Indian Antiquary Vol 27

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032519/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAG
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c.,
EDITED BY
RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, C.I.E.,
LIEUT..COLONEL, INDIAN STAFF CORPS.
VOL. XXVII. - 1898.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
The Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE
PAGE JOHN BEAMES, O.I.E.:
Prof. F. KNAUER, KIEW: - Musalman Titles for Hindus ... . ..
... 224
A CONTRIBUTION ON BÜHLER ... ... .. 363 CECIL BENDALL, LONDON :
PROF. ERNST LEUMANN, STRASBURG: - PROZEBBOR BÜHLER ... ... .. ... ... 857 *BÜHLER AS A COLLECTOR OF MES. ... . 368 Pror, MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, U.S.A.:
A. A. MACDONELL, M.A., Ph.D., OXFORD:A NOTE ON DR. BÜHLE .. ... ... ... 871 GEORG BÜHLER, IN MEMORIAM ... .. .. 338
MARMOT:THE LATE DR. GEORGE BÜHLER, C.I.E.,
Horne at Temples Ph.D., LL.D.
... ... ... .. .. 56 A LEGEND OF THE JAINA STUPA AT MATHURA. 49
TAR RIGHT Hox. F. MAX MÜLLER, OXPORD: -- JAMES BURGESS, C.I.E., LL.D., FORMERLY
GEORG BÜHLER, 1837-98 ... ... ... ... 343 EDITOR:
M. MILLETT:BÜHLER AND THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A NOTE. 870 Panjabi Nicknames ... ... ... .. .. 140
G. R. SUBRAMIAI PANTULU: - SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., I.C.$.:
I DISCURSIVE REMARKS ON THE AUDUBTAN AGE OF NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEY AND
TELUGU LITERATURE - 244, 275, 295, 322 CUSTOM ...
...22, 104, 137, 168, 221, 287, 270 ...
J. PARSONS:"CASUAL":
A Note on Musalman Tombe ... ... ... A Kalampat, a Form of Exorcism
..879 ..
... 140 ...
PROT. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, LONDON: - GEO. F. D'PENHA:
NOTES ON BUHLER ... ... .. . ... 372 FOLKLORE IN SALBETTE: -
PANDIT S. M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.8.:-- No. 20.- The Crane and the Princess ... 64, 82
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA: No. 21.- The Louse and the Rat -a New Cu. mulative Rhyme ... ...
... 304
No. 45. - The Story of Kecava ... ... ... 165 A Notion as to the Plague in Bombay ... ... 168
EMILE SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT, PARIS :Notes on Southern India . " *
AN APPRECIATION OF BÜHLER ... ... ... 36-1 DR. J. F. FLEET, C.I.E.:
TAE LATE B. V. SHASTRI: Mr. Shankar Balkrishna Dikshit ... ... ... 193 Maratha Marriages in High Life - Sudra Caste
Bridegroom's Procession GEO. A. GRIERSON, C.L.E., PH.D., 1.C.S.,
.. ... SIMLA:
GULAB SINGH:The Sikshasamuchobaya ... ... ... ... 841 Birth Customs - Musalmans... ... ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR, by the late Karl GURDYAL SINCH:Fredrich Burkhardt, translated and edited
Musalman Titles for Hindus ... ... with Notes and Additions ...179, 216, 228, 809
O. H, TAWNEY, C.I.E., LONDON: - IN MEMORIAM G. BÖHLER - ON SOME SWAT
ON PROFESSOR BÜHLER ... ... .. LANGUAGES ... ... ...
. 878 ... ...
LT. COL. R. C. TEMPLE, C.I.E.:A RUDOLF HOERNLI, C.I.E., Pa.D.:- .
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE SCYTRO-BACTRIAN COINS IN THE BRITISH COL
1, 29, 57, 85, 118, 141, 169, 197, 2:49 LECTION OF CENTRAL ASLAN ANTIQUITIES ...
Some Technical Terms and Names in Port Blair... 28 DENZIL IBBETSON, C.S.I. -
Kula Indigo as a Tabued Plant. ... ... ...
Nicobar Islands - Latter-Day Folk. Medicine ... 28
More Idioma from Port Blnir... ... Pror. H. JACOBI, AND OTHERS :
Dagon and Kiackiack... . A NOTE ON THE FACTS Oy BÖALER'S CAREER
A Popular Legend about Valmiki ... .. PROY, J. JOLLY, WURZBURG: -
Burning in Effigy ... ... ...
Corruption of Christian Names .. A NOTE ON BÖHLER ... ... .
Bao ... ... ..... . . Pror, A. E. KAEGI, ZURICH :
Kobang, the Malay Coin and Weight PROFESSOR J. GEORG BÜHLER ..
Pardao ... ** **
Sebundy PROF. F, KIELHORN, C.I.E.:
... ... . .. ... ..
Cypaye and Baillardere ... .. .. Padamula Padamulika ... ...
Cornac ... ... MAJOR J. S. KING: -
Bagaruoco and Bezoar ... TAE SIEGE OY AHMADNAGAR AND HEROIC DE
A Wandering Ghost at the Nicobars .. FENCE OF THE FORT BY CHAND BIB - ANAR
Murder in order to procuro a Son .. ... RATIVE OF AN EYE-WITNESS ...232, 288, 281, 318 IN MEMORIAM GEORG BÜHLER, A POSTCRIPT ..
..
..
Vornao
.
..
..
336
...

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
PAGE
Y. S. VAVIKAR:
Some Remarks on tbe Svastika King Singhans of Devagiri ... Notes on Maratha Folklore ...
... ... ...
" ...
... 196 ... 250 ... 306'
M. N. VENKETSWAMI, OF NAGPUR: -
A Telugu Superstition ... ... ... ... ... 336 M. WINTERNITZ, PH.D., PRAGUE:ON THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENBION OF THE
MAHABHARATA ... ... ... ... 67, 92, 122 GEORG BÜHLER, IN MEMORIAM ... ... ... 337
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE. Some Technical Terms and Names in Port Blair, by Kobang, the Malay Coin and Weight, by R. C. R. C. Temple ... ... .. ... ... 26 Templo ... ...
... ... ... ... 223 Kula, by R. C. Temple ...
. .. 27
King Singbana of Deragiri, by Y. 8. Vavikar ... 250 Mr. Shankar Balkrishna Dikshit, by J. F. Fleet ... 193 A kalampat, a Form of Exorcism, by." Casual" ... 279 Some Remarks on the Svastika, by Y. S. Vavikar ... 196 Notes on Maratha Folklore, by Y. S. Vavikar ... 306
NOTES AND QUERIES. Musalman Titles of Hindus, by Gurdyal Singh ... 28 Bao, by R. C. Temple ... ... ... ... 196, 280 Nicobar Islands -- Latter-Day Folk-Medicine, by Musalman Titles for Hindus, by John Beames ... 224
R. O. Temple ... ... ... ... .. ... 28 Pardao, by R. O. Temple... . . ... . 251 Horns at Temples, by Marmot ... ... ... ... 56 Sebundy, by R. C. Temple ... ... ... ... 252 Birth Customs - Musalmans, by Gulab Singh .. 56 Padamula Padamulika, by F. Kielhorn ... ... 252 More Idioms from Port Blair, by R. C. Templo ... 82 Cypage and Baillardere, by R. C. Templo ... ... 308 Dagon and Kiackiack, by R. C. Temple ... ... 88 Maratha Marriages in High Life - Sudra CasteA Popular Legend about Valmiki, by R. C. Temple. 112 Bridegroom's Procession, by the late B. V. Shastri. 308 Panjabi Nicknames, by M. Millett ... ... ... 140 Cornac, by R. C. Temple ... ... ... ... ... 336 A Note on Musalman Tombe, by J. Parsons... ... 140Bazaruoco and Bezoar, by R. C. Temple ... ... 836 Burning in Effigy, by B. C. Temple ... ... ... 168 A Telugu Superstition, by M. N. Venketawami ... 336 A Notion as to the Plague in Bombay, by Geo. F. Indigo as a Tabued Plant, by Denzil Ibbetson ... 336
D'Penha ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 168 A Wandering Ghost at the Nicobars, by R. C. Corruption of Christian Names, by R. C. Temple ... 168 Temple ... ... .. .. ... ... ... 336 Netes on Southern India, by Geo. F. D'Penha .. 168 Murder in order to procure a Son, by R. C. Temple... 938
BOOK NOTICES.
The Sikshasamuchchayn, by Geo. A. Grierson ...
...
...
..
...
...
...
..
...
.
ILLUSTRATIONS.
... 141 | Georg Bühler, 1837-1898 ...
Burmese Currency, Plate ii
.
...
...
...
...
...
... 887

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXVII. — 1898.
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
BY R. C TEMPLE. (Continued from Vol. XXVI. p. 329.)
Siamese and Shan Weights. THE quaint, but for its time intelligent and advanced, Comparative Vocabulary of the Barna,
1 Malayu and Thai Langnajes, from the Serampore Mission Press, 1810, gives us, at p. 129, . list of weights and measures, valuable for tracing the history of Indo-European words and weight denominations, and at the same time enables us to pass on to the next point for consideration: comparative Burmese and Siamese bullion weights. In this table the Barmere and Malay words are in their respective characters, but the Thai (Siamese) words are in Boman transcription. I will, therefore, transcribe the first two columns in transcription and leave the other two, Siamese and English, as they are in the original.
Comparative List of 1810.
Burmese.
Malay.
Siamese.
English.
Chang
Klam...
Chên Tembang ...
(any) Weight Pyaungtan ... Padi... Met-k'ao-fang
A grainos Тау w97 Sagi98
A rutty Ley wê97 Súku-kondart P'hai
Half coonderin Tamu 7 Kondari89 Fuang
Coonderin Tamåte7 ... Mayam--MAS?
Salung!
Mas Kyàtchen ... ... Jampal ... ... Bit ...
A rupee weight Tahông ... ..! Tall-Bungkal ... Tamlung!
.. Tial # For a further explanation of Siamese weights, see later on in the text. # Timbang, according to Crawford (Kalay Dict., 1852), is Javanese "to weigh."
• There is a ourious mistake here : pvaungan is millet; padi is " paddy." rice; and mot-kau-fang is for matk'ani'an, a grain of Ice unhusked, ride Bowring, Vol. II. p. 258; La Loubère, E.T., Siam, p. 164; Cushing, Bhan Dict. p. 898. So the book kne mistaken the words " grain" for "&grain weight." In Burmese this is, in this ease, strictly sdned, but usually yłod; and in Malay it is buku.
T Those words menn respectively: 1 yiod, 4 y , 1 m, 1 mal. "See Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 171
Sakd is, however, one-fourth: kondari and coonderin aru valuable forms for the history of "Candaroon." k art butang, acording to Crawfurd (Malay Dict., 4. v.), is the Adonanthera pavonina = y.jt: non ante, Vol. XXVI. pp. 314 &., 820.
18 The origin of "mece." .
1 In these words the ñ is nearly the German 8, or perhaps in most men's mouths nearest the French eu. French writers represent it by ex ore.
Lit. (the) weight (of a) kyat, or tickal. 3 Spelt tahun and means "1 lun" or "ning. I do not know what this is meant for, unless for the Indian coin hún or pagoda, which was known to the Malays (vids Crawford), and so got to the informants of the writers of the Vocabulary. This view is confirmed by the current Shân word haung for 24 rupees (or tickals), the tael being in Shan really taung or 4 rupees (or tiokala). Taking the haung as properly 24 tickals it would equal in weight 34 rupees or very nearly the pagode. The Siamese taal and the.pagoda were mixed up in the last century, vide Stevens, Gwide, p. 88.
Túil or tlhil in Crawfurd; always tahil in Raffles' Java, and in Maxwell's Many Papers : tial (evidently meant to be pronanead like "dial") for taol is a valuable transitional form: La Loabere has "tsil or taeh."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1898.
Burmese.
Malay.
Siamese.
English.
:
Tabêkba6.. Achêntayao...
:
Kati Pikulo Bhara Ukurat Saqatan
Chang Hap... Phra ... Wat ...
Catty Pecool Babar any) Measure (any) Measore of enpa
Taing
:
Chin
Fủa ng
:
city
To dive into the irregular tangle of Siamese weights, 10 as presented by travellers and writers, with any hope of arriving at clear ideas, is no easy matter, but I think we may safely amrm the following comparative table :
Burmese.
Siamese.
2 pe are 1 mů 2 mů, 1 mat
4 mát ,, 1 kyắt 100 kyat » 1 pêkba
4 p°ênũng 2 fûung 4 Balũng 80 bât
bre 1 fũang » 1 salung , 1 bất - 1 chang
Now the chang is roughly 3 lbs. 2 oz., i, e., 50 oz. av., and the pêkba (viss) roughly 3 lbs. 11 oz., i. e., 59 oz. Av. Practically this works out the båt and kyat to half an oz. av., and both represent the tickal. Therefore the kyat, îndt and mú of Burma represent the bút, saläng and filang of Siam. Now it will be seen on reference to the concurrent Burmese tables given ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 320, that the above synonymous denominations for bullion weights refer to the quaternary Barmese scale and not to the decimal. So that here we begin to have an explanation of the concurrent Burmese systems. Namely, that the decimal scale is due to Chinese influencs and the concurrent quaternary scale to Siamese influence.12 Historically I should be inclined to say that the original Burmese scale was the decimal one borrowed from China, and that when the Lower Provinces were held in Siamese dominion from about 1300 A. D. to 1550 A. D.,14 the people adapted the terms of the decimal scale to the Siamese quaternary scale, and then preserved the adaptations, precisely as they have in Lower Burma since the Wars of 1825 and 1853 and in Upper Burma since that of 1876 fitted their existing terms for weights to suit the Rapees, Annas and pice of British India. In both these last instances the two-fold senses of the terms used have continued to run concurrently:
• Written tapited, which is unusual and probably phonetió: it means "1 vias." 6 Kati is Javanese, according to Crawford, Dict., 1.0.
A Siamese catty is two Chinese ostties, This mans "weight one hundred," and helps to socount for the teiya and poiya of Wilson above noticed, Vol. XXVI. p. 329.
Javanese according to Crawford, uneasing "a man's burden, as much as a man can carry."
10 How the people got along with their muddle of weights and measuron is well described by La Loubère, Siam, E.T., P. 72. See also p. 134, and Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 184 ff.
11 Usually so stated, but the word ning ne suffix often means "one" in Shin, and this expression should therefore perhaps be correctly always given as simply p'. Aymonier, Voyage daru le Laos, Vol. I. p. 329, has “les fai ou sous Siamois."
13 In 1399 A, D. the Chinese Government sent to Siam a set of its standard weights and measures on applica. tiou; Bowring, Siam, Vol. I, p. 73. And Mr. E H. Parker informa me that it did so to the Northern Shan States constantly, notably in 1488 A.D. To Burma it issued such standards in 1461 and 1451 A. D. .
13 See Stevens, Guido, p. 90 f. ; Symes, Ava, p. 828 ; Prinsep, Vreful Talle, p. 34: but Crawfurd, Ava, p. 494, thinks it was borrowed from the Hindus, and inay be right. The point is a very obscure one.
Sea Paayra, Hist. of Burma, p. 290: w to Siamese influence in Pogu, soe ante, Vol. XXI. p. 85%

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JANUARY, 1898.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
thus the common terms 5 ma (ngám) = half a kyàt=8 appas, and 6 mei (chaukmu) = 10 anpas will no doubt live as long as I mů (tamu) = 2 andas, and 3 må (bongmu) = 6 annas, though the former refer to the decimal and the latter to the quaternary scale.
By going into the greater weights one can further show the Siamese and Burmese to be the same. Thus, two Chinese (Penang) catties are one Siamese catty (chany), and, assuming the bat and kyat to be the same weight on the faith of the table just given, 100 viss (Bartese) are 125 Siamese catties = 250 Chinese (Penang) catties. Now 100 viss (Burmese) are one old Ava picnl of 250 Penang catties.15 The comparative scale of old Burmese and Sinmese weights is therefore based on the equality of the bát and keyàt or tickal. Again, the Siamese picul (hap) equals the Chinese picul thus: 2 Chinese catties = 1 Siamese catty, but 100 Chinese catties and 50 Siamese catties = 1 Siamese picul.16
As regards the lower weights, the available information is naturally too insecure for useful comparison, thus: -- 32 or 2+ or 20 klam (or clam) = 1 pénüng Siamese; 4 sànze = 1 ywe and 8 ywe = 1 pe Burmeso; 3 préuting Siamese = 1 pè, Burmese. Now the klam and sàng are both grains of rice. Therefore, on the above premises, 32 grains of rice=l pà, and 16 grains should equal 1 pening, but the scale gives more.17 To complicate the matter, the usually at all points reliable Crawfurd, Siam, p. 331, calls the klare the seed of the Abrus precatorins, which is a much heavier weight than the rice-sced, but he gives the local vernacular form as sagat, which when used thus by itself is Malay (asually) for & rice-seed. By turning to the cowry equivalents, the position is not improved. Crawfurd pats 200 cowries to the pening: Bowring, Sian, Vol. II., on p. 257, puts it 300 and on p. 260, 200:18 Malcom, Travels, Vol. II. p. 150, at 400. But one may expect this sort of thing in such inatters. It all depends on the date and place of the enquiry on the spot.
I faol confirmed in the speculation as to the origin of the concurrent Burmese systems by the existence of precisely the same conditions further Eastwards under apparently similar circumstances. Professor Ridgeway, quoting M. J. Moura, Le Royaume du Camboye, 1883, Vol. I. p. 323, affords the following table for Cambodia :
Concurrent Tables for Cambodia. Decimal'Scale.
Quaternary Scale. 10 hun are 1 chi
are 1 fuong 10 chi 1 tomlong
2 fuong » 1 slong 16 tomlong. I neal
4 slong
1 bat 100 nêal » 1 hapal
4 bat23
1 tomlong (?) 16 tomlong 1 nea123
100 neal „ 1 hapa
4 pey
15 See Wilson's Documents of the Burmese War, Appr., p. lxi.
10 Rule 4 of the Treaty Rules with China, dated 8th November 1859, runs: "The weight of specul of 100 oatties is held to be equal to 183 1/3 pounds avoirdupois." Herstlett's Treaties, p. 38.
11 The following quotation from Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I. p. 134 1., given the probable explanation of the muddle: "Non seulement le M uong Attopou paie son impot en poudre d'or, mais, fait unique au LLO, ce métal précieux est sa seule monnaie. Cette poudre est habituellement pesée dans des petitea balancos à plateaux. On dit que l'unité de poids est le tical pesant 32 grains d'ua gros ris rouge du pays."
1 At p. 214 Bowring quotes Vanschouten, 1686, 200 to 80 to the tael, which must be mistake for 2,000 to 8,000: Mandelslö, 1869, Trusela to the Indies, p. 104, makon 200 to 225'cowries to the p'enting : Bock, Tomples and Elephants, 1884, p. 141, makes them 300 : 80 does Colquhoun, Amongst the Shann, 1986, p. 220 . Holt-Hallett, Thowanid Miles on an Elophant, 1990, p. 164, has 100. to 200 at Zimnd (Chiengmai, Kaingmai). 19 Origin of Currency, p. 160.
10 The spelling is Prof. Ridgeway's in both tables. 21 Hwn is gandareen, chi is maco, tomlong is tael, wal is Chinese catty, hap is Siamese picul.
21 Lidgeway, p. 161, says the Cambodian torm for bit is clom. Howell, l'eguan Vocabulary, p. 42, gives klóm as the Mon word for 100.
M. Moura has not apparently stated how many tomlong go to the ndal in this scale. In Siam 20 tamling go to the chang.
I must here note, though it is not in itself surprising, that the details in French terminology of the Siamese

Page #8

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1898.
He says that the first is "plainly borrowed from the Chinese, whilst the other is regarded as native in origin." The first or decimal scale is no doubt of Chinese origin, but the second or quaternary scale is the Siamese scale word for word, except as to néal (catty) for chang, 25 though I am unable to produce evidence at present as to whether the Cambodian scale came from Siam or the Siamese scale from Cambodia, 26 beyond Prof. Ridgeway's statement at p. 161: -“The Siamese coins, known also to Cambodia, were the weight and money units of the ancient Cambodians, who probably weighed their precious metals."
Sir J. Bowring, Siam, Vol. I. p. 257 ff., evidently intended to sum up the information available on the weights and measures of that country, as known up to 1857, bat apparently without fully grasping the significance thereof: - First he gives a table from Jones, Siamese Grammar :
4 pic7 are 1 fuang 2 fuang
salung 4 salung 1 tical or bat 4 tical , 1 tambung? 20 tambung l chang 50 chang 1 hab or pical
100 hab 1 para2 He then gives another table from McCulloch's Dictionary, on Crawfurd's authority :
200 bia or cowries are 1 phainung 2 phainang
» 1 singphai 2 singphai
1 fuang 2 fuang , 1 salung 4 salong » 1 bat or tical 80 ticals
1 cattie 100 catties , 1 picul But he notes that the “cattie" above mentioned is the Chinese and not the Siamese "cattie," which is double of the Chinese and of which only 30 go to the picul.
and Cambodian weights do not fit at all, acoording to Bowring and Ridgeway: see Vol. II, p. 258 and p. 160 respectirely. Thnsi
Tepms.
Bowring grammes.
Ridgeway : grammes.
2.25
Hon Flang... Salung ... BAt Neal (chang)
375 1.174 2-344 9375 600
...
.
18 720
* Siamese influence has extended over Cambodia mpre pr less completely, till quite latoly since 1850 A. D. Browning, Siam, Vol. I. p. 48 ff. : Oushing in Burma Census Report, 1891, Vol. I. p. 202 f.
* If the Cambodian scale is the original one, then the historical argument to the origin of the Burmese quaternary scale is strengthened, for the Cambodian influence in Lower Burma lasted from the 6th to the 10th Century A D ., giving way to the Siamese finally in the 18th Contury: ante, Vol. XXII. p. 363 A. See also M. Pontalis' article L'invasion Thaje en IndoChine, Toung Pao, Vol. III. p. 58 ff.
91 There are so many misprints in epch of Bpwring's quotations as I have been able to verify, that this seemingly impossible word should perhaps be read for apme form of pie : Bock, Temples and Elephards, bae pie at p. 141.
Misprint for tamlúng. The Shin word is taung, evidently the same as tam, See Oushing, SA Dict. p. 252.
» Bhora, bahar, or bar: bhra in the Burmese Vocabulary quoted ante. p. 2. "A measure called Parrah, whereof 180 make a Quoyan, w: weighs just : 30 Peopo" Trade Report of Siam, 1078, ip Anderson, Siam, p. 424,

Page #9

JANUARY, 1898.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
He also gives a résumé of the information in Le Loubèro, no 1688, from which can be extracted the following table :
4 payes are I fuang 2 fusings I mayon 4 mayons 1 tical 4 ticals 1 tavel 20 taels 1 catty
50 catties » I pics1 At p. 244 be quoton Vanschouten, 1636, to the following effect:
2 foangs are 1 mace 4 mace , 1 tical (4 ticals i thel)
20 taelsn catty His own information can be tabulated thus (p. 257): - 1,200 oowries are, 1 frang 2 fuang
I salung 2 salang , 1 songsalang 2 songkalung , I tical
4 tical ... 1 tael 20 tael
I catty 3 Bowring also gives a table from the French authorities as follows:
Avoirdapois Weight.
owt.
qr.
se.
grs.
=
45
24
- Hùng =
Foang Salang Bat Xang Cati35 Kab7
18 1,440 720 72
so so so so so so,
7-6170 8.0949 6.1898 4.7597 0-781136 0-9955 4460
kg.
2
Put in another form, which will be found later on to be of great value in determining the true relation of the Siamese to other Far Eastern soales, the above tables can be stated thus: -
5 hùnse are 1 flang 2 füang
1 saling 4 salung
1 båt 80 bât
. 1 Siamese catty (zang) 40 båt
, 1 Chinese catty 100 Chinese catties , 1 hap (picul) See E.T., p. 164. In a letter from the English factors at Ayuthia, dated 1875, we And Accounting 20 taile to the catt:" and "215 Catt, 8 Too: a Mous." Anderson, Siam, p. 123.
#1 Mistake for picul, based on La Loubère. » Mandelslö, Travels into the East Indies, 1659, E. T., P. 104, gives the scale in full, as in the text.
3 Pages 259 .., he gives derivations, following La Loubère, for the terms, which can now be shown to be quite erroneous. * I. s., chang or Siamese catty.
* I..., Chinese catty. * 2875 lbs, av., according to Book, Tumples and Elephants, p. 141.
Should be hab (hap). * From the Cambodian tables above given we see that this is meant for the condareen or seed of the Adenanthera patonina.
.

Page #10

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1893.
From Crawfurd himself, Siam, p. 331 1., we get the following:
32 sagassa are 1 phaineng 200 bias 0 (cowries), 1 phaidung 2 p'hain ang
» 1 songp'bai 2 songp'hais - 1 fuang 2 faangs . 1 salang 4 salungs
1 bat or tical 80 ticals
► 1 cattiesor 1 1/3 lb. av. 100 catties
– 1 pieal43 In the above tables pic (?), pey, paye, p'e and péningts are the same thing: bát, tamling (tomlong), chang (wang) and hab, hap (kab) are Siamese forms reepoctively for tickal, tael,45 catty and picul: meyam (Malay), mace (commercial), masha (Indian) and galuug (slong) (Siamese) are the sume thing. Sông (sôm) means two or double, and can be discarded in comparisons. As regards the han it seems, while being intended for the candareen, to be treated in the Tariff attached to the Treaty which Sir John Bowring drew up with Sinm in 1855, as if it were synonymous with 'p'harinung."46 I do not find it mentioned in the other Treaties.
We may now apon the information thus collected fairly draw ap a general table in the following form for the parposes of comparison :
4 péning are 1 fuang 2 fúang 1 saling
4 salung , I båt (Siamese tickal) That is the bt=32 pénung, and since, as we have already seen, 2 p'énung = 1 pě Barmese, the p'éning must equal 4 ywé Burmese : so the bát = 128 ywé = 1 kyal (Barmese tickal). Thus also the Siamese scale can be referred to the ordinary ancient Indian scale on the assumption of a common origin.
Since gathering the above information, I have come across the statements of Malcom on this subject, who wrote some twenty years previonsly to Bowring. His testimony, Travels, Vol. II. p. 150, is as usual valuable and much to the point, confirming generally what has been just stated :- "The Siamese have coined money, but use cowries for very small change. The coins are merely a small bar of silver, turned in at the ends, so as to resemble a bullet and stamped with a small die on one side.
400 cowries make 1 p'bai
2 p'hai - 1 songphai 2 songp'hais , 1 fueng 2 faangs
1 saloong 4 saloongs » 1 båt or tical 4 ticals
1 tamloong 20 tam loongs 1 chang The two last are nominal. They sometimes have a gold fuang equal to eight ticals.97 The tical assayed at the mint of Calcutta, yielded about one rapee, three and a half annas,
Crawfurd makes the saga the Abrus precatorius, but the number to the pening shews that in this case it must have its proper meaning when used by itself, viz., a rice seed. See above, note 96, p. I.
40 This word is given as me, 20", makm?, and makuod in Cushing's Shan Dict. pp. 382, 407, 516. 41 Variable weight, but about 236 grs., according to Crawfurd, loc. cit.
42 Crawfurd by this meant Chinese catties half Siamese catties, and knew that the Siamese and Chinese piculs were of the same weight : vide loc. cit. 13 See above, note 7, p. 2.
For these Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 141, gives a synonym at. « Siamese tael, that is. The Chinese tael is apparently to the Siamese tael se 32 tn 20. 16 See Browning, Siam, Vol. II. p. 224 ff.
17 This statement is a little difficult. If a fuang weight of gold = 8 tickals weight of silver, then gold is to silver as 8 x 8=64 to 1:which one knows would not have been the case in Maloom's time, c. 1839 4. D.

Page #11

JANUARY, 1893.; CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
equal to 29. 60. sterling, or about sixty cents of American money. For weights they use the catty and picul. The catty is double that of the Chinese, but the picul is the same."
Going back to observations made at considerably earlier dates than those above mentioned we find in Stevens' Guide, 1775, at p. 88:
1 Tekull is 12 or 13 Fanams Madras, or 1 Rupee 3 Tekulls are 1 Pagoda 4 Tekalls, 1 Tale or Pagoda
20 Tales 1 Catty, or 36 Pagodas 26 Fanams At p. 128: "Gold and Silver Weights," Stevens tells us that "These are the Tical, which weighs nearest 9 dwts. 10 grs, and (is) 9 dwts. better than staudard silver. Great Weights. 80 Tuals are 1 Catty, or 2 lb. 9 oz. 4} drs. Avoirdu poise (sic): 50 Catties 1 Pecal, or 129 lb. O oz, 13 drs. Fifty Siam Catties should be equal to 1 China Pecul of 132 lb. for all their Goods are weighed by the China Dotchin : But the King's Dotchin at Siam is never found to give more than 125 lb., though it should be 182 lb.
Coins. 2 Samporfg50 are 1 Tuang51 2 Tuangs 1 Miam 53 4 Miams , 1 Tual
Coins. 800 Cowries53 are 1 Tuang
4 Tuals , 1 Tale
20 Tales , 1 Catty Accounts are kept here in Catties, Tales, Tuals, Miams, Tuangs, and Cowries. 10 Miams pass for a Tale China, and 85 Tales Siam are always reckoned as 8 China."54
I have given these extracts in extenso, as instructive in the present enquiries. From the first we can see why it is that Alexander 50 years later (Truvels, p. 21), and later again Malcom (Travels, Vol. II. p. 270), say that the Barmese tical was nearly a Madras rupee. From it we also see that the merchants recognised at that time a Madras and a Siamese Pagoda the last being the tael or tamlüng. The "tual" mentioned is clearly for "tical," probably through misreading some MS. document.
But Alexander Hamilton, writing 35 years before Stevens, in his East Irulics, Vol. II., Appx., p. 8, hits off the facts much better in his "Table of Weights, etc." Thus: - “Siam Weights and Coin have the same Denomination.
1 Miamis 2 Foads (fúangs) 1 Tecul » 4 Miams 1 Cattee, 80 Teculs
1 Pecul 100 Cattees or 133 lb. Avoirdupois. The Onttee and Pecul are used in Cambodin, Couchin-china, Tonquin, China and Japan, not differing above? per Cent. in all those Countries."
+ But compare ante, p. 5.
49 1. ., scales, balanoe : see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v., datchin. But here is a new reading for this word: "In Ching .... they having no regalar Standard kept; but the usual Resort for the trial of their Dodgings are the Joss houses, where they always keep what they call the true Dodging, but you will seldom find two of them agree." Stevens, Guide, p. 91. so I, e., songp'e.
61 A misprint for Fúang. # Malay term, miyammas salung.
13 I. e., 200 to the p'enting. 04 This is not quite intelligible. - Stevens reckoned 16 Chinese taels to the Chinese catty, (p. 91), and the Chinese catty as balf the Siamese catty, therefore 32 Chinese taels = 1 Siamese catty. By Siamese reckoning 20 Siamese taels=1 Siamese catty, therefore 85 Siamese taels 133 Chinese taele. But the statement "10 miams pass for a tale China" is rather neat reference to mayam (Malay) mie (8. Indian) maha (Sanskrit) maco (com. mercial), for 10 mace are 1 tael Chinese.

Page #12

8
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1898.
From a document attributed to George White, the son of the celebrated Interloper, being a Report on the Trade of Siam in 1678,56 we find that the buying price of sapan-wood at the Royal warehouses was ":2: mace : 1: fuah p. Pec:," and the selling price therefrom “:6: mace ordinarily.'56 But the King "an: 7757 hee raised it to 2 Tecalls vpon notice that y: price, was advanced in China, since when 'tis fallen againe to y: form: rate of : 6: mace." Herefuah" is clearly for fúang.
As the Siamose and the niore or less wild Hill Tribes, known to the English through the Burinese as the Shang,69 and to the French through another local source as the Laos, are merely sections of the same race, the Tai, it will be useful to make a survey of the Shan method of caloulating bullion weights. To make clear the observations that follow, it is necessary to explain that the Shin Race is spread from the sources of the Irrawaddy within Indian and Chinese Territories over the plains between the Salween and the Cambodia Rivers to the Gulf of Siam. It includes the Khâmtis of the A88am border, the Siamese, the people of S'ips ang Panna of Cambodia, and the former ruling race Ahom, from which Assam takes its name. It includes also Tribes that are conveniently known to the English as Burmega Shans, Chinese shans and Siamese Shans, and clearly besides, what may be called on a perasal of French authorities, Cambodian Shans. These generalisations shew, what is so important for the present purpose, the influences to whioh these people have been exposed, the said influences, as will be seen later on, giving a variety of colour to their ideas on currency and weights. The fundamental affinities of the Shåns are historically towards the Chinese proper.es
As regards the Burmese Shana, Mo Leod and Richardson's Journal,04 1837, says that the Shans " use the same weights and measures as the Barmans, but deteriorated one-fourth or 25 per cent. by alloys." Again Coghing's Shán Dictionary gives på (pa), mues (mu), mat (met), and.kyap (kip), all with their Burmese equivalents, obviously meant for the same words and weights. Also tanka for the British-Indian rapee, obviously again for the Burmese dinga.
& Anderson, Siam, p. 424,
30 What the King only is said to have done here, every one does in the Shan States after a much milder fashion. M. Rocher, writing in 1890, Notos sur un Voy.ige au Yunnan, in Toung Po, Vol. I. p. 51, says: -Il est difficile de donner un poids mathéinatiquement exact, chaque négociaut ayant deux manidres de pesor, selon qu'il paye ou qu'il reçoit, la différence entre les deux poids variant de quelques centièmes pour un tael," .
A remarkable pasage in Raflles, Java, Vol. IL., Appr., P. olxv. gives an administrative reason for this practice. " In order to gover wastage, it was the rule of the Government (Dutch) that there should be one rate for receipt of goods, and another for their delivery. This varied according as the article was perishable or otherwine, or to the degree of peoulation established by the usage. This applied to all measures and weights by which goods were received and imaged at the Government stores, and the rates were different in different districts,"
67 Soil. A, D. 1677.
** Spelt Hran. The name Siam comos through the Malay form Slyam (Crawford, Malay Dict. 8. v.), and the various forms of it ahew it to be identical with " Shan." See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, . v.
See Oolquhoan, Amongst the shanu, pp. 49, 208 ff. Holt-Hallett, Thousand Miles on an Elephant, pp. 38, 310, 351.
10 In Siamese T'ai, to make the word mean the free." 61 I. e., the Mêkhông or Namkhaung.
a so Dr. Cushing's Introduction to his shin Dictionary, p. 6, and his notes in the Burma Cenau Report, 1891, Vol. 1. p. 158 f.
6 Dr. Cushing in Burma Constus Report, 1891, Vol. I. p. 203 ; of. Toung Pao, Vol. III. p. 42; Teprien de la Couperie, Cradle of the Shan Race, in Colquhoun's Amongst the Bhans, p. ly. ; also pp. 881, 384, 858 of the same work, where is given Holt-Hallett's Historical Sketch. During a short trip to Canton 1 found that the Southern Chinese numerals and other common words bore in sound a most striking resemblance to their counterparts in Shan.
# House of Commons, E.I., 10th August 1899. p. 87.
6 At P. 407 Dr. Cushing says oddly that the mill is half a pe. The fact is, of course, just the other way. He alno gives ta, p. 45, "ku, two viss in weight, two hundred rupees ; " p. 652,"haung, two ropees and ball, one. fortieth of a vise;" and p. 262,"taning, four rupees, one twenty fifth of a visa."

Page #13

JANUARY, 1898.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
A Northern Shan from Mone (Müngpai) told me, through Capt. J. W. Orchard, Indian (Madras) Staff Corps, employed for a time with the Lashio Battalion, Military Police, that the Burmese denominations with slightly different words to express them, are now almost always used by the Sbâns in his part of the country. He recognised the fúang, salüng, and bát of the Siamese, as expressions used by the people on the Siamese borders. His list ran as follows:
Burmese.
Shl.n.
ywe
pe
mu màt kyat pêktba
makk'ik'wêyüng67 pélüng or pênünge mdläng . matläng or sồmmee pyâlüngo soiling
Another Shan from Momeit (Müngmit) gave me the following forms for the Burmese denominations :
Burmese.
Shin.
mų
p'ênüngl. mününg lukmat kyapnüng
màt
kyat
Dr. Cushing comes to the rescne as to luk in lukemat, at p. 477 of his Dictionary. Luke means anything round : lukk'an is a weight used in weighing: lulepé equals six or eight (yw6y72 Beeds of the Abrus precatorius or 1 pe: lulemat equals 4 pè or 1 mat : lukmi equals 2 pi or 1 mú.73 With this explanation we can follow further the same informant from Momeit:
8 annas are lapasean 9 , lapåsead-paipe76 10
lupsip76-penung 11
lapsip-pênüng-paip877
Burmese domination commenced in 1604 A. D. and lasted till the destruction of the Burmese monarchy. Dr. Cushing in the Burma Cenons Roport, 1801, Vol. I. p. 268.
01 Makx'ik is the need of the Abrus precatorius, Dr. Cushing, Bhdn Diet. p. 879 and 'wed is anything round, p. 188; and so 'włyüng may mean merely around." We is also a cowry, p. 515.
* Lüng and nung mean "one," but lüng means also a round thing, and perhaps lang and ning in this connec. tion mean merely "round." The concurrent forms of long and reling rest on the well-known interchange of 1 and wben initial • Bom means two.
TO I. e., Pa piece. 11 The Shan numeral coefficient for money or coin is t'ip: 6.g., Shan, ngintip i Bur. ngrétabyás, a silver picco. The persistent ruling here confirms the idea that in such worde langsung. Wir
* For the yol I have been given the terms namjyt and cheln, Dr. Cashing's words are (p. 82) Kü sed kaung for the Abra seed and killing for the Adenanthera reed. ** These words were given me as lupme, lupmat, lupkyap, by Shan from the Thatón (Sating) State. 14 As will be seen later on Aseau (=shauk) means either eight or a half. 75 Pai (Shan) = plus.
* Sip (Shan) ton. 11 It is oda that he did not use sipitpening, 11 ANDA.

Page #14

10
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1898.
This man farther gave me the following little table: -
1 pice is pyüng (and P chüp) 3 » are sôngchüp 1 anna is slchüp . ., 4 chup
3 annas are pyatchüp » 8 chüp | 8 9 P. Bipsôngchup • 12 chip
4 + + têng°° He also volunteered the information that in the hills of the same State the people called pice prông, which is evidently the same word as his own pyüng, and counted thus:
1 pice taprông 2 , naprông 8 + Bôngprông
litprông ngàtprông
Búprông - nutprông 8 • swatprông 9 , katprông
10 , tachiprong Now, all these numerals are those of the Hill Tribes, known to the Burmese as Taung 80s and to themselves as P'ao, to be found in the Maulmain and Thatôn Districts of Burma, in the Shan State of Thatôn (Satung) and other Shan States, and in Combodia. They are at the same time suspiciously near to being merely dialectic Burmese, thus:
Nos.
Burmese
Taungða.
Shen (Momeit Bills).
ts
tas ni 8ôn
ng
Bông
lit
ta (tit) ... 'na ('nit) .... bông lés .. nga:... chauk k'o'nit shit ... ... k03 ... . .. tas'è ...
ngat
ngåt
OVO
nit ... 8ôt kut ... tachis ...
sû nut swàt kut tacht
...
10
...
One might go on gathering evidence of dialectic forms almost indefinitely in the Shân Hills, but the above information and what follows will show that the farther one dives into the sea
5 Dr. Cushing, Dict, p. 317, givee pikaan avowedly for paisd, as the word for 'pioe.' To Evidently for pit.
C. Cashing, Shan Dict. p. 226, a bar of metal, the lat of the Siamese Sh&ns, see below in the textu Perhaps here for t'e, Chinese and Northern Shan for ' 4 annan.' Bee Cushing, San Diet. p. 270, and later on in the text.
See Taw-Sein-Ko, Memo. of a Tour in Parts of the Amherst, Shwegyin, and Pegu Districts, p. 4f.: Mouhot, Travele, p. 24. The Burma Cenow Report, 1891, pp. 166, 207, treats the Taung Qs ethnographically as merely branch of the Karens. So does Mr. Burgess, at p. 18 of Notes on the Languages and Dialects spoken in British Burma, an official publication, 1884: but in the same work Dr. Bennett is rather soornfal as to the official ideas on the subject : p. 15. Stevenson, Dur. Dict., gives "Slo-Taungth; one of the Bhan-Taungth Race," under Shan.'
* To these the Taung Mas add pd, us coefficient, musk atter the manner that the Shins add:1, süng or lüng to their namerals.

Page #15

JANUARY, 1898.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
of dialects the more certainly do the forms become explainable. Here is a list from a Shan from Pindya near Mektile :
No.
Pioe.
A24.
Sense of the terms for
Annas.
bad& ... nadů ... bômkas lidû ... ngadu suda ... nuda ... bwàtd 85 kôdu ... tasi ...
6
tape ... tamu ... bompe ... tamat ... agapet bômmi... bomm@tape ashank ashaaktape ... chankmü ... chaakmůtape ... bômmat .. bômmàttape .. takyàtgèamû87 takyatyònpê ...
.. 2 mû ... 3 pê -... 1 mặt
5 pet 3 mů 3 mů 1 pe a balf (?) a half (?) 1 på 6 mû 6 mû 1 pe 3 mặt 3 màt 1 pê
1 rupee less by a mů ... 1 rapee less by a pe
.........
One rupee was given as tabi, which is evidently the Burmese tabyát, pieca. Barmese influence is here clearly seen in the table for annas; and the dialectic forms for the numerals in the pice table give curiously connective forms between the Burmese and the Taung8Q numerals.
To show how the Shân dialects meet and how thoy are influenced by their surroundings or reminiscences, I give here a comparative table of the parts of a rupee, as enumerated to me by illiterate Shans, respectively from Bhamo (Mannd, Chinese influence), Theinni (Northern Shan, S'ênwt), and Wantho (Western Shan, i e., from the late Shan State of Wanbo, West of the Irrawaddy).
A Comparative Shar Money Table.
Bhamo Bhan.
Theinni Shan.
Wuntho Shan.
English.
Term.
Sense
Теста.
Sense.
Term.
Sense.
... yipe
3 pe
Four
One anna
... kanywe ... 9 ywe ... songkyap. 2 ky&p Two annas ... molüng ...
sonpe ... 2 pê ...mûläng ... a mû Three sampa
sampe ... 3 pe ... sampe ... yimàt
yite ... 1 t'& ... sipê ... 4 pe Five håpe ... 5 pê ... têpe
têpe ... a t'ê & a pé. hâpé ... 5 pê Six hòk pê
hồkpe ... 6 på ... sammů ... 3 mů Seven sitpe
sam mupé .13 mů & a po. sammupo . 3 mů & a pê Eight songte ...
pitpe ... 8 pe ...songte ... 2 te Nine »
songtepe . 2 tê&a pel kaupe ... 9 pe ...songtepe . 2 tê & a pe Ten
.
sippe ... 10 pê ... chaukmu . 6 mů ... sippe ... 10 pe Eleven ... sipitpe ... 11 pd ... sipitpe ... 11 pê ... chaukmape 6 mů & a pê
& KQ is an odd foem, but was insisted on. Also an odd form, but pet is used for 'anna' later on in the text. # De, not ta, as one might expect
The Greaw above given : ashear according to Shin from Thatda (Stang) State. Another Shin from the same State gave me the odd form of Chinese look, nanliang, for "eight a nas." The word is püng in Siamese Sblia according to Cushing, Dict. p. 372
Yon evidently "less by."

Page #16

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1898.
Bhamo Shân.
Theinni Shan.
Wuntho Shan.
English.
Term.
Sense.
Term.
Sense.
Term.
Seuse.
Twelve annas ... samte ... 3 té ... hôkmů ... 6 mů ...samte ... 3 ta Thirteen ... sipeampe . 13 pê ... samt'êpê...! 3 t'e & a po. samtêpo... 3 te & a pê Fourteen, ... sipsipê .. 14 på ... sipsipe ... 14 pê ... sipsipê ... 14 pê Fifteen „ ... sipâpé ... 15 pé. ...kyapydnpê a kyap less kyapyònpea kyap less a pê
a pé. Rnpee ... ...kyapläng. a kyap ... kyaplung, a kyap ... bydlüng ...a bya
We have indeed here a general muddle of terms. Thus, the Bhamo Shân uses the Chinese numeral yi for ono, and the curiously mixed term yimat (yi, Chinese, one, and mat, Burmese, & quarter), though he knows his own term t'888 = mat, as shewn by his use of söngt'é, 2 t'e, and samt 8, 3 te. The Theinni Shân's use of kavywe, 9 yré, is very remarkable, because ytce is a Burmese and not a Shân term, and 12 (not 9) ywé would be, if anything, 994 the modern Burmese equivalent for "an anna." Bat the knows his term på for "anna," and ases it constantly thereafter in the table. He uses the Chinese yi, one, in yite, and a purely Burmese term chaukmi for "ten annas," Then the Wantbo Shân uses kyap, properly "a flat piece," evidently for the "half-anna" or "double pice," as he makes the anna sòng-kyap, i. e., two kyap. This obliges him to borrow the Burmese coefficient for pice," lyd, for tho rapee in byálüng, lit., a byá. Also, having got sippé, 10 pé, right in his own tongue, he tambles into the purely Barmese compound expression, chaukmúpe for " 11 annas." I have no doubt whatever that by persistent cross-examination a purely Shân and more consistent table could have been extracted from these informants. But that was not the point aimed at, which was rather to let the peasants count out their money in their own way, however puzzling the results to the enquirer.
It is hardly, in the present state of available knowledge on the subject, worth while to seriously consider the Chinese Shan forms, and I give the following information collected from
man from Shwêgů near Bhamo (Bamd, Manmo), as an indication of a line of research worth following up. Sik is a pice: then:
sika is 1 pice sikók 2 >> siksi 3 sikank 4 , or 1 anne yehông , 1 anna yeksi , 2 aynas s'aukito1 , 4 , watsies , 1 ropee
# See Cashing, Shan Dict. p. 270. Me But compare the use of sambyd for an aona, pout, p. 18.
I think we may fairly take nik to be a pico, - anda, in these words, us chek, chak (sek, eak) is a Shin word for pe used in connection with money and gambling tokens. This leaves 4, fk, of, ask for the numerals 1, 2, 3, 4. Ok at any rate is, I understand, Kadd, and perhaps they all are. The character of the Kadas (Kudde) appears to be still indeterminate both us to language and descent. See Burma Ceness Report, 1891, Vol. I. pp. 161, 199. Ante, Vol. XXIl. p. 129 ff.
(P) Chinese yi, one.
Oshing, BM Dict., givee pp. 87, 198, kips' and 'dm". Chinese coin": being Chinese and l'ip. Shin, numeral coefficient for eat things. The Shin word for "coin" with Burmese afinity is anapyd, p. 569. Pyd (ori) in Shan and Burmese numeral coeficient for fat things, and ababyd: (naprdt) is obsolescent Burmese for "coin," being supplanted by the Indian importation dingd (Shin tanki and ti kd), Stevenson, Bur. Dict., 1.. For " four ADDAS" Cushing, Dict. p. 370, gires & the Chinese Shkn term.
Wat is Rastern Shan for but, Siamere, a tiekal or rapo..

Page #17

JANUARY, 1898.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
Neither the man who gave the above information, nor the men from Momeit and Pindy& recognised the expressions, fúang, sulung, bat, and chang.
For the Siamese Shans, on the authority of Prof. Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 162, we get a table :
This, of course, is the Siamese Table pure and simple, substituting lat for saling (sling, as Prof. Ridgeway writes it), a fact which is further proved by the chang being said to be a double one of 1,200 grammes.
7
8
9
It is apparently rare for a Shân in British territory to know much of Siamese financial terminology, but an Eastern Shan living at Longnis'êk in the Amherst District on the Attaran (or as he called it the Ataràm) River, gave me the following instructive table of terms applied to British-Indian money :
1 anna
2 annas
3
4
L
10
11
12
13
14
15
English.
39
"
""
39
are bat
4 lat03 4 bat 1 damling 20 damling, 1 chang
50 chang ,, 1 picul
39
"3
ガラ
31
39
1 rupee 7
stplas
flang sampet
Siamese-Shan.
saling
impet
...salung-fuang
saling-sampet
singanlung
songsalüngpaipet...
sippet
sipyntpet...
signaling fang.. sôngsalüngflang-paipet
sipalpet
batyonpet
bat
For pice the same man gave the following terms:
1 pice pening
2 pice sômpê
3 pice sampê
4 pice stpê or 1 anna
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
Sense of the Shan terms.
4 pice
a flang
3 pet
18
a salung
5 pet
a saling and a fûang
a salung 3 pet
2 salung
2 saling and a pet
10 pet 11 pet
2 saling-fûangs
2 salung-fuangs and a pet
14 pet
a rupee less by a pet. a bat
For a figure of the lat, see Colquhoun, Amongst the Shans, illustrations facing p. 315.
In Siam 1,440 grammes according to Bowring, Siam, Vol. I. p. 258.
Another Eastern Shan trader settled at Maalmain gave me, more correctly for his tonguej songpe, i..., 2 (Siamese) pe for 'one anna,'
I. e., sipitpl.
97 This man also gave ' catty' as chang. 95 Cushing, Shin Handbook, p. 196, gives paing for "pie."
"Oddly enough in this list we have på for 'pios' and pet (byst) for 'anns,' reversing the usual terminology.

Page #18

14
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1898.
For the Cambodian Shang, Prof. Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 161, quotes M. Ay. monier, Notes sur Laos, 1885, to the following effect as to money of account:
10 hun are 1 chi 4 chi
1 bat 4 bat
1 damling - 10 damling, 1 chang (catty)100
100 catties 1 pical Here we see a mixed Cambodian decimal and Siamese quaternary scale : the terms hún and chi belonging to the Cambodian decimal scale and bát, dumling (i. e., tamlüng or tael), chang to the Siamese quaternary scale. In addition to this, these Shâns ase the regalar Cambodian money and the Cambodian decimal soale in full.
It must, moreover, be remembered that for long past the British Indian rupee and its parts in silver, the eight, four, and two anna pieces have been thu chief currency in the Shan States outside of Sian proper, and the words denoting parts of the tickal are used to denote parts of the rapee, just as in Burma itself.3
Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 159, says : -"Here and there one may come across one of the old nativa piscas of masy, oval in shape, vury thin, with a depression on the reverse side, which is always varnished, and a corresponding elevation on the obverse, giving the coin a shrivelled appearance. Round the margin are stampe i different devices, representing the States from which the coin originated, e. ., an elephant for Lakon, a horse for Chengmai." This refers to a form of the oblong ingots of silver and gold issued in Tongking and Cochin-China, described by Crawfurd, Siam, p. 517, as can be seen from p. 361, where Bock's book talks of "a few of the old Lao silver coins, called Nan-tok, worth about 6s. each ;" for Crawfurd's silver ingots were carefully analyzed in the Mint of Calcutta, and found . .. to be equal in value to 1.56 Spanish dollar, or 6s. each."
We have, therefore, found the concurrent decimal and quaternary system observad in Burma, running side by side through all the wide districts occupied by the Shan Tribes: the decimal scale being obviously Chinese in origin and the quaternary scale as obviously Burmese, Siamese, or Cambodian, according to the predominating influence of these respective countries over the Shân Tribes. But whether decimal or quaternary the sonse of the terms used for the denominations is the same throughoat. Thus, the denominations can be stated in terms of each other as follows: Burmese and Siamese.
Shin (Siamese
Indo-European Burmese-Shiin. Cambodian.
Cambodian. aud Cambodian).
Commercial pè mú
fgang ...
füang mặt . saliing ...
chi and saläng ... lat and chi +
... mace kyat ... bânt ...
bât bit
tickal taung .. tamling
tamläng ... tamlüng ... .. tael pêkbi and soi5a.. chang ...
chang
catty ........ hap ... hap ... ..hap
picul 100 It will be observed that the damling here is the Siamese tael, and the chang the Chinese catty : the Shân catty being made equal to the Chinese catty by making 10 taels to the catty instead of the Siamese 20; the pioul remain ing constant. The mixed influence is thus shewn to perfection.
1 Compare the statements of N. Rocher, Notes sur un voyage au Y 41-9an, 1890, in T'oung Tao, Vol. I. p. 51. ? 1837: McLeod and Richardson's Journal, ante, p. 8.
1881: Cushing, Shan Dict., 8. v. 1831: Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 159. 1885: Colqnhoun, Amongst the Shans, pp. 94, 192, 315....
1890: Hoit-Hallett, Thousand Miles on an Elephant, pp. 2, 163, 179, quoting Garnier, c. 1870. " See Plate 1. fig. 11, the marks of (?) a hinga (hansa) on a piece of as'ck silver. * (?) Royal o "palace-struck." • The larger and better known ingot is meant t equal ten of the description montioned in the text. La Properly a Siainese catty is 11 viss (pekba, si).
pe
pe ...
nêal

Page #19

JANUARY, 1898.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
15
And a corollary to the above observation is that, if the Siam9s9-Burm 383 quaternary scale is traceable to an Indian source on the basis of a common origin, the whole Further-Eastern System, from Burms through the Shan States and Cambodia, is likewise so traceable.
As regards money of account of higher dạnoninations than the tiokal or rupee, we have seen the tamlüng or four tickals, the ching or eighty tickals, the hap or four thousand tickals of the Siamese, and also the pêkba or hundred tickals of the Burmese, which last is the equivalent of the suí of the Shâns. But amongst the Shins there are evidently a number of auch terms worth following up, some of which are recorded by Dr. Cashing, thus :
English.
Dr. Cashing.
Siamese.
Given myself by Shans.
kyap, wat
...
...
bât
...
1 rapee 2 rupees
...
.........
lapkyap, bàt, chetke7 ngünbau ngâmûkê
haung taung
tamlüng
ngnbêng koʻnalàm
hoi
k'an
...
chên, chang
pan soi
100 200
kum...
......
Since the above remarks on Sia nose weights ware prepared for the press, my old corre. spondents, the managers of the Musée Guimet, heve been good enough to send me Vol. I. of the Voyage dans le Laos of the Mission Etienne Aymonier, 1895. This consists chiefly of full and exceedingly intelligent diaries of journeys undertaken in 1882-3 off both banks, but principally off the right (Western) bank, of the Grand Fleuve, best known to us by its Siamese name of Mêkhong, the French apparently preferring the Shâa name Nam Khong for it. And as M. Aymonier constantly records prices, values, rates, taxes, dues, demands, presents, offerings and such like, for all parts of the country traversed, the volume is of great value for the present parpose. The book, however, is essentially a journal of a tour, and the collection, tabulation and comparison of the facts recorded in it have involved a careful perasal and collation of the whole of its 350.pages..
Journeying through a great number of villages occupied by a variety of tribes more or less wild, M. Aymonier came across several forns of carrency used under a considerable variety of terms therefor. He also employs occasionally translations into his own tongue of the vernacular words, which at first are a considerable pazzle to the English reader. I will, therefore, first consider here the terms employed and then the results of his representations of the currency and weights of the Siamese Shans.
Translated Terms. 1. Balance. - This is a literal translation of châng, the Siamese word for a catty, and also for balance and weight. It is used for the Siamese catty (pp. 18, 89) and as a synonym for live siamoise (p. 122).
• In quoting Dr. Cashing I have rondernd his words as best I can and perhaps not always as he would, for Shan writin, though intended to be phonetio, allowa Roveral sounds to the same vowel symbol. To the list here given might be addad fron Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I. p. 133, anching or 40 rupees, i..., 5 chang.
1 Por kyat or kyap closely..

Page #20

16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1898.
2. Barre. - The barre d'argent, or simply barre (p. 72) is given as the equivalent of 15 to 16 Mexican dollars (pp. 22, 136), or of about 50 to 60 francs (pp. 72, 134). At p. 132 it is described as running 160 to the pical, i. e., as being of 10 taels. It is clearly therefore the silver ingot already noted (ante, p. 14).
8. Livre. - The expressions livre d'argent (pp. 18,60, etc.), livre siamoise (p. 18), or simply livre (p. 133, etc.) mean usually & Siamese catty (p. 264), but sometimes a Chinese ontty (p. 22). They are also, with the livre cambodgienne (p. 113) and livre indigène (p. 61) found (p. 321) expressed in terms of the woun (mäng), & measure of capacity taken at 5 to the pical, 1. e., at 10 catties or 20 catties, according as the Siamese or Chinese catty is montioned. I gather that the livre cambodgienne= the livre siamoise, and that the livre indigne = the Chinese catty. By lirre asiatique the writer means the representative of the Chinese catty (p. 22), weighing in Indo-China about 600 grammes.
4. Once. - By this is meant the Chinese tael, 16 to the catty or livre (p. 22). Once indigène (p. 51) is, I gather, the tamlung or Siamese tnel (see ante, pp. 1 and 6, n. 45).
Vernacular Terms. 1. Bat. - This is only once used (p. 133), and then as a weight of gold : -" un impôt de 2 ou 3 bats d' or par village (le bat doit peser 9 grammes 177 milligrammes)." Of. ante, pp. 1, n. 2. 2 and 6. But it tnrns up in a mort interesting form in the course of a “Spécimen de conte des Khméra de Korat .... qui lon toute probabiliti appartient aussi aux Siamois." It is there called (p. 285) pad: "deux pad (c'est-d-dire deux ticaux)." And a line or two further on we have "deux pad d'argent."
2. Cattie. - The term cattie or cattie d'argent is not mentioned until well on in the book, when it is frequently used (pp. 161, 190, 203, 228, etc.). By it or its equivalents is meant, sometimes the Chinese catty, 100 to the picul, and sometimes the Siamese, 50 to the pical (p. 223, etc.).
3. Chang. - This is only once used, and then clearly for the Siamese chàng or catty (p. 264), but we have a curious multiple of it (p. 133) in the phrases cinque livres ou anohing d'or," and "l'impôt est de trois anching d'or"; an in the word anching being clearly the Shân dialectic term há, a, um, án, = 5.
4. Chi. - This word occurs as a pore weight (p. 258, and p. 112: -"un garcon pesail à la balance 4 chi de cuivre '), and sometimes as currency (p. 136, and p. 133: – "ces inscrits ldociens paient chacun un chi et quatre hun d'or, soit 6 grammes 25 centigrammes de capitation annuelle "). At p. 27 it is described as "monnaie fictive," and we are there given a useful set of analogues, as it equals "1 sling sismois, 1 ligature de sap quss annzinites et 3 lingots de fer de Kompong Soai.”
5. Damling or damleng. - This word is spelt at times either way, and is the Siamese tamlüng, or tael of 4 tickals (pp. 73, 272, 32), etc.). It is parely & weight, for on p. 264 we find the people paying as dues damling d'or and damling d'argent.
6. Hun. - This only occars on p. 133, where we are given: - "un chi et quatre hun d' or (soit 5 grammes 25 centigrammes)." and "sept hien (soit 2 grammes 623 milligrain mes) d'or." This makes the hun = .375 grammes. Cf. ante, pp. 3, n. 21, 5.
7. Lat. - This is defined (p. 60) As the chief small money (monnaie divisionnaire) of the Eastern Shans, and as consisting of small lamps of copper (de petita saumons (pigs] de cuivre) of various sizes and values, and is constantly mentioned as currency (pp. 51, 112, 197, etc.).
There is no doubt as to variation in valoe, as one finds it running 16, 24, 32, 40, and 64 to the .tickal (pp. 60, 89, 110 f., 189, 221, 244, 259, 264).
8. Sling or sleng. - This is spelt either way and is frequently used. It is the salung or quarter tickal (pp. 60, 223, etc.).
981).

Page #21

JANUARY, 1898.] CURRENCY AND OOINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
17
9. Tháp. This is a most interesting form and in the sense nised by M. Aymonier new to me. It occurs on three pages. Page 309 :-" Ils ont pour monnaies les ticau saimois et les thép (sie) ou pièces anglaises de la Birmanie." Page 321: --" Les monnaies usitées à Dansaï sont les ticaux et les thépe (sic) de Birmarie." Page 329:-"Dans ce pays de transit, les monnaies sont les ticaux de Siam, les thép (sic) ou pièces d'argent de la Birinanis anglaise à l'effigie de la reino Victoria, de la valeur de trois sling, d'un sling et d'un fauong (filang) ... ." Clearly then thép means the current British money of Burma. It is a Shîn numeral coefficient for money (ante, p. 9, n. 71).*
10. Tical, plu. ticaux. - This has now evidently become a French word, as rupee has become an English one. It is the unit used throughout the book, and to it all the currency is referred (p. 18). By it is meant the Siamese money known universally by that name (le tical est une monnaie siamoise d'argent, p. 18).
Besides the statements thus collected, there are several others directly giving the interrelations of the terms for currency and weights, especially at pp. 18, 22, 27, 60, 75, 132, 172, 197, 223, 243 f., 265, 272 and 329; and from the whole we can fairly make out the following tables for 1882-3, in complete confirmation of what has already been written in this section.
Aymonier's Siamese-Shan Weights.
A. - Siam-Cambodian Soale. 4 sling or chi are 1 tical 4 tical
1 damling 20 damling , 1 cattie 50 cattie : 1 pikul
B.- Chinese Decimal Soale. (16 tael are 1 cattie) 20 cattie, 1 moun 5 moun, 1 pikul
Also (10 tael are 1 barre) 160 barrel pikal
.- Relative French and Shan Weights. 1 cattie is 600 grammes
1 pikul .60 kilogrammes At p. 329 M. Aymonier mentions that besides the British money, the théps already noted, there are current in the country he traversed " les at et les fai ou sous siamois." The faï is obviously the " phailung" or p'e of the Siamese, and as to at, it has been above noted (ante, p. 6, n. 44) that Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 141, gives it as the equivalent of the p'e. But I find in the Report of Mr. T. H. Lyle on the Trade of Mung Nan for 1896o that the scale runs thus:
2 làt are 1 àt 2 at ', 1 p'e
2 på , songpa The Report in question is so much to the point as regards the present enquiry that I give it here in full:
"The country is undoubtedly under the disadvantages which the lack of a medium of exchange entails. Money is scarce, more especially small change, and so unaccustomed are the inhabitants of this district to the usage of money that of the four denominations of Siamese
Cushing, Shan Dict. p. 233, 6. v. tip. An Eastern Shan settled at Maulmain gave me the word w tyap. c. Shan k'ip and kyap = Burmese byát (kyap). Cushing, op. cit. pp. 61, 87.
• Rangoon Gaxette, 37th Sept. 1897, p. 18 f.

Page #22

18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1898.
copper coin, namely, the lot (half att), the att, the pai (two atta) and the songpai (four atts), the first two only are current, the pai and sou gpai being refused in the native market with cautious suspicion. The coins current in Nan are the rupee, with its factors the four and two-anna silver pieces, and Siamese copper coins, the att and half att or lot.
“For the four-anna and two-anna pieces the absence of small change bas produced a fictitious value, which is somewhat confusing to a new-comer. The rupee is recognized in Siam as equivalent to 48 atts or decimal 75 of a tical. Under these circumstances the two-anda piece equals six atts and the four-anna piece equals 12 atte. In Nan, however, whilst the rupee is still recognized as equivalent to 48 atts the two-anns and four-anva piece are given a value of 7 and 14 utts respectively. Consequently, wheream in Chiengmai there are eight two-anpa pieces to the rupee, in Nan one can only obtain seven two-anna pieces, or three-and-a-half four-anna pieces for the same coin. There is this a loss in purchasing value of 12 per cent. on every rupee expended in the native market, though on the other hand any one importing and making sole use of small coin would be the gainer to a similar extent.
“This system holds good also in Phre. It appears to have arisen from the former scarcity or absence of small change combined with the easily satisfied needs of the people, which enable them to buy and sell their necessities in diminative quantities.
“One or two proclamations have been issued requiring the people to give eight two-anna pieces to the rupee, and to regard the two-anna piece as of six atts value; but, in spite of penalties held out to the disobedient, the old order prevails, and any attempt to insist upon the normal rate is met with the unanswerable argument it is not the customi.'"
The above Report makes clear an otherwise inexplicable statement as to British coinage made to me by a peasant settled at Lênyâ to the Mergai District, who stated that he came from Bankok, and was what the Burmese call a Yod'iya (Ayuthia) Shân, i. e., a Siamese. This man's table of British money in his own language was given thus :
A Siamese Version of British Coinage.
Siamese Terminology.
English.
Terma.
Sense.
1 anna
2 annas
samu bylo füang ... kaubya ... saling ... ... salüngsambya saliingfúang ... Balungkaubya songsalüng ... sòngsalangsambya songsalingfũang songsalingkabya samsalung ... samsalingsambya samsalüngfdang samsalungkaabya
3 pice a fuang 9 pice a salung & salüng and 3 pice & saling and a fünng a salung and 9 pice 2 saling 2 salüng and 3 pice 2 salang and a fúang 2 salüng and 9 pice 3 sulüng 3 salüng and 3 pice 3 salang and a füang 3 salüng and 9 pice
... ... ... ...
15
→
....
19 Byd is properly a cowrie in Siamese; no ante, pp. 4,C: but it is also used commonly as the Burmese numeral coefficient for copper money.

Page #23

JANUARY, 1898.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
19
It is obvious that this man's knowledge of British coinage in Siamese territory must havo been picked up in tho places in which it is current, i. e., in the Siamese Shin States, where the lat and at are practically the only recognised native copper currency, and where the small British silver, viz., the two and four-anna pieces, would be known in terms of the lat and dt. Now, if the dt run 48 to the rupee, 3 at will make one anna, and no doubt that fact was in the man's mind, when describing the anna as being of three "byd" or "copper pieces," the term vyá being borrowed from the surrounding Burmese idiom.
A correspondent of the Rangoon Gazette (22nd November 1897, p. 20) dating from rural Siam (apparently from a Siamese Shan State, for he notes that rupees and British small silver are current together with Siamese money) gives the following account of & village computetion of a simple sum in British ourrency:
"Arithmetic seems to be unknown. A man once had to add Rs. 236-14-0 to Rs. 165-2-0. He could not do it; neither could any of the clever' men in the village whose aid had been invoked. Finally a Baba - father Chinese, mother Siamese - turned up. He was asked and correctly did the addition. His method was interesting, and I give it. He placed two rapees on the ground to represent handreds of the Rs. 234-14-0. Then another rupee to represent the single hundred in Rs. 163-2-0, making three rupees, representing three hundreds on the ground. He next placed nine eight-anna bits to represent the tens of the 34 and 65. Then came nino four-anna bits for the 4 and 5 of the units. He knew that 14 annas and two annas made a rupee. He therefore added a four-anna bit to the nine already placed on the ground. These he took away as representing one ten, and added an eight-anna bit to the nine already placed. This gave ten eight-anna bits representing 100 rupees. Sweeping these away, he added a rupee to the three originally referred to, and announced the result as Rs. 400 to an astonished and wonder-struck crowd. Needless to say that Check To was from that day forward a man of some consequence in the village."
The method of addition above quoted evidently struck the writer as something strange, but the explanation is simple enough. The "Baba" had clearly been taught the use of the Chinese abacus (svanpan),11 and, being without the instrument, improvised one out of the British coins available on the spot.
The above problem, as worked out on the system of the Chinese abacus, can be stated as follows, in order to shew to a person trained to Europeau mathematics the process of reasoning foilowed by the "Baba" :
Let a = 100: 6 = 10:0=1: 16d = c. Add 2a, 3b, 4c, 141 to a, 66, 50, 21; and state the result in figures. Then 2a + a= 3a: 36 + 66 = 96: 4c + 5c = 9c: 21 + 1411 = 160 = c. Then 9c+c=10c = 6:9b+b=106 = 9: 3a + a=4a 400. Q.E.D.
A Burman (or for that matter, & modern Tibetan, an ancient inhabitant of India, or a modern Indian astrologer) would have tackled the problem thus, writing on sand, or on a sanded board, beginning with the large figures, and rubbing out and substituting as he proceeded, precisely as did the " Baba."
Problem: add Rs. 231-14 to Rs. 165-2. Write.......... 234
163
:
11 Pronounced sinpon to me by # Southern Chinese. See Terrien de la Couperie, Oul Numerals and the Swan an in China, passim : Knott, Abacus, J.4. S., Japan, Vol. XIV. p. 18 ff.: La Loubère, Siam, E.T., p. 182.
12 See present writor's article on Burmese Arithmetio, ante, Vol. XX. 53 #.

Page #24

20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1898.
2+1=3, therefore write ......... 334
65 3+ 6 = 9, therefore write ......... 394
4 + 5 = 9, therefore write ......... 399 Now because 2 + 14 =16 = Re. 1, add 399 and 1. Write....... 399
9+1=10, therefore write 390
9+1=10, therefore write 300
1 3+1 = 4, therefore write 400. Ans. Rs. 400. I may mention here13 that this process is really natural mental arithmetic, and is that followed by bank clerks all over Europe, when running ap accounts in books. It can with practice be gone through with extreme rapidity and accuracy. In ancient India the written process made a nearer approach to the mental tban is possible with the modern system of denoting numerals, because the ancient people did not express value by position, but by signs, and so wrote as they spoke and thought, and as all Europeans still speak and think,
The same writer goes on to say, Rangoon Garette, loc. cit., that :
The Siamese do not write Bs. A. P. As we do. The best explanation I can give of their method is by diagram
B
D
From A to Etam loongs are placed. One tam loong = 4 rupees. At B cbangs' are placed. One chang = 20 rupees. From F to C rupees. At G four-anne pieces. At D pice. And at I two-anna pieces. Thos ;
cala
would read : 3 tam loongs, 7 cbangs, 15 rupees, 6 annas (4 and 2), and 3 pice, or Rs. 167-6-3."
These statements do not, however, work out as the writer makes them, for two reasons. Assuming that the tickal and its parts bave already been superseded by the rupee and its parts, - a fact of great importance to the present enquiry - the "tam loong" the Siamese tael = 4 rupees, as stated, but the change the Siamese catty = 20 taels = therefore, 80, not 20, rupees. Secondly, in the figured diagram the parts of the rapee are wrongly stated for the total required, and for the lower ciphers 2, 4, and 3 we should read 1,1, and 1, and for “3 pice" we should read "3 pie." . E. g., the total according to the diagram works out to
19 See ante, Vol. XX. p. 55.

Page #25

JANUARY, 1898.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
Rs. 538-4-914 and not to Rs. 167-6-3, as stated. The proper diagram for Rs. 167-6-3 follows:
ohâng, catty tamlung, tael
1.
Now, eliminating the errors from the statement, we can perceive that it provides an exceedingly valuable form of improvised abacus for computing money. Thus, taking the rupee as the unit, we get
And it would read thus:--
14 Thus,
c = rupee
4d; d
d
2e; e
e8f; f 1 pice.
Then the abacus diagram, as made out by the Siamese, runs thas, for a sum of Rs. 167-6-3:—
2a40b 160c Rs. 160 4c
b= 303d = 1/4c ed 1/8c f= 1/88
7 catties... Rs. 560
2 taels
12
15
1
15 rupees...
4 four-apnas...
2
its
1
2 two-annas... 8 pice
588
206:
4c:
588-4-9
4-anna piece : 2-anna piece:
3
+
b
CCC
d
2
3
21
Rs. 167-6-3
is as
(To be continued.)

Page #26

22
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1898.
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. BY SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from Vol. XXVI. p. 804.)
1. The Features, Character, and Mode of Living of Spirits.
In Western India, most spirits are believed to have their legs turned back or crooked, their hair loose, and in some cases on end. Many are lean and ugly, and many are supposed to be green or, like English fairies, to wear green. Some are white, like Muñja, the spirit of a Brahman lad, and a few are black, like Kifri, the spirit of a murdered negro. Vêtal, the chief of spirits, is green, and rides a green horse. The Konkan fernale spirit Hêdali wears a yellow robe and bodice, and lets her hair fall loose. The water-spirit Girà has his legs turned back, and the hair of his head is on end. In Bengal, Churail, the spirit of a woman who has died in child-bed, is fair in front and black behind; and her feet are turned back, The Pârsis have spirits whose features are half like a man's half reversed,26 According to Henderson,27 the English spirit Brownie was half spirit half man. English, mermaids, or water-spirits, were women above the waist, and below the waist fish with fins and a sp reading tail.29
The general character of spirits is supposed to be evil; bhuts are spirits who are almost always bent on mischief. Satara (Western India) Mhârs say that all who die accidental or sudden deaths with unfulfilled wishes come back and plague men and cattle. Still, all spirits are not inischievous, and some of them, like Vêtal, Brahmâpurush, and Chêdâ, if pleased or propitiated, are believed to be of great help to their worshippers. Vêtâl is said to shew his devotees hidden treasure, and to supply their wants.
The belief in the complete or in the partial good-will of spirits is widespread. Up to the eighteenth century the belief in a kindly helpful spirit called Brownie was common in the British Islands. About 1600, James I., in his Demonology, describes Brownie as a rough man who haunted houses without doing evil. Some, he adds, were so blinded as to think Brownie made their house all the sonsier, that is, fatter or more prosperous. In 1690, the traveller Martin says, in the Shetland isles every family of consequence has its Brownie. Milk and water are poured to Brownie through a holed stone. Brownie used to be seen as a tall man. Since 1640 sights of him had become rare.29 In his Journey to the Western Islands, Dr. Johnson (A. D. 1773)
23 Of the character and features of German spirits Grimm says:- They have in them some admixture of the superhuman, which approximates them to gods; they have power to hurt man and to help him, at the same time they stand in awe of man, being no match for him in bodily strength. Their figure is much below the stature of man, or else mis-shapen. They almost all have the faculty of making themselves invisible. The females are of a broader and nobler east, with attributes resembling those of goddesses and wise women; the male spirits are more" distinctly mark ed off both from gods and heroes (Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 439). English fairies are said (Kirk in Napier's Folk-Lo re, p. 20; Dalyell's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 535) to be astral spirits between angels and humans. In looks and ways they are like tiny men and women. They are merry, and dance decked in green. They marry, have children, and die; they can be visible or invisible at pleasure; they live in the ground and unseen; they constantly wait on meu; they are fond of human children, and carry them away, and sometimes women. They milk cattle, and shoot people with flint-head arrows, of which at the same time fairies themselves stand in awe. According to Sir Walter Scott (Demonology and Witchcraft, pp. 180, 452; Border Minstrelsy, p. 461), English Woodland spirits are kindly but mischievous. Scottish Moorland spirits are fierce; and Highland spirits are peevish and envious. As to their appearance Reginald Scott (1580), Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 426, complains that some sixteenth century English writers are so carnally minded that if a spirit is spoken of they think of a black man with cloven feet, horns, tail, claws, and eyes as broad as a bason. The Ceylon evil spirit is black-skinned, large-eyed and long-tusked; some of them wear colours (Journal, Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1865, p. 16). They have the worst wishes to men, and can be forced or tempted to do what any one wishes who has a charm over them (op. cit. p. 8).
24 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 479.
20 Bleek's Vendidad, p. 81. 27 Folk-Lore, p. 246.
25 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 258. 28 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 413.
29 Quoted in Hone's Year Book, p. 1533. Compare Dalyell (Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 530). Brownie is a house-spirit who did much work, Food and milk were set apart for him. The Reformation chained him up. Brownie's Gaelic name was Gruagach (Notes and Queries, Fourth Series, Vol. VIII. p. 500).

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JANUARY, 1898.)
SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
says of the spirit called Browny :-"Browny was a sturdy fairy, who, if he was fed and kindly treated, would, as they said, do a great deal of work. They now pay him no wages, and are content to labour for themselves."30 Heron in his journey through part of Scotland, 1799, Vol. II. p. 227, says “The Brownie was a very obliging spirit who used to come into houses by night, and, for a dish of cream, performed lustily any piece of work that might remain to be done. Sometimes he would work and sometimes eat till he barsted: if old clothes were laid out for him he took them in great distress, and never more returned."31 Sir Walter Scott describes the Brownie as thin, shaggy and wild, hating rewards. Scott likens the Brownie to the Roman Lar who was human, roughly clothed in dog's skin, and, like Milton's lubber fiend, lived near the fire.32 The Welsh farmer still puts out a bowl of milk for the fairies,33 Trolls or droiles were found in Scotland and in Shetland. Like the Brownie the Troll worked for man. They came to houses where feasts were held, especially at Yule or Christmas time.34 Shakespear describes Puck or Sweet Puck as another name for Hobgoblin. For those who called him Sweet Pack, Hobgoblin worked and brought them luck. Puck describes himself as the merry Wanderer of the night who jested to the fuiry king and made him smile, neighing like a filly to beguile the borses, lurking in a gossip's bowl and bobbing against her lips, or as a three-legged stool slipping aside from those about to sit.35 Coleridge (1790) describes the Devonshire Pixies or little Pucks, a friendly race too small to be seen, as before dawn in robes of rainbow hues, sipping the furze flowers, shedding soothing witcheries over their favourite poet, sighing with the lover and dancing on the fairy grass rings.36 The Phynnodderre, a spirit of the Isle of Man, was believed to help peasants in cuttiny and gathering grass.37 Ariel was a kindly spirit, glad to help man, especially the weak and ill-used. The Ban-she or Irish woman-fairy warned Irish families, and corresponding family spirits warned Scottish families, before the death of any of its members.38 Another English guardian or good genius was Billy Blind or Blind man's Buff,39
As a class, Indian spirits are considered unclean in their habits, and, as they never bathe, their bodies are said to have a peculiar smell. So the Marathi proverb runs:-Jéthen shuchirblut paná áhe, téthén bhut näki, - Where there is cleanliness there is no spirit. On the other hand some spirits are represented as specially clean and pious. Thus Vêtàl is very clean in his habits, and spends much of his time in the worship of the god Shiv. The Brahmapurush batbes daily, wears clean white clothes, performs sandky a adoration, and observes all the religious duties of a pious and orthodox Brahman Sinilarly fairies are font of neatness and cleanness of apparel, of strict diet, and of an upright life.co
Certain spirits were believed to have connection with men. Thus the apsará or fairy named Urvasi was believed to have come on earth and lived for some time with an Indian king named Parurava. The story runs that while king Pururava had gone hunting he heard a woman cry, and, on looking back, saw a beautiful damsel being carried off by a demon. He turned, slew the demon, and released the damsel. Out of gratitude the damsel who was a fairy agreed to live with the king, with the condition that he should never come before her undressed. She lived with him happily for a year during which a son was born to
50 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 489.
31 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 499. 52 Border Minstrelay, Introduction (1980), p. 7.
53 In Gipsy Tents. ** Dalyoll's Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 533 ; Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary.
58 Midsumingrs Night's Dreum, Act III, Scene 1. The word Pack is apparently the Welsh Pwoca or spirit. Compare Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 500. In Breeknock is a Cwm Pwoon (Coom Pooky) or Goblin Vale which Shakespeare is believed to have known (Vaugban's Poems, Pt. XVI., Ed. 1883). In 1803, imps are called puckrels (Sharpe's Witchcraft, p. 211). Grinim (Teutonic Mythology, Vol. II. p. 411) notices & division of elves iuto aibs who are white and good, and duargar dwarfs who are dark and bad.
86 Songs of the Pixies, Poems, Moxon's Ed. 1870, p. 8. 97 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 415. 38 Shakespeare's Tempest; Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary: Guthrie's Old Scottish Customs, p. 217. * Scott's Border Minstrelay, Vol. II. p. 32.
10 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 498.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JANUARY, 1898.
her. One day the king happening to come before her undressed, she upbraided him for breaking his promise, and disappeared. In the Konkan, the lower classes believe that the spirit Mužja can have connection with women, and it is said that, if a man can accomplish the penance and rites described in the kalpa tantra, he can have connection with the fairies called Yaksbinis. In India, spirits are supposed to visit women at night in the form of a dog, cat, or other animal. In Ceylon, if a child is born with hair and teeth it will probably be killed as the offspring of a demon-father. The belief, that spirits had connection with men and women, continued in Europe till the middle of the eighteenth century. The Romans believed that their sixth king Servius Tullius was the son of a hearth-spirit. The Greeks believed that the people of Cyprus were descendants of female-spirits, 45 and St. Augustin (A.D. 650) considered it imprudence to deny that female spirits or Succubi lie with men or that male spirite or Incubi lie with women. 6 In Skandinavia, it was believed that spirits bad intercourse with men and women.7 In the early Iceland stories dwarfs have children by women, and the Laps of Finlana held the same belief. The Gauls believed that certain demons violated the chastity of women.49 In 1660, Sir T. Browne50 held that spirits associate with human beings of both sexes. In Middle-Age England (1000-1400), there was an incubus in every tree which attacked women, so that it was not safe for them to go up and down.61 Barton (1621) believed that there never had been a time in which so many lecherous devils, satyrs and genii had shewn themselves as in his own days.62 In France, as late as 1750, a Mass was said in the abbey of Soissy to keep the nuns from the power of the fairies,63 and in Scotland, in 1690, it was believed that Incubi and Succubi came and slept with men and women. The Incubus or fiend-lover was specially hard to scare. Neither the names of Jesus and Mary, the Sign of the Cross, nor relics had any power over him,55 In Seventeenth-Century Europe, the Huns were believed to be the children of Incabi.56 Luther held that spirits have intercourse with men.57 The wife of a Crasader was said to have a son by the spirit of the Tweed.58
As in other branches of belief the two great influences, development and degradation, have always been at work affecting man's view of the character of spirits. Under the influenco of development the early unfriendly spirit by being housed and honoured rises to be the house guardian, the tribal guardian, the universal guardian. Under the influence of degradation the lower guardians of the earlier faith become subordinate evil influences. Dêr in the Brahmaņ religion is a guardian: the later Zoroaster (A, D. 300) degrades the Dêv to an evil spirit. In the Rig Veda the Asurasoare gods : in the later Atharva-Veda the Asuras are fiends. The Daimon of classic Greece becomes the Christian demon.co Similarly, the leading guardian
41 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 190.
#2 Dubois, Vol. II. p. 59. 45 Journal Asiatic (Ceylon) Society, p. 19.
** Pliny's Natural History, Book xxxvi. Chap. 27. 15 Lookie's European Rationalism, p. 26.
* Op. cit. p. 28. 47 Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 511.
18 Scott's Border Minstrelry, p. 440. 41 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 521. 50 Browne's Religio Medici, ed. 1800, p. 42. 61 Chaucer's Wife of Bath's Tale.
62 Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, pp. 118, 194, 498. os European Rationalism, Vol. I. p. 25.
4 Op.cit, Vol. I. p. 143; Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 189. 05 Black's Folk Medicine, p. 87. 66 Reginald Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 512.
67 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 7. Note to Lay of the Last Minstrel.
Barth's Indian Religion, p. 42. Go The use of the divine and guardian daimon of Socrates (B. C. 400) illustrates this feeling. An honorable meaning was attached to the word daimon, at least till A.D. 150, when Celsus called upon men to give up Christia. nity and worship the demons or ministers of God. In a less honorable sense deimon was used of a magician's paredror or familiar (Smith'a Christian Antiquities, p. 1075). The oarly Christians held that the gods of the Pagans were demona who had taken the names and the incense of the popular divivities (Jamieson's Sacred and Legendary Art, Vol. II. p. 523). Jacob Grimm further notices that the idea of the (Christian) devil is foreign to all primitive religions. Porhaps it would be more correct to say there is a strain in the Christian idea of the devil foreign to the character of the evil spirits of the earlier religions. Satan's fight with God, his hatred of man, his immortality, are all late ideas. Still in the Christian devil remain the evil spirits of earlier times : His going about as a roaring lion, his riding the storm, his delight in destruction, are all early. "One large slice of the devil," says Grimm (Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1020), " is from the old giant, only the devil is harsher and crueller." The saying (Notes and Queries, Fifth Series, Vol. IV. p. 265) that the devil built St. Vigean's Church three miles west of Arbroath in Scot

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JANUARY, 1898.]
SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
25
becomes in the new system the leader of the hosts of spirits who are hostile to man. Christianity has degraded the classic and northern gods to be devils. How far Christianity robbed classic spirits of their kindly element is shewn by these words of St. Augustine (A,D. 600) :- "The devil while we feed allures us with gluttony, thrasteth lust into our generation, sloth into our exercise, envy into our talk, greed into our dealings, wrath into our correction, pride into our government, evil thoughts into our hearts, lies into our mouths. When we wake he moreth us to evil thoughts, when we sleep to evil dreams. He stirreth the merry to looseness and the mad to despair."61 As regards the northern gods, Grinam has rhewn how Satan has usurped the names and titles of many of the early German Guardians.63 Not less in India is it hard to draw a line between thüts or anfriendly and devs or guardian spirits. Were not all déus onco Whits : were not some bhits once déus : Virs, Vêtâls, and other powers are by some ranked as thûts, by others as devs living in the cê vastkáne or seat of the guardians. Vir, the spirit of a dead warrior, often known as the sát várs or seved heroes, holds a place of special honour. When 4 man asks a leo to harm his enemy, the dev first sends a ver and himself goes behind to help. In such a case the sacrificial goat is divided equally between the dev and the vir. As a rulo Vêtål is a dio to the Maritha and a bhat to the Brahman. Still certain Marathis rank Vêtil among bhits and certain Brihmaņs rank him among déve. One reason why all déus were once bhůts is that originally not all bhuts were unfriendly to man. Among some Tamil tribes Buta is the benevolent god. The word bhatt had once, to some extent the word still has, the sense of spirit, not of fiend. A mother who comes back to nurse and care for her child, though she is the bad type of blút known as jakni, is still a guardian. The following details shew how even a jakni, one of the worst forms of bkits, the dreaded ghost of a woman who has died in child-bed, may become a guardian or dév. When the cradle of a babe, whose mother is dead, recks of itself, the house-women ask: "Who are you that rocks the cradle ? Come into one of us, and tell us who you are." The women sit in a circle, and, as the mother passes into her, one of them shivers, and says: - "I am Ganga. I have a child, I have come to take care of my child. I will do you no harm." The house-women doubt if this is a true spirit. "To try your truth we will give you something to do. You will ripen the crop : you will cure Rama's cough, you will heal the lame Môti. Do this, and we will trust you." If the task is done the women ask the mother to enter into one of the men of the family, since mothers rarely pass into the bodies of women. The men and women sit round. Presently one of the men shirers as the mother passes into him. The women ask :- "Mother, what is your
land is probably a recollection that the Christians took the building from the service of an early god. Grimm (Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 25) writes - "Under the influence of Christianity elves and giants developed into angels and devils. Apparently the change was evil. The fairies who in the honoured days of King Arthur fulfilled the land of Britain disappeared. Sights were no longer to be seen of the Elf Queen and her Jolly Company dancing full of faerie in many a green mead (Chaucer in Folkard's Plant-Lure,. 64). Similarly the German goda Wuotan, Donar, Tio and Phol pat on the nature of diabolic beings. Their yearly visitation was tarned into a rabble-rout which the people sbavned. The result of the degradation of the guardian on the belief of the lowest classes in Germany in shewn by the characteristic remark of Luther (A, D, 1500) :-“When we walk abroad, sit at our board, lie on our bed, legions of devils are round about ready to fling whole hell into our hearts" (Seafield's Dreams, Vol. I. p. 145). Other countries refused to give up their faith in the good element in spirits and much trust continued to be placed in elves and feeries With Satan, whose virtue was a grim northorn hamour, were associated men and women possessed by evil spirits, witches, wizards and warlocks (Folk-Lors Record, Vol. II. p. 94). In Russia, the devil is thought of more in sorrow than in angor. He is really poor old domovoi, the ancestral spirit, the Guardian of tho
isgraced by the teuth century enthusiasts who wanted either the art or the patience to work his old gvardianship into some Christian graco (Bee Ralston's Russian Songs, p. 124). In talk the French feeling is kindly to the devil. Un bon diable is a gepial companion like the English A queer devil. The usnal and natural shape of the devil in the time of James II. (1685) was an empty bottle (Hope's Everyday Book, Vol. II. p. 1241). Before John Knox (1530) and other destroyers, according to Sharpe (Witchcraft in Scolland, r. 23), in many parts of Scotland, about milldams and green brao facos elrich elfs and brownies strayed and green-gowned fairies danced and played. According to N. Scott (1584) the result of Knox's influence was evil. The spread of the belief in witchoraft was due to the loss of Robin Goodfellow and the fairies which were wont to maintain the common people's talk in this belief (R. Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, Ed. 1886, p. xxii.). 61 Quoted in Scott's Discovery of Witchcraft, p. 426.
Boots, Nick, Scratch, Walker. Journal Ethnological Society, Vol. VIII. p. 115, in Lubbook's Primitive Condition of Man, p. 206.

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[JANUARY, 1898.
wish ?" Through her chosen mediam the mother says: - "Make an embossed golden likeness of me and fasten the plate round my child's deck." Or the mother says "Make a tiny golden image of me and set my image in the ark along with the horse-gods." If the mother ask3 that her image should be set in the ark the people say :-"We must ask the house-gods. If the Jouse-gods do not object we will set your image in the ark." The house-gods speak through certain men only. If a mediam is present, he bathes, puts on a fresh loin cloth, loosens his top knot, and sits in front of the ark. He drops incense on a fire to the right, and prays to the gods :- "God, come into my body and tell me one or two things." Presently he tosses Iris loose hair and trembles. The house-god has passed into him. The people come and say to the housegod : -"The mother has come back." The mother (that is, the man into whom the mother has entered) says : -"I will do you do harm. I will do you good. Put me in the ark." The people ask the house-god's medium :- " Are you willing that we should set the mother's image close to you?" If the house-god is willing the medium pauts :-"Yes, seat her close to me." If the house-god is unwilling the medium says: "Put the mother outside." They say to the medium :- Can we trust the inother will not harun as ?" The medium replies, quivering and panting :- "The mother is good ; she will do you no harm." The chief house. yod has ended and retires. The medium bows until his brow strikes the ground. He raises himself. A fresh shivering seizes him. He is possessed by the second of the house-gods. "Who are you?" the women ask. “Bahiri," pants the medium. Bahirzagrees that the mother may have a seat in the ark and retires. The medium droops till bis brow smites the ground, He palls himself straight. A fresh air comes over him. He shivers as the third guardian passes into him. The third guardian approves the mother. And so it goes till all the powers are asked and have approved. The image of the mother is set in the ark. The women ask: - "What should we give the mother to eat?" The wise men say: "The same as other guardians - a cock and a cocoanut once a year." The mother's worship is performed year after year, so long as her child lives. With her child's life the mother's immortality ends. Her image remains in the ark; no offerings are made to it. The Germans have the same belief as Hindus. A German mother comes back to nurse the child. A hollow in the bed shew3 where she has lain.64
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. SOME TECHNICAL TERMS AND NAMES IN accents, and in addition to the curiosities of PORT BLAIR.
language thus created, there are many words of
Tocal growth, invented to suit local wants. On the The Penal Settlement of Port Blair being whole, therefore, the Andaman forms of the old established for the whole of British India, every Cump Language of India is philologically worth one of the many languages in that vast area is study, even as Pigeon English is, and with more represented at the Settlement as the mother. reason, because, being perhaps the eusiest of all tongue of some person or other. In such circunr- languages to acquire fairly correctly, Urda has stances it was early found to be imperative that never degenerated into such a jargon as Pigeon one chief language should be established as a English. lingua franca. The language that naturally aug- I propose now to give a few Port Blair words to pested iteelf for this purpose was Urdd, the illustrate my meaning. language of the Camp of the Muhammadan The following words I have heart even in the conquerors of India, better known by its name of mouths of Burimans imable to make themselves Hindustani. Consequently every one in Port understood in Urdd :Blair has to acquire a practical knowledge of | Btjan. This means now a barrack for convicta Urda, be he Englishman or Burman, Tamil as distinguished from a barrack for troops or or Afghan, Lepcha or Gond, and one result of this police, though varions corruptions of "barack" necessity is that this language is current in are also used for that purpose. It is really English every conceivable variety of corruption. It is in origin, and represents the word " division," spoken in many forms and with very many the corruption having taken place on vulgar Urda
Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. I p. 456.

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JANUARY, 1899.1
MISCELLANEA.
27
lines. Thus, "di" has dropped out, o has become the convicts and their Native guards are interestb and the zh sound of si has become j. quite ing, shewing that striving after a meaning which According to custom. Originally the convicts were is so prolific of verbal corruptions all over the divided into "divisions,” each of which slept in a world. E. g. :barrack. Hence the present application of the Mount Harriet becomes Mohan Rét. term.
Perseverance Point
Parasu Pét. Tapu. - This means a convict "station. It Shore Point
Buwar Pet. is really good Urdd for an island." Originally Navy Bay
Nabbi Bég all the convict stations were situated on small
Phenix Bay
» Pinik Bég. islands in Port Blair harbour. Hence its present Barwell Ghat
Bald Ghat. application to any convict station, inland or on an Harriet was the name of the wife of a former island.
Superintendent. Perseverance and Phoenix weru Sikshan. - This means now either the "sick
the names of Royal Ships in the last Century. list," or the Female Jail. It is the English word
Shore Point is named after Sir John Shore (Lord "section." Originally the major division of the
Teignmouth), Governor-General. General Bar. convicts was into sections, of which No, XVII.
well was a fomer Chief-Commissioner. There is was the convalescent gang, the sick and unable to
also a large village called Anikhet, a conscious do any or full work. The women were of course
pun on the name of the daughter of a former all in the Female Section. Hence the present
Chief-Commissioner, who was named Annie Kate. double application of the word, kept in existence
The largest steam-launch in the harbour is named no doubt in the first case owing to the likeness of
«The Belle, "after Belle, the daughter of a former " sikshan" to the familiar "sik-mán” of the
Chief-Commissioner, which has proved an Native Army Hospitals.
unfortunate name, for the vessel is invariably
called by the Natives " Belly Jahaz." Waipar. - The first Jail constructed in the
The station of Elephant Point has been transSettlement was on Viper Island, so named after
lated into Hath Tapu. The stations of Navy a gunboat in the last Century. It is now dwarf.
Bay, Dundas Point, South Point, and Phænis ed by the great Cellular Jail on Atalanta Point,
Bay are all also frequently called indiscriminately so named after an old man-of-war, which is the
Chana Bhatta, because there is now, or has been Jail par excellence, much to be avoided in the
at some former time, a lime-kiln at these spots. eyes of the convicts; the other is simply waipar.
Convicts never forget a place at which there has Other jails are being constructed at Minnie bay been a lime-kiln: they hate the work so. So also (named after another by.gone gunboat), ranat. there is a village called Chauldart in the Southgaon, and Goplak abang (Andamanese word), of
ern District after a former convict "camp" at the which the mightiest will be that of Minnie Bay.
spot; but the station of Middle Point, a long way and it will be interesting to see what popular
off in the Northern District, is also commonly terms will be applied to them. By the way Gopla.
known to the convicts as Chauldari for the same kabang is already Gôhang in common parlance
reason. and script, and the name is likely to have "no
Sometimes the Natives' names for places are derivation" in days to come.
merely corruptions of the English words, without Dhobi, a warherman, and talash, search, are
any effort at a meaning; e. g., Ubtên for Hope. nur Urddbut they are two of tbe first words town, where Lord Mayo was murdered, and Hårdo picked by Burmans and non-Indians, and it is for Haddo. Port Blair itself is always Pot Biler curious to hear them in the midst of an otherwise and Port Mouat always Potmot. purely Burmese sentence.
R. C. TEMPLE. Peti Afsar, for "petty officer, " is unquestion. ably referred by Native speakers to the peti, belt,
KULA. they all wear and not to the English word. I ONE of the first vernacular words that the bave heard them spoken of simply as pétiwule, the stranger learns in Burma is kala (written kula :), men who wear belts, though in ordinary Anglo- a foreigner. It has always a contemptuous sense, Indian slang petívili, translated into "box much like the word "barbarian," and is applied wallah," is the hawker who sells articles of properly to a native of India, and hence to any female attire and familiar wants, and pattiwald Western foreigner, when it is not likely to be exists for those familiar with the language for resented. It is traceable to Gola (Gauda) and the belt-wearer, i.e., the messenger or peon. meant originally an Indian Buddbist immigrant
Many of the existing place-names about Port from Bengal (Gauda, Gaur, Pali Gola). See Blair are English, and the corruptions thereof lty Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. o.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Perhaps nothing would astonish the ordinary Burman more than to learn that the term could anywhere be applied to himself precisely as he applies it to others. But such is nevertheless the case, for it is invariably so used by the Eastern Shâns (Laos) about the Mêkhong (Nam Khaung); teste M. Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos, 1895. The journey of the "Mission Aymonier about the Mêkhong, especially its right or Western bank, as far West as Korât and as far North as Nampat, was undertaken in 1882-8, and the leader's references to the Burmans as Kalas are so distinct that I will quote all there are in his first volume, the only one so far issued.
Page 37.-"La population [de Bassak] est laocienne avec quelques rares Khmêrs, Chinois, Kula (ou Birmans)."
Page 83."Nous rencontrons des Kola [à Phou Dên Mouong] nom que les Laos donnent
aux Birmans."
Page 197.Les habitants [d'Oubon] sont tous des Phou Thais qui cultivent des rizières, pêchent et élèvent des bestiaux qu'ils vendent aux Kola ou Birman pour les exporter à Bangkok."
Page 233." On y fait aussi à Dhatou Penola] un commerce de buffles que les Kolas ou
MUSALMAN TITLES OF HINDUS.
There is nothing really Musalman in these titles. Khán, which means simply tribal chief, was the usual title of the heads of tribes in the North-West Panjab. Within historic periods Afghanistan was ruled by Hindu or Kshatriya tribes, and many a tribe of Rajpats, Játs, and even Khatris still preserve the tradition of having emigrated into the Pañjâb from the neighbourhood of Ghazni. And of these several had ancestors who are said to have borne the title of
Khun.
In later times, too, titles borne by Muhammadans originally were adopted by others e. g., the Badshah, Shahzadá, and Sirdár of the Sikhs. In modern times Hindus gladly accepted such titles as Khan Bahadur, etc., when conferred on them by the British Government.1
The tradition of the Man Jats is that they once ruled in Ghazni, and that Raj Bhîmpâl was the last ruler of their race there. This king came on an expedition to India, and settled at Bathinda (Patiala territory), driving out the Bhatti Rajpats.
1 [The British Government frequently bestows mixed Hindu and Musalman titles on Native Chiefs, following in this the custom of the Native Governments. The Sikh
[JANUARY, 1898.
Birmans viennent acheter dans la region pour les emmener à Bangkok."
*
NOTES AND QUERIES.
Page 263. On rencontre à Nongkhai des Chinois qui occupent une quarantaine de boutiques, des Siamois généralement venus de Korat, et des Kolas ou Birmans."
Page 235."[Le Phya de Nongkhai] avait à ce moment de gros ennuis avec des Kolas ou marchands Birmans qui sont détestés dans le pays
... Le jour même le Chau et les mandarins firent signifier leur expulsionaux Kolas qui furent attaqués la nuit suivante, à coups de fusils . . . . Ils allèrent réclamer au consul anglais à Bangkok, d'où ordre au Chau de Nongkhaï de rendre justice aux Kolas, ou bien de faire expédier les accusés à Bangkok."
Dr. Cushing, Shan Dictionary, p. 13, gives "kala, a foreigner: kalalam, a black foreigner, used generally of a native of Hindustan because most known to the Shâns: kalü, a name applied kalaum, a Siamese or Laos, also an appellation to Karens on the mountains East of Toungoo: given to all who are under Siamese rule; infrequently karaum."
So the opprobrious term appears to be of mutual application !
R. C. TEMPLE.
Another Mân Jât of the same family held the title of Khân, his name being Bhandar. His son, Mirza, succeeded to the title. Another ancestor, now known as Mân Shah, had the title Shah conferred on him by the Delhi Emperors. His real name has been lost, and he is only remembered by his title of the Mân Shah. His descendants are called Manshâhia, and even now those who claim descent from Bhandar Khan would have no objection to the revival of the title of Khân in their favour.
GURDYAL SINGH in P. N. and Q. 1883. NICOBAR ISLANDS - LATTER-DAY FOLKMEDICINE.
THIS is a prescription by a "doctor" of the village of Kenuaka in Car Nicobar, given on 14th April, 1896
"Mix Eno's Fruit Salt in water. Add to it a little powdered camphor and turpentine. Give twice a day for colic and stomach-ache. Add a little quinine to the above in fever cases.
R. C. TEMPLE.
Port Blair.
rulers constantly did so. The custom no doubt arose in the time of the free-thinking earlier Mughal rulers of Delhi. - ED.]

