Outline of Avasyaka Literature

Author(s): Ernst Leumann, George Baumann
Publisher: L D Indology Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/006911/1

Page #1

An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
Ernst Leumann
DITUNTEILLE
menina SUUDEN
SOLUTION
Translated from the German by George Baumann
with an introductory essay by Nalini Balbir
L.D.Institute of Indology
Ahmedabad
2010

Page #2

Ernst leumann (1859-1931) was a pioneer scholar of Jain studies, whose achievements were known also in Gujarat. The present volume contains the English translation of one of his seminal and prophetic works, the Übersicht über die Āvaśyaka-Literatur, preceded by a detailed introduction. In this intricate book, all the components of what makes the Āvaśyaka corpus, with Pratikramana at the centre, are investigated in their historical and textual developments.

Page #3

An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
By
Ernst Leumann
Translated from the German
By George Baumann
With an introductory essay
By
Nalini Balbir
रतीय
2012
CE
L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY
AHMEDABAD
2010,

Page #4

L. D. Series No : 150
An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
Ernst Leumann
Translated from the German
By
George Baumann
With an introductory essay
By
Nalini Balbir
Published by :
J. B. Shah L. D. Institute of Indology Ahmedabad - 380 009 (India)
ISBN - 81-85857-32-6
Price : Rs. 1000.00
Printer : Shivkrupa Offest
Ahmedabad

Page #5

Foreword
Ernst Leumann's "Übersicht über die Āvaśyaka Literatur" (Hamburg, 1934) is an important German work on the Avaśyaka Literature of Jain religion. E. Leumann has written this book after thorough study of Āgamic and non-Agamic texts. Experts and researchers who did not know German language could not use this important reference work. If this German work is translated in English i experts and students can easily use this research work. Meanwhile, I had an opportunity to meet George Baumann. I requested him to translate the book in English. He immediately and joyously accepted my request and translated without any expectation. Then I wished to have the translation checked before publication. I talked to Prof. Nalinibahen Balbir. She read the whole translation scrupulously and suggested some important suggestion which were incorporated. She also wrote a detailed introduction which is an addition to glory of this distinct translation. I am grateful to George Baumann as well as Nalini Balbir.
I, sincerely hope this English translation "An Outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature" of E. Leumann's work will be very useful to meticulous researchers and students. I thank all those who have helped publish this book.
Jitendra Shah
29-09-2010 Ahmedabad

Page #6

Page #7

An outline of the Āvasyaka Literature
by Ernst Leumann
Translated from the German by George Baumann with an introductory essay by Nalini Balbir
Ahmedabad L.D. Institute of Indology
2009

Page #8

Page #9

Contents
Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
..............
Introductory essay ........... Appendices......
..........XXi I. Note on Leumann's transliteration .............
............... xxi II. Guide to the abbreviations used by Leumann in the Übersicht ... .................. xxi III. Main Indian manuscripts used in the Übersicht ....
.......... xxiv IV. Expanding notes..... ...............
................. xxvi V. Correspondences between Leumann's divisions of the Avaśyaka-niryukti (and other texts) and the modern editions .......
...........xlv VI. Prakrit extracts from Av.-niry. XII.
.............xlvi VII. English translations of two reviews of the Übersicht originally published in German.................
............. xlviii Review by H. von Glasenapp published in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 38, 1935, No. 6, pp. 388-389.
............... xlviii Review by B. Geiger published in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 45, 1938, pp. 154-155 (reproduced in E. Leumann, Kleine Schriften, pp. 725-726). ...........
.................xlix Biographical information ................. ..............................................................1 Bibliography ..............
...............lii IX. Photographic reproduction of Muni Jinavijaya, Vakīl Keshavlal Premchand Modi, “Pro: Lyuman ane Āvaśyaka sūtra" published in Jaina Sahitya Samsodhaka, Khand 2, Ank 1, July 1923, pp. 81-91.... X. Illustrations.............
.................................. .............................. lxviii References.......
..............Ixxi Index ..........................
................. lxxiii
.............lvii
....
..........
E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature translated from the original German Übersicht über die AvaśyakaLiteratur (Hamburg, 1934) by Dr. George Baumann
Translator's Note ......... Editor's foreword. Corrigenda and Addenda ...... Index ............ ......................................................... Preface..... Details about the manuscripts and their citation ............
............... L 119-225 - The Strassburg Svetāmbara manuscripts Early history and lacunae in the following outline ... The Āvaśyaka and its text forms....
............ The Āvaśyaka-parts I-III, together with the tradition belonging to III The Avaśyaka commentaries ....... Beginnings of the tradition..........
........................... Vattakera's Mūlācāra .............
........................... Mūlācāra VII: The Digambara original of the Avaśyaka-niryukti ... Bhadrabāhu's Niryukti collection and its history ..
................
...........
............

Page #10

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
...
.............. ..............
Bhadrabāhu's Sources and Predecessors The historical Bhadrabāhu........... The fictitious Bhadrabāhu's time............. The four editions of the Avaśyaka-niryukti ....
........ Jinabhadra's Viấeşāvaśyaka-bhāsya ..............
The original recension of the Višeșāvaśyaka-bhāşya ............. Hemacandra's Recension of the Višeşāvaśyaka-bhāsya...........
............. Concordance between the Avaśyaka-niryukti and the Višeşāvasyaka-bhāsya....... 95 Prior works used by Jinabhadra in Vis. I....
.................98 General Supplementary Concordance to the Višeşāvaśyaka-bhāsya. .......... 100 The Vedic and philosophical citations in the text and commentary of Viś. II....... 100 Further specimens from the contents of the Viseșāvaśyaka-bhāsya................... 106
Summary Contents of the Višeşāvaśyaka-Bhāsya........... ......................... 124 Jinabhadra's Commentary on his Bhäsya..........
***.................... 132 The Remaining Works of Jinabhadra .......
............................ 149

Page #11

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
Introductory essay
Ernst Leumann (1859-1931) belongs to a category of Indologists who could be termed "outsiders". His name is known to many, his reputation is very high, but, in fact, little of his work is really known or used by subsequent generations of scholars in spite of its extreme importance. Novelty, multi-angle approach, creative and concise presentations are responsible for this. One of the reasons may be that the two fields in which E. Leumann especially shone were not considered central to Indology: Jaina studies and Khotanese studies. On the other hand, the fact that he selected precisely these two branches is certainly not the result of chance: more than anything else Leumann is a pioneer, a path-breaker, who seems to have had a particular taste for new discoveries, new texts, new languages, new tracks, and new types of work. His misfortune was that, especially in the field of Jainism, he had the right ideas ahead of his time, when most scholars were not yet prepared to listen to him. This is shown by the small number of reviews of his books and by the somewhat embarrassed attitude and mixed feelings that the reviewers show towards achievements they consider both great and difficult to understand. Another reason may be his very special way of working: driven by boundless curiosity and enormous insight he often arrives at the heart of the question but neglects to indicate its preliminary steps. Like his disciple Walther Schubring (1882-1969), he would probably have mocked the modern fashion of having endless bibliographies with endless references to one's own works. Consequently, Leumann's writings are not always easy to read because their
This introduction owes a lot to Klaus Bruhn's essay modestly entitled "Bibliography of Studies Connected with the Avaśyaka-Commentaries" in Plutat 1998: 119-136, and will quote several of its adequately formulated statements. I also make free use of information collected in my Introduction to Leumann's Kleine Schriften (1998). - ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS : I am thankful to Dr. Peter SKILLING for reading through this text and improving its style, to Dr. George BAUMANN for the same and for having proposed adequate translations of the German reviews of Leumann's Übersicht (Appendix VII), to Dr. Peter FLÜGEL for having procured a photograph of Jinavijaya's article (Appendix IX) appropriate for reproduction (mine was not good), to Jérôme PETIT (PhD candidate, University of Paris-3 and Head of collections at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France) and to Laurent GARRIGUES (EPHE) for their readiness to help in technical matters. Any shortcoming is of course mine. - Dr. Baumann and myself are grateful to Dr. M.A. DHAKY and Dr. J.B. SHAH (L.D. Institute, Ahmedabad) for being willing to publish our work. We consider it as an honour. We both benefited in various ways from the Ahmedabad scholarly tradition and hospitality over many years. ? See Appendix VIII for biographic and bibliographic information relating to Leumann's works (which are referred here only by the date of publication).
See, for instance, the observations of French scholar Auguste Barth (1834-1916), who, however, at least never failed to mention Leumann's works on Jainism in his bibliographical chronicles : see Euvres, vol. 1, Paris, 1914, pp. 393-395 (about Leumann's edition of the Aupapātika-sūtra and about "Die alten Berichte von den Schismen der Jaina"); vol. 2, Paris, 1914, pp. 71-72 (brief comment on the important paper "Beziehungen der Jaina-Literatur zu anderen Literaturkreisen Indiens"), pp. 194-195 (about the monograph on the Daśavaikälika-sūtra and Leumann's studies about the legend of Citta and Sambhūta): "... (ce travail) témoigne d'une connaissance intime de cette littérature que M. Leumann est probablement seul à posséder. Mais je doute qu'il paraisse suffisant même au spécialiste, qui regrettera peut-être d'avoir à s'assimiler tant de matière brute. Je doute surtout qu'il soit aussi clair qu'il est savant, et qu'on puisse le consulter à quelques mois d'intervalle sans avoir à le relire d'un bout à l'autre. Les mêmes qualités, mais aussi, en partie du moins, les mêmes défauts, se retrouvent dans une autre publication, où M. Leumann, continuant ses études comparatives sur les légendes hindoues, suit un de ces récits, celui de Citta et de Sambhūta ..." (p. 195), p. 381 (about the edition of the AvasyakaErzählungen), p. 396 (about the article "Die Bharata-Sage").

Page #12

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
idiosyncratic presentation often presupposes that many facts are already known to the reader. In addition, many of his projects were left unfinished.
Would there be only one case where these observations would seem justified, it is certainly the Übersicht über die Avasyaka-Literatur which gathers several odd features. This book was published in 1934, hence posthumously, by Walther Schubring, using the proof-sheets which had already been prepared." Incomplete, with only 56 pages, it contains crossreferences to later parts of the book and to excerpts that do not exist. Its format, 30 x 42 cms., up to 75 lines per page in two columns with numbered lines, makes it somewhat user-unfriendly. That it was published in German did not help its diffusion, especially outside Europe. Its contents, partly due to the intricacies of the material and of the subject, are difficult to grasp. An English translation, a courageous (or bold) undertaking on which Dr George Baumann embarked on his own initiative, was badly needed and should be considered as a gate opening Leumann's work to a wider audience.
That this translation is published in India is to be welcomed. Leumann does not belong to the 19th century scholars who happened to be posted in India; he never had the chance to visit India. Nevertheless, he was far from being unknown to the Indian world of scholars in the first thirty years of the 20h century, and his photograph was included in R.N. Sardesai's Picturesque Orientalia published in Poona (1938). He was in contact with Indian agents like Bhagavāndās Kevaldās and Brahmasüri who provided Jaina manuscripts to Western libraries (see below). Like several European scholars of his time, he had great admiration for the Švetāmbara monk Ācārya Vijayadharmasūri (1868-1922) and corresponded with his successor Vijayendrasūri, who provided him with material of his interest. On the other hand, Leumann was always curious about anything which might facilitate scholarly work on Jainism, and took note, in two of his articles, of recent publications made available in India by the Jaina community: “Billige Jaina-Drucke" (1892) informs the Western world about new editions of Jaina works and about the fact that, their cost having been reduced, European libraries might afford them, whereas "Einiges von der neueren Tätigkeit der Jaina-Genossenschaften in Indien" (1923-24) is a report on recent contributions to Jaina studies by various Indian scholars, monks and laymen alike. More important: in at least two cases Leumann's work stimulated Indian publications on the same topic. After Leumann's critical edition of the Daśavaikālika-sūtra had been published in Germany (ZDMG 46, 1892), this text was printed several times in India and finally published in 1932 with Walther Schubring's English translation. Two of Leumann's
* See Appendix VII a review by H. von Glasenapp. Copies of the proof-sheets had been sent by Leumann to Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar and were kept at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute : see Leumann's letter to Vijayendrasūri (dated August 16, 1924), Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol. XVII 3(a), p. 375, and the Gujarati contribution "Pro. Lyuman ane Avaśyakasūtra" reproduced as Appendix IX below. Among Leumann's unpublished papers are additions (in German) to the published part of the Übersicht, especially No. 180 (cf. Plutat 1998), which consists of about 15 neatly written pages. They have been consulted and mentioned especially in Appendix IV but to include them in full would have produced additional difficulties and required even more elucidations.
Three letters written by Leumann (June 18, 1924; August 16, 1924; December 28, 1928) are published in Letters to Vijayendra Suri. Introduction by Dr. Raghu Vira, Yashodharma Mandir, Bombay, 1959, pp. 145-148.
See W. Schubring's introduction to The Dasaveyaliya Sutta Edited by Dr. Ernst Leumann, Professor, and translated, with Introduction and Notes by Dr. Walther Schubring, Professor at the University of Hamburg, Ahmedabad, The Managers of Sheth Anandji Kalianji, 1932, p. VII (reprinted in W.

For Personal Private Use Only

Page #13

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
works were translated into Gujarati from the German by the same translator, a certain Narasimhabhāi Isvarabhāi Pātel, and published in Poona, namely Leumann's German translation of the Prakrit novel Tarangavas published under the attractive title Die Nonne (München, 1921) and his study on Buddha und Mahāvīra (München, 1922).' Last but not least, Leumann's work on the "Avaśyaka" was estimated very positively by Muni Jinavijaya (1888-1976), and the section of the Übersicht entitled “Die vedischen und philosophischen Citate in Text und Commentar von Vis. II” was translated into Gujarati with additional references. This paper, which is extremely useful and hardly accessible today, is reprinted as Appendix IX to the present introduction.
When it comes to the Übersicht (as it is known in the narrow circle of intimate readers), a translation alone is probably not sufficient. The present introduction intends to provide some elements which could be helpful to a benevolent reader who is discovering this work or who wishes to plunge into it seriously. But it cannot pretend to throw light on each and every statement of the Übersicht. Some - unavoidable - mystery will remain.
The Übersicht is a paradoxical work. On the one hand, it is the result of studies which matured over a long period: eleven years is the number given by W. Schubring in his foreword to the book (page C), but it should be increased. Leumann realized the value of the "Avaśyaka" when he was working with Jaina manuscripts at the Royal Library in Berlin in 1882. The publication of the incomplete critical edition of the Avasyaka-Erzählungen dates back to 1897 and his own preface to what became the published Übersicht is dated April 1900. This amounts to eighteen years. In between several of his published contributions dealt with various aspects of the topic. On the other hand, the Übersicht is an unfinished work. The manuscript on which it is based is only a specimen, and Leumann's own autograph terminates in the middle of a sentence! In brief, the theme of "Āvasyaka” remained as a kind of vital lead in Leumann's Jaina studies. Moreover, the published Übersicht is not the mere transcription of Leumann's original manuscript, but an edited version which passed through the scrutiny (and perhaps idiosyncrasies) of Walther Schubring, as is made clear by his own foreword (page C). Schubring is known for his concise, or even terse, style which makes reading his works rather difficult even for native speakers of German. Thus the Übersicht has a textual history, like the topic it addresses, although probably not so intricate. The visible consequence of this process and of Leumann's uncommon personality is that as an academic work the Übersicht belongs to various genres. It contains critical editions, translations, micro-studies, lexicographical notes, conspectuses, overviews, intellectual portraits (of Bhadrabāhu and Jinabhadra, for instance), notes on specific manuscripts and germs of social history from manuscript colophons. At a formal level, some of these genres imply a number of tables and concordances. Etymological discussions, albeit brief, were one of Leumann's passions (let us not forget that, with his brother Julius, he was the author of a Sanskrit
Schubring, Kleine Schriften, Franz Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden, 1977, Glasenapp-Stiftung Band 13, p.
115).
See Appendices VIII and X for bibliographic details. * Unless otherwise specified references are to the pagination of Dr. Baumann's English translation of the Übersicht in this volume. For the latter aspect see especially p. 91.
vii

Page #14

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
etymological dictionary, which, however, did not get very far, and that, for a time, he was one of the contributors to Monier-Williams's Sanskrit-English Dictionary, as he himself recalls at the beginning of the Übersicht, p. IX)." This passion crept in here too, albeit discreetly: the suggestion that niryukti comes from *nirvyukti (p. 42), and the discussion on the origin of the proper name vattakera designating the author of the Mülācāra (p. 43) are prominent examples. Whether these explanations are unanimously accepted is another question.
One of Leumann's outstanding contributions and insights was the coining of the expression "Āvaśyaka-Literatur". It succinctly expresses the fact that there is not just a single work on the six obligatory duties designated by the term āvasyaka in the Jaina context, but rather a plurality of texts which are interconnected in complex ways. The pioneering character of the Übersicht comes from the fact that it addresses the heart of this issue. It deals with the Avasyaka-niryukti and its commentaries: the Cūrņi, the tīkā by Haribhadra, and that by Malayagiri (p. 147), along with Jinabhadra's Višeşāvaśyaka-bhāsya and its commentaries. Their titles directly connect these two groups to the topic of āvasyaka and, in a way, they define the two main sections of the book, culminating in a third stage, the comparison of the two (p. 95ff.) and the "summary contents” (p. 124). But beyond this, the Übersicht also deals with works like the Byhatkalpabhāşya or the Anuyogadvārasūtra (p. 40 for the latter), which, viewed from outside, belong to other traditional categories: the former is a Chedasūtra, the latter is outside all categories. The reality, however, is otherwise: the former shares several groups of verses with the Āvasyaka-niryukti, and the cūrņis on the two works share a number of illustrative stories; the latter takes the concept of āvaśyaka as the model for a methodological discussion. In the Übersicht as well as in other investigations connected with the subject, Leumann's study shows both the centrality of whatever relates to "āvasyaka” as a concept and body of texts, and the necessity of an intertextual approach to understand its core and development.
This broad perspective requires an investigation into both the Svetāmbara and the Digambara traditions. Another of Leumann's important discoveries concerns the relationship between the Svetāmbara Āvasyaka-niryukti and the Digambara Mülācāra. Leumann's attention to the Digambara tradition at a time when not much was known of it in the West, is worthy of note. Leumann perceived clearly the importance and antiquity of this tradition. This led him to purchase manuscripts of Digambara works for the Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg when he was Professor there. The result is that this library holds the richest and the most valuable collection of Digambara works outside India both from Western and from Southern India. In the Übersicht, the systematic comparison which Leumann undertakes between the Śvetambara Avasyaka-niryukti and the relevant portions of the Mülācāra shows that both texts are indeed related (p. 44f.) and that the latter represents an older stage,
10 Etymologisches Wörterbuch der Sanskrit Sprache. Lieferung I: Einleitung und a bis jū, von Ernst und Julius Leumann, Leipzig, 1907, 112 pages (Indica. Texte, Übersetzungen und Studien aus den Gebieten der indischen Religions-, Kultur- und Sprachgeschichte in zwanglosen Heften herausgegeben von Ernst Leumann, Heft 1). " See also the title page of the "Monier Williams": A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, etymologically and philologically arranged with special reference to Cognate Indo-European Languages by Sir Monier Monier-Williams. New Edition, greatly enlarged and improved by the collaboration of Professor E. Leumann, Prof. C. Cappeller and other scholars, Oxford, 1899. 12 See B. Geiger's review of the Übersicht (below Appendix VII) for some doubtful reactions to some of Leumann's etymological proposals.
viii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #15

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
whereas the former is an amplified version. Nothing could be clearer than the subtitle "Mūlācāra VII: Die Digambara-Original der Avaśyaka-niryukti" opening the critical edition of the relevant text based on a Strasbourg manuscript, later confronted with a Berlin one. The commentary by Vasunandin, available in the Strasbourg manuscript, was used by Leumann as well, and is referred to at several places in the Übersicht. Since then, both the Mūlācāra and Vasunandin's commentary have been fully published in India, whereas a monograph has been devoted to the fifth chapter by the Japanese scholar Kiyoaki Okuda who worked in Hamburg under the inspiration of Ludwig Alsdorf. Moreover, in consistency with his global approach, Leumann also takes into account extraneous connected Digambara material such as Prabhācandra's commentary on the Kriyākalāpa (see below), non-narrative portions of Jinasena's Harivamsapurāņa (p. 54, 78) and later texts such as the Dharmāmsta (Sāgara and Anāgara) by Aśādhara (13th century; e.g. p. 40) which throw light on the Mālācāra. The critical edition of Mülācāra VII (as well as other textual samples available in the Übersicht) are as many building blocks for the overall structure. The layout of the texts and the care in noting the subdivisions (here "I-VI” corresponding to the six āvasyakas) or the strata (by having an indented layout for verses differing in their metre from the general pattern in use) are visual means to highlight both the structure of the text under consideration and its connection with the ensemble.
The plaidoyer in favour of acquiring Jaina manuscripts from India (see below p. II) resounds with some impatience, as the author is clearly convinced of the importance of the Digambara tradition for the history of Jaina scriptures without being able to show it clearly for lack of accessibility to the relevant material. On the other hand, the Übersicht contains an investigation of the Digambara ritual textual complex known as Kriyākalāpa which occupies a relatively important space in the book (pp. 36) and remains unequalled, at least in the West. In Leumann's perspective this is not at all an excursus or a digressive analysis, for the Kriyakalāpa offers components which make it belong to the ensemble of “Avaśyaka-literatur", containing as it does formulas connected with the "obligatory duties" and hymns, in a way comparable to Svetāmbara Pratikramana manuals. It is to be regretted, however, that the layout of the Übersicht is not always clear and does not prepare the reader for what he gets, namely a detailed study of the three components of the Kriyākalāpa: A. The Airyāpāthikī, B. The remaining Bhakti parts, C. The other hymns. The discussion proceeds in three stages and takes into account the four different recensions in which the work is known. First, it describes the contents of each three components in the four different available recensions evidenced by Leumann's material: two Devanāgarī ones, a Kanarese recension and the recension followed by the commentator Prabhācandra (probably from Southern, Kannara, origin). Then it concentrates on the distribution of material peculiar to these two latter recensions. Finally comes the
13 Shri Vattakeracharya's Mülāchāra (With Acharavritti, a Sanskrit commentary of Acharya Vasunandi Siddhantachakravarti). Edited by Siddhantacharya Pt. Kailash Chandra Shastri, Pt. Jaganmohanlal Shastri, Pt. (Dr.) Pannalal Jain Sahityacharya. Translated [into Hindi] by Venerable Aryikaratna Janamatiji, Bharatiya Jnanpith Publications, First edition : vol. 1, 1984 ; vol. 2, 1986. This edition is currently available. For references to older editions see Kiyoaki Okuda, Eine DigambaraDogmatik. Das fünfte Kapitel von Vattakeras Mülācāra, herausgegeben, übersetzt und kommentiert von K. Okuda, Franz Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden, 1975 (Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien herausgegeben vom Seminar für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens an der Universität Hamburg 15), p. 34. Okuda's work is a continuation of the previous work done by W. Denecke in his unpublished thesis prepared in Hamburg and entitled Digambara-Texte. Eine Darstellung ihrer Sprache und ihres Inhalts (1922) which contains a detailed synopsis of the Mulācāra and the full text of its fifth chapter based on a Berlin manuscript.

For Person IX. Private Use Only

Page #16

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
synoptical text-outline based on the Devanāgarī recension of the Strasbourg manuscript ("S 360b": below Appendix III) with indications of metrical patterns of the verses and concordances underlining the affinity of the Kriyākalāpa with other textual members of the Avaśyaka group as represented both in the Digambara and in the Svetāmbara traditions. It is interesting to see that the pattern followed by the Kriyākalāpa is akin to the Svetāmbara Pratikramana manuals in the way that it alternates Sanskrit (or Prakrit) with vernacular languages (here Kannara).
Another of Leumann's perceptive insights is to have understood that there is a connection between the Svetāmbara Avasyaka structure and what the Digambaras called Arādhanā literature. This is a complex which centres around the Mülārādhanā or simply Ārādhanā (as Leumann calls it) written by Sivakotyārya in Jaina Sauraseni Prakrit and commented upon in Sanskrit by Aparājita. This work, which has ritual fasting to death as one of its main themes, contains in particular a large number of narrative verses referring to episodes of the lives of what could be called Jaina martyrs. These verses have given rise to a corpus of storybooks (kathākośas) in Sanskrit and Apabhramsa." There are many points of intersection both between the Digambara verses and their Svetāmbara counterparts as found in the Avaśyakaniryukti and some of the Prakīrņakas (which also deal with ritual fasting to death), and between the stories themselves. An example of comparative analysis in the Übersicht is provided by the Digambara treatment of the Bhadrabāhu story in its two versions (p. 68 and p. 71): what Leumann calls the “Bhadrabāhu-kathā” is the version of Prabhācandra, to which he had access at this stage through the later version of the story transmitted by another author of a story collection connected with the same complex, namely the Arādhanā-Kathākośa by Brahma Nemidatta (beginning of the 16th cent.)." This text was available to him through two Strasbourg manuscripts." What he calls "Bhadrabāhu-caritra", the second Digambara version he resorts to, is a modern version by Ratnanandin, edited by Hermann Jacobi.
It is important to remember that Leumann's work in the field of Jaina studies was very rarely based on printed editions. He worked directly from manuscripts. After more than a century of scholarship, some works that were included in Leumann's survey, including important ones, remain unpublished. Among them the Byhatkalpacūrni has found a courageous and competent editor in Pandit Rupendrakumar Pagaria who is currently working on it at the L.D. Institute of Indology. Tilakācārya's Āvaśyakalaghuvstti, a large Sanskrit commentary of the 13th century on the Āvasyakaniryukti is still in need of an editor." Leumann himself describes how his early work
14 The seminal study on this topic is A.N. Upadhye's critical introduction to Byhatkathākośa of Achārya Harisena, Bombay, 1943 (Singhi Jain Series 17) which gives a magistral survey with tables of concordances between the different representatives of the corpus 19 But Leumann's unpublished papers show that he also had direct access to Prabhācandra's story collection (see Plutat 1998: Nos. 373-374 (not seen by mel), although I do not know through which manuscript. Prabhācandra's work was published in 1974 by A.N. Upadhye on the basis of a single manuscript which belonged to the private collection of Pandit Nathuram Premi and is now kept at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute: Prabhācandra's Arādhana-Katha Prabandha or Kathākośa, Bhāratīya Jñānapītha, 1974 (Mānikacandra D. Jaina Granthamālā 35). Leumann's account (p. 71) is extremely faithful to the published version of Prabhācandra's story (No. 68 p. 93 in Upadhye's ed.). Harişena's account (No. 131 in Upadhye 1943) goes along the same line, but provides further material relating to the question of nudity and the wearing of half a garment (ardhaphālaka). It ends with the origin of the Yāpanasangha. 16 See details in Appendix IV note on p. 1. "For the original text of some stories see Balbir 1993 : 441-467.
X

Page #17

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
with manuscripts kept in the Berlin Royal Library lead him to realize that the Avaśyaka-niryukti deserved attention (Übersicht p. IX). Later on, in 1893 (see below p. I), he returned to Berlin and again went through Jaina manuscripts which had entered the library after Weber completed the second volume of the Verzeichniss, and which were later catalogued in W. Schubring, Die Jaina-Handschriften (1944). Manuscripts needed for his studies were purchased from India by colleagues who were posted there or had toured the country, such as Georg Bühler or Peter Peterson in Bombay and Poona, or from Indian agents who procured manuscripts for Western scholars such as Bhagavāndās Kevaldās from Surat for Western Indian manuscripts, and Brahmasūri from Shravana Belgola for South Indian ones. Leumann also borrowed manuscripts from India and from libraries in the West with the help of enlightened librarians who were also scholars. The then India Office Library was one such repository. Leumann's polemic envolée (p. II) praising the liberal attitude towards the loan of manuscripts of Anglo-Indian libraries in sharp contrast with the libraries of England, which Schubring felt embarrassing (Foreword), is not untypical. His colleagues knew him as a strong character who did not hesitate to state what he thought in very clear terms. Such outbursts against Britain are not rare in the writings of a scholar who was also a strong German patriot and nationalist. Leumann's subsequent vivid plaidoyer in favour of developing copying projects in India or acquiring Jaina manuscripts from Indian libraries in a systematic and well-thought manner is also worthy of note.
One of the reasons Leumann needed so many manuscripts was precisely his holistic conception of the “Āvaśyaka-Literatur”. This explains partly why the Übersicht starts with a list of abbreviations with explanations referring to collections of manuscripts (p. IIIf.), and is followed by two lists (p. V-VIII). The second is a list of Svetāmbara manuscripts kept in Strasbourg. Their full description according to contemporary norms is available in C.B. Tripāthī, Catalogue of the Jaina Manuscripts at Strasbourg (Leiden, 1975). A concordance enables the reader to find the correspondence between Leumann's numbers and the serial numbers of the Catalogue. Not all the manuscripts in the list relate to the "Avaśyaka-literatur", and only some of them are mentioned in the book as it was published. The first of the two lists "L 129-225” (p. V) does not refer to manuscripts as such. It refers to Leumann's own extracts of manuscripts, notes, preliminary investigations, etc. as they are found in numerous blue notebooks, now part of his posthumous papers kept at the "Institut für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens und Tibets” at the University of Hamburg, Germany (catalogue in Plutat 1998). Leumann used to copy extensively or selectively manuscripts that he borrowed from libraries or consulted during trips, to London, for instance, on the occasion of international conferences. In the absence of published catalogues he often had to create his own system of numbering. Moreover, references of the type "L + a number below 129" which are found in the course of the Übersicht concern two lists of notes, extracts, etc. found in unpublished notebooks, the contents of which are published in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 45 (1891): 454-464 (for items 1-90) and 47 (1893): 308-315 (for items 91-128), both reprinted in Plutat 1998 (99-118). This internally working system of references to
18 See below Appendix IV notes on p. I for more details on these scholars. 19 See my introduction to Leumann's Kleine Schriften for further examples of this attitude. 20 Tripāthī 1975: Appendix 1 Correspondence Table of Numbers : Leumann/ Serial Number of Entry, pp. 377-380. See Appendix III below for references relating to the main mss. used in the Übersicht.

For Persona & Private Use Only

Page #18

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
one's own unpublished notes does not make things easier, for it is obviously not immediately understood by readers other than the author himself. This methodology which develops its own material and its own tools justifies Prof. K. Bruhn's statement that "(Leumann) built up his 'logistics' with amazing thoroughness" (in Plutat 1998: 125). The stages of this construction work and the step by step progress to which they led are recalled precisely and chronologically in the section "Early history and lacunae of the following outline” which is the ouverture to the Übersicht Opera (p. IV). A feeling of frustration is perceivable in this section as the scholar experiences delays or difficulties in getting the desired manuscripts.
Leumann's project as it appears in the Übersicht is oriented towards the determination of textual layers and the discovery of stratification in a complex network of texts. This methodological concern is in accordance with philological work as conceived in the late 19th and the early 20th centuries and the numerous attempts to search for the "Urtext”. It is undoubtedly there: see the recurring expression "original" Niryukti, "Niry" within inverted commas (p. 55) to denote an abstraction which only exists through indirect or expanded representatives, and the use of the verb "to reconstruct" (German “reconstruieren"). It is there with its formal correlate: the presence of genealogical trees showing the filiation of texts (see p. 41). In my opinion, Leumann's demonstration of the relationship between Mūlācāra VII and the Svetāmbara Āvasyaka-niryukti as we have it is quite convincing. It shows how some sets of verses can be considered as enlargements in the latter, which, indeed, has an extra large size totally unusual when compared to other available niryuktis. Within the Svetāmbara Āvaśyaka-niryukti too, Leumann recognizes successive stages of development, which are duly discussed in the Übersicht (p. 59ff.; p. 80ff.). They correspond to various levels of accretions in which the commentarial tradition plays a role and culminates in what Leumann calls "the Vulgate edition". In short, from the "original Niryukti" to the available Niryukti in its final form, a long editorial process has taken place in four stages (p: 80ff.). The identification of these stages is based both on internal data (such as the word anyakartyka or anyaksta clearly recognizing an alien source for the verses it precedes, p. 83) and on comparative analysis. For the "lay reader" who has no time to follow the apparently convoluted path of Leumann's thinking, the "tabular recapitulation" on p. 84 which shows these redactional stages or the clear statements which sum up the exposition about the Avaśyaka commentaries found on p. 40 are decidedly useful and memorable.
Leumann, well-informed as he was about theories, does not belong to the category of scholars who would let the system enter all the interstices of reality. Rather, his perspective is to take into account the complexity of the textual reality and to disentangle it as much as possible without forgetting its details and peculiarities. Nobody who has ever tried to read the Avasyaka-niryukti and related texts would contest this approach. A description of its structure is required. In this respect, one should distinguish between components and layers. The roman numbers, i.e., what Leumann calls Āv. I to VI refer to the six āvasyakas as "obligatory duties":
I) Sāmāyika II) Caturvimsati-stava III) Vandanaka IV) Pratikramana V) Kāyotsarga VI) Pratyākhyāna.
xii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #19

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
Among the most accessible passages in the Übersicht are the accurate and readable translations of the relevant Prakrit prose formulas or verses corresponding to these obligatory duties (p. 15, 17, 19f.). In Leumann's time it was a novelty to have this in translation. The superscribed Arabic numbers, i.e. Āv.?, Av. and Āv.", relate to developmental stages of the literary complex. The first entity of "obligatory” duties, however, is not totally fixed. It is subject to reorganization and variation in the course of the textual development. Hence the modifications in the list in the stage Av.' (p. 3). Specialized works dealing only with one or several of the obligatory duties, but not all of them, such as Devendra's Bhāsyas also belong to this stage.
Textual layers can be identified by using metre as a chronological criterion; Jacobi and Leumann were the two masters of the German school with respect to Jaina texts. The rarity of the gāthā metre (i.e. the āryā) in canonical works such as the Uttarādhyayanasūtra was rightly noticed by Leumann (p. 18) and was to become the subject of a detailed investigation by L. Alsdorf.2. Attention to the historical significance which can be deduced from the nature of the metre, present at many places (see, in particular, p. 57, the difference between the śloka period" and "the gāthā period”; p. 62; p. 86 relationship between the ViśĀvBh and the KalpaBh) also explains why Leumann almost systematically names the metre of a given verse in the Übersicht. Never satisfied with a simplistic solution, Leumann was, however, quite aware of the limitations of the metrical criterion (p. 59).
A similar historical method aiming at understanding the history of the text and its commentaries is applied, in the second part of the Übersicht, to Jinabhadra's Višeșāvasyaka-bhāsya, which “has experienced a special text-history” (p. 87; German: "Jinabhadra's Werk hat wiederum eine besondere Textgeschichte erlebt", p. 32°56). As usual, Leumann approached this text through manuscripts: three of them containing the Bhāşya alone; another containing what Leumann calls Sīlānka's commentary, and four (or sometimes five) containing Hemacandra Maladhārin's commentary, both in Sanskrit.22 They correspond to three recensions: “The original recension of the Višeşāvasyaka-bhāşya", "Sīlānka's text” and “Hemacandra's recension” (p. 87ff.). Firstly, Sīlānka and Hemacandra are analyzed as readers and as editors of the Bhāsya (p. 94) which they have transmitted in their own ways and in relation with their position towards the Niryukti. They are agents of "textual criticism".29 The novelty of the material and of the subject explains the step by step technical analysis undertaken by Leumann. It starts with the information preserved in the colophon of the only available manuscript, and goes on to all the internal data liable to throw light on the structure of the text (traditional methods of counting the verses, i.e. granthầgra, and sectional colophons). Tables and conspectuses showing the numbering of verses in the various recensions are the correlated tool of such an approach (p. 92ff.). Moreover, the originality of Jinabhadra's work is best shown through the use he makes of extraneous material. Among the sources he resorted to is the (Brhat)Kalpabhäsya (p. 98). This part of the Übersicht culminates in the "summary contents” of Jinabhadra's work (p. 124ff.). This detailed conspectus is a precious guide to the understanding of the macro-structure of this extensive and
21 L. Alsdorf, The Arya Stanzas of the Uttarajhāyā. Contributions to the Text History and Interpretation of a Canonical Jaina Text, Wiesbaden, 1966; Id., Die Arya-Strophen des Pāli-Kanons, Wiesbaden, 1967, further K. Bruhn, "Ludwig Alsdorf's Studies in the Arya" in Berliner Indologische Studien 9/10, 1996, pp. 7-53. 22 See Appendix III for information about the mansucripts. 23 German “Textkritik", cf. Übersicht p. 150.
xiii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #20

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
special representative of the Bhāsya genre, and of the micro-structure of the units defined.
As for the exegetical tradition on Jinabhadra's Bhāsya, its components are clearly described: "Jinabhadra's commentary is actually the only one which has been written before Śīlānka, and after Śīlānka the Bhāsya was commented on again firstly by Hemacandra” (p. 149) 24 The susbsequent paragraphs of the same page (to which the reader is referred) firmly characterize Jinabhadra's exegetical approach and its results. Through the efforts of Indian scholarship, our documentation has progressed. Jinabhadra's own commentary on his Bhāsya was not accessible in Leumann's time, although its existence was confirmed by the references and extensive quotations of later commentators on the Bhāsya. They are collected and discussed in a section of the Ubersicht so as to reconstruct so-to-say a large portion of it ("Jinabhadra's commentary on his Bhāsya”, p. 132ff.). They include the material provided by Śīlānka, by Jinavallabha's glosses as found in the relevant manuscript used by Leumann, by Hemacandra Maladhārin and by Malayagiri. Leumann's translations and discussions of these selected excerpts show the highly technical nature of the topics considered, and imply some amount of speculation. On the other hand, the fact that Malayagiri, the 12th century commentator on the Āvasyaka-niryukti, often refers to the Bhāsya but seldom to Jinabhadra's commentary thereupon, is adduced to explain the lack of manuscripts of the latter (p. 147). Leumann's intuition that Jinabhadra's commentary was not a widely disseminated work was correct. Since his time, only a single palm-leaf manuscript of it has been discovered in Patan (Gujarat) - an old library of which the wealth was known but which was not accessible in the early years of the 20th century. This manuscript was the basis for the edition prepared by the late D.D. Malvania (1966ff.). It reveals that Jinabhadra could not finish the task, which was continued by a certain Kotyārya. This auto-commentary is a laghuvrtti, which is concise and precise but not lengthy, as Leumann rightly supposed (p. 149). Large parts of the Bhāsya are left uncommented upon. Could this mean that in Jinabhadra's time a Bhāşya was considered a sufficient exegetical format? On the other hand, the commentator whom Leumann calls "Sīlānka” throughout, placing him "ca. 870 A.D.” (p. 41), perhaps identifying him with the commentator on the Acārāngasūtra and the Sūtrakstängasūtra, is named Kotyācārya by modern Indian scholarship, on the basis of the name used by his successors, as already shown by one extract quoted by Leumann: “Kotyācārya (i.e. Šīlānka)" (p. 143[52640]). Indian scholars consider that he could have been a contemporary of Haribhadra (8th cent.). Hemacandra Maladhārin (12th cent?), the last link in the exegetical chain on the Bhāsya, is a less obscure figure than his predecessors. Given the numerous references to earlier exegeses on the Bhāşya and on the Niryukti, his commentary is significant to the understanding of the formation of the whole corpus. At the same time, his purpose is explicitly defined as pedagogical (and his commentary is called sisya-hitā). This affects the manner in which he deals with the material, as Leumann critically remarked (“it will now become apparent that, in any case, he arranges the references to his predecessors for readers who do not give it any further thought”, p. 140).
Leumann's description is meant to help to understand the development of the concept of "ävaśyaka" and related literature. Chronological considerations are one important aspect of Leumann's investigations. His concern for the early history of
24 Übersicht p. 54641-43: "Jinabhadra's Commentar ist überhaupt der einzige, der vor Silānka geschrieben worden ist, und nach Sīlānka ist das Bhāsya erst von Hemacandra wieder commentirt worden".
xiv For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #21

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
Jainism is evidenced by his important exploration of the narrative accounts of the schisms.2S Several of his observations take the schism between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras as a chronological standard before or after which a text is to be ascribed (e.g., p. 1). In Übersicht portrait gallery three prominent figures stand out. Haribhadra, who appears as the major editor and commentator of the Avasyakaniryukti, is the subject of passing remarks or statements. Bhadrabāhu and Jinabhadra, however, are the topic of extensive sections of the book.
The main point concerning Bhadrabāhu is Leumann's demonstration based on the detailed discussion of the interrelations between narrative reports of both Śvetāmbara and Digambara provenance on historico-genealogical works (the pattāvalis) that there were two Bhadrabāhu.26 The one which Leumann calls "historical” (p. 65ff.) is the knower of the Pūrvas, who was responsible for the migration of the Jaina community to the South at the time of the twelve year famine.
The one which Leumann calls "fictitious” (p. 75ff.) and "only a literary name” (p. 65) is the author/compiler of the Niryukti collection which may have been composed in the first century A.D., more precisely “a few decades after” 30 A.D. (p. 76), or even more precisely “around 80 A.D.” (p. 78). Its date of composition is related to the date of the schism between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras, corresponding to 82 CE, on the basis of the evidence considered. This discussion, which progresses step by step and slowly reduces the likely chronological interval, involves explorations about other clerical figures of the early Jaina tradition as they appear in narrative literature: Kālaka, Vajrasvāmin, Rakṣita and matters connected with the seven schisms, for which the Avaśyaka commentaries and the Uttarādhyayanasūtra commentaries (in the second chapter) are the two main sources treated by Leumann in an independent full-fledged study (1885). The contexts of some of these narrative accounts are worth nating: the spiritual careers of the religious teachers are depicted in connection with monastic hardships which are especially difficult to bear, such as nudity (ārya Rakṣita) or reduction of food (Bhadrabāhu). In the context of Avaśyaka proper, Bhadrabāhu, whoever he may be, is responsible for the “first edition” of the Niryukti (p. 80).
As for Jinabhadra, the main concern of the present book is obviously the Viśeşāvasyakabhäsya, which received a detailed treatment (from p. 84ff.). But in accordance with Leumann's method, which never sees any subject from a narrow angle, the other works of Jinabhadra are also described. The Übersicht in its present unfinished state ends with the analysis of his Kșetrasamāsa, his Samgrahaņi and his Višeşanavati (p. 150ff.), three works on cosmology.?' Only a somewhat enigmatic short paragraph is devoted to the latter text, which remains untouched by modern scholarship in India or in the West, despite the fact that it has been published. The triplet of Jinabhadra's works substantiates the discussion of the Viśeşāvasyaka-bhāsya that has formed the subject of the preceding pages of the book, for it confirms
25 "Die alten Berichte von den Schismen der Jaina", Indische Studien 1885 (see Appendix VIII for bibliographical details). 20 For a new appraisal of early evidence and new conclusions on the figure and the date of Bhadrabāhu see Dhaky 2004. The latter considers that "the Niryuktis seemingly are as late as early sixth century A.D." (p.138).
An introductory statement shows that the survey in its final form would have included the Jitakalpa and the Dhyānaśataka (p. 150). 28 Published in 1927 (along with other texts) by the Ķsabhadevaji Keśarīmalaji Svetämbara Samsthā (according to Mohan Lal Mehta & Hiralal R. Kapadia, Jain Sahitya kā Brhad Itihäs, vol. 4, Varanasi, 1968, p. 296 n. 2; pp. 291-317 in Sastrasandeśamālā, vol. 15, Surat, V.S. 2061 (= 2004).

For Personal Private Use Only

Page #22

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
"Jinabhadra's unique predisposition for dogmatics" (p. 150). It underlines how Jinabhadra inaugurated a new style and a new format for teaching various areas of knowledge, such as cosmology, which is in full contrast with the canonical procedure, and how he became the starting point of new treatises. The method of analysis applied to the Avaśyaka texts stricto sensu is again applied to the Kșetrasamāsa as a class of works in order to disentangle its textual formation and identify its stages as they are manifested either in the recensions known from the commentators and from the manuscripts, or in rewritings (labelled as "K$'"; "ks'", "k$2” and “ks”; “K$2", "Ks?", "K$"", "K$": pp. 151-55; comparative table on p. 151f.). “K$” refers to Ratnasekhara's Laghuksetrasamāsa (14th cent.), the impact of which is demonstrated by the vast number of manuscripts. In a way, this later recast became the standard work for monastic teaching. A similar process affected works of the class Samgrahani: the older work by Jinabhadra was superseded by the shorter adaptation of Śrīcandra (known as Laghusamgrahaņi or Samgrahanīratna), also a very popular cosmological work (p. 154).
The discussion of Jinabhadra differs from that of Bhadrabāhu since the historical ground is here safer and is not a central issue. Among Jinabhadra's particulars, only his regional origin is briefly alluded to: in Leumann's opinion, the use of the desī word pelu (p. 86) which is ascribed to Mahārāstra by the commentator could be a hint about the author's native place – a faint but likely hint. The introductory portion of the long discussion devoted to the Višesāvasyakabhāsya is a critical assessment: "a work of high quality. Two flaws which can be perceived are, by far, outweighed by two assets" (p. 85). This is another example of Leumann's striking formulas. But they are based on a first-hand experience of the text and 'a sound analysis of its style. The remarks on the Sanskritized Prakrit of Jinabhadra and on the format of the philosophical dialogue characteristic of the work partly define the specificity of his work within the Āvasyaka corpus (p. 85). As Leumann notes, Jinabhadra's undertaking covers only the first half of the Avaśyaka-niryukti, i.e., the Pīthikā, the Upodghāta, the Pancanamaskāra and the Sāmāyika-niryukti (p. 85). Due to the word sayalam "complete" in the opening stanza, Leumann thought more than this was intended, but this is not quite sure. Leumann understands “Višesa" in the title as meaning "extensive" (German: "ausführlich"). But it could just as well mean "special, particular, specific". This would explain that Jinabhadra dealt selectively, only with what we have and which also corresponds to the part of the “Avaśyaka" considered in the Anuyogadvāra (a name which occurs in the opening stanza too). Jinabhadra's connection with the latter is substantiated in Leumann's demonstration. Both texts have the same limits. Jinabhadra's Bhāsya is shown to have had a privileged place within the Jaina scholastic tradition, as it is either quoted or referred to by several commentators (p. 87). Moreover, it has had an enormous influence on Jaina philosophy in general (Butzenberger 1989; ubi alia).
As mentioned earlier, the Übersicht combines various academic genres and concerns. They go from macrodimensional, in the cases analysed above, to microdimensional studies. An excellent example of a combination of both approaches and of Leumann's method, including its own limitations, is Leumann's investigation of Avasyaka-niryukti XII 1-121 (= verses 1102 ff., p. 28ff.).“ It contains translations of a large number of verses (but not all), extracts (based on manuscripts, of course)
- See Appendix V regarding Leumann's system of numbering of the Av.-niryukti verses and the numbering of the printed editions available today.

XVI For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #23

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
from the commentaries (the Cūrņi and Haribhadra's Tīkā) on some verses, the text and translation of the parallel verses listing the 32 mistakes which should be avoided during the performance of the veneration as they are found in the Brhatkalpabhāsya and a portion of Prabhācandra's commentary on the Digambara counterpart. It lacks, however, the obvious thing which one might expect: the Prakrit text of the Avasyakaniryukti verses translated." In any case, it provides a methodological key which is indispensable in Jaina studies: the comparison of all available material for a proper understanding of terminology and of the evolution of ideas. This section deals with the concept of veneration (vandana), a central obligatory duty on which a large part of the Übersicht concentrates. Its structure and the way it proceeds are quite exemplary. It opens with a programmatic verse (dvāra-gāthā) made of catchwords (comparable to Pāli uddānas). There are five of them which function as chapter-headings. The next verse is a list of nine parameters or angles from which these headings have to be analysed. They are given in the form of multiple questions (numbered 1 to 9 by Leumann, p. 28). This exegetical pattern, which recalls the pedagogical exchange between a teacher and his pupils, is often represented in the niryuktis." Belonging to the exegetical method and the thorough treatment of a given concept is the narrative component. At the niryukti level it is here sketched in the form of a list of more or less vaguely identifying labels (forming Leumann's verse XII 3 = 1104). The fully developed stories are found in the prose commentaries. On another occasion (p. 73) a similar case is provided by the section of the Uttarādhyayana-niryukti dealing with the parīsahas. This narrative material, which is as central to a niryukti as theory, is never ignored in Leumann's investigations of the Avaśyaka literature. On the contrary, Leumann recognized its prominent place when he discusses the formation of the Āv.-niryukti (p. 58). Thus, for the Vandana(ka) section, the five stories (A to E, p. 29f.) are given in small type. Later in the book, Leumann deals extensively with the story of Bhadrabāhu and Sthūlabhadra, which forms a section of the long saga of the entire Jaina history from the founding of Rājagrha as told in the Avasyaka-cūrni and in Haribhadra's tīkā on Āv.-niry. "XVII 11" (= verse 1284; p. 68ff., p. 74), and with the version transmitted by sāntisūri in the Uttarādhyayana commentary (p. 73). Although his German versions follow the original Prakrit very closely, they are not exactly literal translations, because Leumann's style is original. As Leumann himself writes: "This depiction in the preceding is, according to the Kathānaka-custom, very laconic. For easier comprehension, much in the translation had to be more clearly expressed and other things had to be added in parentheses” (p. 69). The result is extremely faithful and precise renderings, which read well with their lively tone quite in accordance with the short Prakrit sentences and the quick pace of the narratives." Comparative analysis of Jaina narratives also plays a part in Leumann's investigations. This type of approach is seen, for instance, in his treatment of the Bhadrabāhu story in Svetambara sources (Āv. commentaries against Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan IX 84-100, see pp. 68ff.) as well as in Digambara sources (see above).
The case just analyzed shows the attention paid by Leumann to the exegetical patterns at work in the Avaśyaka-niryukti, and more generally in all works of this
30 It has been added here as Appendix VI. 31 See Balbir (in the press). 32 Similarly Walther Schubring, who was Leumann's disciple, decided in favour of renderings rather than word-to-word translations when dealing with the narratives in canonical style of the Nāyādhammakahāo (Schubring 1978). This is probably the right option if one wants to make this type of literature accessible to a reader using a Western language.
xvii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #24

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
category. Indeed, a niryukti is built on scholastic schemas using a specifically coined terminology. Among the most frequently encountered is what came to be designated as the niksepa (Bhatt 1978). This method is a procedure of analysis of a given term or concept through the application of fixed parameters (Pkt. nāma, thavanā, davva, bhāva are the four basic ones). This procedure is discussed from a historical perspective in the Übersicht (p. 63ff.), taking into account its subdivisions and the way the parameters have developed. The assessment of the meaning of Pkt. āesa ("thesis"; German “These") which occupies some space on this occasion is not a digression, because this word is used with reference to one of the subdivisions in connected passages of the Kalpa-bhāsya and its Cūrņi. This leads to a comparative and critical assessment on the views of these subdivisions as ascribed to early Jaina teachers (particularly Mangu) in the Kalpa tradition, on the one hand, and in the Āvaśyaka/Višeşāvasyaka tradition on the other hand.
The somewhat abstruse format of the Übersicht, which does not, perhaps, appeal much to a 21st century reader with other intellectual habits, and "Leumann's high-tech philology" (K. Bruhn in Plutat 1998: 123) should not obfuscate either its fine style with striking formulas such as the very first sentence of the book ("What is accessible of Jaina literature, in general, are old texts and new commentaries", p. 1), nor its intellectual modernity. Understanding the structure and stratification of the "Āvasyaka-Literatur" is not in Leumann's view an end in itself and is certainly not a purely formal game. History of the early Jaina church, history of ideas and debates, history of rituals and liturgy are central issues which are addressed in this book. The topic of Ganadharavāda is one angle for such an approach. As is well-known to Jaina specialists, this section comprises ideological statements made by each of Mahāvīra's eleven ganadharas, who, one should not forget, were born as Brahmins, followed by their discussion cum refutation by Mahāvīra. As such, it is at the intersection of Jainism and non-Jainism, and is one of the most fascinating examples of an interfaith dialogue in ancient India in the form of "a ballad-like fabrication" (p. 100; German "eine balladenartige Erfindung"). It forms one section of the Avasyakaniryukti. But as Leumann recognized, its extensive treatment goes to Jinabhadra's Viseșāvasyaka-bhāşya and its commentaries. The relevant section of the Übersicht consists of a review of the "Veda passages", i.e. Sanskrit verses found in the Jaina text and their identification or parallels in the Brahmanical tradition. Along the way, occurrences of these quotations in other Jaina works (doxographic in character such as Jinadatta's Vivekavilāsa or the various expositions of the "six philosophical systems") are indicated, showing that they form a kind of standard stock ready for use, and considered by the Jainas as typical representatives of Brahmanical tenets on important topics. This philological work shows at any rate that Jinabhadra's exposition of the views of the eleven Brahmins is a realistic or authentic representation, since their ideas are echoed in the actual Brahmanical tradition. At the same time, it shows how the Jainas read or modify these verses. Another case of Jaina/Brahmin intersection or comparison is provided by the analysis of Acārānga-niryukti vss. 21-27, themselves an expansion on vs. 18 referring to "seven varņas" and "nine intermediate varņas” (p. 79ff.). This expansion, typical of Bhāsya verses, gives under four groups the full nomenclature of the offshoots coming from all the possible combinations of what is often called anuloma and pratiloma marriages. It immediately calls for a comparison with the data from the main Dharmaśāstras and for an attempt at a chronological assessment.
xviii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #25

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
Philosophical matters are at the heart of the Avasyaka literature, especially as it is represented in the Viseșāvasyaka-bhāsya. This is illustrated in the section “Further specimens from the contents of the Višeşāvaśyaka-bhāsya" (p. 106ff.) where large sections of text are translated. The concept of perception is dealt with in the Avaśyaka-niryukti (and the Nandīsūtra), as forming one of the five types of knowledge. But it is developed into a complex and full-fledged theory in the expanded version of Jinabhadra (p. 106ff.). Even more intricate is the discussion of the visualization both in its own right and in relation to knowledge. The demonstration aims at underlying the history of ideas, for the opinion of authorities such as Jinabhadra's Bhāsya is different from those expressed in the canonical Bhagavatīsätra, and involves discussion of the old phrase jāņai pāsai / jāņai na pāsai. Another case concerns the "doctrine of permutation" (German: "Permutationslehre"; p. 114f.) as expressed in a stanza of the Bhāsya. It shows the fundamental character of mathematical reasoning in the elaboration of Jaina thought.
This and the following parts of the book show on the basis of precise cases how Jinabhadra's Bhāsya in particular is a fundamental work for the development of ideas. The examples considered by Leumann, some at length, cover areas of epistemology and also of ethics. The "granthi-doctrine" developed in a set of verses common to Jinabhadra's Bhāsya and to the Kalpa-bhāsya (p. 115) is aptly labelled a "chapter of religious psychology". It is followed by a translation of the Bhāsya passage dealing with the difference between the layman and the monk in connection with the performance of sämāyika (p. 116.). The conception of space and time" is central to the Jaina doctrine. Understanding it is necessary in connection with the karma-theory and the fate of beings caught in the samsāra. Moreover, this topic is an example where the Jainas have constructed their own ideas and where the Avaśyaka literature has contributed in its own way. The discussion, which touches on cosmology, draws on this corpus and is supplemented by other texts from both the Svetāmbara and the Digambara traditions. In Leumann's view the twelve-spoked wheel of time with six descending and six ascending periods, typical of the Jainas, is an expansion of the basic pattern of four aeons as found in Manu (p. 119). Whether this idea is acceptable or not remains to be seen. But one should not forget that the "common Indian" doctrine of the world aeons is also known to the Jainas. Here, Leumann resorts to a parallel from the field of language, where doublets can coexist without difficulty (p. 120). The "doctrine of bodies" expressed in the last part of Jinabhadra's Bhāsya is "a Jaina recast of the fairly common all Indian" doctrine (p. 120). Its inclusion in the Übersicht is justified because its comparative investigation, traced from the canonical Bhagavati-sūtra to Jinabhadra's work, shows how it has evolved differently within the Avasyaka corpus itself (p. 120ff.).
The phrase "catechism-like role" (German: "katechismus-artige Rolle”, p. 1) applied to the Āvaśyaka is one of Leumann's trouvaille. One can always criticize the transposition of a term or phrase valid in the Christian tradition to another religious tradition or comparisons of faiths so different as the Jaina and the Catholic (of which see one example p. 27). Nevertheless, an evocative term is always welcome. This one suggests the central place of textual units forming the "Avasyaka" in daily religious practice, of the mendicant as well as of the layman. It underlines the interactive link between the parties involved in the performance of the Avasyaka ritual as expressed in the various sections of the Avasyaka-sūtra, a feature rightly emphasized by Leumann through the attention he pays to the rhetoric of the formulas used by the person who utters them (in the first person) and those which are used in the answers
xix For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #26

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
(see, e.g., the analysis of the third part of the Avaśyaka-sūtra, the Vandana(ka), p. 19). It also says something about the way these textual units are constituted, develop and interact with some amount of freedom in the way they are combined. Indeed, the manuscript tradition and the printed editions regularly published in India by the Jainas show the existence of Āvaśyaka manuals which are neither totally identical to nor completely different from each other. They mostly have a kernel consisting of recurring basic sūtras or hymns, accompanied by a variety of other textual units which can vary from one manual to the other, depending, for instance, on the sectarian affiliation of the author or of the recipient. The recognition of the existence of prayers (German: "Gebet", p. 7) in the Avasyaka complex is also a significant contribution, for it amounts to the recognition of a practical use of these texts.
The detailed philological discussion of the technical terms Pkt. nisīhiyā, āvassiyā, etc. based on the usages of these words in different Jaina texts (p. 24ff.) are examples of Leumann's concern for the Jaina idiolect, religious performance, liturgy and the network of postures that goes with it. This concern is especially marked in the detailed analysis of the Vandana(ka) as described in the Avasyaka-sūtra and supplemented by the relevant exegesis thereupon (p. 19ff.). Although such terms take very specialized meanings in the practice of the Jainas, they need to be set in a wider context for delineating precisely their specific shades of meanings. This is why Leumann takes Buddhist parallels or counterparts into account in his semantic investigation. The method is successfully applied to the discussion of Pkt. jattā and javanijja which are used in polite inquiries when welcoming a teacher at the beginning of the Vandana(ka), and are shown to have equivalents in Buddhist Pāli and Sanskrit phraseology (p. 28f.). In any case, what is important is that Leumann shows how conscious he is of the fact the āvasyakas are not only texts but also gestures and practice.

Page #27

Appendices
I. Note on Leumann's transliteration
Leumann transliterates in a different manner vowels which are long by nature (noted, as usual, as ā, ī, u, e, o) and vowels which are the result of a contraction coming from sandhi (noted as â, î, û, ê, ô; e.g. käyôtsarga). This distinction, which was often observed in early, especially German, indology, has now mostly gone out of use. Moreover, in agreement with phonological analysis of Sanskrit and Prakrit, Leumann (and his school, Walther Schubring, for instance) never write "n" or "ñ" for the guttural and the palatal nasals respectively. They write only "n". The reason is that before a guttural a nasal can only be guttural, before a palatal it can only be palatal. Hence there is no need to use a specific sign to mark them. Only the cerebral nasal is marked as "n". Leumann explains this innovation ("Neuerung") in the Postface (p. 164) to his edition of the Aupapātika Sūtra (Leipzig, 1883). This system has been retained throughout the present volume.
Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
II. Guide to the abbreviations used by Leumann in the Übersicht (in alphabetical order)
A superscribed "a" after a number (e.g. 1) refers to the first line of a verse; a superscribed "b" to the second line.
Abhay.: = Abhayadeva (9th cent.), the Jaina commentator on "nine Angas" Ac. Acaranga-sūtra
Adh.
Adhyāyana
Ait. Br.
Airyāp. Ārādh.
Aupap.
Aitareya-Brāhmaṇa
Airyāpathikī
Ārādhanā
Aupapātikasūtra (reference to the paragraphs as numbered in Leumann's edition; see Appendix VIII below for bibliographical details)
Āv. = Avaśyaka
avac. = Avacur(n)i
Av.-Erz. E. Leumann, Die Avasyaka-Erzählungen, Leipzig, 1897
Av.-niry. = Avaśyaka-niryukti
B followed by a four-digit number = Berlin manuscript
Bh. Bhakti
Bhag. Bhagavatīsūtra
Bhagavadg. = Bhagavadgītā
Brh. or BṛhaddH. = BṛhaddHarivamsapurāṇa, i.e. Jinasena's Harivamsapurāṇa Brh. Ār. Up. Brhad-Aranyaka-upaniṣad
C= Avaśyaka-curṇi
ChandUp. = Chandogya-upaniṣad
D (recension) = Devanagarī
8 = Second Devanagarī recension
Daś. Daśavaikālika

Daśāśrutask. = Daśāśrutaskandha
Dev. = Devendra, commentator of the Uttaradhyayana-sūtra
xxi

Page #28

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
Divyâvad. = Divyāvadāna Exc. = Excerpt; this refers to samples of texts which should have accompanied the
Übersicht H = Haribhadra as the commentator of the Avaśyaka-niryukti Hem. or Hemac. = depending on the context, either Hemacandra Maladhārin the
commentator on the Višeșāvaśyaka-bhāsya or Hemacandra, the author of the Parisistaparvan and the Prakrit grammar (he is called "the second
Hemacandra" on p. 87) Indr. = Indravajrā Ind. Spr.? = 0. Böhtlingk, Indische Sprüche, 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1870-1873, reprinted in
1966 Jāt. = Jätaka Jñ. or Jñātādh. = Jñātādharmakathā K (recension) = Canarese KaivalyaUp. = Kaivalya-upanişad KC = (Bșhat)Kalpa-cūrņi Kriyākal. = Kriyākalāpa Ks' = Jinabhadra's Ksetrasamāsa Ks = extended Ksetrasamāsa as attested in Berlin ms. 1749 Ks = Śrīcandra's Ksetrasamāsa Ks* = Somatilaka's Narakṣetra-vicāra Ks' = Ratnasekhara's Laghuksetrasamāsa ks' = Kșetrasamāsa as known to Haribhadra ks' = Ksetrasamāsa as attested in Poona ms. XII 76 ks' = Kșetrasamāsa as attested in ms. A I 74 & 178 Lokatattvanirņ. = Lokatattvanirņaya M = Malayagiri; see also Malay. MahāNārUp = Mahā-nārāyaṇa-upanișad Māl. = Mālini Malay. = Malayagiri (12th cent.), commentator on the Avaśyaka-niryukti MBhār = Mahābhārata Mūlāc. = Vattakera's Mūlācāra MundUp. = Mundaka-upanişad Niry. = Niryukti P followed by a roman and an arabic number = Poona manuscript P (recension) = Prabhācandra Pādāk. = pādākulaka (n. of a metre) PadmaPur = Padmapurāņa by Ravisena Panc. or Pancanamask.= Pancanamaskāra Pancav. = Padmanandi's Pancavimšati pedh. = pedhiyā ("opening, introduction") Prabhāvakacar. = Prabhāvakacarita (see below note on p. 81) Prajñāp. = Prajñāpanüsütra Praņidh. = Pranidhāna Praharş. = praharşiņi Prajñāp. = Prajñāpanüsütra PraśnaUp. = Praśna-upanişad Praśnavyāk. = Praśnavyākarana Rājapr. = Rājapraśnīya Rathodh. = Rathoddhatā

xxii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #29

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
Rep. = Report RV = Rg Veda S followed by a number = Strasbourg manuscript Şaddarśanasam. = Haribhadra's Şaddarśanasamuccaya commented upon by
Gunaratna Sadv. Āv.-v. = Şadvidha Avasyaka-vidhi Sāmāy. = Sāmāyika Samav. = Samavāyāngasūtra Sandrap. = sāndrapada (alternate name of the metre called śrī, cf. Hemacandra,
Chando'nuśāsana II.132) Sanghadāsa = the author of the Kalpabhāsya Sānty. = Sāntisūri, commentator of the Uttarādhyayana-sutra Śārd. = śārdūlavikrīdita Sarvadars. = Sarvadarśanasamgraha Šāstravārttāsam. = Haribhadra's Šāstravārttāsamuccaya Satap. Br. = Satapatha Brāhmana Sikh. = śikhariņi Śīl. = Śīlānka, the commentator on the Višesāvaśyaka-bhāsya skandh. = skandhaka (a Prakrit metre, of the type dvipadī, consisting in 32 moras, cf.
Hemacandra, Chando'nuśāsana IV.13) śl. = śloka sragdh. = sragdharā Śrīt./Śrītil. = Śrītilaka = Tilakācārya (12th-13th cent.), a Sanskrit commentator on the
Āvaśyaka-niryukti, not yet published Shăn. = Sthānāngasutra Sūtr. = Sūtrakıtāngasūtra ŚvetUp. = Svetāśvatara-upanişad TĀr. = Taittirīya-Aranyaka Tattvârtha = Umāsvāti's Tattvārthasūtra TBr. = Taittirīya-brāhmaṇa TS = Taittirīya-samhitā Udg. = Udgīti Up. = Upanişad Upāsakâdhy. = Upāsakādhyayana Utt. or Uttarâdhy. = Uttarādhyayanasūtra Vait. = vaitālīya Vamś. = Vamsasthā vas. = vasantatilaka Vas. & Vasun. = Vasunandin, the commentator of Vattakera's Mūlācāra Viś. or Vises. = Višeşāvaśyakabhāsya VS = Vājasaneyi-samhitā Vyavah.-bh. = Vyavahāra-bhāsya WZ.: Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes Yaśastil. = Somadeva's Yaśastilakacampū ZDMG: Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft

xxiii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #30

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
III. Main Indian manuscripts used in the Übersicht
The Übersicht includes a large number of references to a great variety of original manuscripts kept in India or in the West, since manuscripts (and not printed books) were the only source material Leumann used. They are either those which he acquired for the Strasbourg University Library, the Berlin manuscripts he could read on the spot, or the London and Poona manuscripts which he could read on the spot, for the former, and those he could borrow, sometimes with difficulty, for the latter. The purpose of this section is to provide basic updated information for those which are used or referred to more often. Identification details are not always available in the Übersicht and have to be supplied from Leumann's unpublished notebooks, which have been consulted whenever necessary (see moreover Balbir 1993: 205-206).
Manuscripts of the Viseşāvasyakabhāsya (p. IX, 87, 91, 102) and its commentaries - P = P XII 57: Poona ms. of the Višeşāvaśyakabhāsya with śīlānka's (scil.
Kotyācārya's) commentary. - Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol. XVII 3(a), Serial No.
1106, shelfmark “57/1880-81"; palm-leaf, 332 folios. - p = P XII 56: Poona ms. of the Viseşāvasyakabhāsya. - Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol.
XVII 3(a), Serial No. 1105, shelfmark "56/1880-81"; palm-leaf, 131 folios; cf. E. Leumann, "P XII 56 Die Original-Recension des Viseșāvaśyaka-bhāsya"
(Notebook 536 in Plutat 1998). - B = B 1322: Berlin ms. of the Višeşāvaśyakabhāșya with Hemacandra's
commentary. - Weber, Verzeichniss II,2, Serial No. 1915; shelfmark "Ms. or.
fol. 1322"; paper, 296 folios, dated V.S. 1490 - b = B 1933: Berlin ms. of the Visesāvasyakabhāsya with Hemacandra's
commentary. Schubring, Jaina-Handschriften Serial No. 149, shelfmark
"Ms. or. fol. 1933"; paper, 498 folios, dated V.S. 1670. - Br = Br 2103: British Museum ms. of the Viseşāvaśyakabhāşya with Hemacandra's
commentary. - Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi 2006, Serial No. 232, shelfmark "Or.
2103"; paper, 500 folios, dated V.S. 1680. - S = S 301: Strasbourg ms. of the Višesāvaśyakabhāsya with Hemacandra's
commentary. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 46, shelfamark "Wickersheimer
4383-84"; paper, 562 folios, dated V.S. 1818. - s = S 164: Strasbourg ms. of the Višeşāvaśyakabhāsya with Hemacandra's
commentary, dated V.S. 1524. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 45, shelfmark
"Wickersheimer 4376"; paper, 63 folios. - A = P XXI 1336: Poona ms. of the Višeşāvaśyakabhāşya with Hemacandra's
commentary. - Kapadia, Descr. Catalogue vol. XVII 3(a), Serial No. 1104;
paper, 84 folios. - II = P XXII 1228: Poona ms. of the Viseşāvaśyakabhāşya with Hemacandra's
commentary. - Kapadia, Descr. Catalogue vol. XVII 3(a), Serial No. 1108,
shelfmark “1228/1884-87"; paper, 440 folios. - Four additional Poona mss. of this work are mentioned on p. 102 n.: .P VIII 768: Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol. XVII 3(a), Ser. No. 1111, shelfmark
"768/1875-76"; paper, 1252 folios. .P XII 58: Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol. XVII 3(a), Ser. No. 1112, shelfmark "58/1880
81"; palm-leaf, 344 leaves.
xxiv

Page #31

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
. P XXIV 1254: Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol. XVII 3(a), Ser. No. 1110, shelfmark
"1254/1887-91"; paper, 355 folios. .P XXIV 1255: Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol. XVII 3(a), Ser. No. 1107, shelfmark
"1255/1887-91"; paper, 406 folios.
Manuscripts of the Āvasyakaniryukti and its commentaries - Niryukti alone (p. 59 n.) . B = B 665: Berlin ms. having the title Avasyakasūtram; Weber, Verzeichniss II,2,
Serial No. 1912, shelfmark "Ms. or. fol. 665"; paper, 46 folios. . b = B 692: Berlin ms. having the title Āvasyakasūtram; Weber, Verzeichniss II,2,
Serial No. 1913, shelfmark “Ms. or. fol. 692"; paper, 66 folios.
- Avašyaka-cūrni (p. 20) . a = P VI 129: Poona ms. of the Av.-cūrni. - Kapadia, Descr. Catalogue vol. XVII
3(a), Serial No. 1090, shelfmark “129/1873-74"; paper, 350 folios. . B = P XII 367: Poona ms. of the Av.-cūrņi - Kapadia, Descr. Catalogue vol. XVII
3(a), Serial No. 1091, shelfmark “367/1880-81"; paper, 350 folios,
incomplete; dated V.S. 1661. · y = S 399: Strasbourg ms. of the Āv.-cūrņi. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 51,
shelfmark “Wickersheimer 4484"; paper, 457 folios. .8 = P XXII 167: Poona ms. of the Āv.-cūrni. – Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol. XVII,
III(a), Serial No. 1089, shelfmark “1167/1884-87"; paper, 512 folios, dated V.S. 1620.
- Haribhadra's commentary on the Āvasyaka-niryukti (p. 20, 59, 102) . B = B 763: Berlin ms. of the Av.-tīkā by Haribhadra. - Weber, Verzeichnis II 2,
Serial No. 1914, shelfmark “Ms. or. fol. 763"; paper, 342 folios, dated V.S.
1640. . = S 317: Strasbourg ms. of the Av.-tīkā by Haribhadra. - Tripāthī, Catalogue
Serial No. 40, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4400"; paper, 585 folios, complete,
no date. . S = S 163: Strasbourg ms. of the Av.-tīkā by Haribhadra. - Tripāthī, Catalogue
Serial No. 41, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4375"; paper, fol. 2a-348, not dated. is = S 378: Strasbourg ms. of the Av.-tīkā by Haribhadra. - Tripāthī, Catalogue
Serial No. 42, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4463"; paper, 224 folios,
incomplete. . 0 = S 398: Strasbourg ms. of the Āv.-tīkā by Haribhadra. - Tripāthī, Catalogue
Serial No. 39, shelfmark “Wickersheimer 4483"; paper, 305 folios.
- Malayagiri's commentary (p. 147) P XXII 1168: Poona ms. of the Av.-vivíti by Malayagiri. - Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol.
XVII 3(a), Serial No. 1080, shelfmark “1168/1884-87"); paper, 638 folios, not dated.
Manuscripts of the (Brhat)Kalpabhāsya, cūrņi and tīkā - B 778: Berlin ms. of the Kalpacūrņi. - Weber, Verzeichniss II 2 Serial No. 1894,
shelfmark “Ms. or. 778”; paper, 466 folios. - P XII 13: Poona ms. of the Kalpacūrņi. - Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol. XVII II(a), Serial
No. 580, shelfmark "13/1880-81"; palm-leaf, 285 folios, dated V.S. 1218.

Page #32

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
- P XII 390: Poona ms. of the Kalpatīkā. - Kapadia, Descr. Cat. vol. XVII II(a), Serial
No. 574, shelfmark “390/1880-81"; paper, 727 folios.
Manuscripts of Nemidatta's Arādhanākathākośa: see below Appendix IV note on p.
Manuscripts of the Kriyākulāpa All were Strasbourg manuscripts. Each of them represented a different recension: - K = S 363o. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 83, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4448”,
"Text 10” of a composite ms. - D' = S 402. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 84, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4487",
incomplete. - D = S 360[B]. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 85, shelfmark "Wickersheimer
4445”, “Text 3” of a composite ms. - 0 = S 361. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 86, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4446". - S 333 = ms. of the Kriyākalāpa with Prabhācandra's Sanskrit commentary. -
Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 888, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4416". "Text 4” of a composite ms.
Other references to manuscripts p. IX: S 334a = Strasbourg ms. of the Nirvānabhakti ascribed to Kundakunda. -
Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 65, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4417”; paper, 3
folios. S 330 = Strasbourg ms. of the Acāryabhakti. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 95,
shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4413"; paper, 18 folios. p. X: P XII 48 and P XIII 7 are not described in available parts of Kapadia's Descr.
Cat. p. X: S 452 = Strasbourg ms. of the Nandīcūrņi. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial No. 49,
shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4549"; palm-leaf, 97 folios. S 453 = Strasbourg ms. of Haribhadra's Nandīsūtravrtti. - Tripāthī, Catalogue Serial
No. 19, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4550"; palm-leaf, 140 folios. p. 47ff.: here “B” and “S” refer respectively to the Berlin ms. and to the Strasbourg
ms. of the Mūlācāra and its commentary by Vasunandin! p. 54: M, P, S referring to mss. of Jinasena's Harivamsapurāna: see below note ad
locum. p. 67: mss. of Jinasena's Harivamsapurāna: see below note on p. 54.
IV. Expanding notes
The aim of these notes is to expand the allusive references to books or persons found in Leumann's text. To some extent, they were immediately accessible to the reader contemporary to Leumann or Schubring. It is not certain whether they speak to readers of our time, in India or even in the West, and it is important not to forget the historical perspective or the achievements of the past in the field of Jaina, and more broadly, Indian studies. Generally speaking, as K. Bruhn aptly states, “Leumann's writings must be decoded" (in Plutat 1998: 123). This section is decoding at the
xxvi

Page #33

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
surface level." We do not intend to give full biographies and bibliographies of the scholars mentioned, but confine ourselves to relevant information in connection with Leumann's concerns.
References are to the page of Dr Baumann's English translation followed in square brackets by the reference to the page, column (a or b) and line of the original German.
page C [C] Manu Leumann (1889-1977), the elder son of Ernst Leumann and his wife, the piano-player Gertrud Siegemund, was himself an academic. He was a famous linguist and specialist in Latin (cf. Die Lateinischen Adjektiva auf -lis, 1917) who taught at the Universities of Munich and Zürich. His younger brother, Hari, was a specialist in mathematics. I have not found any written comment by Leumann concerning his decision to give Indian names to his children, but this tradition remained persistent in the family. Leumann's grand-daughter (Manu's daughter) had the name Sita.
page C (Cos] "Ernst Leumann's literary bequest": it is now duly catalogued in Plutat 1998.
page C (Cols) “An Outline of the Āvaśyaka literature with excerpts from the Sīlānka manuscript and a photographic reproduction of the same ...": this is Poona manuscript “XII 57" (referred to on p. IX).
page C (C 30] Hermann Oldenberg (1854-1920) was one of the scholars whom Leumann respected most. Along with Johannes Schmidt (1843-1901) and Albrecht Weber (1825-1901), his name comes again in Leumann's preface to his book Zur nordarischen Sprache und Literatur (1912). Oldenberg, who taught at the Universities of Kiel and Göttingen, was a giant of Indology, who is best known for his pioneering work in Vedic and (Pāli) Buddhist studies.
page C [C30] Georg Bühler: Johann Georg Bühler (1837-1898), who is well known for his tremendous contribution to palaeography, epigraphy and manuscriptology, · spent a lot of his life in India. He was appointed Professor of Oriental languages at
Elphinstone College, Bombay (1863). In 1868, he became the Educational Inspector of Gujarat and Officer in Charge of the Search for Sanskrit manuscripts in Bombay Presidency. From 1880 until his death, he assumed the position of Professor of Sanskrit and Indology at the University of Vienna. Bühler's role was decisive for the emerging knowledge of Jainism in the West, as he sent manuscripts to Germany, England and Austria. In 1873-74, he was accompanied on his tour of Rajputana by Hermann Jacobi, who, thanks to Bühler's support, could build his own collection. The search for manuscripts is the most relevant aspect in connection with Leumann, who wrote a short contribution entitled "Bühler as a collector of Mss." (Indian Antiquary 27, 1888, pp. 368-370; reprinted in Leumann's Kleine Schriften, pp. 294-296). The initial sentence of this article "It is generally not known or scarcely noticed to what
*For a similar approach see the extremely valuable footnotes found in Otto Böhilingk an Rudolf Roth, Briefe zum Petersburger Wörterbuch 1852-1885 herausgegeben von Heidrun Brückner und Gabrielle Zeller, bearbeitet von Agnes Stache-Weiske, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, 2007 (GlasenappStiftung 45) and the editorial note p. XII-XIII. Such tools are extremely important in order not to lose knowledge about the development of science.
xxvii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #34

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka literature
extent the history of any science is dependent on the local distribution of its materials" is in tune with Leumann's foremost concern: the acquisition or availability of manuscripts, as the key for any research. He considers Bühler "an unparalleled collector of Indian manuscripts”, whose contribution went further than Jaina studies, enriching also the field of Indian law and other areas. He concludes: "So, once more, we may state fairly that Bühler would have marked an epoch in Indian Philology, - he would, indeed, have remodelled it by giving it a new and larger base, even if he had done nothing else than securing for scientific investigation the three thousand manuscripts that we owe to him”.
p. I [Io30] "the outline of the Jaina Canon and the second catalogue by Weber" is a reference to two major contributions to Jaina studies by Albrecht Weber (1825-1901). "Über die heiligen Schriften der Jaina" in Indische Studien 16, 1883, pp. 211-479 and 17, 1884, pp. 1-90 is a seminal analysis of the Svetāmbara Siddhānta (English translation: Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains by H.W. Smyth in Indian Antiquary 17-21, 1888-1892; more recently, in book form, Albrecht Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains [An account of the Jaina Āgamas). Edited by Ganesh Chandra Lalwani and Prof. Satya Ranjan Banerjee, Jain Bhawan, Calcutta, 1999). The materials on which this investigation is based are the manuscripts kept in the Berlin Royal Library where they had been sent through the good offices of Georg Bühler. The "second catalogue” refers to vol. II.2, 1888 and vol. II.3, 1892 of the Verzeichniss der Sanskrit-/ Sanskrit- und Prākrt-Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, which deal with Jaina literature, respectively the Siddhānta (mss. nos. 17731928) and the literature outside the Siddhānta (mss. nos. 1929-2027).
p. I [I 30-31] "the treatises and the publications by Jacobi": this statement has in view particularly the following seminal books by Hermann Jacobi (1850-1937): The Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu, ed. with an introduction, notes and a Prākệt-Samskrt glossary, Leipzig, 1879 (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 7,1); The Ayāramga Sutta of the Svetāmbara Jains. Pt. I Text, London, The Pāli Text Society, 1882; Jaina Sūtras. Transl. from Prākıt, Part I: The Ācārānga Sūtra. The Kalpa Sūtra, 1884; Part II: The Uttarādhyayana Sūtra. The Sūtrakstānga Sūtra, 1895 (Sacred Books of the East, vols. 22 and 45).
p. I [1°31-32] "the chronologized collections by Klatt”: Johannes Klatt (1852-1903), who occupied a post in the Indian Department at the Berlin Royal Library, made use of the Jaina manuscripts kept there. His main interests and contributions pertain to the history of the Jains and of the Jaina religious groups (gaccha, pattāvali) on which he published several articles. He worked extremely hard at a very broad dictionary of Jaina history and doctrine, which was not completed because of tragic circumstances. Of the original manuscript which contained 1402 pages (only up to the entry dandaka) a small selection dealing with the entries: Abhayadeva, Umāsvāti, Haribhadra, Jinadatta, Jinaprabha, Jinabhadragani, names starting with Jina, entries from Jinodaya up to jīvavicāra, was published through the good offices of Albrecht Weber, who had great respect for Klatt's work, and of Ernst Leumann, who was his friend: Specimen of a literary-bibliographical Jaina-Onomasticon, Leipzig, 1892, 55 pages. In addition, Leumann completed and prepared for publication one of Klatt's unfinished articles and provided biographical information about him in the style of the pattāvalīs: see J. Klatt, “The Samachari-Satakam of Samayasundara and Pattavalis of the Anchala-Gachcha and other Gachchhas” (revised with additions by Ernst Leumann),
xxviii

Page #35

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
Indian Antiquary 23, July 1894, p. 169 n. 2 and, for further details on Klatt's publications, Nalini Balbir, "Samayasundara's Sāmācārī-śataka and Jain Sectarian Divisions in the Seventeenth Century", n. 1 p. 253 in Essays in Jaina Philosophy and Religion (ed. P. Balcerowicz), Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 2003.
p. I [TR32 and n. *) "the inscriptional enquiries": references are to the following epigraphical contributions by Georg Bühler: “On the authenticity of the Jaina tradition”, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes vol. I (1887), pp. 165180; "Further proofs of the Authenticity of the Jaina Tradition", WZKM vol. II (1888), pp. 141-147; vol. III (1889), pp. 233-240; vol. IV (1890), pp. 313-331; “New Excavations in Mathurâ", WZKM vol. V (1891), pp. 59-63; “Dr. Führer's Excavations at Mathura”, WZKM vol. V (1891), pp. 175-180. All these investigations prove the historicity of the Jaina tradition, show that Jainism is not an offshoot of Buddhism and that there was an organized Jaina community already during the Mathurā period. Information about religious orders, monks and nuns is systematically collected from the inscriptions.
" that wanity as is sy
p. I [1932-33] "the biography of Hemacandra by Bühler": G. Bühler, Über das Leben des Jaina Mönchs Hemachandra, des Schülers des Devachandra aus der Vajrasākhā, Vienna, 1889. The Jains could not remain indifferent to a comprehensive work devoted to one of their most admired and beloved figures, the kalikāląsarvajña Hemacandra, and one of their richest period of history in Gujarat, the reign of Kumārapāla. Bühler's work was translated into English by Prof. Dr. Manilal Patel, with a foreword by M. Winternitz and published in the Singhi Jain Series (vol. 11), Shantiniketan, 1936.
p. I [1034-35] "the contributions from India by Gopal Bhandarkar, Shridhar Bhandarkar ... by Pathak and Hoernle": - Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar (1837-1925) can be considered as a founder of modern Indology in India and a great intellectual of pre-independence India. He had mastered both traditional Indian scholarship and the scientific critical method and working methods as evolved in the West. His work was much appreciated in the West and his study on Vaişnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems was published as a volume of the Grundriss der indo-arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde. The aspect of his vast activity which is specially relevant in the present context is his effort to raise awareness internationally of the wealth of Indian manuscripts. See for more details, Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar as an Indologist. A Symposium edited by R.N. Dandekar, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, 1976, which includes a biographical sketch and a table of contents of the four volumes of Bhandarkar's Collected work. - Shridhar Ramakrishna Bhandarkar continued several of the activities undertaken by R.G. Bhandarkar, among them the tours in search for manuscripts: see, for instance, his Report of a Second Tour in Search of Sanskrit Mss. made in Rajputana and Central India in 1904-05 and 1905-06, Bombay, 1907. - Pathak is likely to be K.B. Pāthak who contributed several articles on the history of the Jaina church based on literary data. Among them are “The date of Mahāvīra's Nirvāna, as determined in Saka 1175” (Indian Antiquary 12, 1883, pp. 21-22), using a passage from a Srāvakācāra ascribed to Māghanandin, and "A Passage in the Jain Harivamsa relating to the Guptas” (Indian Antiquary 15, 1886, pp. 141-143).
xxix For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #36

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
– Rudolf Hoernle (1841-1918) was born in India (in Sekundra, near Agra, where his father was a missionary) and occupied various posts there from 1856 to 1899, before returning to England in 1900. Among his numerous achievements, those which are more relevant here are his editions of several pattāvalīs (in Indian Antiquary 19, 1890; 20, 1891; 21, 1892) which are an important contribution to Jaina history as well as his edition cum translation of the seventh Anga of the Svetāmbara canon, the Uvāsagadasão, for which he considered Abhayadeva's commentary extensively (Bibliotheca Indica, 1888-90).
p. I [1437-40] "These are Bühler, Kielhorn, Jacobi, Peterson (whose untimely death is painful, not only for Jaina philology), Gopal Bhandarkar, Rājendralāla Mitra, Bendall and Hultzsch": see above for Bühler, Jacobi and Bhandarkar. – Franz Kielhorn (1840-1908) was appointed to the Educational Department of the Government of India in the Bombay Presidency, and was in India from 1866 to 1881, before returning to Germany where he became professor of Sanskrit at the University of Göttingen. That his name comes together with that of Bühler is but natural, for the two scholars worked together in India. They initiated the “Bombay Sanskrit Series”, and, more relevant here, laid down work connected with the search for Sanskrit manuscripts in Western India. After Bühler's departure from India, Kielhorn was alone in charge of the work: see, for instance, Kielhorn's Report on the Search for Sanskrit manuscripts in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1880-81, Bombay, 1881 (Preface reprinted in F. Kielhorn's Kleine Schriften, vol. I, Wiesbaden, 1969, pp. 65-76), which concerns, in particular, ancient Jaina libraries of Cambay and Patan, in search for palm-leaf manuscripts. See also F. Kielhorn, Proposal sanctioned by government for the preparation of a Catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts belonging to the Government of Bombay, Poona, 30 Nov. 1881. A lot of Kielhorn's work concerns Indian epigraphy, and Jaina inscriptions in particular. - Peter Peterson (1847-1899), who was born in the Shetland Isles and studied Sanskrit at Edinburgh and Oxford, had a comparatively short life. He was Professor of Sanskrit at the University of Bombay from 1873 to the end of his life. Apart from editing several Sanskrit works of importance, he played an immense role in the search for Indian manuscripts in the Bombay Presidency: see below the note on p. III for his Reports (and more in the obituary notice by E.J. Rapson in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 31, 1899, pp. 917-919). - Rājendralāla Mitra (1822-1891), a Bengali scholar and writer, worked with the Bengal Asiatic Society. He was the first editor of several Sanskrit texts, and recognized by his contemporaries as a scholar of great achievements. Specially appointed for the search of Sanskrit manuscripts, he gave an account of them in the ten volumes of his Notices of Sanskrit Manuscripts (1870-1883). See Sushil Kumar De, Bengali Literature in the Nineteenth Century, Calcutta, 1962, pp. 628-638 for more information. - Cecil Bendall (1856-1906) was the Director of the Sanskrit Department at the British Museum in London, and later became Sanskrit professor at the University of Cambridge. He played an extremely important part in expanding the collections of Indian manuscripts in general, Buddhist and Jaina in particular, at the British Museum. - Eugen Julius Theodor Hultzsch (1857-1927) is best known for his contribution to epigraphy and palaeography. From 1886 to 1903 he was posted in South India and undertook a large number of field trips all around South India in order to take rubbings of inscriptions and collect manuscripts. He was assisted in this task by
XXX

Page #37

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
various Indian collaborators. He helped Leumann to acquire Jaina manuscripts from South India with the help of a local scholar, Brahmasūri.
p. I [1442] “Brahmasūri and his son Jinadāsa": Brahmasūri (1840-1908) was a scholar of Kannara, head of the Sanskrit school in Shravana Belgola. From 1895 onwards, through the intermediary of Dr. Hultzsch, he helped Leumann acquire the collection of Jaina manuscripts kept at the Strasbourg University Library.
p. I [1945] "Bhagwandas Kevaldas”: a resident of Sigrampoor near Surat, Bhagavandas Kevaldas (1850-1900) was trained by Bühler, Peterson and Bhandarkar as an efficient agent for acquiring Indian manuscripts. He helped Leumann obtain Jaina manuscripts for the Strasbourg University Library. His name is mentioned by several Western scholars of the time, as he was instrumental in getting manuscripts from Western India. See Introduction of Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi 2006 for more details.
p. I [1°47-48] "Max Müller foundation": Dr. F. Max Müller (1825-1900) hardly needs any introduction, so famous was he as a Sanskrit professor, a prolific writer and a leader of Oriental studies for which he did so much (for instance by creating the famous Sacred Books of the East series and by his monumental edition of the Rgveda, 1845-1874). His book Die Wissenschaft der Sprache made a strong impression on Leumann as a youngster. More important: Max Müller taught comparative linguistics at the University of Strasbourg during one semester in 1872. Instead of keeping his salary, he used it to fund what became the "Max Müller Preisstiftung". It was to be used by the Faculty of Philosophy of the University to give a scholarship or assist publishing in the field of Indian studies every three years.
p. II [1°34) ""Directors of Education Chatfield (until 1896) and Giles (since 1896) in Bombay”: Kyrle Mitford Chatfield, an Oxonian, served as Principal and professor of logic and moral philosophy at the Elphinston College, Bombay. From November 1874 to his retirement in April 1897, he was the Director of Public Instruction, Bombay (see India List and India Office List for 1900, London, 1900, p. 392). As such he was the person to whom F. Kielhorn addressed his "Report on the Search for Sanskrit manuscripts in the Bombay Presidency during the year 1880-81" (cf. F. Kielhorn, Kleine Schriften, vol. I, Wiesbaden, 1969, pp. 65-76). – Edward Giles (1849-1938), also an Oxonian, was assigned as Professor of History and Political Economy at Elphinston College, Bombay. He was Chatfield's successor as the Director of Public Instruction from 1897 to 1907. He was appointed Acting Director General of Education for India in 1907-08, until his retirement (see Riddick 1998, p. 141).
p. II [1'15] "Colebrooke and Wilson": Henry Thomas Colebrooke (1765-1837) stands among the pioneers of Indology in the West. He was President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. His manuscript collection, which amounts to 2749 items, was officially presented to the India Office Library in 1819, and formed its main component. See for more details Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi 2006, vol. I p. 20; further Ludo and Rosane Rocher, The Making of Western Indology. Henry Thomas Colebrooke and the East India Company (Routledge; publication announced for 2009). – Horace Hayman Wilson (1786-1860) is here referred to with respect to his work as a collector of Vedic and Classical Sanskrit manuscripts, which he generously donated to the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Wilson belongs to the pioneers in the discovery of the wealth of
xxxi For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #38

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
Sanskrit literature. He was the Secretary of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, from 1811 to 1832 and founded the Sanskrit College at Calcutta in 1824. He became the first Boden Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford and was appointed as librarian at the India Office in 1836. Besides being the author of a Sanskrit-English dictionary, Wilson translated several Sanskrit texts for the first time.
p. II [I'19] “Brockhaus": Hermann Brockhaus (1806-1877) is referred to by Leumann in connection with two important aspects of his activity: his editorship of the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft (also known as the "German Oriental Journal”) and his work on Somadeva's Kathāsaritsāgara. He published the Sanskrit text in several instalments, from 1839 onwards, in the ZDMG.
P. II [T°21] "Benfey": Theodor Benfey (1809-1881) is referred to by Leumann in connection with the work for which this versatile scholar, who wrote on various linguistic topics, is best known: his pioneering work Pantschatantra, Fuenf Buecher indischer Fabeln, Maerchen und Erzaehlungen (1859), the introduction of which paves the way for a comparative approach to this wide corpus and exploits both Oriental and Occidental traditions extensively. Benfey was of the opinion that India is the source of all the tales.
p. II [I36-37] "the majority of the Jaina manuscripts in England were collected with scholarly enthusiasm by three German scholars in India and brought to Europe": they are Georg Bühler, Eugen Hultzsch (referred to again with respect to his German origin on p. IV [II', heading “O”) and Rudolf Hoernle, to whom could be added Hermann Jacobi who sold his collection of Jaina manuscripts to the then British Museum in June 1897.
p. II (1941-42] "Sir Alfred Lyall, Sir M. Grant-Duff, Whitley Stokes, Bühler and Rost": Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall (1835-1911), a literary historian and poet, joined the Indian Civil Service in 1856 and had a long and diverse career in India. In particular, he was appointed as the Governor General's agent in Rajputana in 1874 and was Foreign Secretary to the Government of India from 1878 to 1881 (see Riddick 1998, p. 222).
- Sir Montstuart E. Grant-Duff (1829-1906) served as Governor of Madras and was Under-Secretary of State for India from 1868-74. He toured India in 1874 and wrote Notes of an Indian Journey, 1876 (see Riddick 1998, p. 222). - Whitley Stokes (1830-1909) was a British lawyer who occupied official positions in India in the field of law from 1862 to 1882. He was President of the commission on Indian law from 1879 to 1882. He was also a scholar who worked in the field of Irish philology and literature (see Riddick 1998, p. 349). – Dr. Reinhold Rost (1822-1896) was German and studied in Jena. He was the Librarian of the India Office, Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society and died in London. - This list of names shows that Leumann did not hesitate to contact the highest authorities. We see from other examples in his life that he was keen on trying to convince the authorities to establish new rules when he thought they were not favourable to scholarly activity...
P. II [I'56] Aparājita, whose name is mentioned several times in the Übersicht, is the commentator on the Bhagavati-Arādhanā (also known as Mūlārādhanā), an extremely important Digambara work written in Jaina Sauraseni which is the starting point for the so-called Arādhanā-kathākośas.
xxxii

Page #39

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
p. III [116] "six reports by Peterson": Peterson P., [Six Reports]: Report of Operations in Search of Sanskrit Mss. in the Bombay Circle, Deccan College, Bombay-London, 1. 1882/83, published 1883; 2. 1883/84, published 1884; 3. 1884/86, published 1887; 4. 1886/92, published 1894; 5. 1892/95, published 1896; 6. 1895/98, published 1899. These extremely valuable volumes contain reports as such, but also several extracts of manuscripts. "Bombay circle” means Bombay Presidency, Rajputana, Central India, Central Provinces. For further details see Janert 1965: No. 274.
p. III [II] “Bhandarkar report”: Report on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts during the year 1882-83; ... during the year 1883-84; ... during the year 1884-87; ... during the year 1887-91.
p. III [II] "British Museum": see now Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi 2006. Jacobi's collection was added to the then British Museum in June 1897. The Indian manuscripts kept in the then British Museum were later transferred to the British Library, only art objects being kept in the Museum.
p. III [II] "Cambridge": A preliminary list of the manuscripts brought from India by Cecil Bendall and kept in the Cambridge University Library is available in C. Bendall, A Journey of Literary and Archaeological Research in Nepal and Northern India during the Winter of 1884-5, Cambridge University Press, 1886.
p. III [II] "Florence": see P.E. Pavolini, “I manoscritti Indiani della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze' (non compresi nel Catalogo dell'Aufrecht)”, Giornale della Società Asiatica Italiana 20 (1907), pp. 63-157.
p. IV [114] "Göttingen": The "Verzeichnis" referred to here was published in Berlin: Bath, 1894. See Janert, Annotated Bibliography No. 99 for more details.
P. IV [II] "India Office": see A.B. Keith, Catalogue of the Sanskrit (and Prakrit] Manuscripts in the Library of the India Office. Vol. 2 Brahmanical and Jaina Manuscripts. In two parts, London, 1887-1935 (critically reviewed by W. Schubring in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 39, 1936, columns 177-180, reprinted in W. Schubring, Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden, 1977, pp. 452-453). The Jaina manuscripts have been described anew in Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi 2006.
p. IV [II) “Rājendralāla Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS”: see above note on p. I [1°37-40)
P. IV [II] "Oxford (Bodleiana)": See A.B. Keith, Catalogue of Prākrit Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library with a Preface by E.W.B. Nicholson, Oxford, 1911.
p. IV [11] "Royal Asiatic Society, London, 'Todd [sic] Collection”": see now L.D. Barnett, "Catalogue of the Tod Collection of Indian Manuscripts in the Possession of the Royal Asiatic Society", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1940), Part II, April, pp. 129-178.
p. IV [II") "Strassburg": preliminary lists of Digambara manuscripts by Leumann himself; list of Svetāmbara mss. in the Übersicht p. III-IV. The definitive catalogue
xxxiii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #40

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
of the full collection of Jaina manuscripts is C.B. Tripathi, Catalogue of the Jaina Manuscripts at Strasbourg, Leiden, 1975 (Indologia Berolinensis 5).
p. V [II] “Vienna, University Library": See U. Podzeit, Die Handschriften an der Universitätsbibliothek Wien. Zusammengestellt und mit Indizes und Appendizes versehen, Wien, 1988.
p. IX [IV]: "Indische Studien XVII 91-135": refers to Leumann's study of the Śvetāmbara narrative accounts of the schisms, see Appendix VIII, Leumann's bibliography, for full references.
p. IX-X: see above Appendix III for whatever information concerns the Indian manuscripts used by Leumann.
p. X [IV]: “Böhtlingk": why his name is mentioned here is not clear to me. Otto von Böhtlingk (1815-1904) is best known for the giant Sanskrit-German dictionary prepared with Rudolph von Roth and published by the Imperial Academy of Sciences of St Petersburg between 1852 and 1875, as well as for his collection of Indian subhāṣitas (Indische Sprüche, see Appendix II under "Ind. Spr.").
p. X [IV]: "Lord Reay", i.e. Donald Mackay, 11th Lord Reay (1839-1921) was Governor of Bombay from 1885 to 1890 and Undersecretary of State for India from 1894-1895. He was also President of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, and first President of the British Academy. He presided over the foundation of the School of Oriental Studies, London (see Riddick 1998, p. 228).
p. X [IVb n. 2]: "Bühler's Palaeographie": G. Bühler, Indische Palaeographie von circa 350 a. Chr. - circa 1300 p. Chr. Mit 17 Tafeln in Mappe. Strassburg, 1896 (Grundriss der indo-arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, I.2). English translation by J.F. Fleet, Indian Paleography from About B.C. 350 to About A.D. 1300. Appendix to Indian Antiquary 33, 1904. Reprinted several times in India, for instance, New Delhi, Orient Books, 1980.
p. 1 [114-17] "The earliest evidence for the fact that, on entry into the order, the Avaśyaka-vow (Av. I, i.e. the Sāmāyika) had to be learnt, is found in Buddhist literature, specifically in a Jaina legend, which appears among the Southern Buddhists as well as among the Northern Buddhists": unclear. Could it be the nigantha-uposatha described in Anguttaranikaya III,70,3 (PTS ed. I 206,8ff.), or a reference to the catuyama-samvara (Dīghanikāya, Samaññaphalasutta), or to the account of Abhaya (Anguttaranikaya III,74), or to the story of Siha (Vinaya, Mahāvagga VI,31)? See Jacobi, Jaina Sutras Part II, introduction pp. xiv ff. for an old discussion of the evidence about the Jainas found in the Pali canon. See further Nalini Balbir, "JainBuddhist Dialogue: Material from the Pāli Scriptures", Journal of the Pali Text Society 26, 2000, pp. 1-42.
p. 1 [117] "More details about this follow in the discussion of the Aradhana-story 22": these details are not available in the printed portion of the Übersicht. Leumann refers to what he calls "Aradhana-story" at two more places: p. 77 n. (story 8) and p. 90 n. ("Nemidatta's Kathakośa 58"). This expression refers to story collections where verses from the Mulārādhanā (otherwise called Bhagavatī Ārādhanā), a Digambara

xxxiv

Page #41

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
quasi-canonical work in Jaina Śaurasenī Prakrit, are quoted and expanded with illustrative narratives (see Introduction above). The main version used by Leumann was that of (Brahma) Nemidatta's Ārādhanākathākośa to which he had access through two Strasbourg mss.: S 368 (described in Tripathi, Catalogue, Serial No. 222, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4453"; paper, 272 folios, dated V.S. 1882) and S 323 (described ibidem, Serial No. 223, shelfmark "Wickersheimer 4406", incomplete; paper, 61 folios). One of Leumann's unpublished Notebooks (Plutat 1998: No. 335) contains a table of contents of Nemidatta's works with indications of the number of
verses in each story and reference to parallel versions in the Svetambara tradition. He also had access to Prabhācandra's collection (see Introduction above and Plutat 1998: Nos. 373-374), but not to Hariṣena's Bṛhatkathākosa (9th cent.; in verses; ed. Upadhye 1943). The purpose of "story 22" is to demonstrate that belief in a very simple and condensed teaching is sufficient to guarantee one's salvation (see Osier 2007).
p. 6 [316] The unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180) quote the text of "IV 8a" (= Mūlācāra X 122a): jayam care, jayam citthe, jayam āse, jayam sae and mention the Buddhist parallel as found in the Itivuttaka (Ed. p. 120,9f.): yatam care, yatam titthe, yatam acche, yatam saye.
p. 6ff. [339ff.] For the Digambara complex of the Kriyākalāpa Leumann used several Strasbourg manuscripts, which are described with extracts as Serial Nos. 83 to 88 in Tripathi, Catalogue. He also used two Poona mss. "P XX 481" (complete) and "P XII 1046" (pariccheda II only), for which see Plutat 1998: No. 337.
p. 9 [4a Note*] Jacobi recognized that what is called vedhaya is a specific form of metrical pattern which is used in descriptive passages (varnaka). He collected and analysed those which are found in three Jaina canonical texts: 1) the Aupapātikasūtra, 2) the Kalpasūtra and 3) the Jñātadharmakathā in his study "Indische Hypermetra und hypermetrische Texte", Indische Studien 17, 1885, pp. 389-441. Since then, several other such passages have been identified, for example by Leumann in the Praśnavyakaraṇa (see the index of the Übersicht s.v. vedhaya) or by Schubring in his edition of the Tandulaveyāliya (Mainz, 1970). This pattern is also found in Buddhist literature: Leumann refers here to the Kuṇāla-Jātaka (536), for which see the Pāli Text Society edition by W.B. Bollée (reprinted with additions in 2009). See further A. Mette, "Vedhas in Lalitavistara and Divyāvadāna. Beschreibungen des schönen Körpers in Sanskrit und Prakrit", Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens 17, 1973, pp. 21-42 and H. Bechert, "Alte Veḍhas im Pali-Kanon. Die metrische Struktur der buddhistischen Bekenntnisformel', in Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, 1988, No. 4, pp. 1-14.
pp. 11ff. [5 18ff.] Note the identification of metres in these pages, where the three components (A, B, C) of the Kriyakalapa are analysed, and see the list of abbreviations above. "Metrics was at a time a favourite study of mine", writes Leumann in a letter to Vijayendrasūri dated December 28, 1928 (p. 148). He contributed several articles to this area of Indian studies (see Kleine Schriften p. XXXVI-XXXVII for references).
p. 24 [944] "Śrītilaka" or Tilakācārya is a Sanskrit commentator on the Avaśyakaniryukti from the 12th century. Leumann knew it through the manuscript "Br 2102" = London ms. kept in the then British Museum: see Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi 2006, Serial

XXXV

Page #42

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
No. 230, shelfmark "Or. 2102[B]": Āvasyakaniryukti with Tilakācārya's Laghuvịtti; paper, 209 folios. To date this commentary is still unpublished. This ms, is also referred to on p. 41 [154].
p. 25 (9'10] "śāntyācārya" is śāntisūri, the earliest commentator (9th cent.-10th cent.) on the Uttarādhyayanasūtra, who, in addition to the sūtra, also quotes and comments upon the Uttarādhyayana-niryukti, and preserves older material in Prakrit. - “Lakşmīvallabha”, of uncertain date, was a pupil of Laksmīkīrtigani of the Kharataragaccha, who wrote a Dīpikā on the Uttarādhyayanasūtra. Sanskrit is the only language used there, even for the stories, which are not translations from Devendra's Prakrit. This commentary was accessible to scholars at an early date as it was printed in the Calcutta edition of the Uttarādhyayana published in V.S. 1936 = 1879. See H. Jacobi, Jaina Sūtras, Part II (Sacred Books of the East vol. 45), introduction p. xl and J. Charpentier, The Uttarādhyayanasūtra, Uppsala, 1922 (reprint New Delhi, Ajay Book Service, 1980), introduction p. 58.
“Devendra", also known as Nemicandra, is another commentator on the Uttarādhyayanasūtra, later than Śāntisūri and earlier than Laksmīvallabha. He finished his commentary in V.S. 1129. He also preserves Prakrit especially as far as the narrative material is concerned. Jacobi's Ausgewählte Erzählungen in Jaina Māhārāstrī (Leipzig, 1886) and its English translation by J.J. Meyer under the misleading title Hindu Tales (London, 1909) is a selection of stories from Devendra's commentary.
p. 25 [923-su] "Āv.-niry. VII 29-36": the Prakrit text reads: VII 29 (691). āvassiyam ca ņinto jam ca ainto nisīhiyam kuņai
eyam iccham nāum ganivara ! tubbh'antie niunam. VII 30 (692). āvassiyam ca ninto jam ca ainto nisīhiyam kunai
vanjanam eyam tu duhā attho puņa hoi so ceva. VII 31 (693). eg' aggassa pasantassa na honti iriyâiyā guņā honti
gantavvam avassam kāranammi āvassiyā hoi. VII 32 (694). āvassiyā u āvassaehim savvehim jutta-jogissa
mana-vayaņa-kāya-gutt-indiyassa āvassiyā hoi. VII 33 (695). sejjam thānam ca jahim ceei tahim nisīhiyā hoi
jamhā tattha nisiddho tenam tu nisīhiyā hoi. VII 34 (696). sejjam thāṇam ca jadā ceteti tayā nisīhiyā hoi
jamhā tadā niseho nisehamaiyā ca sā jeņam. VII 35 (Bhāsya 121) jo hoi nisiddh'-appā nisīhiyā tassa bhāvao hoi a-nisiddhassa nisīhiya kevala-mettam havai saddo. VII 36 (Bhāsya 122)āvassayammi jutto niyama-nisiddho tti hoi nāyavvo ahavā vi ņisiddh'-appā niyamā āvassae jutto.
p. 26f. [1024-26ff.] The meaning and significance of the Skt. term naisedhiki, Pkt. nisīhiyā, was obviously important to Leumann. The unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180) adduce even more textual evidence from various Jaina texts (Munipaticaritra, for instance) as well as from the Buddhist tradition, where naisadyikatva occurs in lists of dhūtagunas (Leumann quotes the Astasāhasrikā Prajnapāramita).

