting new names of kings in the genealogical table on page 286 above, and some geographical names in the Appendix, which deals with identification of places. For facility of reference letters L., M., N., O. and P. have been given to these records as follows:
L. Tasapaikeră grant of Raņabhañjadēva by Mazumdar, J. B. 0. R. S., Volume II, pp. 167 et seq.
M. Baudh grant of Kanakabhañjadēva by Mazumdar, J. B. O. R. S., Volume II, pp. 356 et seq.
N. Kumrukelä grant of Satrabhañjadēva by Mazumdar, J. B.O. R. S., Volume II, pp. 429 et seq.
0. Khandadeuli grant of Raņabhañjadeva ? (Narēndrabhañadova) by Haraprasad Śástri, J. B. 0. R. 8., Volume IV, pp. 172 et seq.
P. Patna Museum grant of Ranabhaħjadēva of the 21st year by R. D. Banerji, Ep. Ind. (awaiting publication).
Only two records, M. and O., give new names of kings; M. gives Kanakabhañja, son of Durjayabhañja, who was son of Solanabhañja. They belonged to the Bhañja branch ruling at Baudh and were possibly connected with Satrabhaña II and his son Raņabbañja II of A., B., C., L., N. and P. The Plate 0. gives Narendrabhañja, son of Přithvibhañja, son of Ranabhañja I, son of Kottabhañja, descended from Virabhadra, the original ancestor of the Bhañjas.
In dealing with Plate M., Mr. Mazumdar has given a lengthy discussion on the dates of the Bhañja grants in general, and has come to the following conclusions :
(1) The present chiefs of Mayorabhañja and Keonjhar States have no connection with the inscriptional Bhañjas.
(2) There were several offshoots of the early Bhañjas, of which one ruled at Baudh and had under its away the Baudh and Kimidi tracts during the times of Satrubhañja II. These split up during the reign of his son Raṇabhañja II, who remained a fendatory at Baudh, while a descendant of Nötribbañjadeva established a new line of rulers at Kimidi.
(3) Kanakabhañja flourished about 1475 A.D. His line was independent of Ranabhapja II.
1 [That would be Mayuri or Mäyürikā, but not Máyurki. The latter, if connected with Mäyüraka, will have a different connotation for which see Monier-Williams' Eanskrit-English Dict. under Máyüraka.-Ed.]
The two Bhanja grants from Daspalla which Mr. B. Bhattacharyya bas edited in the same journal (Vol. VI, pp. 266 ff.) are also to be added to this list.-E.]
202

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292
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII
Mr. R. D. Banerji, reviewing Mr. Mazumdar's discussion, declared the date assigned to Kanakabhañja as absolutely impossible on palæographical grounds. We cannot,' he said,
admit the existence of a Raụnbhañja in 1200 A.D., because the Rapabhañja of the Bamar. ghati gront was living in the third quarter of the 11th century, according to Mr. Mazumdar, and palæography shows that Ranabhañja (II), son of Satrabhañja (II), is earlier than Ranabhanja (I), son of Digbhañja (I). Mr. Banerji would place Kanakabhañja in the beginning of the 12th century A.D.'
It would thus appear that the Bhanja chronology still remains a subject of great controversy, but, although I do not find sufficient reasons in support of Mr. Mazumdar's theory dissociating the present families of Mayārabhañja and Keonjhar States from the inscriptional Bhañjas by relegating their origin to an adventurer of Rajputana, I agree with him as regards the date of Ranabhañja II, about the end of the 12th century A.D., until Mr. R. D. Banerji establishes his contention, for which he says he is ready. Kanakabhañja may or may not have been very far removed from Ranabhañja II ; but the mere fact that Kanakabhañja's two ancestors only are mentioned in Plate M. does not warrant the conclusion that his grandfather was not connected with the Bhañjas known to have been previously ruling at Baudh. It is true that the Bhanja family sent out several offshoots and they became rulers of different tracts, but at present there is nothing to show that Kanakabbañja's line was a distinct one and supplanted Ranabhañja II's. Again, the adoption of the Kāśyapa-gotra in place of the old * Andaja' or egg-born is no proof of disparity in view of the accepted rule that he who has no gõtra belongs to the Kāśyapa-gotra.' Kanakabhanja belonged to a much later date than his original ancestor. He must have noticed the contempt with which the origin from an egg must have been looked upon in his time. The easiest thing for him or his immediate predecessors was, therefore, to relegate themselves to the sage Kasyapa, to which nobody could raise an objection.
By a misreading of the word Khimjali as Khiņdini or Khiñijini Mr. Mazumlar was led to identify it with Khimidi and consequently to the conclusion that a branch of the Bhanja family held sway there. In essence he is not very far from the truth, in that a branch belonging to the line of Nētribhañja did rule in the Ganjam District, the eastern portion of which was certainly under the Bhanja sway, as a number of villages granted were situated in the Gumsår, Aska and Chatrapur taluks to which Kimiţi in the same district adjoins towards the west. Kimidi may or may not have been included in the Bhañja dominions, but it was certainly not of such an importance as to have induced the kings to adopt the title of Lords of Kimiời. The title Lords of both the Khiñjalis (Keonjhar)' was an ancient one, and all the branches of the Bhanja family appear to have taken pride in calling themselves as such, irrespective of whether they continued to be rulers of that tract or not.
With due deference to the learned Mahāmahopādhyāya Haraprasad Sastri, M.A., C.I.E., who has edited the charter O., which he calls Khandadeali inscription of Ranabhañjadova,' I may perhaps be permitted to state that his descriptive title is inaccurate. The grant should have been described as one of Narēndrabh añjadēva, who was the real grantor and not his grandfather Ranabhañjadeva. The latter comes in merely as one of the several ancestors of the donor. The text reads:
Hie: Jef()fa(at) (5:) OUTH 89191 Heat va: 1
# Atarfaitai geothar **** TUTATA[:] **** रान्छो प्राभिधानाय प्रतिपादिती अस्माभिः
The only dated Bhañja cbarter yet found (D) bears the date 288 which Mr. Mazurudar assigns to the Choļa. Ganga era It is thus equivalent to 1060 A.D.
J. B.O.R.S., Vol. IV, p. 176.

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FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS :
H-Ganjam Plates of Netribhanjadeva.
कुरामा चारहना বিজযg ঐক্তননাৰ ? साटोकन करना विरहरहाल पाहत रेटालविवाहविपनालटलाशाला
विनातिवादला FASहिनादाला लावाहिएटापा
( ट
न काडा राजनित HOTOसार विचार केला करतात सलाहकालपासका विलकरावयता
iia.
( সঃএe () হল। रररराहातकालमा मोटरसार 12
हावार जाहरपला गाथा का (रिचागिरी 14AOS((Oलानालाल
07 AASIटाहान्टालनावरा 16
लादतारकानात Faपरतावाला मानाहाना 18 दिनाला हात लावला iib. PRATालर(जनताका 201हा
नवलपराइलाजा 22
दिसतारा नाएKYAमानताका 24
NAEहाराहावास्तव सरकारावास(EETM 28 Ma(कातिर (
लकाल काल त पानी हाहाकाराया
HIRANANDA SASTRI.
SCALE. 75.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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iiia.
মাত্রাহামেখে ডুবে গতভাবেন যেভব(বএনঝ৷JA। ১০ বরেণযর্নয়েzি(2})। हा साहार राहाराटलांग मारवादका 32
২
মন কেন কনসেনের
iiib. ন34(@
নেলে পত্র (Cta 40 x cdা চ@K-ব্রর মহাখালী মম |

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No. 29.]
FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
293
The language is defective no doubt, but it is clear that the words and wentu: in the above extract refer to Narondrabhañjadoval and not to Ranabhañja. The above extract is preceded by verses giving the genealogy of the Bhañja kings from Virabhadra to Ranabhanja, apparently taken from a charter composed daring the time of Ranabhañja in which the last line stood as follows:
श्रोरणभंजख्यातः सानुन्व(न)यं प्राह भूपालान् । It appears that the word gtx has misled the above-named scholar. It was suited to the time when it was composed and not to the one when it was adopted by his grandson's grantwriter. The latter's composition in probe quoted above is an index of his poor knowledge of Sanskrit, although to the best of his ability he endeavoured to convey his meaning by repeating श्रीरणभंजाख्यः after the close of the quotation in verse and connecting him with his reputed son तस्य चोपयीकात्मजः, whose सुत or son was नरेन्द्रमजदेव:. And स (he, vis., the latter) was the person who granted the village.
H.-Ganjam Plates of Netribhan jadhva.
_First Plate. 1 ओं' [१] स्वस्ति [*] जयति कुसुमवा(बा)णप्राणविक्षोभदक्षं स्व2 किरणपरिवेषोजित्यजोर्सेन्दुलेखं [*] त्रिभुवनभवनान्तर्योत3 भावनदोपं(प.) कनकनिकषगौरं वि(ब)म ने हरस्व [॥१*] शेषाहरि4 व ये फणाः प्रविल[स]न्त्यज्ञाखरेन्दुत्विषः प्रालयाचलङ्गकोट5 य व त्वान्ति येत्युबताः। नृत्ताटोपवि[घट्टिता इव 6 भुजा राजन्ति ये शाम्भवास्ते सांविधातिनः सुरसरित्तो7 योर्मयः पान्तु वः ॥ [२] विजयवचुल्वकात् [*] अस्ति जयथोनिल8 य: प्रकटगुण स्तसर्वरिपुगवः कल्याणकलशनामा । ३ राजा निर्दू (धू) तकलिकलुषः' भचामलकुलतिलक[:] श्रोशिला
. Second Plate; First Side. 10 भञ्जदेवस्य प्रपौचः श्रोशत्रभञ्जदेवस्य नप्ता श्रीरणभ11 देवस्य सूनुः परममाहेश्वरी मातापितपादानुध्यान12 रत: श्रीन[]भञ्जदेव: कुशली वा[सुदेवखण्डविषये रा. 13 जराज[*]नकराजपुत्रान् विषयपतिदण्डपाशिक[*]न् यथा14 कालाध्यासिनो व्यवहारिणो वा(बा) प्रणान करणपुरी15 गान् निवासिजनपदांश्च यथाई मानयति वो(यो)ध्यति 16 समादिति सर्वत: शिवमस्माकमन्य[A] विदितमस्त
1 This is further confirmed by his name being inscribed in the medallioa (val ?) at the top as contounicated to me by Babu Kimikhya Prasad Basa, Deputy Collector of Mayarabbaõja State • Expressed by asymbol.
Metre: Malini.
• Metre : Sardilavikriditi. [From fer ...to : scans as Aryd.Ed.]

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294
17 भवतां एतषियसम्वन्धा (म्बो) ।' 'रातङ्गग्रामयतुसी (की) मापरि18 छिबोमाभिम[f]तापित्रोरात्म[न *]च पुण्याव (भि) हये ॥ वा
19 जसनेयचरणाय ॥ 20 मरिष (वर (राय)
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
24
25
Second Plate; Second Side.
कण्वशाखाय ॥ कौशिकगोत्राय' अघ
विष्या (वा) मित्र [*][स्]अनुप्रय[राय'] ' अहचदेवस्य
सुत अग्निहोषि (चो) गोलधर्म (र्मा) अपरगोल -
21 नता जनदे [व]स्य 22 में (र्मा ) ॥ नाम अइचदेव [: *] ॥ वच्छ (स) गोचभार्गव [व*]त् । च्यवनवत् ग्रात्म
23 ना अडर्व (अर्व ) जामदग्रिय [1 " ]नुप्रवर ॥
गुहश: (भ) अग्निहोत्रनप्ता भा (भ) हर सुखासुतमहयगृहोचि भोवड़ ? वो
दड़ ॥' मा (म) हादेव ॥ शा (थो) वड़ ॥ पुरःसरेण वि
26 धिना प्रतिपादितो (तम) स्माभि[:] | अ (आ) चन्द्रार्कतारा (रं) यावत् अचाटभट 27 प्रवेशेन सर्व्ववाधापरिचारचाकरत्वेन भुगोर
28 वात् न केनचिद्याघातनीयं [ ॥ *] अस्मत्कुलक्रममुदारमुदा
Third Plate; First Side.
29 ॥
20 (दुगड़ ) चरद्विरम्येच दानमिदमभ्यनुमोदनीयं [1] चम्यास्तडिल
[VOL. XVIII.
1 '
partially.
30 लिलबुद्दु (बु) दचञ्चलाया दानं फलं परयथ [: " ] परिपालनञ्च " [३] उक्त[*] व (ब) भिव्र्व्वसुधा दत्ता राजभि[:"]
31
सगरादिमि["] |
नाना (मम्यः) ॥ [स] लिलधारा
यस्यय
32 स्व यदा भु (भू) मिस्तस्यतस्य तदा फलं ॥ [ ४* ] मा भु (मू) दफलशङ्का व: पर33 दत्तेति पार्थिवा: । खदानात्फलमानग्त्यं परदत्तानुपालनं (ने) । [ ५*] स्व34 दत्ता (सां) परदत्ताम्या यो परत बसू ( )धरां [] स विष्ठायां कमिर्भ(भू)ल्वा पिव
35 भिः सह पचते ॥[*]__ षष्ठि (ष्टिं) वर्ष (र्ष) सहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भु(भू)
मिदः । च (चा) -
1 Punctuation superfluous.
[See f. n. 1 on p. 285 above.-Ed.]
• [The plate gives गीचावत् and अधमरिययत्. Ed.]
This appears to be the name of the first donee; the second donee also bore the same name, his alternative name being Aüchadeva, the same as his grandfather's name. The meaning is rather obscure. What follows in the nominative should all have been in the dative, referring as it does to the description of donees of another götra.
5 Read.
These aksharas with punctuation are superfluous and should be omitted.
Metre: Vasantatilaka.
The two letters far and have been cut off by the ring-hole of the plate, the former wholly and the latter
This letter is cut off by the ring-hole of the plate

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2
8
HIRANANDA
10
14
18
i.
jia.
या स्मारक विचारणा क
वैच्चरु लुट कुकर कमलवन लस 12 मानाच्या दातीय बीमा कार
राधिका शाकाला ला गंवानृमि वा विरूदास भट/ भाडे मान व्यकि 16 किम/ विदिन मरा सदर मालास ह
22
FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: I-Ganjam Plates of Netribhanjadeva, with damaged seal.
सरिता कुस्तुम देश नाखून का काही याचा बॅग (यह
त्रासेप्35115) दादू के प्रख्यामः
रुकुलका
स्टाफलाटा
SASTRI.
iib.
बन कव
अनुग्रास
20 सुवया के बदल दाल चना ( अनु बनाया कारोबार
ला
मागोवा के विमान
क
24 के दाम (भय) भनी य तर शिवराया रहाट
SCALE. 75.
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
22
24
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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iiia.
28ो बाल्न उक्त का गवाह बदहिसर पर जा
28Tir TENSS IN राखावयाचारबारमास 28
। पर रक्षा
क रतापायका यादी 30
सागरसखाना-बाबालम घाखायान बरबसराइल निरनिरनिया 32 बालाजपतातरवनतंब मिला।
यि नीलशिलाबालाकलायन 34 सारवासखरयलियादित्य DAD
iiib.
6
सहायता ( 5र की
रात का 35

Page #364

No. 29.]
FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
86 चेता चानुमन्ता च स एव नरकं व्रजेत् [ ॥७*] इति कमलदलाम्बु(बु)वि(बि) दुलो
37 ला (सां) श्रियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितच [1] सकलमिदमुदा [४] तच 38 बुद्दा (बुवा) नहि पुरुषे[:"] परकीत्तयो विलोप्या [: *] [5"] स्वयमादिष्टो राज (शा)
Third Plate; Second Side.
39 दूतकोत्र भट्टसुमङ्गल [: * ] ॥ लिखित स [T]न्धिविग्रहिकसव40 राज (जेन) ॥ ऊ ( 3 ) त्कीर्णश्चाचशा [लि] कदुर्गादेवेना (न) ॥ लान्छितं मा
41 माया[: ॥ *]
I. Ganjām Plates of Notpibhañjadāva.
First Plate.
1 औ" [n] स्वस्ति [ ॥*] जयतु कुसुमवा (बा) यप्रायविचोभद [च] 2 स्वकिरणपरिवेशो (षो) किंत्यजीर्सेन्ट (न्दु) लेखं [*] त्रिभुवन
3
भवनान्तर्धीतभावप्र (प्र) दीपं ( प ) कनकनिकष गोर (गौर) वि (ब) धुने4 जं हरस्य [॥ १* ] 3 शेषाहेरिव ये फणा: प्रविरलन्त्युनाखरे5 न्दुत्विषः । प्रालेयाचलु (ल) शृङ्गकोटय इव त्वङ्गन्ति येश्यन (त्युख)6 ता [: । *] वृत्ताटोपविध [हि]ता इव भुजा राजन्ति ये शाभ[वा]7 ते सर्व्वाघविघातिनः सुरसरितो (तो) योम्य [: * ] पान्तु वः [॥२*]°
8
विजयवच्छ्रुवका [त् * । ]
चस्ति जयश्रोनिलय [: *]
प्रकटग (गु) -
295
Second Plate; First Side.
9 []स्तसर्व्वरिपु [ग]र्व्वः' कल्याणकलमनामा राजा निर्श्व (घं) तक10 लिकलुषः भचामलकु[ल*]तिलक[: *] श्रीशिलाभच्च देवस्य प्रपौं11 चः श्री शत्रुभच्वदेवस्य नप्ता श्रोरणभवदेवस्य सूतु [:"] परम12 माहेश्वरी मातापितृपदानुध्यानरतः श्रोनेतृभच्वदेव[:*] कु13 शली मछाड़खण्ड राजराज [1*]नकराजपुत्रान् विषयपतिद
14 ण्डपाशिकान् यथाकालाध्यासिनो व्यवहारियो ब्रा (ब्राह्मणान् कर [*]15 पुरोगान् मि (नि) वासिजनपद [च] यथाई ( हैं ) मानयति वो (बो) धयति स16 मादिशति सर्व्वत [: *] शिवसस्माकमन्यत् विदितमस्तु भव [तां] एत
17 द्दिषयसम्बन्धा (म्वद्दो) मच्छढ़ ग्रामयतुसि (स्त्री) मापरि [च्छि] बो[स्माभी] (भि)
Second Plate; Second Side.
18 प्रतापित्रोरान (मन) च पुष्याव (भि) [च]ये वाजसेन ( समेय) च [र]णाय वच्छ (स) [गो] -
18 चाय प्रवरभङ्गिरस अनुप्रवरभ[1*]मेव [वाय *]
करम्पसामि
Expressed by a symbol.
1 Metre: Pushpitägrä. Read fe as in H. above and J. below. [See footnote 4 on p. 293 above-Ed]
● Metre: Mālini.
• Metro : Sardilavikridita.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XVIII
20 स्व(स्वामिनो) म केशवस्य सुत(ता)[य] भरुदड़(द्रटाय) सलिलधारा.
पुरस(स्म)-- 21 रस विधिना प्रतिपादितो(तमस्माभिः प(पा) चन्द्रावतारा(२) याव[*] पचा22 टभटप्रवे[गेन' सवा(बा)धा[प]रिहारणाकरत्वेन भुज23 दिईर्मगौरवानि*]न केनचियाघातनीयं [॥ अस्मत्कुलक्रममुदार24 मुदाहरहिरन्यैश्च दानमिदमभ्यनुमोदनीयं [*] लम्या25 स्तडित्मलिलवुहु(बुद्ध)दचञ्चलाया दानं फलं परयम[:]प
Third Plate ; First Side. 26 रिपालनञ्च [॥३*] उच्च धर्मशास्त्रे [*] बहुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता रा27 बभि[:] सगरादिभि[:.] । (१) यस्त्रयस्य य[दा] भूमिस्तस्यतस्य तदा 28 फलं ॥[४*] मा भूदफलशका व: परदत्तेति पार्थिवा[*] (1) खदाना29 त्फल[मानंत्यं] परदत्तानुपालनं(न) [५] वदना परदत्ताम्वा यो 30 हरेत वसुन्धरां [1] स विष्ठां(ठायां क्रमिभवा पित्र(त)भिः 31 सह पच्यते ॥[*] षष्टि(टिं)वष(वर्ष)सहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः । 32 अक्ष(पाक्षे)प्ता चानुमता(ता) च स ए(तान्ये)व नरकं व्रजेत् [७] ति
कमलदला33 म्व(म्बु)वि(बि)न्दुलोला नियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यर्जीवितश्च 1(0) सकलसि(मि)द34 [मुदा[हतञ्च (बु)ध्वा नहि चे(पु)रत() परकीर्तयो विलोप्या[8] [५]
सर्व
Third Plate ; Second Side. 35 स्वयमादिष्टो राजा दूक(न)कोच श्रो - - - - लिखि[स]ञ्च 36 सान्धिविग्रहिककुने (बे)र(२)[ण*1] उत्कीर्ण (चा)क्षसा(शा)लिकदुर्गदेवेन । 37 लाञ्छित(तं) जच्छिकाया[:] सस्कुलोनायाच [1]
J.-- Ganjam Plates of Vidyadharabhasjadēva.
First Plate. 1ों [] जयति कुसुमवा(वा)प्राणविचोभदच(ई) स्वकिरणपरि
वेषोजि]2 त्यजीने (सोन्दुलेख(ख) [*] त्रिभुवनभवनान्तोतभावत] प्रदीपं(पः) कनक
[निकष] - 3 गौरं विमुनेच() हरस्थ [१] षाहरिव ये फणा[*] प्रविलसन्त्यु
शाखरेन्दुत्वि[षः] . 4 प्र[*] लेयाचलङ्गकोटय इव त्वजन्ति येत्युबताः।"] नृता(त्ता)हो(टो)पविध5 हिता इव भुजा राजन्ति ये पा(मान)वा ।' ते(स्ते) सर्बाधविघातिन[:]
सुर]1 Metre: Vasantatilakā. · [These two letters appear to be superfluous.-14.] +Expressed by asymbol. The portion of the plato containing the letters in square brackets is broken off [Superfluous.--Ed.] Metre: Malint.
Punctuation superfluous.

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Four BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS : J-Ganjam Plates of Vidyadharabhanjadeva.
iia.
तनुशताकिला बाबासाहटलावर । Page #367

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यामदास
यामाहाल महावादनादिया है। लि al राड 71180 दान बिद्द लोला विटा (उलि निदाद
नडला चाय 43
सुरुवात चलनात
iii.
वि व बेवा
यालाच तिला नीमाड़ा कार बनवावी तयारिवर
भाई ल लसावि विद्या डिग्री लिट्टे बनवता
करता
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No.29.]
FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
____297
6 सरिस्तो(तो)योर्मयः पान्तु वः ॥२*] स्वस्ति विजयवक्षुखकात् [1]
[*]स्ति थि(श्री)वि. 7 जयोनिलयप्रकटगुणगणग्रस्तसमस्तरिपुवर्ग(ग) पा(च)नो(मो)धक8 लश(शो) नाम राजा तकलिकलुषकाष[:] भष्चामलकुल[तिल']को 9 महाराजश्रीरणभन्जदेवस्य प्रप्तौ(पौ):*] श्रीदिग्भजदेवस्य न10 नप्तात् श्रीथिलामजदेवस्य सुत[*] परममाहेखरो मा
Second Plate ; First Side. 11 [ता-पितुपादानुध्यातो भचामलकुलतिलको महाराजग्रीविद्या12 ध[र*]भञ्ज[देव[:"] कुशली माछाडखण्डविषये यथाकालाध्यासिकुडु(टु)
वि(म्बि)न[:] 13 सामन्तविषयपतिभोगिभोग्यादि यथाहिं(है) मानयति वो(बो)[ध]यति स14 म[*]ज्ञापयति सर्वत: शिवमस्माकमन्य हिदितमस्तु भवता(तां) एतहि15 ष[यसम्व(म्ब)ह(हो) मु(मूलमाछाडग्रामोय (यं) ॥ चतुस्सीमापरिच्छियो(ब्रो) 16 मातापि[वोरात्मनश्च पुन्या(ण्या)भिवृदये मा(प्रा) चन्द्राक(क) पावत स
लिल17 धागपुरस्मरण विधिना करत्वेनि*] वाजसनेयचरणाय रोहित18 सगोत्राय रोहित[*]ष्टकविश्वामित्रप्रवराय विश्वामित्रवत् [*]19 टकवत् रोहितवत् अनुप्रवराय वरश्चि(बि)समन्ध(म्ब) तडिसमाविषय(ये)
Second Plate ; Second Side. 20 मम्माणाविनिर्गतहरिश शर्मणो नप्ता(छे) देवडशर्मणस्य : 21 सुतभट्टपुरन्दरः प्रतिपादितोस्माभिय(: । यस्य यस्य यदा भु(भू)मिस्त22 स्यतस्य तदा फलं [*] माभुय(भूद) फलशङ्का व[*] परदत्तानुपालन:
(ने) [॥३] स्व23 दत्ता(त्तां) परदता(त्ता)म्वा यो हरति(त) वसुन्धरान्(म्) । स्व(स)
विष्ठाया(यां) क्वमि (म)24 वा पितभिमह पच्यते ॥[*] इति कमलद[ल*]म्बु(म्बु)25 वि(बिन्दुलोला(ला) श्रियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितच [1] स26 कलमिदम(मु)दात(त)ञ्च (बु)ध्वा न हि पुरुषे[:] परको.
Third Plate. 27 त्तयो विलोप्य(प्याः) [*] इति [*] लाञ्छितं श्रोतृ(त्रि)कलिङ्गमा(म).
हा[]28 व्या मा(म)त्रिणा श्रीभा(भ)हकेख (शव)देवेन ॥ वालिकचाचिक(क)न 1 Metre: Sardalavikridita. .
Read अमीविषय:• Delete [As well as at the commencement of the line.--Ed.]
• Here some words appear to have been omitted through oversight. Lpparently the correct reading wu मागभीग्वादिननपदाच.
• Panctuation unnecesney. •[See foot-noto No. 2 on p. 285 above.-Rd.] I Probably M.
[Delete स्व -d.] • Read सुताय महपुरन्दराय.
10 Matre: Puskpitágra,
2.

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298 EPIGRAPHIA INDIOA.
[VoL. XVII. 29 लिखितं साधिविरहि(पहिक)बीते(स्त)म्भेन । उत्कीय)चाचसा(शा). 30 लि[कुमारचन्द्रेन(ण) ताम्ब (म)शाय(स)नमिति ॥ चा हा
K.-Antirigām Plates of Yasabhažjadēva.
First Plate. 1 पों' स्वस्ति [*] भासीद्राजाधिराजो निनभुजविजिताशेषवीरारिवगः ।
खम्गव्यापारभारप्र१ [मुदितादयोद्यद्ययोजिष्णुतुल्यः ।) रुद्रध्यानकधीरो विनयगुणनिधिर्भपतिर्दो(द). 3 वभंजः [] साचाव(ख)मीनिवासी वसतिरपि सतां चैतस; सान्द्रभाव । [१]
पासीत्तस्यात्मजो[पि] 4 क्षितिपतिमहितो नीतिशास्नेकदक्षः ] चोरक्षाविधानव्यवसितादयः पुण्य
रा[सि] (भि)8 प्रचारः ॥) संग्रामे वैरिवीरपहरणनिपुणो भूपतिर्भोगपुनः साका
राभिरामी 6 भुवि विदितयमा रायभजः समन्तात् ।[२] एतमा वि नेकविक्रमगुणः
सौन्दर्य 7 सारोदयो बातो रावशिरोमणिगुणनिधिः सार्थंकनामाभवत् । शास्त्रा8 स्न[व्य]वहारचाच[]र: प्रत्यर्थिपृथ्वीभृतां व्यापक(र्थीक)तुमलं भुजानिति
भुवि बी. 9 वीरभजो तृपः [३] पासीचकुलाधि(वि)वनविधुबिद्याविनोदान्वितो
जिवाजी 10 परिप[न्धि]पार्थिवचयनाथः पृथिव्याचिरं ॥0) . पृथ्वीपासनलब(ब)पुस्ख
निचयः कारुखसा11 [धभू] स्तब्यूनुनियेकधामविदितः श्रीरायभन्नः सुधीः ।। ४] तन्मू
नुजगदेवमावि12 जयी चाचाङ्गत(टाइल)यीयुतः मामन्मौलिविभूषणोच्च(ब)समणिमानिपत्रचयः ।।
Second Plate ; First Side, 13 राकेशहिजहन्दवन्दनपटमान्दीलतारिव्रजी भाति श्रीयस(घ)मचदेवनृपति. 14ौंककर्मोद्यत: ॥ [५] खस्ति बोसकससुरगुरुहिजकुलकमलकलि. 15 काविकासमार्ककस्सप्रत्यथिर्थि)कदथ(य)नसमव(ध)महीमहनीयमहामहिमपमस्त
सम16 सखिचलिदमाधिपति श्रीयसमज(भक्ष)देवः कुमली । सकलसामन्तस
विविापान 17 [चा]मात्योपजीविजनववंशसमनवाशेषराजन्ध[व]गंसकलखण्ड18 पासण्धतीन् बो(बो)धयत्वादिति च मतमस्त समस्तमतगवतां । वोडा.
IRxpressed by soymbol. •Red बाबायः
+ Metre : Sragdharsa
IMetre : Sard-clarikriitter

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151000 N
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HIRANANDA SASTRI.
সडाজविवজবিজদুসবিসগबीवायर हदगाउला इवानिव । বিনয়
নষিयदि
निवासास ৪िडावासीय किनकि ६88 । ऋतिवान वाहसिद्ध व्य ভাৰমেনतीन निघाला निघूॐ8 साফরहरा विविधिकराला 'वनि विक्रम गुल दियाলিनिर्वসাথেকনামবकल বান বলাকা বড়ালিয়া ইতা থামল গান 8॥ नाहन वितुर्विद्याति (नादाँ परयन्यावद्रये श्री घोलन
विधि ॥ 88। नृ গকেমর ती वाला
r
छ
FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS: K-Antirigam Plates of Yasabhanjadeva.
अलका द्‌‌वारा CBজল अलव ५६ दिव सমণEথাফযে'র ধर्कমকলম
iib.
२६
প্রথম বা ভূমিগ্রাসীবনি পুাযা কাযাব বিষয়ার মত নাজयता हुने
राध घडिया छकि यूवा
দৰগकंपन काद
iia.
डि
नाही हिजराনमृধইজবজগিাঘदव हा का 8মলাসফমুবড লকাল ধূলি कফনাNS सुध्रिनयनात घड६ 8লसिकले সলनुস9ধ 16 নাযোগবি জনবলসন বা শেষ বাক্ত
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लघुरुङ) মलहुत बार वा
ষযBযওক'লঃগামযর8
घन
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81958 ম
लगायेनदान कগবাদযণ3 4 काले बाद
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प्रণীspee
1
1
वषट्पुलाव 24 वियदा काठ
यावदाद विश्व বষযकृবছি8ি সयं तवঃय या दानानुयल नक কदছলনাएवं विकाই हाएको एनटूरामा
लायन प राऊदयाकाशानिবলনरा৩9 ৪तु
2
SCALE. 5.
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

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FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
No. 29.]
18 विषयान्तःपातिकोम्याणग्रामः खशी (सी)मापरिच्छिद्रः
सोहेमशताद्यने
20 कवृक्षलतादिसमेतः सविटपारस्यः सजलस्थलमत्स्य कच्छपः स21 जलक्षेत्रभूमिरचट्टभट्टप्रवेशः सकलभागभोगहिरस्यादिप्रत्याय
22 समेतस्ताम्म्रशासनोकल्याकरत्वेनाचन्द्रार्कश्चितिसमकालमस्माभिर्य
Second Plate; Second Side.
23 था भूमिदानविधानेन मातापित्रोरात्मनः स्ववंशानां च पुण्यविषये । थोहारवि24 षयमध्यवपभूमिग्रामविनिर्गताय कोटरावङ्ग, विषयान्तः प्रातिपट्टवाडपाटक25 वास्तव्याय भारद्वाजगोत्रायाङ्गिरसवा (बा) इस्पल्यभारद्वाजचिप्रवराय
यजुर्वेदा
ध्यायि
26 ने माध्यन्दिनीयशाखाय अनन्त कण्ठपण्डितप्रपौत्राय ज्योतिषिक' श्रीधरपौत्राय 27 श्रुतिस्मृतिज्योतिःशास्त्रविश्वाराधरपुत्राय श्रौतस्मार्त्तकम्म (प्र) निपुण [ ज्यो] तिःशा
299
स्नैकधी
28 रदीचितजगधर शर्म्मणे कार्त्तिकशुक्लपचे विष्णोरत्व (च्छ) यनैकादश्यां हस्तो29 दकेन प्रदत्तः (तं) । एतच्च सर्वैरनुमन्तव्यं । भाविभिरपि नरपतिर्मिर्दानमिदमनु
मत्य पा
30 लनीयं । भूमिदानफलगौरवादपहरणे च दोषश्रवणात् । सम्वत्त (त्) ३ कार्त्तिक 31 सु (शु) दो (दि) एकादशी । पत्र धर्मानुसंशिन: (शंसिनः) नोका लिख्यते । व (ब)हुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिः स
32 गरादिभिः [*] यस्वयस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥[Q*] भूमिं यः प्रतिग्टह्णाति
33 यब भूमि (मिं) प्रयच्छति [1] उभौ तौ पुण्यकर्मायौ नियतौ स्वर्गगामि
मौ ॥[७*] षष्टिम् (ष्टिं)
34 वर्षसहस्राणि स्व[] वसति 36 तस (सं) नवं ॥ [ ८* ] गामेकां 36 प्रोति यावदाभूतसंप्लवं ॥ [*] 37 विष्टायां कमिभूत्वा पिढभिः
Third Plate.
भूमिदः ॥ हरबरकमाप्नोति यावदा [भू]स्व[र्ण ]मेकं च भूमेरप्यईमङ्गलं । हरबरकमास्वदत्तां परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुन्धरां [1"] स सह पच्यते ॥ [ १०*] मा भूमि (द) फलशहा
वः पर
38 दत्तेति पाथि (थिं)वा: । खदानात्फलमाप्ने (प्रो) ति परदत्तानुपालने ॥[११* ] []ति 39 कमलदलाम्बु (म्बु) वि [वि] न्दुलोलां श्रियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितच्च । सकलमिदमुदाहृतं च ह (बु)
40 वा न हि पुरुषैः परकीर्त्तयो विलोप्या: ॥ [१२] अमईशणभूपतिर्यदि पुनर्भूaपोन्धवंथो
41 वो महत्तां परिपालयेदिह महीं तस्मै धृतोस्म्यचलिम् [*] यो वा लोभव
মাখ पा
42 पह (ह) दयात् क्रोधाच मच्छासने व्याघातं कुरुते भवेन्स नियतं निःसन्ततिः किल्विषो ॥" [१३ * ]
1 The letter is inserted above the line.
• Metro: Pushpitāgrā.
Metre Sardalanikridita. 272

Page #373

APPENDIX.
800
Geographical names in the records of Bhafija Kings of Orissa with identifications where ascertained.
Designation of the record and reference to its
publication
Place of find.
Place whence
jeaned.
Villages granted together with the Courtry or Districts in which they
were situated.
Grantee's residence and
place whence he
emigrated.
REMARKS.
A. Baudh grant of Ranabhan-Jagati in the
Jadēva. (Above, Vol. XII, PP. Baudh State. $22 ft., and Nagendranath Vasa's Mayürbhaaja Arch. Report, Vol. I, n. 186 ff.)
A.B. and c. mention Dbfitipurs as old capital.
B, Bandh gnant of Rana- Landore in the
bhañijadēva. (Above, Vol. XIZ, Baudh State, Pp. 325 .)
now changed to Govindapur.
(1) Kontinthi (Kontiovi) – Kontanni,
Residenceabout 2 miles south of Bandh, situated in the vishaya of -
(1) Amvasarasarā=Amba(1a) Khitiya whose head-quarters was sarabhitta (?) in Sonapparently Khatiya (which is un
pur State, about 12 traceable and has probably merged miles from Baadh. into Machhia Khanda, spargana of the Baudh State. Khatiya was Emigrated from
included in (18) Kbiñjali-mandals - the present (8) Apilomulēri-P
Keonjhar State. (8) Valkbringi-Bäligingå, about 2 Emigrated from
miles from Baudh and situated on the confluence of the Mahånadi and (3) Khadavapali Saladki=Sälki in the Baudh State
included in the (2a) Khatiya-vishaya-(1a) of - (26) Khiñjali-mandale -(16). (8) Milupädi- of -
Emigrated from (8a) Röyará-pishaya whose head-quar (4) Aläpagrima?
ters Röyara is on the borders of the Sonpar State.
B. and c. speak of Ubbaya (both) Khisjali-mandala - Upper and Lower Keonjhar.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
C. Soppor grant of Satza
bbañjadērs. (Above, Vol. XI, Pp. 98 ff.)
D. Bimanghati grant of Rana
bhañjadora. (J. B. A. 8., XL, Part I, pp. 161 tl., and Xayir bhaja. Arch. Report, Vol.
pp. 141 tl.)
Jamdapir o f Khijjinga - Kich. (4) Timapdira - Probably Tendrá, s. w.
Bamanghāti ing of Mayur- of Båmanghāti. sub-division in bhafija State. (6) Nankölāde -? the Mayur-1
(6) Jambupadraka- Probably Jamda, bhafija State.
8 miles west of Bamanghāti. (7) Pasanna - Pasană, 7 miles N. W. of
Båmangbiti included in the
vishaya of (41) Korandiyo whose head-quarters is
represented by Korinjiya, 5 miles from Kiching and of
D. and E. both mention Kshijjing Kotta or Khijjinga, i.e., the fort Khijjings (=Khiching, 90 miles from Baripadā), as the residence of the king. His original ancestor is stated to have been living in Kottásrametapovana - Kuting, 32 miles from Baripadā.
(VOL. XVIII

Page #374

E. Bamanghati grant of Rajabhañjadeva. (J. B. 4. S., XL, Part I, pp. 161 f., and Mayür. Arch. Rep., Vol. I, PP. 144 ft.)
F. Orissa grant of Vidyadharabhañjadeva. (J. B. 4.8., LVI, Part I, p. 168, Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 271, and Mayür. Arch. Rep., Vol. I, pp. 140 ff.)
G. Gumsar grant of Netribhañjadeva. (J. 4. 8. B., Vol. VI, p. 669 f., and Mayür. Arch. Rep., Vol. I, pp. 146.)
H. Ganjam grant of Netribhañjadeva (just dealt with).
I. Ganjam grant of Netribhañjadeva (just dealt with).
J Ganjam grant of Vidyadharabhañjaděva (just dealt with).
Jamdapir of Bamanghati subdn. of the Mayürbhanja State.
the
Gumsür in Ganjam District.
******
Khijjinga Kiching of the Mayürbhanja State.
Vañjulvaka
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
(48) Devakanda whose head-quarters is
represented by a place of the same name about 8 miles west of Bamanghati, 75 miles west of Baripada, capital of the Mayurbhanja State. (8) Brahmanavasti Brahmanavās, miles from Bamangbați in the Mayurbhanja State situated in the vishaya of
6
(8a) Brahmanavasti which is now represented by the Bamanghați sub-divi
sion.
(9) Tunduráva-Tandura village in the Aska taluks of the Ganjam District situated in the vishaya of(9a) Ramalavva, whose head-quarters was apparently at Ravalabado in the Aska taluka.
(10) Machchhaḍagrama-Machhgaon in the Cuttack District situated in the vishaya of
(10a) Machchhäda Khanda whose headquarters was Machhgson.
(11) 'Ratanga-Bottongo in Gumsür Taluk of Ganjam District situated in the vishaya of
(11a) Vasudeva Khanda whose headquarters was Vasudevapura, 4 miles from Katanga.
(12) Machhädagrāma=(10) in the vishaya of
(12a) Machhada Khanda-(10a).
******
1 See above, p. 285, f. n. 1.
1 Ibid., f. n. 2.
MIM
(18) Machhädagrama (10) situated in Emigrated fromthe vishaya of
(13a) Machhäda Khanda-(10a).
(5) Manmänä-Mandara (?)
in the Gumsür Taluk situated in the vishaya of
(5a) Taḍisama or Tadisami-Tadasinga(?) in the Gumsür Taluk, 20 miles north of Mandara, included in the
(56) Varebdhi (province)?
In all the grants from F. to K. Vañjulvaka is mentioned as the capital of the donors.
No. 29. ]
FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
301

Page #375

302
APPENDIX-concld. Geographical names in the records of Bhanja Kings of Orissa with identifications where ascertained.
L'enignation of the record and reference to its
publication.
Place of find.
Place whence
issued.
Villages granted together with the Country or Districts in which they
were situated.
Grantee's residence and place whence he
emigrated.
REMABES.
K. Antirigim grant of Yosu
bhajadova Gust dealt with).
Vafljulvaks
Antirigam in the Chatrapar Taluk of the Ganjam District.
1. (14) Komylas - Konomonk in the (6) Residence Pattavalda- Jaipurl is mentioned as
Chatrapar Taluk of the Ganjam pataka-Patatupuram conquered by this line District situated in the viskaya of - in the Chatrapur Taluk of kings. It may be
situated in the vishaya Jaipur Zamindari in (14a) Voda whoge hend-quarters was of
the south. Bodds Patti, 3 miles from Konomonk in the Chatraper Taluk of (a) Kontarávango whose the Ganjam District
head-quarters is Kotayagads in the Chatra. pur Talak, 8 miles
from Patapatanam. (7) Vapabhūmigrama -
Boppangi in Gumsūr Talak situated in the
Diakuga of -
(7a) Thibars |(16), Tinapaikers still exisling included Emigrated from (8) Bhata Refers to Ubhaya-Khiñin
Nirola -
jali =_Upper And (162) Uttarapalli - Uttartirs or tract
Lower Keonjhar. north of the Mahanadi.
(9) Residence Kämäri P
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. Tisapaikeri grant of Rana-Bioka in the
bhañjadáva. (J. B.O.R. 8., Sonpur State. Vol. 11, pp. 187 f.)
M. Baudh grant of Kanaka-Baudh, capital
bhañjadova. (J. B. O. R. S., of the State of Yol. 11, pp. 356 ff.)
the saine name.
(16) Bihula ? (17) Bendaki-P (18 Jamaripura? (19) Simhi pors?
included in (19) Dharmapara tract and bounded on
the east by Maharapura, on south and west by Kopasimha and on the north by Telanadi - Tel river.
Emigrated from (10) Madhyadéka - Tract
between Bengal and
OrissaResidence. (11) Hastigrama -
Refers to the Baudh State as the kingdom of the family.
IIIAX 104]

Page #376

N., Kumurukeli a nt of Kamarukell of
Satrabhaõjadova. T. B.Ö. Senpar State. R. &, Vol. II, pp. 429 #.)
1 (20) Kamarakelá still existing in the
Soupar State and (21) Jsintamari-P
included in(204) Khiñjali-mandala - (18). (805) Uttarapalli district - (16a).
No. 29.]
Emigrated from (12) Vangakati ? Residence(18) Gandhatapāți -
Refers to Khijjingakotte-Khiching.
0. Khaydedeuls grant of Rana Khanda denli
bbafijadov. (c) (Narendral of Wayurbhabijadora). (. B. O. R. &, bbañja State. Vol. IV, pp.172 r.)
(32) Bonola -
included in(22) Sidhahirba viskaya and Ut
tarakhands. (38) Vähiravada on the Mahanadi
included in (289) Dakshinapali or the tract to the
south of the Mahanadi.
P. Patna Museum grat Ranabhañjadára. (Bp awaiting publication.
Mentions Dhțitiporas the old capital of the Ubhaya-Kbiijas.
Nors-With reference to the geographical places mentioned in the records in hand it may be noted that Rottango, bereft of its Oriya pronunciation, would be regularly Ratanga, biko Kodoliboronto, which is no other than Kadalibasanta included in the Kudala taluks of the mone district. Batanga wus included in the Vimadarakhando, whoue reminiscence is left in Visudovapor. Machhädagräma, or Müchchhädagrams of the Michbädakbanda or Mach badakhanda, has been the subject of a gift in 8 sbarter, G., H. & J., twice by Natribhañja and once by Vidyadharabhañja. This appears to indionte ita great importance, ma apparently the relatives of the doneo's family were very earious to get it back as often his direct line failed. The name is very exprensivo, meaning, mit does, the village of fishes. It was at the ame time situated in distriet having the name " fish trast. But I could not find a name answering to it in the lists of Ganjam district villages. There is, however, in the Cuttack district port named Micchagion about 9 miles from the Devi estuary and about 40 miles from Gumsūr, which can well be our Yachhid grims and I have identified it with that. Owing to the superabundance of fish in that tmct, it appropriately named Machhidagrima (the village of thes) and it retaineite Dama intact with the exception of the superfluous ra (the Oriya genitive sigo) dropped.
The donee in J. came from Manmin of the Tadioma or Tadianmi-vishaya. The latter appears to be named after the Täda or palm trees which ab und in the Guafi district. In the Gamatir taluk there is a village Törnsingi and another named Mandari. It would therefore appear that the first representa the village from which the mishaga Todiami took ita name and the second the corruption of Manmaņš, something like the present Bhandari representing the old Bhaņari (see Hiralal's C. P. and Borar Ineeriptions, page 107). The charter K. gives a number of geographical names, several of which must be sought for in the Chatrapar taluks, where the plates were found in field, while ploughing, indicating that they had not been carried about from place to place at any rate for several years pact. The village granted wm Kompina likely to be corrupted into Koumyaņa, which in the Oriya month woald become Konomono or Konomoni, with which It has been dentified. The doneo ww revident of Patta pada-wafaka which is apparently the present Pattapur (or Pattupuram). The donee's residence ww included in, tho Kongarinnaga-vibaya, whose bead-quarters appears to be represented by Konttaya-gage. The doneo's family had emigrated from Vapabhumi, which may be identical with Deppangl. The name of the violaya road Thihars in doubtful and it would therefore be welens to try to identify it.
(Nr. C, R, Krishnamacharla would identify the Machhädagrima or Machhädagrima, the Ththiri, the Bhatn-Niróle, and the Uttarapatha village of these pate with Majhigim in the Berhampur, Tikkan pada in the Gamepär, Nirian in the Aska od Uttaralli in the Parlakimedi taluks of the Gadjam district respec
FOUR BHANJA COPPER-PLATE GRANTS.
803

Page #377

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII
No. 30.--THE MUNGIR PLATE OF DEVAPALADEVA: SAMVAT 33.
BY LIONEL D. BARNETT. This charter was first published in the year 1788, in Vol. I of the Asiatick Researches, p. 123 ff. where a lithographic reproduction and an attempt at translation were presented. About that time the plate disappeared. In 1892 the late Professor Kielhorn republished the text with a corrected translation in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, p. 254 ff., on the basis of the edition in the Asiatick Researches ; as will be seen, he accomplished the task with his wonted skill and success. But no trace of the original plate could be found.
Recently, while repairs were being made in Kenwood House, a dirty and discoloured metal plate inscribed with Indian characters was found hidden away between a beam and the roof. It was brought to me for identification, and I at once recognised it as the long-lost charter of Dēvapaladēva. Then Mr. Plenderleith, of the Science Laboratory attached to the British Museum, came to my aid and skilfully removed the accumulated grime and rust of many generations, so that it is now restored to its original condition, a fine and almost perfectly preserved specimen of medieval Indian metal-work. It seemed desirable to publish a photographic facsimile with an emended transcription of the text, and I have been permitted to do this by the kindness of the Right Honourable the Earl of Iveagh, G.C.V.O., Senior Trustee of the Kenwood Estate.
The plate is of thick copper, measuring 184 inches in height and 137 inches in width. On the top of it is soldered & seal, 64 inches high and at the base 7 inches wide; in the central panel of this is the well-known Särnāth device, the dharma-chakra with two antelopes at the sides, under which is the royal name, Sri-Dévapāladēvasya. It is in excellent preservation : with the exception of a very few unimportant syllables, the characters are as cleanly cut as when the plate came from the engraver's hand. The script is typical of the region and date; the letters are about to of an inch in height. It is needless to treat of the contents, as they are fully discussed in Kielhorn's paper.
The main part of this document, scil. from the beginning to kārya iti, 1. 46, is duplicated in ll. 1-42 of the Nalanda plate published in Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, p. 310 ff. The divergences are few and slight, and I have only noticed the more important.
TEXT.
First Side. 1 Om svasti Siddhārthasya par-artha-susthira"2 matēh san-margam-abhyasyatas-siddhis-siddhim-&3 nuttarām-bhagavatas-tasya prajāsu kriyāt | yas-traidhātuka-sat[t*]va-siddhi-padavir
atyugra-viry-odayāj-jitvă nirvșiti4 m-asasāda sugataḥ san=s&ryva-bhūm-isvaraḥ+ || [1] Sawbhagyan=dadhad=atula
briyas-sapatnya Gopalaḥ patir-abhavad-vasu. ndhariyah | drisht-antē sati kritināṁ surajñi yasmin-braddheyāḥ Pțithu-Sagar-ādayo.
py-abhuvan || [28] Vijitya yên-a jaladhēr-Vasundha6 ram vimochitā mögha-parigrahā iti 88-vāshpam-udvāshpa-vilochanān=punar-vvanēshu
vaba)ndhūn-dadfishu(bu)r-mmatanga-jāḥ || [3*] Cha7 latav=anantēshu va(ba)lēshu yasya vigvambharaya nichitann rajobbih pada-prachaca
kshamam-antariksham=vihanganlānāṁ suchiram-va(ba)bhūva || [48] From the original plate.
* Denoted by & symbol. • The letter looks more like ta then na-Ed.] • The Nälandā plate (Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII, p. 318) has sarv-drtha-bhim-idvaras, which is probably right.