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FEBRUARY, 1898.
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
29
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 21.)
Chinese Weights. So much is said in the course of this Chapter regarding Chinese influence on the weight system of Further India, that it is necessary to consider here the Chinese weights themselves.
Prof. Ridgeway, 15 Origin of Currency, p. 158, quoting apparently Silvestre, Excursions et Reconnaissunces, 1883, No. 15, p. 308 ff., but in reality taking the whole information from Wade, Tru Erh Chi, Vol. II. p. 213, which again is condensed from Bridgman's Chinese Chrestomatky, & book I have not seen, gives the modern indigenous table of weights thus :
10 1116 are 1 fên 10 fên
1 chilen 10 chi'en 1 liang 16 liang » 1 chin
100 chin , 1 tan or shih For the above vernacular terms read as follows, and the universal Far Eastern and Archipelagic modern commercial terminology for currency is reached, thus27:
is cash
» candareen ch'en mace liang - tael chin18
» catty 10
tan (shih), picu120 The modern scale then is practically almost antirely deoimal, the 16 liang to the chin being introduced apparently to satisfy general Far Eastern convenience commercially.21 However, when and how the modern scale came to be introduced I have no means by me of satisfactorily ascertaining, but such examination of ancient Chinese weights as I am able to make shews that it cannot have been introduced very long ago, for it certainly did not exist, according to Terrion de la Couperie, at any rate up to 621 A. D.
For, in his Catalogue of Chinese Coins, he covers the period of the VIIth Century B. C. to the VIIth Century A.D., and at pp. xliii. ff. has an elaborate disquisition on weights, based chiefly on the ancient coins still in existence, because of the muddle which the native writers on the subject have made of their identifications. His pages are rather hard and difficult reading, but after an amount of trouble that might have been avoided had the presentation been clearer, I have been able to put together the following statements from pp. xliii. and xliv. :
Ancient Chinese Weights.
A. - General Table. 1 chu
equals grs. 4-06 6 chu are 1 hwa
2 hw 1 chea , , 48.75 16 Prot. Ridgeway is a little vague in his transcriptions, 69, we have chi'en, p. 158 ch'en, p. 150, and lung, p. 158 hang, P. 158.
16 Also tung and ch'ion, Wade, Txu Erh Chi, Vol. II. p. 218.
11 Herstlett's Treaties, p. 87 n. See also Stevens, Guide, 1775, p. 91, who says that the "gross Weights differ, more or less about one per Cent" and that the "Dodging," i. &., scales, seldom agree. 1 Ungally kit.
This seems for a long while to have been fixed at li lb.; soo Stevens, Guide, A 91. * Fized at 1331 lbs. av. by Treaty of 1858: see Herstlett's Treatis, p. 83. It was reckoned at that rate in the ast Century; see Stevens, Guido, p. 91.
* The modern liang (taal), being about an or., 16 liang or ontty (chin, hins about Ib. av.
* Terrien de la Couperie is not certain to this word apparently, fær On D. zlili. he has ondored the character for this weight me to, and on p. xliv. w teha
»
24.37

Page #34

30
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
are 1 liang equals grs. 97.5 1 kin
195
33
780
3,900
7,800
B.Special Ancient Coins.
1 fun
equals grs. 86 9 fun are 1 yuen "2780 C.-Literary Weights.
20 liang are 1 literary kin F equals grs. 1,950
2 kin, 1 lüeh
2 lüeh,, 1 hwan
3,900 7,800
D.
Larger Weights.
30 kinare 1 kuin equals grs. 58,500 1 shih23 234,000 Ancient and Modern compared.
4 kuin
23
2 che 2 liang 4 kin, 1 yaen
1 lüeh
1 hwan
5 yuen 2 lüeh
33
13
33
93
6 ywê are 1 pè 2 pè 1 mû (2 &) 2 mû 1 mat 4 mặt 1 kyat
33
39
33
Burmese Decimal Scale of Mu.
39
39
33
23
33
E.
1 modern chu is 1 ancient hwa, or 6 ancient chu, equals grs. 24:17 1 modern liang is 6 ancient liang24 equals grs. 579.84
39
These ancient Chinese tables are of the first importance to the present discussion, because of the following comparison that can be made:
[FEBRUARY, 1899.
Ancient Chinese Scale.
are 1 hwa
REFLE
6 chu 2 hwa
1 che
2 che ,, 1 liang 2 liang,, 1 kin
Therefore 96 ywé: 1 kyat and 48 chu= 1 kin. Now the chu is four grains and equals the fén or candareen, i. e., the conventional seed of the Adenanthera pavonina, and the ywê is in this case, as we have seen ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 314, the seed of the Abrus precatorius, conventionally
23 Neumann, Translations from Chinese and Armenian, 1831, in The History of the Chinese Pirates, has under date 1809, p. 41, and also p. 124, an odd note: "A shih or stone contains 4 kuens: a kuen 30 kin or catty, the well-known Chinese weight: a catty is equal to lt lb. English." The shih could not, therefore, have possibly been a stone or 14 lbs. He has, however, other odd notes; e. g., p. 22 (also p. 102):-"These (teaou fa) are large vessels, with windows from 200 to 300 tons: they are called by Europeans by the Chinese name, in the Canton dialect, junks: chuen is the Mandarin pronunciation." But how about Malay and Javanese jong and ajong?
24 Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 156 ff., gives a table, dated c. 1704, for converting Canton weights into Troy weights and vice versa. His tale is 10 oz. 4 dwts, 5'28 grs. 581-28 grs. His mace is 2 dwts. 10-12 grs. = 58'12 grs. But p. 159 he says: "you cannot well be without such a Table, thoroughly examin'd, in your Closet. I met with several done by other Hands; but all disagreeing, I calculated this for the Use of the Factory.
weights are here much bigger than at Amoy; where by the Medium of four different Tables 100 oz. Troy, amount to The Tale 84, 4m., 8c., 90., which at Canton is 82T., 5m., 7c., 6c." That is, the Canton weights were then about 2 per cent. larger than the Amoy weights, which would make the Amoy Tale of that period c. 570 grs. and the mace about 57 grs. Stevens, Guide, 1775, p. 105 ff., gives a table for converting "Canton Weight or Money into English Troy Weight" and vice verad. His tale is 1 oz. 4 dwts, 3'84 grs. 579-84 grs.; his mace 2 dwts, 9984 grs. 57 984 grs.: his candareen is 5-7984 grs.: his cash (caza on p. 129) is 0-57984 grs. This is a calculation downwards on the basis that 100 taels, Canton weight, 120 oz. 16 dwts. English Troy weight. Both Terrien de la Couperie's and Stevens' weights must be taken as conventional literary denominations, because in 1870 the tael varied in practice from 58. 9d. to 6s. 8d., i. e., c. 14 per cent,, in different ports in China: Herstlett's Treaties, p. 37 n., quoting Pori. Papers, China, Nos, 7 and 12, 1870.

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FEBRUARY, 1898.)
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE..31
half the Adenanthera pavonina seed. Therefore, if the ywe is half the chu the ancient Chinese kin = the kyàt or modern tickal. That the kydt or bat or tickal is the upper standard of modern Indo-Chinese bullion weights and the ywe the lower standard we have seen already abundantly in the preceding sections of this Chapter, and a reference to Terrien de la Couperie's work will shew that the Icin was likewise an upper and the chu the lower standard of ancient Chinese bullion weights. Given these premises the inference is irresistible that the modern Burmese Decimal Scale of MQ is merely the survival of the ancient Chinese universal scale, and as (ante, p. 9) the modern Burmese decimal scale of mu is practically identical with the scale for the whole of Indo-China, it follows that the Indo-Chinese populations have preserved, apparently without material change, the bullion weight measures of the ancient Chinese.
- The further inference then is that if the whole Further-Eastern System, from Burma tbrongh the Shân States and Cambodia, is traceable to an Indian source on the basis of a common origin, the old Chinese scale is also so traceable; though here we should, I think, modify the proposition by stating that the Indian and old Chinese scales are therefore traceable to & common origin.26
All the evidence available to me points to the overlaying of the Chinese decimal scale upon an older scale such as Terrien de la Couperie bas extracted from the ancient coins and to the Supposition that the decimal scale has been introduced from some outside and independent source. Thus, in attempting to connect the terms of the old and new scales, one finds that nothing is so puzzling as the tracing of Chinese terms from author to author, no two Sinologists apparently using the same system of transcription,250 But if we abandon the transcriptions and make a comparison only of the Chinese characters for ancient and modern weights used by Wade and de la Couperie, we shall find that, if we are to accept Terrien de la Couperie's statements, apparently prepared with great care and fullness of examination of the details on which they are based, the terms used in ancient and modern times have entirely changed in significance : - Thus,
Character.
Wade's Modern Equivalents.
T. de la Couperie's Ancient Equivalents.
fên ... liang ... chin ... shih
5-7984 grs. 579.84, 9277.44., 927744 »
fun 86 grs. ... liang 97.5 ... kin 1950. 1
shih 234000
...
Terrien de la Couperie himself tells us that the old liang and chu were about a sixth of the modern liang and chut, and this table makes the old catty (chin, kein) about a sixth of the modern one. It also makes the old picul (shih) about a fourth of the modern one. By the old fun must have been meant something quite different from the modern fén, which, as the conventional candareen, must represent the old chu of 4:06 grs.
25 Colquhoun, Across Chryse, 1881, Vol. I. p. 268, makes a disquieting statement as to this. All the evidence goes to show that whatever the eatty or pound might be, the pioul of China and all Indo-China and the Far East was the same, but Colquhoun says, describing the famine in Yiinnan after the then recent war: -" The sourcity was fearful, the price being at times 25 taols per picul (tan) of Yunnan, The tan is equal to 176 Chinese lbs." If then he means by lbs, kin or catties, and his statement is correct, we have the disturbing fact of s double (picul) (tan) existing in Yünnan.
"No. 1 Compradore" of the Indo-China Co.'s S. S. K14eang gave me vivd voce the list from ouch to picul thus:- man, fan, ch'en, lang, kein and ride as the terms used in the Cantonese dialect. All these terms, except ch'en, I have found in W. Williams' Tonic Dict. of the Canton Dialect, 1858, at pp. 274, 45, 231, 128, 441, respectively. W. Williams gives also for onsh' at p. 288, and tan for pioul' at p. 499. I have found also that all the Guido Booke about Canton and Hongkong, some written by men with good local colloquial knowledge, differ in the representation of the characters tot 'money,' eto.

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.
32
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
Again, us regards the introduction of the Chinese decimal scale, it appears in full swing in the days of Marco Polo and the mediæral travellers, as recorded in two of Yule's great works, Marco Polo and Cathay and the Way Thither, i. e., during the Mongol sway in the XIIIth and XIV th Centuries A. D. But the money then found was almost entirely of paper, in which tale and not measure or weight is the essential point in denominations. And it is to be noticed that Marco Polo and his successors sometimes speak of money in the terms employed for enumerating the Army. This makes one inclined to hazard the conjecture that the Mongols introduced the decimal division of the coinage, basing it on the ancient decimal division of the Army, which can be seen from the following terms:
onbashi97 decurion (on, ten) yüzbishi centurion (yüz, hundred) bing-(ming)bàshi chiliarch (bing, ming, thousand)
tumin-aghassi chief of a legion (túman, ten thousand men) Now the notes of Marco Polo's time (Vol. I. p. 378 ff.) were those of Kublai Khan's first issue (1260-1287 A.D.), whose denominations were stated in terms of
(1) tens of cash (tsien)29 (2) handreds of cash (3) thousands of cash (strings)30
26 Marco Polo (1275.92): Vol. I. p. 878 fl.; Vol. II. p. 88. Wassaf (1800): Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 160. Friar Odoric (1920-30): Cathay, Vol. I. p. 115. Archbishop of Soltania, (P) John de Cora (c. 1330): Cathay, Vol. I. p. 245.' Pegolotti (1330-10): Cathay, Vol. II. PP. 289, 294. Ibn Batuta (1348): Cathay, Vol. II. p.
Marco Polo has many local notices of the use of paper money always introduced with the formula :-"The people are Idolators, burn their dead, use paper money and are subjects of the Great Kean (Kublai):" Vol. II. pp. 103, 115, 116, 132, 140, 143, 175. But see also ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 291 f., in Chapter I. of this work, section on paper money.
With reference to Yule's specimen of a note of the Ming Dynasty in his Marco Polo, Vol. L p. 378, I bought some years ago a number of beautiful French plates relating to China from a Parisian dealer, evidently meant to illustrate some (? folio) book, though they have never been bound into one. No. 65 is superseribed, like the rest, "Descript, gen. de la Chine," and is a plate of coins and currency. Some French hand has dated many of these plates " 1785," but among the curious illustrations of "Monroyes anciennes nommées Pou et Tao, Monnoyes incertaines ou étrangéres dont on ignore le temps, et qui ont eu cours à la Chine, Monnoy es auxquelles dans la suite des temps le Peuples à attaché des idées mêlées de Saperstitions, et Monnoyes d'argent du Tibet fi.e., Nepalese rupees)" we find "Monnoyes de differentes Dynasties," which are illustrations of cash, commencing with the "Dynastie des Tcheon," and winding up "De Chun tchi fondateur de la Dyn, regnante, Du feu Empr. Cang hi,
og tching Empr. regnant." This gives the true date, for it refers to the Te'ing Dynasty and to the Nien Hao or titles of reigns of Shun Che, 1644-62, Klang Hi, 1662-1728, Yung Cheng, 1723-36; see Mayer, Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 387 f. So perhaps the plates refer to what Terrien de la Couperie has called (Cat. Chinese Coins, P. vii, n.) "the great work of P. E. Souciet, Observations Mathematiques, Astronomiques, Géographiques, et Physi. ques, tirées des Anciens Livres Chinois, 3 vols., 1729-82," which I have not seen. At any rate the work is that of a complete Chinese scholar, for, in addition to the other matters, there is an illustration of the very rare 1,000 cash note of the Ming Dynasty of the identtcal issue of that given by Yule, character for character and seal for seal, Every character is transcribed and translated into French.
17 I have here used d for the sound of or in awful.
* See Yalo, Marco Polo, Vol. I. pp. 228 f., 231. Also ante, Vol. XI. pp. 189 f., 198 f., where an account of the military arrangements of Chinghiz Khan, under date c. 1206 A. D. is given, based on the authority of the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi (1240 A, D.), anto, Vol. IX. p. 89, and of Abu'l-Ghazi (1663 A. D.). Also Redhouse, Turkish Dict. 8. v.: Shaw, Sketch of the Turki Language, 8. v. See also Ain Akbari, Bloohmann's Ed. p. 233 ff., where the divisions (nominal) of Akbar's Army (18th Cent.) bear a remarkable likeness to the denominations of Kublai's note curreney (13th Century) as recorded in Yule's Marco Polo, Yol. I. p. 378 .
# Won at VOL. II. p. 59.
80 By the way, all Yule's valuations at p. 381 ff, of the paper money in Marco Polo's time are based on the assumption that a "string" =liang-taol 802., but from what Terrien de la Couperio tells us us to the lang up to 620 A, D, being a sixth of the modern liang of c. 80d., it would follow that the liang of 1960-1800 A. D. might be anything between 18d. and 80d. This conajderation might reduce Yule's enormous figures as to the value of Kublai's note ourrency to more manageable amounte.

Page #37

FEBRUARY, 1898:]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
33
And in estimating the revenges of China, Marco Polo (Vol. II. p. 171 f.) expresses it in "tomans of gold,"31 and Friar Odoric (Cathay, Vol. I. p. 123) in "tumans of balis."99
One cannot, however, lay much stress on all this, as tûman with the travellers evidently meant the abstract number 10,000, for we find Wassaf (A. D. 1300) talking of "tômans of soldiers and tômdns of ra'iyats," and Friar Odoric of " tumans of fire-places, every tuman being ten thousand." The Friar also tells us of a man, whose revenue was "XXX tumane of tagars (bags) of rice, and each tuman is ten thousand.''33
Such being the evidence available, I leave this question here, and pass on to a point of much interest and value in the present argument. Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 15€, following Wade, Tzu Erh Chi, Vol. II. p. 213, points out that the modern Chinese metria system, like that of all the Farther East, the Eastern Archipelago and India, is based on the natural seeds or grains of plants, and then proceeds to talk of ten of a kind of seed called jén (the candarin)." Here Ramphius (1741) comes to our aid, as will be seen from his terms quoted ants, Vol. XXVI. p. 316 f. He there tells us that the Abrus frut:c (i. e., precatorius) seeds are mixed up in weight standards with the Corallariu parvifolia (i. e., Adenanthera pavonina) seeds, and that the latter run ten to a mace (maas) in China, and ten mace to a "tayl." He also tells us that the candareen (condorius or Candorium, as he calls it) is the seed of the Adenanthera pavonina, and that the “Chinensis condorius "34 of the Southern parts of China is rounder, harder, more solid and heavier-35 than the Malayan variety. There can be no doubt, therefore, that the kind of seed called fon" is the Adonanthera seed, and if we are to accept the modern fén as representing the ancient ch, then it follows that the ancient and modern Chinese weight systems, despite differences in denominations, are alike based on the Adenanthera seed.
The mixing up of the Abrus and Adenanthera seeds has already been explained, ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 317 ff., and is to be seen in the following quotation from a Collection of Dutch Voyages, 1702, p. 199. The quotation also shews that the Chinese were then known to use the Adenanthera seed as a weight standard. "They (mixed metal Cash) were not then (1590) currant in China it self,36 where the People pay nothing in Money, but with little bits of Silver, which they weigh against Conduris, or small red Beans, which have a black Spot on one side,"37
31 As a contribution to the study of Marco Polo's narrative I may here make the following remarks. Yuie sagaciously infers that by "toman of gold" Polo referred to "tomans of tiny (ten ounce) notes, and that the "ting" nota was the equivalent of an ounce of gold, as the ounce was understood at that time. But Polo estimates the timan in saggi, and the saggio (Venetian) was one-sixth of an ounoe (Venetian), Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 273, Cathay, Vol. II. p. 297. The saggio was therefore equal in say 1278-92 A. D. to 76 grs., while according to Terrien de la Couperie up to 620 A. D. the liang (ounce) was equal to say one-sixth of the modern liang or Chinese oupco, and was in fact about 97 grs. May we not argue, therefore, that all Marco Polo was trying to convey by tho expression saggio was an idea of the liang of his time, to which the saggio might then have been the nearest equivalent in European money that his hearers were likely to understand P Grant this and we can again out all tho calculations as to the real sense of Marco Polo's figures down to say a sixth of the sums hitherto accepted as equivalents, and thus bring them within reasonable limits, and go & step further towards relieving him of the (?) undeserved soubriquet of Marco Milione.
12 So far as I can judge the balie was a ting note (of ten ounces), but it is a very difficult word: see Yulo, Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 169; Cathay, Vol. I. pp. 115 f., 123, 240 ; Vol. II. PP. 289, 294, 481.
Marco Polo, Vol. II. p. 169: Cuthay, Vol. I. Pp. 123, 153, Johnson's Persian Dict., 1952, calle toman a l'eraian word and says :-"A myriad, 10,000. A sum of money equal to 10,000 Arabio silver drachmas, which are about one-third less than those of the Greeks; also a sum equal to 15 dollars and half (P 10,000 cash). Districts into which a kingdom is divided, each being supposed to furnish 10,000 fighting men when the city of Samarkand, for example, therefore, is put down for 7,000 tomans, it implies that she holds 70,000 men ready to bear arms on the requisition of her sovereign. A large division of tribe." This desoription seems to fairly cover the general usage of the word. It is called tomand and tomond in Stevens, Guido, pp. 124, 120.
M Rumphius' vernacular Chinese synonyms are tajontajo, tajontajui, congri, tachonaidji, tachongaidji, which I suppose represent characters for some such word as chungchi or chungai.
36 This may account for the få being reckoned at about 5 gra., while the Adonanthera sood is reckoned at about 4 grs.
36 This, of course, is wrong. 37 At p. 221, op. cit., the Conduri in correctly described, and it is noted that it is called Baga in JAVA

Page #38

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
Turning now to the countries south of China proper, and confining the research to the modern money and weights, we find from Ridgeway, pp. 158 ff., who has followed Msg, Taberdier, 1838, Msg. Pallegoix, 1854, M. Moura, 1883, and M. Aymonier, 1885, the following illuminating tables as regards Chinese influence on modern Cambodian ideas of currency :
Cambodian Denominations.
1. Bullion. 60 dong (sapec, 38 cash) are 1 tien (mace) 10 tien
1 string (tael) 10 strings
- 1 nên (bar of bullion)
2. Account. 10 11 (cash) are 1 hun (candareen) 10 hun 1 chi (mace) 10 chi
1 denh (tael) 10 den , 1 nên (ting)39
3. Weight Avoirdapois. 10 hun (candareen) are 1 chi (mace) 10 chi
„ 1 tomlong (tamlung, tael) 16 tomlong
1 real40 (catty) 100 ndal
, 1 hàp (pical, tan, shih) » The text gives 600 sapeca to the tael, a fact which appears to be accounted for later on in the text under the quotations as to Tongking money in the last Century. Cf. Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I. Pp. 23, 27. Yule's ingenious suggestion for the word sapeca (Hobson-Jobson, 1-v.), sapek, rapec, sapègue, cepayqua, is that it is Malay aa + päku, string of pichis (pitis) or cash. Cf. Stevens, Guide, ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 328, who writes the word fettee and petty. Yule's conjectare is practically set at rest by the following valuable quotation from Mandelslö, Voyager and Travels into the East Indies, E. T., 1659, p. 117, under date 1639:-"By them (the Chineses) likewise comes the money hither (Java), which in the Malayan Language is called Cas, in Javan, Pity, and is current, not only at Bantam, and all the Isle of Java, but through all the neighbouring Islands. 'Tis a little thin plate made of Lead, and the Skum of Brass, 80 brittle, that letting fall a string of Caxass, you shall break at least ten or twelve. They are made in the Town of Chincoa in China, and they are beholding to Wanty (7 for Wanly), King of China, for them, who lived about the year 1990, and finding that the Candes made by his predecessour Huyien, King of China, went not off, by reason the Chineses had so filled the adjacent Islands with them, he contrived this brittle money, which his Succensour Humendon put forth, as it is now corrupted. It hath four-square hole through it, at which they string them on a Straw; a ring of two hundred Cance, called Sata, is worth about three farthings sterling, and five Satas tyed together maks a Sopocoth. The Jarians, when this money came first amongst them, were so cheated with the Novelty, that they would give siz bags of Pepper for ten Sapocors, thirteen whereof amount to but a Crown, But they have had leisure enough to see their error; for in a short time, the Island was so filled with this stuffe, that they were compelled absolutely to prohibit all trading, which so disparsged this money, that at present two Sacks of Pepper will soarce come for one hundred thousand Caxan."
We seem here to have both the rise of the sape and its depreciation fully accounted for. Hayien, Wanty, and Hamendon, "Kings of China," are, I fancy, the Ming Emperors, whose Nien Hao, or Reign Titles, are Lung K'ing, 1567-78, Wan Li, 1573-1620, and Tai Ch'ang, 1620-1. See Mayers, Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 878. But in Man. delslö's day, during the disruption obused by the fall of the Ming and the rise of the Ts'ing Dynasty (1628-14), there mast bave been some confusion as to who was "King of China." Wan Li's long reign would, of course, make his name well remembered.
Since recording the above information, I have found the same story in different, and perhaps more icteresting, detail in a Collection of Dutch Voyages, 1703, inserted (but P interpolated) during an account of the First Voyage, 1595-7, p. 1991. Bata there becomes santa (and at p. 197, but soula at p. 137) and apocon becomes sapoor (? by a misprint), but pity has its correct form pitis. I am so able to finally confirm Yule's derivation from Moor's Notices of the Indian Archipelago, 1887, p. 94, in an article entitled "Short Account of the Island of Bali" from the Singapore Chronicle, June, 1880 :
“The money current on Bali consiste solely of Chinese pice with a hole in the centre, which have been introduced into Bali from time immemorial. They valne them at half a cent and 600 of them may be obtained for a silver dollar. They, however, put them up in hundreds and thousands : 200 are called stah, and are equal to one rupee copper, and 1,000 are called sapaku, valued at five rupees."
In VOL. II. of Raffle's Jans, p. 84 t., are described ancient Javan coins and Plate 87 giver several dated by Datives from 861 to 1588 4. D. These are all evidently pitie, and in view of the information now given are worth examining. They form part only of a large collection made.
The Chinese denominations for ten taels. Also 105 and 112 ndal 1 pionl; and according to Crawford (Siam, p. 516), 112, 148 and 150 catties go to the pioul of various commodities

Page #39

FEBRUARY, 1898.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
35
For Laos, i, e., the Shân Country under Cambodian and Chinese political inflaence, we see Chinese fiduciary influence clearly in the following tables for Laos' generally :
10 hun (candareen) are 1 chi (mace) 10 chi
1 båt (tickal) 4 bât
- 1 damling (tamlüng, tael). 10 damling
.), 1 chang (catty) 100 chang
» 1 hàp (picul) And in the following statement regarding "the South-West of the Country (Laos), Bassak, and Attopoeu";
10 strings of cash (mace)" are 1 denh (tael) 10 den h
» 1 nên (bar of bullion For Annam we have a most interesting table of weights in terms of the tael, there called Inong and in translations a "nail" of bullion, while the nên, i, e., the bar of bullion, weighing ten taels, nails, or luong, becomes in translations a " loaf” of bullion.
Annamese Table. } luong
eqnals tael (i. e., a tickal)
» (liang) „ (also dinh), i nên
, 10 , (ting) For Tongking in the last Century, there are the statements of Stevens, Guide, 1775, p. 129:- "Tonquin Weights. These are by the Chinese Dotchin (scale). ... Copper Cash are the only Coins here : 600 great, and 1000 small, Cash, are accounted one Maradoe. 2 The Price of Silver is always variable here, on Account of its rising and falling according to the Quantity brought in. By this the Chinese make considerable Advantage. In the Year 1739 they allowed 28} Maradoes for 1 Bar or 10 Tale Silver, and in 1748, bat 21 Maradoes. All the Mexico and Pillars Dollars are run into Bar Silver without any Distinctiou. These Bars should weigh ten Tale each.... • Accounts are kept here in Tales, Mace and Candareens : all which are regulated by the Price of the Maradoes and Copper Cash."
For Cochin-China generally Crawfurd, Siam, p. 516 f., gives us information based on an Edict of 1818 A. D., which confirms that herein gathered as to the Farther East. He tells ns that all the zipe coin (sapeos), as well as the gold and silver ingots are struck at Cachao, the Capital of Tonquin," and from his other statements can be put together the following tables, cariously combining the vernacular and general commercial terminology already ascertained :
Cochin-Chinese Denominations,
Ballion. ingot
equals tael (i. e., tickal)
1
»
,,
1 ,, (luong, dinh) 1 large ingot (nén, bar)
578-67 Mrs. (. 6, 1 tael) 6172.9 grs. (10 taels)
41 By "string" in books is apparently intended sometimes a string of 100 cash (mace), and sometimes a string of 1,000 cash (tael).
This marados is clearly meant for the weight in bullion of the dollar, or about two tickals, or half a tool. Now Stevens, Guide, 1775, p. 89, tells us that at Madras the "Goa Pardoo " and the "new Mexioo Dollar" were each of the same value and that the "new Pillar Dollar" was of but very little more, and so we may fairly rather that the "maraloo" was some loonl form of the Portuguese silver pardao ; vide Yulo, Hobson-Jobson, Supplt., ., v.
« Spanish, see Chalmers, Colonial Currency, p. 891 f. 4 1.6., as nearly as local metallurgy would permit.

Page #40

36
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
Account. 60 sapeks (cash) are 1 mas (mace) 10 mas
1 kwan or quon"5 (tael of account) 2 kwan 8 mas 1 ingot (tael of weight) For the Archipelago there is a valuable contribution to medieval currency in Groeneveldt's. "Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca" in Indo-China, 2nd Series, Vol. I. p. 177 ff Speaking of Java, the Ying-yai Sheng-lan (1416 A. D.) is quoted as follows: - "In their trading transactions the Chinese copper cash of different Dynasties are current.i... Their weights are as follows: a cati (kin) has twenty taels (liang), a tael sixteen ch'ien and a chien four lobangs; a kobang is equal to 2.1875 fen, Chinese official weight, the ch'ien is 8-75 fen, their tael is 1:4 Chinese taels and their cati has 28 Chinese taels, all in official weight of China." Such is the text and there is a footnote (1879): -“We have not been able to ascertain the official weights and measures of the Dynasty during which the above article was written, but we have been told by a very reliable native scholar, that the present Dynasty has made no change in this respect. Taking, therefore, the Institutions of the present Dynasty (Ta-Ch'ing Hwui-tien) as our guide we arrive at about the following valdes :
A Javanese cati equals 1.12 kilogr. A „ tael ► 0.056 A
ch'ien , 0.00035 , A kobang
0.0008757 For cati, tael, and ch'ien the author gives the Chinese names."
I do not understand why the author quoted has not translated chien by mace, when he bas translated kin by cati, and liang by tael, for it clearly was the mace. In the first place it was 4 of a tael, and a reference to the previous and succeeding sections of this Chapter will shew that that was a mace in the Archipelago and Indo-China. In the next place it was equal to "4 kobange," i. e., a mace, vide Stevens, Guide, 1775, p. 87 :- "4 Copang7 Acheen are 1 Mace (an imaginary Coin)," and Stevens further shews, loc. cit., that the Japanese kobang (222 grs. gold and also silver48) was also current among the Malays and was known to be a different thing from the Malay kupong :-"They (at Malacca) have no particular Coins of their own : some few Dutch Schillings and Stivers are to be seen: the Rest are Gold as Coopangs, stamped, is 10 Dutch Dollars or 8 Spanish." And p. 88:-"1 Japan Gold Coopang, stamped, is current for 30 Rix Dollars, unstamped is do. for 8 do."449
This notice, however, plunges us into the Malayan currencies, but I will not pursue the subject further here, as it will be discussed in the next section of this Chapter, except to point out that the currency noted, though expressed in Chinese terms, is not of the decimal Chinese scale but belongs to the general Malayo-Indo-Chinese system ; - the notice is in fact merely a Chinaman's way of stating the currency he found in those parts,
Far away on the other borders of the Chinese Empire, I have come across a curious reference to its influence on currency and weights. In Shaw's Vocabulary of the Language of Eastern
46 The kwan of 600 sapeks is the "string" clearly, and I gather (p. 518) that teel of account - 1 taol or weight was law merely made for the benefit of the royal treasury.
** See also Linschoten, p. 44, quoted by Yule, Hobeon-Jobson, ... Mace: -1598. "Likewise Tael.of Malacon in 16 Mases." Yule also quotes, loc. cit., s. v. Tael, De Bry, Indien Orientalis, 1599, Vol. II. P. 64, to the same effect.
41 Kupong, Datoh cepon, copper money, entimated at 10 doite or the decimal of a Spanish dollar, Crawford, Malay Dict., 8. u.
"Lane-Poole, Coins and Medals, p. 288 #.; Yule, Habaon-Jobson, .. 6. Carelessness in Orieptal words is engrained in European writers. Coins and Medale has Oho-bun and Ko-ban on p. 284 and Oho-bang and Ko-bang on p. 293.
• See also Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 69. A. Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II. p. 86: Chalmers, Colonial Currency, p. 882 . The story of the depreciation of the Japanese kobang in the 17th Century is told at length in Raffles, Java, Vol. II. App. on Japan Trade.

Page #41

FEBRUARY, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
37
Turkistan, J. A. S. B., Pt. I., Extra Number, 1878, p. 69 f., it is recorded that “tangah is a money of account used in Turkistan, consisting of 25 small copper cash' of Chinese make with square holes through them, called lahchan,50 each of which is worth two pul, imaginary coin. The value of the tangah varies constantly in the bázárs, according to the number of tangahs that may be given for a kurs, a Chinese silver ingot weighing about 2 lbs.61 and worth about 170 Rupees. Sometimes the number reaches 1100 and sometimes falls as low as 800..... The Khosan tangah consists of 50 copper shuchan, which are slightly smaller than the Yarkand dahchan. Consequently a Khosan tangah is worth nearly twice as much as a Yarkand or Kåshghar one." But at p. 59 we find "pul,52 & copper coin, the 50th part of a tangah, which = 5 pence about; also money in general.” This information is a little uncertain, but we have a clear reference of Turki to Chinese standards.
It is often difficult to determine the language or dialect that travellers across the Asiatic Continent are using, when detailing their monetary transactions en route, prices, and so on. Usually their attempts at describing the currency results in a jumble of terms, due, no doubt, to their interpreters' notions of making them understand it. Witness the following statement of Littledale, Journey Acro88 Tibet in the Geographical Journal, 1896, Vol. VII. p. 456: -- " Theoretically the Chinese monetary systom is very convenient: 10 fen = 1 miscal, and 10 miscal = 1 seer; but unfortunately all payments are made in tengahs, sixteen of which go to a seer in Kashgar and only eight in Khotan, so confusion results." Here fen is Chinese: miscal is Arabic and now Asiatic Muhammadan : seer is Indian. Apparently what is intended is that 10 fên (candareen) = 1 ch'en (mace) : 10 ch'en =1 liang (tael), which would make the Turki ser to be a very different weight from the Indian sér.
Mr. Littledale, following the example of many another traveller, sometimes uses (pp. 456, 468) the terms of English money to express his statements of prices and sometimes those of Indian money (pp. 469, 473). But on p. 473 he says: “I wrote, proposing to give to their temples fifty silver yamboos (1 yamboo = £8 or £9) if they would allow us to pass through Lhasa and go to Sikkim." As regards the term yainboo we get an explanation from Dr. Sven Hedin's horrible Journey through the Takla-Makan Desert, Chinese Turkistan, in op. cit., 1896, Vol. VIII. p. 365:-"He brought back all my money (Chinese jambor and Kashgarian te ngehs)."
The yamboo53 or jambor would appear then to be an ingot of silver about half the value of a kurs, and the remarks of these travellers justify Shaw both as to facts and to the influence of Chinese currency in those parts.
Malay Weights,
We have just seen (ante, p. 33) from a Chinese account of the XVth Century A. D., that the Malay ponderary table of that period can be stated as follows:
4 kobangs are 1 mace 16 mace 1 tael 20 tael » 1 catty
#0 1. 6., the tanga is the quarter mace.
- Say c. 2 catties (kin) of 80 taele (liang). 01 Apparently there is a confusion here between the pul of account and the pub (fuls, fala) a copper coin of Western origin.
65 The word appears to be Tibetan ( - silver piece) : Terrien de la Couperie, Catalogue of Chinese Coins, P. IX

Page #42

39
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
This is identical with the Siamese, i.e., Continental Indo-Chinese, quaternary scale, thus :
XVth Cent. Malay.
Siamese Quaternary.
1 ...
4 kobang are 1 mace
...
...
2 songʻpê are 1 flang 2 fúang , 1 saling 4 sòngpé, 1 saling 4 saling » 1 tickal) 4 tickal 1 tael 16 salung „ 1 tael 20 taeli catty
..
16 mace are 1 tael ... 20 tael » 1 catty
The kobang therefore represents 2 p'e or half a fúang.
The above table applies to Java, and that there was no difference in denominations in Acheen (Sumatra) up to c. 1833, or perhaps up to 1858, can be gathered from Thomas' Ed. of Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 115, which gives: - "Tale of 16 mace or 64 copangs." But his table goes on to say “Catty = 100 tales or 20 bancals (bánykal)," and he gives the weight of the catty at 2 lbs. 1 oz. 141 drs, av, or nearly double the Chinese catty of 15 lbs. av., i, e., this modern Achinese catty is practically the Siamese catty. The calculation also greatly reduces the weight of the tael below that of the Chinese tael (c. 580 grs.) and makes it only 148.2 grs.
These statements lead to the consideration that among a people chiefly occupying a very large Archipelago a great variety in the actual weights of the standard denominations may be looked for.54
Such indeed is to be found among the Malay populations, making a study of their system somewhat puzzling and difficult. Thus, from the work just quoted, loc. cit., we can gather the following table of the weights of the tael at various points in the Malay Archipelago about 1833: - Acheen ...
Sumatra ...
... grs. 148-2 Amboyna ...
Moluccas ...
... ... 5 45535 Banjarmassin Borneo ...
→ 614-4 Bantam ...
» 1,055 Bencoolen...
Sumatra ...
ra ... ... ... » 638 Macassar ... ... Celebes ...
614 Natal ... .... ... Sumatra ...
...
584 Palimbong
... Sumatra
*** ...
... ... » 949.4 While for Cachao (Tongking) is given 590.7 grs, and for China 579.84 grs. (the usual standard).55 The catty is, in the Archipelago, no steadier, thus :
Acheen ... ... ... Sumatra ... ... ... lbs. ? oz. 1 drs, 141 Banda . .. .. Moluccas ... ... ... 6 1 10 Banjarmassin ... ... Borneo ... ... ... 1 , 5 55
Java
of Crawford, Indian Archipelago, Vol. I. p. 271: Marsden, Sumatra, p. 171: Stevens, Guide, pp. 87 f., 127 ff. Lockyer, Trade in India, pp. 42, 63, 70.
to There is more method in all this variety than would at first appear. The existing Singapore bangkal, or tael of weight is 832 grs, and equals, of set purpose, 2 standard dollars of 415 grs, each. Similarly all these tal weights ex opt that of Acheen, which is the only indigorous one, and that of Natal, which folluws the modern Chinese, refer to the standard dollars of c. 416 grs, in some fixed proportion; e. 5., tho Banjarmasin, Macasser, and Bencoolen weight equals 1 dollar; the Amboyns weight equals 14 dollar; the Bantam weight equals 2 dollars; and the Palimbong weight equals 21 dollars,

Page #43

FEBRUARY, 1898.]
Bantam
Batavia
Bencoolen... Macassar
Natal
...
Malacca
Penang
Siam
China
...
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
lbs. 1 oz. 2 drs.
1
5
1
7
1
5
4 0
1
5
:::
:::
...
...
....
...
...
...
Java
Java
Acheen Amboyna Banda...
Banjarmassin... Bantam
Bencoolen
Cachao (Tongking)...(100 cash) 10
China ... Macassar
Malacca
Palimbong Penang Siam Singapore
Sumatra Celebes Sumatra Straits
8:⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
6-7ཛ༦:;ཆ:
16
Singapore...
While for what may be termed the Continental Malay and other States we find the catty stated as follows:
...
10
16
16
10
...
...
:
...
10
...
16
16
16
? 10
(30)
1
20
200
33
"
33
"2
...
"3
"
It is clear then that in order to arrive at any definite idea of the rise of the modern Malay bullion weight system, we must trust rather to the denominations themselves than to the actual weights they now represent in various places for various articles of commerce.
100
100
100
33
What the denominations were in Prinsep's time can be partly seen from the following table compiled on the information given loc. cit. :
100
100
100
100
33
100
50
100
99
1
"2
lbs. 2 oz. O drs. 12
1
5
31
1
1
""
39
3
5 ..
kobang X mace X tael X buncal X catty X pecul X bahar56 20
4.
16
5
200
1
16
1
33
""
39
د.
ار
2
11층
5
2
0
5
1
3
1
1
1
3
11
3
1
1
51
1
1
39
...
:
1
1
As, in books, weights are sometimes stated in vernacular terms, sometimes in the international commercial terms, and sometimes in a mixture of both, it is necessary before proceeding further to give a comparative statement of the vernacular and commercial terms.58
se This table must be read "kobang 4 x mace 16 x tael 5 x buncal 20 x catty 200 (x pecul 0) 1 bahar : and so on.
57 In this case 20 buncals = 1 catty of 2 lbs. and over; i. e., the Siamese catty; so that 10 bungkal would equal a Chinese catty.
os It is possible that my rendering of Malay terms may give rise to criticism. All I have to say is that the authorities on the subject never agree, old or new, owing to the great variety of dialects and the absence apparently of any standard dialect. I have before me the Malayu Vocabulary, 1810, Raffles, 1814, Crawfurd, 1852, Swettenham, 1881, Maxwell, 1882. Swettenham and the Malayu Vocabulary give the vernacular, and even in that do not agree. The careful Crawfurd varies in orthography in the two halves of his Dictionary. Sir Frank Swettenham and Sir William Maxwell, the two contemporary authors, differ as often as not in the words required here to be accurately represented.

Page #44

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
Standard Terms.
Malay Vernacular.
International Commercial.
cash59
pitis, pichis Bagà kondari, kündari... kupong, kapang ... mayam, mis tâhil, táil ... bûngkal ... katt ... pikul ... bahar, bhârâ koyan ... ...
ratty, rati, also candareen candareen cobang, copang, kobang mace, mas tael, tale bancal catty picul, pecal bahar, bar coyan, quoyane, quoin
...
...
-
Having collected evidence from the XVth Century A. ., and in the XIXth Century between 1833 and 1858, and having arrived at an idea of the relation of commercial to vernacular terms, I may now proceed to the evidence available to me for the periods between these dates and up to the present time.
Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v., candareen, quotes A. Nunes, 1664, p. 39, to the following effect for Malacos
5 cumduryns are 1 cupong 4 cupong » 1 maz 4 maz
1 paualet 4 paual
1 tael 20 tael 1 cate 3 Capt. T. Davis in Purchas, Vol. I. p. 123, 1599, is quoted by Yule, Hobson-Jobsin, 8. v. tael, to the following effect:
400 cashes are 1 cowpan
4 cowpans , 1 mas 4 masses 1 perdawe 4 perdaws , 1 tayel
* Clearly so from Stevens, Gwide, p. 87:-"Theit Money (Acheen) is in Maco and Cash: The Mace is a Gold. Coin, about the size of Twoponny.Piece but thinner, weighing about nino Grains; the Cash is a small Piece of Lead, 2500 of which usually pan for a Maoo, but that oftet varies, 7 or 800 ln a Mace." Lockyer has (Trade, p. 12) 1400 and 1600 "Lenden Cash (s. o., pitia) per Mace" in 1711, and 1500 as "the Number allowed in Accounte." Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II. p. 109, talks of "Leaden Money called Cash" at Acheen, 1200 to 1000 to the "Mace cr Maaacie." Lastly Mandolalö, Travela, 1639, p. 117, has : -"By them (the Chineses) likewise comes the money hither (Java) which in the Malayan Langtage is called Cas and in Javan Pity."
60 Copong in Lookyer, Trade, p. 42: kepping in Marsden, Sumatra, p. 171: képeng in Raffles, Java, VOL II.. Appx., p. exli. , cupang, keping, capang, kapang in Chalmers, Colonial Currency, P. 882 f. For other forms, nee later on in the text.
61 Whatever this word may be etymologically it is the Siamese tickal hero in practice, which by the way is recog. nised in Crawfurd's Malay Dict., 1882, .. v. tikal, as "& silver coin or weight of Siam, weighing 225 gre, English." But see later on in the tuxt.
« Oddly enough, . v, mapa, Yule gives quite a different rendering, urine mazes, cupões and cupão. • Pardao: see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, Supplt. 6. .

Page #45

FEBRUARY, 1898.]
To a Collection of Voyages undertaken by the Dutch East India Company, 1708, there is an Appendix (p. 245 ff.) to the First Voyage, 1595-7, "Of the Weights, Measures and Coyn of the East Indies." From the statements in this Appendix can be worked out the following table: -
A.-Malayan Weights.
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
22 Tayels are 1 Cates 200 Cates 1 Bahar
در
B. Chinese, i. e., Commercial Weights.
10 Conduris (candareens) are 1 Mase
10 Mase67
1 Tayel
16 Tayels
100 Chinese Cates 68
3 Picols
4 copong are 1 mace 16 mace
1 tale
Out of Lockyer's statements in Trade in India, 1711, p. 42, can be gathered the following as a table for Acheen :
And for Malacca, p. 70
B.
5 tale
are 1 buncall
20 buncalls
,, 1 catty Mallay
200 catty Mallay, 1 bahar 3 Pecull China
39
,, 1 Cate
", 1 Picol
» 1 Bahar
For Johore coins:
16 mace are 1 buncall (P 20 buncalls),, 1 catty
100 catties ,, 1 pecull (187 lbs.)
3 peculls
1 bahar
For Acheen weights:
20 bankaals make 1 catty For Acheen coins:
A.
1200-1600 cash make 1 mace 16 mace, 1 tayel
From Alexander Hamilton, Appx. to Vol. II. pp. 8 f. of his East Indies, 1739, we can make out the following statements:
41
4 coupang make 1 macie (gold)
For Java and Malacca, Avoirdupois weights: -
40 pecul make 1 quoin (koyan)
I. e., for metals and fine goeds: 26 taola per catty for coarse goods, and 14 taels at Malacca.
Cati, pp. 147, 157: cari, p. 198 (P by a misprint).
Bar on pp. 274, 281, 288, relating to the Second Voyage, 1598.
* In Bantam, 8 mace to a tael.
Lockyer always takes the "common China Pecull" at 182 lbs.
"And 663 Malay catties."

Page #46

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(FEBRUARY, 18 98.
From Stevens, Guide, 1775, we get a variety of statements, and for Acheen the following table can be made out from p. 8770 :- -
4 copang are 1 mace 16 mace 1 tael (of Acheen
5 tael 1 buncal 20 buncall, 1 catty 7 (Chinese) 100 catties „ 1 pical
3 picul 1 bahar73 For Malacca we are given for avoirdupois weights, p. 127 :
16 tales are 1 catty 100 catties , 1 pecul (135 lbs. av.)
3 pecul » 1 bahar And for gold weights :
16 miams are 1 buncal
20 bancals , 1 catty From the Burma-Malayu Vocabulary, 1810, p. 129, we can extract the following tables : -
16 sag&74 are 1 kûndari 4 kundarf » I mayam 4 mâyam 1 jampal 4 jampa176, 1 búngkal 20 bungkal , 1 kati
100 kati » 1 pikul After stating in a footnote that the búngkal and mayam differ in soine degree from the words inserted as their synonyms," viz., túel and mds, it goes on to say:
10 más are 1 tae176 16 tkel , 1 catty
TO Stevens is here as puzzling and delightful with his Anglo-Indianisms as ever. Thus we have "A Dutch Dollar is 8 Tangoes or Schillings. A Tangoe is 6 Stivers or 3 double keys or Cash." The tangoe is a form of our old friend the tanků, vide p. 127 : -"Goa Coida : 80 Leader (leaden) Reen (reis) are 1 Tango, 5 Tangos are 1 Pardav or Xeraphin." The "double Key" is a curious instance of "Hobson-Jobson," though not noted by Yule. It is the Dutch dubbeltje of 2 stuyver (stivera) known to Oriental merobanta as doubleky in various spellings : Stevens, Guide, p. 127. Lockyer, Trade, p. 69Chalmers, Colonial Currency. p. 382 f. : Rafflow, Java, Vol. II., Appx., p. clxvii.
91 "The true Standard of a Buncall is 80 Mace or 5 Tale; although in Trade, Merchants make their Bunnll heavier or lighter, as they please. ... . N. B.-As the Buncall is bigger or less, so must the Cutty be." -Op. cit., loc. cit.
Ta Stated at 1t Ibe. At p. 123, we have the same statement, and then find Stevens practically copying Lockyer, Trade in India, 1711, p. 43, and saying: -"14 Catty, Chinese Weight, is commonly reckoned 1 Malaya Catty, which maks 3 Chinese Peculls equal to 1 Malaya Bahar ; in which there is a Loss to the Buyer of 2 Catties, the latter being but 393 lb. Care must be taken of this, it being an Imposition." Care by the merchant, that is; and to the students warning that commercial swindling has at times to do with the reports as to bullion weights by travellers.
• Stated also to be 200 “Catty of Acheen" and then called "one Bahar Molay or 3 Pecul China." Also 240 catties at Salangore (p. 128), where Stevens tells us : -"The Malacon Bahar of 300 Catties is sometimes used in selling: and it is therefore necessary in Bargains to mention what Baher you agree for."
* Here, I suspect, used in ita proper sonae of "rice-seed."
T6 Crawfurd, Malay Dict., 1852, has "Jampal. Javanese. A weight and money, estimated at half. Spunish dollar, 1. e., a tickal." The Vooabulary defines it as "a rupee weight." Maxwell, Malay Manual, 1882, p. 112, says: "Silver coins used in weighing gold
2 penjuru = l piah = weight 1 mayam 4 piah 1 jampal weight 4 mayam
2 jumpal = 1 real weight 8 mayam. Ortial, as it is written in English chatusters, but tiel in the rernacular.

Page #47

FEBRUARY, 1898.]
The statements in Marsden, Sumatra, 1811, p. 171,77 afford the following table: -
24 saga timbangan79 are 1 mas 12 saga puku79 do.
16
mas
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
99
,, 1 tail (here bangkal)
Milburn, Oriental Commerce, 1813, Vol. II. p. 329, as quoted by Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. mace, gives a very complete table for Acheen:
4 copangs are 1 mace
5 maces0 16 mayam 5 tales 20 bancals ,, 1 catty 200 catties ,, 1 bahar
53
11
1 mayam " 1 tale
1 bancal
Raffles, Java, 1814, Vol. II., Appx., p. clxv., gives us :
100 Chinese kati are 1 pikul 30 pikul 1 ,, 1 koyau
Crawfurd, Indian Archipelago, 1820, Vol. I. p. 271,82 has :10 bungkal (here tael) are 1 kati 100 kati 1 pikul ", 1 koyan
39
30 piku193
In Newbold, Account of Johole (J. A. S. B., 1888, and in Moor, Indian Archipelago, Appx.. p. 70), there is information which explains much that has gone before in this Section, and indeed in this Chapter. "After the adherent first particles of the sand have been removed, it (gold dust) is weighed into quantities, generally of one tael each,85 which are carefully folded up in small pieces of cloth. These packets constitute the Bunkals of commerce. . . . . The Bunkals are, as in Sumatra, frequently used as currency instead of coin. The weights .... are as follow:
2 small saga (saga kechil) are 1 large saga (saga besar) 87 8 saga besar
1 maiam
15 maiam
20 taels
43
39
4 tael or bunkai 1 catty"
In Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 172.
18 Abrus precatorius.
T9 Adenanthera pavonina.
80 The confusion here is between the genuine Acheen scale: 4 kupongs 1 mace, 16 mace 1 tael, 5 tael 1 bungkal, 20 búngkal 1 catty, . . . . and the Sino-Malayan scale: 16 mace 1 tael, 20 tael 1 catty. Milburn has in fact stated two separate concurrent scales as parts of one, coming to grief over the fact that mayam (mace) is used in each though not to mean the same intrinsic weight.
81 Also 27 and 28 piküls.
"In Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 170 f. 83 Also 20, 27, 28 and 40: but it is the commercial picul of 183 lbs. av.
54 It is rather late in the day to point out that cash, candareen, mace, tael, catty and picul are not Chinese words, nor even of Chinese origin, and represent nothing that is indigenous to China. They are Indo-European commercial terms, partly of Indian and partly of Malay origin, adapted by traders and merchants to all the local weights they found it necessary to use and to reduce to common denominatora for convenience of traffic. They are as purely inter national conventional terms in China as in the Malay Archipelago and elsewhere. In the days of Crawfurd, Marsden and contemporary and previous writers, it was no doubt thought that at any rate the most prominent standards, tael and catty, were Chinese; and the reason for my so strongly stating the facts in this note now is that I perceive that Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, 1992, accepts the former view and bases an argument on it at pp. 170 ff.
Crawfurd, Malay Dict., 1852, describes bungkal as "the same with tahil." Raffles, Java, 1814, Vol. I. p. 20, speaks of bengkals or tahile in referring to remittances of gold bullion from Borneo.
86 Abrus precatorius.
67 Adenanthera pavonina.

Page #48

44
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Newbold adds "at Malacca 10 saga besar or 4 kupangs are equal to 1 maiam."
88
The existing tables are thus stated in the Singapore and Straits Directory, 1883, p. 34:
A.-Bullion Weigths.
12 saga90 1 mayam grs. 52 16 mayam 1 bongkal 12 bongkal 1 kati
39
B.
832 9,984 Commercial Weights. 13
1331
400
5,3331
16 tahil 1 kati 100 kati 1 pikul00 3 pikul 1 bhara 40 pikul 1 koyan
lbs. av.
33 37
30
39 39 33
We have already seen, in this Section of this work, in the table culled from the First Dutch Voyage to the East Indies, 1595-7, that those early traders gathered from the Malays they met with a Chinese table of commercial weights as known to the Malays identical with that still in use. We have also seen, from Stevens' Table of 1775 and the Malayu Vocabulary, footnote to its Table of 1810, notices of what may be called the Chinese scale in use in the Indian Archipelago, while Chinese influence crops up in the commercial scale just quoted as in use in the Straits Settlements in 1883. So it will be of value here to trace further Chinese influence on commercial measures in the Archipelago generally.
19
In Yule's Hobson-Jobson, s. v. candareen, is given the general Chinese-Malay scale thus, from Fryer, East Indies, for say 1873 as follows:
10 Cashi
is 1 Quandreen 10 Quandreens, 1 Mass (in silver) 1 Teen (? Taie) 1 Cattie
10 Mass
11
16 Taies
10 amas 3 16 taels
Again from a paper by J. Hunt on the Sulo Archipelago in Moor's Indian Archipelago, Appx., p. 45, under date c. 1814, we are told that "the China weights are in universal use here; the catty is regulated at 23 Spanish dollars, but they have particular names for the subdivisions." We can also get from this source so essentially a Chinese table as this:
10 muhuks : 1 chuchuk.
1 candareen
10 chuchuks = 1 amas
1 mace
= 1 tael
= 1 catty
1 babut
1 laxa
8 panchangs
10 gantongs
2 ragas
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
5 catties
10 babuts
2 laxas = 1 picul
Side by side with this there is given a table for capacities, which is Malay altogether :
Half a cocoanut-shell
= 4 catties
= 50 catties (100 catties)
1 panchang
1 gantong:
1 raga = 1 picul
So also Swettenham, Vocabulary, 1881, Vol. II., Appx. on Currency, etc.: Maxwell, Malay Manual, 1882, p. 141, "Therefore the sagd 3'25 grs., and so represents the local candareen.
The influence so far may be, and would probably be generally called, Chinese, but strictly, I think, it is the general Far-Eastern commercial influence on China merchants that has brought about the 16 taels to the catty, rather than the other way round.
1 Sala, Solo, Sulu; see Crawfurd, Malay Dict., s. vv.
92 I. e., cash,
mace.
93 I. 6., más I. 6., a derivative of laksha lakh, not necessarily meaning 100,000 outside of India proper, but any large number from 1,000 to several millions.

Page #49

FEBRUARY, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
To clinch this point and clear it up at the same time, in the Straits Settlements Directory for 1883, loc. cit., the weights for opium are given in terms of the Sino-Cambodian (ante, pp. 14 ff., 34 ff.) scale thus:
10 Tee are 1 Hoon95
10 Hoon,, 1 Chee 10 Chee,, 1 Tahil
Lastly, there is a fine specimen of mixed influence, Spanish, Malay, Chinese and Commercial, in the statements for Manilla for 1775 by Stevens, Guide, p. 127, which ran thus:
Manilla Weights.
16 Ounces are 1 lb., by which all sorts of Goods are weighed
10
1 Tale of Gold Weight97
11
39
19
9
22
1
39
99
1 Manilla Pound makes 1 lb. 03 dec. Avoirdupoise
8 Ounces are a Mark of Silver
,, 1 Tale of Silk and other Things
27
1 Punto07 of Gold and Silver Thread 1 Catty"
1 Mexico Dollar in Weight"
10 wang
4 suku
The existing British Colonial denominations for money, which differ radically in Penang from Singapore and Malacca (vide Swettenham, Vocabulary, Vol. II., Appx. on Currency, Weights and Measures), is a mixture of foreign adopted terms, modern newly-coined vernacular terms, and the real vernacular terms, all applied to the dollar and its parts, and of course is of no help to the present argument, thus:
Singapore and Malacca.
4
duit (cent) are 1 sen (1 cent) 2 sen
39
".
"1
"3
45
1 wang (2 cents)
1 saku (25 cents)
1 ringgit ( dollar)
Penang and Province Wellesley.
10 duit (cent) are 1 kupang (10 cents)
12 duit
1 tali (12 cents)
2 tali
1 suku (25 cents)
4 suku
1 ringgit (dollar)
We have now followed the Malay and Far Eastern Commercial ponderary terminology from a mention of it by a Chinese author of the XVth Century step by step to the present day through all parts of the Archipelago and its surroundings occupied by the Malays. We have followed it also through the renderings of it by English, French, Dutch, Portuguese and Spanish writers and observers, and despite the mistakes they are likely to have made and no doubt have made, and the naturally great variety caused by the conditions in the actual vernacular terms and their senses, it seems to me to be clear that the main points have remained the same throughout. These main points are just those that have been observed already in this Chapter in regard to the Far-Eastern Continental nations; viz., (i) that the Malayan and FarEastern Commercial Scales as such can be olearly separated from the concurrent modern Chinese Decimal Scale; (ii) that the Malayan Scale is virtually the same as the Far-Eastern Continental Scale; (iii) that the Indian and Far-Eastern Scales,
36 Swettenham, Vocabulary, 1881, Vol. II., Appx. on Currency, etc., only gives hun, chi, tahil. 96 Spanish. 97 Chinese, i. 6., 10 ounces silver 1 tael of gold; i. e., gold is to silver as 10 to 1. 99 Commercial.
Malay.

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46
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
including the Malayan, are all derived from one original source ; (iv) that all the Scalos can be stated in terms generally of each other, thus:
Ancient Chinese.
SiameseCambodian.
Burmese.
Indian.
Malayan.
Commercial.100
hùn .
raktiká
chu hwa che...
pê ... fũang salung
.
liang kin...
masha karshal
bât ...
... kondari (sagû) candareen
(paye) kupong (copang) mayam
mace tâhil, tail ... tickal bungkal ... tael kati...
catty (viss) pikúl.......
picul
kyat ... b8(1)3 pêkba
yuen hwan
pala ...
tamling châng hap...
visa
We have seen already how it is that the Far Eastern Continental System may be traced to an Indian source, and it will now be seen that the Malayan System is traceable in precisely the same way on its own account. The tracing of the connection between the Far Eastern Continental Scale and the ancient Indian ordinary Scale was effected by shewing that the number of conventional standard seeds in the Burmese 66(1) was identical with that in the Indian pala, and that the bo(1) equalled the pala both in practice and by etymology.
The indigenous Malay scale is that of kupong, máyam, táhil, bingkal, or kondari (sagd), kupong, máyam, bungkal, and we have seen how it was that the commercial tael (or táhil) and the búngkal became mixed up in certain cases. The kupong in the Acheen scales took the place of the kõndari elsewhere and the köndari has always been the conventional standard seed of the Malays, being equal to the double raktiká of the ancient Indian jewellers, which ran 320 to the pala and was equal to the seed of the Adenanthera pavonina, and this the kôndari itself actually was.
Now throughout the mad muddle of the Malay scales above given it will be found, on close examination and separation from the concurrent and confusing Malayan versions of the Chinese Decimal Scale, that there is a clear and distinct method in the madness thereof. Confining ourselves strictly to the indigenous Malay scales, we find the Acheen scales of Lockyer, 1711, Steven's, 1775, Milburn, 1813, Prinsep, 1833, to be the same throughout, thus :
Acheen Scale. 4 kupong are 1 mayam 16 mâyam , 1 tábil
5 tâhil » 1 bùngkal :. 320 kupong , 1 bûngkal
100 This extended to Japan ; vide Appx, on Japan Trade to Raffiles, Java, Vol. II., P. xviii. :-"In the beginning the returns from Japan consisted of silver and copper; and the former, being coined, was received according to current value in that country, where the onins and weights go by the same names as in China, vit., katis, tahils, mca, and kandarins. Ten mas were worth a tahil and 16 tahil a kati." For the true relative positions of the intermediate denominations, see later on in the text.
The kürsha, through the kdeu, kas, i, e., cash, has become degraded to a varying and indefinite amount below the gandareen.
The tamlúng represents the Sban taung. 4 tickals, and so does the bungkal, while the 38) represents 5 tickals * Tael represents both the tail and the bingkal, and strictly nowadays the bungkal of weight and the táhil.
• Pokha and vial are strictly a little more than the chang and katt: about one fourth. Copang in the sense used in the table is confined to Malayan countries and is there only partially used.

Page #51

FEBRUARY, 1898.]
CÓRRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
47
For Malacca Nunes gives us in 1554 : -
Malacca Scale. 5 kôndart are 1 kupong 4 kupong, 1 miyam 4 milyam 1 paual
4 paual 1 tael (bangkal)
.: 320 köndart. 1 bữngkal Now we have seen (ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 318) that the ancient Indian ordinary scale ran thus:
5 raktikas are 1 misha 16 mishas , 1 kârsba
4 karshas 1 pala
:. 320 raktikas , 1 pala These raktikís are double raktikás, 1. d., kóndarís in general Malay parlance and the kuponge of the Achinese scales.
The common basis of the ancient Indian and the old Malayan scales is thus even clearer than is that of the Burman and ancient Indian scales, and I do not think that I could more clearly express the inter-relation and common origin of the Indian, Further-Indian and Malayan Soalos than by presenting them, on the above facts and those gathered in the previous Sections of this Chapter, in the following form :
Scale of 920 Standard Seeds. (Adenanthera pavonina or double Abrus precatorius.)
Farther-Indian.
Indian.
Malayan.
Burmese.
Siamese-Cambodian.
ywêje
.
.
.
raktika?
huno
kðndart 4 pd
5 på 2 ma 2 fuang
5 kupong 5 masha 2 mặt 2 saling
4 mayam 16 karsha ... 4 kyàt 4 bât ...
4 tahil 4 pala ...
5 b (1) .... 4 tamling ...
4 bûngkal 320 320 ggo
820 The above table shews the upper and lower denominations to be the same in all the scales, but the intermediate denominations to vary considerably. By shewing the scale in the following manner the nominal relative place of orch denomination becomes at once apparent :
Indis. ... ... raktika Barma ... ... ywêjt Siam-Cambodia ..,
1 hàng
... seeds Malay ...
konder) Burma ...
pe
. Is it possible that pawal is a reminiscence of pala and 16m) . Read this table thus: - raktikas 5 x mashas 16 x karahas 6 = 1 pale = 320 seeds. II. e., the double raktik : ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 318. I..., the double yupé = Adenanthera pavonina seed.
See the French tablo given anto, p. 3: the hun is undoubtedly the onndaroen Adenanthera sod: bide ante, p. 5, note 38.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
)
India Siam-Cambodia ...
masha pê kupong
seeds 5
Malay
mû
Burma ... ... Siam-Cambodia Burma ... Siam-Cambodia ... Malay Barma ... India Siam-Cambodia ... Malay India ... ** Burma ... ... Siam-Cambodia ... Malay
füang màt salung måyam kyat karsha bật tâhil pala bộ(1) tamling bangkal
***
"
As I have shewn the ancient Chinese scale concurrently on p. 46 with the other FarEastern scales, it will be of use here to note the places its denominations would take if included in the above table. The chu would be 1 seed and therefore rank with the kôndari, etc. The hwa would be 6 seeds and would rank between the mi and kupong, etc. The che, 12 seeds, would rank between the fúang and the mat. The liang at 24 seeds and its double the kin at 48 seeds would rank between the kyat and the mayam (and salüng). Similarly the yuen would come before the b6(1), etc., with 192 seeds.
There is, however, a point in the Malay scales, weich requires reconciliation with the above facts. The Singapore existing scale (ante, p. 44)10 is stated to be:
12 saga are 1 mâyam 16 mayam 1 bûngkal
12 bûngkal , 1 kati By this, clearly only 192 standard seeds go to the búngkal instead of 320. Bat assuming the katí to be constant, 12 of these búngkals = 20 old búngkals, 20 búngkals (or taels) being the old recognised division of the katt. Therefore, on this assumption, 1 modern búngkal would equal 14 old búngical, and if of 192 is 320. Therefore also, the existing 192 seeds represent the old 320 seeds. However, this is not what I apprehend has actually taken place, which is rather that the modern scale has been reduced to about three-fifths of the old scale. Thus, by the old scale, taking the standard seeds at 45 grs., as the modern one does, we get 1,387 grs, as the actual weight of the old búngkal against 832 of the present one. 11. There is nothing surprising in such a local reduction in standards, and I put forward the above argument to shew the part played by continuity of thought and castom in the reduction of the bungkal from the rate of 320 to the precise rate of 192 standard seeds. The commercial object of the reduction would seem to have been to make the búngkal equal the weight of two Spanish dollars (i. e., twice 416 grs.), instead of the weight of three or three and a third. The resultant standard of 192 seeds in place of the old 320 was found to be a convenient proportion.
10 So slso Swettenham, Vocabulary, 1882, Vol. II., Appr. on Currency, etc.
11 The old Burmese b$(t) (and P Also the old Malay bingkal and Siamese tamling) must have weighed nearly 320 seeds of c. 4 grs, each - 1,280 grs., because that gives a kyat or tickal of 228 grs, and the actual weight of the standard tickal (odt and kyat) was 225 grs.

Page #53

FEBRUARY, 1899.]
As regards the Johole scale for 1836, given above at p. 43, as recorded by Newbold, I will re-state it here for clearness' sake :
A LEGEND OF THE JAINA STUPA AT MATHURA.
Johole Scale.
2 saga kachil (Abrus p.) are 1 saga basar13 (Adenanthera p.) 8 saga basar
» 1 mâyam
""
15 mâyam
,, 1 bungkal
49
This makes 120 kondari bengkal, which last is said, however, to be equal to the tael and is shewn as 20 to the kati; so the subdivisions, if correctly reported, must have been some local eccentricity.
(To be continued.)
A LEGEND OF THE JAINA STUPA AT MATHURA.
BY G. BÜHLER, PH.D., LL.D., C.I.E.
ONE of the most interesting pieces in Dr. Führer's splendid collection of Jaina inscriptions from the Kankali Tila at Mathura is that dated in the year 79, as the characters prove, of the Kushana kings, which records the consecration of one, or perhaps of two statues, at the Stupa built by the gods' (thupé devanirmité), in accordance with the request of the preacher Vriddhahastin. Taken together with the discovery of the remnants of a Stúpa, it furnished an irrefragable proof that the Jainas, as their sacred books assert, in early times really erected Stúpas in honour of their prophets, which fact, as has been shown of late by M. Sylvain Levi, even their rivals, the Bauddhas, admit for the time of Kanishka. The inscription also proved the great antiquity of the Jaina fanes at Mathars, which town their tradition declares to be one of the centres of their faith. For the epithet of the Stupa built by the gods' makes it evident that in the year 79 of the Kushanas its real origin had been forgotten and a myth did daty for historical truth. Whatever the precise initial date of the era, used by Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva-Vasushka, may be, this year cannot fall later than about the middle of the second century A. D. At that time the legend had been formed and the Stupa must have been erected several centuries earlier.
The exact shape of the myth regarding its origin, of course, cannot be ascertained from the inscription and hitherto no allusion to it or to the Stupa has been made known from Jaina works. But recently, on going over Jinaprabha's Tirthakalpe, called also Rajaprasada, I have met with a full account of the Stupa built by the gods' at Mathura, which gives us at least the story, as it was told between A. D. 1326/18 and 1331. The author of the Tirthakalpa him.
12 Malay kachil, kechil means small: bdsor, besar means great.
1 Extract from a paper in the Sitzungsberichte of the Imp. Academy of Vienna, Epigraphia hidica, Vol. II. p. 204, 321 f.
Jour. Asiatique, 1896, p. 459 f.
Since 1887 I have provisionally accepted the indentification of this era with the Bakasamvat. But, in doing so, I stated that I was by no means satisfied of its correctness and merely chose this, probably too late, starting point, lest I should be accused of placing the Kushanas too early, see the Vienna Or. Jour. Vol. I. p. 169. The reasons for my disbelief were then, as now, (1) that no early northern Indian inscriptions are distinctly dated according to the Saka era, (2) that the later Indian writers declare the three Kushanas to be not Bakas, but Turushkas. Recent discoveries make the identification, upheld by Fergusson, Oldenberg and others, more and more improbable. And M. Sylvain Lévi (Jour. Asiat. 1897, p. 1 ff.), arguing from a new interpretation of the Chinese sources, and the identification of king Misdeos with Vasudeva-Basdeo, has now proposed to fix the access sion of Kanishka before the beginning of our era. I fear, however, that the vexed question cannot be fully settled without further new documents. In the meanwhile I shall adhere to the plan, which I have followed hitherto. For practical purposes it makes not much difference, whether Kanishka began to reign in A. D. 78 of eighty years earlier.

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50.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
self furnishes as with the dates, on which sereral pieces of his compilation were composed The earliest date stands at the end of the Satrumjayakalpa, with which the work begins :
swart ratefroman pareitt
समग्यां तपसः काव्यप्रदेशोब समर्थितः ।। १३३।। On the seventh day of the month of Magha (Tapas), in the dark half, in the year of illustrions Vikrama, measured by the varnar (4) the eight and the Višvédêrns (13, or V. S. 1384) this portion of the poem was completed.' The latest occurs at the end of the whole, fol. 120 b, l. 17:
नंदानेकपशक्तिशीनगुमिते श्रीविक्रमोवपितेवर्षे भाद्रपदस्थ मास्ववरजे सौम्ये दशम्यां तिथी। श्रीहम्मीरेमहम्मद प्रतपति मामंडलाषंडले
ग्रंथोवं परिपूर्णतां समभजड़ीयोगिनीमने ॥ In the year of the illnstrions king Vikrama measured by the nandas (9), the elephants (8), the saktis (3) and the moon (1, or V. S. 1399), in the second (half) of the month of Bha. drapada, on the tenth day, Wednesday, While the illustrious Hammira Mahammada (Mohammed Tughlak, A. D. 1325-1351) brilliantly shone as king of the earth, this book was completed in the town of the Yoginis (Delhi).'
The Tirthakalpa, which is written partly in faulty Sanskrit and partly in Jaina Maharashtri with many Gujarnticisms, gives descriptions of all the grent sanctuaries of the seet, known to the author, and has been compiled, as he himself repeatedly indicates, from earlier works and from the traditions of those who know the past (purávidám). None of its namerous legends are therefore inventions of Jinaprabha. It also contains various, evidently accurate, statements regarding the history of his own time and possesses some value for the ancient geography of India, on which account the late Dr. Bhagvânlal Indraji recommended its study to me. What it says regarding the Mathurd Stupa 'built by the gods,' is as follows:
1. "Adoring the seventh and the twenty-third Jina lords, the refuge of the world, I will declare the Mathurakalpa, which gives luck to good men." 2. “When the teaching of Supar. śranatha prevailed, there were two lion-like ascetics, devoid of worldly attachment, called Dharmaruchi and Dharmaghosha."
"And these men who performed austerities for one, two and three months by (partaking of every) six, eighth, tenth or twelfth (meni) or by fasting for half a month, and who awakened good people, once wandered to the town of Mathurâ. At that time Mathura, that is laved by the water of the neighbouring Yamana, extended over twelve yojanas, as adorned with an excellent rampart, was resplendent with white temples of the gods, oblong and round wells, tanks, mansions of the Jinas and markets, and contained a multitude of (Veda-)reciting Brahmans, belonging to various chaturvidyus.10 There the excellent asceties remained during the four months of the rains fasting in a garden filled with various trees, flowers, fruits and
The MS., which I hare used, is Dr. Peterson's No. 1256 of the Bombay Collection of 1887/88. It reads in this verse erroneously, in the first line TITATE YTTE°, and in the second tist.
. Dr. Paterson, Fourth Report, p. xxxvii.. gives by a slip of the pen Samvat 1827 instead of A.D. 1329 as the date of the Apåpabribatkalpa and states that Jinsprabha's knowa dates range from S. 1349-1969. The M3. consulted has for the Apåpábrihatkalps the date V. S. 1383.
The wording of the text is here ungrammatical, because the correct expression T H T did not suit the metre.
According to Dr. Schram, who has kindly calculated the date, it corresponde to August 28, 1931, when the tenth Tithi of the dark balf of Bhdrapada ended at 20 h. 52 m.
His account of the conquest of Gujarat by Und Khan (Ulugh Ka.) younger brother of Allavadiņa (AllL riddin Khiljt)), which occurs in the Satyapurakalpa, has been separately published.
10 - Corporations of Brahmans including adherents of all the four Vedas," which usually were formed and endowed with trittis on the foundation of Indian towns.

Page #55

FEBRUARY, 1998.)
A LEGEND OF THE JAINA STUPA AT MATHURA.
creepers, and called Bhûtaramaga after obtaining permission to take possession. By their study, performance of austerities, quietism and other virtues they gaiued the favour of the guardian goddess of the garden, Kubêra. Thereupon she appeared ut night and said, "Wor. shipful sirs, I am exceedingly pleased by your virtues ; choose therefore * boon.' They answered, “We are devoid of worldly attachment and do not ask for anything. Then they preached the law to her and made her a lay-hearer. Once on the night of the eighth day of the bright half of Karttika the excellent ascetics brule farewell to Kuberá as to their hostessil in this way, 'O lay-woman, be firm in correct conduct and diligent in honouring and worshipping the Jinas! Having kept the four-monthly retreat, we shall wander during the present com. bination of the stars to another place in order to perform the concluding ceremony.' She said, full of regret, Worshipful sirs, why do you not always remain in this garden?' The saints replied, .The abode of monks, birds, bee-swarms and herds of cows is not fixed, nor is that of the nutnmnal clouds.' Thereupon she remarked, "If it is so, then tell me of some religious work that I may accomplish it; not without result is the intercourse with the gods. The saints spake, If tliou art very eager, take us together with the congregation to mount Meru and let us worship the Chaityas. She answered, 'I am ready to make you two worship the rods there. But if the congregation of Mathura is made to go, the horetical gods will perhaps raise obstacles on the way. The saints replied, We have seen mount Meru through the power of the sacred books. If thou hast not power to take the congregation, then it is no use that we two should go there.' Then the goddess became ashamed and said, If it is so, I will cause to be built a Mêru-temple, adorned with statues, you can worship there together with the congregation. When the saints agreed, the goddess during the night caused to be erected a Stúpa, fashioned of gold, inlaid with precious stones, surrounded by inany deities, adorned with archies, flags and garlands, carrying three parasols on its sunimit and beautitied with three bands.13 On each band were in all the four directions images of five-coloured precious stones and the image of the glorious lord Supârsta had been set up as the chief one. When the people awoke in the morning, they saw the Stûpa and began to quarrel. Some said, “This is divine Svayambhû who has the serpent Vasuki for his emblem.' Others asserted, “This is Narayana, extended on the serpent) 'Sêsha, his couch. Thus there was a disagreement with respect to Brabmn, the lord Nara, the Sun, the Moon and other (deities). The Bauddhas said, * This is a Stúpa, but (the image represents) the lord of the Buddhns.' Then impartial people spoke, Don't quarrel. This (monument) has been made by a god; hence eren be will solve the doubt. Let each of you paint his god on a piece of cloth and come together with his congregation. Whose god it may be, even his cloth(-picture) alone will remain, the god will make the cloths of the others disappear.' But the Jaina congregation painted a cloth(picture of the lord Supârsra. Then all the sectarians painted cloth(-pictures), ench of his god worshipped them with their congregations and stood singing on the night of the ninth (day) At midnight arose a mighty wind, carrying along leaves, gravel and stones. It destroyed all the cloth(-pictures) and took them away. Before its roar, which sounded like that at the destruction of the world, the people fled in all directions. Alone the cloth(-picture) of Sûrârgra remained. The people were astonished (and said). This is the divine Arhat.' That cloth (-picture) became resplendent in the whole town. A cloth(-picture) procession was instituted. Then the ablations of the Stupa) began. To the Jaina laymen, who quarrelled about the first ablution, the old men (said), 'He whose name, (written) on one of many) name-marked Bally, first comes into the hand of a virgin, shall perform the first' ablution, be he poor or rich.' This decision was given on the night of the tenth (of Karttika). Then on the night of the eleventh, holding vessels in their hands, they washed (the Stûpa) with milk, sour milk, ghi, saffron, sandal and so forth out of thousands of vessels. The gods, remaining hidden, took
11 This transition has been suggested to me by Prof. Jacobi. 11 The Meru-temple is described in the Rrihtaarihito, 55, 20.
13 Compare with this description the Jaina Stupa figured on the plate opposite Pp. 314, 321, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II., as well as that in the acts du sixième Congres I. O., Vol. IIL 2, opposite p. 142.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUART, 1898.
part in the ablutions. Even to-day they come in the same way to the procession. When all by turns had performed the ablutions, they placed on the Stupa) flowers, incense, cloth, great banners and ornaments. To the saints they gave clothes, Ghi, sogar and so forth. On the twelfth (night) garlands were put up. Thus those excellent ascetics gladdened the whole god-honoured congregation, and, having kept the four-monthly retreat, having performed the concluding ceremony elsewhere and having made the sacred lore resplendent, gradually shaking off the effects of) their Karman, reached perfection. A field of perfection' arose there, Then the goddess, who was sorrowful on account of the separation from the two ascetics and remained always strongly attached to the Jinas, enjoyed a life of half a Palyopama, afterwards fell (from her station), was born again as a human being and reached the highest abode. Each goddess, who arises in her place, is called Kaberá. Protected by her, the Stûpa remained for a long time open to the view), until the Lord Páráva was born. At that period the king of Mathura, being under the sway of greed, called the people up and spoke, Take away this Stúpa, made of gold and precious stones, and throw it into my treasury.' Thereopon, when the people struck (the Stúpa) with steel pickaxes in order to take it away, the pickaxes did not take effect. The blows hit the limbs of those who struck. Then the king, who did not believe (that), even himself gave blow. The pickaxe flew up and split the king's head. Thereupon the goddess appeared and said angrily, 'Fie, ye sinners, what have you begun there ? You will die just like the king. Then they, being afraid, asked the goddess for forgiveness, bringing censers in their hands. The goddess said, If you will worship the dwelling of the Jina, then you will be freed from the tribulation. If any one will worship an image of a Jina or a Jina temple, bis house will stand for a long time; else it will fall 15 Every ear the cloth(-picture) of the Jina must be carried about and the sixth (day) of the pickaxes '16 must be kept. He who becomes king here, must dine after having set op images of a Jina ; otherwise he will not live. The people began to carry out exactly all the orders of the goddess."
"Once the lord Paráva, wandering about as a Kêvalin, reached Mathura. At the solemn visit (to the Stúpa, sannosarana) he preached the law and made known the future experience of the evil period (dúsamá). Then, after the worshipful one had wandered elsewhere, Kubêrû called the congregation and spoke as follows, The approaching evil time has been described by the lord. The people and the king will be eaten up with greed; and I shall become negligent and have not long to live. Hence I shall not be able to protect always this Stûpa, which is open (to the view). At the order of the congregation I will therefore cover it with bricks. But you must build outside a stone temple. Every other goddess that will come in my place will perform the worship inside. Then the congregation, considering (the plan) excellent, gave their consent and the goddess did thus."
"Afterwards, thirteen hundred years after the lord Vira had reached perfection, Bappabhattisüri was born. He also restored this sanctuary, caused the Jina Párýva to be worshipped, and had made groves, wells and store-rooms in order to ensure the constant worship. Thinking that the bricks, placed by the congregation ....... were being displaced, he began to put into order the Stúpa which was surrounded with stones. The goddess stopped him in a dream, saying to him, 'You must not open this.' So by the order of the goddess it was not opened. Well-made, surrounded by well-fashioned stones it is even to-day protected by the gods. Resplendent is this home of the Jina, which is connected with many thousands of images, chapels ................... & charming gandhukuti as well as with (statues of) Chillania, Ambû and other (goddesses), (of the) Kshetrapalas and so forth."
4 Jinaprabha, I suppose, means, that Mathura became a place where men could obtain aiddhi.
I omit the next following sentence of the text, which I take to be an interpolation, as it interrupts the speech of the goddess.
* This seems to have been festival, kept at Mathurd in memory of the king's wicked attempt against the Stape

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FEBRUARY, 1898.)
A LEGEND OF THE JAINA STUPA AT MATHURA.
53
In the course of some further remarks on various miracles or remarkable events, which happened at Mathura, the Stûpa is mentioned yet twice. The first note says that Jinabhadrakshamaśramapa, performing austerities at the Stupa, built by the gods, pleased its guardian) deity and restored the Mahanikitha Satra, which had been broken and mutilated, because the leaves of its MSS. had been eaten by white ants. The second passage briefly recapitulates the history of the monument, adding that Åmaraja, Bappabhatti's patron, in reality made the restoration which above is attributed to that ascetic.
Like many other Jaina stories, Jinaprabha's legend of the Mathura Stúpa has so unreal and phantastic an appearance that, but for the note in the inscription, most Sanskritists would not hesitate to declare it to be a late or comparatively late 'invention of the Yatis without any substantial basis. If we possessed the Tirthakalpa alone, it most probably would be doubted, if not denied, that Mathnrâ ever possessed an ancient Stûpa dedicated to a Jina. In the face of the inscription this is, of course, impossible and it must be admitted that a Jaina Stû pa really existed in Mathura as well as that a myth regarding its divine origin was current at least about twelve hundred years before Jinaprabha's time. The case of the Mathrikalpa, therefore, furnishes another illustration for the correctness of the principle, proved of late years by various other discoveries, that it is dangerous to treat the Jaina tradition with absolute contempt. We see here that even a phantastic legend has a basis of real facts. A good deal of caution in the use of negative criticism seems therefore advisable.
It is, however, a very different question, if we may assume that the myth of the divine origin of the Stû pa, known to Vșiddhahastin and his contemporaries, was exactly identical with Jinaprabha's tale. This, I think, is improbable at least in one point. The statement of the-Tirthakalpa that the original golden Stûpa bore on the mékhalds, or bands, various images, made of precious stones, the malapadimd or chief image being that of Sapa rýva to whom the whole structure was dedicated, can hardly be so ancient. This description does not fit the ancient Jaina Stupas, which on the few sculptures, 17 hitherto found, look very much like those of the Bauddhas, and like these are not adorned with statues. But it would suit the miniature Stûpas of the Bauddhas, which were manufactured in great numbers for devotional purposes and worshipped in the houses of the laymen. The inscriptions on the monu. ments of this kind, which I have seen in the London Museums and in private collections, mostly show characters of the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries, but, as far as I know, never ancient ones. The use of such Stúpas, which may have also occurred among the Jainas, is therefore probably not so old as the inscription of Vriddhahastin, and it is difficult to believe that their description could have stood in the legend of his time. The old legend perhaps may have spoken of a golden relic casket, possibly in the shape of a Stúpa, which the gods or the goddess Kubêra (who hitherto has not been traced in other Jaina works) brought to Mathura and which was first kept exposed to the view and later deposited in a brick Stúpa and finally encased in stone. The event may have been fixed in the time of Supâráva, as the Mathura incriptions furnish abundant proof that the legend of the twenty-four Tirthamkaras did exist during the role of the Kushana kings. The Stûpa may ulso have been dedicated to Supårsra. The Nigliva Edict has proved that the Bauddhas erected Stûpas to their mythical Buddhas even before the time of Asoka, and there is no reason for deuying that their rivals may have done so likewise. This point may possibly be settled by a thorough examination of the sculptures, found by Dr. Führer. With respect to the alleged restoration by Bappabbatti or by âmaraja at Bappabhatti's request, it may be noted that Jinaprabha's date for Bappabhatti's birth, A. V. 1300, slightly differs from the more usual one, Vikrama Samvat 800,18 and agrees better with that given in the Pattavalis for his death, A. V. 1365 or V. S. 895. The inscriptions in no way confirm Bappabhatti's and Amaraja's traditional dates or the restoration ascribed to them. The Kankili Tila has yielded only two documents later than the Kushana
11 See the Plates, mentioned in note 13 to this article.
18 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI. p. 253.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[FEBRUARY, 1899.
period, one from the reign of Kumaragapta, dated Guptasamvat 113 or A. D. 431/2, and one dated V. S. 1080.
If the note about the restoration of the shinikitha Sitra by the ancient Jinabhadra is meant to assert that he re-wrote the work with the help of old fragments, there may be some truth in it. For the present Mahanišitha is a very curious book, for which no commentary exists and on which even some Jainas look with suspicion.18
- FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. F. D'PENHA.
No. 20. - The Crane and the Princess. Once upon a time there lived a woman in very indigent circumstances. Every morning she would go into the neighbouring forest to gather firewood. After reserving a sinall quantity of the firewood for her own use, she would carry the remainder to the bázár and sell it for the highest price, and on this she lived. One day, when in the forest collecting firewood, she felt tired, and sat down on a large stony flat. Having seated herself, she thought she would chew pán sópári. So she pulled out her bag of betel-leaves and nuts and proceeded to eat it, when she found that ber bag contained no chúnd. She was at a loss to know what to do, but looking about, she saw something that appeared like chúná, and thinking it would answer the purpose of chúná, she took it, and, applying it to the betel-leaves, chewed her pán sôpárí. Having thus felt refreshed, she gathered more firewood, and soon returned home.
Now it happened that what the woman ate as a substitute for china turned out to be the dung of a bagla (crane). The consequence of this was that the woman became pregnant. One month passed, two months passed, three months passed, and so on till nine months, at the end of which she gave birth to a male crane. The bird soon began to hop and fly about, and thus would find his own food, so that the woman, the mother of the crane, had only to follow her old occupation and maintain herself as before, and in this way passed many years.
One day the crane happened to fly to a tank, on the banks of which he saw the daughter of the king of that country, she having.come there with her batkini (maid-servants) to bathe. The crane, at the very first sight of the princesa, fell desperately in love with her. Going home, he said to his mother that she must go and negotiate with the king on his marriage with the princess. Thought the woman to herself -- "How can such a thing happen? In the first instance, my child is only a bird, and to propose a marriage between a bird and a princess is simply preposterous. Again, had my child at least been a human creature, I might have presented myself before the king with some presumption. Even then, we are as poor as poor can be, and it would be hopeless to attempt such a task."
Thus thinking, the woman told her son, for so we must call the crane, that it would be useless to go to the king. Indeed, she said, she would not have the audacity to make such & proposal even to an ordinary person, and therefore much less to a king. But the son was very importunate, and at last insisted on the mother to go to the palace.
At last the mothor did go to the palace, and with fear and trembling stood before the king. The king, who had known her for years, thinking she had, perhaps, come to beg for alms, at first spoke to her mildly :
“Why have you come here, my good woman? Do you come to ask for any help, or has any one done you harm, let me hear your complaint and I shall see you redressed."
" See A. Weber, Indische Studien, Vol. XVI. p. 456 ff. [It is right to add that Dr. Bühler, my personal friend for many years and the greatest friend and supporter that the Indian Antiquary ever possessed, had no opportunity of seeing this his last article through the Press. -ED.)

Page #59

FEBRUARY, 1898.)
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE ; No. 20.
55
Upon this, the woman, still shaking with fear, bat being partly encouraged by the kind speech of the king, with the greatest reluctance and with a faltering voice, informed the king of the object of her visit. No sooner the king heard what the woman had to say, his rage knew no bounds, and he thundered like a tiger:
“How could you ever dream of making sach an audacious and extremely stupid proposal? Get out of my presence at once, or in a minute you shall be no more a live person."
The poor woman ran away as fast as her legs would carry her before even the king had finished his words, and going home she told her son what kind of reception she had met with at the hands of the king, and with what result. The son, on his part, seemed to be even more offended at the refusal of the king than the king himself at the proposal of the woman, and thus gave vent to his feelings :
“The king has rejected my proposal, has he? And, that is not all, he has insulted my mother, and driven her out of the palace, has he? I shall make him rue the moment in which he treated her thus brutally, and I shall see that he gives up his daughter in marriage to me!"
So saying, he went and covered up with his wings the only tank in the country, from which all, without exception, drew their water-sopply. Now, when the women of the place came to fetch water, the crane would not allow any one to take water on any account. Thereupon, all the people went in body to the king, and informed him of what had happened ; and, as they had learnt what had transpired between the king and the mother of the crane, they suggested to the king that he should got one of the maid-servants richly dressed and grivon away in marriage to the crane, and thus avert their misfortune. The king fell in with the suggestion of his sabjects, and immediately issued orders that one of the maid-servants of the princess be dressed in the clothes of the princess, and, wearing also her ornaments, go to the tank, and, offering herself in marriage, ask the orane to allow the people to take water without further hindrance. The order must be obeyed. So one of the maidservants, having dressed herself and put on fine ornamente, went to the tank, and thus spoke (sang) to the crane
“ Sórá, sórd, Baglójí, raitéchá páni kari ga,
Hötainie túmckí lagnacki rani kan gå. Let go, oh let go, Mr, Crane, the water of the subjects,
I will become your queen by marriage." To which the crane replied (singing):
Tu té káis ránichi batkin kasi go, Nakim sória raitéchá pari kam gô. You are only a maid-servant of the riņi (princess),
I will not let go the water of the subjects." Seeing that she was detected and that she could not prevail upon the crane to release the water supply, the maid-servant went and reported the matter to the king. The king, thereupon ordered that another maid-servant, dressed better than the first, and wearing more ornaments, should go and offer herself as the princess in marriage to the crane in return for a free water-supply. So another maid-servant, without loss of time, dressed in very fine clothes and profusely decorated with ornaments, went and presented herself before the crane, and thus spoke (sang) to the crane :
"Sórá, sárd, Baglóji, raitéchá páni kam gd,
Hôtain túmchí lagndchi rání kai gá. Let go, oh let go, Mr. Crane, the water of the subjects, I will become your queen by marriage."

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56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1898.
But the crane knew only too well that the person speaking to him was only a maid-servant, and would not give in. He, therefore, thus spoke (sang) to her :
"Tum té háis ránichi batkin kam gô,
Nahin sûrim raitschá páni kash go.
You are only a maid-servant of the rant (princess),
I will not let go the water of the subjects."
The second maid-servant, too, found that she could not deceive the crane, nor prevail upon him to let go the water of the tank, and so went and reported the matter to the king. The king now sent a third maid-servant, dressed and adorned still better than the first and second, but she also met with the same failure. In this way, seven maid-servants were sent, one after another, the last having been dressed in the princess' own best clothes and covered with all her jewellery, hoping to deceive the crane, but to no purpose.
At last the king saw no other alternative but to send the princess. But, although an extremely beautiful person, she was made to assume the ugliest appearance possible. She was clothed in rags, divested of her ornaments, and with dirty hands and feet and face, the princess was sent to the tank. When she came in the presence of the crane, she thus spoke (sang) to him:
"Sôrá, sôrú, Baglôjî, raitéchú pání kam ga,
Hitaim tumchi lagnách rání kam gá.
Let go, oh let go, Mr. Crane, the water of the subjects,
I will become your queen by marriage."
The princess had searcely uttered these words, when the crane, recognising her in spite of her assumed ugly appearance, at once flew off, and thus left the tank free for the people to take their water from. The princess returned to the palace and communicated to the king the result of her errand. Of course, it was decided that the princess must be married to the crane, and so an early day was fixed for the celebration of the wedding.
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
HORNS AT TEMPLES.
A GOOD deal could be said on the subject of horns on temples, so I will make my remarks as brief as possible.
In the valley of the Chandrabhaga (the River Chenab), on almost every shrine dedicated to Dêvî are found some splendid horns. The reason of their being there is this. In the winter months, when snow is down to about 6,000 ft., the animals, who usually live at 12,000 ft., come down to look for grass. The villagers, seeing them, rush out and drive them into a snow-drift, and knock the poor beasts on the head. A sacrifice is made at once, and the village templesmeared with the blood. When the heads have been cut off the horns are placed upside down on the pent-roof of the temple. By this means the hill people save their sheep and goats, galba or ndr, much to the detriment of sport in the uplands of India, as they eat the cascases of the slain animals instead of those of their own flocks.
MARMOT in P. N. and Q. 1883.
BIRTH CUSTOMS-MUSALMANS.
SOME time before the birth takes place the woman gives up her household duties if her means permit, but the poorer women do not do so. At this period, too, they are not particular as to food, eating whatever they can get hold of. When the delivery takes place no male can approach the mother, only a woman or midwife can attend her. On the birth of a male child the nurse congratulates the near relatives present, and barbers, etc., are sent to congratulate the distant relatives. Among the well-to-do classes all the domestic servants are rewarded by the master of the house. Those that have a first child very late in life make presents also to the various hangers-on (lág). In large cities and towns a public entertainment is given, including the relations and friends. On such occasions the parties invited do not make presents.
GULAB SINGH in P. N. and Q. 1883.

Page #61

Marca, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
57
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 49.)
6.
Southern Indian Weights. TN Prinsep's Useful Tables, Thomas Ed., p. 110, there occurs & notable passage :-" As 1 with the coins, so with the weights, Southern India retained most of the names aud terms properly Hindu, pala, tulá, visa, bhúra, khari (klundi ?), baha." Just so, and as the old trade between South India and Indo-China is beyond all doubt, it is of value here to make some examination of South Indian weights.
This subject is no less thorny than those which have preceded it in this Chapter. Indeed, so surrounded is it with difficulty and uncertainty that the local experts who wrote the article niray! in Vol. III. of the Madras Maruol of Adininistration dared not go beyond such cautious statements as "the following is an attempt at Natire avoirdupois standards," "average Troy tables," and "approximate actnal valnes." I note also that the tables given under this article in Vol. III, do not quite coincide with those given by (? other) local experts in Vol. I. p. 616 ff., and Vol. II. p. 505 ff., nor with those given in Vol. III. itself under the names for the denominations.
It is from the article niray in Vol. III., howerer, that I have extracted for the present purposes the following tables of the "average weights" at present recognised in Southern India.
A. - General Southern Indian Denominations.
Average Troy..
Average Avoirdupois,
Anglo-Indinn Equivaleots.
Musalman.
Sanskrit.
. Sanskrit.
sarshapa 6 yava
mustard seed ... harleycorn rice in husk ... abrus seed
zara... 6 jan ... 2 chân 4 gumchi
... ...
3 gunja 6 anaka 2 misha
black gram
...
...
misha
8 måsha 4 misgal 3 tôla ...
180 grs. Troy15 1,440 grs. Troy 15
...
8 tola 8 pala 8 sarava
16 karsha 4 pala
100 tula 20 bhara 10 achita
The above table shews that the A voirdupois and Troy denominations meet at the pala of 1,44) grs., and that the modern Muhammadan denominations are merely an effort to give a Musalman form to indigenons denominations without interfering with the established SouthIndian standards. It also works ont the gunja, gumchi or abrus seed to an average of 1.876 grs. Troy : in South India 96 to the tola.
15 Niray is for the Tamil nirai, weight. Invaluable as the Article is, I may warn the enquirer that the transliteration adopted is such as will oblige him to go direct to Nativen, or to look up every vernacular word in some work of reference, or to wander all over this bnge third volume, in search of the true form thereof. Experto crede.
1 Read "xarra 6 = jan: jau 9dhin :" and so on. 15 A: per statements in the Article quoted.

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58
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCX, 1893.
B.- South Indian Modern Troy Weights,
By Districts speaking
Anglo-Indian Equivalents.
Tamil
Malayalam.
rice grains abrus seeds ... kunrimaņi7 ... adenanthera seeds 2 maõjadi .. favam weight ... panatokkam... pagoda weight ... 9 waraganidai... dubb, rupee wt...
Telugu.
Canarese.
visalo gurigiõja ... 4 hâga 18
2 mañjadi20 ... 4 chinnamu ... 2 hana ... 9 warahîyettu. 9 warabatûka ... 4 dabbu 16 taikama ...
kunnikura 2 manchâti31 2 panatûkam
304 urrupiyatûkam
The standards of weight given in the article are the pagoda = 54 grs. Troy, and the tála=180 grs, Troy. This works out the above table thus in English Troy weight :
Anglo-Indian Equivalents.
Tamil, Telugu, and Canarese Distriote.
Malay Alam. Districts,
1:5
... grs. 1.475
2.95
»
5.9
Abras seed equals Adepanthera seed fanam pagoda tola dubb tanka
180
180 216 3,456
0.- South-Indian Modern Avoirdupois Weights.
By Districts speaking
Anglo-Indian Equivalents.
Tamil
Telugu,23
Canarese.
Malayalam.
fanam weight ... pamatukkam pagoda weight ... 9 & 10) waraganidai. warahâyettu ... rupee weight
tôla ... ... Jarrupiyatûkam pollam ... ... 10 palam ... ... 10 palamu ...
10 palam rattel ... ...
40 ratlu24 .. 4 1âttal24 viss25 ... ... 40 visai ...
40 visamu ...
6 dhade .. maund ... ...8 manangu ...
8 mapugu... 4 mana .. candy, bahar ... 20 kaņdi .... ... 20 bharu ... 20 bhara ... 20 bharam
ac Vin, ufsai, visa, otc., is defined in the Madras Man. Admn. Vol. III. p. 981, 48 "division, distribution, share : apportioned weight." It is defined as ts in Hodson, Canarese Grammar, 1884, p. 126, and also in Brown, Telugu Grammar, 1852, p. 346. 17 Anglo-Indian coondrimany : condoomany.
Synonym : guñjitika 15 Also manjali, whopoe the weight for precious stones, mangelin or carat: weighs in Madras 31, 41, to 52 grs. 20 Synonym: adda = arddha, half.
11 Pronounced apparently mañjadi. 11 Prinsep, Ureful Tablos, p. 107, gives quite different soules for Madras and Malabar.
For an elaborate disquisition on this subject see Brown, Telugu Grammar, p.344 1. # This is the Arabic rall, Uby. Also růtal in Canarese: wile Kittel, Canareae Dict., 8. o.
15 The Madras Man. Admn., which may always be relied on for startling representations of vernacular words to be found nowhere else, has, Vol. III. p. 486," 8 vieses I maund." By the way, in the prefatory note to Vol. III. (besides an elaborate dissertation in Vol. I. pp. 514-0), there is a remark too delicious to be passed over : "Of late (in 1698!) a movement has taken place, which is likely in the end to prove slovesoful, in the direction of abandon

Page #63

MARCH, 1893.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
53
The standards here given are: Tamil and Teluga, palam, 540 grs.30; Tamil and Telugu, maund, 35 lbs.;97 and Canarese and Malayalam, rattel, 1 lb.
As in the case of the Troy weights, the South Indian Muhammadans have done no more than use the indigenous Avoird apois system, as will be seen from the average South Indiau table of Muhammadan Avoirdupois weights given in the same article 29 :
3 tola are 1 palam 8 palam 1 kachân sêr 5 kachâ sêr 1 pañchsêr 2 pañchsêr 1 dhara 4 dhará
1 mag 20 man » 1 kandis To shew how difficult it is to get clear ideas on this subject, and in what different ways its facts can be stated, I take from Vol. I. p. 616, of the same work, the following comparative statement: -
The Five Principal Tables of Weights in South India.
(1) Native Jewellers and Druggista.
(2) Ordinary Native Tradera.
(9) Recognised by Government,
European and Native Merchants.
Telugu Districta.
Tamil Districta.
chinnunn ... 9 pagoda wt.... 4 dub...
tolah31
fanam ... 9 pagodaso wt..
pagoda wt. ...
..
...
..
pollam
24 cutcha seer...
tolah 10 pollum ... 10 pollain (Rs. 3). 3 pollum 8 cutcba seer.. 8 cutcha seer....
5 vis34... ... 40 viss... 18 maund ... 8 Madras md.. 120 candy .. 20 candy 36
40 viss
8 maand34 20 candy 35
.
.
..
ing altogether the attempt to express suoh (vernacular) words on English principles, and, instead of that, of employ. ing a method of strict transliteration from the exact letters of the original combined with the use of the Contiuental, and especially the Italian, powers of the Roman Alphabet, to which accents and other sigas are applied." I am not one of those who think the Madras Presidency to be in reality more "benighted" than other parts of India, but if authoritative officials choose to write like this, they have only themselves to thank for the contemptuous epithet. Iudeed, this great Manual is a standing objective proof of the wisdom of Sir William Jones in 1784, when he proclaimed his system of transliteration, and of the ultimate wisdom of the Government of India in following it, so far as practicable, now many years ago. When will Madras oficialdom learn that the movement for transliteration has beeu in progress for inore than 100 years?
26 The Malabar palam works out to 1,800 grs., being 100 to the maund of 25 lbs., while the Tamil and Telugu Palam. are 320 to tbe maand.
37 The Bombay maund is 28 lbs. : Prinsep, Unoful Tables, p. 117.
23 There are long discursive statements of South Indian Muhammadan weights in Herklots, Qanoon-e-Islam, 2nd Ed., 1838, Appx., P. v. ff., but it is quite impossible to work tables out of them. I
20 1. e., 40 pulam to the paschalr or viss, and 8 viss to the maund, 20 maunds to the khandt: d. the SouthIndian Tables above. 30 Also 10. n I. e., 30 chinnum.
" I. ., 84 rupees. HI.., 40 pollums. MI.., of 25 lbs.
Synonym : baurun..

Page #64

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCE, 1898
(6) Imperial Weights of the Government of India.
80 tolah are l neer
40 seer , 1 Imperial maund (823 lbs, nv.) From a note I have taken from Thonns' Chronicles of the Puthan Kings, p. 221 ff., 36 I work out the following comparative tables for old North Indian weights:--
A. - Old North Indian Scales,
Mans : cviii. $ 131.
Atharra Parifishta..
Silver.
Gold.
General.
raktika 5 mâsha
raktika ... 2 masha ... 16 dharauasa 10 palato ...
raktika ... 5 masha ... 16 savarna 39 ... 4 pala
.
....
...
64 pala
320
320
320 And from Thomas, loc. cit., and Gladwin's Ayeen Akbaree, Vol. II. p. 158, I work out the following: -
B.-North Indian Muhammadan Scales.
Temp. Babar (1523-80 A.D.).
Temp. Akbaro) (1556-1605 A, D.).
ratî ...
rati 6 måsha (dam)
8 masha
4 tang (tank)... 3 tola
...
16 tôla
96
96
Thomas' noto to Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 21 ff., following Colonel Anderson, gives the table below for general Indian Muhammadan weights : -
0.-General Indian Muhammadan Weights,
Troy.
Avoirdupois.
rati ... 8 masha ... 4 tank ... 8 tola 1 dâm ...
dâm 30 sêr
40 inan
98 rati to the tôla
36 I have cause to regret just now that, as is the case with many other books, some kind friend has forgotten to return the book to my library. 37 Colebrooke, Essays, Vol. II. p. 530.
* Also purano.
** Also karsha and tlaka. 4. Also satamana.
a For Kashmir.