XXXVI For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #43

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
p. 26 [10^27] "Kālakācārya-kath.” is Hermann Jacobi's article "Das KālakācāryaKathānakam”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 34 (1880) pp. 247-318 which has to be supplemented by “Berichtigungen und Nachträge zum Kālakācārya-Kathānakam", ZDMG 35 (1881), pp. 675-679.
p. 26 [10^2918.] The "opening of Āv.-niry. XVIII 64 (which one should compare with the opening of 69)” refers to verse 1378 and to the verse following 1382 and considered as praksipta in Haribhadra's recension, both starting with nisīhiyā, along with their prose commentary.
p. 27 [10* n. 2]: In its carana-vidhi, the Avasyaka-sūtra introduces the 21 sabalas (ekkavīsāe sabalehim). This notion is expanded first through a set of ten verses (which Leumann calls "niry. XVI 34-43") repeating the second chapter of the Dasasrutaskandha. There in verse 5 dealing with sabala No. 16 one reads: thānasejjam nisīhiyam vāvi ceei. On the other hand, in the subsequent prose passage as it appears in the Cūrņi (printed ed. vol. II p. 139) one reads the same thing for item No. 13, but thānam vā sejjam vā nisīhiyanam vā for item No. 17.
"Haribhadra at Āv.-niry. IX 32b” refers to Haribhadra's Sanskrit list of the parīşahas in his commentary on niry. stanza 918, on p. 403a where one reads: ....stricaryā-nişadyā-sayyā....
"ĀVC VIII 12”: the Prakrit quotation is found on p. 370 of the printed edition of the Āvaśyaka-cūrņi.
p. 27 [109] "phāsuya-vihāram": on the history of this expression see C. Caillat, “Deux études de moyen-indien" (1. À propos de pali phāsuvihāra, ardhamagadhi phāsuya-esanijja; 2. Sur l'origine de gona), in Journal Asiatique 248, 1960, pp. 41-64, and “Nouvelles remarques sur les adjectifs moyen-indiens phāsu, phāsuya", in Journal Asiatique 249, 1961, pp. 497-502.
p. 28 [1024] "Frankfurter's Handbook of Pāli p. 83” is Oscar Frankfurter, Handbook of Pāli being an elementary grammar, a chrestomathy, and a glossary. London, Edinburgh, Williams and Northgate, 1883.
p. 28 [1026] "cp. Minayeff's Pāli-Grammatik p. XVI, transl. p. XVIII": refers to the original Russian and to the French translation of Ivan Pavlovich Minaev, Grammaire palie. Esquisse d'une phonétique et d'une morphologie de la langue palie, traduite du russe par S. Guyard, Paris, 1874, where the Pāli passages quoted by Leumann are to be found. (English translation: Pāli grammar: a phonetic and morphological sketch with an introduction essay on Pāli Buddhism; translated from Russian into French by M. Stanislas Guyard and into English by Chas. Geo. Adams, 1st Indian ed., New Delhi, Bahri publications, 1990).
p. 28 [1029-30] "cp. Burnouf “Lotus" p. 426f. & 720 f.”: refers to Le lotus de la bonne loi, traduit du sanscrit, accompagné d'un commentaire et de vingt et un mémoires relatifs au buddhisme par E. Burnouf. Nouvelle edition préfacée par Sylvain Lévi, Paris, Maisonneuve 1925, vol. 1 p. 426f. (quotation and discussion of the Sanskrit formula alpāvādhatām, etc. as quoted in the Saddharmapundarīka and in sūtras of the Divyāvadāna) and vol. p. 720f. (discussion of the corresponding formulas as they occur in Asoka's Bhabra edict).
xxxvii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #44

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
p. 28 [10°35] "Jāt. 544,26 & 27": refers to stanzas 26 and 27 of the Mahānāradakassapajātaka, which is the 544th of the 547 Jātakas contained in the socalled canonical collection of the Tipitaka (= Pāli Text Society edition vol. VI, p. 224).
p. 36ff. [13447ff.] See above Appendix III for the manuscripts used by Leumann for the Brhatkalpabhāsya, its cūrņi and Sanskrit commentary.
p. 39 [1413-14] Prabhācandra is the commentator on the Kriyākalāpa (see above the note on p. [393916.) for the manuscripts of this text), Vasunandin is the commentator of the Mülācāra.
p. 39 [14° n. 3] "Weber Bhag." is A. Weber, "Ein Fragment der Bhagavatî: Ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss der heiligen Literatur und Sprache der Jaina" [I.], Abhandlungen der Königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (Philologische und Historische Klasse), 1865, pp. 367-444; (II.), 1866, pp. 155-352.
p. 40 [14 ] "cp. in addition ZDMG VLI 582": refers to Leumann's article, "Daśavaikālika-sūtra und -niryukti, nach dem Erzählungsgehalt untersucht und herausgegeben von E. Leumann" in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 46 (1892), pp. 581-663 (reprinted in Kleine Schriften pp. 207-259).
p. 40 [14'58] “Each of the eight preserved older commentaries (Mūlāc., Vas., Niry., Vis., C, H, Sīl., Hemac)": note that, curiously enough, Mūlāc. (=the Mülācāra) is here labelled as a commentary, which, strictly speaking, it is not.
p. 44 [16off.] For the Mülācāra, of which chapter VII is fully edited in the Übersicht (p. (16 ff.]), Leumann used the Strasbourg ms. "S 344" (described in Tripāthī, Catalogue, Serial No. 77): paper, 275 folios, dated V.S. 1895, an "excellent ms. of Vasunandin's commentary” according to him ([16933-34]). Later, he consulted Berlin ms. “B 2049" (p. 46).
p. 43 [1563f.] The unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180) adduce more instances of the suffix -era (kāņera, kaulatera, gaudhera, cātakaira, dāsera) found in Patanjali's Mahābhāsya and in the Kāśikā on Pan. IV 1 127-129 and 131, to which he adds nātera "son of a female dancer". Leumann considers -aira as a purist variant of -era, maintaining that this suffix was obviously used originally to designate only the young of adult female animals, and that it was applied in a broader sense to the offspring of male animals.
p. 54 notes and p. 67: Br, M, P and S refer to manuscripts of Jinasena's Harivamsapurāna: - M or M 2040 refers to Rājendralāla Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit Mss., vol. 6, Calcutta, 1882, pp. 74-97: paper ms., 488 folios, dated V.S. 1841. -P must be the Poona ms. "P XXII 1134": see "Harivamsapurāna von Jinasenācārya. Brit. Mus. Ms. or. 3350, P XXII 1134" , in the title of Notebook No. 110 (Plutat 1998). - Br 3350 (also mentioned on p. 67) is the London ms.: see now Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi Serial No. 1241; dated V.S. 1829.
xxxviii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #45

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
- S must be the Strasbourg manuscript "S 365" described in Tripāthī, Catalogue, Serial No. 196; European paper, Kannada script.
p. 57 200 n. *7 "WZ VI 36” is Leumann's article “Die Legende von Citta und Sambhūta (Fortsetzung)” in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 6 (1892), pp. 1-46 (reprinted in Kleine Schriften pp. 161-206); “Berl. Sitz. Ber. 1892" is Leumann's article "Jinabhadra's Jītakalpa, mit Auszügen aus Siddhasena's Cūrni" in Sitzungsberichte der (Königlich) Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin), 1892, June-December, pp. 1195-1210 (reprinted in Kleine Schriften pp. 260275).
p. 59 [2151-53] "the archaic gātha-s in Jātaka 542 (1-103 & 105-168) and in the TherīGāthās (400-487 & 493-522)": The Khandāhalajātaka (542) is an important text about the tension between sacrifice and ahimsā. Its metrical structure and textual history have been discussed at length in L. Alsdorf, Die Aryā-Strophen des PāliKanons, Wiesbaden, 1967, pp. 38-50. It contains slokas (e.g., 104) or sloka-pādas, true āryās and transitional forms between sloka and āryā. – As for the Therīgāthā āryās mentioned by Leumann, they are those which constitute the poem on Isidāsi (400-447) and those which are found in the poem on Sumedhā (448-487 and 493-522; 488-492 are ślokas): see K.R. Norman, Elders' Verses II, 2nd edition, Pāli Text Society 2007, ad locum, for a detailed discussion of the text. It is interesting to note that the proper metres of these two passages could not be identified by Mrs. Rhys Davids, Psalms of the Sisters (London, 1909).
The unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180) discuss the situation of the āryā-metre among the “Southern Buddhists”. Edm. Hardy's edition of the Nettipakarana (which was being prepared at that time) is referred to as containing 35 āryās. Leumann also deals with āryā verses quoted by Buddhaghosa (in the Dīghanikāya commentary) and Dhammapāla.
p. 59 [21' 24-27] Āv.-niry. II 5-6 = Indian ed. with Haribhadra's commentary, verses 84
85.
p. 62 [22 37] "WZ VI 34-46 & 14-16” refers to the Leumann's contribution "Die Legende von Citta und Sambhūta" published in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes VI, 1892, pp. 1-46, where relevant passages of the Uttarādhyayananiryukti are quoted, translated and analysed.
p. 65 [23.44] “ZDMG XXXVII 501" is Leumann's article "Zwei weitere KālakaLegende" in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 37 (1883), pp. 493-520 (reprinted in Kleine Schriften pp. 1-28).
p. 66 [230 n. 2] "Hoernle Ind. Ant. 1891, p. 341ff., 1892, p. 57ff.”: These are "Two Pattavalis of the Sarasvati Gachchha of the Digambara Jains", Indian Antiquary, October 1891, pp. 341-361 and "Three Further Pattavalis of the Digambaras", Indian Antiquary, March 1892, pp. 57-84. For more details on Hoernle see above on p. [1°3435).
p. 66 [24*-22] The unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180) supply some information on the names of those religious group-leaders who were at the same time authors: Māghanandin, Bhūtabalin, Kịttikārya, Lohācārya.
xxxix For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #46

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka literature
p. 67 [2447] The unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180) suggest that the reading tapobhrd is perhaps to be preferred to tapodhrd in verse 25, because the word tapodhrd is not attested otherwise.
p. 67 [24 57-58] "Prabhācandra's epitaph" is Leumann's article "Prabhācandra's Epitaph, the oldest Digambara Inscription" in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 7 (1893), pp. 382-384 (reprinted in Kleine Schriften pp. 275-277). It refers to the document which opens Lewis Rice's Inscriptions at Śravana Belgola, Bangalore, 1889. Some of the readings are corrected on the basis of the roman transliteration. One of these corrections is of consequence: "it offers a better exploration of the purport of the inscription. Its prose part now records two events that belong to entirely different epochs, viz. 1. the Jaina emigration to the south at Bhadrabahu's advice, 2. Prabhācandra's religious suicide by starvation on the hill Katavapra".
p. 68 [24 25-27] "The modern Bhadrabahu-caritra by Ratnanandin, which Jacobi has extensively dealt with and edited in ZDMG XXXVIII 9-42": this refers to Jacobi's article "Über die Entstehung der Svetambara- und Digambara-Sekten", ZDMG 38 (1884), pp. 1-42 (reprinted in Kleine Schriften, pp. 815-863). Ratnanandin's work, which contains 498 Sanskrit verses divided into four chapters, has a polemical intention. It was composed in the second half of the 15th century or the first half of the 16th century. A chronological indication is provided by the date sam. 1527 as the time for the rise of the Lunkamata. Jacobi's article provides a detailed analysis of the contents, followed by a critical edition of the text based on two manuscripts from the Deccan College. This contribution was supplemented by "Zusätzliches zu meiner Abhandlung: Über die Entstehung der Svetambara und Digambara Sekten", ZDMG 40 (1886), pp. 92-98 (reprinted in Kleine Schriften, pp. 857-863).
p. 68 [2429-30]: "Av.-niry. XVII" and the "five śloka-s, which list the 32 jogasamgaha" = verses 1274-1278 in the Indian ed. with Haribhadra's commentary.
p. 68 [24 n. *]: Padmamandira is the commentator on the Rṣimandalastotra. In this commentary he renders in Sanskrit verses the legends of the heroes whose names are mentioned in the Prakrit mūla. See, for extracts, Appendix pp. 358-364 in Sthaviravalicarita or Parisiṣṭaparvan... by Hemacandra, ed. by Hermann Jacobi, 2nd ed., Calcutta, 1932.
The unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180) provide additional information about other Sanskrit versions of Sthulabhadra's biography, the most famous being the Sthulabhadracarita by Jayananda written around 1350-70 A.D. and read by Leumann through four manuscripts from Bhau Dāji's collection (i.e. Bombay Branch of the Asiatic Society) and from Poona. He gives an analysis of the relationship of this version with the Prakrit versions of the legend and concludes that Jayananda had at his disposal the Avaśyaka commentaries (but not the Uttaradhyayana tradition) and Hemacandra's Parisiṣṭaparvan. A short metrical analysis of the work is then given (śloka is the main metre, but other metres are found too). Prakrit is attested in one Apabhramsa stanza (the contents of which correspond to Parisiṣṭaparvan VIII 50) and in stanzas 279 and 579. A synoptic table shows the precise concordances between the Avaśyaka story, Hemacandra's version and Jayananda's version.

xl

Page #47

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
p. 69 [25 n. *]: Leumann contributed various additions to Jacobi's work on the Parisiṣṭaparvan.
p. 75 [27° n. 1] See above the note on [236 n. 2] for the full bibliographical references of these two articles by Hoernle.
p. 75 [27 n. 2] "Tawney's translation of Kathasaritsagara": C.H. Tawney, The Ocean of Story, London, 1880; 2nd ed. with notes and appendices by N.M. Penzer, 10 vols., London, 1924-28.
p. 75 [27 n. 5] "Sergius von Oldenburg...": S.F. Oldenburg, "On the Buddhist Jātakas" (written in October 1892), Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 25, 1893, pp. 301-356. Sergej F. Oldenburg (1863-1934) was a Russian scholar who taught at the University of St Petersburg (where he had also studied with I.P. Minaev and V.P. Vasiliev) and was a member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences of Russia. His main achievements concern the field of Buddhist literature and archaeology, but, like several scholars of his time, his curiosity and writings go much beyond. Jain literature was also among his concerns.
p. 76 [28] Additional information in the unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180): Leumann quotes two gāthās from Klatt's contribution in Indian Antiquary 11, p. 247 and 252, which show that the tradition gives several dates for arya Rakṣita. These verses state that he introduced the caitya-vāsa 620 years after Mahāvīra.
p. 77 [28a, note *] Note 1: "more about this later in Aradhana-story 8": not available in the printed portion of the Übersicht. Reference is to the serial-number of the story in Brahma Nemidatta's Ārādhanākathākośa (see above note on p. [117]). It deals with the character of Uddayana.
p. 77 [28, note *] Note *: "Padmamandira's versification": see above note on p. [246 n. *].
p. 78 [2847] "Ind. Stud. XVII 92-94 & 130" refers to Leumann's study of the narrative accounts of the schisms: see Introductory essay above and below Appendix VIII (Leumann's bibliography) for full references.
p. 79 [2945-46] "for which Jolly has kindly offered his help": Julius Jolly (1849-1932), who was professor in Würzburg, "contributed extensively to Indian law and medicine" (Stache-Weiske 1990: 110). In particular, he was the author of two classics for the collection "Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research" ("Grundriss der IndoArischen Philologie und Althertumskunde") in these two areas of Indology: Indian Medicin (1901) which is still partly unsurpassed and Recht und Sitte (1896). The latter, to which Leumann refers a little later (p. 80 [29°13]) is a survey of Dharmaśāstra made on the basis of legal commentaries, old travel accounts, etc. It was revised by the author and translated into English by Balakrishna Ghosh as Hindu Law and Custom (1928, The Greater India Society Publications, vol. 2).

xli

Page #48

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
p. 79 [29448] "agrees exactly with the prosaic (still unprinted) schema of Uśanas”: from references found in various works it appears that Uśanas, an ancient sage mentioned in the Rgveda, wrote a treatise on politics. The work and passage which Leumann has in mind correspond to the Auśanadharmaśāstra as available in one Poona manuscript (but no hint shows that Leumann had access to it). The third chapter (out of seven that compose this brief work, mainly written in prose) deals with the four varnas and the mixed castes such as Rathakāra, Ambastha, Sūta, Ugra, Māgadha &c." (P.V. Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. I revised and enlarged, Part I, Poona, 1968, pp. 266272, where further verse recensions of this work are examined).
p. 81 [29665-70] "a commentarial remark at XVIII 68”, scil. verse 1382 (Haribhadra p. 750a).
p. 81 [30°,]: "the legendary biography of Siddhasena": this Prabhācandra is the author of the Prabhāvakacarita, a work belonging to the prabandha genre, which was composed in the 14th cent. The eighth section is devoted to the life of Siddhasena. See further Phyllis Granoff, "Buddhaghosa's Penance and Siddhasena's Crime: Remarks on Some Buddhist and Jain Attitudes Towards the Language of Religious Texts”, in From Benares to Beijing. Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion, ed. by Koichi Shinohara and Gregory Schopen, Mosaic Press, Oakville, N.Y., London, 1991, pp. 17-33.
p. 86 [3294] "Tarangavai" was translated into German by Leumann under the title Die Nonne. See Appendix VIII for bibliographical details.
In his unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180), Leumann writes: The (Brhat)Kalpa-tīkā expands akkhāiyāð with ākhyāyikās TarangavatīMalayavatī-prabhrtayaḥ and kahāo with kathā Vasudevacarita-Cetakakathāḥ (= printed ed., Bhavnagar, 1936, vol. 3 p. 722 on verse 2564). He notes that the two terms are not elaborated upon in the Kalpa-cūrņi.
p. 89 [3268] "Jinavallabha": the name of this religious teacher appears in the praśasti of the Poona ms. "P XII 56" of the Višesāvasyakabhāsya (quoted on p. (32°19]). His name appears at other places in the Übersicht: p. 89, 105n., 133, 134, 134, 137, 137, 140, 143. Leumann takes him as the scholar for whom both this ms, and the ms “P XII 57" were meant to read, and places him about 70 years before Malayagiri (p. 146). He also considers him as the "glossarist of the Sīlānka-manuscript" (p. 133), i.e. P XII 57, and even discusses his marginal remarks thereupon (p. 137)..
p. 90 n. (33 n. 1] “Nemidatta's Kathākośa": see above note on p. [1°17] "58” refers to the serial number of the story - that of Sukošala - in this collection.
p. 94 [35°13] "KZ. XXXI 43" refers to Leumann's article "Die accentuation des Satapatha-Brāhmana” in Kuhns Zeitschrift 31, 1892 (NF 11), pp. 22-51.
p. 94 [35°17] Additional note on lettu in the unpublished additions to the Übersicht (Plutat 1998: No. 180): Pāli leddu in Buddhaghosa's commentary on the Dīghanikāya; lestu and istakā do not show any aspiration. Hence the linguistic evolution is: lēttu
*lėttu *lētu - *lēdu Pāli lěddu
Jaina Pkt. lēlu

Page #49

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
pp. 95ff. [354-36] For the divisions and the sigla used in the eight tables see p. 93 [34b6-23].
pp. 100-106 [370-38] See Appendix IX for the Gujarati translation of this section, full quotations of the verses and additional references.
p. 101 [37°30] "Jacob's Upanisad-Concordanz" is George Adolphus Jacob, Upanisadvākyakośah: a concordance to the principal Upanishads and Bhagavadgītā, Bombay: Government Central Book Depot, 1891 [reprinted Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1971).
p. 102 (37° n. 1] "only looked through at some passages by my brother”: this refers to Julius Leumann (1867-1945) who had been trained in Indology, partly by Ernst. The two brothers worked together on the publication of the first fascicle of a Sanskrit etymological dictionary: Etymologisches Wörterbuch der Sanskrit Sprache. Lieferung I: Einleitung und a bis jū. Leipzig, 1907. It formed the first volume of the collection "Indica", initiated by Ernst Leumann.
p. 102 (37o14] "Hillebrandt”: Alfred Hillebrandt (1853-1927) "is best known for his intensive research on Vedic mythology and ritual literature. He also wrote about the Arthaśāstra and Indian politics" (Stache-Weiske 1990: 121). Among his main contributions to the former are Vedische Mythologie (3 volumes, 1891, 1899, 1902) and Ritualliteratur (see below); among his contributions to the latter are his edition of Višākhadatta's Mudrārākṣasa and his study of Kautilya's Arthaśāstra, Altindische Politik. Eine Übersicht auf Grund der Quellen, Jena, 1923 which is based on two manuscripts.
p. 105 [38445] "Asvaghosa's Buddhacar. IX 63 = 52 Cow.": refers to Cowell's edition of the Buddhacarita, Oxford, 1893. The verse in point reads:
kaḥ kantakasya prakaroti taiksnyam vicitrabhāvam mțgapakşiņām vā? svabhāvataḥ sarvam idam pravsttam; na kāmakāro 'sti, kutah prayatnaḥ.
p. 104 [389 n. 24] “Hillebrandt, Rituallit.”: refers to Alfred Hillebrandt, Ritualliteratur, vedische Opfer und Zauber, a classic which was published in 1897 as volume 3.2 of the “Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research” (original German title: "Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altherthumskunde").
p. 114 [41047-51] The Višeşāvasyakabhāşya-stanza I 942 reads: puvvânupuvvi-hetthā samayā-bheeņa kuna jadhā-jettham uvarima-tullam parato nasejja puvva-kkamo sese (= stanza 938 in Malvania's edition, Ahmedabad, 1966, L.D. Series 10). As stated by Leumann [41b74), it is quoted in Haribhadra's commentary (p. 57a; section of the commentary located between Av.-niry. verse 79 and 80), where it is followed by a verse defining the term samaya-bheda: jahi tammi u nikkhitte purao so c'eva anka-viņņāso so hoi samaya-bhedo vajjeyavvo payatteņam.
p. 114 [42“ Note **) “The letter numeral 'five' in Jaina manuscripts': the most complete table of letter-numerals, a system which is found in old Jaina palmleaf
xliii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #50

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
manuscripts, and much more rarely in paper manuscripts, is that given by Muni Punyavijaya, "Apaņī adrśya thati lekhanakalā ane tenām sādhano" in Jñānāmjali Pujya Muni śrī Punyavijayaji Abhivādana Grantha, Bombay, 1969, p. 49 (reproduced in Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi 2006 vol. 2 p. 490). There one can see among the various shapes assumed by the letter-numeral “five" the replacement of older forms by nā, as observed by Leumann.
p. 115 [42°15-21] “Av.-niry. II 26-28”. The original text reads: II 26 (105). atthanham payaļīņam ukkosa-thiii vattamāņo u
jīvo na lahai sāmāiyam caunham pi egayaram. II 27 (106). sattanham payadīņam abbhintarao u kodi-kodīņam
kāūņa sāgarāņam jai lahai caunham annayaram. II 28 (107). "pallaya girisariuvalā ?pivīliyā “purisa 'paha “jara-ggahiyā
'kuddava ojala 'vatthāņi ya sāmāiya-lābha-ditthantā.
p. 119 note * [430 n. *] "Municandra, who includes seven gāthā-s at Upadeśapada 17": Municandra is the commentator who, in 1117 CE, expanded on the often rather elliptic Prakrit gāthās of the Upadeśapada written by Haribhadra. These gāthās are narrative verses following the exegetical style of the Avaśyaka-niryukti. The stories are rewritings of the Avaśyaka-stories. Haribhadra's Upadeśapada clearly belongs to the Avaśyaka-orbit as Leumann had rightly recognized (cf. Balbir 1993: 119-120).
pp. 120f. [44 46-4423] Āv.-niry. X 17-20 correspond to the Bhāşya-verses 161ff. in Haribhadra's recension. Since Leumann does not give a literal translation of the Niryukti-verses, which are extremely technical, there is no point in giving the text here.
p. 147 [54°11] “In fact, more citations should be found, if Malayagiri, as Samayasundara claims in the Paryusaņākalpa-commentary, also might have written a commentary on the Višeşāvasyaka-bhāsya": this refers to the Kalpalatā, the name of the extensive Kalpasūtra-commentary written in Sanskrit by Samayasundara, a leading Svetāmbara monk belonging to the Kharataragaccha who was active in the 17th century (see above the note relating to p. la31-32 for references). Leumann had access to this commentary through Bhandarkar's report and through an incomplete manuscript kept at the Berlin Royal Library (see p. 147 n. [54a n. 2]). Commenting upon the Sthavirāvalī, which is the second part of the Kalpasūtra, Samayasundara observes that several influential sthaviras are not mentioned, and seizes the opportunity to supply additional material on several illustrious Jaina teachers, such as Arya Raksita, Vrddhavādi and Siddhasena, Haribhadra, Hemacandra, Mānadevasūri, Mānatunga and others. Malayagiri is one of them: evam śrīMalayagirih yat-kstā Višeşāvasyaka-vrttipramukhā aneke atisugamā granthāh santi (p. 240b-241a of the edition published by the Jinadattasūri Pustakoddhāra Fund, vol. 42, Surat, 1939). This commentary, however, has not come down to us. What does exist is Malayagiri's commentary of the Avasyaka-niryukti. As Leumann himself suggests, there might well have been a confusion between the two works, for Malayagiri quotes verses from Jinabhadra's Višeşāvaśyakabhāsya in his commentary on the Av.-niryukti.
p. 147 [54°28-30] "(Malayagiri) tells the story at niry. II 114 f., following the Jambūdvīpaprajñapti unusually extensively ...”: the story of Rşabha's birth and the
xliv For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #51

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
corresponding celebrations by the eight dikkumārīs, Indra and other groups of gods (see Balbir 1993: 129 for references).
p. 149 [55°10] "Although we still have to mention a narrative work by Sanghadāsa": this is the Vasudevahindi (already referred to on p. 40 [15a7]. But it is not clear to me why Leumann mentions this work at this stage of the exposé.
p. 151 (5539-40] "a ms at the Indian Institute": scil. the Indian Institute of Oxford University: see p. IV the heading "I I”.
p. 154 (56°30] “Kupaks.” is Dharmasāgara's Kupakşakauśikāditya, a polemic work of the 16th century to which A. Weber first drew attention in the West. Beside the relevant entry in his Catalogue of the Berlin manuscripts, referred by Leumann, he also devoted a specific analysis to it: Über den Kupakshakauçikâditya des Dharmasagara. Streitschrift eines orthodoxen Jaina, vom Jahre 1573 in Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1882, II (37), pp. 793-814. On the other hand, Leumann also copied extracts from the London mss. of this work (“Or. 2108" and "Or. 2109", see Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi 2006 Serial Nos. 656 and 657): Plutat 1998 Nos. 95-96.
****** V. Correspondences between Leumann's divisions of the Āvaśyaka
niryukti (and other texts) and the modern editions
For the Āvaśyaka-niryukti Leumann uses throughout his studies a division into 20 sections labelled as I-XX (see p. 2 Note *) with an independent verse numbering for each section. This division corresponds to the practice of manuscripts, and has at least one justification: when other texts refer to the Av.-niryukti, they normally refer to it by section (e.g., jahā Sāmāie, etc.). The modern editions, all produced in India and consulted by today's specialists, use, however, a continuous numbering. Examination of manuscripts of the Av.-niryukti shows some amount of variation in the number of verses found in the different sections (see Balbir 1993: 43). Leumann used different mss. at different stages of his work. Hence the exact count is not always easy.
The broad correspondence of these sections with verses in the Indian edition of the Av.-niryukti in Haribhadra's recension is:
1-79 80-220 105-107 139
I. Pedhiyā II. Padhamā varavariyā II 26-28 II 60 (list of examples illustrating the bad and good pupil; same stanza found in the Nandīsūtra; see Balbir 1993: 399-439) III. Bīyā varavariyā IV. Uvasaggā V. Samosarana, Ganaharā
221-461 462-526 527-590
34So-called Bhāsya-verses are not mentioned separately in the following table.
xlv

Page #52

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
VI. Gaṇahara-uppatti
VII. Sāmāyārī
VII 29-36: see above Appendix IV 691-696+ Bhāṣya verses 121-122 note on p. [9°23-51]
VIII. Uvagghāya-nijjutti
VIII 12: see above Appendix IV 735 note on p. [10a n. 2]
IX 32: see above Appendix IV note on p. [10a n. 2]
X. Sāmāiya-nijjutti XI. Cauvvisatthaya-nijjutti
XII. Vandana-nijjutti
See below Appendix VI XIII. Padikkamaṇa-nijjutti XIV. Jhaṇa-sayam XV. Pariṭhāvaniā-nijjutti XVI. Padikkamaṇa-sangahaṇī
XVI 34-43: see above Appendix IV note on p. [10a n. 2]
591-665
666-723
VIII 52-53 (Vajrasvamin)
VIII 149 (list of 10 catchwords for 832 illustrating the difficulty of gaining birth as a human being)
IX. Namokkāra-nijjutti
XVII. Jogasangahā
XVII 1-5 (list of 32 catchwords) XVIII. Asajjhaiya-nijjutti
XVIII-64: see the note on p. [10a
29ff.]
XVIII 68: see above Appendix IV note on p. [2965-70] XIX. Kaussagga-nijjutti
XX. Paccakkhāṇa-nijjutti
XX 66
724-879

775-776
880-1012
918
1013-1055 1056-1102
1103-1230
1231-1271
104/ 106 verses 1272-1273
No niryukti verses
1274-1320
1274-1278
1321-1417
1418-1554 1555-1623 1597
VI. Prakrit extracts from Av.-niry. XII
(analysed and translated by Leumann in the Übersicht)
(Translation pp. 28f. [10-11"])
XII 1 (1102). vandana Bcii kii-kammam "pūya-kammam ca Evinaya-kammam ca 'kāyavvam kassa va 2keņa vāvi 3kāhe va 'kaikhutto?
XII 2 (1103). "kai-onayam 'kai-siram 'kaihim ca avassaehi parisuddham? kai-dosa-vippamukkam kii-kammam 'kīsa kīrai vā?
XII 3 (1104). Sīyale Bkhuddae Kanhe, DSevae EPālae taha panc' ete ditthantä kii-kamme honti ṇāyavvā.
xlvi

Page #53

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
(Translation p. 30f. [11])
XII 25 (1125). appuvvam daṭthūṇam abbhutṭhāṇam tu hoi kāyavvam sāhummi diṭṭha-puvve jahâriham jassa jam joggam.
XII 26 (1126). mukka-dhurā-sampāḍaga-sevī-caraṇa-karaṇa-pabbhatthe lingâvasesa-mitte jam kīrai tam puno voccham.
XII 27 (1127). vāyāi namokkāro hatth'-usseho ya sīsa-namaṇam ca sampuccchana 'cchanam chobha-vandaṇam vāvi.
XII 28 (1128). 'pariyāya 'parisa 3purise "khittam "kālam ca "agamam naccā 'karaṇa-jāe jāe jahâriham jassa jam juggam.
(Translation p. 31 [11])
XII 49 (1148). alaeṇam vihāreņam thanâcankamaṇeņa ya
sakko su-vihio naum bhāsā-veṇaiena ya.
1149. alaenam viharenam thāne cankamanena ya
na sakko su-vihio naum bhāsā-veṇaiena ya.
(Translation p. 31 [11])
XII 78 (1174). je jattha jaya bhaggā ogāsam te param avindantā gantum tattha 'cayantā imam pahāṇam ti ghosanti.
XII 79 (1175). 'nīyâvāsa-vihāram 2ceiya-bhattim ca 3ajjiyā-lābham
*vigaīsu ya paḍibandham niddosam coiya binti.
XII 80 (1176). jähe vi ya paritantā gāmâgara-nagara-pattanam aḍantā
to kei niya-vāsī Sangama-theram vavaisanti. [The other examples are dealt with in the subsequent verses; Leumann gives the identifying names, but no translation of the contents]
XII 95b (1191). ee avandanijja je jasa-ghai pavayanassa.
XII 97b (1193). ee u vandanijjā je jasa-kārī pavayaṇassa.
(Translation p. 31 [122-12"])
XII 100 (1196). māyaram piyaram vāvi jitthagam vāvi bhāyaram kii-kammam na kārijjā save raiņie tahā.
XII 104 (1200). paḍikamaṇe sajjhāe kāussaggâvarāha-pāhuṇae aloyana-samvarane uttam'-atthe ya vandanayam.
XII 105 (1201). cattari paḍikkamane kii-kammā tinni hunti sajjhãe puvv'-anhe avar'-anhe kii-kamma caudasa havanti. (Translation p. 33 [12a-b]
XII 106 (1202). do-onayam ahājāyam, kii-kammam bārasāvayam cau-siram ti-guttam ca du-pavesam ega-nikkhamaṇam.
XII 107 (1203). avaṇāmā dunn' ahājāyam, āvattā bāras' eva u sīsā cattāri guttio, tinni do ya pavesaṇā.
XII 108 (1204). ega-nikhamanam c'eva, paṇavīsam viyahiya āvassagehim parisuddham, kii-kammam jehi kīrai.
1205. kii-kammam pi karinto na hoi kii-kamma-nijjarâbhāgī paṇavīsām annayaram sahū thāṇam virähinto.
1206. paṇavīsā[āvassaga]-parisuddham kii-kammam jo paunjai gurūņam so pāvai nivvāṇam a-cirena vimāṇa-vāsam vā.

xlvii

Page #54

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
(Translation p. 34 [12]) The 32 faults from which the salutation ritual should be free XII 111 (1207). 'anādhiyam ca thaddham ca, pavviddham "paripindiyam Ptola-gai 'ankusam c'eva, tahā 'kacchabha-ringiyam XII 112 (1208). ®macch’uvvattam'maņasā pauttham taha ya ''veiyāvaddham "bhayasā c'eva 'bhayantam, "mittī-14gārava-"kāraṇā. XII 113 (1209). 16teņiyam "paļiņiyam c'eva, 18 ruttham "tajjiyam eva ya 20sadham ca 2'hīliyam c'eva, tahā 22 vipaliunciyam. XII 114 (1210). 23 dittham a-dittham ca tahā, 24singam ca 2kara 2omoaņam 27ālittham anālittham, 28ūnam auttara-cūliyam. XII 115 (1211). "mūyam ca "daddharam c'eva, Scuddalim ca apacchimam battīsa-dosa-parisuddham, kii-kammam paunjaī.
(Translation p. 39 [14']) XII 119 (1215). vinaôvayāra mānassa bhanjanā pūyanā guru-janassa titthayarāņa ya āņā sua-dhammârāhanā 'kiriyā. XII 120 (1216). viņao sāsaņe mūlam, viņio samjao bhave viņayāð vippamukkassa, kao dhammo kao tavo? XII 121 (1217). jamhā viņayai kammam atthaviham cāuranta-mukkhāe tamhā u vayanti viū viņað tti vilīna-samsārā.
(XII 122-130 : see text and translation p. 20 [84]).
VII. English translations of two reviews of the Übersicht
originally published in German
Review by H. von Glasenapp published in Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 38, 1935, No. 6, pp. 388-389.
"Āvaśyakas", that is necessities”, is the name given by the Jainas to six duties, whose daily performance is indispensable. They are 1. to take upon oneself the solemn promise to refrain from any type of evil, 2. glorification of the 24 Tīrthankaras, 3. respect towards the teacher, 4. confession, 5. to remain in the kāyotsarga position, which serves to liberate the spirit from the carnal, 6. to take upon oneself the solemn promise to refrain from certain pleasures. These āvasyakas, which had been handed down in various formulas, belong to the oldest component of the Jaina scriptures and have themselves become the starting-point of an extremely extensive literature in which numerous Jaina writers have considered it their duty to comment upon the āvasyakas and to elucidate them through narratives. Thus the history of the Āvaśyaka-literature forms a "paradigmatic section of the entire Jaina literature” which for research on Jainism is equally significant both from the point of view of religion and for literary history. During painstaking work over eleven years, Ernst Leumann has provided an overview of the multilayered Āvaśyaka scriptures that he has partly put into print, but that was never published because the author later turned to other studies. Now, Leumann's disciple, W. Schubring, provides an excellent Manul print of this unique work based on printed sheets in a single copy of this unfinished work. Every researcher on Jainism will be most grateful to the editor because it would have been an irreperable loss for German
xlviii

Page #55

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
scholarship if such an intellectual effort were to have fallen into oblivion. Not only is Leumann's work a valuable contribution to our knowledge of Jaina literature, but his excurses on various research topics, such as the question of the authenticity of the traditions relating to Bhadrabāhu (p. 23ff.), and the discussions on various aspects of Jaina dogmatics are significant as well. Hopefully, the editor will be able to make other studies from his teacher's legacy accessible and create a respectful memorial in the way he has done here.
Review by B. Geiger published in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 45, 1938, pp. 154-155 (reproduced in E. Leumann, Kleine Schriften, pp. 725-726).
Like the Āvaśyaka-Erzählungen (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes X), the Übersicht has not been completed and remains fragmentary. Already in 1900 Leumann printed that part of the planned work available in manuscript. W. Schubring has finally made it accessible through a new printing and has thus rendered a very valuable service to indological research. This Übersicht über die Avasyaka-Literatur, whose significance among Jaina scriptures and in Indian literature in general has been emphasized mainly by Leumann, is solely based on manuscripts, among which Leumann's own collection and the collection in the Strasbourg library play a prominent role. Numerous extensive extracts from manuscripts, tables of contents and concordances established with matchless accuracy, as well as related sharp-witted detailed investigations, translations and explanations are admirable achievements of this great scholar who earlier had already played such an important role in the study of Jaina literature.
The Übersicht starts with a throrough analysis of the three recensions of the Avaśyakasūtra, which stands at the centre of the Avaśyaka literature, and of the individual sections which compose the sūtra. Sections I-III (the solemn vow formula upon entering into the religious order: sāmāyika; the hymn addressed to the 24 Jinas: caturvimśatistava; the salutation to the teacher: vandanaka) are dealt with in particular, translated and precisely explained. The translation of the third Section is, moreover, explained with the help of extracts from the commentarial literature. In addition, Leumann has attempted to define more precisely (p. 9) the expressions āvassiyā, nisīhiyā, jattā and javanijja. Yet, it seems doubtful to me whether nisīhiyā goes back to a *nisīiyā (from ni-șīd-), as Charpentier later also assumed (Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 29, 230, n. 2 and Uttarādhyayana 283, note), and originally meant "a meditative posture". Leumann compares the salutation formulas where jattā and javanijja occur with similar Buddhist formulas. But the way Leumann renders the corresponding sentence from Avasyaka III (p. 7 f.) is not entirely correct. I intend to come back to this on another occasion.
The remaining part of the Übersicht is almost entirely devoted to the exposition of the commentarial literature on the original Āvaśyaka, which at the same time gives a picture of the development of the tradition from its beginnings. The table of contents of the Mülācāra is followed by an edition of Mūlācāra VII, the Digambara original of the Avaśyaka-niryukti, then by an attempt to reconstruct the "original niryukti", and by a longer chapter devoted to the Āvaśyaka-niryukti of the Svetāmbaras. There the analysis of the the first of the four redactions of the Āvasyaka-niryukti, the one by Bhadrabāhu, and an investigation into the date of the historical Bhadrabāhu (who died 162 or 170
xlix For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #56

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
years after Mahāvīra), as well as of the "fictitious" Bhadrabahu, who produced the niryukti collection, and whom Leumann places around 80 CE, receive considerable attention.
Especially valuable is the detailed chapter on Jinabhadra's (incomplete) Viseṣāvasyaka-bhāṣya, about its original version, and about the textual recension of the commentator Silanka, as well as about the recension by the first Hemacandra. The Vedic and philosophical citations extracted by Leumann from Jinabhadra's work are very interesting. This is the case also for numerous other specimens from the contents of the Bhāṣya, like the passages which relate to the teaching about perception, Jaina doctrinal history, the principle of permutation and much more. Lastly, the discussion concerns Jinabhadra's lost auto-commentary on his Bhāṣya, which is known only through the commentators Sīlānka, Hemacandra, and others. The last two pages of the Übersicht contain the beginning of an analysis of other works by Jinabhadra.
I regret that I have been able to give here only a superficial overview of the contents of this work. It contains such an impressive mass of extremely valuable and interesting material from different angles that it makes going into details impossible. As in the case of pathbreaking achievements in the field of Khotanese, to which Leumann dedicated the last decades of his life, science will be grateful to him for this posthumous fragment, which is a fundamental tool of Jaina research.
[The third review written by W. Printz and published in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 90, 1936, p. 499 is short and does not bring anything new. Hence its translation is not included here].
VIII. Ernst Leumann : Selected biographic and bibliographical information
Biographical information
11 April 1859
1867
1867 and following years
1877 and following years
1880
1881

Birth of Ernst Leumann in Berg (Dist. Thurgau, German-speaking part of Switzerland), as the elder son of a Protestant clergyman.
Birth of his brother Julius (d. 1945). Schooling in Frauenfeld. Leumann was specially impressed by two of his teachers, who attracted his interest towards mathematics on the one hand, and towards Sanskrit and comparative grammar of the Indo-European languages on the other. Studies at the University of Zürich and Geneva (under Paul Oltramare), then at Leipzig (under Ernst Windisch, 18441918).
Initiated into Jaina studies by Albrecht Weber (1825-1901) at the University of Berlin.
Doctorate Degree obtained in Leipzig for
1

Page #57

1882-84
1884
1887 1889
1892-1899
1897
1907ff.
1919

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
his Dissertation on the Aupapātikasūtra, prepared under the guidance of A. Weber and published in 1883; after his doctorate, works on the collection of Indian manuscripts in Berlin.
Assistant of M. Monier-Williams in Oxford. E. Leumann works on the Sanskrit-English Dictionary (and continues to work on it after his formal assignment ends).
Secondary school teacher of Latin and English in Frauenfeld for a few months. -- Appointed professor without chair at the University of Strasbourg (a town then belonging to Germany), where his predecessors in the field of Comparative linguistics and Indology were F. Max Müller, Siegfried Goldschmidt (18441884), Ernst Windisch (1844-1918) and Heinrich Hübschmann (1848-1908), each of whom taught for rather short periods. With Leumann's appointment, Indology in its broadest sense was instituted as a prominent subject of this University for several years. Leumann taught Sanskrit, Indian sastric disciplines, Jaina texts, inscriptions, "Nordarisch", Buddhist texts,
etc.
Married to Gertrud Siegemund Birth of his elder son, Manu, who became a renowned linguist (died 1977) - No precise information about the dates of the younger son, Hari, who became mathematician.
a
Leumann's preliminary work on Central Asian manuscript fragments led to the decipherment and identification of Tocharian.
Appointed as ordinary professor at the University of Strasbourg.
Leumann's works on the language he called "Nordarisch", i.e. Khotanese, another terra incognita where he was a pioneer.
After the First World War, Strasbourg attached again becomes to France. Leumann loses his professorship, shifts to Freiburg-im-Breisgau (Germany) where
li

Page #58

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
1929 24 April 1931
he is appointed as honorary professor. Death of Leumann's wife. Death of Ernst Leumann in Freiburg.
Bibliography A complete bibliography of Leumann's works (which relate to several different areas of Indian and Central Asian studies) has been published in E. Leumann, Kleine Schriften. Nevertheless, it is perhaps relevant to list here those works (books, articles, reviews) which relate to Jaina and Prakrit studies. As we have tried to show, in Leumann's approach everything is interconnected. The works are presented in chronological order. - * preceding a title indicates that the corresponding article or monograph is reprinted in full in Kleine Schriften.
Das Aupapâtika Sûtra, erstes Upânga der Jaina. I. Theil. Einleitung, Text und Glossar. Leipzig 1883. 166 p. 8° (AKM VIII, 2). Nachdruck: Kraus Reprint Ltd., Nendeln, Liechtenstein 1966. [Diss.)
*“Zwei weitere Kālaka-Legenden”. In: Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 37. 1883, pp. 493-520.
Various contributions in A. Weber, "Über die Geschichte vom Kaufmann Campaka, Nachtrag". In Sitzungsberichte der (Königlich) Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Berlin 1883 (July-December), pp. 885-895.
“Die alten Berichte von den Schismen der Jaina". In: Indische Studien (Beiträge für die Kunde des indischen Alterthums. Im Vereine mit mehreren Gelehrten herausgegeben von Dr. A. Weber) Band XVII. Leipzig 1885, pp. 91-135. Nachdruck: Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim-New York 1973.
*“Beziehungen der Jaina-Literatur zu andern Literaturkreisen Indiens". In: Actes du sixième Congrès International des Orientalistes, tenu en 1883 à Leide. Troisième partie. Section 2: Aryenne. Leide: E.J. Brill 1885, pp. 469-564.
*Review of Jacobi, H.: Ausgewählte Erzählungen in Māhārāshtri. Zur Einführung in das Studium des Prākrit. Grammatik, Text, Wörterbuch. Herausgegeben von H. Jacobi. Leipzig, Hirzel 1886. In: Kuhn's Literatur-Blatt für orientalische Philologie III. Okt. 1885-Sept. 1887, pp. 78*-81*.
*Review of Hoernle, R.: The Uvāsaga-dasāo or the religious profession of a[n] Uvāsaga expounded in ten lectures, being the seventh Anga of the Jains, edited in the original Prākṣit, with the Sanskțit commentary of Abhayadeva and an English translation with notes; published for the Bibl. Ind. Calcutta 1885-1888. - In: Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 3. 1889, pp. 328-350.
Review of Bühler, G.: Über das Leben des Jaina-Mönches Hemacandra, des Schülers des Devacandra aus der Vajraśākhā in Bd. XXXVII der Denkschriften der
lii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #59

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
philosophisch-historischen Klasse der kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien 1889. - In: ZDMG 43. 1889, pp. 348-352.
Various contributions (marked as “L”) in H.W. Smyth, The Sacred Literature of the Jainas. English Translation of A. Weber, Die Heiligen Schriften der Jainas. Indische Studien 16. 1883 &17. 1885. In Indian Antiquary 17. 1888, pp. 279-292, 339-345; 18. 1889, pp. 181-184, 369-378; 19. 1890, pp. 62-70; 20. 1891, pp. 18-29, 170-182, 365376; 21. 1892, pp. 14-23, 106-113, 177-185, 210-214, 293-311, 327-341, 369-373.
"Eine altindische Mönchslegende". In: Die Welt in Wort und Bild (herausgegeben von Chr. G. Hottinger) 9. Strassburg 1890, 5 pages.
The legend in point is that of Citta and Sambhūta. The text of this publication is identical with the text found in WZKM 5. 1891 (next entry).
*“Die Legende von Citta und Sambhūta”. In: WZKM 5. 1891, pp. 111-146.
"Liste von transcribirten Abschriften und Auszügen vorwiegend aus der Jaina-Literatur." In: ZDMG 45. 1891, pp. 454-464. [Reprinted in Plutat 1998, pp. 100-110].
"Synoptic Table of the Sources of the Parisistaparvan", pp. VIII-XI. . In: Sthavirāvalīcarita or Parisistaparvan, being an Appendix of the Trişastiśalākāpuruşacaritra by Hemacandra, ed. by Hermann Jacobi. Calcutta 1932? (1891').
*“Die Legende von Citta und Sambhūta” (Continuation). In: WZKM 6. 1892, pp. 1-46.
“Billige Jaina-Drucke”. In: ZDMG 46. 1892, pp. 146-147.
*"Daśavaikālika-sūtra und -niryukti, nach dem Erzählungsgehalt untersucht und herausgegeben" von E. Leumann. In: ZDMG 46. 1892, pp. 581-663.
*"Jinabhadra's Jītakalpa, mit Auszügen aus Siddhasena's Cūrni". In: SPAW 1892, JuniDecember, pp. 1195-1210.
Appendix on pp. 249-255: "Extracts from Bhagavatî XV. on the Intercourse between Mahâvîra (i.e., Nigantha Nataputta) and Gosala Mankhaliputta". By Dr. E. Leumann. In: Rockhill, W. Woodville, The Life of the Buddha and the early history of his order derived from Tibetan works in the Bkah-Hgyur and Bstan-Hgyur. London 1892.
Verschiedene Mitteilungen. In: Pavolini, P.E., La novella di Brahmadatta: Giornale della Società Asiatica Italiana 6. 1892, pp. 111-148.
"Liste von transcribirten Abschriften und Auszügen aus der Jaina-Literatur" (Continuation). In: ZDMG 47. 1893, pp. 308-315. (Reprinted in Plutat 1998, pp. 111118].
***Prabhācandra's Epitaph, the oldest Digambara Inscription" In: WZKM 7. 1893, pp. 382-384.

Page #60

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvasyaka literature
"Prefatory Remarks”. In: The Florentine Jaina Manuscripts by Prof. Count E.L. Pullè: Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists held in London, 5th to 12th September 1892. Ed. by E. Delmar Morgan in two volumes. London 1893, Band 1, pp. 215-218.
*“Über die Avaçyaka-Literatur". In: Actes du x® Congrès International des Orientalistes. Session de Genève 1894. Deuxième partie: Section I (Inde). Leide: E.J. Brill 1895, p. 125.
"Notes" on pp. 233-244. In: The Kathākośa or Treasury of Stories translated from Sanskrit Manuscripts by C.H. Tawney, with Appendix, containing Notes by Professor Ernst Leumann. London, Asiatic Society 1895 (reprint Delhi, 1975).
Review of: Tawney, C.H.: The Kathākoça or Treasury of Stories, translated from Sanskrit Manuscripts by C.H. Tawney with Appendix containing Notes by Professor E. Leumann. - In: Indian Antiquary 24. 1895, pp. 275-276.
*"A List of the Strassburg Collection of Digambara Manuscripts”. In: WZKM 11. 1897, pp. 297-312.
Die Avaśyaka-Erzählungen. Herausgegeben von Ernst Leumann. Erstes Heft. Leipzig 1897. 48 S. 8° (AKM X, 2). Nachdruck: Kraus Reprint Ltd., Nendeln, Liechtenstein 1966. Reviewed by A. Barth in Revue d'Histoire des Religions XLV, 1902, pp. 179-180 = Oeuvres, vol. 2,
Paris 1914, pp. 381-382. - See also Nalini Balbir und Thomas Oberlies, Avasyaka-Studien. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag 1993 (Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien herausgegeben vom Institut für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens und Tibets an der Universität Hamburg. 45,1 und 2): the Prakrit text has been reprinted and translated in vol. 1, pp. 199-435; vol. 2 is a selective glossary.
*"Bühler as a collector of Mss." In: Indian Antiquary 27. 1898, pp. 368-370,
Various contributions in Ed. Luigi de Stefani, Nota alla novellina jainica di Madirāvati: Giornale della Società Asiatica Italiana 13. 1900, pp. 217-220.
*"Über eine indische Satire". In: Verhandlungen der sechsundvierzigsten Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner in Strassburg (Elsass), vom 1. bis 4. Oktober 1901. Zusammengestellt von Prof. Dr. M. Erdmann. Leipzig 1902, Orientalische Sektion, p. 193.
*"Die Hamburger und Oxforder Handschriften des Pancatantra" (Abstract). In: Verhandlungen des XIII. Internationalen Orientalisten-Kongresses, Hamburg 1902. Leiden 1904, pp. 24-29.
Text of a letter to Johannes Hertel on pp. 132-134. In: Hertel, J., Über die JainaRecensionen des Pañcatantra: Berichte über die Verh. der Philologisch-Historischen Klasse der Königlichen Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig 54. 1902, pp. 23-134.
liv For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #61

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
Various notes on pp. 703-704. In: Hertel, J., Eine vierte Jaina-Rezension des Pancatantra: ZDMG 57. 1903, pp. 639-704.
*Review of: Pañcaśatī-prabodha-sambandhah o le cinquecento novelle antiche di Subhasīla-gani, edite e tradotte per cura di Ambrogio Ballini. Firenze 1904. – In: ZDMG 58. 1904, p. 250.
**Zum siebenten Kapitel von Amitagati's Subhāṣita-samdoha". In: ZDMG 59. 1905, pp. 578-588; pp. 820-821 [reply of J. Hertel and R. Schmidt and explanation thereon).
*“Die Geschichte einer Jesus-Legende". Vortrag gehalten in Frauenfeld am 8. Januar 1907. [Private printing] 7 pages.
*Review of: Barnett, L.D.: The Antagadadasāo and Aņuttarovaväiya-dasão. Translated from the Prakrit (Oriental Translation Fund, New Series, vol. XVII. (London) 1907). - In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1907, pp. 1078-1083.
German translation of the Avasyaka-story "IX,32 (Višeşāvasyakabhāsya V,1895)", pp. 293-294, and transcription of the corresponding Sanskrit text, p. 309. In: K. Watanabe, The Story of Kalmāsapāda and its Evolution in Indian Literature (A Study in the Mahābhārata and the Jātaka): Journal of the Pali Text Society 1909, pp. 236-311.
Summary of Leumann's oral communication about the frame-story of Thousand and One Nights preserved in the Avaśyaka-literature, pp. 30-31. In: E. Cosquin, Le prologuecadre des Mille et une Nuits, les légendes perses et le livre d'Esther: Revue biblique internationale publiée par l'École Pratique d'études bibliques des Dominicains de Jérusalem. Janvier et avril 1909. Paris 1909, pp. 1-80.
**Die Nonne. Ein neuer Roman aus dem alten Indien. Übersetzt von Professor Ernst Leumann. München-Neubiberg: Oskar Schloss Verlag 1921. 108 pages. 8°. = Zeitschrift für Buddhismus III. Jg. 1921, Heft 7/8, S. 193-234 und Heft 9/12, S. 272-333.
Tarangavati arthāt bhagavān śrī Mahāvīrdev nā sāsan ni ek sādhvi ni hrdayamgam ane ādarśabhūt ātmakathā. Prākṣta mām mūlakartā : Pādaliptācārya ; samkṣepakartā : Nemicandra gani. Proo Loymen nā jarman anuvād upar thi gujarātī karanār Narasimhabhāi Isvarabhāi Patel. Prakāśak: Babalcand Keśavlāl Pre. Modī, Ahmedabad, 1924, 80 pages (1400 copies printed).
Hints about this publication are found in Leumann's letter to Vijayendrasūri dated 18 June 1924 and in H.C. Bhayani's translation of the Samkhitta-Tarangavai-Kahā (Ahmedabad, 1979, L.D. Series 75).
Buddha und Mahāvīra, die beiden indischen Religionsstifter. München-Neubiberg: Oskar Schloss Verlag 1922 (Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Buddhismus 6). 70 pages. 8°.
Note on a Prakrit Dictionary. In: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1924, pp. 450-451. (= Review of Pandit Hargovind Das T. Sheth, Pāia-Sadda-Mahannavo).

Page #62

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
Buddha ane Mahāvīra. Bhārata nā be dharmasamsthāpako. Pro. Ernst Loiman likhit. Jarman nibandha upar thī. Anuvād karnār Narasimhabhāi Isvarabhāi Patel. Jain Sāhitya Samsodhaka Kāryālaya. Bhārat Jain Vidyālaya. Pūnā Sītī 1925. 58 pages. 8°.
*"Einiges von der neueren Tätigkeit der Jaina-Genossenschaften in Indien”. In: Zeitschrift für Buddhismus V. Jahrgang 1923/24 (NF II. Jahrgang), pp. 127-129.
*Review of: Worte Mahāvīra's, kritische Übersetzungen aus dem Kanon der Jaina von Walter (sic] Schubring. [Leipzig-Göttingen] 1927 - Ein Band aus den von der Göttinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften herausgegebenen Quellen der Religionsgeschichte. In: Zeitschrift für Indologie und Iranistik 7. 1929, pp. 157-162.
Transcription and translation of the Jaina version found in Malayagiri's commentary to "Vyavahāra-Niryukti-Bhāsya-pedh. (63, 2)", pp. 103-106 in J. Schick, “Die ältesten Versionen von Chaucers Frankeleynes Tale”, Studia Indo-Iranica. Ehrengabe für W. Geiger. Leipzig 1931, pp. 89-108.
The Dasaveyāliya Sutta. Edited by Dr. Ernst Leumann, and translated with Introduction and Notes by Dr. Walther Schubring. Ahmedabad 1932. X, 80, 130 p. 8o. [Reprinted in W. Schubring, Kleine Schriften, ed. by K. Bruhn. Wiesbaden 1977].
Übersicht über die Avasyaka-Literatur. Aus dem Nachlass herausgegeben von Walther Schubring. Hamburg 1934. IV, 56 p. 4o. (Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien 4). Reviews by: H. von Glasenapp in OLZ 38. 1935, pp. 388-389; W. Printz in ZDMG 90. 1936, p. 499 (short
review); B. Geiger in WZKM 45. 1938, pp. 154-155. See above Appendix VII for English translations of two of them.
Das Aupapātika Sūtra, erstes Upânga der Jaina. II. Teil. Anmerkungen. Aus dem Nachlass herausgegeben von Willem B. Bollée. In: Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes 15.1997, pp. 311-363.
Ivi For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #63

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
IX. Photographic reproduction of Muni Jinavijaya, Vakīl Keshavlal Premchand Modi, “Pro. Lyuman ane Avaśyaka sūtra" published in Jaina
Sāhitya Samsodhak a, Khand 2, Ank 1, July 1923, pp. 81-91
प्रो. ल्युमन अने आवश्यक सूत्र
जर्मनीना प्रसिद्ध ,प्रोफेसर ल्युमन जैन आगमोना घणा ऊंडा अभ्यासी छे. लगभग अर्धा सैका जेटला लांबा समयथी तेओ जैन साहित्यतुं अवगाहन करता आव्या के अने अनेक जैन सत्रोप्रन्योना सूळ, नियुक्ति, भाष्य, टीका,टिप्पणी आदिने अर्वाचीन शासीय पद्धतिए संशोधित-अनुवादित करी तेमणे प्रकाशमा आण्या छ.ए वधामा आवश्यकसूत्र अने तेने लगता साहित्य उपर जे तेमणे अथाग परिश्रम उठाव्यो छे अने ते विषयमा जे निबन्धो आदि लख्या छे ते तो खरेखर तेमनी जैन साहित्य विषयक सूक्ष्म-प्रवीणतानी आश्चर्यकारक साक्षी आपे छे.
जर्मनीना लीप्झीक शहेरमाथी प्रकट थती ओरिएन्टल सोसायटीनी प्रन्थमाळा (Abhand. lungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes) मां आवश्यक-कथा (Die Avashyaka Erzahlungen) नामे एक प्रन्थ छपाववानी तेमणे सुरुआत करी हती,जेमा आवश्यक सूत्रनी चूर्णि अने टीकामां आवती बधी कथाओ मूळ रूपे आपी, जुदी जुदी प्रतोमा मळी आवतां तेमनां पाठान्तरो तथा बीजा बीजा प्रन्थोमा मळी आवतां रूपान्तरोनी घणी विस्तृत रूपरेखा आलेखवानी तेमनी इच्छा हती. परंतु, ते माटे जोइतां यधां साधनो-भाष्य, चूर्णि, टीका आदिनी जुदी जुदी प्रतो विगेरे-न मळी शकवाथी, पचासेक पानां छापी तेमने ए कार्य बन्ध करवु पडणुं हतुं. ते दरम्यान सने १८९४ मां जिनेवा (Geneve) मां भराएली इन्टर नेशनल ओरिएन्टल कोंग्रेसमां वांचवा माटे आवश्यकसूत्र साहित्य उपर जर्मन भाषामां एक विस्तृत निबंध तेमणे तैयार कयों हतो जेमा आवश्यक सूत्रने लगतुं जेटलुं साहित्य मळी आवे छे तेनुं अतिसूक्ष्मरीते विवेचन कयु हतुं.ए निबन्ध (Uebersicht uber die Avashyaka-Litteratur) ना नामे तेमणे स्वतंत्ररीते प्रकट कर्यो छे; जेना डेमी साइझना आखा कागळ जेवडा ५० उपर पानां छे. एमां प्रथम श्वेतांबर अने दिगंबर बने जैन संप्रदायोमा आवश्यकने शुं स्थान छे ते यताव्यु छ; अने पछी आवश्यक सूत्रनी भद्रवाहुकत नियुक्तिमा आवता बधा विषयोनो बहु खूबी भरेलो सार आप्यो छे. ए सारमा साथे साथे नियुकिमा
आवता विषयोने बीजां बीजां सूत्रो अने भाष्यो विगेरेमा आवता तेज विषयो साथे, कोष्टको करी करी गाथाओवार सरखान्या छे. आवश्यकचूर्णि अने हरिभद्रकृत टीकामां परस्पर जे जे विशेष छे से सपळा मूळ पाठो साथे समजाव्या छे. पछी जिनभद्र क्षमाश्रमणकृत विशेषावश्यक भाष्यनुं बाणथी विवेचन कयु छे. एमां पण पहेलां, विशेषावश्यक ए शुं छे, तेनी टीका विगेरे कोणे करेली , ए बताव्युं छ; अने त्यार बाद नियुक्तिनी गाथाओने भाष्यना विवरण साये विषयवार सप्तजावी के. अने ए उपरांत पछी आखा भाष्यनो सार आप्यो छे. एटलं करीने पण ए जर्मनदेशीय संतोष न थयो तेथी ए निबन्धनी एक जदी पर्ति करी छे, जेमा विशेषावश्यक भाष्यनी शीलांकाबायकन प्राचीन अने दुर्लभ्य दीकामां जे जे विशेष विशेष उल्लेखो छे ते बघा सूळरूपे गाथावार पानी दीपा के अने ऐवढे प ठीकानी सौमी जूनी ताडपत्रनी प्रति जे हालमा पूनाना भांडारकर

Page #64

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
जैन साहित्य संशोधक
ओरिएन्टल रीसर्च इन्स्टीटयुटमा सुरक्षित छ, तेना अतिजीर्ण शीर्णथएलां केटलांए पानाना फोटोमा आप्या छे.'
प्रो० ल्युमनना अथाग परिश्रम भरेला ए आखा निवन्धनो अविकल गुजराती अब कराववानो अमारो विचार चाली रह्यो छे पण कमनसीचे हजी अमने ए नियन्धनी पी मळी नथी. पूनाना भांडारकर ओ० री० इन्स्टीटयूटमांना सर भांडारकरना पुस्तकसंग्रहमांगी एना कटेलाक प्रुफसीटस् ज अमने जोवा मळ्या छे, जे प्रो०ल्यूमने डॉ०भांडारकरने, ए निबन्ध बखते, पूनानी प्रतो साये सरखावी जोवा माटे मोकल्या होय एम देखाय छे. ए संयमा प्रो० ल्युमनसाथे ज अमारो पत्रव्यवहार चाले छ जेनो सविस्तर खुलासो मळतां भापांतरनी व्यवस्था करवामां आवशे. ते दरम्यान, जेन साहित्य संशोधकना वाचकोने ए अमूल्य निबन्धनो कांस परिचय थाय तेटला माटे मजकुर प्रोफेसरे ए निबन्धमा आवश्यक नियुक्ति अने विशेषावश्यक माध्यम आवता गणधरवाद नामे विषयना उपर जे एक प्रकरण लल्यूं छे तेनो अनुवाद आपाए छाए । अनुवाद कार्यमां , मि. आर. डी. वाडेकर, बी. ए. नामना सज्जने जर्मन भाषा समजाववा माई जे सहायता अपी छे तेनी आभार साथे अमारे अहीं खास नोंध लेवी जोईए. भारत जैन विद्यालय; पूना
-मुनि जिन विजय वैशाख; संवत् १९७९ ।
-केशवलाल, प्रे. मोदी. विशेषावश्यकभाष्य अने तेनी टीकामां मळी आवतां वैदिक अने दार्शनिक अवतरणो.
आवश्यक नियुक्तिना छठ्ठा भागनी १ थी ६४ मी सुधीनी गाथाओमां गणधरवाद नामे विषय आवेलो के. एमां केवी रीते महावीरे ११ ब्राह्मणोना तत्त्वज्ञान विषयक संशयो दूर करी, शिष्यो साथे तेमने पोताना शिष्यो यनान्या एवं ट्रंक अने एक ज प्रकारनुं वर्णन आपेलु छे. अग्यारे ब्राह्मणो महावीरना मुख्य शिष्य होई गणधरो कहेवाय छे. शरुआतमा २ थी ७ सुधी गाथामां संक्षेपमा गणधरोनोटेक परिचय अने संशयात्मक विपयनी नोंध आपी के अने पछी ८ थी ६४ सुधी गाथामां तेनो ज विस्तार आपेलो छे. गाथावार हकीकत आ प्रमाणे:
२. उन्नत अने विशालकुखमा उत्पन्न थएला अग्यारे ब्राह्मण पावानामक स्थानमां सोमिन ब्रामणे आरंभेला यज्ञपाटकमां आवेला हता. ३-४. वेमनां नाम१ इन्दभूइ ६ मण्डिय
८ अकंपिय २ अग्गिभूइ ७ मोरियपुत्त
९ अयलभाय ३ वाउभूह
१० मेयज्ज ४ वियत्त
११ पहास ५ सुहम्म ५. आ अग्यारेमाथी फक्त एक सुधर्म (५मा गणधर) नीज शिष्य परंपरा आगळ चालान बाकीना कोईनो शिष्य समुदाय रह्यो नहीं.
एमाखा पुस्तकना भमे पण फोटोग्राफर पडाव्या छे. बरेखर ए प्रति एक दर्शनीय प्रति छे भने एका फोटोग्राफसूनी नकल दरेक पुस्तक मंगरा मुकवार्मा भावे एवी भामारी खास भळामण छे.

Page #65

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
अंक १]
चौथो
प्रो. ल्युमन अने आवश्यकसूत्र
[८३ ६ ट्री गाथामा क्रपथी ए अग्यारना मनमा जेज
मां क्रपथी ए अग्यारना मना जे जे बायतनो संशय हतो तनी नांध के अन ते आ प्रमाणे छे
जीव' कम्म' तज्जीव' भूय' तारिसय" बन्ध-मोक्ख य ।।
देवा' नरइया वा पुणे परलोग निव्याणे' ॥ ६ (५९६ ) ७. पहला पांचे गणधरोन ५००-५०० शिष्यो हता; ६-७ ने ३५०-३५० अने छेल्ला ४ ने ३००-३०० शिष्यो हता.
महावीर दरकन नाम गोत्र पूर्वक बोलावे छे अने पछी तेना मनना संशयनुं नाम लई, 'तूं वेदना पदोनो अर्थ जाणतो नथी, तेनो अर्थ आ प्रमाणे छ' एम एक ज प्रकारनो जवाव आप जे. गाथावार गणधरोना उल्लेख आ प्रमाणे
१७. पहेलो गणधर, जीव विषयक संशय. २५. घांजो
कर्म विषयक ३१. बीजो
तज्जीव तच्छरीर वि., ३५.
पञ्च भूत वि० ३९. पांचमो
सदृशोत्पत्ति वि० ४३. छठ्ठो
बन्ध मोक्ष वि० सातमा
देवमष्टि वि० आठमो
नरकसृष्टि वि० नवमो
पुण्य विषयक दशमो
परलोक वि० ६३. अग्यारमो , निर्वाण वि० आ अग्यारे गणधरोना मनना संशयनो महावीरे जे खुलासो कयों हतो तेनो उल्लेख मूळ नियुक्तिमा करवामां आव्यो नथी. निन्हवानी हकीकतनी पेठे ज ए हकीकत पण निर्णय वगर ज आपवामां आवली छ. चूर्णिमां फक्त पहेला गणधरना संशयनो खुलासा करवानो थोडोक प्रयत्न करवामां आव्यो छे. पण जिनभद्र आ बाबतनो घणो उत्तम विस्तार करे छे. ए विषय माटे तेमणे ४०० उपरांत गाथाओ लखी छे अने तेना विवरणमा घणी विशेष वातो आपी छ. हरिभद्रसूरि आ विवरणमांथी घणांक अवतरणो पोतानी टीकामां ले छे अने एज अवतरणो विशपावश्यक भाष्यमांना गणधरवादनी टीकाओना आधारभूत बने के. वळी हरिभद्रनी टीका उपरथी किश्चिद्गगणधरवाद नामनो पण एक प्रन्थ लखायो छ, जेमा केटलोक वधार विस्तार करवामां आवेलो होई वदनां घणां खरा अवतरणो उपरांत छठी अने ते पछी आवती गाथामांनी
कितनु पण निरूपण करेलं छे. आनी श्लोक संख्या लगभग २५० जेटली के अने पूनाना पुस्तकभंडारमा नं० १६, २९१ वाळी प्रतना २० थ
न०१६०२९१ वाळी प्रतना २०थी:२३ मा सुधीना पानाओमा ए लखेला छ. दशवकालिकनी लघुत्तिमां पण संक्षेपथी आ विषय चर्चेला छ. आ विषयने लगता जे केटलांक वैदिक अने दार्शनिक अवतरणो जिनभद्र आपेछे अने तेमनो
मानुसार करते जाणवां जवां छे. आमांनां घणां खरा अवतरणो तो तेमण फक्त
जे अर्थ जन मतानुसार कर

Page #66

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
जैन साहित्य संशोधक
[बर पोतानी टीकामा ज आपेला छः पण ते स्वोपज्ञ टीका उपलब्ध नथी तेथी हरिभदशीला हेमचन्द्र-के जेमणे ए स्वोपज्ञ टीकानो पोतानी टीकाओमां उपयोग को छे-तेमणे ए अवतार लधिला होवाथी आपणे ए टीकाओमाथी ज ते लेवानां छे. भाष्यना मळमां ज जे अवतार आपेला छेते स्वास काळा अभरोमां आपवामां आव्यां छे. बाकीनां कया टीकाकारे कयां अवतरण लोधां छे ते जुदी जुदी रीते यताववामां आव्यां छे. ए अवतरणो कया प्रन्थोमांथी लेवामां आयेला ठे तेनो काई उल्लेख टीकाकारो करता नधी. तेथी जैकवना उपनिषद्वाक्यकोप अने वीजा तेवां घेदसंबंधी पुस्तको उपरथी घणांकनां स्थळो खोळी काढवानो प्रयत्न कर्यो छे. ए तो चोकस छे के जे अवतरणो जिनभद्रे लीयां छे ते घणां प्रमाणभूत छे अने तेमना वखतना ब्राह्मणो वादविवादमा ए वाक्योनी खूब चर्चा करता होवा जाइए. ब्राह्मणोनां दर्शनशास्त्रोमा परस्पर विरुद्ध विचार दर्शावनारा ए वाक्यो उपरथी दरेक गणधरनो संशय उभो करवामां आव्यो छे. प्रसिद्ध उपनिपदोना गुळ पाठे। साथे सरखावतां ए वाक्योमा जे केटलीक भूलो नजरे पड़े छे तेनुं कारण बिनकाळजीपूर्वक एओनो उपयोग करवामां आवे ४२,५ (१५५३).
( यदाहुंनास्तिकोः ) एतावानेव पुरुषोऽयं यावानिन्द्रियगोचरः ।। भद्रे, घृकपदं पश्य यद् वदन्ति बहुश्रुताः ।। .. I पिय बाद च साधु शोभने यदतीतं वरगात्रि तन्न ते ।। न हि भीरु गतं निवर्तते, समुदयमात्रमिदं कडेवरम् ॥* .
(मट्टोऽप्याह) x आ अंक ते प्रो. ल्युमने पोताना मूळ निबन्धमा विशेषावश्यकभाष्यना जे ५ विभागो पाडया छे तेना सुचक है. एमा पहलो अंक प्रकरणने अने बीजो गाथानंबरने सूचवे छे. आ पछी जे कोसमा आकडा आपेल छे ते काशीनी यशोविजय जैनप्रन्यमाळामा प्रकट यएल सटीक विशेषावश्यकभाध्यमांनी चालू गाथासंख्या सूचवे छे. मुद्रित ग्रंथमा १५४८ मी गाथा ज्या पूरी थाय छे त्यो उक्त प्रो. ना वर्गीकरण प्रमाणे प्रथम विभाग पूरो थाय छे अने १५४९ मी गायाधी बीजो विभाग शरूयाय छे ते २०२४ मी गाथाए पो थाय छ . ए विभागमा गणधरवाद नामनो विषय आवे छे भने तेनी कुल ४७६ गाथा छे.
8-) आवा गोळ काँसमा आपेला पाठो आवश्यकसत्रनी हारिभद्री टीकामा आपवामा आवेळा नथी; तेमज [ ] आवा चौखुणा कौंसमा भापेला पाठो विशेषावश्यक भाष्यनी शीलांकाचार्यकृत टीकामा आपेला नी; एम समजबु.
+ आ अंको आवश्यकनी हारिभद्री टीकामा दरेक गणधरना माटे जे शंका-समाधानात्मक अवतरणो मापवामा आवेला हे तेनो क्रमनिर्देश सूचवे छे. एमांनो मोटो अक्षर ए गणधरनी संख्या बतावे छे अने तेनी आगळ जे नानो अक्षर ते अवतरणनी संख्या जणावे छे. Iआ चिन्हवाळा अवतरणो फक्त आवश्यक पूर्णिमा ज मळी आवे छे.
• आ बनेकोको हरिभदकृत षड्दर्शनसमुच्चयना छेवटना लोकायत प्रकरणमा, लोक ८१-८२," (मुद्रित पृ.३.१,३०४, कलकत्ता) या बीजा ठोकनो प्रथम पाद 'पिब खाद च चारुलोचने ' ा प्रमाणे छ.
२. शीलांकाचार्यनी टीकामा 'यपाहुः' पाठ . ३. शी.टी. 'एके.'४. चूर्णिमा 'एके आहुः' एटलो ज पाठ
५.विशेषावश्यकनी हेमचंद्रकृत टीकानी केटलकि प्रतोमा आना ठेकाणे लोकोऽय' पाठ छे...शा. नी फेटलीक प्रतोमा 'बदन्त्यबहुश्रुताः' पण पाठ छे.

lx For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #67

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
भैक १
प्रो. ल्युमन अने अवश्यक सूत्र
विज्ञानघन पर्वतेभ्यो भृतेभ्यः समुन्याय तान्येवानुविनश्यति, न प्रेत्य सज्ञास्ति।
- बृहदारण्यकोपनिषद् २, ४, १२.-आगळ, गाथा ३९अने १३७, नी टीकामां, (मद्रित पृष्ट ६८० तथा ७२० मां ) पण आ अवतरण आवे छ. तथा भाष्यना मूळमा, गाथा ४०२, ४१५, ४२ (मु० पृ६८१) मोआ अवतरण अनुवादित छे.
(सुगतस्त्वाह)' न रूपं भिक्षवः पुद्गल इति [ आदि ] * अन्ये त्याहुः I वासीसि जीणानि यथा विहाय नवानि गृहाति नरोऽपराणि । तथा शरीराण्यपरापराणि जहाति गृहाति च पार्थ जीवः ॥ [ ( तथा च वेदः)] न ह वै सशरीरस्य प्रियाप्रिययोरपहतिरस्ति, अशरीरं वाव सन्तं प्रियाप्रिये न स्पृशतः।
-छान्दोग्योपनिषद् ८,१२,१.-आगळ ( गाथा) ४३.१०३. २५६. ३१३ नी टीकामा (मद्रित पृष्ट ६८२.७०६. ७५९. ७७७.मा) पण आ अवतरण उदृत छे. तथा भाष्य-मूळ गाथा ३१३१ = ४६७१ (मु. पृ. ७७७. ८३१) मा आ अवतरण अनुवादित छे.
([तथा] अग्निहोत्रं जुहुयात् स्वर्गकामः) मैन्युपनिषद् ६,३६.-आगळ गाथा ४३.९५.२५२. ३३४. (मु. पृ. ६८२. ७०२.७५८. ७८४) नी टीकामा पुन: उदृत. मूळ गाथा ९२% १३६२= ३९९२ =४२२२, (मु. पृ. ७००. ७२०. ८०७. ८१४) मां अनुवादित. गाथा ३३४. (मु. पृ. ७८४ ) मा सूचित । सरखावो-हरिभदनी आवश्यकवृत्तिमा चैत्यवन्दनवृत्ति आव०५.११तथा शास्त्रवार्तासमुच्चय ६०५, वळी ए छेल्ला प्रन्यना १५७ मा श्लोकर्मा आना जेवू ज एक अवतरण छ जे तैत्तिरीयसंहिताना २ जानी आदिमा छे.
([कपिलागमे तु प्रतिपाद्यते] . अस्ति पुरुषः ) अकर्ता निर्गुणो मोक्ता (चिद्रूपः)
७. माना ठेकाणे ह. मो
तथा' पाठ ... भगवद्गीता २, २२ ( महाभारत ६,९००) मा उत्तरार्द्ध
या प्रमाणे छे:
तथा शरीराणि विहाय जीर्णान्यन्यानि संयाति नवानि देही॥ - पूर्णिमा एक बीजुं वधारे नीचे प्रमाणेनुं अवतरण छे:
काया अन्नो मुत्तो निच्चो कत्ता तहेव भोत्ता य।
तणुमेत्तो गुणवन्तो उडढ-गई वण्णिओ जीवो॥ परतावा-दशवकालिक नियुक्ति गाथा २२७ अने ते पछीनी. (मु. पृ० १२१) सूत्रहतांग १,१,१-१४ नी टीकामा शीलांकाचाय
७१,१-१४ नी टीकामा शीलांकाचार्य तथा चोकं करीने आ अवतरण नीचे प्रमाणे
Ixi For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #68

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
[ खंड २
२,३३(१५८.).
जैन साहित्य सशाधक [ नीलविज्ञान में उत्पन्नमासात् ] सर खायो-सर्वदर्शनसंग्रा प.
१९,७-१० (एक एव हि भूतात्मा भूते भूते प्रतिष्ठितः । एकथा यहुधा चैव दृश्यते जलचन्द्रवत् ।।
-प्रबिन्दु-उपनिषत् १२. यशस्तिलक चम्पू, आभास ६, कल्प १. (पृ.२७॥ निर्णयसागर )
यथाविशद्धमाकाशं तिमिरोपप्लुतो जनः । सस्कोर्णमिव मात्राभिभिन्नाभिरभिमन्यते ।। तथेदममलं ब्रह्म निर्विकल्पमविद्यया । कलुषत्वमिवापन्नं भेदरूपं प्रकाशते । "ऊर्ध्वमूलमधःशाखमश्वत्थं प्राहुरव्ययम् । छन्दांसि यस्य पर्णानि यस्तं वेद स वेदवित् ॥" -भगवद्गीता १५-१; ( महाभारत ६-१३८३.) पुरुष एवेदं निं : सर्व यद् भूतं यच्च भाव्यं ।" उतामृतत्वस्येशानो यदन्ननातिरोहति ॥ -वाजसनेयी सहिता ३१, २. श्वेताश्वतरोपनिषद् -१५...
अकर्ता निर्गुणो भोक्ता आत्मा सांख्यनिदर्शने । स्याद्वादमारी, लोक १५ मा मल्लिषेण आखो श्लोक आ प्रमाणे आपे छ:
अमूर्तश्चेतनो भोगी नित्यः सर्वगतोऽत्रियः।
अकर्ता निर्मुणः सूक्ष्म आत्मा कापिलदर्शने ॥ (बनारस, यशोविजय जैन ग्रन्थमाला, पृ. १११ षड्दर्शनसमुच्चयनी टीकामा गुणरत्न पण आ श्लोक उध्दत करे छे. (जुओ कलकत्ता आवृत्ति, पृ.१०५)। बळी सरसावो-पदर्शनसमुच्चय, मूळ श्लोक ४१.
१. ब्रह्मविन्दूपनिषद् ( आनन्दाश्रम मुद्रित, पृ. ३३८) मां बांजो पाद भूते भूते व्यवस्थितः' आ प्रमाणे छे, अने यशस्तिलक चम्मू ( निर्णयसागर-मुद्रित, पृ. २७३-उत्तर भाग ) मां बीजा अने प्रीजा पादनो पाठ-दहे। देहे व्यवस्थितः । एकथानेकधा चापि आ प्रमाणे छे. वळी, शीलांकाचार्यनी आचारोगसून टीका (भागमदिर मामिति मुद्रित, पृ.१८) अने सूत्रकृतांग सूत्र टीका ( आ. स. मु.पृ.१९) मा पण आ श्लाक उध्दृत छे. ११. उपनिषद्मा ' भव्यं' पाठ उपलब्ध थाय छे.
प्रो. स्यूमन आ शब्द उपर एक नांचे प्रमाणेनी खास नोंध करे छ: “केटलाक प्रसिद्ध उपनिषदोमायी बन विद्वानोए लीधेला आ अवतरणो सेकाओ मुधी बहु ध्यान संचाया. वगर ज लखाता आवतो हा अने। थी जैनोए करेली तेमनी नोंघा स्वभाविकराते ज केटलीक भलो थएली छे. उदाहरण तरा २१ मार्नु नि तथा ७२र्नु अवतरण."-आमांना प्रथम निं शब्द ऊपरनी नोटमा ते लखे छ के-" वर्तमानमा वैदिक वाध्ययना हस्तलिखित प्रन्योमा अनुस्वार माटे जे चिन्ह वपराय छे, ते ८ मा सैका अगर तना ५ निं अक्षर जे दखातुं हशे अने तेयी वैदिक चिन्हयी अजाण एवा जैन प्रन्यकारोए तेने एक खास शब्द मानी लावला छ. अने तेथी तेमणे 'पुरुष एवेदं सर्व'ए असल वाक्यमा मिं शब्द वधारी 'द'ना 'द उपर बीजो अनुस्वार । दीयो होय एम जणाय छ." प्रो. ल्युमननी मा नोंध अमने जरा विचारणीय लागे छे. लिपिमेदना ज्ञानना मना एवी भूलो यवी जोके घणी संभक्ति मात्र ज नथी पण मुज्ञात छे. दाखला तरीके जैन लिपिमा ग

Page #69

अंक १]
२२
२,५० ( १५९८ ), १६
Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
२,९५ ( १६४३ ).

ल्युमन अने आवश्यक सूत्र
यदेजति यन्नेजति यद्दूरे यद्वान्तिके । यदन्तरस्य सर्वस्य यदु सर्वस्यास्य वाह्यतः ॥ १२ - वाजसनेयी संहिता ४०, ५.
प्रो.
[49
[ तथा ] श्रुतौ [ अपि ] उक्तं
अस्तमिते आदित्ये याज्ञवल्क्य चन्द्रमस्यस्तमिते शान्तेऽग्नौ शान्तायां याचि किंज्योतिरेवायं पुरुषः ? 'आत्मज्योतिः सम्राडि 'ति होवाच ।
( स सर्वविद् यस्यैवा महिमा भुवि दिव्ये । ब्रह्मपुरे ह्येष व्योम्न्यात्मा सुप्रतिष्ठितः ॥ '
-मुण्डकोपनिषद् २, २५. पूर्वा तमक्षरं वेदयतेऽथ यस्तु स सर्वज्ञः सर्ववित् सर्वमेवाविवेश ॥ १४ - प्रश्नोपनिषक, ४, ११. उत्तराधे. एकया पूर्णाहुत्या सर्वान् कामानवाप्नोति । -सरखावो, तै० प्रा० ३, ८, १०, ५.
१५
बदले घणा भागे जूना लहिआओ 'प्र
आवा रूपम लखता. ए रूपने बराबर न समजवायी प्रो. वेबरे बर्लिन लाईरीना म्येनुस्क्रिप्टस् केटलॉगमां समुग्गय जेवी शब्दोनी रोमन जोडणी : ' Samugrya ' आवी खोटी करी घणो घोटाको उभो कयौं छे. एवी जरीते बीजा विद्वानोना हाये प भ्रम थई शके ते स्पष्ट छे. पण अमने अहिं बीजी रीते ए नाध विचारणीय लागे छे; अने ते ए छे के आवश्यकटीका कर्ता हरिभद्रसूरिने वैदिक साहित्य के तेना संकेतथी अपरिचित मानी शकाय तेम नथी. कारण के ते पोते जैन दीक्षा लीधा पहेला जातिए ब्राह्मण भने विद्याए सर्वशास्त्र निष्णात हता, ए सुविश्रुत छे. अने जो ते बात बाजुए मूकिए तो पण तेमणे जुदा जुदा दर्शनो अने मतोना विषयमा जे अनेकानेक अपूर्व अने गहन प्रन्थो लख्या छे; तेमज सांख्य, वेदांत, न्याय, मीमांसा आदि वैदिक संप्रदायोनी जे खूब सूक्ष्म रीते आलोचना- प्रत्यालोचना करी छे ते जोतां स्पष्ट जणाय छे के तेओ बेद, ब्राह्मण, सूत्र, स्मृति भने उपनिषदोना घणा ऊंडा अभ्यासी अने ज्ञाता हता. तेथी तेमना जेवा विद्वान् आबा आबाल - प्रसिद्ध अनुस्वारना चिन्हने न समजी शके अने तेने कांई बीजुं ज कल्पी ले, ए मानवुं बिल्कुल अशक्य छे. हरिभद्रसूरि आ शब्दने 'मिं' कहे छे अने एने वाक्यालंकार रूपे उक्त वाक्यमां वपराएलो लखे छे. ( मिमिति वाक्यालंकारे – आवश्यकसूत्र, आ. स. पू. २४४) वर्तमान उपनिषदोमां पण पाठ-मेद अने पाठ-फेर क्यां ओछ बा के जेयी आपणे जैन विद्वानोना आवा पाठान्तरोने एकदम भ्रमोत्पन कही शकिए.
१२. ईशावास्योपनिषद्मां पण आ श्रुति आवेली छे भने त्यो 'यद्' ना ठेकाणे सर्वल 'तद्' पाठ मळे छे. १३. उपलब्ध उपनिषद्मा वर्तमान पाठ आ प्रमाणे छे:
यः सर्वशः सर्वविद्यस्यैष महिमा भुवि । दिव्ये ब्रह्मपुरे ह्येष व्योम्न्यास्मा प्रतिष्ठितः ॥ १४. वर्तमान पाठ आ प्रमाणे
. आ. उप. ४, ३, ६, आमोना केटलाक वाक्यो एज उपनिषत्ना ४, ३, २ मी पण आवे छे. भाग्यनी मूळ गाया २, ५० मां पण आ अवतरण अनुवादित छे.
तदक्षरं वेदयते यस्तु सोम्य स सर्वज्ञः सर्वमेवाविवेशेति ।
रिभद्रसूरि शास्त्रवार्तासमुच्चय, ६२४, मां पण आ अवतरणो सूचबेल छे ( मुद्रित पृ० ३८५) १५. हरिभद्रसूरिए पोतानी ललितविस्तरा नामे चैत्यवन्दनवृत्ति ५-११ ( मुद्रित ४० १११) मा पण भा अवतरण उरेल छे. तैत्तिरीय ब्राह्मण ३, ४, १०, ५, मां भाने मळती हकीकतनो आ प्रमाणे उल्लेख आषेको छ।
lxiii

Page #70

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka literature
८८] जैन साहित्य संशोधक
[खेर एप वः प्रथमो यज्ञो योऽग्निष्टोमः, योऽनेनानिप्दवाऽन्येन यजते, गर्तमभ्यपतत् ।
- ताज्यमहाब्राह्मण १६, १, २. द्वादश मासाः संवत्सरो
-तै० सं० ५, २, ५. ५. अग्निरुष्योअम्मिहिमस्य भेषज-10
- वा० स० सं० २३, १०=० सं०७,४,१८,२. २,१.१ (१६४९). ३२
सत्येन लभ्यस्तपसा ह्येप
ब्रह्मचर्येण नित्यम् । ज्योतिर्मयो हि शुद्धो
यं पश्यन्ति धीरा यतयः संयतात्मानः ॥ १८ -मुण्ड० उ० ३, १, ५. हेमचन्द्र वळी २, १३७ मी गाथानी टीकामा पण आ
अवतरण टोके छे. २, १२६ ( १६७४).
(एक विज्ञानसन्ततयः सत्त्वाः । [ यत् सत् तत् सर्व क्षणिकम् ])
([क्षणिकाः सर्वसंस्काराः ])२°-मा वाक्य मभयदेवरिए भगवती सूत्रनी टीका ३०, १ मां तथा मलयगिरिए नन्द्रिसुत्रनी टीकामा पण
टाकलं थे. वळी जुओ षड्दर्शनसमुच्चयनी गुणरत्नकृत टीका १. २,१४१ (१६८९), स्वप्नोपमं वै सकलमित्येप ब्रह्मविधिरञ्जसा विज्ञेयः ।
यावा पृथिवी। पृथिवी देवता [ आपो देवता]--शीलांकाचार्य आ अवतरण मा
पछीनी गाथामा आपे छे. २,२१४ (१७७२ ).५१ पुरुपो वै पुरुषत्वमथुते, पशवः पशुत्वम् । -हेमचंद्र मा अवतरण
यो दीक्षामतिरेचयति । सप्ताहं प्रचरन्ति । सप्त वैशीर्षण्याः प्राणाः । प्राणा दीक्षा । प्राणैरेव प्राणां दीक्षामवरुन्थे। पूर्णाहुतिमुत्तमा जुहोति । सर्व वै पूर्णाहुतिः । सर्वमेवाप्नोति । अथो इयं वै पूर्णाहुतिः । अस्यामेव प्रतितिष्ठति ।
१६.भानु वाक्य वा प्रमाणे छे:-'द्वादश मासाः संवत्सरः संवत्सरेणैवास्या अग्नं पचति यदमिचित् ।' १७. पूर्व अवतरण आ प्रमाणे-'सूर्य एकाकी चरति चन्द्रमा जायते पुनः । अमिर्हिमस्य भेषजं भूमिरावपन महत। १७. उपनिषदमा उपलब्ध पाठ बाप्रमाणे छे
सत्येन लभ्यस्तपसा घेष आत्मा सम्यग्ज्ञानेन ब्रह्मचर्येण नित्यम् ।
अन्तः शरीरे ज्योतिर्मयो हि शुत्रो यं पश्यन्ति यतयः क्षीणदोषाः ॥ १९. प्रष्टव्य-चन्नप्रभसारकृत प्रमेयरत्नकोष ८, पृ. ३० ।-महापण्डित रत्नकीर्तिकृत क्षणभागसिद्धिप्रकरण (बिब्लिओयिका इण्डिका) पृ० ५४, मा आ वाक्य 'यत् सत् तत् क्षणिकम् ' आ प्रमाणे छे. वळी, जुओ रत्नप्रभात रत्नाकरावतारिका परिच्छेद ५.(यशोविजय जैनप्रन्थमाला मुद्रित, पृ० ७६) २०. एआखोलोक आ प्रमाणे छे
क्षणिकाः सर्व संस्कारा भस्थितानां कुतः क्रिया । भूतिया क्रिया सैव कारक व बोच्यते॥
Ixiv For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #71

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
प्रो. ल्युमन अने आवश्यक सूत्र.
क१]
२,२५२-चालू गाथा १८००-मापण आपे छे. शगालो वै एप जायते यः सपुरापो दह्यते ।
आ अवतरण वळ आगळ २, २५२-चालू गाथा १८००-.
नीटीकामा माये छे तथा मूळ भाष्य २, २५२ मा पण सुचितो . २, २५२ ( १८०० ). [( अग्निष्टोमेन यमराज्यसभिजयति । )]
-मैयुपनि० ६, ३६. २, २५६ ( १८०४ ). ६ स एप विगुणो विभुन बद्धयते संसरति वा,
न मुच्यते गोचयति वा । -सरखाबो सांख्यकारिका ६२. न वा एप वाह्यमभ्यन्तरं वा वेद ।।
-सरखावो, बृहदारण्यकोपनिषद् ४, ३, २१. २,३१८ (१८६६ )... स एप यज्ञायुधी यजमानोऽञ्जसा स्वर्गलोकं गच्छति ।
- शतपथ ब्राह्मण १२, ५, २, ८. वळी शीलांकाचार्य आगळ २,४०३चालू गाथा १९५१-नी टीकामां पण आ अवतरण ले छे.
अपाम सोनाम् , अमृता अभूम, अगमन् ज्योतिः, अविदाम देवान् । किं नूनसस्मान् तृणवदरातिः,
किमु धर्तिरमृत मर्त्यस्य । ऋग्वेद संहिता ८, ४८, ३, तथा अथर्वशिरा उपनि० ३.२१
[ को जानाति मायोपमान् गीर्वाणान् इन्द्र-यम-वरुण-कुबेरादीन ? -बी २, ३३४-चालू गाथा १८८२-नी टीकामा पण आ
अवतरण छे. २, ३३५ ( १८८३). ( उक्थ-पोडाश-प्रभृति-ऋतुभिः यथाश्रुति यम-सोम-सूर्य-सुर
मुरुस्वाराज्यानि जयति ।
-रखायो, मैत्र्युपनिषद्, ६, ३६. अहीं मूळ भाप्यमान आ अवतरण अनुवादित छे. २२
[(इन्द्र आगच्छ मेधातिथे मेपवृषण)] -तैत्तिरीय आरण्यक १,१२,३; शतपथ ब्राह्मण ३,३, ४, १८.(आर्छ वाक्य
आ प्रमाणे--'इन्द्रागच्छ हरिव आगच्छ मेधातियः । मेष वृषणस्य मेने।) २. ३३७ (१८८७)..
[नारको वे एप जायते यः शूद्रान्नमश्नाति । २१. उपनिषदा वर्तमान पाठ नीचे प्रमाणे छेअपाम सोमममृता अभूमागन्म ज्योतिरविदाम देवान् । मस्मान्कृणवदरातिः किम ध्रातरमतं मर्यच(--आनन्दाश्रममुद्रित, पृ०१०)
तना नीचे प्रमाणे उखमळे-अमिहोत्रं जहयात्स्वर्गकामो यमराज्यमामिष्टोकनामि साम्य पाउथिना, खाराज्यमतिरात्रण, प्राजापत्यमासहससंवत्सरान्त ऋतुति। आनन्दाश्रम
२३. उपनिषदमा या बाबतना नाचे प्रम बात सोमराज्यमुक्येन, सयराज्य पाडावना,

Page #72

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
[खंड
९०]
जैन साहित्य संशोधक न ह वै प्रेत्य नरक नारकाः सन्ति ॥]
(नाञ्जितानि नयनानि मृगाानानां २, ३६० ( १९०८).
को वा करोति विविधाङ्गरुहान् मयूरान् । कश्वोत्पलेषु दलसन्निचयं करोति को वा दधाति विनयं कुलजेपु पुस्मु ।) सरसावो, अश्वघोषकृत बुद् चरित, कॉवेट संपादित पृ. ७७. पुण्यः पुण्येन [ ( ाणा ) पापः पापेन कर्पणा ]
-वृह • आ०१०४, ४, ५.हेमचंद्रसूरि आ अवतरण २,९५-चाद
गाथा १६४३-नी टीकामा ले छे. २, ४०३ (१९५१). १२५०२ सवै अयमाला ज्ञानमयः ।-वृ० आ० उ० ४, ४, ५. २, ४२६ ( १९७४ ) १११ जरापर्य वा एतत्सर्व यदग्निहोत्रम् ।
ते. आ. १०,६४.महा. ना. उप० २५.वळी हेमचन्द्र गाथा २,४७५-चाल गा. २०२३-नी टीकामा पण आ अवतरण ले छे
द्वे ब्रह्मणी [ वेदितव्ये ] परमपरं च [तत्र पर सत्यम्; ज्ञान पनन्तरं ब्रह्म] -सरखावो, मैन्युपनिषद् ६, २२;= ब्रह्मबिन्दूपनिषद् १७.
(सैपा गुहा दुरवगाहा ) २, ४२७ (१९७५). (यथाहुः [सौगतविशेषाः केचित् तद् यथा]
दीपो यथा निर्वृति सभ्युपेतो नैवावनिं गच्छति नान्तरिक्ष ।
२३. हेमचन्द्रसूरि,गाथा१६४३नी टीकामां, आ पद्यगत भावने जगावनारा नीचे प्रमागेना त्रण श्लोको आपे ठे
सर्वहेतुनिराशंसं भावानां जन्म वर्ण्यते । स्वभावादिभिस्ते हि नाहुः स्वमाप कारणम् ।। राजीवकण्टकादीनां वैचित्र्य कः करोति हि । मयुरचन्द्रिकादिर्वा विचित्रः केन निर्मितः॥
कादाचित्कं यदत्रास्ति निःशेषं तदहेतुकम् । यथा कण्टकतैयादि तथा चैते सुखादयः ॥ -सूत्रकृतागसूत्रनी टीकामां शीलांकाचार्य (मुद्रित पृ० २१ आ. स.) आवी ज मतल पवाको एक अन्य लोक आपे छे
कण्टकस्य च तीक्ष्णत्वं, मयूरस्य विचित्रता । वर्णाश्च ताम्रच्दाना, स्वभावेन भवन्ति हि ॥ २४. आचारागसूत्रनी टीकामां शीलांकाचार्य (आ. स. मु. पृ.१७) आ उपरना पद्यनी साये अश्वघोषवार्छ पद्य तथा एक त्रीजु पण अन्य पद्य आपे छे. यथा
'कः कण्टकाना प्रकरोति तैश्यं विचित्रभावं मृगपक्षिणां च ।
स्वभावतः सर्वमिदं प्रवृत्त, न कामचारोऽस्ति कुतः प्रयत्नः॥' वुद्धचरित. ९-५२) स्वभावतः प्रवृत्तानां निवृत्तानो स्वभावतः । नाहं कति भूताना, यः पश्यति स पश्यति ॥
-शान्त्याचार्य उत्तराध्ययन सूत्र अध्ययन २५ मानी टीकामा आ अने बाजा केटलोक अवतरणो (उदाहरणार्थ मगर द्गीता १८४२) उदत करेला छेतेमज आवी ज जातना बीजा पण केटलांक अवतरणो (उदाहरणार्य-महानारावा पनिषद १०,५, कैवल्य उ०२; अने वाजसनेयी संहिता ३१,१८=श्वेताश्वतरोपनिषत् ३,८) तेमणे अध्ययन १, गाथा ११-१५ नी टीकार्मा आपेला छे.
Ixvi For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #73

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
अंक १]
प्रो.ल्युमन अने आवश्यकसूत्र. दिशं न काश्चिद् विदिशं न काश्चित् स्नेहश्श्यात् केवलति शांतिम् । जीवस्तथा निवृतिपभ्युपेता नेवावनि गच्छति नान्तरिक्ष । दिशं न काञ्चिद विदिशं न काञ्चित् क्लेशश्श्यात् केवळमेति शांतिम् ।।
- यशस्तिलक चम्पू ६, १ मां पण आ श्लोको अपेला छे. पण त्य
चरणव्यातिकम थएलो नजरे पडे छे. एक अवतरण वळी आवेलु छ ज ऊपरना १' वाळा अवतरण साथे संबन्ध धरावन होग नेस जणाय छे, अने हेमचन्द्रना लखवा उपरथी ते काइ उपनिपनी टीका पांगें (उदा० बृहदारज्यक उपनिपद) होय तेस मालुप्न पडे छे. जिनभद्र गळां ते आ प्रमाण नोंधे छ.
४०. गोयम, वेय-पयाणं इमाणमत्थं च तं न याणासि।
जं विनाणघणोच्चिय भूएहिंनो समुत्थाय ॥ ४१. मन्नास मज्जंगेसु व मयभावो भूय-समुदय-भूओ।
विनाणमत्तं आया भूए ऽणु विणस्सइ स भूओ॥ ४२. अस्थि न य पेचसन्ना जं पुत्वभवेऽभिहाणं 'असुगो त्ति।
जंभणियं न भवाओ भवन्तरं जाइ जीवो ति।। ठेवटनी गाथासांना वाक्य उपर हेमचन्द्र आ प्रमाणे टीका करे छ-'किमिह वाक्ये तात्पर्यवृत्त्या प्रोक्तं भवति-इत्याह-सर्वथात्मनः समुत्पद्य विनष्टत्वात् न भवान्तां कोऽपि यातीत्युक्तं भवति ।' ज्यारे शीलांक पोतानी इसेशनी विरल-व्याख्यापद्धति प्रमाणे एटलं ज लवे छे के-एवं न भवाद् भवान्तरमस्तीत्युक्तं भवति ।
विशेषावश्यक २, २२६ मां वनस्पति अने प्राणी विद्या संबंधी अन्धविश्वास सूचवनारां एक -चे अवतरणो आवे छे, ते पण हुं आनी पूरवणी रूपे अही नोंधी लेवा इच्छु छु. ए अवतरणोनो विपय, सदृशमांथी सदृशनी ज उत्पत्ति थई शके, एवो कोई निया नथी; ए छे एना उपर टीकःकार खूब विवेचना करी छे. ए अवतरण वाळी गाथाओ आप्रमागे छे:
२२६. जाइ सरो संगाओ भूतणओ सासवाणुलित्तायो।
संजायइ गोलोमाविलोम-संजोगओ दुठवा ॥ २२७. इति रुक्लाउव्वेदे. जोणिविहाणे य विसरिसेहितो।
दीसह जम्हा जम्मं, सुधम्म, तं नायमेगन्तो॥ सरखावो, पंचतन्त्र श्लोक १, १०७. ए ठेकाणे कविसंप्रदायनी पद्धति बाद करतां ऊपरना
समाळा अवतरणमांनी त्रीजी हकीकतनो उल्लेख करेलो छे-जेलके 'दुवो पि गोलोपतः। आ अवतरणमांनी पहेली हकीकत के 'शृगमाया
माना पहली हकीकत के 'शृंगमांथी शर उत्पन्न थाय छेतेनो उल्ले व वाताना रूपमा
कयामा आवे छे. त्यां जणाव्या प्रमाणे एक शवनी खोपरी, आंख अने मोढामांथी गा नाकळ्या हवा. आगाथामांजे योनिविधान शब्द आवेलो छ तेनो अर्थ टीका
अन्धविश्वासवाळा अवतरणमांनी त्राजा
एक प्रत्येकबुद्धनी कथामां आवे छे. त्या जणा वांसना त्रण फणगा नीकळ्या हता. आ कारे लख्या प्रमाणे 'योनिप्राभूत'अन ए २६६, तथा २१, १२४२ मा नोंधलो छे.
छ अने ए नाप एक प्रन्यन के जे पूनाना केटलॉगमां नं० १६,

Ixvii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #74

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
X. Illustrations
Ernst Leumann (1859-1931): from Wilhelm Rau, Bilder 135 Deutscher Indologen. 2. Erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage von "Bilder Hundert Deutscher Indologen", Wiesbaden, 1982. - Another similar picture is available in R.N. Sardesai, Picturesque Orientalia. Being A Collection of 103 Photos of the eminent Indologists - living and dead - of the West. Compiled with a short description on each photo, Poona, Oriental Book Agency, 1938.
Ernst Leumann surrounded by a group of students, Freiburg, Summer Semester 1928. Standing (from left to right): Fujita (from Wakayama), M.A. Shahidullah (University of Dacca; he met Leumann in Freiburg but studied under Sylvain Lévi in Paris where the book Textes pour l'étude du bouddhisme tardif. Les chants mystiques de Kānha et de Saraha which was the outcome of his thesis was published in 1928), Cabot (Boston, U.S.A.) Stadtmüller (Bürstadt, Hessen). Seated on Leumann's right side, Kimmig (Peterstal, Baden).
Ixviii For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #75

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
Page 6 of the original German edition of Übersicht über die Avasyaka-Literatur, Hamburg, 1934.
C
liewe
KHAI
dan
be It will be
de Real
estat HANNky Video
e Telif hakimi TIL harika hy yarati hariyayar por
uldu prolaj
sa baita * BIT aku dia pendent a l de B I. 2. 3.
TII Voubliau 4. T etate trophe 1 star in BV
19. Fati rthakare Von K e v ielislebl well spachon in IX a ingestellt
V
. 1st), மலம் bar olabar ரமாம் is
S V unterscheidet deb Apr der St Sail: radi.
a r Birakai's Aradhan 16
D a
t ons d ie Yamaha troben deinde yie mit deel leichthutendwatero (X) in Kriyik.
1 i e Tate identisch ist (
V Jabea webbesat und alle vierten Zellen Weiselivind. D
X ), a sh Audio and berastiuman, 80 erwartet wa s
die erste Schlussstreplant
Stolles dieselbe sel Nun wird in der That is des kule kulle
kola viklyase Wel Padmanaadimi
Bhakti-Serie dureh die Hiddha-bloketi sagle nidib
; alles bei der
bilderten Sachiye Karin die Anordnung nekt yabia
.labhyata yamekat bhagati yab
pride
Wahl v orliegenden Fall die Siddhabiti vidur des radmeprabhadevanimitam dan terup janm ... VI. Sard, 15
arbit dak gere
sie auch in Kriyak. B den lange )MA. VII. 24 Vas Grersiti, der Feileach an die 24 Prophetes sperichtet. Sard.
la u n Test sind die Takti-Parties für die Beleht Unterbri Derandi krtir ity akan khan cakram dan
gemacht nad vurtir deshalb das erspringliche Schema ta) VII d. Vis, 5 BL.
sa gobt midden vier Theilen desselben eine Githayati teb e
E l dine IX. Pithet, 20 Skodl.
Pro-Zusta vorin ( G); ach and is de le
Beicbiformeln (= P.) angefügt. Das normale schemes wird De Sravakal'ralikramass die Lain-Beicht ist vorlaufig nur sechstheiliges bestellend w G. 1-4, Ir. in der Rec D r Hand. Die Skrin hildet nlimlich R 360*, gelit also
die erste B
des Beci
.
Die Avasyaka-Theile I
III sammt der zu III gehörenden Tradition.
B
Av. II) log
w
indmi mi
42
Der erste Thul, ni Globde mit dem Namen Sanaya (kayika), maskira) den vid namo da sprache und sie mit den Worten itet in Teata ebersetung:
we akaruniam primum ammam rum Sämäsya carica verpflichtete . Dubbinte Swat
bar bat der Verfasser der Stelle bereits de Pananamaskara als Einleitung - in ana mahe
zum Avakyaka gekant. Die Stelle ist versificirt in Ar-airy. I 337. a si na kure Na Koiralarda p .
Der zweite Theil des Āva yaku-satra ist ein Hyenas auf die 24 Propbeten de phil l i garškini upisom voniram
>> und heisst deshalb Caturvimsnti-stava.
Av. II) logwa vifoyagare itham -titthamlare in Idk was Blondes, du Sty: All Ta b erdamme ich critid
arahande liderinimi murrison pi kevali 11 tretinol denfarbe
W e in Gedanken, das in Worten, der in Werle, Timbum 1 Ajiyan 2 orando Sambo AMananlanama mich mich n ich jemanden them, nicht
Pamaham 6 Supisay 7 jan on Candappahom 8 male billige som Jonunda thu
Surin er upphad.tape 9 Siyala 10 Seapisa 11
V
1 2 Sen . Erwinde bir hadle schelde und laste ich mich
Vimali 13 Anfant 14 eu inam Dhima 15 Santi 16 cm Is Geldde it in As ( 2 ) land gemildertes lautet da
Kun 17 Aram 18 : Mollim 19 rande Manisayam 20 Nawapan 21 F19 kad bhare Son
randomartphone 22 Page 23 taka Vaddhammam 24 34 jogu pobjedu
vagt mae abhithya biya-raya-mala pahina jarra du ti wa n yolesam. karem vir
*cautat pe mari ditthayani se siguintus me pagamos gerinimui
leittaya-candiya-mahiya jo e logasat utama iddi Also it weg statt dela heisst es solange ich die Ein
Trogga-bahilabham samararam uttanam den ng keren als chaid wind tur das Thund Veranlassen,
canden uimalayari asocesu akiyam paysayan
a disast nici
? de B e
sigara.cara gembira siddha ilkint yom Twel werthem empfunden. Olabar liegt da und die Continuare beste mes de dis Lalenfassung des 8
1. Die crust mit Licht die Welt erfullten, nyika Gelades u t Text filet denn auch gewöhnlich, wie olen
ale sigreich sie den Glauben lehrten, gw die Laeo-Beehte (des Breakarating stra)
die Hockerhamen vill ich priem, Die Digambarangan lantet
die werundamziy Eros ". (v.) are the Son
24. Ich werekre (sie alle: சாலை விபற்று amaithin
so ) . Raha (8) Swidhi upada (4) 13. a way to
rent t amarantam
3. Ajila
3. Bitala N .
2. Sambhava 1. Brnya a Munte pafili i garanti apimas,
4. Ainda 1. Palangoje Pa p a in ra pan M Swah
n. Na duceri on
*Padinaprallus 16 A
. Are Die Formel att möglicherweise Verickung na Av. I and
* Supra 1 Daarma
Pre . so eine Combustion der mit der Liefasstang war Candraprabhai Santa
Nand In der ist de d ades infall det pleiche wie in der eingliches Fang beber det bertsige sex wit per ferent scheint
Die Watc h the wie Beschaft mit der Parallell Aw.t's die peut bietet,
De Verang dan varrat
Bless you for
w Derana mtu. V we fe
a s e eine andere Wading
& als Mereples in der wher
e e des Work
It Wor e inden de Ski -Gebde llegt vor der Nahin
de Niy
9 tape d e al 15, Man hat die wat infolge wine # 104. IT 671
0 NW
106 geistliche Loftshe bege, inden fase di Blichen Puci
Adesivo
Bebe peop
C are the
TA , 851
one. We dan
where het weer
w
he SDK DE
w Waren
is Are
ME M
Ixix For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #76

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
બુધ્ધ અને મહાવીર
ભારતના બે ધર્મસ્થાપકા
વિક્રમ સ. ૧૯૮૧)

ધો. અસ્ત લામાન લિખિત
જમન નિધ ઉપન્થી
અનુવાદ કરનાર
નરસિંહભાઇ ઘરભાઇ પટેલ પાટીદાર મંદિર, દ
પ્રકાશક
જૈન સાહિત્ય સથેધક કાર્યાલય,
સ્થાન: ભારત જૈન વિદ્યાલય, ના સીટી.
પ્રથમાવૃત્તિ.
[ ઈ. સ. ૧૯૨૫
તરંગવતી
અર્થાત
ભગવાન શ્રી મહાવીરદેવના શાસનની એક સાધ્વીની
હૃદયંગમ અને આદશત
આત્મકથા.
મૂળકર્તા: પાલિસાચા
વિક્રમ સ. ૧૯૮૦, આવૃત્તિ વી.
પ્રાકૃતમાં
મો. સાયમેનના જમના અનુવાદ ઉપરથી ગુજરાતી કરનાર નરસિહભાઈ ઈશ્વરભાઈ પટેલ.
સાન્તિનિકેતન.
ચોપકર્તા: મિચંદ્ર ગણિ.
બ્રાસ
બબલ કેશવલાલ કે. ગાદી. હાપરેલની પાળ [સ ૯ સ્વાધીન.. કીશુ. ૧૨-૦
Title page of the Gujarati translation of Buddha und Mahāvīra. Title page of the Gujarati translation of Die Nonne (Tarangavai).
lxx
આ બીર–સાશન પ્રિન્ટીંગ પ્રેસમાં" . કેશવલાલ લખાજીએ કું ૉ. નુપુર, કાળાગાળ
અમદાવાદ. સને ૧૯૨૪.