Page #378

Mungir Plate of Devapala : the 33rd Year
Scale : One Third Linear of the Original
নামঞ্জ-আজিজ। | এই বাঁহাজার কারাআত্রেযারিজোযন্ত্র বাজার (|| একবার ধারনা বৰদখিযোৱৱৱঅপবদ্ধSUহয়েষct
20ংস। ইসলীলসিদিনাখন ইসমাইত্মিা ব্রিজ যাজক Tজন হত্যায় বাবার নারী যাত্রাবিলাবৰিবি। বনমায়াবি বইঞ্জিরায় উজারি আজীবনওয়ায় অবজযখনি হযরকল্প Tায় আর্বানীপ্রসারীগনিশাত্মশ্রীশ্রী হন মহাখীরবতাযwed নেই: স্বরবর্তৱহাৰঞ্জীবধেঞ্জিনিয়নে সানজৰ হীতবিতাতেই বেমাত্ৰীশ্ৰহৰজাকা-যাত্ৰামাজীবিকা। ইয়াং অনেকখালার সময় ব্যয়াফরগাহাম্রাজ মজলন্ধ, থানীয় জঙ্গিবিফেত্রাবাবিজিবিৰল বাবাভেলস যাওকসকোয়েনাবাজাখসানাৰাবৰঞ্জীয়াংয়ের
বাহবনীজনেমাত্রিীবসত্মারজালেজানন্যাকামোজেয় জবানিশিয়হাজোয়ানাকীর আলম। এনবিক (
ক্রর জীবিকায়সাও অসমশ্রিমুড্রাইজ। থাইরখেইলজীয়নানিফ এনারি-২২,বরগুনায় হায় তাইৰাবাৰীৰিাহী এবং স্বাধহানাখাবীব্যারয় করা।
ও সাহিত্যিক জীবিঅারীফায়য়য়যারা জ্বালাপের ইতিমাযহীন এবং বঙ্গী-বীজতলআ[ি[ঐশক্ষাদানৰনাৰাকানও। তেনেহলে অর্থাৎ মাঠীর্ষণীয় লাখখাবোলিজম বাজি হবে। চারপতিরাধিকবরসা-বালি এমবি স্থাবধাসল নাম দিয়ে খেলাধৰণাস্থিত্রিংখলাবাহিকেলখনীল বরাক ইত্যাজমাথাব্যথা নিজিংবিএস!হাউখচ্ছবিতরণ-জা
'সমাজি-সিজি কম Wwjয়।ঐখারিখবিধায়ারমধেতিহামিদীনবরাত্রীৰষাকালীন
রোহি ||| | | লৈ লৈছিলইস
ফিডামএল(২য় [ এটি জােকাইনিই বেশি। এর অভয় ছিলাম ।
পাহী হইনি অফিসের কাজ। &vk.Cয়ী
মহামায়াত এই যাত্রা বিজ্ঞানয়নপ্রত্যাশী। (৫৫ ইং |{{ }{{Skils(কাজী হয়ে যায় রাসেলের কৰিবী ব|kite][Sলখলামীযিভিভাববীয়া ৱিাৰ
যখাব যারা ||ছইg৫১২ । স্বাধ0 পার3ে0tellবৈৰাথী ইকামলমাসুম।
A.-Obverse

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NO. 30.]
THE MUNGIR PLATE OF DEVAPALA: SAMVAT 33.
305
8 Sastr-ārtha-bhājā chalato-nusāsya varạpān=pratishthāpayatā sva-dharmm bri
Dharmmapālēna sutēna 8õ=bhūt=svarga-sthitānām=ansiņaḥ 9 pitļīņām || [5*] Achalair-iva jangamair-yadiyair-vichaladbhir-dviradaiḥ kadar
thyamănă | nirupaplavam=&mva(mba)ram prapēdē 6310 raṇam rēņu-nibhēna bhūta-dhātri || [6*] Kēdārē vidhin-Ōpayukta-payasāṁ Ganga
samēt-āmvu(mbu)dhau Gokarộn-adishu ch=āpy-anu. 11 shthitavatām tirthēshu dharmmyāḥ kriyāḥ bhrityānām sukham-ēva yasya
sakalān=uddh[pi*]tya dushţān-imän lökān-sa12 dhayato’nushangal-janitā siddhiḥ paratr=āpy=abhūt || [78] Taistair-dig-vijas
āvasāna-samayē samprēshitānām=paraiḥ sa!3 tkārair-apaniya khēdam-akhila svāṁ svān=gatānām bhuvam ksityam=bhāvaya.
tām yadiyam-uchitam prity: npipāņām=abhūt=8-014 bkaņķham hridayam divas-chyutavatām jāti-smarāņām=iva || [8*] Sri-Parava(ba)
lasya duhituh kshiti-patinā Rāshtrakata-tilakasya 15 Rapņādēvyāḥ pāņir-jagrihē griha-mēdhinā tēna 11 [9*] Dhțita-tanur-iyam Lakshmiḥ
sākshāt-kghitirenu saririni kim-avani-patēh 16 kirttir-mūrtta’thaval gộiha-dēvatā [l*] iti vidadkati suchy-achārā vitarkavatīḥ
prajāḥ prakṣiti-gurubhir-yā buddh-antaṁ gunai17 r-akarðd-adhah || [10] Slaghya pativrat-ágau mukta-ratnam samudra-buktir-iva
Sri Dövapaladövam prasanna-vsittam sutam-&gūta || [11] 18 Nirmmalo manasi vāchi samyataḥ kāya-karmmaņi cha yah sthitaḥ suchau
räjyam-apa nirupaplavam pitur=võ(bő)dhi-gatst*]va iva 19 gaugata padam 11 [12] Bhramyadbhir=vijaya-kramena karibhis-täm-ēva Vindhy.
ātavim-uddāma-plavamāna-väshpa-payaso dri[shtāḥ] punar=vā(bā)ndha20 vāḥ U Kamvõ(mbo)jēsbu cha yasya vāji-yuvabhir-dhvast-anys-rāj-aujaső heshā.
misrita-hari-hëshita-ravāḥ käntās-chiram vikshitäh 11 [13] 21 Yaḥ pūrvvam-Va(Ba)linā kļitaḥ kțita-yuzē yēn-agamad=Bhārgavas-trētāyām praha.
taḥ priya-praņayinā Karņņēna yo dvāparē i vichchhinnaḥ kali22 na Saka-dvishi gatē kālēna lõk-antaram yēna tyaga-pathaḥ sa ēva hi punar
vispashtam=unmilitaḥ || [14*] A(A) Gang-āgama-mahitā. 28 t-sapatna-Sünyam-i Satu-prathita-Daśāsya-kētu-kirttēh urvim-i Varupa-nikë[ta*lnāch
cha sindhör- akshmi-kula-bhavanāch-cha yo 24 vu(bu)bhõja || [15*] Sa khalu Bhāgirathi-patha-pravarttamāna-nānāvidha-nau-văţaka
sampadits-sētu-va(bandha-nihita-saila-bikhara-bre25 ni-vibhraman-niratiśaya-ghana-ghanaghana-ghatā - syāmāyamāna - Vāsara - Lakshmi-sami
ravdhabdha)-santata-jalada-samaya-8826 ndēhāt udīchin-ānēka-nara-pati-prābhfitīkpit-āpraměya-haya-vāhini-khara-khur-õtkhāta
dhüll-dhūgarita-di27 g-antarālāt paramēśvara-Bēvā-samāyāt-āsēsha-Jamvū(mbūdvipa-bhūpāla pādāta-bhara
namad-avanēh | sri-Mudgagiri-samāvā.
1 The elision of a is denoted by an aragraha.
Kielhorn read prasanna-vaktrath, and this is supported by the Nalanda plate, 1. 16. But our plate bas distinctly -vrittan.
• Our plate has clearly vikshitab, as was read by Kielhorn; the Nalanda plate howevec hai chira-prisita, 1. 19).
29

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906
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
28 sita-śrīmaj-jaya-skandhāvārāt parama-saugata-paramēsvara-parama-bhaṭṭāraka-mahārājadhiraja-sri-Dharmapāladēva
29 pād-anudhyātaḥ parama-saugataḥ paramesvara-parama-bhaṭṭārakō mahārāj-ādhirājaḥ
śrīmān-Devapäladēvaḥ kusali I
30 Srinagara-bhuktau Krimilā-vishay-antaḥpāti-sva-samva(mba)ddh-āvichchhinna-talōpēta-Mēshikā-grāmē samupagatā
31 na(n) sarvvän-ēva rāṇaka | rāja-putra- | amatya- mahākārttākṛitika- | mahādandanayaka-maha-pratihāra- | maha-sa
32 manta- mahādauḥsādhasadhanika-maha-kumar-amatya- | pramatri- sarabhanga- | rajasthaniya-uparika- | dāśā
33 paradhika-chaurōddharanika- | dāṇḍika | dāņḍapäsika- saulkika- | gaulmika- | ksha(kshē)trapa-präntapala- kōṭṭapala
hasty-asv-ōshtra-va(ba)la-vyāpritaka
34 khandaraksha- tad-ayuktaka- viniyuktaka
[*] kiáōra-vaḍavā gō-mahishy-aj-ävik-idhyaksha- | dūta-praishani
[VOL. XVIII.
35 ka- gamagamika- | abhityaramāṇa- | vishaya-pati- tara-pati- tarika | Gauḍa-MālavaKhasa-Huna-Kulika-Karnṇata-Lata]-chata-bhata
36 sevak-ādīna(n) anyāms-ch-ākirttitan sva-pada-padm-opajivinaḥ prativāsinas-cha vrā(bra)hman-ottaran mahattara-kuṭumvi(mbi)-purōga-med-a
Second Side.
37 Indhraka-Chaṇḍāla-paryantan samājñ(ā)payati Viditam-a
38 stu bhavatam yath-ōparilik hita-Meshika-grāmaḥ sva-si
39 mi-tripa-yüti-göchara-paryantaḥ sa-talaḥ s-oddělaḥ samra-madhüikah sa-jala-sthalab sa-matsyah sa-tripaḥ s-oparikaraḥ, sa-das-a
40 paradhaḥ sa-cha uroddharaṇaḥ parihrita-sarvva-pīḍaḥ a-chaṭa-bhata-pravēšō'kiñchitpragrahyō rājakuliya-Spratyaya-same
41 to bhumi-chchhidra-nyayen-a-chandr-[ärkka]-kshiti-sama-kālaḥ purvva-datta-bhuktabhujyamana-deva-vra (bra)hma-deya-varjjitō mayā mātā-pitrōr-atmanas-cha puBhaṭṭa-Visvaratasya pautrāya
42 nya-yaso-bhivriddhayē vēd-a[rtha]-vidō yajvanō
vidy-āvadāta-chētasō Bhatta-sri-Varaharatasya putrāya!
43 pada-vákya-pramāņa-vidyā-pāraṁ-gataya | Aupamanyava-((gö)triya yan aa-vra(bra)hmacharinē Bhatta-[pravara"]-Vihekarata-hiaraya
44 basanīkritya pratipaditaḥ [*] Yato bhavadbhiḥ sarvvair-eva bhūmēr-dāna-phalagauravad-apaharane maha-naraka-pata-bhayach-cha danam-i
45 dam-anumōdya pala]niyam prativāsibhiḥ kshetrakarais-ch-ājñā-śravana-vidhēyairbhitvi samuchita-kara-hirany-adey-adi-sarvva-pratyay-ōpana
46 yah ka(a)rya iti [Samvat 33 Marga-dině 21 | Tatha cha dharm-anuéāka(sa)naalokāḥ Sarvan-etan bhāvinaḥ parthivēndrān
[The symbol seems to read ndra.-Ed.]
The elided a is denoted by an avagraha.
[Like the Nalanda plate, this charter clearly gives samasta before pratyaya. Kielhorn was doubtful about the reading of this word. See Inds Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 256, f. 34-Edi]
[I think the text reads kalam as it does in the Nalanda plate, L 36, ef, other nasal symbols for items in 11. 38 and 51.-Ed.]
Bead Avalayana.
So read in previous editions: the letters are no longer legible.

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38
40
42
44
48
50
श
52
Mungir Plate of Devapala: the 33rd Year Scale : One Third Linear of the Original
ि
पक
करा दिया
या
46
यः यति १३३ माडी दिने निधारवशवाश वंशो को सर्वतावाविनः यावि बनाया काले कालपालवीयजमानाय कि वा पाकादितिश्यायमाइतमा यत ॥ सूरयायत यदि या साइपाल कि याद याला विलोल यसमा जीवन सकलसिकः यत्र वाडे या विला यथा ॥ शया विद्यावेदयडू क पायरिया
जय विवि यविका
समान
नामः रान ही राशा कि काली या शिवाय कालबा
भाविकावयति तथा काना दलात या मालव शाया नहीता यार या वसायमा लायन दावा जीवनावरी वाय अन्यानि यादितः सतत विवाद
B.-Reverse

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No. 31.)
TEKKALI PLATES OF DANARNAVA'S SON INDRAVARMAN.
307
47 bhūyo bhūyaḥ prarthayaty-esha Rāmal [1*] Sāmānyõ=yam dharma-sētur
nțipāņām(n) kālē kālē pālanīyaḥ kramēnaḥ 1 [16*) Va(Ba)hubhir-Vasudha 48 dattā rājabhiḥ Sagar-adibhiḥ [1] yasyayasya yadā bhūmiņ(8-)tasyatasya tada
phala || [17] Sva-dattām=para-dattam vā yo harēta vasu49 ndharān(m) [1*] sa vishthāyā[**] krimir-bhūtvā pitsibhis=saha Spachyat[e] [11 18*]
Iti kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lõlan(lām) sri(Sri)yam-anuchintya manushya50 jivitañ=cha | sakalam-idam=udāhsitañ=cha vu(bu)ddh[v*jā na hi purushaiḥ para
kirttayo vilõpyā[h*] 11 [19*] Sréyo-vidhāv=ubhayansa-vi. 51 suddhi-lhājam rāj-ātka(ka)röd=adhigat-âtma-gunan guna-jñaḥ, ātm-ānurūpa-char-tan
sthira-yauvarājyam sri-Rajyapalam-i. 52 ha dūtakam=ātma-putram || [20*]
No. 31.-TEKKALI PLATES OF DANARNAVA'S SON INDRAVARMAN.
BY E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D.; HALLE (SAALE).
Ink-impressions of this inscription were kindly made over to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. The plates belong to Sri L. N. Deb, Esq., Yubraj of Tekkalt in the Ganjam District of the Madras Presidency. These are " three copper-plates, each measuring about 51" in breadth and 29" in height, and strung on a ring of the same metal. The first plate is inscribed only on the inner face, and the third plate bears only one line of writing on the outer face. The plates do not appear to have had raised rims. The ring is 3" in diameter and is fixed in a circular wal measuring " in diameter, on which is engraved the worn figure of a standing bull with raised hump, facing the proper left. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 60 tolas."
The writing on the plates is in a state of very good preservation. The alphabet resembles that of other early grants of the Gangas of Kalinga. The letters and have the saine shape as in the majority of them, while in one of the grants of Indra varman' the closely resembles the 4. The jihvāmūliya is employed in line 18, and the upadhmaniya five times. A final form of m occurs in line 27. The group is written correctly in line 10, but is expressed by w in lines 3 and 31. In line 30 occur the numerical symbol 100 and the two decimal figures 5 and 4. The language of the inscription is on the whole very correct Sanskrit prose, with three verses sung by Vyāga', quoted in lines 25-20. Line 14 contains a few Dravidian words (amba-achchi-poti).
The date of this inscription (1. 30 is the year 100 54=154 ; i.e. the first of the three figures is expressed by the numerical symbol 100', and the two remaining figures are decimals. This fresh date induced me to re-examine the year of the Chicacole plates of Dēvēndravarman, son of Gunārņava, which I had originally read as 100 80 3. Kiel horn noted already that the middle figure is certainly not the numerical symbol. 80', but the decimal 8'. The third figure of the year does not resemble the usual form of 3'; but, as the date is recorded also in words, it must be meant for '3'. Bühler solved this little problem in a very ingenious manner by explaining 1 Read kramena.
[I think we can read it as -Ed.] . [Pbe original wrongly gives pachyata-Ed.] Read ubhaya-varba.
See the Mudras Epigraphical Report for 1924, p. 10, Apr. A. No. 1, and p. 97, para. 2. • See e.. above, Vol. XIV. p. 361 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 123 ; above, Vol. III, p. 121.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 120. • Abovo, Vol. III, p. 13).
Above, Vol. V, Appendix, px 91, note 7.

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308
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
4
[VOL. XVIII. the figure' 3' of these plates as an abbreviation of lōka, the (three) worlds'. Hence the year is in reality 100 83-183. The day of the same grant consists of the decimal figure '2' followed by a cipher (0)=20. If we now re-examine the date of the Purle plates of Indravarman, son of Dänarnava, the year turns out to be (not 100 40 9, but) 100 37=137, and the day 20 0=20; and the year of one of the Chicacole plates of Indravarman is not 100 40 6, but 100 38=138, and its day is 10h (still expressed by a numerical symbol). If we go back to the other Chicacole plates of Indravarman, we find that both the second figure of the year and the first figure of the day are expressed by numerical symbols: 100 20 8 128, and 10 5 15. Subsequently to 100 83 183, the year of the Chicacole plates of Devendravarman, son of Gunarnava, even the first figure ceases to be represented by a numerical symbol and is expressed by a decimal in 195, the year of the Siddhantam plates of Devendravarman, son of Gunarnava. The day of the same grant is 5h7 (changed unnecessarily by the editor into [*). I may be excused for having gone into such details, because this digression will in future induce editors, including myself, to be more careful and methodical in handling the dates of the Eastern Gängas.
I shall now recapitulate the years of some of the earlier Gänga grants, at the end of which the names of certain officers are mentioned.
No. I. Urlām plates of Hastivarman, surnamed Rajasimha or Ranabhīta (above, Vol. XVII, p. 333). Year 800 = 80, in words and figures. Written by Vinayachandra, son of Bhanuchandra.
No. II. Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman, surnamed Rajasimha (above, Vol. III, p. 129). Year 80 7 87, in words and figures. Written by the same officer.
surnamed Rājasimha (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, Written by the same officer.
No. III. Parla-Kimedi plates of Indravarman, p. 134). Year 90 1 91, in words and figures. No. IV. Chicacole plates of Indravarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 121). Year 100 20 8= 128, in figures alone. Engraved by Aditya-Mañchin, son of Vinayachandra.
No. V. Purle plates of Indravarman, son of Danarnava (above, Vol. XIV, p. 362). Year 100 37137, in figures alone. Engraved by Khanḍichandra, son of Aditya-Bhōgika.
No. VI. Tekkali plates of Indravarman, son of Dänarnava (the subjoined grant). Year 100 54 154, in figures alone. Engraved by the same officer.
No. VII. Chicacole plates of Devendravarman, son of Gunarnava (above, Vol. III, p. 133). Year 100 83183, in words and figures. Engraved by Sarvachandra, son of KhandichandraBhōgika.
From the preceding list it follows that Nos. I-III were written by Vinayachandra. No. IV was engraved by his son Aditya, Nos. V and VI by Khanḍichandra, son of Aditya, and No. VII by Sarvachandra, son of Khandichandra. In this manner, the names of these menials become an important confirmation of the correctness of the dates of their masters. Moreover, No. V was written by the Sarvadhikrita Sambapurōpadhyaya, son of the Hastyadhyaksha Dharmachandra (11. 29-31). In lines 29-32 of the subjoined grant (No. VI of the above list), the latter is stated to have been written by the same officer.
1 Indian Paleograpky, translated by Fleet, p. 78.
Above, Vol. XIV, p. 362.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 123. In column XV of the Table of Numerals in Bühler's Indian Paleography, the symbol 40' must be transferred to the line '3'.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 121.
5 Above, Vol. III, p. 133.
Above, Vol. XIII. p. 215.
Cf. 10h in the Chicacole piates of Indravarman, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 123.
Like Bhogika in Nos. V-VII, Mañckin is perhaps an equivalent of the Teluga Bhoi, a palankeon-bearer
st. above, Vol. XIII, p. 215, text line 30. Brown's English-Telugu Dictionary has the form Boyi

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No. 31.)
TEKKALI PLATES OF DANARNAVA'S SON INDRAVARMAN.
309
The executor (ājñā) of this grant was the Mahāmahattara Harisarman (L. 29 f.). The donee . was a Brāhmana named Skandasarman (1. 17), who lived at Garakhonna (1. 15). The royal
donor was Dānārnava's son, the Kalinga king Indravarman of the Ganga family, who issued this edict from his residence of Kalinganagara. He seems to have made the grant for the spiritual merit of his mother Achchipoti (1. 14). The grant was made at an eclipse of the sum (1. 15) in the year 154 (of the Ganga era) (1. 30). It consisted of a field at the viltage of Tungannā (1. 11) or Tungana (L. 21) in the district of Rapyavati (1. 11).
I am unable to identify either the village granted or its boundaries (11. 18-22). But the Rupyavati-vishaya (l. ll) may be connected with the [Ri]pavarttani-vishayal which contained the village of Sellada. For, according to Mr. G. Ramadas, this village belongs to the Tek kali Täluk, and the subjoined grant is preserved at Tekkali.
TEXT.:
First Plate. 1ों स्वस्ति [॥'] सर्व सुखरमणीयहिजयश्रीनिवासाकलिङ्गन2 गरवासकान्महेन्द्राचलाममशिखरप्रतिष्ठितस्य चराचरगु3 रोमकलभुवननिर्माणकसूत्रधारस्य भगवतो गोकगन4 स्वामिनश्चरणकमलयुगलप्रणामाहियतकलिकल5 को गालामलकुलतिलको नयविनयसम्पदामाधार[:] खासि6 धारापरिस्पन्दाधिगतसकलकलिङ्गाधिराज्य विततचतुरुदधि7 सलिलतरङ्गमखलावनितलामलयशा: अनकसमर
Second Plate; First Side. 8 संघविजयजनितजयशब्दप्रतापोफ्नतसमस्तसाम. 9 तचूडामणिप्रभामखरीपुचरञ्जितचरणे' परममा10 हेश्वरो मातापितुपादानुध्यातम्योमहानारखवसनुश्वीमाहा11 राजेन्द्रवर्मा रूप्यवतीविषये तुजवाग्रामे सर्वसमवेताम्कुटु. 12 म्बिनममाञापयत्यस्ति विदितमस्तु वो यथासिन्ग्रामे हल13 स्य भूमिब्रह्मादेयदण्डमानमिता सर्वकरभरे परिशत्याच14 स्ट्रार्कप्रतिष्ठात्वा अम्बच्चिपोटिभटारिकाया पुण्याभिव15 ये सूर्योपराग समिक्षपूर्वकं गरखीबवास्तव्याय पाण्डि
Second Plate ; Second Side. 16 खसगोवाय वाजसनेयसबभचारिणे वेदवेदाङ्गपारगा17 य स्कन्दमाण सम्पत्ता [*] तदेवं विदित्वास्य खकीयां
1 Madras Epigraphical Report for 1919, p. 14, Appendix A, No. 6. * Journal of the Mythic Society, Vol. XIV, p. 271. • From ink-impressions supplied by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri. • Expressed by a symbol.
'Read मोकणं. • Read यशा.
IRead चरx. • The word fel is superfluous. Cl. Ind. ant. Vol. XIII, p. 123, note 60; a'love, Vol. II, p. 132, note 43 Vol. III, p. 214, not02.

Page #387

310
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
18 केनचिदाबाचार्यः [*] सीमालिकाम्यव्यस्थ चेक्स्य प्रदक्षिण19 मेच बोडव्यानि] [] पूर्वीच विद्युहा [1] दधिषेण' पुरुषच्छा20 वया पाचाचपलः [["] पश्चिमेन शरपाटकसोमान्ता: [["] - 21 रेवापि सेव विद्युङ्गा [] तुङनतडाकोदकमध्ये [स]त्वेवं कारा22 या ब्राह्मणपथान्याच निर्मात्य प्रविशति यावत्यच्यते [1] भविष्य23 तथ राम> <प्रन्नापयति [1] धक्रमविक्रमाणामन्यतम
[VOL. XVIII
Third Plate; First Side.
24 योगादवाप्य महीमनुशासरियन्दानधर्मोनुपालनोयो व्या
25 संगीताचा खोका भवन्ति [1] बहुभिर्व्वसुधा दत्ता वहभियानुपालिता [it] 26 यस्वयस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्थतस्य तदा फल [ ॥ १* ] स्वदत्तां परदत्त वा 27 यज्ञाद्रच युधिष्ठिर [1] महीमहोमतां श्रेष्ठ दामाच्छे यो
28 पालनम् [ ॥ २* ] षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*] बा 29 क्षेप्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेदिति [ ॥ ३* ] आज्ञा महामहत्त 30 [ररिया [1] प्रवर्धमान विजयराज्यसंवारा [] १०.५४ [] लिखित 31 मिदं शासनं हस्त्याचधर्मा चन्द्रसूनुमा सर्वाधिकृतेन श[r*]म्बपुरो-:
Third Plate; Second Side.
39 पाढ्यायेनोको नमादित्यभोगकमुना खखिचन्द्रेयेति' [*]
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1-12.) From the residence of Kalinganagara (1.11.), the worshipper of the god Gōkarṇa-svāmin (1. 3 f.) on the Mahendra mountain (1. 2), the ornament of the spotless family of the Gāngas (1.5), who has obtained the sovereignty over the whole of Kalinga (1.6), the fervent devotee of Maheśvara, who meditates on the feet of (his) mother and father, the son of the glorious Dänarnava, the glorious Mahārāja Indravarman, commands (as follows) the ryots, accompanied by all (others), at the village of Tunganna in the Rûpyavati district (vishaya) (11. 9-12).
1 Read fen.
• Road षष्टिं वर्ष.
● Read कीर्ण भादित्यभोगिक ०.
(Ll. 12-17.) “ Be it known to you that (one) plough (hala) of land in this village, measured by the rod (used for ) brahmadeyas, exempting (it) from the burden of all taxes, making (it) to last as long as the moon and the sun, has been granted, for the increase of the spiritual merit of (my) mother, the lady Achchipati s at an eclipse of the sun, with previous (libations of) water, to Skandasarman, who resides at Garakhonna (and) belongs to the g&tra of the Sandilyas, a student of the Vajasaneya (charana), who has mastered the Vedas and Vedängas."
"
2 Road खा.
• See above, Vol. XIV, p. 362, text line 30. This line ends with a punctuation.
Mama (Sangrit amba) in Telugu means 'a mother', achchi in Kanarese the same, and böfi according to own's Telugu-English Dictionary'a damsel'.
• Read perhaps पावन्याद.

Page #388

8
10
ਘਰ ਦਾ ਨਾਲ ਹਰ ਅਵਾਂ ਵਾਹਕ
ਸਵਯ ਰ
ਪਰ ਆਹ ਚ ਸਵਾਰ ਕਾਰ-ਕਾਵਾਂ ਕਾਰਨ ਹਰ ਕੋਈ 1 199 200
201
12
14
16
18
20
22
ਸ
© ਅਤੇ ਹੋਰ ਲਉਗਰ ਗੁਰੂਦਵਾਰ ਹਾਰ ਨਿਰਮ 700 ਪੂਰਵ ਸਬ 100 da1@gma ਧ ਆ @@@ ਸ ਨਾਲ ਵਾਰਤਾ ਹੈ Dated 07 ਸਰ ਲਾਗੁਰ ਪਰੇ ਹੈ
iia.
TEKKALI PLATES OF DANARNAVA'S SON INDRAVARMAN.
ਕਿ ਅਗਲਾ ਗੁਰੂ ਕਾ ਅਹਰਾਜ ਹੁਕਮੁ ਜਗ ਮਹਿ ਪਰ ਅਰਾ ਅਵੰਧ ਹੈ। 10
ne
iib.
HIRANANDA SASTRI.
ਪਰ
SCALE FULL SIZE.
ਅਤਰ
10
12
ਤਾਪ ਗਾਣ ਗਰਗ ਬਹੁ ਰੇ ਨੂੰ ਸਖਤ ਗੁਰੂ ਅੰਡਰਗਰਾਜ ਉਸ ਗੁਰੂ ਗੁਰ ਗੁਰਰ
ਅਰਜਨ
ਗੁਰਜਰ ਸਿੰਘ
ਪਰ ਹਰ acc ਜੇ ਆਪਿ ਹੋਰ ਭਾਵ ਪੁਰ ਸੁਰਗ ਕਰਥ ਘਰ ਵਾਸਤ
ਸ
14
16
18
20
22
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #389

jiia.
cਟ
ਰੱrnਸ਼ਾਸਨ ॥ ਸੂਰ , ਸ਼0 ਬੀ 24 ਕਰਵਾਰ ਸ਼ਾਮ 4 ਹਾਵ ਰੱਥ ਹੈ। | ਪੁਹਪੂ ਵ ਹੈ। ਮਾਰੂ ਵਾਰ ਪ ਵਰਖਾ 20
ਖੇ - ਰਾਤ ਓਹ ਸਥਿ ਵੀ ਕਰ ਨਾ ਕਰੀ ਪੱਖ ਅ ਜ ਜੋ ਡ ਨ ਪ ..
੪ ੫ਸ਼ਾ ਵੀ। ਧੀਰੂ ਭੁਰ ਹਰਿ ਰੂਪ ਕਾ i ao 2002 ਛੋE, ਰੂਹ
ਹਰ 2. 27 28 ਕਰੋ। ਸ਼ੇਰੇ ਆਂਡਵ
wib.
SEAL (FROM A PHOTOGRAPH).
ENLARGED NEARLY FOUR TIMES THE ORIGINAL SIZE.

Page #390

No. 32.) TEK)
I PLATES OF RAJENDRAVARMAN'S SON DEVENDRAVARMAN. 311
(LI. 18-22.) And the marks of the boundaries of this field are to be known in the order from right to le to the east, the Vidyudgangă. To the south, a row of boulders for (a distance which als) the shadow of a man. To the west, the boundaries of Sarkaravāțaka. And to the nort the same Vidyudgangā. And the water of the tank (tadaka) of Tungana," flowing out of t Kārākhandi and Brāhmanapālani (canals ?), enters this field tuntil the crop) ripens."
[LI. 24-28 contain three verses' sung by Vyāsa'.)
(Ll. 29-31.) “The executor (ājña) (was) the Mahāmahattara Harisarman. 100 (and) 64 years of the kingdom of increasing victory (had then passed). This edict (sāsanas, (was) written by the Sarvādhikrita $[a]mbapuropādhyāya, the son of the Hastyadhyaksha Dharmachandra, (and) engraved by Khandichandra, son of Aditya-Bhog[i]ka."
No. 32.--TEKKALI PLATES OF RAJENDRAVARMAN'S SON DEVENDRAVARMAN.
BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). These plates belong to Sri Gopinath Deb, Esq., Second Prince of Tekkali in the Ganjām District of the Madras Presidency. Ink-impressions of them were kindly forwarded to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. These are "three copper-plates, each measuring about 61" high and 23" broad, and strung on a ring of the same metal. The first plate bears writing only on the inner face. All the inscribed faces appear to have had raised rims, which are now worn out. The ring is about 31" in diameter and is fixed in a circular seal measuring 11 in diameter. The seal is much damaged and broken on one side. It bears the figure of a seated bull, facing the proper left. Below the bull is a lotus, of which only three petals are now visible. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 85 tolas."
The writing on the plates is fairly well preserved and distinct, except where it has been wilfully tampered with by some person who erased and changed certain topographical and personal names which the inscription must have contained originally. The alphabet closely resembles that of the Alamanda plates of the year 304.The language is very barbarous Sanskrit Prose, with two equally faulty verses sung by Vyasa', which are quoted in lines 24-27.
The inscription records the grant of a village by the worshipper of the god Gokarna-svāmin (1. 5) on the Mabändra mountain (1.2 f.) and the ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas,-the Mahārāja Dāvēndravarman, who was the son of the Mahārāja Rājāndravarman (II. 12-14). He addressed this edict from his residence of Kalinganagara (1. 2) to the ryota inhabiting a village whose name has been later on erased and replaced by the word Ni[y]ino in Nagari characters (L. 14). The name of the district in which this village was included has also been tampered with, but may have been originally [Rupavarttani.5 The name of the Brāhmaņa donee seems to have been erased, but he was apparently a good poet' (su-kavi) and the son. of a great doorkeeper' (mahāpratihāra, l. 17). The description of the boundaries of the village granted (11. 20-23) has also been tampered with and cannot be restored in full.
C. above, Vol. III, p. 134, note 1, and Vol. XIV, p. 363, passim. * This name was spelled 'unganna in line 11. . Above, VOL III, p. 18
See Ep. Rep. for 1924, p. 10, App. 4, No. 2, and p. 97, parn. 2. . Cf. above, p. 309.

Page #391

312
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
Line 28 f. contains the date of the inscription. If the compound [sata]-maye is explained as a clerical error for sata-traye, it may be translated by: "In the year three-hundred and ten of the kingdom of growing victory of the Ganga race." Devendravarman, whose subjoined grant is dated in the year 310, might then have been a second son and successor of that Rajendravarman whose first son, Anantavarman, issued the Alamanda plates of the year 304.1 The two names of the writer (1. 30) and of the goldsmith (akshasalin) who engraved the edict (1. 31) remain doubtful and suspicious.
It will be seen that at present this whole document is of very small practical value. But I am publishing it with the hope that, in the light of future discoveries, it may still prove of some use in unravelling the tangled web of the Ganga genealogy and chronology.
TEXT.3 First Plate.
1 [m] [*] Svasy-Amara-pur-anukariņa[h*] sarva-rtu-sukha-ra]-*
2 mani(n)yā l=vijaya(ya)vata[ḥ*] Kalinganagara-vāsakān-Mahē¬
3 ndrāchal-amala-sikhara-pratishthitasya sa-char-achara-gurō[*] sa
4 kala-bhuvana-nirmāņ-aika-su(su)tradhārasya saśāńka-chu(chu)
5 ḍāmaņēr-bhagavato Gokarna (rna)-sv[a]minas-charana-kamala6 yugala-pranimad-vigata-Kaliakalakõnõ(në)k-ā
Second Plate; First Side.
7 hava-sam*]kshōbha-janita-jaya-savda(bdaḥ) pratap-āvanata-sama
8 sta-samanta-chakra-chu(chu)ḍāmani-prabhu-mañjari(rī)-puñja-rañja(ñji)ta
9 vara-charana[*] sita-kumuda-ku[m*]d-endēdvāvadāta-di
10 [dge]sa-7vinirggata-yashō(so)-dhvast-arati-kulachalō naya
11 vinaya-daya-dana-dākshanya-saury-audarya-satya-tya
12 g-ādi-guna-sa[m*]pad-ādhāra-bhu(bhü)tō Gang-mala-kula-ti
Second Plate; Second Side.
13 laka(ko) mahārāja-śri(ér!)-Rājēndrava[r]mma-su(să)nu[r]=mahārāja
14 śri(śrī)-Dēvēndrava[r]m[*] kusali(li).. pavarttany[am] Ni[y]ino-10gra
15 ma-nivāsina[*] kutu[mimna][h*] samājñāpayati [*] Vidi- .
16 tam-astu võ [bhavatām grāma
1 Above, Vol. III, p. 18. [See also Ep. Rep. for 1924, p. 97, para. 2, and the genealogical table on p 99.-Ed.] From ink-impressions supplied by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri.
Expressed by a symbol. For svasy read svasty.
The tops of the letters of this line are cut away.
Read Kali-kalankos.
Read -endv-avadata.. Read -dakshinya..
Read -dig-deba- and cf. above, Vol. III, p. 223, text line 7.
One or two letters at the beginning of this word have been erased and corrected. The original reading may have been Rüpa".
10 The name Nily lino has been substituted by a second hand. The vowel of the first and second syllables is a Nagari i, while this vowel is in every other instance expressed by a curve above the consonant. 13 The bracketed word is engraved on an erasure.
Read kufumbinah.

Page #392

TEKKALI PLATES OF RAJENDRAVARMAN'S SON DEVENDRAVARMAN.
ਬਹਾ ਖੂਹ ਟਹੁ= ween AਨQਨਹੁ ਨ
ਓ ਨੇ ਹguਪਟੀ J
o5q ਹਨ।
ਸੋਚੇਕ ਹਨ । Even ੪੭ਨ ਹੈ ਕੇ ਨਾ ,
iii.
ਨੂੰ , ਨ ਵ
ਨ ਨ ਖੇ ਬਾuਟਨ੪ਪਰ ਹੈ : ਨੂੰ ਹੋਰ ਵੀ ਕੋਲ 5 0 Soਨਣਾ .
iil.
ਵਿਨ ੩੦geਏ ਨੂੰ
ਉਹ
॥੪੫ ਹਨ ਉਹ ਤੋਂ ਕੱuj6 ਕG :
HIRAXAXDA SASTRI.
SCALE FOUR-FIFTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #393

20
22
24
26
28
30
iiia.
DZ032 బడిన ABVS జగమేం
iiib.
రంధ్ర
105720
DOUBT BE
SEAL (FROM A PHOTOGRAPH).
సర్వ దర్శ లున్నాలున్నారు గారి మండి
OU
923
బ్యాంగ్ కరించింది గప డ దర్శి 870 Apa is Sad సాంద్
ర థి ఇటు గా
U
జర రాసార
(ENLARGED, NEARLY FOUR TIMES THE ORIGINAL SIZE.)
20
22
24
26
28
30

Page #394

PENUKAPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA II.
No. 33.]
17 su(su)nu-mahāpratihāra1.. [éarmana][*] sutaya su-kavi 18 pitrōr-atmanas-cha puny(ny)-abhivriddhaye ta]mv[ra]-śāsana'
mātā
sakala
Third Plate; First Side.
19 kara-bharai(ra)-parityagēna chandr-aditya-paryanta[m*] prada
20 tō(ttō) mayā [] Atra si(si)ma-ling[*]ni likhyante [*] Grāmasya pūrvva-di21 sa(si) vyaghra[h*] tato [garta nyag-gata ] dakshiņēna vāpyā [va]na-rājilḥ*] ga[rtä]
22 tato dakshina-paschima-[ko]. . . . [ga]rtā
tato(ta) uta(tta)rē.
23
pa tintalika-vri(kaha[b] [va)na-[rkjijkā [*] Atra Vyasa
24 gi(gi)ta[b] [ślō]ka bhavanti [*] Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudha data(ttā) [*]jabhi[*] Sagar-a
25 di[bh]i[h] yasya-yasya yada bhumi[s-"]tasya-tasya tath[a](da) phala[m!! 1*]
1 The syllable ti looks like dai.
Read tämra-basaněna.
313
Third Plate; Second Side.
26 Sva-dattath*] para-dātām-vä yō hareti(ta) vasundharam *] sa vi27 shṭhāyām krimir-bhu(bhū)tvā pachyate pitribhi[ḥ*] saha [ 2*] 28 Ganga-va[a]-"[pra)varddham(a*]na-vijaya-rāja(jya)
29 samvatsara-[sata]-maye1o das-ōttare [*] Li[khi*]tam=i30 dam sasana[m*] 18. ...[s]in[am] éri(éri)-s[*]manta-Sarvva[chandre]na(pa) (?) [*] 31 Utki(tki)rna[m*] ch=ākshaś[ā][i]n[ā] śri(éri)-s[*]manta-Khaṇḍi[malēpā]
[||*]
Cf. above, Vol. III, p. 134, and note 2. Read -datta vä.
No. 33. PENUKAPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA II. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE).
Ink-impressions of the plates which bear the subjoined inscription's were kindly sent to me by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri. The plates belong to Mr. K. Nagesvara Rao, editor of the Andhra-Patrika, Madras. These are "three copper-plates, each measuring 24" by 7", and strung on a ring of the same metal. The first and third plates are inscribed only on their inner face. The ring is 24" in diameter and is fixed in a circular seal measuring 14" in diameter. The seal bears, in relief on a countersunk surface, the legend Sri-Sarvvasiddhi in Chalukya characters. Above this legend are the figures of a crescent and two stars, and below it a full-blown lotus-flower. The three plates, with ring and seal, weigh 45 tolas."
The writing on the plates is on the whole in a state of good preservation. But some lines near the edges of the plates are damaged by corrosion, especially the two bottom lines of plate
Read perhaps su-kapayē.
This might be the name of some tree.
Cf. above, Vol. III, p. 20, note 6. Read -vama..
Read-samvatsara-.
10 Read perhaps -bala-traye, as suggested in my introductory remarks, and cf. -fata-dvaye, Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 145, text line 27.
11 Read rahasyena and of. above, Vol. III, p. 21, note 1.
13 Read perhaps mallina Khandi-bri-samanta occurs in Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 145. text line 26 f.
18 See Ep. Rep. for 1924, App. A. No. 4 and p. 98, para. 8.
14 Accordingly, Sarvasiddhi must have been a surname of the donor, Jayasimha II, just as it is known to have been one of Jayasimha If; see above, Vol. XVIII, p. 55, notes 3 and 4.
2 x

Page #395

314
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
(VOL. XVIII.
ii, a, where some letters near the end have become illegible. The alphabet resembles that of the Chendalūr plates of the granter's father) Sarvalókásraya (Mangiyuvarāja). A final form of m occurs in lines 19, 21, 23, 28 and 30. In Chalikya (1. 4) and yugala (1.7), Z is replaced by I, which letter is also employed in the Telugu genitive Bola (11. 16, 19). The Telugu letter r is used in lines 9, 12 and 14. The language is Sanskrit prose, with four verses quoted on plate iii, a. The Telugu word povu, 'going,' occurs in the description of the boundaries of the grant (1. 17).
The inscription on the plates records a gift of land by the Mahārāja Sakalalokābraya Jayasimha-Vallabha (1. 8 f.), who was the son of the Mahārāja Sarvalokāśraya (1. 5 f.) and the grandson of the Mahārāja Vishnuvardhana who adorned the family of the Chalikyas' (1. 4 f.). The Jayasimha of this grant must be identical with the Eastern Chalukya king Jayasinha II, who is known to have been the eldest son and the successor of Sarvalõkāsraya (Mangiyuvarāja) and the grandson of Vishnuvardhana (II); and the subjoined grant is the first of Jayasimha II which has hitherto come to light,
In line 9 the king "commands all as follows: Be it known to you (that) by us --" This passage was probably copied from old office records and is left incomplete. It is repeated with modifications and completed in lines 12-17, where the king "commands as follows all ryots inhabiting the district (vishaya) of Karma-rāshtra : (Be it known to you that) on the fullmoon (tithi) of Jyaishtha, at the time of Samkrānti, at the occasion of gifts of land (bhümi-dāna), at the request of Gobbadi, in the village named Penukaparu in Karmarăshtra, s-a field (kshētra) in the north-eastern direction of this village has been given (by us). The limit of this field to the east (is) the Nidugatļa-tațāka (tank); the limit to the south (is) the end of the Pusa-Bola-kshētra ;5 the limit to the west (is) the road going to .......... ; the limit to the north (is) the limit of Mashakha." After a short lacuna at the end of line 17 the description of the boundaries is continued ; but it is difficult to say whether it refers to the same field as before, or to another. This description ends with the words (1. 20 f.): "To the east of the Tāla-tațāka, in the southern half, a rice-field measuring four (nivartanas ?) and ending in the east ;' on the north-eastern side of the village (the field lies) between hills ().' The fact that the king granted the field is then stated once more in the first person singular, I gave away' (prādām, 1. 23). The inscription ends with the usual threats and imprecations in prose (11. 23-26) and in four verses (11. 26-31). Between the third and fourth verses (1. 30) we are informed that the executor (ājñapli) of this grant was NiravadyaSakalalokāśraya-sri-Prithivigāmundin. This officer was evidently named after his sovereign's surname, Sakalalokāśraya (1. 8). The last portion of his title, gāmundin, is probably connected with gámunda, a tadbhava of grāmakūto ; cf. above, Vol. VII, p. 183. His actual name may have been Gobbadi (1. 14).
The description of the donee, Era Drönaśarman (1. 12), is sandwiched between the two versions of the passage which records the king's order (1. 9 and 1. 12 ff.). He was a Brāhmana of Vangiparu (1. 9) and belonged to the Kauņdinya-gotra, Taittiriya (charana) and Apaatamba-sūtra (1. 10). His father and grandfather were Dévasarman (1. 11) and Guñjadēvabarman (1. 10 respectively). 1 Above, Vol. VIII, p. 236 ff.
* These words are supplied from line 9. In line 12 this name is represented by the words in your district' (bhavad-vishayė), which, where they actually stand, are out of their proper pisou.
• The words 'hy us are supplied from line.
i e., probably, the field (Delonging to) Pasa-Bēļu.' For Bolu sue above, Vol. XVIII, p. 2, and ef. J[o]dda Bola-kshatra in line 19 of this inscriptiou.
• This sooms to be the naine of a village. ? The expression präg-apavargam occurs also in the Apaatamba-Dharmasra, II, 2, 3, 22,

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No. 33.]
PENUKAPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA II.
318
It will have been observed that the grant is a clumsy production which would remain upintelligible without comparing it with other more properly arranged documents of the same kind. A few remarks have to be made concerning the geographical names occurring in it. One of the imprecations mentions Värapani (1. 24), i.e. Benares. The field granted adjoined the village of Populaparu in the district of Karma-rashtra (1. 14). This village must be distinct from another Penukapafu in the district of Gudrahāra, which had been the object of a grant of Jayasinha I. For the district of Karma-rashtra see above, p. 228. The village of Vangiparu (L. 9), where the donee lived, is mentioned also in two grants of Narendramrigarāja' and Amma II.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Svasti [11*] Srimatām sakala-bhuvana-baṁstāyamāna-Mānavya-sagotrāņā Hārīti
putrāņām 2 sapta-Lökamātribhih paripālitānām gvāmi-Mahäsēna-pada-bhaktänām bhageven-Närä3 yana-prasāda-samāsādita-vara-varāha-lāmchhan-ēkshapa-kshaņa-vasikpit-Atēsha-be4 tru-mandalānämmasvamēdh®-avabhritha-snāna-pavitrikrita-vapushăm Chalikynän kula5 m-alamkarishņõh bri-Vishnuvarddhana-mā(ma)hārājasya pautraḥ éri-Sarvvaldkara6 ya-maharajasya putraḥ sv-asi-dhārā-namita-rājanya-makuta-tata-ghatt[i]te7 maņi-mayūka(kha)-puñja-[mañja *]ri-rañjita-charana-yugalah pratāpavān-prasanna
vinivēbita-bakti-trayah 8 parama [brahmanyō mātāpitfi-pad-anudhyātaḥ Sakalalokatiraya-bri-Ja[ya)
Second Plate ; First Side. 9 simgha (ha)-Vallabha-mahārājaḥ sarvv[@]n-ittham-ājñāpayati [11] Viditam-astú
Võ=smābhiḥ [l[*] Vangiparu-v[@*]stavy[@]ya 10 Kauņdinya-gotrāya Taittiriyāy-Apastamba-sūtrāya Gumjadēva-karmmaņa[h*) pauträys
garvva11 kratu-yājino Dēvakarmmanaḥ putrāya chatur-Vvēda-pāragaya sarvva-tāstre-vibāradayı 12 6ci-Era-Drönabarmmani [18] Karmma-rashtra-vishaya-nivāsi-katumbinat(nah)"
bhavad-vishayēt sarvvänsi13 ttham-ajñāpayati [11] Jyaishthyām paurppamäsyāmh sankranti-ka17 bhimi
dina-nimitte 14 Gobbadi-vijñāpanāt-Karmma-rāshtra Ponukaparu-nama-grāmē tasya gra16 masy-õttara-pürvvasyän-disi kshētran-dattam-asya kshetrasya pūrvvato-vadbih
Nidugatta-taţā16 kaḥ [*] dakshinato-vadhiḥ Pūsa-Bēļa-kshētr-antaḥ [1*] paschimatö-"yadhiḥ dego., .... 17. [na]ku povu panthāḥ [l*) uttaratõ=vadhiḥ Mashakh-ävadhih [1] [to]mdha-kshētram
grāma[8y-7)..[ta]s=ta
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 138, text line 17 f.
* Ind. Anl., Vol. XX, p. 418. *Above, p. 228.
From ink-impressions supplied by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri. Read-mandalanamskramédh..
Read perhaps praapnench * The tu of kutumbinash was originally omitted and then entered below the line A rom behind tu marks the place where it is to be inserted. The singular kufombinasie is used instead of the pluril kutus. bina, slao in Ind. Anh, Vol. XIII, p. 49 and p. 275 ; cf. leo sbovo, Vol. III, p. 19.
This locative is quite out of place boro.
• Tho syllable beki of pakchimato had been written twice, but the first Ichi weme to have bece strook out by the writer.

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318
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
,
Second Plate ; Second Side. 18 fakat tasy-öttar-āparasyān-disi [*] tasya pūrvvato-vadhiḥ kūpaḥ [1*] dakshinato
vadhih tataka]h [1] paschimata 19 attaratas-cha J[e]dda-Bēļa-kshētr-anto-vadhiḥ [*] Asya kshētrasya kūpa-dvayam [1*]
Taţāka ē 20 kaḥ kūpaḥ [*] Tāla-taţākasya pūrvvataḥ dakshiņ-ārddhë vrīhi-kshetram chatus htaya
parimas 21 nam prāg-apavarggam cha [18] Grāmasy-ottara-pūrvva-dēsē girāvakāśam [11*]
Etaschaturs-avadhi22 paryyanta kshētrān-dharmma-yaső-bhivșiddhayē sarvva-kara-parihār-opētam
udaka-tpū23 ryvakam brahmadēyiksitya prādām [11*] Asya sarvva-kara-parihār- opētasya kshētrasya
yo 24 bädhāṁ karðti sa”. Vāraņābyām sahasra-brahmahaty[**]-pātaka-samyukto
bhavati [ll] 25 Yo-smach-chhāsanam-atikr[@]mēt=s& pāpaḥ bāri(rs)ran-daņdam=arhati 88-pi pa[t]cha-maha
Third Plate. 26 pātaka-samyukto bhavati [l1*] Bhavanti ch=ātra slökāḥ [11*] Bh[ū]m[i]-dānāt-paran
danan-Da bh[ū]tan-na bha27 vishyati [l*] tasy-aiva haraņāt pāpē(pa)n=na bhūtan-na bhavishyati (Il 1*] Sva
dattam-para-dattām vā 28 yo re harēta vasundharām [1*] shashtim varsha-sahasråņi vishthāyām jāyata
krimi) [ll 2*] 29 Bahubhir-Yvasudha dattā bahubhis-ch-anupalită [1*]- yasya-yasya yadā 30 bhūmis-tasya-tasys tadā phalam [ll 3*] Ajñaptir-Noiravadya-Sakalalokāsraya-sri
Prithivi-gåmundi [11] 31 Vindhy-ātavi(vi)shv-atöyāsu bushka-koțara-vāsina[h *] krishn-ābayo hi jayantē
brahmadēy-āpahārakāḥ [ll 4*]
No. 34.-THE KODAVALI ROCK-INSCRIPTION OF CHANDASATI : THE SECOND
YEAR OF REIGN. BY H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A., OOTACAMUND.
Going in a north-westerly direction from Pithăpuram, a station on the East Coast Railway, for a distance of abont 9 miles along the Såmalkota-Kattipați road, the village of Kodavali in sighted. It is situated not very far from the right side of the road. Proceeding thence for nearly two miles again in a north-westerly direction one reaches the foot of a range of hills Read perhaps gury-ava kabam.
Read Flach-chatur..
Read kahātran, & The writer had originally written kadaka; but he has bimaelf cancelled the first ka by adding , horisontal line at the top of it. Read a.
. Cancel this syllable.

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PENUKAPARU GRANT OF JAYASIMHA II.
॥੪ਨੇ ਨfਨਾਲ ਨਜ08 5 ਈ :
ਤੋਂ ਟੁੱਟ ਨਾਹਰ ਮੁਸਲ
gਉਹਾਰ ਨੂੰ 31 ਨੂੰ ਹਟਣਾ : ਸਨ
ਕੇ
•
,
ਦਾ
।
SENT YEਆਈ
S
-
iia.
ਨੂੰ
ਹੈ
?
E9
ਬਣcਲੈਂਦੇ
ਲੋਕ
iib.
18
ਪਰਭਰਤੋਂhਣਾ: ਕਰਤੇ
HIRAXAXDA SASTKI.
SCALE NINE-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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21.
5 பேரலவக் தர அரசபாபா
TN
நடராகபைகள் கொள்
SEAL ( FROM A PHOTOGRAPH ).
ACTUAL SIZE.

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No. 34.]
KODAVALI ROCK-INSCRIPTION OF CHANDASATI.
317
covered with thin forest vegetation. From here the place called "Dhanam-dibba" 1.-the treasure-mound' is reached by a gravelly foot-path running along the slope of the hill, which appears to have been once provided with steps of rubble stone. Struggling two or three furlongs along this unwelcome path we come to the crown of the hillock and to the mound
Dhanam-dibba' on it. Here are found the remains of what looks like a Buddhist stupo consisting mostly of large-sized bricks and sometimes unhewn stone. On the southern side of the mound are seen also portions of a structure built of cut and dressed stone. The four rock cut wells on the south and west sides of the mound, 4 to 5 feet square and 6 to 7 feet deep, are of peculiar interest and seem to have been used once for storing water for the use of the occupants of the Buddhist monastery, as the mound may prove to be when excavations are properly carried out.
On the north wall of one of the wells on the western side of the mound measuring 5' 81 long by 5' 5" broad and 7' 2' deep, is engraved in 6 lines the Andhra inscription, edited below, in Brahmi characters of about the 3rd century A.D. This inscription which was published in 1908 by Dr. Konow in 2. D.M.G., Vol. LXII, p. 591 f. has been noticed as No. 1341 by Dr. Lüders in his List of Brāhmi Inscriptions in Vol. X, above. As remarked by Dr. Sten Konow in the Director-General of Archeology's Annual Survey Report for 1907-08, p. 225, this is the only lithic record hitherto discovered of the Andhra king Chada sāta, who is already known to us from a number of coins found in the Kistna and the Godavari districts. My friend Mr. O. R. Krishnama Acharlu, B.A., of the Madras Epigraphical Department has also spent some hours with me in reading the inscription directly from the stone; and the text given below is the joint production of both of us. The accompanying facsimile plate is reproduced from an inked estampage prepared under my direct supervision. The inscription thus deciphered will be seen to differ much from the published text of Dr. Sten Konow. The object of the record, for instance, was not the establishment of the earth-dwelling (bhumi vesa) of an unnamed minister (amacha), but was the establishment of the gift (dhama) of a khaigu (rock-cut well ?) by the minister Saba of Khaddavali—the ancient form of the present village name Kodavali.3
The name of the king occurs in l. 3 as Chamdasāti, the lingual à being possibly also read as a dentar d. Bat. it is to be noted that the long vertical stem which is required to distinguish a dental d (cf. di in 1. 4) is missing here ; again da may be compared with Khadda in 1. 4. The form Chadasātisat occurs clearly on one of the coins published by Rapson. So also on the Kodavali rock the i of ti is faintly seen and is practically certain. Possibly sati is a Prākrit form of Svati and Chandasati has accordingly to be interpreted as Chandasväti. In the table of later Andhra kings given opposite p. 218 of his Early History of India (third edition) by V. A. Smith, the name-ending sāti occurs only in the case of No. 22 Siva-svāti. But the Matsya-Purāna gives many other names ending in sväti or stātikarna, such as Mēghasväti, Kuntalasväti, Sundarasvātikarpa, etc. It may be incidentally noted also that the name-ending svátikarna is more
1 Compare Dhana Badu near Jaggayyapēta ; Burgess's “ Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati," p. 107.
- Mr. Res who discovered it for the first time has referred to it in his report for 1907-08, p. 8. He says that at the foot of the hills are the remains of fort which, however, I was not able to identify.
• If, however, the reading fore( ) of the learned Doctor is accepted, I would observe a striking coincidence in the term for which occurs twice in the Sundara känds of the Ramayana (T. R. K.'s Edition. Chapter XI1, 14 and XY, 4) where, in both instances, the commentator Govindarāja explains the term as Haf :. The context also shows that these ouderground cellars of Ravana's Palace and Pleasure-garden were primarily meant for hiding objects from the view of the enemy. The same may have been he case with these so-called Rock-cut Wells of the Pithāparam forest which surely must have formod part of the Dandaka-forest and as such must bave been once haunted by wicked Rakshasne.
. On & second coin figured as G. P. I. in Pl. VI of the Coins of the Andhra dynasty by Rapson, the reading is Chandasát[a]sa with an anustara marked to the left of cha as in the Kodavali rock inscription.
Dr. B. G. Bhandar kar's Early flistory of the Dekkan, p. 16*.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
likely to have been the origin of the later Satakarņi than the fanciful fata-karna 'the hundredeared.' But Dr. Konow neither accepts sāta as an abbreviation of Satakarni nor does he read sätt (=sväti). He prefers to have the name Chadasāta (=Chandasátawithout explaining the name-ending sdta.
The date of the record in 11. 3 and 4 has been read by Dr. Sten Konow as "savachare 10 3(?) he pa 3 diva dasame " whereas my reading is "raji vachhare 29 ma 1 he pa 2 di 1." The reading ma 1 after the regnal year is difficult to explain. If this were preceded by he, instead of being followed by it, it would have yielded the meaning hēmantamasa 1, as we find in a very large number of similar dates coming from Northern India ; but, he is required before pa ; for otherwise the latter could not be explained. Besides, the dated Southern Brāhmi inscriptions 48 catalogued by Dr. Lüders in his List of Brāhmi Inscriptions give only the paksha of the season and in no case the month (masa) as the northern dates do. I can only suggest that in this record both the month and the paksha are given and the word he which is an abbreviation for the season hômanta is placed after ma 1 while it should have preceded it, and thus arrive at the probable interpretation of the date as "the first day of the second fortnight of the first month of the winter season." If this interpretation is right, the details of the date would correspond to Margadirsha bahula prathamā, somewhere in. December 310 A.D., the second year of Chanda-sväti.
TEXT. 1 Sidhath [1] Rañ[o] Väsithi2 putasa sami-siri3 Chemdagāt[i][88] [ra]ji-vachhare ? 4 ms 1 he pa 2 a[i] 1 Khadda[valli5 amacha-8a[8]mi khagu.dhama 6 thapita [1]
Notes on letters. L. 1. si-The letter sa throughout is written with loop at the left bottom corner whence it is started. This loop, in certain cases, is almost closed, whereas in certain others it is half open. The si which begins the inscription is one of the former type, though it is a little 'deformed looking as though the loop were written twice.
dham - The position of the anus dra attached to dha is worthy of notice. It is on the left side of the letter and not on its right top corner.
Að -The-mark is very faint.
thi The long iis indicated by two horns as in Kshatrapa inscriptions (Bühler's Tables III, 9),
L. 2. tа -- The development of a loop in this letter is to be noted as in the Nasik inscrip. tion No. 20. (See Bühler's Tables III, 13). Possibly, there was a secondary ta below the letter thos making the word puttasa.
The word Nürupar-Kaynar which occurs in the Tamil poem Silappadikiram, has been translated by some, M. the bundred-eared and taken to be the equivalent of Satakarni (or Satakarni).
The three thick borisontal marks one above the other ench denoting the numeral'one' are visible. Bat the third topmost mark is above the level of the line and not vertically above the other two, I am inclined to read the symbol a'2' and not 8'. * Direct from the stone.
prices are left in the original after the complete morda :-Sidham, maño, etc., w shown in thn text. After Semi-in-Chandasdfina in 1. 8 and after savami in L. 6, where we should have expected a space, it is wanting. The me gutem of separating words by space is found in the Hathigumpha inscription of Khiravēly, the Tythindoni Mihdription of Palumini (above Vol. XIV, plate facing p. 166) and the Hirabadagalli inscription of give-Skanda-varmed, Ep. Ind.. Vol. I, plate faping p. 6.
[The plate pire si-EL)

Page #402

KODAVALI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF CHANDASATI ; THE SECOND YEAR OF REIGN.
H. KRISHNA SASTRI
SCALE 2
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA

Page #403


Page #404

No. 34.]
L. 3. Cham-The anusvara is clearly marked on the left top of the letter as in dham in 1. 1.
After Chamḍasatisa, Dr. Sten Konow read savachhare. But to me it appears as if there is space enough for two letters between the sa of Chamḍasatisa and vachhare. Perhaps some word like raji has to be read. There are no doubt traces of a sa to justify the reading savachhare.
KODAVALI ROCK-INSCRIPTION OF CHANDASATI
319
L. 4. The first letter is ma and not the symbol (oc) for 10 as interpreted by Dr. Sten Konow; nor is the following symbol, 3.
The i mark of di runs into the bottom of ra of raji in line 3 above, thus making the latter look somewhat deformed and crooked unlike the other ra-letters in the inscription.
The letter between dda and li is completely damaged and no traces are seen. It could have been a ma or a va. As, however, the present village name Kodavali to which there is a sure reference here is spelt with a v, I would prefer taking the damaged letter as va and not a ma.
L. 5. The letter after kha (which Dr. Sten Konow read as ve) is like a fu; but, since what looks like the stroke within does not go right across to meet the opposite side, I read it as gu. The meaning in either case is not clear.
TRANSLATION.
Success; In the reign of king Vasiṭhiputa Sami-siri-Chamḍa-sati, in the year 2, month 1, the winter fortnight 2 (and) day 1, was established the charity (i.e., the gift) of a khath, gu(?) by the minister Sasa (Sasa) of Khaḍdavali.
POSTSCRIPT.
Dr. Sten Konow to whom I had submitted the galley proof of this paper for remarks has. thus kindly written to Mr. Hirananda Sastri :--
L. 3. I agree with him that -satisa is possible, but I can not read any such thing as raji. The apparent dots to the right of-re are found in a part of the stone which is left open in the other lines, and I cannot read them as or. They seem to me to be of the same kind as the other smaller or greater marks found in this part of the stone.
L. 4. I am quite unable to see a ma in the first akshara, and I still think that it must be 10. But I accept his reading of the following sign as. At all events, it is very probable. Mr. Krishna Sastri has himself pointed to the great difficulty resulting from his reading. So far as I know, there is no instance of the mentioning of the month, when the date is given in seasonal pakshas, and it would be absolutely unwarranted. It may also be doubted that the year began in the south with hemanta. The reading of the figure after pa as = seems probable, to judge from the plate. After di there is hardly room for -, but I admit the possibility of the reading. I have grave doubts about Khaddavali, but the coincidence of the modern name is in its favour. The double dd is suspicious.
L. 5. I cannot understand how amachasasami can mean by the minister Sasa. And it seems to me that the first word ends with amachasa. It is possible that the preceding aksharas contain the minister's name. The ensuing akshara looks to me more like bhu than sa. With regard to Khagu I have little to say. Kha is not certain. In favour of ga or gu speaks the use of s for in siri. But the letter looks more like fa or fu.
The remarks which I have been able to offer are, you will see, rather negative. But I cannot just now give more time to the question, being too much occupied with other work.
1 [See f. n. 5 on the opposite page-Ed.]