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MARCH, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
3.
The above tables shew that, in terms of the rati, 33 tola 1 pala, which is what the modern South Indian average scale states to be approximately the case. We have then here, as it seems to me, a reasonable explanation of the descent of the modern Muhammadan South Indian scale from that of North India, and from the tables already given in this Section it can be seen that the main points of the Muhammadan and Hindu scales of South India are identical at candy, maund, viss and pollum (to use the Anglo-Indian forms). One can then also say that the whole modern South Indian scale is related to the North Indian through the scale of rati, tola and ser, rather than through the scale of raktika, masha and pala.
I think one can hardly doubt that there were for centuries two separate concurrent scales in North India, pretty much as I gather was also formerly the case in China, i. e.. the recognised or literary and the popularThus, after giving a long series of scales from all sorts of books, working out generally to the scale of rakkika, masha and pala (820 raktikas to the pala) Colebrooke, Essays, Vol. II. p. 531, states significantly: "To these I do not add the masha of 8 rakitkás, because it has been explained as (being) meastired by eight silver ratti weights, each twice as heavy as the seed. Yet as a practical denomination it must be noticed. Eight such rattis make one masha, but twelve elve mdalas compose one tola. This tola is nowhere suggested by the Hindu legislators." That is, the seale of rats, tola and sér (96 ratis to the tola) is not the old literary recognised scale, yet it is unquestionably the scale that the Muhammadan conquerors picked up, and is essentially that adopted by South India and modern India generally. One may safely argue that the Muhammadan conquerors would in the ordinary course of things be more likely to pick up and adopt a popular scale, than an orthodox and literary one, for their weights and measures, and I apprehend that this is what they did.+3 Hence my designation of the scale of 320 raktikas to the pala as the literary scale and of the scale of 96 ratis to the tôla as the popular scale, at any rate in the XVth and XVIth Centuries A. D., whence the modern coinages date.
With regard to the popular scale Colebrooke states, p. 536:-"The Vṛihat-rájamartanda specifies measures which do not appear to have been noticed in other Sanskrit writings:
24 tôlakas 1 sêr (? sêtaka)
2 sêrs = 1 prabh (? prabhu)
It is mentioned in the Ayin-i-Akbari that the ser formerly contained 18 dûms in some parts of Hindustan and 22 in others, but that it consisted of 28 at the cominencement of the reign of Akbar, and was fixed at 5 tanks or 20 máshas, or, as stated in one place, 20 mashas 7 rattis. The ancient sér noticed in the Ayin-i-Akbari therefore coincided nearly with the sér stated in the Rajamartanda. The double sér is still (1799) used in some places, but called by the same name (panche-séri)44 as the weight of five sers employed in others."
Prinsep, after tracing (Useful Tables, p. 17) the Hindu system of South India at the time of the Muhammadan irruption, through North India, to the Greece Bactrian coinage, the Xpueros and expooros of 120 grs., seems to find (p. 18) in the Lilavati table signs of its recognition in Sanskrit writings, on the faith of Colebrooke's Essays (see Vol. II. p. 532, Ed. 1873):--
British Pagoda.
Lilavati.
s pana 16 dharana
16 nishka (pala)
RiseEnc
til
Ikkeri Hûn.48
panam 16 hân
...kâsu 8 fanam 42 pagoda
41 See ante, p. 29.
43 Cf. Lane-Poole, Cat. Indian Coins, B. M., Moghul Emperors, 1892, p. lxxvi.
44 L. o., visa,
45 I. e., the earliest pagoda (1648 A. D.): vide Rice, Mysore and Coorg, Vol. I., App., p. 2

Page #66

TORTA THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. TOKWA50
[MARCH, 1895.
The pagoda having varied as much as 16, 14, 28, 42 fanams, and the hun being the w weight of the δραχμα.
yor
Now Banerji's (1893) Ed. of Colebrooke's Lilavati (p. 1) affords the following table Varitaka (cowry) 20. kakinl
62
the 17:
hetanillay foot quod obe pana hotter at fans retbat do forgate aded 16 datama fam award gud sedtet. hob.com 16 nishka trots op en waaqe 23
sho
The text, given runs as follows:
wood Sultado fed in om Walde 1 an domar glow aba) droka varâţakanan dasakadvayam yat så käkin tascha panasehatasräḥ shodasadramma ihåvagamyo drammaistatha shodasabhischa nishkaḥ r 2 | JoVau And although Colebrooke, Essays, loc. cit., says: The tale of shells, compared to weight of silver, may be taken on the authority of the Lilareti," and then gives a table, the terminology of the table varies so much from the text of the Lilavati which he apparently used, that one wonders, where it came from: + E. 9 wives pult kipardaks (cowry) 20 kakini
0.
eroislaspol wou add y dotsugaus myden von d 11. Car chatte bulun
4 pana, karshapana, karshika ( purina of shells) 16 bharma (of silver) on bush que 16 mishka (of silver)
hi
ghidr
However that may be, Banerji's Ed. of the Lilavat! is careful, v. 2, to call the scale just given "money by tale" and to give Troy weights in three seales, thus: -
yava 2 gunja
3 valla
8 dharana
2 gadyanaka
48
******...
valla
14 dhataka.
71644
14 séra
40 mana,
pija 5 masha
Coolwort talaga
********
16 karsha (suvarna)
4 pala s
320
1
The texts run as follow, vv. 3 and 4:
tulya yavabhyam kathitâtra gunja vallastrigunjo dharaṇancha tê 'shtau gadyanakastaddvayamindratalyai riallaistathaiko dhatakaḥ pradiahtab n 3 # dasarddhaguñjam pravadanti masham mashahvayaib shodasabhischa karsham karshaischatarbhischa palam tulajñaḥ karsham suvarṇasyasuvarna saṁjňam | 4 N
Now these four statements of the Lilavati are of the first value to the present argument. In the first place we get from them a direct reference of the popular scale of money to the paxua, besides the concurrent Troy seales, popular and literary..
After v. 8 Banerji says there is a spurious verse inserted in the text of the Lilavati, giving
tanka
* The existing Surat scale (Gazetteer, p. 208) in 3 rali=161, 16 wdl godïúna, 2' padiáná = tótá. I feel stre is that I am right in taking the scale in the text as of 96 ratfs to the tola.

Page #67

MARCH, 1898.3
CURRENCY AND OOINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
63
the taska being gailydnaka and the mana being a (Av. that is) weight in use among the Turuskkas*7 for a weight of coin and like articles." "This gives us that rate of 38 gunja (ratt) to the uppermost Troy weight, which we and to be so constant in modern Madras scales. Interpolation or not, it is an interesting statement to find in Sanskrit.
The Lilavati is of conrne a modern work of the XIIth Century, A. D., but it is contemporaneous with the first Muhammadan irruptions, and its value therefore lies in its giving the Hindu views of bullion weights at the time of the early Indian Muhammadans, and consequently what the Muhammadans were likely to have found the scales to be amongst the people when they entered,
The whole argument, therefore, so far comes to this that there were concurrently of old in India an indigenous - Or shall we say a very ancient ? scale, runnipg 320 raktikas to the pala, and another scale, traceable to the influence of the Greek irruption over part of North India and Western Asia, running 96 ratis to the tôla: that it was this last scale which the Muhinmadan conquerors of the XIth Century and onwards took up, superimposing on it some of the ponderary notions that they brought with them: and that it is the combined Greco-Indo-Muhammadan scalo which has now, in infinite varieties of detail, spread itself all over modern India, becoming crystalised in one form of it (the North Indian) in the anthorised general scale of the Imperial British Government; in other forms of it in the authorised scales of the Madras and Bombay Goveramente,
It will now be of interest to trace in some degree at least the story of the weights onwards from the Muhammadan irruption. la regard to this, the further one goes back the more do the terms for money and ballion weights become synonymous, and at no time up toe! the present day have they become completely separated. And so, in tracing out the history of the terms for weights, I have included those for money, but I have given them separately, because, where money is mentioned, the question of alloy always influences the rates at which one denomination is compared with another. E.g., the number of fanams to a pagoda is a conventional proportion in a statement of Troy weights, but the number of fanams to a pagoda will vary with the alloy. in any particular sort of fanam or pagoda in a statement of current money...
Taking the Provinces or Divisions of India round the Consts, as known to the traders and Earopennis before the growth of the British Empire, the general tables may be given as follow for Gujarat, Bombay, Malabar, Madras and Bengal: --
.
..? A. - Gujarat.
(8) Money.
1888
1711
1775
1776
Mandelslo,
Lockyer, Trade, p. 263.
Tracels, p. 68.
Steveno. Guide, p. 129.
Stevenni Guide, p. 129.
.
kaaret (co wry)" ... .
...
pie..............
pecka 50
80
peyse
*
2
***
picell
10 Ana .. ........ .ana
ana 54 ropis ... ...-4rupee
... 4 rupees . ...14 pagoda 13} xetapbim 52 .. ......... . crown
2 crown * Turka, Mughals, Oriental foreigners from the West.
* There is a sketch of the history of South Indian coinage in the Madras Man. Admn., Vol. I. p. 615 3. There in also a good note on the subject in Riga, Mysore and Coorg, Vol. I., Appx. p. 18. ** 36 almonds -1 peyse: algo pro mentioned brass and copper money called toqu.
. • Seo Yule, Hobson-Jobson, p. 556, 3. v. pucko, and .. t' cutoba. 615 pios 1 vim ... ef gold.

Page #68

BATHE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.25
MARCH, 1898.
(b) Troy Weight
Bar
1888
: 1711
1786
, 1888
1877
e
Mandelaló, Travels, p. 68.
Lockyer, Trade, p. 263.
Stevens... Prinsep
Bomba Gar 1"Gwide, p. 48 f. Ueful Tab. p. 121. Vol. II. Burat. D. 208.
101 2213 221
1.3. wala
1 rati (2 grs.) . . 3 vall
..... masha
Oft . 92 tola 68 ...19tals
!
ropia" ... .. vol 8 massa
22 1 thei167 (silver)... 32 tola 10 theils (gold) 253.....4!
AS
Y
O
YAvoirdupois Weiche
?
1838
1711
1786
e. 1883
1877
1
Mandelslo, Tracels, p. 168.
Lockyer, Trado, p. 263.
si Stevens,
Bombay Gat.. Guide, p. 487 U w Tab. p. 121. Vol. II. Surat
Pey'ses ..
..
tols!.. 18 ceet ..THIR. ."meet . ... 35 seer.. 40 mbion (36) 1bs!)... 40 mannd (3T4 lbs.) 40 min
........ 20 candy .... ... 20 candy
. i toh
t oIA O .: 85 8r?!. 874 kerto
40 man(87} lbs.)! 40 man . ......... 90kbandi?
His t.
R
Bombay
1875
1780
1776
1778
!
Yule, Hobson-Jobson, A. v. A. Hamilton, East Indies, Xerafine, quoting Fryer. Vol. IL, Appr., p. 6. |
Stevens, Guide pp! 61,
124, 129, for cash.
steyenn, Ourdo n . 124, 129, for account.
raie
budgrook 2 rae 5 pice
10 pice
гае 5 pices
ans
12
...
.......
.
.
8 haree 3 zeraphin
20 quarters 4 rupee
400 rupee ..
.........
... 16 rupee
15 gold rapee.
03 See also A. Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II., Appy,, P. 5. 4 Stevens says that the weights here gave rise to much dispute. 28 Also 11 and 13 ropia = 1 theil silver.
Also 30 pice. 07 Probably for tole (tóla), which he mixed up with the more familiar theil (taen). But Mandelalö seems here to have got " mixed in a way very pusual with himea ropig and massa have become reyet ed.
" 88 I. 6., gold ia to silver m 10 to 1: cf. Prinsep, Upeful Tables, p. 5.
* 1539.... Hamilton, East Indice Vol. IL, Appr., p. 5, 20-to-39 pice to tear, 40 soar 1 maand, 20 maunda 1 candy. * So stated, by none; but 877 Bengal Tapees and 37 Strat rupeos by statement.
Also 377, 42, 44, 42, 40, 409, 454, 46. Replly all weights between 371 and 40 lbs. 61 Included in Malabar by Suvenii 129 18 pice 1 laree : 24 piee 1 xcrapbin (cilver Pagoda) . # 14 quarter pagoda (gola), p. 120

Page #69

MARCH, 1898,]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
65
(b) Troy Weights.
OOST 3
1775
MO
!
i
1775
...
...... Stevens, Guide: pp: 51, 184. ---
-
------- Stevens, Guide, pp. 51, 121.
gun 68 ... 2 vall. .... 40 tola (rupee).
........... Cochaba .... ...
... 1
.
6 .. 2 4 0
chow5 grs. (rutty) vall dor.. tola.......
8
2
1412v) Citiloiss (c) Avoirdupois Weights...
1789
1775)
c. 1833
A. Hamilton, Eost Indies,
Vol. II., Appx., p. 6.
Steven Guido suwit
I' e blog 9
Prinscp, Useful Tables,
p. 115.
tank
pice ilgio v
orn
21 pice 30 sêr
sear..." 40 maand 20-candy
30 seer..." 46°man (28 lbs.)
... ...
40 man (28 lbs.)
20 candy
... ***
20 khindi
0.-Malabar. (a) Money.
2:)
....
.
.....
!
quoting Barrett
..
..*.*...
1510 1520
..1584!akul of (141808 total 3 Yule, Hob.-Job., s. v. nardao, Yule, Hob. Job, v, pardao, Yule, Hol-Job quoting Correa.7
Darilao, Yule, H60..18, 4. 1 quoting Barbosa,
pitrdito, quoting Barret,
quoting Linschoten.
12 cepayqua (sapèque). ....dato w widqubov A () 2 rey .. ... ... reis ... 2 bazaruco .. .. ............ .. 1-20 damma69 ...
15 Vintin 90 pardao ..
. tardo ! IT11' 3 6
. C
. .
...tangni (larin) 5 seraphiin .......... 5 parda 7 (xeraphin)73
.
.
...
...
2 ducat
..
..
No doubt for ja, barleycurn. 6 This term inexplained at 312 of Venkatsavini Row's Tanjore, 1883, in the core of a rather interesting note on weights and mennes :-"The theoreticali uniti dr weight is the seed of the exprecatorex (sic), calfcut it Tamil kuntimani and in Hindistoni gonz, and of these sced# 32 are supposed to be bjual to the pouderary value of a pagoda." Gunze is, therefore, gurja. ..072 vinten-=1 barguuym.....
m . Who comiat Puthin ' e I. e., vinten.
ut
. 10 AT
)
and s: 10 and 9 langhe. -- 1 ducat.... 71 7 ond Starijn zs. 1 pagoda.
-
78 Also 6. 15 8 testone = 1 parda : : book
san
:
101: sid .18.11 ! **

Page #70

66)
THE INDIAN - ANTIQUARY
100
[MARCH, *1898.
c. 1600
c. 1600
1638
1776
Dutch Voyages to E.1
P. 215 f. -- .-Psilver.
Dutch l'oyages to E. I.,
p. 245 f.
gold.
Mandelslö, Travels, -- - -75.
Stevens, Guide,
p. 129.
-
.
re
....
.
.
basaruco ... ... basartoo... ... basaruiques
2 bazaraco
2 pecka 18 and 15 vintin75 .. 105 fano76 .. ... 9 peise (peyse) ... 5 vintin 5 and 4 tanga (larin).. ............ 18 lari. ... .. 4 lavee 4 pardao xeraffin ... 20 pardao xeraffin ... 10 pagoda??....... 3.xeraphim ******
2 sichino (venetian).
1776 Stevens, Guids, p. 129.
vintin 44 tangu ( gold) 4 paru 2 gold rupee (b) Troy Weighta,
1443
"1604-5
1o. 1833
1898
Yule, Hob.-Job., .1. pardao, Yule, Hob.-Job., . v. pardao,
quoting. Abdulrazak... quoting Vaxthome.
Prinsep, Ureful Tablon,
Malras Man of Admn.
Vol. II, p. 514.****
TH
.
cas ... jital (copper) 3 tar (silver) 6 fanam-(gold) .. 16 fanamu.. 10 partâb
.......... 2 varůha (1 misgal) 20 pavdao
Fred
. ..rupeee..... .... ..........
9 palam ...
fanam .. 31 rupee .
......
*
**
(c) Avoirdupois Weights.
c. 1340
1838
c. 1838
1893
Mandelslö, Travels,
Yule, Hob:-Job., t. . rottle quoting Sheb&brul ddin
Dimishkt. LE
p. 75. 2
Prinsep, Useful Tables,
p. 119.
Madras Man of Adm.
VOL. II. p. 514.
.
misqal
70 ritl (sir) 80 40 mann . ...............
ceere "40 maon 20 candy
*** ....
.
горее.
10 pollum * ber . .4 pound ... 40 tulân (23 lbsi):.. 25 tulam (maund) .. ........... 20 candy (baurum)
.
4 375 and 300 breyruco to the pardao: bere basaruco rey. 55 8 tanga = 1 pagoda.
5 .18 Also 108 8 1. e., of Pondicherry.
* l'artáb = * The rig being lb. ar., this prores what the a'r then was.
11 Also 8.. pagoda : tartha = 1 pagoda

Page #71

MARCH, 1888.] THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA. 67
. 1775
1775
1775
Stevens, Guide, pp. 127, 129.***
Stevens, Guide, PP. 124, 129
tovens, Guide, pp. 124, 129.
.
cash
2 pice 6 pical
...
80 fanam
...
pice 8 fanam 10 rupee 2 crown
36 pagodast 4 gold tapee
!
**********
not Stevens,Guide, p. 88.
f
t
!
10 doedest:?
shi & fanami
36 pagoda (4 oz. Troy): ** ) A voirdupols Weight:
1776
1778-1795
c. 1883
1862
-
Stevenk: Gide, i
pp. 88, 12,
odmas Monos Athina,
VOL II. D. 518.:
Prinsep, Urfil d'ables
P. 1140.
Madras Moh. of Alpini.
Vol . 1
.. .
...
R
pagoda i 10 poiłam ... 8 seer: 8 .. 5. viss je 8 ursund (25 lbs) 20 candy ...
prigoda . 10 pollum ...
teert 6. vias 8 maand. 20 candy
.... .... der .. VISE..
!
******* potham
S
. .. 40 viss
20 khandi ...
...20 candy (baurum)
The
.
2. Fo
(To be continued.)
ON THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA, in vieraithwriteD !
TACT That the South Indian MSS. of the Mahabharata ropresent & distinct recension of the great Hindu epic has first, been pointed out by A. C. Burnell in his Aindra School of Sanskrit Grummarens (1875), pp. 75-80, and again in his, Classified Index to the Samknit MSS. the Palace at Tanjore (1880), p. 180 sq. He has sewn that especially the ongeres books. I-XV. in' the Devanagart editionis on the ore hand and in the Grantha'and Malay Alam MSS. on the other differ to as great an extent as the two chief recensions of the Ramayana.""
TYTO 40 R 2

Page #72

68
28
T HE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
MARCH, 1896.
The general result of a collation of the two recensions of the Adiparvan is according to Dr. Barnell "that the Nagari recension has about ten per cent. more blokas than the SonthIndian recension; these slokas generally form passages wanting in the last. Of the rest of the text, & considerable portion (numerous vv. ll. apart) is the same in both; the rest of the text presents ślokas found in the Devanagari recension, but with many vs. 11., and in a totally different order. The short chapters agree generally in both recensions." Dr. Barnell also states that the South-Indian recension of the Mahábhárata is divided into 24 books, the Adiparvan being divided into the Adi, Astika, and Sambhava Parrans, the Salya into Salya and Gala, the Sauptika into Sauptika, Aishika, and Visoka, and the Sántiparvan into the Rajadharm and Mokşadharma Parvans. The bingle books, again, differ considerably in the number of their chapters.
The Tanjore library is extremely rich in Mahábhárata MSS. - Dr. Barnell counted about 336 MSS. of the whole or parts of the poem - and it is very much to be regretted that all these treasures should be well nigh inaccessible to Enropean scholars. An edition of the Mahálhárata has been printed at Mndras, in Telugu characters, which in a very few cases seems to represent the South Indian recension, though on the whole it is based on the Calcutta edition and gives the text of Nilakantha. Tam indebted to Prof. Ludwig for some interesting communications about this edition. He has collated several thousand stanzas of the Madras edition with those of Calcutta and Bombay, and has come to the conclusion that the Madrag text is essentially the same as that of the Calcutta edition. Even misprints in the latter edition have found their way into the Madras edition. Yet, as Prof. Ludwig points ont, we find occasionally better readings in the Madras edition, than in the Devanagari editions. Dr. Lüders has pointed out to me a few passages in the Madras edition where it agrees with the text of our South-Indian MSS., though in other places it follows the Calcatta edition as closely as possible. The edition will be scarcely of any use for a critical restoration of the text of the Mahabhúrata. .
Another Telugu edition is mentioned in the Catalogue of the Library of the India Office, Vol. II, Part I. p. 122 sq., but as it contains Nilakantha's commentary it can hardly be expected to represent the South-Indian recension to any great extent. There are also a number of South Indian Mahabharata MSS. in the India Office Library which, however, have not yet been examined. As far as I am able to see from the published catalogues, the number of South Indian MSS. in the Continental libraries can be but small, and even in the Tanjore Library the number of Devanagari MSS. is much larger than that of South Indian MSS. proper.
Under these circumstances it is all the more satisfactory to know that the Royal Asiatic Society in London possesses a number of highly valuable Grantha and Malayalam MSS. containing a considerable portion of the South-Indian recension of the Mahabharata. • I have examined these MSS. for my catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. in the Royal Asiatic Society collections which I am preparing, and I venture to think that a few remarks on the South Indian recension of the Mahalhúrata, as represented by these M88., may be welcome to scholars interested in Mahabharata criticism - wbich, after all, will never lead to satisfactory results, as long as it is not based on sound text criticism.
The MSS. in question all belong to the Whish Collection, acquired by Mr. C. M. Whish in the early part of the present century
Prof. Jacobi who has also examined the Madras edition kindly infortna me that he has come to the same lo conclusions as Prof. Ludwig. Prof. Jacobt has 'motiovet made a concordance of the three editions from which it 2 appears that the Madras edition agrees, almost everywhere, math the numbers of verses and chapters found in thoa Calcutta edition. From tbe Introduction to the Sabha Parvasol. I, p. 276) it is evident that the Editor of the Madras edition looked upon Nakantha as his chief authority.
* Some of these MSS. are now being examined by Dr. Lüders?
"A rough list of these MSS. will be found in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1890, Vol. XXII. p. 805 r09g. My catalogue will, I hope, be finished in the course of this year.

Page #73

MARCH, 1898.] THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
69
Portions of the Adiparvan are found in the Whish MSS. Nos. 65 and 158.
The Grantha M8. Whish No. 65 contains the Parlomaparvan (in 8 Adhyâyas) and the Antikaparvan (in 40 Adhyâyas), these 48 Adhyáyas corresponding to Adhyâyas 1-59 of the Nagari editions.
The difference in the number of Adhyâyas is partly due to the fact that two Adhyâyas are sometimes contracted into one, but partly also to omissions in the South Indian MS.
In order to give some idea of the value of the South-Indian recension - as far as one single MS. can be said to represent a whole recension - for an eventual critical restoration of the text of the Mahabharata, I have given below a few extracts from this MS. The passages which differ from the Devanagari recension have been underlined, and the corresponding passages given opposite each line. The full text given in the left hand column is a fair specimen of what the South-Indian recension is like, while the varietas lectionis given in the right hand column will shew at a glance the relation of the two recensions to each other.
The first extract contains the beginning of the Mahabharata, verses 1-150 of the first Adkyáya.
A. Adiparvan.
I.1.150. South Indian Ms.
Devanagari edition (Bombay). भौं भनश्यामः पिंगजटाबद्धकलापः
नारायणं नमस्कृत्य नरव नरोत्तमम् । प्रांद्युदण्डी कृष्णमृगवकपरिधानस्
देवी सरस्वतीचैव ततो जयमुदीरयेत् ।। साक्षालोकान्पाववमानः कविमुख्यः पाराशर्यः पर्वतरूपं विष्णोन ॥ रामहर्षणपुत्रः उपवास्सूतः पौराणिको नैमिशारण्ये । लोम'
सौतिः
नैमिषा' शौनकस्य कुलपतविचवार्षिक सत्र वर्तमाने ॥ 1
वर्वमाने deest. समासीमानभ्वगच्छत् प्रान्सिशितव्रतान् ।
सखा विनवावनती भूत्वा कदाचित्सूतनन्दनः। समाश्रममनुप्राप्तं नैमिशारण्यवासिनः।
नैमिषारण्यवासिनाम् चित्रा श्रोतुं कथास्तव परिवबुस्समन्ततः ।
स्तपस्विनः मभिवाय मुर्हस्तांस्तु सर्वानेव कृताञ्जलिः। अपृच्छत्स तपोधृद्धि सभिवाभिनन्दितः।
पूजितः भय सेयूपविष्टेषु सर्वेष्वेव तपस्विषु। निर्दिष्टमासनं भेजे विनवाद्रोमहर्षिणी'।
लोमहर्षणिः सुखासीनन्ततस्तन्तु विश्रान्तमुपलक्ष्य च। भयाण्छदृषिश्रेष्ठस्सम्बक्प्रस्तावयन् कथाः।
स्तष कश्रिद कुस भागम्बते सोतेकवावं विहृतस्त्वया ।
चावं कालः कलहपनाश धसैतत् पृच्छतो मम ।
कमल Deest.
एवं पृष्टोऽअवीव सम्बग्यथावल्लोमहर्षणिः। वाक्यं वचनसम्पन्नस्तेषान चरिताश्रयम् ॥ | सस्मिन्सदसि विस्तीर्ण मुनीनां भावितात्मनाम् । सौतिरुवाच।
. In all the extracts given in this paper, I have retained the orthography of the South Indian MSS. No attempt at correction has been made, except consionally (see the foot-noton).
. I have used the Bombay edition with Nakapiha's commentary, published Bake 1799. • Read विवृणोतु.
Read रोमहर्षणिः ।

Page #74

70
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1898.
Devanagari edition (Bombay).
पारि'
°संश्रिताः
करूणां पाण्डवानां च
कृताभिषेकाः
भासने
धर्मार्थसंश्रिताः
South-Indian MS. जनमेजयस्य राजर्षेस्सर्पसत्रे महात्मनः। . समीपे पास्थिवेन्द्रस्य सम्यक् पारीक्षितस्य च । कृष्णद्वैपायनपोक्तास्सुपुण्या विविधाः कथाः। 10 कथिताश्चापि विधिवद्या वैशंपायनेन च । श्रुवाहन्ता विचित्रार्य महाभारतसंशिताः। बहूनि संपरिक्रम्य तीर्थान्यायतनानि च । समन्तपञ्चकन्नाम पुण्यन्विजनिषेवितं । गतवानस्मि तन्देशं युद्धं यत्राभवत् पुरा। पाण्डवानां कुरूणाञ्च सर्वेषाच्च महीक्षितां। दिवृक्षुरागतस्तस्मात् समीपं भवतामिह । आयुष्मन्तस्सर्व एव ब्रह्मभूता हि मे मताः । अस्मिन्यज्ञे महाभागास्सूर्य्यपावकवर्चसः। कृतकृत्याश्च शुचयः कृतजण्या हुतामयः। भवन्त आसते स्वस्था ब्रवीमि किमहन्दूिजाः। पुराणसंहिताः पुण्याः कथा वा समति श्रिताः। इति वृत्तन्नरेन्द्राणामृषीणाञ्च महात्मनां । ऋषय ऊचुः। द्वैपायनेन यत् प्रोक्तं पुराणं परमर्षिणा। मुरैर्ब्रह्मर्षिभिश्चैव श्रुत्वा यदभिपूजितं । तस्याख्यानवरिष्ठस्य विचित्रपदपर्वणः । मूक्ष्मायन्याययुक्तस्य देवात्यै भूषितस्य च । भारतस्येतिहासस्य पुण्यप्रन्थार्थसंहितां । संस्कारोपगतां ब्राह्मी नानाशास्त्रोपबृंहितां । जनमेजयस्य यां राज्ञो वैशंपायन उक्तवान् । यथावत् स मुनिः पृष्टस्सत्रे द्वैपायनाज्ञया। 20 वेदैश्चनुभिस्सहितां व्यासस्यात्भुतकर्मणः । संहितां श्रोतुमिच्छामो धा पापभयापहां। 21 सूतः। आद्यं पुरुषमीशानं पुरुहूतं पुरुष्टुतं । वृतमेकाक्षरं ब्रह्म व्यक्ताव्यतं सनातनं । असदसञ्चैव ततं विश्वं सदसतः परं । परावराणां स्रष्टारं पुराणं परमव्ययं । मंगळ्यमंगळं विष्णुं वरेण्यमनघं शुचि। नमस्कृत्य हृषीकेशं चराचरगुरुं हरि। महस्सर्वलोकेषु पूजितस्य महात्मनः। प्रवक्ष्यामि मतं कृत्स्नं व्यासस्यामिततेजसः। आचण्युः कवयः केचित् संप्रत्याचक्षते परे। भाख्यास्यन्ति सथैवान्ये इतिहासमिमं भुवि । 26 एतस्मिन्हि त्रिलोकेषु महत् ज्ञानं प्रतिष्ठितं । विस्तरैश्च समासैश्च साद्धघते यद्विजातिभिः। अलंकृतैःश्रुभै शब्देस्समयैर्दिष्यमानुषैः । च्छन्दोवृत्तैश्च विविधैरन्वितं विदुषां प्रियं । सपसा ब्रह्मचर्येण यस्य वेदं सनातनं । संस्कारोपमतं ब्रह्म नानाशास्त्रोपहितं ।
पुण्यां मन्यार्थसंयुताम्
ऋषिस्तुष्टया सत्रे संयुक्तां
मः पुण्यां सौतिरुवाच ।
असच्च सदसचैव यत्
सत्पर
मंगल्यं मंगलं
ः पूजितस्येह सर्वलोकैः
पुण्यं
'दुतकर्मणः
इदं तु त्रिषु
धार्यते
अलंकृतं शु०
Deest.
s Read ा .
• Read वेदात्यभू.
10 Read माहीं.

Page #75

MARCH, 1898.]
THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION. OF THE MAHABHARATA.
71
पाचे
South-Ixdian Ms.
Devanagart edition (Bombay). पुण्ये हिमवतः पादे मद्धये गिरिगुहालये।
Deest. विशोध देहन्धम्मास्मा वर्भसंस्तरमाश्रितः। शुचिस्सनियमो व्यासरशान्तास्मा तपसि स्थितः। भारतस्येतिहासस्य धर्मेणान्वीक्ष्य तां गति । प्रविश्य योग ज्ञानेन सोपश्यत्सर्वमन्ततः । निष्प्रभेस्मिन्निरालोके सर्वतस्तमसा वृते । वृहदण्ड"मभूदेकं प्रजानां बीजमक्षयं ।
यवं बुगस्यादिनिमित्तन्तम्महादिव्यं प्रचक्षते ।
स्यादी बस्मिस्तच्छूयते नित्वं ज्योतिब्र सनातनं। 30
यस्मिन्संभूबते सत्यं अत्भुतच्चाप्य नातच सर्वतस्समतां गतं ।
चिन्त्वं च सर्वत्र स अव्यक्तं कारण सूम क्षमं यत्तत् सदास्मकं ।
यत्तस्सस्सदा यस्मिन् पितामहो जज्ञे प्रभुरेकः प्रजापतिः ।
यस्मात् ममा सुरगुरु स्थाणुर्मनुश्च परमेटिजः।
'नुः कः परमेष्ठयय प्रचेतसस्तथा दक्षो दक्षपुत्राश्च सुप्तये ।
सम्ब ततःप्रजानां पतयः प्राभवन्नेकविंशतिः । पुरुषाश प्रमेयात्मा बं सर्व ऋषयो विदुः।
पुरुषश्चाप विश्वे देवास्तथादित्या वसवो याश्विनावपि। यक्षास्साजुचाः पिशाचाच गुब्धकाः पित्तरस्तथा । सप्तर्षयश्च विद्वांसश्शिष्टा ब्रह्मर्षयस्तथा।
ततः प्रसूता
पर्षसत्तमाः राजर्षयश्च बहवस्संभूता भूरितेजसः ।
सर्वैः समुदिता गुणैः तथाद्यौ पृथिवी वायुरन्तरिक्षन्निशस्तथा । 36 | आपो यौः संवत्सरस्ततो मासाः पक्षाहोरात्रयः क्रमान् ।
रतवो यच्चान्यदपि तत्सर्वं संभूतं लोकसाक्षिकं । यदिवन्दृश्यते किञ्चित् भूतं स्थावरजंगमं । पुनस्संक्षिप्यते सर्व जगत् प्राप्ते युगक्षये। यथा षड्नुलिंगानि नानारूपाणि पर्यये।
यथावृतु दृश्यन्ते तानि तान्येव तथा भावा युगादिषु। एवमेतदनाद्यन्तं भूतसंसारकारकं ।
संहार अनादिनिधनं लोके चक्रं संपरिवर्तते । पर्यास्त्र शस्सहस्राणि वयस्रिशच्छतानि च। चयस्त्रिंशश्च देवानां सृष्टिस्संक्षेपलक्षणा। दिवत्पुत्री हत्भानुश्चक्षुरारमा विभावसुः।
दिवःपुत्री सविता च ऋचीकोका भानुरावाहको रविः ।
'राशावहो सुता विवस्वतस्सर्वे मह्यस्तेषामथापरः।
पुत्रा
मयस्तेषां तथावरः देवरस्तस्य तनयस्तस्मात् सुधाडिति स्मृतः ।
वनाद तनयस्तस्य
ततः स्मृतः सुधाजस्तु पयः पुत्राः प्रजावन्ती बहुश्रुताः। दशज्योतिश्शतज्योतिस्सहस्रज्योतिरात्मवान् । दशपुत्रसहस्राणि दशज्योतेर्महात्मनः। सती दश गुणाश्चान्ये शतज्योतरिहात्मजाः। भूयस्ततो दश गुणास्सहस्रज्योतिषस्मुता। तेभ्योयं कुरुवंशश्च यदूनां भारतस्य च ।
भरतस्य ययातीक्ष्वाकुवंशश्च राजर्षीणाञ्च सर्वशः। संभूता बहवो वंश्या भुतसंघास्सुवर्चसः।
वंशा भूतसर्गाः मुविस्तराः
1 Read वृहदण्डः
1 Read ज्योतिब्र
WRead था.

Page #76

72
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY..
[MARCH, 1898.
48
Deest.
उपा
South-Indian MS.
Devanagari edition (Bombay). भूतस्थानानि सर्वाणि रहस्यन्त्रिविधञ्च यत् । वदयोगं सविज्ञानं धमास्यौँ काममेव च ।
वेदा योगः सविज्ञानो धर्मोऽर्थः काम एव च धर्मार्थकामशास्त्राणि शास्त्राणि विविधानि च ।
धर्मकामार्थयुक्तानि लोकवात्रा विधानञ्च संभूतन्दृष्टवानृषिः।
सर्वे तदृष्टवा नीतिर्भारतवंशस्य विस्तारश्चैव सर्वशः ।
Deest. इतिहासास्सहव्याख्या विविधा श्रुतयोपि च ।
'वैयाख्या इह सर्वमनुक्रान्तमुक्तं पन्थस्य लक्षणं। संक्षेपणेतिहासस्य ततो वक्ष्यति विस्तरं। विस्तीच्यतम्महात्मायमृषिस्संक्षिप्य चाप्रवीत् ।
तन्महज्ज्ञान इष्टं हि विदुषी लोके समासव्यासधारणं ।
विदुषां मन्वादिभारत केचिदास्तीकादि तथापरे । तथोपरिचराद्यन्ये विप्रास्सम्यगधीयते । त्रिविधं संहिताज्ञानन्दीपयन्ति मनीषिणः।
विविध व्याख्यानकुशलाः केचित् केचित् अन्यस्य धारणे | 53 व्याख्या
मन्थान्धारयितुं परे तपसा ब्रह्मचर्येण व्यस्य वेदं सनातनं । इतिहासमिमचक्रे पुण्यं सत्यवतीसुतः। पराशरात्मज श्रीमान् ब्रह्मर्षिस्संशितव्रतः। 55a
जो विद्वान् मानुनियोगाद्धर्मात्मा गांगेयस्य च धीमतः। क्षेत्र विचित्रवीर्यस्य कृष्णद्वैपायनः पुरा। श्रीनग्नीनिव कौरव्याखनयामास वीर्य्यवान् । उत्पाव्य धृतराष्ट्रच्च पाण्डु विदुरमेव च। 95 | उत्पाय जगाम तपसे श्रीमान् पुनरेवाश्रमं प्रति ।
धीमान् तेष्वात्मजेषु वृद्धेषु गतेषु च परां गति। 96 | तेषु जातेषु
परमां अब्रवीत् भारतं लोके मनुष्यस्मिन्महात्मनि ।
हानृषिः जनमेजयेन पृष्टस्सन् ब्राह्मणैश्च सहस्रशः। शशास शिष्यमासीनं वैशंपायन मान्तिके। स सदस्यैस्समासीनं श्रावथामास भारतं ।
हासीनः कान्तरेषु यज्ञस्य चोयमानः पुनःपुनः । विस्तरं कुरुपाशस्थ गान्धाास्सर्यशीलतां। 99.
शस्व गान्धार्या धर्म क्षत्तुः प्रज्ञान्धृति कुन्न्यास्सम्यक् दैपायनोप्रवीत् । वासुदेवस्य माहात्म्यं पाण्डवानाच्च सत्यतां। 100 बुद्धत्तं धाराष्ट्राणामुक्तवान् भगवानृषिः। इदं शतसहस्राख्यं श्लोकानां पुण्यकर्मणः ।
°वं तु लोकानां पुण्यकर्मणां Deest in the उपाख्यानस्सह ज्ञेयं श्राव्य भारतमुत्तमं ।
जयमायं JCalcutta editions. चतुर्विंशतिसाहनं चक्रे भारतसंहितां । 102 उपाख्यानविना तावत् भारतं प्रोग्यते बुधैः । सती घर्द्धशतं भूयो संक्षेपं कृतवानृषिः।
ततोवर्ध भूयः तस्याख्यानवरिष्ठस्य कृष्णद्वैपायनः प्रभुः।
तदाख्यानवरिष्ठं स कृस्खा कथमव्यापयामीह शिष्यानित्यभ्यचिन्तयत्।
यानीह तस्य चिन्तयमानस्य ऋद्वैपायनस्य च ।
तचिन्तितं ज्ञात्वा स्मृस्वा जगाम भगवान् ब्रह्मा लोकगुरु स्वयं । प्रियायै महर्षेश्चापि लोकानां हितकाम्यया। 57 प्रीत्यर्थ तस्य चैवर्षों तन्वृष्ट्वा विस्मितो भूत्वा प्राञ्जलिः प्रणत स्थितः । आसनं कल्पयामास सर्वदेवगणैर्युतं ।
सर्वैर्मुनिगणैर्वृतः हिरण्यगर्भमासीनं तस्मिस्तु परमासने ।
मानुषे
101
103
तत्रा

Page #77

MARCH, 1898.] THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
Devanagari edition (Bombay).
ऽभवत्
South-Indian MS.
परिवृत्सनाभ्याचे वासदेव स्थित नमः। अनुज्ञातोय कृतिना ब्रह्मणा परमेष्ठिना । Deest.
"
कृतम्मय भगवन् काव्यं परमपूजितं । ब्रह्मन्वेदरहस्यञ्च यचाप्यभिमतम्मया । सांगोपनिषदशचैव वेशनां विस्तरक्रिया । इतिहासपुराणानायु
भूतं भव्यं भविष्यच त्रिविधं कालसंज्ञितं । जरामृत्युभयं व्याभिचाविनि। विविधस्य च धर्म्मस्य ह्याश्रमाणां हि लक्षणं । विधानापुराना कृष्णाः तपसी ब्रह्मचय्बैस्ववियान्ययी। प्रहनक्षत्रताराणां प्रमाणञ्च युगैस्सह । ऋषी यजूंषि सामानि राजधा न्यायशिक्षा चिकित्सा व ज्ञानं पाशुपतन्तथा । इत्यनेकाश्रयं जन्म दिया। सीनादेव पुण्यानां देवाना कीर्तन नदीनां पर्वतानाञ्च वनानां सागरस्य च । पुराना क्षेत्र विग्यानां कल्पानां कीशनं । वाक्य जातिविशेषाश्च लोकयात्राक्रमश्च सः । चापि सर्वगं वाक्यन्तत् प्रभो क्षन्तुमर्हसि । Deest.
11
SARAAAAAAADARASA
"
"
59
"
61
62
63
64
65
66
ब्रह्मा ।
तपोविशिष्टावपि वै वसिष्ठान्मुनिपुंगवात् । मन्ये श्रेष्ठमन्त्या रहस्य | जन्मप्रभृति सत्यान्ते विद्म गां ब्रह्मवादिनीं । स्वया च काव्यमित्युक्तं तस्मात् काव्यं भविष्यति । 72 अस्य काव्यस्य कवयो न समर्था विशेषणे । विशेषणे गृहस्थस्य शेषास्त्रय इवाश्रमाः ।
Deest.
67
68
69
70
71
73
कृष्णस्तु
60 निषसादासनाभ्याशे प्रीयमाणः शुचि स्मितः । उवाच स महातेजा ब्रह्माणं परमेष्ठिनं ।
'न्य स्थापित
'न्मेषं निर्मितं च यत्
यं
'भय'
"पुरानानां च
हेतुनैव सम
दानं
'तरं स्वां दे
० चयः
'संज्ञितं
यः
वस्तु तचैव प्रतिपादित परं न लेखकः कश्विदेतस्य भुवि विद्यते । ब्रह्मोवाच ।
शिवा
वेधि
73
काव्यस्य लेखनार्थाय गणेशः स्मर्यतां मुने । सीतिरुवाच ।
74
एवमाभाष्य तं ब्रह्मा जगाम स्वं निवेशनं । ततः सस्मार हेरंब व्यासः सत्यवतीसुतः । स्मृतमात्री गणेशानो भक्तचिन्तितपूरकः । समाजगाम विप्रेधो वेदव्यासो यतः स्थितः । 76 पूजितच व्यासेनोस्तहानच
75
लेखको भारतस्यास्य भव त्वं गणनायक । 77 मयेव प्रोच्यमानस्य मनसा कल्पितस्य च । श्रुत्वतन्माह विनेशो यदि मे लेखनी क्षणं । 78 लिखतो नावतिष्ठेत तदास्वां लेखको ह्यहं । व्यासोऽप्युवाच तं देवमबुद्धा मा लिख कचित् । 79 ओमित्युक्का गणेशोऽपि बभूव किल लेखकः । मन्थपन्थि तदा चक्रे मुनिगूढं कुतूहलान् । 80 यस्मिन् प्रतिज्ञया प्राह मुनिर्देपायमस्त्विदं ।
अष्टौ लोकसहस्राणि अष्टौ श्लोकशतानि च । 81 भहं बेधि की वेति संजयो वेत्ति वा न वा ।

Page #78

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1898.
मतः
फलः
अश्व
South-Indian MS.
Deranagari edition (Bombay). Deest.
तच्छोककूटमद्यापि प्रथितं सुदृढं मुने। 82 भेत्तुं न शक्यतेऽर्थस्य गूढत्वात्प्रश्रितस्य च ।
सर्वज्ञोपि गणेशो यत्क्षणमास्ते विचारयन् ।
83 तावचकार व्यासोपि श्लोकानन्यान्बहूनपि। जळान्धबधिरोन्मत्तन्तमोभूतं जगत् भवेत् ।
Deest. यदि ज्ञानहताशेन त्वया नोज्वलितं भवेत् । तमसान्धस्य लोकस्य चेष्टितस्य स्वकर्मभिः ।
अज्ञानतिमिरान्धस्य लोकस्य तु विचेष्टतः । ज्ञानाञ्जनशलाकाभिर्बद्धनेत्रोत्सवः कृतः ।
'नत्रोन्मीलनकारक धर्मार्थकाममोक्षात्यः समासव्यासकीर्तनेः । त्वया भारतसूर्येण नृणां विनिहतन्तमः।
तथा पुराणपूर्णचन्द्रेण श्रुतिज्योत्सा प्रकाशिना ।
स्नाः प्रकाशिताः नृणां कुमुदसौम्यानां कृतं बुद्धिप्रबोधनं ।
नबुद्धिकौरवाणां च कृतमेतत्प्रकाशनं । इतिहासप्रदीपेन मोहावरणघातिनां । लोकगर्भगृहं कृत्स्नं यथावत्सप्रकाशितं । स महाजुपायबीजो वै पौलोमास्तीकमूलवान् ।
संग्र० संभवस्कन्धविस्तारस्सभारण्यविदंकवान् । अरणीपर्वरूपाख्यो विराटोयोगसारवान् ।
'यो भीष्मपर्व महाशाखो द्रोणपर्व पलाशवान् । कर्णपर्वचितैः पुष्पैः शल्यपर्व सुगन्धिभिः । स्त्रीपर्वषीकविश्रामश्शान्तिपर्वमहाबलः। आश्वमेधामृतरसस्त्वाश्रमस्थानसंश्रयः। मौसलश्रुतिसंक्षेपश्शिष्टविजनिषेवितः। सर्वेषां कविमुख्यानामुपजीव्यो भविष्यति। पर्जन्य इव भूतानामाश्रयो भारतद्रुमः।।
मक्षयो एवमाभाष्य तं ब्रह्मा जगाम स्वनिवेशनं ।
Deest. But see above, v. 74. भगवान् स जगत्स्रष्टा ऋषिदेवगणैस्सह। सूतः ।
सौतिरुवाच । तस्य भूक्षस्थ वक्ष्यामि शाखापुष्पफलोदवं।
वृक्षस्व शश्वत् स्वादुमेचरसोपेतमच्छेद्यममरैरपि ।
[94-103, see above. अनुक्रामिणमचायं वृत्तान्तानां सपर्वणां ।
अनुक्रमणिकाथ्यावं इदं पायनः पूर्व पुत्रमद्ध्यापयच्छुकं।
104 अतोन्येभ्योभिरूपेभ्यो शिष्येभ्यः प्रददी प्रभुः। 105a
सतो न भ्यः विभुः Deest,.
1056 षष्टिं शतसहस्राणि चकारान्यां स संहितां ।
त्रिशच्छतसहस्रं च देवलोके प्रतिष्ठितं । 106 पित्र्ये पञ्चदश प्रोक्तं गन्धर्वेषु चतुर्दश ।
107a एक शतसहस्रं तु मानुषेषु प्रतिष्ठितं । नारदोश्रावबहेवानासेतो देवलः पितृन् ।
10760 गन्धर्वयक्षरक्षांसि श्रावयामास वे श्रृंकः।
108a Deest,
108b अस्मिस्तु मानुषे लोके वैशंपायन उक्तवान् । 109a शिष्यो व्यासस्य धर्मात्मा सर्ववेदविदां वरः ।
1096 एक शतसहनं तु मयोक्तं वै निबोधन । वैशंपायनविर्षिः श्रावयामास पाथिर्व ।
Deest. पारीक्षितम्महाबाहुबाबा तु जनमेजयं । सुम्योधनो मन्युमयो महाद्वमः स्कन्धः कर्णश्शक
निस्तस्य शाखाः। दुशासनःपुष्पफले समृद्ध मूलं राजाधृतराष्ट्रॉबिकेयः। 1101 फलपुष्प
'ट्रोऽमनीषी
93
"

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MARCH, 1898.]
THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA. 75
बुद्धमा
112
118
114
तथा
South-Indian Ms.
Devandgari edition (Bombay). युधिष्ठिरो धर्ममयो महाद्रुम स्कन्धोर्जुनो भीम.
सेनोस्य शाखाः। माद्रीसुतौ पुष्पफले समृद्धे मूलं कृष्णो ब्रह्म च
ब्राह्मणाश्च। 111 पाण्डुजित्वा बहून्देशान् युधा विक्रमणेन च। अरण्ये मृगयाशीलो न्यवसत्स जनस्तदा ।
सन्मुनिभिः सह मृगव्यवायनिधने कृच्छ्रां माप स मापदं ।
'निधनात् जन्मप्रभृति पार्थानान्तत्राचारविधिक्रमः । मानुरभ्यवपत्तिश्च धम्मोपनिषदं प्रति ।
मात्रोरभ्युपपत्ति धर्मस्य वायोश्शक्रस्य देवयोश्च ततोश्विनोः । ततो धर्मोपनिषदं भूत्वा भर्तः प्रिया वृथा।
Deest. धानिलेन्द्रास्ताभिस्सा जुहाव सुतवाञ्छया। तत्तोपनिषदम्माद्री चाश्विनावाजुहाव च । जाताः पार्थास्ततस्सर्वे कुन्त्या माद्याध मन्त्रतः। तापसैस्सह संवृद्धा मातृभ्यां परिरक्षिताः। मेजुधारण्येषु पुण्येषु महतामाश्रमेषु च। तेषु जातेषु सर्वेषु वासवेषु महात्मसु ।
Deest. माया नु सह संगम्य ऋषिशापप्रभावतः। मृतः पाण्डुमहारण्ये शतभिंगे महागिरी। मेधारण्येषु पुण्येषु महतामाश्रमेषु च । मुनिभिश्च समानीता धार्तराष्ट्रान् प्रति स्वयं ।
ऋषिभिर्यत्तदानीता शिशवश्चाभिरूपाश्च जटिला ब्रह्मचारिणः । 116 पुत्राश्च भारताश्चेमे शिष्याच सुहपश्च वः।
भ्रातरचेमे पाण्डवाश्चैत इत्युक्त्वा मुनयोन्ताहतास्ततः। 117
वा एत तैस्तानिवेदितां श्रुत्वा पाण्डवान् कौरवास्तदा । तांस्तैनिवेदितान्दृष्ट्वा शिष्टाश्च वर्णाः पौरा ये ते हर्षाशुक्रुशु शं । 118 आहुः केचिन्न तस्यैते तस्यैत इति चापरे। ___Deeste
119 या चिरमृतः पाण्डुः कथं तस्येति चापरे। स्वागतं सर्वथा दिष्टया पाण्डोः पश्याम सन्तति । उच्यतां स्वागतमिति वाचो श्रूयत सर्वशः। तस्मिन्नुपरते शब्दे दिशस्सर्वा विनादयन् । अन्तर्हितानां भूतानां निस्वनस्तमुलोभवत् । 121 पुष्पवृष्टिभुभा गन्धा शंखदुन्दुभिनिस्वनाः।
गन्धाः आसन् प्रवेशे पार्थानान्तवत्भुतमिवाभवत् । 122 ततप्रीत्या चैव सर्वेषां पौराणां हर्षसंभवः । शब्द आसीन्महांस्तत्र दिविस्पृक् कीर्तिवर्द्धनः। 123 तेधीत्य सकलान्वेदान् शास्त्राणि विविधानि च। न्धवसन पाण्डवास्तत्र पूजिता अकुतोभयाः। 124 युधिष्ठिरस्य शौचेन प्रीताः प्रकृतयोभवन् । धस्याच भीमसेनस्य विक्रमेणार्जुनस्य च । गुरुभूभूषया कुन्त्या यमयोविनयेन च ।
साम्बा तुतोष लोकस्सकलस्तेषां वीर्यगुणेन च । 126 समवाये तदा राज्ञां कन्यान्तत्र स्वयंवरात् ।
ततो
कन्यां मर्दस्वयंवरां प्राप्तवानर्जुनः कृष्णां कृत्वा कर्म सुदुष्करं। 127
- Read पाण्डर्जि.
120
125

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76
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
[MARCH, 1898
Devandgari edition (Bombuy).
ततः
128
गणान्
129
राज्ञो
South-Indian MS. ताप्रति लोकेस्मिन् पूज्यस्सर्वधनुष्मतां । आदित्य इव दुष्प्रेक्ष्यस्समरेष्वपि चाभवत् । स सर्वान् पास्थिवाश्चित्वा सर्वांश्च महतो गुणान् । आहारार्जुनी राज्ञे राजसूयम्महाक्रतुं। अन्नबान्दाक्षिणावांश सर्वैस्समुदितो गुणैः । यधिष्ठिरेण संपामो राजसूयो महाक्रतुः। सुनयावासदेवस्य भीमार्जुनबलेन च । पातयित्वा जरासन्धयश्च बलदर्पितं । दुयोधनं विना गच्छन्न समानि ततस्ततः। माणिकाचनरलानि गीहस्त्यश्वधनानि च ।
Deest.
130
131
गर्वित समागच्छन्नहणानि
132
विचित्राणि च वासांसि प्रावारावरणानि च । 133 कंबलाजिनरत्नानि रांकवास्तरणानि च ॥
द्धां तां तथा
184
135
'मां तत्र
हता तत्रावहसिनश्वासीय
136
187| कथितो
हरिणः कृशः
138
139
क्षीनन
ৱিালীন
विविधांश्चाप्युपेक्षत ° भीष्म द्रोणं 'मदहन क्षत्रं
140
मतं ज्ञावा
समृद्धान्तान्ततो दृष्ट्वा पाण्डवानान्सवा श्रियं । ईर्ष्यासमुत्थस्सुमहान् तस्य मन्युरजायत । विमानप्रतिमाश्चापि मयेन सुकृतं सभां। पाण्डवानामुपसनां स दृष्टा पर्यतप्यत । यत्रापहसितश्चास्मिन् प्रस्कन्दान्निव संभ्रमात् । प्रत्यक्षं वासुदेवस्य भीमेनानभिजातवान् । स भोगान्विविधान् भुञ्जन रत्नानि विविधानि च । ब्बथितो धृतराष्ट्रस्य विवर्णाथ शयंस च। अन्वजानात्ततो यूतन्धृतराष्ट्रसुतप्रियः। तच्छुत्वा वासुदेवस्य कोपस्समभवन्महान् । नातिप्रीतमनाश्चासीविषादचाप्युपेक्षते । यूतातीतनयान् पोरान् प्रबद्धांशाप्युपेक्षते । निरस्य विदुरन्द्रोणं भीष्म शारदूतं कृप। विग्रहे तुमुले तस्मिन्नहन् क्षत्रान् परस्परं। जयस्सु पाण्डपुत्रेषु श्रुत्वा सुमहदप्रियं । दुय्योधनवधं श्रुत्वा कर्णस्य शकुनेस्तथा। धृतराष्ट्रश्चिरन्ध्यात्वा सञ्जयं वाक्यमब्रवीत् । श्रुणु सञ्जय मे सर्वान्नाभ्यसूयितुमर्हति । श्रुतवानास मेधावी बुद्धिमान् प्राज्ञ सत्तम । विद्महे मम पुत्राणां पाण्डुनाञ्च तथा सति। न में विशेषः पुत्रेषु स्वेषु पाण्डुसतेषु वा। वृद्धम्मामभ्यसूयन्ते पुत्रा मन्युपरायणाः। भहन्त्वचक्षुः कार्पण्यात् पुत्रप्रीत्या सहामि तत् । मुह्यन्तश्चानमुखामि दुर्योधनमचेतसं । राजसूये श्रियन्दृष्ट्वा पाण्डवस्य महौजसः। तचापहसनं प्राप्य सभारोहणदर्शने । अमर्षित स्वबनुमशक्तः पाण्डवानृपे। निरुत्साहश्रियं प्रामु श्रियन्तां क्षत्रियो यथा । गान्धारराजसहित छत्मयूतममन्वयद । तब यययथाज्ञातम्मया सञ्जय तच्छु । श्रुत्वा तु मम वाक्यानि बुभ्या युक्तानि तत्वतः। ततो ज्ञास्यास मां सौते प्रज्ञाचक्षुषमित्युत। बदाश्रीषन्धनुराबम्ब चिर्षविलक्षं पतितं वै
प्रथिव्यां। कृष्णांहतां पश्यतां सर्वराज्ञान्तदानासे विज
- याव-सवमा
शृणु सर्वे मे न चासूयितुमर्हसि
संमतः न विद्महे मम मतिर्न च प्रीये कुलक्षये।
144
यन्ति
145
. मुयामि नं 146 |तचा अमर्षणः
वान रणे 147
व संप्रादु सुश्रियं
अप सन्
148
149
लक्ष्वं पातित
प्रेक्षता
1501

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THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA. 77
I do not propose to enter into a full discussion of all the various readings found in the above extract, but will only draw the attention of sobolars to the most striking points,
The MS. is quite consistent in writing Romaharshapa for Lomaharshapa, 15 Naimisa for Naimisha, and almost consistent in giving the name Säta instead of Sauti.
The most important divergence between the two recensions begins with verse 55, and the most characteristic fact is the omission of the story of Ganebs who undertakes to write down the Makábkdrata. The order of the verses 55-109 differs entirely in the two recensions, bat this different arrangement in the South-Indian recension is by no means necessitated by the omission of the story of Gapesa. If the author of the South-Indian version had simply wished to shorten the narrative by omitting this story, he might have achieved his end with much tess trouble. Nor is it probable, that the author or compiler of this version had any scruples about the mention of writing in the story, and on this account omitted every allusion to Gapeśa's acting as a scribe for Vyasa. In order to enable the reader to decide, in this special case, which of the two versions is preferable, and whether it is more likely that the legend of Gaņeśa is an interpolation in the Northern recension, or that it has been omitted by the compiler of the Southern recension though he knew it to be part of the Mahabharata - I give below, in parallel columns, & short sketch of the contents of verses 55-111, (a) according to the Bombay edition, and (6) according to our Grantha MS. (a) Devandgari (Bombay) edition.
(6) South Indian MS. 54. (1) Vyâsa, the son of Satyavati (1) Vyâsa, the son of Satyavatî and Paraand Parasara, composed the
sara, composed the Mahabharata. Mahabharata. 55-56a. (2) Having composed it, he con- (2) Vyâsa, by Niyoga, becomes the father sidered how he might teach
of the Kauravas. it to his disciples. 56-605. (3) Brahman, knowing the thoughts (3) His sons having grown up, etc., Vyasa of Vyâsa, appears and is
proclaimed the Mahabharata, teachreceived by Vyasa with due
ing Vaisampayana and reciting the respect.
poem during intervals of the sacrifice. 61. (4) Vyâsa addresses Brahman, (4) Brief summary of the contents of the telling him that he has com.
poem. posed that great poem, 62-70a. (5) giving a list of all the subjects
(5) This Bharata contains 100,000 verses, treated of in this poem,
including the Upályánas. 706. (6) and winding up with the words : (6) Vyasa made the Bhúrata of 24,000 verses, However, no writer
without the Upákhyánas. (lek haka) of this work is
found on earth. 71-736. (7) Brahman replies praising (7) Afterwards the Rishi composed another Vyasa as a great poet and
epitome in 150 (?) verses of this most sage,
excellent of stories. 730. (8) and finally advising him to think (8) And he considered how he might teach (with an inward prayer) of
it to his disciples. Gaņeśa for the purpose of
writing down the poem. 749. (9) Then Brahman returns to his (9) Brahman, knowing the thoughts of abode.
Vyâsa, appears and is received by Vyâss with due respect.
:
15 So also Romapida for Lomapada in the Vanaparven.

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(a) Devanagari (Bombay) edition.!
(b) South Indian MS. 746-80. (10) Vyasa directs his devotional (10) Vyasa addresses Brahman, telling him thonghts to Ganesa who
that he has composed that great as soon as thought of, ap
poem, 16 pears, and writes down the Mahdbharata which Vyêba
dictates to him. 81. (11) I (Santi?) know 8,800 verses, (11) giving a list of all the subjects treated so does Suka, Sañjaya may
of in this poem. know them or not. 82. (12) The hidden meaning of the (12) Brahman replies praising Vyasa as a Mahábhárata no one is able
great poet and sage, to penetrate. 83a. (13) Even omniscient Gaņeśa took (13) extolling the Mahabharata as the best of a moment to consider.
poems, 838. (14) Vyas also composed many | (14) and describing the Mahabharata as a tree other verses.
of which the Parvans are seed, root,
etc.
(15)
Then Brahman returns to his abode.
(16) Súta says : 'I will now speak of the
branches, flowers, fruits, etc., of
that tree.' (17) 'The Anukramanikädhyâya and Parvasara
graha (?),
84-87. (15) The Mahabharata extolled as
the best of poems, 88-92. (16) The Mahabharata is a tree, of
which the Parvans are seed,
root, etc. 93. (17) Sauti says: 'I will now
speak of the flowers and
fruits, etc., of that tree.' 94-96a. (18) Vysa, by Niyoga, becomes
the father of the Kauravas. 966-993. (19) His sons having grown up.
etc., Vyasa proclaimed the Mahabharata, teaching Vaisampayana and reciting the poem during intervals
of the sacrifice. 996-101a. (20) Brief summary of the con-
tents of the poem, 1016-102. (21) This(first) Bharata contains
100,000 verses, including
the Upakhyanas. 1026-103a. (22) Vyasa made the Bharata of
24,000 verses, without the
Upåkhyánas. 1036. (23) Afterwards the Rishi com
posed another epitome in 150 verses,
(18) This it was what Vyûsa first taught to
his son Suka, then to other fit pupils. (19) Nárada recited it to the Devas, Asita
Devala to the Pitris, Suka to the Gandharvas, Yakshas and Rakshas, Vaisampayapa to Janamejaya.
(20) Duryodhana and Yudhisthira represented
as trees,
* The two lines 606 and 61a are clearly omitted by a scribe's carelessness, the omission being easily accounted for by a n in line 60a And in 61a.

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MARCI, 1898.) THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
79
(a) Deandgari (Bombay) edition.
(6) South Indian MS. 204a. (24) consisting of Anukramanika
dhyáya and Parvasan
graha (?). 1045-105a. (25) This Vyâsa first taught to
his son 'Saka, then to other
fit pa pils. 1056-107a. (26) Then he composed another
Samhitá for the gods, another for the Pitsis, one for the Gandharvas, besides
the one for men. 107b-109a. (27) Nârada recited them to the
Devas, Asita Devala to the Pitsis, Suka to the Gandharvas, Yakshas, and Rakshas, Vaisampâyana to
men. 1096. (28) I (Sauti ?) recited 100,000
slokas. 110-111. (29) Duryodhana and Yudhişthira
represented as trees. It will be admitted at once that neither of the two versions sketched above is quite satisfactory.
In both versions Vyása considers how he might teach the Mahabharata to his disciples, whereupon the god Brahman appears. The Northern recension here introduces Gaņeśa 'who, on Brahman's suggestion, is charged with writing down the Mahabharata. But we are not told that this copy made by Ganesa was ever used by Vyâsa as a means of instructing his disciples. On the contrary, it is pretty clear from vy. 80-83 that the legend of Ganesa was chiefly invented in order to enhance the vastness of the Mahabharata, and the profoundness of its teaching, and to shew the skill of Vyasa in dictating the poem without a stop. The statement in v. 81 abont Sauti, Suka, and Sanjaya knowing 8,800 verses comes in quite abruptly and contradicts the statements of v. 109. Even more abrupt is the transition from v. 93 to vy. 94 seqq. Sauti says that he is going to speak about the flowering and the production of fruit of the tree called Mahábharata. Then follows the story of Vyasa's Niyoga, his instructing Vaisampayana, and reciting the poem at Janamejaya's sacrifice (vv. 966-99a). It is just possible, thongł not probable, that the summary in vv. 996-101 was intended to be the description of the flowering and production of fruit' of the Mahdbharata tree. Bat it seems to me more probable that vy. 110 899., if not 112 sqq., should follow immediately after v. 93.
In the South Indian recension, the allnsion to Vyasa's Niyoga (vv. 966 seqq.) follows, more properly, after v. 54. But we meet with the same difficulty in the Southern, as in the Northern recension, when Vyasa begins to consider as to the best method of teaching the Mahabharata, and Brahman appears. It is by no means clear how Vyåsa derives any help from the god in his perplexity, unless it be by Brahman's describing the Mahabhárata as a tree, of which the eighteen Parvans are root, branches, etc.
There is, in the Southern version too, a hiatus after the words of Sata or Santi, "I will speak of the branches, flowers, fruits, etc., of that tree (vis., the Mahabharata)," but this hiatus is, at any rate, not so great as in the Northern recension, I am pazzled by the two lines :
भनुक्रामिणमछुपायं वृत्तान्सानां सपर्वषां। इदं द्वैपायनः पूर्व पुषमद्धपापयच्छुकं ॥

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The neuter y seems odd. But I prefer the Southern recension, when it omite vv, 1056-107a. This story of Vyasa's having composed special Samhitás for the gods, the Pitris, and the Gandharvas is probably an after thought suggested by vv. 107, 108a, relating merely that Narada recited the Mahabharata to the gods, Asita Devala to the Pitris, and Suka to the Gandharvas, Yakshas, and Rakshas.
There is nothing in the Southern recension that would justify us in assuming that its compiler knew the legend of Ganesa. Even the editor of the Telugu edition of the Mahabharata gives the legend in brackets. If, in addition to this evidence, we remember that Kshemendra, in his Bharatamañjari, does not allude to the legend of Ganesa, we are, I believe, justified in suspecting this legend of a more recent origin than the rest of the introductory story of the Mahabharata.
It is true17 that the legend of Ganesa acting as a scribe for Vyasa mast have been known to Rajasekhara, ca. 900 A. D. For in his Prachandapándava Nataka this poet introduces Vyasa speaking to Valmiki about the progress of his great work, and telling him how he had succeeded in outwitting the god Ganeía and compelling him to act as his scribe. I give the passage according to the edition of the work in the Kávyamálá. (p. 5). Vyasa says:
विनायको यः शिवयोरपत्यमधैं पुमानधमिभश्च देवः ।
स वर्तते भारतसंहितायां वृतस्तपोभिर्मम लेखकोऽब ॥ तेन च छलयितुमहमुपक्रान्तः । यदुत बाढमहं ते लिपिकारः । किं पुनर्येन, रहसा लिखेयं तेन यदि न संदभसे तत्ते विनः स्यात् । ततो मयापि प्रतिच्छलितः । ओमित्यस्तु । किं पुनर्भवता भावयता लिखितम्यमिति । अतः काव्यकष्टे मिनिविष्टोअस्मि ।।
This is, no doubt, the same legend as that told in the Mahabhdrata (1. 1, 74-80), although there is no mention of Brahman, who according to the Mahábhárata advised Vyåsa to address himself to Ganesa, in the drama of Rajasekbara, who only says that Vyasa obtained Ganesa's help by means of austerities (tapobhih). On the other hand, the words of Vyasa om ity astu in the Prachandapandava look almost like a reminiscence of the phrase (used however of Gaņeśa) om ity uktvá in the Mahabharata, I. 1, 79.
But if Rajasekhara knew the legend of Ganesa -- even if there should be a slight verbal agreemeut between the two narratives - does this prove that he knew it from the Mahábhárata? Such a legend must have been current for a long time before it was inserted in the Mahabharata. Rajasekhara may have known it as an independent Itihasa, or he may have taken it from some Pauraộic source. It must be remembered that the story occurs not in the body of Rajasekhara's work, which is mainly an epitome of certain Parvans of the Mahabharata, but in an introductory scene - shewing us Valmiki, the renowned poet of the Rámáyana, and Vyâsa, the author of the Mahabharata, engaged in a pleasant conversation which is entirely
11 I am indebted to Dr. Bühler for drawing my attention to this fact. [Since this was written, Indian studies have suffered the severest loss that could have befallen them, by the untimely death of my revered Guru. It was at his request that I wrote some notes on the Gareša legend in the Mahabharata for the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society - see April number 1898, pp. 880-84 - to which (as he wrote to me in his last letter) he intended to add a
afka' of his own in the next following number of the Journal. The Gareta legend discussed above had a peculiar interest for the departed scholar on account of its bearing on the history of writing in India, and I ought to that it was his opinion that Rajasekhara knew the Ganeša legend from the Devanågari version of the Mahabharata, as found in our editions. To the omission of the story in Kshemendra's Bharatamafjari he attached littlo import. ance." There are (he wrote to me) even more characteristic features of the Mahabharata which are omitted by Kehemendra, omissions which can easily be explained by his desire" to mensure the elephant with the closed fist."
No doubt in the world that the fika to my notes on Ganesa which the departed intended to give would have boen far more valuable than anything I have said on the subject. Alas, the history of the Mahabharata is one of the many points in the history of Indian literature on which Böbler's vast scholarship was likely to shed new and unexpected light and in this respect also the loss of our great Guru who was the most enthusiastie students well as the truest lover of India, is simply irreparable.]

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MARCH, 1898.) THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA. 81
Rijasekhara's own invention. And in this scene he might well have inserted the legend of Ganesa, in order to enhance the greatness of Visa and his work. It is not necessary that he found it in his version of the Mahabharata.
For the present, at any rate, I should prefer to say that the legend of Ganesa was known already about : 00 A.D., but that even in Kshemendra's time about 150 years later - it was not yet a part of the Mahabharata. It seems to ino highly improhnble that Kshemendra should have omitted such a characteristic story, if he had found it in his Mahabhirats, especially as he could easily have condensed the whole story into one or two stanzas. We shall see below that this is not the only instance in which Kshemendra agrecs with the South-Indian recension of the Mahabharata.
From a mythological point of view our passage is also of some importance. For it is remarkable that our legend is the only legend of Ganosa found in the opio literaturo. I am not aware that Ganesa is even mentioned in any other passage either of the Rámáyana or of the Mohábhárata, and it may well be donbted whether he has any claim to a placo in tho Epic Pantheon. He is certainly not a Veilic deity in any sense of the word. He is not mentioned in the Smritis, not even in Manu.18 In the Yájfiavalkyu-Smriti we meet with him (it sccms) for the first time. Here the worship of Gañesa has been ingrafted on an older Vináyakaśánti. The Vinayakas are a class of evil spirits (who are the cause of evil dreams) for whose propitia. tion a Vinúyakaránti is prescribed in tho Mánavagrikyasútra. As the late Dr. von Bradke has shewn, Yâjsavalkya's description of the Ganapatihuma is bnsed on the Viniiyakusrinti of the Manavagrilyasiltra.10 But originally the Vinayakas - who are also mentioned in the Mahibharata20 by the side of Rakshasas, Pisachas and Bhûtas- have nothing in common with Ganesa, except the name Vinayaka which happens to be one of the common designations of the elephantheaded god. An actual worship of Ganesa oocure only in such late Smritis as the KútydyanaSmriti (1. 11, 14) where Gaņeśn is worshipped together with the Mothers.
But in the older liternture we look in vain for any of the legends connected with Ganesn's birth, or his elephant head, or his one tooth, or his rat, such as we find them in the Purúnax. On the other hand, I bave not been able to find our Ganeśn legend in any of the Pauranic treatises devoted to Ganesa.21 But that a deity who has become so popular in later times should occur in the epic literature only in one passage, makes this one passage very suspicious. It seems, therefore, also on mythological grounds, that in this instance the South-Indian recension has preserved a loss interpolated text of tho Mahabharata than that found in our editions.
Of conrse, it does not follow by any means that the Southern recension represents the original Mahabharata.
(To be continued.)
13 That the gan inom yojnika, wbo according to Manu, III. 161 is excluded from a Sraddha feast is (as the commontators will have it) a performer of the Vinayaka or Ganesahoma seems to me utterly improbable. The most probable explanation seems that suggested by Dr. Bühler in the note to his translation of Manu (S. B. E. Vol. xxv. p. 106) that it refers to the Ganahomas of Baudbayana Dharmas. IV., 1.
1. Soo Yojiavalkya-Smriti, I. 271.294; Manava-grihyastitra, II. 14: Brndke in the Zeitschrift der deutsch Morgenländ. Gesellschaft, Vol. 36, pp. 426-432; Stenzler, Yajñaralkya, p. IX.; Jolly, Recht und Sitte (Bühler's Grundries, II. 8), p. 20. The Manavaprihyasutra mentions four Vinayakas whose names are given. Yajnavalkya as only one Viniyaka whom he identifies with Ganapati.
20 Mahabhürata, XII. 284, 131; Harivarissa, 181 (10697).
21 I have not been able to trace it in the Ganesa-Khanda of the Brahmaraitortta-Turina, nor in the GanesaUpapurúna, nor in the Ganesa-Khanda of the Skanda-purana. For the latter I could only compare an Index of the work found in the Bodleian MS. Mill 79. But my nequnintance with those worka ia too superficial to allow me to say definitely that the legend does not occur in thein.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1898.
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.
BY GEO. F. D'PENHA.
(Concluded from p. 56.) In due course, the wedding-day came, and the marriage took place with all possible éclat. The relations and friends of the king were feasted for several days. The bridegroom, the crane, hopped about the palace and the large compound and in the adjoining garden, causing much emusement to all. During meals, too, he would stretch his long neck and pick what he would desire from the table.
After thus spending some time at the king's Palace, the crane one day expressed, to bis father-in-law, his desire to go home with his bride. The king could not object to this, and so his son-in-law, after bidding everyone adieu, took his royal bride home.
Now in the nights, after supper, while the princess lay down to sleep, the crane would keep hopping about. As soon as he observed that his wife had fallen asleep, he would remove his crane-skin, and assuming the form of a man, would take his place at the side of the princess. A few days passed this way. At last the princess began to entertain some doubts about her husband, the crane. To find out the realities about him, she one night went to bed, but kept awake, snoring all the while to make believe that she was fast asleep. Her husband, little thinking of the dodge, having no cause to suspect her action, divested himself of his crane-skin, and, as usual, lay down beside the wife. The princess thus found out that her husband was not really a crane as be appeared to be, but a human being like herself, and, therefore, she had no reason to regret her marriage, although he was very poor, for her father could give her what she might want, being the king's only child.
The princess's next thought was how to make her husband remain in his human form, and she hit upon the following stratagem. She pretended that she had a strong fever, and that she was feeling very cold. She asked her mother-in-law, therefore, to keep a good fire under her cot, to keep her warm during the night, as she said. The mother-in-law, too, did not suspect what was really in her daughter-in-law's mind, and, thinking what she stated might be true, kept a brisk fire burning under the cot of the princess. Night soon came, and supper over, the princess not eating anything that night on the pretence that she had no taste nor any appetite for food, they all retired to bed. That night, too, the princess kept awake, pretending to be asleep. Her husband, the crane, after a good while, thinking his wife was asleep, removed his crane-skin, and, assuming the form of a man, lay down beside the princess, and was soon fast asleep. The princess left the bed without making the slightest noise, and, getting hold of the crane-covering of her husband, threw it on the fire, which soon reduced it to ashes. Having done this the princess again lay down quietly and went to sleep. When, at the usual time, the husband woke up, he searched in vain for his covering, but, looking at the fire under the bed. he soon discovered the trick which his wife had played upon him. He questioned the princess, who frankly confessed what she had done, and craved forgiveness, which he granted with all his heart.
The news of the metamorphosis of the crane soon spread in the country, and reached the ears of the king, who came and saw for himself that it was only too true, and learnt from the princess what she had observed for several nights, and how she had brought about the transformation.
As they were very poor, the king invited them all to live with him, and on his death his son-in-law succeeded him to the throne. They then lived bappily to a good old age, loved and respected by all.

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MARCH, 1899.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
83
NOTES AND QUERIES. MORE IDIOMS FROM PORT BLAIR. for convicta, according to which men on ticket. 1. Total. - In common use among the con- of-leave must build their buts, was here set up by victs, who are constantly being counted for all the Government. sorts of reasons. Petty Officers are told off to 16. Hathi-Ghat, Anglice, Elephant Point, so count them in batches, and as each fnishes his called, because some Government elephants were batch he brings up his "total." - Total karna, once kept there. to compare the totals.
18. Nimak-bhatta, salt-pans. - More than 2. Dipatmant for Department: means the one place is so called because of a former salt Forest Department, that being the first separate manufactory on the spot from sea-water. department created at Port Blair. Dipatmant
R. C. TEMPLE. Sabib, Forest Officer. Dip&tmantwala, & convict told off to work in the Forest Department.
I DAGON AND KIACKIACK. 3. Sher sahib: sher shortened from 'over
HERE is a quaint and valuable contribution seer' from its likeness to the common Indian word
from Alexander Hamilton, Neto Account of the shér, a tiger. An overseer of convicte.
East Indies, 1739, Vol. II. p. 29, towards the his.
tory of this difficult word, which has been already 4. Singal, for signal=semagram. There
discussed, ante, Vol. XXII.p. 27 t. After explain. is an elaborate system of semagraph signals at
ing how Shah Shuja' of Bengal was killed and Port Blair worked by the Military Police.
plundered by the ruler of Arakan, he goes on to 6. Tikat, tikatliv, a ticket of leave, also its say: "So much Treasure never had been seen holder. Tikatwald, a man with a ticket of leave:
in Arackan before, but to whom it should belong a self-supporter. Tikat is also used for the wooden caused some Disturbance. The King thought “neck ticket" worn by labouring convicts. that all belonged to him, those that fought claim.
6. Parmosh, promotion. -- This is in oom. ed a Share, and the Princes of the Blood wanted mon use amongst the Military Police, and also some fine large Diamonds for their Ladies, but amongst the convicts, who are constantly being the Tribe of Leri found a way to make up the transferred from class to class on promotion." Difference, and perswaded the King and the other 7. Kilas, class. The convicts are arranged
ista are arranged Pretenders, to dedicate it to the God Dagun, in classes.
who was the titular God of the Kingdom, and to 8. Sikman, sick-man, used for a convict
depositate it in his Temple, which all agreed to;
now whether this be the same Dagon of Ashdod, when in hospital : hence for any human being in the "sick-list :" hence again for any Govern.
mentioned on the first Book and fifth Chapter of ment animal on the "sick-list," e. g., an elephant,
Samuel, I do not certainly know, but Dagun has
a large Temple in Arackan, that I have heard of, pony, bullock.
and another in Pegu that I have seen.” 9. Rol=rail, originally a railing, now any kind of hedge or fence.
At p. 56, there is given one of those useless
illustrations of the period of " A prospect of the 10. Rashan, ration. -The labouring con viots
Temple of Klakock or Dagunn." are all rationed. Bashan-mét, ration mate: i. , the convicts told off to help the cooks to keep
Again at p. 58 f. we are told that "there are two and distribute the rations.
large Temples near Syrian, so like one another in
Structure, that they seem to be built by one IL Chana-bhatta, i. e., a lime kiln, used
Model. One stands about six Miles to the for any place where one has once been set up.
Southward, called Kinckiack, or, God of Gods The name sticks, however much the use of the
Templo. In it is an Image of twenty Yards long. place may change in the course of time. Half a
lying in a sleeping Posture, and, by their Tradidozen spots are already so named.
tion, has lien in that Posture 6000 Years.... 18. Chauldart for shuldari, & native
The other stands in a low Plain, North of Syrian, tent. This is the name of two separate places in about the same Distance called Dagun..... the Penal Settlement, because at one time con- Assoon as Klackiack dissolves the Being and victs were encamped at each for a while.
Frame of the World, Dagun or Dagon will 18. Dadh-lain, lit., the Milk lines, i. c., a guther up the Fragments and make a new one." place where milch-cattle have once been kept. | Hamilton in the above curious narration, has, Two or more places are so named.
of course, mistaken the building for the object of 14. Namanaghar, lit., Pattern-house. The its dedication, but so far as the word Dagun is name of a village, a convict-station and some concerned, we may arrive at its pronunciation quarries, because a sample (namina house (ghar) from the spelling Dagunn.

Page #88

84
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MARCH, 1898.
The impossible-looking word Kiackiack, with its variant spellings, is nothing but the Talaing kyaik, any object of worship or veneration, a pagoda, equals the Burmese and Siamese phra and phaya. Sec ante, Vol. XXII p. 334 f., and Haswell's Talaing Vocabulary, pp. xiii. ff., 40. There is,
moroever, the well-known Kyaik-kauk Pagoda, that described by Hamilton, Dear Syriam ; which, probably accounts for the reduplicated forms Kiuckinck and Kiakeck used by him.
R. C. TEMPLE.
BOOK-NOTICE. THE SIKSHASAMUCHCHAYA.
The inscription read by Bayer was the now A WORD of congratulation must be offered to familar Or marri padmd hun, and his knowledge the Imperial Academy of Sciences of St. Peters- of Sanskrit, such as it was, was obtained chietiy burg, for its successful inauguration of the new
from Tibetan sources So, also, it is from Central Suries of Buddhist Texts, entitled the Bibliotheca
| Asia that Sanskrit learning in St. Petersburg has Buddhica, and to Prof. Bendall for having the
on more than one other occasion received its honour of leading it off with the first number of inspirations. Witness, for instance, the Khahis edition of the Silishúsamuchchaya. Philo. roshthi Manuscript exhibited by Prof. d'Oldenlogy owes much to the Academy for what it has burg at the last Oriental Congress; and so it is done for Sanskrit. The monumental Dictionary of
but appropriate that the Imperial Academy Bochtlingk and Roth issued from its doors, and
should be the body to step forward and to offer to is a familiar example of its more recent achieve supply & want which has long been felt by inents in this department of research. But in Buddhist scholars. Buddbistic works of the publishing it, the Academy has only carried on Southern school we hawo in plenty, but the exam. traditions which dnted from the first volume of ples of works of the Northern, Mahdyrina, school its Transactions for the year 1728. Amongst the
which have been printed are few in number, and learned men who were the original members of with the exception of one or two wellknown the Acndemy was the celebrated Bayer, whose
volumes, are almost confined to the publications letters to LaCroze form the most interesting
of the lately founded, Indian, Buddhist Text Soportion of the Thesaurus Epistolions. It was
ciety. In addition to the Sikshitsamuchchaya, Bayer who had the honour of being the first Euro
we may now shortly expect in the silme series, pean scholar to decipher a Buddhist inscription in
the Rashtrapula-pariprichchhú, edited by M. the Pali language, and to bring a knowledge of
Finot, the Dasabhúmiávara, edited by M. de the Sanskrit alphabet to the West. These were
Blonay, the Abhidharna-kusa-vyakhyvi, edited first described by him in the Transactions of the
from Chinese koilroes by Prof. S. Lévi, and the Academy for 1728 and 1729. Before that time Suvarna pralhasa, edited by M. Finot. The first the only specimens of Indian alphabets which of these is in the press, and the others are under appear to bave reached Europe had been pub- preparation. lished in 1715 in a collection of translations of The present edition contains the first third of the Lord's Prayer contained in Chamberlayne's the work edited by Prof. Bendall. It has the Sylloge. This was an unsatisfactory work, and disadvantage of being based on a single MS., contained some extraordinary blunders, so that an ancient one, now forming a portion of the the Academy may fairly claim to be the official i Wright collection in Cambridge. Mr. Bandall who introduced Oriental Philology into the | has, however, been able to supplement this by a western world, to have taken the promising child comparison with a Tibetan version in the Hodgson into her hospitable arms, and to have nursed it till collections of the India Office, and the result in it was fit to go abroad into foreign countries. a text which, considering the difficulties under Nor did its care stop here. A hundred and thirty which the Editor laboured, is remarkably free years later, when the child had become a youth from doubtful passages. The work is an import(learning ever has a long childhood), it endowed ant one, and is, as tbe Title-page informe us, a it with the great lexicon for a capital which has compendium of Buddhist teaching of the Mahli. lasted so many years, and which is still bearing yana school. Mr. Bendall reserves remarks liberal interest. Now, in his full-grown manhood, regarding the text and its contents for the compleshe has not abanäoned her loving interest in her tion of its publication, and for a translation which protege, and, under the general direction of Prof. he has under preparation. All sçbolars will d'Oldenburg, is forwarding his interests with this await them with interest. projecteil series of the Bibliotheca Buddhica.
GEO. A. GEIERSON.
1 Sikahdeainuchichaya, a Compendium of Buddhistio Téaching, compiled hy Santidiva, chiefly from earlier
Nahyanarrar. Edited by C. Bendall, M. A. Fasci. culus I. St. Petersburg, 1897.

Page #89

APRIL, 1898.]
1500
Ain Akhart, Blochmann Ed, p. 31 ff.
jêtal 25 dâm (paisa).
...
......
9 mohar (gold).
punko 4 dhan
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 67.)" E.Bengal.83 (a) Money.
40 rupee (silver). 30 ropia
2 crown
4 ruttee 18 masha 2 tola...
1838
tola...
5 chittack
Bengal Regulation.
⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
1833
1838
Mardelslö, Travels, p. 37.
*******
peyse
16 seer...
40 maund (824 lbs.)
Bengal Regulation.
!!!
...
1739
A. Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II., Appx., p. 7.
couries 80 poan
32 to 36 rupee
c. 1838
Stevens, Guide, pp. 90, 129.
(b) Troy Weights.
dhân
4 rati (carat).. 8 masha
12 tôla...
12 annoe 16 rupee
.........
1775
Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 98 f.
...
tôla... 5 chhatûk
pice
******....
(c) Avoirdupois Weight.
o. 1833
16 ser...
5 pansêrî (visâ) 8 man96
20 khan (mil)
⠀⠀⠀⠀
Prinsep, Useful Tables, pp. 96, 112,
...
⠀⠀⠀⠀
1776
Stevens, Guide, pp. 96, 129.
pice
4 fanam
viz...
1
2 ana83
16 rupee85 crown (ecu).
2
******
c. 1833
Act XXI., Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 77.
2 anna ...16 rupee
pie
3 pice
2 double pice
pât
12 ânâ
16 tôla (180 grs.)
4 powah
4 seer
1835
Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 96 f.
1897
5 passeree
8 maund
Calcutta Bazaar Weights.
sicki
5 kancha (1 tola)
4 chittack
85
...............*****
3 Stevens, or his printer, oddly enough (p. 129) mixes up "Callicat and Callicutta" under Bengal, an indication perhaps of the relative value of Bengal as a possession on those days.
Also 10 ana= 1 fiano,
Also called tole.
55 38 rupees 1 pagoda. se The "Bengal Factory mannd," 1787, was 10% higher than the modern British Indian maund; 3 factory maunds being made to equal 2 cwt, to save calculations in remittances to England: p. 104.

Page #90

86
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1898.
I will now proceed to note the eridence I have as regards particular Factories along the West Coast of India, premising that information regarding the main factories of Surat, Bombay, Madras and Calcutta has been already given under the major heads of Gujarat, Bombay, Madras, and Bengal. I take the selected Factories or places from North to South thus: - Aurangabandar, abandoned in 1775, in Sindh ; Goa, Carwar, Calicut and Tellicherry, Cochin, all on the Malabar Coast; and Aujengo and Onor further South in Travancore.
F. - Aurangabandar.
(a) Money. No evidence available. (b) Troy Weights.
1775
c. 1833
Stevens, Guide, p. 67.
Prinsep, C'esful Tables,
p. 115.
mnoon ... 24 ruttee ...
6 massa ... 12 tola ...
.
... ... ....
rati 6 masha 12 tóla
(c) Avoirdupois Weights.
1789
1775
c. 1833
A. Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II.,
Appx., p. 4.
Stevens, Guide, p. 67.
Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 115.
pice
.........
pice... ... 4 anna
16 pucca seer ... 40 maand - pucah (75 lbs.)... 40 maand (743 lbs.) ...
sear
64 ser ... 40 man (749 lbs.)
G. - Goa. (8) Money
1639
1675
1711
1789
1775
Mandelslö, Travels,
Yule, Hob. Job. I. t. xerafine, quoting
* Fryer.
Stevens, Guide,
p. 83.
Lockyer, Trade,
P. 299.
Alex, Hamilton, Fast Indies, Vol, II.,
Appx., p. 6.
p. 127.
reis ...
basrook ... ray ... .. badgerook ... leader® rees 1 basaruque ... 14 rees ... 12 vinten
15 vintin 5 tanghe ... 5 tango 80 tango (silver) 5 tango
.80 tango serafino (sil- 5. zeraphin ... 5 pardao zera.! 5 zerephin (par- 5 pardao xeraver)
phin doa)
phin 14 rupee ... 5 St. Thomae... 3 pagoda .
12 crazado
(gold) 57 Prinsep probably meant Shahbandar, as Aurangabandar was dissolved in 1775, the year in which Stevens published his book see Hughes, Gat. of Sindh, p. 767. "Weights used at Sindy."
» ? leaden Tees. # Also 14 to 16 tanghe = 1 pagoda.

Page #91

APRIL, 1898.] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
(b) Troy Weight. No evidence available. (c) Avoirdupois Weight.
1873
1711
1739
1775
c. 1833
Yule, Hob. Job., 8. . rottle, quoting Fryer.
Lockyer, Traula,
p. 239.
A. Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II., Appx., p. 6.
Stevens, Guide,
p. 127.
Prinsep, Useful
Tablea, p. 116.
rotulla
rotola (1 lb.)... rattle 32 arobelo (rovel). 24 maund92 4 kintal ... 3 bahar ... ..20 candy
24 maund
rattle ... 24 maund92
aroba 4 quintal
20 candilo
... 20 candy
c. 1838 Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 116.
maund92 20 candy .- Carwar. (a) Money.
1711
1775
Lockyer, Trade, p. 269.
Stevens, Guide, p. 125.
budgrook 6 pice ... 45 juttal 1} fanam
... ..
budgrook 3 pice 6 settle (jetta) 4 1} fanam 14 tarr 20 pagoda
36 pagoda
(b) Troy Weights. No evidence available. (c) A voirdupois Weights.
1711
1775
o. 1833
Lockyer, Trade, p. 269.
Stevens, Guide, p. 125.
Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 115.
and
ser ... 42 maund 20 candy
..
maund (26 lb.) ... 20 candy ...
... ...
sêr ... 42 man (26 lb.) ...
...
...
91 I. e., & man of 32 lbs. » 520 lbs. Av.
* All these maunds are 244 lbs. * 1. e., jital.

Page #92

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1898.
I. - Callout and Tellicherry.
(8) Money.
1711
1711
1789
Lockyer, Trade, pp. 275, 280,
for Tellicherry.
Lockyer, Trade, pp. 275, 280,
for Calicut.
A. Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II.,
Appx., p. 7, for Calicut.
tare (silver) 16 fanham (gold) ... 4 rupee ...
... ...
fanham (gold) 5}rupees. 4 ducat .
tar ... 10 fanam ... 4 rupee
..
(b) Troy Weights.
1775
1776
Stevens, Guide, p. 98.
Stevens, Guide, p. 125.
vis ... ... 16 fanam 5 & 4} rupee ...
tarr or vis 16 fanam (gallee) 5 rupee
(c) Avotrdupois Weights.
1711
1775
c. 1898
Lockyer," Trade, pp. 275, 280.
Stovens, Guide, pp. 98, 125.
Prinsep, Useful Tables, pp. 116, 121.
pool
pollamo7 ... ... 20 maand (28 lbs.) ... 20 candy ... ..
rupees 20 ser 64 & 68 man
... 100 maund (30 lbs.) ... ... 20 candy ...
J.-Cochin. (a) Money.
1711
1775
Lockyer, Trade, p. 275.
Stevens, Guido, p. 187.
fanham (gold) 18 rupee
fanam 9 pagoda
» 3 rupeps equal ) chequeen.
Same information for 1739 in A. Hamilton, East Indies, Vol. II., Appx., p. 7. 11 3 pollam rattle. * Probably pollam.
* 321 to 344 lbs.

Page #93

APRIL, 1898.) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
89
(b) Troy Weights.
1778 Stevens, Guide, D. 187.
fanam of cheqain weight
10 rupee (c) Avoirdupois Weight.
1711
1775
c. 1838
Lockyer, Trade, p. 275.
Stevens, Guido, p. 127.
Prinsep, Ueful Tables, p. 117.
pollam 20 maund (28 lbs.) 20 candy ...
maund (274 lbs.) ...
sêr ... 42 man (272 lbs.ico
-
X. - Anjengo and Onor.
(8) Money.
1775
1775
Stevens, Guide, p. 123.
Sterens, Guide, p. 123.
vis ... ... 16 fanam (gallion) 5, 7 and 6 rupee
budgrook 4 pice 12 fadam
18 pagoda
(b) Troy Weight. No evidence available. (c) Avoirdupois Weight.
1775
c. 1838
c. 1898
Stevens, Guide, p. 13.
Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 115,
for Anjengo.
Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 120,
for Onor.
...
...
maund (28 lbs.) 20 candy ...
telong (tulâm) 14 man (28 lbs.) 20 khåndt ..
... ...
... 40 to 44 man (25 lbs.) ..
140 Kominally 36 lbs.

Page #94

90
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1898.
The tables just given appear at the first glance to contain merely a hopeless maddle of facts, but the more closely they are studied in the light of the facts elicited from the Lilávati, the Ain Akbari, and the Muhammadan Indian coinage, and of the existing Indian scales, the more clearly do they appear to me to prove that the existing Indian scales are the direct descendants of that popular Indian scale of 98 ratis to the told already described : and that, too, despite the queer diction of travellers and traders, and the varions dates and places at which they recorded their observations for three and four centuries and more. The existing scales are, moreover, substantially what they were in the days of the early Muhammadan conquerors.
These tables therefore confirm the conclusion that the general South Indian scale must be referred to the popular scale of 96 ratis to the tôla and not to what I have called the old Indian literary scale of 320 raktikás to the pala. But, as may be seen from the preceding sections of this Chapter, it is this very literary scale of 820 raktikas to the pals that became extended to the Far East.
Now, however conventional and unreal the literary scale may have become by the XIIth Century A. D., it must have been real enough at some time previously, and no doubt it spread to the Far East whilst it was a practical method of computation - say, at some period long anterior to the XIIth Century. The general inference from this argument is that the Far Eastern scales, as we find them now, have been adopted from India at time when the old literary scale of 320 raktikds to the pala was still in practical use, which time was anterior to the adoption in India of the popular scale of 96 ratis to the tôla.
How old the Indian popular scale is, or when the Indian literary scale spread Eastwards, I do not pretend to discuss here, but I would point out that the ancient Chinese scale, as opposed to the existing decimal scale, seems to bear some reference to the popular scale. Thus, taking the ratí to be half the candareen and the candareen to be the old Chinese chu, we get :
Indian Popular scale.
Lilâvati Popular scale.
Ancient Chinese scale.
...
cho
rati ... 8 masha
guñja (rati) 3 valla
...
6 hwa 2 che 2 liang
8 dharana ... ... 2 gadyânaka... (2 tôla, see ante, p. 62)
4 tánk... 3 tôla ...
2 kin
96
48 (=96 rati)
Taking the tôla to have been actually 174-180 grs., the kin c. 195 grs., and the tickal c. 225 grs. Troy, .we get at the actual relative values which the upper Troy denominations assumed ; and this places the ancient kin between the modern tola and tickal. So far as I can gather, in modern India the old general upper Troy denomination has become assimilated to the tôla and in Indo-China to the tickal.
There is also a curious coinage in Nepal, which has long had a great vogue far into Central Asia, through Tibetan trade, the weights of which should apparently, and, in view of what will be later on explained as to the Manipuri coinage and Troy scales, almost certainly,
Ante, p. 30, and the argument in the Section on Chinese weighte.

Page #95

APRIL, 1898.)
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
91
be referred to the scale of 88 ratis to the tola. Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 32,2 gives the weights of it thus:
Nepalese Troy Weight and Coinage.
5 dâm are 1 paisa 5 paisa, 1 ani 4 ani 1 suka 2 suka , 1 mohar
2 mohar, 1 takka (= tôla or rupee weight of 174 grs.)
400 dâms to the tôla The whole scale is directly and purely Indian, and should more than probably be referred to the coins represented by the gold and silver jaldlas of Akbar, which were respectively worth 400 and 40 dáms (gold being then to silver as 10 to 1, or nearly so), and weighing practically the same amount, i. e., about a tôla. The gold jalála, - la'l-i-jaldli, or at least one form of itwas in weight or value equal to two round mohars.
To the scale of 96 ratis to the tola should also be referred, I think, the isolated Burmese denomination viss (pêkba, spelt pissa) and its Talaing and Shân equivalents, p'sa (u'sd) and soi, both no doubt representing the word vísa etymologically as well. The SouthIndian viss (vísat), as the eighth part of the South-Indian maund of 25 lbs., has practically always been 3.125 lbs., or thereabouts, and the weight of 100 tickals, being 3.652 lbs., or thereabouts, has been given its name by the Peguan and Burmese traders.
Besides the viss, no Far Eastern commercial weight can be traced in the vernaculars to South India, so far as present information goes, with the doubtful exception of the candaroen. The Malay equivalent is kondari or leindari and the Tamil is kunrimaņi (vulgarly kundrimaan). but it would require a good deal of proving to settle which (if either) came from the other.
That the modern commercial terms, mace and tael, can be traced as far as a Malay origin there can be no doubt, but the further clear reference of them to másha and tóla, to my mind, demands still further research to carry conviction.
As regards the ultimate reference of the commercial term cash to karsha, or better to kárshápana, there is the evidence collected by Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s. v. And so long as one is content to remain in the realm of conjecture, with a view to research in definite directions, the following probabilities may be put forward :
Table of Probable Derivations.
Sanskrit or Prakrit.
Burmese.
Malay.
Talaing.
Far Eastern, Commercial
cash
mat
..
... mks
mace
kyat.
kârshî pana masha karsha tola taka pala visa
tâhil, tail
tel. t'ke, h'ki, b'kò... tickal
pollam w'sâ, p'sa5 . viss
b0(1) ... pêkba ...
The scales given in Wright's Nepal, p. 297, do not seem to be correct. At any rate they do not work out.
* See Blochmann, Ain Akbari, Vol. I. pp. 29 to 33. Gladwin, Ayeon Akbery, Vol. I. Pp. 20 to 27. For the reference of the scale of 100 dáms to the told to the scale of 400 cowries to the ani, vide ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 290 ff. . South-Indian kisu.
* Shao, soi.