Page #77

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
References
Balbir 1993: Nalini Balbir, Āvašyaka-Studien. Introduction générale et Traductions, F.
Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, 1993 (Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien herausgegeben vom Institut für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens und Tibets and der Universität
Hamburg 45,1). Balbir 1998: refers to the introduction to Leumann, Kleine Schriften (see below). Balbir, Sheth, Tripathi 2006: Nalini Balbir, Kanhailal V. Sheth, Kalpana K. Sheth,
Candrabhal Bh. Tripathi, Catalogue of the Jaina Manuscripts at the British Library, the Victoria & Albert Museum and the British Museum, London, The
British Library, The Institute of Jainology, 2006, 3 vols and a CD. Balbir (in the press): Nalini Balbir, “Exploring Early Jain Exegesis" in Formes et
usages du commentaire dans le monde indien. Actes du colloque international
tenu à Pondichéry en février 2005. Bhatt 1978: Bansidhar Bhatt, The Canonical Niksepa. Studies in Jaina Dialectics.
Leiden: Brill, 1978 (Indologia Berolinensis 5). Bruhn 1998: “Bibliography of Studies Connected with the Avaśyaka-Commentaries”,
pp. 119-136 in Plutat 1998. Butzenberger 1989: Klaus Butzenberger, Beiträge zum Problem der personalen
Identität in der indischen Philosophie. Die jinistischen Beweise für die Existenz eines jīva im Višeşāvasyakabhāsya. Inauguraldissertation ...
München. Dhaky, Madhusudan A., “Arya Bhadrabāhu”, in Jambū-jyoti (Munivara Jambūvijaya
Festschrift), ed. M.A. Dhaky, J.B. Shah, Ahmedabad, Shresthi Kasturbhai
Lalbhai Smarak Nidhi, 2004, pp. 108-155. Folkert, Kendall W., Scripture and Community. Collected Essays on the Jains. Edited
by John E. Cort, Scholars Press, Atlanta, 1993. Guérinot, A., 1906: Essai de bibliographie jaina. Répertoire analytique et méthodique
des travaux relatifs au jaïnisme avec planches hors-texte. Paris: Ernest Leroux,
1906. Jacobi, Hermann, Kleine Schriften. Herausgegeben von Bernhard Kölver, Franz
Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden, 1970, 2 volumes (Glasenapp-Stiftung Band 4,1). · Janert, Klaus Ludwig, 1965: An Annotated Bibliography of the Catalogues of Indian
Manuscripts, Part I, Franz Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden, 1965 (Verzeichnis der
Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Supplementband 1). Jolly, Julius, 1899, Georg Bühler 1837-1898. Strassburg, 1899 (Grundriss der Indo
Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, I. Band, 1. Heft, A.). Kapadia, Descr. Cat.: Hiralal Rasikdas Kapadia, Descriptive Catalogue of the
Government Collections of Manuscripts deposited at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, 1916-. In particular in the present context: vol.
XVII 3(a), 1940, Agamika literature. Leumann, Ernst, Unvergessene, gestorben in den Jahren 1891-1908. Lebensdaten,
Bilder und Beileidbriefe, Strassburg i. E., 1909, 88 pages [This little known publication contains brief portraits of people dear to Leumann's heart, whether
they were family members, friends or scholars). Leumann, Ernst, Kleine Schriften. Herausgegeben von Nalini Balbir, Franz Steiner
Verlag, Stuttgart, 1998 (Glasenapp-Stiftung Band 37). Malvania Dalsukh D., Doshi Bechardas J. 1966-1968: Ācārya Jinabhadra's
Višeşāvaśyakabhāsya with auto-commentary (vol. I-II) and with
Ixxi

Page #78

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka literature
Śrīkotyāryavādigani's vivarana (vol. III), Ahmedabad: L.D. Institute of
Indology (L.D. Series 10, 14, 21). Okuda, Kiyoaki, Eine Digambara-Dogmatik. Das fünfte Kapitel von Vattakeras
Mūlācāra herausgegeben, übersetzt und kommentiert von. Wiesbaden, 1975
(Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien ... der Universität Hamburg 15). Osier 2007: Jean-Pierre Osier, "Blind Faith According to the Jainas: The Yama Case":
International Journal of Jaina Studies Volume 1-3, 2005-2007, Mumbai:
Hindi Granth Karyalay, pp. 146-157. Parpola, Asko, 2003: “Publications of the Great Indologist Fr. Albrecht Weber":
Remota Relata. Essays on the History of Oriental Studies in Honour of Harry Halén, ed. by J. Janhunen and A. Parpola, Helsinki, 2003 (Studia Orientalia
published by the Finnish Oriental Society 97), pp. 189-219. Plutat 1998: Birte Plutat, Catalogue of the Papers of Ernst Leuman in the Institute for
the Culture and History of India and Tibet, University of Hamburg, Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart, 1998 (Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien herausgegeben vom Institut für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens und Tibets an der Universität
Hamburg, 49). Rau, Wilhelm, Bilder 135 Deutscher Indologen, 2. erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage
von "Bilder Hundert Deutscher Indologen", Franz Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden,
1982 (Glasenapp-Stiftung Band 23). Riddick, John F., Who Was Who in British India, Greenwood Press, Westport,
Connecticut, London, 1998. Rocher, Ludo, 2000: "Ersnt Leumann revisited”: Journal of the American Oriental
Society 120.2, pp. 206-217. Sardesai, R.N., Picturesque Orientalia. Being A Collection of 103 Photos of the
eminent Indologists - living and dead - of the West. Compiled with a short
description on each photo, Poona, Oriental Book Agency, 1938. Schubring, Jaina-Handschriften: Walther Schubring, Die Jaina-Handschriften der
Preussischen Staatsbibliothek. Neuerwerbungen seit 1891. Unter der
redaktionellen Mitarbeit von Günther Weibgen, Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1944.. Schubring 1978: Walther Schubring, Nāyādhammakahāo. Das sechste Anga des
Jaina-Siddhānta. Einführung, kritische Nacherzählung mit Ausgabe der wichtigsten Textpartien, Kommentar und Glossar von W. Schubring. Aus dem
Nachlass herausgegeben von J. Deleu, Wiesbaden, 1978. Stache-Weiske, Agnes, German Indologists. Biographies of Scholars in Indian
Studies Writing in German. With a summary of Indology in German Speaking Countries by Valentina Stache-Rosen. Second revised edition by Agnes
Stache-Weiske, Max Mueller Bhavan, New Delhi, 1990. Tripāthī, Catalogue: Chandrabhāl Tripāthī, Catalogue of the Jaina Manuscripts at
Strasbourg, Leiden: Brill, 1975 (Indologia Berolinensis 4). Upadhye 1943: Adinath Neminath Upadhye, Brhat Kathākośa of Achārya Harişeņa.
The Sanskrit text authentically edited for the first time with various readings, with a critical introduction, notes, index of proper names etc. by. Bombay:
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1943 (Singhi Jain Series 17). Weber, Verzeichniss: Albrecht Weber, Verzeichniss der Sanskrit- / Sanskrit- und
Prākrt-Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin. Berlin. Vol. 2,1,
1886; 2,2, 1888; 2,3, 1892. Windisch, Ernst, Geschichte der Sanskritphilologie, Strassburg, 1917,
Berlin/Leipzig/1920.
Sardesai, R.N., Paciwcists - living and decontal Book Agency, 19ndschriften der
lxxii

Page #79

Introductory essay and tools by Nalini Balbir
"catechism-like role", xix Acārānga-niryukti, xviii äesa, xviii
Alsdorf, xxxix Anuyogadvāra, xvi Anuyogadvārasūtra, viii anyakartṛka, xii Aparajita, xxxii
Ārādhanā, xxxiv
āryā, xiii
Āśādhara, ix
Aupapātikasūtra, 1 Av.-niry. II 26-28, xliii Av.-niry. VII 29-36, xxxvi Av.-niry. XII, xlvi Avasyaka manuals, xix Avasyakalaghuvṛtti, x
Avasyaka-niryukti XII 1-121, xvi
āvasyakas, xii
Barth, v
Bendall, xxx, xxxiii
Benfey, xxxii
Bhadrabahu, XV
Bhadrabahu-caritra, xl
Bhagavāndās Kevaldās, vi, xi, xxxi Bhagavati-Aradhanā, xxxii
Bhagavati-sutra, xix
Bhandarkar, xxix
Bhandarkar report, xxxiii
Bibliothèque Nationale et Universitaire
de Strasbourg, viii
Böhtlingk, xxxiv Bollée, xxxv
Brahma Nemidatta, x Brahmasūri, vi, xi, xxx Brockhaus, xxxi
Bruhn, xi, xviii, xxvi
Buddhacarita, xliii
Bühler, xi, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxxii,
xxxiv
Burnouf, xxxvii
Bṛhatkalpabhāṣya, viii, xiii, xvi, xviii,
xix, xxxvii
Bṛhatkalpacūrṇi, x (Bṛhat)Kalpa-tikā, xlii caraṇa-vidhi, xxxvii Chatfield, xxxi

Index
Colebrooke, xxxi Denecke, ix
Devendra, xxxvi Dharmasagara, xliv
Dhyanaśataka, xv
-era, xxxviii Frankfurter, xxxvii Gaṇadharavāda, xviii Geiger, xlviii
genres, xvi
Giles, xxxi Grant-Duff, xxxii
granthâgra, xiii Harisena, xxxv
Harivamsapurāṇa, ix, xxxviii Hemacandra Maladharin, xiii Hillebrandt, xliii
Hoernle, xxix, xxxii, xxxix
Hultzsch, xxx, xxxii
Jacob, xlii
Jacobi, xxviii, xxxii, xxxv, xxxvi, xl Jambudvipaprajñapti, xliv
jāņai pāsai, xix Janert, xxxiii
jayam care, XXXV
Jinabhadra, xiii, xv
Jinavallabha, xiv, xlii
Jitakalpa, xv, xxxviii Jolly, xli
Julius Leumann, vii, xliii
Kālaka, xv, xxxix
Kālakācārya, xxxvi
kathākośas, x
Keith, xxxiii
Khandahalajätaka, xxxix Kielhorn, xxx
Klatt, xxviii, xli Kotyācārya, xiv Kotyārya, xiv
Kriyakalapa, ix, xxxv, 6 Kṣetrasamāsa, xv
Kupakṣakausikaditya, xliv Laghukṣetrasamāsa, xvi Lakṣmīvallabha, xxxv
letter numeral, xliii leṭṭu, xlii
Leumann, cf. Julius, Manu
lxxiii

Page #80

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka literature
Lord Reay, xxxiv Lyall, xxxii Māghanandin, xxix, xxxix Mahānāradakassapajätaka, xxxvii Malayagiri, xiv, xliv Malvania, xiy Manu Leumann, xxvii Max Müller foundation, xxxi metres, XXXV Mette, XXXV Minaev, xxxvii Monier-Williams, viii Mūlācāra, viii, ix, xxxviii Mūlärādhanā, x, xxxiv Municandra, xliv Muni Jinavijaya, vii naişadyikatva, xxxvi Nandīsūtra, xviii Narasimhabhai Isvarabhai Patel, vii nasals, xxi Nemicandra, xxxvi Nemidatta, xxxiv, xli Nettipakarana, xxxix niksepa, xvii nisīhiyā, xxxvi nisihiyā, āvassiyā, xx Okuda, ix Oldenberg, xxvii Oldenburg, xli Padmamandira, xl Pagaria, x parīşahas, xxxvii Parisistaparvan, xvii, xl Pāthak, xxix pattavalis, xv Pavolini, xxxiii pelu, xvi Peterson, xi, xxx, xxxii phāsuya-vihāram, xxxvii Plutat, xi, xxvii Podzeit, xxxiii Prabhācandra, x, xvi, xxxv, xxxviii Prabhācandra's epitaph, xxxix
Prabhāvakacarita, xlii Rājendralāla Mitra, xxx, xxxiii Raksita, xv, 77 Ratnanandin, x, xl Rost, xxxii Rsimandalastotra, xl sabalas, xxxvii Samayasundara, xliv Samgrahani, xv Šāntisūri, xvii, xxxv sayalam "complete”, xvi schism, XV Schubring, v, vi, xi, xvii, xxxiii Siddhasena, xlii Śīlānka, xiii Śrīcandra, xvi Sthūlabhadra, xvii Sthūlabhadracarita, xl Stokes, xxxii Strassburg, xxxiii Tarangavaī, xlii Tawney, xl Therīgāthā, xxxix Tilakācārya, x Tod, xxxiii Tripāthī, xi Upadhye, x Uśanas, xli Uttarādhyayana-niryukti, xvii Uttarādhyayanasūtra, XV Vajrasvāmin, xv vandana, xvii Vasudevahindi, xliv vedhaya, XXXV Vijayadharmasūri, vi Vijayendrasūri, vi Višeşanavatī, xv Višeşāvasyaka-bhäsya, xiii Vivekavilāsa, xviii von Glasenapp, xlviii Weber, xi, xxviii, xxxviii Wilson, xxxi
Ixxiv For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #81

ALT- UND NEU-STUDIEN
herausgegeben vom Seminar für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens Seminar für Kultu rou.
an der Hamburgischen Universität
Übersicht
über die Āvaśyaka-Literatur
von
Ernst Leumann
Aus dem Nachlaß herausgegeben
von Walther Schubring
HAMBURG FRIEDERICHSEN, DE GRUYTER & CO. M. B. H.
1934

Page #82

Page #83

English translation by George Baumann
Translator's Note
The original German text-layout has been followed as closely as possible in this translation. However, in general, it was not possible to retain the double column-layout of the original text. The original pagination has been inserted at each relevant place to facilitate consultation of the original text.
The internal crossreferences to page and line numbers have been kept as in the original German (e.g., p. 30°13-28 or p. 51'n., the latter meaning that the reference is to a footnote occurring on this page). For technical reasons they could not be updated (except in the Index).
It should be stressed that there were originally further related texts being prepared by the author that, however, have never been published. References to these works (as "below" or "Exc.”/ “Excerpts”) have been left where they appear in the text. There are also several large-size asterisks here and there in the text whose meaning is not clear.
Professor Nalini Balbir has offered her expertise while proofreading the text, but should there still be any errors, I take full responsibility for these. It is with great pleasure that I acknowledge the generous support I have received from Messrs. Jaswantrai and Ramesh Mittal of D.K. Agencies, Ltd., New Delhi who have offered me the technical services of their highly qualified employee, Mr. P. Ranganathan. He has a vast knowledge of the intricacies of the Software WORD and has solved many problems related to the formatting of this text.
Thiruvananthapuram, Autumn 2008

Page #84

Page #85

English translation by George Baumann
Editor's foreword
The obvious justification for publishing this work in the Alt- und Neu-indischen Studien is that the surviving specimen in only a single copy was kindly sent, after the demise of Ernst Leumann, to the undersigned editor of this series by his son, Manu Leumann. Ernst Leumann's handwritten literary bequest accompanied it to the Seminar für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens in Hamburg. It is quite legitimate that these unique objects are being published at all, even in manul print - and for the sake of uniformity pages B to E have been prepared similarly because of their importance to indology, particularly to Jaina studies and to the academic career of Ernst Leumann. The presentation on pages IX-X should show the reader how occupied Leumann had been for at least 11 years with these Avasyaka studies, of course, not without interruptions, but always with his own deep interest.

A draft title found in the literary bequest reads: "An Outline of the Avasyaka literature with excerpts from the Sīlānka manuscript and a photographic reproduction of the same with a Pratīka list of the Viseṣāvasyaka-bhāṣya". These constituent parts mentioned here are also available, each in a single copy, at the Seminar. Limited funds, however, did not permit their publication together with the following sheets, and in the case of the manuscript tables, for Leumann their size determined the format of the present text volume, making a reproduction impossible. However, there can be no doubt that the "Outline" is much more valuable than these additions and thus, it has been taken up firstly. Therefore, presently, occasional references to script charts and excerpts should be ignored. If what is being presented on the following pages appears to be incomplete, when compared with the original plan, this, itself, is not complete. However, the end of the preface shows that Leumann, even in April 1900, did not intend to publish more. In fact, he was preparing to submit a sidepiece to his "Avasyaka-Erzählungen" (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. 10, No. 2, 1897) that also terminates in the middle of a sentence. This is also the case here on p. 153.
A
Only for aesthetic reasons have two words of a new sentence, which begins on sheet 14, been blocked out in the reproduction. Strangely, a continuation in the corrections or in the manuscript was not found. We can see on p. 42 [158-11], and in a note in the literary bequest what was to follow within the further framework. We see that the plan, among other things, contained the Avaśyaka-cūrṇi along with the Jaina narrative literature and an account of Haribhadra's writings. The preliminary work on these subjects has been preserved, but it is not in a condition that would allow for its reproduction without an up-dated scrutiny. Besides these, there are various notes with addenda. For reasons of space only those that correct the printed material or facilitate the readings through references could be included. On the other hand, addenda, which, for the better part, originate from further research in literature, in all cases, have been omitted.
the
If this happened due to external reasons, on the other hand, after careful deliberation, further pursuance came to a standstill, which, on p. II, is connected with the lending policy of English libraries. It should not be presumed that sensitivities will be awakened by Leumann's exhortation. If that would have been deleted, then even the legitimate reference to the three German scholars would have had to be omitted, to whom the credit must go for the collection of Jaina manuscripts for England. Leumann also wanted very much to honour two other Germans. As some drafts prove, he dedicated his book to the long and deep academic support that he had received from them "from the Buddhologist and Vedist, reliable in research and skilled in style" - and the "nostalgic remembrance of him who was the first to immensely enlarge and deepen classical Indian studies in almost all directions". They are Hermann Oldenberg and Georg Bühler. Leumann's work does honour to both of these great names.
Hamburg, November 1933
Walther Schubring

Page #86

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
Corrigenda and Addenda
19 +
15"n.
16*17
16444
3a 13a 47..
(This note refers to Bhagvandas Kevaldas) later] (p. 30-6) 40 = Ar.-pat. 212 (both) cp. below, p. 14°35f. Mülāc.) II 63/ X 14 1 (=Upāsakâdhy. 1 later) p. 44-53 Br 5255 = [J 5a 12ff. by C and H) transpose each in his own manner [and, therefore
37 5o 28 119 13°50 14968
20 21
In Sanskrit) cp. Pān. IV 1, 128f. and 131: nāķera. is). Several times S shows a puristic tendency. (Elaborated on in more detail) apparently), if, indeed, the irregularity of the metre does not recommend another interpretation. [already Vis. I 7] below, p.51'n. also) the NandiCūrņi, and
23*8 from below
31948
32°52
furthermore, (Haribhadra KalpaCūrni) and in the NandiCūrni, both of which mention [it ...]
17413 from below
Haribhadra's) perceived mistakes have been accepted by Malayagiri and Śrītilaka without hesitation: the latter [writes A.D.) with the text, about 34,000 gr., [because he renders Haribhadra's explanations more verbose and, besides, considers and discusses many hundreds of Jinabhadra's Bhāsya-stanzas in detail] (thus Leumann about p. 14)
*These Corrigenda and Addenda have been inserted at the appropriate place in the translation. Translator.

Page #87

English translation by George Baumann
Index
(This is the original selected index of the German edition, but in Roman alphabetical order. References are to the pages of the English translation)
address, 100 adissa, 94 adresya, 94 aeons, 116 āesa, 64 aggajjho, 95 āhattu, 25 aksara, 110 allogenous formations, 106 Angacūlikā, 1, 60 Annikāputra, 31 anusvāra-symbol, 102 Aparājita, 138, 149 apatta-kāri, 107 Arādhanā, 43 Ārādhanā-niryukti, 43, 58 Aritthanemi, 30 āsikā, 26 Asoka, 28 āvassiyā, 20 ĀvaśyakaCūrņi, X bāhulera, 43 bandha, 120 bāras'āvatta-veneration, 30 Bhadrabāhu, 59 Bhadrabāhu's pupil, 6 Bharaha, 27 breach of the (permutation) principle, 114 Buddhists, 28 BịhaddHarivamsapurāņa, 54, 78 caityavandana, 3 Candragupta, 72 caste system, 78 CaturvimšatitīrthakaraJayamālā, 9 chameleon, 29 citkośa, 92 cola-pattaya, 77 date of Haribhadra, IX Devanandin, 10 Dharmaśāstra, 79 Digambara literature, 28 Digambara manuscripts, I
diś, 117 discussion, 58 farewell, 26 Ganadhara-s, 94 Gangā, 30 gāthā-nārāśamsyah, 30 gihakoliyā, 94 granthi, 115 guru-vandana, 19 Hemacandra, 16 influence of Skt., 94 ity-ādi, 149 Jātaka, 9, 59, 75, 81 jattā, 27 javanijja, 27 Jina-kalpa, 77 jñānakośa, 92 Jñānapravāda-pūrva, 81 joga, 15 jonipāhuda, 106 jugunche, 94 Kālakācārya, 26, 30 Kalasīpure, 30 Kālika, 60 khamāsamana, 19 kiikamma, 32 Kimcid-gañadharavāda, 101 Kriyākalāpa, 6 Kţsna, 29 letthu, 94 library, 92 Māghanandin, 9,66 Mahāparijñā, 61 Mahāvīra, 78 Malayagiri, 146 Māndana, 92 Mangu, 65 Manu, 79 Maranavibhattī, 43 Mundaka-Upanisad, 94 nā, 114 Nāgahatthi, 65

Page #88

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
Nāgilakula-vamsa, 78 naisedhiki, 25 nātera, B naya, 124 niddhandhasam, 30 Nirvāṇakānda, 9 nirvyūdha, 42 nirvyukti, 42 nisīhiyā, 24 office, 31 osappiņi, 119 Paccavekkhanā, 28 Padmaprabhadeva, 9 Pāksika-sūtra, 60 Pālaka, 29 pariśāta, 123 pelu, 86 Petavatthu, 28 praghatta, 90 prajñapti, 60 previous life, 83 punjin, 115 puruşakārya, 31 Raksita, 76 rebirth, 115 Rucaka, 118 sābalera, 43 Sakrastava, 4 Sāmācārī, 24; 43 Samantabhadra, 9, 14 samaya-bheda, 114 Sāmāyika, 1, 5, 6, 15, 115 Samgama, 31 samghāta, 121 Samgrahani, 42 Samudda, 65 samyaktva, 115
Sanskritization of the Pkt., 85 sarada, 29 schisms, 76, 94, 116 Siddhasena, 81 siddhi, 17 Śītala, 29 soggai, 9 Śrāddha-Pratikramaņasūtra, 5 ŚrāvakaPratikramaņa, 15 Śrīcandra, 4 Śrītilaka, 4 Sthūlabhadra, 68 Suhastin, 65 Suprabhāta, 10 Svapnāvalī, 10 TherīGāthā, 59 Udayana, 31 ugghattayam, 30 uttharana, 94 uvogghãya, 94 Vaiśesika-s, 132 Vajra, 31, 76 Vandana(ka), 19 Vattakera, 6, 43 Veda, 101 Vedhaya (metre), 9, 82 Vemaī, 30 vibhāṣā, 58 Vidhura, 27 viggaha, 120 Vīraka, 29 Visuddhimagga, 81 yāpaniya, 23 Yati-Pratikramanasūtra, 3 Yaty-Ārādhanā, 43 yoniprābhịta, 106 yugma, 120
Pages A-D: Printing by J. J. Augustin in Glückstadt and Hamburg
Pages I-IV, 1-56: Printing by G. Kreysing in Leipzig Manul print by F. Ullmann G.m.b.H., Zwickau, Sa.

Page #89

English translation by George Baumann
Preface
[IR] Jainism, or the Jaina religion, founded by ‘Jina' or 'Mahāvīra', an elder contemporary of Buddha, is evidence, just as Buddhism is, of a reform movement that turned against the sacrificial cult of the Brahmins in the 6th or 5th century B.C. Both religions, Jainism as well as Buddhism, have bequeathed a large number of writings. Within Jaina literature the part dealing with the Āvaśyaka that we have summarized and designated as Avaśyaka literature, comprises a large part. It is, so to speak, the Lord's Prayer of the Jains. In all periods of their religious history it has been handed down, enlarged, changed, commented on and associated with legends or similar literary writings of the most varied types. In this way the history of Āvaśyaka literature thus becomes a paradigmatic extract of the entire Jaina literary history. Therefore, we hope through this historically arranged outline of Avaśyaka literature, and even more so as it touches related subjects, we can offer something not only to scholars working on Indian religions, but also to those dealing with Indian literary history.
Our work is based only on manuscripts. Firstly, the majority of them had to be bought or borrowed from India. There, the manuscripts, as well as the works they contain, were given no or only superficial scrutiny by a specialist on the subject. The same is partially the case even with the Berlin manuscripts, which we shall discuss. Until the present time the London manuscripts made use of were almost untouched. The same is true of the manuscripts that Bombay, Calcutta, Oxford, Cambridge, Vienna, Florence and Göttingen were able to contribute for this research.
In general, only a few preparatory studies can be mentioned. The author is all the more aware about what he indirectly owes to a whole series of works, particularly, and foremost, the outline of the Jaina Canon and the second catalogue by Weber, then the treatises and the publications by Jacobi that have very important introductions, the chronologized collections by Klatt, the inscriptional inquiries and the biography of Hemacandra by Bühler and lastly, the contributions from India by Gopal Bhandarkar, Shridhar Bhandarkar (in Gopal Bhandarkar's extensive report), by Pathak and Hoernle. I am also very thankful to be able to mention those scholars who, for the first time, have introduced the consulted as well as related manuscripts to the sphere of research. These are Bühler, Kielhorn, Jacobi, Peterson (whose untimely death is painful, not only for Jaina philology), Gopal Bhandarkar, Rājendralāla Mitra, Bendall and Hultzsch. The Strassburg Library and I, myself, are most thankful to the latter, because his friendly help made it possible for us to acquire a large number of Digambara manuscripts from Brahmasuri and his son Jinadāsa. Whatever other Jaina manuscripts we have in Strassburg we owe to the expert mediation of Bhagwandas Kevaldas. The necessary funds for the double acquisition were taken, for the greater part, from the interest on capital of a foundation, for which our university owes thanks to the generosity of Max Müller.
I am also very thankful to the Berliner Akademie, which granted me, once, the complete and another time, half of the proceeds of the Bopp-Stiftung. Among other things, in the autumn of 1893 this permitted me to carry out a long period of study in Berlin where a large number of new Jaina manuscripts have arrived since the completion of Weber's second catalogue.
WZ. I 165. II 141. III 233. IV 313. V 59. 175. We are particularly pleased with Pathak's research. Through his subtle learnedness important literary historical results from hidden quotations and allusions have become evident. Also this man who, for many years, effectively supported, first, Bühler and, then, Peterson in the expansion of Indian studies through the Search for Sanskrit manuscripts, has now - unexpectedly early - been taken away by death (on March 13, 1900).
mens yn y cars, the securely supported

Page #90

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvasyaka Literature
[Io] Among the managements administering the various manuscript libraries, the Anglo-Indian ones distinctly stand out in comparison to most of the English ones. Our special admiration goes to the Directors of Education Chatfield (until 1896) and Giles (since 1896) in Bombay. Without their noble generosity in approving loan requests the present work, indeed, would have been impossible as the reader shall soon see. Apparently, in India there is an appreciation in higher places) of the idealistic service indologists are giving to the Government and to the local population through their research. The authorities in the British Museum and, more or less, in other English libraries overlook the fact that these services are also advantageous for England. For the sake of academic research England should also recognize the liberal lending rules in Berlin, Munich, Göttingen and Strassburg. It would certainly be fairer to the heirs of Colebrooke and Wilson who collected these treasures and did not want to see them buried. The English library management, for example, should be reminded in what innumerable ways Wilson offered their manuscripts for research. Hermann Brockhaus, the long-time editor of the Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, wrote in 1862 in the foreword to his ‘Kathāsaritsāgara-edition, which, together with Benfey's 'Pantschatantra', opened a new and continually growing field of research:
“H. H. Wilson, a man of noble character, who in the friendliest manner furthered most willingly every academic pursuit and who will be remembered by everyone, including myself, with whom he was associated with warmest admiration."
Of course, I have also received some material in Strassburg from English libraries. The India Office has only restricted, but not given up entirely, its earlier well-known liberality; and from Oxford and Cambridge, at least, you can get certain manuscripts if you make use of English friends. However, it remains a fact that many of the English manuscripts are not obtainable or only under particularly difficult circumstances. How painful this is, particularly for a German representative of Jaina philology, is especially clear on the following page, which shows that the majority of the Jaina manuscripts in England were collected with scholarly enthusiasm by three German scholars in India and brought to Europe.
Even now no coherent studies in Jaina philology can be undertaken with the existing manu-scripts in European libraries. A plan to improve this deplorable state of affairs is necessary. In the autumn of 1892 I had already tried to convince Sir Alfred Lyall, Sir M. Grant-Duff, Whitley Stokes, Bühler and Rost of this and to make it public, all the more, since certain difficulties that originally demanded a postponement have now been solved. At least from London or Berlin those researchers who are well-versed in Jaina studies, and particularly those who live in India or at least have been there, should be requested to acquire the basic material of the Jaina tradition in their Middle Ages for European libraries that is still lacking or hardly available. Original manuscripts of many texts can still be bought; others in old Jaina libraries (particularly in Cambay and Kolhapur) should be copied by carefully supervised copyists. From the earliest period some things are missing, perhaps even much. Very possibly, the South Indian Digambaras (in Śrāvana Belgola and Kolhapur) have preserved several of those canonical texts, which, as shown on p. 3n., were known to their commentator, Aparājita. Naturally, it would be very fruitful for literary historical research if, at least, various voluminous canonical texts of the Digambara recension could be found, since, until now, we know only the Svetāmbara recension. It is certain that research does not profit when only such Jaina texts that are widespread in India reach Europe in new copies. One should beware of such encumbrance and preferably increase the funds for new acquisitions until one day, either in the recommended manner or otherwise, the very critical gap of available manuscripts can be methodologically filled.

Page #91

English translation by George Baumann
Details about the manuscripts and their citation
[114] The manuscripts that have been used or mentioned and copies of the individual collections will be cited by means of corresponding initials, to which, when necessary, a distinguishing number has been attached. A = [summary description for the libraries in) Ahmedabad, Anhilwad (Pāțan), Cambay, etc. The series of manuscripts which one has learnt something about from the six reports by Peterson are: A I 1-180 = Pet. Rep. 1 App. I. A IV 1-53 = Pet. Rep. III App. IIC A I 181-338 =
I. A V 1-93 = A II 1-81 = " " " " ILA A VI 1-12 = " " " " II. A III 1-24 =
II B. Furthermore, we know from Bhandarkar the title list of two entire libraries, one of which is stored in 80 and the other in 53 boxes. Therein the manuscripts are separately numbered. Whilst citing a manuscript we have added the individual number after the box number. We cite the boxes as follows: A VII 1-80 Bhandarkar Report 1887 p. 161-206. A VIII 1-53 =
" p. 206-255. B = Berlin, Königliche Bibliothek (Royal Library). The folio numbers up to 1604 and the octavo numbers up to 459 as well as the quarto numbers up to 197 have been catalogued by Weber (cp. Weber Cat. II, p.1232). We are mostly concerned with higher numbers that have been acquired since the completion of Weber's second catalogue. Everywhere, we adhere to the manuscript's call number (not, however, to the running number of the manuscript catalogued by Weber), but in the call numbers we omit the word 'fol.', retain, however, 'oct.' and 'qto'. For example, the consulted manuscript B 2049 on pp. 16-19 should be understood as a Berlin manuscript, which carries the call number 'Ms. or. fol. 2049' and on p. 3n. the employed designation 'B oct. 504' stands for the 'Berlin manuscript Ms. or. oct. 504'. BhD = Bhāu Dāji's manuscript collection in possession of the Bombay Branch of the Asiatic Society. An imposing collection that contains a considerably large number of Jaina manuscripts. Unfortunately, the published catalogue leaves much to be desired. In spite of this, we cite according to its numbers (1-311) and add exponents (as with A and B also) where one number relates to several manuscripts: e.g. 308* denotes the fourth manuscript of those listed in the catalogue under no. 308. Br = British Museum. The older stock that one finds mentioned along with others in ZDMG VLII 309-315, is included among the numbers 2098-2148, 3347-3354, add. 26362-26464. Three years ago Jacobi's collection was added that received the numbers 5115-5258. The titles of these more recent manuscripts in the British Museum are listed in ZDMG XXXIII 693-697. C = Cambridge. The collection was brought in 1885 from India by Bendall. Therefore, the titles are to be found in Bendall's 'Journey in Nepal and Northern India' p. 46-51". Also ZDMG VLII 308315 should be referred to. We cite the library numbers given to the manuscripts. F= Florence. A collection brought by De Gubernatis from India. Pullé has published the titles of the canonical works in the Abhand, des IX Or. Congr. I 217 f. and the titles of the remaining works in the Abhand, des X Or. Congr. II 18-24. We cite according to the library numbers and not according to the numbering by Pullé.
Catalogue of Manuscripts and Books belonging to the Bhāu Dāji Memorial Bombay 1882.
III

Page #92

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
G = Göttingen. In total only 22 items (124-145) described by Klatt (124-136) and Kielhorn (137-145) in the 'Verzeichnis der Handschriften im Preussischen Staate', Abteilung Hannover, Göttingen, vol.
I = India Office. From the older period there are just a few Jaina manuscripts available (e.g. items 2201 & 2909). However, the collection gifted by Bühler to the India Office in 1888, contains many that we cite with 'I Bühler' while retaining the Bühler numbering 1-321 (ZDMG, XLII 536552). I I = Indian Institute (Oxford). A collection that reached Sir M. Monier-Williams through Bühler and which now belongs to the Indian Institute; Jaina manuscripts between 30-40 in number' ZDMG, XLII 535. [J = Jacobi. An earlier used abbreviation (still found, p. 13°50) that had to be abandoned when Jacobi sold his collection to the British Museum.] [II°] L = Leumann. The collection contains prepared transcriptions and excerpts I have made, for which I have used the Latin alphabet throughout. As far as the items 1-90 are concerned, refer to ZDMG. VLII 454-464, for the items 91-128 refer to ZDMG. VLII 308-315; a list of further items follows on the next page. M = Rājendralāla Mitra's 'Notices of Sanskrit MSS.' We have followed Mitra's numbering of the manuscripts. In total there are 4,265 items of which about 390 belong to Jaina literature. O = Oxford (Bodleiana). The same is the case with the Jaina manuscripts in the Bodleiana as with those in the British Museum and in the India Office. There are also small earlier holdings to which, presently, a remarkable collection has been added that was collected by a German scholar in India. The German scholar in this case is Hultzsch. We cite the manuscripts he sold to the Bodleiana with O and the number that has been given to them in the published list (ZDMG XL, 11-26). We mention from the old holdings, for example, 'O Wilson 458'. P= Poona. In addition to the series I-XIX, which are listed in Shridhar Bhandarkar's catalogue of MSS in the Deccan College, there are seven more, which we number as XX-XXVI: P XX = Pet. Rep. III App. III. P XXIV = Bhandarkar Rep. 1897 P XXI =
IV.
P XXV = Pet. Rep. VI p. 1-134 P XXII = Bhandarkar Rep. 1894. P XXVI = “ “ “ p. 135-144. P XXIII = Pet.
Rep. V. R = Royal Asiatic Society, London, 'Todd Collection'. A small but valuable collection on which information can be found in the Journal of the Roy.As.Soc. 1890 XXII 801-804 and in the ZDMG VLII 308-315. S= Strassburg. The Strassburg acquisitions were made, mainly, to cover the Jaina works for which no, or at least no adequate, manuscripts in Germany were available. This collection that has come into existence in the course of this project, should be compared only to the Sanskrit manuscripts in Tübingen, among which, as is well-known, rarities also dominate. Even when at our place, along with more or less rare Jaina works, some more common ones (e.g. the Anga texts 7-11 and the Uttaradhyayana) can be found, they had been bought, as a rule, for their intrinsic merits (such as extreme age, meticulousness, miniatures, etc.). Many of our texts have gradually arrived in Berlin, because, yearly, a large number of Jaina manuscripts are being bought there. As mentioned before, these are Svetâmbara as well as Digambara manuscripts that we own. More information can be obtained about the latter in WZ XI 297-312, a list of the previous ones follows on pages VII f.
IV

Page #93

W = Vienna, University Library.
A small collection whose titles have been published in the Wiener Sitzungsberichten IC 573-576 by Bühler.
In general, it should be noted that when citing a manuscript its number will not be unnecessarily repeated. In order to leave it off, when two or more manuscripts from the same collection are being considered, we vary, if need be, the initials, e.g. we write at the foot of p. 3a simply S and s when repeating both Strassburg manuscripts; cp. also pp. 211] & 3710 10f..]., as well as the bold-faced letters of the second following list. Only the manuscripts of the Avaśyaka-Cūrṇi have not been referred to in the manner mentioned, but rather with the help of the letters αβγδ.
The collections L and S have come into existence mainly during this preparatory work and as an accompaniment to the Avasyaka investigations. In this way, they form a scientific apparatus, which any continuation of this research, even if it is not explicitly referred to, can be associated with. Since from the hitherto published title lists that have been referred to previously you can gain information on only about one-half of each collection, we must now subsequently present two supplementary lists; firstly, one which comprises the items L 129225 and secondly, one which lists the Svetâmbara titles in the collection S.
[IIa]
129 Angacülikā.
130 Aṣṭaka by Haribhadra. 131 Aṣṭaka-vṛtti by Jinesvara. 197 AṣṭasahasrikāPrajñāpāramitāvyākhyā by Haribhadra. 198 Aradhana by Sivakoti.
199 Ārādhanā-tīkā by Aparajita.
200 Ārādhanāpatākā (930
stanzas).
225 Ārādhanāpatākā (Prakīrṇaka
XIII).
132 AvasyakaCūrṇi.
201 Avasyaka-ṭīkā by Malayagiri.
133 Av.2-laghuvrtti by Śrītilaka. 134 Av.3 (ŚravakaPratikramaņa). 135 Upadeśapada by Haribhadra.
136 Upadeśapada-vṛtti by Municandra.
137 Upadhānapratiṣṭhā by Abhayadeva.
English translation by George Baumann
138 Upamitabhavaprapancā Katha by Siddha.
[II] 115 Ekavimśatisthāna.
139 Aupapātika.
202 Kathānakāni from
Pancavastuka, etc.
140 Karmaprakṛti.
141 Karmaprakṛti-ṭīkā by Malayagiri.

L 129 225
142 Karmavipäka by Garga. 143 Karmastava (55 gāthā-s). 144 Karmastava (22 gāthā-s). 145 Kriyakalapa-ṭīkā by Prabhācandra.
146 Kṣetrasamāsa (ks1) with Haribhadra's comm. 147 Kṣetrasamāsa-ṭīkā by Malayagiri.
148 Ganadhara-sârdhaśataka by
Jinadatta.
149 Gommaṭasāra.
115 Gautamapṛcchā.
115 Catustrimśad-buddhâtiśaya
150 Caityavandana-kulaka with
151 Caityavandana-vṛtti by Haribhadra.
152 Jambudvipaprajñapti-cūrṇi.
stava.
comm.
153 Jambudvipaprajñapti-ṭīkā by Śanticandra. [II] 154 Janakiharana by
Kumāradāsa.
155 Jānakīharaṇa-sanna (variants).
156 Tattvârtha-ṭīkā by SiddhasenaGandhahastin. 203 Tattvârtha-bhāṣya. 204 Tattvârtha-laghuvṛtti by Haribhadra.
205 TattvârthaŚlokavārttika. 206 Tattvârthaślokavārttika- vṛtti.
V
115 Trisaṣṭidhyāna-kathānaka-kulaka. 157 Darśanaśuddhi. 158 Darśanasaptatikā. 159 Darśanasaptatikā
(Samyaktvasaptatikā). 160 DevendrakaNarakendraka.
115 Dharmalakṣaṇa.
161 matsaraNandâvadāna.
162 Nandi-vivarana by Haribhadra.
163 Nyayapravesaka & Haribhadra's comm. 164 Pancavastuka by Haribhadra.
165 Pancasamgraha by Candra, contents. 166 Pancasamgraha by Candra, text.
[II] 167 Pancasamgraha-tīkā by Malayagiri.
168 Pancasūtraka-tikā by Haribhadra.
169 Pancāśaka VIII.
207 Pancāśaka-vṛtti by Abhayadeva. 208 Padmacaritra by Vimala.
209 Paryuṣaṇakalpa-vṛtti by Jinaprabha. 170 Prajñāpanā-ṭīkā by Haribhadra.
171 Prabandhakośa VIII by Rajasekhara. 172 Prabhavakacaritra, arrangement &
XIV.

Page #94

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
115 Vardhamāna-stava.
| 192 Saptatikā (89 gāthā-s).
173 Prabhāvakacaritra IX
(Haribhadra-caritra). 210 Praśamarati by Umāsvāti. 211 Praśamarati-țīkā. 115 Praśnôttararatnamālikā.
174 Bandhasvāmitva (54 gāthā
s).
175 Bhagavati tradition.
115 Bhayahara-stotra, 21 gāthā
115 Bhayahara-stotra, 14
Apabhramsa verses). 212 Bharata's Nātyaśāstra.
176 Mülācāra.
180 Visesaņavati by Jinabhadra. | 193 Sarvadarśanasamgraha, citations. 181 Sataka by Sivasarman. 194 Sârdhaśataka by Jinavallabha. 215 Sāntināthacaritra by
[III°) 195 Sindūraprakara. Bhāvacandra. 182 Šāstravārttāsamuccaya by 115 Sīmamdhara-stotra.
Haribhadra. 183 Sästravärttāsamuccaya çīkā | 196 Sukumālacaritra.
by Haribhadra. 216 Sukasaptati, parallel 217 Catalogue on B 1668 f. 1704-1749. passages.
1751. 1868-1892. 2012-2034. oct.
511. 184 Śrāvakadharma-vidhi. 218 Catalogue on the Strassburg
Digambara manuscripts. 185 Śrāvakaprajñapti.
219 Glossary on the first main part of
the Avaśyaka Erzählungen (Ed. p.
6-45). 186 Śrāvakaprajñapti-tīkā by 220 Glossary on Deśīnāmamālā, Haribhadra.
Päiyalacchi, etc. 187 Şadaśīti by Jinavallabha. 221 List of Jaina manuscripts, acquired
1892. & 1893 in Berlin, with
catalogue notes on many items. 188 Șodaśaka by Haribhadra. 222 List of Skt. & Pkt. Manuscripts (not
alphabetical), acquired 1894 in
Berlin. 189 Şodaśaka-vivarana
223 List of Digambara manuscripts I: by Yaśobhadra.
the mss. in P I-XVIII and in a
shortlist from Sravana Bego!a. 190 Samgrahaņī by Jinabhadra. List of Digambara manuscripts II:
longer list from Sravana Belgola; at the end Brahmasūri's mss. (now
partly in Strassburg) 191 Samgrahanī-tīkā by
Malayagiri.
177 Yatidinakstya by
Hariprabha.
178 Yogadsstisamuccaya by
Haribhadra.
(III) 179 Yogadsstisamuccaya
tīkā by Haribhadra. 213 Ratnakarandaka by
Samantabhadra.
214 Ratnakarandaka-vítti by
Prabhācandra.
VI

Page #95

[III] 397 Anga 7-11 and Abhayadeva's accompanying commentary. ms. of the 14th century.
377 Angacülikā.
394 Angavidyā.
307 Ajitaśānti-stava by Nandişena with Avacūri. 433a Aticär'ālocanā.
Anuttaraupapātika-daśā (Anga 9), cp. Anga.
383 Anekantajayapataka-tippanaka by Municandra. Antakṛd-daśā (Anga 8), cp. Anga. 429a Av.2 IV (Sraddhapratikramaṇa).
399 Avaśyaka-Curni. = y.
163 378
317
398
202 373
315
66
Co
66
66
66
690.
66
66
#
66
C
English translation by George Baumann
The Strassburg Svetambara manuscripts
162
203
161
-niryukti-avacuri = Av.- Avac.
302 Uttarâdhyayana with Avacuri. Cp. Sacred Books of the East, vol. VL, Introd. p. XL f.
66
-ṭīkā by H, I-X. = S.
66
66
66
"II 29-X. = s. "I-XX. = 2.
I-XX. = 0.
-niryukti. s. Modern.
66

= S. about 15th c.
-tikā by Śāntyācārya. -niryukti.
-vrtti by Devendra.
309 Oghaniryukty-avacuri.
303 Kathākośa by Subhasīla.
[Both works
following
416 Uttarâdhyayana with vrtti by [P XXIV 1097. A VII 48,1.]
417 Upadeśamālā by Dharmadāsa. [B 1719.] 306 -tikā by Siddha-rsi.
438 Upadeśaratnākara by Munisundara. [P IV 172.] 433 Upadhānavidhi.
395 Upamitabhavaprapanca Katha by Siddha-rși. Upāsaka-daśā (Anga 7), cp. Anga.
each other
in the
passagewise not always
legible
palm-leaf
manuscript
B 703
706.]
Bhāvavijaya.*
Cp. Tawney's 'Kathakośa' (Oriental Translation Fund. New Series II) p. 24012.
439 Karpūraprakara by Hari with a commentary containing the stories. [Cp. B 807.]
440a Karmavipaka by Devendra. In addition, the author's tīkā (1882 gr.) with the verse openings.
4406 Karmastava by Devendra. In addition, the author's tīkā (830 gr.) with the verse openings.
VII
432
372
Kayasthitistotrâvacuri.
Kriyakaläpa by Vidyananda or [Viljayananda, a small grammatical text (consisting of four adhyaya-s with 38, 133, 42, 54 stanzas, after which sometimes an appendix follows). [P XVI 256. XXIII 671.]
371
Kṣetrasamāsa by Jinabhadra.
374 laghuKṣetrasamāsa by Ratnasekhara with the commentary of the author.
419 Gacchācāra. [B 10757.]
441 Guṇasthānakram'āroha by Ratnasekhara. In addition, the author's vṛtti. [M 2719 + 2720.] Catuḥśarana with Somasundara's Avacuri. 312 Daśavaikālika with Avacuri. = Σ.
310
201
200
452
453
423
420a
442
433 443
66
376 Niśītha-Cumi by Jinadasa. [F 76.] 308 -bhāṣya. [B 656.]
379 Pancasamgraha-ṭīkā by Malayagiri, together with the complete text. [Av. 19 has [III] thesame contents; on the other hand A I 40 contains only the first fourth of the commentary and perhaps only the verse openings of the corresponding text pieces. In Br 2107 a shorter commentary along with the verse openings is found.]
Pancasūtraka with Haribhadra's commentary. The first two leaves are missing. Pancāśaka-ṭīkā by Abhayadeva with the complete text.
375
420 Pattavali of the Kharatara-gaccha. Before this,
some citations and a Paṭṭāvalī of the kings of Pattana. - All has apparently been copied from Dharmasagara's commentary on Kupakṣakaus. IV; cp. Bhandarkar's Report 1884 p. 149-151. Paṭṭāvalī of the Tapagaccha (about 20 gāthās) with commentary.
444
66
583-585.
Nandi Cūrņi. Palm-leaf manuscript. Nandi-vivarana by Haribhadra. Palm-leaf manuscript.
-bṛhadvṛtti by Haribhadra = S.
-laghuvṛtti. s. Cp. ZDMG VLI 581 &
66
Padmacaritra by Vimala, 118 chapters with a total of about 9,000 gāthā-s. [A II 7. P XXI 1281. XXII 1296.]
* Mentioned at the end of the Prasasti of the Lokaprakāśa.
a-f
The six texts of S 440 appear again in M 2596. Excerpts from the six commentaries of S 440 af in B
Paryant'aradhana by Somasuri.
Pārsvanathacaritra (gadyabaddha) by Udayavīra. [F 164. Br Add. 26362.] Pārsvanathacaritra (mahākāvya) by Bhavadeva. [C 2293.]

Page #96

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
4270
160 Pindaniryukti-tīkā by Malayagiri with complete
text. 4339 Pindavisuddhi by Jinavallabha. 429 Pratikramana-krama. Incomplete. 313 Pratikramana-vidhi (=Hetugarbha). 370 Pratyekabuddha-kathāḥ, 697 stanzas (I - 160, II
- 212, III - 444, IV - 697). 396 Prabandhakośa by Rājasekhara.
Praśnavyākarana (Anga 10), cp. Anga. 440° Bandhasvāmitva by Devendra. In addition, an
Avacūri (described by the author's tīkā as lost)
with the verse openings. 433o Bimbapraveśa-vidhi. 392 Bharataka-dvātrimśikā. (Cp. Pavolini in
Pulle's Studi Ital. di Phil. Indo-Ir. I 51-57.] 316 Munipati-caritra, 626 gāthā-s. = s. 414 “ “ ,639 " = S. 445 -
" .684" (with interlinear
Bālābodha). = 0. 205 “ “ in Bhāṣā. 446 Ratnasamcaya. (O 462] 447 Rāmacaritra (gadyabaddha) by Devavijaya. [M
3396.) 433 Lokanāli-dvātrimśikā (32 gāthā-s) with Tabā.
[Text also in F 130; an Avacūri in F 21. Commented copies are F 111, M 2718, A II 61. The text, along with a Bālābodha, has been
printed in the Prakaranaratnākara II 720-736.) 401 Lokaprakāśa. [M 2608. F 75. P VI 181. XXIV
1242. - incompl.: B 1324. PIV 377.] 448 Vardhamānadeśanā (gadyabaddhā) by Rājakīrti. 369 Vasudevahindi (first part) by Sanghadāsa. (AI
8. II 8.] 4338 Vāda-dvaya (īśvara-vāda & Nirvikalpavāda). 382 Vimsatisthānaka-caritra by Jinaharsa. = S. 449 “ “
“ = S. 427 Vicārâmstasamgraha I-III Beginning [B 989 is
complete (I-XXV).] Vipākaśruta (Anga 11), cp.
Anga. 164 Višesāvaśyakabhāsya, Hemacandra's recension. = S. 301 " -vrtti by with complete text. = S. 432° Vītarāga-stotra by Hemacandra. [P XII 761.) 440 Sataka by Devendra. In addition, the author's
tīkā (4,340 gr.) with the verse openings.*
428 SatrumjayaKathākośa by Subhaśīla, composed
samvat 1518. 304 Srāddhavidhi with Ratnasekhara's own
commentary. [Br. 2120. M 2594. P IV 238. V 137. VI 183. XX 638. XXIV 1264. 1265. 1266.
1267. F 113.1 311 Srīpālacaritra (Apabhramsa poem) by Raidhū.
[P XXIV 1347.] Şattrimsaj-jalpa-vicāra-samgraha by Bhāvavijaya. [PXXI 1350. XXII 1237. XXIV
1272.] IV"] 440° Sadasītikā by Devendra. In addition, the
author's tīkā (2,800 gr.) with the verse
openings.* 204 ŞadvidhĀvaśyakavidhi. [Br 2104. C 2371.] 431 Sodasaka by Haribhadra with vrtti. 380 Samvegarangaśālā by Jinacandra. [P XIII 18.) 314 Samgrahany-avacūri, excerpt from Devabhadra's
commentary on Srīcandra's Samgrahanī. 450 Sanghapattaka-vȚtti by Jinapati with complete
text. [Text along with an excerpt from Jinapati's commentary is in B 779, only text in M 2996 & F
10.) 440f Saptatikā. In addition Malayagiri's tīkā (3880
gr.) with verse openings. P XIII 148" contains Malayagiri's tīkā with the completely copied
verses.]* 433h Samayasära by Devānanda with an excerpt from
Devānanda's commentary. [The same contents in PXX 642, only text in M 2679, text [IV°] with Devānanda's commentary in P XIII 183, text with
tabā in P XXIII 887 & XXIV 1284.] 451 Samarādityacaritra by Haribhadra. (AI 276. V
53.] 433' Sarvajña-śataka by Dharmasāgara. (P X 421.
XXIII 892. With Bālābodha: P XXIV 1286.) 393 Sāmācārī. 454 Sāmācārī-Sataka. Klatt's last work Ind. Ant.
(1894) XXIII 169-174 is based on this manuscript.' [M 2631.) -C 2385 (Bendall's Journey p. 51' No. 136) is only the extracted
Sāmācārividhi in L 109. 381 Sāmācārī-samgraha ("Sūrivallabha') by
(Kulaprabha's pupil) Nareśvara. 433* Subhasita-samgraha, components from three
different manuscripts yet to be determined. 305 Sūtraksta-niryukti.
[Trans.:) See footnote * on the preceding page. I received it as a gift from Dr. Mrs. Klatt in the autumn of 1893 and, later, I gifted it to our library.
VIII

Page #97

English translation by George Baumann
Early history and lacunae in the following outline
[IV] As early as 1882 in Berlin during my occupation with the Jaina manuscripts in the Royal Library (Königliche Bibliothek), I had noticed that the Avaśyaka-niryukti (of the Svetâmbara literature) deserved special attention. The excerpts, prepared at that time (L 40) from the text and from Haribhadra's commentary, contain, among other things, narrations of the schisms, which I had translated at the end of 1883 (in Oxford) for Indische Studien (XVII 91-135). Before the printing of this work (cp. the epilogue in it on p. 130) Weber's notes on the Āvaśyaka-niryukti in the Indische) Stud(ien) (XVII 50-76) confronted me with something new; also Weber's Avaśyaka excerpts in the Catalogue (II 739-806), later, supplemented my own review (cp. p.777 & 7784). After I had assisted in the revision of Sir Monier Williams' Sanskrit-English dictionary up to the lemma Dadhyanc, the turn of Jaina studies came (however, with numerous interruptions). Some results of these efforts have appeared in periodicals and other places (in the Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie as well as in Congress publications and in books by Jacobi and Tawney). The most important advancement in these efforts on the Avaśyaka were: 1889 through the discovery of the concealed Avaśyaka-sūtra in old commentaries. A preliminary outline on the Avaśyaka tradition was presented in the same year at the Congress in Stockholm. In August 1891 through the permission to acquire rare Jaina manuscripts for the Strassburg Library. - Because funds from the Max-Müller-Foundation could soon (since Nov. 1892) be made available, the importance of these new acquisitions increased considerably. In the autumn of 1892 through a longer sojourn in London that confirmed the already correctly conjectured date of Haribhadra, furthermore (with L 98 & 106), provided an insight into the history of the layman's version of the Avaśyaka-sūtra and (with L 110) prepared the ground for a serious study of the BșhaddHarivamsapurāna and with that, in fact, of Digambara literature. 1893 through the final arrival of the Sīlānka manuscript (P. XII 57). 1894 through the discovery that the Strassburg acquisitions contain a Pūjājayamālā (S 32) and two fragments entitled 'Nityaprayogavidhi' (S 330 conclusion & 333), as well as the Nirvāṇa-kānda (S 334%), parts of a Digambara version of the Avaśyaka-sūtra. In due course, this led to the discovery and acquisition of further Āvaśyaka texts of Digambara literature (S 360-363). - At the Geneva Congress (Sept. 1894) specimens of the now traced sūtra in triple form were conveyed in text and translation and the first printed sheets of this present work were submitted. in Dec. 1894 through the arrival of the Bhāşya manuscript P XII 56 that, fortunately, contains the expected original recension of the text. The specimen is simply designated as p when there is a mention of the Bhāsya, on the other hand, the Silānka manuscript as P. 1895 through the observation that even the early Buddhist canon had taken over several Jaina legends, of which one already contains the first Āvaśyaka vow. On April 23, 1896 through the discovery of the Digambara original of the Avaśyaka-niryukti.
The furtherance of collection L and the production of a provisional, but not yet completed, catalogue of collection S - both preliminary works for the present as well as later publications, took up a greater part of the time.
? A résumé of the lecture appeared in Trübner's Report, Third series, I 1 51 f. (in the Congress edition). * Cp. ZDMG VLII 308. 4 Cp. ZDMG XLIII 348 f.
Cp. below, p. 15 Cp. Abhandlungen des Genfer Congresses II 125.
IX

Page #98

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
On May 25, 1896 through the arrival of fifteen Haribhadra manuscripts from Poona that during the previous winter allowed a provisional completion of the projected Haribh. monograph.
On March 15, 1897 through the discovery of the relationship between brahmaNemidatta's Kathakośa and Sivakoti's Aradhanā.
On March 20, 1897 through the arrival of the last batch of Haribhadra manuscripts from Poona. Now only one manuscript (P XII 48) was lacking for the Haribhadra section that because of its damaged condition was being denied to me for a second time, but which, through a renewed request (which Weber, Bühler, [IV] Böhtlingk, Max Müller and Lord Reay supported), arrived on July 11, 1898, along with the manuscript P XIII 7 that also had been denied twice earlier.
in March & April 1898 through a study of the older Aradhana texts that determined their contact with the Avaśyaka-sūtra.
on January 10, 1900 through the acquisition, after long negotiations, of both palm-leaf manuscripts S 452 & 453. By means of the colophon in the former we can presume that the AvasyakaCūrṇi came into existence around 600-650 A.D.
The constant and still continuous additions of new material have slowed down the printing considerably:
the excerpts (pp. 1-20) were printed during the autumn of 1894,
the phototypy tables (1-35)1 were produced at the same time,
the Pratīka-list (p. 21-32) was printed during the following winter,
the first part (p. 1-45) of the Avasyaka Erzählungen (Abhandl. der DMG X 2) in the spring and summer of 1895,
pages 1-56 of the following (italic pagination) outline (where, in the meantime, the transcription of ass was adopted as recommended at the Geneva Congress,) from April, 1897 to March, 1898.
A further consequence of the incompleteness of the development process of this research, described in its main features, is the fragmentary character of what can be offered at the moment. There are still dozens of texts in Poona, but also, particularly, in the almost inaccessible libraries in Cambay and Śravana Belgola that should be consulted in order to expose the developmental history of the Avasyaka tradition in all its phases and ramifications. In what follows, lacunae have not always been pointed out. Their completion will take time. In general, the author dislikes the recording of negative or unripe thoughts whose solutions are under preparation. Every discerning reader will notice himself the more important defects of the type mentioned and fellow researchers the less important ones. On the other hand, various possibilities have been enunciated and considered when a fairly reliable result could be achieved.
Furthermore, lacunae appear, because some of the available texts in the outline have not become conspicuous enough. For example, it was planned to analyze the Digambara text Śrāvakapratikramaṇa in a way similar to the Kriyakalapa, furthermore, to include a translation of the Gaṇadharavada-bhāṣya (=Viseṣāvaśy. II) that is so important for the history of Indian philosophy and religion and to finish the table of contents of brahmaNemidatta's Kathakośa. Also a monograph on Haribhadra should be followed by a mainly critical text and lexical study on Silanka's and Hemacandra's Viseṣāvasyaka commentary. The necessary collections and research for this have already been completed. But other obligations that have been more urgent, have caused a narrowing of the framework. Therefore, a supplementary publication of monographs must be reserved for later to make up for the deficiencies. Among other things, an edition of the (Svetâmbara Niryukti) as well as the Bhāṣya and the publication of the collective Pratika-list mentioned on p. 21 are planned.
1
Besides the 35 tables of the present publication, I have had an extra table made that I gifted to Bühler and several friends. In it several particularly clear columns of the manuscript P XII 57 have been photographed in actual size. From this table and from table 35 the symbols have been derived that can be found in Bühler's Palaeographie in table VI, columns XV-XVII.
X

Page #99

English translation by George Baumann
The reader should note that in spite of the described defects much has been taken into account that he might not have expected. An attempt has been made to understand and acknowledge, on the one hand, the Avaśyaka tradition in connection with the rest of Jaina as well as non-Jaina literature. Therefore, some things have been treated extensively that normally do not fit into the framework of the task as seen by the title, but only because of its contents or because of its literary relationships.
Strassburg, Alsace, January 19, 1900. (Corrected in April 1900.]
XI

Page #100

Page #101

English translation by George Baumann
OUTLINE OF THE ĀVAŠYAKA LITERATURE
[lo] What is accessible of Jaina literature, in general, are old texts and new commentaries. Works of the transitional period were, until recently, only few and mostly found only in India. If an insight into the literary and religious continuity is to be gained, it is absolutely necessary to pursue these vestiges. Every reliable enquiry in this direction promises, in addition, to be advantageous for other branches of learning in Indian studies, since these, to some extent, are not in a position to throw light on the interval between old primary texts [1'] and the modern scholiasts. In order to bring to light a provisional picture of that continuity there is no area within written Jaina literature more conducive to that than the Avaśyaka literature. A comparison of the text series to be dealt with and the so-called Daśavaikālika texts in ZDMG VLI 581-663 show how beneficial these are due to their extensiveness and completeness, compared to the analogous works like the Kalpa-, Niśītha-, Uttarâdhyayanaand Daśavaikālika-texts
The Āvaśyaka and its text forms
[1] The Avaśyaka-sūtra, simply called Āvasyaka, stands at the head of Āvaśyaka literature. The original text of this name belonged to the very first Jaina texts. The earliest evidence for the fact that, on entry into the order, the Āvaśyaka vow (Āy. I, i.e. the Sāmāyika) had to be learnt is found in Buddhist literature, specifically in a Jaina legend that appears among the Southern Buddhists as well as among the Northern Buddhists. Therefore, they must have incorporated it during the first centuries of Buddhism. More details about this follow in the discussion on the Ārādhanā story 22. From ancient times Jaina literature of both confessions mentions the Avaśyaka at the head of the angabāhya writings. Before the schism the first commentary, the Avaśyaka-niryukti, together with this text had become a main object of study. The same text is held in high esteem by the Digambara-s and in an enlarged version inaugurates the long Niryukti series in Svetâmbara literature. Apparently from the very beginning instruction began with the Avaśyaka.
All six parts of the Avasyaka have already been mentioned by name in Uttaradhyayana XXIX 8-13. It is not important that in an editorial abridgement of the fifth Anga (IX 33 Ed. fol. 8159) and in similar places in the Canon the Avaśyaka (called Avassaya) has been cited. Such references might date from the time of the final editing when, among other things, also numerous gāthā-s of the Niryukti-period found access. Also mention of the Avassaya in Bhag. XVIII 10 Ed. fol. 1423 actually cannot be taken into account, because the parallel passage Jñātādh. V Ed. p. 579 omits the word; moreover, compare the wording at p. 10's. It is more important that innumerable times in canonical legends the entire course of study has been termed "Sāmāyika, etc". For this reason the term must have preceded, by far, the finalizing of the text, because it has been replaced throughout by illogical enlargements
Sāmāiya-m-āiyāim ekkārasa angāim
and Sāmāiya-m-āiy āim coddasa puvvāim At the time of the written recording, since the Anga-s and Purva-s constituted a major part of the tradition, it was believed that such misleading exaggerations could be permitted. Even Silānka, in whose time the relationship of the texts had already become considerably disarranged, shows that
"Vinayahamsa's Výtti (composed samvat 1572) should be inserted on the first page between 7 and 8: M 2714. Haribhadra's commentary is also in Oxford (O 408), Srītilaka's tīkä at the same place (О 407) and also in Berlin (B 1807) for the past four years. Further Laghuvrtti-copies are B 20672 & 2077, P IV 198 & V 104.
**Of the Svetâmbara texts the Pāksika-sūtra (Weber Cat. II 820), the Nandi (ib. 678) and the Angacülikā (S 377) have to be taken into consideration. Relevant Digambara passages are Kriyakalāpa B II 1, 24-26, Jinasena's Harivamsapur. II 102-105, Aparājita on Ārādhanā 492, Sakalakirti's Tattvarthasār. I 142-144.

Page #102

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
from both terms (cp. Ind. Stud. XVI 243 (SBE XXII p. VLII) & 342) it cannot be assumed that the first Anga and the first Pūrva might have been called "Sāmāiya”. He says in the explanation of Sūtr.-niry. 137 (ed. p. 536): the Sāmāyika, Av. I forms the opening of the entire Canon, but the Acārânga the opening of the Anga-s.
Besides, strictly speaking, the term Avaśyaka vouches for the great age of this text. It seems that from the very beginning they recognized in their vows, formulas and hymns what was "necessary" or "indispensable", what was continuously [1'] obligatory for all members of the order. The fact that the Digambara-s have retained only this text from the Canon in its approximate wording shows its unique importance. Finally, it is just a further result of its catechism-like role that it has been varied in very diverse ways.
The Avaśyaka, namely, has been handed down in three very different editions, the first of which is represented by two and the second and third, each by numerous recensions. The first edition existed before the schism, the second belongs to the Svetâmbara, and the third to the Digambara confession. To simplify matters we denote the three texts simply as Av., Av. , Av.. In passing, it should just be said, that, in a broader sense, still various other texts can be considered to be Āvasyaka-writings, like the Prakīrnaka-s I-IV & IX (Ind. Stud. XVI 433-439 & 444), including the Digambara equivalents in Mūlāc. II f.; furthermore, the Pancasūtraka commented by Haribhadra, and similar compilations.
Āv. is the text form that has been commented in the Niryukti. Since this has survived in a Digambara, as well as in a Svetâmbara version, both of which are quite different from each other, it also implies a Digambara and Svetâmbara recension. Both no longer exist as distinctive texts. However, the wording of the latter can be gathered to a great extent from the old commentaries of the Svetâmbara-Niryukti, but, except for meagre indications [2] of the accompanying Niryukti, no knowledge of the previous has been retained. Since the Svetâmbara recension of IV-VI seems to have been enlarged, there is - apart from the Pancanamaskāra that serves as an introduction and appears often elsewhere and is actually
Av.
niry.
1
/286,
IV 1033
XVII
XIX
The sources are the same in the Cūmni and in Haribhadra's Āvasyaka-tīkā. We list them here by simultaneously noting which lines in the Haribhadra manuscript B (763) have to be considered. Niry.
в sum of Av.
B sum of lines lines x 182og'is
XVIII 1 287°10_2886, II 1 xv 1984,4's
XVIII
296'13-17 2-4 39 2015 -
11-18 XVI 2979,- 298' 0 203*, , 204'io 13
V 1-5 XIX 30517-3064 219*,_ 220*12
6-11
3090311, IV 1-5 228*2-22966
311912-14 6 1044
229012_23310 105 4 246°15-249a,
VI
318*432997 257016-258"
330°, 333*, XVI 13 258910F.
336'16-337° 103 XVI 149 258°161.
338*10's 109-31 XVI before the stanzas later to be
3386-13 noted down 1032
33861-3394 Total sum of lines, about 1200
312°5 - °8
V
1061f.
XVI
2659.

Page #103

English translation by George Baumann
not part of the text - only the full wording of I-III in a form that is probably very close to the supposed original version.
Having said this, for the time being, only the Svetâmbara version can be discussed; all the following citations given refer to it. Similarly, all citations given from the Āv. refer in the following to it, and in the same manner, the introduced citations to its Niryukti by "Āv.-niryukti" or "Nir.". What little that can be said about the Digambara recension has to be done later in connection with the Digambara-Niryukti.
Āv. I-III will be treated more comprehensively later [p. 6-14].
Av. IV-VI, with the Digambara-s in the sequence IV VI V, were originally not any more voluminous than the first three parts. The Svetâmbara-s seem, at least with IV, to have substituted an enlargement for the original piece; the parts of the Niryukti enlargement have the following forms:
Āv. IV is the Sādhu- or Yati-Pratikramanasūtra, which appears in B 1026, 1323 (printed in Weber's Cat. II 739-741], etc. as a separate small writing and for this reason has been especially commented on (see para. "AVIV" end). As the title says, the contents mainly consist of confessional formulas that monks have to repeat. Only at the beginning and at the end can several general formulas be found in which devotion to the religion can be expressed in various ways. Av. I serves as an introduction; a sloka and a gāthā form the conclusion. - Strictly speaking, the text applies only to the daivasika pratikramana; with rātrika pratikramana, instead of devasiya, rāiya has to be inserted, and for the pāksika pratikramana other forms exist (cp. Āv.-niry. XIX 120 with the accompanying commentary passages and Jayacandra's Pratikramaņa-vidhi).
Āv. V is a mixture of Kāyôtsarga forms and short hymns. The former are to be spoken when the "body (kāya) is abandoned", i.e. when, as an ascetic exercise, a particular body posture is assumed and, in defiance of any outward influence, is kept for a certain period of time. Av. I, again, serves as an introduction. The occurring hymns are:
6 = Āv. II. 9,1 f... two gāthā-s. 9,3 a Vasantatilaka-stanza. 9,4 a Sārdūlavikrīdita-stanza. 11,1-3 three gāthā-s. [11,4f. two gāthā-s) a well-known addition since the Cūrņi whose attachment or
omission the commentaries leave open. Āv. VI contains ten temperance vows. Āv.niry. XX 66 mentions their catchwords as
follows: namökkāra' porisīe? purim'addh” eg’āsaņ” ega-thāņe' ya
āyambil" abhatt'atthe' carime ya abhiggahe vigai" || 66 The vows are to be spoken in the third person by the administering person and in the first person by the pupil who is professing; only the first text form (with paccakkhāi and vosirai) is intimated in the commentaries (C & H).
0
Āv.? (generally called Şad-āvaśyaka!) consists of four parts, which, during the last centuries, have undergone considerable and differentiating enlargements. Several commentaries from the 13th and succeeding centuries give us the older version and, besides, already the relevant commentaries by Haribhadra (L 151) and sāntyācārya (L 98) give the first part of it. These four parts are called:
I Caityavandana II Vandanaka III Pratyākhyāna
IV ŚrāvakaPratikramaņa The most comprehensive commentary that also conveys the accompanying stories (mostly in Skt.-śloka-s) is the Şadvidha Āvaśyaka-vidhi (supposedly by Devendra): S 204, Br

Page #104

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
2104, C 2371. It is called Ṣaḍāvaśyaka-vṛtti in the Poona catalogue (P XII 405, XVI 347, XVIII 300); the same is the case with Rajendralāla Mitra (M 2745). The contents have 2,720 grantha-s.
Devendra has treated only I-III in the three small bhāṣya-s (as well as in their commentaries): Br 2105, B 670, 990, etc. (cp. L 50).
Śrītilaka's Vṛtti (I Ilf & P XXI 1293)* is complete, but short: I-III 550 grantha-s, IV 200 grantha-s. The more modern commentaries, which are called Ṣaḍāvaśyakâvacūrṇi, Ṣaḍāvaśyaka-bālâvabodha, or the like, are similar, and, as a rule, appear in connection with some type of modern text version: B 1971 & 2086, W I 96 (Av.2-avac.) & 84 (Av.2-avac.2), Br 2105 & 2109, etc. (cp. L 38).
Further, Jinakusala's commentary on Caityavandana-kul. 14 [2] informs about I (cp. L 150); only something about external formalities can be drawn from Haribhadra's Pancas. III (variability in size, pancânga-pranipata, mudrā-s, etc.).
Av.2 I contains 12 adhikara-s with Śrītilaka that [are introduced with the Airyāpathikī (Av. IV 6 & V 3-5) and] conclude with a wish for the future (praṇidhāna).
Adh. 1 is the ancient Jina veneration formula that is often spoken by Sakra (Indra) in legends and therefore simply called "Sakra's hymn" (Sakrastava). It appears very often in the Canon and makes up both of the first one-third (up to 13) of Aupap. § 20.
is a gatha that represents an appendix to 1.] 5 without the opening word savva-loe.
=
Av. II.
=
11
[" 2
"
3
4
5
6
7
8
=
9 =
"1

11
[" 10
"1
=
=
66
=
11 =
་་ 12 =
"1
"1
V 7 f.
V 9, 1.
2-4 & 10.
V 11,1.
"
veyāvaccag B... & Av. V 8.
What Haribhadra passes over in the Caityavandana-vṛtti has been put in square brackets. Apparently some things he does not know, other things (like Adh. 10 f.) he denotes as a non-committal interpolation, which he does not feel is necessary to explain. He divides everything into six sections, which he designates as follows:
(Adh. 1) Pranipatadaṇḍaka,
66
( 3) Vandana-kayotsarga,
( 4 f.) lokasyôddyotakarān-ity-ādi,
66
( 6 f.) Puşkaravaradvīpârdha-ity-ādi,
("8f. & 12) siddhebhya-ity-ādi, Praṇidhāna.
Santyācārya has the Airyapathikī (without V. 4 f.) just between Adhikara 2 and 3. He also mentions (however, without going into the wording) before the same the "Kṣamāśramana" (Av. III 1,1 with the Cuda matthaena vandāmi) and after the same, the Arhan-namaskāra (?), the Caturvimśati-stava (Av. II) and the Mangala-stava.
In the Saḍvidha Avaśyaka-vidhi the Pancanamaskara, along with Av.-niry. IX 131' (namo... mangalam), has been placed ahead of the Airyapathiki; equally, in the modern versions that, in addition, interpose the Kṣamāśramaṇa. Also still more numerous at the
2 f..
4..
5..]
With Peterson (Rep. IV 108) the title of the last part has, as often, been mistakenly given to the entirety. The wrong name, Tilaka, (instead of Śrītilaka) is already found with the zealot Dharmasagara, which is why it has infiltrated into ZDMG VLI 581 f. & 584. Similarly, Śrīcandra (to be mentioned later) is wrongly called Candra(sūri).
4

Page #105

English translation by George Baumann
4 f.
openings are the already noticeable enlargements of the Praņidhāna by śāntyācārya. One of the latest of these enlargements, the gāthā dukkha-khao kamma-khao ..., is based on an old source as is shown below, p. 49. The newer period has also introduced a special arrangement; it divides the entirety into nine sthāna-s:
sthāna 1 Namaskāra (Pancanamask. + Āv.-niry. IX 131') “ 2 Ksamāśramana
3 Airyāpathiki 4 Sakrastava = adhik. 1f. 5 Caitya-stava =
6 Nāma-stava = “ 7 Śruta-stava = 5 6 f. “ 8 Siddha-stava = " 8-12
" 9 Pranidhāna Av.? I must have existed in some form or other already before the schism, as, other than the cited Pranidhāna-gāthā, we still find other parts below (pp. 309f., 35., and 549f., 588.] again in Av.". Also the previously mentioned Cūļā is referred to in the Niryukti (cp. below, (pp. 12'36 & 9a61ff.).
Āv. II consists of Āv. III and some confessional and apologetic formulas. Among the former there is a layman's version of Av. IV 5 which Šrīt. lets precede as a monk's version Av. IV 5 and variations to Av. IV 7 opening & IV 6 as well as three short sentences.
Āv.2 III = Āv. VI. Since Śrītilaka a few of the ten vows have, on occasion, been rearranged. He uses the sequence 1-3. 10. 6. 4 f. 7-9. Along with C & H, Srīt. uses the formulas in the third person. With other commentators and in the manuscripts of the original texts they are in the first person.
Āv.? IV is formed by the 50-stanza Śrāvaka- or Śrāddha-Pratikramaņasūtra. A form of Sāmāyika has been prefaced to it as well as to the Sādhu- or Yati-Pratikramanasūtra (Āv. IV) that, however, has been ignored by Śrītilaka. Various other pieces have also been prefaced (the eight Aticāra-gāthā-s [2–5 & 8 = Das.-niry. 190, 188, 191-193; 6 f. = Utt. XXX 8.30), two or three Pāksika-stutaya-s, etc.) to the Sāmāyika since the Avacūri commentaries. On the other hand, the Śrāvaka-Pratikramanasūtra is sometimes missing, or, just the other way around, even after the latter the Sādhu-Pratikramaņasūtra is attached. The latter has also been commented upon by Śrītil., but in a separate work (containing 296 grantha-s) that is attached in WI 96 after Av.--Avac..
[39] Like Āv. IV, the Śrāvaka-Pratikramanasūtra is also found separately (in C 2213, etc.) and has, itself, often been commented, e.g. by Vijayasimha in a Cūrņi dated 1126 (A V 8), by Jinadeva in a Bhasya (Weber Cat. II 889,14) and by Ratnasekhara in a very comprehensive commentary (B 662). Half of the text (6-23 & 26-30) is a versification of Av.-niry. XX 19 & 22 or of analogous prose passages (in Anga 7, etc.). The author, who himself uses only the gāthā metre, 'nevertheless, has adopted, unchanged, a few differently worded original passages. These are the sloka-s 38 f. and 49 - the latter = Āv. IV 17 - as well as the prose line 43a (that comes from Āv. IV 13). Also borrowed are: 10o = Śrāvakaprajñapti p 16a8
44 f. from the Pranidhāna in Āv.I.. (Haribhadra's Pancās. I 10a). 48 = Āv.-niry. XIII 43. 22f. = Śrāvakaprajñapti P 18920 f. & 226. 50 = Av. IV 18. 40 = Ār.-pat. 212
As has already been mentioned Āv.' is the only worthwhile remnant from the Canon of the Digambara-s. They have only retained several śloka-s (I 1. IV 7 f. VI 54. 56. 65. VIII 179)

Page #106

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
from the Daśavaikālika in their recollection!* Except for Av.3, everything they possess of ancient texts are revisions and résumés that textually correspond approximately to the Niryukti-period of the Svetâmbara-s. In older times their main author, Kundakunda, apparently refers in Satprabhṛta IV 61f. to Bhadrabahu's pupil as the oldest authority for the textual tradition. The literary relationship can be illustrated, in short, by the following pattern:
Śvetâmbara literature
Digambara literature
Anga 1-11 & Upânga 1-12
Avaśyaka
etc.
Niryukti-collection
etc.
entirely modified and transposed with many later insertions by Kundakunda, etc.
Vaṭṭakera
Kundakunda
Until now, two texts have been ascertained that belong to Av.3:
1. the Kriyakalāpa,
2. the ŚravakaPratikramana (quite different from the Svetâmbara text of the same name referred to above, p. 2b 68f.]).
There are a large number of recensions of the Kriyakalapa. Four main recensions are presently available along with parts of modifications of the same. These four are:
1. the first Devanagarī recension (=D) in S 360°.
2. the second Devanagarī recension (= d) in S 333 (incomplete).
3. the Canarese recension (= K) in S 363°.
4. the recension of the commentator, Prabhācandra (=P) in P XX 481 (L 145).
In general, the contents can be divided into three parts:
A. The Airyapathiki (together with the Santy-aṣṭaka) as the introduction, and the Sāmāyika with the opening, preparation, and the fourfold Bhakti-outfitting, together with a conclusion and an appendix.
B. The remaining Bhakti-parts.

Umāsvāti
Even Aparajita cites (at Aradhana 415 & 601) various passages from the Acarânga, the Sütrakṛta (II 1,58), the Niśītha, the Uttaradhy. (II 6. 7. 12. 34 XXIII 12-14) and Daśavaikālika. Traditionally, some of these passages read much differently and some are completely lacking in it.
etc.
Both stanzas read together with the modern paraphrase:
sadda-viyārôhūo1 bhāsā-juttesu2 jam jine kahiyam
so taha kahiyam nāṇam sisseṇa ya Bhaddabāhussa 61
śabda-vikārôdbhūtam yat jñānam bhāsā-yukteṣu kathitam jinaiḥ tat jñānam tathā tena prakāreņa Bhadrabahusvaminaḥ śisyena jñānam kathitam prakāśitam.
barasa-anga-viyāṇam caudasa-puvv'anga-viula-vittharanam suyanāṇiBhaddabahūgamaya-guru bhayavao jayau 62
dvādasa-anga-vit vettä caturdaśa-pūrvânga-vipula-vistārakaḥ śrutajñānī Bhadrabahuḥ gamaka-guruḥ bhagavan jayatu.
For various reasons it is not possible that the author here, perhaps, has described himself as Bhadrabahu's pupil. The miserable condition of the text with Kundakunda is not really surprising.
6
1. °ro sähū S (348) & s (= S 318). 2. -suttosu B (oct. 504)' & s, -suttesu B2. 3. tam s. 4. nayam s. 5. sīseņa s, sīsseņa B. 6. yao Bs.

Page #107

English translation by George Baumann
C. Hymns and other insertions.
The entire name “Kriyākalāpa" is found after the introduction in the second titlestanza. Up to where it is valid cannot be ascertained from the text-manuscripts. D calls the entirety "YatyAvasyaka" at the conclusion.
The Airyāpathiki consists of two, the Sāmāyika of seven old Avaśyaka fragments. [3] Airyāp. 1. padikkamāmi bhante iriyāvahiyae ... (= Āv. IV 6)... thānado vā
camkamanado vā, (cp. Āv, V 3a:) tassa uttara-gunam tassa pāyacchitta-karanam tassa visohi-karaṇam, (Av. V 5, opening:) jāv'arahantānam bhayavantānam
namokāram karemi tāva kāyam pāvakammam duccariyam vossarāmi.
2. icchāmi bhante iriyāvahiyassa āloceum puvv'uttara ... dukkadam. Sāmāy. 1. Pancanamaskāra. Also in the introduction to the Deva- & Siddha-PūjāJayamālā
2-4. Āv. IV 2-4. 5 (s 328); there three sloka-s follow & Āv.-niry. IX 131'. 5. Av. IV 16 opening ... -bhūmīsu jāva-arahantānam ... (cp. Av. I Adh. 1)...
cakkavattīņam devâhidevāņam nāņāņam damsaņāņam carittāņam sadā karemi
kiriyammam. 6. Av. I The exponent says that the fragments are present in a special (Digambara-)
7. Āv. Il version; they follow below, p. 6 soff. & 7o34ff.
The title Airyāpathikī is not met with anywhere. It is, however, intimated by K (with īryā-patha in XI 1). Strictly speaking, "Sāmāyika" denotes the entire context in which the seven listed text-fragments appear. That is why in D & D this word is used summarily as the title of A while considering the Airyāpathikī that does not belong to it. Otherwise, K understands (at the margin and in XI 1) "Sāmāyika" only as the opening and preparation for the Sāmāyika.
K transfers the Pancanamaskāra (Sāmāy. 1) to the Airyāpathiki (directly after Airyāp. 1). Since the Sāmāyika, there, consists only of Sāmāy. 2-7, the abbreviation for it is different from the usual one in Dd: here it reads
(D) namo arahantāņam ity-ādi siddhā siddhim mama disantu
(d) namo arahantānam ity-ādi thosāmîty-ādi, in K, however:
cattāri mangalam ity-ādi thossāmîty-ādi, japa 9.
But K draws the consequence only the first time (with IX); in X a mixed formation follows
namo arahantānam cattāri mangalam ity-ādi, in XI, then, only
namo arahantānam ity-ādi.
Prabhācandra explains the Airyāpathikī after the Sāmāyika. In the manuscript-texts, however, they always precede and since in Av. (above, p. 204f.) the corresponding textpassage (except with Śāntyācārya) is also found at the opening, this must, thus, undoubtedly be the original location. It will later be seen that P & K are not authoritative. The four Bhakti sections are called:
VIII caitya-bhakti, IX pancamahāguru-bhakti,
X Santi-bhakti,
XI samādhi-bhakti. Each Bhakti consists of the four following passages:
1. introductory formula in Skt., 2. Sāmāyika, 3. shorter hymns,

Page #108

4.
Pkt.-formulas.
The introductory formula (1) has a stereotyped wording where always only the name of the Bhakti changes: in XI 1, however, before this, a passage is inserted. For 2, in the repetitions of IX & X, the above-mentioned abbreviation occurs, in D at XI also the inserted passage between Sāmāy. 6 & 7 (and between Airyāp. 1 & 2).
Three abbreviated Bhakti sections follow in an appendix. In these, parts 1-3 have been very simplified and the Pkt.-formula has been completely left out. The entire wording of the second and third Bhakti is found later in C II.
E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
Recension d, which A introduces under the title Nityaprayogavidhi, follows D exactly, but, strangely, breaks off the Bhakti-series after X 3 just to add only the conclusion (without Pranidhana and the appendix). How K & P behave can only be described after a discussion of B & C (below, p. 4° 36-57).
The above-mentioned recension D2 is only an available variant of D for A that is found in S 362. Although it is provided with a Hindi commentary, it originates from Śravaṇa Belgola which explains why it differs from D, mostly, only through a slight slant to K: actually D2 incorporates an arya from K (below, p. 5219) and the transposed Pancanamaskāra (ibid. 22); cp. also (ibid. 67) XI 1 (vidhāya).
B consists of seven Bhakti sections, which P gives in the following sequence:
I siddha-bhakti II śruta-bhakti III
căritra-bhakti
IV yoga-bhakti ācārya-bhakti
V
B
1.
2.
3.
4.
[42] Presently, recension d is practically not available because the manuscript used breaks off in B I 1,1°. Instead, B, together with the opening of C (up to CI 22,1a), is found in another Devanagari recension (= 8) (S 361). The Bhakti sequel in D is I-III V IV VI VII, in 8 I-III V VI IV VII; that in K follows under A-C (p. 4° 51-53).
Each Bhakti has been formed here from the following four parts:

VI parinirvāṇa-bhakti VII Nandisvara-bhakti
Skt.-hymn by Padapūjya-svāmin, Pkt.-hymn by Kundakunda,
shorter hymns,
Pkt.-formula.
This Bhakti pattern (B) is also very different from the earlier (A); only the second half is identical. Incidentally, it varies to a minimal degree in IV-VII: in all available recensions IV 2 appears before IV 1, and in VI & VII in place of the Pkt. hymn, each with a second Skt. hymn; in D 8, V 3 is lacking, in K, VII 3.
The oldest fragment of each Bhakti (in A as well as in B) is apparently (except the Sāmāyika) the Pkt. formula (4). This has a stereotyped wording in which only the middle changes. The opening always reads icchami bhante... bhatti-käosaggo kao tass' aloceum, where for the dots the corresponding word (siddha in I, suda in II, etc., ceiya in VIII, etc.) occurs. The Pranṇidhāna forms the obligatory conclusion.
dukkha-kkhao kamma-kkhao bohi-lāho sugai-gamanam samāhi-maraṇam jina-guna-sampatti hou majjham.
Once (in A immediately before the appendix), the Praṇidhāna appears alone (however, only in one manuscript) and once (at the conclusion of ŚravakaPr. I, below, p. 64) it has been attached in an enlarged version to a Pratikramana formula. In the modern recensions of Av.2,
8

Page #109

English translation by George Baumann
the wording has been changed into the above-mentioned (presupposed in Ārādh. 1206) gāthā, p. 2°44 that reads:
dukkha-khao kamma-khao samāhi-maranam ca bohi-lābho ya
sampajjau maha eyam tuha nāha paņāma-karanenam The original version of the Pranidhāna seems to have been a Vedhaya line with an archanc gāthā-opening (that has only three morae in the fourth foot). Under these circumstances, in order to correct the metre, following Av.? at the commencement, only sugai has to be changed to suggai. The latter word-form, on the one hand, is presupposed by the canonical deviation soggai (e.g. Sthān. IV 1 ed. fol. 226 f.), on the other hand, often verified by the metre (e.g. in Mülāc. II 63/X 14); of course, gg has been adopted from duggai and at our passage, simplified by purists. The Praņidhāna, therefore, originally read:
dukkha-khao kamma-khao bohi-lāho suggai-gamaņam
Samaki-maranam jäna-guna-Sampati kou majan. The Bhakti sections If & V are found in Kriyākalāpa also in an edition according to the pattern A, namely, II & V in Svādhyāya (CII, cp. p. 41-13, 691-9) and an excerpt from all three in the appendix of A.
VI 3 f., with twelve more gāthā-s (21-32), appears separately under the title Nirvāṇakānda (S 8349); S 334 provides a second recension of this short text. It should be noticed that, precisely, in VI 3 the recensions d & K are much shorter than D. Presumably, all three recensions simply give different extensive excerpts from the Nirvāṇakānda that would then be the source of VI 3 f.
To begin with, d attaches at the conclusion of B the words sāntijinam pathitvā "after recitation of A X 3", and then presents the three existing stanzas at the conclusion of A (before the Pranidhāna), however, from the gāthā only the first third (as Pratīka). The entire addition is the conclusion of A according to recension d, in abbreviated form, from which it follows that if d and d are not the same recension, then they are certainly closely related to each other.
Here the recensions differ the most. D has the following components:
I Samantabhadra's 24fold hymn to the prophets. II Svādhyāya, III Umāsvāti's Tattvârtha-sūtra, together with the appendix, IV Mānatunga's Bhaktâmara-stotra,
V Padmaprabhadeva's Pārsvanātha-stotra, VI Māghanandin's CaturvimśatitīrthakaraJayamālā.
As already mentioned, only the opening of 8 that agrees with D is available. On the other hand, a small fragment of d and a larger one from another Devanāgarī recension is available. Both manuscripts, S 333 (=d) and 330, each incomplete at the opening and at the end, contain the following:
S 333 CII end A. B opening S 330 CII“ III. A opening
Vedhaya (Vestaka) designates the metre as is clear from the commentaries on Nandisena's Ajitaśāntistava that Jacobi has given proof of in an excellent treatise, without being overwhelmed by tradition, and has named it "Hypermetron": Ind. Stud. XVII 389-441. Just like the găthā, this metre is also found in Pāli literature. However, both metres are very rare there. Amongst the Jātaka stories only one (542) uses the gāthāmetre for its stanzas and one the Vestaka-metre (536) for a few descriptions (ed. p. 416, 18-28. 419, 25 f. 420, 111).

Page #110

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
[4] The Svādhyāya (C II) occurs here in one case without and in another case with C II before A. Also in D the Svādhyāya, as such, is connected with A since the appendix of A (as we saw above), to a large extent, depicts an abbreviated version of the Svādhyāya. Actually, however, the Svādhyāya only has contact with A in that both of its Bhakti sections (śrīŚrutajñāna- & śrī-ācārya-) are arranged according to schema A. They are used in the paurvâhnikasvādhyāya-pratisthāpana-kriyā (therefore the title), whereas A is devoted to the paurvâhạikadevavandanā and the appendix of A to the ācāryavandanā. Both Bhakti sections have been edited in B II & V according to schema B. For this reason, their Pkt.-formulas (4) are identical with B II 4 or V 4. Apparently, 3 also contains the original stanzas of B II 3 or V 3. The Sāmāyika (2) is abbreviated both times in the manner of d (cp. above, p. 3°26).
Presently, the conclusion of P is not available. Therefore, it is not possible to say with any certainty how many of the foregoing six fragments are lacking in it. In any case, I and VII Devanandin's Siddhipriyaih-stotra are available.
K is available as an incomplete collective manuscript (S 363) that assigns only I & VI to the Kriyākalāpa from the foregoing list. On the other hand, III & IV, along with many other hymns in other parts of the manuscript, are encountered; their complete contents are:
a. CIV. b. Nandiśvara-stotra.
Dșstâstaka.
Samavasaranâstaka. e. hotchpotch without an overall designation; this is the Kriyākalāpa..
five hymns. g. Canarese hymns. h. C III. i. Bhūpāla-stotra (with Canarese commentary) 1-18; the remainder is lacking.
In the Kriyākalāpa K himself has: VIIIa Suprabhāta (different than the one by Padmanandin; Pancav. XVII), IX a Svapnāvalī, X a threefold veneration-formula with the name of 3 x 24 prophets.
Sodobně
A-C in K & P.
K & P distribute A over B & C. To begin with, they connect VIII 1 f. (by replacing caitya with siddha) with B I 1-4 to a hypertrophic Bhakti (that before had the four parts in accordance with schema B, still two heterogeneous ones according to schema A!). In this way the Avaśyaka sections of A only become a simple introduction to B. P, then, also deals with the same, together with B in the Kriyākalāpa-tīkā I under the complete title “Bhakti-vivarana" that ignores any textual autonomy of the introduction. K, in connection with BC, then picked up the remaining contents of A, i.e. the Sānty-astaka and VIII 3 f. (as atrophic caitya-bhakti!), etc.(without the appendix). P picks up (at least, in the manuscript made use of) only the Sānty-astaka as well as VIII 3 & X3 and all this only in connection with C.
The sequence in Prabhācandra's mixture AC is:
A VIII 3 & CI C VII, sānty-astaka, AX3......
Kriyakal.-t. II
Kriyākal.-t. III K groups the entirety as follows (Bh. = Bhakti): Airyāp. & Sāmāy. (with Bh. VIII 1 f.), Bh. I, IX-XI together with the expanded "conclusion", Sānty-astaka, Bh. IV f., C VIII f., Bh. VI, II f., VIII 3 (along with the inclusion of C VI & X) & 4, VII, C I.
It still remains to be determined that P only takes note of the framework of A & B, from A only the 2 + 7 Avaśyaka fragments along with the Sānty-aştaka as well as the third parts of the retrieved Bhakti sections (VIII 3 & X 3),
10

Page #111

English translation by George Baumann
from B only each of both first parts of the Bhakti sections (I 1 f., III f., III 1 f., etc.).
Apparently Prabhācandra, if not, indeed, the author of the Kriyākalāpa, imagined with B that what had been omitted had been surpassed by the hymns of Kundakunda and Pādapūjya. Precisely these form the focal point of the Bhakti schema B, in which both of the concluding parts of the more original schema A serve, so to speak, only as archanc insertions. In fact, each third part has some not very old components (from the Cāritrasāra, etc.), but, on the whole, as is the case of the fourth part, the first compiler of the Kriyākalāpa must have already known it also. In addition, both concluding parts have, as has been shown in B VI 3 f., previously existed together, at least in individual cases.
After these guiding remarks, we can allow a synoptic text-outline to follow, in which D forms the basis.
In A & B the following simplifications have been introduced. What also appears with Prabhācandra is printed in italics. His arrangement, however, has not been indicated since it has already been described above. What K inserts is put into square brackets and what K omits in parentheses. Of the changes in K, mostly only the insignificant adaptations that were not mentioned in what preceded [54] have been noted. For other differences with K, as long as they cannot be shown with the help of a small circle in square brackets, a third column has been reserved, whereas both first columns are devoted to the Devanā garī recensions (the first column gives the wording of D, the second that of d or of A XI to that of D?). Additions in D? have been taken up in small print when they do not originate from K (cp. above, p. 366-68).
In general, the following has to be noted. The previously described text fragments have only been mentioned or completely passed over. If, however, a recension differs, then its wording has been given. As a rule, only number and metre of the stanzas have been given; the number is not given if there is only one stanza. Stanzas with the same exponents are identical (Śārd.' appears again in the introduction of the ŚrāvakaPratikramana, Śārd.? at the opening of ŚrāvakaPr.III 3, gāthā' at the end of S 3634). If nothing has been said about the language the stanzas are written in Skt., the gāthā-s and gäthägīti-s, of course, in Pkt. For stanzas appearing elsewhere the corresponding citation has been inserted.
A.
Tit.
Introd. [Māl. śl. śl.; mantra; 24 stanzas: Sragdh. Vas., etc.; āryā: in Dbefore Airyāp. 2).
Airyāp. 1. namokāra 9 guņi vā atra jāpyā Pancanamask.; namah paramātkāyotsargam ucсhvāsa 27 | ūsāsā 27 mane, namo 'nekāntāya Śāntaye Vas. Airyāp. 2. śānty-astaka: 8 Śārd. [Śārd.'; namah siddhebhyah.]
namaḥ śrī Vardhamānāya nirdhūtakalil'ātmane sâlokānām trilokānām yad-vidyā darpanāyate || 1 [= Upāsakâdhy. 1]
jinêndram unmülita-karmabandham praṇamya sanmārga-kyta-svarūpam anantabodh'ādi-bhavam gunaugham
Kriyākalāpam prakatam pravaksye 2 Open. [Māl. Śārd.? PadmanandiPancav. IV 80). Āv. IV 17 = Mūlāc. II 7,
(Mūlāc. II 8, Vyavah.-bh. I 335, Mūlāc. I 26); [āryā). Prep. (atha krtya-pratijñā:) bhagavan namo 'stu te, eso 'ham (paurvâhộika-)
devavandanām kuryām iti ['nām karisyāmy].