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[Vol. XVIII.
No. 35.-BET MA PLATES OF BHOJADEVA; [VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1076.
BI D. B. DISKALKAR, M.A.; RAJKOT. Though the name of the Paramára king Bhoja of Dhara is well known to scholars, epi. graphical records of his reign are rather rare. So far only two grants of this king have been discovered one of V. S. 1078 in Ujjain and the other of V. S. 1076 (Magha, su, di. 5) in Banswara". The copper-plate grant dealt with here is thus the third known records of his reign
The plates were discovered, about two years ago, by a peasant while ploughing his field near a village called Betmā, sixteen miles to the west of Indore, in Central India. They subsequently came into the possession of Mr. Manekchand Jati of Indore, who takes interest in antiquities. When I had been to Indore sometime ago I found them with him. Through the kindness of the late Rao Bahadur Dr. Prabhakar R. Bhandarkar, Home Member, Holkar State, and of Mr. K. K. Lele, Superintendent, Historical Department, Dhår, I have been able to edit the inscription here for the first time.
The plates, which are two in number, are held together by two thick copper rings in the usual way. They measure 13 inches in length and 84 inches in breadth and are in an excellent state of preservation. The inscribed side of the second plate bears at its bottom in a rectangular barder a flying figure of Garuda as is usually seen in the Para mara grants. The sign minual of the king is affixed at the end of either plate. It is to be noted that in none of the known grants of Bhojadēva the name of the writer of the grant is given.
The alphabet is Någari of the 11th century A.D. prevalent in Mälwá, as known to us from the other records of the period, e.g. the Banswårå plates of the same king. The consonant ais expressed by throughout. In fact, there is nothing to distinguish between the letters
, a and y. y is wrongly replaced by # in fecet (1. 1), afe* (1. 14), Tentifier (1. 21) and in due: (1.23). Similarly is wrongly replaced by q in quanto (1.16) and in T T (1. 25). A consonant following r is generally doubled, 6.g. in Itu (1. 1), FA (1.7), yr#: (1.9), fafia (1. 12), asfHoT (1. 19), etc. T at the end of a conjunct consonant is generally expressed in this inscription by the full letter added below the first consonant (e.g. tra ll. 8, 14 and 15, dra 1. 5, bhra II. 8, 9, gra 1. 9, etc.), and not by a stroke turned to the left as we generally find. The letter kri in the two cases where it occurs (11.1 and 16) is written imperfectly, the left portion of the letter ka being omitted. The document is drawn up in Sanskrit prose mixed with verses.
Except for the following four points, our grant is practically identical with the Banswara grant of the same king issued in the same year :
(1) Though the year in both the grants is the same, the months are different. The Betma grant is dated on the 15th day of the bright fortnight of the month Bhadrapada, while the Bånswārå grant is dated on the 5th day of the bright fortnight of the month Magha. It is to be seen, however, which is the earlier of the two grants. If we consider the year as beginning with the month Chaitra, the Betmã giant may be the earlier one. If, however, the year
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 53. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI, p. 201, and Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, No. 18, p. 181.
. Mr. K. N. Dikshit informs me that another record of the reign of Bhöjs dated Samvat 1091 (1084-5 A.D.) has been traced on an image of Sarasvati which has found its way to the British Museum. I also find that the Tilskwadá plates of V. S. 1103 published by the late Mr. Kadalkar in the Proceedings of the First Oriental Conference, Poona, most probably belong to the reign of this Bhojs. Oue more copper-plato grant of Bhoj dova be recently been discovered at Kalyan in the Nasik District. See 4. 8. R., 1921-32, p. 118.

Page #406

No. 35.]
BETMA PLATES OF BHOJADEVA ; [VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1076.
32
began with the month Kārttika, as is the present usage in Malwa and Gujarat, then it must be looked upon as the later of the two. We have reasons to hold that the latter supposition is correct for, as has been already pointed out by Prof. Kielhorn, in the grant of Bhojadēva of V. S. 1078, the expression we a angfa Hanfeageret 1.6. on the third day of the dark half of Māgha in the year 1078, occurs in the middle of the grant and probably gives the date when the donation was made. At the end of the grant the date of its issue is given as the 14th day of the bright half of the month Chaitra of Samvat 1078. If Mågha of 1078 preceded Chaitra of 1078, the year must have commenced from some month previous to Mägha and ended subsequent to Chaitra. We can, therefore, assume that the Sarvat year began then as now in the month of Kärttika. The Bānswåra grant which is dated in the month Magha of V. S. 1076 (Jan. 1020 A.D.) is, therefore, earlier than the Betma grant which is dated in the month Bhadrapada of the same year, 1.0, 1076 (Sept. 1020 A.D.).
(2) The occasions when the two grants of Bānswāră and Betmi were made are different. In the former grant it is given as taufasyuat while in the latter it is given as
te suferuaf. Dr. Hultzach, who edited the Banswārā grant", translated this historically important expression as 'the anniversary of the conquest of Komkana.' But it is to be noted that the period intervening between these two grants, which record almost an identical expression, is only seven months and ten days. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar who edited the same grants I think gives a better translation of the expression as “on the festival day (parvani) in consequence of the conquest of Komkaņa." The expression in the Bānswārā grant moans that Bhoja conquered Konkana' and that in the Betmā grant means perhaps that he occupied it.' In the Balagårve inscription of the time of the Chalukya Jayasimha, duted Saka 941 (December 1019 A.D.), it is stated that Jayasimha had pat to flight the confederacy of Mālava'. From this we can conclude that in the contest for power between the Malwa Paramüras and the Decean Chalukyas that was going on for years together, in the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D., both the parties were successful by turns. Soon after his accession, Bhoja must have invaded the Deccan to avenge the esecution of his uncle Vākpati-Muğja by the Chilukya king Tailapa, and he probably suceeeded in defeating and killing Tailapa's succeskor, Vikramaditya V. When Jayasimha came to the throne in 1015 A.D. he must have retaliated by inflicting a crushing defeat on Bhoja and his confederncy sometime before December 1019 A.D. Bhoja apparently did not take long to recover. He invaded the territory of Jayasi ha and conquered Konkana, in Jantary 1000 A.D., which was finally annexed to his empire sometime before September 1020 A.D. From the Miraj plates 6 it seems that Bhoja oould not retain his Pobsession for long as Jayasinha reconquered Konkaņa before the year 1024 A.D. (Šaka 946) and took into his possession the wealth of the Lords of the Seven Konkanus'.
(3) The grantee in the present inscription is a Brihmaņa named Pandita Dolha, son of Bhatta Thatthasis of the Kausika-gotra with the three pravaras Aghamarshaza, Visvä mitra and Kausika and of the Madhyandina-sakha. He hailed from Sthänvisvara, but his anoesture had come from the village Visalagrima.
(4) The property granted to the Brahmapa consisted of a village named Nálatadaga, ane of the seventeen villages in the Nyāyapadra subdivision.
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 361.
• Rp. Ind., Vol. XI, p. 181. [In the words Kotkan-ahifarişith aarom man grilite occurring in the Miraj plates (see supra, Vol. XII, p. 318, 1, 88) the root grah is used in the sense of taking powion.- d.]
• Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI, p. 201. • Ind. Ant., Vol. V, p. 17. Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVIII, p. 117.
• Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, p. 314.
2.

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922
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVII.
As regards the identification of the localities mentioned in the grant it is to be said that Sthåpvisvara is no doubt the Thånesar of modern times situated in the Karnal District of the Punjab. The Nyayapadra (subdivision of the grant may be the town Nápad in the Kaira District a little to the south-west of Indore ; and the gift village Nålatadäga is probably represented by the modern När (Näl) in the same district. Satrāți approaches very easily to our Saptadasaka meaning's group of seventeen villages which expression may have been afterwards wrongly construed to denoto & village. The only difficulty in this identification is that this place is at a long distance from Betmå where the grant was discovered. The remaining places I am unable to identify at present.
TEXT.1
First Plate. 1 पों' [] ज[य]ति व्योमकेशोसो' यः सर्गाय 'विमति तां । ऐंदवीं
सिरसा लेखा जगहोजाकुराकतिम् [१] तन्वन्तु वः 2 स्मरारात: कल्याणमनिशं जठाः [1] कल्पान्तसमयोहामतडिहलयपिंगलाः [२]
परमभट्टारकमहा3 राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरबोसीयकदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर4 श्रीवाक्पतिराजदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरयोसिंधुराजदेवपा5 दानुध्यातपरमभधारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरबीभोजदेवः कुशली । न्याय
पद्रसम8 दशकान्तःपातिनालतडागे समुपगतासमस्तराजपुरुषान्वा प्रणोत्तरान्प्रतिनिवासि
पट्टकिलजनपदादों7 च समादिशत्यस्तु वः संविदितम् ॥ यथास्माभिः सात्वा चराचरगुरु
भगवन्तं भवानीपति समभ्यय 8 संसारस्यामारतां दृष्ट्वा वातावविधममिदं वसुधाधिपत्यमापातमात्रमधुगे
विषयोपभोगः ॥ 9 प्राणास्ति'णाग्रजलविंदुसमा नराणां (0) धर्मः सखा परमहो परलोकयाने [३]
भ्रमत्संसारचक्रान10 धाराधारामिमां श्रियं । प्राप्य ये न ददुस्तेषां पश्चात्तापः परं फलम् ॥॥80
इति जगतो विनश्वरं 1 From the original plates.
? Expressed by a symbol. If we compare this grant with the obber of the same year and with the third of V. S. 1078 we shall find that the priththamatrds are used anywhere the writer liked.
• Bond विभर्ति - Read बिरसा. • Read जगहौजाकुरा'.
The left hand portion of the letter ka is expressed here only by point separated from the body of the letter. Cf. similar forms in 11. 2 and 7 of the Banswara grant. • Rend प्राणों
• Read तृणाय...... बिंदु

Page #408

HORANANDA SASTRI
SCALE. TWO-THIRDS.
पछिलकेशाय पर्याय विभुत होरिन गिरणारे पीक नहीडांछाशतिमा
साल का सबसमान ऊया तत्यानयेण्योहामानालगशिलापरबदरिकोट पनि राजधियाना व निपल भर मा एक महिला काशिर्कएएडो शरणाचा रामुनिपर महातगादास डानिस यो रामधारमा ३० का लागि यादया . ধনেখানিগন্যম্ভাবী হাজং ইমামেশীনম্মদিনেই ফ্রিৱেমিন কে , श्यादि का मुदः सात दिन मायावी या आजारावर गदगतीमानी गनिमगा संसारणा सारला प्राधानाइदिइनमिदं सदाकामयानमारमा दिवायापलामा राटि हि सामगानामा दामिना गरगदोपरलोक याने इमीगो पर काय १०) पारादीनि माग राशिजायनदायी यशानाय पर न किङ प्रतिम शार
यो मनिलयारिलि नितु शाम सलीमा नामसारासादय रंगशालागार - यार सेक समादायसायन शानिमाल गाउनि न न दिया गजाली रामजी।
BETAIA PLATES OF BHOJADEVA: [VIKRA MA-] SAMVAT 1076.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #409

जानित शो शयातील विवि शानियाले जन विधिः पराया मायादव यामाधार र उसका पायापाइतारामालात पहातकटयानाशाजानारावारा बनाया सरहामाहराततारामापुतादातरागकालयानाशाहनवाजाजावानगरल सम्पतिवार HAVयाहारमानागासागलरादराणादलगाडावालासातारा लगाया गाठतो छ यो उमली सेना र पलाउना सुनाई गई छिरेगिमाया हरयाणवतोपायायालयमा मालनीशा उतनारद इन युवतारामकिना विमान मरि नि मात्रा माविषः जा जना नाकावा यासनगदशना मजाक
DSCAR बालायाः सन पर ला रया पालकता यशाननामातनः पावतारा यायसनरामा सामान्य गुतमारकुणाकालकालगनायाहारमा
मलराज दुलाला रामनामनाडादरसाललाजदामदार RC/नजारा रकातायातालाणाचालकका रसासका साया
गातारादरमहाराजा दयाराजा सोडाला

Page #410

Na 35.] BETMA PLATES OF BHOJ ADEVA; [VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1076. 323 11 स्वरूपमाकलय्योपरिलिखितग्रामः खसोमाटणगोचरयूतिपर्यन्तः सहिरण्यभागभोगः 12 सोपरिकरः सर्बादायसमेतश्च ॥ विशालग्रामविनिर्गतपूब जाय। स्थावीश्व
रादागताय । 13 स्वहस्तोयं श्रीभोजदेवस्य [*]
Second Plate. 14 'कौसिकसगोत्राय । अघमर्षणविश्वामित्रकौसिके तित्रिप्रवराय । माध्यंदिनशा.
खाय । भट्ट 15 ठहसिकसुताय । पंडितदेल्हाय । कोंकणग्रहणविजयपर्वणि । मातापित्रो
रात्मनश्च पुण्यय16 शोभिवड्दये । अदृष्टफलमं[गो कत्य चंद्रााणवक्षितिसमकालं यावत्परया
भतया शाशननोदक17 पूर्व प्रतिपादित इति ॥ तन्मत्वा यथा दोयमानभागभीगकरहिरण्यादिक
माजाश्रवणविधेयै18 भूत्वा सर्वमौ समुपनेंतव्य' । सामान्य चैतत्पुण्यफलं वुध्वा अस्मइंशजैरण्य -
रपि भाविभीभिरस्मबदत्तधर्मादायोयमनुमन्तव्यः पालमीयश्च ॥ उतं च ॥"वहुभिर्वसुधा
भुक्ता राजभिः 20 सगरादिभिर्य (भिः । य) स्ययस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्यतस्य तदा फलं [*] यानीह
दत्तानि पुरा नरेंद्रनानि 21 धर्मार्थयसस्क"राणि (1) निर्माल्यवान्ति प्रतिमानि तानि को नाम साधुः
पुनराददीत ॥[*] अस्मत्कु22 लक्रममुदारमुदाहरद्भिरण्यैश्च" दानमिदमभ्यनुमोदनीयं 10] लक्ष्यास्तडिच्छोलल
वुहदचन्च
19
त
1 The vowel marki is added to below it as is done for instance in the case of ? It will be seen that these strokes as many others following this are tunecessarily engraved. * This line is continued on the second plate.
• Read aitfno. • Read विप्रवराय.
• Read शासनेनी. 1 Read समुपनेतव्य.
• Read बुझा. • Read रन्यैरपि. 16 Read weiteret [not necessary -Ed.].
in Read बहुभि. - Read यशस्वाराणि. B Rend 'वान. [वान्ति is also correct, soe above, Vol. XI, p. 183, and Ind. Ant., Vol. XLi, p. 202.--..] - Read रवेश
- Read तडित्सविलबुदचच.
283

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324
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVUI.
23 : Tai aua:' ufournoi ? [10*) staarufaa:
__पार्थिवेंद्रान्भूयो भू. 24 यो याचते रामभद्रः । सामान्योयं धर्मसेतुर्नृपाणां काले काले पाल
aut Hafa: [5] 25 fa #ancaigfaçaitani falan Agustiani ri Wafat
26 7 guai a fe yoù: ucenilaiat faetan[:] [") xfa il
सम्वत् १०७६ भाद्रपद शु दि १५ स्वय27 AUW AFI AFTEN: E i tarcze [*]
TRANSLATION
(Line 1) Om Vietorious is this Vyomakėśa (Siva) 'who for the purpose of creation bears on his head the digit of the moon, which appears like the shoot from which the world sprang.
(L. 2) May the matted hair, of the Enemy of Capid, brown like the cirale of the dreadful lightning of the time of final dissolution, always extend your welfare!
(Ll. 3-6) The illustrious Bhojadeva, the great monarch, the overlord of great kings, the lord paramount, who meditates on the feet of the illustrious Sindhurājadēva, the great monarch, the overlord of great kings, the lord paramount, who meditated on the feet of the illustrious Vakpatirajadēva, the great monarch, the overlord of great kings, the lord paramount, who meditated on the feet of the illustrious Siyakadēve, the great monarch, the overlord of great kings, the lord paramount,-issues, in good health, commands to all the officials of the Gov. ernment, the inhabitants headed by the Brāhmaṇas, the Patels, and (other) townsmen, and others, assembled at Nālatadāga, included in the group of Nyayapadra Seventeen, (thus) :
(L. 7) Be it known to you that we seeing the worthlessness of the wordly life,
(L. 8) (that) the sovereignty over the earth is as shifting as the clouds wafted on the wind. the enjoyment of objects is pleasing only for a moment, the life of a man is like a drop of water (hanging) on the point of a blade of grass, and Dharma alone is the real companion in the journey to the next world,
(L. 9) (and that) those who do not give away their acquired wealth which is (as it were) standing on the edge of the circumference of the revolving wheel of the wordly life have repentance as their only reward,
(Ll. 10-16) thus ascertaining the momentary nature of the wordly life and choosing to abide by the unknown rewards for meritorious deeds, we have, on the joyful occasion of celebrating) the subjugation of Konkans, with a view to increasing the religious merit and fame of our parents and of ourselves, the above-said village has been bestowed upon Pandita Delha, son of Bhatta Thatphasiks of the Kausika-gotra with the three pravaras(vin) Aghamarshana, Vißvåmitra and Kausika and of the Madhyan dina-sakha, who had come from 8thânyisvara, (but) whose aneestors had migrated from Visalagrāma with its regular boundaries including the pasture lands for grazing cattle, with the land revenue and other) eash income,
1 Reud परयम.
Read .
Read eat. • Rend ger

Page #412

No. 36.]
VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE CHAITYA CAVE AT KARLE.
325
with the sundry taxes and with all (Buch) rights, by this charter, with the utmost devotion and by pouring libations of water-to last as long as the sun and the moon and the earth endure.
(L. 17) Knowing this and in obedience to (our) orders you should give to this (Brahmana) the land revenue and other income and everything due to him.
(L. 18) Similarly, considering that the merit of such a charitable deed is common (to all) the succeeding kings, whether of our family or of any other, should acquiesce in the charitable grant given by us and uphold it. For it is said
[Ll. 19-25 contain four of the customary benedictory verses.]
(L. 26) In the year 1076 on the 15th day of the bright fortnight of Bhādrapada. (This is) our own order.
(L. 27) Good luck (and) great prosperity! The sign manual of Sri-Bhöjadēva.
No. 36.-UNPUBLISHED VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE CHAITYA CAVE AT
KARLE.
BY MADRO SARUP VATS, M.A.
In the beginning of November 1923, the Chowkidar of the caves at Kärle while washing pillars and figures in the Chaitya ball, came across some new inscriptions and brought them to the nctice of the Assistant Engineer, Bombay Road Subdivision. That officer communigated the news of the discovery through the Executive Engineer, Poona District, to the Superintendent of the Archeological Survey, Western Circle, who secured good impressions of all of them. These inscriptions are twelve in number and generally in a very good state of preservation, though all of them are not equally well inscribed, as is the case with some of the Kārle inscriptions so ably handled by M. Senart.1 About the letters it might be remarked that they are of the slightly cursive variety adopted in the Násik inscription, No. 20 (Bühler's Tafel, III, col. XIII), with the tailed ka, the hooked da and the crude ma. Though some of the technical terms used in these records are rather obscure and the places mentioned in them, viz. Göņēkāka, Umēbanākata and Dhēnukākața, have not been located with certainty, yet they are of special interest, for they help us in showing the extent of the outlying parts from which the caves attracted donating pilgrims.
My reading of these inscriptions is based on the impressions reproduced below. My insoription No. VII is identical with No. VII of Senart, but the other eleven are entirely different ; and to these latter a fragment of another inscription found near the caves has also been added. Pillars in the right and left rows have been numbered with reference to their position toward the visitor.
No. I. Fifth pillar; right row.
TEXT. 1. Umēhanākatā Yavanasa 2. Vitasa[m]gatānam(1) dånam
thabhd.
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 47 ff.

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326
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIIJ.
Remarks. (1) Vitasargata' means an assembly of actors' bat appears to be a proper name here. The use of the plural “ Vitasangatānan" with the singular “Yavanasa " is explained by M. Senarti in translating his No. 7.
TRANSLATION (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Vitasangita from Umēhankkapa
No. II. Eighth pillar; right row.
TEXT. 1. Gönēkākasa Dhamula-upåsekasam (1) 2. deyadha [m]ma(2) thamvo(3)
Remarks. (1) The anusvāra is redundant. (2) Mark the crude outline of da' and 'ma' in this. (3) Vo' seems to have been carved out for bho !
This record does not appear to have been engraved by a practised hand, and compares very unfavourably with the other records in point of neatness and fixity of outline.
TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the pious gift of the lay worshipper Dhamula of Göņēkäka.
: No. III. Eleventh pillar; right row.
TEXT. 1. Dhēnukākata 2. Vaniya-gā ma3. sa thabho da nam
TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Community of Traders " from Dhēnukākata.
No. IV. Thirteenth pillar; right row.
TEXT. 1. Dhēnuk kațā Ya[va]nasa(1) Dhamadha2. yānam thabho dānam
Bemark (1) The right side of the loop of va'in Yavanasa' is broken, but its outline is clearly perceptible from the reverse side of the impression.
TRANSLATION (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Dhamadhaya from Dhēnukākața.
No. V. Fourteenth pillar; right row.
TEXT. 1. Dhënukikata Rohamitēna Chu[la). 2. petukara(1) Agilasa atha-(2) 3. ya thabho karito
Bp. Ind, Vol. VII, pp. 53-64.

Page #414

NO. 36.]
VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS IN THE CHAITYA CAVE AT KARLE.
997
Remarks. (1) Chulapētukasa' agrees with Agilasa', and seems to be an epithet describing Agila though its meaning is not clear.
Upper part of the perpendicular stroke of 'la' is broken, but its outline is visible from relief on reverse of the impression.
(2) It appears that the lower horizontal stroke of tha' to the right was in process of engraving when the engraver discovered that he was placing it much lower than its proper position, and consequently left it unfinished and crude.
TRANSLATION. (This) pillar was caused to be made by Rohamita from Dhēnukākața, for the sake of Agila, a resident of Chulapētu(P).
No. VI. Fifteenth pillar ; right row.
TEXT. 1. Dhēnukākață Chulayakhan[am] 2. [Ya]vaṇasa thabho dāna 455
TRANSLATION (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Chulayakha from Dbēnukākața.
No. VII. Fourth pillar; left row.
TEXT 1. Dhēnukākatā Yavanasa
2. Sihadhayāna[m] thambho dānam N.B.-This inscription is identical with No. 7 of M. Senart, carved on the top of the third pillar in the left row, and he renders it thus:
TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Sihadhaya from Dhēnukakata'.
No. VIII. Sixth pillar ; left row.
TEXT. 1. Dhënukakata Somilana2. kass dåna thabho
TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of Bömilanaka from Dhônuk kata.
No. IX. Lighth pillar; left row.
TEXT. 1. Dhēnukakata Gola-vaniya-(1) 2. saputass salakasa[m](%) thabho(3) 3. [ds]nam(4)

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Remarks. (1) Gola-vaniya ' might means 'trader in myrrh', but appears to mean the trader Gola' here.
(2) Read Isalakasa, the amusvāra is superfluous.
(3) The anusvāra in thambho is perhaps to be seen from relief on reverse of the impression, but is not certain.
(4) In line 3 it appears as if'da' was being inscribed and then left and carved out again do mediately after.
TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of Isalake, son of the trader Göle, from Dhēnukākata.
No. X. Ninth pillar; left row.
TEXT. . 1. Dhēnuk kață Yayanasa 2. Yasavadhanīna[m] 2. thabho dána[mo]
TRANSLATION. (This) pillar (is) the gift of the Yavana Yasavadhana from Dhēnukākața.
No. XI. Tenth pillar ; left row.
TEXT. [Dhjēnukakata (Ma]he[ma]ta(1) ghariniya
Remark. (1) The outline of the 3rd letter in this word is not clear, it may be 'ma' or 'va.'
TRANSLATION. (Of) Mahamatā, wife of ....from Dhēnukākața.
No. XII. Thirteenth pillar ; left row.
TEXT. 1. Dhënukata(1) gahapati[no] Āsēkasa natiy 2. Dhamada(e)vays dānam 3 thabho
Bemark. (1) Read Dhēnukākata ; 'ka' is left out through oversight on the part of the engraver.
TRANSLATION (This) pillar (is) the gift of Dharmadēvi, a relation of the householder Aseks from Dha. mukakata.

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No. 37.]
INSCRIPTION ON A VISHNU IMAGE FROM DEOPANI.
329
No. XIII. An inscribed piece of stone found near the caves.
TEXT. .... [khe]ga Šēga (1) putrasa
Remark. (1) These two letters forming a proper name are not quite clear. The outline of the first is misleading, but careful scrutiny of relief on reverse of the impression leads me to think that it is either sëorgë' while the second appears to be 'ga'; the accretion of an altogether new outline proceeding from its top along the left being merely a development of the crack in stone.
TRANSLATION Of.. Kha the son of Śēga ?
No. 37.-INSCRIPTION ON A VISHNU IMAGE FROM DEOPANI.
By K. N. Dikshit, M.A. This inscription of four lines occurs on the side of a stone image of Vishnu, which was found, along with another partially broken and obliterated image of Durgā, in the jungle close to the Deopani river (Sibsägar District, Assam) between the 26th and 27th miles on the Golaghat-Dimapur road. As the locality is frequented by wild elephants, to whom the present damaged condition of the images is due, the Vishnu image has been removed by me to Gauhāti and deposited for safe custody in the rooms of the Kämrūp Anusandhān Samiti. The place was visited by Dr. Bloch in 1904-05, who describes the image as follows in the Annual Report of the Eastern Circle - The second or smaller image 2 feet 6 inches high is & standing Vishņu or Näräyana with two hands only (the other two hands on the proper right have been lost) wearing the usual crown and having the Srivatsa mark on his breast. On the left outer face is an inscription in four lines, the end of which is broken. The broken piece could not be found.' About the inscription, he further writes :
The inscription consists of three verses of Sanskrit poetry, evidently full of orthographical and grammatical blunders and for this reason difficult to read. The first two verses seem to be in honour of Siva and the third refers to the putting up of a statue of Nārāyana by some person whose name was on the missing piece of stone. It is of no historical interest. Judging from the characters, it belongs to about the 12th century A.D.' As Dr. Bloch's estimate of the age of the inscription is rather wide of the mark, sufficient attention was not drawn to the importance of this image. The characters are similar to the inscription of Harjjara on a rock on the bank of the Brahmaputra near Tezpur, which is dated in the year 510 of the Gupta Era. The present inscription can be safely attributed to the 9th century A.D. on palæographical grounds, and as the statue is the only early example of an inscribed image yet known in Upper Assam, it is a landmark in the history of Art in Assam. On grounds of style and execution, the image could easily have been ascribed to the late Gupta or early Päla period in Bengal. Attention may be drawn to the thick lower lip, the expression of the face, the ear-ornament, the band around the crown, the Brahmanical thread and the close-fitting garment, the style of the Gadā and the Vanamālā, and the Kaustubha and Srivatsa symbols, which are all indications of an earlier age not far removed from the late Gupta period. It is worthy of note that the position of Deopani is intermediate between Dimapur and Kasoioari Pathar where still exist the remains of the peculiar culture associated with the Kicharis in the shape of monoliths described as "sword-blade,' chess-man,' V-shaped' and buffalo-borned ' columns.

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The characters are cute-ar gled and belong to the Eastern variety prevalent in the ninth century A. D. over the larger portion of Northern India.
The inscription, as was pointed out by the late Dr. Bloch long ago, is full of orthographical blunders and was apparently written very carelessly. A number of letters have been lost at the end of each line, except the fourth. Calculating on the basis of completing the first two slokas, we find that at least 15 letters must have been lost in the first line and 11 in the second. Owing to the incompleteness of the record and inaccuracy of the scribe, it is not possible to give a connected account of the contents of the inscription. The opening benedictory verse must be taken as referring to Siva, as it mentions the serpent-girdle, bull emblem and the moon. The purport of the second verse, which probably commences in the second line and ends in the third, is very obscure. The end of the last line seems to refer to a stone image of the divine Näriyana.. The text is edited from two impressions prepared at my instance.
TEXT. 1 Om' [l*) Havamtu töchhoyamuragēndra-sūtram vrisha-dhvajam sõma-jaga(t)
prakāśam | ma...... 2 Bhagav'atis-tu Sūrija | Satvas-tu Dévi bhuvi märtti-loke
snānē . . . . . . 3 ika-sūdro dvija-varņņa’-nāri-sēvyas-tu dēvi bhagavatis-tu Sūrjja || pi *** 4 nā[ma]pa dhavadi (?) | Bhagavató Nārāyana (sya] saili pratima' bhaktyantam
No. 38.--POLONNARUVA INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYABAHU I.
By S. PARANAVITANA, OOTACAMUND. The subjoined inscription is engraved on & stone slab lying to the west of Vihāra No. 1, about 50 feet north-east of the Latāmandāpaya in Polonnaruva, the mediaeval capital of the kings of Ceylon. It was first discovered and brought to notice by Mr. H. C. P. Bell, C.C.S., the late Archæological Commissioner of Ceylon, who sent inked estampages of it, for examination, to the Government Epigraphist for India. Mr. H. Krishna Sastri in his Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1913, has discussed the historical importance of this record. An account of the inscription, with translation of it, has also been published by Mr. H.C. P. Bell in the Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of Ceylon for the year 1911-12. The text of the inscription has recently been published in the South Indian Inscriptions (Texts), Vol. IV (No. 1396). The present article is prepared with the help of an impression preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, and of another kindly supplied by the Archæo. logical Commissioner of Ceylon. I am much indebted to Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sustri and
1 Expressed by a symbol
* Correct bhavantu or Bhavani fri. The metre seems to be upajati although the first akshara of the second line does not conform to the soanning. [What is meant here is probably Bhavaa Tri(Tri)-nétram-Ed.]
Possibly this is to be corrected "lökyaa' or ldchyan'.
• This expression is repeated at the end of the third verse, in line 3. The correct reading is possibly Bhagavali tu Suryah' or Bhagavä tuutu Süryah."
. The metre is probably upajäli, but the fifth Akshara is short instead of long. (The original reada Satu-astra. -Ed.] • Apparently mariyaloke is intended.
*[The original has earnna.-Ed.] • va is written below the line
Correct Pratima. 1 Correct bhailddam (?). [The original reads blaktyårsnäb.-Ed.]

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བར/GV-2848°G#4> ཀ6༥༡༠བO(}།
জনি ঝরা বস্তু কবিকূলবান বন
ོག་�ངག་ནོ ཙོམ་བཅད་༧༧༧ཙམརྒན་མ
H. KRISHNA SASTRI
SCALE. 6.
Photo-engraved & printed by Survey of India, Calcutta, 1925,
DEOPANI VISHNU-IMAGE INSCRIPTION.

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IMAGE OF VISHNU AT DEOPANI, DISTRICT SIBSAGAR, Assam.
From a photograph.

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No. 38.)
POLONNARUVA INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYABAHU I.
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Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar for many suggestions, and for the kind encouragement given to me in preparing this paper.
The slab on which the inscription is engraved measures 8' 2" by 26". There are 49 lines of writing on it. The stone had been planed and ruled before the letters were engraved. The writing, which has been well executed, is in a fairly good state of preservation-the average size of the letters being about 1 inch in height. The characters used in the record are Grantha and Tami]. They agree, on the whole, with those of the Tamil inscriptions of the contemporary Chēļa kings on the mainland of South India. The following facts, however, are noteworthy. The pulli or virāma sign, which is generally not used in most of the Tamil inscriptions in the South India of the mediaeval age, is here invariably indicated by a small vertical stroke, written over the letter, e.g. in vali vanda (1. 7). The anusvāra is generally written over the letter, at its top. The first five lines consist of a Sanskrit verse in the Sārdülavikridita metre, and the rest of the inscription is in Tamil prose, where, however, there is a great admixture of Sanskrit words. In the Sanskrit portion the rules of sandhi have not been observed in one place, i.e. kärshit+éri (1.2). It is interesting to note that, in the Tamil passage, the following old Sinhalese words are used with Tamil inflexions in some cases -
L. 16. Senevirat (Skt. Sēnāpati-rāja), Commander-in-Chief. L. 17. Pulanari (Skt. Pulasti-nagara), the name of a city, L. 20. daļadā (Skt. danshịrā-dhātu), Tooth Relic. L. 27. Mugalan (Skt. Maudgalyāyana), the name of a Buddhist monk.
No date is given in the inscription, but it mentions king Vijayabahu I, and states that he reigned for 55 years and celebrated his 73rd birthday festival. According to the Mahāvarsa, the duration of his reign was only 55 years. Therefore, it is evident that this record was inscribed after his death. According to the chronology adopted by Wijesinha, the translator of the Mahāvansa, Vijayabāhu reigned from A.D. 1065 to 1120.1
The inscription opens with an eulogistic account of king fri-Sanghabodhivarman alias Vijayabāhudēva. It says that he belonged to the Solar race and that he had to conquer many enemies before he entered Anuradhapura, where he was crowned king of Ceylon, at the instance of the Sangha (i.e. the Buddhist monks), for the protection of the religion of the Buddha. It is also stated that he invited monks from Arumana,* and purified the sangha of the three nikāyas (fraternities), to whom he gave three tulābhāras (i.e. weight of gold equal to that of his own person). Having brought the whole of the island of Ceylon under his dominion, he reigned for
According to the latest version of this part of the chronology of Ceylon, the dates, connected with the principal events of Vijayabāhu's career, are as follow
His birth, in A.D. 1040. He freed Rõhana of enemies and assumed the title of Vijayabahu, when he was seventeen years old, in
A.D. 1058. In the 15th year of his Röhapa rulo, i.e. the 33rd year of his age, he entered Anuradhapurs and became
the ruler of all Ceylon, in A.D. 1075. His death, after the 73rd birthday which was the 50th year of his Rohana rule or the 41st year of his Polonnaruwa rule, in A.D. 1114.
Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. II, p. 207. * Aromana (Sinhalese Aramaņa) is a corruption of the Pali word Ramañña, which was the name by which Lower Burma was known in ancient times. Rev. Foulkes tries to locate the Aramapa country on the Coromandel Coast, somewhere between the Chols and the Kalinga countries, in the dominions of the old Pallavas (Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII, p. 126).
* The three nikayas or fraternitios, into which the Buddhist Church in Caylon was divided, were the Mahivi. hire, Abhayagiri, and Jētavana seota.

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65 years, and passed his 73rd birthday (tirunakshatram).1. It next mentions the building of a shrine for the Tooth Relic of Buddha in the monastery of Uturo!muļa which was a part of the Abhayagiri-vihāra by a General named Dāva, at the command of the king. We are next intro duced to the royal preceptor Vyāriņi Mugalan, who is described to have been well versed in all the sciences and scriptures, and who was a high dignitary of the Buddhist Church in Ceylon at this period. This hierarch, as our inscription informs us, convened a meeting of the chief ministers of the state, and inviting the Vēlaikkara forces to their presence, exhorted them to protect the temple of the Tooth. The Vēļaikkāras, who consisted of the three divisions of the Mahatantra, the Vaļañjiyar, and the Nagarattār, agreed to do so, and re-named the temple as Munru-kai-tiru-Vēlaikkāran-Daladay-perum-palli, and concerted the necessary arrangements for the protection of the shrine. They bound themselves not only to protect the temple, its lands, its serfs, property, etc., but also to keep it in proper repair and to do everything necessary for its proper maintenance. The inscription also gives a list of the various tribes which formed the Vēlaikkāras and ends with an imprecation on those who act against the rules laid down therein.
The account given in this inscription of king $ri-Sanghabodhi Vijayabāhu agrees in every detail with that given in the Mahāvamsa of Vijayabāhu I. So there is no doubt about the identity of the king mentioned in our record. The statement that he had to conquer many enemies before he could establish his authority, is, no doubt, a reference to the long wars that he had to wage against the Chola invaders and the petty chieftains of Ceylon who ruled in the southern part of the island. Perhaps it might not be out of place, in this connection, to give a brief account of the state of the country before the accession of Vijayabāhu to the throne, and a short sketch of his career, as stated in the Mahāvamón (Chapters LVIII to LX). At the beginning of the eleventh century, in the reign of Rājarāja I, the Chōļas invaded Ceylon and annexed the northern part of the island to their dominions, taking Mahinda V, the then king of Ceylon, as a prisoner, to the Chöļa country. From this time, up to the end of the reign of the Chola king Adhiräjëndradēva, Ceylon acknowledged the supremacy of the Chōļas. During this period Ceylon was in a state of utter confusion. The Sinhalese princes, driven to the mountainous districts of the South, were always fighting amongst themselves, when the Chõļas were not at their doors. When the country was in this distracted state, a young scion of the ancient Sinhalese royal family, named Kirti, raised the standard of war, and after a considerable amount of fighting, made himself the master of the Rohana country, the southern part of Ceylon, and assumed the title of Vijayabāhu, when he was only seventeen years of age. After making his position secure in the principality of which he was the chief, he started on a campaign to rid the island of foreign domination. The time chosen by him for this enterprise was an opportune one. The campaign of Vijayabāhu against the Chõļas falls into the period immediately before the accession of Kulöttunga I to the
1 Tirunakshatram means the sacred asterism.' It seems as if the Sinhalese kings of old celebrated a special festival annually, on the day of the constellation under which they were born. I am informed by Mr. K. V. Subhrahmanya Aiyar, Superintendent for Epigraphy, that such a custom still prevails in the royal family of
ravancore, and that the princes of Travancore are named after the constellations under which they are born, Tho Mahavamsa also gives instances in which persons were named after the constellation of their birth, e.g. Tishya and Pushya. [The janma-nama or birth name of a Hindu child is given after the janma-nakshatra or the constellation of nativity.-Ed.]
Inscriptions of Rājarāja I are found in Ceylon, and in one of the records of the Tanjore temple it is stated that the income of several villages in Ceylon was dedicated to that shrine. Rajendra-Chola I also says in his inKeriptions that he conquered the whole island. Rājādhiraja I and Rajendradēvs, the successors of Rajendra. Chola I, both conducted campaigns in Ceylon, in which several princes of the island are said to have perished, An inscription of Adhirājēndra is also found at Polonnaruva No inscription, however, of any Chóla sugeessor of Adhirajendra is found on the island of Ceylon.

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Chōļa throne. This was a period of Civil War in the Choļa country, and, consequently, the Cholas were not able to send sufficient forces to Ceylon to quell the rising there against their authority. In one of the inscriptions of Kulõttunga at Tirukkalukkugram, he says that he sent several expeditions to Ceylon, but does not mention any definite results gained by them. These were most probably, the armies which, according to the Mahāvamsa, were sent by the Chola king to fight against Vijayabāhu. After a long and protracted campaign, Vijayabāhu succeeded in driving the Cholas out of Ceylon, and made himself the master of the whole island.
During the Chola occupation, the Buddhist religion had suffered greatly. In fact, when Vijayabāhu came to the throne, he found that there were no ordained monks in the island, who would help him in the work of reviving the religion of the land. Therefore, he sent an embassy to the king of Aramaņa, requesting him to send properly ordained monks to Ceylon. The king of Aramaņa at this time was Anuruddha, from whom Vijayabāhu received substantial support in his struggle against the Cholas. The Burmese king sent several properly ordained monks to the island, and they revived the Buddhist Church in Ceylon, and helped Vijayabāhu to restore Buddhism to its pristine glory and splendour. Our inscription alludes to this event, and, moreover, states that he purified the sangha of the three nikāyas (fraternities), and gave three tulābhāras to them. The Ceylon chronicles do not mention this fact, though they give a long account of the king's benefactions to the religious establishments, and his various works of public utility.
The Commander-in-Chief Dēva, who, at the instance of the king, built a shrine for the Tooth Relic, is not known to us from other sources. The monastery of Uturoļmuļa, within the precincts of which the Temple of the Tooth Relic was built, and which was itself a part of the Abhayagiri-vihära' at Polonnaruva, must be the same as the monastery of Uttarõļa which was built by Māņa, one of the predecessors of Vijayabāhu I, for his elder brother who had entered the priesthood. It is also stated in the Mahāva még that the king entrusted the guard of the Tooth Relic to him. The Buddhist monk Mugalan, who took an active part in getting the consent of the Velaikkāras to protect the temple, is not mentioned, so far as I know, in any of the Ceylon ohronicles.
The next point to be discussed is, who these Vēļaikkäras were, and what their position was in Ceylon, at the time when this inscription was set up. The Vēļaikkāpas are mentioned in the Mahāvansa as having formed a part of the army of the Sinhalese kings of this period. It is stated that towards the latter part of Vijayabāhu's reign, there was a revolt of these troops, when he was making preparations for undertaking an expedition to South India against the Chola king. This rising of the Vēļaikkāgas was put down with considerable difficulty, and 28 & consequence of it, the projected campaign against the Chõlas had to be given up.. Later on, in the reign of Vijayabähu's grandson, Gajabāhu II, they again figure in the history of Ceylon. There, it is said, that Gajabāhu's rival, Parākramabāhu I tried to win them over to his side. A few years later, we find the Vēļaikkäras in alliance with the Keralas and the people of Röhana, rising in rebellion against the authority of Parākramabāhu I. These accounts, coupled with the fact that their aid was considered effective for the protection of one of the most cherished national treasures of the Sinhalese people, go to prove that the Vēļaikkaras were, at this period, a very powerful community.
1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, p. 282.
This vihara was distinct from the monastery of the same name at the oll capital, Anuradhapura. $ Mahavam, Chapter LVII.
• Ibid., Chapter LX. Ibid., Chapter LXIII.
• Ibid., Chapter LXXIV.

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The inscriptions of the Chola kings Rājarāja I and Rajendra-Chāļa I, on the walls of the Bțihadīśvara temple at Tanjore, make mention of several Veļaikkāfa regiments. The origin of the word vēļaikkära has not yet been conclusively proved. Different scholars have given different interpretations of the word. Dr. Hultzech has rendered vēlaikkara-padaigal as 'the troop of servants'.1 The late Rai Bahadur Venkayya was of opinion that it was a corruption of the word vēļaikkāra, and comments as follows :-"At any rate, the origin of the term is obscure, and must be left to future research. It is possible they were no mercenaries in the Chola country at the beginning of the 11th century. If a conjecture may be offered, I would say they were perhaps volunteers who enlisted themselves when the occasion (vēlai) for their services arose. In later times when their services were not required in the Tamil Country, they probably migrated to Ceylon, during the period of interregnum, when there were frequent Chõļa invasions against the island. Eventually they probably developed into mercenaries." Mr. Krishna Sastri, in his remarks upon this inscription, says of the Vēļaikkāças, "Whatever the Vēļaikkāras may have been in their religious creed, it is clear from what is stated in the inscription that they included all working classes, and were apparently of Indian origin who immigrated into Ceylon with the merchants whom they served." The late Mr. Gopinatha Rao's opinion as to who the Vēlaikkāras were was quite different from any of the views set forth above. He says that they were not mercenaries, but " persons who had pledged themselves to do certain duties, failing which, they would voluntarily tindergo certain penalties, which, in most cases, was death." He has quoted two passages from Tamil literature, one from the commentary of Periyavāchchapillai on Nammalvar's Tirumoli which explains the word pu-vēlaikkāra as "those who, when they see the king being without flower(-garlands) at the time when he ought to wear them, had vowed to stab themselves and die." The other extract is from the commentary of the Sivavachanabhushanam, where the Vēlaikkaras are said to be the servants of the king who chastise those who prove traitorous to him."
In this inscription they are termed the Vēļaikkāsas of the three hands' (mūnru-kai). In No. 602 of 1912, another inscription from Ceylon, münru-kas-tiru-vēļaikkāran appears as the sur. name of a certain Adhikarana Sāraṇan, and in No. 610 of the same year, also from Ceylon, mūnru. kai is referred to as the name by which a particular community was known. In an inscription of the time of Kulottunga-Chõļadēva, in the Bhaktavatgalēsvara temple at Shērmādēvi, mūnru-kaimahāsēnai are represented as protecting certain charitable endowments made to that temple. A Tamil inscription at Dangūr, in Mysore, too, refers to the Vēļaikkāzas of the right hand. It seems from our inscription as if the three divisions or hands' to which the Vēļaikkaras were divided, consisted of the Mahātantra, the Vaļañjiyar, and the Nagarattār. Out of these terms, Mahātantra is not found elsewhere, and its sense is not clear. Probably it was used here with a Buddhist significance. The terms Valañjiyar and Nagarattār are of frequent use in the South Indian inscriptions of this period. They are there represented to have been a wealthy and influential body of inerchants. In Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions there are three records from Balligami, which refer to the corporation of merchants known as the Valañjiyar. In one of them the membere are styled "protectors of the vira-banañja rights." In the second they are called
1 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, p. 97.
Ibid., Vol. II, Introduction, p. 10. * Epigraphical Report of Madras for 1913, p. 102.
• The above is from an article by the late Mr. Gopinatha Rao, a reprint of which was found among some of his papers whick are in the library of the Government Epigraphist for India. I have not been able to And out the journal to which the article was contributed.
• Ep. Rep. for 1913, p. 101. • No. 189 of the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1896. Vysore Archeological Report for 1990, p. 31.
• Mysore Inscriptions, p. 73.

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banajigas, whilst the third inscription calls the members of the guild the protectors of the virabananja-dharma." Two inscriptions from Shikarpur Taluq (Nos. 94 and 118), published in the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VII, describe these merchants in great detail. An inscription has been found at Anaulundāva, a village near Polonnaruva, which begins with almost the same phrases as are used in describing the Vaļañjiyar merchants in the Kanarese inscriptions from Mysore. This inscription being only a fragment, the word valañjiyar does not actually occur in it; but the phraseology used in it shows, beyond doubt, that it must have been a record of the same Corporation of Merchants. In the inscription No. 555 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1923, mention is made of the Valañjiyar of South Ceylon (Ten-Ilangai-valanjiyor). They are there represented as making donations to a Vishņu temple. As regards the derivation of this word, the late Mr. Venkayya says :-" In Kanarese banajiga is still used to denote a class of merchants. In Telugu the word balija or balijiga has the same meaning. It is therefore probable that the words valañjiyam, valañjiyar, balañji, bananji, banajiga and balija are cognate, and derived from the Sanskrit vanij." The Nagarattārs, who are mentioned in this inscription along with the Vaļañjiyars, were also an influential community of merchants, who, at the time that we are speaking of, had their mercantile establishments not only all over South India and Ceylon, but also in Burma and other parts of Further India.' The Nagarattārs comprised within their ranks another class of merchants called the Nānādēsī. An inscription of Queen Lilāvati of Ceylon, who reigned in the first decade of the 13th century, mentions the Nānādēsī merchants as having made some donations to an alms-house at Anuradhapura. As the Vaļañjiyars are said to have been the leaders (mūdādai) of the Vēļaikkāra troops, it might be conjectured that the latter migrated to Ceylon with the Vaļañjiyar whom they served. The Valañjiyars and the Nagarattārs are at present represented by the Banajiga and Nagaratta communities of the Kanarese country."
The different sub-sects, into which the Vēļaikkaras were further divided, were the Valangai, Idangai, Sirudanam, Pillaigaldanam, Vadugar, Malaiyalar, Parivärakkondam, and others. Out of these Valangai and Idangaimean the Right hand' and the 'Left hand' castes respectively. From an early time the inhabitants of South India were thus divided. The Madras Epigraphical Report for 1913 contains the following interesting account as regards the origin of the Idangai : " While in order to kill demons (that disturbed) the sacrifices of the sage Kāśyapa, we were made to appear from the agni-kunga (i.e. the sacrificial fire pit), and while we were protecting the said sacrifice, Chakravartin Arindama honoured the officiating sage priests by carrying them in a car, and led them to a Brāhmaṇa Colony (newly founded by himself). On this occasion we were made to take our seats on the backside of the car and to carry the slippers and umbrellas of these sages. Eventually, with these Brāhmaṇa sages, we also were made to settle down in the villages of Tiruvellarai, etc. We received the clan name Idangai, because the sages (while they got down their cars) were supported by us on their left side.” In the same inscription it is said that there were ninety-eight sub-sects of the Idangai. Their insignia are given thus :-" It is also understood that only those, who, during their congregational meetings to settle communal disputes, display the insignia(?) of horn, bugle and parasol, shall belong to our class. Those who have 1 Mysore Inscriptions, p. 120.
Ibid., p. 123. 3 P. 114 and p. 156. • This inscription runs as follows:
(1) Samnata-bhuvanágra-patica-sata-virs-sasanam-alingita Lakşmi). (2) (ya) lakmans (vakşa) sthala bhuvana-parakrama Sri-Vasudeva Kundala müla-(purtti-hha).
Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. II, p. 236 . A. R. on Epigraphy for 1923, p. 106. Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 296. 1A. R. on Epigraphy for 1913, p. 102. . Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. I, p. 179.
A. R. on Epigruphy for 1913. p. 102.