Page #96

92
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1898.
ON THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
BY M. WINTERNITZ, PE.D.
(Continued from p. 81.) I now proceed to give some more extracts from our Grantha MS. I am obliged to omit, for the present, the highly interesting first Anukramariká or Table of Contents, but I give the end of the first Adhyâya, the Parvasarigrala and the second Table of Contents for the first three Parvans, and the end of the second Adhyâya.
B.
254
255
Adiparvan,
1,252-275. South-Indian Ms.
Deranagarí Edition (Bombay). सूतः।
| सौतिरुवाच। इत्येवं पुत्रशोकान्धृतराष्ट्र जनेश्वरं । आश्वास्य स्वस्थमकरोत् सूतो गावत् गणिस्तदा। 252
गावल्गणिस् अनोपनिषदं पुण्यां कृष्णद्वैपायनोब्रवीत् । ___Deest.
1253 विद्धिः कथ्यते लोके पुराणे कविसत्तमः॥ भारताषयनान् पुण्यादपि पादमधीयतः ।
यनं पुण्वमपि श्राधानस्य यूयन्ते सर्वपापान्यशेषतः ।
प्रबन्ते देवर्षयो पत्र पुण्या अमराजर्षयस्तथा।
| देवा देवर्षयो ह्यत्र तथा ब्रह्मर्षयोऽमला। कीर्त्यते शुभकम्माणस्तथा यक्षमहोरगाः ।
यक्षा भगवान् वासुदेवश्च कीस्वतेत्र सनातनः। स हि सत्यमृतश्चैव पवित्रं पुण्यमेव च ।
256 शाश्वतं परमं ब्रह्म परमज्योतिस्सनातनं ।
ब्रह्म परम ध्रुवं यस्य दिव्यानि कर्माणि कथयन्ति मनीषिणः। 257 असत्सन् सदसश्चैव यस्मादेव प्रवर्तते।
असच सदसचैव यस्मादिश्वं सन्ततिश्च प्रवृत्तिश्च जन्म मृत्युः पुनर्भवः। 258
मृत्युपुनर्भवाः अद्धधात्म भूयते यत्र पञ्चभूतगणात्मकं ।
यच गुणा' अव्यक्तापि परन्तच स एव परिगीयते । 259
"वि परं बच्च यन्तं पायन्ति परामुत्ताजपानयोगबलान्विताः।
यत्तयतिवरा मुक्ता प्रतिबिंबामवादशैं पश्यन्त्यात्मन्यवस्थितं। 260 श्रहाधस्सोयुक्तास्सत्यधर्मपरायणाः।
श्राधानः सदा युक्तः सदा धर्मपरायणः। कथयनिममद्धपायं नरः पापात् प्रमुच्यते। 261 आसेवनिम अनुक्रामिणमडपाबं भारतस्यैवमादितः।
अनुक्रमणिकाध्याय
स्येममा भास्तीकस्सततं श्रिण्वन् न कृच्छ्ष्व वसीदति। 262 भास्तिक सहामधे जपन् कश्चित् सयो मुच्येत किल्बिषान् । उभे संध्ये किंचित् भनुक्रामिण्याश्च तन्त्र स्थादिवा रात्र्या च सञ्चितं
अनुक्रमण्या यावत्स्यादन्हा रा' भारतस्थ व पुण्ये तत् सत्यवानृतमेव च ।
वपुर्खेत नवनीतं यथा दो विपदा बामणो गया। 264 भारणस्वापि वेदेभ्य ओषधीभ्यो बथामृतं ।
भारण्यकं च
ओषधिभ्योऽमृतं यथा Deest.
285 इशनामुदाधिः श्रेष्ठो गौर्वरिष्ठा चतुष्पदा ।
यथैतानीतिहासानां तथा भारतमुच्यते । बच्चेदं भावयेत् श्राद्ध प्राणान् पादमन्ततः। 266
बथैनं अक्षय्यमत्रानन्तत् पितृस्तस्योपतिष्ठति। .
पानं वै. तिष्ठते " Read कीय॑न्ते.
शृण्वन्

Page #97

APRIL, 1898.7 THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
93
.
South-Indian MS.
Devanagari Edition (Bombay). इतिहासपुराणाभ्यां देवार्यमुपद्व्हयेत् ।
267
वेदं समुप विभेत्यल्पश्रुतादेशे मामयं प्रातरिष्यति ।
प्रहरि' कृत्स्नं वेदमिमं विद्वान् श्रावयित्वार्थमझते। 268 ] काय भ्रूणहत्या कृतचापि पापन्नह्यान्न संशयः।
दिकं चापि पापं जपावसंशयं व इर्म शुचिरडघावं पठन् पर्वणिपर्वणि 269 अधीतं भारतनसेन कृत्स्नं स्थादिति मे मतिः।। यशेदं श्रुणुवामित्वमा श्रद्धासमन्धितः।
270 यश्चैनं श्रु स दीर्घमायुर्षािच स्वर्गतिश्चाप्यानरः।
हः कीर्ति चस्वार एकतो वेश भारतञ्चकमेकतः । 271 एकतधतुरो वेदान् तदे। समागतै सुरषिभिस्तुलामारोपितं पुरा ।
पुरा किल सुरैः सर्वैः समेत्य तुलया धृतं । Deest.
272 चतुर्व्यः सरहस्ये यो वेदेम्बा प्रधिकं यदा।
तरामभृति लोकेस्मिन् महाभारतमुच्यते । महत्थे च गुरुवे व ड्रीबमाण 3 यतोधिक। 273 महत्वात् भारतत्वाच महाभारसमुच्यते ।
भारवस्वाच निरुक्तमस्व यो वेदं सर्वपापैः प्रमुच्यते ।
274 तपो म कल्कोअपवनन्न कल्कस्वाभात्रिको वेदविधिर्म
कल्कः । 275 प्रसह्य वित्ताहणन कल्कस्तान्येव भावोपनतानि कल्कः ॥
हतानि . इति श्रीमहाभारते शतसहत्रिकाबा संहितायामादिपर्वणि
आदिप अनुक्रमणिकाप पौलोमे पदानुक्रमो नाम प्रथमोपायः ।।
प्रथमोऽध्यायः ॥ १॥ अनुक्रमणीपर्व समाप्तं ।। The verses in which the etymology of Mahabharata is given seem to be better in the South-Indian recension, for the two lines 2726,273a are anite superfluous. It is interesting to see that our MS. supports the reading भारतस्वाप in v. 274a, which is also found in Kumarila's Tantravarttika where this line is quoted. The appropriateness of this reading has been proved by Dr. Bühler. 4
33a
Adiparvan,
2,33-205. South-Indian Ms,
reranagari Edition (Bombay). सशौनक सचे ते भारताचामविस्तर।
"मुत्तम Deest.
336 जनमेजयस्य सत्सः व्यासशिष्येण धीमता ॥ . 34a कथितं विस्तरार्थं च यशो वीर्य महीक्षितां।
346 पौष्यं तत्र च पौलोममास्तीकं चादितः स्मृत भाख्यास्ये तब पौलोममास्तीकच ततः परं ।
Deest. विचित्रार्यपाण्यानमनकसमवान्वित । प्रतिपनन्नरैः प्राज्ञैराग्यमित्र मोक्षिभिः। ___35 भास्मेव वेदितव्येषु प्रिवेष्वपि च जीवितं ।
आत्मैव
विव हि हातहासः प्रधानार्थश्रेष्ठस्सर्वामध्यवं। Deest.
अनाश्रित्येदमाख्यानं कथा अवि न विद्यते। . | 37 आहारमनपाश्रित्य शरीरस्येव धारणं॥
तदेतहारतं नाम कविभिस्तूपजीप्यते ।
| 33 उसवप्रेप्सुभिस्यैरभिजात वेश्वरः।। ५. Read त्रिबमाण.
24 See Indian Studies. By G. Bühler and J. Kirste. No. II., Contributions to the History of the Mahabharata, Wien, 1892, p. 9 seg

Page #98

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
PAPRIL, 1898.
Devanagari Edition (Bombay).
यस्मिनः
40a
तस्य प्रज्ञा
400 मूक्ष्मार्थन्याययुक्तस्य वेदाभूषितस्य च ।
पर्वानुकमणी द्वितीयः
इस रोमहर्षण
वाहो
यं ततः
तसा स्वयंवरो देव्याः
कार
लभ कासः
ज्ञेया हरणहारिका
ततः
South-Indian Ms. इतिहासात हास्मिन्तपिता बुद्धिरुतमा । स्वरब्बञ्चनयोः कृत्वा लोकवेदाश्रयेव वाक। अस्य प्राज्ञाभिपन्नस्य विचित्रपदपर्वणः।
Drest. भारतस्योतिहासस्य श्रूयतां पर्वसंग्रहः । सर्वानुक्रमणं पूर्व द्वितीयं पर्वसंग्रहः ।। पाध्यं पोलोममास्तीकमादिवंशावतारणं। ततस्संभवपक्तमत्भुतन्देवनिर्मितं ।। अथी जतुगृहस्थात्र हैडिंपर्क चोच्यते। ततो बकवधः पर्व पर्व चैत्ररथन्तथा। तत स्वायंवरन्दव्याः पाञ्चाल्या पर्व चोच्यते । अत्रधर्मेण निर्जिस्य ततो वैवाहिकं स्मृतं ।। वितुरागमनं पर्व राज्यलाभस्तथैव च | अर्जुनस्य वने वासं सुभकाहरणन्तथा । सुभद्राहरणादू. ज्ञेयं हरणहारित। ततः खाण्डवदाहास्यं तत्रेकमयदर्शनं ।.. सभापर्व ततः प्रोक्तं मन्त्रपर्व ततःपरं। जरासन्धविधः पर्व पर्व दिग्विजयस्तथा । पर्वन्दिग्विजयादू राजसूयकमुच्यते ।। ततश्चाभिहरणं शिशुपालक्वन्ततः। यूतपर्व ततः प्रोक्तमनुप्रतमतः परं ।। तत आरण्यक पर्व किमीरवध एव च।
___Deest. ईश्वरार्जुनयोर्युद्ध पर्व कैरातमुच्यते । इन्द्रलोकाभिगमनं पर्व शेयमतः पर।
Deest. तीर्थयात्रा ततः पर्व कुरुराजस्य धीमतः। जटासुरवधः-पर्व यक्षयुद्धमतः परं । तयेवाजगरं पर्व विशेषन्तदनन्तरं । मार्कण्डेयसमाण्या च पर्वोक्तन्तदनन्तरं ।। संवादश्च ततः पर्व द्रौपदीसत्यभामयोः ।। घोषयात्रा ततः पर्व पर्व प्रायोपवेशनं । श्रीहिद्रोणकमायानन्ततोनन्तरमुच्यते। द्रौपदीहरणं पर्व सैन्धवेन वनात्ततः।
Deest.
यिक
किरिवध उच्यते | 50a अर्जुनस्याभिगमनं पर्व ज्ञेयमतः परं ।
संज्ञित
500
5la
516- मलोपाख्यानमपि च धार्मिकं करुणोश्यं ।
मिवातकवचर्य वं पर्व चाजगर ततः ।
समास्या च-पर्वानन्तरमुच्यते
मृगस्वमोहवं ततः द्रौणिकमाख्यानमैन्द्रयुग्मं तथैव च ।
जयद्रयविमोक्ष पतिव्रताया माहात्म्य सावित्र्याश्वमदुतं । 56 रामोपाख्यानमत्रैव पर्व शेयमतः पर। 57a 576 570 पाण्डवानां प्रवेशश्च समवस्थाच पालन ।
नां वधः 580
अभिमन्योः उद्योग
__ सय पर्व ज्ञेयमतः पर
तथा 60 |
कुण्डलाहरणं पर्व ततःपरमिहीच्यते।। आरणेयन्ततः पर्व वैराटन्तदनन्तरं ।।
___Deest. कीचकानान्ततः पर्व पर्व गोमहणन्ततः। अभिमन्युना च वैराटपाः पर्व वैवाहिक स्मृतं । उद्योग पर्व विज्ञेयमत अर्द्धम्महासभुतं । ततस्सञ्जयवानाख्यन्तदनन्तरमुच्यते । प्रजागरन्ततः पर्व धृतराष्ट्रस्य चिन्तथा। पर्व सानस्सुजात्तम गृहमपास्मदर्शनं ।
58a

Page #99

APRIL, 1893.) THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
95
Devanagari Edition (Bombay).
South-Indian Ms. बानसन्धिस्ततः पर्व भगवयानमेव च ।
Deest.
6la
610 मातलीयमुपाख्यानं चरितं गालवस्य च । 62a सावित्रं वामदेव्यं च वैन्यापाक्वानमेव च। 620 नामदग्न्यमुपाख्यानं पर्व पोडशराजकं । 638 सभाप्रवेशः कृष्णस्य विदुलापुत्रशासनं । 636 उद्योगः सैन्यानिर्वाणं विधोपाख्यानमेव व
°स्यापि Deest.
G4a
6Gb -64b.
658 666
निर्याणं च सतः पर्व रथाति
पर्वामर्ष
66a
ज्ञेयं विवादपर्वात्र कर्णस्य च महालनः । मन्त्रस्व निश्चयं कला कार्य समभिचिन्तयत् । कीय॑ते चाप्लुस्थान सेनापस्येभिषेचन । श्वेतस्य वासुदेवेन वि बहुकथाश्रयं । भीष्माभिषेचनं पर्व ततश्चात्भुतमुच्यते । निर्याणपर्व च ततः कुरुपाण्डवसेनयोः।। स्थादिरथसंख्या च पर्वोक्तन्तदनन्तरं । उलूकतागमनं पर्व रोपर्विवर्जुन । अंबोपाख्यानमय च पर्व ज्ञेयमतापरं ।। अंजूषण्डविनिर्माण पर्वोक्तन्तदनन्तरं । भूमिपर्व ततो शेया सीपविस्तारकीनन । दिव्यचक्षुर्ददी बन सञ्जबाब महानृषिः । पर्वोक्तं भगवतगीता पर्व भीष्मवधस्ततः। होणाभिषिक्तः पात संशमकवधस्तथा । अभिमन्युषधः पर्व प्रतिज्ञापर्व चोच्यते । जयद्रयवधः पर्व घटोत्कचवधस्ततः। सतो द्रोणवधः पर्व विशेवन्तदनन्तरं ।। मोक्षी नारायणास्त्रस्य पर्वानन्तरमुच्यते ।
Deest..
6ta
678
ततः प्रोक्तं
Deest..
68a 686
°षेचनं पर्व
69
ज्ञेयं लोमहर्ष
कर्णपर्व ततो ज्ञेयं शल्यपर्व ततः परं। 71 इवप्रवेशनं पर्व गदायुद्धमतः परं ।
सारस्वतं ततः पर्व तीर्थवंशानुकीर्तनं । 72 अत उर्व सुबीभत्सं पर्व सौप्तिकमुच्यते । चोटि
खमीविलापस्त
78a
प्र.
736 74a
7-50
ऐषीक पर्व निर्दिष्टमत जई मशरुण। जलपादानिक पर्व स्वीपर्व च ततः परं । श्राद्धपर्व ततो ज्ञेयं कुरूणामोहिक भाभिषेवनिक पर्व धर्मराजस्य धीमतः। चावकनिमहः पर्व रक्षसो प्ररूपिणः। प्रविभागो गृहाणाच्च पर्वोक्तम्तदनन्तरं । शान्तिपर्व ततो यत्र राजधानुकीर्तनं । आपद्धर्मश पर्वोक्तम्मोक्षधर्मस्ततः परं ।
Deest.
748 756
7.6a
शासनं
766
78a 786
शुकप्रमाभिगमनं ब्राममानुशासनं । प्रादुर्भावश्च दुर्वासः संवादश्चैव मायया । परि
हणिकं चैव
ततः पर्व वरं ज्ञेयमानुशासमिकं पर। स्वगारोहणकं पर्व सतो भीष्मस्य धीमतः । ततोश्वमेधिकं पर्व सर्वपापपणाशनं । अनुगीता ततः पर्व ज्ञेयमद्धपात्मवाचकं । पर्व चाश्रमवासाख्यं पुत्रदर्शनमेव च । नारदागमनं पर्व ततः परमिहीच्यते। . मौसल पर्व च ततो घोरं समनुपाण्यंत ।।
79a 796
80
चोदिष्ट तती पोरं सदारुणं
- Read °पत्यनि.

Page #100

96
South-Indian MS.
महाप्रस्थानकं पर्व स्वर्गारोहणकन्ततः । हरिवंशस्ततः पर्व पुराणं खिलसंज्ञितं । Deest.
भविष्यत्पर्य चाप्युक्तं खिलेष्वेवात्भुतम्महत् । एतत् पर्वशतं पूर्ण व्यासेनोक्तम्महात्मना । यथा तु सूतपुत्रेण रोमहर्षणिना पुनः । कविसमधारये पर्यायाव समासो भारतस्यायन्तत्रोक्तः पर्वसंग्रहे ।
Deest.
39
"
23
39
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
39
पीछे पनि माहात्म्पतिं । पौलोमे भृगुवंशस्य विस्तारः परिकीर्त्तितः । ओकाम सहस्रन्त पञ्चाशच्छतमेव च । अपादानान्तथा च पर्वण्यस्मिन् प्रकीशिताः। आस्तीके सर्वनागानां गरुडस्य च संभवः । क्षीरोदमथनश्चैव जन्मोच्थे श्र६ सस्तथा । यजतस्सर्पसत्रेण राज्ञः पारीक्षितस्य ह । कयेयमभिनिर्वृत्ता भारतानाम्महात्मनां । भोकामन्त सहस्रञ्च त्रिशतवोत्तरन्तथा । श्लोकाश्च चतुराशीतिः पर्वण्यस्मिन्तथैव च । अजुपायानान्तथा प्रोक्तः चत्वारिंशन्महर्षिणा । विविधास्संभवा राज्ञामुक्तास्तंभवपर्वणि । अन्येषा विमानामुपायनस्य च । अंशावतारणञ्चात्र देवानां परिकीर्त्तितं । दैत्यानान्दानवानाञ्च यक्षाणाञ्च महौजसां । नागानामथ सर्पाणां गन्धर्वाणां पतत्रिणां । विविधानां सम्भवः। Deest.
37
वसूनां पुनरुत्पत्तिर्भागीरथ्र्याम्महात्मनां । शन्तनो वेश्मनि पुनस्तेषाञ्चारोहणन्दिवि । तेजशानाञ्च संयोगात् भीष्मस्याप्यत्र संभवः । राज्यांनिवर्त्तनचैव ब्रह्मचर्य्यत्रते स्थितिः । प्रतिज्ञापालन व रक्षा चित्रांगदस्य च । हते चित्रांगदे चैव यक्ष्मा भ्रातुर्य्यवीयसः । विचित्रवीर्य्यस्य तथा राज्ये संप्रतिपादनं । धर्मस्य नृषु संभूतिराणि माण्डव्यशापजा । कृष्णपायनाचैव प्रसूति । धृतराष्ट्रस्य पाण्डोश्च पाण्डवानाञ्च संभवः ।
81
82a
826
83
84
85a
896 90a
906
91
92a
326
93
94
95a
97a 976
98
99.
100
101
Devanägays Edition (Bombay). 'निक
निक
विष्णुपर्व शिद्योश्चर्या विष्णोः कंसवधस्तथा । भविष्यपर्व
यथावत्
उनि नैमिषारण्ये
लोमहर्षणिना ततः
'मत्रोक्तः पर्वसंग्रहः 854 पपीलीममारवीपादिवंशावतारणं । संभवो जतुवेदमाख्यं हिडिंबनकयोवधः ।
86 तथा चैत्ररथं देव्याः पाञ्चाल्याश्च स्वयंवरः । निर्भय ततो वैवाहिक स्प
87 विदुरागमनं चैव राज्यलंभस्तथैव च । वनवासोऽर्जुनस्यापि सुभद्राहरणं ततः । 88 हरणाहरणं चैव दहनं खाण्डवस्य च | 89a मयस्य दर्शनं चैव आदिपर्वणि कथ्यतं । "मुक
Deest.
भर
39
Deest.
37
भूराना
नं तस्य
[APRIL, 1898.
रक्षा
परिक्षितस्य च
956 महर्षेराश्रमपदे कण्वस्य च तपस्विनः ।
शकुन्तलायां दुष्यन्ताद्भरतश्चापि जज्ञिवान् । 96 यस्य लोकेषु माम्भेदं प्रथितं भारतं कुलं ।
शान्तनो
संपातो
"रणी"

Page #101

APRIL, 1898.]
THR SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MARABHARATA.
97
1126
South-Indian Ms.
Devanagari Edition (Bombay). पारणावसबामा च मन्त्रो दुर्योधनस्य च। 102a
यात्रायां Deest.
1026 कूटस्य धार्तराष्ट्रण प्रेषणं पाण्डवान्प्रति । 103a हितोपदेशश्च पथि धर्मराजस्य धीमतः।
1036 विदुरेण कृतो यत्र हिताय म्लेच्छभाषया। विदुरस्व च वाक्वेन मुरुंगावगमक्रिया ।
___10a
गोपक्रम Deest.
1046 निषायाः पञ्चपुत्रायाः सुप्ताया जनुवेदमनि ।
105a पुरोचनस्य चाष दहनं संप्रकीर्तितं । पाण्डवानां पने पोरे हिडिंबायाश्च दर्शनं। 1056 Deest.
106a सत्रैव च हिडिंबस्य वधो भीमान्महाबलात् । घटोत्कचस्व चोत्पत्तिरप्रैव परिकीर्तिता। 1066 Deest.
107a महर्षेदर्शनं चैव व्यासस्यामिततेजसः।
1076 सदाज्ञयैकचक्रायां ब्राह्मणस्य निवेशने । अज्ञातचा पार्थानां वासो प्राह्मणवेश्मनि । 108a
चर्यया वासी बत्र तेषां प्रकीर्तितः बकस्व निधनश्व ब्राह्मणानाञ्च विस्मयः। 1086
नागराणां च Deest.
109a संभवथैव कृष्णाया धृष्टद्युत्रस्य चैव है। 1098 ब्राह्मणात्समुपश्रुत्य ध्यासवाक्यप्रचोदिताः। 110a श्रीपदीं प्रार्थयन्तस्ते स्वयंवरदिदृक्षया।
! 1106 पचालानभितो जग्मयंत्र.कौतूहलान्विताः । अंगारवर्षित्रिवि गंगाकुलेर्जुनस्तदा । ma
पर्ण नि Deest.
1116 सख्यं कृत्वा ततस्तेन तस्मादेव च भुश्रुवे । भ्राभिस्सहिसस्सर्वैः पाञ्चालानभितो ययौ।। सापत्यमय वासिष्ठ मौर्योपाख्यानमेव च। 112a
मौर्व चाख्यानमुत्तम Deest.
113a पाञ्चालनगरे चापि लक्ष्य भिस्वा धनञ्जयः। 1130 द्रौपदीं लब्धवानत्र मध्ये सर्वमहीक्षितां । 114a भीमसेनार्जुनौ यत्र संरब्धान्प्रथिवीपतीन् । 1148 शल्यकौ च तरसा जितवन्तौ महामधे। । 115a दृष्टा तयोश्च वीर्यमप्रमेयममानुषं । 1166 शकमानौ पाण्डवांस्तान् रामकृष्णौ महामती ।
116a जग्मतुस्तैः समागन्तु शाला भार्गववेश्मनि । पञ्चेन्द्राणामुपास्यानमवैवात्भुतमुच्यते। 117a पञ्चानासकपनीचे विमों दुपदस्य च।
'नामक द्रौपचा देवविहितो विवाहचाप्यमानुषः। 1176 Deest.
118a क्षनुश्च धार्तराष्ट्रेण प्रेषणं पाण्डवान्प्रति । विदुरस्य च संप्राप्तिदर्शनं केशवस्य च। 1188 खाण्डवप्रस्थवासश्च ततो राज्यार्द्धशासनं ।। 119a _ तथा सर्जन नारदस्वच वाक्येन द्रौपचास्समयाक्रिया। 1198
स्याज्ञया चैव सन्दोपसनयोस्तष पाख्यानं प्रकीर्तितं। 120a
स्तहदाण्यानं परि Deest.
1206 अनन्तरं च द्रौपद्या सहासीनं युधिष्ठिरं । 121 अनुप्रविश्य विप्रार्थे फाल्गुनो गृह्य चायुध ।।
122a मोक्षयिस्वा गृहं गता विप्राथै कृतनिश्चयः। पार्थस्य वनवासच उलूप्या सह संगमः। 1228
वनवासे च पथि पुण्यतीनुसंबानं बधुवाहनजन्म च।
___123a Deest.
1230 तत्रैव मोक्षयामास पञ्च सोऽप्सरसः शुभाः। 124a शापाद्वाहत्वमापन्ना प्रामणस्य तपस्विनः।
1248 प्रभासतीय पार्थेन कृष्णस्य च समागमः । द्वारकायां सुभद्रा च कामयानेन कामिनी। 125a
भामिनी वासुदेवस्वानुमते माताबैव किरीटिना । 1256 हरणं गृह्य संप्रामे कृष्णे देवकीनन्दने । 126a | गृहीत्वा हरणं प्रासे
1168
देवकि

Page #102

98
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1893.
शाङ्गयो त
1316
South-Indian Ms.
Devanagari Edition (Bombay). भभिमन्यास्सुभद्रायां जन्म चोत्तमतेजसः। 1266 Deest.
1274 द्रौपद्यास्तनयानां च संभयोनुप्रकीर्तितः ।
1276 विहारार्थ च गतयोः कृष्णयोर्यमुनामनु । संप्राप्तिश्चक्रधनुषः खाण्डवस्य च दाहनं। 128a
धनुषोः मयस्य माक्षी ज्वलनात् भुजगस्य च मोक्षणं। 1286 महर्षेभन्दपालस्व शान्तिनयसंभवः । 129a इत्येवमादिपर्वोतं प्रथम भुवि विस्तरं । 1296
इत्येतदा अधायानां शते देतु संख्याते परमर्षिणा। 130a अष्टावशेष चाडयाया व्यासेनोनमतेजसा । 1306 सप्तर्विशतिरध्याया अष्टौ श्लोकसहस्राणि शतान्यष्टौ तथैव च। 13la
अष्टौ श्लोकशतानि च श्लोकाश्च चतुराशीति दृष्टो अन्थो महात्मनः।
"तिर्मुनिनोक्ता महात्मना द्वितीयन्तु सभापर्व बहुवृत्तान्तमुच्यने । सभाक्रिया पाण्डवानां किंकराणाञ्च दर्शनं। 132 लोकपालसभाख्यानं नारदादेवदर्शनात् ।
°दर्शिनः राजस्थस्य चारंभी जरासन्धवधस्तथा। 133 गिरिजजे निरुद्धानां राज्ञां कृष्णेन मोक्षणं! 134a
1348 तथा दिग्विजयोऽत्रैव पाण्डवानां प्रकीर्तितः। Decst.
135a राज्ञामागमनं चैव साहणानां महाक्रती। गजसूर्यसंवाद शिशुपालवधस्तथा। 1356 यज्ञे विभूतिन्दृष्ट्वा तान्दुःखामर्षान्वितस्य च । 1360
तां दृष्टा दुर्योधनस्यापहासो भीमेन च सभातले । 1866
स्थाव यत्रास्थ मन्युरभवयन तमकल्पयन् ।
रुद्भूतो येन द्यूतमकारयत् यत्र धर्मसुताते शकुनिः कितवोजयत् । 137
सुतं यत्र यता ममा द्रौपदी नौरिवार्णवे।
मग्नां द्रौपदी
वात् 138a Deest.
| 1380 धृतराष्ट्रो महाप्राज्ञः स्नुषां परमनुःखितां । गच्छतश्चातिरुष्टांस्तान ज्ञात्वा दुर्योधनो नृपः। 139a. तारयामास तांस्तीर्णान् पुनरेव सतो यूते समाह्वयत पाण्डवान् । 1396 Deest.
140a जित्वा स बनवासाय प्रेषयामास तस्तितः। एतत्सर्व सभापर्व व्याख्यातं परमर्षिणा। 1406
समाख्यातं महात्मना, अजपायास्सप्तति ज्ञेया द्वौ चाच परिसंख्यया । 14la
जेयास्तथा चाष्टौ प्रसंख्यया चतुश्लोकसहस्राणि पञ्चश्लोकशतानि च। 1416
श्लोकानां वे सहने तु श्लोकाश्चैकादश ज्ञेयाः पर्वण्यस्मिन् प्रकीर्तिताः ।
हिजोत्तमाः अतः परन्तृतीयन्तु ज्ञेवमारण्यकं परं ।
महत् वनवास प्रयानेषु पाण्डवेषु महास्मसु । पोरानुकंपा अजतो धर्मराजस्य धर्मतः। 143
गमनं चैव धर्मपुत्रस्य धीमतः Deest.
144a अन्नौषधीनां च कृते पाण्डवेन महात्मना।
1446 द्विजानां भरणाय च कृतमाराधनं रवेः। धौम्योपदेशात्तिग्मांशुप्रसादादनसंभवः।
145a Deest.
1456 हितं च अवतः क्षनुः परित्यागोंबिकासुतात् । 146a त्यक्तस्य पाण्डुपुत्राणां समीपगमनं तथा। 1466 पुनरागमर्म चैव धृतराष्ट्रस्य शासनात् । 147a कर्णप्रोत्साहनाच्चैव धार्तराष्ट्रस्य दुर्मतेः। 1476 वनस्थान्पाण्डवान्हन्तुं मन्त्रो दुर्योधनस्य च। 148a तं दुष्टभावं विज्ञाय व्यासस्यागमनं द्रुतं । 1486 निर्याणप्रतिषेधश्च सुरभ्याख्यानमेव च । | 1494 मैत्रेयागमनं चात्र राज्ञश्चैवानुशासनं ।
142

Page #103

APRIL, 1898.) THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
99
SoutheIndian Ms.
Devanagari Edition (Bombay). यशापोत्सर्गश्च विदुरस्य प्रवासनं ।
1496 शापोत्सर्गश्च तेनैव राज्ञो दुर्योधनस्य च। किसेरकवधाण्यानं वृष्णीनामागमस्तथा।
1504 किमीरस्य वधश्चात्र भीमसेनेन संयुगे। पाण्डवानाञ्च सर्वेषां सौभाख्यानन्तथैव च ।
1506 वृष्णीनामागमश्चात्र पचालानां च सर्वशः।। पाञ्चालागमनञ्चव द्रौपद्यावाश्रमोक्षणं ।
15la श्रुत्वा शकुनिना यूते निकुत्या निर्जितांश तान Deest.
1516 क्रुद्धस्यानुप्रशमनं हरेश्चैव किरीटिना । 152a परिदेवनं च पावाल्या वासुदेवस्य संनिधौ। 1526 आश्वासनं च कृष्णेन दुःखार्तायाः प्रकीर्तितं । 153a तथा सौभवधाख्यानमत्रवोक्तं महर्षिणा। 1536 सुभद्रायाः सपुबायाः कृष्णेन द्वारकापुरी। 1544 नयनं द्रौपदेयानां धृष्टद्युम्नेन चैव ह। 1546 प्रवेशः पाण्डवेयानां रम्ये दैतवने ततः। 155a धर्मराजस्य चात्रैव संवादः कृष्णया सह । 1556 संवादच तथा राज्ञा भीमस्यापि प्रकीतितः। 1560 समीपं पाण्डुपुत्राणां व्यासस्यागमनं तथा। 1566 प्रतिस्मृत्याथ विद्याया दानं राज्ञो महर्षिणा।
157a गमनं काम्यके चापि व्यासे प्रतिगते ततः। अस्त्रताविवासच पार्थस्यामिततेजसः। 1570 महादेवन युद्धञ्च किरातवपुषा सह ।
1584 दर्शनं लोकपालानां स्वर्गारोहणमेव च । 1588
नामस्त्रप्रामिस्तथैव च Deest.
159. महेन्द्रलोकगमनमस्वार्थ च किरीटिनः।।
1596 यत्र चिन्ता समुत्पन्ना धृतराष्ट्रस्य भूयसी। दर्शनं बृहदश्वस्य महर्भावितात्मनः।
1600 युधिष्ठिरस्य चार्तस्य व्यसने परिदेवनं । 1606
व्यसनं नळोपाख्यानमत्रैव धम्मिष्ठकरुणोदये। 16la नलो. दमयन्त्या स्थितिय॑त्र नळस्य व्यसनागमे। 1616
नलस्य चरितं तथा Deest.
162a तथाक्षहृदयप्राप्तिस्तस्मादेवमहर्षितः।
1626 लोमशस्यागमस्तत्र स्वर्गापाण्डुसुतान्प्रति । वनवासगतानाञ्च पाण्डवानाम्महात्मनां। 1630 स्वर्गे प्रवृत्तिराख्याता रोमशेनार्जुनस्य च । 1636
लोम Deest.
164a संदेशादर्जुनस्यात्र तीर्थाभिगमनक्रिया। 1648 सीनां च फलप्राप्तिः पुण्यस्वं चापि कीर्तितं ।
105a पुलस्त्यतीर्थयात्रा च नारदेन महर्षिणा। तीर्थयात्रा तयैवात्र पाण्डवानाम्महात्मना। 1650
च तत्रैव ____Deest.
1660 तथा यज्ञविभूतिश्च गवस्यात्र प्रकीर्तिता। आगत्वमपि चाख्यानं यत्र वातापिभक्षण। 167a लोपामुद्राभिगमनमपत्यार्थषेरपि ।
1676
स्षेस्तथा ततश्येनकपोतीयमुपाख्यानमनन्तर।
173a
मनुत्तम इन्द्रोग्निर्यत्र धर्मस्य जिज्ञासाथै शिचिनप। 1736
इन्द्राग्नी यत्र धर्मश्चाप्यजिज्ञासच्छिबि नपं । ऋश्यभंगस्य चरितं कौमारे ब्रह्मचारिणः । 1680 ऋष्य
कौमार जामदग्न्यस्य रामस्य चरितं भूरितेजसः। 1686 कार्तवीर्यवधी यत्र हेहयानाच्च वर्ण्यते । 169a
देह Deest.
1696 प्रभासतीय पाण्डूनां वृष्णिभिश्च समागमः।
1716 मान्धातुश्चाप्युपाख्यानं राज्ञोऽत्रैव प्रकीर्तितं । तीर्थयात्रा तयैवाब पाण्डवानाम्महात्मना। 1656 | repeated, occurred already above after 1635. कर्णस्य परिमोक्षोत्र कुण्डलाभ्यां पुरन्दरात | 166 नियुक्ती भीमसेनश्च द्रौपद्या गन्धमादने । 1774
. .. ....
. . .
सौगन्धिकार्यऽसौ नलि. बत्र मन्दारपुष्पा] नळिनीन्तामधर्षयत् । 1786

Page #104

100
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1898.
Devanagari Edition (Bumboy).
युद्धमभवस्ममहद्रा
सोक.
1700
घयोति
पीतिनो
South-Indian MS. यत्रास्थ सुमहद्युद्धमभवद्राक्षसैस्सह ।
179a यौवापि महावीमणिमस्प्रमुखैस्तथा।
1798 सौकन्यमपि चाण्यानस्यवनो यत्र भार्गवः। 170a शय्यातियज्ञेनासत्यौ कृतवान् सोमपीथिनी। ताभ्याञ्च यत्र स मुनियौवनं प्रतिपादितः। 171a जन्तूपाख्यानमत्रैव वघस्समुपवय॑ते । पुत्रेण सोमकः। 172a पुत्रार्थमयजदाजा लेभे पुत्रशतच्च सः। 1726 अष्टावक्रीयमत्रैव विवाद यत्र वन्दिनं । 174a विजित्य सागरं प्राप्नं पितरं लब्धवानृषिः। 1760
Deest.
यत्र पुत्रेण सोमकः
विवादो यत्र बन्दिना
जटासुरस्य चात्रैव वधस्समुपवर्ण्यते। 180a अवाप्य दिव्यान्यरवाल गुर्वस्य सव्यसाचिना। 18ta निवातकवचैर्यद्धं हिरण्यपुरवासिभिः। 185a समागमश्च पार्थस्य भ्राभिर्गन्धमादने ।
1830 Deest.
1740 अष्टावक्रस्व विपर्जनकस्याध्वरेऽभवन् । 1754 नैयायिकानां मुख्येन वरुणस्यात्मजेन च । 1756 पराजितो यत्र बन्दी विवादेन महात्मना। 1768 गन्धमावनयात्रा च वासो नारायणाश्रमे । 1776 जन्पथि महाबाहुर्दृष्टवान्पवनात्म। 178a कदलीपण्डमध्यस्थ हनूमन्सं महाबलं । च वयो राक्षसस्य वृकोदरात
गुर्वर्थ 'पोरैदानवैः सुरशभिः
चार्जुनस्य तव भ्रातृभिः सह 1808 वृषपर्वणो राजस्ततोऽभिगमनं स्मृतं । 181a भाटिषणाश्रमे चैषां गमनं वास एव च । 1810 प्रोत्साहनं च पावाल्या भीमस्या महात्मनः। 182a कैलासारोहणं प्रोक्तं यत्र यक्षेत्रलोस्कटः। 1820 युद्धमासीन्महाघोरं माणिमत्प्रमुखैः सह । 183a समागमच पाण्डूनां यत्र वैश्रवणेन च। 1846 निवासकवचैयुद्धं हिरण्यपुरवासिभिः। 1856 पौलोमैः कालकेयैश्च यत्र युद्ध किरीटिनः। 186 वधवेषां समास्थाती राज्ञस्तेनैव धीमता। 1860 अस्वसेदर्शनारम्भो धर्मराजस्य संनिधौ। 187a पार्थस्य प्रतिषेधश्च नारदेन सुरार्षिणा। 1876 अवरोहणं पुनश्चैव पादूनां गन्धमादनात् । 188a भीमस्थ ग्रहण चात्र पर्वताभोगवर्मणा। 1888 भुजगेन्द्रेण बलिना सस्मिन्सुगहने वने | 189a अमोशवयानं प्रभानुक्त्वा युधिष्ठिरः। 1898 काम्बकागमन चैव पुनस्तेषां महात्मनां। 190a सत्रस्थांध पुनटुं पाण्डवान्पुरुषर्षभान् । 1906 वासुदेवस्वागमनमःव परिकीर्मितं । 1914 मार्कण्डवसमास्वायामुपास्थानानि सर्वधः। 1916 पृथोवैन्यस्व यत्रोकमास्थान परमर्षिणा। 1928 मत्स्योपाख्यानमवैव प्रोच्यते तदनन्तरं । 1930 ऐन्द्रगुनमुपास्यानं धौन्धुमारं तथैव च।. 194a पतिव्रतायाश्चास्कान सथैवाङ्गिरसं स्मृतं । 1948 द्रौपचाः कीर्तितधात संवादः सत्यभामया।
बद्धः सुयोधनः
पाषयाचा च गन्धर्व युद्ध किरीटिना। 1956 जयद्रधनापहारी द्रौपद्याश्चाश्रमान्तरात् । 1986 यौनमन्वगात् भीमो वातवेगसमी जवे। 199a मार्कण्डे यसमाख्यायामुपाख्यामानि सर्वशः। 198a
धाम
वायु. समास्था च पुराणं परिकीर्खने

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APRIL, 1898.) THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA. 101
1976
203a
South-Indian Ms.
Dev anagari Edition (Bombay). सन्दर्शनस कृष्णस्य संवारश्चापि सत्यया । 192a संवादश्च सरस्वत्यास्ताय॑र्षेः सुमहात्मनः । श्रीहिद्रोणकमास्थानमैन्द्रयुमन्तथैव च ।
द्रौणि मत्रैव बहुविस्तरं सावित्र्योहालकी च वैन्योपाख्यानमेव च । 20la साविम्याचाप्युपास्थानमव परिकीर्तितं । रामायणमुपाख्यानमय बहुविस्तरं ।
200a पुनरागमनश्चैव तेषानतवनेसरः।
195a पुनईतवनं चैव पाण्डवाः समुपागताः। Deest.
196a हिबमाणस्तु मन्दात्मा मोक्षितोऽसौ किरीटिना। 1966 धर्मराजस्व चाचैव मृगस्वमनिदर्शनात् । 1974 काम्बके काननश्रेष्ठे पुनर्गमनमुध्यते । 1984 दुर्वाससोऽप्युपास्यानमव परिकीर्तितं । 1996 के चैन पस्चशिखं यत्र भीमो महाबलः। 2006 वत्र रामेण विक्रम्य निहतो रावणो बुधि । 2016 कर्णस्य परिमोक्षोऽष कुण्डलाभ्यां पुरन्दरात् ।
2028 यत्रास्य शक्ति सुष्टोऽसावंसदेकवधाय च । भारणेयकमाख्यानं यत्र धम्मोवदरसुतं । 2028
यमुपा
न्यशामुतं जग्मुग्धवरा यत्र पाण्डवा28 पश्चिमान्दिशं ।। एतारण्यकं पर्व वितीबंध परिकीर्तितं । 2036 भवाड्यावशते देतु संस्थाने परमर्षिणा। 2040
संख्यया परिकीर्तिते. एकोनसप्ततिचैव सथाजुपायः प्रकीर्तिताः ।। 2045 एकादशसहस्रानिोकानां परशतानि च। 205a चतुष्पष्टिस्तथा श्लोकाः पर्वण्यस्मिन् प्रकीर्तिताः। 2056
It will be seen that in the Parvasem grahe the Grantha MS. has a number of omissions But no great importance can be attached to these, as some of them, e. g. the omission of the Arjundbhigama (III, 12-37), of the Nalopákhyana, of the Savitri and Ráma Upákhyánas, and of the Karna and Salya Partans, are clearly accidental, and merely the fault of the scribe. The number of Parvans according to the Parvasangraha in the Devanagart editions is 122, while our MS. gives only 96. Brockhaus has tried in vain to make out that the list really contains only 100 Parvans conforming to the name Sata-parvasangraha. But this is really of no importance whatever. It matters little whether Mátaliya (62) and Galavacharita (63) are counted as separate Parvans, as in the Parvasaragraha, or as parts of the Bhagavadyána (61), as in the printed editions. It is, however, of importance to find, c. g., an Aindradyumna (45) which is not in the editions, or to see that the Parvasasigraha mentions the Patiur atamáhátmya (48) before the Rúmopåkhyana (49), while in the editions the R&mopákhyána comes first. It is on account of such discrepancies between the Parvasarngraha and the actual state of things that I give below, in parallel columns, (a) the List of Parvans according to the Nagari editions, (b) the List of Parvans according to the Grantha MS. I have marked with asterisks the Paroans which are omitted in the List of the Grantha MS.
List of Parvans according to the Parvasamh graha. (a) in the Northern Recension.
(6) in the Grantha MS. 1. Anukramanikt.
1. Sarvinukramana. 2. Parvasamgraba.
2. Parvasamgraha. 3. Paushya.
3. Paushya. 4. Pauloma.
4 Pauloma. 5. Astika.
5. Astika.
# Read at: Read तृतीयं.
Read °याः ** Zeitschrift der Deutscher Morgenländ. Gesellschaft, Vol. VI. pp. 528-532.

Page #106

102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1898.
(a) in the Northern Recension. 6. Adiyamsavatâraņa. 7. Sambhava. 8. Jatugļihadaha. 9. Hidimbaradha (or Haidimba). 10. Bakavadha. 11. Chaitraratha. 12. Svayamvara. 13. Vaivahika. 14. Vidurâgamana. 15. Rajyalabha. 16, Arjunavanavâsa. 17. Subhadrâharana. 18. Harañabarika. 19. KhâņdavadAha, including the
Mayadarśana. 20. Sabha. 21. Mantra. 22. Jarasandhavadha. 23. Digvijaya. 24. Râjasůyika. 25. Arghabhibaraņa. 26. Sisupalavadha. 27. Dyûta. 28. Anudyuta. 29. Aranyaka. 30. Kirmiravadha. 31. Arjunâbhigamana. 32. Kairâta (Isvararjunayor yuddham). 33. Indralokabhigamana. 34. Nalopakhyana, *35. Tirthayatra. 36. Jatâsuravadha. 87. Yakshayuddha. *38, Nivåtakavachair yuddham. 89. Âjagara. 40. Markandeyasamasya. 41. Draupadi-Satyabhamayob samvadah. 42. Ghoshayatra. *43. Mrigasvapnodbhava.
44. Vrihidrauņika. *45. Aindradyumna.
46. Draupadiharapa. *47. Jayadrathavimokshana. •48. Såvitri (Pativratámahatmya). • 49. Ramopakhyana. 50. Kundaldharapa. 51. Araneya. 52. Vairâta, consisting of
Påndavânám praveśah, and
*Samayasya pâlana. 53. Kichakânám vadhah.
(6) in the Grantha MS. 6. Adivamśâvatârana. 7. Sambhava.
Jatugrihadaha. 9. Haidimba. 10. Bakavadha. 11. Chaitraratha. 12. Svayamvara. 13. Vaivahika. 14. Viduragamana. 15. Rajyalabha. 16. Arjunavanavâsa. 17. Subhadrabarana. 18. Haraṇahârita. 19. Khandavadâha, including the
Mayadarśana. 20. Sabha. 21. Mantra. 22. Jarasandhavadha. 23. Digvijaya. 24. Rajasůyaka. 25. Arghyabhiharana. 26, Siśupâlavadha. 27. Dyûta. 28. Anudyata. 29. Aranyaka.
Kimiravadha. 31. Kairâta (lávarárjanayor yuddham). 32. Indralokâbhigamana. 33. Tirthayatra. 34. Jatasaravadha. 35. Yakshayuddha.
Âjagara. 37. Markandeyasamasya. 38. Draupadi-Satyabhamayoh sam vadah. 39. Ghoshayâtra. 40. Prayopa veśana. 41. Vrihidroņaka. 42, Draupadiharaṇa. 43, Kundalábaraṇa. 44. Å raņeya. 45. Vairâta, 46. Kichaka, 47. Gograhaņa. 48. Abhimanyu-Vairâti-Vaivahika. 49. Udyoga. 50. Saõjayayana. 51. Prajâgarah (Dhțitarashtrasya chintaya). 52. Sanatsujata (guhyam adhyâtmadarśanam).
30.
36. Aiace
53. Yânasandhi.

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APRIL, 1898.] THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
103
() in the Grantha MS. 54. Bhagavadyana. 55. Vivada (Karnasya). 56. Senâpatyabhishechana. 57. Sveta. 58. Bhishmabhishechana. 59. Niryana. (Kuru-Pandava-senayoh).
(a) in the Northern Recension. 54. Gograhaņa. 55. Abhimanyu-Vairaçi-Vaivahika. 56. Udyoga. 57. Sanjayayana. 58. Prajâgarah (Dhțitarashtrasya chintaya). 59. Sânatsujata (guhyam adbyatmadar
sanam). 60. Yanasandhi. 61. Bhagavadyana. # 62. Mâtaliya. # 63. Gálavacharita.
Såvitra. 65. VAmadeva. 66. Vainyopåkbyána. 67. Jâmadagnya. 68. Shodaśarajika. 69. Sabhậpraveśah Krishṇasya. 70. Vidulaputrašâsana. 71. Sainyaniryâņa. 72. Svetopakhyana (or Visvopakhyana). 73. Vivada (Karṇasya). 74. Nirgâņa (Kura-Pândava-senayoh). 75. RathAtirathasam khya. 76. Ulûkadůtâgamana. 77. Ambopakhyana. 78. Bhishmábbishechana. 79. Jambûkhaņdayinirmâņa. 80. Bhîmi (Dvipayistárakirtana). 81. Bhagavadgitâ. 82. Bhishmavadha. 83. Droņâbhishechana. 84. Samsaptakavadha. 85. Abhimanyuvadba. 86. Pratijña. 87. Jayadrathavadha. B8. Ghatotkachavadha. 89. Dronavadha.
90. Moksho Narayanâstrasya. • 91, Karna.
92. Salya . 93. Hradapraveśana, * 94. Gadayuddha.
95, Sarasvata (Tirthavamsa nuklrtana), 96. Sauptika, 97. Aishika. 98. Jalapradânika. 99. Strivil&pa. 100. Sraddha. 101. Chârvakavadha, 102. Abhishechanika. 103. Gribsprayibhaga.
60. Rathätirathasankhya. 61. Ulûkadůtagamana. 62. Ambopakhyana. 63. Jambûshandavinirmâņa. 64. Bhumi (Dvipavistárakirtana). 65. Bhagavadgita. 66. Bhishmavadha. 67. Droņâbhishechana. 68. Samsaptakavadha. 69. Abhimanyavadha. 70. Pratijña. 71. Jayadrathavadha. 72. Ghatotkachavadha. 73. Dronavadha.
Moksho Nârâyanástrasya. 75. Aishika. 76. Jalaprâdânika, 77. Stri, 78. Sraddha. 79. Abhishechanika. 80. Chârvakanigraha. 81. Griha pravibhaga. 82. Sånti (Rajadharmanukirtana). 83. Apaddharma, 84. Mokshadharma. 85. Anushganika. 86. Svargarohanika. 87. Aswamedhika. 88. Anugfta. 89. Asramavåsa. 90. Patradarśana. 91. Náradâgamana. 92. Mausala. 93. Maháprasthanaka. 94. Svargarohanaks. 95. Harivamsa. 96. Bhavishyat.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1898.
104
(6) in the Grantha MS.
(a) in the Northern Recension. 104. Såntiparva (Rajadharmanusasana). 105. Apaddharma. 106. Mokshadharma. *107. Sukspraśnâbhigamana. •108. Brahmapraśnânuálsans. *109. Pridurbhávo Darvasah. 110. Samvado Mayaya. 111. Ânusasanika. 112. Svargarohanika (Bhishmasya). 113. Aśramedhika. 114. Anugitâ. 115. Åsramavisa. 116. Putradarśana. 117. Naradagamana. 118. Mausala. 119. Mahaprasthånika. 120. Svargarohanika. 121. Harivamsa :
*(a) Visbņu. *(6) Sisoścharya Vishộoh.
*(c) Karsavadha. 122. Bhavishya.
(To be contin ued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 26.)
2. 'Spirit Haunts. Or spirit hatints or abodes of spirits five seem to be most popular funeral places, borders, cross roads, stones, and trees. The remaining spirit resorts are caverns, deserts and waste places, empty houses, groves, hills, hearths, house roofs, looking-glasses, river-banks and sea-shores, unclean places, and water or pot-holes in river-rocks.
• Funeral Places. - In all religious thought the hovering ghosts of the dead make the funeral ground a place where the flesh creeps.45 So Mahadev and Vetdi live in the funeral ground, and so when a Hindu exorcist or witch has to win the favour of Vetál or any other spirit he zoes at night to a burial or burning ground. In Bengal, there is a Smashậni Káli or Grave yard Mother.66 The Hindus believe that spirits haunt funeral places, cross roads and tamarind and acacia trees ;67 the Persians hold that spirits cluster at the Tower of Silence ; 89 and the Andaman Islanders believe that the place of burial is for months haunted by the spirits of the dead.co The Chinese think that epidemics are caused by spirits issuing from tombs.70 The people of Madagascar hold that ghosts haunt tombs, and the people of Guinea that every place is haunted where death happened, and among the West Coast Africans the spirit stays where the body is buried. 71
# Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 90. T Balfour's Encyclopadia, Vol. V. p. 582. 69 Jour, Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 464. 11 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 217.
" Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 166.
Bleek's Vendidad, Vol. I. p. 63. To Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 326.

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Boundaries. - In the Bombay Dekhan, spirits live on boundaries, people are buried near boundaries, and boundary fights used to be common. At a Dekhan Kunbi's wedding, when the boy crosses the boundary of the girl's village, a lemon is cat, waved round his head, and thrown away, and his eyes are touched with cold water; and among the Uchlâs of Poona, when the bridegroom returns to his village with the bride, they stop him at the border of the bridegroom's village, break a cocoanat, mix the pieces with rice and cards, and scatter them as offerings to evil spirits.72 The simánt pujan, or boundary worship, is performed at all highcaste Hindu weddings in Borabay. In Dharwar, at the festival of the goddess Dayamava, a naked Madigar scatters & buffalo's blood and pieces of flesh round the village boundary for the spirits thut live there.73 The Khonds offered their human sacrifices on the boundaries.74 So the souls of the Carebs gather on the sea-shore,75 and in Mexico, the skin of the thigh of the women that was offered to the goddess Cioa watt was taken to the borders.76 In Scotland, in 1590, in a famoas sorcery case, the witches dug a grave above high-tide mark and at the boundary of the king's and the bishop's land.77 In the Highlands, suicides were buried at borders.78
Roads, especially Cross-Roads. - Among the Patine Prabhus of Poona, at their wedding, when the wedding procession comes to a place where three roads meet, cocoanuts are broken as offerings for spirits, and among the Bijapur Dhors, when the wedding procession comes to cross roads, a cocoanut is broken, and half of it is thrown past the bride and half past the bridegroom for the spirits. The Gonds bury the ashes of the dead near a road.81 The natives of the Antilles thought that the dead walked the high roads. The Romans buried near road-sides, and laid fruit, violets, cakes and salt for the dead in the middle of the road.S+ In Middle-Age Europe, walking spirits or Ambulones sat by the way-side and ill-used travellers.85 In ancient Germany, the partings of roads were believed to be the meeting places of spirits and witches, 86 and still in Germany, a plaster from a sore, - that is, plaster containing the spirit of the disease, - is left on a road, as there the spirit will be at home, and will not come back, 87 and in rural England, & pebble that has rested on a wart is for the same reason left on the road. The troops of spirits that live and move along the roads gather in crowds at the cross-roads. In the Bombay Dekhan, people lay fowls, rice, eggs, and cocoanats at cross-roads, or tiváts, for spirits to eat.99 The Santhals and apparently the Brahmenic Hindus of Bengal think the place where roads cross to be a spirit resort.” Some early tribes in India as the Khonds) sacrifice a cock where four roads meet.01 In China, at the street corners or cross-roads are hungry ghosts who have to be fed with money when a funeral passes or else they will trouble the soal of the dead.03 Dr. Livingstone says that the people of Angola, in South-West Africa, are fond of bringing the spirits of the dead to cross-roads.93 In Guinea, people troubled by a spirit offered a cock where four roads met. In Mexico, the favourite haunt of the spirits of women who died in child-birth was where roads crossed.95 Some American tribes burnt torches of black wax and resinous wood, and offered fowls and blood from their own bodies at cross-roads.96 Others adorned cross-roads with images and shrines, where the traveller rabbed his legs with a handful of grass, spat on the grass, and placed it on the altar.97 The Romans called the crossing of roads Trivia and Compita, and set a statae of
12 Bombay Gazetteer, VOL. XVIII. p. 473. 74 Macpherson's Khonde, pp. 67, 68. 76 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 357. 75 Mitchell's Highland Superstitions, p. 34. $• Op.cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 265. $ Tylor's Primitive Culture, VOL. I. p. 416. # Ovid's Fasti, Vol. II. p. 540. 86 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. III. p. 1115. * Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 149. » Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 218. 92 Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 801.
Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 135. * Op. cit, Vol. III. p. 482.
13 Information from Mr. Tirmalrio. 15 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 111. 11 Leslie's Early Ruces of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 81. 7. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 209.
Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal. p. 298. # Wright's Celt, Roman and Saxon, p. 322. 15 Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 126. 87 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 49. ** Information from Genu RÅmosbi.
Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. II. p. 498. # Dr. Livingstone's Travels in South 1frica, p. 184. 95 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 363. * Op. cit. Vol. III. PP. 419-491.

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a guardian, or Lár, with a deg at his feet. When Rome became Christian, statues of the Virgin and saints took the place of the Lares.99 In the middle of the eleventh century the crossing of four roads was still considerd a great spirit resort in Italy.100 In England, in the eleventh century, women were censured by the Church for drawing their children through the sir where four roads met. In Ireland, in 1324, cocks were offered at the meeting of four roads. In the Tyrrol, spirits are still seen, and the Sardinians still burn bonfires at cross-roads. In Worcestershire (1867), a child with whooping cough was taken to a finger post or place where crogg-roads meet, pat on a donkey's back, and made to ride round the post nine times. The child was cured. To cure warts touch them with stones, pat the stones in a bag, and the bag where four roads meet. The wide-spread sanctity attached to cross-roads as a meeting place of spirits suggests that this may be the origin of the high place which the cross takes in so many religion. Shiv has his trident, and the Buddhists and Jains have their svastik, or lucky cruas. Unira, the goddess of the Taris or Dheda miastrels of Gujarat, has an iron trident. The Kumbhirs of Kathiâwâr, on the sixth day after a birth, make a cross on the floor of the lying-in room, and make the child bow to it. The Singphos of the north-east frontier use & St. Andrew's cross, and the Lepcha women of West Batin and East Nipal cover their woollen clothes with crosses. The Jews are said to have marked the brow with a cross, or T, as a sign of safety.10 The last letter in Hebrew was Tan, cross-shaped. The Egyptian amulets were marked with a cross.13 The triple Tau is a Masonic emblem, and the cross with a cirole on the top was an Egyptian symbol of eternal life.13 The Egyptians used to hang a cross as a talisman round the neck of the sick, sometimes shaped as T.14 The Chinese pat iron tridents on tops of houses to keep off evil spirits, and place them on the taffrails of ships to ward off evil,26 The Hottentots (1600-1700) go into caves and say prayers, raise their eyes to heaven, and one makes on the other the mark of the cross on the forehead. 26 The cross was a common symbol in America. 17 A cross is worn round the neck of all Russians night and day. It is also hung in the cradles of babes.18 The Russian priest crosses the child over its brows, lips, and breasts.19 Among the Roman Catholics, at the beginning of the Confirmation, the Bishop signs himself with the cross ; 20 and at Baptism the priest makes a sign of the cross, and says:-"Satan, fly; behold the God, great and mighty, draweth near,"21
Stone. - In all parts of Western India, the comrionest house for a spirit is a stone, The village gods and many of the local gods, who have been Brâhmanised into Mahadevs, are andressed natural stones. Vetál and his circle of guards is a common sight near many Dekhan villages, all of natural stones. A big rock at a road crossing, on the crest of a pass, near a river ford, is painted and set apart as the house either of a local deity or of one of the greater gods. Family spirits that prove troublesome have a stone, plain or carved into an image, set for them either in the house or out of doors, and by bright painting and regular offerings are coaxed to stay at home, and not trouble the living. Steps are also generally taken to localise the spirits to which old battle and sati stones belong. Among Marathas it is not uncommon to make a tomb for the ashes of the dead in which he may stay harmless and at rest. So, too, when images of stone or of metal or of clay are made for any of the gods, a
Ovid's Fasti, Vol. V. p. 140, and note in Riley's edition, pp. 182, 183. 90 Op. cit.
100 Scott's Border Minstreley, p. 45, 1 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. II. p. 294 ? Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 498. Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. I. p. 449.
Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 6. • Dyer' Folk-Lore, p. 153.
. Honderson's Folk Lore, p. 139. From MS, notes.
• Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 13. • Op. cit. p. 101.
* Ezekiel, ix. 4. 11 Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 14.
19 Moore's Pragments, p. 290. 15 Mackay's Preemasonry, p. 67.
14 Op. cit, p. 78. 16 Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 42.
16 Hahn's Touni Goam, p. 40. 11 Bancroft, Vol. III. pp. 135, 382, 348, 369, 455, 468, 506. 18 Mrs. Romanott's Rites and Customs of the Graco-Russian Church, p. 73. * Op. cit. p. 68 20 Golden Manual, p. 689.
21 Op. cit. p. 678.

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service is performed to induce the spirit of the god to come into the image - sometimes permanently, sometimes for a season. If the god is to use the image only for a season, as is the case with the yearly images of Ganpati, at the end of the sacred season the god is asked to leave the image. The image is carried to the bank of a river or pond, or to the shore of the sea, and thrown in deep water, so that the spirit may not find his way back to the house, and require further attention from his worshippers. The upper classes have the higher idea, that by the way of the divine water the spirit passes into the one soul. In sopport of the view that the stone is the house of the spirit, the Marias, a wild class of Gonds, raise head-stones for the soul of the dead to live in.22 The Kharrias of East Bengal throw the ashes into the river, but near their houses raise tall rough stones, to which they make daily offerings.23 So the Kerantis of Nipil-Butân make square tombs with an upright slab,24 and the Kasias raise tall pillars.25 The Khyens of the same part, when a tree is struck by lightning, look round for a stone in which the lightning is likely to have taken its abode, and hand it to a priest to worship.26 The Shanars of Tinnevelly have two rude stones to which they sacrifice, and then throw them away,37 and the Betadaras of Madras have a stone in their houses which keeps off evil demons.29 Ont of India the Turanian tribes of North Asia worship stones, because spirits live in them.29 They believe that spirits dwell in objects in the same way as spirits live in the human body. 30 The Tartars raise a faneral mound, and on the top set an apright stone which they cut into a statue, so that the spirit may feel at home in a body-shaped house 31 The Society and the Fiji Islanders worship stones; 32 the Melanesians have stones in their houses associated with (that is where live) the spirits of the dead.33 The New Zealanders and the Polynesians hold that images or logs of wood get their sacredness from being the abodes of spirit.34 In America, the Lalish Indians of Aegon (?) brought back souls in little stones," and many medicine-men cure diseases by picking out of the sick small pieces of stone into which some wizard had put a spirit and conveyed the stone into the victim's boly.36 The Dacotas pick a stone, paint it red, and call it grandfather.37 The Mexicans set a stone between the lips of the dead to receive his soul.39 The Phoenicians had stones or bcetyli inhabited by a living principle.39 The old Greeks worshipped formless stones. A pillar was set on the top of Patroclas' funeral mound.11 The Roman-British (A. D. 100-400) out a pillar in two, hollowed one-half, and put an urn in it, and again set up the pillar. In Norway, during the eighteenth century, the people kept round stones in their houses, washed them on Thursdays, smeared them with butter, put them before the fire, and at certain times laid them in ale to bring good luck." In England and Scotland, earth-fast stones continued till lately to be considered favourite spirit places. They cured sprains and braises, and dissipated swellings.15 Witches knew spells which could send & spirit into a stone or looking-glass. Standing stones were possessed by the spirit of the stone.7 Rocking stones in Iceland and Scotland were inhabited by a spirit. In the Highlands of Scotland, the guddess Cailleach Vera
22 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 288. It seems probable that the meaning of the flat stone so common among all burying nations was at first to lay the spirit of the dead; and the meaning of the common head-stone or pillar was at first to give the spirit a house.
The use of undressed stones as the dwelling of spirits by people who were acquainted with the working of tools may perhaps, 38 among the Jews, have been caused by the belief that iron frightened spirits, and that no spirit would live in a stone over which an iron tool had been lifted.
23 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 150. 2 Op. cit. p. 104. 25 Op. cit. p. 55.
26 Op. cit. p. 115. 21 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 163.
*Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 183. 29 Op. cit. Vol. II, p. 163.
30 Op. cit. Vol. II, p. 155. 51 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 423.
33 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 162. 53 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. p. 276.
34 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 174 5 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 152.
S6 Early History of Man, p. 278. 37 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 161. * Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 454. 39 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, p. 377.
40 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 165. 41 Iliad, XI. 475.
13 Wright's Celt, Roman and Sazon, p. 303. 13 Tylor'a Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 167.
# Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 262. is Scott's Border Minstrelay, p. 409.
46 Scott's Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 144. *T Scott's Border Minstrelsy, p. 41.
45 Op. cit. p. 414.

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lived in a great rock. In England, a country cure for warts is to press & pebble against the wart, and leave the pebble on the high road.50 Heine in one of his pagan passages adopts the early style: - "Kaiser Friederic, the old Barbarossa, is not dead. He and his court have gone to the hill of Kyffhauser, and will come again to cheer the German people. I cried :
Come, Barbarossa, come'; but he came not, and I could only embrace the rock in which he dwells."62
It is not easy to explain why the stone should have been chosen as a spirit's dwelling. That stones were found to contain fire, may have helped the idea ;53 and that heated stones were so useful in caring sickness, in cooking, and in many other ways, may have strengthened the belief.53 Perhaps, the earliest idea was that, as the life of the millet was in the millet sced, and the life of the mango tree was in the mango stone, a human spirit could live in a rock or pebble. The belief, that the soul or part of the soul of a man lives in his bones, seems closely connected with the belief in the stone as a spirit house. Probably it was held as an early belief, that the bones should be kept so that if the spirit comes back, and worries, he may have a place to go to.54 In West India, the wizard searches for the forearm bone of & woman who has died in child-bed, because her spirit lives in it with great power. For the same reason the hand and arm are engraved on a sati stone. The belief, that the spirit remained in the bones, is at the root of Buddhist and other relic worship. When sick the Andaman Islanders wear round the parts in pain chaplets and belts of the bones of their deceased relations.55 In Australia, three men sleep on a grave, and get a piece of bone, the spirit of the dead. This they can put into another man.56 Some Central African tribes wear necklaces of teeth.67 In America, the belief was widespread that the soul of man lived in his bones.69 So in Ezekiel's vision there was life in the dry bones. So among the Romans teeth were favourite charms, and are common charms among the present Hindus. A child with a wolftooth round his neck does not start in his sleep; a horse with a wolf-tooth round his neck nerer tires. In Scotland (1860), a cup made out of a suicide's skall was believed to cure epilepsy, eo and in England (1858), a collier's wife asked a sexton for a bit of a skull that she might grind it to powder, and give it to her daughter as a cure for fits.cl
According to widespread European beliefs Hobgoblin lives in a mill and the devil gues under a millstone to carry out evil designs.ca The origin of these beliefs would seem the worship shewn, as among Hindus, to the quern or hand grind-stone as the home of a bread-winner or guardian.
Among stones bored stones have a specially sacred character. In India, the most famous example is the shaligram or sacred pebble from the Gandaki River. This is said to be holy, because Vishnu pierced it in the form of a worm. Another famous bored stone is a stone or rock with a cleft in it through which the penitent and the conscience-stricken forced their way. Such was the stone at Malabar Point, in Bombay, through whose cleft Shivaji (1660), Kanoji Angria (1713), and Raghunath Peishwa (1780) are all said to have passed. With the Indian shaligrám and the small bored stones which are so highly valued in North America, may be compared the adder's stone, which was held in high honour among the Scotch, and was believed to
49 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, Vol. I. p. 142.
Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 149. #1 Fort. Rev. VOL. VI. New Series, p. 298.
63 Shepherds were rubbing stones, and a spark leapt forth; the first was lost, the second caught in straw (Ovid's Fasti, iv. 795). The fint has a special sacredness (Early History of Man, p. 227).
6 Compare the Delaware Indian raised to an ecstasy in & sweat caused by heated stones (Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 417), and Herodotus' Skyths roaring with delight in their tents from the fumes of hemp throwu on heated stones. u Compare Yale's Cathay, Vol. I. p. 151.
• Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 460. 56 Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. p. 415.
57 Stanley's Dark Continent, Vol. II. p. 288. 68 Bancroft, Vol. III. pp. 514, 540.
Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii., Chap. 19. 60 Mitchell's Highland Superstitione, p. 25.
61 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 148. 62 Gubernatis' Zoological Mythology, Vol. I. p. 114 * E. H. 4. p. 187.

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have been pierced by adder's stings.64 A bored stone in Scotland (1591) kept off the pains of child-bed. In England, about 1700, bored stones were hung at the bed to keep off nightmare, and they may still be seen (1860); there ought to be flints with a natural hole in them at stable doors to keep witches from riding horses. With the cleft stone at Malabar Point may be compared the cleft or passage at the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem through which pilgrims used to crush, and the Shargar stone in the Auld Wife's Lift in Scotland and similar stones in Ireland under which people used to crawl. The special value of the bored stone may perhaps not mean more than that the hole is an open door into the spirit house, and will, therefore, be a favourite dwelling. The flint with the natural hole hung in front of the English stable suggests that the fire-spirit, dreadful to witches, lives in the stone. The cleft stone in Malabar Point is explaind by Brahmaņs as a symbol of a second birth. The character of the three chief men who are said to have passed through the cleft, suggests that the object was to get rid of blood-guiltinoss, or rather of the evil spirits to which the blood-guiltiness had given an opening, and that in passing through the cleft these evil spirits were dragged down through the body And out by the heel in one of the usual ways of getting rid of spirits. So at the church at Jerusalem the object of squeezing through the rock seems to have been the hope that the spirit of Christ would drive out evil spirits. The view seems to agree with Colonel Leslie's statement of the objects with which the clefts in stones in England and Scotland were passed through. The objects were to care existing maladies, to guard against incantations, and to free from sin. In England (ninth and tenth centuries), the rite was to draw children through a hole in the earth, or through a small tunnel, or through a hole where four roads met. A child suffering from hernia (seventeenth century England) was cured by passing it through an ash-tree cleft. In Moray, in Scotland, in 1700, children passed through circles of woodbine clinging to an oak. On Midsummer's Eve, in the Canary Islands, naked infants were passed through a part-split rush to cure hernia. In Oxford (1600), a cheese was cut and hollowed out, and a child made to pass through it on Christmas day. In Cornwall, in 1749, people with pains in the back and limbs passed through a hole, and young children were drawn through to cure them of rickets.67 A third case of bored stones is a slab with a round hole in it which forms one of the sides of the listvaens, or chest-tombs, which have been found in the Dekhan, in Circassia, and in Cornwall.68 Colonel Leslie's explanation, that the hole was left for the spirit to pass out, seems likely to be correct.
Trees. The belief that spirits live in the stems of, or in beams or images of wood, seems not to differ from the belief that spirits live in stones. In the Konkan, orthodox Brahmans daily, before taking their meals, worship the spirit, called Vasto, which lives in the principal pillar of the house. In Nasik, some classes of Marithês set up memorial pillars of wood instead of stone, 70 and Colonel Dalton (Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 115) notices that the Kbyens of the north-east frontier put a carved log or post at the tomb. In the Konkan, the medium or bhagat, who becomes possessed, is called jhead, or tree, apparently because he is a favourite dwelling of the spirits. In the Dekhan, it is believed that the spirit of a pregnant woman lives in a tamarind tree, 71 and, according to the Poona Kunbia, the favourite spirit haunts are large trees, lonely places, empty houses, and old wells.72 The Santhals believe that human spirits live in the bela tree,73 and the Abors or Padams of East Bengal think that spirits in trees kidnap children.7* The Mysore spirits are fond of lodging in trees and burial grounds.75 That human souls live in trees is a belief of the Dayaks of Borneo. Among the Malays spirits frequent trees and bring diseases.77 In Tasmania and in Guinea, spirits live in hollow trees.78 The Hyperboreans
et Soott's Border Minstrelay, p. 409.
6 Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, p. 300. Op. cit. Vol. IL D. 302.
67 Op. cit. Vol. II. pp. 295-297. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 291.
69 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 70 Information from Mr. Ramsay.
n Information from Mr. Kelkar. 72 Trans. By. Lit. Soc. Vol. III. p. 219.
73 Tylor'e Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 226. ** Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 25.
** Rice's Mysore, Vol. I. p. 366. 16 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 11. 11 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 215. 75 Op. cit. Vol. II, pp. 186, 187.

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of North America believe that those who die a natural death dwell for ages in the branches of all trees.79 The Greeks and Romans believed in spirits living in trees. The Greek dryads and hamadryads have their life linked to a tree; as their tree withers and dies they fall away and cease to be. Any injury to a bough or twig is felt as a wound, and a wholesale hewing down puts an end to them at once. A cry of anguish escapes them when the cruel axe comes near.81 The Middle-Age Europeans believed that human spirits 'went into hollow trees.82 The Swedes still pour milk and beer over the roots of trees.83 An Austrian märchen tells of the stately fir in which there sits a fay waited on by dwarfs, rewarding the innocents and plaguing the guilty; and a Servian song of a maiden in the pine whose bark the boy split with a gold and silver horn. On St. Thomas's day Franconian damsels go to a tree and knock thrice and listen for 18ps to say what sort of husband they are to get.86 In England, it was believed that spirits lived in trees. So Prospero threatens to peg Ariel in the knotty entrails of an oak,86 and subsequently we find Ariel imprisoned in the rift of a cloven pine.87
Of the less important spirit haunts the following may be noted :
Caverns. - Caverns are spirit haunts. So the Khonds' spirits live under ground, and the West Africans in passing a hollow rock or a cave put tobacco in the crack, aud pray: - Demon, who livest here, behold our tobacco, keep us safe, give us good trade, and a safe home-coming.'89 Among the South Africans there is a belief that souls live in caverns, 90 and a similar belief is prevalent among the people of Tasmanial and the Negroes of Guinea.92 The Friesland white nymphs or white wives lived in caves and took people away.93 The Mexican dead go into caverns, and in Ireland, Lough Derby has a cavern, the entrance to St. Paul's Purgatory.4
Deserts and Waste Places. - Spirits gather at waste places or in deserts. So in the Konkan, during an eclipse, sorcerers and vonjurors practise their spells in waste places or on the sea-shore. The Shanars say that spirits live mostly in trees, in wastes and shades. The Samoans, Coast Negroes, and New Caledonians believe that spirits baunt wastes.07 Spirits live in deserts, and so Christ went three days' journey into the wilderness to be tempted of the devil. The lives of the desert-dwelling Christian monks in Egypt (A. D. 300-500) are full of assaults and temptations either from Satan or from his servants. The people of South Guinea in times of peril gather at the skirts of a forest or on a hill-top and call piteously on the spirits of their ancestors. The Zamiro or evil spirit, according to the Záparo Indians of South America, haunts the wood.100 In South Scotland, to please the genius loci, or spirit of the place, a piece of ground is sometimes left untilled as the Gudeman's field or Clonties Croft. The evil spirit in the south of Scotland has still the power of worrying good Christians in waste places. A minister riding home from a meeting of Presbytery was thrown. A scornful weird laugh was rewarded with: - "Satan, ye may laugh, but when I fall I can get up again; when ye fall yo never rise.” The spirit (hearing this) groaned. 59 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 516.
10 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 219. ol Grimm's Teuto. Myth. Vol. II. p. 653.
92 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 159, 85 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 229.
# Grimm's Teuto. Myth. Vol. II. P. 663. 86 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 321.
86 Prospero's Tempest, Vol. I. p. 2. 87 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 2.
# Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 219. 89 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 208.
10 Op.cit. Vol. II. p. 45. 91 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 186.
12 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 187. 93 Scott's Border Minstrelsy, p. 445.
Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 45. 95 K. Raghunath's Pátane Prabhus.
w Caldwell in Balfour. 97 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 218.
55 Mrs. Jamieson (Sacred and Legendary Art, Vol. II. p. 759) points out that these devil tales need not be either inventions or impostures. Like Luther's struggles at Wartburgh they may be due to diseased, represeedor mislirected feelings. Half way between the Egyptian monk and Luther, during the second half of the eleventh century (A.D. 1050-1100), at Byzantium Michael Peellus (?) discourses on demons and their cloud-like changeable hoilies, wito, unhappy in hell, came into mon, causing possession and madness. (Lckie's European Rationalism, Vol. I. p. 50.) 95 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 117.
100 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 506. 1 Honderson's Foll-Lore p. 278..
? Op. cit. p. 278.

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Empty Houses. - There is a strong belief among Hindus that empty or forsaken houses or forts are favorite abodes of spirits, and cases are not uncommon in which houses have been abandoned or left unoccupied because they are haunted by spirits. So among the Poona Lingayats, during the progress of the wedding procession, cocoanuts are broken at streets crossings and empty houses to scare fiends. According to the Poona Kunbis the favourite spirit haunts are large trees, lonely places, empty houses, and old wells. The Sandwich Islanders think that spirits hover over old lionses.
Groves.- The belief is common in India that the spirits of the dead live in sacred groves as well as in single trees. In the Dekhan and also in the Kônkan, the sacred groves are believed to be the haunts of the sylvan spirits, or vanadevtás, who are, for the most part, supposed to be guardians. Once a year it is usual in Kinara and other primitive parts to please the spirits of the wood by presenting them with a blood-offering. The whole village goes at night into th> grove with music and much noise. The headman kills a goat or several cocks in front of the shrine of the head spirit of the wood, and smears the stone with blood. The people remain all night in the wood. The Oraons of Chhota Udepur worship Darha, the spirit of the wood, and Sarna Burhi, the lady of the grove. The Mandas have a similar spirit of the grove whom they call Jhar Era.7 The Nagas make miniature houses for the dead in sacred groves. Near Upsala, in Sweden, there were holy groves, every tree and leaf of which was deemed most sacred. These groves were full of the bodies of men and animals that had been sacrificed.
Hills. - All over Western India a hill or rising ground is one of the commonest sites for & temple. The Kurubarus of Bijapur worship a hill called Birappa.10 Gujarat Musalmans believe that the king of Gins lives on Mount Caucasus. So the Khonds offer a victim to their ancestors on a hill, praying to live as their ancestors lived.11 The Khyens bury the rich on holy mountains, build a hut near, and keep a man to drive off malignant spirits. The Kirantis, Mundís, and Käsias burn their dead on hill-tops,13 The Kols sacrificed on a great hill or Marang Burn. Shiv and Parvati and all their troops and ghosts have their head-quarters on hill tops. In Madagascar, the spirits of the dead are believed to go to lofty mountains.15 Among the Dayaks in Borneo, spirits hover about the hills.16 The Americans worship a high spirit-haunted rock.17 In Iceland, spirits are said to gather on high rocks.18 In Skandinavia, the dwarfs lived in the hills, 19 and in Scotland, spirits and fairies gather on hill-tops.20 In Scotland, a suicide used to be buried on a hill-top, 21 and the Scotch masons used to meet on hill-tops on St. John's Day 22 British bards commonly speak of the spirits of mountains.23
Hearths. - The Kônkan Hindu cow-dungs his house on the 12th or 13th day after a death to drive away spirits -- bhut-bit.24 The Negroes of the Gold Coast, in West Africa, said spirits keep in the house till they are driven out.26 The Roman Lares or good ancestors.lived in the hearth.26
House-Roofs. - The Hindus of Sind believe that a spirit lives in the roof of the house, and gives the house people seizares.27 The dead Prabha sits ten days on the eaves. Spirits haunt house-roofs, and so Parsis mark their tiles with yellow and red to scare fiends. The Burmans believe that spirits live in house-roofs. So for the comfort of the house-spirits the
• Bombay Gazetteer. 5 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 217. Op. cit. p. 288.
Op.cit p. 40. 10 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXIII. p. 123. 12 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 116. 14 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 230. 16 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 249. 16 Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 150. 20 Op. cit. pp. 446, 450.
Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 134. 2 Information from Mr. Jánardan, 25 Smith's Classical Dictionary.
• Trans. By. Lit. Soc. Vol. III. p. 219. • Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 258. 9 Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 113. 11 Macpherson's Khonds, p. 72. 18 Op. cit. p. 104 15 Sibree's Madagascar, p. 312. 17 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 123; Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. p. 417. 19 Scott's Border Minstrelay, p. 441. 21 Mitchell's Highland Superstitions, p. 35. 23 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Yol. II. p. 476. 25 Tylor's Primitits Culture, Vol. II. p. 8. 37 Loss's Land of the Five Rivers, and Sind.

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112
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(APRIL, 1898.
tops of all the posts in the house are covered with a hood of cotton cloth wherein the spirits live.26 The house-spirit Elin-Saung Nat lives in a cotton night-cap or hood in the top of a pillar,20 Compare the Greek Miastor :
διον επιδόμενοι πράκτορά το σκοπόν δυσπολέμητον, δν ούτίς αν δόμος έχος
ir' poder paivovra. Bapus d'ipicado They (Argives) having regard to the divine avenging observer hard to war with ; - what house could stand (bear) him defiling on the roof. Grievously he sits there.
*plaotup became a general term for an anclean spirit, or evil genius."31
Looking-glass. - The looking-glass seems to be a spirit haunt. So the Hindus deem it unlucky to see one's face in a looking-glass at night, and in Sweden, if a girl looks in a glass after dark it is believed she will loose favour in the eyes of men. The idea is that the geni in the glass possesses the girl, and makes her ill-favoured. The Burman white witches use a looking-glass in restoring the soul of a child which its dead mother has taken away.33 In England, looking-glasses are covered when a death happen.34 In Yorkshire, if you walk three times against the sun at midnight and in the dark, and look into a glass you will see the devil.35 It was an English belief that & death would take place in the house in which a mirror is broken.36
(To be continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES. A POPULAR LEGEND ABOUT VALMIKI. "because they are sweepers, it is unlawful for us In the beginning Walmik went to Ghaznt Fort to look upon them." and did penance there. A barren Mughal woman Walmik out of pity gave up his life for them came to visit him and asked him for a son,
(cholá chhör dra). When he died blood and and promised that if one were given her she
matter oozed from his body, so that no Hindu would dedicate him to his service. In short, by
could touch it. So one of the inhabitants of the intercession of Walmik she gave birth in
Benares went to ChandAlgarh to call a sweeper, due time to a son, and called him Lal Beg. When
and saw them all there. The sweepers came into he grew up she took him and dedicated him to
Benares and threw the body of W&lmik into Walmik, according to her promise.
the Ganges. But the Hindus found the body Walmik afterwards took him to Benares (Kast).
lying in the same condition in another house, The 96 karôys (960 millions) of devatás (godlinge
and called the sweepers again. Again the that inbabit Benares) bad turned the sweepers
sweepers threw the body into the Ganges and (chandal) out of the home of the divatás, and
went home. A third time the body was found in placed them in ChandAlgarh, which is 7 kos from
| a house in Benares and the people were astonishBenares and across the Ganges.
| ed, and calling the sweepers, saw all their faces. When Walmik was in Benares he saw that in Afterwards Walmik appeared in a dream to an the mornings when the sweepers come from
inhabitant of Benares, and told him that as long ChandAlgash to sweep the city, they used to sound
as the people refused to see the sweepers his drums (dhol bajdte) before entering it, and that body would not leave the city. Ever since then the inhabitants, who were really devatda, used to the people have not hidden themselves from the hide themselves in their houses to avoid seeing sweepers. The sweepers took the body from the them. When they finished sweeping they again
city for the last time, and Walmik told them to sounded drums, and then the people came out of take it to Ohandalgaph. And it is said that their houses and went on with their business. when the body reached ChandAlgaph all the mat
When Walmik saw this he would not hide huts of the sweepers turned into houses of gold. himself, and asked the people why they avoided
This was in the Golden Age (Satjug). seeing the sweepers. The people answered :
R. C. TEMPLE in P. N. and Q. 1889.
23 Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. PP. 280, 281, 90 Æschylus Supplicus, p. 635. 12 Henderson's Folk. Lore, p. 21. * Henderson's Folk-Lore, P. 57.
29 Op. cit. Vol. II. pp. 280, 281. 31 Paley in loco. * Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 102. 36 Op. cit. p. 62. Chambers's Book of Days.

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CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
113
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 91.)
7.
Pali and Old Burmese Weights. CEEING how important a part the pala of the Sanskrit, which is the phala of the Pali,
writers plays in all the arguments relating to the ballion weights of India and Further India, I have made every endeavour to trace, in the sources of information at my command, the old Burmese views of the weight which that term really represented, and it is much to 'my regret that I have after all still to leave the point more largely to conjecture than I could wish. Information more or less exact should apparently be forthcoming, as there is a very large number of inscriptions in the country, but it may be said that they are orily now beginning to be brought to the notice of students, and a few only have been edited with any attempt at adequate treatment.
I have before me the large volume of inscriptions from Pagan, Pinya (old Ava), and Ava, printed by the Burma Government from the papers of the late Dr. Forchammer, containing 156 inscriptions from Pagàn, 17 from Pinya, and 9 from Ava. I have also the two still larger volumes, printed at my own instigation by the same Government, - always so ready to assist research of this kind,- of the wonderful collection of copies on stone of the chiet inscriptions in Burma at the Mahamani Shrine near Amarapura (and Mandalay), attributed to King B‘odòp'aya? and containing 596 inscriptions. But both sets of records are still in the Burmese character and inedited, and the work of picking out such information as is required for the present purpose from such a mass would be far too great a task to undertake, so long as it remains in its present condition.
Besides these there are many inscriptions from Arakan and Pagùn recorded more or less fully in Forchhammer's Reports on the Antiqaities of Arakan and on the Kyaukkii Temple at Pagàn, and in the same writer's Notes on the Early History and Geography of British Burma; (1) Shwedagon Pagoda, (2) First Buddhist Mission to Suvannabhúmi.
The Railway from Rangoon to Mandalay passes right through these most interesting ruins: a fact tt generally known.
1 I understand at the importanities of the Monastic Orders, who wished to have recorded all the gifts of latu made to them at various times,
The present writer was also successful in inducing the trustees of the Mabimuni Shrine to preserve the origi. nal stones, from which the copies had been made. Their idea was that as vice clean copies on stone had been made of the old worn stones, the originals had become valueless, and so they were thrown away in a corner; and it is only through the innate carelessness of the Burmans that they have been preserved from absolute destruction.
As no description of these works has ever been given to the public, I may as well note here, for the benefit of enquirers, that the first contains 430 large quarto pagea, a fairly fall table of contents and a careful list of errata, and also that each inscription has prefixed to it a note on the position of the inscription and its date, the giver and the gift, and sometimes the tenor of the inscription. The inscriptions from Pagàn are as follow:Shếzigon Pagoda . . .
... 22 Wetky-In Quarter ... ... 'Ngetpyittaung Quarter ... ...
11 North East Quarter East Quarter
South East Quarter City (Shwégûjt)
South Quarter
.. Myin Pagin ...
8 Daylpisanya (Stripachchaya) Ladaunggan... ...
Dimatt .. . .. Chaukpall ... ...
5 Total ... ... ... ... Tbore from Pinyå near Ava are:
Pinya Myöhaung (Old Town) ... ... ... ... ... ... . Do. do. do. South ... .. Do do. do. North ... ... .. . . .
6 Total ... .. ... ..
... 17 Those from Ava itself, from the Palace Monastery, number 9: which gives a gross total of inscriptions in the volume of 182.
*
10

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1898.
The well-known Barmese inscriptions at Buddha Gayê are given at length with renderings (hardly "scientific" withal) in J. A. S. B., 1834, p. 214; Archæological Survey of India, Reports, Vol. III. p. 102 ff. ; Cunningham's Mahabodhi, p. 75 ff.; Rajendralala Mitra's Buddha Guya, pp. 206-228. And there are also scattered notices of inscriptions in Crawfurd's Ava, p. 27 ff. and Appx. p. 28 ff.; Yule's Ava, p. 351 f. ; British Lurma Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 634, Art. Shwedagon; and Hesketh-Biggs' Shwedagon Pagoda, pp. 42 ff., 53 f.10
To these I may add a note on my own, ante, Vol. XXI. p. 52, on & curious English inscription on a large bell on the platform of the Kyaukbànlànll Pagoda at Maulmain, 12 because it gives a statement of a weight: - "He who destroyed to this bell they must be in the great heell and unable to coming out. This bell is made by Koonah Lingahyah (Gaņalaikara) the Priest and weight 600 viss. No one body design to destroy this bell Maulmain, March 30th, 1855."
Crawfurd's inscriptions are part renderings by the well-known Burmese scholar Judson, of two of the Mahamuni collection of stones, of which he says there were (Nov. 30, 1826), according to his counting, 200; and be seems to clearly infer that the stones he saw set up in
Tbo two volumes of the second work are printed in the samo form as the first with a slight change. They con. tain 505 and 467 pp., but are paged consecutively in 962 pp. The inscriptions are arranged therein geographically, according to the modern English divisions of the Country. Thus:
1.- Upper Burma.
A. - Northern Division. Mandalay District
... ... 26 Shwebô District ... ... Kyauktwin District
Total ... ...
B. - Central Division. Sagaing District
... ... 218 Lower Chindwin District..
Total ... ...
c. -Southern Division. Pak'ókka District ... ... ... ... 41, Mind District Magwe District ... ... ... ... 5 Dayet District ... ...
Total
D. - Eastern Division. Myingyan District ...
... ... 153, Kyaukse District ... Mēktila District ... ... ... 12 Yamè in District ...
Total
E. - Unattached Villager Total
F. Shan Country. South
. .. 4 North
Total
***
Total for Upper Burma II. - Lower Burma.
A. - Pago (Pega) Division. Pylmyo (Prome) District
de Division. . Héngtad District C. -Tanin Ayi (Tenasserim) Division.
* Taung-nga District ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ... ... .. 3
Total . ... . .. .. -
Total for all Burma ... ... ... ... 596 The places that have contributed the largest number to this collection of inscriptions are Shwebo, 35; Sagaing 77; Ava, 35; Piny4, 82; Amyin, 64; Pak'ingyt, 28; Talókmyô, 36; Pagin and neighbourhood, 112.
There is a table of contents and a list of errata prefized to each volume, and to each inscription is prefixed such information as its serial number by place, Sub-division, District and Division: its designation, vollector, original position, date, giver, gift.
10 In 1898 I prooured anthentio copies of the important Rajamanich la Inscription at the Kaung'mAdd Pagoda, dated c. 1660 A, D., and the Burma Government started printing it for me, but I do not know what the final result was, as I soon afterwards left the country. I have still a rubbing and hand copy of the Kadagandd Inscription of Mindön Min, 1858 A. D., at Shwebo. Maloom, Travels, Vol. I. p. 127, says that the pagoda is dated 1626, A. D.
11 Kyaikabanlan nocording to Stevenson, Bur. Dict. p. 406 : spelt Krokbramilam. At p. 405f, there is a valuablo list of pagodas in this work.
"A notice of this bell and ita inscription is to be found in Soott, The Burman, Vol. I. p. 242 f.: Winter, Six Months in Burma, 1856, p. 88.

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MAY, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
115
the galleries were the originals and not the exhisting copies, which supports what I have also heard, that the copies were made later than Bodop'aya's time (1781-1819).13 But the truth about such things is always difficult to get at in Burma. The first inscription is dated 1432 A. D., and contains no mention of any weights, but the second, dated 1454 A. D., talks in the translations of "4,600 ticals of pure silver - 100 ticals of gold- & silver salver weighing 300 ticals."
Yule's inscription is a part rendering, on the authority of Burney, of that at the curious and famous Kaung'můdo Pagoda, about 15 miles from Sagaing, in which no mention is made of weights.
Those of the British Burma Ga:etteer and Mr. Hesketh-Biggs relate, in free and part translation by Mr. Hough, the missionary, and Moung Hla Oung, a well-known official, the inscriptions on the great bells on the platform of the Shwedagûn Pagoda at Rangoon. The first is on the “Great Bell" or Mahaganda (Mabighanta), generally attributed to King B'odòp'aya and said to be dated 1781 A. D.15 The second is on the still greater bell called the Mahatibàddagànda, 16 the great three-toned bell, of King Darawadi, dated 1841-3,17 which is said, in the translation of the inscription thereon, to "weigh 25,94,049 ticals of pure brass."
13 By 1855, however, Yule, Ava, p. 167, states that the Mahanuni Inscriptions were 200 or 300 in number (far under the mack, it will now be secu), aud, on the authority of Phayre, that they aro "not originals nor exact copies of originals."
14 I have obtained access to Burney's original MSS., and here is his interesting note on his visit to this Pagoda : "Aug. 27, 1830. Capt. Pemberton and I accompanied the My Awadi Woongyee this day to inspect the great Pagoda of Koungmhoodnu, which bears the Pali name of Razamuditeoola (RAjamapiolla, also Chamani and Rajachalamaņi, ante, Vol. XXII. p. 346). At this time of the year, tho whole country being inundated, our warboats were able by a short route (from Aval of 8 miles to go close up to the Pagoda. In the enclosure, within which the Pagoda stande, are several smaller buildings, in one of which we saw the inscription, said to hnve been engraved in the year 2012, A.D. 1650, in the reign of King Ngadadatka (the Bengtalo or Ngå Håp Darugů of Phayre, Hist. of Burma, p. 286, of the Taung.ng Dynasty, reigning from Ava), ......... The inscription is cut on a beauti. ful block of marble, about 10 eet high, 5 broad and one foot thick, and it is covered on both sides with Burnere characters, made square, not round like the common Burmese writing. Moung Za [Atwinwan) told na that the difference between the two descriptions of character was precisely the same as that betweon our printed letters and handwriting. The greater part of the inscription consists of religious and moral maxime, but I could distinctly trace the passage, wbich refers to the division of the Burmese Empire, A copy of which has been given me." This was the portion of the inscription published by Yule. Had Burney and the Burmese Ministers of the day only known it, there was much more precise information of the kind they wanted of a then quite recent date in S'inbyů. yin's Inscription at Poúdaung, dated 1774 A. D. (ante, Vol. XXII. p. 4). • 10 Hesketh-Biggs, p. 53: British Burma Gazetteer, Vol. II, p. 634; Winter, Sia Months in British Burma, 1958, p. 10 f.; but see later on as to the actual giver and date.
16 Maha Tisadhaganda, three-toned, in Hesketh-Biggs, p. 46 obviously for PAli Maba-ti-sadda-hapa-San. skrit Mahi-tri-sabda-ghanţa, great three-toned bell. At p. 42 of Mr. Hesketh-Biggs' book Moung Hla Oung calls the bell Netha Yisadda Ganda - at least he is so printed . This must stand for the Påļi Nissaya-salda-ghapta, the bell of the voice of refuge.
11 As there seem to be disputes as to the date of this bell I give here every date in the inscription relating to King Darwadi and his doings at Rangoon, as given in Moung Hla Oung's translation, worked out to the English Calondar, according to Moyle's Almanac of Corresponding English and Burmese Dates from d. D. 1522 to 4. D. 1895 (Fourth Ed.). From general history one knows that Darwadi, here called "Srlpovaraditya.Lok Adhipati-Vijayamahadharmaraj Adhiraja, the Third Founder of Amarapura," came to the throne in 1837 A. D. (ante, Vol. XXI. P. 287 m.); but the date on the inscription is procise, as the corresponding date A, B, is given as 2380 - 1896 A. D. The corresponding date A. B. is twice given for 1203 B. E. as 2385 = 1841 A, D., and the general accuracy of the dates in the inscription will be seen from the following statemente: -
A.-6th waxing Kaan, 1108 Wednesday, 20th April, 1836, King Dar wadi took possession of his father's
heritage. B.-Sunday, 7th waning Tofalin, 1203 Monday, 6th September 1841, he came by water in the royal yacht
to Ramata, the three countries of the Talaings, i, e., to Rangoon, The dates do not tally, but the 7th waxin, ToXalin, 1203, was a Sunday and corresponds with Sunday, 22nd August 1841 : 80 possibly
lazut (waping) was cut accidentally for lazan (waxing). c.3rd waning Taxaungmon, 1203 Sunday, 31st October, 1841, he constructed a citadel and gilt tho | Shwedagon Pagoda. D.-10th waxing Dadinjut, 1203 Friday, 24th September, 1841, he made a mould of this great bell. E. - Sunday, 5th waning Tabòdwe, 1204 Sunday, 19th February, 1843, be buished the casting.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
No doubt, the word translated "ticals" in the inscriptions of 1454 and 1843 is kyat.
In the Buddha Gayâ inscriptions there is no mention of any weights.
So far, then, these inscriptions bring us no nearer to the point of our enquiry as to the true Burmese notions on the subject of the weight of the pala or phala. Nor will Forchhammer's work help us.
116
[MAY, 1898.
The Burman of the present day still behaves as did his ancestors time out of mind. He still spends his earnings or savings in building or repairing pagodas and sacred buildings of all sorts, inscribing on them the fact, with a statement of what his works of merit have cost him. In this way the currency of the British supremacy in these parts will doubtless go down to a far posterity.
Thus the repair of the original Mahamuni Pagoda in Arakan (not to be confounded with its counterpart near Amarapura) in 1865-7 by a Shân is described in his inscription as follows:18" In the course of the work it was found that the sum of Rs. 460, which he had brought with him, would not suffice. In this dilemma he appealed to the Wundauk (Magistrate) and begged of him to receive his wife and children as surety (in pawn) for Rs. 400. But the Wundauk would not agree to the proposal. 19 He, however, most liberally advanced the Rs. 400 to meet the expenses. With all this aid however it was found that the extra money received could only suffice to repair the base, but not the roof of the image-house.20 Arrangements were made to collect subscriptions from the whole of Dhaññavati (Arakan) in order to bring the work to a successful close. The following are the names of the subscribers: Wundauk Maung Kalawa with the title of Dâkyizi; Dâyakà Sàndun Rs. 5; Tazâzin Thâdun 2 (and so on)-altogether Rs. 145."
Similarly one "Ma Myàt-û, the beloved wife of Zayàttaga Maung Chindaung of Môlék Village in the Akyab District spent more than Rs. 15,000 in gilding the chéti on the summit of the Urittaung Hill, as a work of merit done for the good of her deceased husband," i. e., according to her inscription dated in " the year B. E. 40," i. e., B. E. 1240 A. D. 1879,21
In an inscription, dated 1848 A. D., at the Andò Pagoda at Sandoway, it is said that "a ti, whose opening measured 2 cubits and which had 12 tiers was constructed by Maung Lû Môlû, who was paid Rs. 100 for its workmanship." The same inscription says that the feast on the occasion cost Rs. 350.22
In Scott's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 247 ff., there is a translation of the inscription on bell "No. 15,219 in the Indian Section of the South Kensington Museum," from which we see that it is dated 1209 B. E. 1847 A. D., and "The exact weight of the bell in current reckoning is 2,500 kyats weight." 23 In addition to this the giver, a Yêwan (Maritime Provincial Governor) of Pagàn Min (1846-52), says "I gave a tagundaing, the price of which, with all incidental expenses, was Rs. 500: 25 that was the alms exactly."
And lastly there are the two inscriptions in Vol. XXII. of the Indian Antiquary so well edited by the capable hand of Mr. Taw Sein Ko, viz., the Pôûdaung Inscription of S'inbyûyin, dated 1774 A. D., and the Kalyani Inscriptions of Dhammachêti, dated 1476 A. D.
In the first there is no mention of weights at all, but in the second, which is throughout in Pali, there are several; this inscription, or rather set of inscriptions, being in fact the only one to throw any light on the present subject.
18 Forchhammer's Report on Arakan, p. 9.
19 That official would hardly have dared to accept under British rule, but the Shan acted according to the notions of his life-long surroundings on the subject of slavery for debt.
20 Forchhammer usually means by this expression the Burmese bêng, Pâli sim, strictly a hall of ordination. 22 Op. cit. p. 62.
rather less than half a ton.
24 Tagun is a streamer offered in worship: tagundaing is a post set up near a pagoda to hang the streamer on.
2 Eut I suspect that the translation should be here "500 tickals (kyats).
21 Forchhammer, op. cit. p. 57.
23 2,500 kyot 250 viss 9125 lbs. Av.

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MAY, 1808.)
CUBRENOY AND OOIKAGJ AXONG THE BURMESA.
117
First, we read on the obverse face of the second stone (ante, Vol. XXII. p. 40) that Dhammacheti gave the Holy Tooth Relio at Kandy in Ceylon: -
(1) A stone alms-bowl - having for its cover & pyramidal covering made of gold,
weighing 50 phalas. (2) An alma-bowl with stand and over complete made of gold, weighing
30 phalas. (3) A duodeoagonal betel-box made of gold, weighing 80 phalas.
(4) A gold relic-receptacle, weighing 88 phalas. Further on (p. 41) we read :-“The following articles were prepared for presentation to King Bhuvan@kabahu, King of Sthaladfpa: "
(5) Two sapphires valued at 200 phalas of silver.
(6) Two rubios valued at 480 phalas. Again (p. 41): "200 phalas of gold* were given to the emissaries for the purpose of providing the 22 thêras and their disciples with the four requisites," should any mishap, such as scarcity of food, arise."
Clearly, then, the phala was a Troy weight at that period in the estimation of the Burmese monks.
Later on, again, on the reverse face of the same stone (p. 45) we read about the gift of Dhammachêti to the Shwedagôn Pagoda at Bangoon of "& large bell made of br. weighing 8,000 tulas."37 Here we have an Avoirdupois weight.
Lastly, the return gift (p. 45) of the Siühalese King "included a religious gift in the shape of an image of the Holy Tooth Relic, embellished with a topaz and a diamond, valued at 100 phalas."
The difficulty of course is to get at direct evidence of the weight of the phala and tuld of that period. The only evidence from Burmese documents that I have come across so far, though it indicates the sources from which such information should be forthcoming, is Taw Sein Ko's Ed. of the Mahajanaka Jataka, 1889, p. 92, where occurs the following passage:" And lastly he boliloqdised on the gold salver out of which he ate lead dhani satabalanh kamasah, meaning, “This my gold salver, from which I eat my soft and solid food, is made of pure gold, and it weighs 100 pos" and so on.
Now, this edition of the Mahájanaka Jataka is taken from the Burmese translation thereof by U Awbathe (Obhasa), the head of the Minbu Monasteries in 1785,28 and to the above passage that learned monk appends a note, thus rendered by Taw Sein Ko: - "The po is of four different kinds : it may weigh 8, 26, 30 or 100 tickals.30 Of these four, the second weight, viz., 25 might be adopted, judging from the term of life extending to 10,000 years, allotted to the persons of the story."
We have here, at any rate, the views of a Barmese authority of the last Century on the po, i. e., the bo(1) or phala, and its value.
At p. 116 we come across this salver again :-There you exchanged your costly garments and your golden salver weighing 100 pos for this poor ascetic garb and this poor earthenware alms-bowl."
Value about £2,190, according to the ealoulations made later on. * There misprinted tólar,
* Bigandet, Gaudama, Ed. 1880, Vol. II. pp. 167-76, gives an abstract of this Jataka under the name of Dra. necka, but unfortunately says nothing in it about the salver.
The Burmese monk had even Indian authority for such a statement, wide Colebrooke's Emaye, Yol. II. p. 681, who mys" nishka, synonymous with pala, consists of five suvarno. According to some authorities, it is also denomination for the quantity of 150 nwarnan," Colebrooke also says. loc. cit., "108 varias or tolakas of gold constitute an urubhushana, pala or dinara."

Page #122

118
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
At p. 158 there is a chance note by Taw Sein Ko himself, which curiously confirms all that has been written by myself (ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 325 ff.) on the subject of the derivation of bo(1). In giving a description of the Burmese notions of the classical svayamvara (pángônzutpuè, garland-placing ceremony) in the form of stringing and unstringing the mighty bow (lédinbwè, bow-stretching ceremony), he says: "Difference of opinion exists as to the right interpretation of the expression, bô(1) aché tat'aung tin'naingò lé. B5(1)30 is evidently the Burmanised form of the Pâli bala, strength, an army: ché means the sum total. Thus the phrase would mean, a bow (lés) that can be strung and unstrung (tin'naingo) by the collective strength (bo(1) ache) of 1,000 warriors. This is one version of the interpretation. The other is that bo(1) should be read po, a five tickal weight, and that the meaning should be:a bow that can support without breaking the weight of 2,500 tickals at either end (ból) aché tataung). The former rendering should be adopted, bearing in mind that Oriental writers take a delight in the use of hyperbole."
(1) 50 phalas (2) 30 phalas (3) Same as No.
(4) 33 phalas:
I think that one may now without hesitancy assert positively that bo(1), with the alternative spelling po, is the Sanskrit pala, Pali, phala; and that as a matter of practical calculation it represented of old in Burma a five tickal weight. On this assumption we can proceed to reduce statements in phalas, and perhaps tulas, to European weight denominations and values with some hope of approximate success.
=
In this way the value of the four gifts of golden articles sent by Dhammachêti to Bhûvanêkabâhn can be stated as follows, assuming that 1 phala 5 tickals: 100 tickals = 1 viss: 1 viss 3.65 lbs. Av.: 1 lb. of gold = £60,31 Then:
250 tickals = =2 viss 150 tickals 1 viss: 2 = £328.5.
same as Nos. 2 and 3+1-10th
[MAY, 1898.
9-125 lbs. Av. £549-5. 5.475 lbs. Av. = £328.5.
= £328-532-85 = £361-35.
As to the gifts valued in silver, perhaps the best way to reckon their value will be to assume that silver was to gold as about one to ten at that time, and to proceed to reckon as for gold dividing the result by ten, thus: -
(5) 200 phalas of silver
20 phalas of gold = 100 tickals 1 viss =
= £219.
(6) 430 phalas of silver 43 phalas of gold 215 tickals =2.15 viss
= £465.
3.65 lbs. Av.
7.75 lbs. Av.
So that the value of the gifts would be £2,251-85, and if it is to be accepted that the purchasing power of gold in the XVth Century, A. D., was several times greater than its present purchasing power, the value of the presents was sufficiently large.
It is interesting here to work out the value of the gifts stated in the contemporary (1454 A. D.) Burmese Inscription at the Mahamuni Shrine near Amarapura, translated by Jadson and quoted above. The values are all stated in tickals. Thus: -
(1) 4,600 tickals of pure silver
460 tickals of gold
= 4-6 viss
£1,007.4. (2) 100 tickals of gold: 1 viss = 3.65 lbs. Av. = £219. 3.65 X 30 (3) 300 tickals of silver- 30 tickals of gold 100
= £65.7.
16.79 lbs. Av.
lbs. Av. 1.095 lbs. Av.
: The now familiar Anglo-Burmese word boh, a leader of dacoits (bandits, outlaws, gang-robbers). 175 lbs. Troy, therefore, for rough calculation,
31 This last assumption I have arrived at thus: 144 lbs. Av.
1 lb. Av.1 lb. Troy, and vice versa, 1 lb. Troy lb. Av. Gold by value is about £4 to the ounce Troy, therefore £48 to the lb. Troy, therefore the value of 1 lb. Av. of gold of £48 £60. The existing £ runs 9343 to 20 lbs. Troy, so that 1 lb. Troy = £46 148, 6d. As the quality of the metal in the inscriptions is never mentioned, the calculations in the text are near enough.

Page #123

CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
These old gifts compare with the modern ones quoted as being recorded on stone by Forchhammer, thus:
MAY, 1898.]
(1) 1848 A. D. Exchange taken at Rs. 9 to the £.
(a) Rs. 100 (6) Rs. 350
£11, £39.
(2) 1866-7 A. D. Exchange taken at Rs. 10 to the E
(a) Rs. 460 (b) Rs. 400 (c) Rs. 145
=
£46.
£40.
£14.5.
119
(3) 1879 A. D. Exchange taken at Rs. 12 to the £
Rs. 15,000
£1,250.
The calculation of the pó or bo(1) of the Mahajanaka Jataka may be regarded from two points of view: first, that of the monkish translator, and secondly, that of the Pali original of the story.
According to the monk's quaint conjectures, which would also, from Taw Sein Ko's remarks, appear to coincide with the orthodox Burmese view, the po, bó (1), phala, at the time of the Jataka, equalled 25 tickals. Then, 100 phalas of gold 2,500 tickals = 25 viss = 90-25 lbs. Av., as the weight of the gold salver. No wonder the good old monk felt bound to justify his computation by an allusion to a belief held by his Buddhist readers to be true, because contained in Scripture. Had he taken the weight of the po at its contemporaneous current computation of 5 tickals, the gold salver would even then have weighed 18-05 lbs. Av., value £1,110. Quite enough both for weight and value.
The story being a Játaka, one has to go back to ancient computations of the phala to get at a notion of the idea that was in the mind of the originator of the story, when he talked of a golden salver weighing 100 phalas.
=
Taking the rati at the average double rate of ancient commerce of about 4 grs. Troy and the phala as 320 ratis, we get an average phala of 1,280 grs. = 23 oz. Troy. Then, for such a calculation as the present, 100 phalas 266 oz. Troy 22.16 lbs. Troy 17-73 lbs. Av. And if we accept Colebrooke's estimate of about 4 grs. for the double rati, which makes, by the way, the persistent South-Indian pala (palam) of 1,440 grs., then the phala 3 oz. Troy. Then also 100 phalas 300 oz. Troy 25 lbs. Troy 20 lbs. Av. So that the salver was probably imagined by those who first told and heard the story as weighing what would be now described as a weight of between 17 and 20 lbs. Av., or to put it in modern Indian phrase as between 8 and 10 pakka sérs, or in modern Burmese phrase as between 5 and 6 viss.
Now 100 phalas make 1 tuli, and so we get a statement of the ancient tula as being of 20 lbs. Av., or of the modern average South-Indian maund. However that may be, for arriving at an idea of the weight of King Dhammachêti's bell at the Shwedagon Pagoda, the best plan that suggests itself to me, as a result of the study of South-Indian weights given ante, pp. 57 ff., is to assume that the Pali scholars of Burma in at any rate the 15th century A. D. and onwards have meant by the tula what is now known as the Madras maund of 25 lbs. Av. Just as the Burmans and Talaings unquestionably borrowed the SouthIndian viss in an approximately correct form, so did they also, I think, borrow the next higher Avoirdupois denomination, the South-Indian tulám, man or maund. And that these synonymous terms have meant continuously a weight of 25 lbs. Av. or thereabouts in, before and after the 15th century A. D. there can be no doubt.