Page #112

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
atha* Sāmāyika-svīkārah. (s1.!) 2 sl. (śl.) [2 sl., śl.', 10 sl.] (Indr. sl. gāthā; Mūlāc. VII 100. 107. 101; 2 sl., Śārd.) atha krtya-vijñāpanāsya]: (bhagavan) namo 'stu, prasīdantu prabhupādā, vandişye 'ham iti, eso 'ham losye 'ham tāvat] sarva-sāvadya
yoga-[ogād] virato 'smi. VIII 1. atha paurvâhnika-devavandanāyām pūrv'ācāryānukramena salaka-kar
ma-kşayârtham bhāvapūjā-vandanā-stava-sametam caitya-[°tam śrīmat-siddha-]bhakti-kāyotsargam karomy aham: Sāmāy. (1)-6. namokkāra 9 guni vā jā pa namo arahankāyotsargam ucсhvāsa 27 Dīyate tānam ity-ādi 9 Sāmāy. 7. śl.: cp. Av.? I Praņidh. 1; 3 Hariņi, 7 āryā-s, 5 Aupacch.; 7 śl.: for 3 cp. Av.? 1 Pranidh. 1; 8 Skandh., 5 Prthvī; (first and second introductory stanza of CI); 5 Indr.; (Apabhrama-rhyme stanza; rhymed jaya-invocations to the 24 prophets in Pkt.; Apabhramsarhyme stanza); [C VI & X; Śārd.' āryā]; Indr. Māl. Śārd. Sragdh.
(Sārd.') (Vas., 4 gāthā-s]. IX 1. K: atha āsādha-māse sukla-pakşe astâhnike prathamaNandīśvara-ma
hāparvatithi-kriyāyām pūrv'āco... Otam panca Nandīśvara-caitya
caity'ālaya-bhakti-ko.. 3. (śl.**, 6 Pkt-Sragviņī, gāthā') [7 āryā-s, sl.?; śl.: Sanskritisation of
Av.niry. IX 131'; Mūlāc. VII 1; sl.] 4. ... panca(mahā)guru-bho... Xl.... śrī[mat]sānti-bho...
3. 4 Dodhaka-stanzas; [Indr.') Vas.' Indr. (Indr.) Sragdh. śl. 4. D: ... cauvīsatitthayara-bho ... 1. ... 'tam śrī-caitya- ... "tam śrī- ... Otam iryāpatha-sāmāyika
bhakti-śrī-pancama- caitya-pancagu- siddhabhakti-Nandīśvarabhakhāgurubhakti-śrīsān- ru-śāntibhaktīr ti-pancagurubhakti-Sāntibhaktibhaktīh krtvā tad- vidhāya taddho tīr vidhāya taddho. . sarvadhīnâdhikaty'ādi-do- .. ātma-pavitrī- ticāraśuddhy-artham sarvadosa-visuddhy-artham karanârtham | sa-prāyaścitta-nimittârtham
Page #113

English translation by George Baumann
3. Indr.?, gāthā 1. atha śrī-āco śrī-ācāryabho 2. namokkāra 3 guņi vā 3. = C II Bh. 2, 3 without both first stanzas.)
namo 'stu āco āco jāpya 9
I 1. 9 Sragdh.
2. 12 gāthāgīti-stanzas. 3. (Vas.) gāthā (5 gātha-s) gāthāļ gāthā'. 1. āryāgūti, 29 āryā-s. 2. 11 gāthā-s. 3. Alms' stanzas: 9 Śārd. Śārd.** (Sragdh.) [Śārd.] - Sragdh. (Vams. Indr. sl.)
gāthā4.
10 Śārd. 2. 10 Pkt.-śl.
3. 2 Māl., āryā, third opening stanza of the Cāritrasāra, Daś. I 1. V. 1. 11 skandh.
2. 10 gāthā-s. 3. [Śārd. Hariņi 8 Sragdh. Dhrtaśrī Indr. Māl. āryā. - āryā, 2 gāthā-s, Sārd.] 2. 23 gāthā-s. 1. 8 stanzas: 1, 3, 5, 7 in Dhrtaśrī- and 2, 4, 6, 8 in Bhadrikā-metre.
3. śl. Sragdh.; gāthā; cp. Daś. III 12; śl. VI. 1. 19 āryā-s: s. 3-19 on Āv.-Erz. III 271,1; Prahars.: in fact, passed over by
Prabhāc., but most certainly known to him since he makes no remarks about several stanzas that are easy to understand; also at C I 18,19 f. he forgets to
mention the change of metre. 2. 12 Vas. 3. [Sragdh.) gāthāgīti 5 gāthā-s (gāthā)*** gāthā*** (gāthā, disregarded, but
counted gāthā, 10 gāthā-s. - Śārd. Māl. Śārd. 5 śl.)*** VII. 1. 37 skandh.
2. 23 skandh.
(9 Vas. with refrain line; Nidhi-sloka, together with a variation of cd of the i preceding stanza: cp. Āv.-Erz. III 128'; gāthā).
4. ... Nandīsara/varacediya]bhatti-ko ...
3.
I. In P introd, and end are lacking, in K only the introd. and both last concluding stanzas;
in Nemidatta's Kathākośa only the introd. is lacking. Introd.: Sragdh. & sl. (addressed to Svayambhū). 1 - 17: five stanzas each, in the same metre (1. 4. 10 & 13 f.: Vams.;
2 f. 5-9. 11 f. & 16: Indr.; 15: Rathoddh.; 17: Vas.) 18: 18 śl. & 2 Aparavaktra-stanzas. 19 - 21: five stanzas each, in the same metre (19: Sāndrap., 20: Vait.,
21: Sikh.)
However, 1-3 and 5 are added in K at the margin, together with two other gāthā-s; sequence: 1, 2,5 gāthā, 3, gāthā. not in 8; in K at the margin. not in d.
13

Page #114

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
22: 10 Udg. at two lines (or 5 Udg. at four lines in K). 23: 5 Vams. 24: 8 skandh. (each with 2 x 8 four-morae feet). The end consists of the following four stanzas, whose numbering adjoins 24.
śrī Vardhamānam akalankam anindya-vandyapādâravinda-yugalam pranipatya mūrdhnā bhavyaikaloka-nayanam paripālayantam syādvāda-vartma pariņaumi samanta-bhadram | 9 ye samstutā vividha-bhakti-samantabhadrair Indr’ādibhir vinata-mauli-maņi-prabhābhiḥ uddyotitâmhri-yugalām sakala-prabodhās
te no disantu vimalām kamalām jinêndrāh || 10 cũrvam Pātaliputra-madhya-nagare therĩ mayã tặdita, paścān MālavaSindhutakka-visaye Kāncī-pure Vaiduse', prāpto 'ham Karahāțakam bahu-bhatair vidyôtkataiḥ samkatam,
vādârthī vicarāmy aham narapate śārdūlavat-krīditam? || 11 Kāncyām nagnātako 'ham mala-malina-tanur, Lāmbuśe pāņdu-bhikṣuḥo Pundrôdre sāka-bhakşi', Daśapura-nagare mista'-bhojī parivrāt, Bāņārasyām abhūvam sasi-kara-dhavalah pandu-rāgas tapasvī, rājan yasyâsti śaktiḥ sa vadatu purato JainaNirgranthao-vādi || 12
iti Samantabhadra-stutih. [69] II. śuddhajñāna-prakāśāya lokalokaika-bhānave
namah śrī Vardhamānāya Vardhamāna-jinesine Bh. 1, 1. atha paurvâhnikasvādhyāya pratisthāpana-kriyāyām pūrv...
tam śrī-śrutajñāna-bho ...
3. = B II 3 without the donation-stanza and the sloka. Bh. 2, 3. = B V 3,18 & 15-19. The last stanza ($1.2), namely, has been omitted in B V3
by K (perhaps because it has already been inserted in IX 3), but apparently
• should be added. End: Sragdh. & Sivakoti's Ārādhanā 1 f. V. 8 Vamsasthā-stanzas in which each line closes with three identically worded iambi and all fourth lines are identical. Here a concluding stanza:
....................ākule kausale vikhyāto bhuvi Padmanandi-muni ... ... ... kośam nidhih gambhīram yamakâștakam bhaṇati yaḥ..........labhyate
śrīPadmaprabhadeva-nirmitam idam stotram jagan-ma ... || 9 VI. Śārd., 13 Pādāk. (rhymed), Māl. VII. 24 Vas. (rhymed), addressed in sequence to the 24 prophets. Sārd.
Colophon: Devanandi-kstir ity anka-garbhyam khadāra-cakram idam. VIII. Śārd., 8 Vas., 5 śl.
IX. Pșthvī, 20 skandh.
oduse Nemidatta's Kathākośa 4, 72 (see further below). 2 ovikrib.
digambar'ācāryo marginal gloss ib 71. * -pindah ib. 5 ond oib.
-bhikṣur ib. (gloss. Buddha-yatih). ? mộsta ib. * Bārānaso ib. ° °durango ib. (S). 10 Nigo ib.
14

Page #115

English translation by George Baumann
The SrāvakaPratikramaņa, "the layman's confession” is presently available only in recension D. In fact, the work forms S 3609 and [6°] therefore precedes the Kriyākalāpa. It is also much older than the handed-down forms of the Kriyākalāpa, but it presupposes, at least, part A of the same. Five Bhakti-sections form the contents:
I siddha-bhakti II pratikramana-bhakti III Vira-bhakti IV caturvimšatitīrthakara-bhakti
V samādhi-bhakti. Bhakti IV differs from the śānti-bhakti (X) in Kriyāk. A only in name. In addition, since not only the concluding Bhakti in both texts is identical (V = A XI), but also the opening and end literally agree, you can expect the first Bhakti in both passages to be the same. Actually, however, in the recensions K & P, the Bhakti-series is introduced by the Siddha-bhakti; due to the previously described circumstances this order cannot have been original. Rather, in the present case it precedes the Siddha-bhakti, because in the Kriyāk. it also opens the sequence.
In our text the Bhakti sections have been prepared for confession and for this reason somewhat diversify the original scheme (A). Especially, the four parts of it are preceded by a gāthāgīti (Şatprābhrta III 23), together with a prose addition (= G); as a rule, confessional formulas (= Pr.) were added at the end. The normal scheme becomes sixfold, consisting of G, 1-4, Pr.
The Āvaśyaka-parts I–III, together with the tradition
belonging to III
[64] The first part, a vow with the title Sāmāiya (Sāmāyika), reads in text and translation:
(Āv. I) karemi bhante Sāmāiyam: savvam sâvajjam jogam paccakkhāmi jāvaj-jivāe tiviham tivihenam: manasā vayasā kāyasā, na karemi, na käravemi, karentam pi annam na
samaņujāņāmi. tassa bhante padikkamāmi nindāmi garināmi appaņam vosirāmi.
I do, O Venerable, the Sāmāiya: Everything reprehensible", I condemn throughout my life In a threefold manner: in thoughts, in words, in deeds, I won't do it, I won't cause anyone to
do it, I won't approve of it, if anyone does it. For this, Venerable, I repent, censure, chide and castigate myself.
The vow in Āv.? (above, p. 210) is noticeably toned down; there it reads:
(Av. 13) karemi bhante Sāmāiyam: sâvajjam jogam paccakkhāmi jāva niyamam pajjuvāsāmi duviham tiviheṇam: manenam vāyāe kāenam, na karemi, na kāravemi, tassa bhante padikkamāmi nindāmi garihāmi appāņam vosirāmi. Thus savvam is deleted; instead of throughout my life, it says as long as I honour the limitation and only the doing and causing to be done, but not the sanctioning of reprehensible things, is felt to be a sin. Apparently, we find here - and the commentaries confirm this to us
Joga (yoga), a collective term that we lack for the triad "thoughts, words, deeds" has to be translated differently, according to the context.
15

Page #116

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
only is the so
e with
- the layman's version of the Sāmāiya-vow. In the text the layman's confession (the ŚrāvakaPratikramaņasūtra) also usually follows, as shown above, p. 268-76.
Then, the Digambara-version reads:
(Āv. I) karemi bhante Sāmāiyam: savvam sâvajja-jogam paccakkhāmi jāvaj-jīvam tivihena: manasā vaciyā kāeņa, na karemi, na kāraemi", annam karantam
pi na samanumannāmi. tassa bhante aicāram padikkamāmi nindāmi' garahāmi appānam, jāva arahantāņam bhayavantānam pajjuvāsam karemi tāva kāyam pāva
kammam duccariyam vossarāmi. This formula possibly contains an amalgamation of Āv. I and Āv. I?, in other words, a combination of the monk's version with that of the layman's. In fact, the spirit of the vow has, in any case, remained the same as in the original version. Only the superfluous annex with pajjuvāsam karemi seems to betray an acquaintance with the parallel formula (Av.I?), which offers pajjuvāsāmi. The annex, itself, originates from Āv. V 5 where another expression for pajjuvāsam karemi is found.
A hint to the Sāmāiya-vow is to be found in the Mahāvīra-legend of the Ācārânga (II 15,22). According to this text, Mahāvīra had begun his religious life by reciting the siddhānam namokkāra (in place of the later customary Pancanamaskāra) [6] and pledging himself with the words savvam me akaraạijjam pāvam kammam to the Sāmāiya caritta. Apparently, the author of that passage already knew the Pancanamaskāra as an introduction to the Āvaśyaka. The passage is versified in Av.-niry. III 337*
The second part of the Āvaśyaka-sūtra is a hymn to the 24 prophets and is therefore called Caturvimšati-stava. (Av. II) logassa ujjoyagare dhamma-titthamkare jine
arahante kittaissāmi cauvvīsam pi kevali|| 1 Usabham 1 Ajiyam 2 ca vande Sambhavam 3 Abhinandanam 4 ca Sumaim 5 ca Paumappaham 6 Supāsam 7 jinam ca Candappaham 8 vande|| 2 Suvihim ca Pupphadantam 9 Sīyala 10 Sejjamsa 11 Vāsupujjam 12 ca Vimalam 13 Aṇantam 14 ca jinam Dhammam 15 Santim 16 ca vandāmil 3 Kunthum 17 Aram 18 ca Mallim 19 vande Munisuvvayam 20 Nami-jinam 21 ca vandāmi 'ritthanemim 22 Pāsam 23 taha Vaddhamānam 24 ca || 4 evam mae abhithuyā vihuya-raya-malā pahīna-jara-maraņā cauvisam pi jina-varā titthayarā me pasīyantu || 5 kittiya-vandiya-mahiyā je 'e logassa uttamā siddhā ārogga-bohi-lābham samāhi-varam uttamam dentu |6
Premi D and K pr. m. before karo D?
dāmi appāņam K jāv' DK bosaro K. The words me and kammam have been forgotten in Jacobi's edition.
Hemacandra cites this verse-opening in his Pkt. grammar on rule I 24, the end of 5' (pahina-jaramaranā) on rule I 103; also he mentions the opening of the first stanza in the Cūrni-version on rule I 177 to be mentioned later. From Av. III he takes the word javanijjam in I 248 and in III 38 the word khamāsamano.
Hemacandra also takes several verse-openings from the Niryukti, e.g. B II 22* on II 104, II 67 on I 88, VIII 195* on I 102. The word ahā-jāyam from XII 106" (below, p. 1265) is found at I 245, the end of VIII 41 at III 46.
Hemacandra has even noted some things from the Bhāsya; e.g. the next to last citation (viusā so) at II 174 from Vises, 1 875
Among the individual words, which Hemacandra lists, there are naturally many that appear in Āvaśyaka-texts as well as elsewhere.
16

Page #117

English translation by George Baumann
(3.)
17. Kunthu 18. Ara 19. Malli 20. Munisuvrata 21. Nami 22. Aristanemi 23. Pārsva 24. Vardhamāna
candesu nimmalayarä äiccesu ahiyam payasagarā sägara-vara-gambhīrā siddhā siddhim mama disantul 7
1. They, who once filled the world with light,
when they triumphantly taught the religion, these august ones, I want to praise,
these twenty-four eternally wise ones". 2-4. I venerate (all of them): 1. Rşabha
9. Suvidhi Puspadanta 2. Ajita
10. Šītala 3. Sambhava
11. Śreyāmsa 4. Abhinandana
12. Vāsupūjya 5. Sumati
13. Vimala 6. Padmaprabha
14. Ananta 7. Supārsva
15. Dharma 8. Candraprabha
16. śānti [7] 5. Thus those called upon by me,
who threw off dust and filth from themselves and overcame death and old age, 0! May those twenty-four conquerors, the prophets, be merciful to me. Those there", praised, venerated, honoured at the highest places, blissfully enthroned, 0! May they gift me with good health, let me acquire knowledge
and devotion to the highest degree. 7. Those spotless ones are like the moon
and, spreading light, more than the suns and unfathomable like the oceans, O! May those, who are eternally blissful, Show me the way to bliss ***
literally, "the absolute wise ones"; kevala-jñāna is "the unconditional knowledge", the fifth and highest degree of knowledge. je 'e = ya ete H. The siddhi (blissfulness) as residence of the blissful ones at the top-end of the world as well as the blissful ones are dealt with in the Canon: A. a gāthā-versification with two introductory stanzas adopted as quotations: Āv.-niry. IX 72-102. B. a prose and gathā-version: the first part (74-79) in prose, at least with inclusion of the first gathā-line
(74'); the second part (80-102) in an older version without the stanzas 80-82 & 93. Both introductory
stanzas have been taken into the middle between the prose and gathā parts. C. a śloka-versification with several gathā-pieces taken from the basic form of) A: Uttarâdhy. XXXVI
56-68. An acquaintance with B divulges the fact that both introductory śloka-s have been left at the opening, but at the place where B shows it, again seem to have been cursorily touched upon. The
second part is only summarily touched upon here. B is found in two recensions: I. Prajñāp. II Ed. fol. 1300-137, Ed.2 fol. 101's-1034. A gāthā has been added before both śloka-s. II. Aupap. $ 163-188. The first sentence (8163) has been enlarged by several lines and is added at the same time
in a schematic way with the meaningless paragraphs 160-162, which, themselves, rely on a dogmatic introduction (8 156-159). At the end a găthā (8 189) has been added whose conclusion in Prajñāp. XXXVI Ed. fol. 848 has displaced the original final wording. The original part of 8163 is found also in Bhag. II 1, 3, 22 Ed. fol. 1590, and 165 is recorded in Anga 4 12.
B II (Aupap. $156-188) is cited in Bhag. II 7 and XI 9 under the title Siddhagandiyā or Siddhi-gandiya, while the first time Prajñāp. II is referred to, the second time the Aupapātika (but without $ 189!).
Moreover, the part of śīlänka's commentary (on Vises. V 354-378) covering version A is found in the Excerpts (p. 17).
17

Page #118

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
The last three stanzas could also be considered to be a prayer.
Whereas Haribhadra's commentary) does not give more than the verse-openings, (the) C(ūrņi) picks out only the first stanza usual in the double (Samhitā- and Pada )form, on the other hand, deals, simply with the contents of the corresponding Niryukti-section (XI 39-50) in place of 2-4, and lists 5-7 (from 7, just the opening) only jumbled up with the explanation. However, since all transmitted passages can be found identically again in Av. this recension could be used to restore the missing fragments. As for Āv.?, it differs little, and has placed a gāthā in front of the hymn and, besides, has converted the introductory śloka into a gātha. Just like this gāthā, the stanzas 2-7, then, cannot be an original versification, according to the proof of Av.', though already canonized before the schism, because the gāthā-metre was hardly known to the Uttaradhyayana. Even the tradition belonging to the Av. divulges in verse 1 an attempt at metrical modernization; C, namely, reads logass', which H describes as a version, while he, himself, correctly presents logassa.
After these words, we need only to let Āv. Il follow here: thossāmi' 'ham jiņa-vare titthayare kevali ananta-jine nara-pavara-loya-mahie vihuya-raya-male mahā-panne? || 1 loyass' ujjoyayare dhamma®-titthamkare jine vande. arahante kittisse cauvīsam ceva kevaliņo || 2 Usaham Ajiyam ca vande Sambhavam Abhinandanam ca Sumaim ca Paumappaham Supāsam jinam ca Candappaham vande | 3 Suvihim ca Pupphayantam Sīyala Seyamsao Vāsupujjam ca Vimalam Anantam bhayavam Dhammam Santim ca vandāmi | 4 [7°] Kunthum ca jina-var 'indam Aram ca Malli Munisuvvayam ca Namim vandāmi 'ritthaņemim taha Pāsam Vaddhamānam ca || 5 evamo mae abhithuyā vihuya-raya-malā pahīņa-jara-maraņā cauvīsam pi jiņa-varā titthayarā me pasiyantu | 6 kittiya-vandiya-mahiyā ee log’uttamā" jiņā siddhā ārogga"-nāņa-lāham dentu samāhim ca me bohim || 7 candehi nimmalayarā āiccehi ahiyam pahāsantā sāyara" iva gambhīrā siddhā siddhim mama disantu || 8
The remaining variations in C&H are: 1° otthagare in the pada-ccheda C. 10 °ssam B (but not in the pada-ccheda). cauvīso in the pada-ccheda C. 6o 'diya maiyā (= mayā) H! He mentions the correct reading as a variant. 7" candehi C (whereby, of course, then also äicceli has to be assumed), - with H as a variant.
The small text variations of the first stanza can also be found in Av.?, where the adopted form reads (Āv. II? 1) logassa ujjoyagare dhamma-titthayare jine
arihante kittaissam cauvisam pi kevali 1 and, according to the commentaries, some write cauvvo.
thosāmi dk. "ha-ppo DPK. ujjoyare Dd! K unclear. Ommam dK. Pomo D? yam ca dk and (in Āv.) W I84. llim M° D, lim ca Suvvo D?, Malim M d. de Aro DPK.
eva DD2 d! 10 logÔtro DDP d.
aroga DDd & P (=paripūrņa!) 12 ahiyam payāso DDP & P v.l., ahiya-ppahā santā K & P (adhika-prabhāḥ santaḥ). 13 Pram DD2 d.
18

Page #119

English translation by George Baumann
The third part of the Avaśyaka-sūtra bears the title Vandana(ka) "veneration"; more exact would be Kṣāmanā Vandana(ka) “veneration and apology". The term guru-vandana, to differentiate from caitya (or deva-)vandana (Av.? I), is also found. The expression caturādiksamā-śramanah is also in use because the word khamāsamaņa “Your Honour” appears four times at the opening of a sentence (dāum caur-āie khamāsamane in one gāthā cited by Jayacandra in the Pratikramaņa-vidhi means “reciting Āv. III”). The text (conveyed consistently in extenso by C and H) falls into two groups of formulas: 1 1-6 and 2 1-4. Only the first group is touched upon in the Niryukti; this one, alone, can have been the original one. However, the Niryukti (in XII 1299, end) apparently contains a reference to the opening of the second group: for this very reason, then, the stanza-pair XII 129 f. should be reckoned to the Bhāsya-elements of the Niryukti. The second group is a further discourse of what was already said at the end of the first-mentioned in 16). According to C and H, both groups should be repeated once again; only H remarks that, in this case, the word āvassiyāe (in 2 1) should be omitted, because the repetition of 1 6 onwards is to be spoken at the feet of the teacher. While explaining the word āvassiyāe that is omitted in Av.? by W I 84 (but still presupposed in all Āv.? -commentaries, in fact, at times written with only one s), However, C carries it over to the first group of formulas. Already the first time, C prescribes the prostration before 1 6. The Niryukti also presupposes in XII 106-109) a repetition, without saying whether the same should have reference to both groups or just to the first one. In any case, the repetition there is an innovation, because the Digambara version of this passage (to be further discussed below), proved older due to its metre, knows nothing about it. (Av. III) 1 1. icchāmi khamāsamaņo vandium jāvanijjāe nisīhiyāe.
2. anujāņaha me mi'oggaham. 3. aho-kayam kāya-samphāsam.
khamanijjo bhe kilāmo.
appa-kilantānam bahu-subhena bhe divaso vaikkanto. 4. jattā bhe. 5. javanijjam ca bhe. 6. khāmemi khamāsamaño devasiyam vaikkamam. 1. āvassiyāe - padikkamāmi 2. khamāsamaņānam devasiyāe āsāyaṇāe tettīs'annayarāe jam
kimci micchāe mana-dukkadâe vaya-dukkadae kāya-dukkadae kohāe mānāe māyāe lobhāe savva-käliyāe savva-micchôvayārāe, savva-dhammâikkamanāe
āsāyaṇāe 3. jo me aiyāro kao,
4. tassa khamāsamano padikkamāmi nindāmi garihāmi appānam vosirāmi. To each of the six formulas of the first group there is, according to the tradition, an answer from the teacher. In the following translation we include the answers in brackets, along with the necessary additions for comprehension.
(From a restrained distance, the pupil speaks to the teacher:) 1 1. I desire to honour Your Grace in the most possible composure. - [Gladly.]
Khama-samano is a vocative, formed like ajjo = ārya after bho and āuso that serves here at the same time as an accusative.
2 The teacher gives this answer only if he is otherwise not busy. If he is occupied, then, according to C, he requests the pupil to wait with the words wait a while (accha täva) and, later, when he can felicitate the honour, invites the pupil with an obliging expression; but according to H, if this is not possible, he answers: with the threefold (tivihena in Av.?-Avac.?, = mano-vāk-kāyaiḥ samkepena vandasva Şadv. Av.-v., etc.), whereupon the pupil only summarily (samkşepeņa) finishes the veneration. The Şadv. Av.-v. mentions (also like Āv.-Avac.) the difference between C (with pratīkşasva for accha) and H (trividhena).
19

Page #120

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
2. Permit me (to tread) into the determined area. - [I allow it.]
(Having stepped up to the teacher's feet, he lays the little brush on the ground and touches it, as well as [his own' forehead, with
his hands, saying:) [89] 3. (Permitted) on the lower body (i.e. at the feet) contact
with the (my) body (i.e. with my hands). (lifting the head and with folded hands at the forehead looking into the countenance of the teacher, he says): * May this disturbance be tolerated by you. Seldom disturbed, you have (no doubt) spent the day well.
- (Yes.] 4. Enjoy spiritual progress. - (You deserve it also.] 5. And enjoy contentment. - [It is so.) 6. I ask forgiveness, Your Grace, for (my) daily sins. - [I
also forgive you".)
(Having stood up and having left the area, the pupil says:) 1. Out of compulsion of duty – I repent 2. whatever injustice (I have done) towards Your Grace
through irreverence in this or that manner of manifestation, be it in thoughts, words or actions, out of anger, pride, insincerity or greediness, through each false service at
any time and each direlection of duty relating to irreverence, 3. what I may be guilty of, 4. for that, Your Grace, I regret, censure, scold and castigate
myself. In order to substantiate and elucidate this translation, we present what is of importance in Niryukti, Cūrņi and Haribhadra's tīkā, collect some things from the commentaries on Āv.? and complement this, finally, with a discussion of the terms āvassiyā and nisīhiyā, jattā and javanijja. We include a translation of the Niryukti-stanzas (a selection from XII 122-131). In the Cūrņi-passage, the readings recorded in the footnotes are valid for both manuscripts (a = P VI 129, B = P XII 367),when a or B is not added. Also by means of the abbreviation Āv.?Avac., both texts with this name are to be understood, if an exponent does not indicate that only the first or the second is meant. Niry. XII: icchā 1 ya anunnavaņā 2 avvābāham 3 ca jatta 4 javaņā 5 ya
avarāha-khāmanā 6 vi ya cha tthānā honti Vandanae|| 122 āya-ppamāņa-metto caud-disim hoi oggaho guruņo; aņaņunnāyassa sayā na kappae tattha paisarium || 122 bāhira-khettammi thio aņunnavettā mi'oggaham phāse oggaha-khettam pavise, jāva sireņam phuse pāe || 123 chanden', anujāņāmī, taha tti, tubbham pi vattae, evam, aham avi khāmemi tume, vayanāim vandan'arihassa || 125
Niry. XII 123 end and Av.--comm.; cp. below, p. 1235 Niry. XII 114 (mistake 27). In order to indicate the episode, H inserts at Āv.? in the text before aho the word nisthi, the explanation in H with naişedhikyā pravisya does not clearly refer to this, but in the commentaries on Āv.? it does, because there naisedhikya is paraphrased. and with my forehead Āv.-comm. This from the commentaries on Āv.?
You (tubbhe) Av.--comm. 122' end so H (yarīum !); payaso S, paviseum Bb. 123 end 'sai H in .
20

Page #121

English translation by George Baumann
sīso padhama-pavese vandium āvassiyāě padikamium biiya-pavesammi puno kim vandai? cālanā; ahavā || 129 jaha düo rāyānam namium kajjam niveium pacchā
vīsajjio vi vandiya gacchai em eva sāhū vi || 130 122. 1. Wish, 2. request for permission (to come closer), 3. no disturbance, 4. spiritual
progress, 5. health, 6. apology for sins, - (these) are the six stages at the "veneration". The teacher's "sphere” is his own size, measured in all four directions; into this (sphere) no one is permitted to tread without permission. Standing in the outside area, after he has requested permission, he should touch the determined area (with the little brush) and enter into the sphere until he touches the feet (of the teacher) with his head. "Gladly", "I permit it”, “Yes”, “You deserve it also”, “It is so”, “I also forgive you”, - (these) are the answers of the Venerable One. What? The pupil, upon his first entry, after completion of the veneration and in composure, having experienced repentance, shows veneration again upon the second
entry? – (this is) an objection (which the following will respond to:) What is more, 130. as a messenger honours the king (to whom he is supposed to bring a message) and
after his dismissal, (again) goes respectfully, just like this also the monk (should do).
C: tattha kira appacchandena' avisae? asattassa avihīe karaṇam na vattai tti vandago gurum vandium ujjutto oggaho bāhim thio onaya-kāo dohi vi hatthehim majjhe gahiyarayaharaṇo evam āha: 11..... yāvanīyā nāma jā keņai paogena kajja-samatthā, jā puņa paogeņa vi na samatthā sā ajāpanīyā, tāe jāvanijjāe, kāe? nisīhiyāe, nisīhiyā sarīragam vasahi thandilam ca bhannai, jao nisīhiyā nāma alao, vasahi thandilam ca sarīrassa alao, sarīram jīvassa ālao tti, tahā padisiddha-nisevaņa -niyattassa kiriyā nisīhiyā, tāe; tat ko 'rthah? he samaņa guņa-jutta vandium icchāmi kahamci śaktayā [8] tanvā kahamci padisiddha-niseha-kiriyāe ya**, appa-rogam mama sarīram padisiddha-pāvakammo ya hontao tumam vandium icchāmi ti yāvat. ettha vanditum icchāmîty āvedanena appacchandatā pariharitā, khamāsamano tti anena avisao parihario, jāvanijjāe nisīhiyāe tti aņeņa saktatvam vidhi' ya darisiyā, sesa-padāņi puņa vihie vibhāsiyavvāņi tti. esa visaya-vibhāgo. kahi ra® puņa ettha uvaramo? bhannai: 11 esakko phuda-viyada-suddha-vanjaņo ucсāreyavvo savva-vihie. tattha jai bādhā atthi kāi' to bhanai: accha tāva. jai tam akkhāiyavvam to akkhāi: aharahassam bho raha kassa ceva kajjai. jai padicchiu-kāmo tāhe bhanai : chandeņam nāma abhippāenam mamâbhipretam ity arthaḥ. tāhe sīso bhanai: 1 2, ettha oggaho āyariyassa āya-ppamāṇam khettam", tam āyari’oggaho, tam anaņunnavettā na vattai pavisium", to vandiu-kāmo tam aņunnavei jahā:mama parimiyam og gaham anujānaha. tāhe āyario bhaņai: anujāņāmi. tāhe sīso āyariya-oggaham pavisai, pavisittā sammam
1299 vandaim B, vandiam bs; āvasiyo b; padikko BbSs. 1290 opening bīya sb. 1296 kim after vo Hb.
°ņa appacchande a. avasie. 'vagrahād H, uvaggo Otthā so ajāyano Chimă. nivesana a. odhā. 2. kārai. Onno Ottam tam āyariyassa āya-ppamāṇam khettam.
anunno!! 13 °setum (in accordance with Niry.?)
21

Page #122

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
rayaharaṇam bhūmīe thavettā tam nidālam ca phusanto bhaņai: 1 3, rāiņiyassa samphāso vi ananunnavetta' na vattai kāum, to' evam āha: aho-kāyam āśritya mama käya-samphāsam. "anujāņaha" tti ettha vi sambajjhai. aho-kāo pādā, te** 'ham rayaharaṇam ņivesittā appano kāeņa hatthehim phusissāmi tam ca me anujānaha tti. . . . . . . bhavatām divaso viikkanto, divaso pasattho ahoratt'ādi ya, teņa divaso gahio, rāi pakkho icc-āi vi bhāniyavvam. ettha āyario bhaņai: taha tti; esa padisuņaņā”. avvābāha-pucchā gayā, evam tā sarīram pucchiyam; idāņim tava-samjama-niyama-jogesu pucchai: 14, tava-samjamaniyama'. sajjhāya-āvassaehim aparihāni-carana-jogā ussappanti tti bhaniyam bhavai. tāhe āyario bhanai: tubbham pi vattai. jattā-pucchā gayā. idāņim niyāmiyavvesu pucchai: 15, javanijjam 2: indiya-lo noindiya-, indiya-javanijjam: niruvahayāņi yase ya bhe vattanti indiyāņi, no khalu kajjassa bādhā" vattatîty arthah; evam noindiya-javanijjam: kodh'ādi vi no bhe bāhenti. evam pucchai parāe bhattīe, viņao ya kao bhavai. evam padisuņaņā. javanijja-pucchā gayā. idāņim avarādha-khāmaņā. tāhe sīso pucchittā pādesu padio jam kimci avaraddham tam khāmeu-kāmo bhanai: 1 6, vaikkamo nāma aikkamassa bio avarādho, so ya vaikkamo je avassam-karanijjā jogā virādhiyā tattha bhavai tti āvassiyāe gahanam. divase bhavo devasio, devasiya-ggahaņeņa rāiy’āi!“ vi gahiyam. tāhe āyario bhaņai: aham avi khāmemi tume. pacchā ega-nikkhamanam nikkhamai sīso. tāhe bhaņai: padikkamāmi 2 2, padikkamāmi nāma apuņakkaranayāe abbhutthemi ahāriham pāyacchittam padivajjāmi, khamāsamana, devasiya-gahanam tah'evalo, āsāyaṇā tettīsam jahā Dasāsu", tettīsāe annayarāe, savvão rāimdie sambhavanti, tena annayara-ggahaņam, ekkā vā do vā kayā hojjā, jam kimci avaraddham. tat kim uktam? khamāsamaño devasio jo vaikkamâvarādho āvassigā-visao tam khāmemi apunakkaranayāe ya abbhutthemi ahāriham pāyacchittam padivajjāmi, tahā khamāsamanāņam devasiyāe āsāyaṇāe tettīsam annayarāe jam kimci avaraddham tam pi khāmemi apunakkaranayāe abbhutthemi ahāriham pāyacchittam padivajjāmi, iti yāvat. ego kiccāņam akarane avarādho", tam 20 khāmemi padikkamāmi ya, bīo padisiddha-karane, tam pi khāmemi2 padikkamāmiya ity arthah. evam devasiyam khāmiyam. eeņa puna savvam savvakāliyam khāmemi jam kimci "micchāe" icc-āiņā, "jam kimci”-saddo ettha vi sambajjhai. micchā-bhāveņa kayā micchā, maņeņa dutthu kayā maņadukkadā, evam vai-dukkadā kāya-dukkadā vi, kova-bhāveņa kao kodho, evam māno māyā lobho, savva-kāle bhavā savvakāligi: pakkhikā cāummāsiyā samvacchariyā iha-bhave annesu
rāyan aņunno!! (see also footnote 12 on previous page). bho. āsītya. him a one nivo B, one ņavo a. onāe. vā B. so-to-no a; in the original passage (Bhag. XVIII 10, s. more about this p. 10674.), as well as in the following tono-so is found. odiņāya a, 'diyāņa ya B.
odhãe.
die.
ccha.
oyā. Priyam. Namely, as earlier at 1 6. that is, in Daśāśr. III, cp. Weber Cat. II p. 645. anamtara. orodho. tam pi B. ometi a. mati.
22

Page #123

English translation by George Baumann
vā atītesu bhava-ggahanesu savvammil 'tīt'addhā-kāle, savva-micchôvayāram nāma savvena jena kenai pagāreņa dūsiya-bhāvena kayā, savva-dhammâikkamanā: dhammā karanijjā jogā, savve je kei karanijjā jogā tesim virādhaņā aikkamaņā, tīe savva-dhammâikkamaņāe, āsāyaṇā padisiddha-karaṇam, tīe āsāyaṇāe, 23, aiyāro nāma aikkama-vaikkamāņam taio avarādho, 24, nindaņa-garihana-vosiraņāņi jahā Sāmāie. tad ayam arthah: . ... vosirāmi tti. evam puno vi: icchāmi khamāsamano tah'eva jāva vosirāmi tti. evam sīseņa pade-2 samvegam āvajjantenam nīyā-goya-khavan'atthayāe agoyassa ya thānassa phalam himtadae kāūna vandanagam kāyavvam. evam payattho bhanio, pada-viggaho vi samāsapadesu jāniyavvo. idānim suttaphāsiya-nijjutti: XII 122*. 125*. tattha icchăm chavvihā, .... .; davva-nisīhiyā sarīram, bhāva-nisīhiyā niseha-kiriyā; . . . . . ... ; evam avvābādh'ādīņi vi sa-vittharam vibhāsejjā'. idāņim cālaņā-pasiddhĩo bhannanti, tattha āha: nanu kim iti padhama-pavese vandium khāmeum puno bīya-paveseņa vandai?ucyate: loge jahā rāj'ādīņam ......; evam divasao vandanaga-vidhāņam bhaniyam. ratti-m-āisu vi jesu thāņesu divasa-ggahaņam tattha rāig’āī vi bhaniyavvā, pādosie jāva porisī na ugghādei' tāva devasiyam bhannai, puvvanhe jāva porisī na ugghādei tāva rāiyam ti. 8 teņa vi āyarieņa ukkuduenam anjali-mauliya-hatthenam [94] vanjane pāde ya uvautteņam a-vvagga-maņenam puņne sarassale anubhāsiyavvam jahā tassa sīsassa samvego bhavai. samvego nāma mokşôtkanthaḥ, samvegāo vipulam nijjarā-phalam ti. anugamo gao. iyāṇim nayā icchiyavvā, ....
H: [1 1] . . . . . yāpanīyayā yathāśakti-yuktayā naisedhikyā prāņâtipāt'ādi-nivsttayā tanvā sarīrenêty arthah. atrântare gurur vyāksep'ādi-yuktas trividhenêti bhanati, tataḥ śisyah samksepa-vandanam karoti. vyāksep'ādi-vikalas tu chandenêti' bhanati. tato vineyas tatrastha evam āha: [1 2] ...... mitâvagrahas tam, caturdiśam ih' ācāryasy' ātma-pramānam kşetram avagrahas, tam anujñām vihāya pravestum na kalpate. tato gurur bhanati: anujānāmi. tataḥ śisyo naisedhikyā praviśya gurupādântikam nidhāya tatra rajoharanam tal" lalātam ca karābhyām samsprśann idam bhanati: [1 3] ..... bhavatām divaso vyatikrānto yuşmākam ahar gatam ity arthaḥ. atrântare gurur bhaņati: tathêti yathā bhavān bravīti. punar āha vineyah: [1 4] yātrā tapo-niyam'ādi-lakṣaṇā kṣāyika-miśr'aupaśamika-bhāva-laksaņā vā utsarpati bhavatām. atrântare gurur bhanati: yuşmākam api vartate, mama tāvad utsarpati, bhavato 'py utsarpatîty arthaḥ punar apy āha vineyo: [1 5] yāpanīyam cêndriyanoindriyöpaśam'ādinā prakāreņa bhavatām śarīram iti gamyate. atrântare gurur āha: evam āmam yāpanīyam ity arthah. punar āha vineyah: [16] ...... atrântare gurur bhanati: aham api kşamayāmi daivasikam vyatikramam . . . . . tato vineyaḥ praṇamyaivam kşamayitv»l2 ālocanā'rheņa pratikramaņârheņa ca prāyaścitten' ātmānam sodhayann atrântare karanatayôtthāyāvagrahān nirgacchan yathārtho vyavasthitas tathā kriyayā pradarśayann āvasyikyệty-ādi dandaka-sūtram bhanati. [
21] avasyam-kartavyais carana-karana-yogair nirvịttā āvasyikī tayā āsevanā-dvāreņa hetu-bhūtayā, yad asādhvanusthitam tasya pratikrāmāmi nivartayāmīty arthah. ittham sāmānyenâbhidhāya višeşeņa bhanati: [22] .....
ovvami.
2
6
onāe. 3 mae instead of me.
occhāya.
Paraphrase of XII 124; in the preceding 122 and 122 are dealt with (likewise without pratīkadetails)
The paraphrase of XII 129 f. 127 f. follows. | °dai.
The following is a very free paraphrase of XII 126. Ondasêti . Okya nişiddhânyavyāpāra-rūpayā 'vagrahe Sadv. Av.-v. (& Av.--Avac.) 'śya vidhinôpavisya guru-pādau sva Şadv. Av.-v. (without vidho Śrīt. & Āv.?-Avac.)
12
ksāmo .
23

Page #124

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
āśātanās ca yathā Daśāsu atraiva vā 'nantarâdhyayane' tathā drastavyāḥ, tão puņa tettīsam pi āsāyaṇāo imāsu causu mūl'āsāyaṇāsu samoyaranti tam: davv'āsāyaṇāe 4, davv'āsāyanā rāiņieņa samam bhunjanto maņunnam appaņā bhunjai, evam uvahi-samthārag'āisu vibhāsā, khett'āsāyaṇā: āsannam gantā bhavai rāiniyassa, kāl’āsāyaṇā: rão vā viyāle vā vāharamāṇassa tusiņīe citthai, bhāv’āsāyaṇā: āyariyam "tumam” ti vattā bhavai; evam tettisam pi causu davv'āisu samoyaranti. yat-kimcin-mithyayā yat kimcid āśritya mithyayā ... lobhayā lobhânugatayā; ayam bhāvârthah: krodh'ādy-anugamanena yā kācid vinayabhramś’ādi-laksaņā āśātanā krtā, tayêti. evam daivasiki bhanitā. adhunêhabhavânyabha-vagatâtītânāgata-kāla-samgrahârtham āha: sarvakālenâtīt'ādinā nirvșttā sarvakālikī tayā, ...[2 3 f.] ... evam kṣāmayitvā punas tatra-stha evärdhâvanata-kāya eva bhanati: icchāmi khamāsamaño ity-ādi sarvam drastavyam ity evam navaram ayam višeṣaḥ: khāmemi khamāsamano ity-ādi sarva-sūtram "āvasyikyā"-virahitam pāda-patita eva bhanati.
The secondary version, Āv.2 II, shows no differences that did not also appear in the tradition of the original sūtra as variants and, therefore, already have been mentioned in passing. The following remarks of the Şadvidha Avaśyaka-vidhi appear again in Āv..Avac., always with dissolved sandhi and - abbreviated - in Āv.--Avac.?; also Śrītilaka who strictly carries out the sandhi abbreviates this passage.
Şadv. Āv.-vidhi: 13 end. divasa-grahaņam rātry-ādy-upalaksaņârtham, divase ca tīrthavandanârtha-pravartanam, rātrau" pāksik'ādy-anuşthānam; praśastaś ca sa iti jñāpanârtham cêti tệtīyam sthānam. - After finishing 1: tato vineyo 'bhyutthāya āvasiyāe* ity-ādinā [2 1-3]ālocanā'rheņa tassa khamāsamano padikkamāmi ity-ādinā [
24] pratikramaņârheņa ca prāyaścitten' ātmānam sodhayitu-kāmo avagrahān niḥsstyệdam pathati: āvassiyāe ity-ādi. avaśyam-kāryesu caraṇa-karaņeșu bhavā kriyā āvasyikī, tay, hetu-bhūtayā āsevanā-dvāreņa yad asādhvanuşthitam tasmāt pratikramāmi nivarte; ittham sāmānyenâbhidhāya višeşen' āha: 2 2. - After finishing 2: dvitīya-cchandanakam apy evam eva, navaram āvasyikī-nihkramaņa-rahitamo, evam vandanakam dattvā avagrahântah stha eva sisyo 'ticār'ālocanam kartu-kāmaḥ kimcid-avanata-kāyo gurum pratîdam āha: icchākārena .. ... With this then, still various repentance vows follow.
In the later Av.?, as has already been said on p. 2° 48(36), the first Vandanaka-formula (1 1) independently appears directly after the introductory namaskāra of the text. The words matthaena vandāmi “I venerate you with the head” follow that are rejected by Niry. XII 11518 (= Kalpa-bh. III 818) as well as by CH in Niry. XII 114 - the passages follow below, pp. 1325, 14° 1f. (transl.), 12081, 13442 - as an unrelated addition (cūļā). Apparently, here again it is a question of a calculated simplification of the basic text for laymen.
Whereas in Āv.? the Avaśyaka-parts I-III have been entirely re-arranged, Av. gives, at least, I and II in the original order. However, where the Digambara-s have put III, presently, can not be determined.
With this what the tradition conveys for the explanation of the Vandanaka-formulas has been treated exhaustively. Some terminologically unclear points remain, which [9] require an independent review by us. To begin with, the terms āvassiyā and nisīhiyā have to be defined more exactly. With these the first two of the ten customary social manners (Sāmācārī-types) among monks are denoted; their denominations are enumerated in the Uttarâdhy. XXVI, Bhag. XXV 7, Sthān. X, Āv.-niry. VII and with the Digambara-s in Mūlācāra IV. Only the last two
Namely, in Av. IV. The four mentioned types of āsāyaṇā in the following Pkt.-passage have been phrased in a slightly different way in Daśāśr. III and have the numbers 18.3. 13. 22. tīrtha MS (S204). Lacking in the ms. āvasso Śrītil.
āvasiyo Avac. o ondanakam ity evam, kevalam āvassiyāe padam nôccāryate Śrīt.
24

Page #125

English translation by George Baumann
passages give some information about the importance of these ten terms; stanzas 29-36 or 576 & 13, respectively, are devoted to both of the above terms. We translate them exactly according to the commentaries (C, H, Avac. - Vasunandin), whereby we put their additions in brackets. Firstly, what Śäntyācārya and Laksmīvallabha explain - Devendra remains silent - about the Uttaradhyayana-passage can be said in way of orientation :
“You should not linger in 'the sphere of the teacher without a particular reason, but must leave it after finishing your purpose. Thereby, just as with every dutifully motivated departure (from the monastery, etc.), the action with the word āvasyaki must be kept in mind as a dutiful compulsion because there should not be a change of place without reason.
In the same manner, when you enter a place, you should speak the word naisedhikī withdrawal (self-examination, composure), which should serve as a reminder to the speaker (as well as for those already present) in order to allow for a correct performance of the dutiful matter that you have come for."
Av.-niry. VII 29-36. 29. (Pupil:) The dutiful compulsion that has to be carried out when departing and the
withdrawal, which has to be performed upon entering (a place), these (both) I want to
become well acquainted with through you, O, Best of Teachers. 30. (Teacher:) the dutiful compulsion that has to be carried out when departing and the
withdrawal that has to be performed upon entering (a place), these are only twofold by
name, as the meaning is in both cases) the same. 31. One is (namely, during the lingering) more composed and quieter and there is no
dallying, etc.; (but) laudable activities (study, reflection, etc.) appear. If (in spite of this) one has to go for a particular reason (because of the teacher or a sick person, etc.), that
is a dutiful compulsion. 32. The dutiful compulsion exists (however, only) for the monk who has undertaken all
duties (penance, etc.); (also, only) for him who, in his thoughts, words and deeds, has
his wits about him does dutiful compulsion count. 33. (On the other hand,) where you make your camp' and stay put”, there (also) is a
withdrawal because there you have withdrawn (from misdeeds); that is why it is
withdrawal 34. "The dutiful compulsion, performed at the departure, and the withdrawal upon entering
(a place)” [309] - (has been explained in the preceding, along with the "two-foldness of the designation” [30'); now as far as the "identity of the mind” [30°] is concerned,'
I "a kāyôtsarga" (i.e., a longer staying put in this or that posture as an ascetic exercise) II etc.; "acchiyavvam" C.
2 karei C, anubhava-rūpatayā vijānāti = vedayati ... athavā ... karoti H etc. - More exact would be "to take upon one's self". This word has to be translated as such at those places, which the author has in mind, e.g. thānam vā sejjam vā nisihiyam vā ceteija Acār. II 2 and thanam vă seijam và nisihiyam vā cetemāne Daśāśrutask. II Sabala 13-17, nisihiyam ... cetessāmi Acār. II 9. Another more common use of the verb in Acārânga connects the same with asanam "food" and similar objects. Besides, when (as in I 8 21 3. II 1 1 11. 13. 2 12) ahattu is found there (asanam ... āhattu ceteti), then ceteti means "intended to give", as also the analogous expression with dalayati "gives" often appears in addition (II 1 24.6. 5. 64. 72.5.9. 92. 106). On the other hand, asanam ceteti is found also in Ac. II 19, in the meaning "to prepare food (for yourself)"; similarly, vattham ceteti in Ac. II 5 110. The basic meaning "to intend" is easily recognized everywhere.
niyatta C.
* an etymological attempt, provoked by the sound similiarity (copied in the translation) of nisiddha "withdrawn" and nisīhiya "withdrawal".
H: naisedhiky api nâvasyamkartavya-vyāpāra-gocaratām atītya vartate yataḥ pravisan (osya S) samyama-yogânupālanāya sesa-parijñānârtham cêttham āha: 34", sayyaiva naisedhiki sayyā-naisedhiki, tasyām sayya-naisedhikyām viņaya-bhūtāyām; kim śarīram api naişedhiki 'ty ucyata? ity ata āha: śarīranaisedhikyä, agamanam praty abhimukhas tv atah samvsta-gātrair bhavita vyam iti samjñām karoti.
SAvac. continues bahistāt pravišan sädhuh śesān sādhün pati brüte: bhoh sādhavo naisedhikyā. naisedhiki-śabdena cêhôpacārān nişiddh'ātmanah sambandhi śarīram ucyate, 'taḥ śarīren' āgamanam praty abhimukho 'ham, samvsta-gātrair bhavadbhir bhāvyam iti samjñām karoti.
25

Page #126

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
namely, the withdrawal is only required for those compulsory deeds for whose purpose one has otherwise distanced oneself elsewhere because of the dutiful compulsion. Upon entering you should speak (only) to maintain your state of withdrawal and as information for the others, so that they do not expect an exchange of pleasantries, but, rather, remain quiet:) at the encampment-withdrawal with the (body) withdrawal (I
have come and) am ready (for duty). [109] 35. Whoever's soul has withdrawn (from misdeeds), he has inwardly completed
withdrawal; for him, who has not withdrawn (from misdeeds), withdrawal is just a word. 36.“Whoever carries out a dutiful deed, he has withdrawn by himself.” one must know, just as he whose innermost thoughts are withdrawn occupies himself, in any case, with a dutiful deed.
Mūlāc. IV 5 conclusion & 6 opening, along with 13. - Here both expressions are asiyā "āsikā" (! = āpsochya gamanam) and along with nisīhiyā "nişedhikā" also metri causa nisīhi (= pariprcchya praveśanam).
5 conclusion. At departure the Asikā (devagțhasth’ādīn pariprcchya yānam pāpakriy’ādibhyo mano-nivartanam vā) takes place,
6 opening. Upon entering the Nişedhikā (tatrasthān abhyupagamayya sthānakaraṇam samyagdarśan'ādişu sthirabhāvo vā).
134 When entering into a gorge, a sand-bank, a cave or similar (desolate nirjantuka-) places', you should perform the Nişedhikā,
13'. upon leaving the same, the Asikā.
The Niryukti-passage gives a theological explanation, the Mülācāra-passage an objective paraphrase of both terms. According to this, āvassiyā is to be understood as a quiet farewell and nisīhiyā as a quiet salutation, both of which should be applicable for the place left or entered into, as well as for persons possibly present there. At each departure one should be aware of the compelling urgency for it, to be able to justify it to yourself and to others and, therefore, murmur "out of compelling urgency"; also at each arrival one should spread a certain solemnity with the word nisīhiyā, in order to prevent any distractions to the mind. In this manner, e.g. Kālakācārya, when he visits Sāgaracandra, firstly, upon entering, carries out the nisīhiyā: Kālakācārya-kath. I 102 (ZDMG, XXXIV p. 272, 21, incorrectly translated p. 292); also, at the opening of Av.-niry. XVIII 64 (which one should compare with the opening of 69), it is said :
(When you come back from kāla-grahana to the teacher, you perform) the
nisīhiyā, say "veneration to Your Grace" (namo khamāsamaņāņam), ....
Now, in order to ascertain the basic conception that the word nisīhiyā should be given, it is necessary to keep other usages in mind. It is often spoken of as a triad?.
thāna standing, sejijā encampment, nisīhiyā In this way, the three types of ascetic behaviour are described:
kāyôtsarga, sleeping on a hard bed, meditation.
An analogous triad is cariyā (journey), nisīhiyā and sejjā in the list of 22 temptations (Samav. XXII 1, Uttarâdhy. II, etc.). Since, in both cases, the word nisīhiyā
C interprets the stanza entirely differently: 34", ettha imam paoyanam jan nam so ninto sannam nivedei jahā 'ham sejja-nisīhiyāe abhimuho tti mama vattamānim vattejjāha guru-nivedanam ca viņaya-ppaogo ya evam-ādi; sejja-nisīhiyā nāma vasahi-niseha-kiriyā, tie abhimuho tti avassam gamanâbhimuho 'ham iti jam bhaniyam, tahā ainto vi sannam nivedei jahā 'ham nisihiyāe pāva -niyattīe tubbham abhimuho u tti mā sāgārik'ādi-bhayā vittasejjā hattha-pāde vā n' āuttāvejjā icc-ādi. Tpāya. $āumtto a.
From this list one should not conclude that the instruction among the Digambara-s is valid only for isolated places. On the other hand, it says with Aparājita on Sivakoti's Arādhanā 150 (at the end of a Sāmācāriperformance): jin'āyatanam yati-nivāsam vā pravišan pradaksiņām kuryān nisiddhikā-sabda-prayogam ca, nirgantu-kāmah asiiketi. ? Cp. p. 9.
26

Page #127

English translation by George Baumann
sometimes has been substituted by nisīyaņa and nişadyā, it apparently stands for *nisīiyā. Therefore, it has an anomalous aspiration - cp. Bharaha (Bharata), Pāli Vidhura (Vidura), etc. - originating from the present stem ni-șid and literally meaning "a meditative sitting" - comparable with the brahmanic term upanişad. The phonetical error made it possible that nisīhiyā means especially the engrossment that precedes a Samnyāsa-death, and also the place where a monk undertakes or has already undertaken such a death. Thus the commentaries paraphrase the word by niședhikā, naisedhikī, naisedhikā and similar incorrect forms, and nowhere etymologically, but always render it only according to its significance by svādhyāya, mokşa, nirvāņa-bhūmi, savaparisthāpana-bhūmi, and similar terms.
If nisīhiyā at Āv. III and at other similar passages expresses solemn withdrawal to which you have to apply yourself upon entering a place, then this use of the word can easily be introduced as a side-member in the lists of meanings just produced. One would like to call such a short engrossment nisīhiyā, since probably one originally sat down for a moment.
Finally, it should be said that āvassiya and nisīhiyā correspond to the idea of the Catholic ceremonies (kneel-bending, making the sign of the cross, touching the holy water, etc.) that are customary upon entering or leaving a church.
As far as the words jattā and javanijja used in Av. III 1 4 f. are concerned, a definition of them can be found in the Canon. The passage is doubly transmitted: in Bhag. XVIII 10 Ed. fol. 1423 - 1424' and in Jñātādh. V Ed. p. 579-582.
The māhaņa Somila (or according to Jñāt. "the parivvāyaga Suya”) comes to samana Nāyaputta ("to the aṇagāra Thāvaccäputta" Jñ.) and says:
jattā' te, bhante, javanijjam" avvābāham" phāsuya-vihāram ? [109] "Are you satisfied with your spiritual progress, with your contentedness, with your health and with a clean place to tarry?"
The addressed person replies in the affirmative and gives the following definition of the four terms: 1. jattā = tava-niyama-samjama-sajjhāya-jjhān'āvassaga-m-āīesu joesu jayaņā. 2. javanijjam = 1. indiya-javanijje, whereby the five senses niruvahayāim vase vattanti.
* 2. noindiya-javanijje, whereby the four passions have disappeared and
occur no more. 3. avvābāham, whereby vāiya-pittiya-sembhiya-sannivāiya-vivihā rog'āyankā sarīra-gayā
dosā uvasantā no udīrenti. 4. phāsuya-vihāram: ārāmesu ujjānesu devakulesu sabhāsu pavāsu itthï-pasu-pandagao
vajjiyāsu vasahīsu phāsu'esanijjam p īdha-phalaga-sejjā-samthāragam uvasampajjittāņam viharāmi.
The foregoing greeting apparently shows the expression from which a part of the Vandanaka-formula has emerged: the first three expressions correspond in sequence to Av. III 1 4.5.3° (cp. above, p. 8°34 Niry. XII 122).
The AvaśyakaCurņi writes thus, when at niry. XVI 34-43 it repeats the second chapter of the Daśāśrutaskandha: rhānam vā sejjam vā nisihiyam vă ceemāne at sabala 15, but thānam vā sejjam vā nisiyanam vā ceemāne at sabala 17.
In the parisaha-list there is nişadyā instead of nisīhiya, e. g. with Umāsvāti in Tattvartha IX 9 & 15 and with Haribhadra at Av.-niry. IX 320 opening. - Otherwise, nisejjă generally means "sitting" in the sense of a lesson (AVC. VIII 12: nisejjā nāma panivaiūņa jā pucchā).
Onā = nāna-damsana-căritta-tava-samjama-m-āiehim joehim Jn.
vocchinnā no udirenti Bh., khīnā uvasantā no udayanti Jn. 4 so do uvo not in Jn.
Aupap. $ 30 VI 4 (Ed. Leumann p. 40) inserts: paniya-gihesu paniya-sālāsu. Oga-samsatta Aupap. (cp. Samav. IX 1,1 & 2,1). virahiyāsu Aupap.
pādhāriyam Jñ. l oginhittānam Jn.
27
.

Page #128

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
Of course, the explanation given in a theological sense puts more into the words than they actually say. On the other hand, something would be lacking if we render the first two of the four questions simply etymologically as “Are you well? How is it carrying on?"
More similar ways of greeting can be found among the Buddhists. The shorter ones read: used in the Paccavekkhanā (Frankfurter's Handbook of Pāli p. 83) for one's own wish: yātrā' ca me bhavissati anavajjatāca phāsu-vihāroca, in Petavatthu IV 1, 44 and with Aśoka (cp. Minayeff's Pāli-Grammatik p. XVI, transl. p. XVIII): [Petav.] app'ābādhatam ca phāsu-vihāram ca pucchi and [Aśoka) āha app'ābādhatam ca phāsu-vihālatam ca.
Among the enlarged formulas, the most common is (cp. Burnouf “Lotus” p. 426 f. & 720 f.): app'ābāham' app’ātankam? lah’utthānam balam* phāsu-vihāram pucchati, alp'ābādhatām' pariprcchaty alp'ātankatām- ca laghûtthānatām ca yātrā-balam
ca sukhasparsa-vihāratām. ca. A related variant contains instead of 5, the words sukham cânavadyatām ca sparsa-vo. Noteworthy is the wording in Jāt. 544,26 & 27 that varies the contents of the greetings poetically:
kacci yāpanīyam bhante? vātānam avisaggatā? || 26 kacci akasirā vutti? labhati pinda-yāpanam?
app'ābādho v'asī kacci? cakkhum na parihāyati? || 27 Here in the commentary the word yāpanīyam has been paraphrased as sarīram paccayehi yāpetum sakkā.
During the preceding handling of Āv. III, the presentation of various commentarial passages, which should impart an understanding of the wording, was necessary. Furthermore, the commentaries actually contain much noteworthy information that concerns the veneration as a ceremony. The most important of all this also should be made known here so that the reader gets a complete picture of what the tradition teaches about a particular part of the Avaśyaka. Since the preceding in the tradition has been put at the end as a more specialized (and, by far, shorter) part, our task, then, is to take on the more general part that serves as a preparation for it. In the Niryukti it appertains to stanzas XII 1-121. Of these, we are translating those that are relevant and of importance and are showing, through a selection of related commentarial passages, what amount of detailed explanations can be gained from the tradition, which, by the way, often do not harmonize among themselves.
As usual, the Niryukti contents will, firstly, be sketched (in 1 f.) and then elaborated on (in 3-121). In fact, the relationship between 19 & 3, assumed by the commentaries, is questionable. On the other hand, the nine questions in 10 & 2 clearly find their answer, one after the other, in 4-121. The allocation is Question 1: 4-99' Question 4: 104 f. Question 7: 107-110 2: 100 f. 5: 106
8: 111-118 “ 3: 102 f.
6: 1066
9: 119-121 19. A. Vandanaka, B. Citi-karman, C. Kști-karman, D. Pūjā-karman, E. Vinaya-karman (are different terms of veneration).
C & E, however, which are supposed to be synonyms of vandanaka are understood in the angabāhya-list in the Digambara literature (cp. above, p. 1'n.) as special Avasyakaparts and have been accommodated in place of Av. VI & V! Everywhere that list recurs, we find, instead of the Avaśyaka, namely, the titles I. Sāmāyika
| IV. Pratikramana II. Caturvimsati-stava V. Vainayika III. Vandana
VI. Kști-karman
28

Page #129

English translation by George Baumann
[11] In another connection, however, the Digambara-s, as we shall see later, have preserved fairly exact knowledge about the original contents of the Avaśyaka. With them the false and correct tradition run in isolation parallel to each other, so that e.g. in the Harivamsapurāṇa (above, p. 1an.] and below, p. 1947-54) Jinasena copies both without noticing that they contradict each other. It is hardly conceivable that at any particular time the Avasyaka really could have had the above contents.
1. 1. To whom (is the Krtikarman to be done)? 2. By whom? 3. When?
4. How often?
2. 5. With how many obeisances? 6. By how many heads? 7. With how many exigencies (is it) correct? 8. How many blunders (should) the Krtikarman (be) free of? 9. Why is it done? 3. A. Śītala, B. the young monk, C. Kṛṣṇa, D. the courtier, E. Palaka - these five examples have to be noted for the Krtikarman'.
A. Four nephews of the monk Sitala who have entered into the order, go to venerate him. Having reached the town where he is staying, they remain outside of it since it is quite late in the day. But through a pious layman they let their uncle know about their arrival. During the night they acquire absolute knowledge. The next morning the teacher waits a longer period of time and then goes to the shrine. His nephews (who themselves are there) do not notice him since they have renounced every worldly inclination. There he asks, laying aside his cane: Where should I venerate? They answer: Where you like. Now he feels they are bad and shameless novices, but still he venerates them, in spite of his anger. After finishing the veneration - whoever has absolute knowledge, namely, does not change the previous relationship to politeness as long as it is not changed by the other side. That is an ancient rule; however, those four had never had any relationship to politeness (for the uncle) and thus said: you have shown us the outward veneration; now show us also the inward (one). Then they noticed his anger. At that he said: Have you seen through me? "Yes." - Do you have special knowledge? - "Yes."-The knowledge of one who is a prisoner of pretence or absolute knowledge? "The latter." Frightened, he then accused himself of disrespectfulness, earnestly resolved not to do anything similar again and attained absolute knowledge.
B. A young monk, who had become a teacher too early, roams around outside and comes into the forest to a Sami-tree that is just being venerated by many people. To his question, why the people do not venerate the more magnificent Aśoka-tree, they answer that it is an ancient custom. Then he realized that he is in the same situation as the Sami-tree: there are other monks, who are more learned than I am and still veneration is bestowed on me because I have been intended to become a teacher. He sinks into himself and does penance in the monastery whereby he is venerated inwardly also and not only outwardly.
C. The weaver, Vīraka, venerates Vasudeva Kṛṣṇa in Dvaravatī. Since he does not go out during the rainy season out of fear of becoming dangerous for living creatures, Viraka does not get admittance and, therefore, brings his floral tribute daily to the door without eating. At the end of the rainy season3 Kṛṣṇa sees, when leaving, that Viraka has become very emaciated and in the future he permits him free entry.
Kṛṣṇa regularly asks his daughters whom they wish to marry: Do you want to become slaves or mistresses? Then they answer "mistresses", whereupon he says: Then enter unto the Lord into the monastery. They, then, become nuns. However, one, upon the advice of her mother, gives a contrary answer. Kṛṣṇa wishes, then, to save her from worldly entanglement and asks Viraka: What have you already achieved? At first he says "nothing"; however, after longer contemplation, he prides himself of the following pranks:
Once with a stone I hit a chameleon that was sitting on a jujube, so that it fell dead.
Once with the left foot I blocked water in a waggon, so that it overflowed.
Once I drove away with my hand flies which had gone into a pot full of (sweet) liquid so that they buzzed.
CH:... are to be noted, one after the other, for the five terms of veneration. Krtikarman is almost the only term used in our Niryukti for veneration; it occurs again in 96, 98 f. 100. 101.103.105 f. 108-110. 115. 116 f. 126. 131. However, below, pp. 13° 52-28] in the following supplementary stanzas 1151-19 that originate from the Kalpabhāṣya, only vandana(ya) is found, where kiikamma also could have been possible metrically at two places.
2 i.e. the uncle.
3 vatte (vitte H) varisä-ratte.
1
5
6
bhaṭṭāraya; Aritthanemi is meant.
sarada.
vāriyam(scil. pāṇiyam) H (padhār Σ), var° C.

29

Page #130

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
Krsna concocts three great deeds with which he presents Vīraka in three śloka-s' to the assembled 16,000 kings as a hero to whom he wishes to give his daughter. That same person, in fact, accepts her when Krsna frowns, but does all the duties at home for her while she just lies on the sofa. Later, Kșsna asks him: Does she obey you? He answers: She is the mistress and I am the slave. Thus Krsna says: If you do not see to it that she does everything herself, you cannot keep her. Thereafter, Vīraka hits her with a rope when she does not want to obey. She complains to her father, but he reminds her that she had wanted to become a slave. Since Vīraka agrees, she then enters into the order. At the arrival of Lord Aritthanemi, Krsna honours all monks with the bäras'āvatta-veneration, but the other kings find this too arduous. Vīraka does as Krsna who starts to sweat, and says that 360 battles could not have made him more tired. The Lord retorts: For that you will some day become a tīrthakara. D. Two courtiers begin to quarrel about the demarcation of villages that the king had gifted [11°7 them. On the way to court, they meet a monk. One of them thinks "now I will certainly be successful" and shows him veneration with the pradaksina; the other has doubts and shows him veneration with the same words. The latter loses the case. His veneration was outward, that of the other was inward. E. Vāsudeva Kļsna wants to gift whatever he wishes to that son who first venerates (Arittha)nemi in the early moming. Sāmba venerates him whilst getting up; Pālaka rides out quickly for the veneration, but unwillingly in his heart. Krsna learns from Aritthanemi that Pālaka was the first outwardly, Sāmba inwardly which is why the latter was gifted. 25. You should rise up in front of a monk whom you have never seen before (from your seat and grasp the cane, etc., for, indeed, it could be a meritorious teacher, who, like Kālakācārya in the well-known legend, comes unrecognized?). In front of a monk whom you have already seen earlier (in other words, whom you already know, you behave in a way) as is befitting and worthy for him (i.e., in front of a venerable and learned monk about whom one has already heard you should rise up and venerate him, etc, as is befitting and worthy for him)" [26. (On the other hand, one does not do this if the monk is of the same type as Sītala, mentioned at the opening of 3; because) whoever has thrown off his yoke of duties (and) does what he likes (or) whoever has become debased through commercial activities (and) has kept only the (outward) appearance (of monkhood) as a remainder - whatever (in front of such a person) is done, that I shall now relate:]"
jena ratta-siro nāgo vasanto badarī-vane pädio pudhavi satthena Vemai nāma khattio || 1 jena cakka-kkhayā Gangā vahanti kalusôdagam vāriyā vāma-pāena Vemaī nāma khattio || 2 jena ghosavas senā vasanti Kalasīpure vāriyā vāma-hattheņa Vemai nāma khattio || 3
Vemas is very likely a concealed designation for “weaver", = vemaka; - 2 open. Okku B, okkhu C; 2 open. dhāro H; 3 open. dhāro (for dhādo?) H.
The Vedic men's praise stanzas (gāiha-nārāśamsyah) that were considered occasionally to be mendacious exaggerations may have come into existence in the same manner.
bitio vi tassa kira ugghattayam karei. 2 Kālak. I 10J (ZDMG XXXIV 272); stanza 102, cited there, is Āv.-niry. XII 25, translated above. 3 Only in H.
* The omittance of this stanza in C and its zealous tone, which far overshoots the mark, shows that it is here a subsequent versified prose transition. In the first line that H considers to be solely a compound (with anomalous lengthening of a and i), two morae are missing. C changes over to 27 with the following remark that ensues from 25:
lingi puna appa-suo vā bahu-ssuo vā; uvasaggena n abbhutthijjai, avavādena puna käranam paducca jayanae savvam pi kīrejjā niddhandhasassâvi. "Whoever is identifiable by his insignia, he can be less or very learned. In general, one does not get up, but in a particular case, when there is reason enough, one should do everything intently toward an indifferent person." - 38", as such, expressly disallows the veneration of an "indifferent person"!
niddhandhasam ti nāūņa vandamāṇe dhuvam doso || 38 Thus CS, sa tti nobs, "sam pi no B, osam iya no... ovo do H, sam pi no Onassa doso u H v. 1.; H places the first word of the line = pravacanopaghāta-nirapeksa pārsvasth'ädika, from the three Deśi-dictionaries = nirdaya.
30

Page #131

English translation by George Baumann
27. (Outside) one calls to him', says (for instance, with respect for his position) "veneration to you", (accompanies both, if respect for his position or the previous custom requires it)" with a raising of the hand and with a nodding of the head, asks about (also as well) his wellbeing, pauses (a bit); - if you meet him in his seminary, then the same possibilities are valid, except that, in addition,) the passing or also the correct) veneration (the latter, namely, if you should see that the person concerned has withdrawn himself) 28. When one observes 1. the duration of the affiliation to the order, 2. the spiritual entourage, 3. the status in the kula, gana or sangha), 4. the place, 5. the time, 6. studies, and 7. when there is a reason (you should act according to the modes of behaviour pictured in 27), as is befitting and worthy toward the person concerned. 49. By where you stay, by the way you stay as well as by lingering and by going you can recognize whether someone is serious about his monkhood; also by the choice of worthy expressions whilst speaking. 78. (Monks like Śītala)', who, at some point, (violating the duties of unsettledness, etc.)' have gone astray, they, if they find no further solution and cannot go back, are in the habit of declaring the stray path as the correct path. Parable: As it happens with a caravan that has gone on a road where there is little water and tree-shade. There the tired ones stay since they have to be satisfied with little shade and with the water as well as they can and also call the others, claiming their shelter to be the right one. Some listen to them, some don't. The former fall prey to hunger and thirst, the latter come soon after, having finished their journey, to cool water and (plenty of) shade. 79. 1. The sedentariness and 2. the attachment to (particular) sacred objects (offices, etc.), 3. the acceptance of food, etc.) from nuns and 4. the inclination for savory preparations - (these four sins'), they say, are not dangerous, if they are taken to task; 80°. for the first, they cite the sthavira Samgama, 83% for the second, ārya Vajra, 86' for the third, Annikāputra, 898 for the fourth, rsi Udāyana. 956. They are not to be venerated who endanger the reputation of the religion. 970. They are to be venerated who promote the reputation of the religion. [12] 100. (His) mother or (his) father or (his) older brother, as such, should not be allowed to perform the Kștikarman. 104. (The veneration can take place continually or occasionally.) At penitence, while studying, at kāyôtsarga, at an offence (toward the teacher), with a guest, at the report, when fasting and at a voluntary death by starvation, a veneration takes place. 105. (As far as the continual venerations are concerned, it is to be noted:) At penitence a four-fold krtikarmån occurs, while studying a threefold, (each) in the forenoon and in the afternoon, which means a fourteenfold krtikarman. C on 104 f.: puvva-sanjhāe cattāri padikkamaņe, vandittā āloe tti ekkam. bitiyam jam abbhutthiyavasāņe majjhe vandai. majjha-vandanae kati vandiyavvā? jahannenam tinni, majjhimenam panca vā satta vā,
I with name (amuga tti) or with "welcome" C, with "he Devadatta kidrśas tvam?" and with similar terms H.
2 gurutarapuruşakkāryāpekşam H, tahāviham paducca sa-hīlam C. -by puruşakārya, as you can see at 29, the office, which a person in the kula, gana or sangha occupies is to be understood.
prāktana
hatth'usseha. S C "chats", where this matter already is included in the following possibilities that, by the way, are permissible only inside the seminary.
6 Only in C ("samviggo āsī" jāņai). ? Only in H. *ajjiyā-lābha = āryikābhyo lābha H.
to which in what follows the stanzas 80-82, 83-85, 86-88, 89 f., one after the other, are devoted. 10 "because after the veneration, one asks for forgiveness; also the half-monthly venerations belong here"
CH
31

Page #132

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
ukkosenam savve vi; jai vāulā vakkhevo vā to egena ūnagā dohim tihim jāva tinni avassa-vandiyavvā. evam devasie vi. pakkhie panca avassam. cāum-māsie samvaccharie ya satta avassam. te vandiāņa jam āyariyassa allivijjai tam tatiyam kiikammam. paccakkhäne cauttham kiikammam. tinni sajjhāe. vandittā patthavei padhamam. patthavie pavedayantassa bitiyam. pacchā padhai; tao jāhe caubbhāgâvasesā porisi tāhe pāe padilehei; jai na padhai to vandai; aha padhai to avandittā pāe padilehiūņam pacchā padhai, kāla-velāe vandium padikkamai; aha ugghāda kāliyam na padhai tāhe vandium pāe padilehei; eyam tatiyam. evam puvvanhe satta; avaranhe vi ete ceva satta. eyāņi abhatt'atthiyassa niyamā, bhatt'atthiyassa paccakkhānam abbhahiyam. eyāņi avassa coddasa. imāņi kāranigāņi: uddesa-samuddesa-aņunnavaņāsu satta*-satta, vigati-āyambile kāussagge pariyattie samāne uvasampajjana avarādha vihārauttim'atth' āloyaņāe ya, etesu sattasu* vi do do vandanagāņi. avarādhasamvaraņa-āpucchana-kālappaveyan'ādisu ekkekkam. avarādho gurūņam kao, tam pi vandittā khāmei: pakkhiya-vandanagāņi vi avarāhe padanti. pāhunaga tti, ettha bhannai: pāhunagānam āgayāņam vandanagam dāyavvam vā padicchiyavvam vā, tattha kā vidhī? jai sambhoiyā to āyarie Zucchittānam vandaio, aha na sambhoiya to appanagam āyariyam vandittā samdisāvettä vandai. evam ubhaya-pakkhe vi. āloyanam ti jāhe vihār'āloyaņā avarāh'āloyanā vā uvasampajjan'āloyanā vā. samvaranam veyāliyam antarā vā bhatt'atthe gahie icchā jāyā 'ajja abhatt'attham karemi'tti. ahavā 'na jiraitti abhatt'attham laemi". eyam" samvaranam, evam-adisu. uttim'atham bhatta-paccakkhāņam kāu-kāmo samlehe vosirane evam-ādisu vibhāsā. H on 104 f.: ........... kāyôtsarge yo hi* vigati-paribhogāy' ācāmla-visarjanârtham kriyate. aparādhe guru-vinaya-langhana-rūpe, yatas tam vanditvā kşāmayati. pāksika-vandanāny aparādhe patanti. prāghūrņake jyesthe samāgate sati vandanam bhavati, itarasminn api praticchitavyam, atra câyam vidhih:
sambhoiy' annasambhoiyā ya duvihā havanti pāhuņayā, sambhoiě āyariyam āpucchittā u vandei" || iyare puņa āyariyam vandittă samdisāvium taha ya
pacchā vandei' jaī gaya-moho ahaval vandāve tath' ālocanāyām vihārâparādha-bheda-bhinnāyām. samvaranam bhukte pratyākhyānam, athavā krtanamaskārasahit'ādi-pratyākhyānasyäpi punar ajīrn'ādi-kāranato 'bhaktârtham grhnatah samvaranam, tasmin vandanam bhavati. uttamârthe cânaśana-samlekhanāyām vandanam ity ....... pūrvâhne pratyüşasi, katham? gurum puvva sanjhāe vandittā āloei tti*, eyam ekkam. abbhutthiyavasāne jam puno vandai" gurum, eyam bitiyam. ettha ya vidhi pacchā: jahanneņa tinni, majjhimam panca vā satta vā, ukkosam savve vi vandiyavvā; jai vāulā vakkhevo vā to ekkena ūnagā jāva tinni avassam vandiyavvā. evam devasie, pakkhie panca avassam. cāummāsie samvaccharie vi satta avassam ti te vandiūņa jam puno āyariyassa allivijjai tam tatiyam. paccakkhāne cauttham. sajjhāe puņa vandittā patthavei padhamam. patthavie pavedayantassa bitiyam. pacchā uddittha-samuddittham padhai, uddesa-samuddesa-vandaņāņam ih'evantab-bhāvo; tao jāhe caubbhāgâvasesā porisī" tāhe pãe padilehei; jai na padhiu-kāmo to vandai: aha padhiu-kāmo to* avandittā pāe padilehei, padilehittā pacchā padhai, käla-velae vandium padikkamai; eyam* tatiyam*.
ogo.
to B. ? aha na. 4 Ottā pātam padilehatūņam.
abbho. 6 Prā.
ettham damti a. bhoyā (for ah' anna-sambhoyā?) loemi a. evam a. from Pkt. for vikti! odemti B.
āha B, dhava . 15
damti , vadamti B. 16 ottham BE
Crusī B.
17
32

Page #133

English translation by George Baumann
evam pūrvahne sapta; aparâhne 'pi saptaiva bhavanty anujñā-vandanānām svādhyāya-vandanesv evântarbhāvāt, prātikramanikāni tu catvāri prasiddhäny. evam etāni dhruvāņi pratyaham kịtikarmāņi caturdaśa bhavanti abhaktârthikasya, itarasya tu pratyākhyānavandanenâdhikāni bhavanti. 106The kytikarman requires (chando'nujñāpanāya) two obeisances, (namely, one each according to the words Av. III 1 1 and after their repetition), (furthermore), the normal equipment (with the monk's utensils) (and) twelve gestures (namely, six' each at the first and second uttering of Av. III 1 3-5). C: du-onayam: jāe velāe padhamam vandai jāhe ya nipphidiüņam puno vandai. ahā-jāyam sāmanne joņinikkhamane ya, sāmanne rayaharanam muhapottiyā colapatto ya, joņi-nikkhamane anjalim sīse kāūņa nīi. bāras 'āyatam: padhama cha āvattā, nikkhamium pavitthe vi cha; ahokāy'ādi tinni, jattāe tinni; ete bārasa. etāņi antara-dārāņi donni vi kai-oņaya tti eteņa sūiyāņi". H: dvy-avanatam. ekam yadā prathamam eva Av. III 1 1 tti abhidhāya chando'nujñāpanāyāvanamati, dvitīyam punar yadā kļt'āvarto nișkrāntah icchămîty-ādi sūtram abhidhāya chando'nujñāpanāyaivâvanamati. yathājātam śramanatvam āśritya yoni-niskramanam ca, tatra rajoharaṇa-mukhavastrikā-colapattaka-mātrayā śramano jātah, racita-karapuțas tu yonyā nirgatah, evam-bhūta evam vandate, tad-avyatirekāc ca yathājātam bhanyate krtikarma vandanam. bāras 'āvayam ti dvādas' āvartāḥ sūtrâbhidhāna-garbhāḥ kāya-vyāpāra-višeşā yasminn [12] iti samāsas tat dvādaśāvartam; iha ca prathama-pravistasya şad āvartā bhavanti: Av. III 1 3-5 etat-sūtragarbhāḥ gurucarana-nyasta-sirah-sthapana-rūpā, niskramya punaḥ praviștasyâpy eta eva şad iti. etac câpāntaräla'-dvāradvayam ādyadvārôpalakṣitam"avagantavyam.
106. (It requires, moreover,) four heads (namely, both times two each, that of the teacher and the pupil), threefold carefulness (in thoughts, words and movements), a twofold approach (and) a single departure. C: cau-siram: padhamam donni, nikkhantassa bitiyāe parivādīe donni, etāṇi cattāri sirāņi. ti-guttam: manena vandana-mano; vāyāe vanjaņāņi a-kkhandento; kāenam kāiyā āvattā, te" na virāhei. do pavesā, padhamo icchāmi khamāsamaño, āvasiyāe padikkanto jam oggaham pavisai sīso so bitio. ega-nikkhamanam āvassiyae
tti.
H: catuh-sirah: prathama-praviștasya kṣāmaņā-kāle śīsy'ācārya-śiro-dvayam, punar api nișkramya praviștasya dvayam evêti bhāvanā. dvāram. tisro guptayo yasmims tat tri-guptam: manasā samyak praņihitaḥ, vācā askhalitakṣarāny uccārayan, kāyen' avartān avirādhayan, vandanam karoti yataḥ ca-śabdo 'vadhāraṇârthaḥ. dvau praveśau yasmims tad dvi-praveśam, prathamo 'nujñāpya pravisatah, dvitīyah punar nirgatya pravisata iti. eka-niskramanam: āvasyikayā nirgacchataḥ. etac câpāntarāla-dvāratrayam katiśiro-dvāreņaivopalakṣitam avagantavyam iti. 107. i f. the two obeisances,
16-19. the four heads, 3. the normal equipment, 20-22. the threefold carefulness, 4-15. the twelve gestures, and 23 f. the twofold approach
ohne 'pi . The commentaries do not specify the sixth more precisely; three pertain to the three sentences Āv. III 13, a fourth to 4, a fifth (from Avac, numbered as 6) to s.
damti. °mitu.
The concluding sentence says that both intermediate lists "equipment" and "gestures" are included in the fifth list "number of obeisances"; also H (p. 1263). Similarly, according to H (p. 12616.. three intermediate lists belong to the sixth. That means: the synopsis in 2 notes for brevity's sake only the opening words of both 1069 and 106" in the sense of catchwords.
6 °namiti , 'natam iti B, 'natam Avac.
Ota janma B. Osta-hasta Avac. cânto 2. katyavanatadvo Avac.
11 10.
12 °ssayo pr. m. 13 iti B. 14 otasya . 15 osiko śyako B.
33

Page #134

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
108. lastly 25. the singular departure the twenty-five requirements are called thus, by means of which a correct kştikarman is performed. 111. 1. without devotion, 2. obstinate (out of pride), 3. interrupted (through untimely departure), 4. acting rashly, 5. in the movements (restless) like a tola, 6. (using the little brush like a) hook, 7. crawling like a turtle, 112. 8. hasty like a fish, 9. ill-disposed in the heart, 10. (the hands in a fivefold manner like) using a support, 11. out of fear (of ex-communication), 12. in reply to affection, 13. out of friendship, 14. out of personal pride (in order to display familiarity with sacred practice), 15. for a motive (of secular nature), 113. 16. furtive (out of fear of disgrace), 17. to thwart (someone), 18. angry, 19. threatening, 20. cunning, 21. scornful, 22. loquacious, 114. 23. seen, or not seen, 24. with the forehead bone, 25. (as if it were a religious) tax, 26. (as if it would bring) salvation, 27. without sufficient contact (by the small brush and head), 28. incomplete (in words or gestures), 29. with (the words 'with the head I venerate" as) subsequent addition, 115. 30. dumb, 31. loud, lastly, 32. vacillating (with small brush or hand) one should perform a krtikarman, free from the thirty-two mentioned errors. C on 111-115: anādhiyam nāma, anādareņa vandai 1. thaddham, atthanham annayareņa matto" 2. paviddham, vandanagam dentao ceva utthettā nāsai 3. paripindiyam, bhanai: eyam bhe savvassa ceva kāla-ppagayassa vandanagam. ahavā na vocchinne āvatte vanjaņāņi vā karei; pindalao vā jāhao vandai; samkudiyao uppīlana-sampīlanāe vă vandai 4. ļola-gati", tolo jahā utthett, anna-m-annassa mülam jāi 5. ankuso duviho, mūle gandussa rayaharanam gahāya bhanai: nivesa jā te vandāmi. ahavā dohi vi hatthehim ankusam jahā gahāya bhanai: vandāmi 6)* kacchabha-ringiyam, ekkam vandittā anassa mülam ringantojāi, tao vi annassa mülam jāi 7: macch'uvvattam, ekkam vandiūņam chaddai, bitieņa pāseņam pariyattaio recak'āvartena. 8. maņasā padutham, so hīņo keņai, tāhe hiyaena cintei: etena evam'-gaenam vandāvijjāmi. annam vā kimci paosam vahai [9]. vediyāi-baddham-nāma tam pancaviham: uvarim jānugāņam hatthe nivesiūnam vandai, hetthā vā kāūnam, (pāse vā kāūnam,]' egam vā jānu anto donham hatthānam karei, ucсhange vā hatthe kāūnam vandai 10. bhayasā, bhaenam vandai ‘mā nicchubbhīhāmi sanghāo kulāo ganho gacchão khettāo'tti 11. bhayantam nāma, 'bhayai amhānam, amhe vi padibhayāmo'tti 12. metti, esa mama mitto'tti. ahavā mettim teņa samam kāum maggai 13. gäravo nāma, "jānantu tā mamam jah' esa samāyāri-kusalo" iti 14. kāraṇam nāma, "suttam vā attham vā vattham vā potthagam vā dāhii" tti kajja-nimittam vandai 15. teniyam nāma, jai disai to vandai, ahavā na dīsai andhakāro vā tāhe na vandai 16. padiniyam nāma, sanna-bhūmim padhāiyam vandai bhottu-kāmam padiyam vā bhanai: bhattāragā avassavandiyavvagā 17. ruttham nāma, rosio kenai, to dhamadhamentena hiyaena vandai 18. tajjiyam nāma, bhanai: amhe tumam vandāmo, tumam puna na vāhijjasi na vā pasīdasi jahā thubho. anguli-mādīhim vā tajjento vandai 19. sadham nāma, hattha-samatthoniddhammattaņeņa ruja"-gojjam karei, samghasam karotîty arthah 20. hīliyam nāma, "icchāmi vāyagă vandium" "gaņi" "mahattarāgā" "jetth'ajja" evam-ādi 21. palikunciyam nāma, vandanto desa-rāya-janapada-vikahäo karei 22.
mamto. -sapo. 'gamti. lacking. rang”. Ottatti. evag. hotthā. mattho B. ramju B, raju a. "Happy and healthy, he presents himself sick due to derelict of duty"?
34
10

Page #135

English translation by George Baumann
dittha-m-adittham nāma, evam siggham vandai jahā kenai dittho keņai na dittho 23. sangam nāma, sīs'egapāseņa vandai. ahavā annehim sāhūhim samam sangeņa jaha vā taha vā vandai 24. karo nāma, "eso cirāņao karo jaha va taha va samāneyavvao, vetthī esā na nijjara" tti mannai 25. moyanam nāma, "na annahā mokkho, etena puna dinnena muccāmiatti vandai 26. āliddha-m-anāliddham, rayaharane ya nidāle ya kimci ālabhai kimci n'ālabhai. ettha caubhango: sīse āliddham rayaharanam aliddham 4. padhamo suddho 27. ūnam vanjanehim āvassaehim vä 28. uttara-cūliyā nāma, etehim vanjaņehim āvassaehim vandittā bhanai 'matthaenam vandāmi'tti 29. müyam nāma, mūyo vandai, na kimci vi uccărei 30. (13) mahayā saddena dhaddharam 31. cudalī nāma, cudalam jahā rayaharanam gahāya vandai. ahavā diggham hattham pasārei, bhanai 'vandāmi'. ahavā hattham bhamādei 'savve bhe vandāmi'tti 32. H on 111-115: anādstam, anādaram* sambhrama-rahitam vandate [1]*. stabdham, jāty-ādi-mada-stabdho vandate [2). praviddkam, vandanakam dadad eva naśyati 3*, paripinditam, prabhūtān eka-vandanena vandate 4*. āvartān* vā* vyanjanâbhilāpān vā* vyavacchinnān akurvan 4*. tola-gati, tiddavad utplutyötplutya visamsthulam vandate 5*. ankuśam, rajoharanam ankušavat kara-dvayena grhītvā vandate 6*. kacchabha-ringitam*, kacchapavat ringan vandate [7). iti gāthā'rthah. matsyôdvșttam, ekam vanditvā matsyavad drutam dvitīyam sādhum dvitīya-pārévena recak'āvartena parāvartate* 8*. manasā ca*** pradustam, vandyo hīnah kenacid gunena, tam eva ca manasi kṛtvā sasūyo vandate 9*. (Şadv. Āv.-v.: manasā pradvistam guror upari pradvistasya.) tathā ca vedikā-baddham, jānunor upari hastau niveśyâdho vā pārsvayor vā utsange vā ekam vā jānu karadvayântaḥ kṛtvā vandate [10). bhayasā ceva tti, bhayena vandate ‘mā bhūd gacch'ādibhyo nirdhāțanam'itio [11]. bhayantam ti, bhajamānam vandate, bhajaty ayam mām ato' bhaktam bhajasveti [12]. tad ārya-vịttam. (Şadv.Av.-v.: bhajamānam "bhajate bhaksyate vā mām gurur" iti buddhimatah.) metti tti, maitrī-nimittam prītim icchan vandate (13). gāravi tti, gaurava-nimittam* vandate* "vidantu mām yathā sāmācārī-kušalo 'yam" [14]. kārana tti, jñān'ādi-vyatiriktam kāranam āśritya vandate, vastr'ādi me dasyatîty (15). ayam gāthā'rthah. ($adv. Av.v.: kāranāt vastr'ādi-lābha-hetoh.) stainyam iti, parebhyah khalv ātmānam gūhayan stena iva vandate 'mā me lāghavam bhavisyati' [16]. (Şadv. Av.-V.: stenikam lāghava-bhayāt pracchannam.) pratyanikam, āhār'ādi-kāle vandate (17). rustam, krodh'adhmäto* vandate*, krodh'adhmātam vā (18). tarjitam, na kupyasi nâpi prasīdasi kāsthasiva ivêty-ādi tarjayan nirbhartsayan vandate. anguly-ādibhir vā tarjayan (19). satham, śāthyena visrambhârtham vandate, glān'ādi vyapadeśam vā kļtvā na samyag vandate (20). hīlitam, he ganin" vācaka kim bhavatā vanditenêty-adi hīlayitvā vandate [21]. tathā vipalikuncitam, ardha-vandita eva des'ādi-kathāḥ karotîti [22] gāthā'rthah. drspådrstam, tamasi vyavahito vā na vandate [23]. śrngam, uttamângaikadesena vandate [24]. kara-mocanam, karam manyamāno vandate, na nirjarā'rtham [25).
Oganapo viro. "without anxiety" or "without it touching him deeply". The numbers in brackets are lacking in B 2, those with an asterisk (actually like all such-worded
passages) are lacking only in B; also in passages from KC the asterisk has the same meaning. 'vad utpanni samstho B.
odhārayisyati . 7 °ty ayam mamâto B.
112a, namely, is composed (also like 114°) in gāthā-metre, but the remaining parts from 111-115 have the śloka-form.
tîty-ādi B. 10 naka .
11 One B.
35

Page #136

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
moyanam nāma, 'na annahā mokkho, eena puna* dinnena muccāmitti vandanagam dei (26). āśliştânāśliştam ity, atra caturbhangakaḥ: rajoharanam karābhyām āślişyati siras* ca* [1], rajoharanam* na sirah 2*, siro na rajoharanam 3*, na*** rajoharanam *** nâpi sirah 4*. atra prathama-bhangaḥ śobhanah, seșeșu praksta-vandanâvatāraḥ (27). nyūnam, vyanjanābhilāp'āvaśyakair asampūrņam vandate [28]. uttara-cūdam, vandanam kftvā paścān mahatā sabdena 'mastakena vanda' iti bhanatiti [29] gāthā'rthah. mūkam, ālāpakān anuccārayan vandate (30). dhaddharam, mahatā śabdenoccārayan vandate [31]. cudali ttio ulkām iva paryante gļhītvā rajoharanam bhramayan vandate [32].
111-115 = Kalpabhāsya III 796-800, ushered in by 792-7957 and explained in 801-819; also occasionally recast in gāthā-stanzas (e.g. in a passage, cited by Jayacandra in the Pratikramana-vidhi S 4°16 ff. Br. 5255 = J 59 12ff., and in Devendra's Av.2-Bhāsya II 23264). The Kalpabhāşya-explanation (composed by Sanghadāsa) reads: āyara-karaṇam ādhā, tav-vivarīyam aņādhiyam hoi 1.
davve bhāve thaddho' cau-bhango, davvao bhaio 2 || 801 pavviddham anuvayāram jam appento na jantio hoi, jattha va tattha va ujjhai kaya-kicco vakkharam ceva 3|| 802 paripindie va vandai paripindiya-vayana-karanao vā vi 4. tolo va upphidanto osakk'ahisakkaņam bhaio 5 || 803 uvagarane hatthammi va ghettu ‘nivesa' tti ankusam benti 6. thiya-beţtha-ringanam jam tam kacchabha-ringiyam nāma 7 || 804 utthenta-nivesanto uvvattai macchao va jala-majjhe, vandiu-kāmo v' annam jhaso vva pariyattaī turiyam 8 || 805 [13] appa-para-pattieņam mana-ppadoso anega-utthāņo 9. panc'eva veiyāo 10. bhayam tu nijjūhan'ādīyam 11 || 806 'bhayai bhaissai va mamam' iti vandai ņhoragam nivesento 12. em eva ya mettie 13. gārava “sikkhā-viņio 'ham”. 14|| 807 nāņ'āi-tigam mottum kāranam ihaloga-sāhagam hoi, pāyā-gārava-heum nāņa-ggahane vi em eva || 808
2
mocanam B (earlier kara manyo....); jarām tahā moyo .
ccemi , va mocāmi B. 'su trisu Avac. dattvā B. onati . ti 2, olîti B; °duli Śrīt. ulmukam Avac. & Śrīt. 793 & 795 have been passed over by the KalpaCūrni; the last of the four stanzas is = Āv.-niry. XII 106 (with the reading bāras 'āyatam, as above C); the other three read:
desiya-räiya-pakkhiya-cāummāse tah'eva varise ya lahu guru lahugā gurugā Vandanae jāņi ya padāņi ||792 āyariy'āi-caunham tava-kāla-visesiyam bhave eyam, ahavā padilometam tava-kāla-visesio hoi | 793 duga-sattaga-kiikammassa akarane hoi māsiyam lahugam,
āvāsaga-vivarīe ūņ'ahie ceva lahuo u || 794 KC: idānim vandanam: 792a*. asya vyākhyā: 794*, do' sattagā coddasa: Āv.-niry. XII 1056 devāsiyam rāiyam ca* vandanayam jai na denti o?, pakkhiya-vandaņayāņi na denti o?, cāummāsie 4, samvaccharie 4. ca-Sabdad āvāsaka-viparīte tti 'khāmemi khamāsamano' jai devasiyam rāiyam bhananti, rāiyam vă devasiyam bhananti, eyam vivariyam; evam pakkhiya-cāummāsiyasamvacchariesu vi tad-abhilāvo vaktavyo; vivarīte o . ahavā devasiya'-kāusaggā rāiyam kareti, rāiyā vā devasiyam kareti' ünāhiyam ti ūņāyāņi ahiyam vā devasiya-rãiya-pakkhiya-cāummāsiyasamvacchariesu vandanayāni deti . Vandanae jāni ya payāni tti duonay'ādīņi, tāṇi akarentassa oʻ.
jāņi ya' ca-śabdād aņādhiy'ādīņi ya dosehim, pacchittam bhannihitī' te ime: anādhiya-gāhāpancakam[796-800] vakkhānagāhā (801-819)-siddham.
pe (for be?) P. 2 cha H. 3 'yam B. * 'enti B. S ohitti B.
36

Page #137

English translation by George Baumann
āyaratarena handim vandāmi ņa, to ņa pacchi paņaissam, vandaņaga-molla-bhāvo na karessai me paņaya-bhangam 15 || 809 hāum parassa cakkhum vandante teniyam havai eyam, teņo iva attāṇam gūhai ‘obhāvanā mā me' 16|| 810 āhārassa u kāle nīhār' ubhao ya hoi padiniyam 17. roseņa dhamadhamento jam vandai ruttham eyam tu 18 || 811 'na vi kuppasi na pasīyasi katthaSivo ceva' tajjiyam eyam, sīs'anguli-m-āīhi va tajjei gurum paņivayanto 19|| 812
vīsambha-tthānam inam' sabbhāva-jadhe sadham havai eyam, kavadam ti kaiyavam ti ya sadhayā vi ya honti eg'atthā 20|| 813 ‘gaņi vāyaga jetthajja' tti hīliyam ‘kim tume pañamieňam!' 21. desī-kaha-vittante kahei dara-vandie kunci 22 || 814 antario tamase vā na vandaī, vandai u disanto, eyam dittha-m-adittham 23. singam puņa kumbhaga-nipāto 24|| 815 karam iva mannai dento vandanagam ‘ārahantiya-karo'tti 25. ‘loiya-karassa mukkā na muccimo vandana-karassa' 261 816 āliddha-m-anāliddhe rayahara sīse ya hoi cau-bhango 27. vayaņa-karanehi ūņam jahanna-kāle va sesehim 28 || 817 dāüņa vandanam 'matthaeņa vandāmi' cüliyā esā 29. tusiņī āvatte puņa kuņamāṇe hoi mūyam tu 30 || 818 ucca-sareņa vandai, dhaddharam eyam tu hoi bodhavvam 31. cudali vva genhiūņam rayaharaṇam hoi cudalī u 32 || 819
The preceding Kalpabhāşya stanzas, with variants, are to be found in our Niryukti (XII 1151-19), but, nevertheless, not taken notice of by CH and referred to by Avac. as additional stanzas (gāthāḥ prakṣiptāh). In the KalpaCūrņi the stanzas are explained in an extraordinarily sketchy manner. With the help of Av.-Avac. they can be translated as
follows. . 801. 1. The display of devotion means devotion, the opposite of which is lack of devotion.
2. Outwardly and (out of pride) inwardly, you can be rigid which results in four
combinations (a. outwardly, but not inwardly; b. inwardly, but not outwardly; c. outwardly and inwardly; d. neither outwardly nor inwardly). Whoever is like that outwardly, under circumstances deserves no censure (if, namely, the rigidness is due to
lumbago or because of a spinal illness). 802. 3. An interrupted (krtikarman) is (as good as) no politeness, because he who does this
does not care about the resulting constraint. Where it suits him (eventually already at the first entry), he abandons it like someone paid off (at his destination), leaving (his
wares) behind. 803. 4. Venerating many at one time (during a hasty krtikarman) or with rash words and
gestures. 5. like a tola jumping up and down, some run around, under circumstances (if he cannot
do otherwise) not deserving any censure. 804 6. it is called hook, if you grasp the clothing or hand (of the teacher) (with the request)
"sit down (so that I can venerate you)". - (“Another explanation can be found in
the Vstti”; etat tu výtti-kstā 'nyathā vyākhyātam, tattvam tu visistaśruta-vido vidanti.) 7. A slow moving forward in a standing or crouching position means creeping (like) a
turtle. 805. 8. when rising or sitting, (some) start up like a fish in the water, or turns himself like a
fish, quickly, to another person, to venerate him.
* davvao bhaio tti vāeņa pitthī gahiya. tolo tiddo. anega-utthāno tti bahuvihā appattiyassa utthāņā (ne BP!).jahanna-kāle va tti theveņa kāleņa deti vandanayam sesehi vă vandite vandati pacchā. At the opening of 819 read onam or uccă- or -ssaro.
37

Page #138

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
806. 9. Malevolence in the heart can sometimes occur out of consideration for oneself or for
another. 10. There are five (convenience-) supports (a. the hands above the knees, b. the hands
below the knees, c. the hands at both sides, d. the hands in the lap, e. the hands, slung
around a knee). 11. Fear can relate to excommunication or similar matters. 807. 12. With the thought "he is well-disposed or will be well-disposed to me" (some
venerate the teacher), since he offers a quid pro quo service (the veneration, so to
speak). 13. And exactly the same (is the case) with friendship. 14. with ambition (the person concerned thinks: one will see) "I have been trained in
class”. 808.15. every motive, except knowledge, faith and change, has this worldly life [14] in view,
with attainment of knowledge, it is also exactly like that, if this should be only for a
sense of honour and pride; 809. (likewise when, for example, the following thought serves as a motive:) “Well,
alright! I shall venerate him with special devotion; after that I shall request (this or that) (and) he will not refuse my request, since he understands the veneration as a
reward." 810. 16. when someone at a veneration conceals himself from others (because that person
could possibly take offence at something), then this is called furtive; he conceals
himself (out of fear) like a thief “so that disgrace does not (accrue) to me." 811. 17. at meal-time or at evacuation or at both, you are thwarted (from venerating the
teacher).
18. If one venerates, flushed with anger, then this (krtikarman) is called angry. 812. 19. "You are neither angry nor merciful, (as little) as a wooden Siva(-idol) - this is a threat;
or someone threatens the teacher during the prostration with the head, finger or
something similar. 813.20. “This is a chance to gain the confidence (of pious laymen, etc.)” – for one
(venerating with such a thought and) devoid of sincerity, a cunning (krtikarman)
occurs; cunning, deceit and craftiness are the same. 814.21. contemptuous (it is, if you say instead of Your Grace"): "Gaņa-head” (or)
“Schoolmaster” (or) "Eldest" (or) “What is the need to venerate you". 22. A talkative (person) tells vulgar stories and events when he has hardly finished the
veneration. 815.23. If one does not venerate when he is blocked (by another person) or when it is dark,
on the contrary, if he venerates only when he is seen, then that is a seen or unseen
(kệtikarman). 24. (The křtikarman) with the forehead bone is a falling down on one of both frontal
bumps. 816.25. One who shows veneration (no doubt) considers it to be a tribute (in the assumption)
"it is a tax imposed by the Jaina religion”. 26. (Another thinks:) absolved of the worldly tax, we are not freed from the veneration
tax. 817.27. (With the hands) the small brush and head can be touched or not, which results in
four combinations (a. small brush and head; b. small brush, but not the head; c. head,
but not the small brush; d. neither small brush nor head). 28. Incomplete in regard to words and gestures (is, at times, the kịtikarman) or in too
short a time (finished), in comparison with the rest. 818.29. [14] (If one says) after showing veneration (still) “I venerate with the head”, then this is an addition.
38

Page #139

English translation by George Baumann
30. On the other hand, if one carries out the gestures silently, then this is a silent
(kstikarman). 819.31. Venerating with a loud voice, then that (krtikarman) is to be called loud. 32. Swinging the small brush like a torch, then that (krtikarman) is a shilly-shallying
(one). Finally, the Digambara literature also deserves to be questioned about our Niryukti stanzas 111-115. This, namely, retained a version that in a metrical and partially also in other relationships is more original. You will find it below at p. 1846-15. Here only Prabhācandra's explanation for it is given – that of Vasunandin's is much more
extensive. Prabhāc.: anādhidam ādara-rahitam yo vandate tasya sa doso bhavati. thaddham ca stabdho bhūtvā. pavittham devasyâtyāsanno bhūtvā. paripīdidam hastābhyām jānunī paripīdya. dolāidam dolāyamānah. ankusam ankušavat karângusthau lalāte niveśya. kacchava-ringidam kacchapavad upaviştaḥ samcaran. macch-uvvattam matsyötthallanavad' eka-pārśvena sthitvā. mano-duttham ācāry'ādīnām upari cetasi khedam kṛtvā. veiyā-baddham jānunī aparipīdayan bāhubhyām yoga-pattam kstvā. bhayasā guruņā vibhīşito yadi devān na vandişyase tadā jñāsyasîti. bhayantam svayam eva gurubhyo vibhītaḥ. iddhi-gāravam vandanām kurvato mama cāturvarnya-sangho bhakto bhavisyatîti. gāravam ātmano mahattvam icchan, āhā 'ādi-prāptim vā vānchan tenidam yathā kaścin na jānāti tathā cauryeņa vandate. padiņidam guroh prātikūlyen' ājñākhandanam kȚtvā. paduttham kalaham kftvā kşantavyam akurvan. tajjidam pārsvavartino vibhīşayan. saddam ca vārttām kathan. hilidam pārsvavartinām upahāsam kurvan. tivalidam kați-hşdaya-grīvā-motanam kȚtvā. kuncidam angam samkocya, ūrubhyām mastakam parāmsšitvā. dittham adittham vā yadi kaścit paśyati tadā vandate, atha na paśyati tadā na vandate; yadi vā yadi kaścit paśyati tadā sôtsāho bhūtvā vandate, anyathā anyathêti. sanghassa kara-moyanam țșīņām vestir iyam iti manyamānaḥ. aladdham aņāladdham yadā gurv-ādibhyah kimcil labhate tada vandanām karoti, yadā na labhate tadā na karoti; yadi vā lābhe sôtsāhatām karoti, alābhe nirutsāhatām iti. hinam kriyākānda-käle pramāṇam hīņam kftvā. uttaracūliyam kriyakarmanah kālasya vrddhim krtvā. mūgam vă maunena. daddaram mahatā śabdena. sulalidam ca gītena. katham-bhūtam sulalitam? āpacchimam ā samantāt paścimam iti. etair doşair vivarjitā devavandanā kartavyeti, samskstāḥ sarvā bhaktayah Padapūjyasvāmi-kştāḥ, prākṣtās tu Kundakund'ācārya-kṛtā iti. 119. Good behaviour (and) politeness, extirpation of pride, veneration of the world of teachers, and (observance of) tenets of the Prophets, fulfillment of the transmitted religion, cessation of (worldly) deeds" - (these are the aims or fruits of veneration). 120. (citation-śloka.) Good behaviour during instruction is the first requirement. The wellbehaved keeps strict control over himself. Whoever is devoid of good behaviour, where (should) he (acquire) piety, where asceticism! 121. Because it finds fault with the eightfold actions for salvation of the world, that is why the wise ones, those who have escaped the world's hustle and bustle call it "good behaviour”.5 [14]
The Avaśyaka commentaries
The commentaries of Āv.? and Av. already had to be mentioned and characterized literary-historically whilst discussing those texts (on pp. 2950-6°23). Later on, only Haribhadra's commentary on Āv.? I will have to be discussed again.
Of course, the commentaries of the original Avaśyaka deserve much more attention. After having already presented more extensive samples of these that have brought to attention the content and dimension of the tradition to a limited extent, now they should be examined
Oth°instead of OrthoMS.; cp. Hemacandra's Pkt. Grammar IV 174. 2 "ham MS. 3 a-kiriyā and with that salvation are designated as the final aim of veneration (pajjavāsanā, H:
vandanapajjavāsanayā), also in Bhag. II 55 (Weber Bhag. II 201) a passage that H stresses. Literally "dispels" (viņayai). The stanza wants, like VII 33 (above at p. 9'n.) to give an etymology and is therefore referred to as nirutta-gähä. vilīņa(viņīna C!)-samsārā, whereby CH have the variant viniya-s.
39