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to recognise us now and hereafter, in public, must do so from our distinguishing symbols, the feather of the crane and the loose hanging hair."
The term Situdanam appears in the Tanjore inscriptions of Rājarāja I and Rājēndra-Chola I, as a title given to military officers. Among the regiments mentioned in the inscriptions of the same place we find two named “Sirudanattu-vaduga-kkävalar and Sirudanattu-ValangaiVelaikkara-ppadaigal." The true significance of this term has not yet been satisfactorily explained. Dr. Hultzsch explains the terms trudanam and perudanam as the small treasury' and the big treasury', and persons so entitled as officers of the treasury, small or big. The titles are sometimes explained as referring to the followers of the king during his minority and majority. In all probability sirudanam and perudanam were purely honorary titles conferred on officers, as well as private individuals, according to the status held by them in official position or in society.
The Vadugar (Northerners) might have been immigrants from the Telugu Country. The Malaiyāļar, most probably, were settlers from the Malabar Coast. On the occasion of the rebellion of the people of Röhaud against Parākramabāhu I, as already mentioned, the Kēralas took the side of the insurgents. There are also other references to the Kēraļa soldiers in the Mahāvaṁsa. The term Malaiyāļar, therefore, must have been applied to the people from the Kēraļa country,
The inscription is silent as to the reason why the protection of the Vēļaikkāras was sought for the Tooth Relic. If this inscription was engraved only after the death of Vijayabāhu I, it must have been owing to the state of anarchy which prevailed after that event.
Out of the places mentioned in this record, Anurādhapura is the well-known capital of the ancient Sinhalese kings. Arumana has already been identified with Rāmaññadēsa, i.e. Lower Burma. Pulanari, also called Vijayarajapura in the inscription, evidently after King Vijayabāhu 1, is the same as Poionnaruwa (Pulastipura), and was the medieval Sinhalese Capital. In Chöļa inscriptions found in Ceylon this city is also called Jananāthamangalam. There are extensive ruins of the many monasteries, palaces and other public buildings with which it was adorned in the days of its splendour.
TEXT. 1 Svasti Srih su Larnkāyām Jina-danta-dhātu-bhavanam yad-Dēva2 sānādhipo-kärshit sri-Vijayādibahunrivar-ādes[&]3 t Pulastān purē [l*) Vēļaikkāra-samā[hsitā]n tad-api ta. 4 t-paryyanta-dēvālayān" Vēļaikkāra-balāni pā. 8 ntu nitarām=ā-kalpa-sandhēr-bhuvi [11*] Namo Buddhāya [*] 6 Sri-Lamka-dvipattu Sürya-vamsattu Ikshvāku[vi]7 n vali-vanda anēka-batru-vijayam panni Anur[a]8 dhapuram pukku Buddha-bāsanam rakshikka vēndi sa9 mgha-niyogattāl tiru-mudi-sūļi Arumanattilni 10 rum sangattarai alaippittu mūpu nikāya11 ttu sangha-buddhi paņņuvittu mupru tulābhāram 12 mūnu nikāyattukku kuduttu daba-raja-dharmattal 13 aiñbatt-ayy-āņdu Ilahgai-muludum oru-kudai-ni[la)14 rri-ttiruv-irājyañ-cheyd-aruļi elupattu mūv-apdu tiru-na. 15 kshatrañ-chelutting KJ-sci-Sanghabodhi-vatmar:āņa chakravartti. 16 gal sri-Vijayabāhudāvar=anuvāgal Dē[va)-sēnevirattar14. R. on Epigraphy for 1913.p 109.
Ibid for 1913, p. 97. * This name in which atleast wo see the Puranio allusion to Pulasti Brahmi, an ancestor of Ravana, tho giant king of Ceylon.
.8.1. 1. Texts Vol. IV, No. 1896 reads yant1.

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No. 38.]
17 kku niyōgittu-Ppulanariy-āņa Vijayarajapurattu eḍup18 pitta Mülasthanam-agiya Abhayagiri-maha-vihārattu agr-ā19 yatanam-anal Uttorulmulaiyil muv-ulagukkuñ-chikāmaņi
20 y-agiya Daļadā-Pātra-dhātu-svāmidēvargalukku nitya-vāsa-bhavana
21 m-āna pratham-abhishēgattukku mangala-griham-āņa āṭṭāṇḍu22 dōrun-tiru-nayana-mōksham panni añjana nirukkum
POLONNARUVA INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYABAHU I.
23 kanṇālañ-cheyyum mangala-mahā-śilamaya-Buddha
24 dēvarkku gandhakutiy-ana Daladay-pperum-baļļi unga25 rakshay-aga vendum-enru sakala-sastr-agama-sil-ā
26 chara-sampannar-ana Raja-guru Uturulmulaiyil Vyāriņi Mu27 galan Mahasthavirar rāj-amatyarōḍun-kūḍa elundaruliy-i28 rundu engalai alaittu aruli-chcheydamaiyil Ma-tantirat29 tön-küḍi engalukku mūtādaigal-ay-ulla Valañjeyaraiyum e30 ngalōḍu kūḍivarum-Nagarattar-ulliṭṭōraiyum-kūṭṭi Mūnru31 kai-ttiru-Velaikkaran Daladay-pperum-balliy-enru
32 tiru-namañ-chatti engal-aram-ay engal kaval-ay nirka
33 vēņḍum-enru arañ-gavalukku padai-ppaḍaiyal ōrō]
34 sevagaraiyum ōrō-vēli nilamum-ittu-kkuḍuttu i-p
35 palli nokkiņa ūrgalum parivaramum paṇḍāramum abha36 yam-pukkaraiyum paṭṭun-keṭṭun-kakkak-kaḍavōm=āga37 vum alivupaṭṭ-iḍangal alivu sōrndum engal anva38 yam-ulladanaiyum-eññāpṛum-idukku vēṇḍuvanav-e
39 llañ-cheyvōm-agavum pannina inda vyavasthai chandr-a40 dityavarai nirpad-aga-kkaiy-viņav-erri-chchembilun-kalli41 lum veṭṭuvittu-kkuḍuttōm Valangai Iḍangai Si
42 rudanam Pillaigaldanam Vaḍugar Malaiyalar Parivarak= 43 kondam pala-kalanaiyum-ulliṭṭa tiru-Velaikkara
44 rom [*] Ippadi tirambuvanum tiramba-chcholluvāņu
45 m tiramba chchammadippanum Ma-tantirattukku=ppilaitta
46 padai-ppagaiyan pañcha-maha-patakan-cheydāṇum tēvar
47 pudar-ma-tavattōrkku-kkuḍuttana kollum koḍum
48 pāviyum Buddha-Dharmma-Sangha-ratnangalukku-ppilaitta
49 num pugun-naragam puguvan [||*] Ara-maravarka [*] Svasti Sriḥ [||*]
TRANSLATION.
(Ll. 1-5.) May the Velaikkara forces well protect, till the juncture of another kalpa, on this earth, that shrine of the Tooth Relic of Jina (Buddha), which Deva, the Commander-in-Chief, had built in the city of Pulasti in Lanki (Ceylon), at the command of the glorious king Vijaya. bahu, and the other shrines of the gods (situated) near that (shrine), which the Velaikkāras have brought together under their protection. Obeisance to the Buddha.
(Ll. 6-24.) The glorious king Sanghabodhivarman alias Chakravartin Sri-Vijayabahu. dēva, who appeared in the lineage of Ikshvaku of the Solar race in the prosperous island of Lanka; who, having conquered many enemies, entered the city of Anuradhapura, and wore the beautiful crown at the request of the sangha for protecting the Order (i.e. the religion) of the Budaha; who, inviting monks from Arumana, caused the purification of the sangha of the three Ibid. reads [u]daippadaiyai.
18. I. I. (Texts) Vol. IV. p. 492 reads agravadanam-aga. Ibid. reads alivupattadangal.
337
2 x

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fraternities (nikayas) and gave three tulabhāras1 to the three fraternities; who, bringing the whole of Lanka under the shade of one umbrella, had been pleased to reign for fifty-five years with the ten principles of regal duty and celebrated seventy-three birthday festivities (tiru-nakshatram), gave orders to Nuvaragal3 Devasenevirattar, and caused to be built within (the precincts of) Uttorulmula, which was the principal shrine of the great monastery of Abhayagiri the Mülasthana (i.e. important seat of monks) in the city of Pulanari alias Vijayarajapura, the great temple of the Tooth Relic (dala-day-pperumpalli), the permanent abode of the venerated Tooth Relic and the Bowl Relic (dalada-patra-dhātu-svāmi-dēvargal), the crest jewel of the three worlds, an auspicious house for the first inauguration ceremony, a gandhakuti for the great stone image of Buddhadeva to whom annually is held the festival of opening the eyes and fixing collyrium thereon.
(Ll. 25-39.) As the Mahasthavira Vyāriņi Mugalan, the royal preceptor, well versed in all the sciences and scriptures, of good conduct and behaviour, who, being gloriously seated in the Uturulmuļa (monastery) along with the ministers of the king was pleased to call us to his presence and said "The great temple of the Tooth Relic should be under your protection," we, of the Mahatantra, having called together the Valañjiyar, who are our leaders, and the Nagarattār and others, who always accompany us, gave it the sacred name of "Munru-kai-tiru-vēlaikkaran Daladay-pperumpalli" (i.e. the great temple of the Tooth Relic of the Velaikkaras of the three hands), and to make it remain as our charity and under our protection, assigned for the protection of this charity one servant and one veli of land (for his maintenance), from each regiment; and bound ourselves to protect the villages under the supervision of this temple (palli), its servants and treasures, as well as the men seeking its shelter, even though (we may) suffer ruin or loss; and to always provide for all the requirements of this (temple), so long as our community continues to exist, repairing such parts (of the temple) as get dilapidated.
(Ll. 39-44.) In order that the agreement thus given may last as long as the Moon and the Sun (endure), we, the exalted Velaikkaras, consisting of the Valangai, Iḍangai, Sirudanam, Pillaigaldanam, Vadugar, Malaiyalar, Parivarakkondam and various other classes of workmen (palakalanai), attested it (i.e. the agreement) with our own hands, and caused it to be engraved on copper and stone.
(Ll. 44-49.) Whose acts against this, or acquiesces in doing wrong to this, shall enter the hell wherein fall those enemies of the (Velaikkara) regiments, who have wronged the Mahatantra, those who have committed the five great sins, those heinous sinners who have robbed what have been given to gods, bhutas, and the great ascetics, and those who have wronged the (three) gems, (to wit), the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha. Forget not charity! Hail! Prosperity!
1 Tulabhara is weighing one's self against gold or other precious substances and giving away the same in charity.
2 The ten principles of regal duty as explained in Pali books are, charity (dana), piety (sila), liberality (parichchaga), rectitude (ajjavam), gentleness (majjava), religious austerity (tapam), freedom from wrath (akködhö), humanity (avihimsa), forbearance (khanti), and the state of having no enmity (avirodhata).
The correct reading Nuvaragal in place of anuvagal is due to Codrington.
Gandhakuti (perfumed chamber) was the name given to the part of the vihara occupied by the Buddha himself, when he was alive.
It is doubtful whether Vyarini formed a part of the name of the monk. No such name is met with any. where as the name of a Buddhist monk. I am not able to give any other explanation of this word.
The five great sins according to the Buddhists are:-(1) the murdering of one's father, (2) the murdering of one's mother, (3) killing an arhat or saint, (4) shedding the blood of a Buddha, (5) causing schism n the Order. According to the Hindu Law-books they are:-(1) killing a Brihmana, (2) drinking intoxi. cating liquor, (3) theft, (4) committing adultery with the wife of a religious teacher, and (5) associating with any one guilty of these crimes,

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No. 39.)
THE JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF JIVADAMAN I.
No. 39.-THE JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF JIVADAMAN (I).
BY R. D. BANERJI, M.A. The inscription which is edited below for the first time, was discovered by some labourers on the top of the citadel of Junagadh fort during the rainy season of 1919. Mr. 8. Brook-Foz the then Chief Engineer of the Junagadh State, removed the stone slab on which it is written to the State Office building and, sending its inked Impression, informed the Archeological Survey Department of its discovery. It is now deposited in the Bahădur Khān-ji Museum, Junagadh During my visit in the month of October of the same year I read the inscription from the stone and took its estampages for publication.
The record is incised on a heavy slab of stone, the inscribed surface of which measures 31 inches by 10 inches. At present, it consists of two short lines mutilated both at the beginning and at the end. The first line begins with the word kshatrapasya and ends with the numerical symbol for 100. The second line begins with a proper name and ends with the word putra. The length of each of these two lines is 30' and the average height of the letters is 21. Judging, however, from their contents it would appear that originally these lines were considerably longer. The slab bearing the inscription must have been used for building purposes. It was found with its face turned downwards in the debris of an old structure. When I saw it in the State Office at Junāgadh, the letters were full of plaster or mortar made of powdered bricks (soorkhi) and lime. Possibly, there were several other lines below the second one which were mutilated when the stone was broken up to suit the requirements of the mason.
The characters of the inscription are of the usual type used in Western India in the second century A.D. and skin to the alphabet in which the Andhau inscriptions of Rudradāman I are written. The lower parts of ka and a curve to the left. The three verticals of ya are almost equal in height and all instances of the subscript form of this letter are tripartite. Va and the lower part of ma are rather triangular. Both the verticals of pa are of equal height. In the only extant symbol of the palatal sa the pendant drops from the right half of the curve instead of from the left, while the angularity is not quite marked. In the letter sha the cross bar is joined to the right vertical straight line and not to the left as usual in one case, s.e., in kshatrapasya, while in the other, i.e., in varshe, it seems to join both the verticals.
The inscription is written in Sanskrit prose. The object of it, however, is not clear on scoount of its mutilated state. The portion giving the date is unfortunately damaged and nothing is legible at the end of the first line, except the symbol for 100. The record refers itself to the reign of Jivadāman whose exact rank cannot be now ascertained because the portion of the slab, where his titles were in all probability written, is now missing. That he was . Kshatrapa is certain as that title is prefixed to his name. Two Jivadāmans are known to have had any connection with Kāthiāwār. The first prince of that name was the son of Damajadahrt I and the grandson of Rudradāman I, who is known from his coins to have ruled in Käthidwar from the year 100 to 118 or 119 of the Saka era. The second prince of that name is Svāmi Jivadāman, known to us from the coins of his son, Kshatrapa Rudrasimha II, who was ruling in Saka 227 and seems to have succeeded to the throne on the extinction of the direct descendants of Chashtana or of the Mahākshatrapa Rudrasittha I. On paleographic grounds, I am of opinion that the inscription under examination pertains to the reign of the Mahākghatrapa Jivadāman I. The second line of this record contains four proper names [Va]stradatta, Västunandika, Vastusarmmaka and Ramaka. The last word of

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the second line, if read as putra [nam] would show that the first three persons were the sons of Ramaka. The inscription must have been incised to commemorate some pious act or the erection of some building by these three brothers.
TEXT.
340
1...[ksha]trapasya Sv[a]mi Jivadamasya ētāya purvvaya1 varsh[e] 100 .... 2[Va]stradattasya Västuna[th]dikasya Vas[tularmmakasya Ramakasya pute[]....
NOTES.
1. 1 (a) The upper part of the ligature in ksha is broken.
(b) The cross bar in sha in varshe is damaged.
(c) The last letter looks like sa but the downward prolongation of the right vertical makes it certain that this letter is the symbol for 100.
1. 2 The restoration [Va] stradatta is tentative. The reading may be [Sa]stradatta or [A];tradatta.
The form of Va in Vastunamdika is peculiar. The base line is very much curved and the upper horizontal line has disappeared giving place to two curved lines which appear like bifurcations of the vertical.
TRANSLATION.
.... of the [Maha]kshatrapa Svāmi Jivadaman, on the above mentioned, in the year 100...[Va]stradatta, Västunamdika (Vastunandin), Vastusarmmaka, the sons of Ramaka......
No. 40. PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI.
BY A. S. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS.
This inscription is engraved on a slab set up in the western prākāra of the Vishnu temple at Peraneyil, a suburb of Changanacheri which is a taluk-centre in the Kōṭṭayam Division of the Travancore State. It is in clear-cut and well-preserved Vaṭṭeluttu characters, which can, from purely palæographical considerations, be assigned to the 11th century A.D. or thereabouts. The language of the record is Tamil, sprinkled with a few dialectical peculiarities of the West Coast e.g., irunn-aruli (l. 15), aruliyar (l. 23), olla (l. 41), vannu (1. 58), and adikkumad-oliññöm (Z. 61-63).
The record which is dated in the 8th year opposite the 2nd year of the reign of a certain king named Kulasekhara-Kōyiladhikarigal, presumably of the Chera dynasty, does not give the exact Kollam year but mentions simply the vague astronomical detail that Jupiter was in Karkaṭaka. But this defect, as will be proved below, is mended by two other inscriptions secured from Quilon and Tiruvälür', both of which are also in the Travancore State. The date portions in these two inscriptions run thus:
1. Kollan-tonriyirunurr-elupatt-eṭṭām-aṇḍai Kanniyil Viyālam pukka Chiñña ñāyiru onpadu senra nāļ iranḍām-anda ikk edir padinōrā]m-āṇḍaiy=[I]ra[ma]r' Truvaḍi Köyiladikarigal ayina éri-Kulasekhara-chChakkira vattiga] Kurakkēņi-kKollattu Pagainnavin köyilagate-irunnarula.
[This phrase usually follows the date.-Ed.]
2.Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. V, p. 44. No. 54 of App. B of Archaeological Survey Report (Travancore) for 1919-20.
Ibid, Vol. IV, p. 145. See p. 47 of the Archaeological Survey Report (Travancore) for 1919-2. This portion is somewhat damaged ; an alternative reading of Kö-Räman is also possible.

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THE JUNAGADH INSCRIPTION OF JIVADAMAN (I.)
HIRANANDA SASTRI.
SCALE ABOUT A QUARTER.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 40.)
PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI.
341
2. Makarattil Viyalan ninra Kulasēkhara-pPerumal-irachchiyam vānna randām=āņdaikk
edirām=āņdu. Of these, the latter is dated in the year opposite the 2nd year of the reign of Kulaśēkhara. pPerumā! when Jupiter stood in Makara, and the first epigraph, which is dated on the 9th day of Chingam in the Kollam year 278 (=August 1102 A.D.) when Jupiter stood in Kanya, purports to have been issued in the reign of Irāmar-Tiruvadi Köyiladhikäriga!-āyina Kulasekhara-Chakra vartigal in the second year opposite to the year padi...., the second part of which admits of the possible reading nörä. Jupiter, which was in Makara in the 2nd+1st year (expired) of the reign of Kulasēkha ra-pPerumāļ according to the Tiruvālār record, would have journeyed on to Karkata ka six years later. This was actually the planet's position in the 2nd+8th year of Kulasēkhara-Köyiladhikarigal as recorded in the Peruneyil inscription. Consequently, the two kings Kulasēkhara-pPerumal and Kulaśēkhara-Köyiladhikāriga! mentioned in these two epigraphs appear to be identical. Again, it is clear that two years later, i.e., in the 2nd+11th year, Jupiter would be occupying the Kanya-rasi. In the regnal year of king KulasēkharaChakravartigal which has been read as 2nd+11th in the Quilon record Jupiter was actually in Kappi (Kanyā). This proves beyond doubt that the three kings referred to in the epigraphs from Tiruvālūr, Quilon and Peruneyil are identical, and it follows also that king Kulasēkhara may have ascended the Chēra throne between the months Dhanus and Karkataka of the Kollam year 265, i.e., between January and July 1090 A.D.
The title Köyiladhikāri assumed by the king deserves some notice. Köyil either means & temple' or ' a palace' and adhikāri is a controller. It is possible that the management of the palace was left in the hands of an important officer, sometimes the young crown-prince himself, who was consequently called the Köyiladhikari, and so Dr. Gundert has translated this term as the Palace-Major; but as the kings of Kerala were known to have specially interested them. selves in temple affairs, it appears more probable that even during the life-time of a reigning sovereign, the supervision of the temple demesne was vested in the crown-prince so as to give him the proper preliminary training in administrative work, and that he was given the title of Kõyiladhikari.: Vijayarāga dēva who figures as such in the Kottayam plates of the Chēra king Sthāņu-Ravi probably held a similar position and his presence was considered essential for the transaction recorded in that copper-plate charter. He could not have been a mere official unconnected with the royal household, for, we find him given the title. Chēramānār'in a TiruYorriyūr epigraph of 936 A.D., and he had himself married & Kerala princess Kilānadigal daughter of Kulasēkharadēva."
In the Quilon record under reference, the king is introduced by the expression Irāmar-Tiruvadi Köyiladikāriga! =āyina Kulasēkhara-chChakkaravattiga!' which can be understood in one of two ways. The ordinary interpretation will be to consider that KulasēkharaChakravarti was the Köyiladhikāri of another senior king Rāmar-Tiruvaļi; but as the title • Chakravartin'affixed to his name denotes that he was the reigning king, the simultaneous use
1 Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. II, p. 83. Malabar Quarterly Review, Vol. VIII, p. 117.
Ibid. Vol. VIII, p. 116. Nambüdiri Brahmans who held sway over temples possessing immense wealth and landed property invoked the assistance of Samanta-kshatriyas and these managed the Dēvasvams under the title of Kõyiladhikärigal (Temple-Managers) - Land Tenure of Travancore. Although this Kuyiladhikaram was also wielded by private managers (Trao. Archl. Series, II, p. 44) in the case of small individual temples. the general control together with the specific title must have been in the possession of a member of the royal family, the crown-prince, in all probability.
• Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. III, p. 77 et seq. and 8. 1. I. Vol. III, p. 236. Trar. Archl. Series, Vol. IV, p. 144-Kulasekharadevar magaför-Vilaiyardgadērar diviyar Kijanadiga

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
of the other title Köyiladhikari which would indicate a subordinate position to Ramar-Tiruvadi, appears to be inconsistent. Rämar-Tiruvadi to whom Kulasēkhara was the Köyiladhikäri (or Agent-in-chief) may be taken to refer to god Rāmēsvara of the Quilon temple, Tiruvadi' being 8 respectful term applied alike to gode, kings, queens and saints. Or again; Rämar-Tiruvadi Köyiladhikärigal may be taken as the proper name of the king and Kulasēkhara as his regal title. If, however, Rämar-Tiruvadi represents & senior king whose Köyiladhikari was Kulasēkhara at that time, then we have to understand that though the latter has styled himself as an independent king in the more northern localities in the 4th and 9th years of his reign, he acknowledged a suzera in in Rāmar-Tiruvadi in the somewhat later Quilon epigraph. Future researches alone can decide this point one way or the other ; but it looks probable that Kulebēkhara of the three records was a Chēra or Cochin king and that Quilon was his southern outpost where in the palace called Papaingāvu' he had encamped on the 9th Chingam of Kollam 278. It may be noted that the Cochin rājas even now style themselves as Köyiladhikarigal in documente pertaining to the landed property of temples, their full title being 'Perumba dappu Gan gādhara Vira-Kerala Tirukkõyiladhikarigal's
The king of this record being assigned to the end of the 11th century A.D., he must be different from Kulasēkhara, the author of the Mukundamāla (a devotional poem considered to be the work of the Vaishṇava royal-saint Kulasēkhara-Āļvār), and the patron of the author of the four yamaka- kāvyas entitled the Yudhishthiravijaya, the Tripuradahana, the Saurika. thodaya and the Nalodaya, and from another Kulasēkhara, the royal author of the two Sanskrit dramas, the Tapatīsamvarana and the Subhadrādhananjaya, and of the undiscovered probe work, the Aécharyamañjari..
The object of the record was to state that the king who was seated in the hall called) Nedi. yatali (at his capital ?) in company with the presidents of the four assemblies and the president of Tirukkun rappolai, issued, after due consultation with his ministers, an order granting the annual income of 40 kalam of paddy and the tax (9) called arandai from the village of Peruneydal for the expenses of feeding certain Brāhmaṇs and for expounding the Mahabharata in that temple. The recipients of the gift were the ür(i.e. the members of the village assembly) and the poduvā! (i.e. officers supervising charitable endowments). This order was conveyed by Răman-Tāyaṇ of Kämakkāpappalli and Nārāyapan-Nārāyanan of Kadambanādu to tho loudipati (headmen or chieftains) of the two villages of Kāpālimangalam and Muttūru, who thereupon met in the temple of Peruneydal and, agreeing to refrain from collecting the arandai in obedience to the royal mandate, had this stipulation engraved on & slab of stone and got it set up in the temple compound.
The record is important in that it gives us, though perhaps imperfectly, a glimpse into the official routine of the 12th century in Kērala where, more than in any other place, temple adminis tration was entirely in the hands of yogams(corporations), which were wielding independent power in matters pertaining to temple politics, and which were presided over by the
king.
1 Tror Arch Series. Vol. III, p. 3
Ibid, Vol. IV, p. 9. This palaoof Papaingåva was in existence at the time of the Vēņādu ruler Srivado Inbhankoda (Kollam 149).
Ooohon State Manual, p. 39, and Malabar Quarterly Review, Vol. VIIT, p. 117. • J.R.4.8., April 1925, pp. 263-75.
w mary of Papers of the All-India Oriental Conferenoe, Third Session, pp. 109-16. Malabar Quarterly Review, VIII, p. 110.

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No. 40.)
PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI.
343
Nediyataļi according to the Kéralotpatti was one of the four assembly halls in the capital town, where the councils (yogams) elected their kings (raksha-purushas) under the leadership of their presidents called the Taliyadirimär or Taliyālväps'. It is not apparent why the royal writ relating to the Peruneyil temple emanated from the Nediyataļi Assembly Hall instead of from the Mērraļi representing Mūlikkalam, which might be expected to have exercised its jurisdiction over Peruneydal, as it had done in the case of the Tiruvanvandür and Tirukkākkarai temples.
Pati or kudipati is the term which has been applied to chieftains in the Kottayam plates' of Sthāņu-Ravi - Pungaittalai-ppati and Pūļaikkudi-ppati, who were petty chieftains controlling restricted areas. Dešavāfis or officers in charge of dēsas or villages would be their equals in status. Arandard which literally means misery, here appears to signify some kind of tax in money or in kind leviable by the village officers on behalf of the king.
Of the places named in the record, Kadambanādu and Iịandurutti are the localities from where the taliyadiris or presidents of the Nediyataļi assembly are said to have been selected. Käpälimangalam and Kämakkäpappalli are mentioned in the Tiruvalla plates and Muttūru may be the same as the modern Muttūru in the Tiruvalla taluk. Tirukkuprappuls seems to be identical with the village of the same name near Kärttigaippalli (Quilon Do.) and belonging to the Edappalli chief.?
Nediya tali and Mērralio occurring in several other records at Tirukkākkarai may, in all probability, refer to these two assemblies in addition to being specific villages answering to these names.
1 Tali means a temple' but here refers to the meeting halls (within temples P) where certain assemblies met. Compare v. 69 of the Sukasandila of Lakshmidása (circa 12th cent. A.D.) where the Chers capital Mahodayapura, has been described as having talis, presided over by all-powerful presidents:
वाचा येषां भवति नृपतिर्मायकी राज्यल म्या सामान् पष्टिं चतुर हा ये गानचेष्टा नयन्ति । शस्त्रे शापि च भृगुनिमः शवदासते या
विप्रन्ट्रेसविपुखमठवर्याक्खीषु स्थलीषु ॥ * Trav. Arch Series, Vol. II, p. 80. Comparandai-keduttu saran-tarum=ital-ena '-silappadigdram (Uraiperubaffurai, 3).
Trav. State Manual, Vol. I, p. 220. • Trav. Archl. Series, Vol. II, p. 166.
• Muttürry-körram was the name of an ancient territorial division and it was situated somewhere in the Pandyan kingdom (Puram v. 24), but it had nothing to do with the village in this record. Compare t. 125 of the Upanilisandilam, where this village has been referred to
Mattürricho honnini ya palayam pinnilittichohu Ganga
m-uttirya tvam viravodu sakho Naluködikku choka.
* In the island of Vaipeen, there is another langunnappula whoso famous Subrahmaṇya temple was, prior to its absorption by the Coobin Durbar, under the management of the Raja of Paravür and an influential san kolam wielding high sacerdotal power (Cochin State Manual, p. 373). Tirukkaprappolayum being med in the noutar gender can have nothing to do with the chief Yakkap Kuprappolav figuring in the Tirukkakkara record of the 20th century A.D.
• Trav. Arch Series, Vol. III, pp. 166-8, and 172-3.

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First side. 1 Svasti sri [1] Irā. 2 māndai=kkedir e3 ttām=āņdu Kulai. 4 sēkara-Köyiladi5 kārigaļ tiruv-ra. 6 chchiyañ=chella7 ninra Karkkațakat8 til Viyalatti9 1* Virichchika10 ñāyisru nälu11 taliyaiyun-Tiru12 kkunrappolai 13 yun-kūtřiko14 ņdu Neliyataļi 15 irunn-aruļi Peru16 neydal-āttaik17 kāļāl 'nālppa18 dip-kalan-nel19 lum Peruneyda20 1-arandaiyum a21 ttil-pērāy ti22 rukkai nanaichch=823 ruliyar [ll] Āttai24 kol namakkara mum 25 Mābāra tamuneti26 ruvullam pan27 șiy-aruliyar a 28 maichchulluru[t*]ti29 y 'Kulaiśēkara-Ko30 yiladikāriga! [1]
TEXT.
Second side. 31 Attaikko! 32 nā;padin-kala33 mum arandaiyu34 m Peruneydal35 ūrum poduv-ā 36 Jum attil.pēc? 37 ray kond[ā]r [!l*] Köyi38 ladikāriga39 | Kāpālimanna40 lattum Muttú41 rrum olla 42 kudi-patik43 ku tirumuga44 n=tiruvullam45 pannie-Kkāma46 kkāpappaļli 47 Irāman-Tāya48 num Kadamman49 ņātu Nārāya50 pa[p*]-Nārāyananum 51 ür-ppoduv-a52 lun=kūļi tiru. 53 m[u]gam patiy-uru54 ttio Irandūr55 kkuļi-patiyu56 m Peruneydal 57 m[ujkkälvale. 58 cattu vannu
1 From ink-impressions prepared by Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, BA., M.R.A.S. * Read irao.
Read Kuulakekhara. • The usual form will be Karkofakattil Vigalan ninra; the double locative is uncommon.
The correct accusative will be Tiruckunrappolaiyaiyum. • Nalppadin is the Malayalam form of arpadin (1. 32). Read affipo.
Panni would be more appropriate.
Pati-uputta would be inore grammatical or pati-ugutliyår, a finite verb, may have been used, as the secter.ce following mentions a separate item of fact. Pati-uutti though a finite verb in modern Malayalam cculo not have been in vogue at the time of the present record, as declensional endings have been used in aruliyar, kordår and koduttar.
10 Before wa, letter has been entered and emused.

Page #436

PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI.
Second Side.
First Side
اتفر یق تر
ج
Third Side.
بهره
18
را با جنده از مراجع ، عن هرمون یه کم نہ ملا. 12
و نام ها هورمخنة, 14 ورته
نه بی به شانه نه 892 من 10 نه رمنه ان حعههه ته
نوفن دن رحم دی 88 به
24 تهیه و وصفه &
وه
: 86863
بن ع
معه ابهر وكونيك
Printed by Burvey of India, Calcutta, 1925.
SCALE : ONE-SEVENTHS
HIRANANDA SASTRI

Page #437


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No. 40.) PERUNEYIL RECORD OF KULASEKHARA-KOYILADHIKARI.
316
Third side.
59 kūdi a60 randai la61 dikkuma62 d=oliñ63 ñöm=en64 ru kal-e65 ludi nā.
66 ţţi=kko67 duttar 68 tiruvul69 ļam-pan. 70 piy=araļi71 yar(ya) már73 ggamē cil*]
TRANSLATION.
Hail ! Prosperity !
In the month of Vrischika, of the eighth year current opposite to the second year of (his) prosperous reign, when Jupiter was in Karkataka, Kulaśēkhara-Köyiladhikāri was pleased to be present at Nediyataļi taking (with him) the four talis and Tirukkunrappolai, and was pleased to grant as an atippēru with libation of water, (tirukkai-nanaichch. aruliyāra) the annual income of forty kalam of paddy (accruing) from Peruneydal and the arandai of Peruneydal. After informing the ministry, Kulaśēkhara-Kõyiladhikäriga! was also pleased to order the feeding" (of persons) and the reading of the Mahābhārata' in the temple) from (this) annual income.
(The members of the village of Peruneydal and the podurāl received as attippèru this annual income of forty kalam and arandai.
The Köyiladhikārigal having issued the royal order to the chieftains of the inhabitants of Kāpālimangalam and Muttūru, and Rāman.Tāyan of Kāmakkānappalli and Nārāyanan Nārāyaṇan of Kadambanādu, as well as, the ur-poduvā!, having together carried (this) royal order to the chieftains, the chieftains of the inhabitants of these two villages came to the temple of Peruneydal and caused the fact that they, as stated in the royal order, ceased to levy the arandai, to be engraved on stone and had it set up.
1 It cannot be ascertained whether there is any mistake in this word here. If mere collection is implied, the word used is rather rare. Another word ' adukkuvadu' is defined by Mr. Nagam Ayya in his Trav. State Manwal as a fee due to the Sirkar from the heir on his succession to the virutti holding, for the grant of the Royal neet. Dr. Gundert explains it as the rights retained by the original proprietor from the purchaser.'
* See note 1, p. 343, above.
* Tirukkai-nanaichcha uliyar means' was pleased to wet bis auspicious (royal) hands,' i.e., 'was pleased to give away with a libation of water' (atfippofu, wdakadā num).
• Namakkāram (Skt. namaskaram) is an arrangement which consists of feeding Brähnians in the temple premises with the food that had been previously offered to the god as wivedanam, for the merit of, and with the donations made by some individual, either royal or private.
The reading of the Mahabharata was a favourite form in which temple charities were utilised.
Poduval, corresponding to madhyasthas of Tamil inscriptions, representa persons who had the supervision of charitable institutions. They were sub-divided into agao and purl.poduval.
* In the expression atpaikkõl, attai=annual, and kop (the substantive of koj - to receive) the receipt, so the annual income (in kind) from the lands is meant. . Adikkumadu scems to ineau realisation (of the tar),
2 Y

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846
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII
No. 41.—THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA; SAKA 1182.
By C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU, B.A., OOTACAMUND. This grant is engraved on three copper-plates which were forwarded to the Assistant Archæological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle, Madras, in the year 1916, by M. R. Ry. M. Ramakrishnakavi, M.A., late of the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, Madras, who had obtained them on loan from M. R. Ry. T. Achyuta Rao Pantulu, M.A., Deputy Inspector of Schools. No definite information as to their discovery is available. Their contents have been reviewed in the Madras Epigraphical Report for the year 1916-17.1 The plates have since been acquired for the Madras Museum and deposited there.
The plates are oblong in shape and are held together by a copper ring, the ends of which are rivetted into the back of a circular seal. They measure 91" by 58" and are about " in thickness. The ring and the seal have a diameter of 31" and 2" respectively. The ring had not been cut when the plates came up for examination. They contain four faces of writing in all, the first and the last plates being engraved on their inner sides only. The entire set with ring and seal weighs 274 tolas. On the seal, on a counter-sunk surface, are engraved in relief (1) the symbols of the Crescent and the Sun at the top; below these (2) a boar* facing the proper left with a dagger placed in its front with the point upwards, and (3) a cow facing the proper left at the bottom.
The inscription is composed in the Sanskrit language and written in the Telugu characters of the period to which it belongs. The invocatory and narrative portion of the record (lines 1 to 45) consists of 21 verses. This is followed, in lines 45 to 63, by the categorical enumeration of the donees with their gotras and their shares. Lines 63 to 65 give the boundaries of the gift village. These are followed, in lines 65 and 66, by the usual minatory verse beginning with Tacai' and the closing benediction 08 :'. On the whole, the inscription is engraved very carefully. The position of the anusvāra is not uniform. In some cases it is placed at the proper left top corner of the letter to which it belongs as in the later Chāļukyan records, while in a few others it is placed by the side of the letter as at the present day. The ansvāra takes the place of the nasal before all consonants. But in some places it does not; e.g. dibanti in line 1 and niruvēkayanti in line 2. The consonant following the rēpha is doubted. The doubling of the letter na is effected by adding a subscript n to na, e.g., varnna in line 28 ; vistirana in line 26, etc.
The word vēļi used for vēli in verse 1 suggests the influence of the vernacular pronunciation which has a tendency to substitute la for the Sanskrit la. The expression 'Garavapādākhya in verse 21 seems to have been employed inadvertently as in Telugu, the correct form Garavapldwälohy being somewhat difficult to pronounoe.
The composition is marked by force and fluency of style. The author's diction in some places reminds, us of that of some great poets. Our mind is drawn to the beautiful expression of Kalidasa A सौदामन्या कनकनिकषसिग्धया' in the Meyhadata, by his phrase 'सौदामन्या कानकनिकषच्छायया' employed in verse 6'.
1 Appendix A, Nu.4 and page 122, paragraph 30.
· No. 328 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1905 belonging to King Pratáparudra of this family has the figure of a boar carved above it. The Boar emblem of the Kikatiyas has been noticed by Prof. Hultzach (above, Vol. XH,p. 180). See also copper-plate No. 17 of Nellore Inscrptions in which the Boar' emblem is carved.
[The name can very well be Caravapada or pada, as given in the inscription, unless the subscript = was left out bgithe engraver.- Ed.]
. (Ho might have taken it from the Möghadala itell-Ed.]

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No. 41.) THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182.
347
This inscription is the second copper-plate record, hitherto found, of the Kakatiya dynasty. The one already discovered also belongs to the time of King Ganapati and is published in the Nellore Inscriptions. It is dated in the Saka year 1176 corresponding to the cyclic year Ananda and is thus six years earlier than the grant under notice.
In verses 1 to 6 are praised in order Vighnarāja (i.e., Vināyaka), Varāha, Sarasvati," the moon-crest of Sambhu, the Lord of Ambikā (i.e., Siva), and Vishņu. Verse 7 gives the description of the Lotus coming out of the navel of Vishņu from which was born the fourfaced Brahmā (verse 8). Verses 9 and 10 state that from his oye came Aditya (i.e., Sun) and from him came Manu who was a king that regulated the castes (varnas) and (their) duties (dharmas) etc. The genealogy from Aditya given in the record is as follows:
Aditya.
Manu.
Kalikāla-Chāļa.
Durjjaya.
Prola.
Rudra.
Mahādēva.
Ganapatidēva.
Kalikāla-Chola is stated to have gone to the Dakshiņāpatha in the course of a hunting expedition (verse 11). Alighting there upon a famous town called 'Kakati' he pitched his extensive camp near it (verse 12). King Durjjaya who had the epithet Rana-durjaya' (invin. cible in war) was the next notable member of this family by whom the line of the Kākati kings was first established (verse 13). Then is mentioned (verse 14) King Prola i.e., Prola II according to the genealogy of the Mõtupalli record of Ganapatidēva. His son was Rudra'(verse 15) who was succeeded by his younger brother Mahădēva whose elephants made a breach in the ramparts of the residence of the Sēvuņa (king) (verse 16). His son was King Ganapatidēva whose
1 Copper-plate No. 17.
* The expression actually used is 'Sīrasvatākhyam-tējak' by which it is clear the author is glorifying the goddess Sarasvati.
* A Copper-plate grant of about the 7th century A.D. (No. 6 of Appendix A to the Emigraphical Report for 1916-17) mentions Mahārāja Rana-durjaya as the founder of the family to which king Prithivi-Mahārāja of the record belonged. He belonged to the Kafyapa-gotra. It may be recalled here that Karikāla-Chola and his descendants claimed to belong to this götra and that the long inscription at Malkapuram refers to the Kakatiyas as Durjaya-Kshatriyas (pigraphical Report for 1916-17, page 122, para. 32).
Ep. Ind., Vol. XII, page 189. Prof. Hultzsch remarks here that the first king of this dynasty, Prola I is not mentioned in any other Kakatiya inscription.' It may, however, be noted that he is the earlier of the two "Prolas' mentioned in No. 107 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1902. From No. 204 of 1905 it is
om that Pron II had two other song, viz., Harihara and Ganapati, not generally known. Of the Gapapati probably died at an early ago.
This must be the Dévagiri Yadava king Bhillama who reigned from A.D. 1187 to 1191 or Jaitugi I who reigned from A.D. 1191 to 1210 (Bom. Gax., Volume I, Part 2, page 519). Mahidöva's latest year would be A.D. 1197 or 1198.
2 x 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII
exploits were great (verse 17). His minister was Dāvarāja! who was famed for his wide charities (verse 18). He had four sons through his wife Lakshmi; they were respectively called Rāma, Tikka, Manchaya and Bētaya (verse 19). In the Saka year 1182, corresponding to the cyclic year Raudra, in the month Chaitra, on the day of the Solar eclipse in the dark fortnight, Tikka, the second of the said four sons, granted the village of Garavapāņu as an agrahāra, to fifty Brahmans of several götrass learned in the Vēdas (verses 20 and 21). The date, according to the late Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai's Ephemeris, corresponds to Monday (not given in the inscription) April 12, A.D. 1260. On this day there was & Solar eclipse as stated in the inscription.
The statement that Karikāla-Chõla fixed his capital at Kākati in Dakshiņāpatha is not found in any other known record of this dynasty, though Kalikāla (or Karikāla)-Chola as an ancestor of the family is mentioned in some. In a few records, however, 'Kakati' is referred to as a place with which its early members were connected. An unpublished epigraph refers to Kākati as the family city' (kulapura) of this dynasty. Another such epigraph refers itself to king Ganapatidēva of Kakatiyyapura.'
A chief named Käkartya Gundyana is mentioned in an unpublished copper-plate grant belonging to about A.D. 945 as a subordinate of the Eastern Chāļukya king Amma II.' The family to which the chief belonged is called Samantavoddi. The epithet 'Kākartya', which is evidently a variant of Kākatya, must, therefore, refer to a place to which the chief belonged. It is thus almost certain that Käkati' was an ancient place and the family name Käkati, Kākatya, Käketa or Kakatiya was based upon the original connection of its members with a town of that name and not upon the worship of any family deity as suggested by Kumārasvāmin [Burnell quoted by Fleet.-Ed.] the learned commentator of the Prataparudriya.. If the latter
1 Devaraja was not the only minister of the king for we are told that a certain Sivadēvayya was his Chief Minister (Lives of Telugu Poets by Viresalingam, Old Edition, page 36) who was looked upon as no less than a god, sivadovayya must have been identical with the great Saiva teacher Visvēsvara-Siva-Desika, the pontiff of the Golakimatha and the raja-guru of three kings among whom was King Ganapati (Epigraphical Report for 1917, page 123).
The commander Tikka has to be distinguished from his two contemporaries of this name viz., (i) the great poet Tikkans who wrote the latter fifteen parras of the Telugu Mahabharata and who is stated to have gone as an ambasador to the Court of Ganapati from king Manumasiddhi of Nellūru (Nellore) whose minister he was and (ii) the warrior Tikka, the cousin of the poet, who was the commander of the armies of Manumasiddhi. Siddha, the father of the last was minister under king Tikka, the father of Manumasiddhi (Lires of Telugu Poeta, pages 33 to 39). The name Tikka, it may be noted, is a contracted form of Tiruk-Kalatti' & Präkrit form of Sri-Kalahasti. The name was taken after that of the popular god Sri-Kalahastigvars at Kalahasti, Chittoor District, Madras Presidency. See Nellore Inscrip sions, A. 7, G. 45, G. 60, etc.
Though verse 20 of the inscription states that the village was granted to "fifty'Brahmans, actually only fortyniae Brahmans received shares. The fiftieth share was granted to Vallabhs of Srikakolanu viz., Srikakulam in the Divi taluk of the Kistna district. This is the god of the place who is known also by the name 'Srikakulesvars and has hoon popnlar from early times (se Mads Epigraphical Collection for 1883, Nos. 136-172). While making grante of apariran it was customary for ancient kings to provide shares for the local deities and for the Vidas, chiefly Rik And Yajus (above, Vol. XVI, p. 253, text line 273 and p. 283). The first eleven recipients of shares are of the Yaaka-pikira which is very rarely met with in these days. Yaska, the author of the Ninuita, was of this poira. His patronymio is Paingi in the Anukramans of the Atreyi-lakha (Weber Indische Studien, 1 71, n; 3396; Vedic Index by Maodonell and Keith, Vol. II, page 23). The Muni Yaka is mentioned in the brala yana-Srovarira (Utarardha) along with Vädhala, Mauna, Mauka, sarkarikshi, Särshți, Sävami, Salankayana, Jaimiri and Daivantyayana, most of whom were founders of götros,
• No. 204 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1906.
No. 111 of 1902. • No. 1 of Appendix A to the Epigraphical Report for 1916-17.
Ind, page 117 1. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 12.

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No. 41.] THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182.
349
were the case the deity would have been invoked or praised at least in a few of the innumerable records of this family. And even if there was such a deity known or familiar to the commentator it must have been called so after the place 'Kakati.'! There are many instances of the presid. ing goddess Durgā of a village being called after the village.
Kanker, the head-quarters of the state of that name, situated immediately to the north of the Bastar State in the Central Provinces was formerly called Kākera, Kākaira and Kākaraya. Since epigraphs refer to Kākati as a pura (i.e., city) as noticed above, it is very likely that Känker, as suggested by its ancient names, was identical with Kakati. The forms Kākati'
Käkatya,' etc. might have, in local pronunciation, taken the forms Kākera (cf. the form Kāketa). The connection of the Käkati kings with Kalikāla-Chöļa, who is well-known to South Indian history as a king of about the 6th century A.D., and the story that he fixed his capital at the town of Kākati and the appearance, in the adjoining state of Bastar, of an early (Saka 983) Chola Chief Chamdrāditya-Mahārāja who calls himself, like the Kakatiyas, a descendant of KarikālaChõla, point to the possibility of the said identity. The advent, again, of Annamarāja, the brother of Kākti (i.e. Kākati) Pratāparudra into Bastar, the present ruling family of which is Kākatiya-though curiously enough Sõmavamsi-must have been only a return to the inherited family territory lying bere or such territory reconquered and recovered now.5
Among the boundaries of the gift village no village or town is mentioned to help us in its identification. There are villages of the name 'Gārapādu ' in the Guntur and the Sattenapalle taluks of the Guntur district and in the Nuzvid taluk of the Kistna district. From the reported fact of the discovery of the plates near Ellore in the latter district it may have to be identified with the village of Gārapāņu in the Nuzvid taluk.
TEXT.1 [Metres. Vv. 1, 3 Sragdharā; v. 2 Svāgatā; v. 4, Indravajrā; vv. 5, 18 and 20 Sārdülavikriditam ; v. 6 Mandākrāntā; vv. 7-8 Upajāti; v. 9 Härini; vv. 10, 12-14 and v. 21 Anushțubh ; v. 11 Pushpitāgrā; vv. 15-17 Malini; and v. 19 Upendrarajrā.]
First Plate. 1 लक्ष्मी हस्ते दिशन्ति प्रमदमुपहरंत्य ब्धिवेळादुकूलामु. 2 वी निवेशयन्ति प्रतिदिशमचलां कोर्तिमानतयंति । किंचान्यद्य3 यदिष्टं निदधति निखिल तत्तदग्रे समग्रं नित्यं निर्बय॑माना: कुशल
1 In almost all carlier inscriptions the family name is given as 'Kakati' (sce Nos. 213, 244 and 288 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1893).
?[and vice versa.-Ed.)
Vide Nos. 252 and 253 of the Malras Epigraphical Collection for 1908 and Nos. 124, 128, 109, 228 and 229 of the Lists of Inscriptions of Central Prorinces and Berar by Hiralal.
• No. 198 of the Lists of Inscriptions of Central Prceinces and Berar and No. 231 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1908.
[It is doubtful if philology can allow of such a derivation. Besides, history or rather trdition, goes against it in w much as the Kakatiyas are said to be the descendants of the Pandava Arjuna and of the Lunar race whereas Karikala-Chola and Ganapatidēva belong to the solar race.--Ed.)
(Line 64 of the text would show that it stood on the Bhagirathi. N. P. C.] From ink-impressiona kindly lent by the Assistant Archeological Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras.
This side of the plate is marked close to the ring-hole with the Telugu-Kannada numerical figure for l.
• Tho lino commences with a spiral which may stand either for Owl or for Sri. The latter is more probable since even to-day the orthodox practiou in the Telugu country is to commence any w.iting with the letter Sri or an omamental flourish presentingit. (See above Vol. xvii, p. 352 1.1.-Ed.]

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850
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
4 'कुलशहा विघ्नराजप्रणामाः ॥ [१* ] भूतये भवतु वस्म वराहो-भूभुवःस्वरधिदैवतमेकं । एकदापि यजनप्रवणानां भूपतित्वम्पपादयते यः ॥ [२] तेजस्सारस्वताख्यं हृदयसरसिजे वः
B
6
7 प्रकाशेच शीतज्योतिर्मुक्तासुधां भोनिदिगगनधुनीचंदनान
8 'दनीयं । यस्मिन् संवित्समुद्रे स्फुरति किमपरं निर्भरविस्तरं
9 ति स्फायन्मा [धु]र्य्यधुर्य्याः परिमळितदिशः श्नोककशोललेखाः ॥ [३* ] [[]]तवष्चियसंविभागामराइदंष्ट्रापरिभूतिभूमिं । अ
10
11
सं
[मु]तमौग्धां सुकुटेन शंभोषसंभावितां ध्यायत चंद्रलेखां ॥ [ ४* ] तं 12 'भायरोबिकासहे [च]रं सर्व्वेपि दवकरालंकारांग मनंगददमनं 18 श्रीचंद्र [चू ] डामणिं ।
[च्छ ] यस्य चराचरच्छ लभवडे विध्यलोकत्र
14 [यो] सृष्टिस्थित्युप[सं] प्रतिक्रममय क्रीडाजता बेडना ॥ [ ५* ] लच्म्या चं
Second Plate; First Side.
15 चत्कनकनिक [ष] च्छायया चारुवच्चा सौदामन्या गतचपलता सौम्य - 10 'एवांबुवाह्नः । निर्मार्थ्यादडिपरथहयोक्ति' तादृक्सम्मृ [ध्ये] भू [त्ये] नि
17 त्यं भवतु पुरुषः पुं[ड] रोकेक्षणो वः ॥ [*] मनातपायत्त नि [ज] प्रबोधं मचं18 द्रिकासंपदधीननिद्रं । चितो विष्टपमाविरासीदमुष्य नामेरर विंदमेकं ॥
[ ७*] -
19
[म] सरोजादुदभूत्स्वयंभू स्तत्साम्यरम्यै वंदनेचतुर्भिः । दिशश्वततो यु20 [ग]पद्दिष्टखन् त [वै] व " सांगं चतुरोपि वेदान् ॥ [*] अजनि नयनात्तस्यादिव्य त्रिलोक
[VoL..XVIII.
21 विभूषणं तिमिर [ प ] टलद्रोहिज्योतिः परिष्कृत मंडलः । कमलमिव यः का22 त्य लोकं विकासयते परेरखिल ममलैरष्टाभिहिंग्दलेर भितो हतं ॥ [*]
तस्मात्मनुरभू
23 द्राजा " वदनं धनियामकः । नाघनीयः चितिभृतां देवानामिव वा
कलिकाल
24 सवः ॥ [१०] तदभिजनजनिस्तती [ध]रित्रीमf [ष]दिमां
चोळदेवः [i*]
25 दिशि दिशि मृगयाच्छलेन खेलबुपगतवानथ दचिणापधं" सः ॥ [ ११* ]
पुरं स
3 Band कुखग्टक.
• Road प्रकाशव.
• Read "भावयतां • Bond सूनये. 10 Rond तथैव [and सांगांच – Ed.] Read
प
*Read offer.
• Read बांबु
• Road चनचन्द्रि
Read. Read °द्रिशा
11 Read [or q.-Ed.]

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GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA: SAKA 1182.
DR.
90 డిడిముడిముపహరండదు కాలము త్రం వేయని డిములు మాయం బాసర కుందో వివపడతుడని తమన్నా: పుల 11 వ వింజ ద్రవములు యేర్పవే చంటూ మండి మేం ఎక్కయజన ప్రవచూపరింము ||
విదాయకం.జస్వరసం కృపుడయ సం.ల జెవు
ఉంచుము సుందు చేతనా || alయయ జననివి ( సూతమహంసృతం
- యన్నము మడయ్యా విరియు 20: శశత్రులే || నయ సంసముంపు పరిమల..
Vయం తెలుగు మలం బతకడమంచం నలువడ్డ విదర్
పట్టి బడలింపు ముఖంపై తాము సుషంగా ముడి
010
ఉలడదు
iia. చన సమయం ముప్పును తపము నవవాదానయ్య డి
యో
డివైడ్పg/2. 16వ మునుపండు - మణవ: నాందామెంటో ను చ ( అడి
విడచూడ ముడ వేడిమేశం |16| చదుంచుతము తడి తము ముద్ద ను వల్లి
నమని Cat08:37 తనుడను పసువేయగా 35 . పం పిలచుచుల షా
నవరంను విడివన్నదత్తుపమ మయ తేడవానామవైవా |
Manమన మంచికనః || ఇంతవతంత్యదినంగా వారములయం
చైనబెలసదాన సదసుమ. అలా చేయండడు లేవంటు మెప్పుడూ వ్య కానమye
సిముల
మనోవా
వనం
H. KRISHNA PARTRI,
SCALE -6
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #445

iib. వస్తలందరి తమ్ముడు జరుపదీయమబాటులో ననమని తరచూదాయం ముంత దురంధ్రం 36 టంతపంపిడిపడినంజపలివాలయం ఎలా 12 మంచpean త్రయ దంటు మదాహం
ఆవిడ పూజోడు దుడు గౌతమానమామలు జయ జయ ప్రసన్నూమును నములు వెనుక రామ లిందో ముంచి మాకు 12 బైకేయ తగకు కేవలందించే క్రమం
తంజనేషు యెరుగుదలైన తము 14 ప్రకారం డిపోతుంది. మరి సతత లంచాలకు తగిన పరవశాలి నామం అనువైన ప్రపడుదాం-వే మనసా
RAISE మంది మున శనివామగాములు పసిమిత
చుతాయనడిగాగమమయం మందామనామమగడా మాడతారు
G
అమరనామము యలు యువత అవారం
షు కాలయంలో
పసివాలాపన సమయం Renu E PORTAL మంచిన
సమస్యకి areAదారులను గాడిలా
2022కులమన్న సుజనా
788 సాయం తాగణమయులంతా ఆలయం తుమకుముమలగనగా పలు శాలువారమే తల తుతం పాలనలగమున ఎడడు సంపాయలు రండి
చమురిత మదాయము 10:1సాయులు ముడుండం మా 66 - Adbe 12 వ దంపకందముగముతాం
- -
SEAL.