Page #124

120
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
[MAY, 1898.
Assuming the tuld then to equal 25 lbs. Av., the weight of Dhammacheti's bell of 3,000 tulds would be 75,000 lbs. Av. or 881 tons. If we give the told a weight of 20 lbs. or lese, then the weight of the bell would be 261 tons or less.
The weights of the Kahatibaddaganda of King Darawadt at Rangoon and of U Kunklingâya's bell at Maulman are, of course, stated in modern terms, and weigh, according to the inscriptions thereon, the first, a few lbs. over 12 tons, and the second, about one ton.
The traditional weight of the Mahaganda at Bangoon is 25,855 viss, 33 which amounts to about 41, Loths tons, or a little less than the Mahatibáddagàndâ ; * bat, in the course of an interesting correspondence in the Rangoon Gasette on the subject, a writer says, in a letter, dated 27th May, 1896, that part of the inscription on the bell runs as follows:- "Year of the establishment of religion 2822, era (Burmese) 1140, 11th day of the waxing moon of Tabotwai (Tabôdwe, about February) after the third watch, the position of the stars being propitious, with metal weighing 15,555 perktha (viss)." Now 2822 A. B. and 1140 B. E. both represent 1778 A. D., and assuming that the above transcript is right, it must have been Singhisa (1776-81). who gave the bell, and not B*8ddp'aya.(1781-1819), as is generally stated on the strength of Mr. Hough's rendering of the inscription ; 44 and its weight must be about 25} tons.
The above variations in statement arise from two causes : - positive variations in the statements themselves and differences in the mode of compatation. For the instruction of students I now'collect in one view the information so far available in the subjoined table.
The Various Computations of the Weights of the Greater Burmese Bells.
I. - The Myingun Bell,36
Date.
Authority.
Visa,
Ibe.
Ton.
1835
321,20080 500,000 (over) 200,000 (over)
143-39 219.64 89-1
'c. 1852
Malcom, Vol. I. p. 274 ...
88,000 Op. cit., loc. cit., n.37 Bigandet, Gaudama, Ed, 1880,
Vol. I. p. 74 f. 1. Yule, Ava, p. 17134_
(a) Popular view30 ... ... 555,555
(6) Malcom based on Burney..! 65,500 Phayre, Burma, p. 219 ... ...
1855
204,575
922:47 91.32
1883
80
* Hesketh-Biggs, Shwedagon Pagoda, p. 68.
25,665 vias against 25,9404 viss. * The remarks now made should be taken, where they differ, to supersede those made ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 210, on the same subject. The difference arises in the taking the tuld at 145 oz. Troy (see Monier-Williams, Sanskrit Diot., ... tula), based on Colebrooke's remarks, loc. cit., on the ancient Sanskrit weights, and on the assumption that the ratt was a little over 2 grs. This works ont the fuld to about 12 lbr. Troy be. Av., instead of what I now think that Dhammacbéti's engravers meant by the term tuld, vir., the then current tula of about 25 lbs. Av.
15 Near the Sibyo Pagoda, anto, Vol. XXII. p. 846. Cox, c. 1796, Burmhan Empire, p. 105 #., describes this Pagoda, but not the bell, which was doubtless not then in existence. # Maloom says over 830,000 lbs., but the above statement is the correct one,
By computation of the metal in the bell. This, however, is as uncertain many other statement about it. A comparison of the writers I have quoted will show them to differ very greatly as to dimensions. Copied by Strettell, Ficus Elastica, p. 48 .
* This is merely popular exaggeration.

Page #125

May, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
121
II. - MahagàndA Bell, Rangoon.
Date.
Authority.
Viss.
lbs.
Tons.
............
(1778) 1853 1895
Inscription ...
15,555 Laurie, Burma, Ed. 1853, p. 126. 4,915.06 Hesketh-Biggs, p. 55, popnlar 25,555
statement.
18,000
25-32
8.03 41.7
III. - MahatibàddagandA Bell, Rangoon.
Date.
Authority.
Viga.
lbs.
Tons.
(1843) c. 1852
Inscription41
25.9405 Bigandet, op. cit. Vol. I. p. 74 n.... 25,939.02
94,687 94,682
42.05 42-05
IV. - Dhammacheti's Bell, Rangoon.
Date.
Authority.
Viss.
lbs.
Tons.
(1476) (1476) 1895
Inscription, 1st comp. ... ...
Do. 2nd do. ... Taw Sein Ko, ante, Vol. XXIV.
75,000
11.4
33.5 1814
120,000
I
p. 332.
Scott, who has a peculiar knack of picking up scraps of information of the greatest interest about the Burmese, tells us in The Burman, Vol. I. p. 250, of a small bell in the South Kensington Museum, bearing the following inscription :
In the month of Tabohdwe, on the fifth of the waning moon, in the year 1204, on a Sunday, at about four in the afternoon, this bell was cast and moulded of pure copper, IIR weight is 594,049 kyats. There are four lions on the hanging apparatas. Its height is nine fingers' breadth, the diameter is five inches, the circumference fifteen, the thickness twentyfour. It is called the Manahtee Thadda Ganda. The man who had this royal bell moulded was the Barman king Tharrawaddy, Kong Boung Min."
Here we have, almost certainly, preserved for us a memorial model of the Mahâtibàddagkuda of King Darawadi (i. e., Kông-baung). If we may read 2,594,049 for the 594,049 kyats of the text, we get within one kyàt of the statement on the original bell, as above giren, because 25,940.5 viss == 2,694,050 kyats or tickals. Also Sunday, the 5th waning Tabod we, 1204 (B. E.) is the date on the original bell. One would like to know if it has been the custom to make such memorial models of the great bells. At any rate the South Kensington Museum specimen is exceedingly interesting.
(To be continued.)
Mentioned by Alexander, Travels, p. 48: Trant, two years in Ava, p. 34. But no weight is given in either care.
11 Hesketh-Biggs saye 26,000 viss or 48 tons; p. 43. ** Ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 210.
19 Ante, p. 117. # This figure is arrived at by taking the tul to be 40 vias, instead of, as I now think, a little less than 8 Vix. I do not know the authority for the computation, and it seems to be clearly wrong. At 8 vins to the tuld the weight would be 8. 2 tons.

Page #126

122
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(May, 1898.
ON THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
BY M. WINTERNITZ, PH.D.
(Continued from p. 101.) The discrepancies between the two recensions in the Parvasangraha are not so considerable as those in the Anukramani.
In the Anukramani (both in the Northern and in the Southern recensions) the whole of the Mahabharata is divided into the usual eighteen Parvans, as we find them in the Devanagari editions. It is strange that neither the Northern nor the Southern MSS. of the actual MaháThárata seem to bear ont this division into 18 Partans. We tipd, e. 9., 20 or 21 Parvans in the complete Devanagart MSS. of the Berlin and Oxford libraries.se Of the Southern MSS. Dr. Burnell states that they divide the poem into 24 Parvans, which is not qnite borne out by our Grantha MS, which, in the colophons, describes the Pauloma and Astika Parvans as subdivisions of the Adi-Parvan, so that we should have
(1) Adi Parvan :
(a) Paulonia (6) Astika
= Adi Parvan in the Nagari editions, (2) Sambhava Parvan while Burnell gives the three first Parpans as :
(1) Ádi Parvan (2) Ástika Parvan
Adi Parvan in the Nigarl editions. (3) Sambhava Partan A curious list of eighteen Parvans is that given in the passage (I. 1, 88-92) where the Mahábhárata is compared to a tree, of which the Saragrahadhyaya is the seed. The titles of the Parrans are given here as follows:
Pauloma, (2) Astika, (3) Sambhava, (4) Sabha, (6) Aranya, (6) Arani, (7). Virata, (8) Udyoga, (9) Bhishma, (10) Drona, (11) Karna, (12) Salya, (13) Stri, (14) Aishika (15) Santi, (16) Aśramedha, (17) Asramavåsika,
(18) Mausala. All this seems to show that eighteon was a traditional number for the larger divisions of the Mahabharata, but that this number was made up in very different ways by diaskeuastes at the different periods in the long history of the Mahabhárata text.
(1)
Pap)
# Boo A Holtamann, Das Mahabharata, III. 18 99.

Page #127

MAI, 1898.)
THE SOUTH INDIAN BHCENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
128
The account given of the contents of the single Parvans in the Anukramani is of considerable importance for Mahdbhdrata criticism. For it is always worth something, if an episode about the genuineness of which doubts are entertained, can be proved to have been known to the compiler of this Anukramari.
It is, therefore, important to see that the South-Indian recension gives a considerably shorter list of contents than the Nagari editions. How much in portance can be attached to the omissions in our MS., we shall not be able to decide, until many more MSS. fruant different parts of India have been collated.
It is, however, interesting to see that the allusion to the Sakuntala episode (in vv. 956 and 96) is missing in the Grantha MS. For as we shall see below, the same episode is omitted in a Malayalam MS. of the Sambhava Parpan of the Malábhdrata.
Another important omission is that of v. 109-110 alluding to the birth of Draupadl and Dhộishtadyamna, and to Vyâsa's meeting with the Pandavas, when he tells them to proceed to Panchâla for Draupadi's Svayamdara.
But there are numerous omissions, especially in the summary of the Vama Parvan, which at present can hardly be accounted for, and even the arrangement of the episodes in the Grantha MS. differs to a very great extent from that in the editions. I will only give a few examples, in order to shew the great discrepancies between the two versions. The asterisks shew the passages which are onnitted in the Grautha MB. 1. 2, 166 sqq.
Corresponding passage in the Devanagari (Bombay) edition:
in the Grantha Ms. 1. Story of Karna being deprived of his 1. Story of Agastya, tbe Asura Vatapi, and ear-rings.
Lopamudra. *2. Eulogy of Gaya.
2. Story of the hawk and the pigeon. 3. Story of Agastya, the Asura Vatapi, and 3. Sivi, examined by Indra and Ayni and Lopamudra.
Dharma. 4. Story of Rishyassiúga.
4. Story of Risyasringa (sic). 6. Story of Ráma, the son of Jamadagni, 5. Story of Rama, the son of Jamadagoi, and death of Kärta virya and the
and death of Kartavirya and the Haihayas.
Haihayas. 6. Meeting between the Pandavae and 6. Story of Karga being deprived of his Vrishộis in the Tirtha Prabhâsa.
ear-rings. 7. Story of Sukanya, Chyavana, and the 7. Bhimasena in Gandhamadana, at Dran. Asvins.
padt's request. *8. Story of Mândhatri.
8. Bhima's bath in the tank and destrac
tion of the flowers. 9. Story of Jantu.
9. Battle with the Yakshas. 10. Story of the hawk and the pigeou. 10. Story of Sukanya, Chyavana, and the
Asvins. 11. 'Sivi, examined by Indra and Agni and. 11. Story of Janta.
Dharma. 12. Ashtavakra and his disputation with 12. Ashțávakra and his disputation with Vandin.
Vandin. 13. Defeat of Vandin.
13. Defeat of Vandin. 14. Story of Yayakrita and Raibhya.
14. Destruction of the Asura Jata by Bhima. 15. Departure of the Pâņdavas for Gandha 15. Battle with the Nivậtakavachas. *madans.
Etc. 16. Bhimasena in Gandhamadana, at Drau
padi's request.

Page #128

- 124
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1898.
Corresponding passage in the Grantha MS.
I. 2,166 1qq. in the Devanagari (Bombay) edition. •17. Bhima's meeting with Hanůmnat. 18. Bhima's bath in the tank and destruc
tion of the flowors. 18. Battle with Rakshasas and Yakshas. 20. Destruction of the Asura Jata by Bhima. *21. Meeting of the Pandavas with Vrishapar.
Van. *22. Their going to the hermitage of Arshti.
shena.
23. Incitement of Bhima by Draupadi. 24. Ascent of Kaildsa, and battle with the Yakshas.
Etc. It seems to me that the state of the text in the Grantha MS. is in many respects less satisfactory than that offered by the Devanagari editions. The text is certainly corrupt in the stanzas giving the number of Adhyayas and Slokas. The number of Adhyáyas for the Adi Parvan is given as 327 in the Devanagari editions, and as 218 in the Granthe MS. But our MS. agrees with the editions in giving 8,884 as the number of Slokas. For the Sabha Parran the number of Adkydyas is given as 76 in the editions, as 72 in our MS. The number of Slokas is said to be 2.511. The number 4,311 in the Grantha MS. is certainly a mistake. As regards the Vana Parvan, it is very surprising that the Grantha MS. exactly agrees with the editions in giving the number of Adlyáyas w 269, and the number of Slokas as 11,664.
It would take up too much space, if I were to give the whole of the Anubramani; I have therefore to pontent myself with giving in atrast D the end of this List which is the end of the second Adhydya.
On the whole, the text of this important chapter in the South-Indian recension leaves the impression that the Southern MSS., though they are not likely to contain a more original or better text thau the editions, are pertainly indispensable for any future criticat edition of the Mahabharata.
370a
Adipartan,
2,370-396. South-Indian Ms.
Deranagari edition (Bombay). स्वर्णपर्व ततो शेवनिम्ब बत्तदमानुषं। Deest.
3706 प्रामं देवरयं स्वर्गाष्टवान्बत्र धर्मराद। 37la भारोढुं सुमहाप्राज्ञ आनृशंस्याना विना । 3716 तामस्वाविचला ज्ञात्वा स्थिति धर्मे महात्मनः । 372a वरूपं व सत्यका धर्मेणासी समन्वितः । 3728 सगै प्रायः स च तथा यातना विपुला भृशं । 373a देवदूतेन मरकं यत्र व्याजेन दति । . 3736 शुभाव बत्र धर्मात्मा श्राहां करुणा गिरः। 374a निदेशे वर्तमानार्मा देश तत्रैव वर्तती । - 3746 अनुदशितव धर्मेण देवराज्ञा च पाण्डवः। 37ba भापुस्याकाशगजनवां देहं त्वका समानुष । 3756 स्वधर्मनिर्जितं स्थानं स्वगें प्राप्य स धमराह । 376a समुदे पूजितः सर्वैः सेनः सरगणैः सह।
3766 एतदष्टावचं पर्व प्रोकं व्यासेन धीमता। . भजवायाः पक्ष संख्याता: पर्वेतदभिसंस्थया। 877a
पर्वबस्मिन् महात्मना मोकामाने शते चैव संयबाते तपोधमाः ॥१२२।। 87761

Page #129

MAY, 1898.)
TAE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
125
South Indian MS.
Deest. अष्टादशैवमेतानि पर्वाण्युक्तान्वशेषतः। खिलेषु हरिवंशश्च भविष्यश्च प्रकीर्तित ।
Deest.
3788 379a
____Devanagari edition (Bombay). 378a नव भोकास्तथैवान्ये संख्याताः परमर्षिणा।
°ण्येतान्य
भविष्य च 3798 दशलोकसहमाणि विशछोकशतानि च । 3804 खिलेषु हरिवंशेच संख्यासानि महर्षिणा। एतत्सर्व समाते पर्वसंग्रहः
क्षौहिण्डो वन्महादा
पनिषदो द्विजः
381
एतत्सखिलमाख्यावं भारतं पर्यसंग्रहात् । 3808 अष्टादश समाजग्मुरक्षोहिण्यो युयुस्सया। तन्महहारुणं युद्धमहान्यष्टादशाभवत् । यो विद्याश्चतुरो वेदान् सांगोपनिषदान्द्रिजः। न चाख्यानमिदं विद्यान्नव स स्याविचक्षणः। 382
Deest.
383a अर्थशास्वमिदं प्रोक्त धर्मशास्त्रमिदं महत् । 3836 कामशास्त्रमिदं प्रोकं व्यासेनामितबुद्धिना।
मिरं
श्रुत्वा विमुपाख्यानं श्राव्यमन्बन रोचते। पुस्कोकिलरुतं श्रुत्वा रूक्षाद्धांक्षस्य वागिव। 384 इतिहासोसमावस्माचजायन्ते कविबुद्धयः। पञ्चभ्य व भूतेभ्यो लोकसंविधयस्वयः। अस्याख्यानस्य विषये पुराणं वर्तते विजाः। अन्तरिक्षस्य विषये पञ्चा इव चतुर्विधाः। 386 क्रियागुणानां सर्वेषामिदमाख्यानमाश्रयः। इन्द्रियाणां समस्तानावित्रा व मनःक्रियाः।387 अनाश्रित्यैतदाख्यानं कथा भुवि न विद्यते । आहारमनपाश्रित्य शरीरस्येव धारणं। इद सर्वैः कविवरैराख्यानमुपजीव्यते। उदयप्रेस्सुभिर्भूत्यैरभिजात इवेश्वरः ।
Deest.
388
389
कविवरैः सर्वे
मेप्स 390a अस्य काव्यस्य कवयो न समर्था विशेषणे। 3908 साधोरिव गृहस्थस्य शेषास्वयवाश्रमाः। 391a धर्मे मतिर्भवतु वः सततोस्थिसानां स ह्येक एव
परलोकगतस्य बन्धुः । 3918 अर्थाः स्विच निपुणैरपि सेव्यमाना नैवानभाव
मुपयान्ति बच स्थिरत्वं । पावनौष्टपुटनिः
ईपायनेषु पुटनिस्तमप्रमेयं पुण्यं पवित्रमथ
पापहरं शिवच्च। यो भारतं समधिगच्छति वाच्यमानं किन्तस्व
पुष्करजलैरभिषेचनेन ।।
Deest.
392
393a यदहा कुरुते पापं ब्रामणस्त्विन्द्रियैश्चरन् । 3936 महाभारतमाख्याय सम्भ्यां मुख्याति पश्चिमां। 394a यद्रात्रौ कुरुते पापं कर्मणा मनसा गिरा। 3946 महाभारतमाश्याय पूर्वी सन्यां प्रमुच्यते। 395a यो गोश्शतं कनकभृङ्गमयं ददाति विप्राय वेदविदुषे
चबाभुताया। 3958 पुण्यां च भारतकयां शृणुयाच निस्वं तुल्यं फलं
भवति तस्य च तस्य चैव । विशेब म
आख्यानन्तदिदमनुत्तमम्महात्य विन्यस्तम्महदिह
पर्वसंग्रहेण । श्रुत्वादी महति नृणां मुखापगाही विस्ती लवजले
यथा वेन ।। 396 इति श्रीभारते शतसहनिकायां संहिताबामादिपर्वषि
पौलोमे पर्वसंग्रहो नाम द्वितीयोद्धघायः ।।
मई
भवति गाहं विस्तीर्ण श्रीमहाभारते भारिपर्वपि पर्वसंमहपर्वपि

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1898.
The third Adhydija in our MS. corresponds to the third Adhyaya of the Adiparban (Pau shyaparean) in the Nagart editions. The end of the chapter is given below in Extract E.
The fourth Adhyaya in our MS. comprises the 4th and 5th Adhyayas of the Nagart editions. The omission of Agni's speech at the end of the Adhyaya see Extract F can hardly be due to anything but the scribe's negligence.
Adhyaya, and the sixth Adhyaya The superfluous line
The fifth Adhyaya (Agnisápa) corresponds to the 6th (Agniprasada) to the 7th Adhyaya in the Nagarî editions. एवं स भगवाञ्छा लेभेऽग्निर्भुगुतः पुरा ।
making a sloka of three lines in the editions (I. 7, 28) is not found in our MS.
The seventh Adhyaya in our MS. corresponds to the 8th Adhyaya in the Nagari editions. The end is given in Extract G.
The eighth Adhyaya in our MS. comprises Adhyayas 9-12 of the Nagart editions, and finishes the Pauloma-Parvan. The end of this Parvan and the first Adhyaya of the AstikaParvan (I. 13, 1-6a in B. edition) are given in Extract H.
The second Adhyaya of the Astika-Parvan corresponds to I. 13, 66-15, 11 (end of the 15th Adhyaya) in the Nagari editions. The end of this Adhyaya is given below in Extract I.
If we compare I. 14, 76 and I. 15, 3a and remember that I. 14, 6 is a sloka of three lines in the edition, we can hardly doubt that the Grantha MS. which omits I. 14, 66 and 7 gives a more original text. It is certainly remarkable that we find so frequently slokas of three lines in the Northern recension, where the South-Indian MS. has only two lines. Yet we find sometimes slokas of three lines also in the latter, which proves that the authors of the Sonth Indian recension did not remove the superfluous lines intentionally.
Adhyayas 3-6 of the Astika-Parvan correspond to Adhyayas 16-19 in the Nagarî editions. The end of the 3rd Adhyaya is given in Extract J.
The seventh Adhyaya corresponds to Adhyaya 20 in the Nagari editions, and (as may be seen from Extract K below) differs considerably from the Northern recension.
The eighth Adhyaya corresponds to Adhyaya 21 of the Northern recension, concluding with the last verse of Adhyaya 22, while the rest of this Adhyaya (which is mainly a repetition of Adhyaya 21) does not exist in our MS. The end of the eighth Adhyaya will be found in Extract L.
These two Adhyayas (7 and 8) of the Astika-Parvan are of considerable importance. They relate the story of Kadrû and Vinatâ who wager about the colour of the horse Uchchaiḥśravas, a story the roots of which reach down into the depth of ancient mythology, and which has an important bearing on the relation between the Vedic and the epic literature. That there is some confusion in the text of this story as found in the Nagarî editions, has been pointed out long ago,31
A brief summary of the contents of chapters 20-22 will shew at once the unsatisfactory state of the text in the Northern recension.
Adhyaya 20: Seeing the horse Uchchaibśravas, Kadrû and Vinatâ wager about the colour of the horse's tail. Kadrú orders her thousand sons, the Snakes, to transform themselves into black hair and cover the horse's tail so that it might appear black. The snakes refuse to do her bidding. She curses them to be burnt at Janamejaya's sacrifice. The Grandfather' (Brahman) heard this cruel curse, but seeing how the snakes had multiplied exceedingly, and being anxious for the welfare of 'creatures, he together with all the gods approved of the carse uttered by Kadrû. After some general reflections on the dangerousness of snakes, and the
31 See Holtzmann, Das Mahabharata, I. p. 17 sq.

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THE SOUTH INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
127
fute of the wicked, the Creator (devaḥ srishtikrit) calls Kasyapa (Prajapati) and tells him not to yri ve about the destruction of the snakes, his children, and finally bestows upon him (Kasyapa) the power of destroying enake poison.
Adkyáya 21 : Kadrů and Vinati go to view the horse Uchchaiḥśravas, and on their way see the ocean. Description of the ocean.
Adhyâya 22: The snakes, after a debate, decide to comply with Kadri's wish, and cause the horse's tail to appear black. Then follows (vo. 4-12) what amounts to a repetition, or rather a shorter version, of the preceding ddhyaya.
In the Suparnáklyána which, like other Vedic texts (Sat. Br. III. 6, 2, 3 891.; Taitt. Sank. VI. 1, 6, 1 899.), relates the story of the wager of Kurû and Vinati, no reference is m:ide to the part played by the snakes in connection with this wager. Professor Oldenberg, in his most interesting essay on the Suparnalthyána, 3a suggests that originally this legend had nothing to do with the Snake sacrifice (sarpasattre). This, he thinks, is proved by the awkwardness with which the story of the Mahubháruta tries to overcome the difficulty that though Kadrû wins the wager with the help of the snakes yet the snakes perish in consequence of their disobedience, cursed by Kadra. This inay be so. Partly, however, the awkwardness of the story in the Mahabharata is due merely to the state of the text in the Devanagari editions. The South-Indian recension gives a much more satisfactory text.
Even if we had only the Northern recension, the genuineness of I. 20, 12-166 relating the conversation between the Creator (Brahman) and Prajapati-Kaśyapa might be doubted. Bat seeing the Southern text, there cannot be the least doubt that the two lines
तेषां तीक्ष्णविषस्वाद्धि प्रजानां च हिताय वै ।
grenieroff (?) fegireurT HETER II belong together. Observe that in the editions sloka 16 has three lines, and that vv. 11 and 12 are very loosely connected. The context, according to the Southern recension, is as follows:
On hearing the cruel carse pronounced by Kadrû against the Snakes, Brahman the Grandfather' approves of it, being aware that the snakes had maltiplied exceedingly, and being anxious for the welfare of creatures. For, to be sure, it was on account of the violent poisonousness of snakes and for the benefit of creatures, that he bestored on Kosyapa the art of destroying snake poisunt.
Kasyapa is probably the physician Kisyapa who wanted to cure King Parikşit from the snake bite (Mohár. I. 42 sq.). He is montioned here very aptly, in order to slew how anxious Brahman was to protect men from the poisonous snakes. In the Northern recension (or at any rate, in the text known to us from the Devanagari editions) Kaśyapa was substituted for Kiśyapa, and the insipid conversation between Brahman and Prajâ pati came to be inserted.
The South-Indian version continues : After the Snakes had thus beert cursed by Kadrú, Kárkoļak z greatly distressed on account of that curse propitiates his mother by promising to transform Aimself into black hair and make the horse's tail appear black.
This is, at any rate, more plausible than the version found in the Devanagart editions. The latter tell us (1. 22, 1-3) that all the snakes coinply with Kadri's wish, and yet the snakes perish at Janamejaya's sacrifice. While the South-Indian recension nakes only one Någa (or perhaps one party of Någas) comply with the wishes of Kadrů, which agrees well with the fact that finally some of the snakes are spared from the general destruction at the snake-sacrifice (1.58).
That Adhyâya 22 which is mainly a repetition of the 21st Adhyâya is omitted in the South Indian recension, also proves that at any rate, in this particular episode the SouthIndian recension has preserved a better text than that found in the Devanagari editions.
» Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Vol. 87 (1883), pp. 70., 83 89.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1898.
The ninth Adhydya of the Astikaparvan corresponds to I. 23 of the editions, but is much shorter, vv. 2, 6, 76, 86, 12-14 being omitted, as well as the second portion of the hymn to Garuda. The end of this Adhyâya is given in Extract M below. It is, of courge, possible that verses may have been omitted in the South Indian recension for the sake of shortening the text, but it seems to me far more probable that given a hymn in praise of Garuda, & reciter or editor thought it meritorious to add some verses of his own, or from another source, in praise of the same divine being. Both editors and copyists of the Mahabharata seem to have readily almitted into their text anything they approved of, if only it was found in some MS., on the principle of bringing all excellent things together (yunupasanih aranyáyena). 33 In a critical edition of the Mahabharata, we should probably have to omit or to mark as spurious any passages occurring only in one of the two recensions, provided that they can be safely omitted without disturbing the context.
The tenth Alhydya of the Astikaparvan corresponds to Alhyâyas 24 and 25 of the Northern recension. But the first two ślokas of the 24th Adhyây, and all from 46 to the end of the Adhyâya, as well as the first floka of Allhyáya 25 are omitted. The omission includes the legend of the enmity between Riha and the Sun, and the appointment of Araña as the Sun's charioteer, The Adhyâya begins :
iT 11 ततः कामगमः पक्षी कामवीटयों महाबलः। अरुणचारमनः पृष्ठमुपारोग्य पितुर्गहान । मानुन्तिकमागच्छत् परन्तीरम्महोदधेः। यत्र सा विनता तस्मिन् पणिते वै पराजिता ।
भतीव दुःखसन्तप्ता दासीभावमुपागता। The rest of the chaptor corresponds to I. 25, 3-17. It cannot be a mere accident that the story of the Sun's wrath on account of the enmity of Rahu, and Aruna's appointment as chariotoer to the Sun is also omitted by Kshemenilra in his Bhuratamañjarí,34 And if we compare the three lines I. 24, 3-ta,
ततः कामगमः पक्षी कामवीर्यों विहंगमः। अरुणं चास्मनः पृष्ठमारोप्य स पिनुगृहात् ।
मानुरन्तिकमागच्छत् परं तीरं महोदधेः। with I. 25, 1,
सतः शामगमः पक्षी महावीयों महाबलः।
मासुरन्तिकमागच्छत् परं पारं महोदयः। we see clearly how the whole passage from I. 24, 46-19 was interpolated, and I. 25, 1 had to be added in order to take up the thread which had been interrupted by the interpolation. Observe also the omission of the line I. 6, 236 (below, extract J) containing an allusion to Aruña's charioteership. That the legend is omitted in Kshemendra's work goes far to prove that the passage was interpolated after Kshemendra's time, i. 6., after A. D, 1050,35 and if the story conld be proved to occur in all MSS. representing the Northern recension, we should be justified in concluding that the branching off of the Southern recension took place after the time of Kshemendra.
The eleventh Adkydya corresponds to I, 26 of the Devanagari edition, but is again shorter, The twelfth Adhyâya corresponds to I. 27-28. Omitted are I. 27, 2-3a; 7a; 86, 9a; and 1. 28, 46-9a; 116; 126; 13a; 14a, 16a. The end of the 11th and beginning of the 12th Adhyáya will be found in Extract N.
उद्योगपर्वणि समत्सुजातीये भाष्यकारादिभियाण्थातान् संप्रतितनपुस्तकेषु च स्थितान्पाठान भोकांश्च गुणोपसंgraria arity suret li Nilakantha at the beginning of the Sanatoujattya (Mahabharata, V. 42). Compare Telang in Sacred Books of the East, Vol. VIII. p. 203 sq.
1 See Bharatam. I. 114 np. (Kavyamála), and Prof. Kirste in Contributions to the History of the Mahabhúrata' (No. II. of Indian Studies, by G. Bühler and J. Kirste), P. 30.
» See Dr. Bübler in 'Contributions,' p. 3 89.

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THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA. 129
Adhydyas 13-34 of the Astikaparvan in our MS. correspond to Adhydyas 29-50 in the Devanagari editions ; Adhyâya 35 corresponds to I, 51-52; Adhydya 36 to I. 53; Adhyâya 37 to I.54-55%3; adhyayas 38-39 to I. 56-573 and adhyaya 40 to I.58-59.
The end of adhyaya 40, which is the end of the Grantha MS. Whish No.65, will be found in Extract O below. In the editions, Adhyâya 59 is the beginning of the Adivaníávatúranaparvan. The title of this Parvan does not occur in the South Indian recension, 38 but the Åstika-Parvan ends here, and is followed immediately by the Sambhava-Parvan, the first Adhyaya of which corresponds to Adhyaya 60 in the Devanagari editions.
I now give, in parallel columns, the rest of the extracts from MS, Whish No. 65, with the corresponding passages of the Northern recension.
E.
187
Adiparvan,
3, 186-188. End of the third Adhyâya in Grantha MS.
End of the third Adhyâya in B. edition. एतच्छुत्वा तु नृपतिस्तक्षकस्य चुकोप ह।
स्तक्षकाय उदंकवाक्यहविषा दीप्तोग्निहविषा यथा। 186
उत्त अपृच्छच तदा राजा मन्त्रिणस्तान् सुदु:खितः।
अपृच्छत्स उदकस्यैव सान्निध्ये पितु स्वर्गगति प्रति। सदेव स राजेन्द्रो दुःखशोखातीभवत् ।
तदैव हि शोका' यदेवासौ पितुर्वृत्तमुदंकादश्रुणोद्विजान् । 188 यदेव वृत्तं पितरमुत्तकादशृणोत्तरा। इति श्रीमहाभारते शतसहनिकायां संहितायामादिपर्वणि
आदिपर्वणि पौलोमे कार्य्यवस्तूत्पादनन्नाम त्रितीयोऽधायः॥
पौष्यपर्वणि पौष्याख्याने F Adiparean,
5, 30-6, 1. End of the 4th and beginning of the 5th Adhyâya End of the 5th and beginning of the 6th Adhy dya in Grantha MS..
in B. तस्यैतद्वचनं श्रुत्वा समाञ्चिः दु:खितो भृशं ।
ऽभवत् भीतीनृताच शापाच भृगोरित्सवीच्छिनः। 30
भग्निरुवाच । Deest.
स्वया वृता पुलोमेयं पूर्व शनवनन्दन । 31 किं त्वियं विधिना पूर्व मन्यवन वृता स्वया।
पित्रा तु भगवे इत्ता पुलोमेयं यशस्विनी। 32 ददाति न पिता तुभ्यं वरलोभान्महायशाः।
अयेमा वेवदृष्टेन कर्मणा विधिपूर्वकं । 33 भार्याषिर्भृगुः प्राप मां पुरस्कृत्य दानव ।
सेयमित्यवगच्छामि नानृतं वनुमुत्सहे।
34 नानृतं हि सदा लोके पूज्यते दानवोत्तम | इति श्रीमहाभारते आदिपर्वाण पौलीमे भार्गववंशकथन
पौलोमपर्वणि पुलोमाग्निनाम चतुयोद्धचायः॥
संवादे पञ्चमोऽध्यायः।
सौतिरुवाच ॥ ओं सूतः।।
अग्नेरथ वचः अग्नेरवचनं श्रुत्वा तद्रक्षः प्रजहार तां । ब्रह्मन्वराहरूपेण मनोमारुतरंहसा।
1 । ___ It is, however, remarkable that in the Parvasavingraha (see above, extract C,I.2,42) the Adivariasavatar rana is mentioned in both recensions.
अ Read भृगोरित्यब्रवीच्छनैः

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130
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1898.
G. Adiparvan,
8,25.
Devanagari edition (Bombay).
Grantha Ms. प्रमतिस्सह पुत्रेण तथान्ये वनवासिनः। तान्ते कन्यां व्यसुन्दृष्ट्वा भुजगस्य विषादितां । रुरुतुः कृपयाविष्टा रुरुस्त्वात्तो बहिर्गतः । ते च सर्वे द्विजश्रेष्ठास्तत्रैवोपविशस्तदा ।।
इति श्रीमहाभारते आदिपर्वणि पौलोमे प्रमाविवाहाहस्थापनाम सप्तमोद्धघायः ।।
।
__ तौ बहिर्ययो वोपा
पौलोमपर्वाण प्रमदरासर्पदंशे अष्टमोऽध्यायः
H.
Grantha Ms.
सूतः।
रुरुस्त्वय वनं सर्व पर्यधावत् समन्ततः। समृषिन्द्रष्टुमन्विच्छन् संश्रान्तो न्यपतत् भुवि।
Deest.
Alipai van, 12,4.136a.
Devanagari edition (Bombay). सौतिरुवाच।
रुरुश्चापि 4
समृर्षि नष्टम"
स मोहं परमं गत्वा नष्टसंज्ञ इवाभवत् । 5सदृषेर्वचनं तथ्यं चिन्तयानःपुनःपुनः।
रुरुश्चायात्तदा
7
8
लब्धसंज्ञो रुरुस्सोयन्तश्चाचख्यो पितुस्ता । पित्रे तु सर्वमाख्याय डुण्डुभस्य वचोयंवत् । अपृच्छत् पितरं भूयस्सोस्तीकस्य वचस्तथा। आख्यातवांस्तदाख्यानं दुण्डुभेनाथ कीर्तितं । तत् कीर्यमान भगवञ्छ्रोतुमिच्छामि तखतः। पिता चास्य तदाण्यानं पृष्टस्सर्वन्त्यश्वेश्यन् ।। इति श्रीमहाभारते आदिपर्वणि शससहनिकायां संहितायां पौलोमे रुरुप्रमो नामाष्टमोजूधायः॥ ओं पौलोमं समान ॥ ओं शौनकः। किमत्य राजशार्दूलस्स राजा जनमेजयः। सर्पसत्रेण सर्पाणां गतोन्तन्तबदस्व मे। .
Deest. आस्तीकस्तु द्विजश्रेष्ठः किमत्य जपतां वरः। मोशयामास भुजगान्दीमात्तस्माबुताशनात् । स्य पुत्रस्स राजासीत् सर्पसत्रं य ाहरत् । स चिद्विजातिप्रवरः कस्य पुत्रो वहस्व तत् । श्रोतुमिच्छाम्यशेषेण कथामेताम्मनोहरां । आस्तीकस्य पुराणस्य ब्राह्मणस्य तपस्विनः ।
पौलोम. सर्पसत्रप्रस्तावनायां हादशोऽध्यायः॥ समाप्त पौलोमपर्व । अथास्तीकपर्व ॥ शौनक उवाच ॥
1 2
निखिलेन यथा तत्त्वं सौते सर्वमशेषतः। कश्च
'न्प्रदीसाइसरेतसः कस्य
अभिधत्स्व मे
Deest. See below.
सूतः।
सातिरुवाच ।
__ नमास्तीकं यथैतत्पोच्यते विज
महाख्यानजास्तीकं यत्रैतत् प्रोच्यते बुधैः। सर्वमेतदशेषेण श्रुणु मे वदतां वर । इति श्रीमहाभारते आदिपर्वण्यास्तीके
प्रथमोध्यायः॥
शौनक उवाच । श्रोतुमिच्छाम्यशेषेण कयामेतां मनोरमां। . आस्तीकस्य पुराणाह्मणस्य यशस्विनः। I. 13,6a
No Adhyâya ends here, - Read °सबै न्य

Page #135

THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA. 181
Adiparvan,
14, 6-15, 11. "Grantha Ms.
Devanagari edition (Bombay). वासुकिः।
वासुकिरुवाच । जरत्कारी जरुत्कार स्वसेयमनुजा मम ।
जरत्कारुः Deest.
68 प्रतिगृणीष्व भार्याय मया दत्तां सुमभ्यमा । स्वदय रक्षिता पूर्व प्रतीच्छे मान्द्रिजोत्तम । Deest.
7a एवमुक्का ततः प्रादाबार्याथै वरवर्णिनीं। 76 स च सां प्रतिजमाह विधिदृष्टेन कर्मणा। इति श्रीमहाभारते आदिपर्वाण आस्तीकपर्वणि
वासुकिस्वसवरणे चतुर्दशोऽध्यायः॥१४॥ सूतः।
सौतिरुवाच । मात्रा हि भुजगाइशप्ताः पूर्व ब्रह्मविदां वर । जनमेजयस्य वो यज्ञे धक्ष्यस्यनिलसारथिः। तस्य शापस्य शान्त्यर्थं प्रददौ पन्नगोत्तमः। स्वसारमृषये तस्मै सुवृत्ताय महात्मने।
सुत्रताय. स च ता प्रतिजमाह विधिदृष्टेन कर्मणा । अस्ताको नाम पुत्रश्च तस्याजज्ञे महात्मना।
तस्यां जज्ञे महामनाः सपस्वी च महात्मा च वेदवेदांगपारगः । समस्सर्वस्य लोकस्य पितमाभयापहः । अथ कालस्य महतः पाण्डवेयो नराधिपः।
दीर्घस्य कालस्व आजहार महायज्ञ सर्पसत्रमिति श्रुतं । तस्मिन् प्रवृते सत्रे तु सर्पाणामन्तकाय वै ।
प्रवृत्ते मोचयामास तावच्छापाइस्तीकस्य महातपाः ।
तानागानास्तीकः सु नागांश्च मातुलांश्चैव तथा संबन्धिबान्धवान् ।
भ्रातृ॑श्च तथैवान्यान्स पन्नगान् पितुंश्च तारयामास सन्तत्या तपसा तथा । वृतश्च विविधै ब्रह्मन् स्वाद्धबायश्चानणोभवत् ।
व्रतैश्च विविधैर्य देवांश्च तर्पयामास य. विविधदक्षिणः। ऋर्षांश्च ब्रह्मचर्येण सन्तत्या च पितामहान् । अपहृत्य गुरुं भारं पितृणां संशितव्रतः। जरत्कारुर्गवस्वर्ग सहित स्वैः पितामहे । आस्तीकच सुतं प्राप्य धर्माच्चानुत्तमम्मुनिः। 10 जरत्कारुस्सुमहता कालेन स्वर्गमेयिवान् । एतदाख्यानमास्तीकं यथावत् कथितम्मया। प्रबेहि भृगुशार्दूल किं भूयः कश्यतामिति ।। 11
किमन्बस्कथयामि ते इति श्रीमहाभारते आस्तीके
आदिपर्वणि आस्तीकपर्वणि द्वितीयोद्ध्यायः॥
सर्पाणां मादशापप्रस्तावे पच्चरशोऽस्वायः॥
Adiparvan, 16, 22-25.
Devanagari (Bombay) edition.
Grantha MS. एवं शस्या ततः पुत्रो विनतामन्तरिक्षगः। . भरुणो दृश्यते ब्रह्मन् प्रभातसमये तदा ।
Deest. गरुडोपि यथाकालं जज्ञे पन्नगस्यवनः। स जातमात्री विनता परित्यज्य खमाविशत्। आशस्यन्नात्मनो भोज्यमनं विहितमस्य यत् । विधात्रा भगुशार्दूल क्षुधितस्य बुभुक्षतः॥ इति श्रीमहाभारते आस्तीके पर्वणि
त्रितीयोद्धघायः॥
यदा 23 आदित्यरथम वास्ते सारथ्यं समकल्पयत् ।
पनगभोजनः 24
अधितः पतगेश्वरः भादिपर्वणि आस्तीकपर्वणि सादीनामुत्पत्ती
घोडशोऽध्यायः॥ - Read यदि

Page #136

132
Grantha MS.
सार्द्धन्देवगणैस्सर्वैर्वचनञ्चान्वमोदत ।
बहुत्वं प्रेक्ष्य सर्पाणां प्रजानां हितकाम्यया । उपवीयविषाण्येते दन्तभूका महाबलाः । तेषान्तीक्ष्णविषत्वाद्धि प्रजानाञ्च हिताय वै ।
Deest.
"
33
33
33
19
""
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
प्रादाद्विषहिणीं विद्यां काश्यपाय महात्मने । एवं शतेषु नागेषु का च द्विजसत्तम । उमापतस्तस्याः कद्रू कार्कोटको ब्रवीत् । मातरं परमप्रीतस्तदा भुजगसत्तमः । आविश्य वाजिनं मुख्य वालो भूत्वाञ्चनप्रभः । दर्शयिष्यामि तत्राहमात्मानं काममाश्वस । एवमस्त्विति सा पुत्रं प्रत्युवाच यशस्विनी ॥
इति श्रीमहाभारते आस्तीके कब्रुवाक्यन्नाम सप्तमोद्धधायः ॥
Grantha MS.
अद्ध्यात्मयोगनिद्राञ्च परमनाभस्य संवतः । युगान्तकालशयनं विष्णोरमिततेजसः ।
Deest.
31
बडा मुख दीप्ता ने तो यह व्यप्रदं शुभं । अगाधतल विस्तीर्णमप्रमेयं सरित्पर्ति । महानदीभिर्बह्वीभि स्पद्धयेव सहस्रशः । अभिसाय्यमाणमानेशन्तत्र तत्र समन्ततः ।
K. Adiparsan, 20, 10-16.
10
11
16c
14
16 17a
176
L.
Adiparvan, 21, 14-22, 12.
21, 18
Deest. गंभीरन्तिमिमकरो प्रसंकुलन्तं गर्जन्तञ्जलचररावनादितेस्तैः विस्तीर्ण न्ददृशु" तुरंबरप्रकाशन्ते गाधनिधिमुरुमभसामपारव इत्येवं । Deest. - झषमकरोम्मिसंकुलन्तं गभीरं विकसितमंबरप्रकाशं ॥ पाताळ ज्वलनशिखाविदीपितान्तं पश्यन्त्यो द्रुतमभिपेततुस्तदानीं ॥ 22,12 इत्वास्तीके समुद्रवर्णननामाष्टमोद्धधायः ॥
40 Read विषा होते.
Devanagari (Bombay) edition. र्वाचं तामन्वमोदत
तिग्मवीर्यविषा ह्येते दन्दबूका
च
12 युक्तं मात्रा कृतं तेषां परपीडोपसर्पिणां । 126 अन्येषामपि सत्त्वानां नित्यं दोषपरास्तु ये । तेषां प्राणान्तिको दण्डो दैवेन विनिपात्यते । 13 एवं संभाव्य देवस्तु पूज्य कद्रू च तां तदा ।
आइय कश्यपं देव इदं वचनमब्रवीत् । 14 यदेते दन्दशूकाश्च सर्पा जातास्त्वयानघ ।
विषोल्बणा महाभोगा मात्रा शप्ताः परंतप । 15 तत्र मन्युस्त्वया तात न कर्तव्यः कथंचन । 16a दृष्टं पुरातनं ह्येतयंज्ञे सर्पविनाशनं । 166 इत्युक्का सृष्टिकृद्देवस्तं प्रसाद्य प्रजापतिं । 'हरी विद्यां कश्यपाय
Deest.
[MAY, 1898.
33
33.
आदिपर्वणि आस्तीकपर्वणि सौपर्णे विंशोऽध्यायः ॥
वडवा अगाधपारं
Devanagari (Bombay) edition. पद्म
गावि
150
परमास्याभयप्रदं । 156 डिवाहवार्दितानां च असुराणां परायणं ।
शिवं
शं ददृशाते महार्णव 170 आपूर्यमाणमत्यर्थं नृत्यमानमिवोर्मिभिः ।
सेवनावे:
"मंभसामनन्तं
Here follows I. 22, 1.11. इत्येवं तरलतरोर्मिसंकुलं ते गंभीर पाताल'
'सांगं गर्जन्तं द्रुतमभिजग्मतुस्ततस्ते इति श्रीमहाभारते आदिपर्वणि आस्तीकपणे सोपने समर्थन नामानियोऽध्यायः ॥
41 Read शत्रु

Page #137

MAY, 1398.] THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA.
M. Adiyaradny 23, 216-27.
Grantha MS. रामपरि
वर्त्तनान्तकृत् ।
श्वानमुपास्थितानिमिर मभ्रगोश्वरं ।
महाबल गरुडमुपेत्य खेचरं परावरं वरदमजेयविक्रमं ।
Deest.
सूतः ।
एवं स्तुतस्तु देगा। तेजसः प्रतिसंहारमात्मनस्तु चकार ह । इति श्रीमहाभारते आयोजन
नवमोचायः ॥
Granthin MS. मेघस्तनिताने घोंघमंबरं समपद्यत । Deest.
नागानामुत्तमो हर्षस्तथा वर्षति वासवे । आपूर्यत मही चापि सलिलेन समन्ततः ॥ Deest.
इत्यास्तीके एकादशोद्ध्यायः ॥ अं सुतः ॥
Deest.
नाना है।
Deest.
सागरां परिक्षितं पक्षिसंघविनादितं । विचारा भवस्तथा पयारेवि
216
22
N.
Adiparoan
26, 5-27, 4.
5a
66
7a
16
36
4a
46
End of the Grantha MS. Whish No. 65. हन्त तेहं प्रवक्ष्यामि महदाख्यानमुत्तमं । कृष्णद्वैपायन मतम् महाभारतमादितः । तजुषस्वोत्तममते कथ्यमानम्महाद्वेिज | शंसितुतन्मनोहर्षो ममापीह व वर्द्धते ॥ इति श्रीमहाभारते शतसहस्रिकायां संहितायामादिपर्वणि
आस्तीके भास्ती कवरप्रदानन्नाम चत्वारिंशोद्ध्यायः ॥ हरिः ओं शुभमस्तु ॥
Devanágarl (Bombay) edition. प्रलय
0.
Adiparoan, 59, 9-10.
पागता
वलन समानवसं
वितिभिरमीच महाब
खेचरं ।
Slokas 23-26 follow here in the B. edition. Deest.
'मात्मनः स
आदिपर्वणि आस्तीकपर्वणि सप त्रयोविंशोऽध्यायः ॥
Devanagari (Bombay) edition. "निपपतेः ।
56 तैर्मेधैः सततासारं वर्षद्भिरनिशं तदा । Ga नष्टचन्द्रार्कीकरणमम्बरं समपद्यत ।
76 रसातलमनुप्राप्तं शीतलं विमलं जलं ।
Su तदा भूरभवच्छना जलोर्मिभिरनेकशः ।
86 रामणीयकमागच्छन्मात्रा सह भुजंगमाः । इति श्रीम' आदि आस्ती सौपर्ण पाशोऽध्यायः ॥ २६ सौतिरुवाच ।
1a संप्रहृष्टास्ततो नागा जलधारानुतास्तदा द्वीपमा वै
20 तं द्वीपं मकरावासं विहितं विश्वकर्मणा । 26 तत्र ते लवणं घोरं ददृशुः पूर्वमागताः । 30 सुपर्णसहिताः सर्पाः काननं च मनोरमं ।
भवनैराकृत रम्यैस्तथा पद्मा
Devanagari (Bombay) edition. ते कथयिष्यामि
133
शृणु सर्वमशेषेण कथ्यमानं मया द्विज । महान् प्रवर्तते
आदिपर्वणि अंशावतरणपर्वणि कथानुबन्धे एकोनषष्टितमोऽध्यायः ॥ ५९ ॥

Page #138

134
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Mar, 1898.
A fragment of the Sambhava-Parvan is found in MS. Whish No. 158. This is a tiny palm-leaf MS. written in Malayalam (Tulu) characters, and containing fragments of a work (or works) on ritual, and at the end twelve chapters of the Sambhava-Parvan.
This Parvan, as stated above, begins with the second Adhyaya of the Adiversávatárangparvan in our editions, just where the Astiku-Parvan ends in MS. Whish No. 65. The first three Adhyâyas correspond (with numerous various readings) to I. 60-62 of the Mahabharata in the Devanagari editions. But the fourth Adhyaya is not found in the Northern recension. It contains a genealogy of Půru corresponding to that found in 1 95, 6-87 of our editions. It begins:
वैशं [1] पूरोर्वेशमहं धर्व राज्ञाममिततेजसा [1] प्रवक्ष्यामि पितॄणां ते तेषां नामानि मे शृणु। दक्षस्यादितिरादितेर्विवस्वान्विवस्वती मनुः मनोरिला इळायाः पुरुरवा: पुरुरवस भायुरायुषो महपः नहुषस्य ययातिर्ययाते भार्ये बभूवनः उशनसी दुहिता देवयानी वृषपर्वणश दुहिता शर्मिष्ठा नाम [1] समानुवंशो भवति [1] बर्द्ध चतुर्व चोभी देवयानी बजावत[1] दुर्घ चामुं च पूरं च शर्मिष्ठा वार्षपर्वणी [] तषबीचदिवाःपुरोः पोरवाः etc.....
The passage referring to Sakuntall and the birth of Bharata (I. 95, 27-32) rans as follows in our chapter :
भषानुवंशी भवति [1] अस्स सरस्वतिपुत्र मिलनारादजायत [1].
लखनबामात काळिम्यां पस्नुरात्मज।। इलिलस्तु खलु रथन्ती दुषन्तादीन् पस्त पुत्रानजमयत् तुज्यन्तस्तु लक्षणां नाम भागीरथीमुपयेमे तस्यामस्य जजो जनस्तुमजय" दुषन्तस्तु विश्वामित्रदुहितरं शकुम्तळां नामापयेमे सस्थामस्य नई भरता तत्र हो श्लोको भवतः [1] माता भस्व पितुः पुत्री यस्माजातस्स एव सं [1] भरस्व पुर्ण दीष्वन्सिस्यमाह शकुन्तला [1] रेतोधाः पुष नयति नरदेव थमक्षयं [1] वं चास्य धासा गर्भस्थ सत्यमाह शकुन्सळा [1]
भरतस्तु खलु कारोवीमुपयेमे सार्वसेनी मनन्दा नामा: तस्यमस्व मझे। भुमन्युः । etc. The chapter ends, as follows:
परीक्षिच खलु मद्रवर्ती मामीपबेमे तस्यामस्व जज्ञे जममेजव[1] जनमेजवस्तु खलु वपुष्टमायां की पुत्री जमवामास शतानीकं शंखं[] शतानीकः खलु वैदेहीमुपबेमे तस्थामस्व जज्ञे पुत्राश्वमेधवदत्ता [1] रस्थेष पूरोर्वेशस्ते पाण्डवानां च कीर्तितः [1]
रोवेचमिम श्रुत्वा सर्वथा वै प्रमुच्यते ॥ इति संभर्वणि वंशसंकेमवो नाम चतुस्यों द्धधायः
* The colophons treat thin maneparate Parwana..इति श्रीमहाभारते सम्भवपर्वणि प्रथमोध्यायः॥
पुररुरवाः MS. Read अस्सरस्वतीपुष. - Rend इलिलं ज? - Read जज्ञे जनमेजय: ? Read भस्त्रा ? 8 Rend स.I
Rend दौन्ति सत्यमाह.. Read °सेनी सुनन्दानाम? Read तस्यामस्य जजे. In Read जनमेजबः - Rond अमेधरता Reud परो. Read संभवपक्षण Read सोपी !

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THE SOUTH-INDIAN RECENSION OF THE MAHABHARATA. 135
The next following adhyayas 5.9 correspond to I. 63-67 of the Nigart editions. But the Sakuntall episode told in Adhyayas 68-74 of our editions is not found in our fragment. Instead of it we find the 10th Adhyűya which contains a genealogy of Bharata, beginning with Para, and ending with the brief statement that Durganta had two sons, viz., Janamejaya by Lakşana, and Bharata by Sakuntala. I give here the text of this chapter :
जनमेजयः[1] पुत्रं ययातेः प्रश्रूहि पूर्फ धर्मभृतां वरं [1] आनुपूर्येण ये धान्य पूर्विशषिवर्द्धनाः [11] विस्तरेण पुनहि दोव्वन्तेजनमेजयात् [1] सबभूव यथा राजा भरतो द्विजससमः [॥] वै[u] पूरुपतिशाईल यथैवास्य पिता नृपः [1] धम्मैनित्यस्त्वितो गश्यशक्रवीर्यपराक्रमः [1] प्रवीरशतरुच्योच प्रय:58 पुत्रा महाबलाः [1] पूरोः पोष्टयामझायन्त प्रचीरस्तष शभाक् [1] नमस्पुरभवत्तस्माच्छूरः शैय्यामुत स्मृतः [1] पृथिव्यां सामरान्तावां राजा राजीवलोचनः [॥3 सुभूचाभबशेवामी सौवीरातनयारवय: [1) नमस्योरभवन् पुषाभूरास्सर्वे महारथा : [1] सुन्वन्तं वसुनाभं च गग्गरम्यौ यशस्सिमो [1] भूरानुभयती राजा जनयामास वीर्यवान् [1] यवीयान् सुन्वतः पुत्रो रथन्तर्योमज्ञायत [1] शूरश्च दृढधन्वा च वपुष्मांश्च नृपोत्तमः [11] रुद्राश्वपृषदश्वं च रथदश्वं गयम्मनुः [1] यवीयाञ्जनयामासा0 गन्धया भीमविक्रमान् [1] रुद्राश्वस्थ महापाही दशाप्तरसि सूनवः [1] यज्वानो जज्ञिरे पुत्राःप्रजावन्तो यशस्विनः [11] कचेपुरथ कक्षेपुः कृपणेपुश्च वीर्यवान् [1] स्थण्डिले पूर्वनेपुन स्थलपुश्च महाबलः [1] तेजोपुर्बलवान्धीमानृयेपुश्चेन्द्रविक्रमः [1] धर्मपुस्सन्सतेपुश्च दशमी देवविक्रमः [1] भनाधृष्टचा सुतास्तात राजसूयाधमेधिनः [1] भन्तिनारस्ततो राजा विद्वांचर्चे पुतीभवत् [1] बस्नुमोय प्रतिरथं दुर्म चाप्रतिम युधि [1] एतान्दै सुषुवे साडी अन्तिनारासरस्वती [1] सेषां पस्नुमहावीर्यः पौरवं वंशमुहहन [1]
आजहार यशो दी जिगाव च वसन्धरः [1] इलिल सुधुवे त्रस्नो प्यमुना वै यशस्विनी [1] सोपि कृत्स्नामिमां भूमि विजिग्ये जयतां वरः [1] रथन्तर्यामृषी पश्च पञ्चभूतापमांस्तथा [1]
- Read चान्ये.
m sic. Only the aksara च्यो is not quite clear. The editions have वीरेश्वराचास्नयः in the correspondin passage I. 94, 5. - Read यशस्विनी.
Read मास. 1 Road Ogr. The forms in oq found in I. 94, 10 sq. of the editions are more plausible. It is also possible to read in our MS. The mistake, if mistake it be, "g for 'y would point to Nagart original. In Malayalam pa and va are hardly distinguishable; but pa and ya are never confounded.
• May be read इलील or इलितं.

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TOATE 69Fatra gara [1] 26 26 yiqi fa [] तेषां ज्येष्ठो महाराज दुष्षम्तो दुर्जयो युधि [1] दुधन्तालक्षणायां तु जज्ञे वै जनमेजयः [1] शकुन्तळायां भरतो दोषन्तिरभवस्सुतः[॥] तस्मा भरतवंशस्य विप्रतस्थे महद्यशः ।।
इति संभवपर्वणि दशमोध्यायः ।। The 17th Adhyâys which follows immediately corresponds to 1. 75 of the editions, and the fragment breaks off in the middle of the 12th Adhyaya (= 1.76, 29 in the editions).
The omission of the Sakuntalî episode is very remarkable. It is possible, no doubt, that the story was copied in a separate book by the same scribe who wrote this MS., and therefore umitted by him here. But in that case he would have made some remark to that effect. It is more probable that the Sakuntala episode, if it occisrs at all, will be found in a later ddhyaya of the Sambhava Parvan in the South-Indian recension. Whether this is the case, might be easily ascertained, if other and more perfect copies of this Parvan could be procured from India.
It would, of course, be too rash to draw any definite conclusions from this omission in our fragment. It is, however, worth while pointing out that the name of the King in our MS. is not Dushyanta or Dushmanta, but Dushshanta.68 It is true, we find several times the spelling Dushvanta and Daushvanti. Buts for sef is a mistake easily to be accounted for in Malayalam, as well as in Grantha. For se is , but generally written so that the top of the lower ag is hardly discernible, and comes very near to 4 which is a Dushshanta would be the regular representative of the old Vedic forms Dahshanta and Danhshanti, as found in the Aitareya and Satapatha Brahmanas — a fact which points to a greater antiquity of the South-Indian recension.
One thing is certain. The Sakuntala episode in the form in which we find it in our editions is of very doubtful antiquity. While the story itself is told with very few details, the beginning the description of the forest, of the King's hunting expedition, and of the hermitagesis spun out in lengthy Kavya style. We are scarcely told why Sakuntala is at first not recognised by the King, and the account given of her final recognition is very insipid. We hear nothing of the ring, nor of the Rishi's curse which causes the catastrophe in Kalidasa's drama, as well as in the Sakuntalopakhyana of the Padma-Puriņa. On the other hand, the speech of Sakuntala is made a repository of all sorts of Dharmasastra maxims relating to the duties of parents towards children. Thus it is that although the Sakuntali episode is related in the Mahábhárata in five chapters, two of which are of considerable length, yet the story itself seems fragmentary and incomplete. And it seems to me all but certain that Kilidasa must have known another version of the story on which his famous drama is based. It is quite possible that the two kickas rare Trg, etc. (see 1. 74, 109 seq.; I. 95, 29 seq.) were all that the old Mohábharata had about the Sakuntal episode, leaving it to the rhapsodist to tell the Akhyana according to his pleasure. But however that may be, there is certainly much scope for criticism as regards the Sakuntala episode, and as it is one of the most important episodes for the history of Sanskrit literature in the whole of the Mahabharata, it would be highly desirable to examine more MSS. of the Sambhara-Parvan. Could not such MSS. be procured from India ? The Whish collection, unfortunately, contains no more MSS. of the Adipartan.
(To be continued.)
6 May be read also .
Read Te.
ta Read तस्मात् 46 The form Dushshanta occurs also in the Malayalam Ms. of the Sabhi-Parran (Adhyfya 8) where it is confirmed by the reading of a Telugu MS. Kshemendra, too, seems to have preserved the old form Dahshanta. The Kivyamåla edition of the Bharatamarijari reals Dul shyanta, but Prof. Kirste found Dulkinta in his MS., which he rigatly explains as a mistaka for Duh hanta, i.e., Dahshanta. See 'Coutributions, ' 1. c., p. 41.

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SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 112.)
River-banks and Sea-shores. All classes of Hindus in the Kônkân and in the Dakhan believe that spirits haunt banks of rivers and channels and sea-shores. Compare: Parasurama in Keral set up 108 durgas on the sea-shore37 and in the Khonds' wedding procession, if they cross the stream, they have a new set of rites on the further bank.38 When the king of Melinda, in East Africa (1500), came on the water to meet the Portuguese Captain Cabral, be rode over the carcase of a disembowelled sheep, uttering certain words of incantations in a loud voice,30 The negroes of the Gold Coast believe that spirits haunt the banks of rivers.40
Unclean Places. It is the general Hindu belief that evil spirits abound in unclean places a belief which is doubtlessly based on the experience of the disease-breeding power of dirt. The Marathi proverb is, where is cleanliness there is neither spirit nor fiend. This belief explains the puzzling inconsistency of Hindus of all classes, from Brahmans to Mhars, that the house and the house-door and a little in front is scrapalously clean, while the yard may be a dung-heap or privy. As long as the house is clean the bhut cannot come in; let him live in the privy; he cannot do much harm there.43. It seems probable that the origin of the English saying from the New Testament cleanliness is next to godliness was the belief
that the main object both of godliness and cleanness was to scare fiends.
137
Water or Pot-holes. In the Kôåkân, water-spirits live in the round holes found in river-bed rocks. River beds are favourite spirit-haunts, and so in Poona, every year, when the rivers swell, all villagers come together, take with them a green súri or waist-cloth, and choli or bodice cloth, flowers, fruits, frankincense, and betelnuts and leaves and throw them in the river. In Melanesia, holes in water-rocks are sacred to spirits.43 In Scotland, pot-holes are called fairies' cups.44
—
3.
Spirit-possession.
Cases of spirit-possession in India, like fits in England, are occasionally feigned. In most cases they are not feigned. Laymen, as a rule, have no more power to bring on one of these nervous seizures than they have to bring on a fit of ague or of madness. Professional mediums and spirit-scarers can bring on a fit, but have no control over the fit when it comes. Spiritseizures may be brought under the two heads of Voluntary and Involuntary Seizures. Voluntary seizures are of two kinds the attacks which the professional medium, called zád or tree, brings on when he wishes to be inspired by his familiar spirit, and the attacks which mourners bring on when they sit playing in a circle till the spirit of the dead enters into one of them. An account of the measures taken to induce the spirit of the dead to enter the body of one of the mourners is given under "Funeral Rites," and an account of the means employed by the exorcist to induce his familiar spirit to enter his body is given below under the head of "Exorcists." Involuntary possession, or spirit-seizure, happens chiefly to women and children, but also sometimes to men. These attacks may be either ordinary diseases fevers or rheumatism in the severe or paroxysmal stage; or the possession may be one of the nervous seizures, swoons, fainting fits, or slight forms of mania to which women are more liable than men.
Cases are recorded which shew that fits and spirit-seizures are sometimes feigned. At the same time there appears no reason to doubt that, as a rule, these seizurers, whether voluntary or involuntary, are not feigned. Colonel Dalton says of the Kurs:45 the possession is in most cases perfectly honest. Every instance appears to prove its reality. This seems to ss Macpherson's Khonds, p. 55.
40 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 80.
Mackenzie Coll. Second Edition, p. 849.
1 Kerr's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 405.
41 The Marathi runs: Jéthén shuchir bhut pand dhe, têthen bhut kimea pishach nahi.
4 Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. p. 277.
Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 283.
42 Information from Mr. Govind, 44 Scott's Border Minstrelsy, p. 402.

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apply to most cases of possession both in India and in other countries. In the majority of cases the nervous seizure is neither controlled, brought on, or desired by the patient.
in most parts of the Bombay Presidency, and especially in the Konkan, the common symptoms of spirit-possession are that the patient cries incessantly, weeps, speaks at random, bites his fingers, sways his body to and fro, lots his hair fall loose, spits blood, refuses food for several days, and day by day grows paler and leaner. To some extent in the Dekhan and Gujarat, and to a large extent in the Konkan, all people are at all times liable to spiritattaoks. Cases of spirit-seizures are most common among women, less among children, and Jeast among men. All women are liable to spirit-seizures. They are specially liable during their monthly sickness, in pregnancy, and in child-bed, and barren women at all times. Infants are most liable to be attacked by spirits on the fifth and sixth days after birth. The part most subject to spirit-possession in the Bombay Presidency is the Konkan. In the hilly parts of the
Thânî District, especially in the Jawhar State, cases of spirit-possession are of every day occurrence. In the Kookan, the belief in the frequency of spirit-attacks is very strong among the lower classes of Marathas, Vadvals, Kunbis, Mängellas, Thâkurs, and Kolis. The belief in spirit-seizures is perhaps strongest among the Thâkurs and Kolis ; nearly ninety per cent. of a Koli's ailments are attributed to spirit-attacks. Among middle and higher class Hindus the belief in spirit-seizure is not so strong, and among the Brahmans it is still weaker. Although the percentage of attacks among the Brâhmans and other higher classes is smaller than among the lower classes, when attacks occur the same methods are followed by the higher as by the lower classes. The only difference is, that Brâhmans do not make offerings of fowls, goats, or liquor, or, if they do, it is done secretly through a Kunbi or Maratha. The Kônkan, Lingayats profess not to believe in spirit-seizures, and say that so long as they wear the ling aud bhasma, or cow-dung ashes, spirits dare not attack them. So also the Gujarat Bharvads are, as a class, said to be free from the fear of spirit-seizures.
One great reason why spirits are able to enter into human beings is fear. Fear, says Burton, is the great cause why spectres are seen. A predisposed state of mind occasions fear, and most cases of spirit.possession appear to be due to this state of mind. Thus in the Konkan, there is a belief that the spirit of a husband's first wife invariably comes to trouble his second wife, and this belief is so strongly rooted in the minds of Hindu women of the middle and lower classes, that whenever a woman, whose husband's first wife is dead, sickens, her sickness is attributed to spirit-possession. Captain Mackintosh says, if a Mahadev Koli widowbride sickens, or her husband sickens, it is considered the work of her former husband. Among the Somavansi Kshatris or Chaukalsis of Alibag there is a strong belief, that when a woman marries another husband, her first husband becomes a ghost and troubles her. This fear is so thoroughly rooted in their minds, that whenever & woman of this caste sickens, she attributes her sickness to the ghost of her former husband, called purushavára, and consults an exorcist as to how she can get rid of him. The exorcist gives her some charmed rice, flowers, and basil leaves, and tells her to enclose them in a small copper-box, and to wear the box round her neck. Sometimes the exorcist gives a charmed cocoanat which he tells her to worship daily, and in some cases he tells the woman to make a copper or silver image of the dead, and worship it every day.
40 Or feigned cases no doubt many instances occur in India, and instances are not uncommon in England. Scott (Demonology and Witchcraft, pp. 381 and 335) records one case in 1697 of a girl who was proved to have feigned possession, and in 1704 of a vagabond who affected fits. He potices (Demonology and Witchcroft, p. 388) that a kon of Lord Torpichen, when a boy, feigned fits. He was sent to sea, and tried fits in the navy, but the discipline was too severe. In time he became a good sailor and defended his vessel with great bravery against Angria and his pirates in 1730. The St. James' Gazette of the 23rd February 1883 records the case of a man who made a living in the London streets by feigning fits. • Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 167.
# Trans. By. Geog. Soc. Vol. I. p. 224, 49 Information from Mr. Jankrdan Gopal.

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4. Spirit-entries. Spirits are said to go in and out of the body like bees in a hive. But there seem to be the following chief spirit-entries: -the top of the head, the hair, the mouth, the hands, the feet, the nose, the eyes, and the ears. That the above parts of the body are believed to be spiritentries will be made clear from the following rites performed and the words spoken by the chief mourner at the time of performing the varsha shraddha, or the commemorative rites of the dead :-" The chief mourner after taking water in his right hand says: I do touch the different parts of my body in order that they may be purified,' and then throws the water on the ground. Then touching his eyes with water he says: 'I bow to the sages Gautama and Bharadvája; let them protect my eyes'; touching his ears with water he says : Let the sages Visvamitra and Kabyâpa protect my ears'; touching his head he says : Let the sacred cow gáyatri and fire protect my head '; touching his chin he says: 'Let the god Brihaspati protect my chin (mouth)'; touching his neck he says: 'Let the gods Ushnik and Sun protect my neck'; touching his navel he says : Let the gods Indra and Trishtap protect my narel'; touching his knees he says: "Let the god Marut protect my knees '; touching his feet he says : Let the god Vishnu protect my feet'; and, lastly, he says: "Let all the gods protect my body.'"
The Head. - Spirits go in and out of the body through the hole in the top of the skull. So among the Sênvi Brahmans of Kânara, when their chief teacher, or Raja Sanyasi, dies, the new teacher strikes & cocoanut on the crown of the dead teacher's head, and makes an opening in the skull in which a skligrám stone is laid.50 So in Dharwar, when an abbot, or suami dies, the crown of his head is broken with a cocoanut, and his body is stuffed with salt and powdered mustard.52 Among the Pâtâne Prabhus of Poona, after setting fire to the pyre, when the skull bursts, a cocoanat is thrown at the head. Among the Roman Catholics of Thâųâ at the time of Baptism, the priest anoints the top of the child's head with Holy Oil, and thrice pours water over it.62 Among the Dharwar Lingayats the priest blesses a child by laying lis right hand on the child's head.53 At a Lingayat funeral a Jangam sets his right foot on the dead person's head.54 When a Medar, or basket-maker, of Dharwar dies, a Lingayat priest comes and places his foot on the corpse's head.55 At a Gond wedding an old man knocks the heads of the bride and bridegroom together.58 When a Whallia, or Mysore Mahar, touches a man of pure caste, the man has to wash his lead.67 In Malabar, when any one is defiled, it is the custom to wash the head, not the hands.58 The most meritorious of deaths among the Hindus s to hold the breath with such force that the soul is driven out through the crowa of the head.59 The soul enters the body through the crack in the crown.60 In his bathing ceremony, the Brahman repeatedly throws water on the crown of his head,61 The top and middle of the head is the window of life, the passage of the soul. In that place is the flower of one thousand leaves. This is the residence of the glorious divinity. She wears smelling herbs and flowers. The Beni-Isra'il priest blesses the bride and bridegroem by laying his hand on their heads.c3 The high priest of the Jews, on whose head anointing oil has been poured, shall not uncover his
00 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XV. p. 150. It is believed that sanyasis, whose spirits pass through the crown of the head, go straight to heaven. The Hindus believe that a human being, by the practice of self-denial and austerities, qan attain the power of centering his soul in the crown of his head, and of dying at will, when the soul leaves the body through a minute opening called Brahma randhra. They further believe that a man who reaches this state becomes insensible to all bodily sufferings, and, though seemingly dead, is capable of living for a time without food or drink or without breathing. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XV. p. 160.
01 Information from Mr. Tirmalrko. 61 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIII. p. 210. 63 Information from Mr. Tirmalrio. 04 Information from Mr. Tirmalrio. 65 Information from Mr. Tirmalrio. * Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provincea, Vol. I. p. iii. 67 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. I. p. 315. 68 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 491. 09 Dubois, Vol. II. p. 278.
** Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I. p. 50. 61 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 125.
67 Dabistan, Vol. I. p. cxii. as Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 522.

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head or rend his clothes, The Ainos, an early tribe of North Japan, before drinking, throw liquor on their heads.65 A mong the Tahkalis the priest lays his hand on the child whose father is dead, and blows into him the dead soul. It comes to life in the next child.66 At a Mexican birth the crown of the child's head is touched with water.07 When Numa Pompilios was made king of Rome (B. C. 714) the augur placed his right hand on the king's head and invoked the protection of Jupiter on Rome and on the king. The cross was originally worn by the Christians on the forehead.60 The laying of hands on the heads by the elders is to wish yood, that is, to scare evil. Compare Odin, when he sent people to war, laying his hands on their heads and blessing them. After confession in a Russian church, the penitent prostrates and the priest lays his hand on the penitent's head.71 A Russian woman should not leave her head uncovered. Married women in Russia always wear a cap at dinner.72 Spirits enter through the head, and so in the scape-goat tbe priest lays his hands on the head of the goat, and the sins of the people pass into it. So Aaron put both hands on the scape-goat's head.73 In England (1620), as a cure for sadness, the devil-disease, it is not amiss to bore the skull with an instrument to let out the fuluginous vapours.74
(To be continued.) .
NOTES AND QUERIES. PANJABI NICKNAMES.
A NOTE ON MUSALMAN TOMBS. I VENTURY to think that & dissertation on, or There is no distinction between the tombs esamples of the nicknames of the Panjab of men and women in the Jhelsm District. would be extremely interesting. The Panjabi Panjab, excepting among the Awân villages of is a jocular person, and is therefore ready the Talagang tahsil to the west of it. ut nicknaming. Many European officials, most
All the graves there have a vertical slab at native officials, and nearly all villagers, have
either end. A woman's grave can be at once to suffer under the burden of nickname,
distinguished by the presence of a third slab in whether they will or no. Some nicknames are
the centre, smaller than the head and foot stones. merely descriptions of physical or mental pecu.
Men's graves have no central vertical slab. liarities, such as Râm Singh Lamba - the long (tall) Ram Singh ; Bhora, the auburn one;
J. Parsons in P. N. and Q. 1889. Mussamat Ganjl, Mrs. Scaldhead; Gangi, the dumb one; Gadhå Singh or Bola Singh, the silly one.
PICTURES ON MUSALMAN TOMBS. Again. a tall man with a large head and a Ar the village of KhAngh Dågrån (Gdjranwald renchant for preposterously large turbans, received District) are the tombs of certain Musalman the nickname of Kumbh Karan. Any one who at saints. These tombs are ornamented with the Dasahrá festival has seen this hero's effigy at pictures of birds and other animals, thongh the Ram Lill sacred drama, will appreciate the such representations are contrary to the Muhamwit of this name.
mudan religion. The village is composed mainly Another case is that of a native who, going out of Muhammadans, though there are four Hindu to shoot a tiger, and promptly and, I think, very families. I was told that none of the inhabit. sensibly running away, received the title of ants ever slept in beds, but on the ground, ont Shërmar, or the tiger-Blayer. Very many more of respect to the memory of the saints who instances might, I think, be cited.'
practised similar austerities. M. MILLETT in P. N. and Q. 1883.
R. W. TRAFFORD in P. N. and Q. 1883. 4 Leviticus, xxi. 10.
66 St. John's Nipon, p. 20. 66 Spencer's Princiyles of Sociology, p. 256.
67 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 372. 68 Jopes' Croicns, p. 384.
6 Gibbon's Decline and Hall, Vos. V. p. 865. 70 Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, Vol. I. p. 188. 71 Mrs. Romanoff's Rites and Customs of the Greco-Russion Church, p. 130. 11 Op. cit. p. 208.
* Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 247. " Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 450. 1 [An examination of the Censos Tables of 1881 will shew that such dames as Perti, Lamba, Bhora, Ganji, Gungt, Gadhs, and Pípf Singh, are by no means pecessarily nicknames, though they undoubtedly are so in some CENES. Real nicknames in the Panjib would, however, form . very interesting subject of study, and it is hoped that more notes on it wil be forthcoming in these pages. - FO.]

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CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 121.)
Burmese Standard Weights. THE Burmese Kings, after a very ancient and well-known fashion in Oriental countries,
1 have long issued "standard weights" cast by an interesting variety of the cire perdue process. The subject is still very obscure and requires far more enquiry than I have been able to bestow on it, and all I can do now is to present to the student the information available to me. The accompanying Plate, due to the courtesy of the authorities of the British Museum, showe all the forms given to the weights that have come my way.
The ordinary forms to be found in the Burma bazars are those of the hinda (hansa), and the standard weights are consequently usually known as the Hina Weights (figs. 3, 4, 6, 10, 11 and 13 of the Plate). But it will be seen that other figures have been used:- Elephant (s'in, fig. 2); Bull (nwadi, figs. 5, 8, and 9); Monkey (myauk, fig. 7); Lion (mythical, chingé, fig. 1); Lion (mythical, tó, fig. 12).67
The references to the subject in writers on Burma and the Far East seem to be few and superficial. Indeed, all that I have found are those that follow:
1786. - "Leurs poids (à Pegu) sont faits de font ou de cuivre et ont la forme d'un animal quelconque." - Journal par le Sr. Flouest, Lieutenant de fregate auxiliaire depuis le 12 Fevrier 1872 jusqu'au 28 Mars 1786, in Toung Pao, Vol. II. p. 41.
c. 1795. - Money scales and weights are all fabricated at the capital, where they are stamped, and afterwards circulated throughout the Empire; the use of any others is prohi.. bited." - Symes, Ava, p. 326
1826. - "Every shopkeeper has a small box, containing scales to weigh bullion given in payment for commodities: the weights are modelled after the figure of griffins, cows, etc." - Alexander, Travels, p. 21.
1826. - "Weights (in Tavai and Mergai). These are the same that are used throughout tne Burmese Empire, which are made at Ava and distributed to the provinces. They change their shapes on the accession of a new king. The present weights are called To-alle, or Lion weights, as they represent that animal according to the Bnrmese conception of it. Those of the last reign are termed Bansa-alle, being made in the shape of the Hansa or goose. The weight of both kinds is the same." - Wilson, Documents of the Burmese War, Appx., p. lxi.
1829. – "The representations of the different Burmese weights are uniform and woll regulated. They consist of masses of brass, of which the handle, or apex, represents the fabulous bird which is the standard of the empire." - Crawfurd, Ava, p. 384.
1835. — "The other (Burmese) weights are of brass, handsomely cast and polished." - Malcom, Travels, Vol. I. p. 276.
1845. — "The Government of Ava send from the capital, sets of standard weights (ales) for the use of the provinces. The present are called tôalés, being surmounted by the figure of a tia, the mythical Lion of Boodhism, 48 and the present cognisance of Burma. The former were styled
45 Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, pp. 128 f., 270 ff.
46 The present writer has presented to the Oxford Museum a complete set of articles explaining the entire proces of casting, from the die to the finished weight. The wax cores for the process were made by being run into deeply sunk iron dies of skilful workmanship. The process is a very old one in the Far East for the manufacture of money. Terrier de la Couperie, Cat. Chinese Coins, p. xxviii., note. * All presented to the British Museum,
Phayre, Int. Num. Or., Vol. III. p. 31, says that the ti is "supposed to be a compound of horse and deer."

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hinsa-ales, from having been surmounted by the figure of a hind, the famous hansa or Brahminee duck, the cognisance of the Kingdom of Pegu.". Latter, Grammar, p. 171.
1882."The standard weights are usually formed with a figure of a sacred hantha on them, or sometimes with the animal representing the royal birthday.". Shway Yoe (Scott), The Burman, Vol. II. p. 299.
1884. "The old native weights, which are still in use here and there for small quantities, are made of brass in the form of the hoong or sacred goose (henga in Burmese) or of an elephant." Bock, Temples and Elephants, p. 159. But among a collection of Herr Bock's weights seen by the present writer were to be found counterparts of figs. 4, 5, 7 and 13.
From the above references it will be seen that stamped standard weights (vide figs. 3, 11, 12 and 13) were issued officially and took the form of various animals, chiefly sacred or mythological.
But the statements go further and tell us that the weights were issued by each king in succession, in forms appropriate to each, based apparently on the animal raling over the royal birthday. This is, however, extremely doubtful. Witness the statements themselves. E. g., Wilson says that the to-alé (fig. 12) was current in 1826, and Latter says that it was still current in 1845. But Bajidò was King in 1826 and Darawadi in 1845. So that the to-alé lasted through two reigns at any rate. Again, Wilson says that the hinta-alé (figs. 3, 4, 6, 10, 11, 13) was current in the reign previous to that in 1826, i. e., in B'ôdòp'aya's: and Scott notices its currency in 1882 under Dibò (Thibaw). It certainly was current in 1885-7 to my own knowledge, and I may say that the set given to the Oxford Museum were cast for me in 1888 at Mandalay.
My own information by word of mouth was much that above recorded. That is, I was told that of the weights figured the following were the periods of issue :50
No. 1. The Chinŏdé-alé, temp. B'ôdòp'ayâ (1781-1819).
No. 2. The S'in-alé, temp. Alaungp'ays (Alompra, 1753-60).
Nos. 3, 4, 11.-The Hindá-alé,51 temp. Mindon Min (1852-78) and Thibaw (1878-85).
The Hinoa-alé, temp. Naungdòji (1760-3).
No. 6. No. 10.
The Hindu-alé, temp. Kongbaung-p'ay or Shwebo Min (Darawadi, 1836-46).
-
No. 13.
The Ziwàzó-alé,52 temp. Pagàn Min (1846-52).
But on my attempting, with the late Sir A. W. Franks, to identify the collection at the British Museum by means of my information, it became evident that the accuracy of the traditional ideas regarding their historical value was open to the gravest doubt. A careful criticism of the statements of the writers about them also forces one to the same conclusion. My impression is that every now and then the reigning king was advised by those around him to alter the form of the standard weight and did so.
As to Scott's story about the form of the weights depending on the king's birthday, I have been told the same thing repeatedly myself; but I found that the statement would
49 I think we ought to assume that "the old native weights" of Bock were merely stray Burmese weights that had got into the Shân villages he visited.
50 I was also told that these weights had originally the denominations marked on them. It may have been so, but I have never seen any so marked.
61 Popularly known to Europeans in Upper Burma at the time of the conquest as "peacock" weights.
63 The ziwazo was described to me as a variety of hinda: but I see that Stevenson, Bur. Dict., s. v., calls it the Lirundo esculens, the little swift that makes the well-known edible bird's-nests of the Andamans and the Malay Peninsula.

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not bear examination. The Burmese have the usual Oriental notions about the guardians of each day, which are popularly stated as follows:
Sunday, galón (kaļòn, garuda). Monday, châ: (kyde, tiger). Tuesday, chine (mythical, lion). Wednesday, s'in (elephant). Thursday, pú: (guinea-pig). Friday, chut (rat).
Saturday, tá or nagd (mythical, lion or serpent, ndga).54 But so far as my notes go King Mindon Min was born on a Tuesday, chine ruling, and Thibaw was born on a Saturday, tô: ruling. Now, as they both adopted the hinda as their weight form, it seems obvious that they could not have been guided in their choice by the ruling spirits of their respective birthdays.
Another view of the origin of the standard weight forms is stated in the quotations above given, viz., that they represented the national cognisance, but this again, though it has the support of Latter, op. cit., loc. cit., Phayre, Coinn of Arakan, etc., Int. Num. Or., Vol. III. p. 31, and Stevenson, Bur. Dict., 8. v., is to my mind open to doubt. E. g., they all say that the hanst is the cognisance of the Peguan Kingdom, and one has strong doubts as to any King of Burma Proper ever having allowed a Peguan national coguisance to become the cognisance of Burma also. I observe, too, that Latter saya in 1846, temp. King Darawadi, that the Burmese national cognisance was the tôl. It may have been so then, bat at Mandalay it was certainly not so under Kings Mindôn and Thibaw, 1852-85. At that period, beyond any doubt, the royal cognisance was two-fold, the peacock and the hare, to emphasize the mythical claim of the Alompra Dynasty to both solar and lunar (Indian) descent. All over the palace, especially on either side of the throne itself, 56 – everywhere in fact where it could be intruded, -it was to be seen; and it was on the coins also, as will be perceived later on.57
9.
Minor Tongues.
It will have become obvious to those who have followed the argument so far, that the further one dives into the dialects of the Far East and the closer is one's acquaintance with
& The whole question of naming children, ruling animals of the days of the wock, etc., is very well explained in Scott's Tho Burinan, Vol. I., opening Chapter. The custom is distinctly Indian, vide my Proper Numes oj the Panjabir, Ch. VII.
51 A man's birthday guardian animal can be tested by the shape of the candles he offers at the Pagodas. A complete set of these, moulds and all, have been given by the present writer to the Oxford Museum. There is one for every day of the week in the conventional image of the ruling animal and the custom is to present candles in the form of one's birthday guardian. Soe Scott, The Darman, Vol. I. P. 6.
65 Though both are nowadays generally called " lions," the chix84, the ordinary guardian of the road to a pagoda or other sacred placo, is, in my belief, the remoto descendant of the Assyrian winged lion, and the ts of the Assyrian winged bull. The Barmans do not seere to know the lion at all, for when a ycung lion and lioness were purchased for the Zoological Gardens at Rangoon in 1890 tho Burinese visitors declined to believe that they were anything but European dogs!
06 Until a mischievous hand destroyed one of the emblems in 1888.
67 It was adopted by the Upper Burma Volunteer Rifles for their buttons, which caused the ribald to say, most untruly, however, that they were as proud as peacocks and as timid as haros. To give an idea of the ordinary Burman's view of the symbols, I may say that when a Burman convict was told to carve two door panels for Govern. ment House, Port Blair, being left to himself for the design, he carved a peacock on oue aud hare on the other, precisely as he would have done in the same circumstances for the King of Barma. That was his idea as to what was appropriate to the dwelling of the highest personage in the land,

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the modes of speech and the babits of thought of the many minor peoples inhabiting those regions the clearer becomes the sense of the expressions for currency in use among those who speak the greater and more civilised tongues. I, therefore, make no excuse for prolonging the present discussion so as to include the main groups of languages spoken in and about Barma, Ho far as the limited information at my disposal permits.
It is also not practicable to grasp the notions of currency held by a people without a knowledge of their numerals and modes of reckoning, and the following pages will therefore include an enquiry into this point to the extent possible to me. Again, as the terms for the metals used for currency are always more or less closely connected with those for the currency itself, I have collected and recorded these wherever I have been able to do so.
For the present purpose the Minor Tongues spoken in Burma are divided into five groups, riz., the Karen, the Talaing, the Manipuri, the Kachin-Naga, the Chin-Lashai. I have placed the Karen Language apart because of its Enstern (beyond Burma) affinities, and have included the Talaing among the Minor Tongues, because that is its present, though not its historical, position. As to the remaining tongues, my own inclination is to group them together in one great Hill Language, appearing to Europeans in a great variety of dialects, universally made out, to my ideas, to be much more numerous than they really are and to possess much greater divergences than is really the case, owing to an inadequate comprehension of them and to their presentation to stodents by imperfectly trained local observers. However, in order to comply with the ordinary grouping of them, I have divided them into Kachin-Naga and Chin-Lushai, difficult though it has been to maintain the distinction. Manipûri, an essentially Naga tongae, I have placed apart, because of the complicated and interesting attempts of a people new to civilisation to adopt the methods of reckoning and currency of the better educated peoples they have copied.
As a rule the languages above noted are now preserved in the Roman character, with snch modifications as have seemed good to those who have recorded them, but there are two notable exceptions, the Karen and the Talning.
The Karen language is written nowadays in a modified form of the Burmese character invented by the missionaries working among that people, bat, so far as my information goes, no transliteration or transcription thereof into Roman characters exists. This has obliged me to find out for myself how to read the books in the missionary character, and to give a somewhat detailed and lengthy account of it in the following pages. The Talaing Language was, centuries ago, reduced to writing by the Talaings themselves in the same form of Alphabet as that adopted by the Burmese, and of the difficult script so evolved no adequate transcription even now exists. I have had therefore to explain my method of transcription at some length in this case also.
With these preliminary explanations I will proceed at once to a discussion of the Karens' language and their notions regarding pecuniary and ponderary matters.
A. - Karen.
The authorities at my disposal for the study of Karen are: -
(1) Karen Vernacular Grammar, Wade, 1897. (2) Anglo-Karen Handbook, Carpenter, 1875, (3) Anglo-Karen Vocabulary, Bennett, 1875. (4) Sgau-Karen Dictionary, Wade, Ed. by Cross, 1896, (5) Anglo-Karen Dictionary, Wade and Mrs. Binny, 1883. (6) Notes on the Languages and Dialects spoken in British Burna, official pamphlet,
1884.

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(7) British Burma Gazetteer, 59 Spearman, Vol. I. 1880. (8) Census Report, Burma, Eales, 1891. (9) A Sgan Karen, born at Gyobingaak, Tharrawaddy District, able to read and
write his own language freely and having a good knowledge of Burmese. To use the ordinary transcriptions of the names, there are two clearly defined dialects of Karen, Sgau and Pwo, to which may be added Bghai. Another way of stating this fact is to say that the Karen Languages may be defined as those of the Burmese Karens, the Talaing Karens, and the Red Karens. The marked difference seems to be, however, between Sgau and Pwo, and even that appears to be giving way before the predominant Sgau.59
My direct teacher has come to such signal grief in life that I will not mention his personality beyond saying that his dialect must be Sgau, because, though he does not recognise the terms Sgau and Pwo, while he knows all about Bghai, he calls himself a Burmese Karen, as distinguished from a Talaing Karen, whose language he says he cannot speak. When asked to which of the Bghai Karen Tribes enumerated at p. 1, 111, of Wade's Dictionary of Sgau Karen he belonged, he remarked that he was a Pgbâkanyò which means, bowever, in Sgan, a Karen generally: see Sgau Dict. pp. 8, 1015.
Dr. Bennett explains (Notes, p. 13 f.) how, about 1834 and later, the Karen “Alphabet" came into existence as the result of the efforts of missionaries to write in a practical manner the hitherto unwritten and much differing dialects of Sgau and Pwo, and how they finally adopted the Burmese Alphabet with variations and additions to suit each. What was done as regards Pwo I do not know, and all the information in the authorities available to me is clearly Sgau.
Now the reason I have had to go so carefnlly into the question of the Karen Langnage for my present parpose is, that so far as I know, the sounds attached to the missionary. invented characters are nowhere laid down in such a way as to enable the enquirer to arrive at authoritative transcriptions or transliterations of the Karen words for money, weight, etc. The nearest apprbach to such information I have found is in Dr. Bennett's statements (p. 19 of the Notes): -"The great fact is the Burman characters are used in writing Karen, but not Burmese sounds .... There is hardly ever the sonnd in Karen the same as in Burmese.61 It is essentially a Burmese character but with Karen sounds, ... The real sounds cannot be written with English letters."
Among those consulted by the Government for the Notes was Mr. P. H. Martyr, whose general authority on such subjects all who know will acknowledge, and he wrote (p. 17) in 1882: - "The Karen Alphabet is, therefore, the Burmese Alphabet with variations and additione. Marks and strokes to denote sounds not found in the Burmese language have been added. The Burmese letters have not been changed in any way, but some of the sounds of the letters have been changed .... The two principal dialects Pwo and Sgaw have been reduced to writing, and strange to say that, although they are both formed with Burmese characters. distinct additional marks and strokes have been introduced to denote the same sounds."
Thus far my authorities, which are not very er.couraging; and so I have in the end been
68 Information in this volume procured chiefly from Dr. Mason.
0 Cennia Report, p. 165. Dr. Bennett, in 1882, said (Notes on Dialects, p. 14): "A Sgan Karen has been known to rend Pwo after a few hours' study, and the Pwo cau casily read tho Sgau, notwithstauding there is a great difference in the definition of many words."
60 Manon, Nat. Prod. Burma, 1850, gives a great number of Pwo Karen words, but there is nowhere any transcription described, and the character is a very strange one.
61 See also p. 13.

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compelled to trust to my unhappy Karen teacher. From him I gather that the consonants adopted from the Burmese characters are as follows:63 -
Gutturals ... 'k k gh ķ83 ng Palatals ... gosh ny Dentals ... 65 t d B Labiale ... P p b m Linguals ... y 1 W Sibilants ... "
Aspirates .... h 407 The ligatures are special and are taken partly from the Talaing Alphabet ; e.g., and 2 y: and partly from the Burmese Alphabet; e.g., OT, V10 w. Jgh (E). Thos :
2 ky, kr, my kl, kw, 3 bgh, by.70 As in all Alphabets of Indian origin, short a is inherent in all consonants, and both Burmese and improvised symbols are adopted to express modifications of this inherent vowel, but, so far as the Burmese symbols are concerned, with uses so differing from the original that they must be given here.
Thas m ka is modified to suit the Sgat Karen gamut of sounds in the following manner :
mos mi me m Karen : kê ki kökü kû kê kè kô kò
Burmese: kAkan ... ka ků ka, kè ki ki The special vowel sounds above are kö, something like German d, nearest French eu, bet far from our" in English. Kü near French , bat not it. Kè as in Burmese, near English "fair" or French "mer." Kò as in English "fall."
In addition to these direct vowels the missionary alphabet-makers have attempted to reproduce the tones of Karen by four symbols SS 2, and the staccato accent by the symbol, borrowing the Burmese heavy accent (which by the way is the Talaing staccato accent) for the purpose, because the Barmese staccato accent a had already been borrowed to represent the direct vowel &. Karens, of course, hear the tones and foreigners usually cannot, and hence Mr. Martyr's remark about several characters being introduced to represent the same sounds. In transcriptions for foreigners into Roman characters I should not propose to notice the characters for tones, though I transcribe the staccato me by kd; but I distinctly think that the missionaries were right in introducing them, when concocting a character in which Karens were to read their own language. Any one who has floundered as often and as long as the present writer over the Shán Dictionary, in which, of course, Dr. Cashing had to follow the methods of a character long ago concocted by the literary, Shans to express their own language, would understand the importance to a native Karen of being able to denote his tones by characters.
I have adopted to distinguish pirated consonants; and, letters, where not explained, are pronounced as usual, or as nearly as may be for practical purposes.
6 Gh = Arabio . often sounded. A surd after an aspirated consonant: ķ# The symbol for sh is adopted from the Burmese ligatare L.hrsh in propunciation: 65 With English appreciation of dentals « English surd th Arabio : symbol taken from the Burmeao b in pronunciation.
61 The spiritus lon is of all Oriental tongues ; 1, 9, 3a, eto. : its position in this Alphabet is adopted from Shán, as also is that of b. .
e Written 6 , borrowed from Talaing : special letter for a very softly breathed h, sounded like w before 6 and o.
69 As in Burmese, A'y=ch in pronunciation. To The use of these ligatures is usually quite different from that in Burmese or Talaing. 11. The symbol o is the stopped or staccato accent in Burmese.

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Having thus explained how I came by the trapeeription of Karen herein adopted, I will proceed at once to the main subject in hand.
The Karen ponderary scale can be made out thus from the Sgau Dictionary: -
Page.
Karen Term
Burmese Eqnivalents.
ywdji (4 grs.) 72
8 bghè 2 o'gha73 2 bi ...
704 - 667; 1, 111 585 1286 651 664 690; 1, 180 655 ... 670 ...
2
port
2 ba75
rwe ... 10 pò
10 mö...
mu:
mat ..(half tiekal) ... kyåt (tickal) ... (10 rupees, tiokals) ... (100 rupees), pêkba (viss)
(1,000 rupees, ten viss)76
...
The ton is clearly thon the Adenanthera seed or candareen. The word for the ABrus plant in Sgau Karen is given by Mason, Natural Productions of Burma, 1850, p. 196, As Daléghd and for the Adenanthera tree as baléghòp'ads (pʻadó = great). In the Sgar Dictionary baléghờ is defined as a "* tree of the genus Adenanthera" (p. 1270). The Karen scale is most interesting in its use of põ for the half tickal, thus making the Troy weights each the half of the next higher denomination; and in its ingenious decimal division of the Avoirdupois scale,77 growing out of the Troy scale..
I have given the words for weights above in their unattached form. They do not however appear to be so used, but always in conjunction with a numeral ; e. 9. they are to be found in the Dietionary as tari, tabgle, and so on; all s.v. ta, the prefix for "one." TS is a weight in a scale (p. 768% and sò is a scale, balance (p. 514): but the word for balance does not appear to be used also for the standard weight, as is usual in the East; i. e., for the weight which turns the scale. Unless one may take the synonyms (p. 1180) tarwe, srud, sòpò (po, nam. coeff. for viss, p. 1007) to indicate the standard Avoirdupois weiglat (rwe, po that turns the scale (so).78 That the Karens have a clear comprehension of a standard weight for turning the scale is to be seen from the term lòlayi on p. 1218 (18 to descend, p. 1215, and' tayö, the force or impetus of gravity, p. 677), which means "to be of a definite weight," clearly by turning the balance.
My informant's statement of the Karen terms for British money shows the usual mixture of the ideas of bullion weights with cash denominations, but in simple form. Oddly enough he did not know any word for "pie," nor did he recognise a pie when shown one, but we get the word from the Sgar Dictionary (p. 212) where it is kà, and also from a sentence in the dnglo-Karen Dictionary, 8.v. pice, which is of value here: -
bö ki mê tô ta bê three pie are copper one-piece
I. e., three pie make one pice. 71 My teacher gave me yrébà : bn is seed in Karen, and yued is Burmese. I should say that he picked up the name from his Burmese neighbours.
T3 Pronounced ako. 14 Page 767 gives synonyme töki, toka, obviously for taka, tiokal. 16 Bà seems also to be used as a numeral co-efficient : e. 9. alba, Anglo- Karen Pocao... V., "silver coin, rapee."
76 Curiously described in the Dict, as "tep biketha:" "bikatha" being an attempt at the Burmese word pékba; "like" as in the well known slang word for bicyele.
11 The Karen decimal numeration series is, like that of most Far Eastern nations, remarkable: Thus r'f. ten. and then kaya, 10 x 10, hundred kat8, 100 10, thousand : kald, 1,000 * 10, ten thousand : kale, 10.000 * 10. hundred-thousand : kaku, 100,000 x 10, million : kabi, 1,000,000 * 10, ten million kawa, 10,000,000 x 10, hundred. million. Each of these words is a unit, preceded by the prefix ta, one : 6.9., fas's, takaya, and so on. Dict., p. 608.
18 See also Dict., p. 516, 3.0., popo.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1898.
This shows that the Karens have adopted wholesale the British system of enumerating opper coinage. That they actually do so I gather from my informant, who, on being asked to write down how he enumerated pice, proceeded straight on end from one to thirty pice, thus:18+ number + bé! That is, he wrote: one pice
tôtabê ...
... ... (ta , one) two pice ... ...
.. tôk'ibê... ... ... ... (k'i, three) three pice ... ... ...
tôböbê ... ... ... ... (bo, three) and so on.
This shows that he is really a numeral coefficient for "copper coin," as one also gathers to be the case from the Anglo-Karen Dictionary, which gives istabs for "one copper coin."70
For silver, ie, the rupee and its parts, be gave the following tablo :
English,
Kаrеn.
Sense of the Terms
1 bghe 1 egho 3 bgbd
1 bi
one anna two annas three four five six seven eight mine ten eleven » twelve thirteen , fourteen , fifteen rupee ...
tabgbe... tas'gh8... böbghè tabi ... yèbghè... ķubghd nwibghe tapo kwibghe hghetus't B'Itabghè 8'ik'ibghà s'ibobghè s'llwibghè s'fyèbghè tabà ..
5 bghà 6 bghe 7 bghd 1 po 9 bg hè bghè a ten 11 bghe 12 bghe 13 bghe 14 bghe 15 bghè 1 bà
..
.
...
The Sqau Dictionary djecloses confusion of mind ampng the Karens as to metals. not altogether surprising in tribes situated as they have been. Thus, we have, p. 495, sé, money of gold or silver, but clearly usually of silver :80 p. 760, tô, brass and copper, also silver and superior brass : p. 1014, p'ghá hosóņó, tin, lead, 82 pewter, and spelter generally : p. 1224, Turètolò, "precious kind of copper," lpoètá, "precious kind of iron;" here locê is a precious stone, tá is iron (p. 793), and bò is yellow (p. 1105).
I may mention that my teacher only recognised Iwet d as iron and t8b8 as brass.88 Distractions between brass, copper and spelter seem to be töbò, ne above, yellow to, and tókayo, golden tó (p. 115) for brass : tôglò,84 red to (p. 395) for copper : tíud, white tó (p. 1224) for spelter.
I bave no means of locating the qualities of Karen (terms for) silver to any scale, but that there are qualities vaguely undersood there can be little doubt. Witness the words löase (p. 499), touchstone; sép'ò, silver refiner, and pghak'òsébé, silver assayer (p. 1015); pwesá
59 Anglo-Kiren Vocab, has tight for "copper coin," pgha being "tin."
* E. g., Awylo. Karen Vocab. gives the words for "silver" as those for "money," "cash :" p. 27. See also Anglo-Karen Dict. p. 381.
81 P"gh and pighan (scu, white) in Anglo. Karen Vocab. See also Anglo. Karen Diel., 8. v. $: Mr Karen teacber gnve me sins lead, spellipg it S: the Dict. p. 1014, gives pigha lead or tin. # So also Anglo-Kuren Vocab. p. 23, and Angle. Karen. Iict., 8. 1.
So also Anglo-Karen Diet., . t.

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(Burmese however) silver assayer, appraiser (p. 1050). Besides these, I have unearthed the following terms: For "pures silver :"
Page 496.-Sas*** (), clean, p. 569): seasòat's (2“, water, p. 797 :47 fatà (tò, true,
p. 765): atòculo : shindadas (mad, hammered, p. 1149).
Page 299.-- Kloposé cod (money ; white-pure-silver-white : pp. 299, 1001, 495, 1225). For alloyed alvor
Page 298. - K16, lit., white. Page 298. - Klobasé hó, silver modey.
Page 495 f. - Posé, pekiépisè, silver paid in advance (pė, payment in advance, p. 998). For money
Page 495.- Sótábó (56, silver, t'ú, gold). Page 496. -Sélanghi, sekamghi-sekamghá, sekamgki-sekamghô, silver chips, small
silver change. Page 496,- Sényl, Barmese lump silver (ryd, texture, substance, p. 595). Page 496. - Sedspilö, Siamese stamped silver, plano-convex pieces of specific
value," as the Dictionary quaintly puts it (dò, measured, p. 887, plö, round).
Page 496. - Seyüp 8, Siamese small silver (yt, bits, p. 1162, p', small parts, p. 1063). As regards gold the Dictionary has most curious information:- Thus, tú is gold (p. 812): red gold is called male gold (tüpt, p. 1051) and pale yellow gold is called female gold (timo, p. 1145). Red gold is considered the parer. This, of course, is, within limits. a mistake, though it is shared by the Burmese and others; the redness of gold being chused by the less valuable copper, spd not by the more valuable silver alloy of pale Oriental gold.
There are giver on p 818 a series of terms for "pate" (i. e., I gather, "good quality, acceptable") gold: thus :
Túaštt (), pure, p. 509, tf, water, p. 797). Túsdt-ison6 (nd, water, p. 927). T'att (tí, perfoot, p. 731). T'atitikang. redtu (th, water, p. 987).
T-ali (). Other words for gold given loc. cih have, as I understand, the meanings attached below:
Lump gold ... ... felld (td, convex, p. 839).
» , .. ... t'&"blètő (lè, burnt, p. 1204). Alloyed gold ... Am (més, fire, p. 1188). Impare gold, balion. "Dabghe (babghè, scam, froth, p. 1263). Gold-duat ... telkami, tdkami t'akase (kand, dust, p. 99).
takt (M, bits, p. 235).
Soil good, patable, marketable
* sé means money, but fundamentally barter. . Shinwam, water, - sloo Snepers of metale. #Also dative silver bullion.
The win-o'-the-whisp, ignus faturit, is, sooording to the Karena, an animal of gold tinol, which lays golden ergo see t' and t'en pghd, p. 819 t.