Page #140

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
and appreciated as various evolutional steps of the tradition. Their filiation, and even more, evolves out of the following schema on p. 154
Even the Anuyogadvāra could also be accommodated into the scheme as an isolated example of the older Avaśyaka tradition, if its special relationship to the remainder could be graphically shown. The history of this work demands an extensive separate examination that, at the most, could be done in India. In what follows, it is only mentioned when the assessment of the Avaśyaka-commentaries to be discussed require it (on p. 20'n. ult., etc.) - For the rest the schema can be supplemented, at the most, in the lower part; however, whatever happens to be added, is, in any case, insignificant. Just like Aparājita in the Ārādhanā-commentary and Āsādhara in his Āvasyaka-chapter (Dharmâmsta A VIII), all possible predecessors or successors of the same can only deliver reviews on Mūlāc. VII. In the same way the more contemporary commentaries within the Svetâmbara branch are just excerpts of Haribhadra's work of varying sizes. The commentaries by Malayagiri and Srītilaka, both of whom are still not represented in Germany, as such, would only be welcome if they transpose the Pkt.-stories by C & H, each in his own manner into Sanskrit and, therefore, remove certain difficulties. Haribhadra's perceived mistakes in the Avaśyaka Erzählungen on p. 3 f. have been accepted by Malayagiri and Śrītilaka without hesitation (the latter writes ekasyām eva rātrau ca); besides, cp. in addition ZDMG VLI 5822 and the review of [14] Haribhadra's commentaries. Both copies of Jñānasāgara's Avacūrņi (which define themselves as an excerpt from H) differ somewhat: as opposed to Br C (like the old commentaries) ignores at the opening the Therāvalī, but deals with both final stanzas (XX 80 f.) thoroughly, whereas Br only extracts the Pratīka-s from these, as they already had appeared at the end of X. The anonymous Avacūrņi comments on the Therāvalī as well as both of those final stanzas.
Only Jinabhadra's commentary on his Bhāsya is genuinely missing in the entire sequence of commentaries. As an alternative for this noticeable gap Śīlānka's commentary has to suffice for the time being, if not forever.
Each of the eight preserved older commentaries (Mūlāc., Vas., Niry., Vis., C, H, Śīl., Hemac.) has its own particular importance. Mūlācāra VII is closely related to the presumed original Niryukti and therefore allows for a reconstruction of it, as additions and changes simply have to be removed through consultation of the Svetâmbara elaboration (Niry.). Vasunandin explains the entire Mulācāra chapter in a very adequate manner and shows that already during his times the Digambara-s knew nothing more about the original Avasyaka with which the Mülācāra chapter deals, but rather, related the details of that chapter as best as they could to Av.'. The Niryukti(-extension) is interesting due to its textual history and important because of its outline of a rich evolution of tradition. The Bhāsya is an excellently planned individual [159] handling of the dogmatic parts of the first half of the Niryukti (I-X). C and H, indispensable and extensive commentaries, the first like earlier ones in Pkt., the latter like the later ones in Skt., are, at the same time, the most valuable story-repositories of Jaina literature. They are richer and, partially, also more original than the legendary parts of the preserved Canon. Besides, they are more antiquated than all distinctive story-collections of the Jains that have been handed down to us – the Vasudevahindī being no exception, though, actually composed earlier, yet textually and contentwise more modern. In spite of the mutuality of contents, the two commentaries are, however, quite different works: to put it pointedly, the Cūrni closes the first phase of the tradition as far as language and layout are concerned. Haribhadra's tīkā, on the other hand, opens a second phase, which continues up to the present time. Finally, both Bhāsya-commentaries, Śīl. and Hemac., are in another way diametrically opposed products that are equally welcome to us. Šīlānka explains the original edition of the Bhāsya in terse form for advanced students. Hemacandra has produced a rather modernized and much shorter new edition of the [150] Bhāsya and attempts to make these understandable in every detail for all kind of students.
40

Page #141

English translation by George Baumann
[159]
[original Niryukti] about 170 stanzas (mostly gatha-s)
Mūlāc. VII
189 stanzas (mostly gāthā-s)
adapted by Bhadrabāhu
augmented by Siddhasena
I - VI. VIII-X
XI - XIII XV-XX
Jinabhadra's Višeşāvasyakabhāsya
4329 gāthā-s
Āvaśyaka
niryukti (Śvetâmbaraenlargement)
about 2,500 stanzas (mostly
gāthā-s) and some prose
(Jinabhadra's Višesāvasyakabhāsya-tīkā]
Avaśyaka
Cürni, = C 19,000 grantha-s
enlarged by Jinabhata
Haribhadra's Avasyaka-țīkā, = H
22,500 grantha-s
Vasunandin's Ācāravrtti VII
with the text 1,350 grantha-s
Śīlānka's Višeșāvaśyaka
bhāsya-tīkā ca. 870 A.D. 13,700 grantha-s
Aparājita on Ārādh. 1171 (B 2045: 78"- 84")
176 grantha-s
Hemacandra's Višeşāvaśyakabhāsya-vstti
1118 A.D. with the text 34,000 gr.
Malayagiri's Avaśyaka
tīkā ca. 1150 A.D.
Śrītilaka's Avaśyaka-laghuvștti
1289 A.D. - Br 2102 with the text, 12,325 grantha-s
Āśādhara's Dharmâmịta A VIII
ca. 1230 A.D. about 60 stanzas (mostly sloka-s)
Jñānasāgara's Avaśyaka-Avacūrni 1383 A.D. - Br 2102 & C 2283
6,700 grantha-s
Anonymous Avaśyaka-Avacūrņi
S 161, = Av.-avac. 9,700 grantha-s
41

Page #142

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
[15') This overview shows that each of the eight commentaries deserves a thorough treatment. In the first six cases, along with a general literary task, a chronological one has to be assigned to it: at least approximately the time of composition should be determined. In the case of Jinabhadra, studies about his place in the history of Indian philosophemes, and with C & H, narrative historical enquiries concerning Digambara and extra-Jaina literature have to be added. Haribhadra guides whomever deals with him to the entire realm of Jaina literature and even much beyond.
Some portions of the proposed programme, which follow, can only be treated superficially, or not at all. The material demands that the description start with the Mūlācāra, and from here, turn to the original Niryukti. After that, the history of the evolution of the text within the Svetâmbara literature will be studied.
Beginnings of the tradition
Although the tradition, particularly in more recent times, aims mainly at explaining the original text it has not actually emanated from the need for commentaries. During the first centuries the texts were still understandable enough since their wording allowed some adaptability until a final editing that permitted obsolete terms to be glossed or to be replaced by more lucid ones. This is how in the next stage Niryukti- and Samgrahani-stanzas appeared in connection with the Avaśyaka and other core works, and only the first-mentioned, i.e. the Niryukti stanzas in a narrow sense, produced commentaries.
Niryukti, a simplification for nirvyukti", means "analysis", Samgrahani "résumé". The analysis concerns the wording much less than the title and the general contents. In classes, when a text, or even each individual chapter is taken up as an introduction, the title, the contents or the purpose (of the text) are discussed. The versified results of this informative preparation form the Niryukti-stanzas that had to be retained as memorized verses through such school-like training. On the other hand, the Samgrahaņī-stanzas had to support and to ensure the memorizing of the manifold individual contents.
The old Anga description in Samavāya & Nandī) already ascertains that in each Anga (except in the twelfth) numerous (samkhejjão) nijjuttio or samgahanio occur. Since analyzing and summarizing text parts of the type described are obviously meant, it can be seen that they were originally handed down in connection with the corresponding original passages. Then, later they were arranged as independent accompanying texts that were exposed to repeated revisions and additions. Old versions of two such Niryukti-texts are preserved in the Mūlācāra in Digambara literature, and this work also contains a fairly old Samgrahanī-text. Of course, Svetâmbara literature also knows isolated Niryukti-writings, but only in Bhadrabāhu's adaptation, which furthermore (as shown in ZDMG VLI 586-591) in most cases has not been preserved unadulterated, but only as a basic component of numerous enlargements. These writings are not dealt with for their own sake in the old commentaries, but rather, are taken into consideration and explained, piece by piece, in the corresponding parts of the original work. Among the Svetâmbara-s the entire Samgrahaņī-verses are almost completely mixed with the basic writings in the original manner, less often incorporated in an enlarged Niryukti; only in later enlargements and modifications do they develop into separate texts.
* Represents also nirvyūdha "excerpt", usually niryūdha; in Pkt. nijjūdha, seldom (Vyavah.-bh. X 344) nivvūdha.
42
Jain Education Interational

Page #143

English translation by George Baumann
Vattakera's Mūlācāra
It still has to be examined as to when the author of the Mūlācāra lived. Most likely, he is older than Kundakunda, since the Anupreksā-text (S 364 ') of this author appears to be an enlargement of Mūlāc. VIII. The name Vattakera is a genuine Pkt.-formation, which goes back to vartakā and could be translated as "someone having quails”. Similar derivations are
in the Avaśyaka Erzählungen) bāhulera "calf of a black cow (bahulā)" and sābalera "calf of a variegated cow (sabalā)". In Skt." the suffix era has not gained much ground; śrāmanera also has to be dismissed because this word has emerged for dialectal reasons as an equivalent to Pāli sāmanera.
The Niryukti-writings of the Mūlācāra are VI. the Pinda-niryukti (belonging to Ac. II 1) - here called "Pinda-buddhi", because the
introductory analysis of the title (Pind'esaņā) that in an actual Niryukti would be
indispensable, has been omitted. VII. the Avaśyaka-niryukti.
In addition, there are sporadic Niryukti-stanzas in V from Acāra-niry. and Daśavaikālika-niry. in X from Kalpa-niry.
[164] In V 82 a further Niryukti is mentioned only by name. In V 80-82 it says:
Under unfavourable conditions (asajjhāe a-svādhyāye) texts that come from gañadhara pratyekabuddha śrutakevalin abhinnadaśapūrvin are not to be studied,
but rather the following, e.g.: 82. Ārāhaņa-nijjuttī Marañavibhattī ya samgaha-thudīo
PaccakkhānAvāsaya dhammakahāo ya.
The Ārādhanā-niryukti, mentioned here does not appear in Svetâmbara literature just as little as the Arādhanā dealt within it. It is very likely that the Digambara-s, too, have lost the original work along with the Niryukti. The Arādhanā, contentwise as well as textually, probably still survives among them in more modern writings of the same name that are partially only enlargements and revisions of the basic work. An Ārādhanā of the indispensable form - the Yaty-Arādhanā B 1895 - always dealing in a fivefold manner with the tetrad - darśana jñāna caritra tapas - is completely different. The oldest definition of ārādhanā has been given in the final gāthā of Svādhyāya (Kriyākalāpa C II), taken from Śivakoti's Ārādh., which reads:
ujjovaņam ujjavaņamnivvāhana sāhanam* ca nittharanam
damsaņa'-nāņa"-carittam"-tavāņam" ārāhaņā bhaniyā || Mentioned along with the Ārāhana-nijjuttī, the Maranavibhattī also seems to have been lost by both confessions. However, its contents can be drawn from Utt.-niry. 222-245 and (as can be seen with Sāntyācārya on Utt.-niry. 238) a number of stanzas from the writing are contained in Vyavah.-bh. X 518-599. Sāntyācārya on Utt.-niry. 246 assumes, erroneously, that Maranavibhatti is only another name for Utt. V. - Cp. Bhag. II 1 (Samav. II 4, Aupap. $ 70) & XIII 7: Samav. XVII 3 (Aparājita on Ārādh 254); (Ac.-niry. 272-290].
To a certain extent, part IV of the Mūlācāra also needs to be mentioned. It actually includes a description of the ten types of Sāmācārī, indeed a tradition that, as shown above at p. 904-6, forms a special [16'] chapter in the Svetâmbara enlargement of the Avaśyakaniryukti. This chapter has found acceptance since Jinabhadra, if not even earlier.
The Samgrahaņi-writing of the Mūlācāra is entitled Pajjattī-samgahaņī (Paryāpti-); it forms the last chapter (XII) and contains 205 gāthā-s.
Mūlāc. VI contains 82 stanzas (mostly gāthā-s). If one makes allowance for the last ten that seem to be an appendix and presumes, then, that at the opening also as many stanzas are lacking in which the title analysis was given, the underlying Pindaniryukti-version of the Mülācāra
cp. Pāņ. IV 1, 128f. and 131: nāțera.
43

Page #144

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
chapter must have consisted of approximately 80 stanzas. The Svetâmbara enlargement of the text contains no less than 709 stanzas.
Even more conspicuous is the difference in length in the Avaśyaka-niryukti. Its length with Vattakera is 189 stanzas and in the Svetâmbara enlargement more than 3,000 grantha-s.
A concordance between the two Pindaniryukti-versions will be able to give a view of the general textual situation. Where the stanzas and fragments of stanzas differ more than just a little, "cp." is given instead of the equal sign. Mūl. VI | Pindaniry. Mūl. VI | Pindan. Mūl. VI | Pind. 2 = 1 20 cp. 361
57 = 6759 omit- S2-88a "pinda" 21 cp. 3589
576 = 6815 ted 1880-107 "esanā 26 f. 439 f.
58 = 692 . 3 f. = 108 f.
441
59 f. = 698 f. 5 cp. 113
461
61 = 254
31 4729
68 = 230 8 opening 417 opening 32a
= 687 96 cp. 274
35
496 11 cp. 3029
36 f. cp. 525-528 13 = 311
558 15a = 326
cp. 579a 16 cp. 334
478
cp. 595 opening 196 opening = 357 opening | 49-52 cp. 609-614
28a
29a
703
cp. 478a
cp.
43
46
Mūlācāra VII: The Digambara original of the Āvaśyaka-niryukti
[164] The following edition is based on S 344. This is an excellent manuscript of Vasunandin's commentary that presents and explains the text verse by verse. We have distinguished by means of italics the few passages that the text has taken from the Āv. and that recur in the Svetâmbara recension. Noteworthy from a linguistic standpoint is that v before u and o are often dropped. However, this phenomenon is missing in B 2049, a fairly good manuscript of Vasunandin's commentary, consulted later. A conspicuous mistake, among others, has to be corrected that concerns the word nijjutti: it has been written with just one j by B everywhere, by S always except at the end of vs. 14. Although, in this way the metre becomes correct several times, the specific passages do not prove anything, because they are only revisions of the preceding, where jj is required. Several times S shows a puristic tendency. (Elaborated on in more detail.)
kāüna namokāram arahantānam tah'eva siddhānam āyariya-uvajjhāe logammi ya savva-sāhūņam || 1 Avāsaya-nijjutti bocchāmi jahā-kamam samāseņa
āyariya-paramparāe jah'āgadā āņupuvvīe || 2 Panc. rāga-ddosa-kasāe ya indiyāņi ya panca ya
parisahe uvasagge nāsayanto namo'riho |3 arihanti namokāram arihā pūjā sur'uttamā loe
raja-hantā ari-hanti ya. arahantā tena vuccade | 4 arahanta-namokkāram bhāveņa ya jo karedi payada-madi so savva-dukkha-mokkham pāvadi acirena kālena || 5
dīha-kālam ayam jantu usido attha-kammahim,
side dhante nidhante ya siddhattam uvagacchadi || 6 āvesaņī-sarīre indiya-bhando maño va āgario
60 Fornt both times more likely 11 BS; nifr)dhatte (later nirdhūte) & dhvaste Vas. (in any case, another sequence).
44

Page #145

English translation by George Baumann
[16] title
parts
dhamidavva-jīva-loho bāvīsa-parīsah'aggīhim | 7
sadā āyāra-vidannū sadā āyariyam-caro āyāram āyāravanto, āyario teņa vuccadi |8 jamhā pancavih'āyāram ācaranto pabhāsadi āyariyāṇi desanto āyario tena vuccadi || 9 bāras'angam jin'akkhādam sajjhāyam kadhidam budhe, uvadesai sajjhāyam, ten' uvajjhāo vuccadi || 10 nivvāņa-sādhae joge sadā junjanti sädhavo
samā savvesu bhūdesu, tamhā te savva-sādhavo || 11 evam guna-juttānam panca-gurūņam visuddha-karanehim jo kuņai namokkāram so pāvadi nivvudim siggham || 12
eso Pancanamokāro savva-pāva-paņāsaņo
mangalesu ya savvesu padhamam bhavadi mangalam || 13 na vaso avaso, avasassa kammam Avassayam ti bohavvam jutti tti uvāya tti ya, niravayavā hodi nijjuttī|| 14 Sāmāiya' Cauvīsa-tthava" Vandanayam" Padikkamanam" Paccakkhānam ca tahā Kāosaggo havadi chattho || 15 Sāmāiya-nijjuttī bocchāmi jahā-kamam samāseņa āyariya-paramparae jah'āgadam āņupuvvīe || 16 nāma tthavaņā davve khette kāle tah'eva bhāve ya Sāmāiyamhi eso nikkheo chavviho neo || 17 sammatta-nāņa-samjama-tavehi jam tam pasattha sama-gamanam sam-ayam tu tam tu bhanidam, tam eva Sāmāiyam jāna || 18 jida-uvasagga-parīsaha uvautto bhāvanāsu samidīsu jama-niyama-ujjada-madī Sāmāiya-pariņado jīvo || 19 jam ca samo appāņam pare ya mādūa savva-mahilāsu apiya-ppiya-māņādisu to samaņo to ya Sāmaiyam || 20 jo jāņai samavāyam davvāņa gunāņa pajjayāṇam ca sabbhāvam tam-siddham Sāmāiyam uttamam jāņa || 21
rāga-dose nirohittā samadā savva-kammasu suttesu ya parināmo Sāmāiyam uttamam jāne || 22
virado savva-sāvajjam ti-gutto pihid'indio jīvo Sāmāiyam nāma samjama-tthānam uttamam|| 23 jassa samnihido appā samjame niyame tave tassa Sāmāiyam thādi idi kevali-sāsane || 24 jo samo savva-bhūdesu tasesu thāvaresu ya ... jassa rāgo va doso ya viyadim na janenti du ... || 25 jeņa koho ya māņo ya māyā lobho ya nijjidā ... jassa sannā ya lesā ya viyadim na janenti du ... || 26 jo dū rase ya phāse ya kāme vajjedi niccasā jo rūva-gandha-sadde ya bhoge vajjedi niccasā ...|| 27 jo du attam ca ruddam ca jhānam vajjedi niccasā ... jo du dhammam ca sukkam ca jhānam jhāyadi niccasā ... |
sāvajja-joga-parivajjan'attham Sāmāiyam kevalihim pasattham gihattha-dhammo 'parama tti naccā
kujjā budho appa-hiyam pasattham || 29 Sāmāiyamhi du kade samano ira sāvao havadi jamhā edeņa kāraņeņa du bahuso Sāmāiyam kujjā || 30
sa
...
28
89 vidanhū Ārādh. 108, 175, 493, 508, 617, 636. 25-28 are actually eight sloka-s, because 24 must be added as a refrain to each line.
45

Page #146

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
Sāmāie kade sāvaeņa viddho mao araạnamhi,
so ya mao uddādo, na ya so Sāmāiyam phidio || 31 [17o] bāvīsam titthayarā Sāmāiya-samjamam uvadisanti,
chedôvatthāvaniyam puņa bhayavam Usaho ya Vīro ya|| 32 ācakkhidum vibhajidum vinnādum câvi suhadaram hodi, edeņa kāraneņa du maha-vvadā panca pannattā || 33 ādīe duvisodhana nihane taha sutthu duraņupāle ya, purima ya pacchimā vi hu kappakappam na yāṇanti |34 padilihiya anjali-karo uvajutto utthiūņa eya-mano avvākhitto vutto karedi Sāmāiyam bhikkhu || 35 Sāmāiya-nijjuttī esā kahiyā mae samāseņa. Cauvīsaya-nijjuttī etto uddham pavakkhāmil 36 nāma tthavaņā davve khette kāle ya hoi bhāve ya eso thavamhi neo nikkhevo chavviho hodi || 37 log'' ujjoe 2 dhamma " titthayare 4 jina-vareya arahante
kittaņa" kevalim ® eva ya uttamabodhim mama disantu '' || 38 1. logadi ālogadi ppaloyadi samlogadi tti ey'attho,
jamhā jinehi kasiņam ten' eso vuccade loo || 39 nāmatthavaṇam 2 davvam khetta cihnam kasāya -logo ya
bhava'-logo bhāvao-logo pajjaya'-logo ya nāyavvoll 40 1. nāmāņi jāņi kāņi vi suhâsuhāņi ya santi logamhi
nāma-logam viyāņāhi ananta-jiņa-desiyam || 41 2. thavidam thāvidam câvi jam kimci atthi logamhi
havaņā-logam viyāņāhi ananta-jiņa-desiyam || 42 3. jīvājīvam rūvârūvam sa-padesam a-ppadesam ca
davva-logam viyāṇāhi ananta-jina-desiyam || 43 pariņāma jīva muttam sa-padesam ekka khetta kiriyā ya
niccam kāraṇa kattā savva-gad' idarehi ya paveso || 44 4. āgāsam sa-padesam uddha-m-aha-tiriya-logam ca
khetta-logam viyāņāhi ananta-jin a-desiyam || 45 5. jam dittham samthāņam davvāņa guņāņa pajjayāṇam ca
cinha-logam viyānāhi ananta-jiņa-desiyam || 46 6. kodho māņo māyā lobho udiņnā jassa jantuno
kasāya-logam viyāņāhi ananta-jiņa-desiyam || 47 7. neraiya deva māņusa tirikkha-joņim gadā ya je sattā niyaya-bhave vattantā tam bhava-logam viyāņāhi|| 48 8. tivvo rāgo ya doso ya udinnā jassa jantuno
bhāva-logam viyāņāhi ananta-jiņa-desiyam || 49 9. davva-guņa khetta-pajjaya bhavânubhāvo ya bhāva-pariņāmo
jāņa cauvviham evam pajjaya-loyam samāseņa || 50 2. ujjoo khalu duviho nādavvo davva'-bhāva a-samjutto, 1. davv'ujjoo aggi cando sūro mani ceva |51 2. bhā'ujjoo nāņam jaha-bhaniyam savva-bhāva-darisīhim,
tassa du paoga-karaṇe bhā'ujjoo tti nāyavvo | 52 pancaviho khalu bhanio bhā'ujjoo ya jiņavar'indehim
ābhiņibohiya-suda-ohināņa-maņa-kevalamao ya 53 1. davv'ujjo'ujjoo padihammadi parimidamhi khettamhi, 2. bhā'ujjo'ujjoo logâlogam payāsedi || 54
logass' ujjoyagarā davv'ujjoena na hu jinā honti,
44 end, padese (pradeśaih) Vas.
46

Page #147

English translation by George Baumann
a
bhā'ujjoyayarā puna honti jina-varā cauvvīsam || 55 3. tiviho ya hodi dhammo: suda-dhammo atthikāya-dhammo ya
tadio caritta-dhammo; suda-dhammo ettha puna tittham|| 56 4. duviham ca hodi tittham nādavvam davva '-bhāva 2-samjuttam,
edesim donham pi ya patteya-parūvanā hodi: 1 57 1. dāhôvasamana tanhā-chedo mala-panka-pavahanam ceva,
tihi kāraņehi jutto, tamhā tam davvado tittham || 58 2. damsaņa-nāņa-caritte nijutta jina-varā du savve vi,
tihi kāranehi juttā, tamhā te bhāvado tittham || 59 5. jida-koha-māņa-māyā jida-lohā, teņa te jiņā honti. 6. hantā arim ca jammam, arihantā teņa vuccanti || 60
arihanti vandaņa-namamsaņā ya, arihanti pūya-sakkāram,
arihanti siddhi-gamanam, arahantā teņa vuccanti || 61 7. kiha te na kittanijjā sa-deva-manuyâsuramhi logamhi
damsaņa-nāņa-caritte tava-viņao jehi pannatto! || 62 8. savvam kevalakappam logam jāņanti taha ya passanti
kevala-nāņa-carittā, tamhā te kevali honti || 63 9. micchatta-vedanīyam nān'āvaranam caritta-moham ca
tivihā tamādu mukkā, tamhā te uttamā honti || 64 10. "āroga-bohi-lāham dentu samāhim ca me jiņavar'indā"
kim na hu nidāņam edam, navari vibhās' ettha kāyavvā || 65 bhāsā a-saccamosā navari hu bhattiě bhāsidā esā, na hu khīņa-rāgadosā denti samāhim ca bohim ca || 66 jam tehi du dāyavvam tam dinnam jiņa-varehi savvehiņ: damsana-nāņa-carittassa esa tivihassa uvadeso || 67 bhattiě jiņa-varāṇam khīyadi jam puvva-samciyam kammam, ayariya-pasāeņa ya vijjā mantā ya sijjhanti || 68 arahantesu ya rão vavagada-rāgesu dosa-rahidesu dhammamhi ya jo rão sude ya jo bārasavidhamhi|| 69 [17°) āyariesu ya rão savanesu ya bahu-sude caritt'addhe eso pasattha-rão havadi sa-rāgesu savvesu || 70 tesim ahimuhadāe atthā sijjhanti taha ya bhattīe; to bhatti-rāga-puvvam vuccai edam, na hu nidānam || 71 caurangul’antara-pado padilehiya anjalī-kaya pasattho avvākhitto vutto kunadi ya Cauvīsayam bhikkhū || 72 Cauvīsaya-nijjuttī esā kahiyā mae samāseņa. Vandana-nijjuttī puņa etto uddham pavakkhāmi || 73 nāma tthavaņā davve khette kāle tah'eva bhāve ya eso khalu Vandanage nikkhevo chavviho bhanio 11 74 kidiyammam cidiyammam" pāyā-kammam ca viņaya-kammam kāyavvam kena' kassa? va kadh'eva kahim* ca kadi-khutto® || 75 kadi-onadam kadi-siram kadi āvattagehi parisuddham
kadi-dosa-vippamukkam' kidiyammam hodi kāyavvam || 76 IV. jamhā viņayadi kammam atthaviham cāuranga-mokkho ya
tamhā vadanti viduso viņao tti vilīņa-samsārā || 77 puvvam ceva ya viņao parūvido jiņa-varehi savvehim savvāsu kammabhūmīsu niccaso mokkha-maggammi || 78
ca
70° BS inserts jo before bo. 724 -pādo BS. 726 osatthuyo S, Osatthoyo B', osa-samthavam B.
47

Page #148

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
logâṇuvitti-vinao' attha-nimitte" ya kama-tante" ya bhaya-vinao ya cauttho, pancamao mokkha-vinao ya || 79 1. abbhuṭṭhāṇam anjali asana-dānam ca atihi-pūjā ya
V
logâṇuvitti-vinao devada-pūjā sa-vihavena 80 II. bhasa'nuvatti chandânuvattanam desa-kāla-dāṇam ca logâṇuvatti-vinao anjali-karanam ca attha-kade || 81 III f. em eva kāma-tante bhaya-viṇao ceva aṇupuvvie; V. pancamao khalu viņao, parūvaṇā tass' imā hodi;|| 82 damsana' nāṇa caritte3 tava-vinao ovacārio3 ceva, mokkhamhi esa vinao pancaviho hodi nayavvo || 83 1. je davva-pajjayā khalu uvadiṭṭhā jina-varehi suda-nāņe te taha saddahadi naro damsana-vinao tti nādavvo || 84 2. nāṇī gacchadi, nāṇī vancadi, nāṇī navam ca n'adiyadi, nāṇeṇa kunadi caraṇam, tamhā nāṇe have vinao || 85
3. porāṇaya-kamma-rayam cariya-rittam karedi jadamāņo,
nava-kammam ca na bandhadi, caritta-vinao tti nādavvo || 86 4. avaṇayadi tavena tamam, uvaṇayade mokkha-maggam appāṇam tava-vinaya-niyamida-madī, so tava-vinao tti nādavvo || 87
5. àha ovacārio khalu viņao tiviho samāsado bhanio:
satta' cauvviha" duviho bodhavvo āņupuvvie || 87
I. abbhuṭṭhāṇam' samnadi asaṇa-dāṇam3 anuppadāṇam* ca
kidiyammam padirūvam asaṇa-caiya anuvvayanam' || 872 II. hida'-mida-parimida3-bhāsā aṇuvīcī -bhasanam ca bodhavvam; III. akusala-maṇassa rodho1 kusala-maṇa-pavattao2 ceva || 873
rādiņie oma-rādiņiesu ya ajjāsu ceva gihi-vagge viņao jaha'riho so kāyavvo a-ppamatteṇa || 874 vinaena vippahīnassa havadi sikkha niratthiyā savva, viņao sikkhaě phalam, vinaya-phalam savva-kallāṇam || 875 vinao mokkha-ddāram, viņayado samjamo tavo nāṇam, vinaen' ārādhijjadi ayario savva-sangho ya || 876 āyāra-jīda-kappa-guna-dīvaṇā attasodhi-nijjhanjhā
ajjava maddava lāhava bhattī palhada-karaṇam ca || 877
tamhā savva-payatteņa viņao ttam mā kadai chaddejjo; appa-sudo vi ya puriso khavedi kammāņi vinaena || 88 1. panca-mahavvaya-gutto samviggo 'nālaso amāṇī ya kidiyamma nijjar'atthī kuņai sadā ūṇa-rādiņio || 89
2. ayariya-uvajjhāyāṇa pavattaga-thera-ganadhar'ādīṇam edesim kidiyammam kādavvam nijjar'aṭṭhāe || 90
no vandejja aviradam mādāpidu guru narʼinda annadittham vā desa-virada devam va virado pasattha-panagam vā || 91 .pāsattho' ya kusilo2 samsatt'3 osanna miga-caritto" ya damsaṇa-nāṇa-caritte aniutta manda-samvega || 92 damsaṇa-nāṇa-caritte tava-viņae nicca-kāla pāsatthā ede avandanijjā chiḍda-ppehī gunadharāṇam || 93
samanam vandejja mehāvī samjadam su-samāhidam panca-mahavvada-kalidam asamjama-dugunchayam dhiram || 94
83a ucc° instead of ovac° S. 871-7
Müläc. V 184-190. Vasunandin passes over these gatha-s, because they have already appeared in Mūlāc. V. Also, he only mentions stanza 87 without explaining it, since he mistakenly presumes that it has already been dealt with in said chapter. The wording of his note (87 ityevam-ādi-gāthānām V 190* -gāthā-paryantānām... . .) might also mean that V 175-190 (not only V 184-190) should be supplemented; on the other hand, this interpretation is not very likely as, apparently, the gatha-s V 184-190 (or only V 184-186) originally terminated the above vinaya-analysis and then from this ended up at the end of the other vinaya-analysis (V 167-183). 90 °ṇamp, BS; tti-tth° B, tta-th° S.

48

Page #149

English translation by George Baumann
damsaṇa-nāṇa-caritte tava-vinae nicca-kālam uvajuttā ede hu vandanijjā je guṇa-vādī gunadharaṇam || 95 3. vakkhitta parāhuttam tu pamattam mā kadāi vandejjo āhāram ca karento nīhāram vā jadi karedi || 96
āsaṇe āsaṇa-ttham ca uvasantam uvatthidam aṇunnavitta medhāvī kidiyammam paunjade || 97 4. aloyaṇāya karaṇe paḍipucchā-pūyaṇe ya sajjhāe
avarāhe ya guruṇam Vandaṇam edesu ṭhāṇesu || 98 5. cattari paḍikkamane kidiyammā, tinni honti sajjhãe, [18] puvvanhe avaraṇhe kidiyamma caudasā honti || 99 6. d'onadam tu jadha-jādam bāras❜āvattam eva ya
17
19
7. cadus-siram ti-suddham ca kidiyammam paunjade || 100 8. tiviham tiyarana-suddham maya-rahiyam duviha-thāṇa punaruttam vinaena kama-visuddham kidiyammam hodi kāyavvam || 101 9. aṇādhidam ca thaddham ca pavittham3 paripīdidam dolaiyam ankusiyam taha kacchabha-ringiyam' || 102 macch'uvvattamR mano-duttham' veiya-baddham1 eva ya bhayasa ceva bhayantam iddhi-garava13 garavam14|| 103 tenidam padinidam16 câvi paduttham tajjidam18 tahā saddam ca hilidam20 câvi taha tivalidam tu kuncidam22 || 104 dittham23 adittham24 câvi ya sanghassa kara-moyanam aladdham26 anāladdham27 ca hīnam28 uttara-culiyam29 || 105 mugam30 ca daddaram31 câvi cululidam32 apacchimam battīsa-dosa-parisuddham kidiyammam paunjade || 106 kidiyammam pi karanto na hodi kidiyamma-nijjarā-bhāgī battīsāṇ' annadaram sadhū thānam virähanto || 107 hatth'antare 'ṇābādhe samphāsa-pamajjaņam paunjanto jacento Vandanayam iccha-kāram kuņai bhikkhu || 108 teņa va padicchidavvam garava-rahiena suddha-bhāvena kidiyamma-kārakassa vi samvegam samjanantena || 109 Vandaṇa-nijjutti puņa esā kahiya mae samāseṇa. IV Padikkamana-nijjutti puno etto uddham pavakkhami || 110 nāma ṭṭhavaṇā davve khette kāle tah'eva bhāve ya eso Padikkamanage nikkheo chavviho neo || 111 Padikamanam devasiyam raiya iriyāvaham ca bodhavvam pakkhiya caummāsiya samvaccharam uttam'attham ca || 112 paḍikamao' paḍikamanam padikamidavvam3 ca hodi nāyavvam, edesim patteyam paruvaṇā hodi kayavvā || 113
1. jīvo du padikkamao davve khette ya kāla bhāve ya.
2. padigacchadi jena jahim tam tassa bhave paḍikkamaṇam|| 114
3. padikamidavvam, davvam sacittâcitta-missayam tiviham,
96a
'kkhittam S.
102-106 are cited and (above, p. 14° 15-35) explained by Prabhācandra at Kriyakal. B I 2,12. His textual readings are often poorer, but they bring the corrections samceva r° in 102" and "ha tiv k° in 104. It is also important to note that in 105a ya and in 105 ca are missing, whereas ca has been inserted into 106" (sulalidam ca ap°!!). Prabhācandra considers (in the Svetâmbara version) 23 f. and 26 f. each only as one mistake without compensating the resulting loss in another manner. 104 opening sattham (sathyam) as v.l. for saddam with Vas.
106 for dadd(because of the graphic identity of dda and ddu) one can also read like Vas. daddur, the reading from which daddur has evolved in Prabhāc. (but not in his explanation)!
b°-do-vis BS.
otti puna B.
106
110

49

Page #150

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
.
khettam ca gih'ādiyam, kālo divas'ädi-kālamhi|| 115 micchatta-padikkamaņam taha ceva asamjame padikkamaņam kasāesu padikkamaņam jogesu ya a-ppasatthesu || 116 kāūņa ya kidiyammam pațilehiya anjalīkarana-suddho ālocejja su-vihido gārava mānam ca mottūņa || 117 ālocanam divasiyam rādiya iriyāvaham ca bodhavvam pakkhiya cādummāsiya samvaccharam uttam'attham ca || 118
aņābhoga-kadam kammam jam kimci manasā kadam
tam savvam ālocejja hu avvākhitteņa cetasā || 119 ālocaņam āluncaņa vigadīkaranam ca bhāva-suddhĩ du; ālocidamhi ārādhaņā, aņālocane bhajjā || 120 uppannā-uppannā māyā anupuvvaso nihantavvā ālocaņa-nindaņa-garahaņāhi 'na puņo tti ya bbidiyam' || 121 ālocana-nindana-garahaņāě abbhutthio akaraņāe' tam bhāva-padikkamanam; sesam puņa davvado bhanidam || 122 bhāveņa aņuvajutto davvībhūdo padikkamadi jo du jass' attham padikamade tam puņa attham na sāhedi ||123 bhāveņa sampajutto jad-attha-jogo ya jampade suttam so kamma-nijjarāe viulāe vattade sāhū || 124 sa-padikkamano dhammo purimassa ya pacchimassa ya jiņassa, avarāha-padikkamanam majjhimayāņam jiņa-varāņam || 125 jāve du appano vā annadare vā bhave adīcāro tāve du padikkamanam majjhimayāņam jiņa-varāṇam|| 126 iriyam goyara sumin'ādi-savvam ācaradu mā va ācaradu, purima-carimā du savve savvam niyamā padikkamadi || 127 majjhimayā dadha-buddhī ey'agga-maņā amoha-lakkhā ya, tamhā hu jam ācaranti tam garahantā visujjhanti || 128 purima-carimă du jamhā cala-cittā ceva moha-lakkhā ya to savva-padikkamaņam andhalaya-ghodaya-ditthanto || 129
Padikamaņa-nijjuttī puna esā kahiyā mae samāseņa. VI Paccakkhāņa-nijjuttī etto uddham pavakkhāmi || 130
nāma tthavaņā davve khette kāle ya hodi bhāve ya
eso Paccakkhāņe nikkheo chavviho neo || 131 [1899 paccakkhão' paccakkhāņam paccakkhiyavvamevam tu
tīde paccuppanne anāgade ceva kālamhi || 132 1. āņāya jāņaņāviya uvajutto mūla-majjha-niddese
sāgāram anāgāram anupālento dadha-dhidīo || 133
eso paccakkhão. - 2. 'paccakkhāņe' ti vuccade cão. - 3. paccakkhidavvam uvahim āhāro ceva bohavvo || 134
paccakkhāņam uttara-gunesu khaman'ādi hodi 'ņeyaviham, teņa vi ya ettha payadam, tam pi ya iņam-o dasaviham tu: || 135 aņāgadam' adikkantam- kodī-sahidam nikhandidam ceva sāgāram aṇāgāramo parimāņa-gadam aparisesam || 136 addhāņa-gadam navamam, dasamam tu sa-hedugamo viyāṇāhi, paccakkhāna-viyappā nirutti-jutta jina-madammi || 137
115 121
122
end 'di bhāvo hi v.1. with Vas. end ttiyam bido BS & Vas. (na punas istiyam dinam dvitīyam vā, dvitīya-divase tệtīya-divase ālocayisyāmîti na cintanīyam )! Cp. Utt. 141 end = Das. IX 2,18 end. Otthio ya ko S. - Vasunandin allows a choice between two readings, since he explains: kriyāyām pratikramaņe, athavā punar-atīcārakaraņe, abhyutthita udyato,... end vi so Vas. !
50
128

Page #151

English translation by George Baumann
viņaena' tah' anubhāsā" havadi ya anupālanā" ya parināmo",
edam paccakkhāṇam caduvviham hodi nāyavvam || 138 I. kidiyammam uvacāriya-vinao taha nāņa-damsaņa -caritte",
pancaviha-viņaya-juttam viņae suddham havadi tam tu || 139 II. anubhāsadi guru-vayanam akkhara-pada-vanjana-kkama-visuddham
ghosa-visuddhi-suddham, edam anubhāsanā-suddham || 140 III. ādanke uvasagge same ya dubbhikkha-vutti kantāre
jam pālidam na bhaggam edam anupālaņā-suddham || 141 IV. rāgeṇa va doseņa va na vipariņāmeņa dūsidam jam tu
tam puņa paccakkhāņam bhāva-visuddham tu nāyavvam || 142 asaņam' khuha-ppasamaņam pāņāņam anuggahe tahā pānam, khādam ti khādiyam puna, sādi tti ya sādiyam* bhaniyam || 143 savvo vi ya āhāro asaņam, savvo vi vuccade pānam, savvo vi khādiyam puņa, savvo vi ya sādiyam bhaniyam || 144 asanam pāņam taha khādiyam cauttham ca sādiyam bhaniyam, evam parūvidamhi du saddahidum-je suhĩ hodi || 145 Paccakkhāņa-nijjuttī esā kahiyā mayā samāseņa. Kāossagga-nijjuttī etto uddham pavakkhāmi || 146 nāma tthavaņā davve khette kāle ya hoi bhāve ya eso Kāussagge nikkheo chavviho neo || 147 kāosaggo' kāosaggī kāosaggassa kāraṇam ceva,
edesim patteyam parūvaņā hodi tinham pi|| 148 1. vosarida-bāhujuyalo cadur-angula-antareņa sama-pādam
savv'anga-calaņa-rahio kāosaggo visuddho du|| 149 2. mokkh'atthī jida-niddo sutt'attha-visārado karana-suddho
āda-bala-viriya-jutto kāossaggī visuddh'appā || 150 kāosaggam mokkha-paha-desayam ghādikamma-adicāram
icchāmi ahitthādum jiņa-sevida-desidattādo || 151 3. ega-padam assidassa vi jo adicāro du-rāgadosehim
gutti-vadikkamo vā caduhi kasāehi va vaehim || 152 chaj-jīva-nikāehim bhaya-maya-thānehi bambhadhammehim kāosaggam thāmi ya tak-kamma-nighādan'atthāe || 153 je keī uvasaggā deva-maņussa-tirikkha-acedaniyā te savve adhiyāse kāosagge thido santo || 154 samvaccharam ukkassam, bhinna-muhuttam jahannayam hodi, sesā kāussaggā honti anegesu thāṇesu | 155 attha-sadam devasiyam, kall'addham, pakkhiyam ca tinni sayā ussāsā kāyavvā niyam'ante a-ppamatteņa || 156 cādummāse caduro sadāi, samvacchare ya panca sayā, kāussagg’ussāsā pancasu țhāņesu nādavvā || 157 pānavaha musāvāde adatta mehuņa pariggahe ceva attha-sadam ussāsā kāosaggamhi kādavvā || 158 bhatte pāņe gām'antare ya arahanta-samaņa-sejjāsu uccāre passavane paņavīsam honti ussāsā || 159 uddese niddese sajjhāe vandane ya panidhāņe sattāvīs' ussāsā kāosaggamhi kādavvā || 160 kāosaggam iriyāvahâdicārassa mokkha-maggammi vosatta-catta-dehā karenti dukkha-kkhay'atthāe || 161 bhatte pāņe gām'antare ya cadumāsa-varisa-carimesu
1396 140
Øya-suddham vo s. janam kamo BS (& Vas.?)
51

Page #152

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
nāūņa thanti dhīrā dhanidam dukkha-kkhay'atthāe || 162 kāussaggam thido ya cintedu iriyāvadhassa adicāram tam savvam samāṇittă dhammam sukkam ca cintejjo || 163 taha divasiya-rãiya-pakkhiya-cādummāsa-varisa-carimesu tam savvam samāṇittā dhammam sukkam ca jhāejjo || 164 kāussaggamhi kade jaha bhijjadi anga-m-anga-sandhīo taha bhijjadi kamma-rayam kāosaggassa karaneņa || 165 bala-vīriyam āsejja ya khette kāle sarīra-samghadanam kāosaggam kujjā, ime du dose pariharanto: || 166 ghodaya' iadā? ya khambha' kudde* māle ya sabara-vadhuo nigale?
lamb'uttara thana-ditthī vāyasa khaline" juga!? kavitthe" || 167 [194] sīsa-pakampiyal4 mūiya's anguli' bhū-vikāra”? vāruņī-peīl8
kāussaggam tu thido, ede dose pariharejjo || 168 āloganam disāņam9-28 gīvā-unnāmaņam panamaṇam ca nitthuvan'lang'āmarisos kāussaggamhi vajjejjo || 169 nikkūdam sa-visesam balânurūvam vayāņurūvam ca kāussaggam dhīrā karanti dukkha-kkhay'atthāe || 170 jo puna tīsadi-variso sattari-variseņa pāraṇāya samo visamo ya kūda-vādī nivvinnāni ya so ya jado || 171 utthida-utthida' utthida-nivittha’ uvavittha-utthido' ceva
uvavittha-nivittho* vi ya kāosaggo cadu-tthāņo || 172 1. dhammam sukkam ca duve jhāyadi jhāņāņi jo thido santo
eso kāussaggo iha utthida-utthido nāma || 173 2. attam ruddam ca duve jhāyadi jhāņāņi jo thido santo
eso kāussaggo utthida-nivitthido nāma || 174 3. dhammam sukkam ca duve jhāyadi jhāņāņi jo nisanno du
eso kāussaggo iha uvavitth’utthido nāma || 175 4. attam ruddam ca duve jhāyadi jhāņāņi jo nisanno du
eso kāussaggo nisannida-nisannido nāma || 176 damsaņa-nāņa-caritte uvaoge samjame viosagge paccakkhāņe karane panidhāņe taha ya samidīsul 177 vijjā carana maha-vvada samādhi guna bambhacera chak-kāe khama niggaha ujju maddava muttī viņae ca saddahaņā || 178 evam-guņo mah'attho mana-samkappo pasattha-vīsattho samkappo ti vijāņaha jiņasāsaņa-sammadam savvam || 179 parivāra iddhi sakkāra pūyanam asaņa-pāņa-hetum vā layana sayan'āsanam bhatta pāņa kām'attha-heum vā || 180 āņā niddesa pamāṇa kitti vannaņa pabhāvana gun'attham jhānam inam a-ppasattham mana-samkappo duvīsattho || 181 kāosagga-nijjuttī esā kahiyā mae samāseņa
[1997
162 dumāsiya-vo S, tara cãdummāsi-vo B. 164 mmāsiya-vo BS. 167-169 are cited (like 102-106) and explained by Prabhācandra on Kriyākal. B I 2, 12". He writes 167
end vitthe (purism!), 168" bhūmiya instead of bhū-vikāra (both not metrical!), 1686 Oggammi th°, 169* -unnāmanam ca panamam (in the explanation "navam) ca, 1696 'vanam āmarisam
(which is naturally better than the Sanskrit dual 'van'angamariso). 172-176 The five gathā-s 172-176 that have been cited in S at the end of the explanation for 172 have
been transformed in the Upāsakācāra into five sloka-s (in reverse sequence),- apparently,
because this passage is lacking in B. 178 opening vijj'āco Vasun. 189 end odi viso BS & Vas.
52

Page #153

English translation by George Baumann
samjamatay'addhayānam Nigganthānam maha-risīņam || 182 Cūl. savv'āvāsa-nijutto niyamā siddho tti hoi nāyavvo,
aha nissesam kunadi ya niyamā āvāsayā honti || 183 āvāsayam tu āvāsaesu savvesu aparihīņesu maņa-vayaņa-kāya-gutt'indiyassa āvāsayā honti | 184 tiyarana-savva-visuddho davve khette ya vutta-kālamhi monen' avvakkhitto kujjā āvāsayā niccam || 185 jo hodi nisīd'appā nisīhiyā tassa bhāvado hodi, anisiddhassa nisīhiya-saddo havadi kevalam|| 186
āsāe vippamukkassa āsiā hodi bhāvado,
āsāě avippamukkassa saddo havadi kevalam || 187 nijjutti-nijjuttī esā kadhidā mayā samāseņa, aha vitthāra-pasango Aniogādo hu nāyavvo || 188 *Avāsaya-nijjuttī evam kahiyā samāsao vihiņā; jo uvajunjadi niccam so siddhim jādi suddh'appā || 189
[194] The Digambara recension of Āv
The preceding original Digambara text of the Avaśyaka-niryukti excerpts only a few fragments from the underlying recension of the Av. It is often questionable, whether the wording wants to follow it. Clarification in such cases can hardly be expected from Vasunandin, because, as already pointed out above (p. 14° 63-67), he knows nothing about Av. Instead, where he speaks about a basic text at all, he only has Āv. in mind. Therefore, only what follows can be ascertained about the Digambara-recension of Āv.
Pancanamaskāra & I f. are clearly identical with the Svetâmbara recension; III, in any case, almost corresponds; IV-VI, however, are most likely much shorter. The hints that Mūlāc. VII gives in detail are: on III. It is possible, that the complicated vinaya-analysis (77-88) wishes to refer to the
word viņaya of the following or similar formula: vandai namamsai eyam attham sammam viņaenam bhujjo-bhujjo khāmei Bhag. XI 12 Ed. fol. 972 4. XII 1 Ed. fol. 986' 2 f. etc. (occasionally, as in Rājapr. Ed. p. 278 f., bhujjo-bhujjo appears before
sammam). on IV. The remark about ālocana in 120 leads one to expect the word āloemi or a case form
of āloyanā. Together with 122", the gāthā reminds one of the following formula: eyassa thānassa aloemi padikkamāmi nindāmi garahāmi viuttāmi visohāmi
akaranayāe abbhutthemi Bhag. VIII C Ed. fol. 614' f. on VI. The emphasis on savva in 144 points to the renunciation-formula spoken at impending
death: . . . . savvam asana(m) pāņa(m) khāima(m) sāimam cauvviham pi āhāram paccakkhāmi jāvajjīvāe Bhag. II 1 Ed. fol. 1732. (VII 9 Ed. fol. 50794.) Aupap. $
87, etc. on V. 151-154 are apparently so-called sūtrasparsika-gāthā-s, i.e. those that refer to the
wording of the basic text. Only 151-153 have contact with the Svetâmbara recension; it corresponds there to: [1997 V 2 opening ................
...... 151 IV 10, 1-2 [instead of IV 5, 3-9] . . 152 & 153
V 3........................ 1530 After this, it seems that in V hardly more than the pair of formulas 2 f. are common to both recensions, while they do not borrow the same fragment from IV.
Only for the sake of completeness two passages are being mentioned here that refer to the Digambara recension of Av., without giving a new detailed account of it. One of the
53

Page #154

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
passages is found in the first chapter of the Mülācāra, the other in the 34th chapter of Jinasena's BěhaddHarivamsapurāņa. The latter work, even though it was composed much later than the first - it was finished in 783 - is more exact in several points. Mūl. I 23. jīvida-marane lābhâlābhe samjoga-vippaoge ya
bandhu'ri-suhadukkh'ādisu samadā Sāmāiyam nāma. 24. Usah'ādi-jiņavarāņam nāma-niruttim gunânukittim ca
kāūņa accidūņa ya ti-suddhi-paņamo Thavo' neo. 25. arahanta-siddha-padimā-tava-suda-guna-guru-gurūņa rādīņam
kidikammen idareņa va tiyarana-samkocaņam paņamo. 26. davve khette kāle bhāve ya kayâvarāha-sohanayam
nindaņa-garahaņa-jutto mana-vaci-kāeņa Padikamaņam. 27. nām'ādīņam chanham ajoga-parivajjanam 'ti-karaneņa
Paccakkhānam neyam anāgayam c'āgame kāle. 28. devassiya-niyam'ādisu jah'utta-māņeņa vutta-kālamhi
jina-guna-cintaņa-jutto Kāosaggo taņu-visaggo. Bh. 34 148. sāvadyayoga-virahah Sāmāyikam ekabhāva-gam cittam.
guna-kīrtis tīrthakstām Catur-ādir vimsatistavakaḥ. 149. Sdvy-āsanayā suviśuddhā dvādas'āvartā pravsttisu prājñaih
sa-siras-caturānatikā prakīrtitā Vandanā vandyā. 150. dravye kşetre kāle bhāve ca krtapramāda-nirharanam
vāk-kāya-manah -śuddhyā pranīyate tu Pratikramanam. 151. āgantuka-dosāņām Pratyākhyānam tu varnyate 'pohah'.
Kāyôtsargah kāye mita-kālam nirmamatvam tu.
Thao Vasun. 2 kidiyammo Vasun.
tiyaro Vasun. 4 di M; missing in P. vācano S; missing in P. Ośa-vo S; missing in P. yo 'hah MP.
54

Page #155

English translation by George Baumann
[199] The original Niryukti
43. XI 8
refrain-stanzas.
"Original Niryukti”, in short, is supposed to denote the Niryukti-form to which both handed-down adaptations of the Āvaśyaka-niryukti (Mülāc. VII & "Niry.") are traced. An attempt to reconstruct them is to try, mainly with the help of Niry., to determine the next preliminary stage of Mūlāc. VII. Most of all then, a concordance of both Niryukti texts is necessary; it would immediately show which stanzas already belong entirely or partially to the original Niryukti. Various stanzas and parts of stanzas remain that have contact in both versions only contentwise: in what follows they are separated from each other by "cp.". They may also originate, partly in the one form or other from the original Niryukti, or partly just reflect only the commentary that would have accompanied the original Niryukti.
The starting point of the concordance is the Mūlācāra chapter, whose [19] stanzanumbers are given at the left, whereas the equivalents of the Svetâmbara-version join to the right. Equivalents that can be found elsewhere in Svetâmbara-literature, as well as some remarks, stand a bit apart. 1. A Namaskāra, preceding the following 37. XI 2 in accordance with XI 34. stanza.
Explanatory schema for ‘stava'. Variant of 16 with two mistakes in b. 38. contents of 39-71. 3. IX 32.
39. XI 17. 4. IX 36 with the opening of IX 35.
40. XI 7. 5. cp. IX 37.
41 f. 6. IX 67. 7. Insertion (artificial parable).
44. Bhāsya-stanza. 8. Cited in AVC. IX 131 with three gāthās
45. XI 10. from the namokkārassa vatthu.
refrain-stanzas. 9-11.IX 108. 115. 124.
46 f. 12. cp. 5.
48. XI 12. 13. IX 131'.
49. XI 14. refrain-stanza. XI 13 is a 14. Etymology of 'Āvaśyaka-niryukti'.
Bhāsya-stanza, placed in front. 15. Title of Āv.I-IV. VI. V.
50-52. XI 15, 18 f. 16. II 8.
53 cp. I 1.
54. XI 21 (furthermore, as variant XI 61). [209] 17. cp. X 536. Explanatory schema for
55. XI 20. "Sāmāyika'.
56. cp. XI 22 f. resp. XI 22 & 22'. 18. Etymology of 'Sāmāyika'.
57. cp. XI 24. 20. cp. VIII 185.
58-60. XI 25. 28. 35. 21 f. Etymologies of 'Sāmāyika' with
61. IX 35. An addition to 60', because of the refrain.
same refrain taken from the 23. cp. VIII 1029 & 101 opening.
Pancanamaskāra-niry. 24 & 254. VIII 109 f. Two refrain-śloka-s.
62 f. XI 36. 38. 256–28. Seven more refrain-śloka-s.
64-67.XI 52-55. 29 f. VIII 111. 113.
68. XI 57. XI 56 is formed on the pattern of 31. An udāharana on 30.
XI 57a. 32. XIII 18.
69 f. reduced to one gāthā in IX 322 (missing 33. Ac.-niry. 313.
in almost all mss.) 34. cp. Utt. XXIII 27.
72. Variant of 35. 35. Schematic concluding stanza on Āv. I-III.
73. Variant of 36. 369 cp. X 82. Schematic transitional 366
74. Explanatory schema for ‘vandanaka'. stanza.
75 f. XII 1 f. (1 & 2a correct).
55

Page #156

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
77. XII 121. Etymology of 'vinaya'. 133 Opening cp. XX 47 opening. 79-87. Das.-niry. 377-385.
1346. cp. XX 75. 87' (Mūlāc. V 184). Das.-niry. 386a & 135 f. XX 22 f. 3876.
1370. cp. XX 24. 872 f. (Mūlāc. V 185 f.) Daś.-niry. 388 f. 138. cp. XX 47. 874-(Mūlāc. V 187-190).
139. cp. XX 50. 89 f. XII 101. 99.
140-142. XX 51-53. 91. XII 4 (as śloka, metrically older). 143-145. XX 57 f. 60. 92. XII 7a.
146. Variant of 36. 93-95.XII 95. 5. 97.
147. XIX 36. 96-100. XII 102-106.
148.
Variant of 113. 102-106. XII 111-115.
149a end. cp. 72 opening. 107. XII 116 (to which, as variant, XII 109). 151. Opening XIX 88 opening.
In Kriyāk.A. (in the 'Sāmāyika-svíkāra') 154. cp. XIX 163. between 100 and 101, corresponding to 1554. XIX 47o. the variant. Also XII 110 is a variant of 156. cp. XIX 124. XII 117.
157. cp. XIX 124h. 108. cp. XII 1229 & 123. Following the 158 f. XIX 134. 128. pattern of 35.
160. cp. XIX 130 opening. 109. XII 126.
1616. cp. XIX 145b (= Oghaniry. 789"). 110. Variant to 36.
162. Opening. = 159 opening. 111 f. XIII 4. 19.
162o. cp. Oghaniry..1127'. 113. XIII 12 Schematic opening
163 f. cp. XIX 90-929. Refrain-stanzas; 1136 S stanza on Av. IV-VI.
1634 = Oghaniry. 792. 114. Opening XIII 2 opening.
165. XIX 166. 116. XIII 22.
167 & 1689. XIX 146 & 1479. 117. In a, a reminiscence of 72 (& 35). 1686. cp. XIX 161. variant of 1666 118. Variant of 112.
169.
Appendix to 167 & 1684. 119. Old sloka, probably a citation. 170*. XIX 141. 120. XIII 15.
170 end. cp. 161 end & 162 end. 123 f. Confession with and without sincerity 171. XIX 137. (bhāva).
172. cp. XIX 48 & 49. 125. XIII 16.
173-176. XIX 68. 78 f. 81. 126. XIII 17. Bhāsya-stanza on 1250. 177-179. praśasta manahsamkalpa. 127. Bhāşya-stanza on 125.
180 f. aprašasta manahsamkalpa. 128. Bhāşya-stanza on 1256. cp. Utt. XXIII 182. cp. VII 63.
183 f. VII 36. 32. 129. Bhāsya-stanza on 125 cp. Utt. XXIII 185. Following the pattern of 35 & 72. 26
186. VII 35. 130. Variant of 36.
187. Following the pattern of 186. 131. (XX 2.) Sūtr.-niry. 180.
1888 & 189a. Variants of 36. 132. XX 14. Following the pattern of 1139 &
148. 132b. XIII 10! X 74 shows that the line
belongs here.
267
56

Page #157

English translation by George Baumann
From the concordance it is apparent that in order to retrieve the original Niryukti in the Mūlācāra-chapter, practically only very small parts have to be removed; [20°) there is only one larger insertion (that, as such, has been printed above in smaller type): it is the vinayasection (78-88), composed of 18 gāthā-s, which, in the main, comes from the Daśavaikālikaniryukti. In spite of these reductions, the original Niryukti seems to have had hardly less than 170 stanzas since several stanzas of it seem to have been ignored by Vattakera.
Since 119 has to be ignored the sloka-s all belong to the first half of the text that deals with the Pancanamaskāra and Av. I-III. This half partly reaches back into the sloka-period while the second half is rooted completely in the gāthā-period. In this way, the Niryukti continues the difference in age between Āv. I-III and Āv. IV-VI in that it introduces a schematic opening-stanza for dealing with IV-VI (113. 132. 148). On the other hand, the concerned sections in Mūlāc. VII are editorially connected through a common final concluding stanza (35. 72. 108). Due to these differences between both halves the available correspondences are based on a subsequent uniformity. The original Niryukti already transfers the schema dedicated to the titles of IV-VI to the titles of II, and Vattakera uses it uniformly for all six titles (17. 37. 74. 111. 131. 147). Also Vattakera's general transitional stanza (36. 73. 110. 130. 146. 182) is apparently - if, indeed, the irregularity of the metre does not recommend another interpretation - already introduced from the original Niryukti, because the Svetâmbara enlargement shows various traces of the stanza. Even characteristics that initially befitted only individual parts have been generalized. Thus, the original Niryukti has introduced, besides III, at the most II with a synopsis, from which 756 & 76, eventually also 38, were taken. In the Svetâmbara enlargement one finds no less than five such synopses: at Pancanamaskāra and at I, III, V, VI.
Like the juncture between both halves demonstrates, despite the described adjustments, these halves again divide into unequal parts. Preferably, the unequalness of all parts can be deduced from a review of the contents, which ignores the mentioned common points that are basically only an editorial embellishment. Panc. Derivation of all words, glorification of the formulas.
Besides the parallel passages at 36 & 182, it has to be considered that the beginning of 75 in the Svetâmbara version reads Vandana cii kii-kammam po. Here the word Vandana has been inserted like a title and indicates an abbreviation of 736. Exactly the same case is found in the Pindaniryukti where the metre makes the circumstances clear. From both lines Mülāc. VI 10 & 2
paņamiya sirasā boccham samāsado Pindasuddhi du || !
uggama uppādana esanam ca samjoyanam pamānam ca the extra long opening line of the Pind aniryukti has emerged:
Pinde uggama uppāyan esaņā samjoyaņā pamāṇam ca
A very similar overburdened verse has been established in WZ VI 36 at Utt.-niry. 379 and in Berl. Sitz. Ber. 1892 p. 1196' with Jītakalpa 4.
For the first line of the transitional verse the Svetâmbara enlargement of the Āvaśyaka-niryukti always puts a prose caption:
after 13 Namaskāra-niryuktih instead
Sāmāiya-nijjuttī sammattā Cauvisatthaya-nijjutti sammattā
Vandanaya-nijjuttī sammattā 130 Padikkamana-nijjuttī sammattā 146 Paccakkhāna-nijjuttī sammattā
182 Kāussagga-nijjuttī sammattā Since the Skt. caption cannot be old, no transitional stanza can be expected after 13. However, for that reason the six Pkt. captions demand corresponding gāthā-lines, because occasionally such lines can be found also in Svetâmbara literature in all older Niryukti writings: Das.-niry. 154"; Utt.-niry. 287.292 concl. 473'; Ac.niry. 1156.1256.1516. 1636. 1710-2696.
The entire transitional verse appears in the Niryukti writings of the Svetâmbara-s, when, following the introduction dedicated to the entire original, the handling of the individual chapters follows: Das.-niry. 25 = Utt.-niry. 27 = Sūtr.-niry. 29 = Av.-niry. ? (is missing in the handed-down text, but is preserved in the Anuyogadvāra and in Vis. I 903).
57
36
730
1100

Page #158

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
III
Derivation of the title; proper meaning, importance and history of the vow. Derivation of most words in II 1 and of one word in II 6"; discussion (vibhāṣā): II
6 is perhaps not a Nidāna. Synonyms for the title (754); extensive instructions in connection with the ceremony
(with enumeration of the mistakes to be avoided: 102-106). IV Types (112), causes (116) and history (125-129) of the confession. V Rough draft of the formulas (151-154); depiction of the types of kāyôtsarga and their
causes (155-162); admonishment (163 f.); inward effect of the kāyôtsarga (165); mistakes to be avoided (166-169); gradation (170-176); good and bad motives
(177-181). VI Types (135-137) and requirements (138-142) of abstinence; derivation and
emphasis on the stereotyped formula-readings (143-145). Looking at this mixture of very different attempts of the tradition, it seems that the early history of the original Niryukti should be outlined approximately in the following manner.
Probably, each Āvaśyaka-fragment prompted certain instructions that awakened a real understanding for the contents [219] and were to ensure a correct performance of the vows and accompanying acts. These instructions were soon metrically fixed and handed down in connection with the related originals. After these originals were gathered together as a composite text (which apparently emerged half by half), the instructions, too, were correspondingly combined. In this manner various editorial standardisations created a kind of textual uniformity. The name Niryukti, originally specific to the individual components, came to designate the entirety.
One question still remains:
Does our original Niryukti presuppose also accompanying stories (udāharana) and parables (ditthanta) or have such additions only in due course, and then only in Svetâmbara circles, begun to form a specific portion of the Āvaśyaka teachings?
One does not see why the tradition that later was so very instructive, as well as entertaining, should have been only instructive at the beginning. The story-telling embellishment-does not seem to have appeared in the original Niryukti, because it was reserved for oral discourse or for the commentary, supposing a commentary had already been composed in written form. Also later as we shall see, only the commentaries inform us about the stories and parables to which the various Niryukti derivations themselves refer, mostly with keywords or other such indications. Now if the Digambara original of the Āvaśyakaniryukti does not mention any story and only one parable [21'] (in 129), it means that in earlier times it was simply not felt necessary to refer in the metrical guides to the more or less variable entertainment part of the teachings. That it was not lacking, even though it was of lesser dimensions (just as the instructive parts), can be seen for the following reasons: 1. All in some way characteristic stories and parables that appear later on within the
Avaśyaka-commentaries were essentially known to the Digambara-s in the same didactical situations. Therefore, they must have existed already before the confessional
separation in connection with certain dogmatic sections. 2. The Pinda-niryukti, which (like the Avaśyaka-niryukti) we know in an earlier edition
thanks to Digambara literature, already has a story-stanza (35), which, contentwise, has a
connection with one such stanza found in the Svetâmbara enlargement of that text. 3. The Ārādhanā-niryukti (that, at least, is equally ancient from the textual standpoint and
about which we will speak later) also very likely presupposes a larger number of stories. Vasunandin probably still knew stories that belong to the Digambara recension of the Āvaśyaka-niryukti, because he remarks at 30°: atra kathā vācyāḥ. Since Vasunandin does not include the stories, in spite of the extensiveness of his commentary, it is possible, that these stories, like those of the Arādhanā tradition, were handed down separately.
58

Page #159

English translation by George Baumann
[214] The Āvaśyaka-niryukti of Śvetâmbara literature
The original Niryukti mainly experienced four enlargements under the Svetâmbara-s:
I. Bhadrabāhu's edition. II. Siddhasena's edition. III. Jinabhata's edition.
IV. the Vulgate-edition. Only the last-mentioned edition has been preserved in the manuscript tradition. Called Avaśyaka-niryukti, it forms one of the best known and, at the same time, most important Svetâmbara texts. It differs from the above-mentioned third edition only through a greater number of additional stanzas that are inserted here and there and, incidentally, are not equally present in the various manuscripts.
The tīkā by Haribhadra is the basis for the above-mentioned third edition, for the second, in general, the Viseşāvaśyaka-bhāsa and the AvaśyakaCūrņi.
The text critical suggestions of the Cūrņi and the tīkā give some information about the first two editions. They describe what belongs to the first edition as Niryukti, and what belongs to the second as Bhāsya, or still more exactly, as Mūlabhāsya "original Bhāşya" (as opposed to the subsequently emanating Bhāsya by Jinabhadra). The details, however, appear only sporadically, particularly in the Cūrņi. Besides that, since what Jinabhata has added to the text has not been clearly delimitated, it is not possible to comprehend the text history of the Avaśyaka-niryukti exactly. In any case, one gets a tip from the preoccupation with other Niryukti-writings of Svetâmbara literature, because these have experienced similar, but less numerous, revisions. Metrical studies do not promise much, because the older gāthā-s have been, more or less, transformed by the revisions; such a study should, particularly, compare the archaic gāthā-s in Jātaka 542 (1-103 & 105-168) and in the TherīGāthā-s (400-487 & 493-522). Only where sloka-s or parts of śloka-s are found can you, as a rule, be sure to be confronted with the oldest parts, which emanate from Bhadrabāhu's model.
Since the Āvaśyaka-niryukti has to be placed in a larger context with Bhadrabāhu, it is necessary to outline this.
Bhadrabāhu's Niryukti collection and its history
All or almost all of the Niryukti-writings of Svetâmbara literature go back, in the long run, to Bhadrabāhu. He revised a large number of writings with that name that had been handed down isolated, partially only in draft and put them together in a Niryukti-collection that was to serve as the basis for the interpretation of the most important basic texts. In this way, Bhadrabāhu became the founder of the Svetâmbara tradition, since not only every explanation of the basic work commences with Bhadrabāhu's accompanying Niryukti, but also the commentaries of other basic works have been very much influenced by those works.
The collection begins with two gāthā-s, which contain the programme for the undertaking: [21°) Āv.-niry.II 5. Āvassagassa Dasakāliyassa taha Uttar'ajjham Āyāre
Suyagade nijjuttim bocchāmi tahā Dasāṇam ca 6. Kappassa ya nijjuttim Vavahārass' eva parama-niunassa
Sūriyapannattīe boccham Isibhāsiyāṇam ca The following parts of the Canon have been dealt with:
1. The Avaśyaka, first angabāhya-text.
The copies most availed of by us are S&s, B (665) & b (= B 692). ? One must, firstly, revise them thoroughly, because they have come off badly in the editing.
59

Page #160

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvasyaka Literature
2. The Daśavaikālika, first Utkālika-text. 3. The Uttarâdhyayana, first Kālika'-text. 4. The Ācārânga, first Anga. 5. The Sūtrakstânga, second Anga. 6. The Daśās, second Kālika-text.
The Kalpa, third “ “. 8. The Vyavahāra, fourth Kālika-text. 9. The Süryaprajñapti, fifth Kālika-text.
10. The Rşibhāṣita, sixth “ “. As can be seen, the arrangement is definitely consistent. The texts of each canonical group of works precede; the second Anga follows the first and after that the Kālika-texts 2-62 follow.
The compactness of the Niryukti-collection is shown in its interior, when, in order to avoid repetitions, the later parts often refer to the earlier ones (e.g. the Utt.-niry. to the Das.niry., etc.).
The collection is no longer preserved in its entirety. Naturally, the parts that have been handed down are those, which are connected with the corresponding basic work. They have, of course, experienced quite different fates. [224] Both of the last-mentioned have not yet been found - they probably have been preserved fairly unadulterated, because they fell out of favour early -; the others have been enlarged, often in such an unusual way that the designation "Niryukti" had to be dropped and substituted by "Bhāsya".
Kālika from kāla “school-time" signifies what belongs to the regular syllabus or studies' programme, utkālika. (Our system of teaching also similarly speaks of compulsory and facultative lessons or of examination and non-compulsory subjects.] According to the Nandi-Cūrņi (Nandi ed. p. 409,2), school-time is formed by the first and last pauruși of day and night.
2 The Pāksika-sūtra and the Nandi have more modern Kālika-lists. They agree among themselves and with Bhadrabāhu only up to four; Furthermore, they are as follows: Bhadrabāhu Päksika-sūtra
Nandi Sūryaprajñapti Rşibhāṣita
5. Nisītha Rşibhāșita 6. Niśītha
6. mahāNisītha 7. mahāNisītha
7. Rsibhāsita 8. Jambūdvīpa-prajñ.
8. Jambūdvīpa-pr. 9. Süryaprajñapti
9. Dvīpasāgara-pr. 10. Candraprajñapti
10. Candraprajnapti 11. Dvīpasāgara-prajñ. The Angacūlikā agrees with the Pāksika-sútra, but it places the Süryaprajñapti at the top of the prajñaptitetrad (8. Sūry, 9. Jambo, 10. Candro, 11. Dvīpo). On the other hand, the modern works, like the Sāmācārīvidhi by Paramānanda, the Vidhimārgaprapă by Jinaprabha and the Acāravidhi, all of which directly or indirectly use the Angacūlikā, give the four texts in the sequence Jambo Candro Sūrya Dvīpo (Weber Cat. II 8983 f. 8656 f. 83229 f.). However, the original arrangement is, Candro Sūryo Jambo Dvīp', which is derived from the correpondence with Sthān. (III 1 end &] IV 1 end Ed. fol. 232" with Digambara literature (Prabhāc. on Kriyākal. B II 1, 9. Tattvårthasāradīp. I 95-1014). In the Nandī, the Süryaprajñapti has been omitted and placed among the Utkālika-texts! The reverse is the case according to Sthān. III 1 end Ed. fol. 137a as this should belong to the Jambūdvīpa-prajñapti. The subsequent Upånga-codification that no longer retains the difference between Kālika- and Utkālika-texts, has incorporated the fourth Prajñapti into the Jīvâbhigama (an earlier Utkālika-text) and otherwise follows the Angacūlikā-arrangement (Sūryo Jambo Chandro) that also then has been correctly taken over by the three mentioned Sāmācārī-texts in their Upânga-lists (Weber Cat. II 90017-36, 87213-16, 83528 f.).

Page #161

English translation by George Baumann
439
Such works originating from Bhadrabāhu's compilation are: 1. Av.-niry. & Vis. 2,500 along with prose
[4329] Oghaniry.
1146 2. Das.-niry. 3. Utt.-niry. 606 4. Ac.-niry. 366 Pinda-niry.
709 Nis.-bh.
[6800] 5. Sūtr.-niry. 206 6. Daśā-niry. 144
Pary.-niry. 66 7. Kalpa-bh. & -brhadbh.
[6840] [....] 8. Vyav.-bh.
(4664] 9. Sūry.-niry. 10. Rşibh.-niry.
Here the shifting of the total number of stanzas towards the right is supposed to indicate the degree of textual development; in addition, the total number of stanzas of the Bhāsya-s has been put in brackets. The Kalpa-bhadbhāsya seems to increase the volume of the Kalpabhāsya very little; at least, the first-mentioned, according to P XIII 150, is supposed to contain only 8,600 grantha-s. The texts comprise, mainly, nothing but gāthā-s; very seldom is a śloka or another kind of metre found (Indravajrā, Vaitālīya, etc.).
It is not quite sure whether the Ogha-niryukti and the Pinda-niryukti have also been edited by Bhadrabāhu. A form of the Oghaniryukti-text has to be added, at least since Jinabhata, between Av.-niry. VI & VII, and the adopted and prepared edition of the Pindaniryukti by Bhadrabāhu must originally have stood after .c.-niry. 315.
The Niśītha-niryukti has formed the conclusion of the Acāra-niryukti with Bhadrabāhu. The Niśītha, namely, once belonged as an appendix to the Acārânga; in due course, it was removed and placed in the Kālika-texts, which then caused a corresponding shift of the Nisītha-niryukti.? In the Acāra-niryukti, as it is handed down, only those passages that are devoted within the preparatory complete handling of Ac. II to the Niśītha have remained (309 and 315 conclusion), being fixed thanks to the content. However, where its individual handling should follow, there is a reference to "later" (uvarim)!
The Paryusanākalpa-niryukti, belonging to the Daśa-śrutask. VIII, seems to enlarge the corresponding part of the Dasa-niryukti only a little.
With ensuing isolation the works relating to Bhadrabāhu's collection naturally had no aversion any longer to repetitions. Numerous and extensive portions are found double and more times, e.g. an older version of the schism-section of the Avaśyaka-niryukti (VIII 56-100) appears again in Utt.-niry. 173-189 (whereby only 187-189 are not original). The Kalpa- and the Niśītha-bhāsya influence each other, by far, the most; the latter takes over several thousand stanzas from the former. Even such an independent author, like Jinabhadra, has taken over several Kalpabhāsya-portions in his Višeşāvasyaka-bhāsya, word for word, and others contentwise. However, at the same time, there is a possibility, because of the
In fact, the tradition claims since Vīragani, and most likely even earlier, that the Pindaniryukti formerly belonged to Daśavaik. V. Of course, it also has to be added at that place (cp. Das.-niry. 304 end), and because the Daśavaikālika-niryukti appears earlier with Bhadrabāhu, he could have inserted the Pindaniryukti into it in order not to have to refer exceptionally to later things. Most likely, the original form of the Pindaniryukti has come into existence, dependent on the Acārânga, because this is older than the Daśavaikālika. Bhadrabāhu has, therefore, preserved the traditional context. In any case, Das.-niry. and Ac.-niry., in the handed-down form, equally give evidence against the traditional supposition, because only the latter text shows the required gap.
4 Also in Ac. I one chapter, Mahāparijñā, has been removed; its Niryukti has, however, remained, most likely, not because the Mahāparijñā could not be inserted elsewhere, but it was simply dropped and has disappeared long ago.
61

Page #162

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
widely known sequence of the individual texts, to indicate through the perfect tense the earlier among them and through the future tense the later. Of course, other expressions than those used by Bhadrabāhu' are in use.
Often the described borrowings have not been fitted well into the context. Therefore, some incongruities can be found that permit textually critical conclusions. One of the biggest laxities is when the Uttarâdhyayana-niryukti (in 529 f.) incorporates both stanzas Av. VII 1 f. without changing the fourth line in the required manner.
[22] Bhadrabāhu's Sources and Predecessors
The shortcoming, just rebuked, is one, which can, more or less, be said about all compilations; it will have happened with Bhadrabāhu himself. But can it still be traced in the enumerated off-shoots of his collection? In any case, one has to try to expose it, because, along with the existent remains of the preceding literature, this shortcoming is the only thing that can still give evidence of the way in which Bhadrabāhu relates to his predecessors.
Most obvious, of course, is metrical imbalance. In fact, gradually many old śloka-s were con-verted completely or partially into the customary gāthā-metre; even a large number from Bhadra-bāhu's sources onward has been preserved over time, uninterruptedly, more or less intact. Much better is the handing-down of the Indravajrā- & Vaitālīya-stanzas. As a rule, these do not originate from the actual preliminary work by Bhadrabāhu. Even if just a few may appear in such (works), most have, indeed, been incorporated into the Niryukti-writings by Bhadrabāhu and his successors in the form of citations and are, therefore, not subject to any metrical adaptation that would have been much more difficult than with the sloka. Some śloka-s of this type are also found. In general, the citations have been taken from the accompanying stories or from some canonical works.
Since Bhadrabāhu's preliminary works were already composed mostly of gāthā-s, they form the greater number of the stanzas borrowed by him. In general, gāthā-s can be singled out, if those preliminary works continue to exist in the Digambara tradition. Otherwise, the extraneous origin can be seen only through the gāthā-s and gāthā-fragments that function as citations. Moreover, the gāthā-fragments originate from gāthā-s (e.g. like Das.niry. 859 & Utt.-niry. 398 conclusion) or are adaptations of passages that are written in another metre or in prose (like Das.-niry. 91 middle & 85').
The treatment of the material is partly erratic with Bhadrabāhu. This can be best observed in the Uttarâdhyayana-niryukti and appreciated in a literary historical perspective. This text is represented in Europe by B 706 end (cp. Weber's Cat. II 827, 15-25) and S 373, as well as by the commentaries, which serve to check and to comprehend, by Sāntyācārya (B 703-706 & S 202) and Jñānasāgara (B 1711), both of which do not contain the text..Already edited and extensively dealt with in WZ VI 34-46 & 14-16 are the stanza-groups 376-403 & 407-1417 that outline the double Kathānaka of Utt.XIII & XIV. Each of these passages is preceded by a three-strophic explanation pattern (373-375 & 404-406) that deals with the title of the corresponding chapters (XIII resp. XIV). The model of the pattern reads:
I Cp., e.g. Kalpabh. pedh. 234a genhanta-gāhagānam āi-suesu u vihi samakkhão "the rule about genhanta and gāhaga has been given in the first sūtra-s (namely, in Av.-niry. II 57-60)" with Bhadrabāhu's reference, logo bhanio "loka is (Av.-niry. XI 7) dealt with", found at the beginning of Ac.-niry. XI 176. - In the Kalpabhāşya-passage, because of the KalpaCūrņi (which says āi-sutte tti Sāmāie), apparently, Ži-sutte vo has to be placed (with archaic licence). Noteworthy is that āi-sutta in Vyah.-bh. V 112 points rather to the Daśavaikālika, since the accompanying sloka V 113, in any case, has Daś. X 8 in mind.
62

Page #163

English translation by George Baumann
...... nikkhevo cauvviho 1-4; duviho hoi davvammi: 3. āgama I no-āgamao II; no-āgamao ya so tiviho: 11 II. jāņaga-sarīra' bhavie tav-vairitte ya; so puno tiviho: 3. egabhaviya' baddh’āuya" abhimuhao nāma-goe" ya || 4. ...... nāma-goyam vedento bhāvao ........
tatto samutthiyam inam ....... ajjhayanam ||
More clearly arranged, this results in: 1. nāma 2. thavaņā 3. davva: I āgamao II no-āgamao: i jāņaga-sarīra
2 bhaviya-sarīra 3 tav-vairitta: I egabhaviya
II baddh'āuya
III abhimuhao nāma-goe 4. bhāva
It should be said here that the word designating the title could be understood in a fourfold manner (1. as name, 2. as image or symbol, 3. as a thing, 4. as an inward condition). In the third case, three subdivisions have to be made.
The same schema appears (with insignificant variations) in eight further chapters'; with the remainder almost always abridgements or changes in the schema can be found that omit, at least, the third subdivision or replace it by another. Where the schema is completely lacking, [23] it has been directly or (with reference to an earlier Niryukti) indirectly replaced by another schema of the type, which is usual with Bhadrabāhu in other Niryukti-texts.
Under these circumstances, the preceding schema cannot have come as an innovation into the Uttarâdhyayana-niryukti from the time of Bhadrabāhu, but rather he must have incorporated this work in a form, which already had been edited schematically in the manner described. However, since the schema without the third subdivision recurs also in the Nandi and in the Anuyogadvāra, it has, in any case, surfaced early enough to have been used by a predecessor of Bhadrabāhu. With whom does the third subdivision show up for the first time?
The handling of Āv.-niry. I 19,13 f. (= Kalpabh. pedh. 42, 13 f. & Višeşāv. I 453, 13 f.) begins in Kalpabh. pedh. 145 = Vises 1 549 with the following explanation:
ganahara-thera-kayam vālāesā mukka-vāgaranao vā" dhuva-cala-visesao vā" angânangesu nāņattam || 145 (549)
VII (288-290), VIII (294-296), IX (304-306), X (324-326а & 327), XII (362-364); - XVIII (436-438), XIX (450-452a & 453), XXII (488-490).
One can distinguish between necessary and unnecessary abridgements and changes.
The necessary abridgements appear when the word in a title is a compound. The entire schema, then, can only be applied to one word of it. The remaining terms are dealt with somewhat briefer but help to increase the sixth line in the schema of the preferred word to an entire stanza (for this reason, e.g., both 3 strophic forms in the preceding note). Those abridgements are not necessary that simply leave out the middle stanza: XXI (474 f.), XXIII (496. 4974.498).
Changes are necessary if the schema that is actually calculated only for the designations of living beings is used otherwise. Then, the fifth line has to take some other form. This change is always connected with an apparently unnecessary suppression or change in the fourth line (e.g. repeatedly, a replacement of the same by niņhag 'aisu that has been placed at the end of the third line - the emerging variant of the schema is reduced to two stanzas in 433 f., to less than one stanza in 33). The re-casting of the sixth line with an admonition (565, 569, 580, 592), respectively into a definition, including supplement (434 & 435), in any case, is also unnecessary.
63

Page #164

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
According to Hemacandra, here, āesa is supposed to mean the three-part schematic answer of Mahāvīra. In a more general sense, the Avaśyaka-stories sometimes use the word for some canonical doctrine (of the prophets). On the other hand, in Av.-niry. X 35 āesa means a textually non-determined thesis of Jaina tradition. It is not said that it must originate from Mahāvīra. In any case, other Niryukti-passages (Das.niry. 18, etc. *), which permit a similar translation, presume that the theses mentioned there first appeared in the course of the tradition. In fact, first of all, the three individual cases of the third subdivision of our scheme are mentioned as "theses". [23] The KalpaCūrņi also precisely thinks about this latter usage of the word āesa in the explanation of the above gāthā; it observes at II:
vāra-trayam ya bS) ganadhara-prstasya tīrthakarasya sambandhi ya ("dhanīya S) ādeśah prativacanam utpāda-vyaya-dhrauvya-vācakam pada-trayam ity arthah. In Silānka's commentary only the explanation for I and III is preserved. Contentwise, it agrees with Hemacandra's point of view, according to which the stanza has to be translated thus: When you speak of Anga-texts and non-Anga-texts this can be interpreted in a threefold manner:
I. The former are composed by the Ganadhara-s, the latter by the Sthavira-s.
II. The former contain Mahāvīra's three-part schematic answers, the latter spontaneous explanations.
III. The former are perpetual since they have been valid under all prophets; the latter are
variable, because they change among the various prophets. 2 Thus Annikāputra describes in Āv.Erz. XVII 11, 28 hell with (the Pratīka) a gāthā (which is imparted half by śānty, and entirely by Dev, at Utt. VII 10); asked whether he might be able to give a description because he had seen hell in a dream, he answers: (no), it is the doctrine of the prophets (titthagarānam äeso tri). - H changes the answer to titthagarôvaesa* tti; Hemac. places in Paris. VI the line:
samsäre nâsti tad yad dhi na jñāyeta jin 'ägamät Il 122 A Nandi-passage (Ed. p. 366 f.; taken from Bhag. VIII 2 Ed. fol. 5834) also belongs here. It says: Through ābhinibohiya-nāna one knows āesenam everything without beholding it. - Tradition is uncertain here about the meaning of desa. Jinabhadra who puts this passage into verse in Vis. I 401 gives, in the attached explanation (402-494) before the correct interpretation (āeso = suttam), a false one (äeso = pagāro)**; the commentaries by Abhayadeva (on the Bhagavatī) and by Malayagiri (on the Nandi) simply reproduce the remarks by Jinabhadra (the former, briefly, the latter, in extenso). * In Viś. 1 503 Jinabhadra also writes uvaesa for āesa in Kalpabh. pedh. 79. ** This fits, however, at many canonical passages (in Anga 5, Upanga 4, etc.), where in the expressions davvao "as far as the matter is concerned", khettao "as far as the spatial extent is concerned", etc. and vannao "as far as the colour is concerned”, etc., āesa can be placed as desired without a change of meaning (davv'āesenam kheti āesenam etc. and vann 'äesenam etc.).
? There are 500 such theses. One is briefly conveyed in the text; in the old commentaries (C & H), along with three others, it is explained in more detail. Ac.niry. saparakkame' ya aparakkame? ya vāghāya' āņupuvvie
sutt'attha-jānaenam samāhi-maranam tu käyavvam || 281 1. saparakkamam-āeso: jaha maranam hoi ajja Vairānam
pāuvagamanam ca tahā, eyam saparakkamam maranam || 282 2. aparakkamam-äeso: jaha maranam hoi Udahi-nāmānam
pāuvagamane vi tahā, eyam aparakkamam maranam || 283 3. Vāghaiyam-äeso: avaraddho hojja annayaraenam,
Tosali mahisīya hao, eyam vāghāimam maranam || 284 4. anupuvvigam-äeso: pavvajjā sutta-attha-karanam ca
vīsajjio u ninto mukko tivihassa nīyassa || 285 āesa in a KalpaCūrņi-passage (I 2387), by way of an example, can be rendered here (eso tti vā ditthanto tti vā nidarisanam vă eg'attham). Sūtr.-niry. egabhavie' ya baddh’āue" ya abhimuhiya-nāmagoel ya
ee tinn'äesä davvammi .......... || 147 & 187 It should be observed that in Kalpabh. pedh. 1310 even a Digambara thesis, which the author naturally rejects, is called āesa. Cūrņi-commentaries generally denote with biiy'āesa the second (differing from the firstgiven) opinion (of a narrated occurrence or a commented passage). Sīlānka shows the same usage in a passage at Vis. I 7 written in Cūrņi-style. Similarly, from Anuyogadvāra onwards, you find aes'antarena meaning matântareņa "according to another opinion" (Anuyogadv. DI 1,5 ed. p. 235 and Siddhaprābhịta-țīkā with Malay. on Samgrahani G 134 fol. 1284).
64

Page #165

English translation by George Baumann
āesā jahā ajjaMangū tiviham samkham icchai egabhaviyam baddh’āuyam abhimuha
nāmagoyam, ajjaSamuddä duviham baddh'āuyam abhimuha nāmagoyam ca,
ajjaSuhatthi egam abhimuha-nāmagoyam icchai. mukka-vāgaranā jahā "varisa deva Kunālāe” “Marudevā anādi-vanassai-kāiyā’l. ee āesa-mukkavāgaraņā angabāhirā. As this passage infers, the author of the KalpaCūrņi seems to have assumed that
first of all, only the third individual case was introduced by Suhastin, then, besides, the second individual case by Samudra,
and finally, also the first individual case by Mangu, so that the complete schema, as it appears in the Uttarâdhyayana-niryukti (and is presupposed in the Sūtraksta-niryukti) has been in use since Mangu. This gradual manner of development of the third subdivision cannot be possible. In contrast, a contentwise related tradition, which has been preserved in the AvasyakaCūrni (at niry. IX 107'), confirms that it is Mangu from whom the said subdivision originates: davv'āyario tiviho: egabhavio baddh'āuo abhimuha-nāmagoo, egabhavio jo egenam
bhaveņam uvavajjihiti, baddh'āuo jeņa āuyam baddham, abhimuha-nāmagoo jeņa
padesā ucchūdhā. ahavā mūlagune nivvattio uttaraguņe nivvattio ya. sarīram mülaguņo, citta
kamm'ādi uttaraguno. ahavā jānao bhavio vairitto. Mangu-vāyagānam Samudda-vāyagāņam Nāgahatthi-vāyagāņam jahā-samkham ādeso. Mangu distinguishes egabho baddho abhim, Samudda
mülago uttarag Nāgahatthi
jāņaya bhaviya vairitta. It is being said here that Samudda and Nāgahatthi (instead of Suhatthi!) had made other subdivisions than Mangu, and this is, in any case, the only credible depiction. The KalpaCūrni has simply forgotten the subdivision by Samudda and Suhatthi and replaced them by those that just by counting had been acquired from Mangu's subdivision. In this respect, however, the KalpaCūrni seems to be right, when it speaks about Suhatthi and not about Nāgahatthi. Since the subdivision ascribed to him is identical with the second in the schema of Uttaradhyayana-niryukti, it must chronologically precede the third (which Mangu introduced). According to tradition, only Suhatthi lived before Mangu, Nāgahatthi later, and, in fact, so late that he cannot be plausible for other reasons also; for details cp. ZDMG XXXVII 501.
Due to the preceding remarks, it is justified to presume that Bhadrabāhu has adopted the Uttarâdhyayana-niryukti without shortening or changing it too much in a form that had been edited in the awkward manner of Mangu.
The historical Bhadrabāhu
"Bhadrabāhu", in the hitherto intended meaning, is only a literary name. It is the traditional designation for the anonym who produced the Niryukti collection. Therefore, it is an author's name of the type that can be abundantly found in India (in law texts and in many
These are two citations, which have been taken from Av.-C. X 35; they should draw attention to the fourth and first of the theses mentioned on p. 24'n.. Of course, it is a mistake to reclaim the meaning on the basis of aesa in Av.-niry. X 35 for mukkavāgarana. Also āesa has not been correctly understood; on the contrary, one should correct Hemacandra's translation of II as follows:
H. The former contains schematic, the latter independent depictions.
In fact, the old non-anga-texts (Daśavaik., Uttarâdhy., etc.) mainly differ from the Anga-s in that they have freed themselves from their stereotyped depiction.
65

Page #166

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
other literary creations). From the following exposé it will become apparent that the said figure is not identical with the historical Bhadrabahu.
The Digambara-Pattavali1 claims that during the first 683 years since Mahāvīra's death, the Suri-sequence as given on the following page in tabular form was at the head of the Jaina church. Jinasena reproduced a less dependable variant of this Sūri-list in BṛhaddHariv. I 60-65 & LXVI 22-25. There, instead of the individual numbers only the sum of years that are allotted to the various groups, has been noted down. There 220 years are claimed for D (instead of D + E), through which, then, everything else is in disarray. [24] A. Kevalinaḥ.
D. Ekadaśângadhāriṇaḥ.
1. Nakṣatra
2.
Jayapāla
3.
Pandava
4.
Dhruvasena
5.
1.
2.
3.
Jambū
B. Śrutakevalinaḥ.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
10.
11.
Gautama
Sudharma
C. Daśapūrvadhāriṇaḥ.
1. Viśākha
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
1
Viṣṇunandin Nandimitra
Aparajita Govardhana
Bhadrabahu

Prosthila
Kṣatriya
Jayasena
Nāgasena
Siddhartha
Dhṛtisena
Vijaya
Buddhilinga
Deva
228
14
16
22
19
29
162
172
191
208
229
247 -
264
282
295
315
Dharmasena 329
62 years
100 years
183 years
Kamsa
E. Dasadyangadhāriṇaḥ.
Subhadra
1.
2.
3.
4.
Yasobhadra
Bhadrabahu
Loha
F. Ekângadhariṇaḥ.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Arhadbalin Maghanandin Dharasena
Puspadanta Bhutabalin
345
363
383 -
422
436
468
474
492
515
565593 -
..614
BṛhaddH. I
11
Vardhamana-jinêndr'āsyād Indrabhūtiḥ śrutam dadhe, tataḥ Sudharmas2, tasmāt tu Jambū3-nāmā 'ntya-kevali || 60 tasmād Viṣṇuḥ, kramāt tasman Nandimitro2 'parajitah3, tato Govardhano1 dadhre, Bhadrabahuḥ śrutam tataḥ || 61 daśapūrva Visakh'akhyah' Prosthilaḥ2 Ksatriyo3 Jayaḥ "NāgaSiddhartha-nāmānau Dhṛtiseṇa-gurus tatah || 62 Vijayo Buddhilâbhikhyo' Gangadevâbhidhas 10 tataḥ, daśapūrva-dharo'nyas tu Dharmasena"-muniśvaraḥ || 63 Nakṣatr'akhyo' Yaśaḥpālaḥ2 Pandur3 ekādaśânga-dhṛt Dhruvasena -munis, tasmat Kams'ācāryas tu pancamaḥ || 64 Subhadro', 'to Yaśobhadro2, Yasobahur anantarah, Loh'ācāryas turīyo 'bhūd Acārânga-dhṛtām tataḥ || 65 BṛhaddH. LXVI trayaḥ kramat kevalino jināt pare dviṣastivarṣântara-bhāvino 'bhavan. tataḥ pare panca samastapūrviņas tapodhanā varṣaśatântare gatāḥ 22 try-aśītike varṣa-śate tu rupa-yugdaśaiva gītā daśapūrviṇaḥ. śate
633663-683
cp. Bhandarkar Rep. 1884 p. 124 f. and Hoernle Ind. Ant. 1891 p. 341 ff. 1892 p. 57 ff.
66
220 years
118 years

Page #167

English translation by George Baumann
dvaye ca vimse 'ngabhṛto 'pi panca te, śate ca sâṣṭādaśake catur-muniḥ: || 23 guruh Subhadro Jayabhadra-nāmā paro Yasobāhur anantaras tataḥ maha'rhaLoharya-guruś ca ye dadhuḥ prasiddham Acara-mahā'ngam atra te || 24 mahātapodhṛd-vinayamdhara-śrutām ṛṣi-śrutim gupta-pad'ādikām dadhat muniśvaro 'nyah Sivagupta-samjñako gunaiḥ svam Arhadbalir apy adhat padam 25 62. °rvi V B(2043) M(2040)2 P(XXII 1134)2; Prausth BM; Kṣatrayo P Br(3350). 53. Gangadeva-yatis S(365). 64. Kaums S. 65 end. -dhṛtās M', -dhrtas
M2P (& Br.?), -dhṛtāms P2. 23. -yuk MBr. 23. nah satah (for nas tataḥ?) BPS. 25. povṛddhinay M'PBr, povṛdvinayo M2B, podrgvinayo S; dharaḥ śro BP. 25. Opti BP. - Above, p. 1947-54, only the manuscripts MPS have been consulted. The above list is also further assumed in Prabhācandra's epitaph, most likely written soon after 800 (more about its dating will be said further below when determining Prabhācandra's time). Likewise, when here again (as with Jinasena) some differences can be found, it seems they also more likely derive from inaccuracy than from an older tradition. Even the circumstance that the inscription already breaks off within the third group of names shows that only a cursorial outline was intended.
It is possible that the gatha-s, which in the Paṭṭāvalī were adopted from the Vikramaprabandha to substantiate their data, lastly came from a text that goes back much beyond the year 800. At least, the Pkt.-śloka (which lists the names of group E) mingled with them might be fairly old. In any case, what has been said shows that during the early Middle Ages the Digambara tradition already knew two church fathers having the name Bhadrabahu: Bhadrabahu I, Sūri during the years 138-162 after Mahāvīra,
Bhadrabahu II, -
492-515
In the Svetâmbara-Pattavali only the first three of the above names and the succession Yasobhadra-Bhadrabahu recur, and, [24] indeed, this succession is found at the time of the first Bhadrabahu! Thus, the data are:
Gautama -12 Sudharma -20 Jambū -64
1.
2.
*
3.
4.
5.
Sambhūtavijaya -156, Bhadrabahu -170
This list is well authenticated by the old Sthaviravali (of the Paryuṣaṇakalpa). It is not important here that this does not contain any exact date and time, because Bhadrabahu as sixth in line necessarily has to be put in the second century after Mahāvīra's death. It can be immediately presumed that the second Bhadrabahu is only a chronistic repetition that has led Yaśobhadra to this incorrect position. In fact, it will be seen that the old Bhadrabahu is the most reliable anchor in older Jaina history. Whereas nothing is known about his later double, except for the above-mentioned Digambara dating that would not have been devolved on him from the older person.

Prabhava
Sayyambhava Yaśobhadra
6.
Even the long-lost Dṛṣṭivada (whose contents are known from the mentioned Angadescription, p. 1536) contained, along with Gaṇḍika-s (stories) on the prophets and the disciples, a Gandika on Bhadrabahu. Presently, besides various Paṭṭāvalī and Sthavirāvalī
- 75
- 98
-148
The passage says (Epigr. Ind. IV 27): Gautama-ganadhara-sākṣāc chiṣyaLoh'āryaJambuViṣṇudevAparajita-Govardhana-Bhadrabahu-Viśākha-Prosthila-Krttik'ārya-Jayanama-Siddhartha-DhṛtisenaBuddhil'adi-.- One Loharya as disciple of Mahāvīra is also mentioned in the AvaśyakaCurni on niry. IV If.
67

Page #168

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
remarks, what information there is on Bhadrabāhu that deserves our attention is the following:
in Svetâmbara literature a Bhadrabāhu section in an old story of the first two Jaina centuries,
in Digambara literature Prabhācandra's epitaph, already mentioned, furthermore the Bhadrabāhu-kathā, composed around 800 by Prabhācandra whose contents Nemidatta has given to us in Kathākośa 61, and finally, the modern Bhadrabāhu-caritra by Ratnanandin that Jacobi has extensively dealt with and edited in ZDMG XXXVIII 9-42.
The story mentioned and having two centuries, entitled joga-samgahā, is found in the Āvaśyaka-Erzählungen. Av.-niry. XVII and begins with five sloka-s, which list the 32 jogasamgahā (mentioned in Av. IV 10,32); then follow 55 stanzas (mostly gāthā-s) which outline the related stories. 1. 6 5. 11 9 . 18 f. 13. 25 | 17. 29 f. 21. 35 | 25.39-53 | 29. 58 2. 7 6. 12 10. 20 1 4. 26 18. 31 22.36 26. 54 f. 30.59 3. 8 f. 7. 13 f. 11. 21-23 15. 27 | 19. 32 f. 23. 37 | 27. 56 31. 60 4. 10 8. 15-17 | 12. 24 16. 28 20.34 24. 38 28. 57 32 600
At times, the stories go very far back. Although 5 should be illustrated only by an episode in Sthūlabhadra's life, for this purpose, the entire Jaina history from the founding of Rājagțha up to the end of that episode is presented - Av.-niry. XVII 11 gives the key words of this very casual tradition, while C & H reproduce the same in Pkt. and later commentaries in Skt.; their contents can be divided into the following sections:
1. Founding of Rājagpha. - 2. Seņiya as a prince. - 3. Abhaya helps him against Pajjoya. - 4. Abhaya is kidnapped. - 5. Abhaya's wife. - 6. Pajjoya's runner is saved by Abhaya. - 7. Udayana robs Vāsavadattā. - 8. Another version of 7. – 9. Abhaya prevents the burning of the city. - 10. Abhaya averts a calamity. - 11. In order to gain satisfaction Abhaya also kidnaps Pajjoya. - 12. The 32 sons of Sulasā. - 13. Cellaņā from Vesālī becomes Seniya's wife. – 14. Birth of Koniya. - 15 f. The pearl necklace (hāra) and the elephant (seyaņaga) trained in water arts: both objects of dispute in the impending war. - 17. Former birth of the afore-mentioned elephant. - 18. Seniya's imprisonment and death. - 19. Cause of war between Kūniya and his half-brothers. - 20. The war. - 21. Kūlavālaga. – 22. Cedaga's death. - 23-25. History of the god Mahesara (23. Pedhāla, Rudda. 24. tinni purāņi i.e. Tripura. 25. Umā). - 26. Koniya's demise. - 27. Udāi founds Pādaliputta. - 28. Founding-myth. - 29. Udāi's murder. - 30. Nanda's enthronement. - 31. Nanda's minister Kappaya. - 32. Sagadāla, minister of the ninth Nanda. – 33. Sagadāla's son, Thūlabhadda, as a monk. - 34. Rahiya's conversion. - 35. Thūlabhadda as a student of Bhaddabāhu. – 36. Thūlabhadda's sisters.
The depiction does not intend to be exhaustive since in many other Āvaśyaka-stories almost as much material that refers to the same period can be found scattered; besides, there would also be something to add from the remaining Svetâmbara literature. Subsequently, Hemacandra has squeezed in several such special traditions that refer to the Maurya-dynasty, after section 34 (VIII 194 - IX 54), when he took over sections 27-36 in his Parisistaparvan (VI 22 - VIII 193 & IX 55-110). Naturally he has done everything in Skt.-śloka-s.
[25] Both of the concluding portions read in translation:
35. At that time, a twelve-year famine had arisen during which the monks, here and there, went to the coast. Later, when they met again in Pädaliputta, one had retained a
* In order to establish an improvised transition, IX 558 apparently replaces another line that originally followed VIII 193. The first part of the interpolation will be mentioned later. - Some of the last sections (29-33 & 35 f.) have been partly adapted by Padmamandira (in the Rsimandala-commentary) into Skt.-śloka-s, and partly (29-31 middle & 33) just summarily outlined. The content of this modern account has been extensively reported in Bhandarkar's Rep. 188% p. 132,18-134,32.
68

Page #169

English translation by George Baumann
chapter, another, apart from that, a portion in his memory, so that, at least, the eleven Angatexts could be put together. However, the Dțstivāda was lacking. For this reason, the Sangha sent two monks to Bhaddabāhu, who was familiar with the 14 Pūrva-writings and who was on his way to Nepal (Nepāla-vattanie). When both of them announced the wish of the Sangha that he should come and) lecture on the Dęstivāda, he answered: because of the famine, I have not been able to submerge myself into mahāpāņa (meditation), but now I have submerged myself in it, thus I cannot lecture. Both of them returned and told this to the Sangha, which then sent two other monks with the question: How is someone who disobeys the Sangha's instructions to be punished? Bhaddabāhu answered: he has to be thrown out. Then, when those sent out, said: "Then you have to be thrown out", he replied: don't throw me out, send me diligent students (and) I will impact to them (daily) seven particulars (pādipucchagāņi C, pāờipucchão H), (namely, one) upon return from the alms' walk, (then three) during the course of the day (kāla-velāe) upon return from the samjñā (and finally,) in the evening (veyāliyāe) at the Avaśyaka, three. When one has finished the mahāpāņa, then one learns and instantly retains all 14 Pūrva-texts, when the necessity arises (uppanne kajje). Then 500 diligent students came there with Thūlabhadda at their head. However, when they (because of the suggested method) needed a month for one lesson (vāyanā), in fact, even two or three months, they all ran away since they could not bring it over themselves, just to learn enquiry-wise (pādipucchaenam padhium). Only Thūlabhadda stayed back. When his mahāpāna was finished, Bhaddabāhu asked him whether he might be tired, whereupon he explained: (No), I am not tired. Then Bhaddabāhu said: Pardon, (we want) some time (to pause), then, there could be a lesson (one time) for an entire day. Then, when Thūlabhadda asked how much he had learnt and how much remained, Bhaddabāhu replied: (in total) there are 88 sūtra-s; what you have learnt up to now, compares to the remainder like a mustard seed to the Mandara mountains. You will learn (that, meanwhile,) in a time shorter (than the previous), (therefore, do not lose courage. When the mahāpāņa was finished he then knew nine Pūrva-texts completely, except for two chapters (vatthu) of the tenth Pūrva.
36. In the meanwhile, both came, tarrying (here and there), to Pādaliputta. Thūlabhadda's sisters, all nuns, went out into the park to venerate Bhaddabāhu and their brother. After venerating the former, they asked him: Where is our oldest brother? He answered: He is studying in that small temple there. Thūlabhadda who had seen them coming wanted to show them his magic and conjured up a lion for them. Whereupon they fled and told Bhaddabāhu that a lion had eaten up their brother. But he told them: that is not a lion, it is Thūlabhadda, just go (there). Then they went to him and venerated him. Thereupon, he enquired about their well-being (and learnt that his brother), Siriya, after he had entered into the order, had died due to abhatt'attha (-fasting). At this point, the deity Ajjā in Mahāvideha, asked by the prophets for information, and (re-assured by the same), delivered both adhyayana Bhāvaņā and Vimotti. The following day, when at the time of his lesson, Thūlabhadda came to Bhaddabāhu, the latter did not instruct him. Why? (because Thūlabhadda) (was) not qualified. He noticed that it was because of the magic (kallattanageņa) and he promised: I won't do it again. Bhaddabāhu replied: If you don't do it again, still others will do it. After much prompting, he condescended (at least to agree): you may learn the last four Pūrva-texts, but you are not allowed to tell them to anyone. Ever since, the four have been lost and both last chapters of the tenth Pūrva, also. Ten Pūrva-texts still exist (aņusajjanti).
This depiction in the preceding is, according to the Kathānaka-custom, very laconic. For easier comprehension much in the translation had to be more clearly expressed and other things had to be added in parentheses. Particularly brief is the description of the action taken
With Hemac., Bhadrabāhu relates this addition to both of the first messengers (Paris. IX 62). aņuppehei ukkaiôvaiyāņi karei (cp. below, p. 56).
69

Page #170

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
by the Sangha upon the unexpected death of Siriya by starvation. Sthūlabhadra's older sister narrates this in what follows more comprehensively in Hemacandra's version:
Paris. IX 84-100. Śrīyaka (= Siriya) took ordination, together with us (sisters), but because he was always hungry, he could not fast. Then on one fast-day (paryuṣaṇā), I said to him: Fast once for a pauruși (three hours). After finishing this, I suggested a purvârdha-, then an apârdha- and finally an abhaktârtha-fast to him. The latter led to his death around midnight. Thus, I have blamed myself most severely. Although the Sangha did not wish to impose any penance on me, because of my pure intentions, I declared that I could only pacify myself if a Jina would declare me free of guilt. Then, the Sangha summoned, with the help of käyôtsarga, [25] the guardian deity of Jaina doctrine and requested it to bring me to a Jina. The deity granted my wish during the fulfillment of which, the käyôtsarga exercise of the Sangha had to be continued. Upon our arrival, the Jina, Sīmandhara, declared: This nun (ārya) is not guilty. Brought back by the deity and as a gift of grace from the Jina, by means of my own mouth I was able to hand over the four adhyayana-s Bhāvanā Vimukti Ratikalpa Vicitracarya to the Sangha. The Sangha attached the first two to the Acarânga and the last two to the Daśavaikālika.
Here, Hemacandra has combined a Daśavaikālika-story with the above Avaśyakadepiction. Whereas the latter speaks only of both Acãrânga-appendices (Bhāvaṇā & Vimotti), the former mentions, in an otherwise identical context, just both Daśavaikālika-additions. Of course, it is questionable whether Hemacandra's summary is acceptable, because the appendix-motivation in the Daśavaikālika-tradition could have been a later imitation of the other. As far as the common contents are concerned, they could possibly imply under a spiritist pretence that Sthulabhadra's sister, in her flurry about the fate of Śrīyaka, composed the said results. Then, the Sangha might have adopted these as an appendix. None of these four, as their contents show, could have come into existence through the incident referred to, or even have been composed by a nun. If, inspite of this, there might have been some relationship between them and Stulabhadra's sister, it is, in any case, completely obscure as to what it might have been. After all of this, the Daśavaikālika-version is not in a position to verify the traditional dating of Sayyambhava and Bhadrabahu, which seems to be suitably fitting. Also, the Avaśyaka-version only proves that it was assumed fairly early that the Acarânga had been enlarged with the chapters Bhāvanā and Vimukti, and only later with the following Nisitha. It is decisive and characteristic that neither the Daśavaikālika- nor the Acãrânga-niryukti knows anything about the source of the discussed chapters.
The correct Skt. form would be Śrīka.
In fact, the authentic form of the Daśavaikālika-story is not yet available. A versification of it, consisting of four gatha-s, is found at the end of the Daśavaikālika-manuscript Br 5161, having 14 folios. It has been printed in the appendices of Jacobi's Parisiṣṭaparvan-edition, p. 36 and reads:
eyão do culão āṇiyā Jakkhinīĕ ajjāe Sīmandhara-pāsão bhaviyajana-vibohan'atthae || khullo 'saṇa-dīhammi ahiyam kārāvio u ajjāe, rayaṇīe kāla-gao. ajjā samvegam āvannā: || kaham eyam samjayam! risi-haccā pāviyā mae ghorā! tā devayāĕ niyā Sīmandhara-sāmiņo pase ||
Sīmandharena bhaniya: ajje, khullo gao Mahākappe, mā jhūrasu appāņam, dhammammi ya niccala hosu ||
A Skt.-version that does not mention the nun's name and retains only the last appendix, can be found in Haribhadra's Daśavaikālika-commentary (ZDMG, VLI 602, 3-6). At the instigation of a nun, a novice is made to fast, whereby he dies. She blames herself and is pacified by Sīmandhara to whom she turns with the help of a deity as he relates Daś. XII to her.
In any case, Hemacandra's adhyayana-names Ratikalpa & Vicitracarya are not exact; rather, the final chapters of Daśavaikālika are called (in accordance with Daś.-niry. 430 & 436 f.) Rativākyā (namely, cuḍā) and Vihāracaryā.