Page #446

No. 41.] THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182.
26 काकतिरिति प्रख्यातं तव भूपतिः । प्राप्या[म] नस्तरितीनं स्कंधावारं
कल्पय
27 त् ॥ [ १२* ] प्रासीत्तदन्वये रा[जा] दुर्व्वयो रणदुर्जयः । यदुपचं वद
त्यस्य वं
251
28 श्यान् काकतिभूभृतः ॥ [ १३* ] तत्संततो समुदभूब्रोलराजाभिषो नृपः I 29 प्रणामविमुखारातिराजन्यगजकेसरी | [ १४* ] चलमऋत तदोथो नंदन30 ततिं तां शमितसकलला कोपद्रवो रुद्रदेवः
31 पौर्व्वतापः प्रतिनृपजलराशीनंजसा
विद्रधदरतिमंतव्यंत्तर
संजहार " [१५] अभिषदखिल सु
वचक्रमा -
32 चक्रवालात्तदनु तदनुजन्मा श्रोमहादेवराजः । यदिभरदबवि[ : ]
33 से [व्य]णावासंवप्रः शरवथा ( ब ) भवभिनं विश्रुते क्रोचमद्रिं ॥ [१] श्रथ गणप
Second Plate; Second Sides.
34 तिदेवस्तस्य पुत्रो धरित्रीमुदवहदुरगेंद्रातुदायामबाहुः ।
35 मुवन (भुव) मतिरभूपायत्त मुक्तातपत्रां व्यधुरतिरथशक्तव्यंस्य बी
36 रायितानि ॥ [१७] तस्यासीदथ देवराजसचिवो विसंभभूर्भूपतेर्विश्वाशामु
87 बगीतको र्त्तिविभव [ ज्यो ] नाविलासाश्रवः 1 यो दानांम
1. Read सौर्य [or "सौषधं Ed.]
Read सेवया
38 रोनित विद्वज्जन स्फूर्गम दुर्ग तत्वशमलः सर्व्वश्रियामाश्र
39 यः [१८] जयत्रय वायसराय [प] स्य भू [जे]: समाना मधुसूदवश्च । 40 लक्ष्म्यामभूषवथ तस्य रामस्तिकाभिधो मंचयबेतयाख्यौ । [१८] 41 शाकान्दे यदिकशमणि व च रोझभिडे' चैवे मानि 42 सितेतर शुभदिने सूर्योपरागे सुधोः । श्रीमान् तिम्रचमू43 यतिः प्रविततं तेष्वग्रहारं शुभं विप्रेभ्यः फलप्राविधाविवं 44 पंचाशते प्राददात् ॥ [२०] अस्मिन् गरवपाडास्ये' अविना । 45 नम्मगोॠषि विस्ते विदुषां वेदवेदिनां । [२१] सोमनाथा 46 हिभागी । जनाईना एकभागी । नामना: एकभागी / वासनार्थः
एकभा- 1
This side of the plate is marked with the Telugu-Kannada numerical symbol for 2.
● Rend प्रोद्रामिषे.
4 Read जगचय
• Road पाड़ा,

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362
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. XVIII.
47 गी । कामनाN: एकभागी । मैनारार्थो दिमागी । सोमनाथ ाय
एक48 भागी । केशवाय: एकभागी । मा[स]वार्य: एकभागो । दामोदरार्य[:]
Third Plate. .49 एकभागो । मारनार्थः एकभागी । एते यस्कगोत्राः ॥ केशवार्यो
हिभागी । चो. 50 डनाव: एकभागौ । नागनार्यः एकभागो । () केशवाय: एकभागो ।
___एeoपोतार्य61 [6] •एकभागी । प्रोलनार्य एकभागी । []] न सिं] हार्यः एकभागो ।
___ प्रोलनार्थः एकभागी [1] पा. 52 दित्यार्थः एकभागी । भास्कराय: ए[क*]भागो । पोतनायें: एकभागी ।
__एते हरितगोचा: [*] 53 पोतनार्यो दिमागो । चा[व]नार्यः एकभागी । अप्पनायं एकभागो । .
पोखनार्यः 84 एकभागी । कामनायः एकभागो । प्रोलनार्य: एकभागी । मामेनार्यः
एकभा- - 56 गी । प्रोलनार्थः एकभागी। सूरनार्थ: एकभागी । एते श्रीवत्सगोत्राः । . सुरनार्थ: एकभागी । गौतमगोत्रः ॥ अनेनार्यः एकभागो । पात्रेयगोत्रः ॥
मारना67 यः एकभागी । वाधूलगोत्र: । नंदनार्यः एकभागो । गायगोत्रः' ।
पोत58 नार्यः एकभागो । बोहनायः एकभागी । मैलाराय: एकभागा ।
[एते"] काश्य-59 पगोवाः ॥ प्रोलनार्यः एकभागी । कोसनार्यः एकभागी । प्रोलनार्य: 60 एकभागी । कोमनार्यः एकभागी । चौवनाय्यः एकभागी । एते
___ भारद्वाजगोवाः ॥ 61 प्रोलनार्यः एकभागी । कोमनाय्यः एकभागी । कोमनायः हिभागो ।
गोवईना
• Theplate in marked with the Telugu numerical figure for 3 near the ring-hole, [Danda is unnecessary.---Ed.]
• Read गाय॑ मोबा.

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No. 41.) THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182. 353 62 euriti aered caramit i A[tTrade Centro pa
एते कौशिकगोवा: ॥ श्रीका63 कोलनिवनभस्य एको भागः । प्रस्व ग्रामस्थ सोमानः । पूवतः'
जागुलकंट । पाम्बेय्यां 64 kemaz i afava:1 RWİCH I faufanartam: star [et] ,
37 65 a: Puraj [g]E 1 : FYE eat acent 9
66 urt i afy gratefa
Arrit:n=1t:
fastant creat
fanfar" , [**]
Make
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1). Salutations to Vighnarāja, offered every day, being the family home of prosperity, bestow wealth on hand, convey great pleasure, cause the enjoyment of the earth which wears the silk garment of the sea-coast, set a-dancing everlasting fame in every quarter of the globe and also place before (us), exhaustively, everything that is desired!
(V.2). May that Varäha (i.e., the Boat incarnation of Vishnu), the sole presiding deity of (the three worlds) Bhūh, Bhuvah and Svah, who bestows royalty even on those that were once devoted to sacrifice, be for your prosperity (i.e., bless you)!
(V. 3). May that Lustre of Learning, shine in the lotus of your heart, which is delightfully enjoyable like the Cool-rayed (Moon), the pearl, the nectar-sea, the celestial river and the sandal! And what more? While this sea of knowledge heaves up, series of the waves of verses flow forth unceasingly, laden with increasing sweetness, perfuming the quarters.
(V. 4). Meditate upon that streak of the Moon which has not shaken off its coyness (i.e., remains tender), which is honoured by the crown of Sambhu, which knows not the vicissitudes of growth and decay and which is not subject to humiliation by the fangs of Rāhu!
(V. 5). Worship you all the Companion of Ambika, the glorious Moon-crested One (i.e., Siva), whose body is adorned with snakes, who destroyed the pride of Ananga (i.e., Cupid) and whose volition is the cause of the repeated sport consisting of the order of creation, protection and destruction of the three worlds (with their) duality born of the apparent (phenomena of the movable and the immovable !
(V. 6). May the Lotus-eyed Purusha (i.e., Vishnu) whose chest is beautiful with (the goddess) Lakshmi of sparkling hue like that of the golden streak on the touchstone and who is) compar.
[Rules of sandhi are not obeerved in this list.-Ed.) *Read पृर्वतः'[The danda is to be omitted. -Ed.) * Read mo. [Read mfa:--Ed.)
• The reference here might be to the story of Varaha-Vishnu having rained to royalty the Dēvas, who were devoted to sacrifices, having vanquished the Asura Hiranyäksha. Or it may be to the fact of His bestowing Nyul glory upon the descendants of the Munis, Mänavya and his son Harita, 1.e., the Chalukyan, who had the Boar emblom, probably on this account. [wq would show that there is no such reference. The idea seams to be that Variha bostows royalty even on those who worship him only once-Ed.)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XVIII.
able to the cloud (lit. with lighting), that is void of fickleness and handsome, be ever for (i.e., grant) that prosperity of limitless increase such as overflows with elephants, chariots and horses !
(V. 7). From the navel of this (Vishnu) who desired to create the world there appeared a lotus, which did not depend upon the Sun for its awakening (s.e., blossoming) and which did not depend upon the splendours of the moon-light for its sleep (i.e., closure).
(V. 8). From that lotus arose the Self-born (Brahmä) simultaneously determining the four quarters with the four faces beautiful like itself (i.e., the lotus) and even so (i.e., simultaneously) revealing the four Vēdas with thejr branches (angas).
(V. 9). Of his eye was born the Sun, the ornament of the three worlds, whose round form is adorned with the light which is hostile to the mass of darkness and who opens (i.e., awakens), at the morn, the entire world (which is) like a lotus closed in all round by the eight petals, viz., the eight quarters.
(V. 10). From him was born the king Mann, the regulator of castes and (their) duties, who Was praiseworthy among the lords of the earth like Våsava (i.e., Indra) among the Devas.
(V. 11). Then (i.e., in course of time) ruled this earth Kalikala-Choladēva, who had his birth in that noble race (of Manu). Sporting, for the sake of hunt, in the several quarters, he reached Dakshipāpatha.
(V. 12). Reaching there the well-known town called Kakati, the king fixed his extensive camp at that extensive place..
(V. 13). In his family was born King Durjaya, unconquerable in war (rana-durjaya), whose fonndation (people) say that the Kakati kings, born in his race, were.
(V. 14). In his line was born the king called Prðlarāja, who was a lion to the elephants, viz., the hostile kings disinclined to do homage to him).
(V. 15). (Then) adorned that race, his son Rudradēva, who removed all sufferings on eartb and the sea-fire of whose prowess, causing internal (i.e., mental) distress, quickly consumed the oceans of hostile kings.
. (V. 16). Then, his younger brother, the glorious Mahādāvarāja ruled the entire circle of the earth right up to the Chakravāls mountain, the residential rampart of the Sēvuņa (ling) breached by the tusks of whose elephants, eclipses the Krauńcha mountain cleft by Saravanabhava (i.e., Kumāra).'
(V. 17). Then bore (i.e., ruled) the earth, his son, Ganapatidēva, who had arms long enough to give pain to the Lord of serpents (.e., Adilēsha) and the exploits of him, who had the strength of an atiratha (i.e., super-chariot-Warrior), rendered the earth (with its royal) pearl umbrella subject to the authority of) no other king.
(V. 18). Now, that king had a ministér (named) Dēvarāja, who possessed his confidence, who was the repository of the glory of the moon-shine of great fame, sung by the mouths of the Beveral quarters of the globe and, who removed the dirt, which was the insurmountable poverty of learned men, with the waves of the big streams of water (poured onth on the occasions) of gifts and who was the refuge of all (kinds of) prosperity.
(V. 19). To him were born, through (his wife) Lakshmi Tfour sons) viz., Räima, Tikka, Martchaya and Bētaya, resembling the four) arms of MadHüsüdana (i.e., Vishậu) who is occupied with the protection of the three worlds.
11. 20). In the Bakayoar counted by to, the elephants of the quarters (ie., eight) and Itas (ia, eleven), .e., 1182, in the cyclic) year called Raudra, in the month Panitre, on the suspicious day (in ths) dark (fortnight) on (the occasion of the volar eclipso, the wise and the illustrious general Tikka, of those (four brothers), gava, to sfty
BOLL 3c p. 348 above.

Page #450

No. 41.] THE GARAVAPADU GRANT OF GANAPATIDEVA, SAKA 1182
855
Brahmans, an extensive and prosperous a rahāra (i.e., Brahman village) possessing fruitful paddy (-fields).
(V. 21). (Hereunder) are written the names and the götras of the learned Brahmans versed in the Vēdas and holding shares in this (agrahāra) called Garavapădu.
No.
Name.
Share
or shares.
Götra.
No.
Name.
Share
or shares.
Gotra.
I Śrivatas.
Gautama.
Atroys. Vädhüls.
Gärgya.
1
Käbyapa.
1 Sömanātharyya . 2 Janärddanāryya . 3 Nämanaryya
Våmanāryya 51 Kámanäryya 6 Mailäraryya 7 Sömanāthäryya . 8 Kēšaväryya Mātavāryya
(Mādhaväryyat) Damodaräryya. Māranäryya
Kēšavāryya 13 Chodanaryys 14 Någanaryja
Kēkaväryys Erapotárgya Prölanäryya Narasimharyya . Prolanäryys Adityaryya . . Bhaskaräryya . Potanäryya
Potanäryya 24 Chávanäryys 26 Appanäryya
26 Prolankryya 27 Kamaniryya
Prolanāryýa
Mämēnäryya 30 Prolanäryya
Säranäryya Sûranáryya Arnēnäryya . Märanäryya .
Namdanāryyat 36 Potanäryya 37 Boddanaryya 38 Mailāräryya . 39 Prölankryya
Kollanaryya 41 Prolanäryys 42 Kohmanäryys.
Chaavanåryys .
Prölanäryys 45 Köthmaniryys.
Körmanäryys.
Govarddhanaryya 48 Kēšaviryya
Mödanaryya . Vallabha of
Srikäkólanu.
→Bhandre
I
Harita.
46
Kausika
49
1
Srivatsa.
This is a god.
[The plate gives Gara vapida (or padi. See f. n. 3 on p. 346 above).-Ed.)
*[Prols (or Pola) seems to be connected with Polēri or Pölēramma which is corruption of Prolēlamms the goddess that presides over the city'. The elixion of accounts for forms like Pole, Polőri and Polimērs, ev.-K. V.8.] Read Nandanarya.
2 2 2

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356
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VCL. XVIII.
Ll. 62£ The boundaries of this village (are) :
On the east: Uddugulakunta1;
On the south-east: Velagakunta1;
On the south: the centre of Nelagunta';
On the south-west, west and north-west: (the stream) Bhimarathi;
On the north: Payurhpuṭṭa3;
On the north-east: Müraputta'.
[V. 22 is the usual minatory verse warning one against the sin of revoking gifts of
land made by oneself or by others.]
(L. 65). May there be three-fold prosperity, auspicious and great!
1 This must have been a pond. "This must have been an ant-hill.

Page #452

INDEX.
146 219
.
337
•
332
PAGE PAGE agrahara,. . . 216, 228, 231, 234, 235 a, acousative plural ending in,
. . . 182
Abavamalla, epithet of someboara I, 27,.46, 174 a, initial form of . . .
Ahavamalla (Somovara I), Chalukya k., 26, 54, 55 h.,
173, 176 d, used for ya. . . . . Abhaya, Chola k.,
Ahavamallakula-Käla, title of Vira-Rajendra,. . 28, 29
64 . Abhaya, sur. of Kulottunga II (1), .
Aichadēva, ., . . . . . . 294 Abhayagiri, Buddhist sect,
Aschula, m.,
294
. . 331.
. . Abhayagirimahivihara, . .
Aihole inscription,. Abhayagiri-vihara,
Aimpapaichchări, a. a. Aimbanaichobëri, part of ...
332, 333 . .
Conijeveram, . . . . . . 119 Abhayagiri monastery, . .
338
Aimpapaichchöri (Aimbanaichchëri), i., 116, 122, 124 abhitvaramāna, official, . .
306
Ajohha(javara) Näkimayya 8.. Näkimayya, 186, Achchaviņņa-Chadangavi, m., • 122, 124
186, 188 Achchipoti, queen, . .
. 309, 310 Ajjava, family, . 183, 184, 187, 192, 196 & n. Achyutapuram plates of Indravarman,. . 308 ajña (executor),. . . . 309, 310, 311 adda-chinna, coin, . .
173, 175, 176 ajnapti (oxecutor), 4, 7, 11, 14, 57, 58, 60, 118, Adhikarana Särapan, M., . . . . 334
228, 233, 235, 259, 814, 316 adhikarika, official, .
. 249 Akalankap, Chola k., . . . . . 29 Adhirajēndra, Chola k., . . . . 30, 332 n. Akálavarsha, Rashrabilfa , . . . 244, 252 Adhirajendradēva, Chofa k..
Akkatangöra-bhavi, well, . . . . 171 Adigal Ganda Märambavai, probably queen of Akshapada or Nyayo, school,
. . 176 .. Nanditarman III, . . . . . 118 akshapatalika, official, ... . . 221, 226 Aditya, ., . . . . . 213, 214, 217 aksha(6)alin . . . . . . . 298 Aditya alias Ködandarama, Chola k., . , 27 akshas:lika,
. . 285, 295, 296 Aditya or Adityavarman, Chola k., . . 23, 42, 52 akshasälin, goldsmith, .
. 312, 313 Aditya I, Chöļa k.. . . . 23, 24, 118 akshayani-dharman, . . . . 61, 63 ). Aditya-Bhögika, m., . . . 308, 310, 311 Aļaka or Alakápuri, city of Kubera, 174, 177, 197,198 Aditya-Manchin, m.. .
. 308 Alälars Någadēvayya, m., . . . . 192, 195 Adityäryys, m., . . . 352, 355 Alamanda plates of the year 304,
311, 312 Aditya-Sena, k.,. . . . 81 Alambakkam, 8.2. Alappäkkam, .
. 118 Adity Edvara, o. a. Ködandarāmēsvara, . . 23, 24 Alambakkam, ni..
. 119 ådya-pitha,. . . 241 Alanyimahapura, . . .
219, 221, 223 Agastys, aage, . . . 109, 113, 212, 217 Alangudi, ., . . . . . . 166 Agastyesvars, god. . . . 216, 218 Alangudi-sthala, di., .
. 165, 167 Agastyēsvara, te., . . . 170, 212, 213 Alápa, di... . .
. 219, 223 Aghora (siva), . . . . . 197, 199 Alapäka-Bol. . Agila, m., . 326, 327 Aläpagrims, vi, . .
. . . . 300 agnihotra, rite, . . 238, 250, 257 Aläpa-pattala, dia, ..
. . 221 Agnikarmma-tTiruvodi (Trivēdin), ., 122, 124 Alappakam, i.,.. .
123, 124 Agnitarmman, m., . . . . . 69,60 Alappákka- Vijaiyapalláláp, they . 116, 118, 121
1 Mr. G. S. Ramanathan, B. A., of my office has proved very waful in the preparation of this index..
N. B.-The figures refer to pagos ; 1. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vifo I. The following other abbreviations are used :ch. chief; co. country; di district or division : deditto :: dy. -dynasty; E.Eastern; k-king; man; ma amountain; ri=river ; 8. Gesame ; surm.me; 16-temple; vi village or town; w=womaa; W-Western

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368
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XVIII.
PAGA
228
Ananlundáva, vis
. . 335 Apbil plates or grant (of Sundara-Chola), 15 n... 26 Andaja, family, . . . . . 292 Andavamba, family, . . . . . 290 Andoki, 8. a. Addanki 1, . . Andēki, vi.. . .
232, 234 Andhakēsvara, god, .
• 189 Andhak Svars, . a. Madanēsvara,. . . 189 Andhakēévara (Bhimeávara), te., . . 170, 171 Andhäsura (Andhäsura), god, 185, 186, 188, 189,
190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 206, 206 Andhäsura, 8. a. Andhakevara, te.
170 Andhau inscriptions of Rudradāman I,. . 339 Andhra, Co., . . . 104, 105, 108, 112 åndhraka,.
. . 306 Anduliya (Andoolea), ui., . Argiras or Angiras, sage, 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123, 160,
151
PAGE Alexander, Macedonian k., . . . . 282
valam, vi., . . . . . 119 Allāla-Bhatte, m., . . . 161, 163, 164 alphabeta
Brahmi, . . . . 168, 169, 317 Grantha, . . . 6, 21, 22, 116, 331 Gapta Brahmi, . . . . . 18 Kannada or Kanareso, 138, 171, 178, 182, 189,
196, 190, 201, 205, 206, 207, 208, 212 Kharoshthi, ... . . . 16, 20, 262 Nägari,
74, 100, 128, 219, 224, 284, 320 Nandi-Nagari, . . . 188, 180, 185 Old Kanareve, . . . . . 172 Pallava-Grantha,. . . . . 146 Tamil, . . . . . 6, 21, 22, 116, 138, 391 Telugu, . . . . 227, 346 Telugu-Kannada,. . . . 165 Vatteluttu, . . .
. Amalapaatika-grāma, vi., .
. 62, 63 Amaravati pillar inscription, . . . . 148 Amarosa or "svars (Indra), . . . 41 amatya, official, . .
. . . 308 Ambarisha, myth. k., . . . . . . 76, 78 Amma (II) or Ammarāja II, Chafulya k., 227,
231, 232, 233 & 1., 234 & n., 315, 348 Ammarāja (I), Chafuleya k., . . . . 229 Athēnäryya, ., . . . . . 352, 356 Amoghakalaka, sur. Vidyadharabhañjade
a,. . . . . 285, 286, 287, 297 Amöghavarsha I, Rashtrakufa k., 105, 236, 237, 238, 240, 241 & 1., 242, 246, 247, 248, 249,
251, 253, 254, 255, 258 Amöghavarshadova, 8. a. Amoghavarsha I, 267 Amöhins votivo tablet of the year 72,
272 Amudaaigars or Amadasagaramuni, author and
Jaina teacher, . . . . 64, 65, 67, 68, 69 Amvasarasari (=Ambasarabhitta (*)), vi.. . 300 Anadiyuvan (siva), . . . . . 140 Ananga (Cupid), . . . . 350, 353 Anantskantha-pandita, ., . . . . 299 Anantapálarasa, thug . . 189, 191, 193 Anantavarman, Ganga k., .
. . . 312 Anapaya, Chola k., . . . . 88 Anapāya, sur. of Kutottunga II (+), . . , 88 Anartta, co., . . . 101, 104, 108, 112 anatti (aj tapti), 7, 8, 11, 14, 116, 121, 123, 269
Afijuvannam, .
70 Apmapamgurą or Anmañanguru, vi, 228, 232,
234, 235 Annada-mangala, work, . . . . . 62 Annamarája, Kakatiya prince. . . . 349 Arpigeri inscription, . . . . . 201 n. An-si (Parthia), co., . . . . 276, 278 antahpurika, official, . . . . 221, 226 Antirigām, ti., . .
. . 302 Antirigam plates of Yababhafijadēva, 283, 284, 302 Antroli-Chhäroli copper plato grant of Kakka of
Baka 679,. . . . . . . 238 Anupama, sur. of Govinda III, . . 247, 254 anupravarasAshtakavat,. . .
297 . . . . . 294 Bhargava, . . .
295 Bhargavavat,
. . . . . 294 Chyavanavat,
. . . 294 Jamadagni, . . . . . 294 Rohitavat, . . . . . . 297
Vikvimitravat, . . . . 294, 297 Anuradhapura, vi.. 331, 333 n., 335, 336, 337 Anuruddha, Aramana k., . . . . 333 anusenapati, official, . . . . . 157 anusvära, symbol, 32 ..., 33 *., 34 n., 36 ., 41 ., 46 n. anusuara, unnecessary insertion of . 32 . ansvara, replaced by guttral nasal, . . 87
Aurre, .
.
N. B. The figures refer to pages; . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on PP. vii to . The following other abbreviations are weed-ch chief; co. country, di, district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty: E. Eastern ; k=king ; ms man ; mo-mountain ; ri.=river ; 8. d.- same as ; sur surname; & templo; vi. village or town; w.woman; W.-Western.

Page #454

INDEX.
359
S PAGE
PAGE anusvära, replaced by dental nasal,
. 100 Arrari (Vishnu), . . . . 49 anuvära, used for nasals, . , . 160, 346
atradhyaksha, official, . . . . . . 156 anusvära, wrongly used for final #, . . 87
Afvalayana-frautasütra, work, . . . 348 n. anusura, consonants doubled after,
ahamēdha, sacrifice, . 50, 222, 228,259 onuttara, penance,. . . . . 131, 136
advārōha, official 1, . . . . . 156 amvara, . . . . . .
199 & . Asvatthaman, epic hero,
6, 10, 13, 150, 151 Aparajita, Pallava k.,. .
Athamallika, &. a. Athmallik, . . 289 A pastamba-dharmasülra, work,
. 314n.
Athamalik or Athmallik State, . 288 ., 289 Apilomulēri, vi, . . . . .
• 800
atithisantarpana, . . . . . 250, 257 Appanāryya, m., . . . . . 352, 355
atithitarpana, . . . . . . 238 Appar, Saiva saind, .
. . . 162
Atri, sage, . . . . . 131 & 1., 136 Ara inscription of the year 41,
264, 269
affaikkól, annual income, . . . 344, 345 n. aradhya, fille, . . .
205, 206 & +.
affipperty . . . . . 344, 345 & the arandai, taz, .
342, 343, 345
Attiraiya, used for Atrēya, . . . . 122 Aramana or Arumana = Rāmafifia, 331, 333, 336, 337
Atyantakāms, epithet of Rajasimha II, 149, 161, 162 agai or apaiy-olai, report, . . 11, 14, 119, 124 Audumvarika vishaya, di., . . . 62, 63 Archer Type of Gupta coine, .
. 79 Aurva, sage,
. . . . 133, 137 Arghyatirtha,
. . 179, 181
Avalokitesvara, Bodhisattra, . . . . 74 Arichit (Arisil), ri., . . . 7, 10, 13
Avanijanāšraya, epithet of Pulakësiraja, . . 93 Arindama, Chola k.. .
24, 27, 43, 53
Avanijanäsraya-Pulakēsirāja, Chafukya k.. . 93 Arisil, 8. a. Arichit, .
Avanivarman II, Surashtra ch., . . . . 106 Arjuna, epic hero, . . . . 53, 152, 217
Avanti, co., . . . . . 102, 103, 239, 240 Arka, . . . . . . . . 28
Avantivarmman, Maukhari k., . . . . 82 Arthasastra, work, . . . . . 156 Avasthi-Sri-Mälhē, m., . . . . 225, 226 Arumolidēva-valanādu, di, . . . 119
Avattamba, used for Apastamba, . . . 124 Arundhati, w., . .
209, 211, 215, 217
āvom, . . . . . .
. . 207 Arůru-chāvadi, di.. .
. . 163, 166 Ay, dy. . . . . . aru-ana, . . . .177 & 1., 178, 185, 188
Ay, tribe. . . . . . . . 161 Aruvi-nadu, di.,. . .
ayatana, . . . . . 173, 174, 176 r. Aruva-vadatalai-nādu, di.. . . . 8 n.
Ayuh, myth. k., . . . . 132, 136, 161 Arvala-kūrram, di., .
. 123 Ayumitra, ch., .
. . 18 Arvalam 8. a. Alivalam, .
. . 119
Azes, k., 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 276, 277, 279, 280 Arya Pātālamalla, 8. a. Pātālamalla. 241, 247, 255
Azes-Azilises,
. . . . 274 Aryavarman, Ganga k., . . . 149
Azilises, . . . . . . 273, 274 Aryävarta, co., . . . 22, 26, 39, 51 Aryyāhū (), family (1), . . . 3, 4 Asädhia, M.,
. . 156, 157 Asanapura, vi., . . 55 & 8., 56, 57 as ärõha (=artäröha), official,
.
Bäcbi-Setti, 7., . . . . . . 206 Aécharyamanjari work, . .
. . 342 Badagăchi (Burgachoe), ti, . . . . 62 Asēka, m.,. . . . . . 328 Badakshan, vi., . . . . . . 282 Ashtakulasimha, title of Vira-Rajendra,. . 48, 54 Badami, caves at- . .
. 142 Ashtangalakshmi,
Bädāmi, vi.. . . . Aboks or Abākavarman, myth. k., 147, 150, 151 Bagwan, vi.,
,
. . . 62 Aboks, Maurya Emperor, . .
. . .
281 Bahadur Khan-ji Museum, . . . 389 abbka tree,. . . . ... 65 Bahubalin, 17., . .
. 201 & #., 202, 204
93, 238
N. B.-The figures refer to pages ; . after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch, chief; co.country: di.district or division; do..ditto; dy. -dynasty ; E.-Eastern; kking: -man; mo-mountain; ricriver; 6.4mme ;ur, surname tetomple; vi. village or town; w.woman : W.-Western.

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360
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
:
.
302
PAGE Babulā, vi., .
. . 302 Bāhūr, ti., .
. . .6, 8, 9 Bailaman (Valla-mandala 2), .
nu ngala ),. . . . 93 Balachandra-Bhattárakadēva, n. 173, 175, 177 Baladitya, Magadha k., . . 82, 83, 84 &#. Baláditya, poet, . . Balagāmve inscription of the time of Chalukys Jayasinha. .
321 Balaji, w. 1, . . . . . . 268 Baläka-palvala, pond,. . .
259, 260 Balanandi, w.. .
. . . . 268 Balasvamin, ...
. . 268, 282 Bali, demon k.,
. 32, 48, 112 n. bali,
76, 78 & 1., 238, 250, 257 bali, .
. 189, 131 Ballälasēns, Bengal k.,
. . . . 130 Balligami, ti., . . . . . Balsar plates, . .
. 93 Bämadēya ? m.,.
.156, 167 & n. Bamanghāti, di...
• 300, 301 Bamanghāti, vi, .
300, 301 Båmanghāți grant of Rajabhažjadēva, 283, 300 Bamanghāti grant of Ranabhafijadova, 283, 300 Bamra, family,
288. Bämra, state, .
. . . 288 Bana, family, . . Bāṇabhatta, author,
92 Banajiga=Valažjiyar, :
. . 335 Banaväsi, di., . .
. . 208 Bangkai, ri.,
. . . 85 Bäniswara, ti.. .
. 320 Bånswārā plates (of Bhõjadēva), 320, 321, 322 . Baramba, state, .
. . . 288. Bargo, vi.,. .
. . 220 Baripadā, vi., . .
289, 300, 301 Baroda plates of Karkarāja, 104 ., 105 *.., 239 Baru (Broach),. .
. . 93 Basach (Vaiśäli), vi.. .
. . 242 Basava (Chenna-Basava), minister, . . . 150 Baudh State, . . . . 288, 300, 302 Baudh, .,. . . . . 202, 800 Baudh grant of Kanakabhafijadöva, 201, 302 Baudh grant of Raņabhafijadova of the 28th
year, .. .. . . . . 283, 300 Bandh grant of Rapabhafijadēvs of the 54th
year, . . . . . . 283
PAGS Bauka, Pralihara k., 87, 88, 89 & 1., 94, 95, 96, 97, 98,
99, 102, 103, 106 bele, . . . . . . . . 192, 195 Bēlür, &. a. Veläpura, . . . . . 241 Belvala di., . 174, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 186, 189, 190, 191, 194, 196, 1979
198, 201, 203, 205 Belvala three-hundred, di.. . . . . 193 n. Belvalaverad-acu-nūru, . . 191, 193 & *. Benares, vi., .
. . . 181, 218 Benares inscription of Pantha, .
125 Bendaki, vi.. Bengal Asiatic Society's copper plate of Vinaya
ka-pala,. . . . 101 Bētaya, Kikxiya prince, : . . 348, 351, 354 Betmi, vi.. . . . . 320, 322 & add. Betwa, ri., . .
. . . . 125 Bhadra, queen of Harichandra Röhillad.
dhi, . . . . 88, 90, 95, 97, 98 Bhadram[@gha), k., . . . . . 160 Bhadrsárinya, Kalachuri k., . . . 129 bhaga-bhöga-kara, . .
222, 224, 220 Bhagale, to. . . 206, 208, 210, 212, 213 Bhagalpur copper-plate of Narayanapala, 104 n. Bhagenabbe, w., . . . . 173, 174, 176 Bhagiratha, myth. k.,
22, 26, 36 Bhagirathi (Ganges), ri., . . 36, 62, 96, 98, 305 Bhagiyabbe, w.,.
. 173, 176, 178 Bhairava Sainz school,. . . . 176 n. Bhaktavatsalēgvara temple, . . . 334 bha midagarika, official,. . .156, 157, 221, 226 bhayas, . . . . . . . 189 Bhandi, clan, . . . 93, 101, 108, 111 Bhafija, dy., 282, 285, 286, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292,
293, 295, 297 Bhanu, m., . . . . . . 126, 127 Bhanuchandra, M., .
. .. 308 Bhanu Gupta, Gupta k., . . 81, 82 & n., 83 Bharadväja, sage,. 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123, 150, 151 Bharani-svamin, m., . . . . . 63, 64 Bharata, epic hero, . . . 22, 28, 37, 80 Bharata, epic, . . . . . 214, 216 Bharatachandra Raya, Bengali poet, ;. 62 Bhargava (Parasurama), . . . . Bharsar, ti.. . . . .
•
81
N. B.-The figuree refer to pages; after figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. viito The following other abbreviations are need-ch.chief, Co. country, di district or division; doditto dy. -dynasty: K.-Eastern:k king: man; Mo=mountain; ri-river; 4. d. same as ow.romama: to.templo; vi village or town; .=woman: W-Western.

Page #456

Bhaskara, school of-, Bhaskaräryya, m., bhata,.
Bhata-Nirōla,
Bhata-Nirola Nirla,
bhatta,
Bhatta, m.,.
bhatta, title,
Bhatta Brahmavira-evāmin, m., Bhattacharya, samaya or school, Bhattadhanneka, m.,
Bhattagunda, m.,.. Bhattakesavadeva, m.,
Bhattara-kola (Bhatta's lake), Bhattapurandara, m., Bhattarudada("drata), m.,
Bhattas' lake,
Bhattasumangala, m.,
Bhatta Unmilana-svamin, m.,
Bhatta-grāma, vi.,
Bhatti, clan,
Bhattika, epithet of Devaraja,
Bhattika Devaraja, s. a. Devaraja ?, ch.,
Bhilladitya, Pratihära k.,
Bhilfama, Yadava k., Bhillamäla, vi.,
250, 256 96, 98
96
93, 98
88, 90, 96, 98
347 n. 92.
88
239 217 n. 116
2, 227, 231, 233 & n.
227, 231, 233 353, 356 129, 133, 137 129, 134, 137
170, 171, 199, 206
221, 226 205. 242 83 88, 95, 98
28 297 308.
Bhogika Bhoi, palankeen-bearer,
Bhoja, Bhōjadeva or Bhōjarāja, Paramāra k., 66,
320 & n., 321, 322, 323, 324, 325
Bhilluka, 8. a. Bhillāditya, Bhilmäl or Bhinmal, vi., Bhima, epic hero,. Bhima, Pallava prince, Bhima (I), Chalukya k., Bhima (II), Chalukya k., Bhimarathi, ri., Bhimata (I), Kalachuri k., Bhimata (II), Kalachuri k., Bhimeévara, te.,
bhishaj, official,
Bhishma, epic hero,
PAGE
176 n.
352, 355
250, 256, 294, 296, 306
302 303 299
238, 249, 256 285, 287, 306 61, 63 176 n. 110, 114
227, 233, 235
297
179
297 296
181
285, 295 63, 64
•
Bhitari pillar inscription, Bhitari seal,
==
Bhōgabhata, Pratihāra prince,
Bhōgabhümi,
bhögi-bhögin, used for bhaga-bhögin,
.
.
•
.
INDEX.
.
.
PAGE
Bhōja, Pratihāra k., 80, 90 & n., 93, 94, 95, 98, 100, 106 & n., 107, 109, 110, 113 & n., 114, 125, 239
106
Bhōjadeva, s. a. Bhōja, Bhrigu, sage, Bhūakupa,
. 137 n. 95, 96, 98 Bhuda, queen of Sivaraja (II), 134, 137 bhukti, territorial division, 78 n. bhumi-chchhidra-nyaya. 250, 257 n., 306 Bhupati, epithet of Kakka, 90 Bhutadatta, Pallava k., 147, 150, 151 Bhuvanaikamalla (Sõmeévara II), Chalukya k., 189,
191, 194
5
201, 203, 205 213, 215, 218
93, 102 & n., 103
302
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris,
Bijja or Bijjala, ch.,
Bijjala, Bijjara or Bijjaṇadeva, ch.,
Biláduri, author,
Binka, vi.,
Binka, s. a. Vinitapura,
Boar, emblem on seal, Boar (image of Vishnu), Böddanaryya, m., Bodḍa Patti, vi., Bödh-Gaya, vi.,
Bōdh-Gaya inscription of Mahanaman of the
Gupta year 269, Bodhi tree,
-Bōl Bonai, state,. Bonula, vi.,
Bōsiga, 8. a. Gangara Bōsi, bow and carp fish crest, Boya, Böyalu, boyana,
361
125 17
1, 2, 4 n., 314 n.
288 n. 303 200, 201 23 2 2 266, 282
brahmadiya, 11, 14, 15, 23, 47, 54, 116, 119 122,
123, 124 311
sion,
Brahmanavasti, vi.,
Brāhmaṇavasti Brahmanavās,
brāhmaṇōttaran,
160, 346 & n. 82 352, 355 302 17
Brahmanapalani, canal? Brahmanavasti-vishaya Bamanghați sub-divi
Brahmapuri, Brahmaputra, ri., Brihadiévara temple,
·
301
301
301 306
175, 177 & n., 185, 188
329 334
N. B.-The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co.-country; di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy.-dynasty; E.-Eastern; k.-king; m.man; mo.-mountain; ri.-river; s. a. same as; sur.surname ; 16.temple; vi.village or town; 10.-woman; W.-Western.
3 A

Page #457

362
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
.
.
185
PAGE Brihaspati, sage,. . 8, 10, 11, 13, 14, 150, 151 Brihaspatisava, sacrifice, . .
155 British Museum,. . .
. 320. Broach, ti... . .
. .
. 91 Buchkala inscription of Nagabhata of
V. S. 872, . . . . . 100, 105 ** Būdana-Gutti, . . . . Būdana-Mone,
• 185 Buddha, 128, 130, 135, 266, 267, 336, 337, 338 Buddhavarman, Pallava k., . 147, 148, 149, 150, 151 Buddhist, samaya (school), . . 176 n. Budha, myth. k.,. . .
• 132, 136, 161 Budha (Mercury), planet, .
. . 82 Budha-Gupta, Gupta k., . . 81, 82, 83 Buguda plates of Madhavavarman, . . . 290 Bukka (I), Vijayanagara k., . . 138, 140, 144 Bukkami, queen of Isvara,
. . . 161 Bull emblem, . . . . . . 311 Bull standard on coins, . . . . 79, 80, 81 Būragutti, . . . . . 190, 193, 196
PAGE Chandasiti (Chadasāta), Andhra k., 317, 318, 319 Chandraditya-Maharaja, Chola ch., . . 349 Chamunda-Raja, Ganga ch., . . . 66 Chanakya, m., . . . , 209, 211, 214 Chandāla, . . .
. . . chandavura or chandavura, . . . 189, 195 Chandel, dy.,
. . . . . 224 Chandra, k., . . . Chandradēva, Kanauj k., .
. 223, 225 Chandragupta, Koala k., .
240, 245, 253 Chandra-Gupta, Gupta k., . .
79 Chandra-Gupta II, Gupta k.,.
81, 86, 242 Chandra-Gupta III, Gupta k. . . 84 Chandrambhõjavati, &. G. Chandrapushkari.
pi,. . . . . . . . 140 Chandrapushkarini, tank, . . . . 144 Chandravarman, Pallava k.,
148, 150, 151 Chandravarmman, Pushkarand k.,. . . 86 Chandravati, vi.. . . . . . . 219 *** Chandravati plate of Chandradeva of V. S.
1148, . . . . . . Chanduka, Pratihara k., . 88, 94, 96, 98 Chāpa, dy., . . . . . . 92 n. Chapa, kingdom, . . . . . . 92 n. Chapotkata, 8. a. Chapa, . . 92 n. charu, . . . 76, 78 & n., 238, 250, 267 Chashtana, Kshatrapa k., . . . . 339 chata, . . . . 250, 256, 294, 296, 306 Châteü inscription of Balāditya, . 106, 107 n. chaffa, .
. . . . . . 299 chaťa-samaya, . . . 173, 174, 176 & n. chaturdića-gana, . . . . . 14 n. Chaulika (Chola), . . . . 241, 246, 254 chauröddharanika, official, . . . . 306 Chauvanäryya, m., . . . . 352, 355 Chavanāryy, m., . . . . 352, 355 chayitra-pavitraka, 8. a. chaitra-pavitra, • 185 Chēdi, dy... . . . . .
73, 281 Chendalūr, vi., . . . . . . . . 228 Chendalur plates (of Kumāravishņu II), . . 148 Chendalür plates of Sarvalokāárays (Mangiyu. varája), . . . .
. . 314 Cherdisarman, m.,
. . . . 1, 2, 4 Chenganāchēri, vi., . . . . . 340 Cheras, people, . . . . . . 29 Chëra, co.,. . . . . 28, 341, 343 *.
•
23
Cape Komarin, a, a, Kanyakumari, . 21 carp fish crest, . . cha, used for ta, . .
. 16 Chachika, m., .
. 285, 287 n., 297 Chadasata (Charhdasāta), Andhra k., 317, 318, 319 Chaitra-pavitra rites, . . 188, 210, 212 & n. Chakraraya, m., . . . . 139, 140 Chakravāla, myth. mo., . . 35, 50, 144, 351, 354 Chakravartin Vijayabāhudēva, name of Vijaya
bahu I, . . . . . . . 337 Chakrayudha, Kanauj k, 101, 104, 105, 106, 108,
112 & 1.., 235, 240, 245, 253 Chaligunta, pond, . . .
. . 232, 235 Chaļikya=Chilukys, . . . . 314 Chalikys, dy.
. 315 Chalukya, dy., 1, 3, 4, 25, 31, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60,
89 n., 91, 92, 93, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179, 181, 183, 185, 186, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, 196, 197, 198, 203 16., 204, 228, 238, 239, 243, 252, 259, 260,
. .
Chalukya, Easterndy. . . . Chalukya-Bhima (I), Ondfukya k., .
.2, 314 .2, 314 229, 280
N. B.-The figures refer to page ; . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to z. The following other abbreviations are used ch, chief: 00. country; di.-district or division; do. ditto; dy. -dynasty: B. Eastern; kking: . man; mo.mountain; ri, river; d. samo as our.surname te. templo; vi, village or town; w.woman; W.-Western.

Page #458

INDEX.
363
.
Conjeeveram, oi., . . Conjoeveram plates of Kțishnadēvaraya, consonanta, doubling of-, after r, . couchant ball, embiem, . . . crescent, emblem, . . . . crescent and star (sun ), emblem, .
. . . .
PAGE
140 162, 168 . 236 . 115 . 55 *
.
.
.
67
.
.
.
92
PAGE Chēra, dy... . . . .
23, 340 Chēra, k., . . . . . 28, 29, 30, 68, 161 Chēramāṇār, title, . . . . . . Cherupūra, vi., . . Cherupūru, 8. a. Cherupūra,. . . 2, 3, 4 Chettuppakkam, ti, . .
. . . 11, 12 Chhandas-sõstra, work,
UN -800TU, TI, . . . Ohhandomanjari, work, . .
. . 236 Chhandomanjari-parisishi, work,
236 Chhandombudhi, work, . . . . . 86 Chhandõpišita (Chhandovichiti), 8. a. Pingalam, . . . . . . .
67 Chhandovichiti, work, , , O
, ch OTE, ,
. . . . . 66, 67 Chharampasāmi svāmin), m., . . • 295 Chhatarpur, vi...
224, 225 Chicacolo plates of Dēvēndravarman, 307, 308 Chicacole plates of Indravarman,. . 308 Chidambaram temple, . . . . . 29 Chidambaram, vi... . . . . 25, 27, 68 Chikkanika, . . . . . . 210, 212 Chikkarass, .
. . . . 186, 189 Chipurupalle, 8. a. Cherupūru (1), . . . 2 Chipurupallo plates of Vishņuvardhana I . 2. Chiragöhaka, m., . . . . . 156, 157 Chirrambalam (Chidambaram), . . . 64 Chita, m., . . . . .325 add., 326 add. Chitpāvan Brāhmans, . . . . . 256 n. Chitra, myth. k., . . . . 23, 27, 40, 51 Choda-Böl, m., . . . . . 2,-4,5 Chodanáryya, m., . . . . : 352, 355 Chola, co., 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 42, 47, 59, 64, 116,
119, 121, 123, 331 n., 332, 333 Chāļa, dy., 7, 21, 22, 23, 26, 31, 41, 65, 68, 78 .,
123, 161, 192, 195, 202, 204, 331, 332, 334 Chola, myth. k., . . . . .22, 28, 38, 51 Chola-mandala, di., 65, 139, 141, 145, 162, 163,
166, 167, 189 Cholas, people, . . . . 116, 121, 123, 189 Chadāmani-Nigandu, work,. . . 84 n. chula . . . .
. 326 & add. Chüļāmani, work, . . . .
. 65& n. Chulayakha, .
. . 327 & add. Chullavagga, work, .
• . 19 Chură copper plate, . . .
148 Chūtapallava, Pallapa k.. . 148, 149, 150, 151 oonch, emblem, . . . . . 224
Dabhra-sabha, s. a. Chidambaram, .
. 47, 54 Dabhra-Sabhäpati, (siva enshrined at Chidam
baram), . . . . . . . 25 Dacca Museum, . .
. . 78 Dadda, Pratīhāra prince,
. 88, 91, 95, 98 Dadda II, Broach k., . Daddapayya, m., . . . . 171, 172 Dadhicha, sage,. . . . . 248, 255 Dahala, 8. a. Chēdi, .
. . . 229 Dahala, co., . . . . . 240, 245, 253 Dakshinapali, di., . . . . . .303 Dakshiņāpatha, co., . . 347,848, 360, 354 Dakshina-Vārānab(s)i, 8. a. Pūli, . . . 205 Dalada-Pâtra-dhātu-svāmidövargal. Tooth
and Bowl Relics, . . . . 337, 338 Daladãy-pporum-balli, te of the Tooth Relio, 337, 338 Damajadakri I, Kshatrapa k., . . . 339 Damodarkryys, ... . . . . 352, 356 Damodarpur, vi., . . . . . . 75 Damodarpur plates, . . . 62, 76 m., 84 Dämuka, m., ' . . . . • 75,78,78 Danarnava, Gänga k., . . . 308, 309, 310 Dandaka forest, ..
. . 317 *. danda or danda-patika, official, 293, 200, 306 dandika, official, . .
. . . 306 Dandin, author, . . Dangür, Di., .
. .. 334 Dantidurgga or "durga, Rashtrabaja k., 89 n.,
238, 239, 243, 252 Dantiga, 8. a. Dantivarman (1), . . .' 7 Dantivarman, Pallava k.. . . . 7, 13, 118 Daranikondapokar, m., . . . . . 117 Darota, 6. a. Kålü,
. . . 243 Dass, name ending. . . . . 78. dakparidhika, oficial, ...
806 Dabaratha, epic k., Dabaaya (Ravana),
. 108
.
.
164
N. B.-The figures refer to pages; h. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. vii to z. The following other abbreviations are used :ch.-chief; co.= country di.district or division; do..ditto; dy.-dynasty ; .-Eastern ; k king: .man; mo-mountain; ri, river; ..samo ms; our surname; te. templo; vi village or town; 10.=woman; W.-Western.
84%

Page #459

364
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
PAGS
11th,
.
.
12th,
.
.
PAGE Däsi or Däsirāja, m., 208, 209, 210, 212, 213,
215, 217, 218 Duspalla, . . . . . 288 7., 291 n. dates expressed by chronograms
rasishurāmachandrao (1356), 139, 143, 145 Datta, name ending, . . . . . 75 . Dattakars, general, . . . . . 24 n. Daulatpura copper-plate of Bhoja, . . 94, 101, 106 Divadi-Gahiyasahasa, M., . .
238, 249, 258 days
. . . . . . . 308 10h. . . . . . . . 308 16, . .
308 20,
. . . . . . 308 days, lunar bright fortnight : 5th,
. .97, 183, 184, 320 . .190, 193, 196, 219, 221, 223
• 173, 175, 177, 190, 191, 194 . . . . . . . 285
. 197, 198, 199 14th, . .
. . . 321 16th or Full Moon, 57, 139, 143, 145, 171, 190, 192, 193, 195, 196, 225, 226, 320,
324, 325 dark fortnight : 2nd, . .
208, 210, 212, 216, 218 ard, . . . . . . . 321 5th, . .
. . . 200 days of the month
1st, . . , 265, 282, 318, 319 End, . . 20th, . . . . . . 16, 17, 18
21st, . . . . . . . 306 days of the week
Friday, . . . . . 183, 190, 227 Monday, 165, 167, 169, 171, 174, 179, 190,
192, 193, 195, 196, 208, 210, 212, 215, 218, 221 Saturday, • •
. . 183, 190, 200 Sömadina, .
. 219 n., 221 , Sunday, 173, 175, 177, 179, 183, 184, 187, 344 Thursday, 183, 190, 191, 194, 268, 269, 260 Tuesday, . . .
. 174, 219, 223 Wednesday, 161, 163, 164, 190, 197, 199 daye, solar
lut. . . . . . . 159
days, solar-contd.
2nd, . . . . . . . 79
5th, . . . . . . 99, 160 decimal figures
. . . . 308 . . . . . . . 307
. . . . . . . 307 Dolhs, m.,. .
321, 323, 324 Déma, m., . . . . . . 176, 178 Déma[na ?), M.,.
. 173, 178 Démaya, M., .
178, 180, 181 Dēnuvā, m., . . .
. 74 & n. Deo-Barnark inscription of Jivita-Gupta, 82 Deogarh, vi.. . . .
. 125 Deogarb pillar inscription of Bhöjadēva of Kansaj,.
. . . . . 125 Deogarh rook inscription of Kirtivarman, 125 Deoli grant, . . . . . . . 241 .. Deopani, ri.,. .
. . . 329 Dēlastha Brāhmaṇas, . . . . 256 n. dödavidis, officiuls, . . . . . Déva 1, m., . . . . . . 156, 157 Dēva, general, . . . 332, 333, 338, 337 Dövabhañija, Bhatija k., . . 285, 286, 298 dēvadina, . . . . . . . 23 Dëvadalarmman, ... . . . . 20 Devagiri insoription, . . . . 134 . Devaki, w., . . . . . Dāvaki, queen of T'imma,
. . 161 Dövakuņda, di.,. .
301 Dövapäla, or PSvapaladēva, Pala k., 106, 113 11.,
304, 305, 306 Dēvapayye, m., . . . . 213, 214, 217 Dēvarāja, m., . . . 348 & n., 351, 354 Dövarāja, Pratihara k., 93, 100, 101, 103, 107, 111 Dēvaraja, Vijayanagaru k., . . . 141 Dēvarāja, 8. a. Dēvaraya, . . . 145 Dévarāja (I), Vijayanagara k., . .. . 144 Dövarāja (or Dēvarāya) 1, Vijayanagara k., . 138 Dövariya, Vijayanagara k., . . 143, 144, 145 Dēvarāya Mahārāja II, Vijayanagara k., . 138 Dövarāya-Mahārāja, Vijayanagara k., 141, 144 Dēvarāya II, Vijayanagara k., . 138 & 7., 140 Dēvarchidan Aññārruvan, m., . 122, 124 Dēvasarmman, m.. . - . . 314, 315 dēvathayaka (dewa-sthanika),. . . 156 n., 167
.
242
N.B --The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. viito x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch, chief; co.country: di.district or division; do.-ditto; dy. -dynasty; B.-Eastern; k.king: Neman; moumountain; ri.=river ; 8. d.-same as ; sur. - surname; to-tomple; wi.- Village or town; w. woman; W.-Western

Page #460

Devayani, myth. queen,. Devendravarman, Gänga k.,
Dewai inscription of the 8th Vaisakha 200,
Dhamadhaya, m.,
Dhamula, m.,
Dhanam-dibba, remains of Buddhist stupa at-, Rock cut wells at
dharma-chakra, emblem on seal,
Dharmachandra, m.,
•
•
Dharmapura, di...
Dharmapuram, vi.
Dharmaraja or Yudhishthira, epic hero,
Dharmaraja-ratha inscriptions,
dharma-siana,
ba,.
Dharmmapala, s. a. Dharmapala,
dharmmēta,
dhavaka, official,
dh, doubling of -, before y.. Dhënukākata,
Dhanika, Guhilot prince,
Dhäññakaḍa (Dhanyakata), vi.,
Dhannavallikä, vi.,
Dhannavallika, 8. a. Dhanōlī, Dhanya-Vishnu, brother of Maharija M tri
Vishnu
82 n., 83
Dharādhara, m.,
Dharaka, m.,
299 159 252
Dhärävarsha, Rashtrakuta k.,
Dhiravarsha (Dhruva), Rishiratuta k.,
237, 239 244
Dharavarsha, sur. of Dhruva, . Dharma, s. a. Dharmapala, Pala k., 106, 109, 113, 240,
245, 253 304 308, 310, 311
328 66
PAGE 161
311, 312 280
326
•
.
106 n. 149
242, 243, 250, 256 243
Dharmadovi, w.,
Dharmakirti, author
Dharmanētra, Kalachuri k.,
129
Dharmapala, Pala k., 89 n., 104, 105, 106 n., 235, 239
Dharmapaladeva, s. a. Dharmapala, Pala k.,
306
302
228
28
.
.
INDEX.
.
.
dharmmadhikarana, official,
Dharmmaditya, k.,
Dharmmakalasa, wrongly read for Amöghakala
326
317
317
146 25 251
78 m., 81, 84, 85
287 305
213 & n., 216, 218 156, 157 1
325, 326, 327, 328
Dhritaka, Pallava k.,
Dhritipura, vi.,
Dhruva, myth. k.,.
147, 150, 151289, 300, 303 210, 212 Dhruva, Rashtrakuta k., 103, 104 n., 105 n., 238 258 Dhruvaraja Indravarman, Chilukya k., Dhundhu, Asura k., 35, 49
.
PAGE
287
286
286
285, 297 87, 101 22, 26, 37, 50 218, 219 Don Buzurg plates of Govindachandradeva of V. S. 1176,
Don Buzurg, vi.,
Digbhañja, Bhanja k.,
Digbhanja I (Satrubhañja I), Bhanja k., Digbhañja II, Bhanja k.,
Digbhañjadeva, Bhanja k.,
Dighwa-Dubauli plate of Mahendrapala, Dilipa, myth. k.,
Drona-ka-ghar or garh, Drōnāyaṇashada, .
Durddama, Kalachuri k., Durgadeva or Durggadeva, m., Durgaraja or Durggarāja, m., Durgasarman, m., Durgga, m.,.
Drauņi (Asvatthaman), . Dravila, co.,
Drona, epic hero, 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123, 150,
Durjjaya, Kakatiya k.,
Durlabhadevi, queen of Kakka,
Durjayabhañja, Bhanja k.,
Durjaya-Kshatriyas, epithet of K.katiyas,
Durväsä, sage,
duta, official,
dataka, official,
duta-praishanika, official, duvar ja yuvar ja,
E
Ekakshara, title, Ekambarapuram, vi.. ekari, . Eliyēru, ri.,.
Eastern Chalukya dynasty, Eastern Gänga dynasty, eclipseslunar, solar, Edappalli, eḍava, epithet, Edavanahallada, Ejāvati,
Ekadhira, sur. of Nandivarman II, Ekadhiramangalam, vi.,
.
225 116, 120, 123 246, 254
365
151, 219 219 219, 222, 224 129 285, 295, 296
228, 231 & n., 234
"
2, 3, 4 126, 127
286, 291 347 n.
347, 351, 354
88 & n.
. 110 n.
221, 226
251, 257, 285, 295, 307
306 258
.
.
258 308
192, 195
309, 310, 348, 351, 354 343 196 & n.
193
159
117 117 194 & 7 166 189 58, 59, 60
N. B. The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch-chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do.=ditto; dy.-dynasty; E. Eastern; k.king; m.male; mo.=mountain; ri.river; 8.a. same as; sur.surname ; te. temple; vi.village or town; w.woman: W.-Western.