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[JUNE, 1893.
B.-falsing. It is a pity that a language with such a past literature and so many ancient documents in stone as the Talaing, also commonly known as the Mon and Peguan, must be treated as a minor and practically unwritten language, but I have no alternative. The Burmese conquest of the Talaing Country in the middle of the last Century and many other causes have operated to thrust back this once important and highly civilised tongue, until it can now only survive in rude dialectic forms among remote villages. These causes have also no doubt brought aboot the fact that the missionaries among the Talaings have almost as little to tell us as those among the Karens have much. The works and information at my disposal are :
(1) Haswell,00 Grammatical Notes and Vocabulary of the Peguan Language, 1874. (2) Stevens, English-Peguan Vocabulary, 1896, based on Haswell. (3) British Burma Gazetteer, Spearman,ol Vol. I., 1880. (4) Comparative Grammar of the Languages of Further India, o2 Forbes, 1881. (5) Notes on the Transliteration of the Burmese Alphabet, Appx. on the vocal and conso
nantal sounds of the Peguan or Talaing Language, R. C. Temple, 1876, in which
I followed Haswell, official publication. (6) Burma Census Report, Eales, 1891.
(7) Various illiterate or slightly literate Talaing peasants. The Talaings long ago converted the same form of Alphabet as that adopted by the Burmese and Shâng to their own use; a form which is very little suited to the requirements of their language. This Alphabet, being rich in consonantal and poor in vocal representation, has been made to do duty by modifications to express a language of exactly the opposite kind, - very rich in vocal and poor in consonantal sounds, and the result has been to bring into existence two difficult and puzzling series of modifications: one of the uses of the letters themselves, and the other of the additions to them. It is no doubt nut an easy thing to learn to read Talaing
So far as the books and infomation available to me permit, I would describe the Talaing language and writing as follows:
Gutturals ... k k ngo Palatals ... ch ch' 8t504 ny Dentals ... tt 1 Labials ... Pp b5 m Linguals ... y r 186 w Sibilants ... 8
Aspirates ... h & Sonants corresponding to the surds are not heard in pronunciation, but are fully represented in the written character. The use of the sonants is to express modifications of the sounds of the following vowel symbols : e. g., the inherent vowel in surds is a, in sonants it is e. That is, the symbols k and k' represent ka and ka: but the symbols g and gi represent ke and le. So k + ais ká, but g + d is kéa. This habit divides the Alphabet into surds and sonants, and for this purpose 8, h, and special symbols97 1, 6, and y are surds, and y, 7, 1, w, and special symbol b' are sonants.
5. Said by Mr. Stevens, page v., to be the only white man of the Century in Barma, who evet mastered the Mon Language."
91 Information chiefly from Dr. Mason. 92 This contains, p. 99 8., a neat comparison of Mon with the Cambodian and Annamese Languages.
I use to express aspiration. The symbol for ng gn when initial, 94 Same symbols used for ch,; ch', ts.
* With English appreciation of dentale. 5 Special symbols for surd 1.
HI (l) is also used to represent stard I, and hro (") is pronounced fw, surd.

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181
In this way there are two inherent vowels, and, and two sets of open vowel modifications thereof. Thus:
Surd Modifications of Open Vowels. kā ka ki kt ku ka ke kda kūn kau kâu kòmo ka kai kte koe kêaa
Sonant Koditostions of Open Vowels.
ke kêa ki ka ku kia ke koa kðu keau kom kua But, as in Burmese and all the cognate tongues, final consonants also modify preceding vowels, and we thus get a double set of modifications, which renders the reading of Talking very difficult.
On considering the effect of the final consonants there will be found to be an ordinary and a special modification of both surds and sonants with each vowel. Thus:
Ordinary Modifications with Final Consonants. With initial surds.
With initial sonants. open ... ... kã kê kan k6100 ke kea kau kôl00 closed ... ... kot kāt kõtkát kot kàt kòt kat
Special Modifications with Pinal Consonants.
A. - Surds being initial.
(a) With final k. open ... ... ka kå k i kê
k8100 closed by k ... kák kàik kik kak, kik kaik
(6) With final ng. open ... ... kā kâ ki ké k6100 closed by ng ... kang kàing king kang, king kaing
(c) With final w. open ... ... ki kekau k6100 closed by w ... ko kā ko ka
(d) With final a (deep guttural sound). open ... ... kā
... kau closed by a ... kô ká
B. - Bonants being initial.
(a) With final k. open ... ... kā kê ki ké k8100 closed by k ... kaak kaikkik kåk, kik kuk
(6) With final ng. open ... ... kā kaki ke k 100 closed by ng ... kāang kaing king kang, king kung
Besides all this, there are irregularities, recognised and dialectic, and the use of open vowels following sonants to express, in dissylables and compound words, short inherent , or slightly sounded inherent vowel, thus:
written kata: pronounced kõta; » gata :
k'ta, or kata. This inherent a, or slightly sounded inherent vowel, is also expressed by ten sets of ligatures !
The mark is used to show that vowels are long, and the mark that they are pronounced so. The English reader will comprehend the difference at onoo by considering to himself the difference between part and guard, frung and prude, neat and need, foak and rogue, aught and fraud, male and made, and so on.
* This è as in or has sharp stacesto sound. 10 This is written with the Burmese 8, but never wan open vowel, though it is founded me an open 8. 1 See Haswell, p. xii.

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(JUNE, 1898.
I think that any one who has followed me through this description of the Talaing's mode of writing his language will admit that it must be difficult to read.3
Now, I very much regret to say that I have been unable to use the information thus put together for any other purpose than an attempt to adequately represent in transcription the .contents of the Vocabularies at my disposal. The information verbally given me for the present purpose is to dialectic, that I have thought it best to give the Talaing metrological ternis il I heard them, without adopting the scheme of sounds laid down even by so experienced & scholar as Mr. Haswell.
The parts of the rupee are parts of the former tickal, and the peasantry do not suum to distinguish by language between the coins and the bullion weights that the coins represent. The parts of the tickal follow the Burmese terms, thus:
Burmese.
Talaing.
..
.
pe ... ...
pôa, boa, púa, bůö m u
môn, mâu mát ... .
meh kyàt ...
h'ki, t'ki, t'ko. pékba (viss)
... I wisa, pisat The tickal is the weight that turns the scale ; e. 9., 18-'is a balance ; 5 ním-ld-hki is the weight (ním) of a tickal; lit., apparently of the balance.
The ever money scale, i. e., for the rapee and its parts, my general information states to be as follows:
Talning.
Sensa.
English
Dialect, Pegu.
Dialect, Vanlmain.
Pega.
Maulmain.
1
PÔS
pôs
:
Pog meh
:
FONY
:
pòs
:
:
bôs
pua pos
:
bon
:
môpos ... môpôa? ...
1 bôa momou ... momdu ...
1 môn
1 min pòipoa ... pàipos ...
3 bos mômeh ... múmeh ... 1 meh
neb p'sônboa ... p's nms...
5 boa
5 pôa poimou ... k'raupa ...
3 mou
в рда hop6h bóa... h'pôbps ... 7 bôa biameho... priameh ..
meh h'ebstbûn10 h'aitpôs ...
bos
pôa chanhbus shpoa ...
bôa chanhmuabha. sôhmûapôa
bôs chachbaabỏa sôhpâapoa chanhpoibos Bðhpàip da chauh'ponbôa ... sôh pônpos
chanh'sônba .... sôhsônpa 1 rupee
môh'kt ...
b'kf • See Stevens, pp. 91,118. . * This hiss deep guttural, given as by Haswell, and spelt torch • Tbia word is clearly the Indian via on v an
Bee Steven, pp. 7, 12, . w. balance and soalan . I may mention that a Talaing Karen, 1.0, a Pwo Karen, furnished the following words to me: "7d-aki, tickal: man-arot, brass ; pisha, iron; n, silver. There are purely Tolaing. Cf. Hagwell, p. xiii.
TA Talking from Kokartk, Amherst District, prefixed sen, silver, where the reckoping represented silver coin: 6. 9., Re. 1, on mo'k: ADRA, som plameh : 4 Apa, Sötlemish : 2 ans, son-môme... Also kardubia = 6 búa,
Also i'chambda8bda. 10 For these gambers, which agree fairly with Hotel's list, one man gave me k'com, 8; l'at, 9; t'eau, 10 and teene. Ose is mta, bet må in composition, s mpoa, momor, humoh, moh'k mép's (a rise, but synonym mbaro's). Po, three, is also pai (pe or p in Haswell. p. 81). B4, two, is also big and pia.
13
1121

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SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
153
My informants recognised the Barmese word ywe, Abrus or Adenanthera seed, but called it sbtpâa and mdiba, i. e., zinc boa (8ôt, zinc; Stevens, p. 128, has srôt), or seed boa (me, seed), meaning thereby (P) zinc money or seed money.
The word for aoopper coin is '18i, or lui, and the numeral coefficient is h'taik,11 the pice being enumerated precisely as in Burmese and the neighbouring idioms, as copper + number + coefficient, e. g, one pice is loi-mua-h'taik = copper-one-piece.
My informants were also not likely to know much about the metals, and what has been gathered is very little.
Gold: - good qualities are t'ma'ah, Haswell, p. 74: Stevens, p. 84: t'o'chauk : o'chit: t'op'kit, red gold. Bad qualities are - môj8, Burmese, billon : t'òparop, Haswell, p. 74 : t'òparop.
Silver : - mon, Haswell, pp. 128, 133 : sòn.
Brass : - mem'rut, Haswell, p. 81: parut, Haswell, p. 95: prst: prut. Inferior brass - h'rut-p'sők (? white brass). Bad brass — 'laik,12 Haswell, p. 116.
Copper :- lúi, Haswell, p. 116 : perut-K'kit, and k'rut-K'kit, i. o., red brass.13
Tin, iron and lead are much mixed up: thus :-Iron : pasda, Haswell, p. 88: proa : sốwa. Tin :- påsdatàik, Haswell, p. 88, white iron: p'asa-k'taing, white iron: pakauhp'ataing, Haswell p. 94, white lead : pkah-'taing, white lead. Lead: - p'akauk-p'āyaing, Haswell, p. 94 : M'k úh-l'yaing, or simply 'kuh,
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY SIR JAMES CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 140.) The Fair. The hair seems to have been considered an inlet for spirits, because it leads to the opening in the skull. Aair is also curiously affected by fear, and stands on end when # vision or ghost is seen. In a dry climate it crackles and becomes full of electricity. These may have been among the reasons why the hair plays so noticeable a part in early beliefs and ritos. Because spirits enter through the hair, in the Kdå kan the medium lets his hair fall loose, in order that his familiar spirit may enter into his body. It is believed by the Hindus that, it the medium forgets to untie the knot of his head hair, he will not be able to become possessed.75 In the Dakhan, when a knowing man is called, he seizes the patient by the hair. A pregnant Chitpavan woman should not let her hair hang loose, or she may be attar ked by spirits.70 The Lingayațs of Dharwas say that they cut the hair of girls under five, as, if their hair is long, it might touch a woman in her monthly sickness, which they believe would give the child certain diseases.77 The Sțivaišnava Brahmans shave the moustache, because they hold that, if water touches the moustache in passing into the mouth, it becomes the same as liquor.79 At their sadi katri sona, or the hair-cutting ceremony among the Lingayats, the priest holds two betel-leaves in the form of a pair of scissors, and with them touches the longest hair on, the child's head." Among the Bijapur Bedars, when a woman, who has been ont-casted for eating or committing adultery with a man of low caste, is let back into caste, her head is shaved, and her tongue burned with a barning rui twig. When a Bijapár-Bedar man is guilty of adultery with a kinswoman of the same gotra, or family-stock, his head and face are shaved, and he is 11 H'taik, spelt getaik, in Stevens, p. 77.
11 Tin socording to one informant ! 18 H'rut is lead according to one informant ! 13 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
** K. Raghunath's Patane Prabhw. 11 Dharar Garettoer, p. 111.
18 Op. cit. p. 99. 19 Op. cit. p. 111.
# Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXIII. p. 94.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1898.
made to drink liquor.91 Mourners among all high-caste Hindus shave the head except the top knot. So among the Kanara Sênvis, when a denth happens, the chief mourner shaves his fnco and lend, except the top-knot.83 The Belgaum Marathậs shave the face after & denth, and wrapping a piece of gold with the shaven bair born it in the funeral pyre.83 Among higirer class Hindus, after shaving, a man or a woman is considered unclean, and will not eat or touch anything. This is, perlaps, because they are specially liable to be attacked by spirits as the hair is about, and a spirit may settle in it, and so in the person. So it was important to take care of the parings of nails and hair-clippings. Originally the idea seems to have been that spirite would pass through them into the owner, afterwards it was thought that the magician would work with them. So the ancient Persians drew a circle round parings of nails and hair-clipping, and poured earth on them.84 Among the Kois of Bastar the white or harmless wizards let their hair grow, and become inspired by performing a quick dance.85 In South India, Lingayats sometimes carry a ling in the hair,88 and a man who has been troubled by an evil spirit lets his hair and nails grow for a year, and then offers them to a goddess.87 The Kol women, like the old Greek women, when they wish to become possessed, walk up a hill with their hair loose.88 The dying Beni-Isra'il is shaved, except the face. Spirits enter through the bair. So the Parsi corpse-bearers have to wash their hair in human urine. The Parsis believe that spirits gather wherever hair and nails are left.91 They believe that there is a great danger, unless the bair and nails are buried with prayers, that evil spirits will feast on them and work sorcery with them.92 Young men offered their hair at the temple of Syria.93 The Burmans wash their head only once a month, because the Burmans, and especially the people of Pega, believe that frequent washing destroys and irritates the genius who dwells in the head and protects men. The young Burmans, on entering into a monastery, get their locks cat off, Japanese children have little patches of hair left tied with strings of ribbon.96 Some Papuans of New Guinea turn their black wool or frizzle light red by rubbing it with barnt coral or wood ashes.97 The hair-dress of early tribes is perhaps spiritual. The Wagogos of East Africa twist their wool into countless strings, which they braid with baobab fibre, and at the end tie little brass balls and coloured beads.es The Mandingos of Africa cat the child's hair and spit into its face. Zula women leave a small tuft on the crown of the head.100 Among the North American Indians many tribes cat their hair after a death. The mention that the Dakotas after cutting the hair rub the head with white earth, suggests that the object was to keep off spirits. On the other hand, in some cases, the cutting off the hair was a sacrifice; 80 in North America, the Nebraska Indians bound locks of women's hair with the body. Otber North American tribes wore their hair matted and dishevelled. Among the North American Indians several tribes also keep a look of hair as the ghost of the dead. In this case the hair is kept as # memorial. In the Sandwich Islands, in 1799, to stop a volcano, the king out his holy hair and threw it into a river. The Peruvians pulled a hair ont of the eye-brows in worshipping. The Greek bride offered a lock to Aphrodite. Till B. C. 300 the Romans never cat the hair. Among the Romans there was (A.D. 100) 8
31 Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. P. 94.
* Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 165. # Op. cit. Vol. XXI. P. 127.
# Dabistan, Vol. I. p. 317. * Jour. R. A. Soc. Vol. XIII. p. 416.
* Dubois, Vol. I. p. 157. Op. cit. VOL. II. p. 376.
# Tylor's Primitius Culture, VOL. II. p. 261. # Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 532
9Bleek's Vendidid, p. 70. 1 Bleek's Avesta Vendidad, p. 124.
91 Op. cit. p. 124
# Inman, Vol. II. p. 791. * Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. II. p. 92.
Op. cit, Vol. L p. 87. * St. John's Nipon, p. 194.
Earl's Papuans, p. 5. Cameron's Acron Africa, Vol. I. p. 97.
Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 431. 200 Gardiner's Zulu Country, p. 100.
1 Among the tribes who out their hair short are the Dakotas (p. 161), Ionuits (p. 167), Californians (p. 151), and the Pinas (p. 99). - First Rep. Ethno. Com. Amer. 1880.
. First Report of Ethnology. Washington, p. 166. Op. cit. p. 159. • Op. cit. pp. 98, 185.
Op. cit. pp. 108, 160. • Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 291. Pliny's Natural History, Book vii., Chap. 19,

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belief that an unborn child gives its mother much trouble and pain when its hair begins to bud forth. The hair of Rassian priests is cut cro88-wise in four places when he is ordained. In Scotland, when horses are taken out of the stable by witches, and ridden at night, next morning their manes and tails are dishevelled and tangled.10 In North England, there was a belief that, when a child is suffering from whooping cough, its head should be shaved, and the birds take the hair and the cough. So mix your hair with an ass's or dog's food, and yon will pass him your scarlet fever.11 Sir W. Scott, in his Luys of the Last Minstrel, Vol. II. p. 17, says: -
" Yet somewhat was he chilled with dread,
And his hair did bristle upon his head." Spirits enter into the body through the hair, and bring on sickness. So in England, there was a belief or saying: -"You can be cured of ague by winding some hair round a pin and driving it into an aspen stem,"13 The king of England ?) after anointing should have his hair combed with an ivory or gold comb if the hair is not smooth.13 In England, a nurse sometimes cuts some hair of a child's head who is sick with measles and whooping cough. She puts the hair between bread and butter, and leaves it for a dog to eat. The dog eats it, and gets the measles.24 In Ireland, the hair is cut off a person's head who is sick of scarlet fever, and is put down an ans's mouth.15 It is considered fatal in England if human hair is taken and worked by a bird into its nest. Two girls sit up silent, each takes as many bairs out of her head as she is year's old, And having put them in a cloth with the herb called true love, she burns each hair separately, and says : -" I offer this my sacrifice to him most precious in my eyes. I charge thee now come forth to me that I this minute may thee see.” The shape appears, and walks round the
room.17
The Mouth. - On three occasions there is a special risk that spirits will pass into the body through the inouth - in eating, in sneezing, and in yawning. Perhaps because spirits enter through the mouth while eating, the higher class Hindus before beginning to eat make & circle of water round their dish, and sip & little water, repeating some verses.18 So orthodox Lingayats do nob like to take their meals in an open place, lest they may be affected by the Evil Eye.19 Sometimes pious Hindu women during the four months of the dakshindyan, that is, from mid-June to the middle of September when the doors of heaven are closed and the influence of spirits is great, - make a vow of observing silence át meals.20 In Kinara, at a Roman Catholic Baptism, the priest breathes three times into the child's month to drive away evil spirits, and to make room for the Holy Ghost.21 In South India, (some) Brâhmans eat in silence.23 Barton (1621 A. D.) 23 notices two cases - one of a nun, who ate a lettuce without saying grace or making the sign of the cross, and was instantly possessed, and the other of a wench who was possessed by eating an unhallowed pomegranate. The Greek and Roman offerings of meat and drink before or after meat, and the English leaving part of a dish for Lady Manners, were dae, perhaps, to the belief that spirits enter at food-time through the mouth; and so the Roman Catholio practice of making the sign of the cross before eating and the Protestant rule of grace before meat, may be attributed to the 84.me belief,
Sneezing. The convulsion of sneezing is generally thought to be caused by a spirit. According to one belief it is caused by a spirit going out, and according to another belief by a spirit coming in. Among Konkân Hindus, when a man sneezes, it is customary to say shatam
* Op. cit. Book vii.. Chap. 6.
Mrs. Romanoff'. Rites and Customs of the Graeco-Russian Church, p. 58. 10 Scott's Border Minstrelay, p. 482.
11 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 14. 13 Op. cit. p. 151.
18 Jones' Crowns, p. 291. 16 Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 168.
18 Op. cit. p. 170. 16 Op. cit. p. 276.
17 Op. cit. p. 186. 18 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
» Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 20 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi
31 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. X. p. 388. 22 Duboir, Vol. I. p. 249.
23 Barton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 180,

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jio, or live long or a hundred years. If a man sneezes while he is standing on the threshold it is considered very dangerous, and water is poured on his head.25 In Dhawar, if A sneezes once when B is beginning some work, B stops fors time, and then begins a fresh; if A sneezes twice together, B goes on with his work without stopping; if A sneezes on B's back, B's back is slightly pinched; and if A sneezes during a meal, some one of the party calls on him to name his birth-place.30 The Siamese wish a long life to the person sneezing, for they believe that one of the judges of bell keeps a register wherein the duration of men's lives is written, and that when he opens this register, and looks upon any particular leaf, all those whose names happen to be entered in such leaf never fail to sneeze immediately. When the king of Mesopotamia sneezes, acclamations are made in all parts of his dominions. At Dahomey if the king eneezes, all courtiers turn the back, and slap the thigh, and all women of the court touch the ground with their forehead. In Madagascar, if a child anvezes, the mother says: "God bless you." 30 In Florida (1542), if the chief moezed, the people said: "May the sun guard you ; may the sun be with you; may the sun shine on yon, Aristotle he problem why sneezing from noon to midnight was good, but from midoight to noon unlucky, 13 St. Austen says that the ancients were wont to go to bed again if they sneered while they puton their shoe. Among the Romans and other Europeans, when a man sneezed, there was a custom of saying "God bless you," or otherwise to wish him well. To the inqwiry why people say "God bless you" when any one sneezes, the Britisk Apollo, Vol. IL No. 10 (fol., London, 1709). answers :- "Violent sneesing was once an epidemical and mortal distemper from whence the custom specified took its rise. 36 In Langloy's abridgment of Polydoro Virgil, fol. 189, It is wid there was a terrible plague whereby many as they sneezed died suddenly, whereof it grow into
castom that they that were present when any man sneesed should say "God help you." ** The early Christian Church denounced omens from speezing. In Germany, if professor sneezes, the students cry good bealth.se
Yawning. - The general belief about yawning is that a spirit jumps down the yawner's throat. So when a Hinda yawns, he snaps his finger and thumb, apparently the remnant of the elaborate old Pârst plan of driving ont & spirit, and repeats God's name. In South India, when a Brahman yawns, to drive away demons and giants, he cracks his fingers to the right and left.3: The Persians applied yawning to spirit-possession, and the Masalmáns thought Satan leapt into the open mouth.co
The Hand. - Spirits were believed to enter the body by the hands. The PÅrets believe that unclean spirits enter through the nails. They think the druklus nasus, or spirit of corruption, passes from the corpse into the nails, and so Pars bearers always draw bags or fingerless gloves over their hands. The Hindus attach much importance to the band and forearm. The hand and forearm are in Gujarat and the Bombay Dakhan carved on sali stones that is, stones raised in memory of a widow who has been sacrificed, - and the forearm of a woman who has died in child-bed is a most precious possession both to Hindu and to Mexican sorcerers. In the Konkin, sometimes the medium takes hold of the little finger to see whether it is a jakhin or some other bhút that has taken possession of a man, and among the Dakhan Ramosis when an exorcist is called, he squeezes the patient's finger. The hand is a sign of blessing. Compare the Sati's hand and the hand on the wedded Musalman's back. The Poona Uchlâs or pocket-slitters
* Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 26 Dharwdr Gazetteor, p. 50. * Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 124. * Sibroe's Madagascar, p. 285. * Op. cit. p. 119. * Tylor'. Primitite Culture, Vol. I. p. 101. * Op. cit. Vol. L p. 125.
Dubois, Vol. I. p. 465. 11 Block's Avata Vendidad, p. 22. 43 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 364.
# Information from Mr. P. B. Joeli. 17 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 124. # Burton's Visit to Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 240. H Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 187. # Brand's Popular Antiqnities, Vol. III. p. 119. » Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 135. 37 Henderson's Folk Lore, p. 6. Op. cit. p. 137.
Tylor's Primitive Culture, VOL I. p. 102. 63 Op. cit. Pp. 22 and 13.

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strew and on the spot where the dead breathed his last. They cover the spot with a basket, and next morning lift the basket. They trust to find the mark of a palm. The palm shows the dead is plensed, and from the palm virtne goes ont over the whole family. The Poona Thakars, . wild tribe, on the fifth day after the birth of a child, dip a hand in red powder and water, and mark it on the wall in the lying-in room, and worship the mark. When the Belgaum Bhoi or fisher agrees to break his family ties, to renounce the pleasures of the world, to obey the teacher or guru, and to follow him wherever he goes, the guru lays his hand on the Bhoi's head and says:-"Rise ; from this day you are my disciple." The Bijâ půr Lingayats at the festival called Nandi-kodu along with the Nandi's born carry a hand which they call Vyasantol, or the hand of Vyas the Paran writer.? All Brahmaps, while performing their sandhya or prayer, pass the thumb over the other fingers, and repeat verse. In his evening prayer & Brihmny, after praying the goddess Gayatri to enter him, cracks bis fingers ten times, and sliuts all the openings into the body, so that Gayatri cannot get out. The origin of the special respect which is paid to the hand may be that the wrist contains the pulse, an important sign of life, or, according to the early view, one of the chief spirits which lodge in the body of man. Hindus generally feel the paise and draw blood from the forearm. Among the Jews the right hand was an emblem of fellowship. Abraham says: "I have lifted my right hand. "50 In Egypt, hands and fingers were dedicated to the gods who healed the sick. Among the Ainos of Japan, when one who has been away comes back, his friends take his hands and rub them.53 Among the Niam-Niam of Africa there is a fashion of grasping right hande in such a way that the two middle fingers crackle. The Romans usually joined right hands in sign of a bargain; so did the Parthians and Persians. The hand of justice was a part of the regalia of the Holy Roman Empire. Among the Roman Catholics, in the service of the Mass, after the priest has elevated the Host, he never disjoins bis fingers and thumbs, except when he is to take the Host, till after wanbing his fingers,67 The laying on of hands at a Roman Catholic Baptism implies possession by God,58 and in an adult Baptism the laying on of hands drives out the devil. In the solemn plighting of troth in the Roman Catholio marriage the bride and bridegroom join their right hands. In Middle-Age Europe, the thumb was held sacred and worshipped as thumbbin polluiz. Licking or biting thumbs was a sign of challenge, promise, or agreement among the English and Scotch. In a fit of convulsion or shortness of breath hold your left thumb with your right hand. It may be suggested that the idea that spirits enter by the hands explains the old English practice of giving presents of gloves at marriages and at funerals. So Mr. Cornelius Bee was buried on the 4th of January, 1671, without sermon, without wine ; only gloves and rosemary. The custom of giving gloves at weddings was prevalent in England. Hatebinson, in his. History of Northumberland, says: "Children to Avoid danger are taught to double the thumb within the hand. This was mach praotised whilst the tortorg of witchcraft remained." It was also the custom to fold the thumbs of dead persons within the hands to prevent the power of evil spirits over the deceased. In some parts of England, it is believed that the clergyman's touch cures rheumatism,67 and in North-West England, a child's right hand is not washed that it may gather richies.
* Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 473. ++ Op. cit. Vol. XXI. p. 156. - Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi
Mackay's Froom sonry, p. 291. » St. John's Nipon, p. 99.
Mackay's Freemasonry. p. 292. 87 Golilen Manual, p. 261. * Op. cit. p. 793. & Grimm's Tectonic Mythology, Vol. I. p. 160. # St. Austin in Brand's Popular Antipsities, Vol. II. p. 343. • Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 125. 67 Henderson's Folk-Lre, p. 161.
15 Op.cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 426. * Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 229. 49 Dubois, Vol. I. p. 372. 61 Jones' Crou ne, p. 345. 63 Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. II. p. 27. u Op.cit. Do. " Jones' Crown, p. 845. A Op. cit. p. 070. 69 Op. cit. p. 699. 61 Chambers's Book of Day, p. 350. 64 Braad'a Popular Antiquities, Vol. II. p.144
Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 180. Op. cit. p. 16.

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The Foot. - The foot is a great, spirit-entry. So in the Mahabharata, in the tale of Nala and Damayanti, it is stated that one day Nals washed his hands and lips with parifying water, but forgot to wash his feet, and so the evil spirit Kali entered his body.co Among the higher class Hindus of Bombay, when the bridegroom comes to the bride's house, the father-in-law washes his feet.No Hinda will take his meals without washing his bands and feet; and among the higher class Hindus, wben a man goes to a house of mourning, or where a death has taken place, on his return home he does not enter his house until he has washed his hands and feet. If he enters the house without washing his feet it is considered unlucky, and he is blamed by the elderly memters of his house for coming in with tharula pái, or (spirit) laden feet.71 In Dharwap, rheumatism is cured by a person who was born feet first, by rubbing the place that pains with his feet.7Among the Lingayats in the Bombay Karnatak, and among the Saivas and Vaišnavas in Bombay Kanare, the religious teacher or guru washes his feet in water, and the disciples drink the water, and are parified, -that is, are freed from evil spirits. Among the Dharwar Lingayats, when a child is born, a Lingayat priest is called, his feet are washed in water, and the water is called dhulpadodal, or feet-dust water. The water is rubbed over the bodies of those present, and a few drope of it are sprinkled on the walls to purify the house.73 When a Dharwår Lingayat dies, the chief priest lays his right foot on the head of the body, and the mathapati, or Lingayat beadle, lays flowers and red powder on the priest's feet.74 When the dead is buried, the priest stands on the grave, a cocoanut is broken at his feet, flowers and red powder are laid on them, and the party return home.76 Among the Jadars of Belgaum the Lingayat priest lays his foot on the head of the deceased, 76 In Kanara, the Sênvi guru gives his followers water to drink in which his feet bave been washed.77 Before the body of a Medar, or Kanara bamboo-worker, is carried to the burial ground, a Lingayat priest sets his right foot on the head of the corpse. The priest's foot is worshipped by the relations of the dead, and washed, and the water is poured into the corpse's month.78 The Harig Bribmans of Kanara dripk the water in which their guide has washed his feet.79 The Kinara Musalmans tie the great toes of the dead tightly together.80 In Kathjå wår, men take an oath by putting the hand on Siva's foot.1 The Jogis of Kathiawar brand the right front toe before burial,9) Spirits enter by the foot-route, and so in KAthiâwâr, in their pregnancy ceremony, Rajput women walk on cloth. It is apparently to keep ont spirits that, Among the Mundas and Oraons of South-West Bengal, the bridegroom treads on the bride's toe during the marriage ceremony, the Gond bridegroom gets his foot on the bride's foot, and a chioken is killed, and the body laid under the girl's foot.98 The Kor fathers-in-law wash the feet of the young couple. The Bhuyas of Bengal place the toes of a new king on their ears and head. In worshipping a Brahman woman in Bengal, women paint the edges of her feet.60 Sedras in Bengal carry a cup filled with water, and ask Bråb maps to put their toes in, and they drink the water. In magic the sorcerer orders the spirit in the name of the teacher's feet, With the Hindus one of the first duties of hospitality is to give the guest padya or water to wash his feet. In the Padma Purana, the great king of Lilipa falls on his face before an ascetic, wasbes his feet, drinks some of the water, and puts more on his head.03 The Pârsi rule, that one should never walk barefoot, is, perhape, due to the .." Arnold's Indian Idylla, p. 65.
** Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi, 11 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi.
Ta Information from Mr. Tiymalrio. 73 Dharwar Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 111.
** Op. cit. p. 114. 75 Op. cit. p. 116.
T Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXI. p. 189. 11 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 148.
T* Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 341. T9 Information from Mr. De Souza.
# Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XV. p. 409. #1 Information from Col. Barton.
32 Information from Col. Barton. 83 Information from Col. Barton.
# Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 194, 253 as Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. I., P. v. 6 Op. cit. App. I., P. 7.
87 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 284. * Op. cit. p. 147.
# Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. II. p. 75. * Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 68.
11 Dubois, Vol. II. p. 60. Arnold's Indian Idylls, 212.
. Dubois, Vol. II. p. 229. Dabistan, VOL I. p. 329.

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supposition that the foot is a spirit-entry. The great toe of Pyrrhus, the Persian king, cured spleen, and was kept in a temple. Among the Beni-Isra'ils the feet of the bride and bridegroom are washed by the girl's sister at her house.06 Burmese women are careful to cover the feet while praying.97 The Burmese king never walks when he is out of doors.99 The emperor of Japan never touches ground with his feet oat of doors. Before tho revolution of 1868 the emperor of Japan used never to leave his palce or be seen. If he walked, as he rarely did, mats were laid to keep him from touching the earth.100 The Samoan brida and her party walk on path-way of cloth. The knees and ankle-joints of Motu children aru often tied round with a piece of string or bark." In the Kongo country, when the chief drinks, his big toes are pulled. The big toe is worshipped in Eyba, in Africa. In East Africa, the Wataitas believe that strangers passing through their fields with shoes on bring witchery on the crops. It seems to be a wide-spread belief that the stains of battle or any blood-stains give the spirit of the dead an inlet through which he cau euter and haunt the body of the person who killed them. Among the Basutos of South Africa warriors returning from battle must wash to cleanse the blood-stains, or the shades of their victims will disturb their sleep. They wash in a stream and have holy water sprinkled over them from a cow's tail.7 So Hector cannot pray till he has washed off the blood, and Æueas may not touch the household gods till he has bathed in the running stream. According to Pliny' a maiden's too cures a man in falling sickness. To cure fever rab the soles with blood.10 In an old-fashioned Russian adoption ceremony the adopting father puts his foot on his adopted son's neck,!1 The Celts in West Earope (B. C.200 to A, D. 600) used for coronations stones with feet carved on them.12 In a Roman Catholic Baptism the priest goes outside of the Church to meet tho person, because he is still the slave of sin, and cannot be allowed into the House of God, that is, because with him evil spirits would come in. At the coronation feast of Elizabeth, wife of Henry VII., two lords sat at her feet under the table,
The Ear. - The ear is a spirit-entry, and 80 perhaps the Hindas pierce the ear of their children, and put in gold or pearl ornaments to keep off spirits. It is deemeil anlucky not to bore the ear of an infant, and orthodox Bralimans consider it wrong and polluting to touch a child whose ears are not bored after they have bathed and before they bavo taken their morning meals. 15 Among several classes of Gosavis in Belgaam, ear-boring is one of the chief ceremonies.16 The Davris, & Marathi-speaking class of drumming beggars in Belgaum, bore their children's ears at twelve, and the teacher or guru puts in the holes a pair of light silver rings.17 Among the Belgaam Mudliars even the poorest must wear an ornament in the ear.18 Among the half Marathi Rajputs of Belgaam women bore ten holes in each ear in which they wear gold rings stack with pearls. Among the Roman Catholics of Kiinara, at Baptism, the priest touches a child's rostrils and ears with spittle.20 Among the Dhruya Prabhus of Poona, when the boy reaches the bride's house, her brother comes out and pinches his ears, and in retara is given a turban, and among the Konkni Kolis of Poona, when the bridegroom reaches the bride's marriage porch he is met by her brother, who pinches tbe bride
Pliny's Natural History, Book vii., Chap. 2. . * Bombar Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 523. Shway Yoe's The Burman, VoL I. p. 320.
* Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 119. » Silver's Japan, p. 20.
100 Reed's Jayan, Vol. II. p. 182. . 1 Pritohard's Polynesian Remains, p. 137.
* ? Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 180. * Burton'a Dahomey, Vol. I. p. 213.
• Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 149. New's :* Africa, p. 318.
• Tylor's Priinitive Culture, Yol, II. p. 433. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 433.
• Op.cit. Vol. II. p. 439. • Pliny's Vuu. History, Book xxviii, Chap. 4. 10 Op. cit. Buok xxviii.. Chap. 7. 11 M:, Rontaoff's Rites and Customs of the Orreca. Russian Church, p. 410. 12 L slia's Eurly Haces of Scotland, pp. 803-303. 13 Goliler Nannal, p. 619. 14 Burtoa's Visit to Dakomey, Vol. I. p. 245.
15 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 16 Bombay Gare teer, Vol. XXI. p. 183.
17 Op.cit. Vol. XXI. p. 184, 18 Op.cit, Vol. XXI. p. 97.
19 Op. cit, Vol. XXI. p. 180. 10 Op. cit. Yol. XY. P. 388.
21 Op. cit. Vol. XVIIL p. 190.

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grconi's ear. The ears of a dead Tailang Brahman in Poona are stuffed with tulasi (sweet basil) leaves.23 The initiation ceremony in many Hinda classes is called ear-cleansing or Lan phunkané. The pricat breathes some words into the child's ear, and the ear is elena, -that is, the evil spirits are driven ont of it. So among the Dakhan Mhars, when a child is to be initiated, the gurit takes it on his knee, breathes into both its ears, and mutters some mystic words into the right ear. When performing religions ceremonies, if a Brahman sneezes, or spits, he must touch his right ear. According to the rule of Sastras after sneezing, spitting, blowing the nose, sleeping, dressing and crying, a man should touch his right eat before he sips water.25 This was probably to keep spirits from getting in by the ear. The Bibmaņa state the object was to remove imparity (that is, to scare evil spirits), the reason they ansign being that water of the Ganges, the Vedas, the sov; the moon and the air live in a Brihtuan's right ear.26 When # Beni-Isra'il child is brought in after taking it out of doors for the first time it is laid on & sheet with seven or nine pincbes of gram round it and two pieces of COCOA-kernel. Several children come up, take the babe by the ear, and say: - "Come and eat rice-cakes," and pick up some of the boiled gram, and as they run out, they are strack on the back by a knotted handkerebief.27 Among the Bedi-Isra'ils, when the bridegroom after the wedding enters the girl's lionse her brother squeezes his right ear.2e Aaron's right ear was marked with blood ; 80 was his right thumb and his right great toe. Ear-boring is no important ceremony in a Burman girl's life. They put jewels, amber and glass ornaments in the ear.» The Polynesians bore the lobe of the ear to wear ornaments." The Papuans of North Gaines pierce the ear, nnd insert ornaments of tobacco rolled in a Pandan leaf. The men of the Arra Islands in the west of New Guinea drill fonr or five holes in their ears, and all them with pieces of brass wire, and the women make many holes and draw through them copper or tin wire, and sometimes a ser plant which is also waed as an armlet. Boring large holes in the ear is a great point of honour with the Philippine Islanders,36 The Nubian men wear one ear-ring of silver or copper in the right ear. The Wagogos of East Africa enlarge ear lobes to a monstrous extent, and put in rings,37 In England, a pig tisod to be oured of lameness by making a hole in its ear.39.
The Nose. - Spirits enter through the nose, and so when a medium in the Kookan wishes to get his familiar spirit to enter his body he invariably smells a flower.30 Most Hindu women bore their loft nostrils, and put gold and pearl rings in them. Sometimes, when male infant dies soon after birth, or suffers from sickness, Hindu women make a vow to a goddess, that if their son lives, or does not suffer from sicknes, they will bore his nose and put in a nose-ring,40 The Madhava Brahman women of Dharwar bore their nostrils and wear one or other of the following ornaments, vis., mukhrai, a gem-studded gold nose-ring: bulak, a gemetudded crescent worn in the central cartilage of the nose; mughathi, thick pin worn in the left nostril; and drohandra, a gom-studded gold crescent worn in the right nostril. Dharwar Rajpat women wear a nose-ring about six inches in diameter, part of the ring passes through a hole in the left nostril, and part is lifted up and tied by a string to the hair above the forehead. At a Baptism among the Kinara Roman Catholica the priest touches the child's nostrils and ears with spittle, and then he orders the evil spirit to leave the child, and rubs s
12 Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 392. * Op. cit, Vol. XVII. p. 441.
Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 126.
Op. cit. Tol XVIII. p. 529. # Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. I. p. 56. * Pritchard's Polynerian Remaitu, P. 128. * Op. cit. p. 98. * Burkhardt's Nubia, p. 141. * Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 283. 40 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. u Op. cit. Vol. XXII. p. 144.
» Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 186. » Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Kemaye, Vol. I. p. 128. 37 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 328. # Exodus, xxix. 21. . 31 Op. cit. Vol. I. PP. 60, 61. # Farl's Pafuard, p. 70. # Careri in Churchill, Vol. IV. p. 420. 37 Cameron's Acron Africa, pp. 95, 96. # Information from Mr. P. B. Jorbi. 11 Dharw ir Gazettsor, Vol. XXII. p. 68.

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little oil at the middle of the collar bone and at the end of the spine. All Brahmans in their wandkya or daily prayer press their nose with their fingers and hold the breath. So iu his daily prayer an ascetic holds his nostril with one hand, and puts the other on his head. The Hindus require that if a person kills insects he must repeat a verse and squeeze his nose. A man, who can draw breath from the lower part of the body and raise it to the head, can never sicken, is free from hunger and deatlı, and is above the gods. Among the Australians the use is almost always bored, and a long bone thrust through it." Boring their pose is quite a ceremony with the aborigines of Central Australia, and once a year hundreds of them gather together in order to bore the noses of the younger men. The Papuans of New Guinea pierce the central cartilage of the nose and put in a piece of stick, bone, or hog's tosk.
5. Spirit Seasons. The months of the lakshindyan or southing sau, thnt is, the declining sun, are con sidered anlacky by the Hindus, and during these months no threaul-girding or marriage ceremonies are performed. The gates of heaven are closed, and Vishnu, the guardian deity, is believed to sleep for four months; consequently the influence of spirits is greater during the southing than during tne northing sun. Pitrupakshu, or the departed ancestor's fortnight, when the spirits of all the dead come on earth, also fails in the dakshindyani or Northing months. All Tuesdays, Saturdays, Sundays, new-inoon and fall-moon days, and the nine days of the month of Aslvin (October-November), called the Navaratra or nine nights are times on which spirits are specially namerons and aggressive. Other occasions on which spirits are likely to attack, are on great social events, as birth, thread-girding, marriage, coming of age, pregnancy and death; also during enting, meeting and bargaining, and in all times of prosperity.
Hating. - Dinner is a spirit-time, and so all BråhranŅs before taking their meals #prinkle cirolo of water round their dishes, put five pinches of food to the right of their clish, and sip water. The several rites observed before a Brahman caste feast is begun, seem to find their explanation in the belief that at the time of eating there is special risk of spirit attacks. Round each dish lines of quartz or red powder are drawn, and incense sticks, fixed in small picon of plantain, are kept burning. The host goes round to each guest, pours a spoonful of the holy water into his right land, rubs his brow with saudal or saffron paste, and lays a buail leat or .flower in his hand. Then, while the family priest repeats verses, the hout sprinkles water on the guests and dishes, and taking a little water and sandal-paste in
ladle throws it on the ground. The family priest calls aloud the name of the family god, and the host and guests join in the shout "Har, Har, Mihdilev, Victory to Mahadev." At the end of the dinner betelnuts and leaves, and copper or silver coins, are handed to the guests, scented oils and powders are rubbed on their arnis, and garlands of flowers and nosegays are placed in their hands. As the priest-guests leave, they throw grains of rice over the host's head. In Bombay, when a horse takes his food on # new-moon night, the horse-keeper lays a cloth over his withers. The Telugu Brihmaņs of Poona repeat the name of Govind before they begin dinner.50 The Poona Senvis at the beginning of dinner shout out Har, Bar, Málddev," and when half finished chant verses. Dakhan Mbárs never eat without first saying the word kris!ınärpan, or dedicated to the god Krishna. Among the Karnatak Kunbis one of the guri's or teacher's chief rules is that the disciples should not eat while a dead neighbour is unburied, or go on eating after the light is put out.51 The Kulichårt Hatgars, a class of Brahmanic hand-loom weavers in Belgaum, dine in silk or freshly washed cotton, offer some of the food to the gods, lay out some pinches, and make a circle
• Bombay Gouettrer, Vol. XV. p. 388. · Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. IL. P. 131. 1 Wallaod's Anatralasia, p. 102.
Earl'. Papuans, . 47. « Information from Mr. Kalyknrás.
Dubois, Vol. II. p. 175. +6 Dabiatür, Vol. II. p. 185. - Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. V. p. 317.
Bomboy Gasetteer, Vol. XVIII. r. 180.

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of water round the plate.52 Karnatak Vaiấyas take three sips of holy water, and make fresh sect marks before eating 53 In Bengal, no Brahman will eat unless he weals his sacred thread, and no Vaibya without putting on a tulasi necklace. The Jenu Kurubars of Coorg pronounce KAļi's name over their food. The Paleyas, a wild Coorg class, call on their gods Galiga, Kborti, and Kalwiti when eating. In Mecca, after dinner, rosewater is sprinkled on the beards of guests, and aloewood is burnt before them.57 The Persians say a prayer before eating, and observe inviolable silence during the repast.5e In China, besides pouring out wine, the feast is began by a drink; so also among the Persians.58 Dr. Livingstone says the Balondas of South Africa returned to a thicket when porridge was cooked, and all stood up and clapped their hands.60 The Musalmans of Morocco begin their meals in God's name, and end with
wash and thanks to God.61 The New Caledonian women never drink facing a medicine man (wizard), but always turn their back towards him. That the Romans shared the experience that dinner was a spirit-time, is shewn by their crowning their heads with chaplets of bay and laurel, and fastening a rose over the table.63 Burton (1621 A. D.) notices two cases - one of a non who ate a lettuce without saying grace or making the sign of the cross, and was instantly possessed ; and another by eating an unhallowed pomegranate. The Greek and Roman offerings of meat and drink before or after meat, and the English leaving part of a dish for Lady Manners were due perhaps to the belief that spirits enter at food-time. So also the Roman Catholic practice of making the sign of the cross before eating, and the Protestant rule of grace before ment may be attributed to the same belief."
Times of Mooting and Bargain. - Spirits are likely to attack at the time of bargainicg. So the Bombay Banis, at the time of making a bargain, conceal their hands under a cloth, and the Dakhan Chitpaivan at a wedding closes the bargain with the musicians by giving each a betel-nut.66 Among the Chitpâvans, when the betrothal ceremony is over, the fathers of the bride and bridegroom tie to the hems of each other's garments five betel nuts and five pieces of turmeric, und at a Chitpivan wedding, when the girl is formaliy given, the father of the girl poure over the band of the boy a ladleful of water.87 Among the Karnatak Madhava Brahmans when the bride's father finally agrees to give his daughter to the bridegroom, be ties turmeric roots, betel nuts and rice into a corner of the bridegroom's shoulder cloth.68 The Afghans swear to a contract over a stone. In making a covenant the Jews cut a beast in two, and make the parties pass between the parts.70 In Lancashire, when you buy cattle, you should always get back a little coin for luck. The Hindus repeat the names of their gods when they meet one another. Thus, the Gujarat Hindus say: "Jai Gópál, or victory to Gopal ," and the Dakhan Hindus say: "Rain, Rám, or victory to Rám." The original object of this may, perhaps, bo to scare spirits. The Aborigines of the Andamana salute by lifting up their leg and slapping the thigh.79
Auspicious Events. - On all occasions of joy and mirth, as birth, marriage, coming of age, and pregnancy, the influence of spirits is great, -that is, men are more likely to be attacked on such occasions than at other times. The fifth and sixth nights after a birth are held in dread by all Hindus.7 Spirits are likely to attack at the time of a wedding : so among
52 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXI. p. 188.
38 Information from Mr. Tirmalrio. Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 222.
SS Rice's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 215. * Op.cit. Vol. III. p. 215.
ST Barkhardt's drabia, Vol. I. p. 365. * Dabistis, Yol. I. p. 296.
^ Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 65. Dr. Livingstone's Travels in Africa, p. 304.
4 Robir'. Morocco, p. 189. ** Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 207.
From M8, notes. · Rurton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 180.
From MS. notes. "Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII. p. 128.
of Op. cit. Vol. XVIII. p. 128. Information from Mr. Tirmalrio.
“Forberry in Jour. Ethno. 800. Vol. I. p. 188. 16 Maclay's Freemasonry, p. 242.
71 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 119. 11 Earl's Pupuan, p. 185.
13 Details of the riten performed at a birth, wedding, coming of age, and pregnancy are given under the head Customs."

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the Ratnagiri Marathis at their wedding, when the lucky moment comes, the priest shouts 4 take care," the guests clap hands, and when the people outside hear the clapping they fire guns. The reason why they fire guns is to keep off Kål. If they did not frighten Kal he would seize the bride and bridegroom, or their fathers and mothers. Wboever Kal seizes falls senseless or in a fit.74 The MÂngellas, Phudgis and Vadvals of Thâşâ have a strong belief that at the lacky moment the bride and bridegroom or their parents are likely to be attacked by spirits, and especially among the Mângellas frequent cases occur in which the bridegroom or his father or mother get possessed, or fall in a fit just when the lucky moment comes.76 To this day the Swedish bridegroom has a great fear of the trolls and spirits which inhabit Sweden. As an antidote he sews into his clothes strong smelling herbs, such as garlic, cloves, and rosemary, and the young women carry boughs of these, and deck themselves with loads of jewellery, gold bells and grelots as large as apples.76 Coming of age and pregnancy are also times at which spirits attack men. At her coming of age the Chitpåvan girl is treated with special care. She is seated in a wooden frame with lamps on either side, is decorated with flowers and ornaments, and is feasted with rich dishes. A Chitpâvan girl who is pregnant is not allowed to let her hair fall loose, or to go out of doors, or to sit under a tree, or to ride on a horse or an elephant.77 The Hottentots make their boys men at a feast, where oxen and sheep are slaughtered.78 Among the New Caledonians a girl's first monthly sickness is much feared; when the first periodical sickness comes on, the girls are fed by their mothers or nearest female relations, and on no account will they touch their food with their own hands. They are at this time also careful not to touch their heads, and keep a small stick to scratch their heads with. They remain outside the lodge all the time they are in this state, in a hut made for the purpose. During all this period they wear a skull-cap made of skin ; this is never taken off until their first monthly sickness ceases; they also wear a strip of black paint, about one inch wide, across their eyes, and hang a fringe of shells and bones. Their reason for hanging fringes before their eyes is to hinder any bad medicine man harming them doring this critical period.19 In building or entering a new house or church there is a danger of spirits attacking the enterer ; so the Hindas perform a ceremony, called rusti shanti or quieting of the spirit Vastu, before coming to live in a newly built house. The first person who enters a new church in Germany becomes the property of the devil. So they send in a pig or a dog.80
Among Hindus, at the beginning of any work, Ganpati, the lord of the ganas or troops is invoked, and some propitiatory rites are performed. All beginnings are special spirit-times. So Hindus take care to wear new clothes on a lucky day, and when they wear a new cloth they apply a little red powder to its edges, and sometimes offer a few threads from the clothes to their family god.81 In Belgaum, whee a Chitpåvan gets a new waist cloth before he puts it on he rubs turmeric and red powder on the corners. He then folds it, and lays it before the house gods, praying them to give bim a better one next year. He finally lays it across a horse's back before he puts it on. 3 Dharwar Madhva Brahmaņs, especially the women, will not take a new robe as a present unless the giver marks it with red powder.83 In Scotland, when a child wears now clothes for the first time, other children or the elders of the house pinch him, giving him what is called a tailor's nip. "A nip for new, a bite for blue" is a Durham rhyme for wearing new clothes. Originally, at the time of wearing a new coat, a glass of liquor was given, and if the wearer refused, a button was cut off. On the Scottish borders people never put on a new coat without putting money in the right pocket. 85
54 Information from peon Babaji. 16 Chambers's Book of Days, p. 720. * Hahn's Truni Goam, p. 52. # Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 121. * Information from Mr. Kalyanray.
Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 119.
75 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi, 17 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVIII., Part I., p. 144. ** Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. pp. 203, 207. 51 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 83 Information from Mr. Tirmalrio. * Op. cit. p. 119.

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New-moon and Full-moon days. - Spirits are believed to be more numerous and dangerous on new-moon and full-moon days than at other times. This belief is general among Hindu physicians from their experience that men suffering from special diseases have a great fear that their sickness will increase on the days of new and full moon.86 On all new-moon days Brahmans offer water and sesamum seed to their ancestors; and those who are very pious, called agnihotris or fire-sacrificers, kindle a sacred fire on all new-moon and 'fuil-moon days.87 Dlarwar Radders on all, except the December new-moon, offer fried cakes to the goddess Lakshumava, and throw cakes to the four quarters of heaven,88 In Southern India, on all new-moon days, Brahmans offer sesamum seed and water to their dead father, grandfather, and great-grandfather.80 On those new-moon and full-moon days on which an eclipse takes place the influence of spirits is said to be exceedingly high ; on these days Hindus dip their household gods in water that they may not be defiled, and lay sacred grass blades or basil leaves on their own clothes and food. When the eclipse is over, all bathe, and change their sacred thread, and any cooked food that may be in the house is thrown away. On eclipse-days many exorcists and wizards stand in water and repeat or study the mantrús or incantations which gire them power over spirits, and all new candidates for the study of exorcism, sorcery or witchcraft are initiated on eclipse days.90 The washermen of Mysore on the new-moon
shapeless stone, and occasionally feast in honour of deceased ancestors. Among the Musalmans, on the new-moon which comes after the new year, the blood of a goat is sprinkled on the sides of their doors.82 Fryer (p. 94) says (in !673) on a new-moon night the Musalman widows of Surat used to go to the grave to repeat a doleful dirge, and bestowed a sacramental wafer, and asked their prayers for the dead. No young Musalnian girl will go ont either on a new-moon or on a Thursday evening.
The Musalmans of the Maldive Islands rejoice when they see the new moon, and offer him incense, and fire guns. At the sight of the new moon the Hottentots crowd together, make merry all night, dance, jump, and sing.95 According to Pliny, monkeys and marmosets are sad and heavy in the wape of the moon, but adore and joy at the new moon, testifying their delight by liopping and dancing. The Peruvians had a yearls water-sprinkling on the first day of the September moon.97
Besides new-moon and full-moon days the other Hinda special spirit-days are Tuesdays, Saturdays and Sundays, the day on which the sun enters the sign of Capricorn, nine days in the month of Asvin (October-November), and the pitripaksha or ancestor's fortnight in the month of Bhadrapada or September. Hindu children are not allowed to go out at noon or in the evening on a Tuesday, lest they inay be attacked by spirits who go on circuit at that time. New year's day and the days at the end of the year are also duys on which spirits are numerous. So all Hindus in the Kônkin, on new year's day, rub their bodies with oil and sesamum, bathe, and then eat sugar and ním leaves. Among the Halvakki Vakkals of Kánara, on the (April) new year's day or yugade, commemorative rites for all the spirits of the dead are performed. 100 On the five extra days of the Persiau year spirits come back to earth. Among the Egyptians there were three unlucky or black days which were dangerous to man. Among the Chinese the beginning and end of the year together form a great spirit season. On the last day of the year, which is the day of the dead) bead of the house, the Chinese burn incense before their family tablets, and before dawn go to a temple, burn incense,
15 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII. p. 141. » Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi, » Fryer, 1673, Surat, p. 108. * Francis Pyrard, p. 99. $6 Pliny's Natural History, Book viii., Chap. 59. 9 Melia axarirachta. 10 Bombay Garetteer, Vol. XV. p. 206. • Jones' Crownu, p. 304.
7 Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. * Dubois, Vol. II. p. 22.
1 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. I. p. 338. » Information from Mr. Fazal Letfullah. * Haha's Touni Goam, p. 37. » Mackay's Freemasonry, p. 16.
Information from Mr. P. B. Joshi. 1 Dabistan, Vol. I. p. 327.

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and then visit friends and drink rice liquor. In the temple they make offerings of flesh, fowls and fruit, and make a troublesome noise with Chinese drums and tire-works. Illuminations begin on the first of the year, and on the thirteenth is a great feast of lanterns.3 0:1 new year's day the Chinese remain awake to keep spirits from coming. In Scotland, the month of May is unlucky; so it was in Rome. In Northumberland, the first man who came in after the old year was dead brought a shovel of coal or whisky. In England, in 1450, the twenty-eighth of every month was held unlucky.? In Saxon England, the last Monday of April, the beginning of August, and the first Monday of December were unlucky. It is unlucky to marry on Friday according to Christian tradition because Christ was crucified on Friday. The time of death is a great spirit-time. In Coorg it is believed that demon-spirits, called Kuli, carry off ancestral spirits at the hour of death. If people think that a demon has carried off an ancestor, they go to a medium who has power over the demon, and beg bim to force the demon-spirit to let the ancestral ghost free. The people of the house sit round the medium, who throws a handful of rice on them, and the ancestral spirit lights on the back of one of them, who falls into a swoon and is carried into the house. When the possessed person recovers, the spirit is supposed to have gained its right place in one of the family. If mourners come from a distance to redeem the soul of the dead, they do not fall in a swoon, bat the moment the spirit gets on the back of one of them all hurry home without looking back till the spirit and his carrier are enfe in the family.10 The belief that death makes the house unclean by turning it into an abode of bodiless spirits remains in England slightly Christianised. In Northumberland, the wrath of God rests on the death-visited house till the clergyman has come. Formerly the clergyman blessed a house after a death.11 Times of prosperity or triumph are special spirit-times. The Hindu on any accession of fortune must perforrn mindrites or sraddhas to his ancestors.13. Among the Hottentots the triumphing warrior is met by girls who sing, the priest cuts marks on his chest, and he is given a new name. 13 Among the Romans the triumphing hero was crowned with laurels, and close behind him Conscience in the form of a slave whispered "thou too art mortal."14
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA, BY PANDIT S.. NATESA SASTRI, B, A., M.B.L.S.
No. 45.- The Story of Kesava.
( A Variant of the Irechaustible Pag.) In the declining days of the Dvâparayuga there lived, in a certain village near the Kollimalai Mountains, a poor Brahman family, consisting of a husband and wife and half a dozen children. Most of the inhabitants of the villago wero more or less poor, and the poorest of all were the family just mentioned. Almost every day the father would go out begging and return with enough rice for a thin gruel. The hungry children had their portions first, and whatever remained was shared between the parents. None of these children was able to help the family in any way, as the eldest, was a boy of only thirteen years of age. For what after all could a Brahman boy of thirteen do in the way of helpiug his family ? For the caste rules at the end of the Dvâ parayuga were very strict. Ho could not dig nor bear a burden nor do any labour which could bring one or two fanams as wages. The only assistance he could 3 Careri in Churchill, Vol. IV. pp. 387-389.
• Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 252. . Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 34.
• Op. cit. p. 73. Jotles' Crotons, p. 308.
• Op. cit. p). S04. • Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 33; Dyer's Folk-Lore, . 241. 10 Rico's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 261. 11 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 63.
11 Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essaye, Vol. I. p. 204. 18 Hohn's Toni Goam, p. 23.
14 From MS notes

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render was to accompany his father with a begging bowl, and this he sometimes did. Thus the family had very hard days to struggle with, and at last the pangs of hunger had become go great that the mistress of the family took her lord apart one day and spoke to him thus with her eyes swimming in tears :
"O Kéśava, how long are we to endure this unisery ? Day after day and month after month, I have been most anxiously looking forward for a mitigation of our sufferings. But the great God has not yet been pleased. Surely we must have been the greatest of sinners in our previous births, and we must now try our best to alleviate our hardships by some penance. I will try my best to collect whatever may come in the shape of alms and maintain the children while my lord should go to some unfrequented spot in a remote jangle in the Kollimalai mountains and there propitiate the deity in such a way that our poverty will be removed from as in this birth. We must live above want for at least a few days before we die."
“ Agroed," said Kēšava, and on that very day he started for the Kollimalai mountains. He chose an unfrequented spot. Tigers and bears were howling round about him, but he did not consider them more dangerous than hunger. He sat down, motionless as the stump of a tree, with closed eyes. Birds warbled sweet notes round about him and beasts of prey howled, but he heeded nothing. His whole attention was in the contemplation of God. For months he remained in the same posture. His eyes once closed were never opened. He became absorbed in contemplation, and whether he suffered from hunger or thirst he never knew. Creepers sprouted up round about him, and encircled his neck, and birds built their nests on his hair. Thus passed ten months.
On the first day of the eleventh month a certain person in the garb of a mendicant stood before Késava and asked him to open his eyes. Kéśava obeyed and saw & most holy person standing in the shape of & sanyasin before him. He felt himself to be in the same state of health as when he had sat down for penance, but he knew not how long ago. The mendicant ordered Kêśava to relate his story. “My lord," said Keśava, “I am a pauper with half a dozen children. They are all dying of hunger. Give me enough to feed them on and to live above want. That is all my prayer."
"Undoubtedly, your request will be granted," said the great God, for it was no other than the Almighty himself who had come down in the shape of a sanyasin. Having thus spoken, he placed on Késava's head a bag of rice and ordered him to go home. He then disappeared. Keśava was greatly pleased at the dawn of divine favour on him, and, though weak, he had strength enough for the journey. He was very intelligent, and understood at once that the sanyásin before him was the great God himself.
So Keśava returned home with joy and reached his house at evening. He called aloud to his wife by name, and asked her to help him in taking the bag down from his head. She did so, but when he lifted op his head there was another rice-bag on it! That too was soon brought down. And as soon as it was taken down, there appeared a third bag. A foarth, fifth, sixth, bag appeared in succession, and were taken down, and then the matter grew hopeless. Bags began to appear ad infinitum, and poor Kêśava had no time to be relieved of his burden or to go in to refresh himself. He was thoroughly exhausted, and asked his wife to go in and give him something to eat, while he remained outside with his burdea.
Of course, there was no rice at home, but his wife took & small' quantity from one of the bags, and ground it into floor in a hand-mill. She collected the flour, but, though the whole quantity was collected into a small heap, more still kept lying round the mill! She now divined the secret and cooked what she had already collected into a cake in all haste, and returned to her lord with it and a little water to drink.
Keśava was standing with bot his hands uplifted holding up the bag. So his wife broke a portion of the cake and thrust the bit into his mouth. She also gave him a spoonful of

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water to help him to chew it. With all the difficulty of a heavy burden on his head Kekava managed to chew the bit of cake and thus swallowed his first nourishment for ten months. As soon as the first mouthful was gulped down, what was his wonder to feel a similar bit of cake still in his mouth. He showed it to his wife and she at once became alarmed. She gave him, however, another spoonful of water. Soon the second bit also was chewed and swallowed down. But again a similar bit appeared. His suspicions were now confirmed. Without end bit after bit of the same size as the first appeared in his mouth. He became exhausted after swallowing a dozen and fell down dead on the ground with the bag still sticking to his head, like a tree cat at the root.
The sorrow of the poor wife can be better imagined than described. The hundred bags of rice already lowered down from KSśava's head were lying in piles. She had given him only & bit of a single cake, and that had multiplied itself into a dozen and killed her lord. There he was lying a corpse with the horrible bag still sticking to his head.
The villagers had of course assembled and seen everything that had transpired. TO A certain extent they understood it and looked upon the death of Keśava &s a great calamity, But the dead body had to be cremated. So they made arrangements and prepared & bier of green leaves, and set ou it the body which had the bag still sticking to its head. Four stont men bore it to the cremation ground. The faneral pile was ready and the burden was set down. But there was at once a similar burden on their shoulders. They threw it down and again & similar burden appeared. They were bewildered and soon there were one hundred dead bodies of Kéśava lying on the ground, and still there appeared to be no hope at all of the matter coming to an end. They cursed themselves for having thus got themselves involved in Kēšava's affairs. The whole village was horror-struck.
It was at this moment that a sandysin suddenly made his appearance on the cremation ground. He approached the astonished villagers, and enquired of them the cause of their misery, and they related the whole story.
" Very well, my friends! Can you point out the original body of Kosava which you brought here from his house?” said the mendicant.
The villagers tried their best, but could not sacceed, for one body was so like the other. They pleaded their inability. The mendicant then poured a pot fall of water on all the dead bodies, when they all disappeared, and the original Kesava rose up with the bag still on his head. The astonished villagers now regarded the mendicant as a God sent to help them, if not the very God himself, and followed him with keśava and his bag to Kāśava's house. There they found Kegava's wife just recovering from her swoon, and on hearing the story of her lord's return, she fell down on the feet of the mendicant and begged of him to grant her her lord without the bag on his head.
"I shall do more than that for you, madam !" said the sandysin. He threw a handful of water on Kesava's head, and the bag dropped down.
The mendicant next demanded the original bag that was brought from the Kollimalai mountains to be pointed out to him. Here, too, there was the same inability and failure. So the mendicant poured a vessel fall of water on all the bags, and they all disappeared, leaving only one behind, which was the original bag.
"Let this single bag be emptied in your granary, and the contents of your granary will Aever decrease. The quantity that you take out will at once be replenished then and there, and thus you will live above want."
Saying thus the sanyásin vanished, and the whole village understood that it was all the work of God. They praised Keśava for his devotion and good luck, and over aftor Konya lived a happy man with his wife and children, and beyond want.

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NOTES AND QUERIES. BURNING IN EFFIGY.
India. The measurements are probably reserved LATELY three convicts in Port Blair from for an anthropological journal, but he gives Northern India had a dispute with a fourth, and good many interesting facts about the uncivilised were caught trying to wreak vengeance ou him as bill peoples. follows:
In some instances he could note a gradual ameThey made a figure of straw, to which they lioration of condition and a slight rise in the scale gave his name, and abused and beat it with of civilisation compared with a century or so ago. shoes. Finally, they took it to a latrine where For instance, the Kamkars of the Tinnovolly they made water on it, and were about to burn it, District no longer abandon a whole village when when the authorities came upon the scene and a death takes place and form a new settlement at necessarily interfered.
a distance from the old one; nor do they build R. C. TEMPLE. their straw hnts in trees to be out of the reach of
tigers and wild elephants, as they did at a very A NOTION AS TO THE PLAGUE IN BOMBAY.
recent date. Like many other degraded races, This is what I recently heard from the mouth
their muscular system is weak, and, curiously of an old woman from Bandra, a village some ten enough, for a jungle people, they seem to be very miles from Bombay.
poor shots with a bow and arrow. Almost their " It is believed that disease says it will go in only industry is basket-making, at which they advancu, but so also say the wind and the rain. are proficient. Other necessaries, such as knives, And thus a constant struggle between the three arrow-heads, pottery, and woven stuffs are obtainhas always gone on. At length it bappened that ed from Muhammadan pedlars. disease got the better of the other two, and it At Cochin on the west coast, the Black Jews (to wit: the plague) came in advance, and played are so despised by their white co-religionists that sad havoc throughout the Bombay Presidency.
regular marriages never take place between them. This dire disengo had been hardly got rid of, when Yet concubinage between white males and black another followed, namely, cholera, which also Jewesses is far from uncommon, with the result carried away people by handreds. The conflict that every gradation of colour from lightest to now only remained between the wind and the the darkest is to b
the darkent is to be found among the Hebrew rain, both of which wanted to be in advance of
population. the other. The monsoons began early, but as
The Maleers of the Anamala Hills - a short, quickly as cloude gathered and it was about to rain,
slight-built, brown, forest people the wind came howling and pressed the clouds
are not, as we
might imagine, hunters, but live on roots, chance onwards, 80 that the falling of the rain was
Carcases, and fish, which they catch in their checked: at least it did not fall in ench quanti. ties as it otherwise would have fallen. At times
hands, as they have no nets. They always the rain prevailed over the wind, in which case
marry within the village. About a hundred years there was a good downpour, with good results to
ago they used to burn their dead, but now this is
only done with old people, and the young are raan and beaat."
Gro. F. D'PENBA.
buried with the head to the south.
When a Badaga of the Eastern Nilgiri Hills CORRUPTION OF CHRISTIAN NAMES. is on the point of death, a small piece of money THERE is a Christian prisoner at Port Blair is placed in the dying man's mouth. He ought returned as “Venkatasawmy alias Chowtean, son to swallow it if possible; but if too weak to do so, of Samuel." Chowtean stands for Béwatian = it is wrapped up in a piece of cloth and tied to Sebastian. The ch in Chowtonn arises from the his arm. When dead his body is laid on a pile of well known difficulty that Dravidians have in wood with his ornaments and implements. Next distinguishing between ch and s.
morning a dance, lasting till midday, is perform
R. C. TEMPLE. ed by men in front of the pile; the sins of the NOTES ON SOUTHERN INDIA.
deceased are then transferred to a calf and the The purpose of Herr Schmidt's visit to the
pyre is ignited. On the following day the ashes Madras Presidency seems to have been to obtain
are thrown into a stream, and the larger bones anthropological measurements of the wilder hill
are covered with large stones. tribes still found there, and, generally speaking,
Geo. F. D'PENHA. to study the characteristics of the different races
[This is a characteristic also of all the Andamanete and classes of people that inhabit the South of Tribes. -ED.)

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CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 159.)
C.- Manipuri. THE connection between Manipûr and Burma is of old standing, and many groups of
1 Maụipûri families are to be found established all over Upper Barma. It is on this account that I have made such enquiries as I could into the interesting, if complicated, ponderary, pecuniary and accompt notions of the inhabitants of the Manipûr State ; an enquiry which is also otherwise of interest, as the conditions therein described are rapidly passing away and will probably have disappeared by the time the present youthful mediatised ruler of the State reaches his majority and is emancipated from the leading-strings of his British snperintendents. And if, as I think, the Manipur money system explains the divisions of Akbar's juldlas, 14 the enquiry becomes of general importance,
My sources of original information as to this language are more limited than one woald wish, and consist of: -
(1) Manipuri Grammar, Vocabulary and Phrase-book, Primrose, official publication,
1888. (2) Statistical Account of the Native State of Manipur, Brown, official pablication,
1873. (3) An educated Manipuri.
(4) Various Ponnas and Kabes of Mandalay.15 The Manipari Language can, however, hardly be said to bave been more than so perfcially studied by any writer whose work I have seen, and so I bave felt myself to be at liberty to represent the words thereof in the forms that they appeared to assume to me, irrespective of the statements of others.
"As described in the Ain Akbart and explained in the previous Section of this Chapter.
16 The Census Report, Burma, Vol. I. p. 150, calls the Pinpas Manipuri Brahmans, following the nsual notion on the subject in Burma, and the Kabès captives deported by Shinbyuyin in 1764 A. D. : the P3npas being immigrants of an earlier date. However this may be, it so happened that I saw a good deal of both Ponnas (Skr., not apcient, punya, Pali, puiña, pure) and Kapow while in Mandalay in 1887-89, and to a certain extent won their ounidence, visiting their templer, and being admitted to their ceremonies, which are so much to thom and were then, at any rute, ho carefully hidden from the outer world. I should say, from what I then anw and heard, that the Mapiparis in Burma are divided into Põnne, or higher caste Maniparts, and Kabès, or lower casto or " no caste" Manipurit I know that the Ponnis are not by any means all Brehmans, nor do they at all claim to be of that custe. The maiority are among themselves called Satris (Chhatris, i.e., Kshatriyas), and thoro are other casto distinctions among them. In Manipur itself the usual caste distinctions are recognised. The Kabo Wouvers, much Burmanised, of Estern Mandalay, also rooognised differences in caste status amongst themselves, and, beyond their common origin of habitation, had but little connection with the proud and exclusive Pinas. Mr. Eales remarks in the Consus Report that the reported difference in dialect between Pônpå and Kaba is more fanciful than reul, and is due to the creater Barmanisation of the one class over the other. In this I think he is right. I have MS. accounts of the Manipuri ceremonies given me by the people, written in the Bengali character, and they are practically the same for both classes. But Mr. Eales seems to think that the Bormanisation has been greatest among the Pönnte. rience was just the other way. The PÔnnA, I found, stuck to his race and language: was proud and exclusive and kept his blood pure. The Kabe, on the other hand, was free in his marriage relations and anxious to be absorbed into the prevailing Burmese population : many, to my knowledge, professing Buddhism, 48 opposed to their own ancestral modified Hinduism, with that object.
The Burmese word Porn is generally translated Brahman, and is perhaps usually understood in that sense vaguely by the Burman population. In Stevenson's Burmese Dictionary we have Poppima, Ponpe and PoppemA, translated quaintly ". Brabminess." But I do not think that outside of Burma the counterparts of the word have ever signified a Brahman. It has meant "pure, holy, righteous, a performer of the enjoined oeremonies," and was no doubt applied in Barma of old to the soothsayers and performers of ceremonies, who were real or supposititions Brahmana, - probably the latter.
The very interesting term Kabe, Cassay in many old books, requires an essay to itself for elucidatiou,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1893.
As to the peculiarities appearing in my pages: the palatals ch, j, sh, 8, ts, *, seem to be not clearly distinguished by Native speakers. E. g., the same man will say Saurjit, Chaurjit and Chaurzit indiscriminately. So also will he say sél, shél and sal, the á being distinctly palatal; senddbá and shend 16á; 1869 and jóp. Similarly the liquids rl, and are not easily distinguishable : e. g., lúpá and ripá equal "rupee." Land * are mixed up in pronunciation in the manner not at all uncommon in India and Further Indin. I have not noticed that any one has remarked the existence of sandhi in Manipûri, but that it does exist in an irregular form I have little doubt. E. g., sendíbú= sál + tábd: senmari = sél + mari. So sámá = 8+ amd, but on the other hand we have sani and sahům = si + ani and sá + ahúm. And many of the puzzling and unexplained inflectional forms given in the long list of sentences in Primrose's Grammar seem to me to be only explicable on the assumption that sandhi exists in the language.16
With these preliminary romarks I will plunge into the very troubled waters of Manipart account-keeping.
In Manipur itself there is only one recognised indigenous coin or form of currency, known as soll7 to Europeans and as makhai to the Natives, which is a very small rudedisk of bell-metal, i. e., a mixture of brass and tin, 19 usually roughly stamped with the word éri. It will, in the explanations following, be called by its established European name.
I have already shown (ante, Vol. XXVI, p. 290) how the method of caloulating the sol is based on the assumption that 400 sel = 5,000 cowries = 1 rupee, about 5,000 cowries to the rupee being of old the ratio of account exchange in these parts. The interesting point for the present purpose is to trace out how it came about that 400 sél were made to equal a rupee and to represent 5,000 cowries.
The standard soale for reckoning cowries is as follows (Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 2): -
4 cowries (kausis) are 1 ganda 20 gandas
1 pan 1 åņa (anna)
5 pan
400 cowries to the anna It will have already been seen that Akbar adopted 400 dams as the final division of his upper standard money of account, the gold jalals, which corresponded in weight to his upper standard Troy weight, the tola. It will also bave been seen, that the Nepalese
16 Sandhi seems to be heard and Beau sotagtimes in the larger numerals, 6. 9.,
20 is kul, & soore : then 80 is kurthri = kul + tire & score and ton. 40 is niphu, . e., 8 score : 60 is hamphu,, 6., 8 score : then 70 is hamphudr 1 (spalt hamphutard), s. e., 3 score and ten : 80 is mariphu, ..., 4 score : then
90 is mariphutard, i. e., 4 score and ten. The philology of Manipdrl is no doubt intoresting. E. g., there is a clear connection with many surrounding Nr words and with Burmese. It has, for instance, the Burmese accent : , and ngás, fish, is spelt in precisely the same way in both tongues. I also found arobaismo in it, now lost in Burmese;. 9., the Bur.nese, pwl, monk, the poongy (hard g) and ponjy, ponjee, of the Anglo-Indian, is spelt bunkris, and is in Manipurt pronounced pingrl. I knew one official, whu, seeing the word spolt phongyi officially, always called it fungy: as in fun, g hard. Just as the engineers on the Myit-nge Bridge, a large work, always called it Mingy : ng as in sing.
IT So writton, but the pronanciation is much nearer sal (o palatal). 1. The real meaning of the term all is bell-metal. Primrose, Grammar, p. 49, gives a phrase kôri-g
konngau- g y nna-raga
sel
ol-1 brass-out-of tin-out-of made-about-to-be bell-metal mixed-is. Bell-metal (oll) is composed of brass and tin.

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CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
171
have adopted the scale of 400 dâms to their apper standard money of account, the takká, which is the rupee and which weighs a lila.
Now it can be shown that there is no doubt about the origin of the Manipuri soale of 400 sál to the rupee of socount being directly due to the system of reokoning 400 cowries to the anna, and the sol of Manipar being the dam of Akbar's time and of modern Nepal.
In the first place the sol are reokoned for account purposes by fours, that is, by the equivalents of gandás, 19 in precisely the same way as are cowrios. The only difference is that ono sól -12) cowries, and therefore
sel are 50 cowries 8 , 100 12 ,
150 80 ? 1,000
400 · 5,000 » Now four sel are kuown by the name of " fifty," and multiples of four sel up to 400 sél ard known by name as multiples of 50; thus, the name for 8 oél is simply “one hundred :" for 12 sél "one hundred and fifty:" for 80 sél "one thousand." A rupee, s. e., 400 sél, is in reckoning known as "five thousand." This system of naming is not used for the intermediate denominations; i. e., 2 sél are not called “twenty-five;" nor are 8 sél called "371" nor are 6 sel called “75." Such denominations have a system of terminology resting on altogether a different basis. It is therefore clear that the sel are counted by fours, each four being in accounts equal to 50 cowries and called by that name.
The actual nomenclature is as follows:
Serial Nos. of quartettes.
No. of sel.
Name.
Sense of name,
50
100
150
200
yangkhain and yângkhai-amaa sâmás ... ... så må gångkhai... saui* ... ... sani gângkhai ... sahům ... ... Baham yongkhai sâmari ... ... såmari yângkhai
250
300
850
400 450
1 To reckon by gandag is to reckon by fours. Beames' Ed. of Elliot'. Glonary, Vol. II. p. 815: Grierson, Bihar Peasant Life, p. 430: Thomas, Pathan Kinge, p. 220.
* In the vernacular enumeration given by Primrose, Grammar, p. 80, all these terms are preceded by the word
: . ., 'l yang khai, sél chamd: but I did not gather that this is really the custom, ezoept when it is necessary to prevent obvions ambiguity. 11 Lit., one yang khai,
# $a, sd, cha, chd is the prefix for 100: cf. Malay sa. » Called by Primrose chans in Roman characters, but chali in Bengali characters: P. 30.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1898.
Serial Nos, of quartettes.
No. of sil.
Name.
Sense of Dene.
såmanga... ... ...
500 sâmanga yângkhai starok ... .. sátaruk yang khai sataret ... ... såtarêt yângkhai sânipân ... Bảniệân vângkhai sâmâpad... ..
900 samapan yang khai ...
950 lishing and lishing-ama
1,000 160 lishing-ani
2,000 240 lishing-ahîm ...
3,000 320 lisbing-mari
4,000 100
400 Jishing-mapg26...
5,000 The following comparison can now be made to clinch the argument as to how the scale of sel took its particular form:
Mari
...
Reckoning by cowries.
Reckoning by sól.
4. kausis are 1 ganda 20 ganda ,, 1 paņ 5 paņ , 1 âņa
4 sel a re 1 gångkhai 20 yângkhai 1 lishing
- 1 hủpa27
As I have already pointed out (ante, Vol. XXVI, p. 290), whon the revenge of Sifhet was paid in cowries, about 5,000 cowries were reckoned to the rupee. The actual reckoning in accounts was 5,120 cowries to the rupee. This came about by the use of another popular scale. In the Lilavati, as has been explained in the previous Section,
20 cowries are 1 kákint
4 kâ kiņi 1 pana 16 paņa
dramma 1,280
Chantipal in the Bengali characters: Primrose, p. 30. 38 Spelt lining and so transcribed by Primrore, p. 80. These terms mean really 1, 3, 8, 4 and 6 kching.
27 Written ripa. This is the recognised term for a ropee in Manipur : vido Primrose, Grammar, Panim. It must not be understood that a Mapipfiri would so express his soule if questione l.

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This scalo is preserved in modern times thus : 28
4 cowries are 1 ganda 20 ganda 1 pag 16 par » 1 kabawan
2,280
Now both the kahuman and the dramma of the Lilavali nre quarter tölas i. o., they are the equivalents in cowries to the quarter rupee, and therefore by this scale the rupee would be equal to 1,280 X 4= 5,120 cowries.
Both Eliot ard Beames have long ago explained that the yardá of account and the ganda of practice have never coincided ; nor, as a matter of fact have any other account and bullion denominations nominally the equivalents of each other. It is so with the sel. Sel, in practice as coins, havo hnd no fixed exchange with rupees, but the exchange has variod with the quantities of silver coin in the market from time to time. Thus in 1673 Dr. Brown, Manipur, p. 89, tells us that sel ran 428 to the rupee, so the usoal variation lying between 420 and 450 to the rupee. The nomenclature of the intermediate cenominations of the quartettes of 881 also shows that at one time, it is not so now, as will be explained later on, there must have been the same divergence between practice and account as regards sél as there is as regards gandds of cowries. That is, the wel of account was one half the coined sél, a fact which affects the mode of enameration throughout, thus: - In account " one sél" is called malih dio amá,91 i. e., "a half”: *two sél" are cnlled selama, ie, “sél one": "three sél" are called silamu malhai, i. e.,“ sél one and a half," and so on through all the minor denominations of each quartette. The full scale of enumeration is a combination of the names of the quartettes of fifties and of the just explained habit of counting the sel of account as half the coined sol, thus: -
Method of Enumerating sel.
Engliska.
Maniport.
Sense of the Manipiri.
fifty
makbâi-ami. ... ... ..
1 lugl selama3s and phaigak-am % 1 sel and 1 phaigak selama makhai ..
1 sél and a half yangklrai... ... yang khai makhai
fifty and a half selahům ... ...
3 sel l, ... ... Selaham makhai ...
... 3 sêl and a halt * Beames' Ea. of Elliot's Glossary, Vol. II. p. 515.
75 Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 816. + That is, the British rupee. Brown says that Burmese (peacock) rapoos were also current, but I was asuvad that it was considered a swindle to pass Burmero rupees in Mapipur.
ocording to Primrose. P. 30 n., but this expression would be, I gather, incorrect. » Also simply makhas. If it be necessary to prefix to makhdi for the sake of dearnce, the term becomes xnma thải.
* The words atlant, aflahom, and senmanga (sél + manyl) are treated as one word, i. e., as separate terms in the language
* Also simply phaigak. Kak is a term for the quarter gandd of India, = one in the scale of quartettes, whenon possibly phaigak. Bermes' Ed. of Elliot, Glossary, Vol. II. p. 316.

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174
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1956.
English.
Manipârti
Seurse of the Manipuri.
samat
5 sel
100 sama makhai
100 and a half senmanga... .. senmanga makhâi
5 sél and a half sîma yang bai ...
150 sima-yâng khai makhai
150 and a half seni sendába
200 less a set sani makhai-tâbâ...
200 less a half sans ... in
200 sani makhai
200 and a half sani phaigak ...
200 and a phaigak san-phaigak makhi
200 and a phaigak and a balf sani yảngkhai ... sani-yângkhai makhải
250 and a half sahům sendib& ...
300 less a sel sahům makhai-taba
300 less a half sabûm ... -
300 sahům makhai ...
300 and a half saham phaigak ...
300 and a phaigak And so on up to 32, 40, 48, 56, 64, 72, and 80 sél, each octave, or double quartette, following the system of nomenclature seen in the octave 16-24.
According to this motliod of reckoning, the coined parts of the Britisb rupee in silver would show in accounts as follows:
The Bupee in Manipurf Accounts.
250
English
Vulne in sél.
Manipurl.
Sense.
5,000
..
400 sél 200 sel- 100 sel
..
Rupee ... 8-anna piece 4-anna piece 2-anna piece
2,500
lishing mangh ... ... lisbing ani samanga lishing ama sapi yang khai. såtaruk“phaigalsss... ...
1,250
50 sel
600 and a phai
Par
ga
* Also stark stlama. SA The phaigak being 25 cowries, the expression = 625. Ita form arises out of the scale just given, by which l = 12 quartettes, i. e., 48 + 2 (phaigak) el.
50

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CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
175
And in fact these coins do so show in accounts.
It will be readily understood that such a system of reckoning and such a complicated nomenclature could survive into everyday use in practical life among an essentially uneducated people, only if the real meaning of the terms used be not present in the minds of those who use them. This is the actual fact, and the above enquiry is therefore only useful for the purpose of grasping the meaning and origin of the phenomena of the systom.
To the Manipuri, when reckoning money and setting down accounts the terms for his. coinage present thomselves to his mind merely as abstract words for onumerating it in A the quaternary scale: thus:--
1 sêl is simply a makhải 2 sel are simply a phaigak or selama
4 sel are simply a gångkhai This can be shown to be the case by the use of the terms
makhải-amâ for 1 sêi, lit., 1 makhai phaigak-am for 2 sêi, lit., 1 phaigak
yangkhni-ami for 4 sel, lit., 1 yang khai In this way the Manipuri reckons thus: -
2 makhîi are 1 phaigaks? or half-quartette
2 phaigak are 1 yang khai or quartette In the same mental attitude the Manipuri continues his rockoning up to 20 quartettes, which make a lishing, thus :
2 gångkhai are sâmå
sani
sahům
samari And so on by the terms for "hundreds." In precisely the same way five lishing make a lúpå, or rupee.
This abstract way of looking at the words used is also visiblo in the terms for the intermediate denominations for the odd parts of the quartettes, thus: -
3 sel are phaigak makhai, i.e., & phaigak37 and a makhái, or a half quartette and - & sêl.
5 sel are yângkhai maklâi, i. e., a yângkhai and a makhâi, or a quartette and a sél. The above terminology applies to the sél as a money of account.
For rookoning the sel as a coin the terminology is much simpler and more straightforward. Thus, the term for the coined sél being makhái, sél in the form of coin are simply counted as any other article would be, and in this way the terms for the British Indian silver coins are simplified down to the following: -
British Indian silver coins in terms of coined 801,
.
English
Manipurl.
Sense.
Rupee samari
400 8-anna piece sani ...
200 4-anna piece Bí mà . .
100 2-anpa piece ... ... ... yang khai ... ... ... ... 37 It being understood that silamd and phaigak aro purely synonyms: merely convertible forma,
50

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1898.
It will be observed that the meaning of all the terms used is thus duplicated, but in practical speech confusion would hardly ever arise. In case it should the full terms used are makhdi samari, makhai sani, makhai sámá, makhái yangkhai, respectively, meaning 400, 200, 100, and 50 sel (coined).
We now arrive at a point that is so puzzling to those who converse with Manipuris on money matters. The British-Indian silver pieces have long been current throughout the State and have names of their own irrespective of those given them in reference to their place in accounts and to the number of coined sol each contains; thus: - Names for the British-Indian silver pieces.
Rupee
8-anna piece
4-anna piece
2-anna piece
English.
Rupee
8-annas
4-annas
English.
2-annas
..
It is for the above reasons that there are in common use three names for each denomination of British-Indian silver money, thus: -
Concurrent Manipuri Terms for British-Indian Silver Coins.
Manipuri Equivalents.
Manipuri.
for the coins.
lupâmâ
makhai38
siki30
ânnâ
in cash.
1 rupee
half
lapi, lapāmi
sâmari sâmari. makhai and lûpâ-mukhâi, sani and makhai-sani
siki and lûpâ-siki
Annâ
quarter
anna40
Sense,
in accounts.
and makhai- lishing mangå
lishing-ani sâmangk
sâmâ and makhai-sâmâ.. lishing-ama sani-yângkhai
yankhai and makhai- såtaruk phaigak yankhai.
Copper money, British-Indian or other, has never, until quite lately been in use in Manipûr, and Brown, Manipur, p. 89, relates that an attempt to introduce pice in 1866 absolately failed, as the bazár women refused to have anything to say to it. The consequence has been that it does not clearly appear in the Manipârt language nutil British-Indian copper coins (except the pie) were generally introduced after the mediatisation of the State in
38 In full lapd-makhái, half rupee.
In full lap-siki, quarter rupee. In conformity to the liking of all Orientals for fractional expressions, siki manga or five siki, is used for "a rupee and a quarter."
40 This is due to there being no copper coin in the country. The people had no idea of the British-Indian anna and adopted the term to express the lowest demomination of silver coin. Since the troubles of 1891 the British-Indian copper money has been known generally and the term ánnd has come to mean one anna, as well as two annas, by a still farther complication explained below.
41 Women are the hucksters of the country to even a greater extent than in Burma.

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177
consequence of the troubles of 1891. Now, however, though the people were, when I enquired, still confused about the matter, the terms are: -
British Indian Copper Money.
English.
Mapipuri.
pice, quarter-anna piece half-anna piece ... one anna, foar-pice ...
paishâ, paishama paishậ-ani paisha-mari tâmr143
pie
...
...
....
...
...
It is known that the anna, s. e. four pice, equals 25 aêl (coined), and that therefore the half-anna, pice and pie are, as the people express it, & "& little more" respectively than the 12, 6, and 2 sél. It is for this reason that in their accompt nomenclature only a term for "anna" appears, that being sahin-maklidi.3
Since 1891 annas have been enumerated seriatim, as is customary in British India. thus:
one anna ... Annama two annas ... Anna-ani three antias... anni-ahům
four annas ... Anna-mari And so on. But it will be observed that some confusion is thus caused by the use of the same term for the British Indian anna and for the British Indian two-anna piece, as above explained. This will no doubt soon disappear, the latter sense of the word annd becoming of necessity forgotten before long.
That the enumeration of the annas on the British Indian plan was adopted by the Manipuris when dealing with Europeans befere 1891 is proved by a sentenco in Primrose's Grammar, p. 85, 1887, which runs thus :
Aingon- da rûpå-ama-dagi Anna ani tâmâ.pire Us (me)-to rupee-ope-from annas two back-gave
Gave me back a rapee less two annas, i. e., fourteen annas. The Manipäris cannot make ball-metal ond resort to old pots and pans, broken pieces of images and utensils, procured from British India, Assam (the Dêkhan of the Manipůris), and Burma; to old pieces dug up in their own country, and even to old sél of former coinages. They consider the best metal to be that from old Assamese implements and utensils. The minting of sol is well described by Brown, Manipur, p. 89:-"The metal is first cast in little pellets; these are softened by fire and placed on an anvil; one blow of the hammer flattens the pellet into an irregularly round figure; a punch with the word sri cut on it (in Bengali characters) is then driven on it by another blow, which completes the operation."
The minting of sel goes back to at least the middle of the last Century, perhaps to the days of Raja Pamhaibî,4 1714-54 A. D., when they were much larger than the present ones, - described as four or five times as large, the old sél being square in form. Those of Raja
il,
41 Damit is still the popular Indian word for the British Indian pal (pie).
43 The half anna could in no caso appear in the account scale, as the term available would be that for 12 which is already appropriated by the term for 18 ail: vide scale, ante, p. 176.
# The Gharib Nawaz of History. - In imitation of the neighbouring Assamese and Arakanceo coinages.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1898.
Karta (the Jai Singh of the Chronicles, 1764-98 A. D.) were twice the size of the present coin. They did not always have the word óri on them. E.g., those of Raja Karta were marked with ári and also with mo, i. e., the Bengali form of the letter , for "Manipur :" as also were those of his sons Saarjit, Mârjit and Gambhir Singh, of whom so much is to be found in Wilson's Documents of the Burmese War, 1827. Raja Noro (Nar Singh, 1834-50) marked his nel with ro, i. 6., the Bengali forn of the letter T. Since then the mark has been éri.
It is as well to note that Manipuri sól have more than once been largely forged by Kachári and Bengali traders.
Although it is clear from the Manipürt system of account keeping that cowries (likhól) must once, and that not long ago, have been the currency of the country, there seems to be no tradition even of the fact nowadays, and I could hear of no tradition as to when sel were introduced. Not even the Naga Tribes in the State use cowries - indeed the Nágas, like the Kachins and some Shâns about Burma, only recognise silver as currency, the annd, or twoanna piece, being the lowest denomination. I note, however, that Brown, p. 40, states that
the price of a wife (among the Tongkhul or Luhupå Någas) to those well off is one méthna (a buffaloe); others pay in cowries or Mayipûri sél about the value of ten rupees."
Brown relates, p. 89, a tradition that Saurjit “about 1815 coined silver of a square form of the same value and weight as the British rupee." It may be so, but I have never found confirmation for the statement. It is not a likely one, becadse the brothers Saurjit, Márjit and Gambhir Singh spent between 30 and 40 years in establishing and disestablishing each other on the throne, and none of them seem, about 1815, to have had anything approaching so firm a sont on it as to have time to trouble about the coinage.
The Manipuris have no indigenous avoirdapois scale, using nowadays the BritishIndian scale when necessary. The reason is that, until of late, the custom was to buy unwrought iron, brass and metals by measurement and not by weight, and wrought metal articles by the bargain. Like all the Further Eastern nationalities they have scales of capacity, buying and selling grain by basket measurement.
For their Troy weights the Manipuris bave borrowed the modern Indian scale of 96 ralis to the tola, explained in the last Section of this Chapter ; thus:
Manipuri Troy Soale. 2 tsôp50 (barleycorn) are 1 sàngning (abrus seed) 12 sångning
1 senmakhaima52 2 senmakhâimâ
1 selama 2 selama
, 1 sllani or mohar-makbai (f tola) 2 sêlani
„ 1 senmari51 or mohar (tôla)
96
seeds to the tola.
(To be continued.)
4 For the history given in the text of. Brown, p. 58 ff.
47 Traditions die out very fast in such places. Even the educated in Mapipur regard the Burmese War of 1825-6 as having occurred in the dim past, - much more than a hundred years ago ! The days of Pamhaibd (1714-54) Are spoken of as a very long time ago. 15 Luhup, Mapipart, a onp: Primrose, P. 18; Brown, p. 37.
For these scales see Primrose, p. 24 f. Taop is also jo p = Bengali job (jab), Hindt jau, Skr. yada. Cf. Skr. yutardja, Manipuri jubraj and jobrdj, the heir apparent, a title of which so much was heard during the troubles in 1891. The Pall form of this last word, upa. mija, gave rise to an amusing "Hobson-Jobson," in the " Upper Roger" of Pegu, once an important personage to whip-masters and travellers, notioed indeed in Yale, but not so fully as it might have been.
61 Spelt sél-makhlima and silmari.
1 It must be understood that s Manipürt would not thus describe his table, because son makhlima means one hall a : silama means one sél : sélani means two o'l: senmari means four sl.

Page #185

JULY 1898.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
179
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARD. Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Contined from Vol. XXVI. p. 192.)
IRREGULAR VERBS. 170. Here follow the Irregular verbe, according to Mp. It should be noted that several of them are quite regular. Some of them do not agree with Elmslie's Vocabulary, or with Np., in their vocalization. [In the original, the various forms are given in the Persian character, without transliteration. As this does not show the pronunciation, I have endeavoured to remedy the defect by transliterating. Many of the forms given by Mp. are incorrect. In cases in wbich the forms are clearly wrong, I have corrected them. It is no use repeating erroneous forms. I am responsible for all footnotes to this list.-G. AG.]
: Irregular verbs (according to Mp.).
Imperative
Meaning. Infinitive.
Pres. (Fut.) Part. Pert. Pass. 2nd sg.
Aorist Srd sg. 3rd sg.
ödarun
w of doun wyko; dzmávan [uplatoun content asun
to knead, oder odari mix flour to be andsid to try, to asmdv demdvi
tempt ! to enter ad
atet to laugh to tremble
ôdarmat hamut ásmövmut tadmut
osmut
alnas الن
alyomet.
to bring
ans
onmat
wí anun w buzun wis bàsun
Il to roast,
busi
buamat
áxmovun tsdv] osun (08) alybo oron (om) busun búsun byútk protshun (protsh) pradyov prazalyov
büs
bázi
bemut
behun بهن
W
pratshun
Pradun پرڈن
1 fry
to set beh to ask
pratsh to drip
prad to shine prawal to recognize partan to be born pras to read par to entrust pushar to fall
behi pratshi pradi praxali paraani prasi
byúthmut protshmut pradyomut praxalyðmyt
Praialux پرز
و پرزان aran n
partoumut
parzonun
(parzon) pyáv]
prasun پرشن]
Pyúmut
U
parun
pari
por un
pormut puskarmut
pushgrun شرن
peux پین
pushhari peyg19
pusharun
(pushar) руаие
pek
Pyaumut
Uttachhun
to pare
tachh
tachhi
tochhmut
tochkun (tochk)
11 sg. pema

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180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1998.
Infinitire.
Meaning.
Imperative
2nd eg.
Pres. (Fut.)
Srd eg.
Perf. Part. Pass.
Aorist 3rd sg.
tulun si túlun vislej thávun
th2
cheus چین :chirus چیرن clhakiup چهکن
tráp
tadrun چاژن
taári
ular tsagun
tgombun چمبن
taalunt چلن
tsal
tsol
2
/
wybó trávun to leave tráv trávi trôumut trồoan (trồe) to bear tul
tulminat, f. tuj-tuulun (tul)
mats to lift up tuli túlmut
telun to possess tháo thavi thêm tụt thีขนะ to drink chek
cheyi20
chyaumuta chyauna3 to squeeze chir chiri chyürmut chyúrun
ont
to scatter chhak chhaki chhokm ut chhokun whes chhalun
to wash chhal chhali chholmut chholun contestsúpun to gnaw
trápi teốpm ut tsópun to pick up tsar
tsórmut tsorun to cat
tsa!
tsaţi tsotmut tsotun to bore tsomb tocmbi tsomóment
tsombana to flee
tsali tsolmut to taste tsah tsahi tsohmut23 tsohun23 to crush
tséļi tsyütmet tayatun to burn
dazi dodmut dod to give
diyi24
dyutmut dyutun to sweep
duri ฝันเหut dนหนาว to protect
rachhi rochhmut rochhun to cook rani ronmat
ronun to remain
rúdmat
rúd to know แพร่ số mat
zonun to be born
zámut
Eณีวร to sew
Sumut
suvun to sleep shong shongi shong mở
shong wiférun to wander
fyllrmut fyúr (pharm) 20 1 sg.cheme. 21 Elmslie, Wade, chaumut.
22 Wade, chau. 23 Elmslie, toul. 241 sg. dimg.
25 Pres. Part, cevan. The forms of this verb are taken from the Kalmtra-fabiamy'tta. The original has Imperat. Psg. riv, Fat. 3 sg. riwi; 89 Elmalie.
26 1 sg. Eema. .
tset
wo tsahun oktan tsetun wjó dazun wa diun os} Quvun
du
viz's rachhun
rachi
ranwala رتن
ran
rastan روزن
Tôi
wil; zánun
wij zeun osa suvun
zeh
#by:26
DED
suvi
alonguna شنگن

Page #187

JULY, 1898.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
181
Infinitive.
Meaning.
Imperative
2nd sg.
Pres. (Fat.)
3rd sg.
Perf. Part. Pass.
Aorist 3rd sg.
flatan فهن
to split
phati
phomut
pho!
(phatun)
fhutun
to break
phuţi
phutmut
phul
(Phufun)
flollwul نهلن
to bloom
pholli
phollmut
pholl
to strain,
filter
phián
phiami
| phồn mút
phiômu
(phollun) w fhiánun 27
(phiánun) us kadun
kadi
kod mut
kodun
karun کرن
kari
korinut
korun
was kaskun
kashi
koshmut
koslun
khanun هتن
khani
khonmut
Ichonun
wie kleun
khey128
khyaumut20
khyaun29
gatal
gatshi
gomut
gaur
gatehun کچهن
galus تن ganzarena گنورن
gali
golmut
gol
gandan کندن
ganzari gindi gandi
USS
gandun
ganzarmut gyandmut gondmut gohmut loymut lobmut
gali
to drag out kad to make kar to itch kash to dig khan to eat kheh to go to melt gal to count ganzar to sport gind to bind gand to grind gah to strike láy to take to live to write to pull to lick to reap to be worth to slay már to esteem
mán to be foolish mat
galun30 گهن
lagun لاين labun لبن
ganzarun gyandun gondun gohun löyun lobun i asts1
láyi labi
w lasun
I lasi
lústmutsi
U
likhun
likli
lyukhun
w
lamun
lami
lyukhmut lommut lyuumuts2
lomun
Lewun
โปูนบนทิ้ง
levi lôni
lannu تونن
lunmut
lánur
w
layun
lay
loy
layi mári
loymut một
mörun
y lo márun wilo mánun
máni
muan
ces de mature
monmut matymut
mati
matyov
27 The Kalmfra-fabdanrita gives phidrun. * Elmslie, guhun.
* 1 sg. Whom
Elmalie, lood
19 Wade, kheồmut, khedro. n Elmslie, lyo.

Page #188

182
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1898.
Infioitive.
Meaning.
Imperative Pres. (Fut.) 2nd sg.
3rd sg.
Part. Part Pass.
Aorist 3rd sg.
to rab
math
mathi
mothmut
mothun
wric mathun
mutsarun
mutsar
mutsari
mutsormut33
' mutsorun33
to open to die
U
marun
mar
mád
mari múdmut or
mumut milankvi milanówut
w, lilo milanárun
ราใaาชเท
to mix to ask
milanév 1.10ng
mangi
| mongun
w
mangun natun
nal
nati
nályov
namnun نمن
nam
nami nêri
namyov
mongmet naty6umut namyonut dramut nyúmut35
nêr
dráv
to tremble to bow to go out to take to spread to stand op to be fat
w nếrun wij niun
nyin
watharane وتهرن
miy434 wathari
wathormut
'wathar wooth velh
vathorun woth :
toothi
weij wothun ut, vethun
toothmut
vethyonut
vethyôv
vethi Detsi
et sur رچن
vyutsmut
vyuts
wad
wadi
wodun
scadan ودن outdun وان
wodmut wudyomut
budi
woudyo
cmag wasun
to be con- vets
tained to weep to fly wud to descend was to speak aran to plant,
wov SOW to weave won
wasi
wothmut 86
wot/*
wanane وی
wani
won mut
woonun
zrovmut
WOWOK
wy, wovun weiss wõnun
goหม่ ตากว่ hári
wünmut
หนีหun
harun هارن
to let fall
hdr
hörmut
hdv
hovmut
ผืนนm hechhun hekun
1 horun
kówun hyuchhun hyukun
hecha
hechhi
hyuchhmut hyukmut
hek
hekil
custá hokhun unió hunun
hokh
hokhmut
hokh
to show to teach to be able to be dry to swell to take to wish to come
htun
hokhi huni heyiz? yitski
heum فین
heh
hunyomut hyotmut yutshmut
hunyor hyotun yutshun
yitalนาม
its yih
[w! yun
yiy:88
dv]
* Elmslio, mutnur.
* 1 sg. nime.
Wade,
umut.
Elmalie, touth.
" 1 ag. f. heme.
1 g. yime.

Page #189

JULY, 1898.]
APPENDIX I.
180. Examples of Aorists and Pluperfects:
atsun, to enter; aor. 3 pl. f. l teaye.
vie "
to bring; aor. 3 sg. m.
tohi onva, by you;
(1)
(2)
انن
(5)
(6)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
anun,
thee; 3 sg. m..
onuk, by them; 3 sg. f. u
3 pl. m.
تهران
tami an,
timav ani, by them;
(12)
(13)
me on, by me;
تهران
(7) bakhshun, to give; aor. 3 sg. m.,
by him;
(3) sadarávun, to wet (causal from, adar, wet); aor. 3 sg. m. adarovan, by him.
anik, by them.
(4) garden (causal of 4 berus, to divide); aor. 3 pl. m. bogarovik, by them.
bachun, to be saved; 3 pl. m.,
thee;bakhshunas, by him to him;
timav on, by them;
itse onut, by
íí asé an, by us;
bachyey.
bacharious (canaal of No. 5), to spre, to help; aor. 3 pl. m. w behrlein, by him.
(8) badalan, to alter bosself; plup. 3 ag. f. bedelly
-1
him to them (in which tami precedes, but is separated by a 3 ig. 1. Atom bakhel, by him.
183
banyey. byth : 3 pl. m.
All collected by the author in the course of reading.
do me bakhshuy, by me to timan bakhsh, by af to, and);
(10) balun, to become well: plap. 3 sg, m. balyov; 3 sg. f. balyéyą; 3 pl. m. !! balyéy.
.belgravin, by him براون : tami belaravi, by him ثم بكراو
انت
ادروون
V
(9) baḍun, to become great, to increase; plap. 3 sg. m. 3 badyov: 3 pl. m.
badyly.
با گرارك .
.Bitha بيته
بچراون
(11) balaravun (causal of the preceding), to make well, to heal; aor.
3 pl. m. banun, to be, happen; aor. 3 pl. m.
behun, to sit; aor. 3 sg. m.
باییه

Page #190

184
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1898.
(14) Wy lik bihanávun (causal of the preceding), to put down ; aor. 3 sg. m.
szyher bihan@vuk, by them. (15) w's tózun, to hear ; aor. 3 sg. m. wjs: búzun, by him ; (neat.) ja pa
tami bús, by him; jsi sa timav bil, by them ; oszi búzuk, by them ; se dei tohi búswa, by you: 3 sg. fem. jo par tạmi búa, by him ; 8 pl. fem.
si pá tạmi bôzą, by him ; o su timav Dórą, by them. (16) fx pratshun, to ask (the person asked is pat in the dative. It is hence con
strued impersonally); aor. 3 sg. neut. protsh. woj pó tami timan, (it was asked) by him to them, he asked them ; wab yotimav tas, by them to him, they asked him; u pitami protshuk, by him to them, he asked
;tame protehtanas, by him to him, he asked him تم پرچهس ; them
تم پرچم
tami protshus, by him to him, he asked him; oli protskunak, by him to
them, he asked them. (17) wilma protshandvun (causal of the preceding), to make to ask (the person asked in the dative); aor. 3 sg. nent.
protshanounas, by him to him, he made him ask. (18) wah parun, to read; aor. 3 sg. neut. vem da tohi porwa (it was read by you),
you have read; negatively and interrogatively, u tohi porwa-ná. (19) 's prazalun, to shine ; plap. 3 sg. m. 'prazalyốe. (20) wish parzanáwun (causal of wit parranun, to recognize), to test; aor.
3
sg. maa .toman parzani60 تو پرزور .
(21) w pakwn, to go, to wander (with đió patą, to follow; with a tige bomh, to pass
by; with wet wenst trikun pahan,co to wander farther); aor. 3 sg. m. Las poku, wé pok; 8 8g. fem. or pack; 1 pl. m, výpaki 2.lp m. és
polite , 8 Pl. pl. Lem & ;ܬ݁ܘܢ ܝܳܫ . .ܗܘܘp ܗ݈܀ .
(22)
y pewn, to fall; aor. 3 sg. m. sé pylli x piv (pronounce peo) (the correct form is goa pyaruv]; 8 ng. £. donepoya; 8 pl. m. kot pysy.
["* Elmalie, Oryor pakun, to wander.]