70

Page #171

English translation by George Baumann
As regards the main contents of the previously imparted Āvaśyaka-tradition, there is the general opinion that, after Bhadrabāhu, knowledge of the Destivāda decreased continually, apparently, contradictory to the fact, already mentioned, that the Dęstivāda, itself, among other things, contained a story about Bhadrabāhu. This story, by itself, probably has referred to the reduction of the text, beginning with Bhadrabāhu; in other words, it is the source of our Āvaśyaka-tradition. Otherwise, it would not be understandable why only he, among the religion's fathers, should have been worthy of a biography. Besides, strictly speaking, a constant decrease of the Pūrva-tradition is taught. Other Destivāda-portions, in any case, have had their own fate in the older period, although in the end, they also disappeared. Exactly the portion that contains that biography (i.e. the Gandikā'nuyoga), since the Digambara-s do not know it and the Svetâmbara-s treat it as an addition, has probably been added to the text in its entirety only since Bhadrabāhu. - An actual inconsistency in the story is to be found only with Hemacandra. As the mention of the 88 sūtra-s shows, the original depicter presumes that the instruction of Thūlabhadda was not limited only to the Pūrva-texts, but comprised the entire Dęstivāda available at that time. Hemacandra has entirely overlooked this. Thus the observed adaptation (p. 25on.) and the fully unsuitable śloka IX 72, which, without noticing it, he, himself, repudiates at the end of IX 75.
The report about Bhadrabāhu distinguishes itself through a profound objectivity. Although obvious differences exist -Bhadrabāhu is supposed to have been excommunicated and, himself, punishes Sthlabhadra -, one notices no siding with an individual person on the part of the story-teller. Everything has been fittingly substantiated and in that way, pardoned. Therefore, you feel that the reports can be trusted. Even that the austere hermit, Bhadrabāhu, should have fallen out [26] with his pupil due to the sister of this pupil, seems to be quite plausible, since any intimate dealings with a female relative were irritating to him, whether Sthūlabhadra, in this way, has played a joke or not.
Thus, although internally the report can be called true, yet for establishing the external truth, more evidence is needed. To begin with, the three mentioned parallel reports of the Digambara-s provide such evidence.
The inscription says only the following: Bhadrabāhu, because of an omen, announces the commencement of a twelve-year famine, whereupon the entire Sangha goes south.
After having related much in the same manner, the Bhadrabāhu-kathā and the Bhadrabāhu-caritra finally diverge. Here we join both reports in such a way that we note in the matching portions of the Caritra only the divergencies in parentheses, and present the rest of it independently, along with the end of the Kathā. Bhadrabāhu-kathā
Bhadrabāhu-caritra 2-19* (1 21 – II 6 & 57 - 62). Bhadrabāhu's father is Somaśarman (Nāgas"), the main priest of King Padmaratha (Padmadhara) in the Pundravardhana (Paundro)-city, Kotīnagara (Kottapura). Once when the boy, Bhadrabāhu, whilst playing outside of the city, put thirteen balls skillfully on top of each other, the fourth caturdaśapūrvin, Govardhana, noticed him. Full of great expectations, he requests him from his father as a pupil. At the end of the instructions, Bhadrabāhu goes home and returns later again to Govardhana for admittance into the order. He then becomes Govardhana's successor as the fifth caturdaśapūrvin and goes with a large group of monks to Ujjayinī. Here the words gaccha gaccha of a little boy are looked upon by him as an omen that a twelve-year famine is approaching. 190 - 274. For that reason II 63 - IV 32. In order to be able to observe the monk's rules he sends the monks under correctly, he moves southward with his followers, to whom the leadership of Viśākha Candragupti belongs and who had renounced his power, whereby
Thus, they designate the portion of the Anuyoga preceding the Gandikā'anuyoga or Prathamânuyoga as the original Prathamânuyoga (mula-Pro).
71

Page #172

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
to the Deccan. He, the rest under the leadership of Rāmalya, Sthūlabhadra and himself, stays back due to Sthūlācārya stay back. On the way, attended by Candragupti, he his great age. Then, after stays in a cave, death nearing. In the meantime, his successor, he has admitted King Višākha, leads the group further southward and brings them at the Candragupta into the end of the high costs back to the homeland where he does not order, he dies the acknowledge those left behind because of their lax conduct. Then, customary samnyāsa- when the old Sthūlācārya wishes to adopt stricter rules, the death under a younger monks kill him. Afterwards, they pay homage to his (bhadra)vata-tree in mortal remains, in spite of the fact that they alter the texts in their Ujjayinī.
own sense. Even though the Kathā remains silent about the differences between Bhadrabāhu and Sthūlabhadra, this could be due to the unusual brevity of its depiction. In any case, the expositions of the Caritra in question cannot be invented since they are supported by the Svetâmbara reports. Rather, on their part, they authenticate those reports, in spite of the concordances since they are different enough to be completely independent. Therefore, we feel able to conclude that religious differences arose due to an increase in prices during which Bhadrabāhu belonged to the more conservative and Sthūlabhadra to the more liberal point of view. Also, it can be assumed with certainty that the emergence of the inner conflict happened during the 150-170 years after Mahāvīra's death (ca. 320-300 B.C.). Firstly, the Digambara and Svetâmbara chronology approximate each other on the dating of Bhadrabāhu's death, treated above p. 24° & 6, as closely as the independent records or assessments going back to that period can be expected to do. Secondly, according to Svetâmbara history (above, p. 24°59f.), Sthūlabhadra was the son of a minister under the last Nanda, and thirdly, the joint reference to Candragupta (who deposed the last Nanda) in the Digambara report - even though his name has been changed in one case because the ending -gupti was better known to the story-tellers, the correct form of the word was retained by the other. The differences between the followers of Bhadrabāhu and Sthūlabhadra were probably aggravated by the political antagonisms of that time in that the former took the side of Candragupta, whereas, most likely, Sthūlabhadra sympathized with the Nanda party.
Still more might be deduced through a comparison of the Digambara report with the other one, if one could find an older version of the former 26°] that would be textually equal to the Avasyaka-story, or, at least, based in the main on the versification by Hemacandra. Very likely for the moment it is only possible to say that Sthūlabhadra's death, together with the events following, corresponds to the episode of the Svetâmbara tradition treated above p. 25'67-30). Considering the Indian preference to name brothers and sisters in a similar manner Sthūlācārya is simply another name for Sthūlabhadra's brother, Śrīyaka; the common earlier form Sthūlaśrī would have been differently shortened. The one, as well as the other, fall victim to the religious zeal of an intimate person, whereby a reconciliation or amnesty among the participating parties, and then through these, a renewal in the sphere of the Canon is achieved. If this renewal according to the Svetâmbara report is supposed to have consisted of the reception of 2, respectively 4 additional chapters, then their contents do not disclose any relationship to the prevailing differences. For this reason, it is doubtful whether it is possible to interpret that account in the suggested manner. At the most, the Bhāvanā, which after the depiction of Mahāvīra's life demands a fivefold adherence to the five commandments, could be a tendentious writing of the period under discussion, particularly if the original Paryusaņākalpa might have been opposed to it as an antagonistic equivalent.
* It need not be historical that Candragupta actually accompanied Bhadrabāhu; it is enough to know that the Digambara-s considered both to be contemporaries. As Jacobi has shown, the tradition puts the death of Mahāvīra 60 years too early, as it lets Candragupta assume power 215 instead of 155 years after that event; cp. Kalpasūtra, Introd., p. 7-10 and Parisistaparvan Pref., p. 4f.
* The following-up of this assumption requires, as preparatory work, a study on the history of the Daśāśrutaskandha-tradition for which no material is available in Europe.
72

Page #173

English translation by George Baumann
Since the Śvetâmbara report only speaks of personal differences, it cannot be sure from what has been presented that a church schism took place already after Bhadrabahu. In fact, that this actually happened is attested to in Svetâmbara literature: its Sūri-list ignores the line originating from Bhadrabahu, whereas, on the other hand, the line of the Digambara-s ascribes itself to it (in accordance with the above report) and at the same time has no knowledge of the Sambhūtavijaya line of the Svetâmbara-s. Therefore, since Bhadrabahu's time there are two orientations in the religious development that continue in both existing creeds. The lists mentioned are particularly convincing, because both of the eldest (samkhitta-vāyaṇā and vitthara-vāyaṇā in the Paryuṣaṇakalpa) were already drawn up around 100 A.D. Only the second, which is the most comprehensive and important of all, mentions, in passing, that Bhadrabahu had four pupils and that one of them, Godāsa by name, had founded specific dioceses in Tamralipti, Kotivarsa, Pundravardhana and Dāsīkharbata.
After the historical contrast between Bhadrabahu and the Svetâmbara creed has been put into clear terms, once more the Bhadrabahu anecdote that appears in Svetâmbara literature can be correctly appreciated, and, at the same time, be used as a validation for what has been said. Strangely, Hemacandra has inserted it into his Pariśistaparvan before the extensive Avaśyakaportion, instead of behind it. There it forms the portion VI 5-21, whereas, logically, one should expect it after IX 110. It has been borrowed from the Uttarâdhyayana-tradition, and, in fact, from an equally rich context as the Avasyaka-portion. Uttarâdhy.II depicts in two śloka-s the 22 discomforts (parisaha) that the monks should tolerate. For illustrating purposes, the tradition brings as many stories whose contents, in turn, have been intimated from the Niryukti and from older commentaries in Pkt. and retold by the new ones in Skt.
Utt. II Utt.-niry. par.
Utt. II
Utt.-niry.
2 f.
96
9
18 f.
113
4 f.
20 f.
114
6 f.
22 f.
115 f.
8 f.
24 f.
117
10 f.
26 f.
118-120
12 f..
28 f.
121a
14 f.
30 f.
121b
16 f.
32 f.
122
As always, the Niryukti-handling (Utt.-niry. 96-147) is composed in gāthā-metre as long as it does not borrow, unaltered, differently versified passages from stories. Two śloka-s (94 f.), however, precede that contain catch-words of 22 stories:
kumārae' nai2 lene3 sila panthe" mahallae
tāvasa padima sise aganī1 nivveya11 moggare12 || 94 vane 13 Rame14 'pure' bhikkha1 samthare" mala-dhāraṇe18 anga-vijja1 sue20 bhome21 sīsass' agamane22 vi ya|| 95
par.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
97
98
99
100
101-104
105 f.
107-112

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
par.
17
18
19
20
21
22
Utt. II
34 f.
36 f.
38 f.
40 f.
42 f.
44 f.
Since these śloka-s, taken over by the Niryukti composer from earlier tradition, know only the 22 stories, the Niryukti, itself, adds at 21 a second story (Utt.-niry. 128) and in the available commentaries, even a second story is found at 15. First of all, of interest to us is the story belonging to 3 (sīta-parīṣaha), which should show how discomforts of cold have to be endured; this is the Bhadrabahu anecdote. The UttarâdhyayanaCūmi that contains the oldest version can only be used in Cambay for the time being; a second [27] version, which is almost identical with the first, is found with Santyācārya, and a third one with Devendra who, as usual, adds some embellishments (partly in verse). Devendra's version has been published by Jacobi on the first page of his "Appendix" to the Parisiṣṭaparvan-edition; of course, we have translated the version by Santyācārya.
Utt. II 6 f. (niry. 98) kath. Four merchants of Rayagiha, of same age and having grown up together, entered into the order under Bhaddabahu after they had heard a sermon by him. After they had learnt studiously they lived isolated here and there and, in this manner, eventually again
73
Utt.-niry. 123
124
125
126
127
129-147

Page #174

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
reached Rāyagiha. It was winter time and they had returned from their stroll for alms (in the city) during the third period of the day (pauruși) to Vebbhāra-hill (which they had chosen as their abode). During this stroll the first one was caught unexpectedly by night-fall at the entrance to his cave, the second one already in the park, the third one at the entrance to the park, and the fourth one, when he had hardly left the city. Each one remained where he was. Then the first one (during the night) had to endure terrible cold outside the cave and for this reason died during the first period of night, whereby (the second one died in the second, the third, in the third and) the fourth one, in the fourth period of night, because at the last place it was not so cold due to the city haze. Just as these four bravely suffered you should endure (discomforts of cold).
Although the anecdote is meant to present a model for monastic behaviour in conformity with the context where it has been placed, the original intention had apparently been another: We think it was to point out the absurdity of the rigorousness of Bhadrabāhu's party by a fictitious example of the consequences that arose. A confirmation of this opinion comes from the fact that also a pendant to this anecdote can be found that concerns Sthūlabhadra and that has been handed down doubly as section 33: in the story at Av.-niry. XVII 11 analysed earlier and in the previously described context as the end-piece of the story on 8. Briefly, the contents are the following:
Av.-kath. XVII 11,33 [= concluding piece of Utt. II 16 f. (niry. 107-112) kath.] Three monks have undertaken (during the rainy season) something particularly difficult. The first one stays in a lion's cave, the second one at the place of a very dangerous snake, and the third one on a well-cover. However, Thūlabhadda takes up his quarters in the garden house of the courtesan, Kosā (his former mistress). When she tries to seduce him one night he remains firm and wins her over to his faith. She then becomes a lay sister who vows to only follow her trade if the king should command it. At the end of the four months of the rainy season the four report back to their (common) teacher (Sambhūyavijaya). He rises just a little towards the first one and says: Welcome! You have accomplished something difficult. In the same manner he greets the second and third ones; with Thūlabhadda, however, he arises full of inner emotion and says: Welcome! You have accomplished the most difficult task. The other three think the teacher is biased and favours Thūlabhadda only because he is the son of a minister. During the following rainy season, in spite of a warning from the teacher, the first one lodges with the courtesan and immediately becomes infatuated with her. She demands 100,000 and for this he goes to Nepal, because the king there gives each arriving (monk) a piece of cloth worth that much. On the way back, he is stopped by robbers, but released, he brings the cloth to the courtesan. Then, when she just throws it into the toilet, he chides "don't spoil it”, to which she replies: This cloth can cause you harm, but you don't feel sorry for yourself, even though, in that way, you are about to tarnish yourself? He began to listen to reason. At confession-time, the teacher scolds: That is why Thūlabhadda has performed the most difficult (task); he resisted his former beloved even before she had become a lay sister, whereas you, although she had become a lay sister (and did not even display her full charms), even undertook a journey to an unknown country for her sake.
The preceding anecdote is obviously Sthūlabhadra's apologia vis-à-vis the stricter course that puts the hermit-like life much higher than the abode among people. At the same time, it shows for the second time that the weakness of the minister's son was his relationship with the female sex, to whom, as is well-known, the Digambara-s deny the possibility of salvation. Besides, it seems that the anecdote has been re-told uncomprehendingly by the
"Actually, the entire story could be from the anecdote, because only the anecdote is relevant. Also, only here has one gone back further, clearly depending on the Āvasyaka-story: firstly, (section) I is summarily reproduced, then, 32 (from the opening or from the middle) and 33 are narrated verbatim. Finally, 34 is disposed of by a simple reference to the Avaśyaka tradition (jahā Namokkāre (Āv.-kath. IX 58,11] Šānty., Avassae Dev.).
Here, the details are similar to Divyavad. XIX ed. p. 276,16-277.11
74

Page #175

English translation by George Baumann
Digambara-s, at whom it was actually aimed. A variant of their Paṭṭāvalī, which along with Bhadrabahu, his pupil, Visakha, also repeats assigns to the duplicate (identified with Arhadbalin) Visakha's four pupils who are quite similar to the four monks [27] in the anecdote. Besides, the Sthulabhadra anecdote also has a narrative historical importance. It occurs, together with both of the preceding sections 28 & 32, again in another form at the opening of Guṇādhya's Bṛhatkathā whose version of that anecdote "Upakośā and her four lovers" has experienced many translations and variations in Asia and in Europe. It is worthwhile to note that all these pleasantries have an historical background that has been understood and depicted by Gunāḍhya under a quite different approach (taking sides with Vararuci, instead of Sthulabhadra).
The fictitious Bhadrabāhu's time
When did the fictitious Bhadrabahu actually live? Not the second Bhadrabāhu, construed by the Digambara-s when they adapted their Sūri-list, who really never lived (even though Fleet and others wanted to fill him with life),3 nor even a third one, also construed, whom the Digambara-s, now and then, allow to succeed (and whom Hoernle correctly terms a "fiction"), but rather the composer of the Niryukti collection. In the preceding section it has been shown that a source of this author (from which the sloka-s Utt.-niry. 94 f. come) knew about the Bhadrabahu anecdote dealt with above. Thus, it is probably necessary to presume a certain interval between this and the Niryukti composer, even if the Bhadrabahu anecdote itself as a tendentious invention originates from the time of the historical Bhadrabahu. This conclusion becomes even more compelling and the interval even bigger, if the other stories with the same context might have come into existence only a considerable time after the historical Bhadrabāhu. There are three such stories; they are those that serve as examples for the discomforts 6, 20, and 22. In the third one a popular body of stories has been woven into the history of the third schism (Ind. Stud. XVII 109-112). Such events are assumed, which, according to tradition, must have happened around the year 214 after Mahāvīra's death (cp. 1. c. p. 93).5 The second story is formed by the third episode of the legend about Kalaka who seems to have lived not too long before or just after the beginning of the Christian era. Finally, the first of these three stories we meet with is an episode from
1.
"The first (Maghanandin) spent the rainy season at the foot of a Nandi-tree, the second (Jinasena) under a grass (cover), the third in a lion's cave, the fourth in the house of the courtesan Devadattā." The four church embranchments (Nandi-sangha, Sena-sangha, Simha-sangha, Deva-sangha) that the Digambara-s consider to be orthodox are supposed to have originated from these four men. Ind. Ant. 1892, p. 71-73 (not so correct 1891, p. 350).
Of course, the picture of the four fictive pupils of Bhadrabahu that appears in the Bhadrabahu anecdote plays a role here and, on the other hand, the tradition of the four possibly historical pupils of Bhadrabahu that we came across on p. 2633. Most likely, these tetrads are the reason that Bhadrabahu's life (Bhadrab. II 76-83) also counts four main representatives within Bhadrabahu's laymen (Kuberamitra, Jinadāsa, Mādhavadatta, Bandhudatta).
2 cp. Tawney's translation of Kathāsaritsāgara, vol. I p. 20† & 571, II p. 627.
3 cp. Epigr. Ind. IV 26, etc.
4 Ind. Ant. 1892, p. 60.
5
Sergius von Oldenburg gives a synopsis of the story along with the text from Utt.-niry. 130, 132-134, 136, 138, 140 in the Journal R.A.S. 1893 p. 346-350. Utt.-niry. 131 should also be included; this is the first śloka of the Jātaka (overlooked by S. v. Oldenburg). The Uttarâdhyayana-story, the Samyaktvakaumudi and Jātaka 432 contain fairly complete depictions of evolved popular poetry, whereas in Pancatantra I 4 only a mixture of the old couching reverberates with that replacing the Uttarâdhyayana-version. 6 The Kalaka-legend consists of four episodes, which in older narrative literature are found only in
isolation:
A. The Saka-invasion.
Version 1. Kalpabh. IV 714 (= Niś.bh. X 254) kath.
66
2. Av.-niry. VIII 182,3 kath.

75

Page #176

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
the story of ārya Vajra and āryaRakṣita that approximately puts us back to the year 30 A.D. Therefore, the Niryukti-collection could have been composed, at the earliest, a few decades after this date.
The said story of ārya Vajra and āryaRaksita forms, along with the history of the schisms belonging to it as an appendix, an essential piece of the Avaśyaka-tradition: Av.niry. VIII 41-49 Vajra, 52 f. Raksita, 56-100 the schisms. Actually, it deals there only with the fourfold division of instruction that āryaRakṣita has introduced (Av.-niry. VIII 39 f., 50 f., 54 f.), but tradition describes the story from the entire time when the renewal arose and, because one of the persons present founded the seventh schism, [289] the story of the schisms, has, therefore, also been added. The personalities belonging to the period under discussion appear in the following schema (which indicates the clerical filiation by the connecting lines and the worldly in the customary manner).
Avanti-group
Dasapura-group
Şīhagiri
Bhaddagutta
Dhanapāla ajjaSamiya Sunandā &
Dhanagiri
Tosaliputta
Vaira
Somadeva & Ruddasomā Gotthāmāhila
ajja Rakkhiya Phaggurakkhiya
Vairasena
Vinjha
DubbaliyaPüs.
GhayaPūs.
VatthaPūs.
Now as far as the above-mentioned episode is concerned, it describes how āryaRaksita convinces his father, the Brahmin Somadeva whom he has won over to the order, to endure the discomfort of nakedness (acela-parīsaha). This is found in the sixth of the ten sections into which the parts of the previously sketched complex of stories treating mainly ārya Raksita can be divided. [Av.-niry. VIII 52] 1. founding myth of Dasapura.
2. ajjaRakkhiya as Tosaliputta's pupil. 1 . VIII 53] 3. ajjaRakkhiya as Vaira-sāmi's pupil.
Vaira-sāmi's death. Vairasena.
ajjaRakkhiya's father. VIII 515) The three Pūsamitta.
The fourfold division of the instruction. VIII 514) 9. The fourth episode of the Kālaka-episode (above, p. 27°n.).
nimitriosiosoi
3. (without any names). Āv.-niry. IX 47 kath. Cp. the myth of Dandaka-forest MBh. & Rāmāy. VII 80 f. PadmaP. I (Wilson VP. III 238"). B. Re-scheduling of the holiday.
Niś.bh. kath. (cited by Maheśvara on Avaśyaka-sapt. 67). The running away of the pupil and the arrogance of Sāgara.
Utt. II 40 f. kath. Kalpabh. pedh. 240 kath. D. The advice of the god about the Nigoda-beings. Version 1. - 2. (relating to āryaRakṣita). Āv.-niry. VIII 51' kath.
76

Page #177

English translation by George Baumann
10. The rivalry between Gotthāmāhila and DubbaliyaPūsamitta
(beginning of the history of the seventh schism). In the two old śloka-s composed of catch-words one finds, as can be seen above p. 2663, the nominative mahallae "the old one" (i.e., Somadeva) as the sole indication about the episode. The accompanying Uttarādhyayana-tradition reproduces parts with varying sizes from the displayed context. The episode teaches that Rakṣita represented the strict Jinakalpa, which tolerated [28'] the cola-pattaya as the only piece of clothing. With Vajra one also notices signs of this tendency: in mahāNiśītha IV (about which more will follow below in the Haribhadra monograph), he agitates against the more lax monks and confronts them (his pupils) with Nāila as an admonishing example which is why he appears again in the same role also in Vajra's previous-birth story. Later, Naila's successors have also preserved, for a
ب
س س سا سس
The Niryukti offers two gāthā-pairs (101 f. & 103f.), the second of which is identical with Āv.-niry. VIII 52 f., whereas the first sketches the founding myth of Dasapura that is simply ignored in the Av.-niry. - Both Sāntyācārya and Devendra copy section 6 up to the end of the episode, that is to say, abouts of the entire section (Jacobi's "Appendices" up to Parisistap. p. 25,20 - 28,6). With Sānty., one sentence referring to sections 1-3 precedes, with Dev. the full wording of section 2 f., along with an introductory indication (Jiyantasāmipadimā-vaiyarena samuppannam) to section 1 (1. c. p. 21,1 - 25,10). Presumably, Dev. did not want to present the first section here, because he includes it in a differently embellished form) in his patched-together Kathānaka at Utt. XVIII 48 (more about this later in the Aradhana-story 8).
With Hemacandra the sections 2-5 form the last sarga (XIII) of the Parisistaparvan. While doing so, he introduces his versification with the line imparted under 1.c. that, from the first section, only mentions the king. In this way, he becomes a contemporary of Vajra and Raksita!
Besides, Sānty., Dev. and Hemac. have exploited the preceding portion (about Vajra), the first two also the following about the schisms). The Vajra-portion has the following contents: [Av.-niry. VIII 414] 1. previous birth.
left with the father as a child. VIII 417 3. put into the care of nuns.
demanded back by the mother in court, unsuccessfully. [. . VIII 42 & 439) 5. childhood. VIII 43)
still young, entrusted with the teaching profession. VIII 44] 7. with Bhaddagutta.
VIII 451 8. Padaliputta. 1. VIII 46-49] 9. magic and conflict with the Buddhists.
Sānty. & Dev. offer (on Utt. X) section 1 and not completely the first half of section 2 as they break off with the words ity-ādi (bhagavad) Vajrasvāmi-kathā Avasyaka-cūrnito 'vaseyā. Hemacandra has made sarga XII of his Parisistaparvan from the entirety. Here he also leaves off the first section, but intimates as much about it in the second (Paris. XII 14 f.) as the context requires. After the third section he puts in in Paris. XII 69-99) the Avaśyaka-story IX 48, which deals with ajjaSamiya and also interrupts the context. - Padmamandira's versification deals with Samiya Vairasena Rakkhiya, each one after the other, and firstly reproduces, namely, Hemacandra's just-mentioned insertion, then the above sections 2-9 (or 2 f. & 5-9?), together with sections 4 f. of the following portion, and finally, from this sections 2 f. & 7-10; cp. Bhandarkar's Table of contents Rep. 188%4 p. 136, 4-11. 136, 12-137,30.137,31-138,23.
Vajra's previous birth (a story referring to Mahāvīra's relationship with Goyama) is given in the Avaśyaka-tradition only for the sake of completeness and is disregared by the Niryukti. On the other hand, it can only be accounted for in the Uttaradhyayana-tradition so that the Niryukti devotes there no less than 23 gāthā-s (328-350) to it. Originally, it had only belonged to the Uttaradhyayana-tradition without being connected with Vajra. As soon as that relationship was established - already in Utt.-niry. 390 it is intimated - the possibility arose to insert the story also into the Avaśyaka-tradition.
Finally, as far as the schism-portion is concerned, the same has been taken over completely by Sānty. & Dev. at Utt. III 9, just as the Utt.-niry. also borrows from the Av.-niryukti (above p. 22°46 f.). It is easy to show that this portion was originally alien to the Uttaradhyayana-tradition. Utt. III, namely, depicts four dullahāni, of which the affiliated tradition illustrates only the first through the Āvaśyaka-stories VIII 149,1-10) and the third (through the schisms-stories). If an illustration had been planned right from the beginning, examples for dullahāni 2 & 4 would be found. That the existing examples have been taken straight from the Avaśyakatradition and not, perhaps, from a common source can be seen by their common consideration of the eighth schism. More about this in the course of events.
77

Page #178

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
long time, certain peculiarities' and Vajra is found, as we shall see later, with the old Digambara authorities, Prabhācandra (who has handed down the Digambara version of the Vajra legend) and Jinasena (at the opening of the BșhaddHarivamsa-purāņa). Therefore, it seems that the Digambara ideal was still very much alive among said persons. Also other factors point out that the church schism depicted earlier allowed mutual contact as long as the special development had not gone too far. The common tradition, itself, indicates that the final separation only took place about two decades after Raksita's death. Raksita's fourfold division of instruction groups the Canon as follows: I. Kāliya-suyam [C: ekkārasa angā sa-bāhiragā jam ca Mahākappasuy'ādi, eyam carana
karane thaviyam]. II. Isibhāsiyāim [C: Isibhāsiyā Uttar'ajjhayaņā ya dhammâņuogo). III. Sūrapannattī [C: jāo CandaSūrapannattio, esa kālāņuogo]. IV. Ditthivão [C: Ditthivão daviyâņuogo).
Consequently, a main body of ethical-dogmatic contents has been defined, next to which legendary tradition, astronomical phantasy and the Dșstivāda can only be considered appendixwise. A similar arrangement also underlies the Niryukti-collection (above p. 21°29-38), which seems to include the first two secondary texts (II f.) in the main body and ignores the third (IV). Since, in due course, another grouping appears that places the Anga-texts in the foreground, surely it can be presumed that the Niryukti-collection came into existence not too long after Raksita's time. As it is, the traditional Sūri-lists, which almost all only continue the chronicle of Vajra's school mention neither Raksita nor his school, whereas three other pupils of Vajra (Vairasena = Nāila, Pauma = Pomila, Raha = Jayanta), together with their schools, are listed. Only in recent time has Rakṣita's name sometimes been added (e.g. in the Rșimandala and in an interpolation of the Sūri-list found at the opening of the Nandi and of the Avaśyakaniryukti). This necessitates an alternative, either to ascribe to Rakṣita's school only a small (more or less restricted to Daśapura) sphere of influence, which is hardly likely, considering Rakṣita's importance, or to presume that the ignoring of Rakṣita is based on a mistake in the tradition (be it that the name is hidden in Raha or was completely forgotten). Information about this matter can be hoped for from old Jaina inscriptions, which, similar to those dug up in Mathurā, might still be lying hidden in Ujjayinī, Daśapura or elsewhere.
The verses devoted to the schisms in the Āvaśyaka-niryukti seem to divulge the date before which the Niryukti-collection came into existence. Namely, as shown in Ind. Stud. XVII 92-94 & 130, the last schism (the exit of a Digambara-type of sect that later resulted in the Digambara-s) is dealt with only in a text supplement, which differs considerably from the rest. The first editor must not have known about that schism at all or only in an initial stage, which then did not seem important enough to mention. It is supposed to have come into existence in the year 609 after Mahāvīra's death that would, more or less, correspond to the year 82 A.D., because the three last schism dates (544, 584, 609) appear to presume the antedating of Mahāvīra (mentioned p. 26°n.).
All said, the Niryukti-collection was probably composed around 80 A.D. It is imperative, however, to study the contents, metre and language further, in order to make the conclusion more convincing or, if necessary, modified. Only one of these more general evidences, which does not prove much, is being shown by way of trial.
The chapter of Ac. I has the global title bambhacerāim (brahmacaryāni) whose explanation in the accompanying Niryukti-passage touches upon the Brahmanic caste system:
[299] bambhammī u caukkam, thavanāe hoi bambhan'uppatti sattanha ya vaņņāņam navanha vann'antarāṇam ca || 18
Malayagiri says about Vyavah.-bh. I 671 opening that the members of the Nāgilakula-vamsa practice the kāyôtsarga by lifting up the rajoharana. They are also supposed to study, as he notes at Vyavah.-bh. pedh 12° opening, the Anga-s 1-9 nirvikytikena (i.e. by avoiding any vikyti-dish) instead of with ācāmla (sour rice gruel).
78

Page #179

Precisely line 18, which matters here, is missing in another Niryukti-passage (in Utt.niry. 426) where the word bambha is dealt with exactly in the same manner for the rest. Nevertheless, the line is probably ascribable to the author of the Niryukti since the nine gāthā-s that follow (19-27) offer an explanation for it, which, because it does not say exactly the same thing, characterizes itself as a Bhāṣya-interpolation, and in this manner guarantees that line for the basic work.' Since 18 now speaks of seven castes and nine intermediate castes only very generally the text insertion in 216-27 presents the following system:
A. Progeny of a man from a main caste and of a woman from the next-following main caste always belong to the caste of the woman.
a. Brahmins & Kṣatriya-woman: Kṣatriya.
b. Ksatriya & Vaiśya-woman: Vaisya. c. Vaiśya & Śūdra-woman: Śūdra.
English translation by George Baumann
davvam sarīra-bhavie annāṇiya vatthi-samjamo ceva, bhāve u vatthi-samjamo nāyavvo samjamo ceva || 28
B. A first group of mixed castes results when a man and a woman are separated by one or two main castes and the man, in this case, belongs to the higher caste.
1. Brahmin & Vaiśya-woman: ambaṣṭha.
2. Kṣatriya & Sūdra-woman: ugra.
3. Brahmin & Śūdra-woman: niṣāda (or pāraśava).
C. A second group of mixed castes is formed when a man and a woman belong to any different main caste and the woman, in this case, is of higher rank.
4. Śūdra & Vaiśya-woman: ayogava.
5. Vaisya & Kṣatriya-woman: māgadha.
6. Ksatriya & Brahmin-woman: sūta. 7. Śūdra & Kṣatriya-woman: kṣattṛ.
8. Vaisya & Brahmin-woman: vaideha.
9. Śūdra & Brahmin-woman: canḍāla.
D. A third group of mixed castes is formed through relationships between members of the
last main caste and certain mixed castes. 10. Ugra & Kṣattr-woman: svapāka.
11. Vaideha & Kṣattr-woman: vainava. 12. Niṣāda & Ambaṣṭhī or Śūdra: pulkasa. 13. Śūdra & Niṣāda-woman: kukkura.
The author of the Niryukti probably had the combination of the groups B & C in mind with his nine intermediate castes. As 21a shows, he understands under the seven castes the four main castes, together with the three middle castes, whereby, according to him, the latter originate from the combination mentioned in A. Group D is missing with him.
A comparison with relevant Dharmasastra data - for which Jolly has kindly offered his help shows the following:
The above Bhāṣya-schema agrees exactly with the prosaic (still unprinted) schema of Uśana; also with Manu, only that the latter does not speak very clearly about A2. Also Nārada's system, which does not let itself be defined3, corresponds, more or less, to the above. Baudhayana inter-changes some names in C and in D all four are differently deduced1. Authors who (like the Niryukti author) ignore D now follow:
1 If it is thought that the entire passage has been taken care of by a simple reference to the Uttarâdhyayana-niryukti because it precedes in the collection, then it has to be said, in general, that only extensive (multiple strophic) handlings of a word are not repeated by the Niryukti-author.
2 It says the progeny are pitṛ-sadṛśa "similar (only) to the father", which the commentaries convey in the sense of the above system as mātṛ-savarna. - Manu X 5 ff.
because of the dissimilarity of the manuscripts; particularly marked is the difference between A and B. Nār. XII 103-113.
4 magadha, 5 ayogava, 6 lacking (?), 8 sūta.
3
4

79

Page #180

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
First of all, Gautama who, under 3, mentions between nişāda and pāraśava a further synonym dauşyanta and, besides that, confuses the names of 7 and 8; then Yājñavalkya's and Gautama's citation (IV 18-21), both of whom (also perhaps like Manu) distinguish particular mixed castes? in A; otherwise, Yājñ. deviates only in that he adds at the end a certain mixed caste-combination", but, in comparison, Gautama's citation gives mostly other names. [29'] The exact opposite to the stated differentiation in A is seen with Visnu (XVI) since he merges B with A, i.e., he awards the caste of the mother to the progeny, even when she does not belong to the next-following, but to some later main caste. Besides that, he places pulkasa & māgadha for māgadha & kşattr. Finally, Vasistha has to be mentioned who does not express himself about A at all, and only unintelligently about the descent of 1-3, and changes or confuses most
names in C as well.
As can be seen, the caste order of the Niryukti author (if his laconic allusions can be interpreted in the suggested manner) comes closest to that of Yājñavalkya's Law Book. Even if the latter, according to Jolly (Recht und Sitte p. 21), came into existence only in the fourth century A.D., obviously, still individual tenets of it could have had provincial acceptance some centuries earlier. Only the mixed castes-combination (p. 29on.) that is also still unknown to the Niryukti cannot be considered as traditional. An attempt to date the Niryukti, then, is not really affected; at the most, it can be maintained about the Bhāsya-insertion that it stands under the leveling influence that Manu's Law Book exerts.
The four editions of the Avaśyaka-niryukti
After what has been said, it would be best during the individual discussion of the Āvasyaka-niryukti, if Bhadrabāhu would be left out. Therefore, in what follows we are calling his edition simply "first edition". In this way, we shall leave it to future research to ascertain the actual author and to show why tradition has exchanged his name with an older one.
First Edition. It has already been said that it is presently not possible with any degree of certainty to extract the stanza-inventory of the first edition from the text-form handed down. It can only be attempted to show the general progress in the development of the tradition that has to be perceived in comparison with the original Niryukti. This progress is very important. First of all, a further expansion of the previous plan can be noticed since many new etymologies of words, lists of synonyms and things like that have been inserted, and – what is more important – a threefold enlargement of that plan takes place. A long introduction (Uvagghāya-nijjuttī, forming the basis for II 61- VIII 198) makes -up the beginning of the work, to which, along with that part (XIII) dealing with Āv. IV, three excursuses (XV, XVII, XVIII) join, and the entirety is filled with narrative embellishments. In this way, a guide of fundamental importance results: the introduction that befits the writing as the first within the Niryukti-series, places it, in combination with the excursuses, much above the following Niryukti-writings from the view-point of dogmatic value. The
10 ambaştha & brahmani: śvapāka. 11 ugra & ksatriya: vaina. 12. nişāda & vaiśyā: pulkasa. 13. vaisya & nişādi: kukkutaka. - Baudh. I 16 f. a. brāhmana & ksatriya: mürdhâvasikta. b. ksatriya & vaiśyā: māhişya. c. vaiśya & śūdrā: karana. māhişya & karani: rathakāra. - Yājñ. 191-95. 1 bhțjyakantha, 2 yavana, 3 pāraśava, 4 vaideha, 5 dhīvara, 6 sūta, 7 pulkasa, 8 māgadha, 9 candāla. 4 antyâvasāyin, 5 pulkasa (like Vişnu!), 6 sūta, 7 vaiņa, 8 rāmaka, 9 candāla. - Vas. XVIII.
80

Page #181

English translation by George Baumann
treasurehouse of legends, sagas, anecdotes, allegories and parables allows it to be compared, not only with the Visuddhimagga, but, at the same time, also with the Jātaka - of course, only by its contents, since in form, it tends to offer only very meager sketches whose realization is left to an extensive commentary.
Of the smaller accessories with which the Niryukti-programme was enlarged two deserve mention, which concern the word siddha of the Pancanamaskāra. The first (IX 41-66) whose intermediary part (52–65) recurs in the Nandī, gives explanations and examples for the sloka (41) placed in front as a citation, which teaches that one can be siddha "accomplished" in an elevenfold manner. The second (IX 72-102) is a version of a longloved description of the domicile and condition of the accomplished one (blissful one) adapted to the context. How the remaining versions react to it has been shown above p. 7on.).
Second Edition. What we understand by this term is perhaps not a homogeneous edition. We only wish to have a designation as simple as possible for the text enlargement, which, very likely, came to a conclusion approximately during Siddhasena's time or shortly thereafter.
Firstly, the especially numerous Mülabhāsya-expositions must be mentioned that have been inserted (in gāthā-form) everywhere. That this can be ascribed to Siddhasena, we learn only from a commentarial remark at XVIII 68: "This verse – it says in CH – has been composed by Bhadrabāhu. Although something further (due to the second line) is intimated here, still Siddhasena-kşamāśramana (to begin with) explains the intimation present in the first line. This is one of the four cases among which a Mūlabhāsya-insertion makes itself known by the interruption of the original contents. [30] Very likely, the Cūrņi was also thinking of Siddhasena when it denoted the author of XI 60 with the plural form of bhattāraya. - Only when all the independent works of Siddhasena are available can their characteristics be gathered from the contents, language and metre that will be of use for an exact examination of Siddhasena's share in the Avasyaka-niryukti. Also, the consultation of those works, in combination with the legendary biography of Siddhasena that has been handed down by Prabhācandra (in Prabhāvakacar. VIII), by Jinakusala (on Caityavandanakul. 3) and by others, will produce, hopefully, a chronological result.
Secondly, two independent portions, of large size have gained acceptance.
One of these is, apparently, based on the requirement to relate the Niryukti to the Nandi and to the Anuyogadvāra. Both of these works that have come up in some other school intend to introduce to studies – the Nandi to studies in general, the Anuyogadvāra to the study of the Avaśyaka. One seems to have brought the heterogeneous results close to one another since the compilation of the present Canon during which these introductions were confronted with the Avaśyaka-niryukti, perhaps for the first time. In fact, a chapter has been placed before the original opening of the Niryukti (Av.-niry. I), which as a theoretical versification (most likely based on the Jñānapravāda-pūrva) represents the old handed-down nānassa parāvanā of the Nandi, while, for its part, the Nandī takes over 24 stanzas from that chapter (and, besides, has in common with the Avaśyaka-niryukti, also gāthā II 60 and the mentioned fragment, p. 29°58f.); furthermore, the Anuyogadvāra contains some stanzas that should also be found in the Avasyaka-niryukti but have been suppressed here with the remark that knowledge about the Nandi and Anuyogadvāra can be assumed. It should be particularly stressed that the
esā (esa a B) Bhaddabāhu-katā gādhā, etie (etīse 2) atidese kate vi Siddhaseņa-khamasamano puvv'addha-bhanitam atîdesam vakkhāneti: 69* (āvāsi gādhā C nisīhiyā gāhā H). Av.-niry. X. Nandim Aņuogadāram vihivad Uvagghāiyam ca nāūņam
kāūņa panca-mangalam ārambho hoi suttassa | 1 ahavā: kaya-pancanamokkāro karei Sāmāiyam tu so 'bhihio
Sāmāiy'angam eva ya, jam so sesam ao boccham || 2 Both of these stanzas are parallel to each other as different attachments to the preceding which is why the second has been introduced with ahavā. Nothing can be found in the commentaries about the age-relationship of
81

Page #182

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
viewpoint held about these circumstances is only an attempt whose tenability has to be proved through further studies.
The second of both larger interpolations (XVI 14-80 & XVII 61-64) forms a fourth excursus on Av. IV, which is quite different from the three already placed in the first edition. All four are concerned with the list of the dogmatically most important summaries of 1-33, found in Av. IV 10. In the original the individual parts of these summaries are only at 1-6 and have been given in a fully different manner at 33. The list without this detail is found at the opening of Praśnavyāk. X (in this case 1-11 in Vedhaya-metre) and in Utt. XXXI 2-20 (in twenty śloka-lines)'; 11 f., 20 f., 30, 33 in Daśāśrutask. VI f., 1 f., IX, III are dealt with in complete and consistently correct detail. Now, the first excursus (XV) concerns itself with the final part of 54, the second (XVII 1-60) with 32 (above, p. 242 36), the third (XVIII) with the (wrong) final part of 33. Our fourth excursus, finally, only intends to supplement the original by presenting the individual parts of 7-31(partly through analogy to the Daśāśrutaskandha-passage) and by supplying the correct enumeration to 33:
29
[30]
XVI
XVI
17
19
18
56 57 f. 59-61 62 f. 64-78
[20 &] 21 f 19 23 f. 20 11 17 16 25 f. 21 [34-43 &] 44-46 [& 64] Because of its contents, the excursus is a Samgrahaṇī, and, as such, Haribhadra differentiates it strictly from the "Niryukti" as well as from the "Mūlabhāṣya". It has also to be added here that the assessment of the circumstances can only be given tentatively.
Somehow Jinabhadra's Bhāṣya and the AvasyakaCūrṇi are based on the second edition. Nevertheless, the Bhāṣya, covers only the first half of the Niryukti and has, quite freely, remodeled its final chapter (X). As for the Curni as a prose-commentary of the oldest type, it does not want to give a continuous explanation, particularly in its middle and later parts, but,
7 14a
8
14b
9
10
15
16
as follows: Av. IV 10
1
12
13
14
15
2
3 1.4.3
XVI
18
missing 43.1.2.4

XVI
Utt. Āv. IV 10 5 3.2.4.(1)
2
3a
2.1.[3]
7 [2].1
8-10
XVI
27 22
28
23
24 50
29 f. 31-33
25 51-55
both attachments (the Curni, e.g. begins the explanation of X with idānim suttam bhannai tatha ca 1 f., and then goes over to 3 immediately). On the other hand, it can be noted elsewhere that the older interpolators and commentators generally place their own depictions in front if there are differences and let the earlier ones follow with ahava; cp. e.g. in Jinabhadra's Samgrahaṇī the interpolated pair of stanzas 9 f., which carries over with ahavā to 11 and, besides, Jītakalpa-c., p. 70a, as well as the commentary-passages below, 14034-36, 43f., 14217 f. (at Viś. I 7 302-305, 398). [In the same meaning va is found in Vis. I 404, above p. 23 n.] and ahavā in Vis. V 778, below, P. 48°33; because of the sequence, note p. 30° 63-65.. Looked at superficially, it seems to be very likely that X 1 is not original, all the more younger as, X 2, presumably, cannot be very old.
The Anuyogadvara-stanzas in the Niryukti are listed below p. 35a in Table A 2.
1 At the beginning a few trivial differences are found in Praśnavy., and particularly in Utt. Utt. XXXI conforms
47 f. 49
Utt.
7a
ga
Av. IV 10
13-15
16 f. 18-20 21 f. 23 f.
5a
10a
6a
11 f.
112
What appears in square brackets is missing in Av., that in parentheses, in certain Utt.-manuscripts. The depicted text-relationship means that Santyācārya, in explaining Utt. XXXI, cites almost all of the stanzas of Av.-niry. XVI 15-XVII 5 (namely, XVI 15. 17-20, 23-30. 33. 34-43. 49 f. 56-XVII 5).
82
26
27
28
29
30
31
Utt. 12a
13a
14a
33
15
16a
XVI
79 f.
XVII 61-63
Av. IV 10 25 f.
27 f.
29 f.
31-33
It should be mentioned that the summaries, together with the detail, naturally are also accommodated in the Sthāna and Samavāya. Santy. cites only Samav. XX 1 & XXV 1 and refers at the summary 33 to Av. IV 10,33 & Samav. XXXIII 1. - In comparison to Santyācārya's commentary, that of Devendra, in the present context, is still richer in citations. He also accomodates Samav. XXXIII 1 (not literally), as well as Av.-niry. XVI 14 & 16 (and with various differences). 171-12, 181-12. 19 1-17, omits, however, 33' & 50; instead of Samav. XX I, he cites a parallel passage (from the DaśāCumi?).
Utt.
17a
18a
19a
200

Page #183

English translation by George Baumann
rather, often just touches the content and ignores many stanzas and stanza-groups entirely. In fact, since both works sometimes do not harmonize among themselves - e.g. chapter VII is ignored only by the Bhāșya -, they do not permit in any way a restoration of the second Niryukti-edition.
Third Edition. Haribhadra explains in a final colophon to be made known later, that he sticks to Jinabhata's text. This editor possibly entered the fifth excursus (XIV) on Āv. IV 10 in which the summary 44 is dealt with in over one hundred gāthā-s. Probably this excursus had been previously an independent small writing that Jinabhadra had composed and, for this reason, it will be discussed below, p. 58The Cūrņi presents, in place of XIV, a completely independent handling of the subject so that it does not seem to recognize Jinabhadra's versification as a part of the Niryukti.
Whatever else of the Niryukti stems from Jinabhadra is hard to say; certainly he has balanced some things and better joined others. Thus he has undertaken changes in a small way that make our text-historical studies more difficult. Perhaps the 12 gāthā-s (XVI 1-12) preceding the Samgrahaņī that illustrate the summary 62 (in Āv. IV 10) through two examples originate from him.
Finally, about twenty interpolated stanzas should be mentioned that Haribhadra explicitly includes, but which are missing in the Cūrņi. Jinabhața must have given them full acceptance, because until then they have appeared sporadically -some, perhaps, since a long time - in certain manuscripts. Haribhadra calls these insertions (which record differing or agreeing traditions, or inclusion of other additions) anyakartyka (once each, anyakyta & bhinnakartyka) "ascribed to another author”. The first is found in the stanza-group II 97-109, where in 97-105 the previous life of the first prophet is sketched, to which 106-109 adds a dogmatic exposition. The previous life divides itself according to the present text that Jinabhadra and Haribhadra accurately render into eleven existences in the following manner: 97. .' 1. The satthavāha Dhana provides monks who have joined his caravans with
proper food; for that purpose, in sequence as a human being in Uttarakurā, as a god in the Sohamma kappa, as King Mahabbala in mahāVideha, as God Laliyanga in the Isāņa kappa, as King Vairajangha in mahāVideha, as a human being in Uttarakurā, as a god in the Sohamma kappa,
reborn as the son of a doctor in mahāVideha, 100 f. he heals a sick monk 1024. 10. and arrives because of that in the Accuya kappa. 102. 11. In the next existence he becomes the son of King Vairaseña 103-105. the cakravartin Vairanāha who attains the candidacy to a life as a prophet.
'It is easy to prove that stanza 98 originally did not belong in this context. It refers to a special tradition that exists, as a variant, parallel to that depicted in 99-105. Therefore, we have to break up the above sequence of existences into a double list:
1. satthavāha Dhana, 2(7). human being in Uttarakurā,
3(8). god in Sohamma kappa, 4. King Mahabbala IV (9). Son of a doctor, 5. God Laliyanga, V (10). god in Accuya kappa, 6. King Vairajangha, VI (11). cakravartin Vairanāha.
ini & non oo oi
O
There is no page 58 in the original text. Translator.
83

Page #184

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
Initially, only two times three previous births of the first prophet were invented. There are differences of opinion about the second three (4-6 & IV-VI), which caused someone to insert into the Niry-text stanza 98 (and thereafter also 96), because the first editor had given only the interpretation (IV-VI). Thus, when Haribhadra calls 98 anyakartyka, although he blindly accepts the list of eleven existences produced by this stanza, [319] it means that tradition in his time distinguished clear interpolations as such, without mentioning the impact of this knowledge and making use of it in the interpretation. At this place the Cūmi has a gloss-like incidental remark in Skt., added to the Pkt.-context, which says "here the five rebirths 4-8 have been passed over". - Other anyakartyka-stanzas are VIII 148 (cp. below, p. 146). XII 7.58-60. XV 98. 146. XIX 8. 86 f. 129. 135. 139. XX 14-18. One should like to add XX 68-70, also.
Fourth Edition. This is a summary term for the Vulgate-text that does not appear uni-formly in all manuscripts; variations show up, e.g. in XVI, where the Samgrahaņī in certain ma-nuscripts has been enlarged by various Bhāsya-expositions, which partially, at least, must have been taken from the Daśāśrutaskandha-tradition. The sum of common interpolations in our copy, in other words, that which from the start characterized the fourth edition, runs to about 50-100 stanzas. In addition, comes the Sthavirāvali that has been taken from the Nandī, and that is always placed before the text (however, still ignored in C & H). A number of the interpolations encountered in I-X originate from the Višesāvaśyaka-bhāsya; the stanza-series 115 1-9, inserted in XII, has been taken from the Kalpabhāsya, as we have seen above, p. 13'29-32.
AV.
Tabular recapitulation. From what has been said, it follows, ultimately, that there are three times as many parts in the Niryukti as opposed to the seven of the Āvaśyaka [31'], namely, I-XX, together with the preceding Sthavirāvalī. How this arrangement came about and how it corresponds to that of the original will now be illustrated graphically in the form of a synoptical repetition of what has been said so far.
Av aś y a ka - nir y ukti first ed.
sec. ed. third ed. fourth ed.
Therāvalī I (pedhiyā) II-VIII (uvagghā
ya-nijjuttī) Pancanamaskāra I (Sāmāyika)
X II (Caturv.-stava)
XI III (Vandanā)
XII IV (Pratikramana) XIII
XIV (hāņaXV (pāritthāva
XVI
saya) niyā-nijjuttī) (samgahanī) XVII (joga-samg.) XVIII (asajjhāiya
nijjutti V (Kāyôtsarga) | VI (Pratyākhyāna) |
XX
XIX
[31] Jinabhadra's Viseșāvaśyaka-bhāsya
As has been shown on p. 229-17, a few comprehensive Bhāsya-s came into existence not long before Jinabhadra, each of which represents a metrical and brief tradition connected to a canonical original. Jinabhadra decided to create a similar compendium for the Āvaśyaka
84

Page #185

English translation by George Baumann
tradition. Although his individuality could not fully do justice to the task, it produced a work of high quality. Two flaws that can be perceived are much outweighed by two assets.
To begin with the flaws, the work is only half finished; it only sets forth what the first half of the Avaśyaka-niryukti (I-VI & VIII-X) intimates. That more had been intended is shown by the announcement of the opening stanza, which says
kaya-pavayaņa-ppaņāmo boccham carana-guna-samgaham sayalam
Avassayânuogam gurûvaesânusārena || 1 "I want to depict the entire Avaśyaka-tradition as I have learnt it from the teacher's (or teachers') instructions." Then Jinabhadra's enthusiasm slackens in the middle. If the author had possibly died during the work we would obviously not have such a befitting part of the entirety. It is not surprising that no one has tried to write a second half; it was too difficult to follow in Jinabhadra's footsteps. - Strangely, this half measure did not influence the title of the work. Jinabhadra calls it, correctly, Sāmāyikā-bhāsya (bhāsam Sāmāiyassa) in the concluding stanza, but had apparently already given it the name Viseşāvaśyaka-bhāsya "extensive Avaśyaka-bhāsya" in al colophon that then remained with it. The KalpaCūmi and also the NandiCūrn i already know this title, and, furthermore, even Haribhadra who calls the work at two places Viseşāvaśyaka and at a third Sāmāyika-brhadbhāsya".
The second flaw is the reverse of an asset. Substantially tending to a lucid and sharp exposition of theoretical thinking, Jinabhadra holds forth with great detailedness and a mastery over everything that belongs to the field of dogmatics, but ignores almost completely the manifold topics of pious and worldly tales that make the Avaśyaka-tradition particularly valuable for us. Also in this direction the available passage does promise more than the author delivers. Actually, he probably did not intend the limitation right from the start. Most likely, it just came about by itself, because with the work's progress interest was only sufficient for what the author felt was mainly important.
Jinabhadra's second asset is his mastery of form. In this connection the contrast between him and the earlier gāthā-writers of the Svetâmbara tradition is conspicuous. Very often he renders the depiction in the form of a dialogue and this adds much liveliness – the words of the objecting pupil (codaka or preraka) are, generally, recognizable by the interrogative form or because they are introduced by nanu or āha; the reply of the parrying teacher (ācārya, seldom sūri, earlier prajñāpaka) often begins with bhannai and, occasionally, in the manuscripts an ā (= ācāryah) precedes. Besides, Jinabhadra writes only understandable and flawless gāthā-s, whereas, [31°) earlier, no importance was put on clarity or metrical correctness. One had become accustomed to see in Niryukti- and Bhāsya-writings only provisional versified substrates to be memorized that necessarily called for a commentary. As a result the irregularities, which one permitted oneself, partly in the further transmission of archaic licences, partly in meaningless filling particles or in ungrammatical lengthenings, abridgements and apostrophizing, all these were supposed to correct the metre. Jinabhadra did away with such centuries-old routine. Understandably, accompanying this purification that had taken as its model the usual practice in Skt., there arises an extensive Sanskritization of the Pkt. This became unavoidable, because when often discussing the subtleties of the older Pkt., it did not permit enough flexibility and sharpness in expression. In this manner one comes across, e.g. a genitive like bhūmer (preceding vowels) and janto (preceding consonants), or across middle verbal forms such as kurue (kurute) and sandhi-constructions like gacc-(gaty-) and ett (ety "comes").
KC pedh. 93 "jahā Visesāvassaga-bhasse". Haribhadra's passages can be found below in the discussion of Haribhadra's mahāNisītha-edition. Generally, Sāntyācārya and Malayagiri simply speak (like Haribhadra) about the "Bhāşya", each once in the introductions to the Uttaradhyayana- and to the Vyavahāra-commentary) about the "Avaśyaka-bhāsya".
? Even this Pkt., adapted to such artificial contents, reveals signs of the spoken idiom. It can only be based on pronunciation if a double consonant is simplified after na with a-privativum, although it is retained after na with another a: I 856 nåvattam nâvyaktam & 1914 nânattham nânyastam as opposed to n'annattha nânyatra, I 7089 n'accāyaya natyāyata, etc. The nullification of a negative is equal to a convincing assurance
85

Page #186

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
Just from the above described circumstances the impression can be gained that the Kalpabhāṣya has been used in the Viseṣāvaśyaka-bhāṣya since the stanzas that are common to both works (below, p. 36b 1-32, 44f., 48) show the old metre and must have been taken over unchanged by Jinabhadra. Since we previously saw that the KalpaCumi cites Jinabhadra's Bhāṣya, the Bhasya stands chronologically between both Kalpa-commentaries.
Kalpa-bhāṣya by Sanghadāsa
Viseṣāvaśyaka-bhāṣya
KalpaCūrni
Perhaps, on the basis of the following Bhāṣya-passages Jinabhadra's date might be pushed back:
I 1508 jaha vā niddiṭṭha-vasā Vasavadatta Tarangavaiy-ãî taha niddesaga-vasao loge Maṇur Akkhavão tti.
[32] In the first line writings have been mentioned that are named after the principal protagonist, and in the second, after the author. Among the first, along with the Tarangavai (a lost Jaina novel by Padalipta, in which Tarangavai describes her feelings2), there is the Vasavadattā. Indeed, Vasavadatta has been a popular narrative figure from ancient times, but a novel of any fame dedicated to her does not seem to have existed, except one written by Subandhu in the sixth or (according to Bühler) in the fifth century. Therefore, it is not unlikely that Jinabhadra had this in mind in the above passage.
Jinabhadra's native place, apparently, betrays itself by the provincialism pelu (in Viś. V 500) that according to the commentaries (cp. below, p. 1865) is supposed to be common in Mahārāṣtra.
Just as the Mulabhāṣya-expositions joined with individual stanzas of the first Niryuktiedition in a commentarial manner, Jinabhadra sets forth - within the described limits - stanza for stanza, the contents of the second Niryukti-edition. In this way, he completes the development of the tradition in the fields he deals with. However, at the same time he again expands the programme of this tradition, namely, by taking in the Anuyogadvāra. As we saw, p. 30° 13-28 this text depicts a somewhat independently born Avaśyaka-introduction and earlier had taken a thing or two away from the Avaśyaka-niryukti. Henceforth, it grew at the expense of the Avaśyaka-tradition. From then on, it became inserted by Jinabhadra into that tradition as a last link: corresponding with the context, it appears versified and a little shortened between Av.-niry. I and II, in other words, between the advanced Nandi-chapter and the original opening of the text. Jinabhadra's innovation is not really original since Sanghadāsa had already
that creates a type of Pluti-lengthening that does not yield like the normal lengthening of double consonants, but, rather, forces it to yield.
1
Several observations lead to the same result that, alone, would not be proof:
Viś. I 998 (- Kalpabh. pedh. 278) has apparently been inserted by Jinabhadra as a citation. Šīlānka proves that this is really the case. He describes the stanza two times as grahaṇaka-gāthā “citation-stanza". Below, p. 522 grahanaka has to be translated as "locus".
For the treatment of mistakes that have been made when reciting, C refers not to Vis. I 852-864 but to the Kappa-peḍhiya (Kalpabh. peḍh. 289-298).
Hemac. cites Vis. I 1202 (= Kalpabh. pedh. 96) on Viś. I 529 from the Kalpabhäṣya, not from the Viseṣāvasyaka
bhāṣya.
Hemac. cites at Vis. I 538 (= Kalpabh. peḍh. 139) first, the Kalpabhāṣya-commentary (the KalpaCūrṇi) and then Silanka's commentary on the Viseṣavasyaka-bhāṣya (below, p. 52° 34-37). Malayagiri relies on the "Kalpâdhyayana" (Kalpabhāṣya) in a passage to be given later, not on the Viseṣāvaśyaka-bhasya, although, in the same context he takes the stanzas I 1194. 1284. 1292. 1296 f. 1313. 1315 f. 1324. 1317-1319. 1324b. 813°. V 246. III 43. V 241 from the latter text.
2 Cp. H. to Daś.-niry. 198,8. Similar Jaina writings were 2 the Malayavai and 3 the Magahaseṇā; 1 & 2 are mentioned in Anuyogadv. d I 2,100 46, all three in Vyavah.-bh. V 17b, only the Tarangavai in KC pedh. 566, etc. Whilst dealing with the above Bhāṣya-passage, Haribhadra replaces the Tarangavati with the Priyadarśanā, apparently better known in his time.
86

Page #187

English translation by George Baumann
ursurped a greater part of the Anuyogadvāra as an introduction for the Kalpa-tradition and from his versification Jinabhadra has taken over a considerable number of stanzas. Also, an increase can be found in the AvaśyakaCūrņi, of course, here in prose and, namely, in reference to the Kalpabhāsya. This section forms a clear conclusion in the developmental history of the Avaśyaka-tradition only for the form and expansion that Jinabhadra has given it.
Since, for all the reasons given, Jinabhadra's Bhāsya, by all means, is not identical with the school-like traditional Avaśyaka-lesson, it stands by itself within the Avaśyaka-writings: whereas the other Bhāsya-s fulfil their task somehow and, therefore, serve as a basis for the concerned Cūrņi and tīkā-commentaries, the Višeşāvaśyaka-bhāsya is used only in CHM but not commented upon. The use in C is rather moderate, whereas H takes advantage of the Bhāsya fairly extensively and M, extraordinarily. In this manner, in general, only the contents are reproduced in C & H. Occasionally, the Bhāsya-passage has been taken over literally: the Bhāsya-citations in C amount to about 30, in H to about 150 stanzas. About M, see below, p. 54on. - Jinabhadra's work stands out more and more outside of the Avaśyaka literature. Already at the beginning of the eleventh century it was simply called "the Bhāsya" in Sāntisūri's Uttarâdhyayana-commentary. Together with the Avaśyaka-niryukti, it was to become the most popular authority of all Svetâmbara writers, particularly of the commentators. The commentary alluded to by Sāntisūri cites from it, e.g. about 140 stanzas. The general popularity seems to have spread during the course of the tenth century, if not already earlier. The earliest citations in this sense from the text are found in the KalpaCūrņi and in the NandīCūmi, both of which, as we have seen, mention it once by name. Among the later users, only the second Hemacandra should be mentioned here in whose Pkt.-grammar, above p. 6°n., a Višeşāvaśyaka-passage has been established.
In turn, Jinabhadra's work has experienced a special text-history. The original version, commented upon by Jinabhadra himself and later by Silānka, is almost completely missing. In its place a version shortened by about 710 stanzas and somewhat modernized textually has come into existence that the first Hemacandra had produced and commented.
The original recension of the Višeşāvaśyaka-bhāsya
The manuscript. So far the only known manuscript of the original recension is P XII 56 (= p). From its script one can immediately see that it stems from the same scribe and was corrected and glossed on by the same persons as the manuscript of Silānka's accompanying commentary (P XII 57 = P), about which what is necessary is said below, p. 1-3. Since commentaries tend to be added after the texts, p must have been finished a few months before P, around the middle of 1081 A.D. The colophon reads: [32]
rājêva jantu-nivahasya kṛta-pramodah
yasyâdhunā 'pi sa muni-prabhur Amradevah. 3. prasatty-ojah. ...
Yaśodevah sūrih samajani ...
The passage is given more exactly in a previous footnote (p. 31'n.]).
87

Page #188

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
5.
4. [mūlā]yitam yasya gunair udāttaiḥ
śākhāyitam śisya-paramparābhiḥ puspāyitam sad-yaśasā sa sūrir
Jineśvaro 'bhūd bhuvi kalpavíkşah. śākhā-praroha iva tasya vivặddha-buddhabuddhi-cchada-pracaya-vancita-jādya-tāpah sisyo 'sti śāstra-ksta-dhīr Jinavallabh'ākhyah sakhyena yasya viguņo 'pi jano guņī syāt.
itaś ca 6. drdha-pratistho vitatâvakāśah
sva-vist;ti-vyāpta-dig-antarälah kşātrah pavitrah prathito 'tra dhātryām
vamso 'sti tungah sphuţa-bhūri-parvā. 7. tatrabhūtām bhūtalâvāpta-kīrti
śraddhāvantau dhārmikau dharmasūnū lok'ācārābādhay' ārabdha-vịttī
dhīmān eko Bijjatah Pheruko 'nyah. 8. anye 'pi ca Rāma-sutāḥ prasiddhi-bhājo babhūvur upaśaminah
SāhasaSandhikaAndhuka-nāmāno mānya-jana-mānyāḥ. 9. aparau ca tīvra-tapaso viśuddha-výtteh prasiddha-satyasya
Kulacandrasyâbhavatām putrau JinadevaJasadevau. 10. sarve 'pūrv'āgamika-vacan'ākarnan'ākhyāna-pātha
praudhôtsāhāh parihsta-mah'ārambha-mithyātva-kstyāḥ arhatpūjā-suvihitajanôpāsty-avicchinna-vānchā
yāthātathya-sphuţa-parigatâśesa-jīva'ādi-tattvāḥ 11. kanakam iva parīksyânekadhā dharmam anyam
prakatam aghatamānam câvagatya sva-matyā jina-vacasi visuddhe yukti-yukte ca ceto vidadhur amala-bodham ye vinaśyad-virodham 12.
.............................ri vistāri-pāpa-mala-vāri yasah-prasāri netrânukāri bhava-dāru-vidāri hāri
jñāna-pradānam aparâkhila-dāna-sāram 13. vibudhya buddhyā siddhānta-bhaktyā tair iti pustakah
............................................
............... ni śubhaiḥ sādhye ca sat-samgame kasyâpy eva vilokitasya sukstaih pumsaḥ śiva-prāpiņo jāyetâparakārya-varjanavato jñānapradānôdyamah.
15. eka vastu vi .............................
16. taiḥ pāņi-pankaja-tale bhramarī 'va lakṣmīr,
āropitā, tribhuvanam gamitā ca kīrtiḥ, unmūlitāś ca vipadah, padavī ca labdhā mokşasya, yair jina-matam pravilekhya
17.
........
....................
...........7
....āni.. ...... janaiḥ.
.... nandatu pustako 'yam ......
iti mangalam stāt.
88

Page #189

English translation by George Baumann
It can be seen from this that some admirers of Jinavallabha have had the ms. made for him. In this manner, the assumption given below, p. 25, middle, confirms that from the beginning, in a similar manner, P was intended for that scholar. Perhaps, in the almost completely lost concluding stanza of the colophon the scribe, Nemikumāra, has been named. However, his name can also have been lacking, because the colophon was not written by him, but, apparently, by the hand that added the Pratīka (which is again to be casually mentioned below, p. 52on.).
In appearance p is better preserved than P; only about a dozen folios are broken and none were pasted together in such a way that, when separated, any difficulty arose. Most of the folios are much smaller than they must have been originally; on the longer side they have often lost a few lines completely, or almost completely. Consequently, much more is missing from the contents than in the Silānka-manuscript. Still, what the text-body of the manuscript had been can be exactly determined (which for us is the most important). The stanzas [33] have been numbered, interlinear, in a series of ten, and, at the worst, the necessary circumstantial evidence can be deduced from Silānka, as well as from scraps of letters, or at least, from the length of the missing lines.
The pattern. Like the other Bhāsya-s and the Āvasyaka-niryukti our text treats the introduction as a special part; here, it is not called pedhiyā, but pedha-bandha. Consisting of 1012 stanzas and closing with the colophon pedhabandho samatto, it comments, to begin with, the pedhiyā of the Niryukti (Āv.-niry. I) in 1-836 and then reproduces in 836-1012 the Anuyogadvāra in the manner described above. As said before, the main part of the work consists of three parts:
1013–3332 handling of the uvagghāya-nijjuttī (Āv.-niry. II-VIII). 33320-4020 “ “ “namokkāra-nijjuttī (“ “ LX). 4021-4329 “
" “ “ samais
"sāmāiya-nijjuttī (“ “ X). The three parts are not numbered and are not systematically separated from each other. The conclusion of the first part is indicated in the versified text (33329 ii esa uvagghão 'bhihio Sāmāiyassa) and the conclusion of the second only by a particular internal colophon (namokkāranijjutti-bhāsyam, namo suya-devayāe namo jināya). The third part does not have any concluding statement at all since the words iya parisamāviyam idam Sāmāiyam atthao samāsena (4328°) pertain to the entire work.
The other Bhāsya-s have a simple and self-evident structure, which, of course, could not be applied to our work. They saw themselves confronted with a numbered sūtra-arrangement that had only to be continued with the added pedhiyā in the Niryukti; Kalpabh. pedh. & I-VI, Niś.-bh. pedh. & I-XX, Vyavah.-bh. pedh. & 1-X. In the Avaśyaka literature the sūtra at the opening had already been enlarged with the Pancanamaskāra and the Niryukti received a completely new arrangement through its numerous enlargements. Thus, it is understandable that except for the indispensable separation of the introduction not much of the arrangement system is noticeable in Jinabhadra's work.
The conclusions of the smaller sections and their sub-sections are marked in the other Bhāsya-s fairly regularly by dāfram). - Signs of particular internal colophons are very seldom. A case is understandable that has to be presented in the next section (depicting the versenumbering); but another one surprises by its isolation and incompleteness: namely, in dealing with the seven mentioned Anuyoga-types in 1387 the normal dā(ram) has been replaced three times by an internal colophon". A third case can be found at the conclusion of the passage to be mentioned below, p. 41044.
* After 1401 comes kşetrânuyogas samāptah, after 1403 kālânuyogas samāptaḥ, after 1404 vacanânuyogas samāptah.
89

Page #190

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
Verse count. In reality, there is no verse count, as little as in the other Bhāsya-s. Only when dealing with the Gañadharavāda (Av.-niry. VI 1-64) the numbering of verses is listed, as a rule, after the internal colophon at the conclusion of the eleven sections. [1991-2064) ....... Gautama-nāmā prathama-ganadharah. gāthāgram 74.** 12065-2103] ................. [2104-2145] tặtīya-ganadharaḥ samāptaḥ [2146-2228] gāthā-grantha 83. [2229-2260] ................ [2261-2322] sasthah. gāthāgram 63 (!instead of 62). [2323-2343] saptamaḥ. gāthāgram 21. [2344-2363] astamaḥ. .............. [2364-2407) navamaḥ gāthāgram 44. [2408-2430] daśamah. gāthāgram 24 (!instead of 23). [2431-2483] ekādaśamah. gāthāgram 53.
As already mentioned before, the verses in the available specimen are, of course, numbered interlinear from the beginning to the end. This numbering, made or arranged for by the user that indicates only every tenth line shows numerous slip-ups, which emanate from interpolations and numbering mistakes. Counted interpolations are 469'. 470'. 472'. 998". 1299lf. 3037'. 3187". 3991' (appended in the margin). - At the conclusion of the Pancanamaskāra-part (after 4020) the information gāthāḥ 4029 has been added that also presumes a second, equally wrong, counting, because according to the first, at this point, the number 4026 should result.
Counted according to śloka-s, the text should have 4822 grantha-s; the complete colophon of the manuscript reads: Višeşāvaśyaka-bhāsyam samāptam .............. mangalam mahāśrīḥ. granthậgra-parimāņam sahasra 4822.
Sīlānka's Text. Śīlānka's commentary exactly reflects the described [33] arrangement of the text. With him, the following main colophons can be found: after 1012: tad evam Nandi' Anuyogadvāra-praghattaś ca sodhitāiti gāthārthah. namah
śrutadevatāyai bhagavatyai. 3331: tad evam upodghātaḥ samāptah.
Apparently, an internal colophon is missing after 4020. In the ms. only the syllables . . lpā sūtram ity-ādi are found that have been almost completely effaced by another hand. Hemacandra writes tad evam avasitah pancanamaskāra tad-avasāne ca namaskāra-niryuktih samāptă".
1988 (Av.-niry. VI 1) - 1990 are preparatory contents, where in 1991-1996 (Av.-niry. VI 2-7) a summary overview of all eleven sections has been given. This overview at the above summation (74) has been carried over to the first section; Silänka, however, only begins the explanation of the Ganadharavāda with 1997 (Av.-niry. III 127, cp. below, p. 9), Hemacandra even only where the Bhāsya-explanations begin (with 2008).
1 A marginal note at the first stanza reads iyam vrttau na vyākhyātā na ca budhyate, one such at the second stanza has only been preserved in traces.
IŚīlānka calls the stanzas 1-836" simply Nandi (because 79-835 are concerned with the contents of the Nandi). Jinabhadra also uses this title in (836 & 3458 for the Nandi-part of his work and even refers to C(ūrņi at Niry.) IX 10 f. with the words jahā Nandie to C I 14 f. - The following praghatta means coherence (of events, facts, discussions, thoughts, compound members, etc.); cp. Nemidatta's Kathakośa 58,26' tatah Sunandayā dhātryā prôktam pūrva-praghattakam, (same as ... proktam pūrva-vrttāntam ), 76,6 end jñātvā pūrva-praghattakam, comm. on Yogabindu 486° (ahi-sanka-visa-jñātāc): ahină adastasyâpi tathāvidhapraghattaka-vaśād ahi-sankā .... comm. on Yogabindu 257 (havih pūrma-priyo vipro bhunkte yat pūpik'ādy api): yad yasmāt tathāvidha-vişama-praghattaka-vaśāt pūpik'ādy api .... Sāyaṇa on AitBr. VII 13,7 (Aufrecht, p. 384).
2 ota p? 3 Optah Bbs.

Page #191

English translation by George Baumann
Śīlanka's Ganadhara-colophons do not indicate stanza-numbers. Incidentally, they are of two types, namely, as above only at 3-11 in Skt., on the other hand, at 1 & 2, and here together with a preceding dāra-internal colophon in Pkt. 1. jīve tti dāram, padhamo ganadharo gao. Similar with 2 (below, p. 10" 1f). 3-11. třtiyo (resp. caturtho, etc.) ganadharahsamāptah. On 3 & 8-11, s. below, p. 106-110.
In the second half of the commentary numerous stanzas have been completely passed over without Sīlānka even mentioning how many each time. Below, p. 9-19, attention has been always drawn to these omissions at the foot of the pages; straight away, the first (p. 948) is definitely the largest, because it relates to stanzas 1550-1996 (niry. II 68-VI 7). Even the state of stanzas 1550-4329, as they presented themselves to Sīlānka, could not have been taken from his commentary in certain, individual cases. At least, it shows that from the eleven interpolated stanzas, which we have seen before, at the most, he has considered 3037' as part of the text'. He mentions only 998. but treats both of these sloka-s almost completely like actual text-stanzas: as though they were such both times he takes out the Pratīka and concludes the explanation with iti ślokârthah; yet, everything stands excursus-like within the commentary to 998; thus, it can be assumed that the interpolation in Silānka's text-copy was, indeed, there, still recognizable as such. The interpolation 96 (which is missing in p, but assumed to be genuine by Malayagiri in the Nandī-commentary Ed. p. 266, 1f.), noticed later in Hemacandra's commentary appears with Sīlānka clearly as a citation (cp. below, p. 54). On the other hand, without hesitating Sīlānka counts both stanzas 554 & 821 that are to be discussed below p. 41°33-44, as text. Finally, it has to be mentioned that 604 is an anyakartykastanza according to Sīlānka (cp. above, p. 30°41) whose statement has been connected by Hemacandra falsely to 605 (below, p. 704 has to be read "unjustifiably').
Hemacandra's Recension of the Viseșāvaśyaka-bhāşya
The version that Hemacandra has given to our Bhāsya, first of all, is available in his own commentary. It already belongs to a period when one had begun (as explained in more detail in ZDMG VLI 584) to incorporate the texts completely into the commentaries. Secondly, Hemacandra's recension appears in particular text-manuscripts, of which, until now, two have been ascertained: S 164 (=s) & P XXI 1336 (= n). Apparently, the archetype of the text-manuscripts has been established, firstly, on the basis of the commentary, taking into account readings of the original recension. In any case, numerous differences show up in small matters as compared to the commentary that would not be so numerous if the text had been established first and then commented.
The first few pages of s have been photographed in tables 33 and 34 about which the note (printed before knowledge of a), p. 30 has to be taken into account. To begin with, on the concluding page of the manuscript (fol. 63') the following date can be found:
samvat 1524 varse dvitīya-bhādrapada-māse kysna-pakşe 9 anantari 10 buddhe bhāța-Pancāyaṇa lakhitartham
A somewhat different (more modern e- and o-stroke writing) hand adds:
samvat 1528 varṣe kārttika-māse Śrīmandapa-durga-citkośe śrīKharatara-gacche śrī-Jinabhadrasūripatta-pūrvâcalâlamkarana-tarunatara-tarani-sāndra-śrī-Jinacandrasuri-vijaya-rājye vācan'ācārya-cakracūļāmani-śrīRatnamurtigani-sisya-vā Merusundaraganīnām s āhyāt Srimālajñātīya-thakkura-gotre samoJayatā-bhāryā-Hīmī-sutena śrījina-prāsādapratimā-ācāry'ādipadapratisthā-śrītīrthayātrā-sattr'-āgār'ādyaganya-punya-paramparā-pavitrīkriyamāņa-svajanmanā n ijabhujarjita-sulkadravya -vyuha-vyaya-lekhita
* Apparently, the marginal note mentioned below, p. 10", has nothing to do with this difference.
After 3038* (III 544*), namely, pr. m. gatârthāh is found. Since a plural there is correct at least two stanzas can be expected between 3038 and the next-mentioned stanza 3040 (III 546). Silānka assumes here 3037' (niry. VIII 95)& 3039, because both stanzas in the Niryukti (which Śtlänka also follows in 3006) are also found at that place.
sukladro ms.

Page #192

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
sakalaśrīsiddhāntena suśrāvaka-sam Mandaṇena putra-sam°Ṣīmaraj'ādi-sakalakuṭambaparivara-parivṛttena śrīViseṣāvaśyaka-sūtram lekhitam.
[34] Finally, still a third hand inserts the following āryā:
ŚrīmatTapagana-gaganângana-gaganamani-prabhaiḥ svapunyârtham Vijayananda-munindraiś citkose 'sau pratir mumuce ||
Thus, s belonged originally to a complete collection of copies of canonical texts and commentaries that some unknown Mandaṇa has had made. Some collections of a similar type are represented in Europe by specimens; the final remark of B 1038, printed by Weber in the Cat. II p. 638 (and mentioned again p. 1248,27), reports about one such case; B 1722 belongs to another (a manuscript of Abhayadeva's Aupapātikacommentary)".
**
s was written in the citkosa (i.e. in the library) of the Śrīmandapa-durga, from where the manuscript, according to the concluding metrical indication, later (around 1600 A.D.) came into another citkosa (i.e. most likely, into that of a separate branch) by means of Vijayananda who had founded a particular branch within the Tapāgaccha.
How Hemacandra has divided and shortened the original can be seen in the following concordance:
Original division
pedhabandha
uvagghāya
Av.-niry. I 1-79 Anuyogadvāra
Āv.-niry. II 1-66
II 67-V 27
VI
1-17
18-64
65-82
83-88
1-40
41-47. 49. 48
50 f.
52 f.
54-94
95-146
147-165
166-182
183-198
66

66
66
66
CC
CC
56
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
66
"L
66
66
66
66
VIII
66
66
66
66
66
66
"L
IX
66
66
66
1-18 23-30
32
66
66
33-36 37-41
Original recension
1-836a 836-1012
1013-1548
1549-1987
1988-2007
2008-2483 II 1-476 2484-2501 III 1-18 2502-2516
19-33
2517-2761
34-278
2762-2770
2771-2773
279-281
Hemacandra's recension
2774 f. 2776-3096 3097-3247 IV
3248-3275
3276-3314
3315-3331
3332a
3492-3508
3509-3556
3557-3562
I 1-1548
3332-3336 3337-3491 V
3563 3564-3567 3568-3587
cp. jñānakośa with Dharmasagara Weber's Cat. II 1009,24
92
282-602 1-151
152-190
191a
191-195
1-155
156-203
204
205-224
459
9
2
28
17
17
6
2 A mistake for ovrtena sanctioned by Halay. IV 27.
The colophon says here: śrīStambhatīrtha-västavya-śrīŚrīmālījñātīya-vṛddhaśākhiya-do°Lahvaya tadbhāryaBaï-Campãi, tayoḥ putrāḥ do Sumatidāsa do°Kīkā do° Keśava, do°Sumatidāsa-bhārya Sobhāgade tayoḥ putra-doSījaya-karaṇena svabandhu-do°Kanaji-pramukha-kuṭamba-yutena sva-citkośa-vrddhy-artham sva-śreyase 45 pancālīśa-agama-sūtra-vṛtti-pustakam likhāpitam, tan-madhye prathamôpanga-vṛttir iyam. - Manuscript P VIII 682, written samvat 1790, belongs to a Digambara institution of a similar type.
A smaller collection (of 10+ 2 volumes) is in a Svetâmbara institution set up between 1100 and 1130. A.D. whose book titles have been listed in the colophon of the manuscript A V 36 (that forms the concluding volume).
4

Page #193

English translation by George Baumann
namokkāra
89 f.
" " " 42-66
3588-3628 " 67-70
3629-3685 225-281 Aupap. $ 153 conclusion
3686 f. 282 f. 3688-3709 [II 265...288]
3710-3713 284-287 Āv.-niry. IX 910-93
3714-3757 288-331 “ “ 71-73
3758-3783 332-357 3784-3801 [II 302...311) 3802
358 74-88
3803-3817 3818-3830 359-371 3831-3837
372-378 “ “ 91-93
3838-3840
3841-3849 [II 445-453) -100
3850-3856 3857-3862 379-384
3863-3891 [II 431 ... 466) 101-106
3892-3897 107-109
3898-3904 385-391 110-113
3905-3908 114-116
3909-3913 392-396 118-121
3914-3917 122-131' 3918-3927 “ 132-138
3928-3991 397-460
3992-4020 462-490 x2 84
4021-4329 491-799 Sum of the stanzas omitted by Hemac.
sāmāiya
710
[34] Instead of an historical division, a half-way objective and a half-way arbitrary one takes its place. Particularly Hemacandra does not take any commented basic work (the Āvaśyaka or the Avaśyaka-niryukti) as a guide, but rather only the text of the Bhāsya; however, with details he often proceeds unsystematically.
If one considers the contents of the original version from an objective point of view, the following arrangement is discernible. A first (three-part) main piece (A) extends up to 1548. At this point, a large section of legends in the Niryukti follows (Av.-niry. II 67-VI 82), to which Jinabhadra turns his attention in a very unusual manner to the part forming fairly much the conclusion (VI 1-64) that offers philosophical-dogmatic expositions. Here, then, two contrary intermediate pieces (B & C) result, of which the first (1549–1987) contains the neglected, and the second (1988-2483) the preferred Niryukti-part. A second (again three-part) main piece (D) consists of the stanzas 2502-4329. It deals in regular sequence with the remainder of the first half of the Niryukti leaving out the Sāmācārī-insertion. - A division originating from the Bhāsya must somehow coincide with the suggested schemas (A 1-3, B, C, D 1-3). Hemacandra now inserts five parts (I-V), which relate to that schema as follows: I & II coincide with A & C, since B has been omitted, but, at the beginning, II has been wrongly delimitated; D 1 has been divided into two parts (III & IV) for no reason and falsely separated at both ends; from D 2 & 3, V emerges.
To begin with, the abridgement of the text consists of omitting the Niryukti-parts that have not been or have hardly been dealt with. In this manner, a very fragmentary work emerges that presupposes the joint use of a Niryukti-copy. In this way Jinabhadra's piece by piece treatment of the material lies fully exposed and his work led a step further away from the
* At V 120 Hemacandra refers to the pīthikā and, at the same time, has I 438-441 in mind. Apparently, he understands here by pīthikā simply .v.-niry. I, respectively the corresponding Bhāsya-part; it would be a mistake to conclude from this passage that Hemacandra might have perhaps labeled Vis. I with the name pithikā or might have understood by this the pedhabandha of the original recension.
93

Page #194

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
original Bhāsya-type that wishes to be an enlargement of the Niryukti, not an accompanying text to it. The other elements Hemacandra excludes are Bhāsya-passages that consist mainly of repetitions. - Still Hemacandra is not very consequential when abridging either. In general, he omits only passages with multiple stanzas. Once he follows a middle way: he includes 18 Niryukti-stanzas not treated by Jinabhadra at the beginning of III, almost passes over them in the commentary and, in fact, keeps only the first of these in the text completely, whereas, when he abridges in other cases, the Pratīka is sufficient for him.
Hemacandra's verse-count is of a double nature. In each part, the main count begins again from the start; thus, there are five independent sums. In the commentary at the end of each of the explained sections, firstly, the number of stanzas of the section is ascertained and then the final number resulting from the main counting is noted down. Thus, the main count is assured by the individual counting. Also in the text the individual count continues parallel but only for the eleven Ganadhara-s (in accordance with the original recension) and for the schisms 2-8. In these 11 + 7 sections the stanzas are separately counted and from the main count, as in the commentary, only the summed-up enumeration is listed. Except the first time, Hemacandra indicates exactly how many stanzas he is suppressing. These have been taken into account only at the beginning of III (that has been discussed before). Interpolations (which can be taken into account or not, at one's own discretion) and careless mistakes create some disorder in the matter. The commentary counts both śloka-s 998' and 998”, so that the total in I rises to 1550; as a result of an oversight in the main count, he places the stanzas 1012 (1014)-1094 (1096) one too low and makes a similar mistake in II when he gives the sixth Gañadhara only 61 stanzas. The text and commentary adopt stanza 3991' (V 461), although the commentary indicates that it is missing in some text-copies as well as in the earlier commentaries. Instead of 3784-3801, Hemacandra counts only 17 stanzas and instead of 1549-2007 he seems to assume five stanzas more (459 + 5), because, in total, he wants 714 stanzas omitted. The interpolations only mentioned in his commentary (but not taken into account) are 96!. 469'. 472. 31871f.
Finally, it should be shown in what manner Hemacandra has specifically modernized the text cases. In Prakrit literature what is more modern distinguishes itself from what is older by a larger per cent of words and forms that betray the influence of Skt. Already with Jinabhadra we found above (p. 31'33) an extensive Sanskritization of the Pkt.. The Cūrņicommentaries create or prefer intermediate forms like gādhā for gāhā, and kareti "does" for karei. From Haribhadra onward Skt. has become the general language of the commentators. Therefore, later authors, like Devendra, etc. still more fall victim to the puristic effect [35] of Skt. when they write Pkt. and then allow themselves some unusual Sanskritizations, also in prose. Of course, Hemacandra also yields to this general tendency as far as this is at all possible for an editor and commentator who is among the most conscientious in India. He almost always writes, e.g. kaha for kiha and eva ceva neva for eya ceya neya, furthermore I 3590 & 361" āņāpāņa for āņāpāņu, III 315o uttharana (v. 1. uttarana) for atthurana [ästarana), III 449-470 always gihakoliyā for gihaloliyā "house lizard”, III 468a tallakkhanehi for tal-lakkhaņā hi, V 479 tenêcchai for ten' icchai. Particularly noteworthy is the Sanskritism dissa "visible" and adissa “invisible" (for desa and adesa), because he is confronted with the Prakritism adresya in the Mundaka-Upanişad. The older feminine ending ya is generally replaced by ě. It can often be seen that Hemacandra changes a word only at its first appearance (cp. KZ. XXXI 43); thus you find: uvogghāya in I 971", but correctly uvaggho in I 971'. 991-993. 1013. 1021. 1346. 1348.
1350. 1483. IV 191. V 583.585. 614.615. letthu in III 488, but correctly lelu (from ledu, cp. kolhuya) in III 489–494.
* On the basis of table B, which is found on p. 356., one can assume that Hemacandra perhaps counted the three Pratīka-stanzas and like the Niryukti instead of 1771 & 1954 had two stanzas each before him.
Once nêha, because, apparently, at this passage Sīlānka had already smuggled in this Skt-ism; cp. below, p. 115.
94

Page #195

English translation by George Baumann
jugunche in V 769, but correctly dugunchā in V 771. aggajjho in V 790, but correctly aggeijho in V 791.
The reason a stands for o in uvagghāya is that here the sound sequence, vo, could not cast off the v, since it is supported by a preceding u, not like in Mülācāra VII (above, p. 1637 6., so that no other alleviation could come about. - Jinabhadra once writes ugghāya (udghāta): I 1347 begins acchau tāv' ugghão (perhaps with the popular suppression of a homonymic syllable for tāv' uvugghāo). It could be that already Jinabhadra occasionally permitted uvogghāya; at least, p offers in 991 & 993 uvoghāo with the defective spelling (gh ph ch kh for 8gh pph cch kkh) that is usual in p & P and often corrected by another hand. Naturally, the variant cannot be assigned to the author with any certainty on the basis of a single manuscript. What Hemacandra has written in one passage is also not certain; although the manuscripts of his recension (BbSs) always agree, only the best copy B reads in I 1013 uvagghāya; on the other hand, bSs, here, have a second time, uvogghāya.
A real mistake is seldom found when Hemacandra's readings deviate from the original: in I 1419 he reads hio instead of 'hio and in III 480 ppabandhenam instead of ppavancenam (which is palaeographically easily understandable); in V 625, he forgets to.
Concordance between the Avaśyaka-niryukti and the Višeşāvaśyaka-bhāsya
The concordance of the recensions p. 34o has already displayed, in broad outlines, the stanza-relationship existing between niryukti and bhāsya. An individual comparison, which now will follow, requires eight tables that correspond to the eight Bhāşya-parts (A 1-3, B, C, D 1-3). What is found with Hemacandra we number (as in the extracts and in the Pratīkalists) in his manner; for this reason his delimitation of the individual parts has to be taken over, and in this case his division of D 1 also requires a double table instead of one. In table A 2 the Niryukti appears instead of the Anuyogadvāra. – n. or niry. or Av.-n. = Avaśyakaniryukti.
Table A 1: Viś. I 1-836o.
n. I
n. I
42
Viś. I 587 597 607 f.
2 f.
31
44
609
45 46
Viś. I 778 f. 793 f. 795 f. 797 809 822 828
614
Vis. Il n. I Viś. Il n. I
79 158 4098 30 177 f. 17443 332
448 32 f. 335 19 453 34 | 350 20 500 35 354 21
557
36 373 f.
560 377 f. 23 f.
564 f. 395 25 f. 567 f. 40527 f. 576 f. 408 29 580 41
Viś. I n. I Viś. I n. I 668 56 f. 712 f. 70 f. 672 58 f. 716 f. 72 f. 674 60 727
74 f. 684 61 f. 737 f. 689
747 692 64 751 694 f.
759 79 696 f.
762 698
765 702 f.
771 705 69775
77 | 78
616
6 7
8 f. 10 f. 12 13 14
47
22
62048 f. 626 630
53 f. 657 55
Anuy. a end b end c end d open.
Table A 2: Viś. I 8366-1012. Here only the stanzas taken from the Anuyogadvāra Vis. I have been noted down. Subsequently, the still more numerous prose871 f. passages that Jinabhadra puts into verse can be easily found. We cite the 893 text according to Weber's division (Cat. II 695-698). Most likely not only
1972 f. (= niry. II 61 f.) belonged to the Āvaśyaka-niryukti but also the 901 remaining stanzas, most certainly, at least, 903; cp. above, p. 20°n. end). 903 972 f.
899
d III
95

Page #196

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
3
(359) Table A 3: Viś. I 1013-1548. n. II Viś. I n. II Viś. I n. II Vis. I
Viś. I n. II 1024 12 1112 23 1164
12371431 1056 13 1118 24 1168
1248 48 1061 14 1125
1179
1253 1068 15 1142
1185
1259 f. 1073 f. 16 f. 1144 f. 27 1192
1283 1075 18 1146 28 1203
1301 8 1079
1151 1225
1305 1084201 1154 30 1230 40 O f. 1308 f. 54 f. 10 f. 1093 f. 21 f. 1157 f. 31 1233421312 56
26
Viś. I n. II 1326 57 1341 58 1349 1365 1377 1384 1387 64 1411 f. 142566
Vis. Il 1434 1447 1451 1454 1484 f. 1487 1497 1505 1533
29
53
65
Table B: Viś. 1549-2007. This table is based only on manuscript p; within it 1588 is in brackets, but counted, whereas three stanzas have not been included. where only the Pratīka has been taken out from each.
As in the excerpts and in the Avaśyaka-Erzählungen, we render the Pratīka by means of an asterisk attached to the verse number; a-8 are to denote the four pāda-s of a gātha. The table lists not only the Niryukti-stanzas, but also the few occuring Bhāsya-stanzas next to it, naturally, where an empty space corresponds on the left side. 1809-1820 explain the Niry.-verses 1806-1808 (= 1584-1586) that are not explained at their first appearance!
l
1
Āv.-n. II 67-69 72-74 76-95 97-109
Višesāv. 1549-1551 1552-1554 1555-1574 1575-1587
[1588] 1589-1592
1593
1594 1 595-1644
Av.-n.
I 129-168 222-224
185 f. 188 f. 194
229 f. 196. 198 201. 204
ĀV.-n. III 284-306 308-313
307 314-327
Višesāv. 1840-1862 1863-1868
1869 1870-1883
1884 1885-1897
95
Viéesay
Višesāv. 1717-1756 1757-1759
1760 f. 1762-1764
1765 f. 1767 f. 1769 f. 1771
17716 1772-1790
1791 1792-1808
112-115 1164. 1176 117. 1169 118-167
328-340
2020 20398
IV 1-6
8-57
1898-1908 1904-1958
1954a
231-249
5848
19546
250-266
267*
Āv.-n. III 4 f. 7-20
34. 33 35-56 82-87 92 f. 98 94-97 99-103 116-128
136
268
Viseșāv. 1645-1660
1661 f. 1663-1684 1685-1690 1691-1693 1694-1697 1698-1702 1703-1715
1716
59a
60-69 V1-17
20-23
26 f. VI 1
1809-1820
1821 1822-1824 1825-1829
1830 f. 1832-1839
1955-1964 1965-1981 1982-1985 1986 f.
1988 1989 f. 1991-1996
1997 1998-2007
269-273
274-281 282*. 283*
2-7 III 127 VI 8-17
Table C: Viś. II. - G. = Ganadhara (cp. p. 33^-55 & 36"s7 r.). G. niry.VI Vises. II G. niry.VI Višeș. II G. niry.VI Višeș. II s 8-17
s s 37-39 222-224 S 53-55 357–359 I 1856 1 40 2531 56 400
Š 19-22 58-61 Š 41-43 254–256 Š 57-59 401-403 21 25 f. 62.96 | o 44 315 101 60423 |
96

Page #197

English translation by George Baumann
12 27-31 97-1011, S 45-47 |316-318 1 32 138
48 336
61-63 424-426 " 164 | 476 |
33-35 139-14
36 1 8
49-51 (337-339
221
?
52
356
Double table D 1: Vis. III & IV. The Niryukti-stanzas omitted by Hemacandra in III have to be examined in the concordance of the recensions (p. 34). - N = Nihnava (schism).
Āv.-niry. VI 65-82
83 f. [85] 86
87 f. VIII 1-3
4 f. 6 f. 8 f. 10-12
Viś. III 1-18 23 f. 27.29 31.33 34-36
57 f. 60. 62 66. 68 75-77
n. VIII 16-25
26 f. 28-30 31-35
36 f. 38 f.
40 50 f. 54 f.
56 57-61
Viś. III 112-121
124 f. 139-141 174-178 257.268 270.272
277 279.281 287 f.
niry. VIII
62 f. 64 f. 66 f. 68 f. 70 f. 72-75 76. 78-82 84. 86 87 f.
89 f. 91 f. 94
Viss. III 299 f. 326 f. 349 f. 382 f.
417 f. 444-447 482-487 488. 499 - 502 f. 510. 512 543-545
63
1
13
83
293a
11
14 f.
91 f
294-2988
Vis. IV
n. VIII 95 f... 97 f. 99
Vis.IV
1 f. 7f. 10
niry. VIII 147. 149. 148
150-160
Višeşāv. 3248-3250 3254-3264 3268-3270 3271-3275
1601-3
100
101
25
n. VIII 109-111
112 f. 115-121 122-126 127-129 130 f.
132 f. 134-136
137 f. 139-141 142-146
Vis. IV 70-72 75. 81
82-88 92-95. 97 99. 102 f. 105. 108 110. 114 117 f. 121 129. 131 134-136 138-142
52. 155-157
166 168-178
104
34
105
161-165 166-169
170 171-181
182 183 f. 186. 185 187-198
190
58
106 107 108
64
3315 f.
3318 f. 3320-3331
65
[36] Table D 2: Viś. V 1-490. The individual equivalents that clearly result from the concordance of the recensions, have not been repeated here. n. IX
Višes. V Višes. niry. IX Višes. V Višeşāv. 1-4 1-3.36
92 f.
290, 292 5-8 57 f. 89. 108
71-73 337.354 f. 9-15 114-120
(II 302–310 3784-3792 169. 17f. 123. 140.155
289-294 3793-3798 23 f. 3495. 3497
34. 295. 311] 3799-3801 25. 27 3499. 3504 74-76
3803-3805 28-30 3506-3508 77-82
3807-3812 84-88
3813-3817 37-39 205. 208. 211
89 f.
372 f. 40 f. 220.224
[II 431 f.
3863 f. 42-52 3588–3598
439-442 3868–3871 97
32
156

Page #198

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
53
135 433. 420 f. 434. 443 f. 454-466]
385 f. 3896. 390
3872 3873-3875 3876-3878 3879-3891
54-56 57-59
60 61 f. 63-66 67-70
3600 3603-3605 3607-3610 f.
3613 3618. 3620
3625-3628 225-228 [II 265 f. 3688.3689*
269 cp. 3691f. 270-274 3693-3697 275-281 3699-3705 285-288] 3706-3709
3906
392–394
107 f. 1094 cp.
1096 114-116 122-125 127-131
1311 132-135
3918-3921 3922-3926
3927
397 f. 406.
409 418-420
916
cp.
2888
136-138
niry. X
524-9
60
43 4511 4536
Table D 3: Vis. V 491-799. Niry. X Viś. V niry. X 2.4
491.495 5a
497b 26 f.
535 f. 10
542-544 545 f.
47 550
486 35 cp. 553
57 f. 36.391 555. 559
67
Viś. V 657-662
681 6826
698 700-703a
538
461-3
Vis. V
592 598. 600
601 f. 603-605
606 cp. 608. 609a cp. 6100
616.627 653-655
cp. 67 686.69 cp:
466
30 1-3 305.4
706
71 749
316
7379
.
759
- 76 83 f.
521-3
1
788 f.
Prior works used by Jinabhadra in Vis. I
Jinabhadra did not only find an Anuyogadvāra-segment in the introduction to the Kalpabhāsya, but actually the first half of that introduction touches upon most of what Jinabhadra deals with before the uvagghāya-nijjutti starts in Av.-niry. II 61. Sanghadāsa has understandably taken the Nandī into consideration before the Anuyogadvāra, and besides that he has consulted and explained a number of stanzas from Av.-niry. I & II (I 1. 19 f. 23 f. 78. II 138. 28. 52-55. 56o. 60). That is why his first 362 stanzas correspond to the majority of the first 1482 stanzas in Jinabhadra's Bhāsya. As this numerical proportion shows, although it often follows that of Sanghadāsa word for word, in general, Jinabhadra's handling is much more detailed. Many times he goes back to the assumed basic works (Nandi and Anuyogadvāra). Two samples of contents from both authors can be found below, p. 40° -30 &
42 24-61
A source that touches only a particular part of the mentioned stanza-area has been lost. We learn from the commentaries, that Vis. I 116 & 127 come from a Pūrva. Both of the stanzas will be dealt with thoroughly (naturally on the basis of the Pūrva-tradition in question), so that the Pūrva-segment fills the stanzas I 116-152. In any case, by Pūrva is meant the JñānapravādaPūrva that describes five jñāna-types (as Abhayadeva and others correctly notice), and, therefore, will have formed the source of the Nandi as well as of the Nandi-chapter Av.-niry. I. Thus, for this passage Jinabhadra simply goes back to the source of his model. He will be doing this to a lesser degree also elsewhere in his work without
98

Page #199

English translation by George Baumann
really removing or explaining entire stanzas. We will find a half-gāthā that very likely comes from the same Pūrva, below, p. 40°58-63 in the Nandi and p. 409.. with Sanghadāsa.
Of course, Sanghadāsa's preserved preparatory work is of great value for the appreciation of Jinabhadra. In fact, what typifies and distinguishes this cannot be better and more completely recognized than through an individual comparison of the corresponding parts in his own Bhāsya and in that of his predecessor. A concordance on this that we give next will guide in this matter and serve as a basis for further investigations. When the passages do not agree literally with one another, "cp.", has been given instead of the equal sign. Numbers in italics denote the Niryukti-stanzas.
cp. 9092 cp. 9118
98 101 | 103
104
cp. cp. cp. cp
Viś. I 1203 1206 1207 1210 1211B6 12138 12140
12154
cp. 944
1216 12178 1218 1219 1220 1221 f.
269
[36] K. pedh. Vis. I K. pedh. Vis. I K. pedh. | Viś. I K. pedh. | 58 cp. 24° 1 91 cp. 527Bb
258
cp. 907 197 cp. 24ay cp. 78 119. 122 = 528 f. 2572 30 cp. 79
128 cp. 530 151° 39b cp. 80
cp. 531 259 f. cp. 921 f. 25 cp. 89 f. 1319 cp. 5322 261 = 924 = 91 1329 cp. 532
262ay cp. 926ay
1058 26.27 cp. 910.92 133 f. = 533.535 263 cp. 927 f.
99a 40 cp. 241 f. 136 f. cp. 536 f. 264 f. = 931 f. 996 = 453 139 = 538
266 cp. 938
111 'cp. 43b cp. 45635 140 cp. 541
267ay
cp. 940 1094 = 55 cp. 464* 141-147 = 545-551 2689 466 cp. 469a 211. 210 = 564 f. 2687
cp. 946
110 50-52 cp. 469 29 cp. 566
cp. 950
100 cp. 46. 48 f.cp. 470" 35 f. cp. 812 f. 270
107 f. 54 cp. 4739 38 cp. 822
312ay 549 cp. 474 f. 252 f. cp. 842
272
188 = 60 cp. 476 2899 cp. 852 273
191 cp. 61 f. cp. 478 f. 2984 cp. 853
276
152 = 2979 cp. 854 2766
15473 f. cp. 496.497a 2986 cp. 855
278
= 998 -171 = 75 f. cp. 4975. 498
295 f. = 861 f. 283 = 9981 172 f. = 77 = 500 292 = 863
286 79ay cp. 503 290 = 864
310 = 1001° | 1950 cp. 80ay cp. 508Bb 2916 cp. 865 326 cp. 1002
1959 81 = 509 1769 cp. 876. 877a 327ay
cp. 10025
1970 82 f. cp. 510 f. 1799 cp. 877B 2009201 cp. 1088
cp. 84 f. = 512 f. 177ay cp. 877
1949 cp. 11180 202
cp. 86 cp. 514 f. 1780 cp. 890B
93 cp. 1188 f. 2000 = 88 cp. 516
178BY cp. 892 194 cp. 1193 335 = 87 cp. 5198
175 = 893 195 cp. 1201 336= 526 | 256 cp. 894-897 | 96 = 1202 -362 =
272a
1367Bb
cp. 952 cp. 9566 cp. 957ba cp. 958 cp. 967 cp. 9686
cp. 490BY
1384 1386 1387 1392-1409 1411 f. 1417
=
9982
196
cp.
$$$$$
14178 14198 14208
| 1989
1421 1423 14258 1454 1455--1481
99

Page #200

General Supplementary Concordance to the Viseṣāvaśyaka-bhāṣya
In order to complete the analysis of Jinabhadra's Bhāṣya the extraneous stanzas that did not find a place in the Niryukti-concordance (pp. 3548-36°38) and in the preceding segment have ultimately to be taken out. Thus, a supplementary concordance is necessary that, however, cannot be complete, because many texts that Jinabhadra may have used are no longer available or have not yet been studied. We can only present the little bit that we have managed to identify in the indicated direction. At the same time, we also take up some additional stanzas of the fourth Niryukti-edition that, firstly, have partly come into it from the Bhāṣya.
Viś. I 7
=
234a = 434b
Kalpabh. I 326 IV 140a
66
cp. Av.-niry. VIII 166a
VIII 1661
435 =
693 =
706 =
957-960
1275 1310
III 497 =
538 =
66
E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
66
Ce

Co
Utt.-niry. 29-32
? cp. Av.-Erz. p. 204 Av.-niry. II 41'
VIII 851
XX 61
66
66
I 471 I 55'(J)
(C
Vyav.-bh. X 693 IV 89a cp. Av.-niry. VIII 121')
91lf.
66
=
VIII 1215f.
98 =
VIII 1261
125 =
Kalpabh. pedh. 123
153 cp. Av.-niry. VIII 1661a
V 656 =
?
664 f. 732 737
Viś. III 586
4 Viyatta
5 Suhamma
2 Aggibhūi 7 Moriyaputta
3 Vāubhūi
=
=
66
The Vedic and philosophical citations in the text and commentary of Viś. II
The Gaṇadhara-vada (Av.-niry. VI 1-64) describes in a short and stereotyped manner how Mahāvīra frees eleven Brahmins from their doubts about knowledge. Then, together with their flocks of pupils they join him. The entirety is a ballad-like fabrication that wants to give an explanation as to how Mahāvīra acquired his eleven main disciples who as leaders of monk congregations are called Ganadhara-s. A condensation of the same (2-7) precedes the actual depiction (8-64) that relates the following.
2. The (subsequent) Gaṇadhara-s who came from the best of families met in the middle (city) Pāvā at the sacrificial spot (of the Brahmin, Somil'ajja).
3 f. There were 1 Indabhūi 6 Mandiyaputta
6. (The objects for their doubts about knowledge were:)
66
66
Av.-niry. XII 120. 119
Oghaniry. 1090
Daś.-niry. 296
8 Akampiya
9 Ayalabhāya
10 Meyajja
11 Pahāsa
[37] 5. Why they became monks I shall explain one by one. The Church originates from Suhamma, because the remaining Ganadhara-s had no spiritual descendants.
jīve' kamme2 taj-jīva3 bhūya tārisaya bandha-mokkhe deva' neraiya va punne' paraloga1 nivvāṇe11 6
7. The first five had flocks (of pupils), each of 500; the next two flocks, each of 350, the remainder, each of 300.
ya
Mahāvīra turns to each of them with a stereotype address. With the first one, it reads
1
17. You have doubt whether there is a soul (jiva) or not; you do not understand the meaning of the Veda-passage. Its meaning is the following.
In further addresses the object of the doubt varies, in accordance with stanza 6:
2 25... whether there is a (for every individual his own) substrate of deeds (karman)...
100

Page #201

English translation by George Baumann
3 31. .. whether the soul is only a function of the body... 4 35... whether there are five elements (panca bhūyā)... 5 39... whether at rebirth one remains within one's own species ... 6 43. .. whether one is bound (to the world, and liberated (out of it)... 7 47... whether there are gods ... 8 51. .. whether there is a hell... 9 55. .. whether the contrast between Good and Bad really exists ... 10 59... whether there is life after death ... 11 63. .. whether there is a nirvāṇa ...
The advice (which resulted in the conversion of the addressees), announced each time by Mahāvīra with the words “Its meaning is the following", is lacking in the text. Like the schism-stories these originally were not textually fixed. Even the Cūrņi itself makes only a weak attempt to fill the omission with the first Ganadhara. However, Jinabhadra enters exactly here with his masterly handling of dogmatic matters and writes the addition in more than 400 stanzas, to which, also, rich discourses are added within his commentary. Then Haribhadra takes an extract from these expositions that fill Vis.II, together with its commentary, into his Avaśyaka-tīkā. Again from Haribhadra's discourse a shortened edition has been made later in a separate, small writing carrying the title Kimcid-gañadharavāda that retains only the explanation of Av.-niry. VI 6 and, then, what follows, except the explanatory parts and most of the "Veda-passages”."
Here we turn to the "Veda-passages”, i.e. more exactly to the Vedic and philosophical ci-tations that Jinabhadra announces in the described context and interprets or rejects in the Jaina sense. Several of these are dealt with only in his commentary and since that is lost they can only be extracted from the users of it (Haribhadra, Śīlānka, Hemacandra). The users, themselves, have contributed a citation here and there. Therefore, we emphasize with italics the citations found in the Bhāsya-text (as only these are proved to have already been taken into account by Jinabhadra) and note for the remainder, to which, or to how many of the commentators they are known. Of course, no source-statement can be found. In the meantime, the available resources of Vedic philology (particularly Jacob's UpanişadConcordanz, Bombay Sanskrit Series No. XXXIX) suffice to identify most quotations. One can assume that among the citations the most important statements on which the Brahmins of Jinabhadra's time relied during controversies or polemic can be found. Precisely, a large number of the contradicting passages of Brahmanic philosophy of life has been collected in order to especially substantiate the doubt of knowledge of each individual Gañadhara. In
97*-14
The Kimcid-ganadharavāda has an extent of about 250 grantha-s; it is contained in the collective manuscript P XVI 291 and stretches here from fol. 20's to 2310 :P XVI 291 1 B 763
PXVI 291 | B 763 20*6-14 = 96 12-13 16. 21017-22°3 = 100°11-15
223-9
101°2-2 03-10 = '5-11
9-12 =
15-17 10-12 = 989-1
12-17 =
1-6 12-21'6 = 13-17
17-19 =
12-14
14-102" 7-11
1-23 102°16-5 2395-18
6-103 13 - 10
'3-100 10. 18-9 = 103 10 f.
2-5
8-11 11 12-16
b 12-16
7-10 A text that similarly results only from the shortening of a work by Haribhadra is the Daśavaikālikalaghuvștti (cp. ZDMG. VLI 583-585).
21°6.
99*26
11-13
b
100" 97
126
2-5
101

Page #202

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
addition, some apothegms that derive from smaller Upanisad-texts show that they already had been handed down with little exactness; naturally, a few more mistakes turn up in the Jaina lecture (like the alleged particle gnim in 2' and the corruptions in 72, etc.).
[37] What is missing with H(aribhadra) is in parentheses and with Ś(īlānka) in square brackets; what is only in the Curni is in small print. The citations found in H are numbered in the order he gives them, outside left, with small numerals. The number of Ganadhara-s can be found there, and in connection with it the corresponding citation and an exponent, which indicates what number it is in the context. Our lay-out follows the Bhāṣya-commentaries. At the head it always names the stanza at the time of whose explanation the same ones list the citation or group of citations for the first time. Later, explanations are to be found only with Hem(acandra). Where the citations occurring in the Bhāṣya itself are to be found is indicated each time by the added accounts in italics after them. The Haribhadra-manuscripts (BSSΣo) have been distinguished by italic initials from the Hemacandra manuscripts (BbSIIBr)2. As far as the contrariety of the citations is concerned, the reader can easily see whether they should illustrate the pro- or contra-standpoint. Only with the first Ganadhara have we separated both groups from each other by means of a hyphen. During the correction Hillebrandt has furnished us proof of two citations.
II 5. (yad3 ahur Nastikāḥ*:)5
13
1'3'101
63
etävän eva puruso yävän indriya-gocaraḥ,
bhadre, vrka-padam paśya yad vadanti bahuśrutāḥ'|| piba khäda ca sadhu śobhane, yad atītam vara-gātri tan na te, na hi bhīru gatam nivartate, samudaya-matram idam kadevaram ||
(Bhaṭṭo 'py aha:)
1254 f.
3
vijñānaghana evaitebhyo bhūtebhyaḥ samutthaya tany evânu vinasyati, na prêtya samjñā 'sti. Brh. Ār. Up. II 4,12. - Also on II 39. 137. - II 40°. 41°.
42.
(Sugatas tv aha:)
na rūpam bhikṣavaḥ pudgala ity[-ādi].
anya tv āhuḥ:
vāsāmsi jirṇāni yathā vihāya navāni grhṇāti naro 'parāni tathā sarīrāṇy aparâparāṇi jahāti grhṇāti ca Pārtha jīvaḥ ||
**
It is not impossible that the syllable gnim in the last line constitutes a wrongly read anusvara-symbol. The sentence containing it, presently in Vedic manuscripts, looks something like goda vad. In the eighth century, or earlier, the anusvāra, occurring here, may have had a form that a Jaina, to whom it might not be known, might have thought he could render correctly with gnim. Subsequently, because of the context a dot over should have been placed.
[(tatha ca Vedaḥ:)]
na ha vai sa-sarirasya priyâpriyayor apahatir asty', aśarīram
2 BB 1322, b = B 1933, II (P mentioned in the Av.-Erz. p. 36) = P XXII 1228, Br= Br 2103 (only looked through at some passages by my brother). - II is apparently the master manuscript of S, but such that, most likely, a corrected copy X comes in between. S, itself, has been corrected according to another manuscript. Therefore, it has to be differentiated between a first-hand S1 and a second-hand S2: only $1 is based on II in as much as the corrections done in x make themselves perceptible.
In Poona there are, besides II, still four Hemacandra-manuscripts: VIII 768 (related to IIS), XII 58, XXIV
.... yath' Ś.