Page #461

366
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
PAGE Ellainilaiyitta, epithet,
. . 139 Ellora Dasavatära Cave Temple inscription, 237, 239 Eppakuqi, or Enpaikudi, vi.,. . .161, 163, 164 Ennāyiram, vi...
. . . 66 Epär, vi.. . . . .
. 122, 124 Era-Drönaśarman, m., . . . . 314, 315 Eran, di., . .
• 242 Erap, vi.. .
82 & *., 83 Eran Boar inscription of Dhanya-Vishņu, . 82 Eran inscription of Göparāja, Erapôtäryya, m., . . . . . 352, 355 erse Chalukya-Vikrama,
. 194 Kanishka, .
. 20 Kollam,
. . . . . 341, 342 Ganga. .
312, 313 Gupta, .
. 160 Sam or Sanvat, . . .
. 20 Unknown, . Eravitta, m., . . . . 171, 172
16
Faridpur plates, five great sina, Four forged grants from Faridpur, .
. . .
. 81 338 & n. . 75
РАав Ganapati, image on seal,
. . 238 Ganapati, Kakatiya k., . . . 347 & ..., 348 n. Ganapatidēva, Kakatiya k.,. . 347, 351, 354 Gandēru, vi.. . . . . . . 56, 57 Gandēruvāti, di.,. . . . . 55, 56, 57 Gandhakuti, . . . . 337, 338 & n. Gandhára, . . . . . . 16, 273 Gandhata, see Ganadanda,
. . 286 Gandhatapati(?), . . . . . . 303 Ganēsa temple inscription at Mahabalipuram, 146 Ganga or Ganga, dy., 201, 229, 239, 241, 244, 246,
252, 253, 254, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312 Ganga (Ganges), ri., 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 50, 51, 54, 103, 104 n., 114, 180, 186, 219, 223, 225,
226, 239, 244, 252, 290, 305 Ganga-dvāra, vi.. . . . . . . 96, 98 Ganga-dvara, 5. a. Haridvar, . . . . 95 Gangai, . . . . . . . 53. Gaðgai-konda, title of Rajendra-Chu I . 25 Gangaikondasőlapuram, vi.. . . . . Gangakūta, mo... . . . . Gangani, vi.. . . . . . . 69 Ganga-Pallava, family, Gangara Bosi (Bosiga), m., . . . 200 Gangavadi di., . . . . . . 241 Gangavaria, family, . . . 288 7., 290 Gangāvāti, co., . . . . 25, 27, 47, 54 Ganges or Padma, ri., . . . . 62 Gängeys, . . . . . 205 n. ganginiki (gängiua) . . . . . 61, 62 Ganginika, identified with Jalangi, . . . 62 Ganjám, di., . . . . . . 301 Ganjam plates of Netribhasjadēva,
283, 301 Ganjam plates of Vidyadharabhafijadova, 283, 301 Garakhonna, vi... . . . . 309, 310 Garavapädu, vi., . . . . 348, 351, 355 &. Gardabhilla, Ujjayini k., . . . . 274 Garuda standard on coins, . . . . 79, 84 Garuda, figure of,. . .178, 182, 208, 212, 320 Garuda seal, . . • 224, 236, 249, 256 Gatas, . . . . 325 & add., 326 & add. Gatha-saptasati, work,
. . . 242 & n. Gattipũndi, vi, . . . . . Gaude, co., . . • 81, 89, 103, 239, 244 Gaudas, people, . . . 94, 96, 98, 106, 306 Gealašarman (Aichadova), M., . . 294 &
.
16
.
220
ga, used for ya, . . .
. . Gädhipura, kingdom, . . Gajababu II, Ceylon k . . Gajapati, . . . .
. påhapätaya (?), official, Gahiyasahasa, ... Ghainsis,
. Gajavõttai Pratäpa-Dövariyamahäräys,
jayanagara k.,. . . gamagamika, official, . . Gamgå (Ganges), ri., . . Ganga-Gargoya, title,. .
. 333 . 161 156, 157
. 256 n. Visi
140
Gana, ..
.
Ganadanda, title, . Ganadanda, title of Virabhadra, paradanda-nayaka, official, paradanda-påla, official, Ganadhara,. . . . papaka, official, . . . Gapapata, sumaya or school, .
.
289
289 201, 204 166, 167 . 176.
. . .
. . .
N. B.-The figures refer to pagos; # after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. vil to x. The following other abbtoviations are to chechief; co.-country: di..diatrict or division; do.ditto; dy. -dynasty + E.-Eastern; k.king; male; mo.=mountain ; ri-river; 8. Chame as our surname; 10. tom plo; vi village or town; 10.woman; W.-Wontorn

Page #462

INDEX.
367
.
.
128
242
PAGE gaulmika, official, . . . .
306 Gautama Buddha, . Gäwarwad inscription, . . . . 201 n. Gaya, . . . . . 179, 180, 181, 186 gh, used for h, . .
. . . 236 Gharika, m., . .
. . 156, 157 Ghaisasageri, vi... 183, 185, 188 & n., 190, 193, 196 Ghaissãs, sur., . . . . 256 & n. Ghaligai, vi., .
. . 20 Ghanavatta-Bi[ro]ja, m., . . 233, 235 & n. ghafakayar,.
.
. . 117 Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka, 87, 88, 93, 94 Ghatiyaļā inscription of Pratihara Bäuka, . 94 Ghatiyalā inscriptions, .
91 Ghatotkachagupta, prince Ghazni, vi., . .
* 278 Ghosha, name ending,
75 n. Ghoshapädä, vi., . .
. . 62 Ghugrähäti, vi... .
. . 75 Goa plates of Saka 532,
. 258 Gobbadi, m.,
314, 315 Gögü-Rånaka, m., . ,
251, 257 Gökarna-svamin, god, .
399, 310 Gökarnēsvara, god, .
. 196 Gökarņņa, tirtha,
. 305 Gokar nēsvara, 8. a. Gökarņēsvara,
192 Gbla, .. . .
327, 328 Golaki-matha, . .
. 348. Golasarman, m., . . Gola-Shadamgavid, m., . .
. 249, 256 Gola-Shadangavid, 8. a. Gola-Shadamgavid, 238 Gola-rániya, .
. . . 328 gömandi'nda)lika, official,
. 156, 157 Gomilaka, M., . .
126, 127 Gommimayya, m., . . . 178, 180, 181 Gondophares, k., . .
. . 275 Gönēkāka,. .
• 325, 326 Gongana (Konkaņa), people,
116, 121 Göpa-Chandra, k.,
. 81, 84 Gopala, Gauda k., .
239, 304 Gopalpur, vi., . .
. 18, 19 Gopalpur, ví.,
. . . Göparája, ch., . .
82, 83 Gopendra-choraka, vi., . . . . 77, 79, 88 Gorava, . . .
. . 180 Gorava, Saiva ascetics, . .
ΡΑΟΣ Gorma, ch., . . . . . . 201, 205 Gormma, 8. a. Gorma, . . . . . 203 Gösahasra, mahadana,. . . 162, 163, 165 Götama, used for Gautama,. . . . 124 Gotiputa, m., . . . . 158, 159 & n. gotrayAtriya, 59, 60, 122, 124, 161, 163, 164,
183, 184, 187, 233, 235, 352, 355 Aupamanyava, . . . . . 306 Bhäradvāja, 4, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 217, 225, 226, 228, 231, 232, 234, 238, 249,
256, 299, 352, 355 Gárgya, .
. 352 & n., 355 Gautama, . . . 122, 124, 352, 355 Harita, .
. 352, 355 Harita, . .
. . 57 Iradhitara (Rathitara),
122, 124 & add. Jätūkarna or Jatvakarnna, . 116, 122, 124 Kappa or Kapya,. . Käsyapa, 63, 139, 143, 145, 292, 352, 355 Kondiņa or Kaundinya,. 116, 124, 314, 315 Kausika, . 285, 294, 321, 323, 324, 352, 355 Mädala or Mathara, . .
122, 124 Rauhita, . . ..
297 Sandilya, . . 178, 180, 181, 309, 310 Sandilyayana, . . . 257, 259, 260 Srivatsa,
. . : 352, 355 Vachchha or Vatsa, 219, 222, 224, 238, 250,
256, 285, 294, 295 Vaddamukha . . . 238, 249, 256 Vädhüls or Vädūla,
122, 124, 352, 355 Yaska, . . . . . 348 n., 352, 355 Gövāditya-Bhatta, m., . . . 238, 250, 258 Govarddhanaryya, m.,.
. . 352, 355 Govinda, Rash, rakū a k., . . . 238, 251 Govinda I, Rashtrakū a k.,. . 237, 238, 243 Govinda II, Rashtrak ifa k.,.
. 239 Govinda III, Rash rakūja k., 7, 94, 104 & n., 105 & n.,
235, 239, 240, 241 &n. Govinda Bhatta, m., . . , 238, 249, 258 Govindachandra, Gahadavāla k., 219, 221, 226 Govindachandradēva, 8. a. Govindachandra, 223, 225 Govindapur, vi., . . . . . 300 Govindapur, identified with Göpēndra-choraka, 88 Govindaraja, commentator, . . . .317 n. grama-grima, . . . . 4».
294
N. B.-The figures refer to pages ; 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to z. • The following other abbreviations are used-ch. =chief ; 20.= country; di district or division; do. -editto,
dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern; k=king; M =male; mo.=mountain ; ri,=river ; 8. . same as ; sur.=sur name: 16. tom ple; vi.= village or town; w=woman; W.Western.

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368
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
.
103
.
294
91 n. 91 -
88
PAGE
PAGE grāma-küta official, . . . , 249, 256 Hansöt plates of the Chāhmāna feudatory Bhar. Gudrahäin, di., . .
. : 315 trivaddha II, . . . Gudufars, k., 262, 263, 270, 272, 273, 275, 279,282 Haradars Santayya, m., . . . 192, 195 Gudufara, 8. a. Gondophares,
• 263
Haraha inscription, . . . . . 82 Gudufara inscription,. 278, 279, 280, 281, 282 Hari-Bhatta, m., . . . , 238, 250, 256 Guhaba, m., . . . . .
Harichandra, 8. a. Harichandra Rühilladdhi, Guhila II, Guhilot prince, . . . 107
89 & n., 94, 95, 97, 103 Gujarat, di.. . .
. .
Harichandra Röhilladdhi, Prathihara k., 88, 90,
. 321 Gujerat, 8. a. Gujarāt, . .
91, 92, 93 Haridvār, vi,
. . Gujjaratta, 8. a. Gurjjaratra,
. 95 Harigupta, Pallava k., . . . 301
147, 150, 151 Gumsūr grant of Nētfibhañjadēva . . .
Harihara, figure of, . . . . . 182 n.
301 Gumsur, t'i.. . . . . . . Gunabhara, epithet of Mahendravarman I, 150
Harihara, god. , 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188
Harihara, Vijayanagara k., . • . 141, 144 Gunadhavala, m.. . . . . . 251, 257 Gunakanka (Gunagänka), s. a. Rakkasa-Ganga, 66
Harihara (II), Vijayanagara k., . . 138
Hariputra (Arjuna), . . . , 214, 217 Gunakankiya, work, . . . . .
Hariputra (Karna), . . . . 214, 217 Gaņārnava, Ganga k.,. . . 307, 308
. Guņasāgara, author,
297, 309, 310, 311 .
.
sarman, m.,. . 65 & 7., 66, 67 .
Harischandra, myth. k., . .
. 67 & n.
. Guņasāgara-Bhatára, m.,
. .
22, 26, 36 Harisuta (Bhima), .
. 228, 231, 234
. . Gundamayys, ..
214, 217 & 16. . Harisuta (Yama), .
. . .
214, 217 Guñjadēvasarman, m., . . . .
. 314, 315
Harita, aage,. .
. -
. 235
. Guntoru, ri...
. .
. .
. 353 n. Gupta, dy... 75, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 242, 248, 255
Hārītiputra, epithet,
2, 56, 59, 228, 258, 315
Harivaméa, work, 129 & n., 131 n., 133 n., 136 n. Gurjara or Gurjjara, co.,. . . 241, 243, 254 Gurjara or Gurjjara, dy.,
• 192, 195
Haritamsa (Jaina), work, . . . 102, 239
Harjjara, . . . . . . . 329 Gurjara, people,. 91, 103, 104, 105, 106, 189, 252
. . .
Harsha, author, Gärjarashtra, 8. a. Gujarat, co.,
201
. . .
Harsha, k., . . . . Gurjaratrā, province, 90, 91 & 7., 106
. . . . . .
Harshacharita, work, . . 91, 93, 106, 205 .
. Gurjara, kingdom,. .
. .
. 90 .
Harsharāja, Guhilot prince, Gurjara, clan, .
. 90, 91, 92, 93, 239 .
.
Harshavardhana, Thanerar k., . Gurjara kings of Broach, , , , 91
.
Hasanabad, vi,. 101, 102,
. . Gurjara-Pratīhāra, clan,
. . Gurjara-Pratihāra dynasty, genealogy of — 93,
Hashtnagar inscription of the 5th Pröshtha
pada 384, Gūrjja-rashtra,
. .
. .
• .
280 Hastigrāma, vi., . .
302 Gwalior, vi.,
Hastivarman, Ganga k., .
. Gwalior inscription or prabasli of Bhoja, 90 n., 93,
308 hastyadhyaksha, official,
156, 308, 311 94, 100, 102
hasty-afv-Oshtra-vaba)la-vyāpritaka, official, 306 hasuge, . . .
. 196, 212, 218 hatharoha, (?) official, .
. 156, 157 1, used for p
. . . . . 189
Häthigumphā inscription of Khāravēla, 318 n. & add. Haihaya, myth. k., .
. . 129, 132 hathivaka, (?) official, . . . 156, 157 Haihaya dynasty of Ratanpur, . . : 289 Heasi, m., . . . . . . 156, 157 Hāla, author, .
242 & n. Hēlāpura, vi., . . . . 241, 246, 254 Hälēka, m., . . . . .
223, 224 . Hēmakūta, hill,. . .
161, 163, 164
. Hammikabbe, w., . . . . 173, 174, 176 Hemisvaratha, mahadana, . . 139, 143, 145 Hamsa, symbol on coin,
. . . 80 Hidda epigraph of the year 28, . . 264 N. B.-The figures refer to pages ; . after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.chief; co. = country: di.. district or division; do.. ditto: dy..dynasty : E. Eastern ; k. king: m.male; mo.=mountain; rivor ; 6. d.= same as ; our surname; te.temple; vi. village or town; 10.woman; W.-Western.
99

Page #464

INDEX.
369
РАав
Pags Himachala, mo., . .
. . 243
Indravarman, Chukya prince, . . . 2, 4 Himadri (Himalaya), mo..
..210 Indravarman, Ganga km . 307, 308, 309, 310 Himalaya, mo., . .
106, 240, 252, 253 , initial form of- . . . . . 146 Himavat (Himalaya), .
. . 245, 246 insignia (1) of Idangai, . i . . . 335 Him[i]ngana, m., . . 160 I pür, vi.. . . . .
.
. . 58 Hindol, state, . . . . .
288 n. Tradhitara, used for Rathitars, Hírābandh, tank, . . 152 Iraippunaichchëri, vi.,
. 8, 11, 12, 14, 15 Hirahadagalli inscription of Sivaskandavárman, 318n. Irāman-Tāyag, m., . . . . . 344 hirannya, used for hiranya,. . . . 138 Iramar-Tiruvadi Köyiladhikärigal, 8. a. Kulai Hiranyagarbha, mahädäna, 238, 239, 243, 252 & n. sēkhara Köyiladhikarigal,. . . 341 Hiranyagarbha, school of- . . 176 . Irbballi, . .
. . . 34 Hiranyakëći-sūtra, work, . . . 124 Irbuli, v., . . . . . 257, 259, 260 Hiranyāksha, demon, . . . . . 363. Irralū[r]-Böya, epithet of Durgabarman,. . 2, 4 Hiranyavarman, Pallava k... 116, 117, 121, 123 Isalaks, m., . . .
. 327, 328 Hiuen Thsang (or Tsiang), pilgrim, 20, 91, 92,95 Isvara, Vijayanagara k.,
. . . . 161 Hoolee, 8. a. Hüli, .
. . . 170 n. hottalu, . . .
. . . 183 Hou Han-shu, work, . . . . 276 Hüli, (Pūli), vi., .
170 & n., 171
j, used for y, .
. . .
. . 219 j, changed into y, .
· 91, 92, 306 Hūna, people,
. .
. .
263
. Jachchhikā, ., . 82
. . . . . . Huns, 8. a. Hūņa,
285 . . Huvishka, Kush na k., . .
jagadala, . . . . . . . 205 Hydaspes (Jhelum), ri., .
jagadalam, . . . . . . 201, 203 Hydraotis (Ravi), ri.,.
Jagadēkamalla, myth. k., , . 23, 27, 42, 52 .
Jagadēkamalla (II), Chilukya ki, 173, 290 & *. Jagadēkamalladēva, Chilukya k.,. . 176, 177
Jagadókamalla-vijayi, epithet of YasabhañjadeIdangai, eub-sect of Velaikk"ras, 335, 337, 338 ra,. .
. . 290 & ., 298 Ikshväku, myth. k., 22, 26, 28, 34, 107, 108, 110, Jagadēkamallavijayi, . . . . . 298
111, 336, 337
Jagadhara-sarman, m., . . . . 285, 299 llä, myth. princess,
129, 132, 136
Jagati, vi.. . . . . . . . 800 Ilam (i.e., Ceylon),
. . 24. 28, 29
Jagattunga or dēva, title of Govinda III, 238, iļam-pūtchi, parihara,. . . . 122, 124
241, 246, 249, 253, 256 Ilandurutti, . . . . . . . 343 Jaiminiya, vedantic samaya or school, : 176 Tlangai(Ceylon),, . . .. . 336
Jain, samaya or school, . . . . . 176. Ilangunnappula,. . . ...343 n.
Jaintāmuri, vi... . . . . . -803 Imperial Gupta dynasty, . . . . 242
. . . . . 288. Imperial Pratīhāra dynasty, . . 87, 89, 90, 94 Jaipur (Northern) . . . . . 290 imtta, used for inda, . .
. . 138 Jaipur (Southern), . . . . . 290 Indra IV, Rashtrakūta k., .
241 Jaipuri=Jaipur Zamindari 1, . . 308 Indra-Bhattāraka or Indraraja, 8. a. Indravar. Jaitngi I, Yadava k.,
811, Tak K., . . . . . . 347. man,
Jajjikādēvi, queen of Nagabhata, 88, 90, 96, 98 Indrarāja, Chalukya k., . . . . . 229 Jalangi, ri., . . . . . . . . . 62 Indrarāja, ch., . . . . . . 105 Jalayūra, vi.. .
. . 58, 59, 60 Indraraja, Rashtrakūta k., 105 1., 237, 238, 243, 262 Jamalgarhi inscription of the 1st Aspaia (1) 369, 280 Indrarāja IV, Rashtrakufa k.. . . 89 7. Jamarapura, vi... . .
. 302 Indravarman, Chilukya k., . . 1, 2, 3, 4 Jambupadraka (Jamda 1), vi.. .
• 300 The figures refer to pages; . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. ni to .. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch.=chief; co.=country; di.district or division: do. ditte ; dy=dynasty; E.=Eastern; k.=king; m.Emale ; mo.mountain; ri-river ; 8. 4.e same as ; aur.=surname; te templo; vi.= village or town; w=woman; W.Western.
SB
Jaipur,

Page #465

370
Jamdapir, Jamnavegere, vi., Janadēva, m.,
Janarddana-Kunda, m.,
Janarddanäryya, n.,
Jäntä, m.,
Jäta, m.,
Jatiabadi, homestead,
Jati Budi, w.,
.
Jatvakaranna, 8. a. Jātūkarna, Jayachandra, Kanauj k., Jayanaga, k.,
Jananathamangalam, s. a. Pulanari (= modern
Polonnaruva),
Jananathanallur (Vayalür), vi.,
janapada,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Jayasimha, Paramära k. of Malwa, Jayasimha (1) Vallabha, Chalukya k., Jayasimha (F), Chalukya k.,
PAGE 300, 301 213, 216, 218 294
Jayasimha (II), Chilubya k., Jayasimhadeva, Gurjara k., Jayasimha-Vallabha Jayasithha II,
Jeldda-Bōla-kshetra,
mandalam,
Jayasimha, Chalukya k.,
Jayasimha, Gurjarashtra (Gurjara) k., .
Jetavana, Buddhist sect, jk, form of-,
Phiarivallika, vi.,
Jharivallika, 8. a. Zaroli, Jhota, Prathara k.,
Jhovada (?), m., jhvamaliya, use of-, Jimütakētu, myth. k., Jimütavahana, Bodhisattva, Jina (the Buddha);
Jina, figure of,
Jinasema, author,
Jivadaman (1), Kshatrapa k., Jivadatta, m., Jivita-Gupta, Gupta k., Janabakti, Jaina saint,
336
145
289, 293, 295
76, 78 351, 355
222, 224
126, 127
86
86
116, 122
Jayangonḍaśōla-mandalam, di.,
Jayangonda-sola-mandalam ancient Tondai
•
·
•
158 62, 63 64, 69
321 201, 205 201
1 n., 55, 56, 57 229, 313 m., 315
229, 313 n., 314 203
.
314, 315 314 n., 316
331. 189
238, 250, 256 243 88, 96, 98 294 . 1, 307 130, 248, 255 130 129, 337 172 239 339, 340 75, 76, 78 82
189, 190, 191, 194,
205, 206, 207 192
PAGE
Jñanasakti-Panditadeva, s. a. Jñanasakti,
191, 191 Jodhpur inscription of Pratihāra Bauka, 102, 103,111 n. Jodhpur State, Jodhpur, vi.,
91
Jodhpur Pratihära dynasty, Jot (mutaka), private property, Jot (yökrta), land measure, Jota, shortened form of Jotika,
87, 91 94 79 n. 62 n.
Jōtikā,
Jumna, ri.,
Junagadh State
Junagadh, vi.,
Junaid, general,
Jupiter, planet, Jurz (-Gurjara), Jyamalla, Pallava k., jyeshthadhikaranika, chief judge,
k, doubling of, Kabul, co., Kabul valley,
Kacharis,
K
Kachchippēdu, vi., Kachchippēdu, 8. a. Conjeeveram, Kadakina-kere, (Kadaku tank). Kadakka-Muttaraiyar, m.,
[VOL. XVIII.
Kadalibasanta, 8. a. Kodolibosonto, Kadamba-nādu,
Kadambavamsa, family,
Kadambari, work, . Kaḍāram,
Kadphises I, Kushana k., Kadphises II, Kushana k., Kadupatti Pallava, Kadupatti-Tamila-peraraiyan, title,
Kaduvapur, vi.,.
Kailasanatha temple inscription, Käkati, vi., Kakatiya, dy., Kākanḍivāda, Käkartya Gundyana, ck., Kakka, Pratihāra k.,
.
79 n., 86
104 & n., 239, 252
339
339 93, 103
340, 341, 345 93 147 & n., 150, 151 76, 78
87 275 278 329
12, 15, 116, 122, 124 9, 119 192. 195 117 303
•
Kahla plate inscription of Södhadeva, Kailasa, mo...
..
79 n.
342, 343, 344, 345
288. 66, 120 n.
25 m., 28, 29, 30
270, 275, 277
275, 276
.
9
129, 136 n. 48, 135 146
347, 348, 349, 351, 354 346 n., 347 & n. 58, 59, 60 348
88, 89, 90, 94, 95,
7
8
Jääna aktiděva, s. a. Jäänasakti,.
The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following, other abbreviations are used:-ch. -chief; co.=country; di district or division; do. ditto: dy, dynasty. Eastern; b.king; m.-male; mo.mountain; ri,river; s. same as; sur,surname; te.temple; vi.village or town; to. Woman W.-Western.
96, 98, 106

Page #466

PAGE Kakkuka, 8. a. Kaku(t)stha, .. 100, 111 & . Kakkuka, Pratihāra k., 88 & n., 89 & n., 90,
91, 93, 107, 111 & n.
Kakustha (Kakutstha), Pratihara prince, Kaku(t)stha, myth. k.,
Kakutstha, epithet of Puranjaya, Kala (Yama),
Kalabhanana (Ganapati), Kalabhartri, Pallava k.,
Kalabhras, people,.
Kalachuri, dy.,
Kalachurya or Kalachuryya, dy., 192, 195,
.
Kaladiya Bōlagadi (Bōdagadi), ch.,
Kalahasti, vi.,
Kalakacharya, m., Kalakacharyakathanaka, work,
107, 111 & n. 107 & n., 110 22, 26, 35
110 m., 192, 195, 230
140 147, 148, 149, 150, 151 116, 121, 123 128, 129
Kaļasēša, 8. a. Kaļaśāśvara, Kalaééévara, god, .
Kalavali, poem,
Kaldarra epigraphs,
kalam,
Kālāmjana (Kālañjara), vi., 208, 209, 211, 213,
•
209, 211, 215, 218
INDEX.
173, 174, 176
23 274 273, 274, 276 29
215, 218 176 m., 191, 194, 205, 206
68 68
194 n
Kāļāmukha school, Kalappal, vi., Kalarirrarivar, s. a. Seramāņperumā)-Nāyaṇār, Kalas inscription of Saka 851, Kalasavalligēri, 174, 176, 178, 183, 184, 185, 187 & n., 188 & n., 190, 193, 196, 197, 198,
•
•
199, 210, 212 199 197, 198, 199 28, 29, 30 262, 263, 279, 280 196, 346 .213, 215, 217 213, 215, 217 173, 176, 178 190, 193, 196 84
Kalidasa, poet,
Kalidasa (I) (Kalimayya), m.,
Kāļidāsa II, m.,
Kalideva, m.,
"
Kalidevayya-Setti, m.,.
Kalighat hoard,
Kalikala or Karikala-Chōla, myth. k., 347,
•
348, 350, 354
Kalimanḍai-Chadangavi, m., .
Kālimayya, m.,
Kalinda, Pallava k.,
Kalinga, co., 25, 27, 45, 47, 54, 104, 105, 108, 112, 240, 241, 245, 246, 253, 254, 307, 309,
122, 124 208, 209, 211 147, 150, 151
310, 331 n.
PAGE
Kalinganagara, vi., 309, 310, 311, 312 Kalingattupparani, work, 25 n., 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 31 & n., 49 n., 51 n., 53 n., 54 n. Kali-Vishnuvardhana, Chalukya k., Kalkutiga-gere (Stonemason's tank), Kalluvi, ri.,.
229 179
242, 250, 256
243
243 67 228
201, 203 .320 n. 28, 29, 30 284,
Kalluvi, s. a. Kālā, Kälü, ri., Kalugumalai, vs.,. Kalvakuru, vi., kal-vesam, Kalyan, vi.,. Kalyāna, vi.,
Kalyanakalasa, sur. of wetribhanjadēva,
.
Kalyanapura, vi., Kalyāņi, vi., Kamakkanappalli, vi., Kamanäryya, m.,
Kamandakiya-nilisära, work, Kāmāri, vi.,
Kamauli plates,
Kamban Araiyan, m.,
•
•
Kämönäryya, m.,.
Kamnharadeva, Rashtrakuta k., Kampili,
Kamikagama, work, Kamsa, epic hero, . Kamboja, people, Kāņāda, samaya or school, Kanagopa, Pallava k., Kanaka, Kalachuri k., Kanakabhafija or Kanakabhañjadēva, Bhañja k.,
286, 287, 293, 295
25, 27, 46, 54 290 n. 312, 343, 344, 345 352, 355 112 n., 113 n. 302 . 222 n. 118 352, 355 203
28
371
72 211 305
. 176 n.
149, 150, 151 129
286, 292 209, 214 180 5
Kanakadri, myth. mo... Kanakamahachala, myth. mo.,
Kanakarāma, m.,.
Kanauj, kingdom,. .92, 101, 105 Kanchana, queen of Lakshmanarajadēva (II), 129,
134, 137
Käñchi (Conjeeveram), vi., 7, 58, 148, 149, 241,
Kanchipuram, 8. a. Käñchi, vi., Kandan Mädavan, m., .
Kanderuvädi or Kändravadi, s. a. Ganderuväți, Kaṇḍüru-Gana,
246, 254 117 64, 68, 69 56 201, 202, 204
0
The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch.-chief; co. country; di.-district or division; do.- ditto; dy. dynasty; E.-Eastern; k.-king; m. male; mo.mountain; ri. river; a. a. same as; sur.-surname; te.temple; vi.=village or town; w. woman; W.-Western.
3 B2

Page #467

372
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
56 230
55
Рлах Kanhars, .. a. Krishna III, Rashtrakufa k., . 201, 205 Kanishka, Kusha na k., . 18, 267, 276, 277, 280,
281, 282 Kanishka casket from Shab-ji-ki-dhëri, . .16, 18 Kanker States . . . .
. . 349
. Kannada, . .. .
29 Kapni, 8. a. Kanya, . .
341 Kanni-kävalan, title of Pandya kings, . Kankönä, Kanbona or KannasonnaA, 8. a. Karnasuvarnaka,
62 Kantêru, 8. a. Gandéru, vi.,. . .. . Kapthika-Vijayaditya,. . . . Kanya, raši, . . . .
341 Kanya-bhatāraki, . . Kinya or Kanyakubja (Kanuaj), . 101, 221, 223, 225 Kanyakumari inscription or grasasti, 23, 24, 25, 26, 31 Kanyakumari, vi... . . . . . 21 Kanya-Pidariyar, goddess enshrined at Kanya.
kumari, . . . . . . . 26 Kao-fu (Kabul), co., . . . . 276, 278 Kapalimangalam, vi., . 342, 343, 344, 345 Kapila, sage, . . . . . . 36, 50 Kapila, samaya or school, . . . 176 n. Kapeha, .. a. Kujula Kadphiges, 279, 280, 282 Karahada, di.. . .
238, 249, 256 Karikbandi, canal !, .
. . 311 Karila, Pallava k.. . . . 148, 150, 151 Karaikkal (Karikal), vi.. . Karambichchēttu, vi., . : . . 122, 124 karana, official, . . . . : 293, 295 Karamchödu, vi., . . . . 228, 232, 234&n. karanika, official, 77, 79, 223, 224 & n., 225, 226 Kardå grant, . .
. . .241. Karbad grant, . . . . . 241 n. Karbida Brāhmans, . . . . 238, 256 n. Karikalasõla-Pallavaraiyag, 8. a. sekkilar, 68 Karigai, work, . . . . . . 69 Karigai s. a. Yapparungalakkärigai, work, 69 Kirigai-Kulattūr 8, a. Kulattūr, ... 64, 68, 69 Kárigai-[Yappu), 8. a. Yäpparungalakkärigai,. 69 Karikäla oro-Chöļa myth. k. .23, 27, 29, 41, 52 Karikala or "Chola, 8. Q. Vira-Rajendra dēva, 25,
26, 27, 47, 48, 54, 65 kari-turaga-pattan-akara-sthana-hökul-adhikarin,
official, . . . . . . . 221 Karkaktai vi.. .
. 162, 163, 166
PAGE Karkarāja, ch., . . . . . 105 & n. Karkataka, räsi, . . . . .340, 341, 34, 345 Karkka, or Karkkarāja 1, Rashtraktita k., 237,
238, 243, 252 Karkka II, Rashtrakūta k., . . . . 238 Karle, vi., . .
. . . 325 Karma-rashtra, di., 228, 231, 234, 257, 258, 259,
260, 314, 315 Karmmakära-tatāka, tank,. . 259, 260 Karna (Karna), epic hero, 205 m., 217, 305 Karnasuvarna, 8. a. Karnasuvarnaka, . . 62 Karnasuvarnaka, ti. . . . . . 62, 63 Karnata, family,. . . . . . 27 Karpņáta, people, . . . . . . 306 Kartábhaja, sect. . . .
. 62 Kartta, Kalachuri k., .
129 Karttavirya, myth. k., . , 132, 136 & 7., 137 n. karuva, . . .
. 183, 185, 188 Kārvētinagar, vi.. . Kakākudi plates of Nandivarman Pallavamalla,
51., 14 n., 15., 117, 147, 148, 149 Kasi (Benares), . . . . . . 220 Kasia, vi.. . . . . . 18, 19, 128 Kasia copper plate inscription, . . . 18 . Kalyaps or Kayapa, sage, 22, 26, 28, 33, 49, 292 Kåtaganga, canal,
. . . . . 85 Katakēta, . . . . . . 233, 235 n. Katäha, co., . . ... 25, 27, 45, 54 Kathiawar, di.. .
. . 273, 339 Kätibarman, m...
. . . 55, 57 Kattiyagéri, vi., 183, 186, 189, 190, 192, 193, 196,
208, 210, 212, 213, 216, 218 Kattumappárköyil, vi.. . . . . . 24 Kaumara, samaya or school, . . '. 176 n. Kaubambi, identified with Kosam, . . 158 Kautilya, author, . .
. . 156 leasachasamanapafaka,
. .. 223 1. Kavadiya Madi-Ganda, 3. a. Midi-Gauda, . 206 Kavērakanya or Kavērasutá (Kävēri), ri., .39, 163 Kävēri, ri., 7, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 38, 41, 51, 52, 84, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 145, 161, 162,
165, 167, 169 Kåvirippumpattinam, vi.. Kavyadarka, work, . . . Käryävaloka, work, . .
. 66
67
The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used ch.-chief; co.=country; di.=district or division; do. ditto ; dy. Iynasty; E. -Eastern; k. king: .male: mo. mountain ; r rivor ; 4. same as ; sur, e gurname: 16. temple; vi. village or town; .woman; W.Western.

Page #468

INDEX.
373
Kokava, M.,
PAGE käyastha, community. . . . 74, 75 n., 257 Ködära, tirtha, . . .
. 180, 186, 305 Kendara Keta, m., .
. . 171, 172 Kendara Marasinga, M., .
• 171, 172 Kenwood House, . . . . . . 304 Keonjhar, .. a. Khinjali, . . . 289, 292 Keonjhar State, . . 288, 291, 292, 300 Kērala, co.,. . 24, 241, 246, 254, 333, 341, 342 Keralas, people .
116, 121, 123, 336 Keralötpatti, work, . . . . 343 Kere-Siddhappa, te., . . . . 170, 196
... 127 Kötavs, m.,.. 75, 77, 79, 178, 180, 182, 287, 296 Kokava-Bhatta, n., . . . 185, 188 Kidavadēva, m.,.
. . 285, 287 & 1. Kēkavāditya, god, 176, 177, 185, 188, 192, 196,
. 197, 198, 203, 204 Kebavaditya, .,. .
. . 184, 187 Kösava-Gahiyasahasa, m., . . 238, 250, 256 Késavanasho?, . .
. . . 157 Kësaväryya, m.,. .
. 352, 355 Kēkavasarman, m. . . . . 59, 60 Këtumäla, myth. k., . . . 23, 27, 40, 51 Khachara (Sun),. .
. . 210 Khaddavali - Kodavali,
317, 318, 319 Khaduvapali, . . . . . . 300 Khalif Hasham,. . Khalimpur grant of Dharmmapaladova, .79 n., 104 n. Khamba or Stambha, 7., . . 287 & n. Khandadeuli, vi, . .
291, 303 Khandadouli grant of Ranabhafijadeva (Narēn.
drabhafijadēva), . . . . 291, 303 khandala, territorial division, . . . . 78. khandapala, oficial, .
298 Khandapara, state, .
. 288 n. thandaraksha, official,. .
. 306 Khandichandra, m., .
308, 311 Khandichandra-Bhogika, M., khandika, measure, . Khandimalēpi, M., .
313 & *. khari, land measure, . . 232, 233, 234, 235 Khasa, people, . . .
• .. . 306 Khatiya, vi.. . .
. . 300 Khatiya-shaya, di., . . . 300 khafvanga-dhvaja, insignia, .
• 117 Khēröshwar Mahadeo, te., .
• 224 & n.
РАав Khētaka (Kaira), vi... . 238, 243, 252 khi, form of- . . ..
. . 155 Khiching or Kiching, vi., . 289, 300, 301 Khijjinga (Kiching), vi.. . . 300, 301 Khijingga or Khijjinga, 8. a. Khiching,
289 Khijjinga-kotta,. . . . . 303 Khijjinga Kotta-Khiching, . . . Khimidi, identified with Khimjali,. .
• 292 Khimjali or Khiñjali, di., . . 285, 289, 292 Khiņdini, misreading for Khimjali, . . 292 Khiñjali-mandala-Keonjhar State, . 300, 303 Khiñjali-mandala, di.,. . . . . 300 Khipatti, m., . . . . 156, 157 Kiďáram, . . Kilānadigal, Kerala princess, .
. . 341 Killi, myth. k., . .
. . 29 Kil-Paitāram, vi., . . . . 9, 12, 15 Kilvali-Vägūr-nädu, di.. . . 8, 11, 14 Kimidi, di., . . .
. . 291 Ki-pin, di., . . .
275, 278 Kirari, vi., . . .
152, 153, 154 Kirāta, co., . . .
104, 108, 112 Kirātárjuniyam, work,. . . . . . 157 Kirimambakkam, vi., .
. . 9 Kirimappatti, 8. a. Kirimambakkam, . . 9 Kirimappatti, vi.. .
. . 12, 15 Kirti, Sinhalese prince,. .
. . 332 Kirti or Kirttivarman L Chalukya k., 1, 2, 4,
55, 56, 57, 89 n., 257, 258, 259 Kirtinārāyana, epithet of Govinda III, 240, 245, 253 Kirtivarma-Prithivivallabha, 8. a. Kirtivarman 1, . . .
. . 267, 260 Kirtti, ch., . . . . . 201, 203, 205 Kirtti, meritorious work, .
. 114 11. Kirttigiri, .. a. Luachchhagira (Deogarh), 125 Kirttivarman II, Chalukya k.,
89 - libóra-vadavi-go-mahishy-aj-avik-adhyaksha, ofi
cial, . . . . . . . 306 Kiếuvayara Ravikimayya-Nayaks, m., 178, 179, 181 kkramagata, used for keramagata, . . . 125 Ködandarama, 8. a. Adityavarman, Chola k., 23, 42, 52 Ködandaramokvara, te.. . . . . 23, 24 Kodavali, vi.. . . . . . . 316 Kodolibosonto, . . . . . . 303 Koeti (East-Borneo), co., . . 162 ., 153 Kokkili, Chalukya k.,
way
. . . . . . . . 229
.
93
. •
308 60
N. B. - The figures refer to pages; N. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additiona on pr. vii to X. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch-chief; co. dountry: di district or division; do. aitto ; dy.dynasty: E.Eastem: k. king: m.-man; mo-mountain; ni. river; 6...samo as our.ro surname; te. tomplo; vi village or town; 10.woman; W.Western.

Page #469

374
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
225
.
.
228
PAGE Kokkuligöri, 190, 192, 193, 196, 209, 210, 212,
213, 216, 218 Köļāļa, vi,
201, 205 Kõļāļapura, 8. a. Kõļāļa (Kolhapura), . . Kõļālapuravarādhisvara, title of Pitta, Kolhapur, ti.. . .
. .
. . 241, 242 Kollaniryya, m., . . .
. . 352, 355 Komaria Akron, 8. a. Kanyakumari, . . 21 Komar, 8. a. Kanyakumari,. . . . 21 Kombajul, vi.. . . . . . 122, 124 Kömmanaryya, m.. . . . . Kömmara, vi., . . . . .
. 58, 59, 60 Kömyāņa, vi.
285, 299, 302, 303 Konalageri (?), . . . . 183, 186, 189 Köņāvada, ri., . . . . . .223 n. Kondanagūru, vi.. . . . . 1, 2, 3, 4 Kondav[e]rupūr, ri... . . . 258, 259, 260 Kondavid, identified with Kondav[e]rupūr,. 258 Kondiņa, 8. a. Kaundiaya, . . . 116, 124 Kondivarman, ch., . . Kõneya-Malla (?)-Kramita, m., . . 186, 188 Kongariyanellür, . . . 165, 166, 167, 168, 169 Köngeda, vi.. . . . . . . 290 Konkaņa, di... . . . . 29, 321, 323, 324 Konkanas, people,
. . 116, 123 Konkani, Pallava I.. . . . 147, 150, 151 Konkaņi Ganga k., . . Konkanika. Pallara k., .
. 7, 10, 13 Konnür inscription of Amõghavarsha of Saka 782, 235,
236, 237 Konomonā, ri.. . . . . . 302 Kontarāvangarishaya, di.. 285, 299, 302, 303 Köntinthi (Kontinvi). 3. a. Kontuani, . 300 Kontinvi 8. a. Kontuani, . . . 300 Konttaya-gada,. .
.. . . 303 Kontuani, vi.. . . . . .
. .
300 Kopāsimha, . . .
302 Koppa or Koppam, . • 25, 28, 29, 30 Kopparam, ri., .
. . 257 Korandiyo, di.. . . . . . 300 Koriñjiyā, ci.. . .
. 300 Kösala, co., . . .
240, 245, 253 Kosam, vi., . . . . . 158 & 1., 160 Kösika (Kausika), aoge, . . . . . 38, 53 Kotālipādā, vi.. . . . . 84, 85, 86 & n.
PAGE Kotayagada, vi., . .
302 Koti, di., . . . Kotiara Metropolis, 8. a. Köttāru, . 21 Koti-pallal, di... . . . . Kotrangudi plates of Nandivarman II,. 115 Kottabhañja (Silābhañja I), Bhanja k., 286, 291 kottagaram (goshth-griha), . . . 119, 122 Kottaja-vāvi, well, . . 208, 209, 211 kötlapala, oficial, . . . . . . 306 Kottara, 8. a. Kottāru, . . . . . 21 Köttāru, vi.. . . . . . . 21 Kottāáramatapovana Kuting, . . . 300 Kottayam Plates of Sthāņu-Ravi,. . 69, 341, 343 Kottayam plates of Vira-Rāghava-Chakravartti, 69 Kotwāli pārā spurious grant of Samachara-Deva, 74 Kõvai, . . . . . . . 65 n. Köyilolugu, work, . . . . . 31, 139, 140. Kramavittanar-Kūla Bhattan, m., . , 122, 124 Krauncha, mo.. . . . .
351, 354 Krimila-vishaya, di., . .
. . 306. Krishna, m., . . . . . . 139 Krishņa I, Rashfrakūta k., . . . . 239 Krishna III, Rashtrakūta k., . . . . 24 Krishnarāja (Krishna III), Rishrabiita k.,
24, 27, 43, 53 Krishparāya, Krishnadóvarāya or Krishnadeva. mahārāya, Vijayanagara k., 161, 162,
164, 165, 166, 169 Krishnarayapuram, &. a. Ennakudi, 163, 164 Krishnarayapuram &. a. Vadambür-Ekamba
rapuram, . . . . 165, 167, 168, 169 Kộishņēsvara, m., . . . . . . 97, 99 Kritavirye, myth. k., . . . , 129, 136 n. Krövi, family, . . . . . 232, 234 ksha(kahej trapa, official,
. . 306 Kshatrapa, title,. . , 272, 275, 277, 339 Kshatrasithha, epithet of Rijasimha II, 149, 151, 152 Kshatriyamalla, sur. of Nandivarman 11, 116 Kshijjinga Kotta, 8. a. Khijjinga, . . . 300 Kuběra, m., . . . . . . 285, 236 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana (I), Chalukya k., . 229 Kūdal (Madura), . . . . . . 28 Kūdal, Kudal-sangamam, or Kütal-sangama, 25,
27, 28, 29, 30, 46, 54 Kudalśaravāla-Nayiņår, m.,. .
. 139 kudavā, 8. a. kulyavápa ?, . . . 79.
N. B.- The figures refer to pages ; . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used ch.chief; co. country: di.=district or division; do. ditto ; dy.dynasty: 4. - Eastern; k=king; m.=man; mo=Mountain; ti=river ; 8. 4.= same as ; sur, gurname; te.=temple; ti.= village or town; w=woman; W.-Western.

Page #470

PAGE kudipati, headman of village, 342, 343, 344 Kujüla Kadphises, or Kuju's Kara Kadphises, 270, 275, 276, 277. 278, 279, 280
Kushana k., Kukka, m., kulam, parihara,
159 122, 124 Kulamanikyanallur alias Näochikrurchchi, vi.,
.
Kōyiladhikarigal,
Kulasekharadeva, Kerala k.,
8. a.
Kulasekhara, author,
Kulasekhara-Alvar, Vaishnava saint, Kulasekhara or Kulasekhara Kōyiladhikarigal, Chera k., . 340, 341, 342, 344, 345 Kulasekhara-Chakravartigal, s. a. Kulasekhara
Kulasekhara-pPerumal
Kōyiladhikarigal,
Kulattar, vi.,
kulavāra (arbitrator ?),
kulavaya, land measure,
Kulottunga II, Chola k., Kulottungasola-valanādu, di., Kulottunga-Solan-ula, work,
Kuluta, co.,. kulyāvāpa, land measure, Kumārachandra, m., Kumara-Gupta, Gupta k., Kumara-Gupta I, Gupta k., Kumara-Gupta II, Gupta k., Kumara-Gupta III, Gupta k., Kumarakkuḍi, vi.,
.
Kumārasvāmin, author,
Kumāravishnu, Pallava k.,
Kulika, people,
Kulika, serpent, kuli(la)puttra, official, Kulitturai, ri.,
Kulottunga, Kulottunga-Chōla (I) or Kulōttunga-Choladeva, Chola k., 25 n., 29, 64, 67,
Kumari, e. a. Kanyakumari, .
Kumari, vi.,
.
Kumara-krama-Tiruvědi, m.,. Kumarasarma-Chadangavi, m.,
139, 141, 142, 145
342 342
.
INDEX.
341 341, 342
.
26, 29, 49 n., 53 n.
24 & n., 25, 27, 45, 47, 53, 54
76, 77, 79 & n., 86 285, 298 .79, 81, 84 n., 81, 83, 242 81, 82 84 139, 142, 145
122, 124 122, 124
348 147, 148, 149, 150, 151 26 48 122, 124 303
Kummangi, vi.,
Kumurukelä, vi.,
Kumurukela grant of Satrubhañjadeva,
291, 303 Kumtala or Kuntala, co., 183, 184, 186, 201, 202, 204
Kulasekhara
341 64, 67, 69 77, 79 n. 79 n. 306 215, 218 157 21
.
69, 332, 333, 334
68
68
PAGE
75 n.
Kunda, name ending, Kündi or Kündi Three-thousand, Kuprattur, vi.,
173, 174, 176
68
Kunrattur-nādu, di.,
Kūram plates of Paramesvaravarman I, Kuravadiri, vi.,
Kurram, vi.,
67, 68 147 122, 124 16, 20 7, 10, 11, 13, 14 179, 180, 181, 186 128
Kuru, myth. k., Kurukshetra,
Kusanagara, identified with Kasia, Kusapāla, m.,
Kusulaa Padika, s. a. Patika,
158, 159 Kushana, dy., 269, 270, 271, 273, 275, 277, 278, 282 Kushanas, people, 270 272 62, 63, 64 30 189, 191, 193. Kuvaļāļapura, 8. a. Kõlalapura, (i. e., Kalir), 291 m. Kuvalaáva, myth. k.,
Kutkuta-grāma, vi.,
Küttan, author,
kuttumbitti,
22, 26, 35, 49
Kuyula Kapsha,
277
, changed intoĮ,
1, replaced by !,
1, replaced by 1,
1, replaced by and r,
7, use of-,.
!, used in Sanskrit,
, wrong use of-,.
Laccadive Islands,
L
Lachchalādēvi, 8. a. Lachchale, Lachchiyabbarasi, s. a. Lachchale,
Lachchiyabbe or Lachchale, w., Lahula, m.,.
Lakha Mandal prasasti,
.
Lakshmana (I), Kalachuri k., Lakshmana (II), Kalachuri k., Lakshmana-raja, Kalachuai k., Lakshmanaraja II a. a. Lakshmana II, Lakshmanarajadeva (III), Kalachuri k.,
.
375
178, 182
314
207
189, 201, 213
147 1 189 . 152 n.
174, 176
174, 175,
Lakkarasa, m.,
Lakshadvipa, s. a. Laccadive Islands, Lakshmana, epic hero, . 22, 26, 37, 50, 90, 100,
176, 177, 178
173, 174, 176
225, 226 125 189, 191, 193 152 n.
110 & n., 111 .
129, 133, 137 & n. 129, 134, 137 129, 137 & n. 129, 137 n. 134, 137 & n.
N. B. The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pn. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used:-ch. chief; co. country: di,district or division; do. ditto; dy.dynasty; E.Bartern; k.king: m.man; mo.mountain; ri.-river; s. a. same as; sur. surname; le.temple; vi.village or town; w. woman; W.-Western.

Page #471

376
Lakshmi, w., Lakshmidäsa, author, Lakshmikavya, work, Lakulisadova, m., Lamka or Lanka (Ceylon), Lamka, statues from--,. Lambārayati,
Lamkäri (Rama), .
Landore, s. a. Govindapur, languages
Kanarese
182, 206
Old Kanarese 171, 172, 178, 189, 196, 199, 201, 205, 207, 208, 212 Prakrit, 16, 19, 87, 155, 158 Sanskrit, 1, 5, 22, 55, 58, 61, 87, 99, 115, 125, 128, 138, 159, 160, 165, 182, 189, 196, 201, 208, 212, 219, 224, 227, 236, 284, 307, 311, 314, 320, 331, 339,
Lamkonda, vi.,
Liaka Kusuluka, Kshatrapa, Lilavati, Ceylon queen, limkad-amka,
limkad-amka-palaka,
linga-cult,
346 331
Sinhalese, Tamil, 5, 22, 64, 115, 138, 165, 331, 340 Lankesvara (Rävaṇa), Läta, co., Latamanḍāpaya, Latas, people, Later Hans, dy.,
Left hand' castes, lehaharaka, official,
Leiden or Leyden plates or grant,
, use of-, .
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
PAGE
348, 351, 354 343 n. 139, 145 n. 191, 194 . 219, 241, 336, 337, 338
254 254 n. 246 300
.
.
91, 93, 105 & n. 330 92, 306
276
335
156, 157
Lökamahadevi, queen of Rajabhima Il, . Lōkamātris,
.
Lokanarendrasimha, epithet of Rajasimha II, Lokayata, samaya or school,
.
14 n., 15 n., 22, 26 232, 235 272 335
.201, 203, 205 & n. 173, 176 & n. .150 178 231, 233 315 151 176.
•
Lord of Kalam or fijana, epithet of Tribhuvana malladeva,
Lord of Madhura, title of Manabhisha,
Lords of Kimidi, title,
211, 218 161 292
Loriyan Tangai inscription of the 27th Proshthapada 318,
Loriyan Tangai statue,.
280 281
Loriyan Tangai stupa,
lotus flower, nine-petalled and expanded, emblem on seal,
M
lotus flower, seven-petalled, and expanded, emblem on seal, Luachchhagira, Lucknow Museum, Lunar race,.
m final, form of, m, replaced by .. ma, land measure, Mäbärata 8. a. Mahabharata,
[VOL. XVIII.
1, 307, 314
238
48, 55
344
Macchagaon, vi., .
303
263, 280
Machai record of the year 81, Machchha, Machchha", Machchha, Machha", or Machhaḍagrāma, vi.,. 285, 295, 301, 303 n. Machha or Machhäḍagrāma-Majhigām,. 203 . 303 n. Machchhaḍagrama-Machhgaon, 301 Machha or Machhädakhanda, di., 285, 295, 297, 301, 303 300
Madaněévara, te.,. Mādēvi-perundaṭṭān, m., Madhavavarman II, Ganga k., Madhurantaka; sur. of Rijendra-Chola
Madhurantaka, sur. of Parantaka I, Madhva, school of-,
Madras Museum,
Madura, Madhura or Madhura, vi.,
.
•
Machhia-khanda, di., Madanapala or 'deva, Gahadavala k., 220, 221, 223, 225, 226 170, 189 9, 12, 15 149
Madhyadesa tract between Bengal and Orissa, Madi, or Madi-Gauda m., Madiraikonda Parakesarivarman, title of Parantaka I,
·
PAGE
281
55
.
58
24, 25, 27, 45, 53 24, 27, 43, 53
176 n. 302 206
125
218
133.
Maghinduvarāja, Mahinduvaraja, identified with the Pallava king Mahendravarman III,
23, 24 346
24, 27, 28, 29, 43, 53 Magadha co., 241, 246, 254 Maghanamdin, or Maghanandin, m.. 201 &#.,
202, 204 . 58, 60
58
N. B. The figures refer to pages; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch-chief; co.=country; di.= district or division; do.= ditto; dy.=dynasty; E.-Eastern; k-king; m.-man; mo.=mountain; ri.=river; &. d. same as; sur. surname; te.temple; si. village or town; w0.-woman; W.-Western.