Page #191

July, 1898.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
185
(23) og phutun, to burst, to be rent ; aor. 3 sg. m. bé phuộ. (24) Osiya phutarávun (causal of water in phularun, to break, tr.); 3 pl. f.
wy'y phuţaráven, by him.
(25) Wyphérun (urt pherun), to turn oneself ; to turn back; to wander; with
w kun (governing dative), to turn towards someone ; with buth, to turn away from someone (dat.); with put, to return; ( shuhrat, to be spread abroad (dat.) ) ; aor. 3 sg. f. phir, phir.
(26) Ugi tarun, to go across, to cross; with lapor ( yapar), to go across, to
pass over ; (, navi kyat, in a ship). wg li trávun, to leave, discard ; send forth; let go ; make over ; with w; bon,
to let down; with a nebar, to thrust out ; with sy rúd, to cause to rain, to send rain ; with my wat, to make room ; aor. 1 sg. m. di contigi dan too trôuthao bo, by theo ; 3 sg. m. ui pas tąmi trów, by him ; se si duí asi trov, by as; wengi trīdun, by him ; uy, sú tròvuls, by them ; des trówn, by
you : 3 sg. f. wj tu trôvan, by her ; 3 pl. m.0, Ty trồvik, by them. (28) wli tulun, to lift op, bear; with of thod, to raise (the eyes); aor. 3 sg. m.
Justo me tul, by me: 3 sg. f. ek pal tami tuj, by him ; elp tująk, by them : 3 pl. masc. o'gli tuliwa, by you ; ou tulik, by them : 3 pl. f. dana pítami tuje,
by him ; v tujewo, by you ; elu tujek, by them. (20) wsa thavun, to set, to pat, to place; to possess, to havo ; with ulj nád
(voice), to call, name (dative of person) ; with wus w_tal "dubrit (dubrun, to hide), to conceal under something ; aor. 3 sg. m. wyti thapun," U3+3 thovun, by him ; « skovuk, by them ; 3 sg. f. pusi thạcam, by me : wgti thavan, by her or him ; Jei pai tami thav, by bim: 3 pl. m. ou par
tami thạot, by him ; 3 pl. f. Egér thavet, by theo. (30) wyhai thárun, to be terrified (hurried] ; plup. II., 3.8g. m. eséj 4 tháryov. (31) Wyat shaharun, to be standing, to abate (of wind); plap. II., 3 sg. m.
ghaharyov +- 3 sg. f. du veti ghahary@ya.
[From wigol we should expect noriat mase. to be always maeculipe form with a instead of o is certainly wrong.)
thou, and never gethav. The singular

Page #192

186
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(32) châvun (causal of tabi cho by us: 3 sg. m.
4 chovun, by him,
(33) 44 chhalun, to wash; sor. 3 pl. m. 4 chhalin, by him.
[JULY, 1898.
cheun, to drink), to give to drink; 1 sg. m. bo, by you 2 g. m. 4 chovu tog
(34) chhakun, to scatter; aor. 1 sg. (impersonal) chhokut, by thee.
(35) tsárun, to collect; aor. 3 pl. f. tsûrek, by them.
(36) isáhun, to taste; aor. 3 sg. m. tami teuh, by him [should be tsóh].
(37)
tsotun, by him.
(38)
tsatun, to cut; to pluck, gather; aor. 3 sg. m. tsalun, to flee (dative of person from); aor. 3 sg. tagli, with suffix toglie.
m. Ja tsol : 3 pl. m.
chhokum, by me;
(39) 18hunun, to throw; with JU nali, on the neck, to dress, to put round somebody's (dative) neck; with 1 trôvit (3 trávun, to abandon), to throw
márun, to kill), to kill; with
away, to pour out, to let go; with kadit (kaḍun, to drag), to drive out, to expel, to tear out, to persecute; with si nád, voice, to call, to name; with tsatit (teafun, to cat), to cut off; with
môri
(
khet (tekhyun, to eat), to eat
; tohi tehhuncam, by you to me هر چهنوم تم و چهنگی :
up; aor. 3 sg. masc.
timav tshunhas, by them to him; 3 sg. f. 3 timav tehhun, by them :
چه ; tehhunik, by them چهنك ; timan tehhune, by them تمرهن .pl. m 3
tehhunin, by him.
333
(40) doburávun (causal of 5 doburun, to bury), to get buried; aor. 3g. f. doburbeak, by them.
(41) dapun, to say, speak (dative of person addressed): aor. 3 sg. (impersonal) toi dep (dep), by him; dopun, by him; timar dopus, by them to him, dopnas, by him to him; dopak, to them; dophas, by them to him; ela dophak, by them to them; tami dopuk, by him to them.
42 [So Elmslie. We should expect teh.]
پس

Page #193

JULY, 1898.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
187
(42) wys diun, to give; to permit, allow (with infinitive); with ou nád, voice, to
call (dat. of person); with eyes khuntu, to vex (dat, of person); with mit khabar, news, to notify; with aja badalą, to requite; witho san barglary, to break into a house (place broken into in the dative); with wla hisád, to give an account ; with polar ta'lim, to instruct ; with jina hishir, to compare (with you sút); aor. 3 sg. masc. was dyutus, by him ;
ديتوه ;ma ayulum, by mo مه ديم ;tawa dyut, by him تم ديت dynature, by
you ; pštro na tohi dyutwam, by you to me ; ces dyutuk, by them ; de como pi tạmi dyutuy toe, by him to thee; contro per tąmi diutus, by him to him ; was por tani dituk,“ by him to them ; cuárzó dyutlukas, by them to him ; 3 pl. m. wys ditik, by them ; 8 ng. f. au phí tạmi dite, by him ; weg ditaan, by him ; 8 pl. f. cebu timav ditaq, by them ; we ditsan, by him; eløg ditoak, by them; 8 sg. plup. II. (impersonal) was ditsốo ( w timan), it had been given to them : causal wyks dydvun.
ratun, to grasp, seize, lay hold of; metaphorically, to grasp, understand; with uh tal, to choke under (something) (Matt. xiii. 22] ; with Jyo mól, a root, to tako root (Matt. xiii. 6); aor. 3 sg. m. ***; rofwa, by you; wyty
roßwas, I by you ; county rotun, by him ; t, roļ, by him, by thom; ut, - rotuk, by them ; 8 pl. m. 2. rafik, by them ; 8 pl. f. aos rache, by them. ,, ralanávun (causal of the preceding), to cause to seize ; aor. 3 sg. m.
!
matandenim, by me رینووم rafenon, by him رئنور ; ,ratanevadk رتنووت :
by them. (45) wiss rómun, to remain, to stop oneself, to be remaining anywhere, to dwell ;
with wiss wodand, to stand still ; with jbció muntazir, to wait for some one ; with w34 bâqi, to remain, to be established ; with a sblá khátir jam', to be of good courago ; with your khabardar, to be on one's guard;
aor. 8 sg. m. ssj rúdu (rúd): 3 sg. f. ;ss rús : 3 pl. m. sgrádi . wil; xdnun, to perceive, to know, to understand ; to observe, suppose; with
etia haqir, to consider mean, to despise ; with commi pánas, to consider one
45 [Dyutul in paradigm, which is correct.]

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188
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1898.
self to be such and sach; with tis.dj na-keñh, to consider as nothing, to despise ; aor. 3 sg. (impersonal usj saj timav zôn, by them ; oss} zonuk,
by them; -,; zónut, by thee. (47) uses tifhærávun (from *' x'j zyk!, long), to extend ; aor. 3 sg. m. , ***
harov. (48) Maj zeun, to be born, arise ; aor. 3 sg. m. glj záv. (49) wij zệnun, to win ; aor. 8 pl. fem. din; zēne, by him. (50) walitoa sapanun, to be, happen ; with Job qabill, to be accepted ; with wise
kháráb, to be ruined ; with zgú dûr, to go to a distance ; with gojam', to assemble together ; with sily's rawáng, to set ont; with Jals dákhil, to enter ;“ nor. 8 sg. m. ut sapon : 3 sg. f. cum o sapqñi (cu un sapąí) ; 3 pl. m. ut om sapani.
. (51) won samun, to meet, assemble ; aor. 3 sg. m. + suff. l, alam samuk (to
them); plup. II., 3 pl. m. commé samyêu ; 3 pl. f. de ce samy@ya. (52) w ins sambálun; to repair, add on ; aor. 3 pl. f. um lain sambájek, by them. (53) wisó sorun, to send, send away, dismiss ; aor. 3 sg. m. jg sila : 3 86. f. joo
súz; 3 pl. m. wigu süsin, by him ; igogai pas tami, timav súzi, by him, by
them; jg susik, by them ; 3 pl. 4. O'íyá sózak, by them. (54) wikik shonjun, to sleep ; aor. 3 pl. m. Chia shongi ; 3 pl. f, data shonje. (55) wäga jó formádun, to order ; to say (applied respectfully, of a great person
speaking) ; aor. 3 sg. (impersonal) szobá pó tami formid, by him; wigo wa
formidun, by him; go formadwa, by him, you. (56) Is kadun, to drag ont, tear ont, cast out (with wins tshunun), send forth ;
with alzó múla, to root out (funditus evertere); aor. S sg. m. pí tạmi kod,
by him; ustas koduk, by them : 3 pl. m. ts del asi kadi, by ns. (57) comis kanın, to sell ; aor. 3 sg. m. uís konun, by him.
-
" Sapax is used for forming intransitive and reflexive compound verbs, just as karun is used for transitives.
* LOW romuk would be the correct form if it existed: but the verb is a non-listed intransitive one, and the form used is gydow samyte.) .

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JULY, 1899.]
(58) karun, to make (compounded with many Arabic and Persian nouns; e. g., qaid, to imprison); aor. 3 sg. masc.kor, by him; korut, by thee; korum, by me; u korun, by him; korwą, by you; koruk, by them; korunak, by him to them;
korus, by him to
122
him; kornas, by him to him;
timav kari,46 they by them;
karin, by them;
فید
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
کرنس
(65)
(66)
(63) 45 kheun, to eat; with
گرنس ; tohi boroas, by you he مه گرون ; kor tae, by her to him امر کر
(59) karandvun (causal of the foregoing), to cause to make; aor. 3 sg. m. karaudet, by thee; 3 ag. f. sharanbook.
khati [3 ag. f. 4 khats; plup. II., 3 sg. m. causal ef kláraávum.)
(60) 45 khárun (causal of 4 khasun, No. 61), to cause to ascend, to lift up, to draw up, to fetch; aor. 3 sg. m. khirak, by them. (61) khasun, to ascend, mount; to rise (of the sun); to survive anything (e. g., a disease); aor. 3 sg. m. Shot (was hot): 3 pl. m.
khatee). (Double
(62) khátsun, to fear; aor. 1 sg. m. khátsu (khits); 3 pl. m.
1132
3
on, wear (clothes); with
8g. m.
گروه
to graze; aor. 3 sg. m. stes khyar, 7 by him or them; by them: 3 sg. f. 45 kheyan, by him.
korunawa, by him to you; aor. 3 pl. m.. karik, they by them; karit, by thee;
barihas, by them to him.
ثم (تو) لوئی
189
(3) tymi logun, by him to her;
. .to haitans & ag به کهوچی .khates کهرچ
qsi logi, we were hired.
كرك
(64) khyavun, to cause to eat; with khuntu, to vex any one; aor.
2 sg. masc. 45 khyovuk, thou by us.
gandun, to bind; aor. 3 sg. f. w
gandan, by him.
lágun, to plough, to thrust against, to put against; with 43 athą, a hand, to apply the hand, handle, touch; with &J nali, the bosom and neck, to put
5
khantu, to be vexed; with a gása, grass,
8345
46 [The original has kor throughout the pl. which is an evident slip.] [The Kasmira-sabdAmrita gives ekhy ́v (kryauv).]
,hyok كهيون
masuri, to labour, to hire, employ on hire; aor. (timas) 18g (169), by him, by them; lôguy, by him to thee: 1 pl. m. 35 (-1)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1898.
(67) vy láyun, to striko (with dative); with his peth, to lean upon ; with los
thápar, to give a blow ; aor. 3 sg. m. ex loyun, by him ; có ý royny, by him to thee ; comes gj lôywhas, by them to him; olej lôyuk, by them ;
3 pl. m. . lôyihas, by them to him. (68) " labun, to tako, receive ; to find; sor. 3 sg. m. e Lobut, by theo ; wo
tami lob, by him; v lobwa by you; 3 sg. f. lạbąk, by them. (69) wWladun, to build; to load; to fill up, with a gaid, to put in prison ; with
de les salibi, to crucify; aor. 8 sg. m. w tąmi lod, by bim; ww lodun,
by bim. (70) lagun, to be, become; to appear, arise; to begin (with infnitive feminine);
to be fit; to be bound (dat.); with our qaid, to be imprisoned; with do bochki, hunger, to be hungry (dative of subject); with eyes khúñes, to be vexed ; aor. 3 sg. m. Blogu (1 109); cmé logus, to him ; 3 sg. foe
laj: v tająs, to him ; 8 pl. m. Úlage; 3 pl. f. de loje. (71) Uslo marun, to slay (causal of usé marun, to dio) ; aor. 3 sg. m. wassado
su môrwa-n, he, by yon ; ; só mộruk, by them ; 8 pl.m. o, io môrik, by them. (72) lolo maranávun (double-causal of the preceding), to get slain ; aor. 3 pl. m.
ا
maranirin, by him مارنا رن .
(73) Wilo mánun, to accept, approve, esteem; to consider, hold ; to comply with ;
with phá hukum, to obey'; believe in; to hearken to anyone ; aor. 3 pl.
(impersonal) iga mõnus, to him. (74) Usko mutsarun, to open ; to unlocse, looseu ; aor. 3 sg. f. (causal], Tim
mutsarov, by him. (75) wym marun, to die ; aor. 3 sg. m. ugó mádu (ugé müd); 3 sg. fem. ça moye :
3 pl. m. ugó múdi.
[Wade gives, aor. 3 sg. Je mud (should be gomúd); plup. II., 3 sg. m.
میوو maryou should be مريو و moy60); perfect part. pass medmat مودمت ,
(should be cosyo múdmut).] (76) wke mokalun, to be or become free; plup. II., 3 sg. m. spalio mokalyov. 77) wyse mokaldoun (causal of the preceding), to set free, help, rescue ; to
finish, conclude (with part, absol.); with cu nish, to secure (against any. one) ; aor. 3 pł. f. s, kopš tąmi mokaláre.

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JULY, 1898.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
191
(78) Whio mangun, to ask (aco. of thing, dat. of pers.); aor. 3 sg. m. whio mongun, by him ; 3 sg. f. ustó
tami manj, by him. (79) usko milavur, to add, to mix; to meet ; to become one with anyone (esco vút,
with); aor, 3 sg. f. uglo milavan, by him, (80) ose mêlun, to meet, obtain ; to go to meet (dat.) ; with aj ne, to have lost, to loose ; with st, to meet; to compare oneself; to reconcile ;
lo milit rôzun, to add to anything; aor. [3 sg. m. Jose wynl] 3 sg. f. auto míj; 3 pl. m. co mili. (81) up nateun, to dance ; aor. 3 sg. (impersonal) . nolo; 2 pl. m. osp natsiwa. (82) wjui nyavun (causal of ww ni un), to cause to take; aor. 1 sg. m. (44) was das
toki nyôr-as (bo), I-by you. (83) wyai norun, to go out, to come out (also used with W nebar)'; with inf. fem.
of purpose ; aor, 2 sg. m. Olgu drák ;' 3 sg. m. glu driv ; 3 sg. f. d
drye ; 8 pl. m
دراي .
dragi : 3 pl.f drage; with suf درا به . . س .
دراس
drás (where we should expect ure's dráyo-s).
نين (84) newtn, to take, bring, carry; with
18r, to run دور karun کون نین دین ;
niun diun, to traffio ; with long we panun wirág, to inherit ; with up torrt, to steal : with all j lúga, to rob; with có tulit, to carry off ; with whos yaktaraf, to take to oneself, to take to one side ; with other comby panas st, to take with oneself; aor. 2 ag. m. U nyak, by us ; 3 sg. m. ou pa tamen niv (nyuv), by him; W nyúk, by them ; 3 sg. f. dq niya, by him (her,
them); 8 pl. m. w pótami nén, by him. (85) wil, watun, to arrive, enter (with co nish, into), to reach (a place), to attain
to one's object ; to completely finish; with 13 gara, to come home ; with
si apôr, to carry across : aor. 3 sg. m. egy vốt; 3 pl. m. ol, wôti. (86) wil, wäyun, to blow, play (a musical instrument), to make to go; with stics
shamsh&r, to draw a sword; with anayi, to play the fløte ; aor. 3 ng. (impersonal) is's dinol asi w@y«," by ns.
[Wado has ninck, etc. For niv the Kaimera-InbdAmrita gives Nyi.] 4. (Elmalie has, as we should expeot, ly". Way" is certainly wrong:)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1€98.
(87) weis wotkux, to rise up, stand ap; to ascend ; to disappear (of an illness), also
with saj thod ; por. 3 sg. m. *'; votim (tisi woth); 8 sg. f. votoh ;
3 pl.m. swothi; 8 pl. f. s wolską. (88) Usbé's watharárun (causal of wsts watharun), to spread out; aor. 3 ng. f.
rathardeek, by them وتها رك .1 .timean wathande, by them : 8 pl نمو وتهرا و .
(89) ut, ruckkur, to see; with sé, wall, to expect, wait for (scme one); with
us bun, to look towards (some body); kor. 2 sg. masc, wiej ruchkuk, by 08 ; 3 sg. m. ing wuchha (ots wuchk), pitem", sa timau, asi, by him, by them, by us ; uth's suchhun, by him ; 8 ng. f. tes wucht; 3 pl. m.
wwehli چه
town, by him ثم wouchhiw, by him چمن ; ( ,wuchhik چهك ;
by tbem; 3 pl. f. deeg joj timav suchhe, by them. (90) why wadun, to weep; aor. 3 sg. imperson. woj wodun, by him. (91) Osloss wuzanátus, to awaken (causal w;s wurun, to be awake); aor. 3 sg. m.
ourandouk, by him رزتورك .
(92) wty walun, to wrap op, cover, to wrap oneself ap in something (acc.); aor.
3 sg. f. was wajan, hy him. (93) wanun, to speak, say; to name ; sor. 3 ng: unpers., wspó tami won, by
him, (her), them, way wonun, by him ; ou pi tạmi wonnik, by him to them ;
romuk, by them روت wonvas, by him to him وندس ; ,tend towns تم ونس ;
by him to him ; comen's sój timau vonuo, by them to him. os mes conmnawa, by me to you; owij won "nak, by him to thom ; 8 ug. t. wypu tami waï ;
8 pl. f. de pui tąmi wane, by him. (94) uyg rawun, to sow; aor. 3 sg. m. sa petami woro ; impersonal pos wowwm,
by me, og wout, by thee; 3 sg. f. wg wawan, by him. (95) go hawun, to show; with waju drôy, to swear; aor. 8 pl. m. wylo hoving
by him, y la pá tami hôv, by him ; 8 pl. f. sy dual asi háve, by us. (96) vs Liepa hechhinavun (cansal of weet hochhun, to learn), to teach ; aor. 3 sg.
(impers.) stiepostimav hechhinav, uo by them ; 3 pl. m. 5, liver
hechhinôviva, by him, to you ; us Tietoa hechkinôvin, by him. " [Should be suite rechhinév.]

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MISCELLANEA.
193
(97) USA hekun,' to be able (complement in participle ateulute); aor. 3 sg. f.ee
hech, by him. (96) wská noklun, to become dry; aor. 3 sg. m. tsó nokk. (19) who hern, to take; (with inf.) to begin, 62 with có n.oli, to bny; with a
myuthu, to kiss ; unT did hini asun, to be guilty; with suit, to take with one ; with whoma hisab, to settle accounts with anyone ; with khabar, to obtain news about a thing, to inform oneself; aor. 3 sg. impers. caso yo pa tami timav hyut, by him (her), them; who hyutun by him (her) ; oina hyutul, by them; mains hyutunas, by him to him; 3 sg. f. tạmi hots, by him ; who hetsạn, by him ; '* hetsole, by them ; pšr" hetswum.
by you to me ; wf hetsay, by us to thee; 3 pl. mi who hetin, by him. (100). w*yatshun, to wish (complement in infin.); nor. 3 m. vastami yotshu.
by him (her); wipe yotshun, by him (her); +timau yotsh, by them ; 14 yotshawą, by you.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. MR. SHANKAR BALKRISHNA DIKSHIT. request, he proceeded to writo two articles, which MANY readers of this Journal will hear with
were first published in this Journal and were also
given as Appendices II and III. to my volume. great regret of the recent death, prematurely,
The first of them (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI., 1887, from fever, of Mr. Shankar Balkrishna Dik
p. 113) explained the process by whiclı, with Prof. shis, of the Bombay Educational Department,
Kero Lakshman Chhatre's Tables, we may calcuwho was for some years a contributor to this
late correctly the week-day and the full Christian Journal and also did other valuable work.
date for any given Hindd tithi or lunar day. Mr. Dikshit's speciality was mathematics and The second of them (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII. 1888 astromony; and he came to the front at just the pp 1, 312) dealt with the elucidation of the system time when his knowledge could prove moet useful. of the twelve-year cycle of Jupiter. In connec. I was fortunate enough to make his acquaintance | tion with the latter subject, he further made all at the end of 1886, when I was engaged in the | the calculations - (some of them, I believe, preparation of my volume of Gupta Inscriptions. extremely intricate and laborions) - for deterHe saw one or other of my preliminary notes, and mining the years of the cycle that are cited in some introduced himself to me because he was interest of the Early Gupta records. And by his invalu. ed in the subject and found himself able to able assistance he thus made complete the work settle exactly and finally the vexed question of that I then had in hand. Without his help, I certain dates in the Gupta era. And, at my 'must have left the long disputed question of the
# E... wir,
us hali hyut wuchhur, by the blind man was it begun to see ; i. e., he straightway saw;
kali hita katha karate, by the dumb man it was begun to speak; i. e., he straightway spoke. ['The translator has made some corrections above. The Past Part, mase of this verb is usually transliterated hyut. but hyot more nearly represents the sound.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
epoch of the Gupta era still open, within the limits of one year before and after the true date, to doubt and argument. With it, I was able to present my case in a complete and satisfactory form, and to prove for the first time what had often been maintained but had never been proved before, viz. that the Early Gupta kings rose to power, not in the first or second century A. D., but in the fourth century, and that, the given unqualified years being applied as current years, the exact epoch of the era used by them was A. D. 319-20 and the first current year of the era was A. D. 320-21.
-
[JULY, 1898.
impetus to that line of inquiry was given by Mr. Dikshit. But to Mr. Dikshit belongs the credit of first bringing the matter to the notice of English readers, and of making the real start in a most interesting and important line of study, absolutely necessary to all who wish to deal properly with the ancient records of India. And the value of the subject, and of the impetus to the inquiry into it that was given by Mr. Dikshit, may be estimated from the time and trouble that have been devoted to the elucidation of it by writers who have followed him in order of publication. Since the time when he began to write, we have become indebted to Dr. Jacobi for "Methods and Tables for verifying Hindu Dates, Tithis, Eclipses, Nakshatras, etc." (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII., 1888, p, 145); to Prof. Kielhorn, for "the SixtyYear Cycle of Jupiter" (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII., 1889, pp. 193, 380), as well as for special articles on some of the various Hinda eras; to Dr. Schram for "Tables for the Approximate Conversion of Hindů Dates" (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII., 1889, p. 290), in which he has placed before English readers those of his Tables which treat of the Hinda luni-solar year; to Dr. Jacobi, again, for" the Computation of Hinda Dates in Inscriptions, etc." (Ep. Ind. Vol. I, 1892, p. 402), and for "Tables for calculating Hindû Dates in True Local Time" (Ep. Ind. Vol. II, 1894, p. 487); and to Prof. Kielhorn, again, for a paper illustrating, with certain improvements, the use (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV., 1896, p 233). of "Warren's Rules for finding Jupiter's Place"
As regards the matter dealt with in the first of Mr. Dikshit's papers, - it was not altogether a new one. To mention the most well-known names, - Warren (1825), Prinsep (1831), Kero Lakshman Chhatre (1860), Cowasjee Patell (1866), and Cunningham (1883), had worked at it. But the processes adopted by Prinsep, Cowasjee Patell, and Cunningham, gave results which were only approximate, which might be correct or might not, and were therefore of no real use for historical purposes requiring absolute and unquestionable accuracy. Warren's Tables could be made to yield accurate results: but the process was cumbrous; and the book was not free from mistakes which might easily vitiate any particular calculation. And Kero Lakshman Chhatre's Tables, which give the required accurate results by an easy process, are in the Marathi language, and had not attracted Europ
ean attention. It is curious that the last-mentioned work should have remained unknown to, or at any rate unused by, Cewasjee Patell, who had, in it, the means at hand for producing, in at least one particular branch of his subject, much better work than his predecessors had accomplished and than he himself turned out. But so it was. And it is to Mr. Dikshit that we are in
debted for bringing it to notice, and for practically placing in our hands, for the first time, the means of dealing properly with the question that arises most frequently in the verification of the dates of ancient Hindû records. Mr. Dikshit, indeed, was not absolutely the first in the field; for, Dr. Schram, of Vienna, published his Hilfetafeln für Chronologie in 1883, and dealt, among other details, with that particular one. Also, Prof. Jacobi, of Kiel and Bonn, who began to publish soon after Mr. Dikshit, had evidently taken the matter up at an appreciably earlier time, and had begun to work at it before an
1 Prinsep (Useful Tables, 1858, p. 183) speaks of Tables by Jervis and Bentley, which would give more accurate results than his own Tables; but I have not
As well as the two papers already referred to, Mr. Dikshit contributed to this Journal "a Table for the Abdapa, Tithi Suddhi, and Tithi-Kêndra" (Vol. XVII., 1888, p. 268), which presented in a more convenient form, with some improvements by himself, the primary quantities that have to be taken in working with Kero Lakshman Chhatre's Tables; articles on "the Original Sarya Siddhânta" (Vol. XIX., 1890, p. 45), and on "the Romaka Siddhantas" (ibid. p. 133), and some notes in connection with "the Pafchasiddhântika" (ibid. p. 439); an "Examination of some Errors in Warren's Kalasankalita" (Vol. XX., 1891, p. 35); a note on "the Date of SundaraPandya-Jatavarman" (Vol. XXII., 1893, p. 219); and a note on "the Age of the Satapatha-Bråhmana" (Vol. XXIV., 1895, p. 245). These writings represent great application and hard work, as well as much learning. And still more clearly have those qualities been displayed by been able to see them. There are, also, L'Art de Vérifier le Dates (a work of very old standing), and some book by M. Largeteau; these, again, I have not seen.

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JULY, 1898.]
MISCELLANEA.
195
Mr. Dikshit's share in a work produced jointly by For any such work, therefore, those means are himself and Mr. Sewell, vis. the "Indian Calen- not needed at all. And, in the other direction, dar," with an Appendix by Dr. Schram on Eclipses it is a really dangerous matter that Indian Judges of the Sun in India, published in 1896, which and Civil Officers should have the temptation provides the materials for verifying the most to use such processes and acoept such untrustcustomary details of all Hinda and MuhammadAnworthy results. It will not be often that parties dates from A. D. 300 onwards. The comple. before a Court can engage Counsel competent to tion of this book realised an ambition which lay such questions properly before the Court, Mr. Dikshit had entertained before the time when And it may happen, ut any time, that, by means he began to co-operate with Mr. Sewell. The book of these approximate processes, the agency of a is open, of course, to criticism and improvement Court of Justice may be used to send an in respect of various details, and has been criti. innocent man to rigorous imprisonment for a cised in respect of some of them. But it is a forgery or to hang him for a murder of which he most useful and up-to-date work. It has been is guiltless, or to enable some miscreant to secure, everywhere very favourably received. And there by a forged will or other document, property to is only one serious fault in it, fortunately easily I which he has no just claim. I find it difficult to capably of correction in a second edition, by understand how Mr. Dikshit, with his habits of omission; namely, that, in addition to providing careful and painstaking accuracy, cuine to lend for correct and unquestionable results, it also the authority of his name for such a use of proincludes, and by placing them before the exact cesses of this nature. method even gives prominence to, some special In addition to the work that he did on his own means of making those approximate calculations account for publication under his own name, Mr. of Hinda dates which, if accepted as yielding Dikshit was always ready, and was ever willing results, are so untrustworthy and useless, - with to find time, to examine a difficult date for anythe dangerous advice that, if a result obtained one else, to elucidate any matter of doubt in his by an approximate process is not in exact accord. special line of work, and to render any other assistance with the given details of the date, and if ance that lay in his power. And great and varied those details include the week-day, then the was the help that I myself received from him, result may be altered to suit the giren details. before the time when I became able to use the These special means of making approximate Tables freely and make calculations for myself. calculations are two-fold: one is a system that I It was a real pleasure to invoke his aid; because was introduced into a previous work by Mr. W he always had in view, not the finding of fault S. Krishnasvami Naidu; the other is a method with work done by others froin a desire to write invented by Mr. T. Lakshmiah Naidu. Now, we for the exaltation of bimself, but a genuine wish to are told in the very first words of the Preface remove difficulties and impart knowledge. During that “this Volume is designed for the use, not the last few years of my service in India, and since only of those engaged in the decypherment of then, I was not so much in communication with Indian inscriptions and the compilation of Indian him as previously; partly because higher official history, but also of Judicial Courts and Govern- position and increased work and responsibilities ment Offices in India." Approximate calculations prevented me from engaging much in antiquarian must often be made, as a preliminary step, by researches beyond completing a contribution that the historian who is trying for exact results, I had promised for the" Bombay Gazetteer," and especially in cases in which there is a doubt as to partly because, since my return to England, I have the exact year in which the correct result is to not until lately been engaged in matters in which be looked for. But it will very soon be found that he could help. But certain questions have accu. the approximate calculations in such cases can mulated from time to time in connection with be made, either by using other methods, or by topioa dealt with in the "Indian Calendar" and writing down from the Indian Calendar" the with other matters, in respect of which I had the first few quantities that are to be used for exact intention of consulting him eventually. And it calculations, or even more readily still by a brief was, therefore, with more than ordinary sorrow mental process, - much more easily and quickly that I received the unexpected news of his death. than by either of the special means which Mesers. The loss of him will be greatly felt. It is a real Sewell and Dikshit have put forward for them; misfortune that he should have passed away withand, after eren the shortest practice, no one who out revising his work in the "Indian Calendar." has an exact result in view will ever take the And it will, I fear, be very difficult to find any. trouble to use, for his preliminary approximatel one to take his place, to complete his published calculations, the means thus specially provided work in those details in which it is capable of

Page #202

196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1898.
expansion or improvement, and to give from the end or at both ends of an inscription and it might Native point of view the practical assistance that mean svasti or siddham. even the best European scholar must need more
The Hindus revere this mark as auspicious and or less in the special subjects with which he was
draw it on many religious occasions. At the Nava50 well acquainted.
ratra (i.e., the first ten days of the month of Asvin) J. F. FLEET.
it is drawn on the wall behind the family gods. London, 6th July, 1898.
It is also drawn on walls with numerous figures by
women at the Gauri festivals, when the image of SOME REMARKS ON THE SVASTIKA.
Gauri is placed on a pedestal and decorated
with flowers, pictures and paintings. At marriages THE svastika is called by the Jains sathis,
and thread placing ceremonies it is drawn on who give it the first place among the eight chief
clothes, pots and fruit. It is also marked out on auspicious marks of their faith. It would be
the wall where the marriage or upandyana time well to repeat here, in view of what follows, the
is written and measured with water by means of Jain version of this symbol as given by Pandit a pot called ghatkapátra. It appears again on Bhagwanlal Indraji, who was told by a learned the feet of the bride and bridegroom. At yati that the Jains believe it to be the figure the first tonsure or châul of boys it is drawn of Siddha'. They believe that, according to a with kun kam on their shaven heads. It is drawn man's karma, he is subject to one of the following on the head of a boy at his thread placing four conditions in the next life, - he either be- (upandyana) ceremony. It is drawn on the right comes a god or dåva, or goes to hell (narka), thigh of a bridegroom in one of the marriage or is born again as a man, or is born as a lower ceremonies. During the chátur mdsya, i. e., four animal. But a Siddha in his next life attains to months of a year, some women vow to draw pirning and is therefore beyond the pale of these thirteen stastikas daily, and at the end of the term four conditions. "The svastika represents such a give dakshind (alms) to Brahmans. The svastika is Siddha in the following way. The point or vindu also drawn on horoscopes, purses, account books in the centre from which the four paths branch and treasury boxes by the Hindus and Jains alike. out is jiva or life, and the four paths symbolise It is tatooed by women on the arms. In the morn. the four conditions of life. But as a Siddha is ing svastikas are drawn in great many varieties free from all these, the end of each line is turned by women in the open yard opposite a door,
by women in the open va to show that the four states are closed for him." after the ground is sprinkled with cow-dung and The Buddhist doctrines mostly resemble those
water. On the Sumukurta, i.e., the day fixed for of the Jains, and it is just possible that the former
a marriage ceremony, the people of Gujarat and might have held the svastika in the same light as
Kachh describe on the floor a red circle with a the latter. In the Nasik inscription No. 10 of svastika in it, which is called ghaunri-svastika. Ushavadata, the symbol is placed immediately
This symbol is also drawn on ground, smeared after the word 'siddham,' a juxtaposition which with cow-dung, on which the family god corroborates the above Jain interpretation. We Kuldevata is placed. find the svastika either at the the beginning or
Y. S. VAVIKAR.
NOTES AND QUERIES. BAO.
fanérailles de leurs Talapoing, qu'ils brûles avec HERE is an additional quotation regarding this pompe." --Sonnerat, Voyage, Vol. II. p. 47. curious word, noted ante, Vol. XXII. p. 165.
In a footnote to the same page Sonnerat says, 1782.-"Par une coutume barbare, lorsqu'on
by way of explaining bao, that it is "espece de bâtit une Pagode, les premières personnes qui
couvent." passent sont jettées dans les fondemens. Cette horrible cérémonie est cependant assez ordinaire,
I may add that the earlier part of the paraparce que ces peuples consacrent presque toutes
graph above quoted is, as far as I know, a libel, leurs richesses à la construction de pareils edifices, though a very old idea. ce qui est parmi eux une oeuvre très-méritoire, de même que fonder des Baos, ou de contribuer aux
R. C. TEMPLE.
1 The Hathigumpå Inscriptions, Udayagiri Caves, p. 7.

Page #203

August, 1898.)
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
197
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
BY R. C. TEMPLE. (Continued from p. 178.)
D. - Kachin-Naga Group. M Y sources of information for the Kachin Language are: -
(1) Grammar of the Kachin Language, Hanson, 1896. (2) Handbook of the Kachin or Chingpaw Language, Hertz, 1895, official publication, (3) Kachin Vocabulary, Symington, 1892. (4) Burma Census Report, Eales,63 1891. (5) Outlino Grammar of the Singpho Language, Needham, 1889 : official publica
tion, Assam. (6) A Kachin peasant from the hills of the Myitkyinà District. Kachin is the Burmese appellation for a number of more or less closely connected tribes, inhabiting the hills within and without the Chinese (Yunnan) and Assamese borders of Upper Burma, and speaking a difficult, unwritten language in a bewildering variety of dialects. The Assamese appellation is Singpho, based on their own name for themselves, which is also variously represented as Chingpaw, Chinghpaw, Jinghpaw, and Singpaw65 (Chingpo), and meaning roughly a Highlander.
By common assent the language of the Kachin Tribes is connected generally with that of the Naga Tribes, and is now usually known as belonging to the Kaohin-Naga Group.
The books available to me on Kachin itself are slight, but they are all written in a systematic, capable manner. It seems, moreover, that a definite system of representing the language on paper has been officially arrived at, but as it would only cause confusion to use it in these pages, I have felt myself to be at liberty to represent the language on the lines I have followed in representing the Far Eastern Languages generally, instead of adopting bodily the system of the Burma Government.
In this way I would specially treat only the following points in writing Kachin, ignoring the tones for the present purpose. The frequently used, but scarcely heard, inherent vowel, - like that represented in Talaing by the use of sonant syllables will be written ': e. 9., l'lòng, two; m'sum, three. The sound nearly approaching that of ö in German, or cur in English, will be written 7. There is a distinct initial af, as in German, which will be so written, and kh will represent the harsh surd guttural heard in the Arabic K, t, p, when initial are sounded as gle, dt, bp, but this habit need not be represented on paper, as it merely means that the Kachins have an explosive way of talking, jast as some " slight" stammerers have in speaking the European languages.
In devising words to represent the only coined currency they know, the Kachins have followed the plan so systematically adopted by the minor peoples inhabiting Burma and so often explained in these pages. Up till quite lately they were aware only of British rupees and their silver parts. Pice and copper money they seem hardly to have grasped as yet, and the odd annas in the ropee still seem to be a great puzzle to them. All these points are brought out clearly in the Kachin money table, so far as I have been able to make head or tail of it. The Myitkyina Kachin, though quite positive as to his words, differs so much from the writers of the books, who by the way fairly agree together, that I will give the book words and his words separately.
* Appr. A contains an excellent monograph by Mr. E. C. S. George on the Kachins of the Bhamo District. " Kakhyin and Kakhyeng in many books of a generation back. * Mr. Hanson, Kachin Grammar, p. 6, remarks on the uncertainty of pronunciation in the dialects.

Page #204

193
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1898.
Book Money Table of the Kaching (Silver).
Book.56
English.
Kachin.
Sense of the Kachin.
...
...
1 pê57
Han. 95 ... Han. 95, S. 21
1 mů57
pê-mi .. - m0-mi t'i-mi, tf-mi... .. mû-m'sum, ti-mû .. ti-l'kong ti-l'kong-mũ
S. 21 ...
1 t'i, 1 ts68 3 mů, tî and mů 2 ti 2 tî and mů 3 ti
ti-m'sum
1 rupee
S. 21, Han. 95, Her. 42 Han. 95... ... Her. 42 S. 14, 16 S. 21... Han. 95
làp-mi gydp-mi dinger kumprð lòng-mi ròng-mi k'àn-mt gak'àn ... pàn-mi joi-mi, soi-mi
1 piecese 1 piece coin (tanka) silver piece 1 hòng88 1 vòng 1 k'àn63 a k'àn of halves (ga)* 1 pàn65 1 viss
..
75
***
Han. 95, S. 95, Her. 42, 100
47
Book Money Table of the Kachins (Copper).
Book.
English.
Kachin.
Sense of the Kachin.
Han. 95
...
...
...
..
1 pie 1 pice
kà-m . paisân ... p'aisủi-lap-molf
.. 1 kasz ... pice .. pice pieces 469
S.21
...
...
06 Han. = Hanson: S. Symington: Her. = Hertz. 67 Burmese and Shku.
Shân t'e, té; ante, p. 11, and Shan Dicl., p. 270. Shan lup, luk; ante, p. 9, and Shan Dict., p. 477. 40 Shin. Symington, p. 89, bas jap-mi 1 tickal. 61 Barmese. 62 Sh&n, haung; ante, p. 15, and Shin Diet., p. 252. 63 Shan; ante, p. 15, and Shan Dict., p. 71. 6. Practically, half a viss. * Explained as "a gak'an, and 10 ròngs." It is the Shan pan for Rs. 80: ante, p. 15, and Shan Dict., p. 308. 60 Shân, soi. 07 Means Abris seed: see below in the Myitkyina Kachin's terms.
88 Note that the Kaching place their numeral coefficients like the Chinese, and not like the Burmans and Shing; i. e., before and not after the numeral.

Page #205

August, 1898.)
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
199
The Myitkyina Kachin's Money Tablo.
English.
Kachin.
Sense of the Kachin.
1 anna
2 pieces70 (? half-annas)
annas
& mů
ni-sàpo mûsi70 kyi-sum-kyàp tisi73 ... ngôlam ... tê-n'ml-pa-n'm'ngâ74... tf-l'kong-mu .... ti-l'kong-mô .. ts-m'sum ... ti-m'som-mû ... kyàp-mi ... ngünchàm77 ... làp-mi-tf-l'kong làp-mi-ti-m'sum
copper 3 pieces71 a ti 5 lum73 1 ti and P 5 2 tl and mû76 2 ti and mů 3 ti
1 rupee 11 ,
3 tî and ma 1 piece silver ?
1176
1 rupee and 2 ti 1 rupee and 3 ti
14
From the above tables and information the following points become clear. The Kaching really divide their rupee by the silver pieces (2 and 4 annas), which they find current, on the principle of the surrounding system of Troy weight, being still hazy and uncertain as to the use of the newly introduced copper money, and practically unable to express or comprehend the intermediate British divisions of the rapee into annas, which last denomination is & monoy of account. Thus:
2 på are f mů 2 mů 1 tt 4 tt
1 kyàp or lap 2 làn , 1 hòng or ròng 4 ròng y, 1 koàn 5 kan , 1 gak'àn
2 gakoàn , 1 joi As regards Kachin bullion weights, my information is chiefly gathered from Mr. Hanson (p. 95) and Mr. Symington (p. 20).
# For kyap. Thus, chydp, chap, sìpjdp, gydpkydp.
** Burmese mdai: xl, neod. 11 KytBar., copper: rum, Kachin, three : kyap, Suen, piece.
12 Burmese o'l, si. T8 Lum; see Kachin Troy Table, either for lom or dum.
74 It will be seen that this man is consistently confused us to the "odd annas" in a rupee, and he collapsed altogether when asked to go beyond "six ans."
76 This is clearly wrong form : tl.1'king being suficient. 10 He gave these words on being shown five, six and seven four-sona pieces. T Shan, silver.

Page #206

200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Avqust, 1898.
Kachin Troy Weights. M'lem = Abrus seed. Lem-mi=1 lem.
2 lem are 1 dum 2 dum l pe
2 pel mû Kachin Avoirdu pois Weights.
gak'àn = half a viss
joi78.mi = l viss The viss, joi, is the weight that turns the scale, as can be seen in the phrase, joi cheng e, 70 "it balances, it weighs :" cheng, a weight, being borrowed from Burmese-Shân, while joi is used for the scales as well as for the standard weight, a vissi
The Myitkyina Kachin recognised the Abrus seed as kàcheng, i.e., ka-weight, which seems to indicate that the true meaning of the term ků-mí, given by Mr. Hanson for "one pie," is one Abrus seed." But he had, nevertheless, no true idea of Troy weight, though he seemed to show some glimmering of it in his term for pice, kyl-cheng-chyay (or kyàp), copper-weightpiece.
I have already remarked that the Kachin books available are slight, and there is not much to be obtained from them as to the metals, while the Myitkyina Kachin differed greatly from them in his terminology.
Thus: - silver is in the books kump'rò, kumprò, gump'rò.80 According to the Myitkyina Kachin it is kanıp'rông. Gold is in the books jà, ajà, and gold-dust is jamun, jàyun. Brass and copper are in the books m'gri, but the Myitkyina Kachin gives them as kyni and kyineh respectively. Iron in the books is pri prí,e1 but the Myitkyina Kachin called it samt'kòng, a term which he also used for tin, while in the books tin is pri ptrò, i, e., white iron. In the books lead is chri, acha, m'jú, chúi, and zing is pri-pirò, but according to the Myitkyina Kachin tbis last is samtotum.
I will now proceed to compare the singpho terms for currency and the metals, so far as I am able, with those of the Kachins, though there is some difficulty as to this, as Mr. Needham in his works does not pay much attention to money or barter, and what information he gives has to be extracted piecemeal from bis Grammars.
The ordinary Singphô word for money is as usual that for silver, kump'rống, which will be at once recognised; but at p. 13 is to be found dula83 aimá, one rupee. Here we have apparently reference to a numeral coefficient dár for money in Kuki-Lushai, seen again seemingly in Chin (Lai) dár, brass, Kachâri (Bòrò) darbi, gold, and in Ao Någa tiribi, silver. The Miri numeral coefficient for rupee is bár.
* Also choi, Hertz, p. 47.
TSymington, pp. 95, 80. # Prů means white and undoubtedly kump'rd means " white kum" kum being, I take it, a root for "metal" or for the metal par excellence." For there is in the "Någa" Languages a persistent set of roots, bóng, rang, yang with the sense of "the metal," meaning sometimer gold, sometimes silver, sometimes iron, and sometimes several metals indifferently. E.9., Kachin, kump'ro, kamp'ring; Singpho, kump'ring; Miri, murkóng, kingi, silver :Kachin, saml'kong (also iron); Manipurl, kingau; tin: -
Lhota, ring, Oring, rampiek; Hill Tippera (Lushui), rang Empeo, singkang, gang, kang; Angami, rakd ; silver: - Koki-LOshadi, rangmdjak, Hill Tipper, rangchár ; gold - Ao, ringin lead - Ao, morang (also in) iron :
Ao, yongmen; brass - Ao, yongmenin copper: - Lhota, yngchak, brass, copper, tin, iron, "L'kt was also given me by one man, and may be dialectio. " Needbam, pp. 18, 78, 109, 111. * See also Needham, p. 107.

Page #207

August, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND OOINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
201
The words for the metals thus:35 -
generally in Kachin and Singphð seem to be identical,
Silver
Gola.
Brass.
Iron.
... m'gri ...
Kachin Singphô
... kump'rd, kampérông... jà ... kump'rông ... ... jê
... pri ... m'p'ri
...
... magi
..
I notice also that the word for weight in Singph is chen (p. 117), and that the Kachin word ga-an, (gd) hall, has its counterpart in the Singphô n'kau or kau-má (one-half).86 But it is in the namerals that the identity of Kaohin and singpho comes out, so far as the present enquiry is concerned.
Comparative Table of Kachin and singpho Numerals.
English.
Kechin.
Singpho.
suffixed ...
... l'ngai, ngai ... mi, mà ... ...
l'kong, lkwang...
... thông
suffixed
.....
..
m'sum, m'som
masum
malt
mangi
krû
... sinit
molf, ... " m’ngå ... ... ... krů, krap, kruk s'nit ... ... m'tsåt, m'sat ... ... j'k'u, s'k'a, ch'ků, ch’kon shlo7 st ... ... shtl'ngai, selingai
kan ... ... ... k'unl'ngai ... sumshi, sômst ...
... masat
chaka sl, tsi, sht sl-ai k'un
kunai ...dumst
* See Needham, pp. 87, 97, 100.
# The great difference, so far m I can judge, between the Singph0 and Kachia dialects, which would tondt make them mutually unintelligible, is that the accent in Kaohin is on the last syllable, whereas in Singphô it is on the finet. .. g., mgrt in Kachin would, in practios, have a very different sound to ma'gt in Singph), and they would not be to the ear at an identical words,
* Needham, pp. 72, 98.
1 According to the Myitkyini Kaohin, the "teens" ran thus - 3-'ngal, os-l'ling, 13-'m'34:, -w', and so on to a-t'f'kw, 19.

Page #208

202
English.
40
100
200
1,00000
10,000
100,000
1,000,000
10,000,000
...
...
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
m'lishi, m'lisi
l'tsà, l'sàss
nitsà, nisà
chingml, singm!
munmi
senmi
wanmi
rimi
Kachin.
...
...
"
malisi
lachá, latsâ
n'k'ongchâ
..
hing hingtsf
[AUGUST, 1898.
Ordinarily, therefore, I gather that a Singpho would count his rupees thus: - dalá-má, dalá-n'k'òng, duld-masum. But that the Singphôs use the generic term kump'rông also, may be seen from the expressions kump'rong lachá, 100 rupees; kump'rông k'un, 20 rupees, in Needham's Grammar, pp. 76, 78. Similarly a Kachin would ordinarily count his rupees by the coeffi cient term lap (gydp), thus: -lap-mi, làp-ni, làp-m'sum. Or he might count them by borrowing the Burmese word dingá, a coin (Hertz, p. 38, Symington, p. 66), thus: - dingd-ms, dingání, dingá-m'sum. But he might also count them by using the generic term kump'rò, vide Symington's expressions kump'rò-l'sà, Rs. 100; kump'rò-l'sà-m'nga-shi, Rs. 150 (pp. 14, 16). It is therefore clear that a Kachin would at once understand a Singphô in a bargain, though it must not be assumed that a Singphô, with his surroundings, would have any idea of the Kachin's method of dividing his rupees, that style of calculation belonging to the BurmeseShân side of the ranges dividing Burma from India, and being utterly foreign to any Indian people.
Singpho.
It may help to explain the numerals of these tribes to note here how the Myitkyinà Kachin was induced to deliver up his terms, for an attempt to extract them out of him direct failed altogether. A number of pebbles were collected and he was told to count them one by one. He accordingly took up the pebbles one by one and enumerated them on his fingers, turning one finger down at each enumeration, and when he had reached five he pushed the pebbles aside. He then proceeded to count five more in the same way and pushed them aside, and then said, pointing to the two little heaps: l'kòng m'ngá sí, "two fives (are) ten."
The Myitkyina Kachin collapsed at 100, being unable to understand numerals beyond this point. 1,000 seems to be the end of the Singphô numeral denominations, but the Kachin denominations follow that of the Barma Tribes generally ::thus,
tel
10 ching 10 mun 10 sen 10 win 10 ri
100 1,000 10,000 100,000 1,000,000 10,000,000
Symington, p. 61, is a little confused (probably his teachers were); and gives ching, mun and sing as the equivalents for a lakh, 100,000.
"The Kachina have a word for cowry, shdwun (Symington, p. 88), but the Singphis probably have not.
I have found this plan by far the most effective with such semi-savages. The heavy, puzzled look disappears at once from their faces, intelligence takes its place, and then slowly and painfully the numbers come out one by one. But I warn the enquirer that much patience and a trained ear are necessary to a successful result. The educated, literary Manipurf official, quoted in the section on Manipuri Weights, enumerated on his fingers, ev idently from sheer habit.

Page #209

AUGUST, 1898.)
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
203
He proceeded onwards in precisely the same way up to twenty and then said, pointing to the four heaps: -m'li mingá lifun," four fives (are) twenty." So on to kruk m'ngá 8ôms, 'six fives (are) thirty." Then by coaxing he went on to k'un m'nga l'ed "(a) scure (of) fives are a) hundred." After this he subsided, having reached his tether as regards enumeration, and was apparently unable to recognise the book words given for a thousand and onwards.
My sources of information on the Naga Languages most nearly connected geographically with the Singphô are:(1) Outline Grammar of the Lhota Naga Language, Witter, 1888, official publica
tion, Assam. (2) Outline Grammar of the 40 Naga Language, Mrs. Clark, 1893, official publica
tion, Assam. (3) The Ao Naga Language of Southern Assam, Avery, American Journal of Philo
logy, Vol. VII., No. 3, c. 1886.92 (4) Outline Grammar of the Angami Naga Language, McCabe, 1887, official publica
tion, Assam. (5) Outline Granmar of the Shaiyang Miri Language, Needham, 1886, official publica.
tion, Assam. (6) A Naga from Sibsagar and two Nagas from Maşipûr. To take the Lhota-Naga Language first, I find the money table to run as below, but it has an unstable appearance. In fact, instability seems to be a main, though distracting, feature of the Language. E. g., Mr. Witter remarks, p. 8 f., on the instability of both the vowel and consonantal sounds, and the instability of the words themselves can be ascertained by trying to make out the sentences given with the Grammar and by noting the variety of form given in the various parts of Mr. Witter's book for the words of currency and money. The probability is that the dialect differs on every hill side on which it is spoken, and that the speakers use it very much as the speakers of highly developed written languages use slang, 1. e., they are quite indifferent as to form, provided their meaning is understood, trusting rather to inference than to convention for the correct conveyance of their meaning,
Lhota-Naga Silver-money Table.
English.
Lhota Någa.
Sense of Vernacular.
I anna 2 spnas
4 annas
pôisa mez'i, rângmyê mezii ...! 4 pice, 4 red coins môiyâ matsang
1 môiyê rângterû êhm ... ... ... coin small white mõiya ennf ..
2 mbiya môiya etiam ...
3 môiyê râmpiak pôko ...
half rupee rângmyok tîzên... ... 8 red coins
A reprint sent me by the late Prof. Avery, based on notes supplied in 1884 by Mr. Clark, the husband of the authorens of the Ao Naga Grammar above quoted.
* Witter, pp. 88, 89. N This looks as if the word ringmyo were used indiscriminately for pice and anna, which is as likely not.

Page #210

204
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1898.
English.
Lhota-Naga.
Sense of Vernacular.
...
10 annas
. 14 1 rupee
... ...
... ...
adh6l;86... ...
môiya mungo ... ... mõiyâ tírók ... ... môiyê tîing ...
Örâng matsanga râmpiîk matanngå
pikka, opikko ... ... pikka sü pôko ...
... (udhél, half rupee)
5 môiya ... | 6 môiri ... 7 mbiya
1 rupee 1
rapee ... rupeo plus half
...
11 rupee87
...
...
What the expressions for the odd annas are I am not sure, but, from the general indications given, they are probably expressed either by rángmyő + numoral (e. g., rúngmyo et'am, 3 annas, ránguyó mángo, 5 annas), or by the use of sü póko, "plus a half” (e. g., miiyá si polo, môiya and a half = 3 ennas; môiy á enni si póko, 2 môiya and a half = 5 anpas).
Lhota-Naga Copper-money Table.
English.
Lhota-Naga.
Sense of vernacular.
"
smaller than red coin
1 1
pie pice
... ...
1 red coin
rångmyő terüvô rângmyo matsauga pôisa matsanga pôisko enni ... pôisa et'am ... poisd mezü ...
...
...
2 red coins
... ...
... ... (anna) ...
... ... ...
...
3 4
3
»
... ...
,
...
4
,
The metals are badly expressed by the Lhota Nagas, owing, no doubt, to their small acquaintance with them. Thus, the word for silver is given as dräng, but no word is given for gold at all, and one word, yongchák, does duty for brass, copper, tin and iron, i. e., really for any metal not silver or money, while pyöntsü is used for lead.
The words given for weight and the scales have an apparent connection with that for cowry, which is odd and unusual. E. g., weight is efil (p. 158); balance is éfu (p. 90); cowry is fúfo (p. 143). There are words to express the actual balancing of articles weighed against each other in ek'aing and k'ití (p. 168), the first having a most suspiciously borrowed appearance.
Three words are translated counterfeit money" by Mr. Witter, viz., rángtáp, Bráng-n'tap8, rángyimo; a fact which it rather surprises one to find in the language of such a tribe, but they
# Witter, p.70. It is clearly the Indian adhna : see Beames' ed. of Elliot, Glossary, Vol. II. p. 2. # Witter, p. 81. Also at p. 128 there is given ts'en, which also means wages. 97 Witter, p. 81.
* Rangmy is throughout a synonym for póisl.

Page #211

AUGUST, 1898.]
can be compared with the kumprò tape of the Kachin Vocabulary of Mr. Symington, p. 65, translated "to mint, coin."
1
2
3
The Lhota Naga numerals (p. 26 ff.) present no particular difficulties, but there are some peculiarities valuable for comparison with other Någa tongues and for counting out money.
11
tard sü' ek'â
20
... mekwi, mekwü, meküs
30
... t'amdrô
... zûro3
4
5
6
7
8
9
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
10
... ek'
... enni, ôni100
... et'am
... mezü
... mûngo
tirok
... tfing, ts'ang
tizâ
tôkúl
tarô, tarò, terô, tâto
...
-...
... ek'a ts'ang, ek'a tling
ek'å tizâ
ek'à tôkû
ek'a taro', n'zo, n'zü, n'zôâ
tingi
The usual way of expressing the intermediate numbers is that shown above in the case of 11 i. e., tarô sü (or si) mezü is ten plus four or fourteen, mekwü si mezi is twenty plus four or twenty-four: but 16 to 19, 26 to 29, etc., are alternatively expressed thus:
16. mezünâ mekwü m'pen 17... et'amnâ mekwü m'pâm 18 enninâ mekwü m'pen
19. ek'ânâ mekwi m'pâm
...
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
1,000
...
...
1 Also ek'and tato m'pâm by-one ten short: The terms tar), t'amdro, zûro, r3kro, evidently 8. Witter, p. 27.
Witter, p. 154.
...
...
=
...
tlingy &
rôkroa
...
... by-four 20 short ... by-three 20 short by-two 20 short
by-one 20 short
205
The tendency in reckoning is to carry the mind on to the next coming ten and to subtract from it.
Passing on to Ao Naga, one finds that Mrs. Clark has not paid much attention to recording currency, and except incidentally there is no mention of money matters in her book. It must be remembered also, in reading what follows, that instability of form is as characteristic of Ao Naga words as of those of any other Någa tongue.
The word sen is used for money (pp. 61, 66, 69, 75, 140) borrowed one fancies from the sél (sen) of the neighbouring Manipuri State, especially as it turns up in the expression for "small money," tanak sen (pp. 57, 106).10 A rupee is ordinarily tatsak
This is only used in enumerating. When used with other words, "one" is represented by the suffixed numeral coefficients matsanga, n'teang, for things, and n'chia, n'chyúld, for mankind. Fundamentally the term ek'd would seem to signify "a ten" in decimal notation: cf. the terms for 70, 80, 90, 100.
100 Witter, p. 154.
one less ten.
mean 1, 3, 4, 6 tens.
• Orat.
Witter, pp. 119, 132.
Also n'xo n'zo tòtaro ( 10 n'xo), p. 151. Cf. Bur, t'aung.
Mrs. Clark does not distinguish between long and short vowels, and these have to be guessed at, but her a is always broad, and I have given it, therefore, as d.
10 It is also seen in the expressions for "debt," p. 109: sen-tao, en-dteo, sen-àpu, in which dtso and apu mean "borrow" (pp. 54, 98) and sen means "money."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1898
and also tepdk (pp. 54, 57, 64, 66, 156).11 For pice the Indian form pôisd is found in a phrase on p. 65:
tànurzi kechi pôisd dngu dri dzake rizungd dyur boy-the what pice gets that all keeps
The boy keeps all the pice he gets. In the Vocabulary, however, is to be found the (?) Assamese form sorotid, made to do duty for "pice" on p. 147 and for "anna" (4 pice) on p. 90. It is quite likely that these Någas use the same term for both.
The word for cowry is given as zaba (p. 107). Money is counted apparently in a straightforward way. Thus we find :
pp. 57, 64 ... tatsak kà ... one rapee p. 54 ... tatsak ang ... two rupees
p. 66 ... tatsak asam ... three rupees The words for the metals partake of the regular Naga forms, iron being the metal par excellence, as the same word, in, does duty for both iron and metal (pp. 132, 139).
Gold is hon (Assamese), p. 124. Silver is dribi (pp. 70, 160). Iron is in, and merang (p. 132), and with iron lead seems in some measure to be confounded, as one guesses from the term rángin (i. e., ráng-metal), but there is a synonym (p. 135) tsöin given for lead. Brass, yongmen (p. 99), is undoubtedly mixed up with copper, yongmenin, i. e, yongmen-metal (p. 106).
The Ao Naga numerals have a puszling, and curiously, but not uniquely, developed method of carrying the mind, after the first ten, on to the coming ten for numbers beyond five as shown below : otherwise these numerals are much those of the Naga and the allied tongues generally. Thus:
Ao-Naga Numerals.
... trök13
tenot
asam...
pezö13
tak
punga
ter
terika ... teridna ... ..
teridsam ... ... teripező ... ...
teripung ... metsölt-maben-trók
metso-maben-tenet
..
ten and one ten and two ten and three ten and four
ten and five ... twenty-not-brought-siz ... twenty-not-brought-seven
11 Talaak, I gather, means " wago-measuro;" see 40 Grammar, 8. vu. measure and wages.
11 I gather that Mrs. Clark's final short a, which she writes X. is the German 0, or near it, and rather suspect that she writes the sound sometimes m er, following the English nound of that combination of letters.
15 Should be, I take it, properly written teruk. Should apparently be properly written metaar.

Page #213

AUGUST, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE
207
...twenty-not-brought-eight ... twenty-not-brought-nine ..? a score) .. twenty and one
twenty and two .. twenty and three .. twenty and four
twenty and five
80-not-brought-6 .. 30-not-brought-7 ... 30-not-brought-8
30-not-brought-9
... 30 and 1
40-not-brought-6
... metsö-maben-tf ... ... ... metsõ-màben-tako ... metsö ...
metsarika... ... metsarida ... metsariàsam ... metsaripezö ... metsaripunga .. ... semarli-maben-trok ... semar-måben-tenet ... semar-maben-ti ...
semar-måben-tako ... semar ... .. ..semarikå ... ... ... lir15-måben-trok... .. lir... ... ... ... lirika ... ... ... tenêm-maben-trok ... tenêm ... ... tenemikà ... ...
rôkar16-maben-trok ... rökar ... ... ... ... rókarika ... ... ... ... tenēmsermetső-maben-trok ... tenêmsermetsö ... ... ... tenêmsermetsarika ...liranaso-maben-trok ...liranaső ... .. ... liranasarika ... ...telang tako-maben-trok ... ...telangtako ... ... ...telangtakdaerkt ... ...
40 and 1 ... 50-not-brought-6
... 50 and 1 ... 60-not-brought-6
-
... 60 and 1 ... 50-and-20 not-brought-6 . 50-and-20
50-and-20 and 1 twice-40 not-brought-6
twice-40 ... twice-40 and 1
9-(before)-100 not-brought-6 ... 9-(before)-100 (lit., 100-936 ... 9-(before)-100 and 1
... ...
... ...
91
Probably the final o ia
» The final in somar, kir, rúkar, is evidently the ro of Lloota, and signiflee". ter." meteo signifies the same thing.
* I take this curiou expression to mean " the 9 before 100."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1898.
96... ...telang-maben-trok
...100-not-brought-6 100 ... telang, noklang ... ... 1,000 ... megirizang, meirzang! ...
The Ao Nagas do not weigh the metals, so far as I can make out, probably measuring them; but they bave a neat set of measures of capacity, on which they have based a sort of avoirdupois weight for their great requirement, fermented rice for making yi (rice-beer):18 -
AO-Naga Measures of Capacity.
Name.
Meaning.
Use.
Approximate actual weight.
àentző molok 2 yi molok...
... egg basket... .. beer basket
value of an egg in paddy ... sêrs value in paddy of standard! 2 sêrs measure of rice made ready for brewing yi (rice-beer).
5 sêrs village standard ... ... 20 (and 10) sers
2 paa
Indian quarter sér... village ...
4 (and 2) imzi
..
The real standard, i. e., the weight that does not vary, is, however, the puè, for the Bengali pawa, magnified from the quarter sér, which it really is, to the five-sêr weight (pasew), probably because five sérs of paddy are equivalent in value to one quarter sér of some article that these people still commonly bay, or have in the past habitually bought, with paddy (unhusked rice).
Another common measure, evolved as above, is the nahú molok, wage basket, 2) to the pua. and hence equal to about two sérs which represents a day's wages in paddy.
Ao-Naga Avoirdupois Weights,19 2 tsama-s'ong are 1 s'ongti = 14 sêrs
1 s'ongti ... ... ... ... = 2 sêrs Some villages have a weight called pudkoplà (? short pud), intermediate between the s'ongti and the teama-s'ong (p. 49). The word for scales is s'ongti, and the term tsand-song seems to mean half-
song, or half the weight that turns the scale. The word seret is also given (p. 157) as a synonym for scales, and the expression seret-lung (lit., scale-stone) is given for "scale-weights." But I gather from a sentence on p. 71 that seret is really borrowed from the Indian word sér and means that weight or its equivalent, thus:
shizang seret-kd mabensa potatoes sér-one insufficient (translated) "the potatoes are a seer short weight."
11 Mrs. Clark very properly remarks (p. 46) that the above toode of reckoning puzzles children and makes them carry forward the wrong figures in addition. So much is this the case, that in the schools an effort is being made to diecard the above irregularities and count regularly thua: tori-trók, sixteen metaart trók, twenty-six ; and so on.” One does not wonder at it. In computing money the wystet must be a very difficult one to work. ..
18 Clark, p. 49. Compare this with the Mapipuri double scale; - one for rice and the other for paddy; Primrone, Grammar, p. 24
1. Clark, p. 49.

Page #215

August, 1898.)
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
209
raka
One has to search the sentences given in McCabe's Angami Grammar for the views of the Angamis as to currency. From these can be gathered the following table :
p. 36 ... ... ... pice ... ... ... ... paise pp. 26, 40 ... 2 annas
moya p. 40 ... ... ... 8 annas ... ... ... duli p. 37 ff. ... ... ... rupee ... ... ... ..
If we may accept that duli = adhóli (Lhota-Naga) = adhélá (Indian), and that rakd = & form of the general Någa word ráng, then the above table agrees with what may be called the normal Någa forms. “Small money” is kepelse (p. 54).
The word for metal (p. 73) is given as t'ejö, but I gather, or rather guese, that jöho is metal and that the t'e = iron. Then for gold we have no word at all, but silver is rakd-jö (p. 85); lead is misitsa-jo (misi, Manipurt : p. 71); copper is presa.jö (pri, Kachin-Singpho, iron : p. 56); while iron is t'exhell (p. 70) and tin richű and thüsi, where she, shü probably equal jó. Brass is (p. 52) maréni or meseni, but I perceive that meréni (p. 60) also = "ear-ring," and perhaps the metal takes its name from the ornament.
At p. 26 we have moya and moyá po (one moya) for two annas," and on p. 40 moya 88 (three moyd) for "siz annas." Rupees turn up at several points in the book; 6. g., p. 26 ... ... ... raka po
one rapee rakâ sê ...
three rapees rake panga ...
five rupees ... raka t'et'a ... ... ...l eight rupees At p. 40 we have duli, eight annas, and at p. 39 raká kennd di duli, rupees two and a duli, for Rs. 2-8-0. On this evidence, I should say that the Angami Nagas count their money quite straightforwardly in rupees, two-anns pieces, and half rapees. Thus their scale would be: -
4 moyê are 1 duli
2 doli 1 raka The Angâmf Nagas reckon on the same principles as do the Ao Någas. Thus:
Angami Naga Numerals. 1 ... po ... ...
2 ... kenna
5
...
. panga ...
t'ena ..
tekwa ... ker-o-pokro .... ker-o-kennd
ker-o-bo kero de
Burn t'et's kerto ten and one more ten and two more ton and three more ton and four more
* Oy. Kaohin and Singpho, 54, gold.
Thor is kor and cor no doubt mocas". tom."
+ French Of. Ao numerale.

Page #216

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGC8T, 1898.
ten and five more ten and six more 20-short-of-seven23 20-short-of-eight 20-short-of-nine
20 one more 30-short-of-seven
ker-o-panga ker-o-suru mekwü pemo t'ena ... mekwü pemo t'età ... mekwü pemo tekwü mekwu mekwü-pokro ser pemo t'enä sera ... ... ser-o-pokro ... lidâ pemo t'ena Lidhm ... ... ļida pokro lipanga lit'ona ļitekwü24 ... ... kra di po, krå mu po nie po ... ...
30 one more 40-short-of-seven
40 one more lisarga lit'et's24
...
100
...
kra
hundred and one one nié (thousand)
1,000
...
...
...
...
In their measures, which are only of capacity, the Angâm Nâgas actually do what one may suspect the Ao Nagas to do from Mrs. Clark's statements, viz., base them on a day's wages in rice. Thus: -
Anghmi Measures of Capacity. zhârâ about 1 bêr 12 utså 12 sêrs 2 râzho , 24 sêrs 2 b8 » 48 sêrs = about 14 maunds
15 chữ P (15 to) 20 maunds The xhár á is the measure of a day's wages (zhd, -d).
Mr. Needham's Miri Grammar, though referring directly to the Shaiyang Clan, is practically a Grammar of the whole Miri-Abors tongue, spoken by a large section of the Nagas.
As has already been remarked, Mr. Needham bardly ever mentions money matters, and his Vocabulary is for the present parpone unfortunately only too deficient.
I take that the Miris really caloulate money thus:-Large pieces silver, múrkong, 1. C., rupees, with a numeral coefficient bár; small pieces silver, i. e., two-anna bits, nameral
» I..., the seven before twenty.
See footnote 22 above; * These words mean respectively 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, k: }i being " ten" evidently. 15 Mr. Noodham's Vocabulary shows that the difference between Miri and Abor is inappreciable.

Page #217

AUGUST, 1898.]
CUBRENOY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
211
coefficient per ; pioe, borrowing the Assamese or Indian word, põisa or paisa, with numeral coefficient per added. Money is generically spoken of a múrkông or márki (pp. 27, 44, 103, 136).
The words for the metals, except iron, are absent from the Vocabulary, save as materials for bracelots. Thus, iron is yokdin (pp. 107, 132: ef. Manipuri yôt, Primrose, p. 17).
The words for bracelets are of brass, kapüng (p. 117); of silver, kóngé (p. 117: of. the rupee, múricông); and of a metal called lead, but (?) really bell-metal, págráng, in which the Någa word for metal, ráng, comes out again.
The Miri numerals are extremely simple, and this tribe's ideas of counting are distinctly Indo-Chinese : -
Miri-Abor Numerals. ... atêrkom
... ...suffired forms: Ako, ko ... anyiko
... aumkò ... apik) ...
... Ôngako ... akêngkò, akikò ...
...kinitko pinyłkò, puinyiko27
... kònângko ... eingko ... .. êingko lâng stêrk)
... ten and one 20 ... êing-Ânyiko ... ...
two tens 21 ... Ôing-ânyiko lâng ôtêrko
two tens and one 30 ... eing-aumkd ... ... ... ... .. three tens 90 ... eing-kònâng kd ...
nine tens 100 ... lingkò28 ... ...
Naineral coefficients are widely used and precede the namerals, as in Chinese and Naga generally : e. g., bár, aum. coeff. for rupee; pír, num. coeff. for small silver (2 and 4-anna pieces) and pice :3 then :Re, 1 ...
bâr-kò, &-bar-kò Rs. 2 ...
bâr-vyîkò, bâr-nys, a-bâr-nyikò
bâr-ümkò, bâr-ûm, -bar-ům kò 2-anna-bit
pir-kò (? &-pir-kò)
pir-nyikò, pir-nyi (Pd-pir-nyiko) , 3 ...
pfr-îmkò, pîr-üm (? &-pir-âmkd)
26 K) is evidently suffix meaning "one," and the idea of the numerals is" a ono," "a two," "a three," and 20 on. The moveable prefix 4 of the first six aumerals seems to imply a fixed quantity, "only" (p. 20); so that the expressions 4.11. kò, d-nylko signify really "only one," "only a two." Kò turns up again on p. 27 of Mr. Needham's interesting pamphlet, A few Digir (Taroon), Mijd (M'ja) and Tibetien Words, 1886, Government Publication, Assam, in the "teens" of the Mijas: thus 11, kap-md-komók), i. e., 10 and 1, and so on to 19.
37 Twioe four.
» But at p. 103 lungo marks is translated " 500 rupees: " bere è in longd means "only," and so, perhape, king or ling means any large number - 100 and beyond.
# I gather that there is a word only for the two-anaa piece, in the 01s0 of the other Nhga tongues.

Page #218

212
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[AUGUST, 1898.
.
But there is an odd exception to the rule in omitting the numeral coefficients with 7, 8 and 9: thus, pui, num. coeff, for round things: then: âpui puikò ...
.. 1 egg apui painyi ...
2 eggs apui puikêng
eggs âpui pui-êing ... ... ... ... 10 eggs Bat âpui kinit
7 eggs apui pinyi
8 eggs , apui lònâng
... 9 eggs So far as the instances given are concerned, the Miris count their money chiefly by means of the coefficients. Thus:
pp. 36, 58 ... . Re. 1... ... ... ..-bar-kò p. 93 ... ... .. Rs. 4... ... ... ... bâr-piko
p. 92 ... ... ... , 10... ... ... ... bâr-êingkò Bat on p. 20 the full expressions are to be found
Rs. 4.... ... ... ... mûrkông bâr-pikò
,, 5 ... ... ... ... můrkồng bár-ngâkò I have now taken those who have been good enongh to follow me through all the unfortunately, but unavoidably, incomplete evidence available to me as to the Kachin-Någa Group of tongues, and it will be seen that the namerals and the words for the metals compare as shown below. I have added Manipûri to the comparison, as being a link between the Kachin-Nága and the Chin-Lushai Groups, though I do not wish it to be thereby inferred that the two groups of tongaes should not really be described as members of a larger general group of languages, embracing all the modes of speech adopted by the populations occupying the hills between India and Burma and the hills of the North and North-East frontiers of India and of the North frontier of Burma.30
Comparative Table of the Kachin-Naga Numerals.
Kachin.
Singphố.
Lhota.
Ao.
Ang&mi. |
Miri-Abor.
Manipdri.
atêrkd...
ama
1 1'ngais1 ... ai ek'a suf. m 32 ..
matsangan. | 2 lòng ... nk'ông ... enni, ônt... anh ...
po ...
...... kd ... ... kenna .. | anytko...
...se
3 msum3.. masum . et'am ... Asam 4 m'li ... mali ... mezü .. pezo 5 m'ngâ ... mangê ... mũngo ... pangủ
koru36 ... k'ra tîrok ... trók...
admkd... ahum
Apfkò ... mari ...angako manga ...akêngkòso ...taruk
... pangů ...suru
» See Houghton, 'Language of the Southern China and at Affinities, 1892, Appx., . xi. 31 Also n'gai.
* Also ma.
38 Also l'kwang, Also mirom. * Also krup, kruk.
* Also ak kò.

Page #219

AUGUST, 1898.]
Kachin.
7 s'nit
8 m'tsat38
Metal.
gold
silver
sinit
masat
j'k'û39
chakû si, shi40
10 shi, si
20 k'un k'un 30 sumshi dumsi t'amdrô semar 40 m'lishi... malisi zûro
...lir... tenêm
50 m'ngâshi.. mangist... tlingyâ 60 krûshi ... k'rûsi rôkro .. | rôhar
...
000
**
spelter...
iron
lead
zinc
...
...
..
Singpho.
tarêt
nipân
mipan
... singhò
tarâ
kul
êinganyikò êingâûmkò.. kunt râ bing plks niphu lipangu...ingângâkò yangk'ai lisuru... ĉingakikò hump'u lit'enâ êingkinitkò... hump'utarà lit'et'a êingpinyîkò... marip'n 90 j'kushi chakûsî.. ek'átôkú... telangtako... litekwi... ek'âtarô46. telang47 ... krå
70 s'nitshi sinitsi...ek'âts'ang<3 tenêmsermetsö 80 m'tsàtshi... masàtsi ek'âtizá liranasö
lingko
êingkònâng kò. mariphutarâ châm s lising
100 l'tsa lâchâ45 1000 chingmi.. hing
tảng meyirzang... niêpo
Kachin.50
......
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
p'ri, pri
......
...
tiing 37
tizâ
tôk û
tarû, terô ter
...mek wi41... metsö
...
51 Also kamp'rong.
88 Also meseni.
...
...
Lhota.
・・・・・
Singpho.
ja
ja kump‘rò k‘umprông... ôring copper m'gri yôngchâk . yôngmenin brass m'gri yôngchâk yongmen yôngchak.
tin
pripr
***
magî
Ao.
...
It is not my purpose here to prove the connection of the above words, but I have no hesitation in saying that they afford most interesting mutual evidence of a common origin. Comparative Table of the Kachin-Naga Terms for the Metais.
Angâmi.
tenet
tî
takô...
...
m'pri
chû, m'jû p'rip'rò
Lhota.
...
Angâmi.
t'enâ
t'et'â
tekwü
ker
mekwü
Ao.
hon... tàribi
Ser
lida
Also m'st.
41 Also mekwi, mekü.
14 Also l's.
47 Also náklang.
...
yôngchânk . in, merằng p'yöntsü... ringin
Miri-Abor.
...
kînitko
plnyikò
kònangkò
ling
rakâjö
presajö
merêni53 rizhü, zhüsi.
t'ezhe misitiju
ST Also ts'ang.
40 Also tai.
43 Also ek'a tling.
46 Also n'zo, n'zü, n'sta.
49 Also sing-mi.
50 See ante, p. 200. The Myitkyina Kachin gave quite a different series of words.
...
60.
82 Also lapa. Also taöin.
213
Manipuri..
se Also s'k'i, ch'k'.
43 ? should be metsar.
45 Also lats.
48 Also sâmá.
Miri-Abor. Manipuri.
sana
? kôngê rûpâ
kôri
? kaping pit'rai
kongau pågring, nel yôkdin... yôt
misi

Page #220

214
[AUGUST, 1898.
Of course, in such a matter as the nomenclature of the metals, savage tribes will borrow largely from those around them, and such a table as the above is valuable chiefly for tracing such influences.
I have had two opportunities of personally examining Nagas as to their vocabulary. One man came from the Naga Hills District, and called himself a Sibsagar Naga, obviously for the benefit of the Englishman, but I could not get a better description of himself out of him. His vocabulary showed him to belong to what are called the Mithan and Tablung Nagas in Dalton's Ethnology of Bengal, p. 71, and I here give the information gleaned from this man for what it may be worth.
He named the metals as follows:-gold, saktôt ; silver, shaksonwd; brass, hàpànà; lead, nakuwà; tin, sauopà; iron, yàn. His money was named thus: - rupee, tàkà (Indian, taka): 8-anna-piece, h'tôli (Indian, adhélá): 4-anna-piece, yekt (cf. Shân, ante, p. 12): 2-anna-piece, asat: pice, paisa, pôiyá, e. g., one anna, pôiya-ali, i. e., pice four. For rupee (the coin) he had a synonymore term, ngünkau, which has a distinct Far-Eastern look, and he recognised the Abrus seed at once as gétalà.
He clearly calculated money, like the other Nâgas, by the silver coins, and his table ran thus:
39
But his chief method of dividing the rupee was by the yeki or four-anna-piece. Thus, he at once named the following fractions, on the coins being put down for him to name : - Re. 1... yeki aga... five yeki
Re. 14 yekî agok Re. 1 yeki amit
six yekî seven yekî
...
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
amit
bôn...
...
His numeration was interesting, thus: -
. chàng
2 ... enni
ali
5
8
hâ
... pâpun pasat
...
...
2 asàt are 1 yekî
1 h'tôlf
2 yeki 2 h❜tôli
1 tàkà
1
4
7
10
11
bôn-bi-chàng
20
30
hahan
50
60
80
90
parêm pakû pahâ
200 ..enni-pag...
..1,000
Two other men whom I examined I can only describe as Manipuri Nagas, for they certainly came from the hills of Manipûr, and belonged to the same tribe and village, though what their precise tribe was called I could not discover.55
These men also divided the rupee by its silver coined parts, but with a curious nomenclature, thus:
...
...
...
...
39
agâ.. ...asat...
...
...
...
3
6 9
12
40
70
100
...
2-anna bit...mûlê (mu weight, Burmese)
4-anna bit...siki (Indian)
8-anna bit...s'nà-pôh (half rupee, s'na) rupee... ...s'nà (= also silver)
arên
agok
akû
...
bon-enni
panit
pamit
paga
65 I rather gather that it requires a considerable practical experience of the Nagas to make out the tribe of any individual with certainty.

Page #221

August, 1898.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
215
For the intermediate ennas they used the Burmese form p'uisdi of the Indian paisu, calling the anna paisán m'tai, four pice, and reckoning thus: -
1 anna ... p'aisan m'tai ... ... 4 pice 2 annas mûlê ... ... ... a mú weight
müle-alt p'aisan-m'tai ... 1 mu 4 pice ... siki ...' ... ...
ski-ali p'aisan-m'tai ... 1 siki 4 pice
mûle aseh ... ... 8 mú And ho on, multiplying out the milé and síki for the even annas, adding plaisiin m'tai for the odd annas, and using s'na pôh for eight annas. This method shows a little more systematic thought than is usual with the wild tribes,
One rupee was called s'nd kali, and, on being shown the coins, they at onco called Re. 14 s'nd-kali s'na-pôh, i.e., one rupee (and) one half, and Re. 1síkf-uningú, i. e., five síkt, which is correct and again shows active reasoning powers.
For the metals they gave an interesting series of terms: - gold and copper, nit: silver, s'na (properly sôná, Indian for gold, vide Lůshai terms to be given later on): brass, hrengli : iron, hú : lead, lingsing. Their numerals were as follows :1 ... ali ... 2 ... an'bai
...aseh ...m'tai 5 ... mongũ
churu Aneh achet
Akau 10 kirau 58
kir58.411 ... 12 ... kir-ihai kir-aseh ...
kir458-m'tai ... 15 kirů-m'ngu kirû-churû kirůânêh
kiru-âchet kiru-Akau m'kai...
m'kai-ali shiru66
râi57-m'tai ... rai-m'ngu rãi-chiru ...
rai-ânên . | ... rai-îcheh .../ rai-akůh ...100 ... kibai
(To be continued.)
13
...
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARDT. Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by Geo. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E., I.C.S.
(Oontinued from p. 193.)
PART II.
THE NOUN. 181. It is a matter for regret that the noun is not nearly so fully treated as the verb in the manuscript grammar quoted by me as Mp. All that it says about nouns and their declension can be summed up in a few lines, and consists merely of & statement of the changes
w We may fairly take the rau, r, rd in these words as 'a ten', kir, kirau, kird meaning 'one ten,' and shirt *3 ten,'
07 Rai is clearly 'a ten' in all these words.

Page #222

216
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(AUGUST, 1898.
which certain vowels undergo in Declension and Conjugation, with a few examples. The following pages, therefore, do not owe much to this MS.
182. The other authorities, in the Roman character, mentioned by me in $$ 1 and ff., are extremely incomplete as regards nouns, and treat them very superficially.53
It thus happens that the solution of many difficulties can only be arrived at by the study of existing texts, and these, it must be confessed, do not always sufficiently assist us, in ascertaining satisfactorily the correct forms of words. For example, in Np. the vowel points are often omitted, or written without adhereace to any fixed rule. Thus, a and i are not unoften interchanged : e.g., aiá hands, beside sio hindi; and again ó ó is sometimes written for 14 a(6), thus o or go mój, a mother, and so many others.63
So also in the texts written in the Devanagari character there is a similar want of system in writing words and forms. E.g., तसन्द and तसोन्द्, निरेख, but नेरेत, which are good examples of the difficulty of fixing the pronunciation.54
I regret, therefore, that the following pages cannot be affirmed to rest in every point on a secure basis ; but they may serve to assist further studies in Kasmiri.56
I. - Gender. 183. The gender of substantives and adjectives is either masculine or feminine. In the case of pronoang, it may also be neuter. When masculine nouns are changed to feminines we find the same changes of final consonants, which we observed in the case of verbs (see $ 158).50
184. [We thus get the following changes.57 They only occur either in the formation of feminines from masculines, or in the declension of feminine nouns.
Final Sy becomes aj
a hat. o oc
; (only in declension58 o ch (only in declension)59 4 chh (only in declension)59 & ch
chh
, ,
I kh
. ,
* The MS. marked i by me must be excepted. Even in this, however, the Personal Pronouns are not given, and the numerals only as far as 48. [Another exception must be made in Mr. Wade's excellent little grammar, which was not known to the suthor.)
65 [The fact is that in Ki-emirt the vowel scale is by no means fixed. In different parts of the country, and by different people, and by the same person at different times, words are pronounced in different ways. There is as yet no standard. This is exemplified by the diffioulties experienced in representing many of the sounds in the Persian and in the Devanagari alphabet. - TEANS.)
(The translator bas endeavoured to illustrate what he believes to be the most usual pronunciation in each case, by the system of transliteration adopted by him: see $8 5 and .)
69 (Mr. Wade's grammar and Israra-kaula's Kasmira-tabu Amrita (A native grammar odited by the translator for the A. S. B.) have enabled the translator to control Dr. Burkhard's results, and, in a few cases, to silently correct slips of the pen, or statements resting on incorrect authorities.)
* We thos, find in Lako, txi. 24, from Sie di inta-mond, trodden onder foot, pl. t. dsto di late-manje
57 [The reader is referred to $$ 158 and ff. The corrections there made are also made bere. The author was under tho impression that the rules for nouns differed from those for verbs, but this is not the case, and correction have been made in the text accordingly.)
- In these cases, the change is not observed in the nominative feminine.

Page #223

AUGUST, 1898.)
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
217
Fiual
t h becomes
tsh
185. The radical vowel is also often changed, in the passage from the masculine to the feminine. Thus Radical.
Becomes.
16
remain unchanged
anchanged unchanged I or 7
so
.
ý itin yu A final < 5ą becomes us = Some words form the feminine, by adding a final Examples of these changes are given below.
()
A. - Substantives.
1. Gender. 186. Few general rules can be given for distinguishing the gendera of nouns. It can sometimes be ascertained from the meaning, derivation, or termination of the word. In many cases, however, authorities contradict each other.
Thus, ;* chis, a thing, and 35 god, commencement, are, according to El., feminine, but are masculine in Np. : 35 gád, a fish, is, on the other hand, masculine in El., and feminine in Np. and elsewhere.60
12.g., & lo moj, mother; jos tuhrat (Arabic fem.), roport; cosas, sindayi (Pernian fom.), life;
da nabiyyah (Arabic), prophetos. A large portion of the vocabulary consists of substantivos borrowed from Arabic or Persian.
"Emslio transliterates gl. Wale gires gât and inakes it fom.]

Page #224

218
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1893.
187. Feminine substantives are formed from masculine ones, in the following ways :
(1) Through the abovementioned changes of vowels and consonants. Examples :
(a) Vowel Changes. 61
Examples
From
To
Masculine.
Feminine.
(La
ja khar, an ass
See below.)
jó khạr]
18
[2 or = 4
gagur, a rat
kokur, 09 a cock
ST
vísý kótur, a pigeon
j zor, a deaf man 5 pol, a plank
B: pat, a small
plank
Je ne
patsa-lôv, a foz
15-pataa په لو
dyar دیار
dyar, a rich man دیور bror, a tom cat برود ]
les brór]
See adjectises.]
[9. ių, yű, etc.
us
See adjectives.] diy 16ta, a parrot
Finals Los
tot تونی
s gur, a horse
uriaي گر
|
, . ahide-ger, a milk-seller psy, addie-gies
• Several additional examples, given by translator. - Lake, xiii. 34, ss kokar (no slao Wade, 9 10).
Pronounod guir. In Devanagari 6. gurt. So also wida-guri is pronounced doda-gilir (Devanagari 75).]

Page #225

AUGUST, 1898.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
219
(6) Consonantal Changes.
(See also below.)
Examples.
From
Masculine
Feminine.
sli návid, a barber
ju neviz
s
pút, a chicken
puts پوچ
hunt, a dog هون
wo ni
(c) Changes of both Consonants and Vowels.
Vowel Change.
Consonant Change.
Masculine.
Ferrinine.
From
To
From
To
/
en ganj]
tang, a pear [Jiw kerál, a potter
Jo shul, a jackal
15 krój]
::
ACAA
s1 شاج gan گان
da, a picnpر گان
u
Lor -
[Ji
JŠI, wtul, a man of low
caste Jólatsúvul, a goat
::::
pily wátai] cale talked
paraj en vatach]
og pahul, a shepherd si batuk, a diake
[sic
hdput, a bear هات
May 4ts ها پچ
teril, a gaoler چژول
0
li long, a cripple -
sin sond, sign of genitive - vạn Ji
et sa tsrój [J so môl, a father
lo mój, a mother) Jy wól, a ring
ring] wys kôn, one-eyed
u kon [Consobantal changes not exemplified above, will be found under the head of adjectives. ]
::::
acaj, a small واج

Page #226

220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1898.
(2) By the addition of the syllable u = ai [w__ in or w = es ; t.g., plo mám, a mother's brother
cule maman a bala, a Brahman
batan
Adns, a boatman هانز
...
hanaaa هانژن ... . ...
...
só khar, an ass ... ... e host, an elephant ...
sy wünth, a camel s káv, a crow ... jui ans, a gander ... ygon sôr, a boar ... ... ugg wôn, a shop-keepor
... [só khør or] uyá kharií ... what hastiá
wotny wúniño ... wsts kõviñ .. anzin ... Ws To sóriñ ...willy wanen
... ... ...
پانور pangar, a mater-carrier
...
pdngarea پائیورن ...
ssss wówur, a weaver ... ... ... (obss wéwar or] wyso nwaren
and so on.
(3) In the case of animals, often merely by the addition of solo máda; c.
shy khar måde, a she-ass; (4) In more or less irregular ways, e. g.,
wahangne, a man مهنيور
...
zanane, a woman زنانه ...
14.bi, brother
...
...
.
w! bene, sister
رازه
raza, king ...
...
...
ران [rajeren or راجرنا ... ran, queen
wa madanyar, a lover, friend and sun, a tiger. ... ... ...
ung wes, a female friend, confidante ... weiter simen
sarup], a snake شرب saruf for شرق
..
رفن sarafet] or sarareh سرین
anhuthor, s lad اگه هر jaundre or جوان anbarath, a virgin النهرش ...
mahraza, a bridegroom مهرازه mahdren مهارن ...
...
ails dárd, an ox ...
kántur, a sparrow pala ghulám, a servant
... jks gáv
tsar, a hen-sparrow ... ja tsunz or juis kanír (El. m.!)
...

Page #227

SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
AUGUST, 1898.]
A man's wife is generally denoted by the addition of bát, or is frequently formed according to rule 2 [the latter is less respectful]. Thus,
chhán, a carpenter
handar, a baker کاندر
45 khár, a blacksmith
J král, a potter
manar, a lapidary
sts padshah, a king...
متر
grist, a cultivator
navid, a barber نارد
sj, wása, a cook
I also find (Luke, i, 36):
ashnaa, the consin آشنا
...
090
khara-b کهاره بالي
mile det کرانه بالی
mangro منرن memar-hat or متر بالی ...
dile chhana-bái, a carpenter's wife
...
221
انه kander-bai or کاندر بائی
kinderen]
(To be continued.)
grist-bit گریست بالی ...
navid-bi نارد بالی
مالک = ) pelakat پادشاه بالی
málika), the king's wife, the queen
... ha he so maca bệnh, a she-cook, or s
Cook's wife
-hnaa شاربالی
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY SIE J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.L.E., 1.0.8.
(Continued from p. 165.)
6. Effects of Spirit-possession.
The general effects of spirit-possession are sickness or disease, barrenness, loss of favour or affection, loss in business, and general misfortune. When a person is seized by a spirit, the usual symptoms are that he cries incessantly, weeps, speaks at random, bites his fingers, sways his body to and fro, lets his hair fall loose, spits blood, refuses food for days, and day by day grows paler and leaner. In some cases of spirit-possession, where the result is barrenness or other form of ill-luck, no bodily signs are visible. In the Konkan as well as in the Dakhan, the following diseases have been generally attributed to spirit-possession, Monomania, Melancholia, Hypochondriasis, Mania, Dementia, Catalepsy, Hysteria, Epilepsy, Convulsions, Delirium, Malaria, Fainting, Long-continued disease, Cholera and other epidemics, and Sudden Illnes.16 Spirit-possession brings sickness and misfortune. So the Kotegârs, low class Dharwar beggars, if sick or unlucky, go to a Lingayat priest, who gives them an enchanted lemon and some ashes. They eat the lemon, rub on the ashes, and are well.17 The Pingla Joshis of Bijâ
18 The effects and symptoms mentioned above are in the case of involuntary spirit-possession. 14 Information from Mr. V. E. Ghollay, Assistant Surgeon, Poona. 17 Information from Mr. Tirmalrão.

Page #228

222
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AUGUST, 1898.
pur, if they are troubled with sickness, think it is caused by an angry ancestral spirit entering the body, and to please the ghost they set his image among the house gods, and worship it. Gujarat Musalmans believe that when a young grown-up girl gets an attack of hysteria it is because she has a jinn, or spirit-lover, who has possessed her.18 Spirit-possession causes sulkiness. Among Gujarat Musalmâns, if a woman is sulky or in a fit, the husband says: "Don't speak; the devil is on her."19 In Mysore, epilepsy is believed to be the effect of spirit-seizure : Buchanan20 says one night hearing a great noise, next morning I made enquiries, and found that one of the cattle-drivers had been possessed by a devil or pisách, and had been senseless and foaming at the mouth. The whole people, Musalmâns and Hindus, met, and in the hope of frightening the devil made all the noise they could. But they could not get him to leave, till a Brahman threw ashes on the man and said prayers. In fact, it was epilepsy brought on by intoxication. Among the Shânârs of Tinnevelly, if a man feels the beginning of an ague fit, or the dizziness of a bilious headache, he thinks himself possessed.21 The Kirghiz. of Central Asia hold that a woman in child-bed suffering from an involuntary muscular contraction, is the effect of posse sion.23 An Arab in delirium is possessed: so the Samoans, Tongons, Sumatrans, all think that madness is possession. In Syria, madness is thought to be inspiration. Among the Jews madness was originally thought to be ghost-possession. The Chinese believe that diseases are caused by the unfriendly spirits of dead ancestors, who, having no posterity to offer sacrifices, and yet having the same need of food, possess or prey ou the living.24 The Hottentots believe that all disease comes from Gauna, their devil-guardian, and his servant.25 Barrenness is caused by spirit-possession, and so Hottentot girls who have just come of age run naked in the first thunderstorm that they may be fruitful.20 In Africa, the effects, or rather symptoms, of spirit-possession are hysteria, lethargy, insensibility to pain, and madness; these symptoms are believed to be the work of Buders or wizards.27 In the Kongo, in West Africa, epilepsy is possession, and the possessor is the ancestral spirit.23 The Abyssinians hold that women are oftener possessed than men.29 The Uanpes think death can hardly occur naturally. The Coast negroes think neither death nor disease is natural. American Indians think that death is caused by witchcraft.30 The belief in spirit-possession and in the spirit theory of disease is still common in rural England. Fits, the falling sickness, ague, cramp and warts are all believed to be caused by a spirit entering the patient's body. These diseases are cured, that is, the spirit who causes the disease is scared, by a charm. In the charm the disease is addressed as a spirit or being. In ague the charm runs : "Aguc, farewell till we meet in hell." Cramp is addressed: " Cramp, be thou faultless, as our Lady was sinless when she bore Jesus."31 In Lancashire, the people think casting out the ague is the same as casting out the devil, for it is the devil in the sick man that makes him shiver and shake.33 Warts are cured by rubbing them with a green elder stick and burying the stick till it rots.33 In certain parts of England fits and hiccough are still believed to be possessions, and are cured by charms. Unmarried country girls in England, when they have no lover, perform many curious rites. The object of the rites is apparently to get rid of a fairy lover who the girl thinks has possessed her, and, to keep her for himself, has thrown over her some spell which makes her unlovely in men's eyes. For this reason she performs various rites to get rid of the fairy lover. In Yorkshire, on St. Agnes' Eve, girls keep a fast, and eat a small
cake, flour, sal and water, without speaking,35
18 Information from Mr. Fazal Latfullah.
20 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. p. 45.
22 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 215.
24 Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. p. 21.
20 Op. cit. p. 87.
28 Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 213.
so Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 250.
82 Op. cit. p. 163.
24 Op. cit. pp. 115-119.
19 Information from Mr. Fazal Latfullah.
21 Caldwell in Balfour's Encyclopædia.
25 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 248.
28 Hahn's Tauni Goam, p. 37.
27 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. I. p. 311.
29 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 241.
51 Dyer's Folk-Lore, pp. 158, 161.
35 Op. cit. p. 165.
35 Henderson's Fekl-Lore, p. 91.

Page #229

AUGUST, 1898.]
MISCELLANEA.
7. How Spirits are kept off.
In many parts of the Bombay Presidency it is believed that persons who die on an unlucky day, people who die a violent or unnatural death, and people who die with a wish unfulfilled, as an unmarried person, or a woman in child-bed, or who die leaving their chief interest behind them, as a woman who leaves a babe, or a miser who leaves his board, do not rest, but come back to trouble the living. To prevent ghosts of this kind from coming back and troubling the family, special funeral rites are performed. Figures of men of dough or of sacred grass are laid on the body and burned, and, in the case of a woman, all or some of her ornaments or clothes are given to a Brahmag woman. Among the Ratnagiri Marathas and Kunbis a woman who dies in child-birth has sometimes the tendons of her heels cut. Among the Sômavansi Kshatris of Alibag there is a strong belief that when a woman marries a second time, her first husband's ghost comes and troubles her. To prevent him troubling her, she wears round her neck a charmed silver or copper amulet, or a silver or copper image of the dead husband. In Gujarat, men and women wear round the neck a round or oblong silver plate with the face of the deceased member of the family who has been haunting them roughly embossed on it.36 In the Dakhan, to prevent the ghost of a woman who has died in child-birth coming back, water and ralá grains are strewn along the path when the corpse is carried to the barning or burying ground. As soon as the body has passed out nails or a horse-shoe are beaten into the threshold of the house, and in some cases a small nail or a needle is driven into the crown of the head of the deceased.
223
To drive spirits from the bodies of persons whom they have seized, several home cures are resorted to. In the Konkin, when a person is believed to be possessed by a spirit, a fire is kindled, and on the fire some hair, markyd lobán or dung-resin, and a little hog-dung or horse hair are dropped, and the head of the sufferer is held over the fumes for a few minutes. Cuts with a light cane are given across the soulders, and pieces of garlic are sometimes squeezed into the ears and nostrils of the possessed. When all home cures fail to drive out the spirit, prayers for help are offered to guardian spirits or to house and village gods. Vows are made to the house gods, and the patient is taken to the temple of Mâruti, or some other village god; there he is made to fall prostrate before the idol, ashes from the incense pot kept burning befor the god and a little red lead and oil taken from the feet of the god are applied to the forehead of the sufferer, and he is brought home. When the guardians fail to drive out the spirit, in some cases even before consulting the guardians, an exorcist, or bhagat, is called in.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA.
KOBANG, THE MALAY COIN AND WEIGHT. THE Commercial term kobang is liable to lead to confusion in the minds of students, because of its application to two very different objects, via, the Japanese gold coin or piece of money known as kobang or ko-ban, weighing 222 grs. of gold, and the Malay money of low denomination, 10 cents, known as kupong and also loosely as kobang. Both the Japanese and the indigenous kobang have been current side by side in the Straits Settlements for centuries. Yule incidentally mentions the Malaya kobang in Hobson-Jobson, but he gives no explanation of it, nor has he devoted an article to
it. The following quotations are a contribution to its history. The word itself seems to mean a piece or slice, and to have been originally a numeral coefficient, as so many modern expressions for money, coin, weights and measures in
are
languages using numeral coefficients. See Maxwell, Malay Manual, p. 71, who, as a numeral coefficient, calls the word keping.
1418.In their trading transactions (Java) the Chinese copper cash of different Dynasties are current... Their weights are as follows
cati (kin) has twenty taels (liang), a tael sixteen ch'ien and a ch'ien four kobangs; a kobang is equal to 2.1875 fen,' the Chinese official weight. Be MS. note, 1888.
1 I. e., the candareen.