4 eke Ś.
5 eke āhuḥ C.
6 loko 'yam 60 Hem. & Malay.
7 °nty abah C, SEO, Ś, BbS, Malay.
8
tatha HS. 1' & 14 are missing in C.
9
= Bhagavadg. II 22 (MBhār. VI 900), where the second line reads
tathā sarīrāṇi vihāya jirṇāny anyāni samyāti navāni dehī
- In C only a Jaina citation follows:
kāyā anno mutto nicco katta tah'eva bhotta ya tanu-metto guṇavanto uddha-gai vannio jīvo || Cp. this with Das.-niry. 227 f. V-XI.
102

Page #203

English translation by George Baumann
10
väva santam priyâpriye na sprśatah. ChändUp. VIII 12,1. -
Also on II 43. 103. 256. 313. - II 3134 = 467". ([tathā:) agnihotram juhuyāt svargakāmah. MaitryUp. VI 36. -
Also on II 43. 95. 252. 334.) - II 92 = 136 = 399% = 422°; cp. 3346Y. - Mentioned by Haribh. in the Caityavandana-vịtti on Āv. V 11 conclusion and in Šāstravārttāsam. 605. A
similar citation (the opening of TS. II) with Haribhadra on Šāstravārttāsam. 157. ([Kāpil'āgame tu pratipadyate:) asti purusah) akartā nirguno bhoktā (cidrūpah).
(nīla-vijñānam me utpannam āsīt.] Cp. Sarvadars. II ed. p. 19,7-10II 33. (BrahmabUp. 12.) – Also in Yaśastil. VI k. 1 end: Pet.
Rep. II 155. (yathā viếuddham ... || tathedam amalam ...ll Bhagavadg. XV 1 = MBhār. VI 1383.). purusa evêdam gnim sarvam yo ... VS XXXI 2. SvetUp. III 15. yad ejati yan 'n' ejati yad dūre yad u antike
yad antar asya sarvasya yat sarvasyâsya bo... VS XL 5. II 50. (tathā] śrutāv [apy] uktam": .
astamite āditye Yājñavalkya candramasy astamite śānte 'gnau śāntāyām vāci
kim-jyotir evâyam puruṣaḥ? 'ātma'-jyotiḥ, samrād' iti hôvāca. Běh. Ār.
Up. IV 3, 6; the answer in the wording of IV 3, 2. – II 50. [38] II 95. (sa" sarvavid yasyaisa mahimā bhuvi divye,
brahmapure hy eșa vyomny" ātmā supratisthitas MundUp. II 2,7a6. tam aksaram vedayate 'tha" yas tu sa sarvajñaḥ sarvavit sarvam ev'āviveśa || PraśnaUp. IV 110. ekayā pūrn'āhutya sarvān kāmān avāpnoti. cp. TBr. III 8,10,5. eșa vah prathamo yajño yo 'gnistomah, yo 'nenânistvā 'nyena yajate
sa gartam abhyapatad. PancavimśaBr. XVI 1,2dyādaśa māsāḥ samvatsaro – TS. V 2, 5,5. 'gnir uşno -
'gnir himasya bhesajam". VS XXIII 10o = TS. VII 4, 18,2 etc.) II 101. satyena labhyas tapasā hy eșa
brahmacaryeņa nityam
32
asti H Malay.; also Hem. on II 103. 256.
-jño s2o.
3 vyavastho Bb. - See the complete text of the six śloka-s (which are found with Hem. before II 33) as well as several of the following citations below, p. 9-11.
naijo s; also BS, but not in the explanation (on II 95). S vS & Ś; missing with Hem., but not in the explanation (on II 95).
yad u H.
The words are missing with Hem.
9 °lkaḥ Bś, olkāḥ Ss, olka 2; Olkyaḥ OBbBr, olkaś ns', 'Ikyaś s?. Jinabhadra must have written olkah and noted the variant olkyah (from which olkāḥ arose in Ss).
ātmā Bs 2o. itî BSso Lacking in Sb Malay. osa S. 'many Śb, omni Malay. lacking in B. In the Brahmanical tradition the four lines read:
yaḥ sarvajñaḥ sarvavid yasyaisa mahimā bhuvi divye, brahmapure hy eșa vyomny ātmā pratisthitaḥ tad akşaram vedayate yas tu somya
sa sarvajñaḥ sarvam ev'āviveśa | Haribhadra refers to these passages in Šāstravārttās. 624.
pūrmay' āho P'b, pūrvay' āho BBr; in Hemacandra's repetition: pūrmay' bIIS, pūrvay' BBr. Mentioned by Haribhadra in the Caityavandana-vȚtti on Av. V 11 end.
16 tsara agno Ś Malay. 17 bhais ŚBb Malay.
103

Page #204

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
JY.
II 141
jyotirmayo hi śuddho yam paśyanti dhīrā' yatayah samyat'ātmānaḥ MundUp. III 1,5. -
With Hem. on II 137. II 126. (ekavijñāna-samtatayah sattvāḥ.
[yat sat tat sarvam kşaņikam.1) ([kșanikāḥ sarva-samskārāh.]) — The complete śloka with Abhay.
on Bhag. XXX 1 Ed. fol. 1836'2, with Malay. on Nandī Ed.
p. 432, 8 and with Gunaratna on Saddarśanasam. 1.2 141 svapnôpamam vai sakalam ity eșa brahma-vidhir anjasā vijñeyaḥ,
dyāvā-prthivī,
prthivī devatā (āpo "devatā). - With Ś on II 142. II 224. puruṣo vai* puruşatvam aśnute, pašavaḥ paśutvam. – Also with Hem. on II 252;
of course, thereafter 5-. śrgālo vai eșa jäyate yah sa-purīso dahyate. - Also on II 252.
I1 2529. II 252. [(agnistomena Yama-rājyam abhijayati°. MaitryUp. VI 36.)] 6 II 256. sa esa viguņo vibhur na badhyate samsarati vā, na mucyate mocayati vā. cp. Sāmkhyakārikā 622
na vā esa' bāhyam abhyantaram vā veda. cp. Bșh. Ār. Up. IV 3, 21. II 318. sa eșa yajñāyudhī yajamāno ’njasā svargalokam gacchati. Satap.
Br. XII 5, 2,8. - also with S on II 403. apāma somam, amstā abhūma,
agaman jyotir, avidāma" devān, kim nūnam asmān" tộnavad arätih!
kim u dhūrtir amặta martyasya! RV. VIII 48,3. Atharvaśiras Up. 3. [ko jānāti māyopamān 4 gīrvāṇān Indra YamaVaruņaKuber'ādīn?
Also on II 334.] II 335. (uktha-sodasi"-prabhsti-kratubhir yathā-śruti"YamaSomaSūrya
Suraguru-svārājyāni jayati. cp. MaitryUp. VI 36.) II 335o.
((Indra ägaccha Medhātithe mesa-vşşana")] TĀr. I 12,3. ŚBr. III 3,4,18. 8' II 339. [nārako vai esa jāyate yah sūdrânnam aśnāti.
na ha vai pretya narake nārakāḥ santi.]
vīrā BBr. The complete text of the original passage reads: satyena labhyas tapasā hy esa
ātmā samyagjñānena brahmacaryena nityam antaḥ śarīre jyotirmayo hi śubhro
yam paśyanti yatayaḥ kṣīņa-doşāḥ || Another sloka with the same Pratīka is Vivekavilāsa VIII 267 (cited in Sarvadarś. II Ed. p. 24,5) - vai do 2o. osah Ś (where 52 is found before 5!). suh Ś. te bIIS. sa esa na instead of na vā eșa Ś; P puts na vā instead of sa, but forgets to cross out na after eșa. ābhyo Bs, IIS, Malay. In P the first time broken off, the second time (below, p. 11° ult.) svargam logam (!). mam P'B; Omāma s (also in the explanation), also B (but not in the explanation). Mistake for
aganma. 11apit.āma SP.
asmāt p & (= asmād urdhvam) Hem. Malay.; asmākam (but in the explanation asmān) S. oti Bs, P!, BII. trnavad (instead of krno!) has been correctly paraphrased by H Hem. Malay. with
karisyati. 14 Omān devān bIIS (but not in the repetition). 15 sa pl (but not in the explanation), SIIS' (also in the explanation). 16 Yama is lacking in SIIS. 17 Instead of other mesa Vrsaņaśvasya mene! Cp. Hillebrandt Rituallit. p. 1348. aśnute BSs.
104

Page #205

English translation by George Baumann
23
II 360. 2(kenânjitāni . . . || cp. Ašvaghosa's Buddhacar. IX 63 = 52 Cow.)
punyah punyena [karmaṇā) pāpaḥ pāpena karmaṇā). Bļh. Ar.
Up. IV 4,5. – With Hem. on II 95. [38]?102 II 403. sa vai ayam ātmā jñānamayah BỊh. Ār. Up. IV 4,5 opening.
Lacking with Hem. u' II 426. jarämaryam vā etat sarvamyad agnihotram. TĀr. X 64 =
MahāNārUp. 25. - Also with Hem. on II 475. dve brahmani (veditavye] param aparam ca statra para satyam, jñānam anantaram brahma).
Cp. MaitryUp. VI 22 conclusion = BrahmabUp. 178
(saiņā guhā duravagāhā.) II 427.(yath' āhuh (Saugata-višeşāh kecit tad-yathā]:
dīpo yathā ... Il jīvas tathā ... ID) – Also in Yaśastil. VI k. 1
(Pet. Rep. II 152), where in both stanzas the sequence is cbad. An apothegm still remains that should serve as an instance for a citation above (1') and according to Hem. has been taken from a related commentary (i.e. from a commentary on the BỊhadĀranyakaUpanişad). Jinabhadra mentions the citation and the instance in the following stanzas: 40. Goyama, veya-payāņam imāņam' attham ca tam na yāņāsi
jam vinnānaghano cciya bhūehimto samutthāya . 41. mannasi majj'angesu va maya-bhāvo bhūya-samudaya-bbhūo
vinnāņa-mettam āyā bhūe 'ņu viņassai sa bhūo 42. atthi na ya pecca sannā jam puvva-bhave 'bhihāņam asugo" tti
jam bhaniyam na bhavāo bhav'antaram jāi jīvo tti. Hem. remarks about the last line: kim iha vākye ("with this citation", i.e. with 1') tātparya-vịttyā proktam bhavatîty āha 420, sarvath' ātmanaḥ samutpadya vinaştatvān na bhavād bhavântaram ko 'pi yātîty uktam bhavati. – Sīlānka, laconic as usual, only says: evam na bhavād bhavântaram astîty uktam bhavaty.
As an after-thought, it should be pointed out that in Vis. II 226 f. a pair of superstitious sayings with botanical and zoological contents has been mentioned. They claim an origin from heterogeneity and, therefore, serve as an argument against the conclusion that presumes on the basis of the general origin of homogeneity from homogeneity that life after death must be homogeneous with the present situation.
226. jāi saro sangão - bhūtaņao sāsavânulittāo -
Lacking with Hem. & Malay. Instead of this citation (whose wording can be seen below, p. 11") the following on II 95 can be found with Hem.:
sarva-hetu-nirāśamsam bhāvānām janma varnyate svabhāvavādibhis, te hi n' āhuḥ svam api kāraṇam | rājīva-kantak'ādīnām vaicitryam kah karoti hi? mayūracandrak'ādir vā vicitrah kena nirmitah? || kādācitkam yad atrasti nihśesam tad ahetukam,
yathā kanțaka-taikṣny'ādi tathā caite sukh'ādayah 11 As an expression of the same thought, Gunaratna cites on Şaddarśanasam. 1, along with the Buddhacaritrastanza (= Lokatattvanirn. 97) the sloka Lokatattvanirn. 98.
3 sattram P (a correct emendation by Jinavallabha). 4 Lacking with Hem. & Mal.
5 Sänty. at Utt. XXV cites this sloka along with some others (e.g. Bhagavadg. XVIII 42 with variants). He also brings a few similar citations at Utt. XII 11 15 (e.g., MahāNārUp. X 5 = KaivalyaUp. 2° 3 and VS. XXXI 18 = SvetâśvUp. III 8).
6 With Hem. & Mal. before 112.
ona Hem. 8 °daôbbhūo S; Hemacandra's explanation: bhūta-samudāyād ["dayād b) udbhūtas.
amugo ss. 10 singo Hem.
105

Page #206

samjayai golomâviloma-samjogao duvvä - 227. iti rukkh'auvvede jonividhāṇe ya visarisehimto
E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
dīsai jamhā jammam, Sudhamma, tam1 nâyam eganto.
One should compare the Pancatantra-stanza I 107 rec. simpl. (94 B, 103 C) = 76 rec. orn. Ind. Spr.2 1958. There one can find, along with poetically fictitious allogenous formations, the third of the preceding: dūrva 'pi golomataḥ. From the first allogenous formation that lets reed "sara" be derived from horn "śṛnga", a fabulous variation in the first Pratyekabuddha-story is met with, according to which bamboo reeds shoot up out of a skull, face and eye of a corpse. One usually reads yoniprabhṛta (jonipahuḍa) for yonividhana which is why the commentaries paraphrase the word so (below, p. 11). Traces of this work can be found in P XVI 266 & XXI 1242.
Further specimens from the contents of the Viseṣāvaśyaka-bhāṣya
Whereas the specimens from the Niryukti have to be distributed among the previous and even the following depiction, those from the Bhāṣya can be joined together, without compulsion. Therefore, Jinabhadra's various depictions and discussions are joined here with the conveyed citations for which the commentaries again have to be taken into account.
Thus, worthwhile for scientific history, we next single out the theory of perception that has been dealt with summarily in the Nandi and in the Nandi-chapter of the Niryukti and, for this reason, has been developed extensively at the beginning of the Bhāṣya.
Essentially, there were two tasks that required reflection on the topic: there should be clarity about the external prerequisites of the five types of sensory perceptions and the inner process of the formation of a conception has to be somehow laid out. In the first respect Jaina dogmatics as opposed to a more nanve viewpoint ascertain that hearing and smelling (as well as tasting and feeling) are based on a mechanical stimulus; however, it has not been recognized that the same should also be valid for seeing. As far as the transposition of the stimuli into conceptions is concerned, the Jains differentiate a general inner stimulation (oggaha) to which an individual reacts through the thā (attentiveness or apperception), whereby the [39] avāya2 as a psychic equivalent of the object arises that, due to its persistence, becomes conception. This analytical ascertainment that only takes into account what is typical of the process is complemented by a theory of predisposition that classifies the individual particularities that are a factor upon the entrance into existence of perceptions and conceptions; six categories (time, quantity, quality, etc.) are differentiated, according to which the typical phases differ with each individual person: quickness, profusion, acuteness, harmony, independence and determination in their various nuances can typify perceptual activity and the conceptual life of each individual.
In addition to these preliminaries, for the sake of clarity in the following translation, the source-passages have been put together through free choice.
Viś. I 179. A The general understanding of something (means) oggaha "general

perception";
B Giving heed to parts (of something) then (means) ihā "more precise perception";
Discernment (founded on this) of something (means) avaya "cognition";
C
1 to Hem.
2 In Skt. Haribhadra correctly writes avaya; Śīlānka and Hemacandra use apaya and mention at the second and third occurrences (in Viś. I 178 & 179) the other form as a variant (Sil., each one time, Hem. three times at 178 and once at 179). Sporadically, one finds once av° with S at 186. Abhayadeva usually writes avāya: Bhag. VIII 2 Ed. fol. 558b. 583. 587. Sthan. IV 4 Ed. fol. 335. VI Ed. fol. 419 (av ap).
106

Page #207

English translation by George Baumann
D Not forgetting something (means) dhāraņa "permanent impression” (or
vāsanā "conception"). “ I 1929. A The oggaha is of two kinds since one can
1. perceive molecular stimulation (vanjaņa cp. Vis. I 193'),
2. conceive the thing (attha). " I 203. A 1. The vanjan'oggaha "the perception of the molecular stimulation" is
fourfold, whether the perception is brought about through sense of
hearing, smell, taste or sensation of feeling. “ 1335. Sthān. IV 3 (Ed. fol. 3004). Specifically, only the four mentioned sensory
activities, receive a molecular stimulus from the object, but not the face (and the
intellect manas). [39] Nandi p. 346-354. Āv.-niry. I 16. Viś. I 299, 300°. All other functions (A 2, B, C, D)
are sixfold, because with these all five senses (hearing, face, smell, taste, feeling), or, also none of the senses (only the intellect) can provide for the conveyance. - Then, there are in total 4 + 6 + 6 + 6 + 6 = 28 varieties of spiritual ābhinibohiya-nana."
In the case of the sense of hearing and smell the molecular stimulation is made possible through the transmission of sound and odour. In this connection Viś. I 350 (along with the accompanying tradition) teaches the following:
From its origin sound moves in an instant because of its subtleness, without hindrance in all six major directions (east, west, south, north, zenith, nadir); at the same time, it mixes itself with matter that it pervades, so that it is never pure, but can only reach the ear mixed (miśra). From those major directions the sideward dissemination (parāghāya) also brings sound in all the intermediate directions. — Silānka adds: Also odourmatter, etc. is experienced in a mixture (in the case of smelling, etc., not pure, but during its dissemination along with permeated substances); (but) it is not compelling that the dissemination, indeed, goes in the (six) directions (śreni), because odourous substances are actually coarse-fibred (so that hindrances may arise), similar to a particle of dust (flying through a window screen – but still this (stated) compulsion (will be present like with sound) some (think). - Cp. (sloka 106 in) Kumārila's sabda-theory (Tantrav. I 16).
The reasoning of this argument is, of course, untenable. It reads: I 2037. Only ear, nose, tongue and skin become negatively or benevolently affected [(by the object, e.g. by
touching a rough surface the skin can be injured, but (by touching) a smooth surface, (the skin) feels good; but the eye can look at a pointed object without damage, and even so, the intellect can think of
water without being freed from thirst)). 207'. For example, (through loud sound) deafness and [(through excessive stench)] nose putrefaction or
nose-bleed can result. 208'. (One could object:) (exactly corresponding with the eyes) influences of a good or bad type appear if
one looks, e.g. at water (butter, [black-coloured clothes,] trees or the disk of the moon) [(this refreshes
the eyes)] or looks into the sun (or at a white wall)] (the eyes water)]. 209. [(Then it has to be countered: we do not claim that the eyes are completely uninfluenceable; we only
deny that at the first perception a molecular stimulus takes place.)] They (the eyes), upon contact, (i.e. when [looking somewhere for a long time) a molecular contact happens), become burned by the sun's rays, just like the skin. What harm does it do (from our point of view, since what is seen cannot be damaged*)?
*dsstasya bādhitum asakyatvāt. - An incomprehensible argument! In the preceding Jinabhadra confuses the effects of heat and light! The still odder confusion of light and touch in the commentary-passages on 2037 (recognizable by means of brackets), indeed, has to be blamed on
Hemacandra since it is lacking with Silānka (as the square brackets show). 211. If seeing would require touching, then, (in particular), the eyes should notice dust particles that are
found there. Since they do not see this, then it is (precisely) apatta-kāri "perceptible without touching".
. Cp. Viś. I 212 243 (especially 236 243) & 339 opening. The main reasons are: I 241 f. Because the intellect, at any moment so to speak, can avail itself of the object and can itself imagine,
and because it, firstly, concerns itself with the objects of the senses when the molecular stimulus (of the corresponding sense organ referred to) has finished, it thus grasps the object right from the first moment (directly) (not after a preparatory moment, where for him, himself, approaching molecular stimulus similar to that of hearing, etc., might take place). 242° Otherwise, it could not be applicable
(at all) (since he can behave himself towards the objects only in his own manner). 4 Viś. continues:
107

Page #208

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
“ p. 347-353. Synonyms are each five
for A: ogenhanayā uvadharanayā savanayā avalambanayā mehā,
- oggahana Viś. I 178, “ B: abhoganayā magganayā gavesanayā cintā vīmamsā, -
viyalanā Vis. I 178, C: auttanayā paccăuttanayā avāya buddhi vinnāņa, -va
vasāya Viś. 178,
“ D: dharaņā dhāraņā (Viś. I 178) - thavaņā paitthā kotha. “ p. 353. Vis. I 332. The duration is
with A an instant (samaya),
“ B at the most an hour (muhūrta), " C " " " 6
" D a measurable or immeasurable period of time. Viś. I 251o. A 2 One comprehends (at the atth'oggaha only an object) in general
without being able to depict (it), because every conception about (its) nature,
etc., is lacking. I 252. As soon as (e.g. at the perception of a sound) the realization takes place
that there is sound then this is (already the level of reasoning) C. I 253. For instance, would one want to reckon the simple realization that there is
sound to A (2) and depict only the more exact ascertainment of sound as (thought process) C - (then it has to be countered) the ascertainment
3000 & 301 Some say that the first 6 varieties for A 1 and A 2 are applicable together; therefore, in order to achieve the total number 28, instead of the 4 varieties of A 1, they use the 4 buddhi-types that are distinguished in the worldly abhinibohiya-nana. 302" Those 4 buddhi-types are (not entirely) something special when compared to A-D since there is nothing except this four-some; 302 therefore, they are included together (in other words, already counted) since A-D represent general groups. 303 (In fact, if you take the stories that in the Nandi as well as in Av.-niry. IX 52 65 serve to illustrate the 4 buddhi-types, then, e.g, in the episode Av.-Erz. IX 55,8, where the clever Bharata is supposed to organize a cock-fight with a single cock, the following distinction can be made: When at the thought), “How will it fight without an opponent?" (Bharata has an idea) "by means of a semblance mock (opponent)" (then this is the level of reasoning) A (since, in general, he only thinks of the possibility to make use of the semblance as an opponent). - (The level of reasoning) B (then asks): What would be most suitable (for that)? - (The level of reasoning) C (answers): the mirror image. 304" (But why, then, are the 4 buddhi-types especially differentiated when they are contained together in the 28 varieties?) Like when one undertakes a differentiation according to the five senses and the manas, even though (for all six the four-some) A D are common. 3046 thus, the 4 buddhi-types, also for this reason, that they do not rely* (on the spiritual contents), will be separated (from the remainder), although (with it they have the four-some) A D in common.
*All authorities (p, Sīl. (cp. below, p. 51'74 and Hem.) write anissiya instead of ssayā
(aniśraya, instr.). 305 Therefore, the 28 varieties must also) deal with the spiritual abhinibohiya-nāņa, because (in the Nandī) the
worldly is only mentioned later.
This punctiliously arranged list of synonyms should be compared (along with that in Tattvârtha I 13) with the poetically sloppy one of the ancestral sloka Vis. I 395:
Thä apoha vīmamsā maggana and gavesanā
sannā sai mai pannä – all that is ābhinibohiya. Jinabhadra attempts to systematize this apothegm (mistakenly called "gāthā" by C, H & $1.) as follows: 396 apoha = C, sai =D; mai & panna (depict) the entire (ābhinibodhika-jñāna); the remaining (names: Thā
vimamsā magganā gavesaņā sannā) = B. Know that everything is ābhinibodhika( -jñāna). 397 mai pannā ābhinibohiya buddhi are (only) phonetically different (in that they all depict uniformly the first
jñāna; on the other hand, oggaha, etc. are all essentially different in that they depict only certain parts of
the first jñāna). 398" Or else the entire abhinibodhika(-jñāna) is (also) included here with a word like oggaha, etc.; 398° Only
those expressions are divided with regard to the objective partial difference (which, in addition, they imply).
108

Page #209

1
66
66
English translation by George Baumann
that it is sound and nothing else (a form or something similar), is, indeed, itself, a more exact ascertainment since (the existence of) a form and similar things are being expressly denied.
I 266. (Besides, one should note:) Firstly, because sound is perceived only in general and vaguely, without regard to the form and similar things and because then the level of reasoning B ascertains whether it is at all sound or
a form or something similar for which the presence or absence of the required characteristics will be determined, there is a plurality of mental acts that, as such, cannot possibly be credited to the single instant of time that the atth'oggaha lasts.
I 272. (Just as untenable is, when) some think that aloyaṇa preceding the (atth')
oggaha imparts the general perception, [40] whereupon the atth'oggaha determines whether there is sound (or something similar).
Some (ultimately say: According to Viś. I 306 [& Sthan. VI Ed. fol. 419 f.] all of the above-mentioned 28 varieties of simple knowledge are of a twelvefold nature since each according to the disposition of the individual, can grasp the objects):
1. quickly
3. depending on the number, completely
5. depending on the type, completely
7. continually equally
9. independently [without help from association of ideas]
Viś. I 279.
I 280.
or 2. slowly
or 4. depending on the number, incompletely
or 6. depending on the type, incompletely

or 8. unequally
or 10. dependently [i.e., because of association of ideas],
or 12. undecidedly [unclearly]1
11. decidedly [clearly] Since (also for this reason) differences like "quickly" and "slowly" appear with (atth)oggaha, thus, by virtue of this diversity (lasting more than an instant and indeed,) it must occasionally (not just the general perception of sound, but also) achieve cognition that it is sound,
(Reply:) But then can (inner phenomenon) that be called oggaha when in that way general and more exact perception as well as comprehension, make themselves conspicuous?! (Naturally, not.) Then that word (in Viś. I 306) has to be used in a freer sense and this is possible by means of the following depiction.
I 281-285. Expressed precisely oggaha should be understood only as the general (undetermined) perception at the first moment. Then, after more precise perception (ihā), cognition of an object takes place, and this is then (namely, the level of thought) C (avāya). Therefore, this can be called (in turn) oggaha in a more freer sense, out of consideration for a (still following) more precise perception and cognition, because faced with future individual. determination, only something general becomes grasped, and since (the double occurrence) iha-avāya lets itself be repeated until a complete grasping of all details, then, each time, the preceding avaya can be termed (freely) as oggaha, because, in comparison with both of those, it refers to what is general. Actually, it invariably concerns (through the continued perceptual activity) only (the alternate occurring levels of thought) B and C, and just the general (undetermined) impression of the momentary instant
Viś. I 306-308, like Umäsväti's Tattvârtha (I 16), gives the sequence 36. 1 f. 912. 7 f. In the Sthänânga the correlates appearing on the right side are missing; there it is a six-division. The text also shows which variations are found with D.
109

Page #210

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
deserves the name oggaha. However, in a freer sense, each time the level of thought C is called oggaha, but not the (last), where the perceptual activity breaks off, there, only the name avāya is correct. Then, at the termination of this avāya the "permanent impression” (dhāraṇā) develops that later on (detached from the thought-processes A-C that have caused it,) is simply called "conception" vāsanā or "remembrance” sai.'
A little passage might serve us as an addendum to the above theories, where, also, even the developmental side of the psychological questions finds expression. Mahāvīra had a comparatively significant understanding of nature. He concerned himself particularly closely
- essentially constructively, of course, - with the gradual refinement of corporeity and the function within the sequential stages of organisms. Corresponding doctrines can be found extraordinarily often in the Canon and also the following one belongs to them: Nandi Ed. p. 399-405. With all organisms a fraction of infinity of the aksara remains
constantly bare. If it would be enshrouded then the organism would go into an inanimate condition - thus, there always remains (at least, the brightness) of the brilliance of the sun and moon, even with masses of clouds (perceptible).
The final sentence is a second half of a gāthā and since the Nandi - except for citations – is written in prose, must originate from a lost source (cp. above, p. 36°53-65). Sanghadāsa and Jinabhadra explain the entire passage as follows: [40'] K.-pedh.73 Through endless atoms of knowledge disguisement, each individual (life
particle is enshrouded in all organisms, except those who have kevala. 74 But there is knowledge (called) aksara (imperishable), because it never
(entirely) comes to an end for organisms. A fraction of infinity of this does not
become enshrouded in all organisms; 759 if that were enshrouded then the organism would get into a lifeless condition 750 the brilliance of the sun and moon always remains (at least, the brightness), even
(perceptible) with masses of clouds. 76 The aksara is unclear in the five (first life-groups) since there is knowledge
obfuscation in connection with stiffness (deep sleep). In the more and more
developed organisms a gradual clarification shows up. Viś. I 496 According to the Canon, of those (general aksara) a fraction of infinity is
constantly exposed (barren) in all organisms — (i.e. in all) that do not possess
kevala, and, for sure, (it is) threefold (minimal, moderate and maximal). 497 The minimal (fraction of infinity becomes formed through) (just) vivacity that
itself does not become obfuscated in maximal obfuscation, (as little) as the (day)
light of the sun enshrouded in clouds; 498 it can be accepted) in the lowest organisms since there is obfuscation of
knowledge in connection with stiffness (deep sleep). In the more and more
developed organisms it increases as a result of the gradual clarification. 499 It becomes maximal with that, which has a maximal knowledge of the śruta.
Among the remaining (organisms that find themselves between the mentioned
What has been said can be elucidated graphically in the following manner: av
av
logg) av dhāraṇā
ogg
(ogg)
vāsanā
Thā īhā
Ihā Jinabhadra overlooks with his subtle reconcilement of the inconsistency that oggaha and avāya in Vis. I 306 are counted separately, i.e. are different from each other; the result 28 x 12 = 336 is clearly shown there. Naturally, the general dispositional differences at A must assert themselves and this is required (below, p. 4994 11) with a scholastic argument of an authority cited by Sīlānka.
110

Page #211

English translation by George Baumann
extremes), there is usually the moderate (fraction of infinity), whereby (the well
known) six graduations can be differentiated. Where Sanghadāsa inserts the Nandi-passage almost verbatim, Jinabhadra renders it more systematically, particularly by his affixation of the summary gradation (minimal, moderate, maximal). Apparently, the conclusion of 496 is thought of as a commentarial addition of the (Nandi-) citation (cp. below, p. 48on.). Thus, it cannot be assumed that Jinabhadra had taken this gradation from the "Canon" (perhaps from the underlying Pūrva).*
Finally, two passages belong to the former sphere of thought that are important for the history of Jaina dogmatics as well as for the textual history of our Bhāsya.
The older Canon is fond of expressing something as completely as possible. For "teaching", e.g. there usually is a sequence of forms āghavei pannavei parūvei (ākhyāpayati prajñapo prarūp), which occasionally are further extended by damsei nidamsei uvadamsei. Correspondingly, one finds for "knows" the double expression jāņai pāsai, literally, "he knows and visualizes”, i.e. "he knows and clearly visualizes". Thus, knowledge and visualization combine here to a comprehensive term. On the other hand, understandably, knowledge and visualization are conceived also on their own and accordingly defined and classified independently of each other. In fact, the Canon distinguishes five types of knowledge and four types of visualization: I. ābhinibodhika- or mati-jñāna
1. cakṣur-darśana II. śruta-jñāna
2. acakşur-darsana III. avadhi-jñāna
3. avadhi-darśana IV. manahparyāya-jñāna V. kevala-jñāna
| 4. kevala-darśana In some cases later dogmatics have carried this contrast also into the mentioned collective term "knows and visualizes in such a manner that it attempts, in individual cases, partially to determine which visualizing might be meant; it also partially rejects visualizing completely and then places the negation na before pāsai (jāņai na pāsai). The older point of view is represented by the Bhagavatī, the younger by various authorities from Syāmārya up to Jinabhadra whose opinions are known to us through the Prajñāpanā, the Nandī-tradition and through the Višesāvaśyaka-bhāsya.
· The Bhagavatī (VIII 2 Ed. fol. 582-587) teaches: I. the abhinibodhikajñānin "knows and visualizes" āesenam savva-davvāim, etc. II. " attentive śrutajñānin
savva-davvāim, etc. III. - Avadhijñānin
jah. anantāim rūvi-davvāim, etc.
ukk. savvāim " " IV. " manahparyāyajñānin
anante anantapaesie khandhe, etc. V. " kevalajñānin
savva-davvāim, etc. In his chapter on "visualizing" (Prajñāp. XXX) Śyāmārya attributes visualizing only to the stages of knowledge II-V. From this, the Nandī, if not Syāmārya himself, draws the conclusion that jāņai na pāsai “knows but doesn't visualize” should be placed in I, and this Nandi-reading (Ed. p. 366 f.) is valid later on. In due course, [41] some also doubt the visualizing in II, and Jinabhadra has given this opinion more weight by adopting it so that the corresponding variant (jāņai na pāsai for jāņai pasai) in the Nandi and Bhagavatī commentaries has been fittingly noted (Nandi Ed., p. 502; Bhag. Ed. fol. 584").
* Of course, Hemacandra's paraphrase places the gradation at the citation! Silānka does not offer any explanation (below, 5232 .).
Cp. above, p. 23'n.
111

Page #212

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
The question, which visualizing they assumed, had been answered immediately in the types of knowledge III & V since these correspond to a visualizing (3 & 4) named after them. On the other hand, various possibilities of interpretation present themselves with II & IV. Then a welcomed playground resulted from the post-Canonical playing with concepts.
In the entire matter Jinabhadra displays a certain insecurity. While dealing with IV he acknowledges an opinion that he had rejected in II. Thus, he himself shows how little importance there is to the reading jānai na pāsai that he had claimed for II. At both passages someone later adds to Jinabhadra's words a reference to the Prajñāpanā that is out of place the second time. Thus, it arises that the Bhāsya, half through the fault of the author and half through the fault of the interpolator, appears somewhat unfavourable for the topic that we are concerned with.
The Bhāsya passage dealing with II reads: I 552" The attentive srutajñānin correctly knows everything that is present with respect to
matter, space, time and introspection. He also visualizes it - some (think) (who read jāņai pāsai in the Nandi)
actually, by means of acakşur-darśana. 553 To him (should be replied): Since acaksurdarśana is common (to the mati-jñānin
and the śrutajñānin) how should the matijñānin not see by it, but the śrutajñānin?
Why such a difference! [554 In the Prajñāpanā (chap. XXX Ed. fol. 756 f.), (meanwhile everywhere,) except at
the mati-(jñāna)-division and at acakṣurdarśana', visualizing is clearly postulated;
for this reason visualizing at śruta(-jñāna) is correct.]
Jinabhadra, then, adopts here the reading jāņai na pāsai. One could also translate 552": He also visualizes it. – Some (say): and, in fact, ...
In that case, Jinabhadra's mistake would have been passed over. Then he would not have disputed perceiving itself, but only acakşurdarśana. On the other hand, the interpolator might have tagged on 552 in the sense of the first account and then have found fault with 554. This interpretation in favour of Jinabhadra is not possible for two reasons: Sīlānka and Hemacandra interpret 552 concurrently in the earlier manner, in fact, on the basis of Jinabhadra's commentary, and Jinabhadra would not have rejected acakṣurdarśana if he would have recognized visualizing at all without postulating another darśana for it.
Much more comprehensive is the Bhāsya-passage dealing with IV: I 814 That (one) (manahparyāyajñānin) perceives by means of acakşurdarśana, like the
śrutajñānin. 814. (If someone objects that acaksurdarśana might be) right for the śruta (-jñānin since
this) (is) parokşa, but not for the manaḥ(paryāya)jñāna (because this) (is) pratyakşa, (thus, we reply:) if it is correct with parokșa, then it fits still better (also) with pratyakşa; 815° if (only) (manahparyāya)jñāna and not (also) (acakşur)darśana is pratyakşa, then what does this matter for that one (manahparyāyajñānin, since, indeed, also the avadhijñānin perceives a paroksa-object by cakşurdarśana and acakşurdarśana)? Others say! (the manahparyāyajñānin visualizes) as a result of avadhidarśana. But in the Canon that (avadhidarśana) has not been attributed to 816', nor even a (special) manahparyāya-darśana, or any other (darśana) beyond the (known)
darśana-foursome. 817
Or (does someone) believe, "avadhidarśana" might be (nothing more than) a(nother) name for the (supposed) manahparyāya-darsana (as well) as for the
8159
81ÈR.
What is particular about this contradiction need not be discussed here.
112

Page #213

English translation by George Baumann
vibhanga-darśana, then such talk is uncanonical, 818“ because in the Canon) two or three darśana-types are ascribed to the manah(paryāya)jñānin, (namely, the first two, when he has, besides the manahparyāyajñāna, still the first two jñāna-types, on the other hand, the first three, when along with the manahparyāyajñāna he also has the first three jñāna-types); 8180 if it were (manahparyāyajñāna-darśana, the
same as) avadhidarśana, then it would necessarily have to be three. 819a But others (claim): (only) the manah(paryāya)jñānin who is provided with
avadhi(jñāna) (hence, possessing, in total, all four first jñāna-types) knows (by means of his manaḥparyāyajñāna) and perceives (by means of avadhidharśana); 8190 someone else, however, (who, along with the manahparyāyajñāna, possesses only both of the first jñāna-types) knows why it is only said in the Canon that
visualizing occurs (at all), (but not under which circumstances). [41'] 820 Others (say): because (manahparyāyajñāna) is s'ākāra, therefore, it is knowledge;
there perceiving does not (take place) (like with avadhi- and kevala-jñāna); but
since it is pratyaksa he who possesses it is, therefore, perceiving with it. [821 (To all that) we reply: In the Prajñāpanā (chapter XXX) there is mention of
perceiving of manahparyāyajñāna; of course, with this he (the manaḥparyāyajñānin) visualizes; for what reason (does) uncertainty (prevails at all
in this matter), (since even the Canon gives the necessary information!)
Jinabhadra first gives (in 814a), briefly, his own opinion, whereby as already noted, he accepts what was rejected at II. Then he defends (in 815) his opinion against an objection (8145) and further mentions (in 816-820) four more divergent viewpoints, the first two of which he refutes. Finally, the interpolator points to the Prajñāpanā that is not appropriate here.
The third and fourth viewpoints (819 & 820), although not refuted, for that reason are not intended to be considered as possibly noteworthy; as we shall see p. 49962 f., Jinabhadra ridicules the fourth in his commentary. Haribhadra has apparently overlooked this, because at the first occurrence of jānāti paśyati: ... jānāti paśyati ca that, moreover, basically follows Viś. I 812 f., he presents in a short excursus on Āv.-niry. I 77, precisely, the viewpoints that have not been refuted in the Bhāsya-text: avadhijñāna sampanna-manahparyāyajñāninam adhikṣtyaivam, anyathā jānāty eva na paśyati; athavā yataḥ s'ākāram tad ato jñānam yataś ca paśyati tena ato darśanam iti; evam sūtre sambhavam adhikstyôktam iti, anyathā cakşuracakşur-avadhi-kevala-darśanam tatrôktam caturdhā virudhyate.
The Nandi-Cūrņi whose words are cited and explained by Malayagiri (Ed. p. 195 f.) touches on Viś I 813 & 820, and shares, in some way, the standpoint of the fourth opinion.
As far as both interpolations (554 & 821) are concerned, they are thus recognizable by their tendency: the first only objects to Jinabhadra's viewpoint and the second to the viewpoint of Jinabhadra and others. Thus, both are lacking in certain manuscripts; the second in those that Hemacandra used, the first in the original of manuscript p, where, mainly 554 was appended in the margin (in front of the stanza-enumeration since this includes it). Lastly, since both of the stanzas simply point to the Prajñāpanā the contents speak for their originality and indicate that they also are ascribable to the same scholar (perhaps to Jinabhata). Śīlānka takes up both stanzas without expressing himself about their unauthenticity. Hemacandra has correctly judged, at least, the second, but he adds critical textual details, half of which are wrong! More about this below, pp. 52o48-65 & 53427-51.
According to Sl. & Hem. Bhagavatyām āsīvişôddeśake , i.e. in Bhag. VIII 2; this chapter, alone, does not contain a corresponding passage. Silānka places pecchai "visualizes" falsely with paccakkham. In the excerpts (p. 8"18, one should read: ucyate, to... 'tvena taj-jno...
113

Page #214

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
We have chosen a stanza from the Anuyogadvāra-part of our text that deals with the doctrine of permutation. I 942 In the normal sequence, place (each of the available numbers at the first position)
where this does not cause any "breach of the (permutation) principle" the next possible smaller (number); (then) bring to the right of that), the same (numbers) as above; with the rest (to be placed left), the ascending sequence (has to be maintained).
4 4
In order to form the second row after the first 1 2 3,1 must be placed under 2. This results in the series 2 1 3.
In order to achieve the third row, the next smaller number has to be placed under the last number of the second (row), because to place a 1 under the opening number 2 would be a "breach of principle” (a samaya-bheda), since by taking down the following numbers (1 3), the number 1 would appear again. Then, you get 1 3 2.
Henceforth, to produce the fourth row, 1 (not 2) has to be placed under 3 of the third (row), because (to begin with the next possible number) 2 would cause a "breach of principle". 3 1 2 is formed.
In the fifth series neither 2 nor 1 can be placed under 3, because both numbers would give rise to a samaya-bheda. A sequence 2 3 1 arises.
Out of this the sixth row 3 2 1 develops.
By analogy, the permutation-sequence with 4 numbers, presented at the right, emerges that in the first three columns of the first six lines, at the same time, contains the six triplet series alluded to.
[424] The gāthā (Exc. p. 89)* cited by Haribh., Śīl. & Hemac. that probably originates from a mathematical work defines its own term samaya-bheda of the permutation-doctrine. Two karana-gāthā-s", furnished later by Śīlānka, give the calculation for the preceding Bhāsya-stanza (1 941), which informs that with six members (1 x 2 x 3 x 4 x 5 x 6) - 2 = 718 irregular sequences (aņāņupuvvī) result since from the 720 permutations, the first (1 2 3 4 5 6) should be counted as a regular forward sequence (puvv'āņupuvvī) and the last (6 5 4 3 2 1) as a regular backward sequence (pacch'ānupuvvī).
1 1 2 3 2 2 1 3 3 1 3 2 4 3 1 2
2 3 11 6 3 2 1 71 2 4 8 2 1 4 9 1 4 2 10 4 1 2 11 2 4 1 12 4 2 1 13 1 3 4 14 3 1 4 15 1 4 3 16 4 1 3 17 3 4 1 18 4 3 1 19 2 3 4 20 3 2 4 21 2 4 3 22 4 2 3 23 3 4 2 24 4 3 2
3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1
* All mss (BSZO, P?, BbII) except P's and Malayagiri's commentary have the false reading jahiyammi (Av.-Erz., p. 13 & Anuyogadv. Ed. p. 189,9). The translation reads: Where, after placement (of a number, upon reduction of the numbers), the same again should be placed - that is a "breach of principle" that must be carefully avoided.
Exc. p. 89. To be translated:
[1] 2 x1 = 2, 3 x 2 = 6, 4 x 6 = 24, [10) 24 x 5 = 120, [2] 120 x 6 = 720,
[2] 720 - 2 = 718. Between 1 and 1 the schema of the six permutations above has been inserted in the ms., where, then, the syllables dam nā ca appear as abbreviations for the triade chosen as an example (also by Hemac.), e.g. 1 damsana - 2 nāna - 3 caritta. - If the old letter numeral for "five" in Jaina manuscripts (e.g. in the text of P XII 13) has often been transformed into nā, the present abbreviation na was probably intended because Jaina dogmatics distinguish 5 nāna-types.
114

Page #215

English translation by George Baumann
The granthi-doctrine has been taken from the rest of Vis. I, which analyses a mental transitional state, that in our religious terminology we would perhaps call an inner rebirth. The structures we find there - that, by the way, do not seem to be old canonical* - form a chapter on religious psychology.
In Āv.-niry. II 26-28 it is stated:
He who is entirely bound by the eightfold karman attains none of the four Sāmāyika-types. On the other hand, he who is bound to the seven karman-types attains the one or other, when the time has come. The Sāmāyika-attainment can be illustrated by comparisons with a storehouse', with the pebbles of a mountain stream?, with ants", with (three) men", with a path', with those ill with fever, with Kodrava-grains', with water®, and with a garment'.
This is the passage which allows Sanghadāsa and Jinabhadra to develop the granthidoctrine in the following manner: Viś. I 1193 (K. pedh. 94). With him who is bound sevenfold, the granthi “knot” arises
when the time has come (as preparation of the inner renewal, like with the
reed). 1195 When this is broken (overcome), one attains the samyaktva and the remaining
prerequisites for salvation. 1201
(K. pedh. 95). The inner transformation can take place 1. unnoticed (gradually), 2. noticeably, 3. continually. The second and third types are only found with those who are closer to
liberation. 1202
(K. pedh. 96). With the first type one does not come out of the knot, with the second it is overcome, and with the third one has samyaktva (constantly) in
view. 121 (K. pedh. 111). (Concerning the seventh parable it has to be said:) Like the
mada-bhāva of Kodrava-grains so can the mental) mada of blindness either disappear by itself (unnoticed through natural disposition), or be made to
disappear (noticeably) through a special process (through mental training). 1219 (K. pedh. 110). And like the Kodrava-grains (subjected to treatment) divide
into improved, half-improved and completely improved, so with the (noticeably transformed) soul (the three steps of) non-purification, half
purification and purification can be distinguished. 12179 (K. pedh. 1094). With noticeable transformation the soul then divides its
wrong conceptions into three (gradually different) groups. K.pedh.118. As long as one has not yet overcome (from these three groups of conceptions)
the (first) non-purified, one is tripunjin "three-group-like”; if one has overcome this, then one becomes (for the present) dvipunjin "two-group-like”, (then, after the half-purified group has also been overcome) ekapunjin "one-group-like”, (finally, after overcoming the purified group, whereupon complete purification takes place) kşapaka "a (complete) conqueror”. - Differently in the citation at
Viś. I 528 (below, p. 7a). Viś. I 1217'. By means of constant transformation the soul reaches complete purification.
115

Page #216

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
[42] Enough has been said above, (pp. 36'55-38 45) about Viś. II. Also the second half (dedicated to the schisms) of Viś. III is known, at least as far as the general contents are concerned, from a treatise “Die alten Berichte von den Schismen der Jaina" ("The ancient reports about the Jaina schisms”) (Ind. Stud. XVII 91 135).
In Viś. IV we find a discussion about the difference between the monk's and the layman's version of the Sāmāyika-vow. Only the first (niry. VIII 112) of both Niryuktistanzas of the section (75 & 81) mentions the difference, and even this is missing in the Digambara version of the Niryukti (as can be seen from the concordance p. 20°12). But this does not prove much; any change of the vow made for laymen has already been taken for granted in the older Canon since there is occasional mention of the samaņôvāsaga sāmāiyakada in the Bhagavati (VII 1. VIII 5) and otherwise. Besides, cp. above, p. 625-48. 74. In the layman's version (of the vow)
1. the word savva has to be omitted, 2. duviham, tivihena (instead of tiviham, tivihena) has to be placed,
3. the duration has to be limited (up to two ghatikā-s, i.e. 48 minutes as minimum). 75. Whoever uses the word savva in the vow without acting correspondingly also forfeits his
partial merit. 74. conclusion & 76. The first textual modification is necessary, because the layman
cannot avoid approval of reproachable acts that have already happened. 77. The second textual modification does not contradict the Canon (i.e. the Bhag. VIII
5). There, indeed, the layman is allowed not just the six, but all nine combinations (tiviham, tivihena, tiviham duv, etc.), but only in face of serious types of killing,
etc., not in face of everything reproachable. 78. If a layman should relate the vow to something useless or unattainable, e.g. he
would vow to protect fish in the farthermost ocean ring, then, naturally, he could
express the solemn declaration "in a three by threefold manner". 79. Just the same, if he should have the intention to become a monk and (for the
present) only out of consideration for his family would be content with the (last, i. e. the eleventh lay-) practice (which consists of still living with his own people, but
following an outright monastic behaviour). 80. On the other hand, whoever does not give up, once and for all, the complex of
reproachable acts among which he moved before, he cannot suddenly stop the
results, which his previous countenance of those acts produced. 81. Because the layman becomes like a monk through the Sāmāyika-vow, therefore, he
should renew it often.
Jinabhadra cites the Bhagavatī-passage, mentioned in 77, also in V 738. In short, it teaches the following:
When a layman professes one of the five small commandments, then with this step 7 x 7 x 3 = 147 variations can be distinguished: 7 variations each are formed with tiviham and with tivihena that allows 7 x 7 combinations, which triple
themselves in as much as past, present and future have to be kept in mind.
Jinabhadra avails himself of the same calculation in V 736 f. for the Sāmāyika. It appears in Digambara literature (with Amstacandra on Kundakunda's Samayaprābhịta 389) in connection with a general renunciation-formula.
In the conception of space and time in India the ten directions (diśas) and the four world aeons play an outstanding role. The adherents of the Jaina religion have specialized
In Samav. XI 1,11 it says of such a person: samaņa-bhüe yâvi bhavai.
116

Page #217

English translation by George Baumann
both constructions in their own way and the relevant doctrines form a part of the Avaśyakatradition whose turn will soon come after the preceding has been dealt with.
To begin with, Viś. IV 88 presents a Niryukti-draft of the doctrine of directions: the term diś "direction” has to be understood in a sevenfold manner, among other things, as matter and place. The material diś has to be understood as a diagram that illustrates the directions and the local diś as a system of space of the directions emanating from the middle of the world.
The dis-diagram contains, at least, thirteen atoms – the ancient Bhāşya-author teaches this in niry. VIII 121'. Jinabhadra changes this stanza (it becomes Viś. IV 89) and includes the traditional argumentation while rejecting an opposing opinion: 90a (The simplest diś-diagram is the following:) One (atom) each in the secondary directions
(NE SE SW NW) and (one) in the middle; two each in the main directions (NES W). [43] 90 Others say (the diagram) contains ten atoms, because they provide the ten directions
(i.e. the eight mentioned plus "above" and "below"), each with one (atom). 914 That is not (correct), because (the Anuyoga-experts teach) "what the ten directions
represent is square". (Therefore, that is not a (correct) dió-diagram.
Jinabhadra's explanation of this passage probably has been copied almost word for word by Silānka. With the latter it reads (Exc. p. 14°): [909) One atom each has to be placed toward the four secondary directions; furthermore, and
in the middle, (i.e.) and within the intermediary directions one has to be placed, means "in the middle, below and above". Then two atoms each have to be placed straight ahead, (i.e.) lengthwise in the four main directions. A conglomerate of thirteen atoms results in a
(simple) diś-diagram. [90] However, other interpreters call the dis-diagram a conglomerate containing ten atoms,
- by doing what? he (the author) says: - by providing the ten directions, each
with one, i.e. placing one atom each toward the ten directions. To this has to be replied: [91°) That is not (correct), this is not a (correct) dió-diagram,
1. because that (mentioned conglomerate) is round; 2. because, together with the central atom (in reality), it has eleven atoms (which create
a contradiction to the designation); 3. because if the central atom should not be accepted, nothing would be present to be
able (as a starting point) to determine the ten directions; 4. because, if (for that reason) one (of both atoms for "above" and "below” as middle
point) were to be placed there into the plane, one (i.e. the other) would have to
protrude; 5. because, if (in order to evade this objection, both atoms for "above" and "below")
were reduced to half, a logical error would be the result (since there cannot be half
atoms). For this reason, by assuming a central atom, another (total) number ("eleven" instead of "ten” has to be applied). But why does that (what has been said) not remain so (correct)? (The author) says: because (the Anuyoga-experts teach) "what the ten directions represent is square"; (i.e.) because the Anuyoga-teachers have perceived it (the conglomerate) that represents the ten directions to be square as it contains thirteen atoms. (The word) iti (i.e. in the translation the last quotation mark) should indicate the end of the citation. What remains (what yet follows in 91“) is a (closing argumentative) recapitulation'. (With this) a topic (closes) (namely, the one in 88 = niry. VIII 121 at the third passage with the words davie . .. disā of the material diś).
Cp. Das.-niry. 91 end (ZDMG. VLI 647).
117

Page #218

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
Hemacandra's explanation is more verbose. However, he passes over reasons 4 and 5 of 91a, but justifies the necessity of the atoms of the secondary directions with a citation'. The drawing, found opposite, which he adds, was already included at niry. VIII 121', respectively at Viś. IV.89.
About this Hemacandra remarks that the diś-diagram actually cannot be presented graphically, but only understood cetasi "intellectually" (i.e. by means of a spatial imaginative power (avadharaniya) apparently, because the directions represented by the middle atom "above" and "below" come out of the plane, and instead of a planimetrical, require a stereometrical drawing.
The waiver of the three-dimensional viewpoint was apparently intended by the inventors of the orthodox diagram of directions, as only the simplicity, thus gained by it artificially, would have secured priority for it over the one containing ten atoms that, theoretically, would have been more correct.
Without doubt, two atoms each in the orthodox schema were attributed to the main directions, only to be able to characterize them as such. Therefore, it can only be expected that the incognizableness of the main directions of the opposing schema would be criticized.
What the Cūrṇi says about the diś-diagram is completely confused. It treats the conglomerate containing thirteen and the conglomerate having ten atoms as equal; the first is called ring-like, and the latter is supposed to be the Rucaka!
As far as the regional dis is concerned, Jinabhadra offers the following line: 91 The regional dis (starts out) in the middle of Meru from the Rucaka, which contains eight
atoms.
The drawing presented here by Haribhadra and Hemacandra is not clear enough3 which is why we replace it with the following: [43]
+ Oo O O O O + The square in the middle represents the upper and lower side of the Rucaka-cube and the main directions have been recorded as small o circles, the subordinate directions as small crosslets. As can be seen, the area of a main direction begins with two atoms and increases steadily by two more, whereas the area of a subordinate direction has only one atom in each new panel. The areas of both remaining directions ("above" and "below") are not depicted in the figure. Each of them has the form of a square column, which expands over, respectively below the Rucaka.
After these preliminary remarks, three stanzas, conveyed by Haribhadra, Śīlānka (Exc. p. 14) and Hemacandra that are also found in the Vulgate-text of the Niryukti (VIII 12124) and in the Ac.-niry. (42, 44, 46), but have been completely ignored by our Curni, should be comprehensible; they teach:
O + 0 0 O +
OOO
OOO
0
+ O
OO
+ 0
0 O +
O 0 + O
• 0
O
O
+
O
0 0 +
0 O 0 O O O +
O

O
O
O O O O
1. The Rucaka, containing eight atoms in the midst of the middle world, is the source of the (four main) directions; it is also (the source) of the (four) subordinate directions.
2. The four (main directions) contain two atoms at the beginning and each increases by two, the four (subordinate) directions contain one atom and do not increase, both (directions "above" and "below") contain four (atoms) at the beginning and do not increase.
3. The four main directions, having the form of a waggon attachment, the four
1
egapaes'ogāḍham satta-paesa ya se phusaṇā ||
2 davva-disā jahannena terasa-padesiyam davvam, tam jahannayam dasadisāgam, terasa-padesiyam pi jahannayam davvam bhavati, dasa-padesiyam pi. tattha puņa terasa-padesie parimandalam samthanam bhavati; dasa-padesie disão bhavanti, Ruyao ya so bhannai, u k ko se nam anant a-padesi ya m asamkhejjapades'ogadham. e sa davva-disā.
The words in italics are to be found in niry. VIII 121', those spread apart in Viś. IV 89.
3
The same is also found, apparently added by the glossarist, in Sīlānka's manuscript; cp. plate 28 below (at the right margin of fol. 272).
118

Page #219

English translation by George Baumann
(subordinate directions), having the form of a pearl-necklace, and both (directions, "above" and "below") are similar to the Rucaka.
Rucaka, thought of in the above system as a proper name of the cube forming the middle of the world, not only denotes cube-shaped things in Sanskrit literature (like, e.g. salts that crystallize into cubes), but also objects that have the appearance of square columns (like square teeth, etc.).
The idea of world aeons occurs in a double form among the Jains.
A first form of this has been mingled with the conception of a twelve-spoked wheel of time (the year, transferring with its twelve months into a large dimension). The earlier names of the world aeons have been changed here and their number has been raised to twelve. Moreover, only the first six deteriorate (corresponding to the descending half of a rotation), whereas the second six (in the ascending half of the rotation) improve themselves again, so that an ideal state is not only presupposed at the beginning, but also at the end of the entire calculation of time. - This entire doctrine of time has been illustrated in the three older Avaśyaka-commentaries (CHS) as an introduction to Viś. IV 99. As a source for it, the Jambūdvīрaprajñapti (Weber Cat. II 580 582) has been directly or indirectly used; Digambara passages with the same contents are to be found in the commentaries on Tattvârtha III 27 (& IV 14) and in Ravisena's PadmaPur. XX 80 82. Although, as usual, the Cūrṇi avails itself of the Pkt.-prose and Haribhadra of the Skt.-prose, the depiction given by Śīlānka consists of 12 gāthā-s (Exc. p. 14)*. In brief, the theory is the following.
The six periods of the descending (osappini) rotation (16) repeat themselves in the ascending (ussappini) rotation in the opposite sequence (6 1). Name and duration are: "best"
1.
susamasusamā
4 Sāg.-koḍāk.
[= 400 billion Sāg.-times].
2.
susamā
3
"good" 3. "good-bad" susamadussamā 2
4.
"bad-good" dussamasusamā 1 5. "bad"
dussamā
6. "worst"
66
dussamadussamā 21000

Co
66
21000 years.
1
CC
The irregularity of the decrease in duration clearly shows that this had originally been devised for four periods, which as with Manu [I 69 71] corresponded to the four world aeons (1+1). 4, 3, 2, 1 millenniums" one after the other 4, 3, 2, 1 Sag.-koḍāk. When
**
minus 42000 years
two further periods were added a sum of years was simply taken out of the fourth period in order to maintain the entire duration, and these were divided up evenly, contrary to the system, into equal parts to both appendages. If the duration had been fixed in the sense of the wheel of time, then all periods should be equally long. The decrease in the duration, as well as in quality, is only understandable on the basis [44] of the Indian-European doctrine of the four world aeons. This original concept also gains a place for itself in the following addition:
But the twelve-part time is valid only for the Bharaha vāsa and the Eravaya vāsa (i.e. for the southernmost and northernmost zones of Jambūdvīpa); for the remaining
In the first gatha the "ascending" is placed in front, as with Haribhadra (in the ms. oss° instead of uss°), and later, Šilanka retains this mistake, if one is not to read os° in 4a and uss° in 8a (in the ms there is oss both times!). Hemacandra also gives the "ascending" always before the "descending". Likewise, Municandra who includes seven gatha-s at Upadeśapada 17 that contentwise correspond to gāthā-s 3-8 with Śīlānka. Even the Digambara editor of the Tattvârtha already writes (in III 27) utsarpiny-avasarpiṇībhyām, whereas the commentaries at this passage correctly give the opposite sequence (in fact, some note that in the text utsarpini only precedes because it is the shorter word).
As with Manu each sum is raised by two single tenths, which fall to the samdhya and to the samdhyamsa, a complete duration of twelve (instead of ten) millenniums results. This sum will have been taken over by the wheel of time-conception that originally had ascribed a millennium to each spoke and had prompted the invention of both tenths.
119

Page #220

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
four zone-pairs periods are valid whose qualities, in sequence, correspond to the above first four. [The Cūrni adds: **** According to others, the time of a simple type
is different from the twelve-part and has the quality of the above fourth period.]
The second form in which the followers of Jainism know the doctrine of the world aeons is the common Indian one. Along with the previously described form it appears sometimes as in language where an undisplaced word appears as a duplicate beside a regularly displaced word through the mixing of dialects. Anyhow, the original form has experienced two slight changes, although it is not fitting at all to the conceptual system of Jainism: firstly, the word yugma (a synonym of yuga that does not at all exist in Skt. with the meaning "aeon") has been introduced for the old term yuga, and, secondly, the entire concept has been raised to the power of two, since by means of a combination of individual aeons (1 1,1 2,1 3,1 4; 2 1,2 2,2 3,2 4; 3 1,3 2,3 3,3 4; 4 1,4 2,4 3,4 4) sixteen large aeons have been created or also four square-aeons (rāsi-jumma) have been placed. – Only the doctrine of the four simple aeons is known in the original books of the Bhagavatī (XVIII 4). The raising to the power of two appears only in the additional parts: the simple (ones) as the “small ones” are differentiated (in XXXI 1) from the "big (ones)" (XXXI 1). Ultimately, the “square-aeons" emerge in the final book (XLI).
In closing we choose a passage in order to give yet another sample from Vis. V, which ties up with the Jaina recast of the fairly common all-Indian doctrine of bodies. This passage, actually highly indifferent with regard to the text, although characteristic of the unrealism of Indian thinking, is very important to us from a dogmatic historical point of view.
The Bhagavati (VIII 9) distinguishes two stages in the association of the jīva with the five bodies (orāliya-sarīra veuvviya-so āhāraga-so teyaga-so kammaga-so ). One stage is complete attachment (savva-bandha), the other, partial attachment (desa-bandha). The first arises only in the first, respectively with the orāliya-sarīra, when two viggaha-instants precede) only in the third instant, the latter from there until the dissolution of the coherence (at death, etc.). Dogmatics now attempt by all possible dimensions, be they corporeal or fictive, to establish a minimum and a maximum. Corresponding to this practice, the following self-evident calculations are presented in the Bhagavatī passages that are reproduced in the Āvaśyaka-niryukti and in Jinabhadra's Bhāsya, e.g. in regard to the material body (orāliyasarīra) that, according to the theory, can alternate in a sequence of re-births with a veuvviyasarīra. Bhag. Ed. fol. 666. Av.-niry. X 17 & 184. Viś. V 513 5158. The desabandha lasts, at least, a minimal orāliya-lifetime minus (viggaha + savvabandha =) three instants, at the most, an absolute maximal orāliya-lifetime minus the savvabandha-instant.
*** With the third pair all three commentaries write Erannavaya resp. Airanyavata instead of Hero, respectively Hairo - an influence of Erāvaya (Airāvata)! Hemacandra who reproduces the addition within the explanation of Viś. IV 100 f., also writes Airanyavata, and he repeats this deformity at Vis. V 121'. In addition, the reading Ero in Jinabhadra's Ksetrasamāsa 23 is given by all available mss and recensions except by Malayagiri's text and by Kș?; however, since here Ero forms a hiatus, Jinabhadra, then, has put Hero, and Malayagiri is also correct when he writes thus, and in the paraphrase gives Hairo along with Haribhadra. In Ksetrasamāsa 144 & 145 only Her has been handed down. However, in Kşetrasamāsa 171& 252 one finds exactly the same as above with Silänka:
Hemava'Erannavae ... The apostrophizing of the preceding word proves that the author himself had written like that. Therefore, it is of no consequence when here, both times, also Haribhadra's as well as Malayagiri's paraphrase substitute the correct form Hairo (the Haribhadra manuscripts are incorrect the first time: Vaitādhyo Airanyo I 1', Vaitādhyo Hiranyo P XII 397'). Already during the time of Haribhadra Erannavaya was permissible as a reliable variant for Herannavaya. Umāsvāti writes Hairo in Tattvartha III 10.
****anne puņa bhaṇanti: no-osappiņi-ussappiņi-kālo egaviho ceva cauttha-samā-palibhāgo hojjā. no sesāsu, tammi kāle cauvviham pi sāmāiyam pi puvva-padivannao padivajjamāṇao vi bhanejjā.
120
.
.
.

Page #221

English translation by George Baumann
Av.-niry. X 19. Viś. V 522 525. The interval between two
Bhag. Ed. fol. 666b & 667a.
savva-bandha-instants lasts,
at least, a minimal oraliya-lifetime minus (viggaha + savvabandha =) three instants,
at the most, a relative maximal oraliya-lifetime minus the savvabandha-instant + a maximal veuvviya-lifetime + both viggaha-instants of the following oraliya-existence.
Bhag. Ed. fol. 667. Av.-niry. X 20. Viś. V 526 & 527ay. The interval between two desabandhastages lasts,
[44] at least, a savvabandha-instant,
at the most, a maximal veuvviya-lifetime + (viggaha + savvabandha=)
three instants of the following oraliya-existence.
So much for the Canon. Simple logic soon leads to the conclusion: if the initial attachment requires an instant for itself, then the same has also to be given to the dissolution. Accordingly, later dogmatics place the dissolution at the side of both traditional stages. At the same time it changes the terminology; usually the three stages are called:
1. "consolidation" samghata or sarva-samghata,
2. "consolidation & deterioration" samghata-[pari]śāṭa,
3. "deterioration" (at death, etc.) [pari]śāta or sarva-[pari]śāṭa.
In order for the conveyed canonical calculations to remain correct, each time the deterioration-instant has to be somehow argued away, if it would influence the result. In general, this happens in such a manner that it is transferred to the beginning of the following existence, i.e. if there is no viggaha, it is identified with the next instant of consolidation. The first and third stages then differentiate from one another logically in so far as the same instant is called the deterioration stage when it terminates a lifetime, and the consolidation stage when it opens a new one. But a new problem arises, when, in conformity with the above interval, the interval between two deterioration-instants also has to be calculated. Here opinions are also completely divided: the Niryukti-author, Jinabhadra and Haribhadra's teacher, all three obtain different results and, besides, Jinabhadra's opinion whose side all the commentaries, more or less, take, is justified in this manner by some, and differently by others.
Viś. V 528. The interval between two deterioration-stages lasts,
at least, a minimal oraliya-lifetime ["minus three instants" Av.-niry. X 19, "minus an instant" H's teacher],
at the most, a maximal veuvviya-lifetime + a relative maximal orāliya-lifetime ["plus an instant" Av.-niry. X 19, "minus an instant" H's teacher].
As everywhere, Jinabhadra simply omits the deterioration-instant, so that with him, although he expresses himself otherwise in Viś. V 515-521 otherwise, deterioration is actually no stage, but only the pure logical (timeless) borderline between the end of a lifetime and the beginning of the following one. On the other hand, Haribhadra's teacher miscalculates here the deterioration-instant, which is why both of his sums of time are shorter by an instant. Finally, the Niryukti, due to a wrong transcription, achieves the same results as with the savvabandha-interval: although this is not applicable to the maximum, both times it miscalculates a viggaha, and in spite of this identifies the deterioration-instant with the next consolidation-instant. Probably because of this mistake, the Cūrṇi decides to graft Jinabhadra's opinion on to the Niryukti by means of a forced interpretation and Haribhadra goes along with this feat, although at the end, if his words are not to be taken otherwise, he intimates the natural interpretation, at least timidly. In all, the following opinions find their expression in our Avasyaka-commentaries:
I. The Niryukti-opinion, expressed by H
if the passage can be so interpreted as the last possibility for interpretation that is not compatible with the Bhāṣya. II. The Bhāṣya-point of view, interpreted by C H M(alay.) into the Niryukti. III. The point of view of Haribhadra's teacher, in H.
Apparently forced onto the Niryukti by Śīl., but still ascribed to the ācāryadesiya. Mentioned by Hem. as an

121

Page #222

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
objection and by M as an undesirable possibility. IV. First defence of the Bhāsya-point of view, in C & H. - Rejected by Śīl. with a
reference to Vis. V 516; for that reason stated by Hem. without full assurance as an
interpretation by the "elders" to avert the objection. Approved by M. V. Second defence of the Bhāsya-point of view
with Śīl. Exc. p.186 VI. Third defence of the Bhāsya-point of)
view
Thus, these misinterpretations of the Niryukti-passage have been made possible because our interval has been dealt with along with the savvabandha-interval.
ti-samaya-hīņam khuddam = minimum,
maximum = puvvakodī samao uyahī ya tettīsam || 19 Here minimum and maximum are equally applicable to both intervals. But C H M, for Jinabhadra's sake, quite arbitrarily, allow the words in italics to be applicable only for the savvabandha-interval. On the other hand, Śīlānka only wants to reserve ti- in the first line for that by which the opinion of Haribhadra's teacher would be given, but which would contradict the second line since it is in no way justified to follow Malayagiri to construe samao the first time correctly, and then to state it is equivalent to = samaya-hīņam (!) the next time. – If the second Niryukti-line would not speak against it, then the first, if need be, could be interpreted in Jinabhadra's sense, because the Niryukti-versifications, wanting to be as short as possible, sometimes become unclear or misleading and then have to be translated, not according to the actual wording, but according to tradition.
[45] After all that has been said, the five commentaries should be heard. However, we leave out as much as possible of what is only paraphrase of Av.-niry. X 19, respectively of Viś. V 528. The individual opinions are numbered for the sake of clarity according to our preceding lists, except with Sīlānka whose comments (partially because of a gap) do not let themselves be classified exactly. C: IV. Viś. V 528. ihânantarâtītabhava-carimasamaye orāliyasarītī savvasādam kātūņa khuddāgabhavaggahaniesu uvavanno, tassa pajjante savvasādam kareti, tato khullāgabhavaggahanam eva bhavati. ukkosenam puņa koi orāliyasavvasādam kātūņa 2tettīsasāgarovama-tthitīesu veuvviesu uvavanno, pacchā tāo puvvakod'āuesu orāliyasarīrisu uvavanno, puvvakodi-ante orāliya-savvasādam kareti tti. H: IV. ihânantarâtītabhava-carimasamaye kaścid audārikaśarīrī sarvaśātam kļtvā vanaspatisvāgatya sarvajaghanyam kşullakabhavagrahan'āyuskam anupālya paryante sarvaśātam karoti, tataś ca kşullakabhavagrahaņam eva bhavati. utkțstam tu trayastriņsat sāgaropamāni pūrvakoty-adhikāni, katham? iha kaścit samyata-manusyah audārikasarvaśātam kļtvā 'nuttarasureșu trayastrimsat sāgaropamāny ativāhya punar manusyeşv audārikasarvasamghātam kļtvā pūrvakoty-ante audārika-sarvaśātam karotîty. uktam ca bhāsyakāreņa: Viś. V 528. - III. guravas tu vyācaksate: tad-ārambhasamayasya pūrvabhavaśātenâvaruddhatvāt samaya-hīnam kşullakabhavagrahaņam jaghanyam śāțântaram iti. [I.]* tathā ca: kilaivam aksarāņi nīyante "trisamaya-hīnam kşullakam" ity, etad api nyāyyam evâsmākam (pratibhāti, kimtv atigambhīradhiyā bhāṣyakstā saha virudhyate. Śīl.: Exc. p. 186.... prāk-so ... ev' ādho ... niry. X 19. ti-vihīņam samaya-hīņam ca yathā-samkhyam. iha jaghanyam śātasya śātasya cântaram kşullakabhavagrahanam sampūrņam āhậto 'vasīyate 'tītabhava-caramasamaye śāta iti
I'rira- a. 2 tettīsamsāgo yo. 3 Presu By. 4 The attachment through tathā ca indicates that the following also belongs to III. But then after nīyante the text should continue differently. The Avacūri, which H writes out here, also even replaces trisamo.... virudhyate with tribhih samayena caikena hinam yatha-kramam samghāta-śātayor antaram ity arthah.
122 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #223

English translation by George Baumann
etatsampūrņânantarânyathā’nupapatter anyathā do-chappancās'āvaliyasayapadham'āvalim tatprathama-sarvasamghāt'ākhyasamaya-pātād ekasamaya-nyūna-prāpti-prasangah. atraiv' ācāryadesīya aha: prāpnotu jaghanyatarântaraguņalābhāt. naitad evam atītabhavacaramasamaye āyuşkânubhava-vaisistyena tatra pariśātasya virudhyamānatvato yuktyanubhava-bādhitatvāt. ata eva côktam V 516*. na cêtaś cêtaś ca pariśāța-samghāta-kriyakāriņaḥ samayasya paurastyād rāśeh pāta-prasangah. tad-bhāva-bhāvitvād antarasya. tathā hi samghāta ubhayam ca śātayor antaram iti. ukkosam spastam. Hem.: III. atr' āha: '.... yah kşullakabhavagrahan'āyuskesu vanaspaty-ādişûtpadyate sa V 5167 iti vacanāt tasya ksullakabhavagrahanasy' ādi-samaye prāktan'audārikaśarīrasya sarvapariśātam karoti, tataḥ kṣullakabhavagrahanaparyante mstaḥ punar api parabhav'ādyasamaye audārikasya sarvaśātam vidhatte, ity evam audārikaśātasya 2 cântare jaghanyataḥ samayonam kşullakabhavagrahaņam prāpnoti; utkęsta-pakse 'pi samyata-manusyaḥ kaścin mộto devabhav'ādyasamaye audārikasya sarvaśātam kļtvā trayastrimśat sāgaropamāṇy anuttarasureșv āyur ativāhya pūrvakoty-āyuskeșu manuşyeşûtpadya mộto yadā punar api parabhav'ādyasamaye audārikasya sarvaśātam karoti pūrvakoțimadhyāc ca samayo devabhav'āyuşke kşipyate tada audārikasya śātasya 2 cântare utkrstatah samayona-pūrvakoty-adhikāni trayastrimsat sāgaropamāņi labhyante. tatah 2 katham idam netavyam? iti. – IV. satyam uktam; kimtv iha kşullakabhavagrahan’ādyasamaye pariśāto nêsyate, kimtu pūrvabhava-caramasamaye “vigacchad vigatamo” iti vyavahāranayamat'āśrayanād; devabhav'ādyasamaye 'pi pariśāto na kriyate, kimtu samyatabhava-caramasamaye atrâpi vyavahāranayamatāśrayaņāt. tata evam* jaghanya-pade utkrsta-pade c' ādau vyavahāranayamat' āśrayane paryante tu niscayanayamatângīkāre sarvam api bhāsyakārôktam avirodhena gacchatīti vặddhā vācakşate, tattvam tu gambhīra-bhāṣitānām paramagurava eva vidanti. M: IV. ihậnantarâtītabhava-caramasamaye kaścid audārika-śarīra-sarvapariśātam kļtvā vanaspatişvāgatya sarvajaghanya-kşullakabhavagrahaņāyuşkam anupālya paryante sarvapariśātam karoti, tataḥ paripūrņam kşullakabhavagrahaņam antaram bhavati. ihânantarâtītabhava-caramasamaye sarvapariśāta-vivaksā vyavahāranaya-matâpekṣayā, kşullakabhavagrahanam anupālya paryante parabhava-prathamasamaye sarvapariśāto niścayanayamatâpekṣayā, tato na kaścid dosah. - III. anyathā kşullakabhavagrahanaprathamasamayasya pūrvabhava-śāțenâvaruddhatvāt samaya-hīnam kşullakabhavagrahanam jaghanyam pariśāțântaram syāt............ IV. kaścit samyata-manusyah svabhavacaramasamaye audārika-sarvapariśātam kṛtvā anuttareșu trayastrimśat sāgarôpamāny ativāhya punar manusyeşv audārika-sarvasamghātamkṛtvā pūrvakotyante parabhavaprathamasamaye audārika-sarvapariśātam karoti. ihậpi samyatamanușya-bhava-carimasamaye sarvapariśāța-vivaksā vyavahāranayamat'āśrayaņāt, parabhava-prathamasamaye niscayanayamatâpekṣayā, tato yathôktam (45°) antara-parimāņam bhavati. uktam ca: Viś. V 528. – III. anyathā samayahīna-trayastrimsatsāgaropama-pūrvakoti-pramāṇatā'vaseyā. tad evam vyākhyā’nurodhena vyākhyā krta, tattvataḥ punar evam vyākhyā: niry. X 19', sarvabandhasya sarvaśātasya ca yathā-kramam jaghanyo ’ntara-kālaḥ kṣullakabhavagrahaņam trisamaya-hīnam iti tribhir arthāt samayaih samayena ca hīnam, trisamaya-hīnam kşullakabhavagrahanam sarvasamghātasya jaghanyântarakālah, samaya-hīnam sarvapariśātasyệti bhāvah. 199, sarvasamghātasyôtkysto'ntarakālah pūrvakoti samaya udadhayaś ca sāgaropamāṇi ca
An opening aha introduces an objection in the commentaries (as in the Bhāşya); then, codakah or prerakaḥ has to be added (cp. above, p. 31'64). But if aha is found in the course or at the end of a sentence in the commentaries, then the Bhāşya-author has to be considered as subject. 2 tat S. ? api vigo s', avigo B, avago b.
eva b; in B this passage is lacking (because of a gap).
123

Page #224

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
trayastrimśat, sarvapariśātasyôtkrsto'ntarakālah pūrvakoti "samayena hīnā udadhayah” samayôdadhayah''guda-dhānā" ity-ādāviva madhyapadalopi samāsah samayena hīnāni sāgaropamāṇi ca trayastrimsat. bhāvanā sarvā 'pi prāg-uktaiva drastavyā.
Summary Contents of the Višesāvaśyaka-Bhāsya
From what has preceded, we have scrutinized various details from the contents of Jinabhadra's Bhäsya. Now an overview should follow as a necessary correlate to the insights gained by this, which, from a distance, lets details disappear and attempts only to grasp the entire contents.
nulla,
Nana Paoyanla....................
....... I 80-84
Pedhabandha. Opening stanza (= above, p. 31°35 f.)..
.....11 Contents: 1 phala, 2 joga, 3 mangala, 4 samudāy'attha (anuoga), 5 dāra(-caukka), 6 bheya, 7 nirutta, 8 kama-paoyaņa . . .
. I 2 1 3, 2-11 (therakappa-kkama 7). ..
.... I 3-11 3 Ensuring success 12, threefold - 14, discussion - 21, etymologies - 24y . . . . I 12-24y
1 nāma 25 & 27ay, 2 thavaņā 26 & 27°, 3 davva 28: āgamao 29 f., on this, nayadiscussion - 43, no-āgamao - 48, 4 bhāva: āgamao 494, no-āgamao - 51; discussion on 1-4-77. ........................................ I 24° -77 = nandī 78": 3 davva “the (twelve) instruments” 784 .. 4 bhāva "the types of knowledge I-V (above, p. 40' 50-54)"
7 178 & 79
79 I 81", II 816, III 82, IV 83, V 84; addition 84' ... I & II preliminary remarks - 96; contents 96', 1 lakkhana-bheya - 103, 2 heu
phala-bhāva - 114, 3 bheya-vibhāga 115", 4 indiya-vibhāga 1150 (as introduction) & 116-152 (cp. above, p. 36°57), 5 vāgêyara-bheya - 160, 6 akkharêyara-bheya -169, 7 mūêyara-bheya - 174 ..... I 85-174
Transition to the following ................... I 175 f. I A-D: names 177, synonyms (above, p. 399.14) 178, definitions (above,
p. 394 14-21) 179................ ......I 177 - 179 polemic: A 180, B-183, C & D - 191 . .............I 180 - 191 discussion: A - 287, B 288, C 289, D 290, A-D-298 . . . . . . I 192 - 298 the 28 varieties (above, p. 39' 1-6)............... I 299-305
the twelve different kinds of subspecies (above, p. 4093-18) 306, 3 307", 5
3076, 1 308°, 9 308P, 11 308", 7 308°, 10 & 9 309'; addition 310I 306-310 samsay'āīyā, sammadditthi & micchāditthi ......... I 311-331 duration: A 332°, B & C 332, D332; addition 333 ....I 332 & 333 the five sensory activities .........
.... I 334 - 349 transmission of sound (above, p. 39an) . . . . . . . . . . . . I 350 - 353
sound receptivity, sound production, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . I 354-394 I synonyms (above, p. 39 n.) 395, interpretation - 397; AD synonym 398, A3994, B 399b, C 400*, D 1000..
...... I 395 - 400 fourfold in regard to the objects: repetition and explanation of a Nandi
passage (above, p. 23on.) .................. I 401-404 Systematic treatment according to nine points of view: synopsis 105, 1
santapaya-parūvanayā - 426 (whereby a naya-discussion on sammatta 413 - 425), 2 davva-pamāņa 428, 3 khetta 430, 3 khetta & 4 phusaņā 433", 5 kāla - 435, 6 antara - 437°, 7 bhāga 4376, 8 bhāva 438", 9 appa-bahu 438', on which a discussion - 441 .................... I 405-441 Transition to the following ......................1 442
124

Page #225

English translation by George Baumann
II Introduction - 452; synopsis 453, 1 akkhara - 499 (cp.above, p. 40' 15-30), 2
anakkhara - 502, 3 sanni & (510-513, etc.) 4 asanni - 525, 5 samma & 6 miccha - 535, 7-10 s'āi aņāi sa-pajjavasiya a-pajjavasiya - 547, 11 gamiya
& 12 agamiya 548, 13 angapavittha & 14 anangapavittha - 551.I 443-551 jāņai (na) pāsai (above, p. 41°19-29 ). ............I 552 - 554 the schematic treatment of I (405-441) applies here also because of the samānasāmitta...........................I 555
grahaņa-vidhi, eightfold; introduction - 559, enumeration 560 (Pūrva
stanza?): 1 sussūsana 561", 2 padipucchaņā 561", 3 suņaņa 562a, 4-7 gahaņa īhā avāya dhāraņā 562, 8 sammamkunana 562y; addition - 563 ...
. . . . . . . . I 556 -563 śravana-vidhi, sevenfold .......................I 564 vyākhyāna-vidhi, threefold ...
.....I 565 Transition to the following ..................... I 566 [46") III Introd. - 575, synopsis - 577, discussion - 579.......... I 567 - 579
1 ohi: synopsis 580, 1 nāma 5819 & 582", 2 thavaņā 5810 & 582", 3 davva 583, 4 khetta 584*, 5 kāla 584", 4 & 5 584", 6 bhava 585, 7 bhāva 585
1580- 585 2 khetta-parimāna: introduction 586, 1 jahanna-khetta - 596. 2 ukkosa
khetta - 605, transition 606,3 vimajjhima-khetta & kāla-māņa - 624, transition 625, khettamāņa-miya davva - 666 (whereas vaggaņā-kama 6290 - 653), transition 667, khett'addhā-davva-nibandha - 687, transition 688, the applicable differences for the individual groups of organisms
- 702", addition 702 ..................... I 586- 702 3 samthāņa - 712, 4 āņugāmiya - 715, 5 avatthiya - 726, 6 cala - 736, 7
tivva-manda -746, 8 padivā'uppayā - 761, 9-11 nāņa damsana vibhanga - 764, 12 desa - 770, 13 khetta - 774, 14 gai, etc. (i.e. the schematic treatment as at I & II in 405-441 & 555) 775 & 776 f.;
transition to the following 7750 .............. I 703-777 15 iddhīpattâņuoga, synopsis 778 f., 1 āmosa 780°, 2 vippa 78066, 3 khela,
etc. 781, 4 sambhinna-soya 782, 5 ujumai 783, 6 viulamai 784, 7 janghā-cārana - 787, 8 vijjā-carana - 789, 9 āsīvisa 790, 6 mananāņi (= viulamai) & 10 kevali 791, 5 f. & 10 792, 11 vāsudeva- - 794, 12 cakavatti - 796, 11 kesava (= vāsudeva) & 12 cakkavatti 7974, 13
baladeva 797", 14 arahanta 797°; addition 804 ......I 778-804 ' Transition to the following ................... I 805 (fourfold as far as the objects are concerned: repetition of a Nandi
passage (ed. p. 170-173, above, p. 4066.) .......... I 806 f. Transition to the following ...................... I 808 IV Definition 809, explanation of it - 811, paraphrase of the corresponding
Nandi-passage (ed. p. 194-202, above, p. 40968) - 813, jāņai pāsai
(above, p. 41042-'9) - 821 . .................. I 809-821 V Definition 822, discussion on it - 827; addition - 835 ..... .I 822 - 835
Conclusion .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... ... 4 Introduction - 839, interpretation of "anuoga" - 841 ............. 1 836° - 841 attha pucchāo 842, discussion on it - 845 ..
. . I 842-845 āvassay'āi-nikkheva ................................. I 846 f.
The schematic treatment follows at I & II only after the Nandi-passage: at IV & V it is only in the commentaries (at 821, respectively 835) and, of course, at IV also after the Nandi-passage. At V an indication to the Nandi-passage is found only in 826".
125

Page #226

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvasyaka Literature
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
1
0 9
a. nām'āi 848; 3 davva: āgamao - 865, no-āgamao - 867; 4 bhāva: āgamao 868", no
āgamao - 869 .................................I 848 - 869
Introd. 870, synonyms 1-10 871, interpretation of 1-874, 2-10 875ay. . . . . 1 870 - 875 b. 3 davva: āgamao 876", no-āgamao - 877o; 4 bhāva: āgamao 877o, no-āgamao 878,
discussion on no āgamao - 892 ....................... I 876-892 synonyms 1-10 ......
. I 893 c. 3 davva: āgamao 894", no-āgo - 896; 4 bhāva: āgo 897", no-āgo - 898 . . . . 1894 - 898
synonyms 1-12 .................................. I 899 d. Introduction 900, atthâhigāra of Āv. I-VI 901 ..
..........I 900 f. Transition to the following
.........1902 f. Introduction (on Av. 1)............................. I 904 f. I-IV (uvakko nikkho anugo naya), interpretation - 908, names 909a . . . . . . 1906 - 909a 1-IV .................................... I-IV . .
.. I 909 I 910, II 911, III 912, IV 913. ................
.........1910-913 I-IV .......................................I 914 f.
6
synopsis in the form of questions: 1 916°, 2 916", 3 916', 4 - 9199, 59190, 6
920 ..................................I 916-920 I 1-6 nām'āi 921°, 3 davva - 922", 3-5 davva khetta kāla 922, 4 khetta - 924, 5 kāla - 926, 6 bhāva 927": apraśasta 9270. ..............1921 - 927
praśasta 928, discussion - 937. . .1928 - 937 Transition .. .. ............................1938 1-6 anupuvv'āi 938", 1 aņupuvvī - 942 (cp. above, p. 41°45-428) . 1938° - 942
2 nāma ..........................1 943 f. 3 pamāna..
...1945- 950 4 vattavvayā .....................1951 - 953 5 atthâhigāra ....................... I 954 6 samoyāra ........................ I 955
II 1-3 oh'āi 956, 1 oha - 960, 2 nāma - 966, 3 sutt'ālāvaga - 969 ........1956 - 969 III 970, 1 nijjuttī 971: 'nikkheva 971', 'uvaggho - 993, 'suttappho - 996 ...... I 970-996
2 sutta - 998, together with II 3 III 1 IV - 1010 ........... I 997 -1010 Conclusion ... .. .. ...... ......................1 1011 1.
[46] Uvagghāya.
Preparatory part .................................. I 1013-1482
Introduction 1013*, necessity of a mangala 1023................I 1013-1023 Mangala 1024, tittha 1045, -kara 1046, bhagavanta 1047, anuttara-parakkama 1048, amiya
nāņi 1049, tinna sugo 1050, siddhipaha-paesaya 1052, vande 1053*, transition
to the following 1055 ..................... I 1024-1055 1056, mahābhāga 1057", mahāmuni 1057', mahāyasa Mahāvīra 1059, amaranara-rāya-mo 1060", tittho 10600.....
60 , titih 1060.................I 1056-1060 1061, explanation 1067 . .......................I 1061 -1067 Announcement of the Niryukti-series 1068, explanation 1072 . . . . . . . . I 1068- 1072 Programme of the Niryukti-series ( = above, p. 21°24-38) 1074, addition 1077, transition to
the following 1078 ............................. I 1073- 1078 Opening of Niry. of Āv. I 1079 ( = above, p. 16371.), explanation 1083 ... I 1079-1083 Definition of "niryukti" 1084, explanation 1090, transition 1092 . . . . . . . I 1084 -1092
126

Page #227

English translation by George Baumann
A jiņapavayan'uppatti (excursus on 1079) ...
us on 1079) .....................11093-1345 Origin of the Holy Scriptures 1093 1124", their unattainable aim without pious
change 1181. ........................... I 1093-1181 synopsis in the form of questions (lalābha, 2 lābha, 3 kama, 4 āvarana, 5 khaôvasama, 6
uvasama, 7 khaya) 1182; another transition (connecting link to 10934) 1183 f. . I 1182-1184 1 (above, p. 42415f) .............................. I 1185- 1191 2 (above, p. 42° 16-61) 1192, granthi-doctrine 1202, parables 1203: 1 1204 f., 2 1206, 3 1209, 4 1213, 5 1214, 6 1215, 7 1219, 8 f. 1220 ....
.....1 1192-1220 3 1222,4 1252, 5 1279, 6 1310, 7 1344 ..
I 1221-1344 Transition (with reference to 1183 f.) with an anticipation partially couched in question form (13478 1348') of the following synopsis ............. I 1345-1348
synopsis: A jiņavayan'uppatti (1093 1345), B synonyms for pavayana, C grouping of the same, D dāra-vihi, E naya-vihi, F vakkhāņa-vihi, G anuoga 1349; explanation on A G 1351, discussion on EG 1363, "A has already been
dealt with” 1364@y, transition to the following 13640. ....... I 1349 -1364 B&C1 pavayana, 2 sutta, 3 attha ....................... I 1365- 1376 1 1377": suyadhamma 1378, tittha 1379, magga 1380, pāvayana & pavayana 1381
...I 1377 & 1378-1381 2 1377: sutta & tanta 1382", gantha 1382, pādha 1383", so 13830....13770 & 1382 f. :3 1384: aņuoga 1385 f. (=840 f.), nioga 1419, bhāsā 1420, vibhāsā 1421, vattiya - 1423,
bhāsā, etc. 1424*, transition 1424 ........I 1384-1386 & 1419-1424 on aņuoga : synopsis 1387, 1 nāma 1388, 2 thavaņā 1389, 3 davva 1397, 4 khetta
1401, 5 kāla 14034, 6 vayaņa 1404, 7 bhāva 1407; addition to 35 & 7 1409; transition 1410 ................I 1387 & 1410 Parables 1411 f.: 1 (on 3 davva) 1417 .......... I 1411- 1417
2 (on 4), 3(on 5), 4 f. (on 6), 6 12 (on 7) . . I 1418 on bhāsā vibhāsā vattiya: parables 1425, 1 1426 f., 2 1428, 3 1429, 4 1430, 5 1431, 6
1432 .............. I 1425- 1432 F Whoever is competent or incompetent as teacher or pupil: introd. 1433, parables 1434,
1 1437, 2 1439, 3 1441, 4 1442, 5 1443, 6 1445 ................. I 1433 -1445 Whoever is competent or incompetent as pupil: introduction 1446, incompetent 1450,
competent 1453; parables 1454, 1 1458, 2 1462, 1 3 1464, 3 1465, 4 1466, 5 1467., 6 1468, 7
1469,8 14704, 91470", 10, 1471, 11 1472, 12 1475, 13 1479, 14 1481 ....... I 1446-1481 Conclusion...................................... I 1482 D Introduction...................................... I 1483
Synopsis: 1 uddesa, 2 niddesa, 3 niggama, 4 khetta, 5 kāla, 6 purisa, 7 kārana, 8 paccaya, 9 lakkhana, 10 naya, 11 samoyāraṇā, 12 anumaya, 13 kim, 14 kaiviha, 15 kassa, 16 kahim, 17 kesu, 18 kaham, 19 kecciram kālam, 20 kai, 21s'antara, 22 avirahiya, 23 bhava, 24 āgarisa, 25 phosana, 26 nirutti.....
........ I 1484 f. 1 & 2 mutual relationship .......
..... I 1486 1 synopsis 1487, 1 nāma 1490, 2 thavaņā 1491°, 3 davva 1492*, 4 khetta 1492, 5 kāla 1493°, 6 samāsa 1495, 7 uddesa 1496AY, 8 bhāva 1496o.
. . I 1487- 1496 2 synopsis 14974, 1 nāma 14984, 2 thavanā 14988, 3 davva 14986, 4 khetta 14994, 5 kāla
14990, 6 samāsa 1501", 7 uddesa 1501°, 8 bhāva 1502"; addition 1504", naya-discussion
1530.....................................I 1497- 1530 3 a synopsis 1533, 3 do 1536, 4 kho 1538, 5 ko 1540, 6 bho 1542 ........ I 1531-1542 b synopsis 1545, 3 davva 1546", 4 khetta & 5 kāla 1546, 6 bhāva 1546'; announcement of the following exposition 1548 ......
I 1543-1548 3 davva: Mahāvīra, a legend ..
......1549- 1987 6 ganadhara-vāda (cp. above, p. 35'41-so) introduction (cp. above, p. 33on.) ..........1988- 2007
127

Page #228

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
1 Indabhūi 57, 2 Aggibhūi 96, 3 Vāubhūi 138, 4 Viyatta 221, 5 Suhamma 253, 6 Mandiya 315, 7 Moriyaputta 336, 8 Akampiya
356, 9 Ayalabhāya 400, 10 Meyajja 423, 11 Pabhāsa 476. ...
............................. II 1-476 y ganadhara-vaktavyatā-seșa: synopsis 1, 1 khetta 4, 2 kāla 5, 3
jamma 7, 4 gotta 8, 5 agāra 10, 6 chaumattha-pariyāya 12, 7 kevaliya 13, [47] 8 au 15, 9 āgama 16, 10 parinivvāņa 17, 11
tava 18 .......................... III 1-18 5 kāla (valid also for 5), reason for this anticipation 20, etymology 21; synopsis 23, 1
davva 27, 2 addhā 29, 3 ah'āuya 31, 4 uvakkama 55, 5 desa 58, 6 kāla 60, 7 pamāņa 65, 8
vanna 67, 9 bhāva 74; addition 75 & 78 80 ..... . . . . . . . . III 19-759 & 78-80 4 khetta (valid also for 4) & 5 kāla, question 75', answer: khetta 76 & 81 f., kāla 76............................
..... III 750, 76, 81 f. 6 bhava ............................ ......... III 77 6 synopsis 83°, 1 davva (cp. p. 22 51-56 & 23 24) 84, 2 abhilāva 85", 3 cindha 85", 4 veya 869, 5
dhamma 86', 6 atha 874, 7 bhoga 87', 8 bhāva 83' & 88 f.; addition 830 & 90 ..... III 83-90 7 synopsis 92, 1 tad-davva & anna-davva 97, 2 nimitta & nemitti 98, 3 samavāi & asamavāi
104, 4 chavviha 111, 5 bhāva 114; addition 123 ................. III 91- 123 8 1 davva 124 & 126", 2 bhāva 124, 125, 126 138 ... .......... III 124-138 9 synopsis 140, 1 nāma 142°, 2 thavanā 142, 3 davva 143, 4 sarisa 145, 5 sāmanna 147, 6 āgāra
148, 7 gai &āgai 153, 8 nāņatta 155, 9 nimitta 156, 10 uppāya & vigai 164, 11 viriya 165, 12
bhāva 169; addition 172 ............................. III 139 - 172 10 synopsis 174, 1 negama 175 & 179 195, 2 samgaha 1769 & 196 204, 3 vavahāra 1760 & 205 214, 4
ujjusuya 1779 & 215 219, 5 sadda 1770 & 220 228, 6 samabhirūdha 178" & 229 243, 7 evambhūya 1786 & 244 254; addition 271 ...............
........ III 173-271 11 (cp. above, pp. 27' 38- 28" 24):
apuhatta & puhatta, ārya Vajra & āryaRaksita ................. III 272- 288 Transition to the following ....
. . . . . . III 289-293 the 7 + 1 schisms (cp. above, p. 28°45-56 & 35054-65), synopsis 298, 1 325, 2 348, 3 381, 4
416,5 443, 6 501, 7 542, 8 602 ..................... .. III 294-602
Addition to the schism section ..........................IV 1-11 12 23, 13 63, 14 69................................. IV 12- 69 15 70-72 (= above, p. 16° 53-55 &63-66), explanation (on 72) 73, layman's version of the Sāmāyika
(above, p. 42° 14-23) 74 (above, p. 16°677. =) 81, majjhattha 82 . . . . . . . . . . IV 70-82 16 synopsis 85, 1 khetta 87, 2 disā (cp.above, pp. 42 62-43 29) 98, 3 kāla (cp. above, pp. 43°31 -
44") 101, 4 gai 102, 5 bhaviya 103°, 6 sanni 104, 7 ūsāsa 105 & 106, 8 ditthi 1050 & 107, 9 āhāra & 10 pajjatta 109, 11 sutta 110 & 111 f., 2 jamma 110 & 113, 13 thii 116, 14 veya 117", 15 sannā 117P, 16 kasāya 1176, 17 au 118", 18 nāna 120, 19 joga 121o, 20 uvaoga 121 & 122 127, 21 sarīra 1210 & 128, 22 samthāna 1234, 23 samghayana 129, 24 māna 130, 25 lesā 133, 26 pariņāma 134, 27 veyanā 1359, 28 samugghāya-kamma 135°, 29 nivvedhana 1369 & 137, 30 uvvatta 136 & 138 f., 31 āsava-karana 140, 32 alamkāra 141", 33 sayan'āsaņa, etc. 141° .....
yan asana, etc. 141 ............ IV 83-141 17 151, 18 = above, p.9217, 19 152 154, 20 165 .................... IV 142-165 21 167, 22 169, 23 170, 24 172, 25 174. ..................... IV 166-174 26 i sammatta 175 & 179 181, 2 suya 176, 3 desa-virai 177, 4 savva-virai 178 & 183 189,
References to sample stories on 4 savva-vo 190. ............... IV 175- 190
Sketches of just mentioned stories (= above, p. 34°34) .............3315- 3331 Concluding account (cp. above, p. 33°18) ...................3332° = IV 1918
128
Jain Education Interational