Page #472

INDEX..
377
PAGE
PAGE Mahabalipuram, vi., .
. 145, 146 Mahatantra, division of Velaikkara forces, 332, Mahabharata, epic, 7, 110 7., 113 n., 114 n., 130,
334, 338 225, 342, 345 & n. Māhāto 8. a. Mahattara , . . . . 78 n. Mahabharata war, .
. . . 28, 29 Mahattaka, .
. . . .
. .
.
. 251, 257 Mahabhäshya, work,
. . . 154
Mahattara-kuțumvin(mbin) . . . . 308 maha-dana, . . .
. . 239 Mahattara, title .
. 78 n., 249 maha-dandanayaka, official,
306 Mahāvagga, work, .
. avugga, work, .
.
. . . . 19 mahd-daubsidhasidhanika, oficial,. . 306 Mahavanda, work .72 1., 73, 331, 332, 333, 336 Mahadeva, . a. Mahādēva, 210, 212 & n., 215, 217
Mahāvibara, Buddhist sect, . . . . 331 1. Mahädēva, m., . . 183, 187, 208, 213, 294
Mahävrata, Saiva school, . . . . 176 n. Mahādēva or Praja, Kakatiya k., .347 & #., 351, 354
Mahēndra, mo. . . . 309, 310, 311, 312 maha-kartta kritika, official, . . . 306 Mahēndragiri, vi.. . . . . . . 24 n. Mahakobala kings, . .
.. . 289
Mahendrapāla oro dēva, Kanauj k., . 106 & n. Mahakabatrapa, title . 287, 272, 276, 339, 340
Mahēndravarman, Pallava k., . . 150, 151 maha-kumar-ämätya, official, . . . . 306 Mahēndravarman I, Pallava k.. . 146 n., 160 Mahal, . . . . .
. . 289
Mahõndravarman III, Pallava k., . . . 58 maha-mahattara, official, . . 309, 310, 311
Mähēsvara, samaya or school, . . . . 176 . Mahāmalla, epithet of Rājasimha II, 149, 151, 152
Mahesvarasikhamanidiplamaulib, epithet of RijaMahamatā, w., . .
. 328
withha II, . . . . . . 149, 151 Mahānadi, ri., . .
152, 300, 302, 303 mahanasika, oficial, .
Mahichandra, Gahadavāla kg 156, 157
. . . 220 . mabānsvami, tithi,
. 259, 260, 261
Mahinda V, Ceylon k., . . . . . 332 Mahipala I, Pala k.,
. . .
.89 n. Mahaparinirvana, . .
. 128 .
Mahishman, Kalachuri k., .
.
129 Mahā-parinirvāņa-Chaitya, . .
.
. 20 . .
. Mahodaya or Kanauj, vi,
. . . 239 mahd-pratihära, official,
306, 311, 313 & *.
Mahodayapura, n., Mahārāja, title,
. .1, 231, 234, 278, 282, 800,
.
. . . 343 . Mailaladēvi, o., . 310, 311, 312, 314, 315
. .
201, 203, 206
.
Mairāvana, . . . . . 193, 196 & 1. Mahārājādhirāja, title, . 26, 48, 54, 62, 75, 76,
makara, figure of .
. . 207 78, 81, 90, 174, 175, 179, 183, 191, 197,
Makara-rabi, . 202, 215,221, 223, 225, 226, 237, 238, 249,
. . . . . . 341 Makaradhvaja, sur. of Vishnuvardhana I, 55, 56, 57
256, 306, 322 mahārāja mahata, title, . .
Malai-nādu,. 277
. . . . . 29, 53 n. .
Malaiyalar, sub-secl of Vēļaikkapas, 335, 336, 337, 338 Maharaja rajatiraja, title, . . . . Maharājas of Uchchakalpa,.
Mala-nādu, di.,
139, 141, 145 . . . Maharaja Sarvan or Sarva, title of Amoghavar.
Mālapayya (Malayya), m., . 213, 214, 217 sha I, . . . . . 240, 246, 253
Malapayya, m., • 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 215, 217 Maharaja-Sarvan, name of Dantidurga, . .'239
Málava, Māļava, Malwa or Malwa, co., . 83, 101, 104, Mahārajñi, . . . . . . 90, 94, 96
105, 108, 112, 240, 245, 253, 320, 321 Mäharapura, . . . . .
Mālava, dy., , . . 192, 198 Mahārāshtra, di., .
. 256 n. Mālavas or Mālavas, people, . . . 92, 189, 306 mabarayarayaraya dēvaputra, title,. . • 277 Malays, mo. . . . . . 37, 50 maharaya rayatiraya, title,
. 277
Malayya, m., . . . . 208, 210, 212 maha-samanta, official, . .
306 Maliyapū di grant, . . . 227, 233, 234 n. mahdsēnāni, official, . . 156, 157 Malkapuram inscription, . .
347 . Mahābramana, (the Buddha), . . . . 74 Mallaşachärys, m., . . 162, 164, 165, 168, 169 Mahästhan (Paundravardhana), vi.,
86 Malliga, 8. a. Peruva Malli, . . . 200, 201 N.B.- The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :chechief; co-country di district or division; do. ditto ; dy.dynasty : E. Eastern : k.-king: m=man; mo.=mountain; ri. river ; 8. a.=same as ; eur. surname; le templo; vi, village or town; 1. woman W.Western.
So
302

Page #473

378
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XVIII.
65
PAGE Måmbakkam, vi., . .
. 12, 18 Marchaya, Kakatiya prince. . 348, 351, 354 Mardalia, vi., . . .
219, 221, 223 Mandara or Mandara, mo., . . 214, 217 Māmēnāryya, m., . . . . 352, 355 Margalarnava, Mangaļārnpavadêve, Manga
järnava or Mangalarnavadēva, m., 180, 192, 195 Mammi (Mahamiya), queen, . . 285, 295 Mammana or Manmäņi, vi... 285, 297, 301, 303 . Mahndeyaгa or Mandeyara, Makаpаyya, m., 192, 185 Mäna, Ceylon k., . . . . . . 333 Mänabhūsha, lord of Madhura, . . 161 Mangsa, lake, . .
134, 137 Manavarinallür, vi., . 165, 166, 167, 168, 169 Manavya, sage, . .
. . . 353 . Manavyasagötråh, epithet of the Chalukyas, 2, 66, 69,
228, 268, 815 Manchin-Bhoi, palankeen-bearer, . .308 . Mandakini (Ganga). . .
. 11, 14, 29 Mandal (Mandor 1), . .
. 93 mandala, territorial division, . . . 78 n. Mandalapurusha, author, mandalika, official, . . . .
289 Mandarā, vi.. . . . . . . 303 n. Mandára, vi. . . . . . .
**
301. Mandabarmen, m., . . . . . 67 Mándavya, sage, .
. 96, 98 Mändavyapura or Mandor, vi., . 88, 91, 94, 95, 98 Mindhatri, myth. k., 22, 28, 29, 36, 49, 246, 263 Mandor, vi.. . .
87 Mångadür grant, . .
149 Mangala, Mangalajanapada or Mangalarashtra, di.,
116, 121, 123 Mangalam (Mangal), vi.. . . . . 119 Mangalanidivip, .,. . . 121, 123, 124 Mangala-nadu, di.. .
. . 119 Mengi, Nolamba k., . . . . 229 Mangi-yuvarija, Chalukya k., . . 58, 229 Mangiyuvarija, epithet of Sarvalok israya, 314 Maņibhadra, yaksha, . . . . 168 & n. 159 Tānikiāla casket, . . . . . . 16 Manikiāla inscription,. . . 267, 268, 269 Manikkavichakar orsakar, saint, . . .71, 73 Manikya-tīrttha,. . . . 201, 203 1. Manigramakkir, .. a. Manigramattar, . . 71
РАав Manigramam, . . . , 69, 70, 71, 72 Mapigrimattár,
. .. 70, 71 & 1., 72 Mañjratiya mound, . . . . . 18 Manmani-Mandara (?) . . . . . 301 Mapnai, . . . . . . . 53 . Mapņāta, (Karņāta 1), co., . . . . 25 Mannata, family (*) . . . . . 46,54 Manöratha, myth. k., .
. 23, 27, 41, 52 Manru, .. a. Manram, . . . . . 119 manru pidu, parihara,. . . 119, 122, 124 mantrin, official,
221, 226, 231 Manu, myth. k., 22, 26, 28, 30, 34, 49, 107, 110, 129, 132, 138, 180, 209, 211, 214, 215, 216,
217, 347, 350, 354 Manu, quoted, . .'78., 177 6., 181 ... 234 . Manumasiddhi, k., . . . . . 348 1. Manusmriti, work, . . 88 ., 136 . minya. . . . . . 228, 233, 235 Mänyaköta or Mänyakhëta, vi, 24, 27, 45, 63, 238,
241 ., 249, 256 Märapäryy, m., . . . . 352, 355 Mārafijadaiyan, Pandya k., . . . . 67 Maribarva (Maharaja Sarvan), prince,
240 Märata-Böl, . . . . . . . 4 Märata-Böye, epithet, . . . . 2,4. Märatta, . . . . . . . 29 Marichi, sage, . . . . 22, 26, 28, 33, 49 Marmad, (Maru-māda), di.,, . 93 Märtānda or Märttánda, Vesali ch., 7, 11, 13 Märttapda, m., . . . . . . 207 Mashaka, til,
. . . . 314, 315 Masharfa, vi, . . . . . . 158 Mätantira (Mehātantra). . . . . 837 Mätaväryya (Madhavárya 1),. . . 362, 365 Mäthi Kuar,
. • 128 Mathuri Lion Capital inscriptions, . 286, 287,
268, 269, 272 Mátrae, . . . . . . . 117 Mátrikin (Divine Mothers), representations of 125,
126 Matrikas, goddesses, . . .114 & n., 126, 127 Matris, . . . . . . 126, 127 Mátri-Vishnu, ch., ..
82 & ., 83 Matays, co., . . . . 101, 104, 108, 112
N.B.- The figuree refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to 'x. The following other abbreviations are used :-h.=chief ; 6.=country: di district or division; do. ditto ; dy.dynasty;-E.-Eastern ; k=king; men; mo. mountain; ni, river ; 8. 4. same as ; ,surname; te.temple ; vi, village or town; 1. Woran : W. Western.

Page #474

INDEX.
379
.
162
PAGE Matsya-Purdna, work, . .
. 317 mattar, land-measure,. . 195, 196, 212, 218 Maues, Saka k, . .
. 273 Maunada Bhattara, m., .
201 n. Maunidēva, m.. . . . 201, 202, 204 Maurya, dy., . ,
. . . . 281 Mayamata, work, . . . . . 72 Mayiläppil, vi.,
. • 122, 124 Mailārāryya, m., . . . . . 352, 355 Mayūra, k., . . . . . 89, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99 Mayūrabhañja, epithet, . . . . 290 Mayūrabhasija State, 288, 289, 291, 292, 300, 301, 303 Mayūrabhañja, vi.. .
. . 290 Máyüraka,. . . .
. . . 291 n. Mayurakshaka, m.. .
. . . 126 Māyūri, . . .
. . . 291 n. Mäyürikā, . . .
291 n. Mäyürikas, people,
. 290 Möyurki, • • •
. 290, 291 & *. Mēda, . . . . .
. . 306 Mēdalkonda, vi.,. . .
• 232, 235 Mēdanáryya, . .
. 353, 355 Mēdantaka, vi.... .
. . 88, 96, 98 Mēdantaka-pura, 8. a. Merta, . . . 94 Mēghadüta, work, . . . • 188 h., 346 & n. Möghanāda (Indrajit), . . . . 107, 110 Meherauli pillar inscription,
. . 86 Meherpur, di., . . . . . . Mélaikkudi, . a. Polaikkudi, . . . Melasēsvara, god, . . . . . Mrrali, . .
, 343 Merta, identifled with Mēdantaka,, . . 88 Mõru, mo.,. . 164, 215, 217, 243, 248, 262, 263 Möshikā, vi.. . . . . . . 308 metres Anushfubh, .6, 31, 95, 107, 126, 140, 162,
166, 174, 179, 183, 190, 197, 202, 208,
213, 220, 243 n., 244 n., 246 n., 249 n., 349 Arya,. . 6, 95, 120, 126, 130, 293 n. Aryagüi, . . . . . 140, 202 Aupachchhandasika, . . . . 31 Champakamala, 174, 179, 183, 190, 197,
202, 206, 213 Drutavilambita, . . . . . 6,220 Dvipada . .
. . 171
PAGE Güli, , . . . . . Harini, . . . . . 31, 107, 349 Indravajra, . .
. 120, 220, 349 Kanda, . 171, 174, 179, 183, 190, 197, 200,
202, 205, 208, 213 Kattalaikalittunai,. . . . . 65 *. Mahasragdhara,
183, 190, 202, 207 Malini, 31, 95, 245 n., 246 n., 247 n., 249 n.,
293 n., 295 n., 296 n., 349 Mandakranta, . . . . 31, 130, 349 Mattēbhavikridita, .171, 174, 179, 183, 197, 202, 206, 207, 208, 213, 236 & +., 245 .,
247. Praharshini,. .
. . 8, 31, 120 Prithvi,
31, 207, 245 m. Pushpitägra, .120, 248 n., 295 n., 297 n.,
299 n., 349 Rathoddhala, . . . . . 31, 120, 129 Salini, . 31, 126, 140, 162, 168, 179, 220,
246 #., 249 #. Sardūlavikridita, 31, 95, 107, 120, 130, 140,
208, 213, 220, 245 n., 246 1., 247 ., 248 n., 293 n., 295 7., 297 ., 298 n.,
299 n., 331, 349 Sikharini, . 31, 107, 120, 126, 190 Sragdhară, . 31, 95, 107, 130, 149, 162,
166, 244 n., 245 n., 247 7., 298 r., 349 Svägati,
. 31, 349 Upajati, . . . 31, 107, 202, 330 n., 349 Upendravajra, . . . . 31, 349 Utpalamala, . . 174, 183, 202, 208 Vamsastha, . .
.. . 31, 129, 130 Vamsasthavila, . . 243 n., 244 .. Vasantatilaka, 6, 31, 107, 130, 149, 220, 244 n.,
294 n., 296 . měyi, . . . . . . . . 8 Meynilaiyitta, epithet, . . . . . 139 Mihira, sur. of Pratihara k. Bhöja,. . 100, 101 Mihira, 6. a. Bhoja. . . . . 109, 113 Mihirakula, Huna k., . . .82 & #., 83, 84, 91 Milalal-nadu, dt., . . . . . 67, 69 Milalai-nättu, -Vel, epithet of Kanday Madavan, 64, 68 Milupadi, vi. .
.
. . 300 Miminhaska, samaya or school
. .176 .. Mira, M., . . . . .
. . 282 Miraj platos, . . . . .
N.B. The figures refer to pages ; 1. after figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vil to X. The following other abbreviations are used :haghiol; co.country; di.--district or division , do. aitto ; dy.-dynasty; E.=Eastern; k-king; mg: mo. mountain ; ri, river; 4. d.-same we; our. surname; te. tomple; vi. village or town; w.-WOMAA: W.Western
3 c 2

Page #475

880
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XVIII.
PAGE Mithradates II, Parthian k., .
273, 274, 275 Mechchhas, people, . . 93, 101, 103, 107, 111 Moga, Kushana k.. .
272, 273, 275 Môn inscriptions of Burma, . . . . 130 Monghyr, vi., . . . . . 89, 94, 95 months
Ashidha, . . . . 279, 280 Aspain (?),.
. . . 280 Asvins, . . . . . . 16, 17 Avadūnaka (Audūnaios), . . . 17, 18 Bhadrapada, . . . 320, 321, 324, 325 Chaitra or Chaittra, . 97, 99, 171, 172,
320, 321, 348, 351, 354 Chingam, . .
. . . 341, 342 Dhanus, . Dios, .
. . 275 First,. ..
. . 318, 319 Jyai or Jyishtha, 190, 193, 196, 219, 221,
223, 314, 315 Karkataka, . . . . . . 341 Kartika or Karttika, . 57, 77, 79, 161, 163, 164, 165, 167, 169, 225, 226, 258,
259, 260 285, 299, 321 Mágha, . . . . . . 320, 321 Makara, . . . . . . 174 Margairaha, . . . . . 318 Panemов,
. . , 275, 280 Pausha, .
. . . 257 Pröshthapada,
. . . 280 Pushya, 173, 175, 177, 183, 187, 190, 191, 193, 194, 196, 197, 198, 199, 208, 210,
212, 215, 218, 250 Sravana,
.190, 192, 195, 200, 280 Tenth, . .
. . 16, 17 Vaisakha, 139, 143, 145, 265, 266, 280, 282
Virichchika or Vrischika, . . 344, 345 moon, emblem on seal, . . . . . 160 Moon, progenitor of race, . . . Möțupalli record of Ganapatidēva, . . . 347 Mount Banj inscription of Sam. 102, 262, 264, 280 Mo-Yu-lo (or Mayura), vi.. . . . . 95 Mrityu (Yams), god of death,. 22, 23, 39, 41, 51, 244 Mrityujit, myth. k., . . . 22, 27, 39, 51 Muchukunda, myth. k., . . .22, 26, 28, 35, 50 Muddappa, m., . . . . . 140 Muddikavve, w.,. .
183, 184, 187
Pada Mudgagiri, vi.. .
. 98, 98, 306 Mudgagiri, 8. a. Monghyr, . . 94, 95, 106 Mugalan or Vyåriņi Mugalan, Buddhist monk, 3 2, 333,
337, 318 & ». Mūgamūr, vi., . . . 257, 258, 259, 260 Muhammadpur, ti., .
. . . 79 Mujumpūru, vi.. . . . . . Mukundamåla, work, . . . . . 342 Mülamāchhäda or Mülamāchhädagrama, vi., 285, 297 Mila prakritis, . .
. . . 117 Mūla-Pțithu, myth. k.,. . . 107 & n., 110 %. Mülasthana, important seat of monka, 337, 333 Mūlasthånadēva, . . . . . . 188 Mülavarman or Mülavarmman, Borneo k., 162 , 163 Mülikkalam, . . . . . . 343 Mumnēru or Mannoru,. .
. 168 Munsiyaduvar, Saiva saint, . . . . 67 Müngamür, identified with Magamir, . . 258 Munindra (the Buddha), . .
129, 131 müdrukai, epithet of Vēļaikkapan,
. 334 Müpru-kai-tiru-Vēlaikkarap-Daladây-perum-pal
li, another name of the shrine of the Toolh
Relic of Buddha . . . . . 332 Mänru-kai-ttiru-Vēlaikkaran Daladáypperum.
balli 8. a. Daladãypperum-balli, 337, 338 Mūra putta, . . . . . . 353, 356 Musiya or Musiyanabarman, m., 228, 231,
232, 233, 234 Muttaraiyar, chs., .
. . 23 Muttúrpu-kurram, di.,. .
. . . 343 . Mattāru, vi., .
. 342, 343, 344, 345 muyyalikuttu, .
. .235. Myäksdoni inscription of Paļumivi, . . 318 ».
final, replaced by anusura,. . . . 238 Nachchikrurchchi, . . . 139, 142, 145 Nachchikrurchchi-pallika, . . . 141 Nachchiparkkipigar, author.. .70 & ., 119, 120 nadu-baral, parihara, . .
122, 124 Någa, tribe, . . . . . . 156, 157 Nagabhata or Nagabhata I, Gurjar-Pratihara k., 100,
101, 102, 103, 107, 110, 111 n.
N.B.-The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes: and add to the additions on Pp. viito x. The following other abbreviations are used :-chchief: co.= country: di.. district or division; do..ditto; dy.dynasty; B. Eastern ; k. king : .man; mo.-mountain; ri, river: 4. 4.-same we; sur.sumamo: femtemplo: vi. village or town; w. - Woman: W.-Western

Page #476

INDEX.
381
.
PAGE Nagabhata, Pratihara k., . . 88, 90, 93, 95, 98 Nagabhata or Nagabhata II, Gurjar. Pratihara k., 94,
100, 104, 105, 106 & n., 107, 108,
112 & 1, 235, 240, 245, 253 Nagadatta, monk, . . ... . 268 Någadēva, M., . . . . . . 85 Någalādēvi, queen of Narasa, . . . . 161 Nagananda, work . .
129, 130 Någanäryys, ., . . . 352, 355 Nagara Bhavi, well, . .
. 170 Någarakhanda Seventy, di.,. . . Nagarakhandi or Nagarakhamdi, vi.. . 208,
210, 212, 213, 216, 213 nagararakhin (nagararakshin), official, . 156, 157 Någariti or Nagarikidēvs, m... . . 205, 206 Nagaratta=Nagarattar, .
. 335 Nagarattår, di. of Velaikkara forces 332, 334, 335,
337, 338 Nagas, . . . . . . . 182 Någavarma or Näkiga, author, . . . 66 Näga-våvi, well,. . . . 213, 215 Nägivalóka, identified with Nagabbata I, 103 Nägávalóka, identified with Nagabhata II, . 101 Nägaya, m., . . . . . 9, 11, 14 Naghumsha, wrong form of Nahasha, . . 132 Nägikavve, 10., .
. 183, 184, 187 Nåhär collections, Nahusha, myth. k., . , 76, 78, 136, 161 naimittika, official,.
. . 221, 226 Nakarasa, Näkimayya, Näkimayya-Nayaka, or Näkiyappa, ., . . . 183, 184, 185,
186, 187 & n., 189 nakshatra
Bharani, . . . . 161, 163, 164
Sadayam or Sadaiyam, . . . 28, 53 .. Nålanda monastery. . . . . . 82 Nalanda plate, . . 304 & 1., 305 .., 308. Nälandi, site at . .
. . . . 19. Nálatadiga (När or Nal), vi.. 321, 322 & add., 324 nalgür-narpapper or nalgu nalppå ppăr, 119, 122 nall-a, parihara, . . . . . 122, 124 nall-erudu, parihara, .
122, 124 Nalddaya, work, . . . . . . 342 namakkaram, . .
. 345. Namankryys, m.. .
351, 355 Nandanaryya, 7., . . . . 362, 365
.
110
PAGE (Ņam ]dava(ba)la, m., . . . . 159 Namma vår, saint, . . . . . 334 Nänädösi mercbanta, . . . . . 335 Nandagrāma, vi.. . • , 243, 250, 256 Nandagrāma, 8. a. Nandagaon,
. . 243 Nandāvalla . .
. . . 96, 98 Nandi, figure of, . .
182 n., 189 Nandišarma-Bhattan, m., .
. 122, 124 Nandivarman or Nandivarman I, Pallava k.,
116 & ., 149, 150, 151 Nandivarman, Nandivarman Pallavamalla,
Vijaya-Nandivikkirama-parumar or Nandivarman II, Pallava k., . 7, 116, 117, 118,
121, 123, 147 Nandivarman, Vijaya-Nandivarman, VijayaNandivikramavarman or Nandivarman III, Pallava k., . . . 7, 8, 10, 13, 116,
117, 118, 121 Nānimeya, 7., .
. 83, 184, 187 Nähkölada, vi., .
. . . . 300 Nannaraja, Kalachuri k., 129, 133, 136, 137 & . Narabhata, Pralihira k... . . . 88, 95, 98 Naraka, demon,. . . . . . Narasa, Vijayanagara k., . . . 161 Narasigha, wrong form of Narasimha,
249 Narasimha, m., . . . . . 222, 224 Narasimha-Dikshita, m., . .238, 249 & 1., 256 Narasimha-Ghaissa, m., . . . 185, 188 Narasimha Gupta, Gupta k., . . . 81 Narasimha-Gupta Băladitya, Gupta k., 82, 83, 84 & n. Narasimharyya, 7. . . . . 862, 866 Narasimha-Somayajin, .. . . . 186, 188 Narasimhavarman, Pallava k., .. . 150, 151 Nārāyana, sage, . . . . . 110, 111 r. Närāyaṇabhadra, ch., . . . . 61, 62, 63 Nārāyapan Achchan, M., . . . 70 & *., 71 Narayanap-Nárayanag, m., . . 342, 344, 345 Narendrabhañja or Narendrabhafijadova,
Bhanja k., . . . 281, 291, 292, 293 Narēndraditya, legend on coin, . . . 79, 80 Narendramrigarājs, sur. of Vijayiditya II,
227, 228, 229, 234 n., 235 ., 315 Narendrasithha, epithet of Rajasinha II, . . 162 Narendra-Vinata, legend on coin,
. 79, 80 Narmada, ri.. . . . . 73, 240, 215, 263 Narrio or Narrarakkudi, ti.. . . . . 48, 55 Narsinghpur, slate, . . . . . 288.
.
81
N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. viito x. The following other abbreviations are wodoh.chief : 00.= country; di..distriot or division do.ditto; dy. -dynasty : E. - Eastern; k-king; -man; HQ = mountain ; r river ; 4. same way out, sumane; to.templo: vi. village or town; 10.-woman; W.-Western

Page #477

382
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
PAGE Násik or Näsik cave inscriptions, 165, 157, 267 Nāthamunigal, Srivaishnava acharya, . . 24 Nättäväkkäl, canal, . . . . 163, 165 Nättavakkal, 8. a. Nättar, canal,
. 162 Nausäri plates or grant of the Gujarat Chalukya
Pulakekirāja, . . . .92 n., 93, 102, 103 Navakammika or Nauakarmika, monastery of
17, 18 Navasākha, . . . . . . . 76 m. Navyāvakābiki, vi.. . . 75, 76, 78 & 1., 85 Nayagarh, state, . . .
. . . 288 s. Nayanāga, m., . .
. . 75, 77, 79 Nediyatali, assembly hall, . 342, 343, 344, 345 Nélagumta or Nélagupta
•
353, 356 nela-vartti, . . .
. . 192, 195 Nellūru (Nellore), vi.. . . . . 348 . Nelváyippakkam, vi.. . . . . 12, 15 Nēma, Nēmaņa or Němayye, ., . 173, 175,
176, 177, 178 Nēminddam, soork, .
. . 70 Nepmalippakkam, vi... . . . . 12, 15 Nēriyan, title of Choja kings,. . . Nerkugram, vi.. . . . 122, 124 Neruñjikufumbu, vi.. .
. . 12, 15 ner-vāyam, parihara, .
. 122, 124 Nētsibhafija or Nötribhafijadēva, Bhatija k., 284,
286, 287, 291, 292, 293, 295 Nidamarru, 8. a. Niduparu or Niqubaru, . . 56 Nidhanpur grant of Bhaskaravarman, . . 62 nidhi,. .
. . . 163, 165 Nidugatta-taţāka, tank, . . . 314, 315 Niduparu or Nidubaru, vi.. . . . 55, 56, 57 Niduparu grant of Jayasinhha, I . Nidūr, vi... . . . . 64, 67, 68, 69 nikāyaz fraternity of Buddhist monks, 331 & ..
333, 336, 338 nikshēpa, . . . . . . 163, 165 Nilaitāngi, sur. of Mártanda, . . . 7, 11, 14 Nilgiri, state, ... . .
.288 1. Nilgund inscription, . . . . . 105 . Ninety-eight sub-sects of the Idangai, . . 335 Niravadya-Sakalalokasraya-sri-Prithvigamund. in, m., . . .
. . 314, 316 Nirupama, sur. of Dhruva, . . 239, 244, 252 Nirvana temple, . . . .
19 Nisumbhasüdani, form of Durga, . . 23
PAOA nivartana, land measure, . .. 257, 260 Ni[y]ino, vi.. . . . • 311, 312 & n. miyukta or myuktaka, official, . . 249, 256 nj, used for jî, . . . . . . 1 Nriga, myth. k., . . . 76, 78, 162, 164, 166 Nrimrida, myth. k., . . 23, 27, 40, 52 Nripatunga, m., . . . . . 9, 12, 18 Nripatunga or dēva or 'varman, Pallara k., 6, 7,
8 &#., 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15 Nrisimhs, epithet of Bauka, . . 90 numerals
Telugu-Kannada, . . . . . 160 numercial symbols128, . .
. . . 308 100, .
. .
. . . . 307, 308 20, .. .
. . . . . 308 8,
. . . 308 ny, used for ja,
• 58. Nārruvar-Kannar 'the hundred eared,' (śat.. akarni). . . . .
. . 318 & . Nuvaragal Dévasenevirattar, . . . . 338 Nyayapadra, di.. . . . . . 321, 322 Nyayapadra saptadasă (seventeen), 322, 324
Odraka, 00., . . . 240, 245, 253 Olajale, ., . . . . . 208, 209, 211, 213 Om, denoted by a symbol, . . . . 200 . Oriss grant of Vidyadharabhaõjadova, 283, 284, 301
P
p initial, retention of . . . 178, 189 p initial, changed to h,. . . 208, 213 padamalika, temple attendant, . 156 & n., 157 Padirippuliyar (Cuddalore), vi.,
. 68 Padma, ri, . . . . . . . 62 Padmini, queen of Kakka, .
88, 90, 96, 98 Paganūru, vi.. . . . . . . 4 Pahlavas, people, . . . . . . 271 Pāja inscription of Sam. 111, 262, 264, 279, 280, 281 pakshasSukla,
. 221, 299 second, . .
. 318, 319
N.B.--The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vil to . The following other abbreviations are used-ch. chief : co-countrydi. -district or division; do.-ditto: dy.dynasty: E.-Eastern; k.-king: man; mo.=mountain; ri, river ; 8. d.-samo ; WT surnarne te templo: vi, village or town; N. woman ; W.-Western.

Page #478

INDEX
383
.
.
.
145
РАав Pala, dy.. . . 89 r., 104, 105, 106, 239, 240 Palakkada branch of the Pallava dynasty, 149 Palar, ri., . . Pålaraviyar, m.,. .
. . . 68 palavithida(ka -(pā)lika, official, . . 156, 157 Palidhvaja, . . .
244, 252 Pälita, name ending, . . . . 75 the Pål Lahră, state, . .
. . 288 Pallava, myth. k., 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123, 147,
160, 161 Pallava, dy., 7, 9, 12, 15, 23, 42, 52, 58, 59, 116, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152 & #., 241, 246,
254, 331 - Pallavadi-Araiyar, m.,.
. . .
. . . 117 Pallavamalla, sur. of Nandivarman II, . 116, 118 Pallavamalla, prince, .
. . . 117 Papaingavu, palace, . . . . . 342 Paficha or Pañchapa, myth. k., . 23, 27, 40, 51 Pafchalinga, te., . . . . 170, 201, 200, 20 paricha-mahapataka, sina, .
. . 337 pancha-maha-yajñas, . . . • 78 n. Panoharitra, samaya or school, . . . 176 *. Pandaringa, m.,
. . 228, 234 &#. Pandya, co.. . .
26, 27, 28, 54, 246 Pandya, dy., 10, 13, 21, 23, 24, 27, 43, 44, 52, 53, 254 Pandyas, people . . . . 28, 116, 121, 123 Pandyakulántaka, title of Vira-Rajendra, . . 54 Panini, author, . . . . 6 7., 96 ., 178 Panjtar inscription of the lst Sriva a 122, 276,
276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Pappalarma-Chadangavl, ., . . . 122, 124 Paracbakrarāma, another name of Vijayaditya
II, . . . . . . . . 229 *. Parkohäkrarāma, wrong form of Parachakrarāma, 229 Parakësari, myth. k., . . . 26, 28, 89, 51 Parakőbari, Chöja title,. . . . . 22 Parikramabāhu I, Ceylon k., . . 66, 333, 336 Paralia or Paraliyard, ri.. . . . 21 parama-ashta-kula-simha, title of Via-Rajendra, 48 paramabhattaraka, tille, 90, 174, 175, 179, 183, 101, 197, 202, 221, 223, 225, 226, 231, 237,
238, 249, 256, 306, 322 Paramamahēévara, title, 221, 223, 225, 226, 231,
293, 296, 207 Paramāra, dy., . . . . . 320, 321
ΡΑΟΥ paramaasugata, title, . .
908 paramosvan, title, 82, 174, 175, 179, 183, 197, 202, 215, 221, 223, 225, 226, 237, 238, 249,
266, 306, 3.22 Paramvaravarman, Pallava k... , 160, 182 Paramāśvaravarman II, Pallapa k., . . 117 Parängs, wrongly written for Påndsranga, 231 Parantaka I, Casa k., . . 3, 24, 27, 42, 62, 67 Parantaks (II), Chola k., . . . 24, 44, 63 Paribräjaka Maharaja, . . . . 83 Parava (ba) ls, Rashtrabüfa k., . . 306 Päravūr, vi.. . . . . . . 843 *. pariharas (exemptions), Parivarakkondam, sub-sect of Vipaikkäpus, 335, 337, 338 parivriti, . . . . . . 248, 254 - Parla-Kimedi plates of Indravarman,
308 Paruor Perunatkali, "kili or killi, myth. I., 23,
27, 41, 52 paruoulu, . . . . . . 236 h. Pasannā(=Pasana), vi.. . . . . 300 pasuge, . . . .
. . 195 Pabupata, school of religion or philosophy, . . 176. Pātālamalla, Rafa ch., . . . . . 241 Patañjalo, samaya or school,. . . . 176 *. Patañjali, author, . . . . . 164 Pat Ganzshvara Pal, Mh., . . . . 288 pati, o. G. loudipati. Patika, Mahakshatrapa,
271, 272, 275 Patika plate or inscription, 282, 273, 275, 280, 281 Pat Muni Pal, m., . . . . . 288 Patna Museum grant of Ranabhafijadēvs, 291, 303 pata, piece of land, . . . . 61. patiala, district, .
. . 219 Pattapada vafaka or Pattavädapätaka, Pattapur (Patatupuram, or Pattupuram), vi., 285,
299, 302, 303 . Pattattālmangalam, vi.. . 116, 119, 122, 124 Paffinappalai, poem, . . . . . 28 Pattuppaffu, work, .
. . . 119 Paulastya (Ravapa), . . . . 107, 131 Paundravardhana, ds., . . . . . Pavittruks, m., . . . . 75, 76, 78 paputra, wrong form of paudra, . . . 58 s. Pâyimma or P&yimmarasa, ch, 173, 174, 176, 178 Piyumputta, . . . . 353, 356 Payyan ür-pappola, soork, . . . . 60, 71
N.B.-The figures refer to pages : . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vil to The following other abbreviations are used :- h.chief; co.=conntry : di district or division, do. ditto : dy.-dynasty : E. Eastern ; k. king; man; mo.=mountain; ri, river ; 4.4. me
M
a mamo he temple; vi,= village or town; 10.womap; W.-Waters.

Page #479

384
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
242
PAGE Pehovi grant of Mahēndra-Pála, Pelaikudi (Melaikkudi), pi., . 162, 163,168 Pellzpelli, name of Narabhata,. . . 83, 95, 98 Penukuparu, vi... . . . . 314, 315 Perggummi, vi... . . . 201, 203, 205 Periplus, work, . . . . . 21 Periyakrishnaraya-Uttamanambl, m., , . 139 Periyapura sam, work, . . . 87 & #., 68 & .. Periyaváchchapillai, commentator,, . . 334 Perma or Permma, ch... . 201, 203, 205 Permmādirāya, . . . . . 203 . Perth Museum, . . .
. . 60 perdanam, .
. . . 338 Perumal-Uttamanambi, m., . , 139, 143, 145 Perumbadappu Gangadhara Vira-Kērala Tiruk.
köyiladhikārigal, title of Cochin kings, . . 342 perundaram or perundaram, title, . . . 78 n. Peruneydal, vi.. . .. . 342, 343, 344, 345 Peruneyil, vi..
. 340, 341, 343 Peruneyil inscription,
. . . 341 Perunguļi-Kilkombu, vi.. . . . 48, 55 Peruva Malli, m., . . . . . . 200 Peshāwar, w., . . . . . 19, 282 Pikira grant, . . . . . . 149 Pilavāyal (Vayalūr) vi.. . . . . 146 Pillaigaldanam, sub-sect of Vēļaikkäres, , 336,
337, 338 Piqui-Tamil, . Pi-lo-mo-lo, 8. a. Bhillamāla, . . . . 92 n. Pingala, author, . . . . 66, 67, 236 Pingalam, work,. . piram adėyam (brahmadēya), . . . Pithapuram, vi., . . . . . 316, 317 n. Pitta, Ganga ch., . . . , 201, 203, 206 Plaki, di.,
. Pjölnandu, Prolnându or Prölunându, di, 68, 69, 80 podural, officers superusing charitable endowment,
342, 345 & .. Polonnaruva, vi,, . . . 830, 332 m., 883, 336 pon, coin, . . . . . . . 30 pota, . . . . . Potanäryya, m.. . . . . 352, 355 poti,
• 58 Poygai, poet,
. 28, 29 Prabhachandra Siddhantadēva, m., . . 170 Prabhākara, . . . . . . 60
PAGE Prabhākara-kshetra, Prabhakaravardhana, Thanēsar k., . 90, 91, 92 Prabhavaka-charita, work, . , 101, 274 n. Prabhūtavarsha (Govinda II), Rashtrakafa k.,
237, 239, 244, 252 Prabhūtavarsha, sur. of Govinda III, 237, 241,
246, 253 Prabhātavarsha, sur. of Krishna II, . . Prakasaditya, k., . . . . . . prahatva, used for prahatya, . . Prāksit used in official documents, . . . pramäti, official, . . . . . . 306 präntapala, official, .
306 praplāns tridasa, used for praplats-tridaba, . 125 prafati, . . . . . 6, 9, 11, 14 Prabnottararatnamilikd, work, . . . Prataparudra, Kakatiya k., . . . . 346 Prataparudriya, work, . . . . . 348 prathi, used for pathi ?, . . . 126 Pratihära, insignia, . .
. . 110 pratihära, official, . . 156, 167, 221, 226 Pratihara, Prattihåra or Pratihära, dy., 87, 90,
92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 103, 105, 107, 111 n., 239 Pratihära Brahmanas, . . . . . 88, 98 Pratitya-samutpäda or Nidana-Sutra, Buddhist
formula, . . . . . . . 16, 18 pravani-kara, . . . , 222, 224, 226 pravaras
Aghamarshana, . . . . . 294 Aghamarabana, Vibvāmitra and Kausika,
321, 323, 324 Angirasa, . . . . . . 296 Angirasa, Bärhaspatya and Bhäradväja, 225,
228, 299 Bharadvija, Agnivēšys, Angirasa, and
Bārbaspatya, . . . . 249, 258 Bhargava, Chyavana, Aurva, Jamadagnya
and Apnavāna, . . . . 222, 224
Rohita, Ashtaks and Visvamitra, . . 297 Prāyāga, tirtha,. . . . . 179, 181 prayāsaka,. . . . . . . 254 n. Prichchhakarāja, Rashtrakufa k.g. 237, 238, 243, 251 Prithāgrasuta (Yudhishthira), epic hero, .3 & . Prithividuvarāja, 8. a. Prithiviyuvarāja, 2 Prithivi-Mahārāja, Kakatiya k., . . . 347 n.
.
.
87
N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :--ch.chief; co= country: di.-district or division; do.ditto ; dy-dynasty ; E.=Eastern ; k=king; m.-man: mo.=mountain ; ri.=river ; 8. d. = same 89 ; sur.-surname ; 19. tomple; vi. village or town; W.=woman ; W.-Wostern.

Page #480

INDEX
385
Pushkaranā, vi.. . . Pushpakētu, myth. k., . P'a-ta, co. 1,. . .
. . .
. . .
Paos . . 86 23, 27, 40, 61 . . 878
Quilon, vi., . . Quilon epigraph, .
. .
. .
. 340, 341, 342 ... 341, 342
•
66
PAGE Prithivipöthi, daughter of Maghinduvarāja, . 58, 60 Prithivivallabha, epithet of Kirtivarman I and
Pulaketin II, . . . . . . 258 Prithiviyuvarāja, title,. . . 258, 259,260 Prithu, myth. k., .22, 26, 35, 49, 110 & 11., 132,
- 136, 243, 252, 304 Prithuvardhana, Saila k., . Prithvibhañja, Bhanja k., . 286, 291 Prithvivallabha, title, . 174, 175, 179, 183, 191,
197, 202, 209, 215, 237, 249, 256, 258, 259 Priya-Datta, m., . . . . . 76 & 1., 78 Prola (Põla), . .
. . 355 n. Prola (IT) or Prolarāja, Kakatiya k., 347 & n., 351, 354 Prolanäryya, m., . . . . 352, 355 & n. puda-nali, parihāra, . .
. 122, 124 Polaikkudi-ppati, ch., . . . . . 343 Pulakodi II, Pulakēbin II or Pulakcsi-prithivivallabha, Chāļu kya k., 92, 93, 257, 258,
259, 260 &# Pulanari (Polonnaruva), vi.. . . 336, 337, 338 Palasti, sage, . . . . . 336, 337 Palastipura (Polonnaruva), vi... . Pali, vi, 171, 173, 174, 175, 178, 179, 180,
181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 208, 209, 210,
211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 218 Puligere or Puligere three-hundred, d., . 189, 193 R. Pūliyadēva, m., . . . . . 191, 194 Puliyūr-kõttam, di., . .
. . 68 pulli(= virāma sign), . . . . 116, 331 pumaya, used for punya, .
138 Puonāgavriksha Māla-Gara,. . . 175, 177 Pannaittalai-ppati, ch. . . . . 343 Punta, m., . . . . . .
222, 223 Pura or Pura-Gupta, Gupta k., . : . 81, 83 Pugam, work,
. rum, Work,
. . . . . 119 Purandara, m., . . .
. 285 Parandara, myth. k., .
. 28 Puratijaya (Kakutatha), myth. k., 22, 26, 34, 49 Purattays-nādu, di.. . . . . . 48, 55 Purle plates of Indravarman,
VARMAA, .. . 308 puroga. . . . . . . 308 Pura, myth k., . . . . . . 133 *. Purüravas, myth. th . 132, 136, 140, 144, 161 Pasa-Bola-kshotra, . . . . 314, 315 Pashkalāvati, vi, . . .
1, doubling of consonants after-, 1, 6, 87, 147,
320, 346 r, form of- . . . . . . 320
, superscribed form of- . . . 6 7, Telugu letter, use of .
1, 314 Răchamalla, Ganga k., . . Rādhanpur plates of Govinda III, 104 n., 105 *.,
113 n., 311 Raghava (Rama), epic hero,
. . 202 Raghóli plates of Jayavardhana II, . 103, 290 Raghu, myth. k.,.
. . . 204 Raghuvamba, work, . . . 120 ., 196, 198 . Rahara-moradi or Rāha's Hill,. . 186, 189 Rajabhafija, Bhanja k., . . . . . 286 Rajabhima (II), Chalukya k., . . . . 230 Rajadhiraja I, Chola k., 25 & 1., 27, 46, 54, 119,
332 . Rājāditya, Chola k., . . . . 24 & n. R&jagarinbhfr-valanidu, di.. . 189, 14, 145 rajahansi, used for rajahansi, . . . 128 Rājakēsari, myth. k., . .
26, 28, 39, 61 Rājakēgari, Chola title,. . : . . 22, 31 Rajakēsarivarman, k.,. . . . 70 Rājaksarivarman, sur. of Vira-Rajendra, 26, 48, 65 Rajakosarivarman (Aditya I), Chola k., . 118 Rājakula (), title of Vira-Rajendra, . . 64 Rājakulabhāvaka, do. ao. . . . 48 Rājalīlā, coin type 1 . . . . 79, 80, 81 Rajamahendra, Chola k., . . . . 30, 31 Rājamärttando, Chalukya k., . . . 230 rájánaka, official, . . . . . 293, 295 Rajanārāyananallür, vi., . . 139, 142, 145 rajaputra, title, . . 129, 134, 293, 295, 306 Rājar (Hashtnagar), . . . . . 281
N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vii to X. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch, chief; co. country: di. -district or division; do.ditto dy.dynasty : . Eastern ; k.king : 77, man mo, mountain; ri, rivor ; &, 4.same as ; sur.- surnamo; te-templo; vi village or town; .=woman; W.-Western
3D

Page #481

386
Rajaraja or Rajaraja I, Chola k., 24, 27, 44, 53,
Pájarāja-Päṇḍi-nāḍu, di.,
Raja-rajendra, biruda of Vira-Rajendra, Rajasekhara, m.,.
Rajasekhara, title of Vira-Rajendra, Rajasimha, Rajasimha II or RajasimhaNarasimhavarman II, Pallava k., Rajasimha, Pallava k., Rajasimha, Pallava title,
Rajasimha, sur. of Hastivarman, Rajasimha, sur. of Indravarman, Rajasimba III, Pandya k.,
Rajasraya, biruda of Vira-Rajendra,
rajasthaniya, official,
Rajasiya, sacrifice, räjätiraja, title,
rajavishayadhyaksha, official,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Rajendravarman, Ganga k.,
Rajim stone inscription of Jagapaladeva Rajjila, Pratihāra k.,
Rajputana, co.,
Rajula, Mahakshatrapa, Rajyapala, Pala prince, Rakkasa-Ganga, Ganga k., Rakshaditya Kramavid, m., Rakshasa form of marriage,
332 & n., 334, 336 . 48, 55 26, 48, 55 140, 145 48, 55
Ramachandradeva, m.,. Ramadeva, m., Ramaka, m.,
Ramalavva, di.,
148, 149, 150
9, 152 n. 149, 152
308 308 67
.
155
275, 278
232, 234
Rajendra, Rajendra-Chola or Rajendra-Chōla I, Chōla k., 25 & n., 27, 46, 54, 332 n., 334, 336 Rajendra-Chōla-Pallavaraiyan Rājarājamārāyan, general, Rajendra-deva, Chola k., 25 & n., 27, 30, 31, 46, 54, 332 n. 311, 312 290 88,91 95, 98 104, 290, 292 267, 272 307 66 238, 249, 256 238, 243, 252 154 n.
PAGE
26, 48, 55
306
•
.
+
24 n.
Rama, commentator,
epic
Rāma, Ramabhadra or Ramachandra, hero, . 10, 13, 22, 26, 37, 60, 90, 95, 97, 100, 107, 108, 109, 110 & n., 112 n., 113, 144, 214, 217, 222, 232, 233, 235, 254, 307
Rama, m., 139 Bama, Kakatiya prince. 348, 301, 354 Rāma or Ramabhadra, Gurjar-Pratihāra k., 94, 100, 106, 108, 112 & n. 173, 175, 178 183, 184, 187 339, 340 301
PAGE
Ramanarayananallur, vi., 139, 141, 142, 145 Ramaññia or Ramaññadeśa-Lower Burma, 331 m., 336 Raman-Tayan, m., 342, 345 176 n 146 341, 342
Rāmānuja, school of-, . Rāmānujamaṇḍapa inscription,
Ramar-Tiruvadi, Kerala k.,
Ramayana, epic,.. 110 m., 111 n., 154 & n., 214, 216, 317 n. 342 151, 152
.
[VOL. XVIII.
Rāmēévara, god (at Quilon temple), Ranajaya, Pallava title, . Ranabhañja, Ranabhañja I or Ranabhañjadeva, Bhanja k., 284, 285, 286, 287, 291, 292, 293, 295, 297 .286, 291, 292, 293 308
Ranabhañja II, Bhanja k.. Ranabhita, aur. of Hastivarman, Rana-durjjaya, epithet of Durjaya, 347 & n., 351, 354 Ranajaya, epithet of Rajasimha II, ranaka, official, Ranamalla, prince,
151, 152
306
117
240 62
Ranavalōka-Khambadēva, s. a. Stambha, Rangamați, identified with Karppasuvarnaka, . Ranganatha, god, 29, 30, 31, 139, 140, 162 Ranganathasvamin, te., 160, 162 Rangir, state, 288 n. 305 143 256 227
Rannadevi, queen of Devapaladeva, raseshuramachandra°-1356, .
rashtra,
rashtra, written as raltra and raltra, Rashtrakuta, dy.,. 7, 10, 13, 89 n., 91, 104, 105 & n., 106, 231, 234, 237, 238, 239, 242, 243, 245, 248, 251, 253, 255, 305 249 285 & n., 294, 301
301 289 156
156, 157 337 255
rashtrapati, official, Ratanga, vi., Ratanga Rottongo, Ratanpur, vi., rathadhyaksha, official, rathika, official,
Ratnas (Three), Buddhist Trinity, Ratta, dy., Ratta inscription, 202 n. Rāvana, demon, 100, 110, 135, 196 n., 215, 218, 219, 317 m., 338 n. 241 &.
•
.
Ravana, statues of, Ravikamayya or Ravikimayya-Nayaka, m.,
178, 179, 181, 182 Ravikulasekhara, title of Vira-Rajendra,.. 54
N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are tised :-ch. chief; co. country; di.-district or division; do.ditto; dy.dynasty'; E.-Eastern; k.-king; m.man; mo.mountain; ri.-river i 8. a. same as; sur,eurname; 14.-temple: vi village or town; w.woman; W.-Western.

