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Paramåtma-prakasa
As to the conjuncts, there is a tendency, already seen even in Prakrits (Hēma, i. 43) to smoothen the double remnant by lengthening the preceding vowel; isaru (l. 91.) karimă (II. 123), būdhaü (1. 91); at times conjuncts are smoothened without any compensation : akhaü (I, 123), nibhastu (1. 120, II. 88) By some of his rules (iv. 398, etc.) Hema. allows the retention of ļ and that of r as a second member in a conjunct group, but in P,-prakasa r is necessarily assimilated. To show that r is retained at times in Präkrit Hema. quotes a line 'vodraha-drahammi padiya' (ii. 80) possibly from out text, but all our Mss. uniformly show assimilation. I might note here a few cases of typical conjuncts: acchi - akşi (i. 121), apparātman (1. 51, etc.). kārima-kstrima (II. 123), chara= kşāra (II. 90), jhệu - dhyeya (1. 25), tittha = tsnā (II. 132), desu = dveşa (II. 49), Bambhu, Kannada Mss. uniformly have Bamhu for Brahman (1. 13, etc.) rukkha and vaccha-vīksa (II. 130, 133).
Morphology or Declension - As noted by Hema. (iv. 445), there is much confusion of genders of words; and the predominant tendency is to reduce all words to the a-ending type by adding pleonastic ka, etc., for instance, silae loc. sg. from šila (1. 123). năniyahao - jñaninām (1. 122, dehijaha (ll. 26), etc. According to Hema. the terminations of Nom., Acc. and Gen., both sg. and pl., are often dropped (iv. 344-45). Our text shows some forms of Nom. and Acc. without terminations : Nom. sg, vihi (1. 66); pl. pasuya (II. 5), muni (1l. 33), rõya (1. 69), linga (I. 69). Acc. sg. appā (1. 58), tanu (I, 58), veyana (II. 187). sayala (1. 115): pl. jinavara (1. 6), roya (1. 70). I have not been able to detect any instances where Gen. terminations are dropped. The termination + u appears in Nom & Acc. sg., and once only in Nom. pl Hari-Hara-Bamhu (Il. 8) which is peculiar to our text. Neuter Nom. pl. termination is il as in darvaio (1l. 15), punnai (Il 57). In the Inst. sg. a-ending nouns show three, if not five, types of terminations: i) + ena or + ina as in tavena, v. 1., tavenu (1 42), vavahārena (11. 28), kõranina (1. 7); ii) + è or + im (ēm?) as in appe (1. 99), niyame (1l. 62), pariname (II. 71), appim (1. 76, note the variants), nānim (11 73) niyamim (1. 69. 106, etc) danim (11. 72); and iii) what I might call + ai°i as in kammat" (I. 63, 76), möhai (11 79), samsaggaio (II. 108, note the v 1). Nouns ending in i show -ē or ě with or without svärthe ka, in the Inst. sg. : aggiyae (1.1). bhatti (II. 61), bhattiyač (l. 6). Hema. notes the terminations + e and + ena (iv. 333 & 342), but some of his illustrations show + ina and + im (iv. 357, 366). Inst pl. termination is -hi as in dõhi" (11 71), paesahi" (II 22), vittinivittihio (!l. 52). According to Hemacandra Abl. terminations are : sg. -he also -hu and pl hu (iv 336, 341, 350); but our text has only hao both for singular and plural : gamthaha (II. 49), ji vaha (I! 86); sayalaha" skammaha dosaha (11. 198) Hema. gives Gen terminations thus: sg -su, -ho, - Su and pl ha for a-ending nouns; but our text uses only hao both for sg. and pl.2 : sg cittahao (11 70), dehaha (1.71), rayanatta yaha (II. 95); pl nåniyaha (1 122). jivuha“ (II. 106), mukkaha" (l. 47). For pure i-stems the Gen. termination is hio in P.-prakasa which according to Hema is -he in sg. and -hu" in pl.: sg. siddhihi" (II. 48, 69); pl. jõihi (II. 166), nānihi" (II. 30); also note in this context the forms jõi yahi" (
1160), pomguha (1 66) For Loc sg. and pl. Hema. has -e and -hio respectively for a-stems, and -hi and -hu respectively for i-stems and u-stems. P prakāša shows + i. or +e, 3 or even what might be called + až in sg, and his in pl : tihuyani ( 4), samsari (1. 9); appaě (I, 102), silaě (l. 123); pl. kasiyahi (I. 123*3), puhavihi" (II. 131) Jõiya for yôgin and jiya for jiva are the Voc. sg. forms.
1 It might be taken as i'with svärthe ka. 2 Once Brahmadeva wants - ho for Gen sg. (II. 12); and Ms. B reads -ho in some places
(II 161-62). 3 Kannada Mss, show e uniformly.
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