Page #229

G1
Introduction.
IV 1916 - 195
Synopsis: 1 uppatti, 2 nikkheva, 3 paya, 4 pay'attha, 5 parūvaṇā, 6 vatthu, 7 akkheva, 8 pasiddhi, 9 kama, 10 paoyana, 11 phala
V 1
1 Synopsis 3, uppannâņupp° 5, sesānam uppanno 22, jai katto tiv° 23, samutṭhāṇa 25, vāyaṇā 26, laddhi 26°, ujjo 30, sesa-naya 1° 35 V 2-35
2 Synopsis 372, 1 nāma 37, 2 thavaṇā 37°, 3 davva & 4 bhava 36a & 38 42, naya-discussion on 14 51 V 36 & 37-51
3 36 & 52, 4 36° & 53 56
V 36 & 52-56
5
& 90 95, 4 kahim
896
V 57-113
chap-paya, synopsis 57b, 1 kim 58° & 59 65, 2 kassa 58b & 66 88, 3 kena 89 & 96 107, 5 kevac-ciram 108, 6 kaiviha 113 navahā, synopsis 114 (= I 405), 116, 2 4 117, 5 118 & 121, 6 119y, 8 119°, 7 & 9* 120; crossreference (to I 405 441 & 555) 122 V 114- 120 & 121f. [47] pancaviha, synopsis 123, 1 āroyaṇā 124, 2 bhayaṇā 125, 3 puccha 126, 4 dāyaṇā 127a, 5
nijjavaṇā 127, 4 & 5 129
V 123-129 cauvviha, synopsis 130, 1 namokkāra 131a, 2 a-namokkāra 131, 3 no- namokkāra 132, 4 no-anamokkāra 133, addition 135 V 130 135 V 120b V 136-154
6 Synopsis: 1 arahanta, 2 siddha, 3 ay°, 4 uvajjhāya, 5 sāhu
15 in general: 1 141 145, 2 152, 3 153, 4 153, 5 & 1 5 154
1 desiya 3491 & 3492 3501, nijjamaya, 3491 & 3502 3506, chak-kaya-rakkh° mahā-gova 3491 & 3507 f. 3491-3508
1 rāga, 2 dosa, 3 kasāya (koha, māna, māyā, ‘lobha), 4 indiya, 5 parisaha, 6 uvasagga, 7 namay°. (= above, p. 1649 f.) Explanation: 1 161, 2 164, 1 & 2 173, 3 188 (183 f., 24185, 14185, 41870, 14188), 4 199, 5 200, 6 203 Example-stories on 16 (= above, p. 34°40): 1 3557, 2 35578, 31 f. 3557b, 33 f. 3558, 4
.V 157 -203
3557-3562 V 204
Explanation of 7.
Interpretations of arihanta (= above, p. 34°42)
3564- 3567 V 205-222
Benefit of the arihanta-namokkāra
fourteenfold (1 nāma, 2 thavaṇā, 3 davva, 4 kamma, 5 sippa, 6 vijjā, 7 manta, 8 joga, 9 agama, 10 attha, 1 jattā, 12 abhippāya, 13 tava, 14 kamma-kkhaya) 3586a &
2
English translation by George Baumann
Namokkāra
3559, 5 3560, 6 3562

Almost all commentaries from Haribhadra onward (H Hemac. Malay. Avac.) are of the opinion that 9 is missing! With Sīlānka it reads
vicitratvāc ca sūtra-gateḥ, dāram. 120 su-jñānam. atha caśabd'aākṣiptām pañcavidhām anabhidhāya vatthu-dāram āha:
Thus Sīlānka remains silent since for line 120 he has nothing left except just one word su-jñānam "easy to understand". Jinabhadra wrongly connects su-jñānam to the preceding daram since he puts an interpunctuation mark both before däram and after su-jñānam (none, however, after däram); this way, the mistake of the preceding commentaries can also be expected of Sīlānka. The paraphrase of 120" found in the Curni is the
correct one:
186,
V 156
21866, 31872,
appa
Namokkāra-paḍivannaga jīvā sesaga'-jīvānam kati-bhāge hojjā? ananta-bhāge. dāram. appa2bahum: etesim namokkāra-paḍivannagāṇam jīvānam appadivannagāna ya katare 3? savva-tthovā namokkāra-paḍivannaga, apaḍivannagā aṇantaguṇā. gā aẞyd! sesānam Vis. I 437b. 2 B2y8. 3 katare represents here a stereotype word order that generally is abbreviated in the Canon (e.g. in Bhag. VI 3 Ed. fol. 396, VIII 1 Ed. fol. 661 and VIII 2 Ed. fol. 593) as follows: kayare kayare(himto) jāva visesâhiyā vā.
When Malayagiri, here and sometimes otherwise, as above, p. 14 69, finds himself among the blind. followers of Haribhadra, but on the other hand, then correctly follows, e.g. at niry. I 68° the Curni, and even the Avacuri-author shows more judgement at the passage just mentioned than Sil. & Hemac. (who follow H) since he simply copies Malayagiri's explanation and polemic.
129

Page #230

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
3587, 3 3586, 4 & 5 3588, 4 3589, 53590, 6 & 7 3591, 6 3592, 7 3593, 8 3594, 9 3595, 10
3595", 11 359629, 12 3627, 13 3628", 14 35280 .................3586-3628 Interpretation of siddha 225 (= above, p. 16°55 f.), explanation of the interpretation
229 234.............................. V 225 & 229-234 kevali-samugghāya 226 228 & (explanation and discussion) 235 331 (cp. Aupap. $ 131
153) ............................. V 226-228 & 235-331 Being carried away upwards (cp. Tattvârtha X 5 7and the concluding sloka-s 9 12 of
the Tattvârtha-bhāsya) .......................... V 332-352 Transition to the following ...........................V 353 The dwelling place of the blessed (cp. above, p. 7on.): Introd. 3780 f. (= Aupap. $ 168 f.), discussion on it 3801 . . . . . . . . .3780- 3801 Īsīpabbhārā pudhavī & siddh'ogāhanā 3809 (cp. Aupap. $163 f. & 166 f.), (reason
for 3809 (with reference to the gāthā 3814) 3810 ............3802- 3810 uvavāya 3812; ogāhaņā 3817 (=Aupap. $171-175), explanation & discussion on
3813 3817' (above, p. 34°54 =) 3830; annonna-samogāhaņā 3831 (=Aupap. § 176), annonna-phāsaņā 3832 (= Aupap. $ 177); subsequent discussion (on 3817°) 3834,
explanation (3835) & discussion (3836 f.) on 3832 . ...........3811- 3837 uvaoga 3838 f. (=Aupap. 178 f.) & 3810; "no ajñānin" (= above, p. 34°57) 3849 ....
.
.
..
.
.
..
.
.
.
..
....
...
................3838-3849
Description of the blessed 3856 (= Aupap. $ 180-186), explanation (on 3854 3856)
3859"; rejection of the (Buddhist) doctrine of jīva-nāśa 3878; “not nih sukhaduh kha" 3891; addition (on 3850 3856) 3892 f. (= Aupap. $ 187 f.)...
........3850-3893 Benefit of siddha-namokkāra (almost word for word repetition of the Niryukti
stanzas in V 205 222) ........................ ..3894- 3897 3 fourfold: 1 nāma, 2 thavanā, 3 davva, 4 bhāva ................. V 3858 3 385", explanation on it 387 f.....
......V 3850 & 387 f. 4 interpretation of āyariya (= above, p. 1661 f.) 386, explanation of it 389 391 :
............................... V 386 & 389-391 Benefit of āyariya-namokkāra (almost word for word repetition of 3894 3897)
.. (= above, p. 3463) ........................ 3905- 3908 4 fourfold (1 nāma, 2 thavaņā, 3 davva, 4 bhāva) 3924, 3 392 . . . . . . . . . . . V 392
4 Interpretation of uvajjhāya (= above, p. 16°63 f.) 393, other interpretations 395;
difference between āyariya & uvajjho 396 ............... V 393-396 Benefit of uvajjhāya-namokkāra (almost word for word repetition of 3894 3897). •
.. (= above, p. 34o65) ..... 5 fourfold (1 no, 2 th°, 3 do, 4 bho) 3918°, 3 39189 & 3919, 4 39190..
..3918 f. 4 Interpretation of sāhu (= above, p. 1665f.) ................. 3920
Question 3921, answer 3922.........................3921 f. Benefit of the sāhu-namokkāra (almost word for word repetition of 3894-3897). .....
..... ............................ ....3923-3926 Benefit of the panca-namokkāra (the fivefold varied basic stanza in 3583 3897 3908 3917
3926, = above, p. 16o69f.) ............................. 3927 7 397 & 399 f., 8 398 & 401 405, 9 417 ........................ V 397 - 417 10418", explanation 4210 & 422 f. .....
..V 4189 - 421°, 422 f. 11 418, inserted explanation 419, example-stories 420; discussion (on 419) 4210. ....... ....................................... V 418-420 & 421" Five reasons given against the possibility of phala (1 kovappasāya-virahão, 2 pāyā’ņuvagārāo,
3 apariggahāo, 4 vimutti-bhāvão, 5 dūr’āi-bhāvao) 424 f.; rejection of the reasons: introduction 443, 1 459 & (addition) 460 f., 2 467,3 472, 4 477,5 490 . . . . . . V 424-490
......
3914-3917
130

Page #231

English translation by George Baumann
[489] G
Sāmāiya
la,
Kallall)
..
.
.
.....
...
..
JO - J Y
..... V 491-494 List of text-words: 1 karana, 2 bhaya, 3 anta, 4 Sāmāiya, 5 savva, 6 vajja, 7 joga, 8
paccakkhāna, 9 jāvajjīvāe, 10 tivihenam ...................... V 495 1 Preliminary remark 497°; sixfold (1 nāma, 2 thavaņā, 3 davva, 4 khetta, 5 kāla, 6 bhāva) 4970. .....................................V490 1.
.....V 496 f. 1 Definition 498", 2 definition 4986. .....
....... V 498 3 Def. 499: sannā 502.............................. V 499-502 no-sannā 503: vīsasāo 504“: arūvi 506, rūvi 507 .. .. .. .. .. .V 503-507 paogao 508: sajjīva: 'mūla & uttara 511, ?samghāya so-paro
paro (cp. above, pp. 44 10-45' 12) 536 .....
................. V 508- 536
ajīva ................. V 537 & 538 4 541, 5 542 & (bava' bālava? kolavathi-vilo 4, etc.) 543 546 .......... V 539-546 6 547, ajīva 549, jīva 550“: suya 554 no-suya 556.
.... V 547-556 Sāmāiya-karana: preliminary remark 558, sevenfold (1 kayâkaya, 2 keņa, 3 kesu, 4 kāraya, 5 nayao, 6 kaiviha, 7 kaham) 559 .....
. V 556° - 559 1 577, 2 580, 3 586, 4 590, transition 591 ................ V 560-591 5 Synopsis (1 āloyanā, 2 viņaya, 3 khetta, 4 disā'bhiggaha, 5 kāla, 6 rikkha, 7
guņa-sampayā, 8 abhivāhāra) 592, 1 596, 2 598, 3 601,4 602, 5603, 6 605, 7 607,
8 609 ................................ V 592-609 6 (uddesa vāyanā samuddesa anunnā) 612,7 615 ........... V 610 - 615
akkheva (with two anticipatory questions) 626, pasiddhi 634 . . . . . V 616-634 2 & 3 bhadanta: V bhad (kallāņa 635 end 638, suha 641) ............V 635 - 641 bhayanta: V bhaj .....
. . V 642 bhanta (bhājanta): bhā (bhrāj) 643, V bhram 644 .......V 643 & 644a bhagavanta 644", bhav'anta 645, bhay’anta 6450
...V 644& 645 2 sixfold (1 nāma, etc.) 646', 6 bhāva (sevenfold) 646;
4647, $6482*, 6648, 6480 .........................
....... V 646 - 648 3 V am 649ay & 650 ............... 2 & 3 bhay'anta 649°, bhav'anta & bhay'anta 6500
............. V 649 f. bhante resulting from contraction ....
lon................... V 651 & 652a directed at the teacher 653, why 653, answer 665 . . . . . . V 652 & 665 or a self-exhortation ........................ V 666 f. or directed to the prophets, etc. ................. V 668 f.
or to be composed with Sāmāiya (bhanteSām.........V 670-672 4 Etymologies: samâya 675, sam'āya 676, sāmâya 677", sām'āya 6776, samaya 678", sam-aya
678', sāma, etc. with suffix ika 679 ...................... V 673 - 679 5 Transition 680°, etymology & transition 680 ..
........V 680 sevenfold (1 nāma, 2 thavanā, 3 davva, 4 āesa, 5 niravasesa, 6 savva dhattā, 7 bhāva) 681, 3
683, 4684, 5 686,6 687, 3 688", 4 688, 56899,6 689, 7 691, addition 6928 ... V 681 - 692 6 sâvajja (sâvadya) 692", sā-vajja (sā-varjya) 693 ............... V 692 & 693 80] 7 Derivation (from yuj) & triplicity (kāya vai mana) ...............V 694 f. 5 8 context .....:
...V 696 8 pacc-akkhāņa 697, sixfold (1 nāma, 2 thavaņā, 3 davva, 4 aicchā, 5 padiseha, 6 bhāva)
698", 1 698", 2 698°, 3 699, 4 700", 5 700P,6 703 ............... V 697-703
* 5 (1-4,6,7,5) has been placed at the end in Āv.-niry. XVI 14" (above, p. 3092).
131

Page #232

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
9 jīva synonyms 704", jīva-davva 705 . .
.... V 704 f. tenfold (1 nāma, 2 thavaņā, 3 davva, 4 oha, 5 bhava, 6 tab-bhava, 7 bhoga, 8 samjama, 9 jasa, 10 asamjama) 706, 3 707, 4 708", 5 708", 6 7094, 7 709', 8 710o, 10 710, 9 710',
addition 711" .. ........... ..................V 706-711" jāvad (yāvat) context 711', three meanings 712 ................ 7110 & 712 jāvaj-jīvam Paraphrase according to the three meanings of yävat: 17126, 27134, 37136. 1712&713 jāvajjīvāe through gender change for 'vam 714", through contraction for vayāe (instr. of
the abstract) 715, instr. of an adjectival bahuvrīhi-feminine jāvajjīvā "life-long" (to which paccakkhāna-kiriyā has to be added) 716, instr. of a substantive jāvajjīvā "life
longness" formed with jīvā = jīvana 717 .................. V 714 - 717 8 paccakkhāmi “first person, singular” ....................... V.718a 10 tiviham 719", tivihenam (maņeņa 721, vāyāe 722, ko 724) 724 ......... V 718b -724 tiviham tiviheṇam context (with discussion) 735, calculation of the variations resulting in
connection with the three periods of time for monks and laymen (cp. above, p. 42°54-55) (with discussions) 753. .....
................ V 725 - 753 tassa (i.e. jogassa) 754", why genitive (not accusative) 758 ............ V 754 - 758 Addendum to 10: (tiviham) tiviheņam is not at all superfluous.......... V 759 - 762 bhante already explained 763, why repeated 767 ...
...........V 763 - 767 padikkamāmi paraphrase (=niyattāmi) 768", explanation 768 ...
.......... V 768 nindāmi garināmi not completely synonymous just as little as V gam & V srp770, nindāmi 771", garihāmi 7710 .......
....V 769 - 771 or connected in a comparative sense ....
.........V 772 f. appānam with nindāmi garihāmi 774", attāṇam with sāvajjam 7740..
... v 774 vosirāmi analysis 775", paraphrase 775'; object (sāvajjam!) 775°, discussion on it 777; other
(almost correct) interpretation 779 ...................... V 775- 779
Transition to the following ............................ V 780 f. E sāmanna & visesa, davv'atthiya & pajjav'atthiya? ...
...... V 782 - 784 vavahāra 785 & 786ay, nicchaya 785 & 786 . .
...........V 785 f. nāņa 787", kiriyā 787', both together is goodness 7870
................V 787 Goodness must be recognized and practiced; then, in case of doubt, one has to keep in
mind the ideal monk 789, explanation 797 ..................1 788 - 797
Conclusion of the Sāmāiya-bhāsa (cp. above, p. 31445) ................ V 798 f.
[48a] Jinabhadra's Commentary on his Bhāsya
Since the commentary that we now intend to look into will hardly still be available anywhere in India, a description has to follow of what has been left out in other works. Of course, it will mainly be the later Bhāsya-commentaries (by Silānka and Hemacandra) that will have to be approached. In any case, in general, they give the contents of Jinabhadra's commentary completely, and, in particular, they follow him also in form where they agree among
! Cp. the various explanations of this verse below, p. 2".
2 Kanāda is supposed to have taken both of these naya-types as a basis for his textbook (thus the Jains have taken them then from the Vaišeşika-s). It says, namely, in Vis. III 188*
dohi vi naehi nīyam sattham Ulūena that at Āv.-niry. VIII 32 Malayagiri clarifies as follows:
Kaņādenâpi hi sakalam apy ātmīyam śāstram dvābhyām api dravyâstika-paryāyâstika-nayābhyām samarthitam.
132

Page #233

English translation by George Baumann
themselves, word for word. More can be gathered from the special details that refer to specific passages of that commentary. Such passages can be found with Śīlānka and Hemacandra, then with the glossarist of the Silānka-manuscript (Jinavallabha), and finally in some commentaries by Malayagiri. The data from Silānka and Jinavallabha can be found below in the excerpts, and those of Hemacandra and Malayagiri follow within the present section.
Firstly, we have to turn to Sīlānka. He also mentions at several places remarks by Jinabhata, and it is advisable to take them into account. Mainly, the words in question on the remarks referring to both experts are: I 241 f. . . . iti Jinabhat'ācārya-pūjyapādāḥ.
287 pūjyās tv . . . . . Jinabhadragani-kşamāśramaņa-pūjyapādais tu ... 732 pūjyapādaiḥ sva-țīkāyām ... 820 kşamāśramaņa-țīkā tv iyam: ... 884 kşamāśramaņa-tīkā pîyam: ... 1217 ... iti Jinabhat'ācārya-pūjyapādāḥ.
1256 kşamāśramaņa-țīkā pîyam: ... II 125 . . . pūjyair eva likhitatvāt.
148 . . . iti tīkākārah.
445 śrīmat-kşamāśramaņa-pūjyapādānām ..... āhuḥ pūjyāḥ: 446*.
V 226 pūjyās tu vyācakşate: 226*. [48] As can be seen, the complete designation for the two scholars reads: . . Jinabhadragani-kşamāśramaņa-pūjyapādāḥ,
Jinabhat'ācārya-pūjyapādāḥ. At least once, the former, (before II 446*) is called simply pūjyāḥ, and that is how Šāntyācārya prefers to call him. Who is meant at the other three passages of the list has to be examined from case to case since pūjyāh also means "teacher" and, at least in the first of the three passages, "the teacher" cannot be Jinabhadra. Now we translate the first passage and add Hemacandra's corresponding sentences; the pertinent orientation can be found above, pp. 38°53 -40°47. I 287*, the meaning of this is:
The above (in I 279) chain of difficulties resulting from distinctions like "fast" and "slow" and the awkwardness (mentioned in I 266) of the great number of modes of thinking taking place at the same) instant - these (i.e. this double calamity) under the circumstances (i. e. through the depiction offered in I 281-285) can now be avoided by whoever takes the term oggaha accurately (in fact,) in one case, [49] because he relates it (not to itself, but rather) to the more unhampered use of the word oggaha, and in the other case, because the named person grasps (as can be seen in I 251-266, the oggaha-function) only in general (as an indecisive perception). However, for the first instant "the teacher” draws upon the entire (twelve-part) chain of differences like "fast" and "slow", because in the course of the process of perception) a corresponding (twelve-part) effect appears that has the name avāya. A differentiated effect arises from a differentiated cause (preliminary stage), not from an undifferentiated one, because (otherwise even the control over the entire world (as a result of some arbitrary cause) could take place. However, Jinabhadragani-kşamāśramana has not spoken out (here), because the matter was too well known to him; but, at a later passage he has commented so that the matter might be easily understood.
1 on Utt. I 48. IX 8. XXXII 109 and on Utt.-niry. 28 (twice). 34 (twice). 179. 180. - He calls his own teacher guravah (at Utt.-niry. 586).
? Pujyair is found as a form of address for gurunā in the explanation of V 609 (below, p. 19).
3 you should punctuate: ... yujyate naiscayikârthâvagrahavādinas, tasya ..... pratipadyante tatho... oršanāt; kila... nåvisiştāt, sako. - Exactly like naiśc to V 286 Syām'āryasya is, as an addition, attached to a paraphrase.
133

Page #234

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
Hem.: ksiprêtar 'ādi-bhedam yat pūrvôdita-dosa-jālam tasya parihāro yujyate 'smin vyāvahārike 'rthâvagrahe sati, . . . . . . naiscayikâvagrahavādinā idānīm sakyam idam vaktum yad uta "kṣiprêtar'ādi višesaņāni vyāvahārikâvagrahavisayāny etāni", ... kşiprêtar'ādiviấesaņa-kalāpo . .. mukhyatayā vyavahārâvagraha eva ghatate, kārane kāryadharmôpacārät punar niscayâvagrahe 'pi yujyata iti, prāg apy uktam vakşyate ca: vićiştād eva hi kāraṇāt kāryasya vaiếistyam yujyate, 'nyathā tribhuvanasyâpy aiśvary'ādiprasangah kāşthakhand'āder api ratn'ādinicayâvāpteh.
In I 281-285 the naiscayikârthāvagrahavādin reconciles himself in his manner with the prevailing difficulty. Since the Bhāsya, itself, does not say anything further about this, it can be assumed that Jinabhadra accepted the opinion of the said person as his own. Contrary to this, the above Śīlānka-passage now notes that "the teacher” gets himself out of the difficulty in a more correct manner and that Jinabhadra expresses himself (apparently in the same manner) in a later passage.
Is "the teacher”, here, supposed to be the personality who is assumed to be the highest authority in the Bhāsya-dialogue? Apparently, this can hardly be possible, because for him only the titles ācārya and sūri are customary. Or does Sīlānka have his own teacher in mind? Then it seems guravaḥ might be expected. Rather, Jinabhata must be intended, because his full name, as well as Jinabhadra's, allows the short form pūjyāḥ for pūjyapādā). Then this passage is important, because it makes unlikely the identity of Jinabhadra and Jinabhata assumed in modern times.
It should be further asked whom Śīlānka has in mind in his remark at II 125. The stanzas II 123-133 oppose the Buddhist doctrine of instantaneousness (kșanikatā) in the realm of conception that results from the denial of a soul (jīva) as a perpetual subject of conception. At three passages (in 125, 127, 129') the term “missed (or destroyed) directly after emergence (jammânantara-)” is found, equal to kșanika "instantly”. Strangely, in the explanation the commentaries sometimes place janmântara instead of janmânantara that is simply wrong. Silānka justifies the mistake in his remark, which concerns us here that the teacher" wrote it thus! Doubtlessly, Jinabhadra has to be understood by this, because if his commentary had presented the correct paraphrase, Silānka and Hemacandra would not have favoured a false form of it, in any case, not without giving a reason. The context in which Jinabhadra might have made the mistake reads with Śīl. & Hem. (at II 123) as follows: S: yo'nyakāladeśânubhūtam artham Hem.: yo 'nyadeśakāl'ādy-anubhūtam anusmarati sa na vinasto yathā bāla- artham smarati so 'vinasto dộsto yathā kālânubhūtānām anyadeśânubhūtānām vā bālakālânubhūtānām arthānām anusmartā
hãnăm anusmarta Devadattah 2. yas ca vęddh'ādy-avasthāyām Devadattah. yas tu vinasto nâsāvanusmaratiyathā vinasto nâsau kimcid anusmarati yathā janmântarôparataḥ
janmântaram evôparatah. pradīpasyêva nirvānam samadhis ta ........|
' 'y'ādy-āpteh Bb. - "Because jewels and similar precious objects from pieces of wood and such things might be obtained." The entire kāranakāryôpacāra-argumentation appears (as Hem. hints with prāg apy uktam vaksyate ca and $11. with kila) very often with Jinabhadra, the first time in Viś. I 3, where, in the commentary the anyathā-sentence reads as follows: S: anyathā yatah -kutaścid yat-kimcid utpadyetêti viśvam adaridram syāt. Hem.: anyathā tšņād api hiranya-mani-mauktik'ādy-avāpteḥ sarvam viśvam adaridram syāt.
In total, this word appears with $11. & Hem., each, five times (Ś at 123. 124. 125. 127. 129°; Hem. at 123. 1256. 127. 128. 129'), to which, even at one passage, taken by both from Jinabhadra's commentary (below, p. 10°), a synonym utpattyanantara-, respectively oram appears two times. Stl. writes the first and third time janmânto that p (Jinavallabha) corrects the first time. To conclude, according to Bb, Hemacandra offers the first and third time janmâneo; b still has the mistake at the fifth passage, S does not show it anywhere.
3 On this actually, on the preceding word) the marginal note: janmaviseşôparatasya katham atyanta-vigamah! Apparently, Jinavallabha justifies his rectification by this. Also, he somehow finds fault with Stlänka's repetition of the mistake (below, p. 10°5).
134

Page #235

English translation by George Baumann
pratijñāyata iti vacanāt.
Originally, it could only have been a question of this particular passage, because, as can easily be seen, the repetitions of the mistake with Śīlānka and Hemacandra have emerged from it. Therefore, since Jinabhadra's [49] commentary makes the mistake only at the first occurrence of the word even before it appears in the Bhāṣya itself and is guaranteed by the metre, suspicion arises here that only one of those changes, mentioned above, p. 35a 13, of the first passages appears that, naturally, could not originate from the author but only from a scribe or editor. Actually, the corrupt form janmântara- looks like a well-meant incorrect correction that a semi-literate person could easily fall prey to. Therefore, it is almost certain that not Jinabhadra, himself, mistakenly, but an earlier scribe of his commentary had intentionally written janmântara. It can be proved that the copies that Sīlānka and Hemacandra used, along with numerous variants, also contained mistakes, e.g. at I 304b (above, p. 39°n.). 942 (above, p. 42°n). II 360. 419. III 20. V 1 opening.
The pūjya-passage now to be studied refers to V 226. After Sīlānka had explained this stanza extensively in close connection with Haribhadra, he adds:
But the "teacher" explains: 226*.
At the announcement of another explanation only the inevitable introduction follows, consisting of the Pratīka of the stanza to be dealt with! Can it be assumed that there might be a gap in the manuscript? It would hardly comprise exactly the expected segment; besides, it would most likely have been supplemented by another person. Actually, Hemacandra does not explain the stanza since he only copies the definition of samudghāta (samyag... samudghataḥ) from Haribhadra's explanation. Thus, it is not impossible that Jinabhadra did not explain the stanza and one could even imagine that Sīlānka wanted to intimate this. Then, his words must be meant to be ironic and say "As I have dealt with this stanza here amply, Jinabhadra's entire explanation consists of the presentation of the Pratīka". This interpretation has to be rejected for several reasons. How might it be, if Sīlānka had meant with the Pratīka nāūņa veyaṇijjam not stanza 226, but a gāthā- or prosepassage dealing with it that must have similarly opened and, besides, was well-known enough to be able to bear only a Pratīka-reference? These conditions are fulfilled by stanza Oghaniry. 420. "The teacher" can hardly have supplemented this as an explanation but as a parallel-passage or variant, which is what it really is. In our opinion the circumstances speak for this, as the Pratīka closes with ity-evam-ādi; for this refer to p. 15bt. Thus vyācakṣate is an abridgement for vyakhya-vyapadesenôdaharanti that cannot be considered strange with Sīlānka. But who is it who "cites explanatory-wise" the Oghaniryukti-stanza, Jinabhadra or Jinabhata? No doubt, the former, because it will later be found that only he commented on the Bhāṣya.
Now Śīlānka's account has to be looked into that clearly refers to Jinabhadra's commentary. The penultimate passage of our list (II 445) cannot be taken into further consideration, because it deals with the Bhāṣya and not with its commentary. Thus, after deduction of the passages already dealt with, five remain, emphasized by italics that will be discussed here, one after the other.
I 732b opening. Jinabhadra inserted here, in his commentary, the word prayas (in other words, pointed out that what has been said does not always apply, but only as a rule).
When Silanka affixes etc. then this means that the corresponding reason has been given by Jinabhadra. Śīlānka had given this immediately before (samkhyeya darśanad) which is why he has abridged the passage in the manner mentioned. Hemacandra reproduces the entire passage in the following manner:
prayeṇa caitad draṣṭavyam, kṣetr'āder bhāgena vṛddhāv api dravy'äder guṇakāreņa vṛddhi-sambhavad iti.

135

Page #236

I 820. Jinabhadra's commentary (on this) reads:
anye tv ahuh: sākārôpayogântaḥ pātitvān na darśanam, drsyate cânena pratyakṣatvad avadhivat ity 'etad api.
na darśanam dṛśyate cânenêti viruddham; ubhayadharmânvayâbhāvād vā na
kimcit.
E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
The first period simply describes the stanza (cp. its translation above, p. 411-4); the second deals with the opinion evolved from it, in a twofold manner.2 The wording is unusually laconic which is why Hemacandra gives the entire passage in much more detail: etad api mūlaṭīkā-kṛtā dūṣitam eva tad-yathā: nanu [50] manaḥparyāya-jñāne s'ākāratvena jñānatvād pratyakṣatvena3 drśyate 'nena vastv
darśanam nâsty, atha. ca
iti viruddhaiveyam vāco yuktiḥ, s'ākāratvena niṣiddhasyâpîha darśanasya “dṛśyate 'nenêti darśanam" iti vyutpattya" samarthyād āpatteḥ; kimca jānātîty anenâtra s'ākāratvam sthāpitam, paśyatîty anena ca darśana-rūḍhena śabdenânākāratvam vyavasthapyate, 'to viruddhôbhayadharma-prāptyā 'pi na kimcid etad iti.
Here Sīlānka and Hemacandra cite the same passage in such different ways that not much more than the basic idea agrees. An example is seldom found that immediately shows how even certain citations in the older commentaries do not give the exact wording, but are often adjusted by the expert to his own mode of expression. In our case, Śīlānka follows, fairly faithfully, Jinabhadra's wording, but Hemacandra transforms them into tirades, typical of him.
I 884. Contents of 882-886: The no-agamato bhāvaśruta (contrasted in the Anuyogadvāra with agamato bhāvaśruta) denotes the bhavaśruta that is not carefully differentiated from carana and the like; thus, no denotes here the non-differentiation (miśrabhāva), not negation, neither (884) a complete (sarva-niṣedha) nor 885 f. a partial (deśa-niṣedha). Translation of 884: Assuming a complete negation would show that all (bhava) śruta is not agama - that would be wrong (since the śruta is best known as agama) - or the non-agama would be what is different (knowledge) from śruta since it is not agama, and yet (called) śruta.
The commentary (belonging to the just translated stanza) by Jinabhadra is the following:
I 884*. Should the word no depict a negation, then it has to be considered a complete or partial negation. (Assuming) a complete negation, bhāvaśruta would result from (the expression) no-agamato, so that everything (bhāva)śruta would not be agama or something that is not śruta, like mati, etc., would be śruta.
Jinabhadra's first sentence serves as an introduction to 884-886 which is why its equivalent with Śīlānka and Hemacandra is found before the Pratīka, respectively the
1 darśanam api Jinavall.
2
Apparently, the continuation (reproduced on our script-table) of the preceding gloss refers to this: etad dūṣyate na va kimcid iti "This (expressed by others) is made to appear bad (here), respectively it is said it is worth nothing". Just as here na kimcit, Hemac. at IV 91a uses ato yat-kimcid etat as a disqualifying expression: "thus, this is (what others are claiming) nothing at all (not whatsoever relevant)"; the same etac ca yat-kimcid with Hemac. in the introd. to Vis. I 979 and yat-kimcid etat with Haribh. in the Vedabāhyatānirakarana and in the Caityavandana-vṛtti Adh. 1, 1. 4. 5 conclusion, as well as often in Malayagiri's Avaśyakacommentary. More completely, it reads tasmad yat kimcid etad.. .bhavad-vacanam with Sil. at Viś. III 538 (below, p. 13). In the same sense the expression tato 'nena na kimcana "then it is of no use" is furthermore found with Haribhadra at the end of Astaka XVII.
3 otvena ca b.
5
otti- S.
More decidedly said, the alternative reads:
would result that either all is bhāvaśruta and not
agama or what is not agama is bhāvaśruta.
Then, e.g. if speech were divided into sound-speech and non-sound-speech the handling would be: Presuming that the word non in non-sound-speech expresses a complete negation, then, either all speech is soundless or something without sound (like, e.g.. waving and gesturing) would be speech.
136

Page #237

English translation by George Baumann
wording of 884. What follows that sentence is nothing more than a short paraphrase that does not, at all, examine the difficulty in the construction of the second line of the verse. Actually, one could also translate this:
or would be different (knowledge) from śruta, since it is not āgama, (meant)
and yet (called) non-āgama-śruta. This rendition is less satisfying, avoids, however, to accept the poetic freedom (noted below, p. 89') that hardly appears anywhere else with Jinabhadra other than in the stanzas that he has taken over from others. The earlier point of view is found not only with Śīlānka, but also a bit disguised with Hemacandra; besides, it appears in the text-manuscript p, where (apparently, in Jinavallabha's handwriting and due to Sīlānka's commentary) a hyphen has been placed between anāgama and suyam. Hem.: no-śabdo ... sarvanişedha-vacano vā syād deśanişedha-vacano vā, tatra sarvanişedhavacanatve no-śabdasya dosam āha: 884. sarvanisedha-vacane no-śabde 'tra grhyamāṇe dosah prasajjate, ka? ity āha savva-suyam ity-ādi "no-āgamato bhāvaśrutam" iti ko'rthah ? "anāgamaḥ sarvam api yad bhāvaśrutam" iti sarvanişedha-vācakatve no-sabdasya sarvasyâpi bhāvaśrutasy' āgamatva-nişedhah syād iti bhāvah. ayuktam caitat, śrutasy' āgamatvena pratītatvād!. athavā sarvanişedha-vācake no-śabde "no-āgamato bhāvaśrutam” ity ayam arthaḥ syāt, ka?ity atrocyate anāgamato? 'nāgamatvāt" śruta-varjam matyādicatuștay'ātmakam yad anāgama-rūpam jñānam tat śrutam bhāvaśrutam bhaved iti aśrutarūpasyâpi maty-ādi-jñāna-catustayasya śruta-prasangah syād iti bhāvah. I 1256. Translation: (The first) three (cāritra-types: sāmāyika' chedôpasthāpana" parihāra-viśuddhi") are achieved through effort or pacification (of the karman) or through both simultaneously; (by comparison, the remaining two cāritra-types) sūksmasamparāya " and yathākhyāta (only) through effort or pacification, not otherwise.
For this Jinabhadra's commentary briefly gives the necessary explanations.
Four parts have to be distinguished in Sīlānka's explanation of the stanza: he begins with a paraphrase of 1256, yet half-way in connection with that, he, then, gives Jinabhadra's corresponding commentarial remarks more extensively; thereafter, he cites these literally and finally deals with 1256'.
Based on Jinabhadra's explanations, Hemacandra gives a wordy paraphrase of the stanza: sāmāyika-chedôpasthāpanīya-parihāraviśuddhika- [50] laksanāny ādyāni trīņi cāritrāņi śreņi-dvayad anyatra kasāya-kşayopaśamāt pūrva-pratipannāni pratipadyamānāni ca labhyante; anivștti-bādarasya punar upaśama-śreņau tad-upaśamāt pūrva-pratipannānām tesām lābhah, kşapaka-śreņau tu kṣayād iti, sūksmasamparāya-yathākhyāta-cāritre tûpaśamaśreņau kasāyôpašamāt ksapaka-śreņau tu tat-kşayāl labhyete, nânyatah, kşayôpašamān na prāpyete ity arthah. II 1484 parabhāgâdarisaņao "because (for the eye) the backside (of an object) is not visible".
The commentator (Jinabhadra) notes, that (of course) the middle part (which finds itself between the part turned away and the part facing the eyes) is also meant.
For this reason, Hemacandra readily paraphrases this passage with paramadhyabhāgayor ... adarśanāt.
It should be noted here that Jinabhadra is simply called the commentator”. Therefore, Silānka, apparently, did not know any other commentary except Jinabhadra's. Farther on, it will be shown that the mention of Jinabhata does not contradict this. For this inference a certain confirmation also results from the marginal remarks of Jinavallabha also
2
sūpio Bb. no-āgo B, nägo b. anāgo B, nāgo b.
137

Page #238

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
results whose commentarial citations we now have to check. These can be found listed under the following terms: Exc. p. 543 mülatīkoktasya ... Exc. p. 1062... iti mülatīkā. 6b6 tīkākāra-vāk.
1067 idam mūlatīkā-vākyam. ga2 ādyațīkāyām . . .
1058 mülatīkā. 8a4...ity ādyatīkā.
11a9 ... iti mūlatīkā. Here, as with śīlānka, simply "the commentator" is spoken of - however, as we shall see in a completely different sense which is why, presently, the passage must be left aside. Otherwise, everywhere else it is either cailed "first commentary" or "original commentary”, which, of course, naturally means Jinabhadra's commentary besides which, apparently, Jinavallabha only knows Sīlānka's.
Two of the glosses (1067 & 1058) only say at the concerned places that Sīlānka copies the original commentary. Of course, such details could have been given one hundredfold. Thus, both remarks will have been especially motivated, more or less in the same manner as Śīlānka's own mention of an earlier commentary that, as a rule, shows up in the passages when that commentary gives an indispensable addition or explanation for a more exact understanding of the Bhāşya. In fact, both times such accessories can also be found above. Jinavallabha may have wanted to indicate that the details rest not just on erudite reflection by Śīlānka, but on the authority of Jinabhadra. Nevertheless, it is more likely that both glosses were meant in a text-explanatory sense. Each time Silānka lets an explanation of the same follow? a part of the passage, and in this way the original wording should be recognizable. That Sīlānka not only takes over, expands and paraphrases Jinabhadra's commentarial remarks, but even occasionally actually comments on them, can also be noticed. The contents of this section to which both of our passages belong has been stated above, p. 49° 39-42 Hemacandra presents the first fairly accurately (just more verbose), the second rather loosely and at great length: (cp. p. 1067) kimca tad ekam apy ekârtha-visayam api ca vijñānam sarvapadârthagatām kşaņikatām ajñāsyad eva yady utpattyanantara - dhvamsi nâbhavisyad, avināśitve hi tad avasthitatayā upavisam sad anyam anyam cârtham utpatty-anantaram uparamantam dsștvä sarvam evâsmadvarjam asmat-svajātīya-varjam ca vastu kșanikam evêty avabudhyeta. (cp. p. 1068) na cêdam ekam ek'ālambanam ksanikam ca jñānam etad boddhum saknoti yad utânyajñānāni santi tad-visayāś ca vidyante teşām ca viṣayāṇām svavisaya-jñāna-jananasvabhāv'ādaya evambhūtā dharmāḥ santîti, etad-aparijñāne ca katham eteşām kşaņikatām sādhayisyati dharmina evâprasiddheh. syād etat, svavisayânumānād evânyavijñān'-ādi-sattā 'pi setsyaty eva, tathā hi yathā 'ham asmi tathā 'nyāny api jñānāni santi yathā ca mad
! The commentaries also sometimes rebuff the suspicion that they might have prepared some addition at their own discretion. Haribhadra says in the Caityavandana-vștti whilst dealing with Av. V 8: na caitat svamanīşikayaivôcyate yata uktam ārse: Av.-niry. XIX 107. With Hemacandra, e.g. the following remark at p. 53048-50 should be noted and besides that, the following words, which join themselves to a passage to be given later: na caitat svamanişikayā yukti-matram ucyate, ägame 'pi vyañjanâvagrahe 'tīta evêndriyopayoge manaso vyāpārâbhidhānät; tathā côktam Kalpabhāsye: .. Similarly with Malayagiri at Prajñāp. XV 1 (Ed. fol. 4368) and at Kșetrasamāsa II 83 f.: naivaitat (na caitat Ks.] svamanişikā-vijambhitam.
A remark by Aparajita on Ārādh. 1 from Digambara literature should be mentioned (B fol. 4") etena svamanīsikā-carcitam idam na bhavati.
? The first is missing in the excerpts; it reads: asya bhāvanā: sarvam vastu kşanikam ity avabudhyetêti kriya, kim-visistam sarvam? ity ähâsmadvarjam pramātrjñāna-varjam; tatraitāvaty ukte 'smadvarjam anyapramätsvijñānakalāpamiśram api syad, ata ucyate asmatsamānajāiiya-varjam cêty. etad uktam bhavaty: ayam upāyaḥ sarvakşanika-jñāne yadi vişayi nityah syād anityaś ca vișayah syan, na cêttham abhyupeyete. 3 ota- S.
138

Page #239

English translation by George Baumann
viņayo vidyate (51°) evam anye 'pi jñāna-viṣayā vidyanta' eva yathā câham mad-visayas ca ksaņikah evam anyajñānāni tad-visayāś ca ksaņikā evêty evam sarvesām sattvam kşaņikatā ca svavisayânumānād eva setsyatîti. etad apy ayuktam yataḥ sarvaksanikatā-grāhakam jñānam kşananaśvaratvāj janmânantaram msta ivaham asmi ksanikam cêty-evam ātmānam api nâvabudhyate, 'nya-parijñānam tu tasya dūrôtsäritam eva; kimca tat svavişayamātrasyâpi kşaņikatām nâvagacchati samāna-kālam eva dvayor api vinastatvād, yadi. hi svavisayam vinasyantam dystvā tad-gata-kşanikatām niścitya svayam paścāt kālântare tad vinaśyet tadā syāt tasya svavişayakşanikatā -pratipattir, na caitad asti jñānasya visayasya ca nijanija-kşaņam janayitvā samāna-kālam eva vināšâbhyupagamān. na ca svasamvedanapratyakşenêndriyapratyakşeņa vā kşaņikatā grhyata iti Saugatair isyate, anumāna-gamyatvena tasyās tair abhyupagamād iti.
Both of the glosses dealt with look similar to the one (60) that, without closer designation, speaks of the "commentator". Just the words meant to be by Silānka (etat prāgvad anusaranīyam), contentwise, are an indifferent cross-reference, giving no reason to reclaim it for Jinabhadra. Here, the "commentator" is actually thought of in contrast to the “Bhāsya-author", because that person at this passage also offers a cross-reference, which Sīlānka deals with directly after his own. Thus, the remark "here speaks the commentator" is supposed to prevent considering the first cross-reference only as an anticipation of the second. Thus, the intended commentator is Sīlānka and the passage, therefore, can be disregarded.
The first gloss on our list (593) can be found in original script and transcription in the script-table (below, right). It reads:
mūlatīkoktasyântar-ity-ādi vivaranam.
"(The passage) antarjalp'ākāreņa sabdôllekhena sabdârth'ālocana-dvāreņa ghata ityevam is an elucidation i.e. an explanatory repetition) of what was said in the original commentary."
Here we find an explanation by Jinabhadra, slightly enlarged by Silānka (perhaps only by śabdârtha 'ālocana-dvāreņa) that refers to the expression suyâņusāreņam "under the influence of what is heard". Stanza I 99, containing this, deals with the difference between śruta and mati, i.e. between knowledge obtained by tradition and that by intellectual activity:
"When knowledge conveyed by the senses and the manas through the influence of what is heard is able to express its own contents, then this is śruta, otherwise (it is) mati."
Hemacandra's explanation of suyâņusāreņam reads: śrutânusārenêti śrūyata iti śrutam dravyasruta-rūpam sabda ity arthah, sa ca samketa-visayaparôpadeśa-rūpaḥ śrutagranth'ātmakaś cêha gļhyate, tad-anusāreņaiva ..;.....idam uktam bhavati: samketakāla-pravsttam śrutagrantha-sambandhinam vā ghat'ādi-sabdam anusstya vācya-vācaka-bhāvena samyojya ghato ghata ity-ādy-antarjalp'ākāram antaḥ śabdôllekhânvitam ... jñānam...
Now a gloss (892) has to be discussed where the seven last syllables cannot be read with complete certainty, because they are only partially preserved. These read, more or less, 'pi Śrutyā 'pi nânyatra or 'pi eşā 'pi nânyatra. The full text says:
"With this (i. e. with stanza I 820) in the first commentary the fourth type of knowledge (i.e. the manahparyāya-jñāna) has been dealt with; the following stanza (821) is not (there). ..... nor anywhere else."
'nte Sb.
Stavān aho s'b. 3 ye kso S.
nija2 Sb.
In the script-tables (below, right) only the first of the seven syllables in the reproduction of the gloss has been accommodated.
139

Page #240

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
From what is available it is not possible to guess what "anywhere else" might mean. Consequently, almost no support can be gained here for Hemacandra's assertion to be discussed below, p. 53427-47.
Gloss 8a4 follows that presents a definition of nāma-sama given in the first commentary. This has been more decidedly composed than what is contained in the Bhāsya, itself, and since Śīlānka is satisfied with a paraphrase of the latter, the inclusion of the first is thus justified. Hemacandra also accepts it and thus replaces his complicated mode of expression in regard to sva- with svakīyena.
In the next gloss (1012) we are presented with the full wording of the original explanation of II 115, apparently, because Šīlānka deals with this stanza noticeably briefly! Here Hemacandra copies almost word for word the explanation without letting even a paraphrase of the stanza precede it. His words are:
bāla-sarīram sarīrântara-pūrvakam indriy'ādimattvād, iha yad indriy'ādimat tad anyadeha-pūrvakam drstam yathā yuva-śarīram bāladehapūrvakam, yat-pūrvakam cêdam bāla-sarīram tad asmāc charīrād arthântaram tad-atyaye 'pîhatya’-sarīrôpādānād, yasya ca tac charīram sa bhavântara-yāyi śarīrād arthântara-bhūto, dehavān asty ātmā na punah śarīram ev'ātmêti siddham iti. [51] Also the last gloss (1199) wants to elucidate a passage that Śīlānka has shortened very much by means of an original commentary. It offers us the words with which Jinabhadra introduces line II 3856. The stanza objects to the assumption that the fate of individual beings is only determined by the degree of merit of one's virtuousness:
"The body (of any creature) does not materialize through loss (of merit of one's virtuousness) since corporality also appears (e. g. with a Cakravartin) with a maximum merit of one's virtuousness (or if the opposing point of view is hypothetically admitted, then it has to be countered:) thus, the body must show a corresponding loss. How could it have a larger size with less merit of one's virtuousness (as, e.g. that of a suffering elephant)!"
Hemacandra gives the transitional words a more simple wording: yadi ca punyâpacayamātrena deho janyeta.
Hemacandra's remarks, to which we shall turn now, are more numerous than those of Śīlānka and Jinavallabha together. Nonetheless, from it more can be learnt about Hemacandra's weaknesses than anything new about Jinabhadra's commentary. We have already seen in one example (p. 49066-50°14) that Hemacandra likes to adapt the wording of the citations to fit his pupils. In any case, it will now become apparent that he arranges the references to his predecessors for readers who do not give it any further thought. When he expresses himself fairly academically he speaks of two earlier commentaries, otherwise, of one or of a vague plural. In this connection he is also not very particular, just as he often does not form a judgment about alternatives of any sort, in spite of carefulness and profoundness, but rather he just leaves the decision to the "scholars" (bahuśruta, visistaśrutavid, kevalin, paramaguru, sudhi, etc.). All passages worth considering follow, one after the other, except those dealt with at other places, while, as need be, Hemacandra's words will be translated completely, summarily or presented in the original form. I 7(= Kalpabh. I 326). "Others think that sikkhāvayam (siksāpadam) can be divided into sikkhā vayam (śikṣā vratam). However, this point of view is lacking in the KalpaCūrņi and in the old commentary (ciramtana-tīkāyām) which is why we do not consider it to be important."
The mistaken division (that fits as such very nicely into the context, but is not intended by Sanghadāsa and Jinabhadra) is found with Sīlānka, in fact, before the correct interpretation
He only says: . . . . . indriy'ādimattvam anyaśarīra-sādhakam, cetanatva-sukhaduḥkhādimattv'ādi ca. Before indro (for which indriyavallo would be expected) hardly more than the Pratīka had stood. In the gloss the last syllables before the gap read: Ontarasadbhāvah siddho, na c'āstmjai[v. 2 "ha Sb.
140

Page #241

English translation by George Baumann
that is introduced as the "second point of view"2. Since at the transition Śīlānka lapses into Pkt., he thus seems to follow some Cūrņi or other. The KalpaCūrņi says (after finishing Kalpabh. I 327 336) only: iyānim sikkhāpaya tti dāram.
“Others" means Sīlānka, and the "old commentary” is that of Jinabhadra. I 302-305. "These stanzas have been explained (in the preceding) in the sense of the original commentary. Others explain them differently: but we do not understand what they are thinking."
The entire passage 300-305, which has been translated above, p. 39'n according to Hemacandra, has to be taken into consideration. Again, the unauthentic explanation "by others" can be found with Sīlānka in first position. If Hemacandra considers it to be obscure, then this is possibly due to the expression which Śīlānka has given it. With him it reads:
atra keşāmcin mata āha: [300'] kei o āyariyā eyammi tti eyammi sāmānyena matijñāne, kim-visista? ity āha: vañjan'oggaha-vajje vyañjanâvagraha-catustaya-patitatvena caturvimšatividhe 24 chodhūņa praksipya, kim? ata āha: assuyanissiyam uppattiy'ādi 4, evam atthāvīsaiviham pahāsanti. kim punah kāranam vyañjanâvagraha-catustayam amutah pātyata? ity ata āha: [301'] jam avggaho du-bhedo vi avaggaha-sāmannao ekko ceva ganijjai sāmānyavāditvād asmākam iti gāthādvayârthah. itaś caitad evam: 302*, catvāro 'vagrah'ādayah, tebhyo vyatiriktam catur-vyatiriktam, tasyâbhāvaḥ caturvyatiriktâbhāvas tasmād, yasmān na tad autpattiky-ādi avagrah'ādibhyo bhinnam arthântaram, yenaivam tenâvagrah'ādy-astitva-sāmānyāt tad-antargatam eva caturviņšatividhamatijñānântargatam evêti gāthārthah. tatraitat syāt, katham punar atrâpy avagrah’ādaya? ity ata āha: 303*, katham pratikukkuta-hino 'yam kukkuțo yudhyeta? bimbenêti cet avagrahaḥ ayam atra bhavati. ihā kā? ity ata āha: kim bimbam se su-silittham? kim dappanasamkantam udaga-kalandagasamkantam vêty, ato 'pāya, āha dappaņa-samkanta-bimbam sațāghāta-vipralambhasadbhāvād udake ca tad-abhāvāt, tasmā "evam astāvimsati-bheda-bhinnā matih” pūrvapaksa iti gāthārthah. 24, 4. atr' ācārya āha: 304*, yathā yena prakāreņa oggah'ādi-sāmannao vi oggahệhā'vāyadhāraṇatte tulle vi "chanham caukkāņam” ti sāmarthyād gamyate, punaś ca soindiy'ādiņā apāntarāla-bhedena bhedo nānātvam, tathā hy eke sparśanêndriya-sambandhino yāvad, anye tu manah -sambandhina iti. tathā kim? ity ato dārstāntikôpa-samhāram āha: taha oggah'āi-sāmannao viete 'py avagrah’ādaya ime câvagrah’ādaya ity aviseșato 'pi tam uppattiy'āi-buddhi-caukkam aņissiyā 'pāntarāla-bheda-nibandhanayā bhinnam prthagbhūtam vartate [529] "śrutanisritād " iti prakramāt gamyate. ataḥ kim ity ucyate 301 tathā 302? nanu paurvāparyen'ālocya bhāsyamāne kim grahaņakam kenacid grhyate yena vyañjanâvagrahacatuṣkam pātayitv'autpattiky-ādi-buddhicatustaya-prakṣepeņâștāviņśatividhatvam mateh pūryata? ity ata ev' āha: 305*, tasmāt śrutaniśritam' evâstāvimśatividham, nânyena tad evam iti bhavana. api ca [305°°....
Reading in the excerpts (p. 6o63-6'2) about Śīlānka's second point of view, it can thus be seen that it is simply a question whether both stanzas 302 f. should be connected with the preceding opinion "several” (3000 & 301) or with the following opinion (supported by the author) of the ācārya (304 f.). In fact, both are possible; for our interpretation to fit the first case, it is only necessary to change a few additions to the translations in brackets at 302 and 304 as follows:
2 biti'ādesenam (cp. above, p. 234416-19) sikkhāvayam ti, ko 'rthah ? bārasa samvaccharāim suttam pādhijjai. bārasa ya varisāim atthagahanam ti, artha-grahaņam kāryate.
The wording of this passage has been given below, p. 6', within the first footnote.
lo śrto P.
2 The remainder can be found below, p. 661-63. 3 One should correct: ... t-prakso... "tvāt? ko...od-anto... d-anto...cit-ko...
141

Page #242

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
3024 Those 4 buddhi-types (like the ones mentioned, claim for their own benefit) are not something particular, compared to A-D, since there is nothing except this fourfoldness; 302° therefore, they are contained in it since A-D denote general groups (thus, to be counted, when the summation is to be logically complete). 304" (Against the preceding is to be countered:) How ...
Apparently, whether the earlier or the present interpretation grasps Jinabhadra's train of thought correctly cannot be decided from the Bhāsya. Thus, Hemacandra's intimation that he (with the depiction of Sīlānka's second interpretation) follows the original commentary (Jinabhadra's) is very welcome here. In any case, Silānka cannot have fabricated his first interpretation by himself, because it is also found, independent of him, in the text-manuscript p that places the syllable ā (ācāryah), firstly, before 304 (not already before 302). The renewal of the interpretation, then, belongs in one line with the stanzas and readings, which, at the same time, have also been assumed by p and Śīl., without having been original. Just as unlikely as this, it cannot prove an erstwhile existence of a commentary written between Jinabhadra and Sīlānka, although, of course, as a rule, interpretations are transmitted through commentaries. Most likely, Silānka had explained our Bhāsya-passage, at first, in connection with copies, which like p had given the syllable ā, on the basis of a common authority, not in the sense of Jinabhadra, in order, then, to briefly record Jinabhadra's explanation. Below, p. 52°48-52, we will also meet with an explanation of a stanza by Hemacandra that is based on existent evidence in certain Bhāsya-copies. I 350. Here Hemacandra takes over an additional remark from the "author of the (or of one) old commentary” (vrddhatīkākāra). As can be seen below, p. 79, this is found fairly literally with Śīlānka whose version has been translated above, p. 39on. But as at I 7 it can be assumed that Hemacandra understands by the old commentary that of Jinabhadra. Then, Šīlānka who, in any case, owes thanks to a dogmatist for the addition must have taken it over from Jinabhadra. Therefore, it is not easily understood why Haribhadra, whose explanation of the stanza is almost identical with Sīlānka's and with that of Hemacandra in all the important parts, knows nothing about that noteworthy attachment. If he had found the same with Jinabhadra, then, he surely would have appropriated it. Thus, it is very possible that Hemacandra's citation (of which there is no trace whatsoever in the Cūrņi) goes back to Sīlānka and, perhaps, gives Jinabhata's opinion. I 398'. Hemacandra explains this line (translated above, p. 39on.) in a twofold manner: At the end he remarks:
“This (second) explanation seems to be the one supported by the Ancients (vrddhasammata), but even the first is logical."
Under the "Ancients” Jinabhadra, Haribhadra and Śīlānka are meant. Haribhadra notes after the explanation of 395: evam kimcid-bhedād bhedah pradarsitah, tattvatas tu mati-vācakāh sarva evaite paryāyaśabdāḥ. Silānka's explanation of 398 reads: athavā ihasmin prastāve avaggah'ādi-vayanenam ti přthak-pfthagavagrah'ādīnām anyatamenâpîti savvam ābhiņibohiyam samgahiyam ti samastam mati-jñānam ākroditam ity arthaḥ, kayā? cet, ucyate: guņa-samjñayā 'nvartha-samjñayā vacanavyutpattyeti yāvat; sācêyam: avagrahaņam avagrahas, tathā hisāmānyârthâvagrahavacanenehā'pāyadhāraṇāḥ samgrhītāḥ maticestā pāyâvicyutirūpatvāt pankajavacanenêva nīlôtpalôtpala-měnālanāla-nālika-kalhārakamal'ādayah sarvatrânvarthâvišesāt. I 469. "Here stanza 469 follows (in the Bhāsya) occasionally (i.e. in individual copies). We shall pass over this particular interpretation, because it has not been taken over in both original commentaries (mülaţikayor)."
As has been shown above, pp. 33461& 24 f, the interpolation appears in the textmanuscript p, but is lacking with Śīlānka. Hemacandra's preceding note, which with the expression "both original commentaries” (clearly) alluding to the commentaries of Jinabhadra and Śīlānka shows that Jinabhadra also did not explain it.
142

Page #243

English translation by George Baumann
[52] I 496-499. About this passage that has been translated above, p. 40°15-30, Hemacandra remarks as follows:
Others add "aksaralābhah” (instead of "fraction of infinity') at the opening of 497 that seems to us to be untenable, because this point of view has various deficiencies and is lacking in Jinabhadra's commentary (Jinabhadraganikşamāśramanapūjyatīkāyām)....... Namely, in 4984 "it" is paraphrased by Jinabhadra (kşamāśramaņapūjyais) with the minimal fraction of infinity" (sa ca kila jaghanyo 'nantabhāgah). Assuming that one is speaking here not about the general aksara, but about the śrutâksara would be inappropriate, because in both ancient commentaries (ciramtanatīkā-dvaye) the (concerned) aksara is considered to be the general one (aksarasya sāmānyasyaiva vyākhyānāt), and, thus, if it is taken as śrutākṣara two contradictions arise in 496.
Here, also, under "others" Śīlānka has to be understood, as the excerpts (p. 703) clearly show. However, as it appears the polemic (shortened in the preceding) against him is not really justified, because the entire context is so clear that it excludes any possibility of an error. Apparently, for this reason, Śīlānka simply wrote akşaralābhah (,respectively later akkharalābho) that is not meant (as Hemacandra thinks) in a literal sense, but as a more simple, even though, inexact, synonym for akşarânantabhāgah if Śīlānka had been of the opinion that he should interpret the text differently than Jinabhadra, then, presumably, he would have somehow mentioned his point of view. By the way, before Hemacandra, Jinavallabha had also let himself be misled by that synonym, because he equips his entirely correct gloss anantabhāga eva with a question mark (which looks like a visarga, whose lower point has been substituted by a minimal comma).
As far as "both ancient commentaries" are concerned, naturally, Hemacandra understands the same two that he called in the preceding passage "original commentaries”; in other words, the commentaries by Jinabhadra and Silānka. In the latter, the passage, which Hemacandra has in mind, says:
496*, tasyệti sāmānyasya', tiviha-bhedo vitti jaghanya-madhyamôtkrsta iti gāthārthah. I 5386 (= Kalpabh. pedh. 1396). “According to the KalpaCūrņi desammi means virtually ekādaśânga-laksane; however, Kotyācārya's explanation reads dese sūtrârdhe sūtramātr'ādau vā, whereby with sūtra, naturally, the pūrvagata-sūtra (not the dvādasânga-sūtra) is meant."
From this statement one sees that Jinabhadra has not commented on the passage sufficiently, or perhaps not at all which is why Kotyācārya (i.e. Śīlānka) is the only interpreter of our Bhāsya whom Hemacandra has consulted here. The KalpaCūrņi-citation should not be taken literally; rather, the passage reads "deso" ekārasa angāni. On the other hand, Sīlānka's words, as the excerpts (p. 708) show, have been taken over exactly. When Hemacandra adds vā to them, then this is either an almost necessary addition, or, in case sūtrârdhe originates from Jinabhadra's commentary and has been paraphrased by Śīlānka with sūtramātr'ādau, then, it is an addition obscuring the facts. I 554. "In some copies of the text) an apostrophe ('juttā) can be found before (the concluding word) juttā which is why the translation (given above, p. 41°26-29) has to be altered as follows: . .... becomes (moreover, everywhere). ......; for this reason, visualization during śrutal jñāna, because it is supposed to be imparted, according to 552 through acakṣurdarśana) is incorrect. The stanza has actually been taken over by the earlier commentators (pūrvatīkākārair) but simply designated as self-evident (kanthyā); in other words, it has not been explained. On our part, we have explained it as well as we could; still a keen mind might comprehend it differently."
1 Marginal note: (sarvaparyāyapari]māṇasyâkşarasya. What is in brackets has been broken off and supplemented in accordance with Hemacandra.
143

Page #244

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
The interpretation of the stanza presented here as possible is entirely untenable. What Hemacandra says about the "earlier commentators" applies to Śīlānka (cp. below, p. 70); on the other hand, Jinabhadra cannot have mentioned the stanza at all since it (as shown above, p. 41031-40) must be an interpolation. Therefore, there must be a wrong generalization.' Besides, Hemacandra creates here, as well as at V 461, a wrong impression, because he uses the word "commentator" in the plural. After all that has been said, it is out of the question that he meant more than just the two commentators mentioned by him. I 595 f. Both of these stanzas teach how 587 is interpreted by some. Hemacandra adds:
[53] A reply placed here without a (corresponding) Bhāsya-stanza by the earlier commentators (pūrva-tīkākāra-likhitam pratividhānam) follows: na yuktam idam keşāmcid vyākhyānam trisamay'āhārakatvasya-panakavišeşanatvenôktatvān matsya-samayadvayasya ca panaka-samayatvâyogād, yo 'pîttham atijaghanyâvagāhanā-lābha-lakṣaṇo guņa udbhāvyate so pi na yukto yasmān nêhâtisūksmeņâtimahatā vā kimcit prayojanam kim tarhi yogyena, yogyaś ca sa eva tad-vettřbhir dộsto yah prathamam jaghanyâvagāhanah sams tasminn eva bhave samaya-trayam āhāram grhņātîty alam vistarena.
Again, this citation should not be taken literally. On the other hand, the form that Haribhadra and Sīlānka concurrently give to the reply must have been taken exactly from Jinabhadra's commentary: etac câyuktam trisamay'āhārakatvasya panakajīva-visesanatvāt* matsy'āyāma-viskambha-samharaṇa-samaya-dvayasya ca panaka-samayâyogāt trisamay' āhārakatv'ākhya-visesanânupapatti-prasangād, alam prasangena'.
I 7484. Here Jinabhadra differentiates three types of bāhyâvadhi, which Hemacandra illustrates by the signs - 0. The Cūrni only mentions the third type and Haribhadra only both of the first two. The attitude of the Cūrni attracted Hemacandra's attention which is why he makes the following remark about the contents of the Bhāsya-line:
This is the opinion of the Bhāsya-author and the author of (both) ancient commentaries (bhāsyakāra-ciramtanațīkākstām). At the corresponding passage of the AvaśyakaCūrņi there is only mention of the third type.
What has been said about the ancient commentaries applying to Śīlānka's commentary can be seen from the excerpts." I 821. “Apparently, this stanza is an interpolation because it is missing in both old commentaries (ciramtanațīkā-dvaye) and in several Bhāsya- copies, whereas it is found in only a few Bhāsya-copies and since it is quite fitting we have included it." 8
Sīlānka deals with the stanza in the same manner as with 554. Hemacandra's account does not fit it, and for this reason some other commentary might have to be assumed between Jinabhadra and Sīlānka that could be meant as the second. The possibility, already rejected
! Possibly, in Hemacandra's manuscript of Jinabhadra's commentary, just as in our sīlānkamanuscript, there were various Pratīka-additions placed in the margin. Such an addition could have stood between the explanation of 553 and 555 and have caused Hemacandra to think that Jinabhadra has not completely ignored the stanza.
? Also this defect, if need be, could be excused. Since Hemacandra, as well as Sīlānka, is accustomed to use the pluralis majestatis (püjyäh for Jinabhadra, anye for Silänka, we for "I"), , at two places he seems to have permitted himself the pluralizing of the word "commentator" where actually only the dual was permissible.
ca na satyam eva sūksmadhi-vacanam Sil. 4 otvábhyupagamān $īl.
only with H. 6 In fact, Hem. gives the wording exactly literally (as with all Pkt.-citations).
The Sīlānka-manuscript is a bit faulty here; one should read 'to diśo yo ... tadaivo . . . api.vo. . and construe sa-deso 'yam (avadhis), tataś ca tasy)aik'āyat(asy)aikato diśo yo...
8 bS: praksepa-gāthā cêyam laksyate ciramtanațīkā-dvaye 'py agrhītatvāt kesucid bhāsya-pustakes adarśanāc ca kevalam kesucid bhāsya-pustakesu darśanāt; kimcit-sabhiprāyatvād asmābhir grhītā. B: . . . °tatvāt; kesucid bhāsya - pustakesu darśanāt kimcit - sâbhiprāyatvāc câsmābhir gļhītā.
144

Page #245

English translation by George Baumann
earlier at 554, then, would re-appear and in this case, its proponents could refer to the translated gloss above, p. 51°48-50. Our earlier handling of the entire context (pp. 40°37 -41°44]), itself, shows that the stanzas 554 & 821, textually, are at the same level. In any case, Hemacandra contradicts himself with his contrasting account about these. Besides, since all that precedes speaks against the possibility alluded to, then, also here, Hemacandra must be accused of a false generalization: only in Jinabhadra's commentary and not in "both of the ancient commentaries” can 821 have been lacking. Besides, the tautology (however, missing in B) also shows within the present account as well as their recognition of the contents of 821 that we are more likely faced with a loquacious lack of judgment than with a long-winded profoundness. p does not belong to those Bhāsya-copies in which 821 is lacking. Indeed, in it only (the Pratīka) bhannai Pannavaņāe is found at the correct place, however, the remainder (manapajjavanāna- ...) at the margin. This only happens because the scribe mistakenly jumps over to the signature manapajjavanāņam sammattam that has the same beginning as the remainder. I 1402y. Here, Hemacandra points out that Kotyācārya's explanation contradicts the Anuyogadvāra. He gives the words of that predecessor (below, p. 9a) in order to clarify it in a considerably enlarged form, although he reproduces the intended Anuyogadvāra-passage (Ed. p. 478 f.) briefly and inaccurately in Skt.:
kālenânuyogo ’nilâpahāraḥ idam uktam bhavati: bādara-paryāptakavāyukāyikā vaikriya-śarīre vartamānāḥ adhvāpalyopamasyâsamkhyeyabhāgenâpahriyanta ity-evam yā parūpaņā sa kālenânuyoga ity-evam Kotyācāryațīkāyām vivstam; anyatra tv Anuyogadvār'ādişu vaikriya-śarīriņo vāyavaḥ kṣetrapalyopamâsamkhyeyabhāga-pradeśaparimāņā drśyante; tattvam tu kevalino vidanti.
The note simply says: While Śīlānka transposes the Anuyogadvāra passage briefly into Skt to which the Bhāsya alludes, he writes adhvā- for khetta-.
With a bit of objectivity Hemacandra should have rather said: The Cūrni cites the wording of the passage in agreement with Prajñāp.? XII without khetta-. Also, Hemacandra and Śīlānka paraphrase [53] paliovama with adhvā-palyopama. As a result, khettaprobably has been interpolated into the Anuyogadvāra.
From this remark it can be assumed that Jinabhadra wrote only palyopama in his own commentary, if he had mentioned this specific passage at all. IV 911. (31871.). "Indeed, both of these stanzas can be found in many Bhāsy(a-copie)s, but they are apparently an interpolation, because they are neither explained in early (Bhāsya)commentaries, nor in the original Avaśyaka-commentary (by Haribhadra)."
As can be seen above, p. 33861, p also contains both stanzas. Šīlānka ignores them completely (cp. below, p. 144); Haribhadra cites them with a single additional word. It is self-evident that Haribhadra, at least, cites them. Consequently, we learn nothing from Hemacandra's note, even if it might be certain that he means by the "earlier commentary" that of Jinabhadra. IV 110'. In the Niryukti-version of the line only the usual three janman-types (andaja pota jarāyuja) have been mentioned, while at the same time (for the past and present) both of the first ones have been allotted each 3 and the third 4 Sāmāyika-types. C & H follow the Niryukti-text, but add appendixwise a fourth janman-type (aupapātika), to which they assign
With the remaining jñāna-types (I III; above, pp. 45'31-46 28 V: above, p. 4632) a corresponding internal colophon is lacking in p; after V, at least, dāram is found.
2 Ed. fol. 40092.
* It would be more exact to call them garbha-types in accordance with Umāsvāti's janman-classification, which reads (Tattvärtha) II 31 & 33 f.):
1. sammūrchana. II. garbha: 1. jarāyuja; 2. andaja; 3. potaja.
III. upapāta: 1. nārakāņām; 2. devānām. Cp. also the seven- and eightfold joni-samgaha in Sthän. VII ed. fol. 441"& VIII ed. fol. 4750.
145

Page #246

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avasyaka Literature
2 Sāmāyika-types. The Bhāṣya emphasizes this addition in the line itself by means of a change in the same. In addition, it also indicates, for the present, that under circumstances, 2 (instead of 3) Sāmāyika-types might be befitting for both of the first janman-types.
To begin with, Hemacandra describes exactly (by word for word repetition of the passages in question) the difference existing between the Niryukti and (Haribhadra's) ṭīkā; then he continues: nearly everything is depicted by the author of the Bhāṣya-commentary as it is found in the original Avaśyaka-commentary (Haribhadra's), but in the Bhāṣya itself the fourth janman-type has been included.
Apparently, Hemacandra is quite surprised that the "Bhāṣya-commentary" (just like Haribhadra) begins the explanation with janma trividham. In other words, it treats the fourth janman-type only appendixwise, although the Bhāṣya requires through its parallel arrangement of all four janman-types that one should speak of janma caturvidham. Thus, what has been said about the "Bhāṣya-commentary" - as the excerpts show befits Śīlānka's commentary. But since Hemacandra, himself, most likely, was thinking of Jinabhadra's commentary, because this has been copied word for word by Silanka (and presumably also by Haribhadra) at the passage in question. Naturally, Hemacandra's previously translated remark, which gives the impression that Haribhadra used the "Bhāṣyacommentary" as a source appears rather unhistorical.
The difference between the Bhāṣya and Jinabhadra's commentary (in case this is meant) would be quite understandable, if, perhaps, the Bhāṣya-reading would be false. Although the same is presented by all authorities (pŚHem.), it has to be observed that jar'ovavāi with Jinabhadra looks a little strange and that the fourth janman-type in 113 is completely ignored. IV 174. "The attribute (included in the explanation on the word jiva) samvyavahāra-rāsi-gata (which is lacking in the text) is based on earlier commentators, not on our own judgment."
Actually, the attribute can be found (in the form samvyavahāruka-rāsy-antargata) with Haribhadra and Śīlānka (Exc., p. 15). Doubtlessly, it was also in Jinabhadra's commentary, so that, indeed, Hemacandra can rightly speak of a plurality of earlier commentators, although perhaps as with I 554 & V 461, he may only be thinking about Jinabhadra and Śīlānka.
V 461 (3991). "This stanza is lacking in some (Bhāṣya-)copies and has not been explained by the earlier commentators (pūrva-ṭīkākārair). We include them just the same, because they are found in numerous copies and are quite suitable." - On this cp. pp. 33 61f., 24f., 34 s 56-58, 52 62-65. 18 n..
V 528. In doubt, Hemacandra reproduces here the justification of the contents given by "Ancients". From what has been said about this passage at pp. 44° 21 -45°12, it can be seen that under the "Ancients" the Curni-author and, very likely, also Haribhadra, but in no case, are Jinabhadra or Śīlānka to be understood. Thus, if Jinabhadra has defended this stanza at all, then he must have more or less done it as Sīlānka has done it.
Now a few passages remain to be discussed that Malayagiri (around the middle of the twelfth century, about seventy years after Jinavallabha and about thirty years after Hemacandra) takes from Jinabhadra's commentary. It is quite understandable that Malayagiri, as one of the most scholarly interpreters and someone using innumerable citations, falls back on that work; but since he cites it very, very seldom even in his Avaśyaka-[54]commentary only two times whereas in all of his commentaries, of course, particularly in the Avaśyaka-commentary, the Bhāṣya-text has been extraordinarily exploited.', it can thus be assumed that Jinabhadra's Bhāṣya-commentary will not be found at
Cp., e.g. above, p. 31°n. end] and Av.-Erz., p. 3912. In Av.-țīkā IX Malayagiri cites the following Viseṣāvaśyaka-stanzas: I 3. 13 f. 21. 22. 26. 29. 30. 31. 34. 31. 35. 39 f. 42. 46-50. 53. 55-58. 60. 62. 65-67. 75. 435. 90-92. 95. 89. 811. 85. 106 f. 96'. 99. 102. 116. 121 f. 86-88. 168. 183. 181. 290. 193. 200. 220. 292. 333. 336-342. 364. 355-357. 362 f. 344-349. 351 f. 372. 379-381. 386. 383-385. 382. 391. 393 f. 146
1

Page #247

English translation by George Baumann
all with later authors. Thus, this would sufficiently explain why no copy of it has been located as yet, even in the oldest libraries.
In total, there are only three relevant citations, which we find with Malayagiri (whose commentaries, mostly, we have already read). Both stanzas from the Avaśyaka-commentary occur again in the Nandi- and in the Prajñāpanā-commentary; the third can be found only in the Prajñāpanā-commentary.
In fact, more citations should be found, if Malayagiri, as Samayasundara claims in the Paryusaņākalpacommentary, also might have written a commentary on the Viseşāvasyaka-bhāsya. But, as far as we know Malayagiri, himself, does not mention such a work anywhere which is why it might have been his last. Apart from that, there is no trace of it. Therefore, Samayasundara whose opinion, in any case, carries little weight simply was wrong and may have meant the Avaśyaka-commentary, because it dealt in half of it with the Bhāsya, if, in fact, he did not confuse Malayagiri with Hemacandra. Presently, only about two-thirds of Malayagiri's Avaśyaka-commentary is available. P XXII 1168, namely, contains on 270 + 368 folios only Khanda I & II of the work with about 9,600 + 13,000 = 22,600 grantha-s.- Most likely, the third Khanda will have added about 11,400 grantha-s so that Malayagiri has written the longest Avaśyaka-commentary with approximately 34,000 grantha-s, and even the longest Svetâmbara commentary of all. The vast size stems from the fact, that Malayagiri
1. renders Haribhadra's explanations more verbose, 2. has reproduced, contentwise, more than half of Jinabhadra's Bhāsya-stanzas and, for the most
part, also brings (them) citationwise, 3. tells the story at niry. II 114 f., following the Jambūdvīpaprajñapti unusually extensively and
with annotating sections -- that, in total, amounts to about 1,200 grantha-s (fol. 179.212010). With the exception of the case just mentioned, Malayagiri copies the Pkt. stories word for word (above, p. 14°68 has to be read "to reproduce each in his manner" instead of "to transpose into Skt."); in addition, cp. above, p. 47'n.). — The division of the commentary into three parts (Khanda I goes up to niry. III 270, II up to
230. 233; 2936. 358. 360522 568 f. 5593. 122
390. 413-417. 419 f. 422. 428-431. 434-437. 401 403. 1426. 450-452. 501 f. 504-506. 514-516. 536. 549. 551. 550. 571-573. 582-584. 592-594. 598. 599 600. 602-605. 610-6139. 617 f. 623 f. 627 f. 632636. 646-648. 640-642. 644 f. 654 f. 658 f. 669. 6889. 690 f. 693. 701. 700. 704. 706-711. 712! 714 f. .718-722. 724. 729-732. 749 f. 753. 760 f. 766 f. 770. 773 f. 776 f. 782. 785-789. 798 f. 812 f. 824 f. 827. 140. 830. 837 f. 871 f. 893. 901. 906-908. 914. 925 f. 930-933. 941 f. 946-948 949.952. 957. 959 f. 969. 1029. 1031. 1039 f. 1047. 10574. 1107-1109. 1096-1098. 1100. 1110 f. 1116. 1129 f. 1152. 1156. 1162 f. 1186-1189. 1193-1195. 1197-1202. 1204 f. 1221 f. 1206-1213. 1219. 1216-1218. 1220. 1226 f. 1231 f. 1234. 1256. 1261-1266. 1268. 1277 f. 1284 f. 1292. 1296 f. 1303 f. 1306 f. 1310. 1313. 1315 f. 1324. 1317-1320. 1324. 1329-1332. 1364o. 1366. 1378-1380. 1385. 1388 f. 1392. 1399 f. 1408. 1426 f. 1438-1443. 1453. 1457 f. 1463-1465*. 1466-1468. 14706. 1473. 1475. 1509. 1511. 151547. 1523. 1535. 1545 f. II 87. 89. III 40-42. 51. 54. 59. 61. 63 f. 70-747. 82. 149. 153. 156. 165. 173. 187 f. 191. 209. 214. 217. 219. 222. 227 f. 230. 233. 245. 249. 236-239. 234 f. 252. I 39. III 269. 271. 274-276. 282 -286. 301 305. 308 f. 311. 330 f. 333. 3356. 336. 358. 360 f. 375. 386-388. 422-426. 443. 457 f. 469. 472 f. 466. 501. 483-485. 497. 500. 518-520. 523. 513. 529-532o. 568 f. 556-562. 587-590. 578-580. 584. 586. 574-576. 581 f. 552 f. 600-602. IV 13 f. 16 20. 22. 40. 77-80. 90°. 98. 122-124. 127. 132. 150 f. 153. 162 f. 159. I 998. 1000. 1008 f. V 43. 63-66. 70-77. 88. 91-94o. 99. 124 f. 165 f. 169-172. 176. 186-188. 194. 196 f. 199. 212-215. 241. III 43. V 255-260. 284 f. 338-341. 344-346. 358. 360. 359. 361. 363-369. 376. 401. 500502. 508. 514-516. 522-525. 528. 526 f. 529-533. 544. 546. 545. 553. 579. 583-586. 598. 600 f. 603606.653-655. 657-662. 684. 738-740. 767.
As can be seen, Viś. II is almost completely ignored by Malayagiri. In its place he excerpts from various other sources (without naming them), among others, from the Sästravārttāsamuccaya.
Bhandarkar Rep. 18874, p. 141.28. - In B 2112 folios 98 125 are missing that must have contained the passages given by Bhandarkar on p. 139-142 with exception of a folio (108) on which the story of Vajra and Vajrasena is told.
2 About 26 grantha-s before the end of Khanda I (to be exact, on p. 2696 ) granthågram 10,500 can be found, even though otherwise in the entire manuscript no further grantha-data are found. Since one would rather expect the sum of 9,500 at the mentioned passage, it seems the scribe who is accountable for that data, has either, by mistake, increased the sum by 1,000 or has done so in order to receive more remuneration.
Malayagiri devotes a special concluding stanza (fol. 2120 11) to this extra piece, although, generally, he includes concluding stanzas only at the end of the individual adhyayana-s, like Haribhadra.
147

Page #248

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
niry. XI 47", III up to niry. XX 81) can be attributed just to some scribe, not to Malayagiri himself. At the opening of Khanda II the type of text presentation changes: although with just a few exceptions, the Pratīka-s of the stanzas have been taken out at niry. III 116-270, we find at niry. III 271 ff. again as at niry. I I-111 115, the complete text. This change may be the reason for or the result of the khanda-division, but, in any case, is more the work of Malayagiri than the khanda-division. [54°]The three mentioned citations interpret 1702, 737 opening, 779 opening, in other words, three Niryukti-passages which is why, besides the words of Sīlānka and Hemacandra, each time we can also take those of Haribhadra into consideration. Doing this it shows that in both of the first cases the four commentaries only came into contact contentwise, although in the third case, At least Haribhadra has literally taken over Jinabhadra's explanation. However, where the third citation breaks off is not certain. Also what seems to us not to belong to it, agrees, 'in general, with Haribhadra's commentary. Āv.-t. 151 = Nandī Ed. p. 151,10 = Prajñ. XXXIII Ed.fol. 7700 sf.
utkysto manusyesyeva nânyeșu, manusya-tiryagyonișy evajaghanyo nânyeșu,
seșāņām madhyama eva. H: dravyataḥ kṣetratah kālato bhāvataś côtkşsto 'vadhir manusyeşv eva nâmar'ādişu;
tathā manusyāś ca tiryancaś ca manusya-tiryancah, teșu manusya-tiryakṣu ca jaghanyaḥ, ca-śabda evakārârthah, tasya caivam prayogah: manusya-tiryakşv eva
jaghanyo na nāraka-sureşu. Ś: utkysto 'vadhir dravy'ādi-visayo manusyesveva syān na traye, kevala-jñāna
lābha-prāpakatvāt tasya ca manusyesveva prāpteh. tathā jaghanyo manusya
tiryakşv eva syān na dvaye, tad-apāntarāla-dravya-darśanād. Hem.: iha dravyatah kşetratah kālato bhāvataś côtkysto 'vadhir manusyesy eva na
dev’ādişu, tathā manusyāś ca tiryancaś ca teşv eva jaghanyo na tu sura
nārakeşu. Av.-t. I 57 = Nandi Ed. p. 144,1 = Prajñ. XXXIII opening Ed. fol. 766"2 spardhakam
avadhi-viccheda -višeșaḥ. H: iha phaddakāny avadhijñāna-nirgama-dvārānyathavā gavâkşajāl’ādi-vyavahita
pradīpa-prabhā-phaddakānîva phaddakāni. S: phaddāny avadhijñāna-jyotsnā-nirgama-sthānāni jālântarasthapradīpôpamatvāt. Hem.: apavarak’ādi-jālakântarastha-pradīpa-prabhā-nirgama-sthānānîvâvadhijñān’āvarana
kşayôpaśama-janyāny avadhijñānanirgamasthānānîha phaddakāny ucyante. Prajñ. XXI Ed. fol. 621°4 atiśaya-caranāc cāranāḥ, atiśaya-gamanād ity arthaḥ. Exactly
so H. Ś: atiśayena carane gamane samarthāh pratyalāḥ. Hem.: atiśayavad-gaman'āgamana rūpāc caraṇāc cāraṇāḥ sâtiśaya-gaman'āgamanalabdhi
sampannāḥ
The examination of the data already known to us on Jinabhadra's commentary has been dealt with extensively above. Also the previous questions pertaining to him have been solved: Jinabhata should not be identified with Jinabhadra. Although he has been cited by Šīlānka as
Where, otherwise in large commentaries a khanda-division also can be found, it can be traced, partially proven and partially probable, back to a particular scribe (not to the authors). In Hemacandra's Viseșāvaśyakacommentary the manuscripts Bb remove the first 14,000 grantha-s as the first part (resulting in a part of the entirety, only by numerical division without any consideration for the context.) in such a way that B, as it should be, begins a new leaf, whereas b adds only the remark Višesävasyaka-prathamakhandam samāptam iti cha śrīKharatara-gaccha co arham. Abhayadeva's Sthānânga-commentary has been divided in the edition (and also in the manuscript, on which it is based) in such a manner into two khanda-s that the first khanda goes upto IV 2,4 (hatthi) (ed. fol. 236'). Besides there should be a reference, here to the following handling of Haribhadra's Avaśyaka-commentary.
2 su Av.-t 3 daka Av.t.
148
Jain Education Interational

Page #249

English translation by George Baumann
an authority, he did not write a commentary on the Bhāsya. Jinabhadra's commentary is actually the only one, which has been written before Sīlānka, and after Sīlānka, firstly, Hemacandra commented the Bhāsya again.
Since our previous endeavour has been mainly directed toward grasping the three commentaries uniformly, and in this manner, toward characterizing the different behaviour of the second and third specimens to the first, it is, thus, our duty now to write the results into an overall view as far as they only deal with Jinabhadra's commentary. Mainly, the Jinabhadrapassages of some extent can be taken into consideration, in other words, those that concern I 595 f. 820. 884.1256. II 115.127 f.
1. To begin with, it is clear that the work was written in Skt. In this respect it introduced a new type of commentary into Svetâmbara literature, because, previously, at the most, Skt. works (like the Tattvârtha) were explained in Skt. The Pkt. Commentaries that were common during Jinabhadra's time hardly satisfied his literary sentiment, just like the Pkt. texts whose standard in the Bhāsya he considers below his level. Apparently, he felt that for the explanation Skt. was more useful than Pkt., and since he was well-acquainted with the religious and philosophical Skt. literature it is obvious that he took their commentaries as a model for himself. Therefore, Pkt. is not found even once, as with Sīlānka, in individual words or phrases; Jinabhadra would have loathed such hodgepodge.
2. Apparently, for later thinking the work was quite terse. As can already be seen in the Cūrni-commentaries it was not felt necessary to follow the original slavishly and to make every or almost every word palatable for the reader. On the contrary, judging by the samples, it was important to Jinabhadra to establish the context existing between individual stanzas and sections, to render the individual thoughts in another form and to let them be followed, if necessary or as desired, by explanatory and supplementary remarks, [55] even occasionally to add particular excursions, in which, e.g. a subject is followed up more closely or an opinion found in a text, rebuffed. Thus, the size must not have been more than 8-10 thousand grantha-s. .
3. Except for the large Niryukti-section between Vis. I & II almost all the individual stanzas, as with Śīlānka, have found [55'), at least, a minimal consideration. Their explanation, introduced (as in the Cūrni and with Haribhadra, as well as with Malayagiri) by the Pratīka with the word gāhā, a point where, exceptionally, Jinabhadra follows the Pkt.commentaries, probably concluded with iti gāthārthaḥ since this delimitation re-appears in all following Skt.-commentaries (with Haribhadra, Sīlānka, etc.).
[55a] The Remaining Works of Jinabhadra
Jinabhadra's unique predisposition for dogmatics can be even more clearly seen than in the preceding if his other writings are studied. Although we still have to mention a narrative work by Sanghadāsa, Jinabhadra always handles topics on Jaina philosophy and way of life didactically. In total, still five works of lesser content have to be mentioned all of which have been written in gāthā-s and summarily depict various areas of the tradition.
For quite some time short excerpts had been made from the unusually verbose dialogues of the Canon for teaching purposes. To the Samgrahaņī-versifications, which have been dealt with on pp. 15° 17-55 & 16°31.] soon isolated guides about this or that topic were added. In
* Cp. Exc. p. 106.
"Only Śīlānka who concludes the Pratīka with ity-ādi consistently adopts in this matter the method that the Skt. commentaries of the Brahmins and Buddhists had taken. Understandably, on the other hand, ity-adi or ity-ādinā, can be found in older times in Jaina commentaries that deal with Skt. works (thus in SiddhasenaGandhahastin's Tattvârtha-tīkā and in Haribhadra's commentaries on the Sāstravārttāsamuccaya and on the Tattvārtha). A Digambara-commentator like Sīlānka who transferred this method to a gāthā-original is Aparajita (above, p. 1'n.and 3 n.).
149

Page #250

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvaśyaka Literature
general, such non-canonical textbooks had no durability but were usually replaced by manifold adaptions or by very similar new elaborations. The oldest works thath we can attribute to this monograph-category are the Oghaniryukti and the Pindaniryukti, because the former does not depend, like the normal Niryukti-writings, on a canonical original, and the latter has given up its relationship with any canonical work, if in the beginning there was one at all, already before the separation in the church***. There, two main disciplines of life-activities have been depicted in a recapitulative fashion. More specifically, the almost completely missing karmanwritings of Sivašarman, Garga, as well as the Siddhaprābhsta, represent the type of literature referred to, all of which have been displaced by Devendra's Karmagrantha-pancaka and Siddhapancāśikā. Jinabhadra's lesser writings now also belong to the older monographs, which, presently, have been mostly forgotten: these are a Kșetrasamāsa, a Samgrahaņī, the Višesanavati, the Jītakalpa and the Dhyāna-śataka; both of the last mentioned have the old popular century-form.
The Kşetrasamāsa contains a concise account of the main part of canonical geography. The Samayakşetra or Manusyakşetra (,respectively Naraksetra), i. e., the central area of the earth, has been dealt with, which alone (because outside of it no celestial bodies appear) knows time and is solely inhabited by human beings.
Naturally, Jīvâbhig. IV 8-21 and the corresponding parts of Upanga 5-7 and Anga 5 have been used as sources. Besides, Jinabhadra will have had some post-canonical versifications before him that he surely simply copies just as he takes some stanzas from older texts. In Ind. Stud. XVI 390 f. a synopsis of the Jivabhigama-passage has been given that at the same time can serve as a general orientation about the contents of the Ksetrasamāsa.
Malayagiri's commentary-recension has 655 stanzas, which, apart from a few sloka-s, have been written in gāthā-metre. Affixed is a concluding gāthā. I Jambūdvīpa
398 II Lavaṇasamudra 90 III Dhātakīşandadvīpa IV Kālasamudra
11 V Puşkaravaradvīpa 75 (1 11. 11!. 12 74)
655 +1 Ms. S (371) agrees almost completely with the mentioned recension. It inserts three stanzas in I (101' & 1411.) and leaves out one gāthā (11') in V. Besides that, in V gāthā 21 precedes 20. Gāthā V 74 has an acceptable reading in S
gāhāṇam chac ca sayā panapannā honti ettha satthammi whereas Malayagiri has consistently taken over a variant from an earlier recension
gāhāṇam chac ca sayā sattattīsā ya honti padipuņņā |
Thus, at a particular time, as this reading indicates, the text had had only 637 (instead of 655) gāthā-s. Otherwise, provisionally, it can only be said about earlier recensions that there very likely (furthermore, according to the excerpt from I still to be discussed) the chapters are not as with Malayagiri (and in S), designated as ahigāra, but as uddesa.
Malayagiri ignores textual criticism completely. [55] His commentary – sober and unusually far-reaching and adequate - comprises about 7,000 grantha-s if you deduct the 700 grantha-s of the text. He does not offer a single hint about the occasional lack or rearrangement of certain stanzas, and only very seldom does he note a variant. We are in possession of the commentary (just as earlier for L 121 & 147) of both manuscripts R 101 and P XII 16. Both are excellent, but the latter begins, firstly, with the Meruvaktavyatā (I 303 ff.) and fairly generously contains the second half of the work. Further manuscripts are
*** Cp. above, p. 22°, 11.26-31. 15°67-69. 16's-10- 14-31
150

Page #251

English translation by George Baumann
M 2626 & 2677. - Whether the bṛhat-Kṣetrasamāsa-vṛtti, written in 1135 by Siddha that will deal with Jinabhadra's Kṣetrasamāsa has any text-critical importance the future will show. The only manuscript of this commentary traced up to now is A II 3. In any case, more important is the Kṣetrasamāsa-curni found in old libraries in India, even more so, if it should comment on a Kṣetrasamāsa that is different from Jinabhadra's.
Jinabhadra's Kṣetrasamāsa (Ks') was simplified quite early in such a manner that only about one-fourth of the part dealing with the Jambudvipa (I) was kept and from the remaining parts (II-V) nothing was preserved. The excerpt, thus gained, was the most appreciated geography-booklet of the Svetâmbara-s from 900-1300 in spite of its fragmentary character as an anonymous Kṣetrasamāsa (ks). Since 1400 it has hardly been copied anymore which is why it has been presented only on palm-leaf manuscripts. Due to its former popularity it has been handed down in numerous forms:
a 109-strophic recension (ks'), commented on by Haribhadra,
a 93-strophic (ks) we know from P XII 7624,
a 86-strophic (ks) preserved in A I 749 & 178';
apparently, fragmentary is the present text-form in A I 844 as it ends with ks2 53 (but even then it is supposed to contain, in total, 91 stanzas); Varieties of ks2 or ks3 are apparently available in A I 423 (with 90 stanzas) & 778 (with 86
stanzas).
The recension ks' is available twice in a ms at the Indian Institute: firstly, by itself (I 13), and, secondly, in Haribhadra's commentary (I 14), which is also available in P XII 3971 & XXIII 815.
More recently, ks has been raised to the position of a complete Kṣetrasamāsa since someone has freely supplemented the missing parts II-V, and, besides, has placed two gāthā-series into I, the first of which (30-32) stems from the Jambūdvīpasamgrahaṇī and the second (52-71) deals with the 30 bhoga-bhūmio. Thus, the completed Kṣetrasamāsa (Ks2) consists of 188 gāthā-s in manuscript B 1749 used as a basis by us:
I-134, II 161, III-167, IV 173, V-188a,
of 198 gāthā-s in manuscript F:
I-144, II 171, III 177, IV 183, V 198a.
B
F
B
F
B
F
B
1-3 1-3 6-9 10-13 12-15
17-20
28-130
AVOVERHAAN
4-6
10
16
7 f.
11
14
16-27
21 f. 23-34 35
15
9 All the differences between B and F have to be allotted to I; B 135-188 F 145198.
4 f.
1
Ks
1 f.

1 f.
131 132
How the versions of the mentioned Kṣetrasamāsa-writings, available at the moment, are related among themselves and to the Jambūdvīpasamgrahaṇī, can be known from the stanzaconcordance detailed in the following columns. With ks the gatha-s that belong only to manuscript F have been given as additional stanzas: 3 (F4-6), 5' (= F 9), etc.
1-3
In contrast to ks as well as to more modern adaptions of the material, Ks is generally called brhat- or vṛddha-Kṣetrasamāsa.
Among the more recent Kṣetrasamāsa-treatises, if we leave out ks2, we next find Śrīcandra's Kṣetrasamāsa (Ks3), which, in the first [56] and last gāthā is called Samayakhetta-pavibhāga and is supposed to be an excerpt from the "large Kṣetrasamāsa” (mahayaKhettasa-māsa), i.e. from Ks'.
It has 341 gatha-s in A I 1981.
ks2
1 f.
3
F
B 36-138 133
139
Ks2 J
PREIZ│4|44|
151
1 f.
31
142
134
F
140
141 143
144
Ks'
ks2
Ks
ks1 269-275 58-64 44-50 79-85
276-300

Page #252

E. Leumann, An outline of the Āvasyaka Literature
326. 3f
301 f.
| 49 f.
35 f.
| 50 f. 52 -- 71
86 87 - 89
303 304 - 306 307 - 313
65 | 66-68
51 54 - 56
314a
cp. 699
579 58 f.
92a
9 f.
70 f.
93.95
94
10 f.
12 13 f. 15 f.
12 13 f. 15 f. 19
7 f.
3146 315 f.
317 318-326
327 328-337
338 339-345
346
96
17
18
97
18
20
74
98
21
1
90 f.
52.538 cpcp.
22-24
22
- 24
9-11
53% cp.57
12
14 15 -
17 18 -
347
25 – 27
12 – 14
348
cp.
692
57
.
929
25 – 27
28 29 – 32
20
cp. 69
926
29 – 32
3499 3496 353
15 - 18
21 –
24
33 - 128
129 f.
354 – 36176-83
84
151f.
60-67
706
99 - 106
1096
ср
131 - 165 166 - 170
1094
33-37
19-23
362
2529
30 31 f.
26 21
363 364 - 368
33
38 f.
24 f.
369 370 f.
34 f.
171 f.
173 174 - 176
40 - 42
26 - 28
36
71 f.
110 f.
38 39 -
372 - 386
90 - 104
73 – 87
112 - 126
42
43
387 – 392
393 f. 395 f.
88 f.
43 f.
29 f.
44 f.
105 f. 107 f.
127 f. 129 f.
90 f.
177 178 - 183
184 f. 186 - 211
212 213 - 251
130
271
109
92
131 133
* 75 is a summary repetition of 72a. 73. 74o.
Sayambhu-purim'antão avar'antāo ya rajjuo
eena rajja-māņena logo caudasa-rajjuo || 109 in ks 92, perhaps in ks 86, the first line reads:
Sayambhuramana-puro ................ -m-āīņam K$? 133 offers: Sayambhū-purim'antão avar'anto jāva rajju-māņam tu
152

Page #253

English translation by George Baumann
133
252 — 255 45 – 48 256 — 262 51 – 57
31 – 34 | 46 –
49 37 – 43 72–
134
93
263-268
397 Furthermore, Somatilaka's Naraksetra-vicāra (K$) has to be mentioned. It was written around 1330, and in contrast to Ks' and Kș is called navya-brhatKșetrasamāsa; in B 1745 it consists of 385 gāthā-s.
Ahigāra I: 254, II : 53, III : 38, IV:7, V: 33 gāthā-s.
Gunaratna's accompanying commentary (avacūrņi), according to its final stanza, is based mainly on Jñānasāgara's smaller and larger Vịtti of the výddhaKșetrasamāsa by which Ks' is to be understood. Most likely, both of these commentaries are only different, extensive excerpts from Malayagiri's commentary mentioned above.
The latest and, for the time being most common handling of the material stems from Ratnasekhara. His work (K$), composed around 1370, is usually called laghuKșetrasamāsa in order to differentiate it from Ks' and Kst. According to B 1746, the Ahigāra-arrangement here is the following:
1 gāthă-s 1-196
gātha-s 242 f. II " 197 - 226 V " 244 258 III “ 227 - 241 addition (jinabhavanāni, etc.) gāthā-s 259 - 262
End: 263 (gāthā), 264 (Indravajra), 265 (Vasantatilaka).
The last stanza (265) is secondary, because it has been ignored in Ratnasekhara's own commentary; in fact, B (800) gives it, but does not comment on it. In a similar fashion in B also gathā 130 has crept in that is lacking in b (=B 1747). Furthermore, in both manuscripts gāthā 103, without having been counted in b (in B, moreover, only the first hemistich with the remark ity-ādi sugamam is found that also is an addendum). On the other hand, 254 is lacking in both mss., but seems to have been counted in the sequence since b jumps over the number 256 and B, the number 260. In B the number 164 in the enumeration of the stanzas is [56] repeated; however, the enumeration in b is free of mistakes up to 255 and due to the failure to observe the insertions (103. 130. 254), at the same time, represents the verse-counting of the basic text that, in total, actually contains only 259 + 2 stanzas: Both editions in Laghuprakaranasamgraha (1876) & (1889) --- and, very likely, also that in Prakaranaratnākara IV 185-299 - leave out only 130 and 254, carrying the verse-enumeration up to 263. In Pārsvacandra's Bhāsā-commentary (B 1748) 130 & 254 are also lacking, but he puts in a new stanza (184'), which is found in Rājasekhara's commentary as a citation. In fact, 103 has been introduced by yad āha, i.e. marked as a citation, but still it has been counted. 258 is placed before 257 and 265 before 264; the repetition of verse-number 238 causes the enumeration to go up to 263 as in the editions. In l I the text is found with a tabā, which at the end of I copies the numerous samgraha-gāthā-s from Ratnasekhara's commentary on two separate folios.
The British Museum has the following Kșetrasamāsa-manuscripts: 26374 Ks with Pārsvacandra's tabā. = B 1748. 2117 a Ks. = II 1746.
b = 26374 c Ks' with Ratnasekhara's own commentary. = B 800 & 1747. S 374.
d = c. 2118 a = 26374.
b Ks with Bālâvabodha (4117 grantha-s). At the opening the introductory stanzas of Ratnasekhara's
commentary have been taken over and explained; at the end a statement can be found that the text has
262 gāthā-s. c Malayagiri's commentary (& text) of Ks' = R 101.
d Gunaratna's commentary on Ks 5178 Ks with Gunaratna's commentary.
In addition to the Kșetrasamāsa-writings mentioned here, there are still others that are presently known only from citations. Some of these have been composed in Skt.; e.g. Malayagiri mentions (on Ks' 2309) a passage from a samskīta bịhatKșetrasamāsa and from a Paurņimīyakakịta-samskỉtakşetrasamāsa-vrtti-prasasti. Dharmasāgara gives a Sārdūlavikrīdita-stanza on
153

Page #254

E. Leumann, An outline of the Avaśyaka Literature
Kupaks. I 2 that can be found printed in Weber's Cat. II 958, 21-24, as well as in Bhandarkar's Rep.18874, p. 455,14.
From all that has been said, it is sufficiently clear what popularity Jinabhadra's Ksetrasamāsa had acquired in various forms. It is self-evident that the commentarial literature cites many gāthā-s from it.
The Sam grahanī has met, more or less, the same fate as the Kşetrasamāsa. This t has also been commented by Haribhadra and Malayagiri and in recent times pushed into the background by shorter adaptations by Śrīcandra and others. Compared with these abridgements our text is generally called bphatSamgrahaņī that also helps to differentiate it from Haribhadra's Samgrahani (which will be discussed later). It seems to appear in various sizes, depending on the number of additional stanzas, which have gained entry: for that matter, there are mss with 383, 419 and 520 stanzas, and Malayagiri's commentary (more about this later) has a total of almost 370, of which many (9 f. 15 f., etc.) have been expressly designated as interpolations (anya-kartyka- or praksepa-gāthā-s). – Srīcandra's excerpt (commented on by Devabhadra in 3,500 grantha-s) that contains 273 (and more) gāthā-s, is, as a rule, called laghuSamgrahaņī or even Samgrahanīratna. It appears, itself, in a twofold enlarged version (in 318 or 348, respectively 349 gāthā-s) with the subtitle Trailokyadīpikā (under which P IV 405 has been registered). Both Trailokyadīpikā-recensions were published in Bombay, the first in Prakaranaratnāk. IV 33-184, the second with the double title brhatSamgrahaņi Trailokyadīpikā in Laghupr.' (348 gāthā-s) and (349 gāthā-s).
Even in its arrangement and contents the Samgrahaņī is consistent with the Ksetrasamāsa. Composed of a few hundred gāthā-s to which some old sloka-s have been added, it condenses certain widely held doctrines, scattered in Upanga 3 & 4 and in Anga 5, about the four main types of creatures (I gods, II creatures of hell, III human beings, IV animals), and, for this reason, in all versions contains four corresponding parts, where, each time, the most important characteristics (span of life, etc.) are depicted in sequence.
At the end a two-strophic (revealing the old gāthā-metre) Samgrahaņī has been added that enumerates a number of characteristics Jinabhadra had left out. Apparently, in this manner, what is missing is supposed to be pointed out. The pair of stanzas has been taken from the opening of Jīvâbh. II, where it serves as a synopsis for the chapter. Jinabhadra makes many similar borrowings from the older literature; among others, sloka 181 originates from Bhag. VI 7 (& Anuyogadv. Ed. p. 431). Accordingly, a gāthā following this Samgrahaņī also points to the fact that much in the text must have been composed by earlier teachers". puvv'āyariya-kaya.
The Visesaņavatī discusses a series of records, which contradict themselves or which can be interpreted differently. Mostly, it deals with difficulties of a dogmatic nature, only a few times with legendary inconsistencies. Everywhere Jinabhadra makes decisions, which, where it is possible, are based on references to canonical passages. Since the source-passages of the discussed records are also often given, this small text, thus, fairly completely, discloses the literary basis on which it has grown.
154

Page #255

Prof. Dr. Nalini Balbir (www.iran-inde.cnrs.fr) teaches indology at the University of Paris-3 Sorbonne-Nouvelle (France). She has worked extensively on the Avaśyaka-niryukti and cürni, and has published Ernst Leumann's Collected Papers.
Dr. George Baumann former Head of the South Asian Collections at the University Library, Tübingen (Germany), is the author of Drei Jaina-Gedichte in AltGujarāti(Wiesbaden, 1975) where he has edited and translated the Nemināthacatuspadikā, the Dühāmāt kā and the Sālibhadda-Kakka-Kulam, with an extensive grammar and glossary.

For Personal &
vate Use Only
www.janobrary.org

Page #256
CE L.D.Institute of Indology Ahmedabad 2010 Jain Education international For Poster bl e Use Only