Page #482

INDEX.
387
.
99
ΡΑΟΣ Raviyanagēri, vi., 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 186,
188 & n., 190, 193, 198 Raviyaņi, vi.. . . 188, 189, 190, 192, 196 Ravulabādo, vi... ago, ...
.
. . . . . . 301 Rāyabhañja I, Bhanja k., . 285, 286, 298 Rāyabhafija II, Bhanja k., . . 285, 288, 298 regal duty, ten principles of, • . • 338 & . Rehrakhol, . . . . . . Revi, ri, : .
. . . Rēvakanirmadi, or ®mmadi, w., 201, 203, 206 Réviyakka, w.,
208, 209, 211, 213, 215, 217 ri, used for ri and vice versa, . . . . 1, 236
Right hand' castes, . . : : 335 Ripumalla, Pallara k., . . 147 & n., 160, 161 Ķitasiddhi, sur. of Bhima I,. . 227, 233 h. Rituparna, myth. k.. . . . 22, 26, 36, 80 Rohamita, M., . . . . . 326, 327 Rohana, co., .
. 331 1., 333, 336 Röhilladdhi, eur, of Harichandra, . . 97 & . Rottango, vi.. . . , 301, 303 n. Röyară, vi., . . . .
. . .' 300 Röyarā-vishaya, di, . . rana, used for rona, . .
. . . 306 Rudradāman I, Kshatrapa k., Rudradēva or Rudra, Kakatiya k., 347, 351, 354 Rudrasimha I, Kshatrapa k;. . . . 339 Rudrasimha II, Kshatrapa k.,. .
. 339 Rudragere, vi.l, . . , 197, 198, 199 Rūpavarttani, di.. . .
. 311 Rūpävatāra, work,
. . 66 Răpyavati-vishaya=[Ru]pavarttani-vishaya, 309, 310 Rushi, ri., . .
. 166, 167, 169 Buubhūmi, . .
. 17, 20 & n.
PAO) Säbhär, ruins at, identified with Navyavakasiki, 88 Sadangavi-Tayasarman, M.,. . . 122, 124 Sadayam, or Sadaiyam, nakshatra, . . 28, 63. Sagaküla, co., . . . . . . 274 sagandhaka, saugandha orodhika, official, 156, 157 Sagara; myth. k., 22, 26, 36, 50, 222, 261, 294, 296,
299, 304, 307, 313, 323 Sägar Täl, . . . . Sahadēva, m., . . . . . 223, 224 Sahafija, Kalachuri k., . . . . 129 Sahasrada, myth. k., . .
. 132, 138 Sähulašarman, M., . .
. . 225, 226 Saila, dy., . . .
. . . 103 Sailodbhava, dy., . .
. . . 290 Saindhava, co., . . . .
. 108 Saiva, achool of religion or philosophy, , . 176 Saivaya, di., .
: 129 & n., 133, 137 Saiyadi, vi, .
. 66 Saka, tribe. . . . 271, 273, 274, 275 Saka-dvish (Vikramaditya), . . . 305 Sākala, vi., . .
. . . . 83 kalabhuvankúraya, epithet of Vira-Räjändra. 48 Sakalalokäsraya, epithet of Jayasinha II, 314, 315 Sakalamahontra (dra), epithet of Vira-Rájöndra, 48 Saka-mani or Säkya-muni (the Buddha), 16, 17,
18, 19 Sākta, samaya or school, . . . . 176 #.. Sākys-muni, .. a. the Buddha, . 16, 17, 18, 19 Sālai,. . . . Sälanki=Salki, ri., . . . . 800 Sālimi, ri., .
. • . .. 290 Samãohara or Samachara-dēva, kr . 75, 76, 78,
70, 80, 81, 84, 86 Sämangadh charter, . . . . . 233 Sämantavoddi, family, . . . . . 348 Samara, m., . . . . . . . 160 Samastabhuvanäsraya, epithet, 174, 176, 179, 183,
191, 197, 202, 200, 216 Samastakhirjalidadhipali, title, • . 298 samayas, schools of religion or philosophy, .176 .. Bämbapurópádhyâya, 16., .
308, 311 sandhivigrahiba, official, . . .
• 287 . Sandhya, . . . . . . 130, 135 Samgama, Vijayanagara k., . 188, 140, 144 Sarjāns, . . . . . 242, 250, 258
6, doubling of . . . . . . 138 8, doubling of in place of visarga,
87 #elision of before sth. . . . aa, used for ba, . . .
. . 320 da, used for ea, . . .
. . 820 Sabhāpati, m., . . 162, 164, 165, 166, 169 Sabhäpati, Siva enshrined at Chidambaram, 28 Sabhär, Imitation Gupta coins found at, . 85
N.B.-The figures refer to pagos: . after a figure, to footnotes and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used ch.=chief; co.country: di.=distriot or division: do. ditto dy. -dynasty: W. Eastern; k. king; man; mo, mountain; ri.=river ; • .- samo m w. mramo, te-templo; vi. village or town; 1.-woman; W..Woworo
SD 2

Page #483

388
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[ VOL. XVIII
S
PAGI Samhjana Twenty-four, village group. . 242, 256 Bathjāna, . a. Sasijan, vi.. .
238, 242 Barkaragapa, Chilot prince,
106 & n., 107 Se[th]karavaba)la, ., . . . . . 150 Samo or Sankarayya-Nayaka, m., . . 216, 218 sämmarajya, med for sämrajya, . . . 138 Samrile, s. a. Sankaragana,
• 229 Samudraghosha, conch,. . . . 117 Samudra-Gupta, Gupta k.. . 81, 86, 148, 163 Samudrajit, myth. k.,. . 23, 27, 40, 51 Banyu, aage, . 6, 10, 13, 116, 120, 123,
150, 151 sandhi rules, violation of, . 6, 116, 147, 225,
250 1., 331 adndhivigrahika, oficial,
287, 295, 296, 298 Bangabödhi or Sangabödhivarman-Vijayabahudēva, . . .
331, 336, 337 Sanghamitra, Mh., . . . . . . Sangrāmamalla, prince, .
. . 117 Sapján, vi., . . .
. . 235, 242 Basjan copper plate,
• 102 t., 105 n. Sankara, school of
. 176. Bankaragapa, Kalachuri k., . .
129, 132, 136 Sankara-Raja, . ..
• . 30 Bankara-Solan-ula, work,
. 26, 30, 31 n. sankitam, . . .
. . . 343 . Sankha, queen of Nandivarman, . . 7, 10, 13 napotaka-lona, .
. . 219, 221 sarabhanga, official,
• 306 harira, bodily relics, . Sarkaravātaka, i .
810, 311 Bärnáth, vi, .
. . . 130, 804 Barnath inscription of Budha Gupta, . . 82 Sarshapa-yanaka, . . . . . . . 62, 63 Sarvan, feudatory k., . . .240, 241, 246, 253 Barvachandra, m., . . . . . 308 sarvadhikrita, official, . . . 808, 310, 311 Barvajanāáraya (), Mh., . . ... 58. sarva-namwaya, tenure, . 179, 181, 185, 188,192,
193, 195, 196, 210,212, 216, 218 Sarvasiddhi, sur. of Jayasitha I,. . 66, 313 n. Barvasiddhi, sur. of Jayasinha II, . . .313 7. Barvästivādin, school, . . . . 16, 17, 18 Sarvva[chandra), Mh., . . . . . 313 Barvvaldkäsraya, Chalukya k.
314, 315 Barvvavarmman, Maukhari k., . . . 82
РАав Sasa (Saba), m., . . . . 317, 318, 319 Bäsaimaus, vi.,
. 225, 226 Sabanka, k., . . . . . . 79, 81, 84 Sabanka, Sailodbhava k.,
. . 290 bata, land measure, 186, 189, 192, 193, 196, 213,
216, 218 Sa or Batakarni,
. . 318 & ». Satapatha-Brahmana, work,. 153, 154 & *. Bätärs plates of Vishnuvardhana I. . . 268 Satks or Sri-Satka, m., . . . . 74 & n. Satrubhañja I or Satrabhasjadēva, Bhanja k.,
284, 286, 293, 296 Satrubhafija II, Bhanja k., .
286, 291 Satrughna, epic hero, . .
22, 26, 37, 50 attra, . . . . . . 76, 78 & n. Batyädraya, sur. of Chifukya kings, 24, 27, 44, 53, 176, 177, 181, 186, 193, 198, 204,
257, 258, 259, 260 & 11. Satyakrayakulatilaka, sur. of Chalukya kings
174, 175, 179, 183, 191, 197, 202 Satyäóraya-Vallabhôndra, Chilukya k.,. . 229 Satyavākya Būtuga II, Ganga k., . 201 Saulkika, official, . . . . . . Saamittri, 8. a. Lakshmana, epic hero, . 107, 110 Saura, samaya or school, . . . 176 n. Saurinathodaya, work, . . . . . 342 sauti, . . . . . . 189, 193, 196 Savarāja, m., . .
. 285, 295 Sávikūvāra, ar Såvikūvāra Kramavid, m., 238, 249, 256 Bessons :
. 249, 255 Hemanta, . . .
. . . 266 Hima,
. . . . 249 Rainy, . .
• 160 Sarat, . . .
249, 256 Sisirs,. . .
249, 256 Varshi, .
249, 255 Vasanta. . .
249, 256 Winter (hêmanta), . . . 319 Sedirāyanallär, vi.. . . . 186, 168, 169 Saga, m., . . . . . . 329 Seistan, co., . .
. . . 273 Sekkilän Ammaiyappan Parantakadēvan, 8. .
Sokkilar, . . . . . . 68 Sēkkilan Palarāvāyan Kalappălarāyan, m., . 68
Grishms,
........
N.B.The figures refer to page8 : 1, after a figaro, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vil to 2. The following other abbreviations are tied . Rohief; coroountry ; di.-district or division; do. ditto: dy. -dynasty; K. - Eastern ; k. king: m man mo, mountain ri.erivor ; 8. 4. same as Ouf. surname; te,tomple; vi. village or town; to. Woman W.-Westorn.

Page #484

INDEX.
389
PAGE sakkiļār, author,. .
. 67, 683 Seliya, . . .
159 Sellada, vi., . . .
. . . 309 sēnahhögika, official,
251, 257 Senämukhs, . .
. 72 Sēpämukhattar,
. 70, 72 sēnāpati, official, . . . 156, 157, 221, 226 Sendabarma-Chadangavi, m., . . . 122, 124 Sēndaśarman, m., . . . . . 122, 124 Sēņigagere,. .
. . . 186 Sérmänperumal-Nāyapar, Saiva Saint, 68 & n. Bētu, 163, 164, 210, 212, 243, 246, 252, 305 Sēstuppākkam=Chēttuppākkam, . . . 11 Sēstuppākkam, vi., . . . 8 & Th., 14, 15 sevaka, . . .
. 306 Seven Pagodas (Mahabalipuram), . . 145 Sēvuna, . . . . . . 347, 354 Sevyaņā (Sēvuna), . . . . . 351 Shadakshari-dēva, poet, . . . Shāhbázgashi, vi. . . 261, 273, 282 Shahbazgashi inscriptions of Aboka, 264, 265, 279 Shankardar, ui.,
. . . . 20 Shērmādēvi, vi. . . .
. .
. . 334 Shorkot inscription of the year 83,. . 130 Shore Temple Balipītha inscription, . . 146 Shrine of the Tooth Relio of Buddha, 332, 333, 336 shy, changed into é, . . Siam, co., .
. . . . . 70, 71 Sibi, myth. k., . .
. 28, 129, 255 Sibi, tribe,
129, 130, 133 n. Sibi Ausinara, 8. a. Sibi,
. . 133, 137 Sibipura, 8. a. Shorkot, .
. . . 130 Siboi, 8. a. Sibi 1, . .
. 130 Siddhantakaumudi, work,
. . 178 Siddhāntam plates of Dovēndravarman . 308 Siddhartha=tho Buddha,
. . 304 Siddhēsvara, saint, . . . 196, 197, 198 Siddhēsvara Mahādēva,
. . . 96, 98 Sidhābimbā-vishaya, di. . . . . 303 Sihndhaya, m., . . . . . . 327 Silabhañja I or Silābhaõjadēva, Bhanja k., .
284, 286, 293, 295 Bilabhañja II or Silabhafijadēva, Bhañja ., 285,
286, 287, 288, 297 Silāhāra, family,. .
. . 242 Silappadi karam, work,. . . 318 n., 343 n.
PAGE Silāvanka, dy., . . . . . 290 Silõdbbava, 8. a. Sailõdbhava, Siluka or Silluka, Pratihara k., 88, 93, 94, 96, 98, 103 Silparatne, work, . . . . . . 155 Simgaraas or Singarasa, m.,, 189, 191, 193, 194 Simhala, co., .
. . 24, 27, 43, 53 Simhalántaka, sur. of Parintaka, 24, 27, 43, 53 Simhavarruan, Puskan k.. . . . 88 Simhavarman, I, Pallau k., . 116 & n., 148, 149,
150, 151 Simhavarman II, Pallara k., . 116, 148, 150, 151 Simhavishņu, Pallava k., 116, 148, 149, 150, 151 Simhipura, vi.. . . . . . . Sindhu, co., . . .
. . 104, 112 Sindhu, ri., . . . . . 35, 49, 274 n. Sindhurājadēva, Paramāra k., .
322, 324 Sipyamanür copper plates . . . . . 67 Siriyādēvi, w., . . . . 201, 203, 205 Sirkap, site, . . . . . 277, 278 Sirriyārrür, vi.. . Sirudanam, sub-division of Velaikkaras,. 335,
336, 337, 338 Sipa-Kuņra-nādu, di., . . . . 64, 68 Sirukugra-nadu, possibly 8. a. Kunrattar-nadu,
di. . . . . . . . . 67, 69 Sirupulugil, vi.. . . . . 122, 124 Sisimau, vi.. . . . . . . 225 Sifupālavadha, work, . . . . . 135 n. Sitä, epic heroine, . . 37, 50, 174, 176, 209, 211 Sitha(dha)rāja, m., . . . , 156, 157 Sittamalli, vi.. . . . . . . 166 Sivachūdāmaņi, title of Rajasimha II, . . 149 Sivadévayya, M., . . . . . . 348 1. Sivamēgha, k., . . . . . 159, 160 Siva-raja (I), Kalachuri k., . . 129, 133, 137 Sivarāja II, Kalachuri k.. . . . 134, 137 Sivarudraśarman, m., . . . . . 57 Sivavachanabhushanam, work, . . . 334 Siveyagēri, di., . . . . 190, 192, 195 Sivēyagēri, . 174, 175, 177, 178, 190, 192, 195,
208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 216 Siyakadēva, Paramāra k.. . . . 322, 324 Skanda-Gupta, Gupta k.. . 79, 81, 83, 86, 242 Skandamüla, Pallava k., . . 160, 161 Skandalarman, m., Skandalarman, m...
.
.. . 309, 310 Skandasishya, Pallava k., . . 147, 148, 149
N.B.-The figures refer to pages: 1. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to 1. The following other abbreviations are used : ch. = chief; co.-country: di.=district or division; do. ditto ; dy.=dynasty; E.=Eastern; k.=king; m.=man; mo. mountain; ri=river ; &. .= same as ; Aur. surname; te=temple; vi, village or town; 1.-woman; W.-Western.

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390
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
PAGE
PAGE Skandavarman, Pallava k., . 116, 148, 149, 150, 161 Srimëdinivallabha, . . . . 48 Skandavarman I, Pallava k., . . 148, 150, 151 Srimogha, epithet of Rajasimha II, 149, 161, 152 Skandavarman II, Pallava k., 116, 148, 149, 150, 151 Srinagara-bhukti, di., . . . . . 306 Skāraḥ Dhēri epigraph of the year 399, 263, 264, 280 Sri-Nāraṇam, tank, . . . 70, 71, 72 Sobhana or Sõbhana-Nayaka, m., . 183, 184, 187
Srinidhi, epithet of Rajasimha II, 149, 151, 152 Sobhanayya, m., . . . . . 171, 172 Sodisa, Mahakshatrapa,
Sripura (Sirpur), vi.. 158, 272, 275
. . . . . .
240 . sojja, . . . . . 189, 192, 195 Sri-Räjëndra-dēva, 8. a. Vira-Rājēndra, Chola Solamandalasadagam, work, . , .
k.. 67
55 . . . .
Sriranga (Vishņu), . . . 214, 215, 217 Solanabhañja, Bhanja k., . . . 286, 291 Sola-nādu, 8. a. Chöļa country,
Srirangam, island, . . . . . 144 Solar race, .
Srirangam temple, . 100, 331, 336, 337
. .
31, 139, 143, 145 . . Soma, m.,
Srirangam, vi.. .
. . •
30, 140, 160, 162 213, 214, 217
. . Somadēva, m., . . . . 191, 194 Sriangam plates of Harihararaya-Udaiyar III, 139 Bomanäthäryya, m., . .
. 351, 352, 355 Sriranganātha, god, . . . 138, 139 Somayajula-Vellekki-Bol, M., . . . 4 Srirangapattana, vin . . . .. 161 soma-sa nathas, rites, . . . . 177, 188
Sri-Sanghabodki Vijayabahu=Vijayabahu I,. 332 Bomäskanda panel, . . . . 146 Sri-Sarvasiddhi, legend on seal, . . 68, 313 Somosvara, m., . . .
196, 198, 199 brila, used for bruta, . .
. . 147 Somēsvara (IV) or Sõmēsvaradēva, Chafukya k.,
Sri-Tyagadhenu, legend on seal, . . . 1
* 190, 193, 198 sri-Tyagadhēnu, sur. of Indravarman, . . 1 Somilanaka, m.,. .
. . . 327 Srivallabhanködai, Vanadu ruler,. . .342 . Sönadu, di., . . . . . . . 68, 69 Srivatsa mark, . . . . . . 329 Sonnavärarivär, shrine of, . . . 64, 68, 69 Sri-Virupaksha, sign manual of Vijayanagara Soppavärsrivar, 8. a. Kalarirrarivir, . . 88 linge, . . .. 144, 145, 160, 164, 169 Soppur grant of Satrubbañadovs,. . 283, 300 Sri Visnamasiddhi, legend on seal,. . . 68 Sonpur State, . . . 300, 302, 303
Stambha, ... . . . 285, 287 & 16., 298 Soter Megas, Kushana Viceroy,
276, 278 stambha, k., . . . . . . 240 sofi, . . . .
183, 186
wambya, used for stambhitvi, . . . . 87 Southern Benares (Pali), . . . . 206 #thala, sub-division, . . Sovad, m.,. . .
• 294 hanapati, official, . .
. . 139, 143, 145 Spalagadames, coin legend, . . .
· 274
8thänvisvara (Thánösar), w., .321, 322, 323, 324 br, changed into sh, . .
263
Stonemason's Tank, . . . . . 181 Sravapa-Belgola inscription, . . .. . 241
Stravani, co.. . . . . . 94, 96, 98 Sribhavana, vi, . . . . . . 240, 241
Stravani, 8. a. Tamani .
. . 94 Sri-Bhõjadēva, sign manual of, . .
Subandha, author, .
. 242 Srichandradēva, Gáhadavāla k., . . 220, 221
Subhachandra or Subhachandradēvs, m., 201 Sri-Dandi, ., . . . . 116, 122, 124
202, 204 Srt-Devapaladēvasya, legend on seal, . . . 304
Subhadradhananjaya, work,
Why WU
. .
.
. . . 342 Sridhara, m., .
. 225, 226, 299
Subhakta, m., . . . . Srimad-Amoghavarshadevasya, legend on seal,-. 296
Subhatunga-Vallabha, name of Krishna I, 239, 243, 252 Brimad-Govindachandradevah, legend on seal, - 224
Suohindram inscription, . . . . 120 1. Srikakolanivallabhs or Srikakulákvara, god, 348 h., 353
Sachi-Pälita, ., . . . . . .. 78, 78 Brikäkolanu, Srikakulam or Srikakolam, v., 848th,
355
Südhaladēva, m., . . . . . 288 Art-Kalahastībvars, god. . . . . 348 . Sudharman, m., . . . . 201, 202, 204 Srimalla, prince,. . . . . . 117 Sud Vihar copper plate of the year 11, 264, 267
N.B.-The figures retor to pages: . after a tiguro, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to
The following other abbreviations are used chief; co.country: di district or division; do. ditto ; dy.-dynasty; 2. Eastern ; L-king; m.man; mo-mountain ; r river ; 8. Ces same as ; suis marname; templo; vi village or town; w.woman; W. Western.
.
165
......

Page #486

INDEX.
391
.
.
.
.
.
.
343
.
86
PAOE
PAGE Subasandisa, work, . . . . . 343 . Takht-i-Bähi inscription, . 266, 272, 273, 275 Sun, progenitor of race, . . . . . 290
Ta kshakila (Tazila), . . . . 271, 278 Sun, emblem on seal, .
. 180 Tälarāja or Onripa, Chafukya k., . 229, 230 Bundara-Chola-Pandya, Chola prince, 25 n. Täis-tataka, . . . . .
314, 316 Sundaramürti-Nayanar, Saida saint, .. . 64, 68
. . . . . . 288 n. Sungandavirtton, . . . . . . 29 Tälcher plates of Gayada-Tungadēva, . . 61 Sunyavādin, samaya or school . . . 176. Tālisarman, ., . . . . . . 59, 60 Supratīka-Svami, m., . . . 75, 76, 77, 78, 79 taliyidiri, . . . . . . Būra-Datta, m., . . . . . . 76, 78 Taliyadirimär or Taliyalvan, . . 343 & 1h., Saranáryya, m.,. . . . . 352, 355 Tamani, di.. . . . . . . 94 Surath, vi., . . . . .
Tambads Këta, ., . .
. 171, 172 Sarjja (Sürya)=Sun, . . . . 330 Tamin, general, . . . Büryasēna, m., . . . . . 62, 63 | Tandantötfam plates of Nandivarman, 7, 117, 119, 120 Sürya-Siddhanta, work, , . . 280 Tajāpuri or Tanjore, vii, 23, 27, 42, 62,65, 332 7., Bürya or Suryyavarman, Pallava k. 147, 160, 161
334, 336 Susunik Hill inscription,
Tanjore temple, . . .
. . 332. . . . . 223, 224
Tapatisamvarana, work, rütradhāra, official,
. . . . 342
Tärs, Buddhist goddess, . . . 74, 130, 131, 135 stras 161, 163, 164, 267, 269,
taragu, parihara, . Apastamba,
122, 124 260, 314, 415 Tarakösvara, te., . . . . . 199 Afvalayana, . . . . 139, 143, 146, 306 lara-puti, official, . . . . . 306 Avattamba (Apastamba), . . 122, 124
T'rasingi, ti., . . .
. .
.303 n. Hiranyakësin, . . 59, 60, 122, 124 tarika, official,
. . . 306 Suttavaļichoda-valanādu, di., . 165, 166, 167, 169 Tasapaikērā, vi...
.
302 Suvarnnavithyadhikrita, title,. . . 76,78 n. Tasapaikera grant of Ranabhaõjadēva,. 291, 302 Svāmibhata, ch. 1, . . . . 126, 127 Tāta, Pratihara k., . 88, 90, 92, 95, 96, 98 Švāmi Jivadaman (IT), Kshatrapa k. . 339 Tatpurusha, m., . . . . 189, 191, 194 Svastiks, mark on seal, . .
taxes, several forms of, . . . . . 139 Bwat, ri., . . . . . . . 20
Taxila, vi.,. . 19, 270, 272, 273, 278, 282 Taxila oopper plate of Patika, .264, 269, 271, 272 Taxila silver scroll inscription of the year 136,
16, 17 1., 271, 276, 277, 279, 280 1, doubling of . . . . . 87, 160, 182 Tējadika, . .
. . . 287 7. 1, doubling of, when followed by
. 236 Tekkali, vi., . . . : . 307, 309, 311 t, final form of-,. .
Tekkali plates of Indravarman, . . . 308 ta, changed into da,
Telanadi-Tel, ri., .
. . . 302 ta, written as na, . . .
Telugu Mahabharata, work, .
. . 348 n. Taban, 6. a. Tamani, , .
Temple of Bowl Relio,. . . . : 338 Ta(Da)ntivarman, Pallava k.
Temple of Tooth Relic, . .
. . 338 tad-ayuktaka, official, . .
306 Tepkarai-Arvala-kūrram, di., . . 116, 119, 121, 123 Tadisamā or Osami=Tadasinga (1), . 301 Tēvadi-kramavittaj, m., . . . 122, 124 Tadisama or 'sami-vishaya, di., 301, 303. Tezpur, vi, . . . . . . . 329 Tadisama-vishaya, di.,.
286, 297 Thakkura, tille, .
. .223, 224, 225, 226 Tailapa, Chafukya k., . . . . . 321 Thingswar, 8. a. Thânösar, vi.. . Taittiriya, charara, . . . . 57, 314, 315 Thatthasika, m.,.
. . 321, 323, 324 Täjikss or Arabs, . .
. . 83 Thihari=Tikkarapada,. . . . . 303132 -Takht-i-Bahi, vi., . . . . 281, 273 | Thihara-vishaya, di. . 285, 299, 302, 303 thi
T
10
. N.B. The frgures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :ch-chief:.co.oountry: di district or division , do. ditto; dy dynasty; E.-Eastern; b-kingi məman ;-mo.mountain; ti, river ; 8. d. samo 10 ; W.-- arame; 10. templo; vi village of town; M.Woman: W.-Western

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PAGE
PAGE tiger-banner, crest,
. . 23, 28, 51
Tiruvanvandür temple, . . Tigaria, state,
. .228 n. [Tiruv järür-chāvadi, di.. . . . . 162 Tikaņārya, m., . . . . 178, 180, 182 Tiruvödi-Pottakarmap, m., . . . 122, 124 Tikka, Kakatiya prince, . 348 & n., 351, 354 Tiruvellarai inscription, . . . . 70, 71 Tikkana, poet, . . . . . . 348 1..
Tiruvellarai, vi.. . . . . 70 & 1., 71, 118 Tilakwadā plates of V. 8. 1103, . . .320 n. Tiruvindalūr-nädu, di., . . . . 67, 68, 69 Tillai (Chidambaram), vi., . 64, 67, 68, 69 Tiruvorriyür epigraph of 938 A.D., . 341 Timandirā(=Tendrā), vil, .
. . . 300
tithis Timma, Vijayanagara k., . . . . 161 9th, . . .
. . 258, 260 Timmaņārya, m., . . . . . . 139
bahula prathama, . . . . . 318 Timmapuram plates, . . . . 258
full moon, . . . . .
• .
314 Tippāji, queen of Narasa,
. 161 go-dvádali, . . . . 161, 163, 164 Tirthas=Tirthankaras, . . 203, 205 & n.
paurnamāsi, .
. . 314 Tiruchchirrambala-kkovai, work, . . . 73 uchchayanaikidafi, . . . . . 299 Tirukalambūr or "būdūr, ., . 165, 166, 167, 168, 169 utthanadvädisi . . . 165, 167, 169 Tirukkadaiyūr, ti., . .
. . 68
Tolkäppiyam, work, . . . . 70 & n. Tirumalādhisa, M., . .
. . .
. . 139 Tondai, di., . . . . . . . 69 Tiruvälūr-sima, di.. . 165, 167, 169 Tondaikāvalan, epithet, . .
. 64, 68 Tiru-Jfānasambandha, Saira saint,. . . 162 Tondaimäpärrür or Tondaimayporärrür, proTirukkakkarai temple, . . . . . 343 bably 8. a. Tondaiminad. . . . 23 Tirukkākkarai, vi.. . . . . 348 1. Tondaimanárrür-tukjina-Udaivar, . . . 23 Tiruk-kālatti, vi, . . . . . 348 . Tondai-mandalam or Tonda-mandalam, di., 65, 149 Tirukkalukkupram, vi., . .
. . 333
Tondaimandalasadagam, work . . . 671. Tirukkunrappolai or Tirukkuņrappula, vi., 342,
Toramana, Húna k., . . . 82 & n., 83 343 & n., 344
Torapara Bütayya, m., . . . . . 200 Tirumalainatha-Uttamanambi, m., . . . 139 Torapas, family of bandits, . . . , 200 Tirumalpuram, vi.. . . . . . 23 trailökyasāra, ruby, .
25, 27, 47, 54 Tirumihachchūr, 8. a. Tirumiyachchür,. 162 Trētā or Trētaitirtha, . . . . 95, 96, 98 Tirumihachchür-pattu, di., .
162, 163, 165
Tribhanga, pose, . . * . . . 80 Tirumoli, work, . . . . . 334
Tribhuvanadēva, m., . . . . 288 tirumugam=(Sanskrit érimukha), . . . 119 Tribhuvanadēva (Kulottunga-Chola III), - . 70 Tirumurugdrruppadai, work, . . . . . 119 Tribhuvanadhavala, epithet of Govinda III, 240, tirunakahatram, . . . . 332 & 1., 336
245, 253 Thirup padirippu li yür-Kalambagam, work, . . 68 Tribhuvanamalla or dēva (Vikramaditya VI), Tirupperundurai (Āvadayārköyil), vi.. . . 73 Chāļukya k., 178, 179, 181, 183, 184, 186, 189, Tiruppilavāyal or Tiruppilaväyil, ancient name
191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 198, 201, 202, 204 of Vāyalūr, . . . . . . 145
Tribhuvanamalladēva (Bijjala), Kalachuri k., Tiruppilavāyil-udaiya-Nāyaṇār, god . 145
208, 209, 211, 215, 218 Tiruvadi, honorific title, . . . . . 342
Tribhuvanaviradēva, 8. a. Kulottunga-Chola III, 70 n. Tiruvalangadu grant or plates, 15., 22, 23, 24, 25, 26 tridanda, . . . . . 202, 204 & ». Tiruvalla plates, . . . . . 343
Trikalingadhipati, title,. . . . . 289 Tiruvallam inscriptions of Nandivikramavarman, Trikalinga-Mshādēvi, title, . . . 285
7, 8, 14 n. Tri kalingamähädēvi, wrong form of Trikalinga. Tiruvalūr, vi., . .
. 166, 340, 341 mihadavi, . . .
297 Tiruvälūr-sima, di. . . . 165, 169 Trikūtēšvara, god,
. 193, 196 Tiruvāpaikkal, . .
. 70 n. Trilochanapāla, Pratihara k., . . . . 89 n. Tiruvaranganallur, vin,
. 139, 141, 142, 145 | Triplicane inscription of Dantivarman, . . 118
N.B. --The figures refer to pagos : . after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to X. The following other abbreviations are used ch=chief; co. country: di,district or division: do. ditto: dy.=dynasty : E.Eastern; k=king; m.-man; mo.=mountain; ri.=river ; . .sante as; sur.gurnamo; te. templo; vi, village or town; w.-WOMAD ; W.-Western.

Page #488

INDEX.
393
PAGE
РАав Tripuradahaan, work, . .
. . 342 Ummarakanthi-Böl, . . Trisirappalli-räjya, di., . . 139, 141, 145 Uspunilisandebam, work, .
. . 343 n. Trivikrama-Shadangavid, m., . 238, 249, 258
upadhmaniya, represented by symbol for p. 227 ts, changed into tt, . . . . . 263 upadhmaniya, represented by symbol , 227 tah> ksh, . . . .
upadhmaniya, use of,. .. . 87, 208, 236, 307 Teutra (kshudra-) Varmayabas (1), m., 17, 18 upadhmaniya, wrong use of,. . . . 182 #ri, used for tri, . . . . . . 87 wparila, official, . . . . . . . 308 tulábhana, . . . . . . 338 & n.
Upasika, . . . . . . . 268 Tultāicha-Sarman, m., . . 219, 222 & 1., 223 Uplāt, vi. . . . . . . . 243 Tulus, people, . . .
116, 121, 123 Uppalahatthaka, vi., . . 250, 256 Tumiyapūņdi, . . . . . . 234 *. Uppalahatthaka, . a. Uplāt, . . . 943 Tumiyaveniyapundi, . . . . 232, 234 & n. uppu-klochcheygai, parihara, . . . 422, 124 Tundira, co., . . . . 25, 27, 47, 54 lit, members of village assembly, . . . 342 Tundurāva, vi., . . . . . . 301 Uraiyur, vi.,
. 65, 70 & 1., 71 Tundurāva-Tundurā, . .
301 tirafchi, parihara, . . . 122, 124 Tungabhadra, ri.,. . 161, 163, 164, 187, 241 | Urattūr, vi..
. . . 12, 16 Tuñgana, tank, . . .
310, 311
Urlam plates of Hastivarman, . . . 308 Tungana or Tunganni, vi.. .
. 309, 310 Urupputtür, vi...
war, , . . . . . . 122, 124 Tungavarman, 8. a. Nripatunga varman, 11, 14 Uruvupalli plates,. . . . . 149 Turushka, co., . .
101, 104 Orvasi, nymph, .
. . . 132, 136 Turushka, people, . . . . 108, 112, 161 Ukinara, legendary ., .
129, 133, Turvagt, myth. k., .
. . 161 Utkala, co.,
.
. 24, 27, 45, 63 Tyagadhënu, sur. of Indravarman,
. 3,-4
utakeritam, used for ukiranam or utkåritam,. 219 tyajya, used for tyaktvi, . . . . . 87 Uttama-Chakrarāya, m., . . . . 139
Uttamanambi,7. .
139, 148, 145 Uttamaraya, m.,. .. .
. 139, 140 Ubbarada Bammayya, m., . . . 192, 195 Uttamabila, m., . .
. 7, 8, 11, 14 ubhaiya-gana, . . . . . . 117
Uttamabőlap, field, . .
. . 67 Ubhaya-Khiñjala or "Khifjali-mandala (Upper Uttama-801a-valanāda, di., .
. 48, 55 and Lower Keofjhar ) di.,. 285, 300, 302, 303 Uttara Kösala, co., . . . . . 220 Ucharana (Uttarasēns ). . . . 17, 20 &n. Uttarapalli, di., . . . , . 302, 303 Udagai fort, . . . . . 20, 53 . Uttarapalli Uttaratira, .
. . 302 Udaya or Udayagiri, mo.. .
. . 108, 111
Uttarapatha Uttarasilli, . . . .303 n. Udayēndiram plates or copper plate grant, 116,
Uttaratirs=tract north of the Mahanadi, . 302 147, 148, 149
uttarayana, . .
. 9, 12, 15
. . Udit8days-perundattan, n., .
. 232, 234, 250, 257 .
uttarüyapa-samkranti, 176, 177, 160, 191, 193, Uditodita, m., . . . .
. 12, 16 .
194, 196, 197, 198, Uditödita, biruda of Pallava Rajasinha,. . 9
199, 208, 210, 212, 216, 218 xdugrihalaru (udgrähalar), . . .
• 183
Uttoralmüļa or Uturu!mula monastery, . 332, 333, Oddagulakumta or Odugals-kunta, . . 353, 358
337, 338 ūdupökku, parihära, . . . . 122, 124
Uturolmola Uttarola, . . . . 333 Udyana, ancient kingdom, . .
. 20
Uyyagondachölöndra-valanāda, di., 162, 163, 165 Ujjain (Ujjayini), vi.. . 102, 103, 238, 239, 243, 252, 320
v Vijayini, kingdom,
. . 274
30 changed into , . . . . . . 263 Um hanakata, • 325, 326 , cursive form of
• 182, 189
N. B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used Sch.chief; co.=country: di.=district or division; do.=ditto ; dy.=dynasty ; E.Eastern; k=king; mman; mo.=mountain ; ri.sriver; $. d.- same as ; w. surnamo to, templo: vi. village or town; to woman : W.Western.
SB

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.
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.
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PAGE
PAGE sed for b, . . . . . . 182 Valla, Valla-dosa or Valla-mandala, di. 93, 94, 96, 98 , tised for final m. .
Vallabha, god, . .
348, 353, 355 Da, used for pa, . .
. . 16
Vallabha, epithet of Chalukya kings, 54n., 259, 260 Va(Ba)li, myth. k., . . . . . 306
Vallabha, aur. of Rashtrakifa kings, 227, 231, 233, Vachcha, &. a. Vatsa, . . . . 294, 295
247, 264, 257 Vadagava, 6. a. Chandravati, . . . . 219 7.
Vallabhanarendradove, epithet of AmoghavarVadagrāma, vi. . . 219 & 7., 220, 221, 223
aha 1, . . . . . 237, 249, 256 Vadambūr or Vēdambūr, vi., ..
166, 168
Vallabhas, people, . . . 116, 121, 123 Vadambur. Ekimbarapuram, vi... 166, 167, 168, 169
Vallabhavallabha, title of Vira-Rajendradov, 26,
47, 54 Vadugar, subdivision of Velaikkaras, 335, 338, 337, 338
Vallaikkali-milai,. . . . Vignari (Sarasvati),
. . 30 . . . . . Vallkainga (Balasinga), ui.. . . . 300 Vigür-nadu, di.,. . . .
Valmiki, author,
. . . . 184 Vigür or Bihur, vi., . . 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 14, 15
Vima, Saioa school, . . . . . 176. Vigür-vidyasthåns, . . . . . 11, 12
Vamana-mudra,. .
. . 169 Vagvanità (Sarasvati), . . . . . . 210
Vámanäryys, m... . . Vähiravāda, vi...
: . .
351, 356 . . . . 303
Vimatakti or Vimasaktidēva, m., 190, 193, 196 Vahukadhavalo, Surashtra ch., . 106 & l.
Vanga, co.,. 27, 84, 88, 94, 104, 108, 112, 240, 263 edhyali, . . . .
. 246, 264 h. Vaikuntha-Perumal templo inscriptions, .
Vangakati, vi.. .. . . . . 117
. . 303 Vangēndra,.
. . . . 25. Vaipeon, island,
. . 343 n.
Vangipparu, vi, 122, 124, 228, 233, 235 & n., Vairagya (1), . . . . . 87
314, 315 Vairágyasadaka, work, . . . . . 135 .. Vangiya Sahitya Parishat, . .
81 Vaishnava, samaya or school, . . . 176. Vanigagråmattår, mislection of Manigramattár, . 70 Vaiyisa, samaya op school, . . . . 176 n. Våniya-gáma (Community of Traders),
326 Vijapöys, sacrifice, . . 154, 156 Vaijulvaka, vi., 284, 286, 289, 293, 296, 297, 301, 302 Vajjaladēva, m., . .
. . . 2411
Vannēru, ri.. . . . . . . 56, 57 Vajasaněya, charana, , 294, 295, 297, 309, 310 1 aida, used for mana,
. . 128 Vajra, son of Balāditya, .
Ýapabhūmi or Vapabhūmigrāma, vi., 285, 299, 302, Vakhata-Sümalika, pool, . . 62, 63, 64
303. Vakh (kkhá)pidëve, m., . . 191, 194 1 Vapabhūmi-Boppangi, . . . . 303 n. Vikpat-Mufijs, Paramara prince, . : 321
Vapabhūmigrima-Boppangi. . . . 302 Vikpatirājadova, Paramära k. . : 322, 324 Vappaghöshavata, vi., . .
61, 62, 63 Vals, demon, . . .
. . . 13 Varadarajärys, m., . . . 161, 163, 164 Valabba, myth. k., . .. . 23, 27, 41, 52 Varagupa, Varaguna Maharaja of VaragunaVilabha Kayastha, family,. . . 251, 257 Påndys, k., . . Valabhi, si.. . ." . 91, 02 & Varahamihira, author,
68. V(B)Aladitya, 7., : . • 110 & R., 114 Var harita, 71... . Valangai, sub-division of Vejaikbörse, 335, 387, 338 Våraka-mandala, di,
. 75, 76, 78 & 1., 84. Vilafjiyar, division of Velaikkiga forces, 332, 334 | Väripaki (Bemare). . . . . . 228
Varapidi, ..., Benares. ... 318, 316 Volanjiyas, corporation of merchants, . 336 Virokido.
. .
. . . . 216 Valaijiyår, . . . . . . 71 Vårspäti, do... .
. . . . . 179 Velavan, title of Choja hinge., . . . 23. Varobdhi, di. . . . 286, 297, 301 Valhalla, . . . . . . . 2007 virguilika, official) - 285 & 7., 287 7., 297 Valiyadimainilaiyitta, epithet of Perumal-Ota
W : . . . . 158, 159 manambi, . . . . . 139, 143, 145
Varmayadas, .,. .'
. : 17, 20
.
73
.
306
337, 338
N; B.The figures refer to pages : # after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on pp. vii to . The following other abbreviations are used. ch -ahief; co. country: di.-district or division; do.ditto: dy. dyBusty Easter;k king: hmm; Mamountain ;. river; 8. d. same s ; Hr. surname M.- mplo; vi village or town; 16. Woma:- W.Wantern.

Page #490

Vasavadatta, work, Vasishthamuni, sage,
Vasithiputa, epithet of Chanda-sati,..
(Va)stradatta, M
Vastunamdika, m.,
Vastusarmmaka, m.,
PAGE
242 286
318, 319
339, 340
339, 340
339, 340 301, 303n. 301, 303n. 60
101, 104, 108, 112
Vatsadevi, mother of Baladitya,
Vatsa-Kunda, m.,
84 76, 78 251, 257
Vatsarāja, m.,
Vatsarāja, Pratihāra k., 89 n., 93, 94, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105 m., 106, 108, 111, 239, 240
122, 124 145, 146 147, 148, 149
306
Vasudevakhanda-vishaya, di., 285, 293,
Vasudevapur or Vasudevapura, pi.,
Vätatta (?), m.,
Vatsa, co.,
•
vatti-nāli, parihara, Vayalür, vi.,
Vayalür inscription, V(B)rahman-öllaran, Vēdambūru-Yēkāmbarapuram, s. a Vadambür
Ekambarapuram,
Vedos and SakhasAtharvana,
Bahvṛicha,
209, 211, 214, 216 238, 250, 256 222, 224 294
Chhändōga,. Kanva Madhyandina or Madhyandiniya, 299, 321, 323, 324 Rik. Saman, Yajus
209, 211, 214, 216 209, 211, 214, 216 209, 211, 214, 216, 299 259,260 229, 245, 246, 253 n., 254
Vedasarman, m., Végi or Vēngi, co., Vēl.
69
INDEX.
·
Vēmalürpādu, vi.,
Vēna.
Vängi, co., Veniyapundi, Veppaya-Chadangavi (Shadangavit), m.,. Veppisarman, m.,.
Vélagakunta,
Valaikhara. Velaikkara forces, Velaikkara-padaigal, Vēlānguḍi, vi.,
Vēlāpura (=Bēlür), vi., Vēlārpālaiyam plates of Vijaya-Nandivarman, 7, 15 n., 116, 147, 148, 149 227 110.
166
353, 356
333, 334, 336, 337, 338 332, 336 334 165, 166, 167, 169 241
•
25, 27, 47, 54, 66, 241, 246 234 n. 122, 124
2
Vēsāli, family,
Vēsāli-pperaraiyan, epithet of Märtända Vēsālippadi, di.,
Vēsāli, s. a. Vēsālippāḍi,
vibhanga, Sanskrit commentary on the Pralityasamutpȧda,
Vibhishana, demon, Vidarbha, co., Vidělvidugu, sur.,
Videlviḍugu, sur. of Nandivarman II, Videlviḍugu-Kadupatti-Tamila-peraraiyan,
Videlviḍugu-Vikkiramaditta-chaturvedi-manga
title of Ullamasila,
lam, vi,
.
PAGE
10, 13
. 11, 14
3:5
.
.
7
7
19 n. 219
104, 105, 108, 112
7 . 7, 117
7, 11, 14
86
Videlviḍugu-Pallava-perundachohan of Aimpanaichcheri, m., 116, 118, 122, 124 vidya-bhöga, educational endowments, 8, 11, 12, 14 Vidyadhara, m., Vidyadhara, Vidyadharabhañja or Vidyadharabhañjadeva, Bhuja k., 285 286, 287, 288, 297, 303 77, 79, 86. . 114 n.
8, 11, 12
191, 194
310, 311
**
Vidyadhara-Jotikā Vidyas, s. a. Mātṛikās, Vidya-sthana, college, Vidyēšana, m., Vidyudganga, 306 Vihēkarata-miéra, m., Vihita Ghosha, m., .76, 78 45, 53 Vijaya (Arjuna), epic hero, 143, 144 Vijaya, s. a. Vijayarāja,. Vijayadibahu, Vijayabahu or 'deva I, Ceylon k., 331 & n., 332, 333, 336 Vijayaditya-(L)bhattaraka, Chalukya k., 229 Vijayaditya (LI), Chalukya k., 227, 229 Vijayaditya (III), Chalukya k., 229 Vijayaditya (IV), Chalukya k., Vijayalaya, Chola k., Vijayanagara, dy., Vijayanagara (Hampi), vi., Vijayanallulan, m.. 116, 118, 121, 123, 124 Vijayanallülän, 8. a. Alappakka Vijaiyanalluļān, 118 Vijaiya-Nandivikkirama-parumar (Vijaya-Nandivikramavarman),
229, 223 n. 23, 27, 42, 52 138
161, 164, 166
Vijaya-Nripatungavarman, s. a. Nripatungavar
7
121
man,
6, 14
Vijayaraja, Vijayanagara k., Vijayarajapura (Polonnaruva),
138, 141, 144 337, 338
Vijayarajapura, another name of Polonnaruva,. 33 Vijayasiddhi, eur. of Mangi Yuvaraja, 58, 59, 60
N.B.-The figures refer to pages: n. after a figure, to footnotes, and all. to the additions on pp. vii to x. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch. chief; co.country; di.-district or division; do. disto; dy.dynasty; E.-Eastern ; k-king: m.man; mo, mountain ri, river; s. a. same as; sur. surname; te. temple; vi.village or town; w.woman; W.-Western.
SE 2

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Рлав Vikrama, epithet of Amõghavarsha I, . 244, 254 Viraniriyana or Viranarayanam, agrahara, 43, 53 Vikrama, epithet of Govinda III, 241, 247, 253 Vira-Narayana (Vishņu), . . 243, 251 Vikrama-Chola, Chõla k., . . 29, 30, 140 Viranarayana-éri, tank, .
. . 67 Vikramaditya, Bana ch., . . . . 7,8 Viranarayanapura, agrahara, . . . . 24, 27 Vikramaditya, k., .
. . 242
Vira-Nrisimha, Vijyanagara k., . . 161 Vikramaditya, Ujjayini k., . nya, mayin k.. . . . . 274
Virantaniru (Virabolanaru), ri., 162, 163, 165 Vikramaditya I, Chalukya k., . .229, 233 n. Virapalita, m., . . . . . 156, 157 Vikramaditya II, Chalukya k., 230 Virarajamangalam, agrahara, . . .
26 Vikramaditya V, Chalukya k., . . . 321 Vira-Rajendra or Vira-Rajendra-döva, Chola k., Vikramăditya or dēva VI, Chalukya k., . 196,
22, 25, 30, 31, 46, 47, 48, 54 200, 201, 202 Vira-Rajëndra (Raja-Rajëndra), . Vikramaditya Varaguna, Ay ch., .
. . . . 161
27
Vira-Saiva, cult,. . . . Vikramanka, s. . Vikramaditya I, 227, 204, 231, 233
. . 160
Virssons, myth. k., . . . .23, 2739, 61 Vikkirama or Vikrama-Solan-ula, work, 26, 28,
Virasimha, Pallava k., . 29, 30, 31 ... 49 ., 53., 54 .
. . . . 147 Vikakshifravs, myth. k., . . 22, 26, 34, 49
Viravarman, Pallava k,
148, 149, 150, 151 Vilängättangaduvaşür, vi. . 8, 9, 11, 12, 14 & 11.,15
Virparu, vi.. . . . . 258, 259, 260 Vima Kadphises, Kushana k., 273, 275, 276, 277,
Virudarajabhayankara-valanadu, di. . . 87
278, 279 Virupaksha, god, 161, 163, 164, 165, 167, 169 Vimala, Pallara k. . . 7, 10, 13, 150, 151 Visaiya-Nripatongavarmman-NripatungaVimaladitya, Kulula k., . . . 24 n. varman, . . . . . Vimba, co.,.
. . . . .45 & n. Vijayaragadēva, Chēra ch., . 341 &n. vishlati-trir-varahé, used for trayð-vimse-varshe, 80 & n. Visálagrama, u., . . . . 321, 323, 324 Vimbēndra . . . . . 25 & n., 45, 54 visarga, . . . . . . 6, 43 n., 47. Vinayachandra, m., . . . . 308 visarga, changed into 8, . . . . 100 Vinaya-pitaka, work, . . . 19 visarga, changed into the consonant following it, 236 Vindafarna, . .
. 262
visarga, omission of . . . . 6, 138 Vindhaya or Vindhys, mo., 104, 109, 113 & n., visarga, wrong use of
. . . 236 240, 241, 245, 263, 290
Vishamasiddhi, sur. of Vishnuvardhana,. . 58 Vindhyatavi, forest,
251, 316 vishaya, affairs, ... .
. 78 n. Vinitapura (Binka),
. . . 289
vishaya-district, . . . . . . 314 viniyuktaka, official,
vishaya, territorial division, . . . 78 n., 256 Vipparla, vi., .
. 268
vishaya-mahattara, title, . , 75, 76, 78 n. Vita or Viranatha, m.,.
. . 202, 204
vishayapati, official, 76, 249, 293, 295, 297, 306 Virabhadra, figure of, . . . . . 125
Vishnu, figure of, . . . . 178, 182, 329 Virabhadra (Ganadapda), Bhatija k., 286, 280, 291, 293
Vishnu-Bhatta, m., . . . . 238, 249, 256 Virabhadra, 1o. . . . .170, 172, 178, 182
Vishnudas, Pallava k., . . . . 150, 151 Virabhafija, Bhaüja k., . . . 285, 286, 298
Vishudharmöttariyam, work, . . . . 168 .. vir-abhisheka, . . . . . . 28
Vishnu (Gupta 1)-Chandrāditya, k., . . 84 Vira-Chola, biruda of Virarajëndra, 25, 26, 27,
47, 48, 54, 55
Vishnugopa, Pallava k., . . 147, 148, 160, 161 Vira-Chöln, epithet of Parintaka I,.
Vishpuravi, M., 27, 43, 63
. . .
. 97, 99
.
. . . . Vishnukarman, W.,
. 3, 4 Viracholapuram, agrahara, . . . . 28
Vishnusimha, Pallara k., . •
. Virakta-maths,
147 .
170, 171, 208
. . . 170, 171,2 Viraküroha, Pallava k., . 116, 121, 123, 147, 148,
Vishnuvardhana, k., . . . . . 84 149, 150, 151 Vishnuvardhana (I), Chalukya k., . 1, 2, 3, 4,
55, 56, 57, 58, 258 Virapichirya, m.,
162, 164, 166, 168, 169 Vira-Narayana, epithet of Amighavarsha
Vishnuvardhana (II), Chalukya k., 2, 4 n., 55 r.,
58, 59, 60, 229, 314, 316 1, . . . . 238, 241, 243, 248, 251, 255
N.B.-The figures refer to page ; n. after a figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on PP viito I. The following other abbreviations are used che chief ; 00, country: di district or division; doditto; dy-dynasty; E. Eastern : k. king: m. mman mo.mountain ; i. river; 4. 4,- samo ns; sur. - surname to.temple; vi. villago or town; w.woman W.-Western
.
306

Page #492

INDEX.
397
.
.
117
PAGE
PAGI Vishnuvardhana (IUI), Chalubya . 58, 60, 60, 229
Yåpaniya-Samgh . . 176, 177, 201, 202, 204 Vishnuvardhana (IV), Omfukya khung . 229
Yapparungalakbirigai, work, 64, 66 & +, 66, 67, 69 Visvadhinātha, .
Yalabhaja, Yatabhafijadova Bhailfa k., 286, . . . . . 26, 32 .
286, 288, 200, 298
806 Viivavarman, Malapa ch., . . . 128
Yaavadhans, .. . . . . . 328 Vitvēsvara-Siva-Dotiks, Mhes . . . . 348 (Y eava bajla, tiling . . . . . 159 Viyala (Jupiter), . . . . 341, 344
Yahodharman, k., . . . . . . 84, 91 Vodad, m.,.
•
Yabðvardhana, Prathara ks . 204
. .
. .
88, 96, 98 Voda-vishays, ding and
.
Yalovigraha, Gahadanla k 286, 296, 302
. .
. . . 220 Vonones (I), Parthian ...
• 274
Yayati, myth lig . • 76, 78, 182, 186, 161 Vrishabha-lañchana, .
year Vritlaratnakara, work,. . . . . 236 Chiluky-Vikrama ers : Vyaghra, ri, . . . . . . 66, 67
7, . . . 178, 179, 181 Vyaghrachoraks, vi., . . 76, 77, 79, 86
2 . . . . . 190, 191, 194 Vyāghrapuri=Viyalür, . . . . . . 145
82, .
. 200 Vyaghraporisvara, te., . . 145, 146 & . Chola-Ganga era : Vyala® or Vairibhayankara, myth. d. 23, 27, 42, 62 * 288, Vyarini Mugalan, m., . . . 332, 337,338 & n.
of the oyolo: Vyasa or Voda-Vyaan, sage, . 57, 68, 261, 267,
Ananda, . . . 139, 143, 146,347 310, 311, 313 Bhiva,
. . 161, 163, 164 vyatspåta, yoga,. . 183, 184, 187, 198, 199,
215, 218 Chitrabhann, 0, 192, 195, 208, 210, 212,
215, 218 Dandabhi, . . . . 178, 179, 181
Isvara, w
. . . .' 183, 184, 187 Krådhans, . . . . 174, 176, 177
Krodhin, . . . . 190, 193, 196 Wardak vase inscription, .
Nandana,
. Wema Kadphises, Kush na k.)
. .
250, 257 . . 18 Pirthiva,
.. 171, 178 Western Chalukya dynasty,. . . 290 n.
Raudr,
848, 351, 354 Western Ganga dynasty, . . . 7, 149, 241
Barvajit, 166, 167, 100, 197, 198, 190, 200 White Hups, tribe. . . . . 82.
Tarapa, 173, 176, 177, 190, 191, 193, 194, 196
Vikram, . . . . . . 170
Gangs ers: y, doubling of consonants before .. 1
. . . . . . 308 yi, used for initial a, . . . . . 182
. . . . . 808 Yldava, dy., . . . . 243, 347 .
. . . . . 308 Yadava Misra, sobool of . . . . 176
128,
308 Yado, myth. I., 132, 136, 140, 144, 238, 261 187, . . . . . . 308 Yakkap Kunrappolan, M.,..
188, . .
308 Yakahadatta, ., . . . . 126, 127
164,
. . . . 807, 308, 310, 311 Yamadha 1 legend oh coin, . . , .
183,
. . . . . . 808 Yamuni, ri, . .
. . . . . . 308 Yamunarya alias Aļavandar, Srivaishnava
. . . 812, 313 Acharya, . .
Gupta ors: yana[hjäläyudhagharika, oficial, . 156, 157
88, . . . . . . 100 ydna-odisa, camp residence, . . . 219, 221
610. . . . . . . 399 N.B.-The figuree refer to pages ; . stora figure, to footnotes; and add to the additions on Pp. vii to The following other abbreviations are und chechied; .= country di district or divisione do.ditto: dy-dynasty: E.-Eastern; k-king:
m man; mo-mountain river; . momzw.imamo te temple; vi village or town; woman, W.-Western
28.8
80.
91,
244
105,
810,
•
24

Page #493

898
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XVIII.
Karthks ara:
. Kottam era:
1436, . 1450,
.
286,
.
. . . .
.
75, 77, 79
278, rognal
Phd,. ard,.
th, 8th,. 10th,. 14th, 21st, 23rd, . 28th, 83rd, . 34th,. 88th, 48th,. Opth,
.
. . . .
Pags
ΡΑΟΣ 1306,
. . . . 145 .
. . . . 161, 164 . . 16, 17, 18, 20
. : 166, 168, 169 Samvat: 341, 342 1091,
. . . . 320 . 341, 342 Vikrama-Sauvat:
894, . . . . . . . 97, 99 . 180, 193, 196, 318, 319 1076, .
.. . 320, 321, 324, 325 . . . 285, 299 1078,
820, 321 . 48, 54, 190, 192, 195
1176, .
• 219, 221, 223 . . . 8, 11, 14
1177, . . . . 225, 226 340, 344, 345 Unknown ers:
. 103, . . . . . . . 283 . 258, 259, 260 Yöramdagori, Brazhdagiri or Erandagert, vi. . . . 58, 60
213, 216, 218 . . . 288, 282 Yen-Kap.cben (Vima Kadphise),
276 . . . 306
progam, council or corporation, . 312, 343 . . . 23 Ysamotika, k., . . . . . 270 . . . 64, 68, 69 Yuan Chwang, pilgrim, . . . 82, 83, 84 n.. . . . 84, 68, 69 yabdha, used for yuddha,
. . 147 118, 121, 123 Yuddhamalla, Chlukya L.,. . . 229, 230 . .116, 118, 121, 123 Yuddhärjana, opithet of Rajastha II, 149, 161, 162 . . . . 118
Yudhishthira, epic hero, . . . 67, 260
Yudhishthiravijaya, work, . . . . . 339
yuldaka, official,. . . . 240, 256 . . 238, 250, 257 yüpa,. . . . . 163, 164 & *., 155 . . . 171, 172
Yüpa inscriptions of Malavarman,. . . 163 321 Yusufzai, di., . .
. . 282 173, 175, 177 Yuvamahirija Vishpagöps, Pallana prince, 148
183, 184, 187 *196, 197, 198, 199
173, 174, 175, 177 208, 210, 212, 216, 218 Zaroli, vi.. . . . . . . 170 Zede inscription,. . . . . 260, 281. 190, 193, 196 Zejonises, kahatrapa,
269, 276, 277 . . 348, 361, 354 | Zoilos, k., . . .
. . . 269
. .
.
Goth, . . . Saks:
100 to 118 or 119, 793,'.
. W . . . 941, . . 986, . . 2019, 2020, 1087, 1084, 1142,
. 1146, 1182,
M.B.-The figures refer to page . after a figure, to footnotes, and add to the additions on pp. vii to I. The following other abbreviations are wod-ch.chief ; .-country: di.=district or division , do-ditto; du dypesty: 3. Eastern ;k king M.man; mo.=mountain; ni. river; d. l.=same as ; ut, surname: 16 templo; vi village or town; 1. woman; W.Western.

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