Page #230

224
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI.
[AUGUST, 1898.
the ch'ien is 8.75 fen, their tael is 14 Chinese taels,1 1826. - "Accounts are kept ( in Penang) in and their cati has twenty-eight Chinese taels, Spanisk dollars, copang, and pice, 10 pice all in official weight of China." - The Ying-yai making copang, and 10 copangs one Spanish Sheng.lan, quoted in Groeneveldt, Nolas on the dollar." - Kelly, Cambist, in Chalmer, Colonial Malay Archipelago and Malacca, in Indo-China, Currency, p. 382. 2nd Series, Vol. 1. p. 177 ff.
c. 1838.- Acheen in Sumatra. Tale of 16 1554.-" The weight with which they weigh (at mace or 64 copanga." - Prinsep, Vseful Tables, Malacca) gold, musk, seed-pearl, coral, calambuco, Ea. Thomas, 1868, p. 115. .... consists of ....one paual 4 mazes,
1836. - "This gold coin (Japan copang) is not one maz 4 eupões, one cupão 5 cumduryns." - A. Nunes, p. 39, in Yale, Hobson-Jobson, 8. .
to be anfused with the copper coins of 1 and 2
ea pangs coined for Malacca in 1885 by the East mace. Under candareen, Yule quotes the same
India Company."-Chalmera, Colonial Currency, passage in a different rendering, calling opdes,
p. 383 .. cupão by the Anglicised form cupong. 1560.--"Pour hundred easbes make a cow pan.
1836. - " At Malacca 10 Saga besar or 4 Foure cow pans are one mas." - Capt. T. Davis
Kupanps are equal to one maiam." -Newbold's in Purchas, Vol. I. p. 123, in Yule, Hobson-Jobson,
account of Johole, in Moor, Indian Arch., Appi., .. u. tael.
p. 70 n. 1711.-"A Quarter of a Maoe is called a Pollan
1862. -"Kupong (Datch oupon).' A copper or Copong. Imaginary." - Look yer. Trade in money, estimated at 10 doits, or the decima! India, p. 42.
of a Spanish dollar." - Crawfurd, Malay 1775.-" Copang Acheen are 1 Mace, an ima
Dict., ... ginary Coin." - Stevens, Guide to East Indian 1881.-" 10 duit (cent)=1 kapang, (10 centa), Trade, p. 87.
in Penang and Province Wellesley." -Swetten1805. - "The Memorandum of 1805 by Lieute ham, Malay Vocabulary, Vol. I., Appx.. on nant-Governor Farquhar (J. Ind. Arch. Vol. V. Currency, eto. p. 418) speaks of 'doublekies or cupanga,' the dou
1889. - "Local terms are also used to denote bleky being the Dutch coin of 2 stayvers, or 10
fractions of the dollar, as in Penang, kupang doits." - Chalmers, Colonial Currency, p. 382 n.
centa)." - Maxwell, Malay Manwal, p. 142 f. 1811. - " And (at Achin) kepping or copper
1899. - "These are Malay words. The wang cash, of wbich 400 go to the dollar." - Marsden,
was the Netherlands Indian stijver, 4 duits, Hist. of Sumatra, p. 171.
and the wang bhara was the European stijver, = 1812. - "Keping, a copper coin, of which 400
5. duits. Twenty-two years ago, when I was are equal to Spanish dollar." - Marsden, Malay
magistrate at Malacca, I often heard the expres Dict., 8. v.
sion wang bhara used to signify 2 cents of a 1813. -" 4 copange=1 mace." - Milburn, Ori. dollar, though there was no corresponding ental Commerce, in Yule, Hobson-Jobson, $. v. coin. This is similar to the use of the Kapang mace.
in Penang." - Chalmers, Colonial Currency, 1814. - " This tax is either paid in a small p. 383 p., in letter from Sir W. Maxwell, Chinese coin, called kopeng, or in kind." - Rafles, Jasa, Vol. II., Appz., p. cxli.
R. C, TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. MUSALMAN TITLES FOR HINDUS. who held those offices under the Mughal soveTHE use of Musalman titles by Hindde is not reigns. The reverse practice of Muhammadans uncommon in all parts of India which have been bearing Hindu names is also common in Northern subject to Muealman rulers. In Bengal # well- Bengal, where we meet euch names as Shekh known family of Brahmans bears the title of Gobind Dås, Shekh Göpal, KAJ Nath Shekh. Khan. Raja Mahendra Lal Khan, of Midnapor, These are descendants of converts to Islam from is one of them. So also the titles of Majmu'dar Hinduism, who retain the Hindu names of their (now corrupted into Majoomdár), Sirkar, Mus. ancestors. taufi, are borne by the descendants of persons | JOHN BEANBS in P. N. and Q. 1888.
This can hardly infer that the Dutch introduced the word into Malay, became we hear it presumably in use in 1416 and certainly 1564, the first Datoh voyage to ladis being dated 1595-7.

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SOYTHO-BACTBIAN COINS.
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SCYTHO-BACTRIAN COINS IN THE BRITISH COLLECTION OF
CENTRAL ASIAN ANTIQUITIES.
BY A. RUDOLF HOERNLE, C.I.E., PR.D. (TÜBINGEN). The British Collection of Central Asian Antiquities, which has gradually been forming with 1 in the last five years, and a Report on which I am now preparing for the Government of India, includes a not inconsiderable number of very interesting coins. Some of these belong to the Scytho-Bactrian, others to the Indo-Chinese classes. In this paper I propose to describe the coins of the former class. With two exceptions they were all procured, in October 1897, through Captain Stuart H. Godfrey, Assistant Resident in Kashmir, by purchase from a mercbant named Miyên Ghulam Rasûl. They are said to have come from Samarkand, Tashkend and other places in Western Turkestan. The two exceptions are from Eastern (or Chinese) Turkestan, and were procured by Mr. George Macartney, who resides in Kashghar as Special Assistant for Chinese Affairs to the Resident in Kashmir. They were obtained from one of the sand-buried sites to the North of Khotan.
The substance of this paper will form part of my forthcoming Report, which will be accompanied with photographic plates showing the coins liere described.
The total of the Soytho-Bactrian coins is thirty-six. Among them there are Imitations of Bactrian coins, twenty-six coins of Hyrkodes, one coin of Azes, and two of uncertain ascription.
(a) Imitations of Bactrian Coins. There are seven of these ; all silver Tetradrarhins. They imitate the coins of Euthydemus and Heliooles. The former reigned in Bactrin about 210-190 B. C.; the latter, who appears to have belonged to a rival family, about 160-120 P. C. During the reign of the former, Saka tribes occupied the Nor.hern provinces of the Bactrian empire between the Oxusaud Yaxartes. During the reign of the latter, the Sakas, being driven out by Kushan (or Yue-chi) tribes, occupied Bactria south of the Oxus. Their chieftains imitated the coins of their contemporary Bactrian rulers. These coins can be easily recognized by their degradation, both in point of design and of weight.
The best of the seven coins are two in imitation of Heliocles, of his well-known type: Bust of King on obverse, and Standing Zeus on reverse, as in the Dritish Museum Catalogue, plate vii, fig. 2. One, which weighs. 231 grains (full weight 264), measures 1.25'', and is fairly good in design (with ringlet for omikron), though much worn, may possibly be a genuine coin of Heliocles. It has the monogram of Brit. Mus. Cat., No. 4 (p. 21). The other weigbe only 219 grains (size 1.25'), and, as the semi-barbarous reverse shows, is clearly a Saka imitation : but the curiosity of it is, that while it has an imitated Heliocles reverse, it has retained an apparently genuine obverse of Eukratides (c. 190-160 B. C.), who was the predecessor, and perhaps father, of Heliocles. The imitated Heliocles reverse is very fairly done, it has the full Greek legend, but with a dot for omikron, and a rather rude figure of Zeus. Its monogram is . Both this and the first-mentioned coin must be early imitations, and may be referred to about 150 B. C.
The remaining five coins are imitations of Euthydemus, of his well-known type with Head of King on obverse, and Sitting Heracles on reverse, with club resting on his knee. One of them, which is the heaviest, weighing 170 grains and measuring 1", has the king's portrait as shown in Brit. Mus. Cat., pl. ii, figs. 1-4. It had also an entirely Greek legend, which, however, is almost totally obliterated. The other four coins, which only weigh from 155 to 144 grains, show the king's face as portrayed in Brit. Mus. Oat., pl. i, fig. 11 (also Ariana
1 See the outlines of Bactrian history in the Introduction to the British M
own Catalogue, pp. xviii. .

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Antiqua, pl. i, figs. 2-4, and Rapson's Indian Coins, pl. i, fig. 18, in the Indo-Aryan Encyclopedia). Both types of face, however, are very fairly imitated. One of the four coins, which weighs 144 grains (size 1"), had an entirely Greek legend, now badly effaced; hot sufficient traces remain to show that it had the name of Heliokles struck over that of Euthydomus. The two names were not struck accurately in the same line, consequently m (of Euthydemns) is still seen slightly projecting over the line of Heliokles, of which latter name K is fully, and Al partially recognizable; as shown in the woodcut SAIKAMI. The other three coins are bilingual, having the king's name in native Bactrian letters, while the title in Greek characters is seen in its usual place to the right, or behind the back, of the Sitting Heracles. Of the Greek title BABIAEOX only the three letters XI> or Ely (i.e., with inverted A) together with traces of A before and E after them are clearly legible. Coins of this description, that is, with the title to the right and the name in Bactrian letters to the left of Heracles, appear to have been found previously. Two such coins, from the collection of General Fox (if I understand the account correctly), are described by Mr. Thomas in his edition of Prinsep's Indian Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 32. But, so far as I know, none of them has ever been figured. Similar coins, but with the Greek and Bactrian legends transposed, that is, the title in Bactrian and the name (Euthydemus) in Greek, have been published. One, in rather good preservation, has been figured by Sir A. Cunningham in the Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. IX (1889), pl. xiii, (also Rapson's Indian Coins, pl. i, 19). Another series of similar coins has the whole legend in Bactrian characters, see Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. IX, pl. xii, 6; also Ariana Antiqua, pl. i, 9, 10; Indian Antiquities, pl. ii, 6. It is probable that, as Sir A. Cunningham says (Num. Chron., Vol. IX, p. 307), the oldest imitations are those with Greek legends only, next come those with mixed legends of rude Greek and Bactrian letters, the lates) are those with Bactrian characters only. In the second class, I suppose, those coins which preserve the Greek fashion of arranging the legends, and show the title on the right in Green, and the name on the left in Bactrian, may be considered to be older than those which show the mixed legends in the opposite position, i.e., the name in Greek on the left, and a Bactrian legend on the right, the latter legend also being a name. Accordingly the bilingual coins of the present series may be referred to about 130 B. C. It would also seem, if Dr. Gardner's theory of the change of standard is correct (see Brit. Mus. Cat., Introd., pp. lxvii, Ixviii), that these coins are didrachms of the Persian standard (full weight 160-170 grains), such as began to be milted in Heliocles' reign.
Seeing that the Bactrian legend on our coins takes the place of the Greek name, it seems reasonable to assume that, like the latter, it runs parallel to the Greek title and must be read from the outside of the coin. This assumption is certainly supported by the general appearance of the characters, which, after the Semitic fashion, must be read from the right to the left. They are shown in the subjoined woodcut.
15 S3 No. 1.
2294H Weight 155 grs.
Weight 148 grs.
No. 3.
Weight 145 grs.
The third, fourth and fifth letters of No. 1 legend have a distinct resemblance to the Kharosthi letters ja, a and ka; and at first I was disposed to take the second letter as a crude Kharosthi ra, and to read the whole as a mutilation of (ati)raja Akathukleyasa). But the remaining signs do not suggest Kharosthi letters. The fifth letter of Nos. 2 and 3 suggests the Kharosthi e: but on the whole the three legends suggest themselves as identical; for the first three letters in all are clearly the same; so are most probably the sixth and seventh ; and the

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Gifth letter of Nos. 2 and 3 may be only a badly drawn form of the corresponding letter in No. 1. The only apparent difference between the three legends is the absence of the fourth letter of No. 1 from Nos. 2 and 3. I am not able to decipher the legend; but considering the juxtaposition with the other coins of Euthydemus and Eukratides which bear the name of Heliocles, I would like to suggest that the Bactrian legend might also contain that name. The Alphabet carrent in Bactria must have been one of the very early modifications of the Aramaan, similar to the ancient Pablavi and Kbaroşthi. The first and fifth letters are very like the Pahlavi h and the Kharosthi k respectively. The second letter resembles the Kbaroshi l. The third and fourth letters resemble the Pablavi aleph and vau respectively, and together might have been used to express the vowel o. In Nos. 2 and 3 the fourth character is omitted ; and the third might also be taken to represent the Arameanayin and to express the vowel o. Anyhow, the initial four or five characters may be easily interpreted to represent h-l-o-k, the initial portion of the name Heliok (les). It is more difficult to fit in the remainder, unless we may assume that the name was pronounced with instead of l, as in its Indian form Heliakreya. In that case the sixth letter is r, in its form closely resembling the corresponding Pablavi and Kharoştht character. The seventh letter appears to be mutilated, and there may have been an eighth; but I do not know what the genitive inflection of the local Bactrian or Scythian dialect may have been in those days. Thus the characters may represent the letters h-l-o-ke-r, which would well enough make up the name of Heliokles.
(6) Coins of Hyrkodes. There are twenty-six coins of Eyrkodes, about 110 B. C., silver obols; mostly of the two well-known types, with Head of King on obv., and either a standing figure (17 specimens), or Head of Horse (7 spec.) on reverse, as shown in Brit. Mus. Cat., pl. xxiv, 10 (10 spec.); ibidem, pl. xxiv, 11 (7 spec.); and ibid., pl. xxiv, 12 (7 spec.). But there are two obols, one being a new variety of the well-known type, the other an entirely new type. The new variety shows the reverse standing figure holding a spear in his left hand, while the usual variety shows the spear in his right hand. Weight 13 grs. ; size 0.5". The new type shows the usual Head of King on the obverse, but the reverse has a standing figure to the right, apparently Nike standing on a scroll (cloud ?) with traces of a Greek legend. The King's head is distinctive for this coin. Size 0-5625". Weight 17 grs.
(c) Coin of Ases. There is one coin of Axes, c. 80 B. C., silver; nearly the entire legends of both sides clipped away ; of the well-known type with mounted King on obverse, and Zeus holding Nike
on reverse ; apparently in every respect (incl. of monograms) the same as Brit. Mus. Cat. • No. 32, p. 75. Weight 36 grs., size 0.5625".
(d) Uncertain Coins. There are two copper coins, from the neighbourhood of Khotan; apparently Indo-Bactrian, but too much worn to permit of identification. One is a small round coin, measuring inch, weighing 18.5 grs., showing on one side traces of a bull's head facing (f), within an irregular square, enclosed within a marginal circle of dots, without any legend : the other side is entirely indistinguishable. The only, hitherto known, Bactrian coins with a bull's head facing, so far as I know, are two square copper coins of Menander, in Brit. Mus. Cat., No. 66, p. 49, and No. 4, p. 169 (pl. xii, 5, and xxxi, 10). The other is a small, apparently square coin, measuring
inch, weighing 11 grs., showing on one side traces of a conventional stúpa (?) surrounded by an illegible legend : the other side is quite indistinguishable. The only, hitherto known, coin with a stúpa, I believe, is a square copper one of Agathocles, in Brit. Mus. Cat., No. 15, p. 12 (pl. iv, 10).

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ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FREDERICK BURKHARDT. Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by Geo. A. Grierson, Ph.D., O.I.E., 1.C.S.
(Continued from p. 221.) II.-DECLENSION.
The Oblique Base. 188. The declension of a noun depends on what is called its oblique base; that is to say, the form of the noun to which the case-terminations (Ums, un,, u, h) are added. The oblique form ends either in a or i. In some cases it ends in = { in the singular, and in 1a in the plural. Thus, 5 % naukara is the oblique base of us naukar, the servant (dat. sg. voor naukara-s); us kuli is the oblique base of us kul, the free
گور kari is the oblique base of گور ; (4-kali گلس :data ag) tar, the girl (dat. sg
گورا . : (kari-h
ti kathi (singular) and tris katha (plural) are the oblique bases of si“ kath, the word (dat. sg. dobó kathi-h; dat. pl. weis katha-n).
189. There are thus three main forms of declension, an a declension, an i declension, and a mixed a and i declension. As, however, the declension of feminines of the i declensions differs somewhat from that of masculines of the same declension, we may adopt the hitherto customary division of nouns into four declensions[Vi.., Declension 1. an a declension II. ,,
(masculine) » III. , i (feminine)
IV. a mixed i and a declension.] All nouns following the first two declensions are maecnline, and those following the third and fourth are feminine.
Number. 190. Kasmiri has two numbers, a singular and a plural. As in other Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, there is no dual.
Case. 191. There are eight cases, vie., Nominative, Vocative, Accusative, Instrumental, Dative, Ablative, Genitive, Locative.64 The first three may be called direct casea, and the remainder oblique cases. [The last three are made with the aid of post-positions, and are not true cases.]
192. Nominative.-This is the form in which nouns are quoted.
199. Vocative. In the 1st, 3rd, and 4th declensions this case is formed by lengthening the Page #235

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bus naukard ; (II.) u kul, obl. base us buli, voc. 45 kuly6.95 (III.) eskür, obl. base vous kóri, voc. vşyyskôré ; (IV.) 55 gâà, a fish, obl. base 5s gáại, voc. x 55 gâời.
In the plural, the termination , au is added, before which the Page #236

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197. Ablative.67 - This case is usually the same as the Instrumental, but in the case of singular nouns, of the first and second declensions, meaning animate beings, it is the same as the Dative. In the plural it is always the same as the Instrumental. In the 3rd and 4th Declensions it is the same as the Instrumental. Thus (3rd Declension) Dat. and Abl. 8295 köri, pl. gyds kôryau, (4th Declension) Dat. and Abl. 83's gádi, pl. 9515 gâdau. In the 1st and 2nd Declensions the Dat. sing. ends in ws. Thus, in the case of animate beings in the singular number, we have (1st Declension) Dat. and Abl. b ts dras, and (2nd Declension) wogol guris. The Instrumental case singular in the first declension singular ends in w an, and the Ablative singular of inanimate objects is formed by dropping the final n. Thus,
gara, a house, Instr. sing., US garan, Abl. sing. 53 gare. The Instrumental singular of the 2nd Declension ends in -i. In the Ablative, the i is fully pronounced ; and a pleonastic 8 h is added as in the first declension. Thus, us kul, a tree; Instr. sing. Iš kuli; Abl. sing. als kulih or kuli. The 8 h added is merely a graphic device and is not pronounced. The Instrumental plural of both declensious ends in, au, and the Ablative plural of all nouns is the same as the Instrumental plaral, thus, uus tsūrau, es garau, viss guryau, 45 kulyau. The Ablative appears chiefly in composition with prepositions which denote separation or distance ; o. gMjal delp bágha andare, from the garden ; di ultimo des allá degia di dsgin at mashriqa ta maghribą tą janibą tą shamdla potha, from the east and from the west and from the north and from the south.
198. Genitive. - This is properly speaking the Dative, compounded with the declinable words aine sond, sis hond, join sana, ji hạnz, meaning belonging,' '0 all of which govern the dative case. Regarding the use of these expressions see $S 206 and ff. below. In the 1st and 2nd declensions the terminations of the dative is elided before ai sond, so that we get in sy's g naukarą sond (the 8 h is merely graphic), 71 din 3 guri rond ; in the 3rd and 4th declensions we have sis syys kori hond, sie's'sts gáại hond.73
The translator has altered this portion of the original to bring it into accord with the actual facts of the language. The author makes it out to be invariably derived from the Dative. As a matter of fact it is usually the same as the Instrumental)
# Honos overy attribute of a genitive, inelading every genitive dependent on a genitive, and every noun in apposition to a genitive, must be in the dative, see below, 209.
. [The author throughout writes die hins, and there has hitherto been great uncertainty as to which was
the correct form. It is now agreed that jus hone is the correct form, and the translator has accordingly corrected it so throughout.] ** Probably the Skr. sant, being.
Inntond of _ , I now and then find US 6,.g., colo diu, for as dilg. T3 [It must be carefully noted that this Genitive in sond and hond, cannot be used with inanimate masculine nouns in the singular. We ornnot say us sim buli sond, of a troo: We must may calls kulyuk, soo below. The author does not soom to have been aware of this. Corrections have been made throughout accordingly.]

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The genitive can also be expressed in the following manners :(1) The substantive is turned into an adjective, by the addition of the following
syllables :(a) o un (fem.
w a n; pl. u 1 ani, fem, dj 1 ane), to proper names : 0. g., wóló como yao Mirza Sháh-un, of Mirza Shák, wókusy
میرود یا سه ; Uriyaluaa galat, Uriah's wife ولای نه انه
نيلو
ama ya Fllibis-ani ashani Hirdyási- handi bababa, on account of Philip’s wife Herodias ; pls contact coming a Harðd-anis maranas tâm,
until the death of Herod. (6) ge uk (fem. & ach; pl. qki, fem, de ache), to (masca
line] substantives (expressing inanimate things in the singular), including nouns of action, and infinitives used substantively ; e. g., silon T úsmán-uk, heavenly, i. e., of heaven ; jlstros natsan-qch tą gewanach dwás (fem.), the noise of dancing and singing ; dis Lil 's wykcokar-uk bang dina bönth, before the cock's crow, i.e., before the cock crows [This example breaks the rule of inanimate objects] ; Dia su wys, sul; gm pádshúhat-ul sir zánan-uk wuquf, the power of knowing the mysteries of the kingdom (Luke, viii. 10) (Here pádsháhat is treated as a masculine noun); y's blogi hayat-i abadiy-uk wárig heir of everlasting life; agic Taio henach umméd, the hope of taking. [If the masculine ends in yuk, then the feminine ends in ich, the masc. plur, in iks, and the fem. plur, in iche.]
When there are several adjectives in uk, united together by dj ta and, the syllable u ul is usually affixed only to the last ; e. g., as when ay isa outo's domán tạ samin-uk khuddwand, the lord of the heaven and
the earth (of, however, natsan-ach, etc., above) (), uv? (fem., 1 av (or, if the masculine ends in yuv, iv); pl., 1
qui (iv), fem. 89, ave (ive)), only mentioned in Mp. [Wade also describes it. The suffix means ' made of.' Examples. Dette hachyuv gara, a house of wood i vosthachio lør, a stick of wood; spus hachivi krõvi, sandals of wood ; sylw agro hachive dáre, windows of wood. Examples all taken from Wade.)
* Original has, incorrectly, 5 % avu.
1/

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(2) By means of the Persian - i (itáfat); e. go, when I was farsand-i insan, son
of man (cf. 1.). 199. Locative. This case, which occurs only in composition with prepositions (or rather post-positions), is the same as the dative ; e. g., ¿ų bágh, garden, dat. sg. comély bágha-s ; loc. Cató) juh wat, baghas andar (or manz), in a garden ; Dat. pl. mély bághan, loc. (jo) jáil wélı bághan andar (mana), in gardens.
300. Besides the cases described above, Kaemiri has, like Persian, the so-called Case of Unity, which is formed by the addition of > -ah. The noun also is usually preceded, and sometimes followed by the word Ji ak, one.'; e. g., Nysy oiak naukar-ah, a slave, * certain slave ; als ui ak kulah, a tree; byer Ji ak kôr-ak, a girl.
I also find this : * ah used with tis kenh, any, and come yus, who ; •. g., *;tis henh chish, any thing, anything; LAS myus shakhsah, (he) who ; so also in the case of numerals with Jl ak; e. 9., sips l ak hat terah, one hundred sheep.784
201. Arabic words, which are already in their Arabic plural forms, can also forma Kasmiri plural; thus w nabí, a prophet ; plur. gen. i wt nabiyan-hond, or sia un anbiyah-an hond, from the Arabic Plural i anbiya (compare Luke, xvi. 29 with xvi. 31).
So also from Arabic adjectives new Kaśmfri adjectives can be formed by means of the above-mentioned termination J uk (ef. above, ali on hayat-i-abadiy-uk).
(To be continued.)
Birl.
THE BIEGE OF AHMADNAGAR AND HEROIC DEFENCE OF THE FORT BY CHAND BIBI - A NARRATIVE OF AN EYE-WITNESS.
BY MAJOR J. S. KING, Indian Staf Corps (retired).
Prefatory Remarks. The great siege of Ahmadnagar by the Mughals and the heroic defence of the fort by the famous Chand Bibt forms one of the most interesting and romantic chapters in Indian history, but hitherto - as far as I am aware - no account by an eye-witness of the siege has ever been published. Up to the present Firishtah has been almost our only informant, for those who succeeded him, recognising him as the greatest authority of the day on Dakhan history, have simply copied him. Bat Firishtah, with most of the other foreigners who escaped the massacre in the reign of Isma 11 Nizâm-Shah, was compelled to leave Ahmadnagar, and he then went to reside in Bijapur. This was six or seven years before the siege, and he does not appear ever to have re-visited Ahmednagar.
The Burhan-i Ma,Asir, from which I have translated the present account, is a very rare Persian MS. by 'Al B. Asis-Ullah Tabataba. I have only been able to hear of three copies of the work, vir., one in the India Office Library, No. 127 - from which this translation is made-one in the library of King's College, Cambridge, No. 65, and one in the British Museum Library, Add. 9996-9998, and the latter seems to me to be a modern copy made directly from the Cambridge MS. before it found its way to the College library. The first part deals with the history of the Bahmani dynasty, and the
1a (In Devanagari these words are spelt with a long 4. Thus, naukar.ch, FTC kulah, &c.]

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remainder is a history of the Nizam-Shahi dynasty of Aḥmadnagar. The last section of the work, which begins with a fresh Bismillah, is an account of the invasion of the Dakhan and siege of Ahmadnagar by the Mughals in 1595.h and concludes with the departure of the Mughal army on the 18th March, 1596, and the submission of Ikhlaş Khan and other Abyssinian amirs, to Chand Bibi. The anthor tells us in the beginning of the account that he was an eye-witness of most of the events which he records.
Chand Bibi (or Chand Sultanah as she was afterwards called), the heroine of this narrative, was danghter of Husain Nizâm-Shah, third king of Ahmadnagar, who died in 1565. She was married to 'All Adil Shah I., Arth king of Bijapur, at the same time that his sister, Bibi Hadiyah, was married to Chand Bibi's brother, Prince Mirtaza Husain. Chand Bibi's husband was assassinated by a slave under discre litable circumstances on Monday, the 24th of the month Şafar, A. H. 988, at the eighth hour of the night, corresponding to 2 a. m. on the 11th April, 1580, and as she is said to have been abont twenty five years of age at the time of her husband's death, she must have been about forty at the time of the siege.
The narrative opens at the period when Ibrahim Nizâm-Shah - eighth king of the dynasty - after a reign of only four months, having been slain in action against Ibrahim Adil-Shah II. of Bijâpur, was succee led by his son, Prince Bahadur, but the latter being then only three years old, his grand-aant, Chand Bîbi, assumed the Regency. Advance of the Mughal army into the kingdom of the Dakhan, and
their return without attaining their object. To the wise critics who are possessed of penetration and vision and the offspring of the laboratory of creation it is manifest and clear that when the Lord of the glorious and exalteil dominion opens the door of prosperity in the face of felicity, He finnly plants the hand of protection on the solid mountain of confidence. In whatever direction the face of hope turns, a two-horsed object comes to meet it. A clear proof of this saying is the coming of the Mughal army into the Dakhan, and after the siege of Ahmadnagar and slaughter and exertions without limit or mensure, their not seeing the face of victory and triumph - owing to the assistance of the Most High God and the sincerity of the intentions of Her Highness Chind Bibt Sultanah, daughter of Shah usain Nizam Shah. (May God the Most High extend their glorious shadows till the separation of the two worlds!)
The sweetly-speaking parrot' of the relation of the orators of the assembly of speech, who with the polo-stick of the pen has carried off the ball of eloquence from his compeers, and with his own eyes has witnessed most of the strange events [here recorded], thus displays these precious pearls in the sight of the eloquent observers.
After the martyrdom of Prince Ibrahim Nizam Shah, Miyan Manja withdrew his footsteps from the road of obedience and devotion, and nominated for the sovereignty of the kingdom of the Dakhan an infant named Ahmad Shah, and sent Prince Bahador Shah bin Nizâm-Shîh to the fort of Chåvandh," which is celebrated above all the forts of Dakhan for its strength and inaccessibility. Not content even with this, he posted a number of doorkeepers round the royal haram of Her Highness the Bilkis of the age [Chênd Bibi) in order to prevent the servants of the court going to and fro, and not to allow anyone to go near her: moreover he contemplated putting her to death. And when the Habshi amirs having refused to obey Miyân Manja, laid siege to the fortress of Ahmadnagar, and the besieged were reduced to extremities, Miyan Manja through helplessness and necessity sent a letter to Prince Shah Murad - who had always entertained the idea of conquering the Dakhan, and had thought of marching in that direction - and incited His Highness to conquer these paradise-like dominions. Previous to that letter from King Akbar, also concerning the conquest of the Dakban, had reached the Prince and all the amfrs of the frontier. At this time, when from the letter of
. Of course the author here alluden to himself.
1 Tarkarat-ul-Muldk, I. O. MS. No. 3540, p. 161. * Lat. 19° 49' N., long. 78° 49 E.

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Miyan Manjû he obtained information of the dissension among the Nizâm-Shahi amirs, considering it a good opportunity, he marched towards the Dakhan with the army of Gujarat and Mâlwâ.
When Raja 'Ali Khan, hakim of Burhanpur, heard of the approach of that great armybeing altogether hopeless of assistance from the army of the Dakhan according to orders which had reached him from His Majesty King Akbar on the subject of alliance and co-operation with the Prince and the leaders of the army, he proceeded to join that army, and visited the Khân Khânân, on whose promise he placed most reliance; and with him waited on the Prince, and with the desire of collecting forces, returned to the Dakhan dominions by way of Sultanpur.
As Sa'adat Khân [alone ?] of all the servants of Burhân Nizam-Shah, after the terrible death of His Majesty Ibrahim Shah, outwardly used to show affability towards the malevolent traitor, Miyân Manjû, the latter sent that khin towards the districts of Kolâbâ and Nasik, which were under the Nizam-Shahi government. Now that the numerous Mughal force was passing in that direction, Sa âdat Khân, seeing the paucity of allies and the great numbers of the enemies, deemed it unadvisable to attempt opposition; so turning away from the route of that numerous and desolating army he went into the Dakhan without opposing the advance of the Mughal army.
Miyan Manju, who had been freed from the siege of the Ḥabshis, repented having asked for the Mughal army; consequently he resolved to flee from them. Concerning this he took counsel with the nobles of the State; and as he very much doubted and feared the adherents of Chând Bibi, he showed them much affability, in order by fraud and deceit to prevent their attaching themselves to Her Highness. On pretence of opposing the Mughal army he marched out of the fortress of Ahmadnagar, but delayed three days within sight of the fortress, awaiting the assembly of the Dakhan army and the arrival at the head of it of Miyan Hasan, who with a number of amirs, had been sent to suppress the sedition of Ikhlas Khan and the other Habshi amirs. The news of the approach of the Mughal army being circulated, Miyân Manjû took counsel with the amirs and leaders of the army regarding some agreement and plan of campaign. Most of the amirs persistently urged flight, except the ambassadors of the kings of the Dakhan, and in like manner Mujahid-ud-Din Shamshir Khan Habshi, who through the infinite royal favours of His Majesty Murtaza Nizâm-Shâh had become learned, and after being advanced by slow degrees from the obstacle of servitude to the rank of amir, had withdrawn himself from the affairs of governorship and the military profession, and in retirement and solitude had employed himself in the acquisition of religious knowledge. Now, when Miyan Manjû was reduced to extremities, he summoned this learned man to arrange a council with Ikhlas Khan and the other Habshis, and requested their advice regarding war with the Mughal army: Mujahid-ud-Din Shamshir Khan Habshi opposed Miyân Manji's intention of flight, and said: "To fly from the enemy's army without contemplating battle and using sword and spear, and leaving the plain of the dominions and all the subjects to be trampled on by the enemy's army, does not commend itself to men possessed of sincerity and faith."
Miyan Manjû replied: "The enemy's force is double that of the Dakhan; and in battle it is probable that a thousand kinds of troubles and afflictions perhaps a fatal misfortune may happen, and all the elephants and artillery and the foundations of sovereignty and power, may fall into the enemy's hands; for the sages have said: 'He is a wise man who avoids fighting one stronger than himself,' and the obligations of vigilance and caution are, as far as possible, not to resort to war."
Attack not a force greater than your own,
For one cannot strike one's finger on a lancet.
—
It is absurd for a few drops of rain to claim an equality with the infinite ocean, or for the insignificant motes to imagine themselves equal to the sun-beams! The best plan is to take refuge with His Majesty Ibrahim Adil-Shah, and fly to his court; and from the servants of that court and from His Majesty Ķuli Kutub-Shah to seek assistance, and with this strength to oppose the enemy's army."

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Mujàbid-ud-Din Shamshir Khân replied: "Ii you will look on, wait in this same place; hand over the command of this force to me, and leave me to fight the enemy : by the aid of the Lord of earth and heaven I will make a night attack on the enemy's army, and gain a victory which will throw into oblivion the story of the seven-sold slaughter. Ir, with the divine assistance victory be on the side of the nobles of this State, well and good! Otherwise we can scatter our forces, and like devoted servants, continually attacking the flanks of the enemy's army, we shall throw on the dust of destruction ench one whom we find. We can block up their lines of communication, till we reclucu that crowd to distress. Want of water and forage, like a pair of compasses, will describe a circle outside which none of the enemy's army will be able to set ioot. Perhaps by this stratagem the enemy, being reduced to straits, may return without acquiring a name and reputation."
Since Miyan Manju did not feel secure from Shamshir Khan ; on the pretence that the army would not unanimously consent to obey the latter, he rejected his advice; but in order to curry favour with Shamshir Khan he promoted him to the rank of Amir-ul-Umara and corumander of the forces in the province of Ahmadnagar ; he appointed him to keep the districts in subjection and protect the subjects till the dispersed army from the various quarters of the dominions should assemble under the shadow of his victorious standard, and obey his commands and prohibitions. He wrote a farmán concerning this, and adorned the person of that khán with the robe of honour of Amir-ulUmard and administrator of the country. The office of Kotwal of the fortress of Ahamadnagar he conferred on Anşar Khan, who was one of his friends and coadjutors, and charged him to repel some of the nobles and inhabitants of the country.
Then Ahmad Shah, on Friday, the 20th Rabi II., A. H. 1004 [13th December, A. D. 15957, with all the cash and odd valuables which were at hand in the treasury, and about three hundred unrivalled elephants, all the artillery, all the paraphernalia of sovereignty and pomp, and about 8,000 cavalry who had elected to join him, proceeded towards the district of Bhid.
A number of nobles, such as Afzal Khan (who was distinguished above all his compeers in the service of the kings of the Dakhan, and whose sincerity and good will had commended him to Her Highness Chînd Bibi, and who had enrolled himself among her followers) ; Maulana Shams-ud-Din Muhammad Lárt, ambassador of His Majesty Ibrahim Adil-Shah ; Maulana Hiji Isfahani, ambassador of His Majesty Muhammad Kuli Kutb-Shah ; Habib Khân, who at that period was promotel to the office of wazir ; Mubirr-uz-Zainan Razwi Mashadi, and a number of other foreigners, amongst whom was the writer of this history, drew the foot oi safety into the skirt of retirement from office, and being unwilling to join Mfyân Manjů, considered the service of the court preferable to the companion. ship of that synopsis of the lords of deviation,
Miyan Manjů being apprehensive at their remaining behind, sent a person to Şafdar Khan, governor of the city and Burhanabid in order that he should seize and bring to his camp the whole of the foreigners, whether they would or not, and the artillery and rocket apparatus belonging to the govornment; consequently he cause l Şafdar Khan, Habib Khin, Asad Khan and several of the foreigners to march nolens volens and brought them to the army of Miyan Manju; and a number of the grandees sitting in their houses shut the doors in the faces of the people and joined the army of Miyan Manju.
When Her Highness Chand Bibi obtained information of the flight of the mischief-makers of the country and inverters of the State, she used her utinost endeavours in arranging the affairs of religion and the State, and devoted her attention to putting in order the bases of sovereignty and discovering a remedy for the state of disorder which had found its way to the feet of the royal throne.
• Mirza Rafi -ud-Din Shirazi ways that Miyan Manju carried off Ahmad Shah to Bijapur, where the latter way well treated; being given a fine house to live.in and the revenue of ten villages assigned for his support, but in the month of Muharram, A. H. 1018 (March-April, A. D. 1509) having attempted to raise a rebellion, he was sent with his wife and family as a prisoner to the fort of Murtazi'abad.

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[Mohainmail Khan) from the first showel rectitude and judgment, and always walked on the straight toal of obedience and submission to the royal mandates and probibitions ; he used to opposo Miyam Manju in the days of his predominance and despotism, and in conjunction with Afzal Khan usel to make prudent arrangements for repelling the enemies of the State. Now when Miyan Manjů vacated the capital and took to fight, Her Highness Chand Bibì sent a person to Aigal Khin and Muhanmad Khan, and persuadel these two kháns to put down Anşir Khân. When most of the nobles and grandees of the country had remained behind from the army oi Miyan Manjů, Angar Khan, kotrail of the fortress of Ahmadnagar, being apprehensive of this circumstance, he, according to the injunctions of Miyan Manjú, endeavoured to drive away that body; and as be feared more than all Muhammad Khan, who was the head and chief of all the Dakbanis, he considered it most important to get rid of this nobleman; so on Monday the 23rd Rabi II. he, with a number of his own brothers and couljutors, arranged the preliminaries of the assassination of Muhammad Khan, and sent a person to summon than khán of high degree, saying that his presence was urgently required for the arrangement of some of the important affairs of the country and State.
The following is what the writer of this history heard from Muhammad Khan. Placing his reliance on the goolness of the Creator of mankind, Muhammad Khan with a few of his song and relatives proceeded to the fortress and his interview with the unfortunate - Ansar Khân. When he visited that wanderer in the desert of error, Auşâr Khân, on pretence that he wished to consult him in private, first took the Khan into his own house, whereas he had previously brought into that house a great number of soldiers, and had arranged with them that when Muhammad Khan should enter the house and he (Anşar Khân) should give the signal, they should hasten to kill him. The khan, with two of his sons and one of his relatives, thoughtless of the stratagem of their enemies, entered the house of the malevolent Anşar Khân. But Multân Khán, Saiyid Hasan, Ahmad Shah and Shir Khân - although they were allies of Anşår Khan-had secretly entered into an agreement with the attendants of Chand Bibi to kill Avşar Khan. Peing aware of the design of Anşar Khân, they seized the door of the house, and did not allow any of Auşar Khan's people to go inside. Anşir Khân, prepared for the attainment of his object, in the midst of the conversation signed to his brother to make haste to kill Maha nmad Khin ; his brother drawing his sword sought to overcome hin, but the sons of Muhammad Khin becoming aware of the stratagem of their enemies, drew their swords and engaged the brothers and helpers of Anşår Khin. At this time Anşir himself tried to kill Muhammad Khin. Abì-1-Kasim made Anşar Khin his shield, and the sword of the brother reached the breast of the unjust Anşar Khân and penetrated his back. Mu'ammad Khân also stretching out his hand, with the strength of his manly arm snatched the sword from the hand of Ansar Khân's brother, and struck him such a blow' on the breast that the point of the sword went out through the nape of his neck. So with the one sword those two malevolent and depraved men were overthrown, and the time of their excuses and deception came to an end. The glorious sons of that man of good disposition [Muhammad Khan], although they had received wounds, yet by the aid of the favour of God, they vanquished the brothers and coa ljutors of Anşir Khân. and 80 removel the wickel ones of the country from over the heads of the well-wishers, and freed the king tom from the impurity of the existence of those sinners against religion and State ; and made manifest to mankind the mystery of "Whoso diggeth a pit shall fall therein."
When Muhammad Khan and his sons were free from the designs of Anşîr Khan and his assistants, the soldiers of Anşir Khâu, who from outside the house had endeavoured to rush in, but owing to the opposition of Multan Khan, Ahmad Shah, Saiyid Hasan and 'Ali Shir Khân, were unable to effect an entrance, when the heart of their leader was cut off they withdrew from hostility and placed their feet in the circle of obedience and submission.
Muhammad Khin, after the killing of Anşar Khin, hastened to wait on Her Highness Chand Bhi, and gave her an account of the occurrence. She gare orders that the heads of those evil-doers, -- which had been pigeon houses of vicious thoughts, and in the upper story of whose brains the owl
: Omission in text, y. u.

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of negligence had built the nest of pride - as an example to other corrupters of the State, should be placed on the point of spears and taken round the bázárs, and that the joyful news of this victory shonld be noised abroad through all parts of the kingdom, far and near. The servants of Her Highnebs did as she ordered ; and for the sake of the peace of mind of great and little, she herself in her most pure person ascended sun-like to the summit of one of the towers of the fortress.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.I.E., IC.S.
(Continued from p. 223.) Exorcists. - Exorcists, or spirit-scarers, are known in the Dakhan and Konkan by various names as bhagats or devotees, déornsis or divine sages, jantris or conjurers, mantris or enchanters, and panchak sharis or men of (five) letters. They belong to all classes of Hindus and Musalmans, but they are generally recruited from the lower classes. They have two divisions - professional and non-professional. Non-professsional exorcists are generally persons who become possessed by a guardian spirit, or dév: a few of them learn the art of exorcism from & guru or teacher.37 Most professional exorcists have had a regular training from a guru or teacher. The first study is begun on a lunar or on a solar eclipse dits. On such a day the teacher after bathing and withont wiping his body or liis headhair, puts on dry clothes and goes to the village temple to Maruti. The candidate having done likewise also goes to the temple. The candidate then spreads a white cloth before the god, and on one side of the cloth makes a heap of rice and on another a heap of udid, 18 sprinkles red lead on the heaps, and breaks & cocoanut in front of the idol.
In the Dekhan as well as in the Konkan, there are many persons who are said to be naturally codowed with a power over spirits. The pensioned mámlatdar of Igatpuri, in Násik, is at present (1888: believed to have a power over
k at the top of Ojha's steps, is n monastery of Raghunathbirn, who about seventyfive years ago was famous for his power of curing diseases and controlling spirits and elemeuts. One of the Adil Shahi kings of Bijapur was supposed to have power over spirits and dins. At Bijapur he built a bouse with Atrong walls and a round stone roof. The house had no windows and no doors. He left a little bole, and by his power over then he drovo in all diseases - cholera, small-pox, and fovar - and shut the hole. After this the people were free from disease. When the English took Bij pur, an officer saw this building withont a window or a door. He asked the people what was the 2180 of this strong house with weither a door nor a window. The people said, cholera and small-pox and fever are shut in the honse, and no one should open it. The English officer thought that this showed there was money in the house, and that the king hal told the people this story, so that no man might touch his treasure. The officer broke down the wail, and the house inside Wam empty. Terrible cholera and small-pos aprad over the land, and, especinlly in Dharway, many holliers and many oficers diei (Iuformation from Abdul Rutler).
In the village of Mingaon, in Savant Ads, lives n Konkadasth Brahman whose con Wanderri to all the holy pinces in India. At Banaras. DattatraTA Appeared to the young Bruchmiin in a dream, and and he would come into hinn nt suy village in which he chose to live. The yonng Brahinay got an imase of the gol, went back to Mangor built n temple. anal set up the image. This happened in 1883. On bis ruturn it was found that the young Brâhnia. or the ed Dattatreya who lived in him had creat power to scare evil spirts. When person suffering fro:n 13 evil spirit is brought to tbe teraple, the patient generally goes in a distracted way, wandering rond the temple and coming before the young Brahman, who is about 25 years of age, tolle who he (that is, the spirit in him) is a Jakin, a Kair, or a Choda, The Brihmap, who eits at his ease and shows no sign of being POS Red by Dattatraya, asks the Mpirit if he will go. The lirit says: "I will if I get liquor or flesh." The Brahman xay: "No, take this plaintain and go. Te spirit says: "I will not go; I have hosts of spirits besides myself. What is a plautain to us all The Bråhnan grinddown lump of sugar and gives him it. The possessed rude some dintance from the temple. fulla in a swoon, comes back to the Brahman, and bathes. When spirit is very bed, and will not say who he is, .. Brahman says: "Go into that pillar" - big pillar in his temple. The Brahmap gets up, and puts his arm round the pillar, and the spirit in the sick man raya. "Oh! Dattatrays, I am wrong: let me go, let me go." The Brahman ents almoet nothing, and anks for nothing. Great numbers of women and sick go to him to be cured.
# Phaseolus radiatus.

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The teacher teaches him the mantras or incantations, which lo commits to memory. An ochrecoloured flag is tied to a staff in front of the temple, and the teacher and the candidato return to their homes. After this, on the first new moon which falls on a Saturlay, the teacher and the candidate go together out of the village to a place previously marked out by them on the boundary of the village. A servant accompanies them, who takes in a bag of wil, or Phaseolus ralliatus, oil, seven earthen lamps, lemons, cocoanuts, and red powder. After coming to the spot the teacher and the candidate bath, and then the teacher goes to the temple of Maruti, and sits praying to the god for the safety of the candidate. The candidate, who has been instructed what is to be done, starts for the boundary of the next village accompanied by the servant. On reaching the village boundary he picks up seven pebbles, sets them in a line on the road, and after lighting a lamp near them he worships them with flowers, red powder, and Phaseolus railiatns. Incense is burnt, and a cocoanut is broken near the pebbles, which represent Vêtål and his lieutenants, and a second cocoanut is broken for the village Maruti. When this is over, the candidate goes to a river, well, or other watering place, bathes, and without wiping his body or putting on dry clothes proceds to the boundary or vesa of the next village. There he repeats the same process as before, and then goes to the boundary of a third village. In this manner he goes to seven villages, in each performing the same ceremonies. All this while he keeps on repeating incantations. After finishing his worship at the seventh village the candidate returns to his village, and going to the temple of Maruti sees his teacher, and tells him what he has done. In this manner having worshipped and propitiated the Vêtals of seven villages he becomes a dé urusí or exorcist. After he has gained the power of exorcism he has to observe certain rules. On every eclipse day he must go to a sea-shore or a river-bank, bathe in cold water, and while standing in the water repeat incantations a number of times. After his daily bath he must neither wring his head-hair nor wipe his body dry. While he is taking his meals he should leave off eating if he hears a woman in her monthly sickness speak, or if a lamp is extinguished. The Mohamedan methods of studying exorcism are different from those of the Hindus. One of them is as follows:- The candidate begins his study under the guidance of his teacher or ustád on the last day of the lunar month, provided it falls on a Tuesday or Sunday, The initiation takes place in a room the walls and floors of which have been plastered with mud, and here and there daubed with sandal paste. On the floor & white sheet is spread, and the candidato, after washing his hands and feet and putting on a new waist cloth or pair of trousers, sits on the sheet. He lights one or two incense sticks, and makes offerings of a white cloth and meat to one of the principal Musalman spirits as Barhena, Hatila, Mehebut, and Suleman, This process is repeated for from fourteen to forty days.
As the course of magical study which a Hindu exorcist is required to follow differs in many points from the Musalmûn training, so the plans and procedure adopted by Hindu exorcists to scare spirits differ much from those adopted by Musalmans. The commoner forms of exorcism practised by Hindus are :-(1) Lemons are held over the fumes of incense, and charmed by repeating incantations over them. They are then kept under the pillow of the possessed person. (2) A small circular copper or silver box is made, and in it are put some charmed ashes, a medical berb, and a paper on which the names of Hindu gods and the name and the mother's name of the possessed and some mystic words are written, and its mouth is closed. The box, called taita, is then tied round the neck if the patient be a female, and round the arm if the patient be a male. (3) The exorcist charms some ashes, and rubs them on the forehead of the person possessed. (4) A fowl or chicken of such colour as the exorcist may require, and of the variety which has its feathers turned upwards, is waved round the possessed person, and is thrown away. In some cases & goat or sheep is waved round the face of the patient, taken to a spot mentioned by the exorcist, and there slaughtered. The flesh of the animal is cooked, a portion of it with some cooked rice is left on the spot as an offering to the spirit, and the rest is eaten by the exorcist. (5) Cooked rice and flesh, curds, eggs, cocoanuts,

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flowers and red powder are put in a bamboo basket, waved round the sufferer, and the basket is carried to a place where four roads meet. (6) The exorcist takes a few grains of udid, 39 charms them by repeating incantations, and throwing them on the body of the sufferer makes the spirit that has seized the patient depart. (7) When the spirit that has seized a person is an angelic spirit, as an Asra, Sathvai, or Navlai, a cotton thread, dyed red and yellow, called a nádapudi, is charmed, fumigated with incense, and tied round the arm of the sufferer. (8) Some exorcists by the power of their charms cause the spirit to come out of the body of the possessed, and to enter a bottle whish, when the spirit has entered it, they close with a cork; the bottle is then buried cork down in a lonely place. (9) Some exorcists draw a figure, and write a mysterious formula on a leaf of the bhurj, or Indian birch tree. The leaf is then dissolved in water, and the water is given to the possessed to drink. (10) In some cases the exorcist takes the possessed person to a large tree; there he pronounces some mystic spells, and thereby forces the devil into the tree, and by driving a nail into the tree fixes the devil therein. (11) When a person is seized by a Brahman's spirit, soine Brålmans are fed and presented with money, and when a person is seized by the archfiend Vetal, the exorcist tells the patient to worship Vetal's stone, and to make him offerings of boiled rice, curds, lime, a cane, betel nuts and leaves, cocoanuts, a garland of ruito flowers and camphor and incense. Among the practices followed by Musalman exorcists are :-(1) The exorcist takes a small circular copper or silver box, and after writing the names of the sufferer and of his mother and the name of Allah or some mysterious figures on a piece of paper he encloses the paper in the box, and ties the box round the neck or arm of the sufferer. (2) The exorcist writes some lines from the Kurán or some mysterious figures, or names of great saints or potent good genii on a paper, which is then made into a circular wick and burned, and the head of the sufferer is held over the fumes of the burning paper. (3) A cotton thread, dyed yellow or red, called nádápudi, is charmed, fumigated over burning incense, and tied round the arm or neck of the sufferer, (4) Some passages are read from the Kuran, when the reading is over, the reader blows his breath on the possessed person, and the devil flees. (5) The name of Allah or figures which are known to possess certain virtues are written on a paper, or on tree bark or on a brass or porcelain plate, or on the blade of a knife; the article on which the name is written is then washed in rose-water, and the water is given to the possessed person to drink,
The Hindu methods of exorcising spirits are believed to be specially fitted for scaring the spirits of deceased Hindus, and the Musalman methods for scaring the spirits of deceased Musalmans. At the same time as a Hindu exorcist can drive away & Musalman ghost and as a Musalman exorcist can drive away a Hindu ghost, both methods are practically considered equally offective. The following details show the procedure adopted by Hindu exorcists in the Konkan, that is, on the mainland near the city of Bombay.
Ganga, the wife of Rama, a Kunbi of Bassein, in Thâná, on the way home from the fields in the evening, is attacked by a spirit. On reaching home she begins to cry, lets her hair fall loose, bites her fingers, spits, and wanders in her speech. Her husband and relations guess that she is possessed. They put tulsi or sweet basil juice into her nostrils, burn hair, frank incense, and sulphur under her nose, and break pieces of garlic root near her ears. Still the spirit does not leave her. On the contrary, Ganga grows more and more excited. Next day Rama calls in Govind, an amateur spirit-scarer, by caste a Vad val and a gardener by calling. Gôvind, accompanied by two of his sáthis, or comrades, comes at about six in the evening, when the power of spirits is at its highest. On entering Râmi's hut he washes his face, hands and feet, and sits on a low wooden stool set in the verandah in & square made by lines of red powder. He is given a pot filled with water, a cocoanut, plantains, rice, betel nuts and leaves, incense, camphor, ashes, flowers, and a garland of ruil bloons, which he lays in a row before him. He then sets upon the rice a betel-nut and betel-leaves, or, if he has brought with him the
# Phaseolus radiatus.
4. Calotropis gigantes.
4 Calotropie gigantea.

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image of the god or gooddess whose devotee he is, he sets on the rice the image of his patron god, and presents the image or the betel-nut with flowers, red powder, a cocoanut and frank-incense, and bows before it. He next tucks behind him the middle part of his waist cloth or dhôtar, puts the garland of rui flowers round his neck, and, with his hands folded, either kneels or stands in thought for a few minutes. His comrades, standing behind, beat drums, clash cymbals, and sing the praises of Vêtal, or of some other spirit-god. While they play, the body of the spiritscarer begins to sway to and fro, and inspired by Vêtâl he suddenly rises, takes a long thin cane, which he generally brings with him, in his right hand, and gives himself several cuts with the cane across the back to shew the people that Vêtâl has entered his body, as the cane does him no harm. All the while he keeps uttering a sound like hu hu. He then kneels, and swaying his body backwards and forwards sets the pot of burning frank-incense before him, and kindling a piece of camphor holds it on the palm of his hand, and shews it to the spectators, who pass their hands through the fumes and touch their eyes with their hands. Gangâ is brought and made to sit before the spirit-scarer. He strikes her three or four times with the cane, and calls on the spirit to say who he or she is, what is his or her name, why he or she has attacked Gangâ, and how he or she will leave her. Then Gangâ, speaking in the spirit's name, says: "My name is Hêdali; I entered Gangâ when she went to drink at the river, and I will leave her if a cock is killed, and a yellow robe and bodice are laid for me under the big pipal-tree in Râmâ's garden." Govind, the spirit-scarer, then calls on Hêdali to leave Ganga, and gives Gangâ some cuts with the cane. Then Hêdall agrees to go, and in some cases, as a sign that she has left, she tells the people to set a pot full of water on the door-step. If the pot is upset, it is believed that the spirit has left. The spirit-scarer then takes one, four, or eight lemons, sticks pius in them, and buries them in front of the house to keep the spirit from coming back. Next day or on the same night Râmâ lays a yellow robe and bodice, or kills a fowl or a goat under the big pipal-tree. For a day or two Ganga appears to be doing well, but on the third day she is seized with the same fit as before. Râmâ calls in another spirit-scarer, Jánu, a Kôli by caste, who is a professional exorcist. He is given a pot filled with water, and some rice or udid.42 Gangû is brought and made to sit before him. He waves a handful of rice three times round her face, and puts the rice in the pot. He takes a few grains from the pot, and laying them on the palm of his hand examines them closely, and lays them on a low wooden stool. A second time he takes a handful of rice, waves it round Ganga's face, and again examines the grain, He does this some six or seven times, and then says: "Ganga is attacked by two spirits, and not by one, as the former bhagat stated. The two spirits are Hedali and Bapdey. You propitiated Hedall by giving her a robe and bodice: what have you done to please Bapdêv? On Tuesday evening lay near the Maliâr's well some cooked rice, curds and red powder, and the blood of a goat. If you do this, Bapdey will leave." Râmâ adopts Janu's advice, and Gangâ is cured.
The procedure followed in the Bombay Dakhan does not differ from that followed in the Konkan.
In the town of Umetha, on the river Mahi, in Bombay Gujarat, Jóda Rawalia, an exorcist with a greal local name, held a performance on the evening of the 16th December, 1888. The details are: An open space, about twelve feet square, is enclosed both above and at the sides with cloth. In the north-west corner is a step or altar about four inches high and three feet long by two feet broad covered with red cloth. On this altar or platform in a grass platter are two white china bowls, a white egg cup, a red turban, a black pint bottle, a glass tumbler, and two or three lemons. In front is a knife stuck point down in the ground, a box with a garland of yellow karan flowers and a row of small earthen oil cups each with a little lighted wick. Close beside the altar sits the chief performer, Jôdâ, and about two yards on his right are the musicians, two drummers and a cymbal clasher, Waghris by caste, and close to the musicians, Raghu, the village patel. The
42 Phaseolus radiatus.

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rest of the space is filled with spectators, men, women and girls, looking in through the cloth screens which are hung all round. The musicians begin drumming and clashing, the leading drummer singing a plaintive air. After a time Jodâ grows uneasy. He begins to shake. He is sitting with his arms stretched out along his knees. "Ho! Ho!" Jôdâ pants, "Kodiar Mata," meaning "I Kodiar Matâ," that is, Mother Itch, "have come into Jôda." "It is well, Balai," says the drummer, and starts a fresh air in Kodiảr's praise, while Jôda shakes and tosses his head, smelling the fumes of a small incense pot placed between his knees. "Ho! Ho!" pants Joda, rubbing his eye against his hand, while the music stops. "On the Umêtha Hill," he gasps in a weak voice, “no hindrance is to be caused to man or cattle." " Very good, lady !" chimes in the putel and the chief drummer. The music strikes a fresh air. Jôdâ shouts :- "May it be well," adding with a husky gasp or whisper, " Kalka Mata." "Ali will be well," says the pat&l. Jôda keeps on shaking with his elbows planted on his raised knees. “Ho ! Ho! Ho!" he pants, "may it be well." He adds in a low voice :- "Mahtari Mata," the Mahi River. “May all be well," answers the patel with deep respect. The drums roar and cymbals clash in praise of the Mahi while Jôdê goes on shaking. He rests for a time, the music keeping moderate strength. “Ho! Ho!” he says, as the spirit breeze strikes him afresh. "May it be well. Ha! Ha! Shikotar," he whispers, as the drums cease. The music opens a fresh plaintive wait in honour of Shikótâr, the Small-pox Mother. Jôdê goes on shaking. A fiercer fit strikes him. The musicians beat and clash their noisiest. "Ho! Ho!" sighs JadA as the music drops, “Lalbai and Phalbai." The music starts afresh, Joda shaking. “Ho! Ho! Morall," he shouts aloud, the music freshens and the drummers sing in honour of Mêrali or Mack Mother. Jodâ moves his hand, and the singing ceases. He pants:- “If any man is troubled with a bhút or evil spirit, I will drive the bhút away. You should not call me Mêralt. The drummer breaks into a fresh song. "Ho! Ho!” Jôdå shivers, "may it be well." The music drops, and the whisper comes :- "Harka Bai, Lady Madness." The music starts again. At a motion of Jôda's hand it ceases. Jodå pants and shakes, whis. pering :- "If ever a dog is mad and the men bitten remembers me he will get no harm." The music starts afresh, the drummer singing in honor of Harka Bâi. Jodå goes on shaking and rubbing his eyes. By degrees the shaking grows less violent, and he sits quiet for a little. The music keeps on. Presently a fresh spasm strikes Jodå. He shivers once more, and the music strikes up fiercer than ever. "Ho! Ho!” he gasps as the music stops. "May it be well, Bhatyi Khatri," he adds in the usual stage whisper. "May it be well," chimes the patel. Jodå drops fresh incense in the pan, and again starts shivering with special fierceness. “Ah! Eh ! Ho!” he pants, “may it be well. I am Måtâ's guard, KAl Bhairava is my name," "Right, Your Highness," says the patél, "may it be well." Jodâ shakes sharply. He motions to a boy to pour water into a tumbler and drop in sugar. This sugared water is poured into an egg cap and Jôdå drinks. He again trembles violently. "Ho! Ho!” he shouts, "may it be well. Lady Kodiar," he adds with the usual shudder. He moves his hand and the music is qniet. "See that any one who is in trouble or in fever let me know. I will put him right." JodA goes on shaking and the drummer sings Kodiar's praise. One of the lights which was set on a flat maize cake goes ont. Jodâ stops shaking and takes the cake and divides it among the musicians. Jódâ sits quietly and puts on his cap. He says: "Let any one who is in trouble and wants help come." He sits quietly, and the drumming and cymballing going on. Jodå fans the incense pan.
A boy, a Rawalia Sidhrol, who has been ill for about three months, comes, and Jôda sets the boy in front of himself. He takes a lighted wick and passes it ronnd tre boy's body and sets it on the boy's head. He bends over the lighted wick, grasps it in his lips, and puts it out in his mouth. The boy sits quietly. The drummers and cymbal-clashers pour forth a torrent of noise. The boy remains quiet and Jôdân sits looking at him. Jódà shouts to the disease spirit :- "Come into this boy's body or I will kill you." The boy begins to shake. The droms and cymbals grow louder. Jocê keeps his eye fixed on the boy. The boy shakes violently. "Who are you p" asks the drummer. "Dakan," that is, a witch, shivers the boy,

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The music again grows louder. Jôda brings out a heavy iron chain. "I will beat you with this chain" he says. “Where have you come from?" "From a well," gasps the boy. “What well ?" "This well here." "When did you catch the boy?" "I seized him as he was going out in the morning." The music starts again with a fresh chant. The boy is racked by the Pakan, tossing his head and jerking his shoulders with curious violence. Jôda is quiet, looking hard at the boy. The chief drummer says to the boy :-"Will you eat?" "I won't cat," says the Dükan. "Why won't you eat ?" asks the drummer. The singing begins afresh, and the boy is struck by another spirit. "It is the Musalman woman who was drowned in the well," says Jodå. The boy keeps tossing and jerking. Jôda moves about, looking after the lights. A tile is brought and two sweet balls are laid in it. Jôdâ rises, picks up a lighted wick and passes it round the boy's back and waist and sets it on his head. Jôdi leans down, closes his lips round the wick and puts out the light in his mouth. He repeats this three times. He then picks ap a lemon, lays it on the boy's head, and gashes the lemon with a knife. He sets a lighted wick in the cleft of the lemon, bends down and takes the flame in his mouth, squeezing the lemon with his teeth. He pours sharbat into a bowl, passes the bowl round the boy's head, and drinks the sharbat. "How do you feel"? he asks the boy. The boy is silent. Jôdá pours fresh sharbat into the bowl, waves the bowl round the boy's hands, and drinks the sharbat. Jodå draws the chain up to the boy's spine. He lifts first his left and then his right leg over the boy's bead and makes the boy place his hands on his own spine. He gives the tile with the sweet balls to be taken away, and goes about, putting the oil saucers to right. A woman brings in a child abont three years old and gives it to Jôda. This is Jodi's own child and is not sick. Jôdå takes off his cap and sets it on the child's head, and plays with the child, dressing him in a small red coat. The music plays a moderate accompaniment. All this time the sick Rawaliâ boy is sitting quietly. Jedå gives him sugar in a bowl, and the boy eats the sugar.
Jôdá tells the drammer to sing the praise of Mother Maht San. After the chant to Mahi is began, a big man, Vishņu, a dhobi or washerman, who has been seated near Jodå, begins to shake. His neighbour takes of the shaker's turban. Vishņu sets his elbows on his knees and is fiercely racked. “Ho! Ho!" be gasps, and, as the music stope, adds :"Mahi Mother. May all be well." The music begins again and Vishna has a fresh seizure. "Ho! Ho!" he gasps. "Narsingh. May it be well." The music starts the praise of Narsingh, and Vishnu is stricken with a fresh air. "Ho! Ho!" He pants. "Harakhai Jhampadi," that is Mother Mania of the Gate." Vishğu goes on shaking, the music and singing keep on at a moderate strength. All this time Jôdâ has been resting, playing with his child. Vishņu is again seized. "Ho! Ho! Mabani Bhikotar," that is, Shikötar of the tombs. The drummer starts a plaintive air in Shikotar's honour. Vishņu goes on shaking and jerking, but with less violence and quickness than Jodå. Vishnu holds his hands to his face, and leans against the wall tired. One of his neighbours replaces Vishnu's turban on his head.
The singing goes on, Jodå keeping quiet. The spirit next falls on Nima, a land-owner, a Rabari or camel-breeder by caste. He takes off his turban and tosses his head heavily. "It is. well," he shouts, “Kodiar Mata." He tosses his head, catching the tipe of his hair in his
ingers. "So long as I stay in Umêtha," he gasps and jerks, “no man, no animal will take any harm." A boy, Rawaliâ, comes in and sits in front of Jodå. Nämâ has a fresh seizure, rolling his head heavily. "Mérali," he gasps. The Rawalih boy is quiet, sitting with his knees drawn up and his elbows on his knees. He shakes slightly, Nima has a fresh fit, and the drumming and clashing wax louder. He rolls his head heavily. "Ho! Ho!" he pants. “Mata r.apani," Mother Silver. The drummer takes it up. Rupani Matâ has come, and he fings her praise. A woman of the Koli or Dhôrêlâ caste brings in a boy about seven or eight, reduced almost to a skeleton, with a white shoulder cloth drawn over his shoulder, and a cloth tied round his upper right arm. He is her only child. He has been sick for ten days. Jôda hands.back his own child to its mother. Náma is quiet and sits with his face wrapped in a cloth.

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The Rawaliâ boy is seized and shakes violently, holding out his arms. "Ho! Ho!" he gasps, “ Shikotar." He lays his arms along his knees and shakes with great force. The drummers raise Shikotar's wailing chant. "Ho ! Ho!" gasps the Râ walià boy, holding up his hands." Who are you?" asks Jodå. "Charan Mata," the Bard Mother, shivers the boy, and the musicians break into Charan's praise. The boy leans his head on his hands and goes on shaking. He is again stricken; the drumming and clashing grow londer. "Ho! Ho! Narsingh," sobs the boy. "Narsinghi," repeats the drummer. and breaks into Narsingh's praise. The Rawalia boy is qniet for a time, and once more is racked. “Ho! Ho!" he gasps, “Mérali," and the drummer raises Mérali's hymn. This boy is not sick. He has come to take a vow for his mother who is dangerously ill. Joua gets up, takes a lighted wick and passes it up and down the thin Dharéld boy's spine and waves the light round him. I will give you food," he says to the spirit in the boy. "Don't harm the child. Come." Joda sits down and looks hard at the boy. He comes nearer, sits down, raises his knees, and crosses his arms over his knees, and leans his chin on his arms, staring fiercely at the boy. He pulls off the white sheet that wrapped the boy. The boy sits quiet, his hands folded in front of him. Jôda, seated about a yard off, looks hard at the boy. Jôdê rises and trims the lamps, and again sitting close to the boy looks hard in his face. "Come," he says to the spirit, "in the boy; I will give you food. If you don't come you won't get any food." The boy is still quiet. Joda sets a lighted wick on the boy's head, leans down, golpe at it and quenches the wick in his mouth. This he does three times. Jôdå takes a lemon, sets it on the boy's head, gashes the lemon with a knife and sticks a burning wick in the cleft. He leans down, catches the wick in his lips, and puts the light out in his month. Jôda asks the boy if he has any pain. The boy points to his right side. Jôda lays him down, cuts a lemon in two, presses the half lemon on the boy's side over his liver, and himself sucks the lemon. Jôdâ lifts tho boy op, who has a severe fit of coughing. Jôdå passes his hand up and down the boy's spine, and then raises his leg over the boy's head. Jôdâ lays his right hand on the boy's head, and holding a cup of sharbat in his left hand, passes it round the boy's head and drinks the sharbat. Jodå bends his head close to the boy's and passes his hand back and forwards between the two heads. The mother of the boy gives Jád a pice which he lays on the altar. The boy is set on one side.
Jôdå looks after the lamps, and the drumming and clashing go on steadily. Jôdê sits down, takes off his cap, and begins shaking. “Ho! Ho!" he gasps, and the music stops. "It will be well," he pants. "May it be well," says the drummer. “Who is your honour ?" "Kodiar Mata," whispers Jôda. "May it be well," answers the drummer, and raises Kodiar's hymn, a melancholy wailing measure. Jodå is again stricken. “Ho! Ho! Ho! Ah, brothers!'' he gasps. "Has any one come to ask me about the fire in the Brahman's house?” “No one has come," says the drummer. "A fire happened once before in that house," gasps Jôda. "If the owner comes I will show him how the fire happens. In this house is a Chudel or female spirit and a Jinn or Musalman spirit. It was the same in his house before." He raises his hand to his face and rubs his eyes. He goes on in a jerky husky voice:-"A Gorji went to the house to drive out the spirits. The Gorji did no good. I will bring this Badwå or medium of mine (that is Joda). He will set it all right." The music strikes up a strong chant. A fresh shiver passes through Jôda. He raises his palms to his face and rubs them over his eyes. He stretches out his hands. "Bo! Ho! Ho !" he gasps. “Brothers, a son of a Kothårt Bania was going to & village and a spirit seized him." "Ho! Ho!'' he shouts, and shakes fiercely. "I take what is due to me if I have a miad to take it. If not I do not take it. Ho! Bo !" he gasps, "Shikotar." Almost at once a fresh fit seizes him. “Ho ! Ho ! Mêrali." "May it be well," say the drummers, and raise Meralt's hymn. Jodå gives some grains of wheat to one of the drummers who sprinkles them on the ground. Jôdá is fiercely shaken. “Ho! Ho! May it be well." The music stops and again begins. Jôdâ grows quiet, but is soon once more driven. “Ho! Ho! Lalbat Pbülbål." The music strikes up once more, bat Jôdi gradually calms and sits still. The mother of the thin Dhårêlá boy comes in, and Jida says to her you have fulfilled your yow, lady, and cats off the cloth that was bound round the sick boy's upper arm.

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Among Gujarat Musalmâns when a house mother finds any of her family sick or troubled by bad dreams, she orders a chicken, preferably a black chicken, and passes it seven or eleven times over the body of the sufferer. The person who waves the chicken over the patient carries it away without looking back, and gives it to a fakir or religious beggar. If no one is willing to take the chicken it is carried out of the town and let loose.43
(To be continued.)
DISCURSIVE REMARKS ON THE AUGUSTAN AGE OF TELUGU LITERATURE. BY G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU.
MR. CAMPBELL, in his Telugu Grammar, thus describes the Telugu Language and the area over which it is spoken :
"The language is commonly, but improperly, termed by Europeans the Gentoo. It is the Andhra of Sanskrit authors, and, in the country where it is spoken, is known by the name of Trllings, Telinga, Telugu or Tenugu.
"This language is the vernacular dialect of the Hindus, inhabiting that part of the Indian Peninsula, which, extending from the Dutch Settlement of Pulicat on the coast of Coromandel, inland to the vicinity of Pangalore; stretches northwards, along the coast as far as Chicacole, and in the interior to the source of the Tapti; bounded on the east by the Bay of Bengal, and on the west by an irregular line, passing through the western districts belonging to the Subadar of the Deccan, and cutting off the most eastern provinces of the new State of Mysore; a tract including the five Northern Circars of Ganjam, Vizagapatam, Rajahmundry, Masulipa. tam and Guntur; the greater portion of the Nizam's extensive territories, districts of Cuddapah and Bellary ceded by him to the British; the eastern provinces of Mysore; and the northern portion of the Carnatic: nor is this language unknown in the southern parts of India, for the descendants of those Telugu families which were deputed by the kings of Vidyanagara to control their southern conquests, or which occasionally emigrated from Telingâna to avoid famine or oppression, are scattered all over the Dravida and Carnataka provinces, and ever retaining the language of their fore-fathers, have diffused a knowledge of it throughout the Peninsula.
"The Telugu language, as has already been shewn, is not a mere derivative from Sanskrit, but has an independent origin and is of independent cultivation. The radicals, according to Mr. Ellis (Disen. p. 19), are the same as in the cognate dialects of Tamil, Kanarese, etc., and it differs from them only in the affixes used in the formation of the words from the roots. Although, however, it is not the offspring of Sanskrit, it is very extensively blended with that language in the states known as Tatsama or Tadbhava, the words in the former being the very same, taking only the Telugu inflexions, and those of the latter being mediately or immediately derived from Sanskrit. The rest of the language, exclusive of other foreign terms, is the pure native language of the land, and is capable of expressing every mental and bodily operation, every possible relation and existing thing, and with the exception of some religious and technical terms, no word of Sanskrit origin is necessary to the Telugu."
Mr. Lingam Lakshmaji Pundit, in his lecture on The Disillusion, p. 7, says as Theorem I. :"If any of the few fundamentals or elements of a language, namely, the numerals, the pronouns, the case endings, and the verb endings are demonstrated to be derived from another language, it follows that that language is derived from the other language, and that the people speaking the parent and derived languages were originally one and the same." A similar idea is maintained by Prof. Whitney in his Language and Study of Languages, p. 195. But Mr. Lakshmaji essays to controvert the opinion of Mr. Ellis by saying at p. 26 of the same lecture :
"Although the Telugu language is widespread and the people speaking it, if we include the Telugu population of the Nizam's dominions, outnumber the Tamilians, its original area is more circumscribed, as we learn from the following Telugu distich from an Andhrabháshábhi48 Information from Mr. Fazlullah Faridi,

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bhúshanam :-"The Andra country lies within the three Liúga temples, Sriparvata, Kalêsvara, and Draksharâma, which make the three lingas. The word Trilinga having become a Tadbhava, the country has come to be known as Teluga Dêsam, which, afterwards, others called Telugadêsam, and the language thereof consists of five elements." Nannaya Bhatta, in his Andhrabhdshachintamani, has taught us:
"Adyaprakritih prakritisch âd yê Esha tayôr bhavêd vikrith Kêvalatayanusurpatyubhê chêyam
Yatha tatbâ bhåshå 11 The primitive language (meaning the Primitive Aryan speech) and the therefrom derived Prakrita language are primitive, this (the Telaga) language is their variation; this language entirely follows the other two languages in every respect."
Abhinavadaņdi, the author of the more ancient Telugu Bháshábhushanam, has, as one of the opening stanzas :
“ Talli Samskritamb-ella bhashalakunu
Dani valana gonta ganabadiyê Gonta dana galigin=antayan-kamai
Tenagu bhåshananga vinutikekke II Sanskrit is the parent of languages, Rome, i. e., the Prakrit languages have come from it; something has come from the Pråkpit languages; all joined together has come to be known as the Telugu language."
Thus we see that the belief among the Indian literati has always been that Sanskrit is the parent of all languages, nor is there anything, in their opinion, which can be adduoed to shake this belief, as every linguistic analysis will only serve to strengthen rather than weaken it.
The works of highest repute in Telugu are translations from Sanskrit, and the oldest works extant are not of higher antiquity than the end of the twelfth century, whilst its Augustan era, the reign of Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagara, dates from the beginning of the sixteenth. The first attempts to reduce the uses of the language to rule, appear to have been made late in the thirteenth century when Nannaya Bhatta, a Brahman of considerable learning, and the translator of the first two books of the Mahabhárata, compiled a Teluga grammar in Sanskrit. Mr. Campbell, in the preface to his Grammar, states that the most ancient grammarian of whom mention is made in the native books is the sage Kaņva, who appears to have been to the people of Andhra or Telingana, what Agastya was to those farther south, their initiator into the mysteries of Hinduism. His works, and those of other writers of antiquity, are not now to be found, and all the treatises on Telugu grammar at present extant consist of Sanskrit commentaries on the series of Apothegms of Nannaya Bhatta. The age of this last, although conjectured by Mr. Campbell to be remote, can be ascertained by documents of which he was not in possession, viz., inscriptions recording grants made by his patron, Vishguvardhana of Rajamahêndri, to be, as above stated, the close of the thirteenth century. Mr. Campbell admits
1 [According to tradition the Telugu translation of the Mahabharata was made by Nannayabhatta during the time of the Chalukya King Rajanarendra. An inscription at Sakarram near Chioacole refers to the Telugu translation of tha Mahihirsts during the reiga of the Estern Chalukya King RajarAja I. (A, D. 1022 to 1063), the son of Vimaladitya (see Dr. Haltzsch's Annual Report for 1895-93, p. 6, paragraph 81). According to tradition Nannayabhatta received help in his translation of the Mahabharata from a certain Nardy ps. In the Nandamapandis the Eastern Chalukya King Rajaraja L, dated in his 32nd year (A. D. 1053), a certain N Ardyaņa figures as the donee, while the Sanskrit verses of the inscription were composed by Nanniyabbatta. Of the former it is said that on account of his skill in composing poetry in the Samskrita Karpka, PaifAcbika and Andhra languages, he was renowned as Kavirjasekhars and that because, by his clever versea, he put to shame would be poeta, he was rightly called Karibhavajraúkuba (pigraphia Indica, Vol. IV. p. 802). As it is unlikely that, during the time of the Eastern Chalukys King Rajaraja L, there was more than one pair of poots bearing the same Narayana and Nanniyabhatta, wo may, at least provisionally, identify the Telugu translation of the Mahabharata and his coadjutor in the work with the composer and the donoe, respectively, of the Nandamapandi grant. Thus we get the middle of the eleventh Century A. D. for the time of Nannryabhatta, the Teluga translator of the Mahabharata.-V. VENKAYYA]

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that the Brahmans were the first who caltivated tho Telugu language, and brought it under fixed rules, and consequently recognises the prior introduction of Brahmanical literature.
The greater part of Telugu literature consists of translations, and we have the Mahabharata, the Vishnu, Vardha, and other Puranas, besides Puranic stories in the Mahatmyas, and a number of poems and tales, rendered from Sanskrit into Telugu. At the same time, translations or appropriations from Sanskrit form a smaller portion of Telugu than of Tamil literature, and we have in the former a number of sectarian legends, chiefly of modern origin, as the Acts of the A!wêrs and Jaigams, or the Vaishnava and Saiva saints of peculiar schisms, originating as late as the twelfth century with Ramanuja and Basave. As in Tamil, there are many local charitras, historical and biographical compositions, containing, amidst much exaggeration and fiction, materials for history; of which an important peculiarity is the insertion of the biographical or genealogical account of the patron of the author in the commencement of most of the works, sometimes in great minuteness of detail. Telugu literature comprises also a large collection of poems and tales, some of which are original, but it is a curious circnmstance that no náțakas or dramatic compositions of an ancient date appear to exist in Telugu.
Teluga, like Tamil, includes a high and a low dialect, the former of which is used in writing, the latter in conversation and official business. The language of composition is so different, observes Mr. Campbell, from the colloquial dialect, that even to the learned the use of the commentaries is indispensible for the correct understanding of many of the best Telugu works. The Telugu poets are divided, according to the age in which they flourished, into poets of the olden times, poets of the Middle Ages, and poets of modern days.
There is not a book in the whole of Telaga literature which equals the Telugu recension of the Mahabharata in elegance of diction, although some of the later poets have followed the style. Nácbana, Somana, Pillalamarri, Pinavirabhadrana, and others, though they have not followed the footsteps of the triple writers of the Mahabharata (Nannaya Bhatta, Tikkana, and Errâpraggada) in point of style, drew their thoughts, their figures of rhetoric, etc., to a large extent, from them.
The Telaga writings have always been greatly indebted to Sanskrit, bat it should not be understood that the old poets flooded their compositions with a large influx of Sanskrit words, because there is very little trace of the Telugu language, properly so called, in the writings of the poets of later date. A good many of the poets, also, have sacrificed nobility of thought to elegance of language, 80 that some have come to be read merely for their ordate style. Bammera Potanna combined both, and was blindly followed by some of the poets of the Middle Ages, in whom originality is sadly wanting. They followed very closely the lines chalked out by their immediate pioneer, Peddanna, who by the way deserves careful study and praise, merely polishing his descriptions and finely retouching the descriptions of the older poets. Even Peddanna has drawn his descriptions from other sources. One is able to state the plot of any of the Prabandhas at random, without going through it. Take, for instance, the Vasucharitra of Ranarajahbhashana. One could tell the whole story of it in a single sentence, but the whole book is flooded with beautiful descriptions. The description of the moon occupies thirty stanzas, that of the sun takes up forty more, while that of love "trotting hard " takes up full two dírásas. The plot is very meagre, and surfeit of description brings on boredom. Natural descriptions are always good, but there is a limit to allegory and hyperbole, which weary the reader, if carried too far. Take, for instance, the descriptions in the Telugu Mahabharata and compare them, side by side, with those in the works of the poets of the Middle Ages. A poet may easily be pardoned for reasoning ill, but he cannot be pardoned for observing ill. --for creating portraits that bear no resemblance to the originals, for exhibiting as copies monstrous combinations of things which never were and
[It is very doubtful if Dravidian scholars, who have studied both Tamil and Telugu literature, will endorse the view of the writer of this article. - V. V.]

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never could be found together. What would be thought of a painter who mixed August and January in one landscape, or introduced a frozen river into a harvest scene? Natural description is, I think, wanting in these poets. With them
247
"Beauty is Nature's coin, must not be hoarded, But must be current; and the good thereof Consists in mutual and partaken bliss, Unsavoury in the enjoyment of itself."
Such false beauty cannot take the place of real beauty, and even if it appears to be genuine it cannot last long.
It has been said that the Augustan era of Telugu literature belongs to the time of Krishnadevaraya. The question, then, that naturally suggests itself to us is, who was Krishnadevaraya? When and where did he flourish ?
The State over which he wielded sway was Vijayanagara, the foundation of which is very generally admitted to have arisen out of the subversion of the Hinda governments of the Kakatiya and Velâla Rajas by the incursions of the Muhammadans at the beginning of the fourteenth century, and traditions are tolerably well agreed, says Wilson in his Catalogue of the Mackenzie Collections, p. 83, as to the individuals to whom it is ascribed, viz., Harihara and Bukkaraya, and the celebrated scholar Madhava, entitled Vidyaranya, the forest of learning. Accounts, however, vary considerably as to the circumstances which connected these persons with the event, or the share they bore in it.
One tradition ascribes the origin of Vijayanagara to Madhava, who, having by his devotion obtained the favor of Bhuvanêsvart, was directed by her to the discovery of a treasure with which he built the city of Vidyanagara or Vijayanagara, and reigned over it himself; leaving it to the Kurva or Kuruba Family. Another statement describes him as founding the city, and establishing the principality for Bukka, a shepherd who had waited on him and supported him in his devotions. A third account states that Harihara and Bukka, two fugitives from Worangal, after it was taken by the Muhamadans, encountered the sage in the woods, and were elevated by him to the sovereignty over a city which he built for them. A fourth statement, whilst it confirms the latter part of the story, makes the two brothers officers of the Muhammadan conqueror of Worangal, who were sent by their master, after the capture of the city, against the Velâla Raja. They were defeated and their army dispersed, and they fled into the woods, where they found Vidyaranya. His treasures enabled them to collect another army with which they obtained a victory over the Velála Râja, but instead of rendering him the servant of their superior, they set up for themselves, by the advice and with the help of the anchorite. There is good reason to believe that none of these traditions is entirely correct, although they preserve, perhaps, some of the events that actually occurred. Vidyaranya or Madhava was a learned and laborions writer, and in various works particularises himself as minister of Sangama, the son of Kampa, a prince whose power extended to the southern, eastern and western seas. He also terms Bukka and Harihara the sons of Sangama, and the same relationship is confirmed by an inscription published in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX., and by other inscriptions also. The political importance of Sangama is, no doubt, exaggerated, but it is clear that Bakka and Harihara were not the mere adventurers they are traditionally said to have been. They were descended from a series of petty princes or landholders, possibly fendstories of the Velâla Râjas, or even of Pratapa Rudra, who took advantage of a period of public commotion to lay the foundation of a new State. Besides, experience and talent, Madhava may have brought pecuniary aid to the undertaking. His title, Vidyaranya, and the scope of his writings shew that he was a disciple of Samkaracharya, and in all probability he was connected with the Sringeri Establishment, the members of which, alarmed

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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by the increasing numbers of the Jangams and Jains, and the approach of the Muhammadans, may have contributed their wealth and influence to the aggrandisement of the song of Sangama.
However this may be, beyond question the city of Vijayanagara was founded by Bukka and Harihara, on the southern bank of the Tungabbadra, about the middle of the fourteenth century. Sewell mentions that Fergusson gives the year 1118 A. D. as the date of the foundation of an earlier city by Vijayarayalu, as a dependency of the Mysore Raja. But Fergusson gives this only as a tradition, and adduces no proof in support of it. There are no complete buildings extant of a date earlier than the fourteenth century, although, fragments do exist, which Mr. Alexander Rea believes to belong to the twelfth or thirteenth century. The fragments, which are in some of the existing temples, may have belonged to this supposed earlier city, or, they may have been removed from some of the ancient temples existing in other parts of the district, and placed wbere we now find them. Traditionally Bukka is given as the first prince and Harihara as the second (Kelsall's Bellary Manual, p. 109).
The date most commonly given for the foundation of Vijayanagara is Saka-saniat 1258 or A. D. 1336; but this is, perhaps, a few years too soon, saya Wilson in his Cat. of Mac. Coll. p. 84. The same date, however, is given in a copper-plate grant as the first year of Harihara's reign (Sewell's Lists, Vol. II p. 12, No. 79). If this is accepted and he was preceded by Bukka I., the date must be placed earlier, instead of later, than is usually stated. Harihara is usually placed as the first reigning sovereign, succeeded by Bukka; but then who is the first Bukka, asks Mr. Rea, placed on the lists? It is true that no grants are recognized as having been made by him, and, if he fonnded the city, it is improbable that during his short reign Le would have risen to sufficient power to make any, or at least any important ones; this may account for their absence. That the Vijayanagara Dynasty was in existence before 1336 A. D. is supported by a reference to the following statement of Sewoll (Lists, Vol. II. p. 161): "In 1327, the Mussulman viceroy of the Dekkan rebelled, and the emperor sent an expedition against him. He fled to Kampti, close to Vijianagar, whence the king's troops were compelled to retreat, the Vijayanagar king being too strong for them.” If this account be correct and the date can be depended upon, it would shew that the Vijayanagara State had at that time reached a considerable degree of power; and so far would support the traditional date.
The Madhava, alias Vidyaranya, above mentioned was a man of great parts. Of all those who succeeded to the malha of Sankaracharya, either before or after Madhava, there is not one to compare with him in learning. He was born in a village called Pampa on the banks of the Tungabhadra. He was the family guru of Bukkaraya and a Telugu Brâhmans of the Bharadvaja Gótra. His father was Mâyaga, and his brother, Sayaņa, and some of the works he has written go by their names. He composed excellent and exbaustive commentaries on all the four Vedas, but for which the Vedas wonld have been a sealed book to all Sanskrit scholars.
Here I must observe that I am not unaware of the fact that the Sanskritists of Europe are inclined to ignore the immensity of their obligations to Vidyârapya, and even to go to the length of asserting that his commentaries on the Vedas can only give expression to one-sided views, seeing that he was a Hinda, and that he was nurtured in Oriental prejudices. To me it rather seems that if anybody can come forward as the expositor of the Vedas, he can only be & Brâhmaņa of the type of Vidyaranya, who wus versed in Sanskrit lore, deeply learned in the Védángas, well acquainted with the nature, origin, and significance of the archaic forms in which the Vedas so greatly abound, who attained a mastery over the subtleties of accent known as svaraprakriya, who was amply gifted with a capacity for the perception of the subtle and the indefinite, which is the peculiar property of the Bindus, and who was thoroughly conversant with the Hindu mode of thought and writing. In my humble opinicn no Sanskritiet of Europo can elucidate the Vedas more clearly and rightly than Vidyaranya, for the simple reason that though the former may devote his whole lifetime to the study of the Sanskrit language and literature, he may not acquire that encyclopædic learning which alone will enable bim to comprehend the Vedas in their true light. Sach being the case, any endeavour on the part of

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THE TELUGU LITERATURE.
219
the Sanskrit scholar of Europe to give to the Vedas a more lucid or a more liberal interpretation than was given to them by Vidyalaya would be regarded by the Hindus as a mere attempt to draw the oceanic water in a sieve.
Besides the commentaries on the Vedas, Vidyaranya has written a commentary on ten of the principal Upanishads known as Dasopiwisherderili; an admirable trentise on grammar known as Madhavavrilti, equal in length to a work of 40,000 lines in the Anustubh metre; a kávya entitled Sanlaravijayo, being a biography of Samkarácbárya, the famous expounder of Vedanta philosophy; treatises on the Vedanta philosophy kuown as Jivanmuktiviveka, Fañchadabiprakarunu and anubhuti rukusiki; an epitome of several religious philosophies kuown as Sarcadarsanasurnyruhu, brought to the voice of Western scholars, though but mengerly, by Mr. Cowell; Parásaran huv'ya, a commentary on l'arásarasmriti; Kálamadhavya, a treatise on the divisions of time; Pirvumim msh and Utlaram márisá in metre, explaining the Parvamimdinsé of Jaimini and the Ulturowiné sú of Vyása, known respectively as Jaiminiyanyayamálaristura and Vaiyásikanyaya nála istura : a commentary on Yaska's Nirakta entitled Niruktubhashya ; commentaries on srautasutras of Apastamba and Bôdhayana ; a treatise on medicine entitled Madhavanidúna; Vaidikanabdaprukásik 1, a work containing short notes on difficult Vedic words ; srautakáriká, a metrical treatise of 20,00 lines explaining the application of particular mantras to particular rites as laid down in the srautasútras of A pastam ba and Bødhåyana; a commentary on śruutusashitú; and many others not known.
of these the Kalajžina foretold the fate of the Vijayanagara kings, which Madhava was able to perceive clairvoyantly. Some people, who move in Western grooves of thought, are of opinion that this book must have been written after the decline of the kingdom of Vijayanagara, and for the sake of courtesy must have been ascribed to Vidyarayya. But those who believe in Vidyaranya and in the wonderful work he did would never be led to suspect, much less to disbelieve, the authorship of Kalamddhav'yo. My own belief is that the controversy about the real and apparent authorship of ancieut works is of later origin.
It must be noted, however, in this connection that some of the above works bear the author's own name, Madhava, while the rest bear the name of his brother Sayana. This is, however, explained by the fact that, as they were written by Vidy Aranya after he became a sannyásin, he did not like the idea of their bearing his own name, and he therefore ascribed them to his brother. The work entitled Vaiydsikanyayamálavistara, though generally known as the work of his guru, Vidyatirthamahesvara, was really the production of Vidyarngya, who wrote it in honor of his guru.
It is said that Madhavacharya alias Vidyaranya breathed his last at the ripe age of ninety years. From a copper-plate inscription we learn that he was the waxir of Bukkaraya in 1363 A. D. In some of his works he thus describes his descent:
Yasya Bodhầyanam sútram Sảkhả yasya cha Yâjushi Bharad vajakulam yasya sarvajñassa hi MadhavaḥJI Srimati yasya janani sokfrțir-Mayaṇaḥ pita 1
Sayaņð Bhöganätbascha manobuddht sahôdaran 11 The Muhammadan historians of Southern India spoak of the princes of Vijayanagars (Ånegond) as possessed of power long anterior to the Muhammadan invasions of Southern India, and Farishta Asserts that the government of the country had been exercised by the ancestors of Krishnaraya for seven centuries. For all historical purposes, however, the origin of this State, as a substantial principality, may be admitted to have occurred at the period above specified, although by no means in the manner ascribed in the tradition.
(To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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MISCELLANEA. KING SINGHANA OF DEVAGIRI.
been then the borders of the Panbáld and De
vaziri territories. There are still to be found TAE following legend' was told of Singhana of
distinct tracea of an encampment near this hill. Divagiri (1210-1217 A. D.), the conqueror of Panha!A, Kolhapur, Malvi and Gujarat by an old
Besides the subjugation of Bhoja, Bichana man of the Desinde family of Mayani in the humbled the Rattis of the Southern Maratha Satiri Collectorat..
country, the Kadam bas of Guis, the Gattas
(Guptas), and Hoysalas. The temple of Siva (Sangamoswar), situated ut the junction of the two brooks at Mayani, was
From the dates given in history, it appears. built by King Singana (Singhiana). He also
that the work of subjugation was carried on built the fort of Bhushangad, and his capital was sinultaneously in the Dakban 18 well as in near the hill Singapakadi. The traces of that Gujarat. Kholoswar and his son, Ram, were capital are still visible. Ho fought with Bhuja of the generals who fought for their master in Panbalgad, and defeated him
n in battle. He
uttle He Gujarat, while Bichaga carried on the warfare inexed the provinces of Panhà lá to his kingdom.
in the south. The campaign of Gujarat termi. Ile also built the temple of Sumbbu Mahadeva)
nated in the year A. D. 1238, the year which in Tilk& Mân, und peopled there at the foot of a
saw the termination of that in the soath, and hill a town called Singangpur. He went daily to as Singbana ascended the throne in A. D. 1210,
it is possible that the campaigns lasted for the temple of Sigaros war ! Sira) at Dêva. rkshtê in Talaka Khanapur District Satara). One
about 25 years. From this it can be argued that day, while there, he bathed in the holy water, and
the camp at Singbanakadi existed for at least thereby the spots of white leprosy disappeared
two denades, and was finally turned into a town, from his skin. He held the place in sacred
Instances of this kind are not rare. The town udoration ever afterwards, and assigned to the
of Shahapur (in the Satårå Colleetorate) was at templo five adjacent villages --Dudhari, Dahyâri,
first a mere camp of Azimshah, son of Aurangzeb, dic. It is said that this king used to build one
while he was in the south. Some of the military hundred temples of Siva daily."
camps of the English near Native capitals
Lave been turned into towns, and are still in On comparing the above account with the life
existence, though they have long ceased to be of Singhaņa, as given in the Early History of the
such camps. Deccan by Dr. Bhandarkar, it appears to be con. firmed that Singhuna fought with Bböja of Pan
The fort of Bhashangad is situated near Sió. ha!A, and that after defeating him be annexed
ghanakadi, and the legend assigns its crection Panhald to his own kingdom.
to singhaņa. Ti.is fort lies between the rivers
Nanni and Yerald, and it is quite possible that The territory of Panhala appears then to
the army of Singaaņa received its supply of have consisted of the provinces of Panhala, water from tbesu rivers. Singhana may very Miraj, Hukeri and Raibag. The sanail of the well have remained with his family in this fort, Despåndôship of the whole territory data from while his generals and men were engaged in the that time, is vested in a family, which claims conquest of the Dakhan. The place is one of tiat the grant was made to them by Raja Bhoja peculiar safety. It is also said that Sivaji had of Panbala.
built Bhashangad. This story is not inconsistent The legend further states that the capital of with the view that it was originally built by SinSinghana was near the foot of the bill known as ghana and merely repaired by Sivaji some 500 Singharakadi. This is hardly likely, as Dôvagiri years later. wils then the dynastic capital and had been so for
The village o! Singandpur is situated at the the three preceding kings. But it does seem pro. foot of a hill in 192kA Man in the Satárå District. hable that Singhaņa may have sent Bichana, his and some people thereof say that it was founded general, together with his army, to subdue by King Singhara, whereas others say that it Panha!A, while he remained behind encamped
was founded by King Hingana. But Hingana is near the foot of the Singhan kadi hill, the very
merely corrupt form of Singhaņa. name of which bears testimony to the fact of Singhaņa having had his camp here. Panha!a is
In this village there is an old temple to Siva, forty miles distant, and the hill appears to have
the structure of which, as well as the pictures
engraved on its walls, resemble those of the tem I From tho Vividha-Dynan-Viatar, August, 1895. plo of Sangameswar at Mayani. At this temple

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SepteMBER, 1898.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
251
a large fair is held in Chaitra, and the Hindus of mud and sink them in wells or rivers, after and Lingiyata of the adjoining provinces go iu worshipping and offering then prayers. Ahilya large numbers to make obeisance there. Raja- Bài Hulkur, the writer heara, gave some grants to rám, son of Sivaji, made some grants to the terapie Brahmans of sacred places on condition of their in the name of some of the very numerous Liumaking a cortain number of Saiva-Lingas daily. gâyats living there. There is a large tank here,
DávarAshta is a village at a distance of about covering an area of about 49 acres. It is said
six or seven miles from Singhunukudi, where to have been built by Maloji, the grandfather of
King Singhata is said to have gone for Duthing Sivaji.
and worsbipping Sigareswar. The people of thin Singhana, though styled a Vishuvamsodbhava village, however, know nothing about him, and (born in the Vishụu family), was a great devotee merely say that . king who was afflicted with of Siva. The temple of Sangamoswar at Måyani, some skin disease was cured by the favour of and that of Sambhu (Mahadev) in Tilak& Min, Sågarééwur. His grant of the villag! Dudhari.. were built by him. Some peculiar stones lave Dahyári, Tupéri, etc. (for milk, curd, yhí, etc. been found near Mayani, Singanapor and Pan. for the provision of materials of worsliip at this hA!A, on which a Saiva Linga with a nan on either brine of course proves this part of the legend. side of it is engraved on the upper part, and on These villages are still in existence, and bear the the lower is shown a row of cavalry and infantry names given them by the dunor. either marching or fighting with each other.
The legend on the whole has much truth in it, A number of these stones are to be seen placed
and will prove, I believe, n valuable addition to near the walls of the greater temples; and their
the partioulary of the life of Singhaņa, the most presence seems to have given rise to the legend
warlike and renowed prince who ever occupiod of the 100 temples built by Singhans every day.
the throne of Devagiri. If further searcbea be Besides the larger temples there are many small
made into the legends of that part of the ones to Biva built on the banks of the river Yerala,
Satiri District, I have no doubt that some more which are of peculiar structure, with or without
i particulars, which will throw a Hood of light on pinnaolos. Singhapa, like many others, may have
its ancient history, will be forthcoming. made # vow to prepare one or a hundred or * thousand Saira-Lingas daily. They make them
Y. S. VAVIKAR.
NOTES AND QUERIES. PARDAO.
Quotations The following quotations on this old Europeo
As to their Money in the Indies, at Goa, and Indian word, which has puzzled and mislod so
upon the coast of Malabar, they count by many writers, are of value for two reasons.
Pardao's Xerafins a silver Coyn, but of bad First, they support all that Yule, Hobaon Jobson, Allay. It is coined at Goa, and hath St. Sebag. Supplt., «. v. pardao, says on this point. Second,
tian on one side, and a bunch of Arrows on the the old book, from which they are quoted, is the
other; it is worth 3 Testons, or 300 Roys of only one I have yet com across that directly
Portuguese Money. recognizes the old pawtar or speltor coinagos of India as being of pewter. The other contemporary
They also tell Money by Tangas, which are
not properly Money in Specie, but like Dutch authorities, 80 far as I know them, mix up
Guilders, as a Pardao Xorain for example, is lead, spelter, pewter and tin under such names as tutensgue, gansa and calin, and allied
worth 4 Tangas good Money, and five of bad forms. The book from which I am quoting is
Alay, for they tell Money by good and bad Allay. entitled: --& Collection of Voyages | Under- They also tell Money by Vintins, four Vinting taken by the Dutch East India Company for the of good Alley, and fivo Vintins of bad Ally Tuprovement of Trade and Navigation ... 1 makes one Tangas. The Basaruco's are Translated into English ... London,
the worst Allay, being made of the worst Pewter: 1703. The quotations, pp. 247 ff., are from the 16 good Banaruoo's or 18 bad ones, make ono diary of the First Voyage of the Dutch to the Vintin, and 3 Vintins are worth two Portugal East-Indies in 1595-7. To the quotations I nay Reys, and 375 Basaraoo's make a Parduo Xeral add, by way of forwarding Yulo's efforts to trace fin. the steady fall of the pardao in value, that Ste- They counterfeit very often those Pardana vens, Now and Completo Guide to the East India Xeraffins, though they are most current Coyn in Trado, 1775, says, p. 129:-"A Xeraphim the Indies. To prevent your being impou'd upon, 240 BOZ = ls. 4-1/5d." R. C. TEMPLE. you find in every corner of the Streets certain

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Indian Christians, who stand there purposely, and visi your Money for little or nothing: they are so nimble at it, that in telling and handling the Money, they know the value of it; and without rubbing it with the Touch-stone, they will distinguish a false piece amongst a thousand. The Dutch with all their skill could not do it, for they knew them by the sound only.
The Counterfeit pieces are coined in the Continent by the Heathen Indians, so that no body receives Money, not so much as a half Pardao, without shewing it to a Xaraffe, which is the name of those who view the Money; who for a small Sallary are obliged to make all good that they pass they also change Money, and furnish you with what Species you want, and live very handsomly upon that Trade.
There is also in the Indies, a sort of Money called Fanos, twenty of which make a Pardao. and another sort called Larrins, which comes
from Persia, where it is coined in the City of Lar. It is long like thick double Silver Wire, of pure and fine Silver without Allay: a Larrin is worth 108. or 105 Basaruco's according as the Change
goes.
Besides that, there is another sort of Coin call. ed Pagodes; there are two or three sorts of these, which are always worth about eight Tanga's: It is coined in Narsinga, Bisnagar, and other places by the Heathen Indians, who stamp on one side of it the figure of an Idol, like that of the Devil sitting on a Seat, and on the other side, a King in a Triumphal Chariot drawn by a Elephant.
The Sichini or Ducats of Venice, which are transported into the Indies by Ormus, and the other Ducats coined in Turkey, are commonly worth two Pardao's Xeraffins.
The St. Thomas's, a piece of Money so called, because St. Thomas is engraved on one side of it,
and a long Cross on the other side, are always worth above seven Tangas, and sometimes eight.
Of all the Money that is coyned in Spain, only the Reals of eight are only current in India; commonly when the Ships arrive, they are worth 436 Portugueze Reys; then they rise when they transport them to China, but they are never lower.
When you buy or sell anything in India, you must always agree before-hand, in what Species and Coin you will be pay'd, whether in Pardaos Xeraffins, or Pardaos de Reals, or Pardaos of Gold; as in some places in Italy, there is a difference between Scudo d'Ore, and Scudo di Moneta.
[SPTEMBER, 1898.
But if you buy or sell Pearls, precious Stones, Gold, Silver, and Horses, it is enough to name the number of Pardao's you have agreed upon; for every body knows there are Pardao's worth six Tangas: but for all other Merchandise, if you specifie nothing, and speak in general of so many Pardao's, they are understood to be Pardao's worth five Tangas.
The Merchants pay sometimes in Pardao's of Larrins, and then five Larrins are worth but one Pardao.
SEBUNDY.
THE following valuable quotation settles two points, ante, Vol. XXV. p. 257. Sebundies were known in Oudh in the last Century and were employed in collecting revenue.
1782.The Sebundy is a separate establishment from the two above mentioned (cavalry and infantry forces), being a charge of generally about 4 per cent. upon the collections of the different Aumils, for a duty executed by a set of
peons, not military disciplined men, who are stationed upon the crops and fields all over the country for their protection. These from the nature and present state of this Government appear to me absolutely and indispensably necessary for the collections, and can neither be embodied nor formed into any regular fixed establishment, but the new year will afford an opportunity of reducing their numbers, and of bringing this part of the plan into greater perfection."-Nathaniel Middleton, letter to Warren Hastings, 25th March, 1782, from Lucknow, in Forrest's Indian State Papers, Vol. III. p. 968. R. C. TEMPLE.
PADAMULA PADAMULIKA.
GUIDED by the context, I have translated the Sanskrit word pddamúla, which occurs in line 20 of the Pandukêévar plate of Lalitasûra (ante, Vol. XXV. p. 180) and in line 51 of the Khâlimpur plate of Dharmapala (Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 250), by an attendant' or 'attendants.' I now find that in Pali the derivative pddamúlika frequently occurs in exactly the same sense. Thus we have pádamolika, by itself, in the Játaka, Vol. I. p. 438, 1. 11; Vol. II. p. 328, 1, 13, Vol. III. p. 417, 1. 3; Vol. VI. p. 401, 1. 10; padamúlika. purisd, ibid. Vol. I. p. 122, 1. 4; dovdrika-padamúlik-ddayo, ibid. Vol. I. p. 439, 1. 3; rajapádamúlikd, ibid. Vol. II. p. 87, 1. 17, and Vol. V. p. 128, 1. 18, etc.
F. KIELHORN.
Göttingen,

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OCTOBER, 1898.)
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AXONG THE BURMESE
253
Y
(3)
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
BY R. C. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. 215.)
1. - Ohin-Lushai Group sources of information for the Chin Language are : (1) Practical Handbook of the Language of the Lais (Baungshè Dialect), Newland,
1897. (2) Handbook of the Hàká or Baungshè Dialect of the Chin Language, Mar
Nabb, 1891.
Essay on the Language of the Southern Chins, Houghton, 1892. (4) The Khyeng People of the Sandoway District, Fryer, 1875.58 (5) Maung Tet Pyo's Custoinary Laro of the Chin Tribe, Jardine, 1884.
Statistical and Historical Account of the Thayet iyo District, Browne, 1873, (7) Burma Census Report, 59 Eales, 1891.
(8) An intelligent Siyin Chin. Chin" is the generio appellation used by the Burmese for the Tribes inhabiting the hill-oountry between Burma and the Provinces of Assam and Bengal, and the general language of the tribes so named is closely connected with that of the Lushais on the Western slopes of the same hills, and therefore more or less 80 with the general Naga Language, already described. Chin-Lushai being now the usual definition of the group, I have adopted the term in these pages.
As is the case with the Kachin and Naga Languages generally, instability of form is characteristic of the Chin Language also. "The language varies somewhat from place to place, particularly in the matter of the vowels, which are seldom clearly pronounced. Indeed, distinct articulation is not by any means affected by the Chins." This fact should always be present in the mind when perusing the following pages. It should also be remembered that y and . are interchangeable in the mouths of Chins from different villages.
By far the fallest and most laborious, and in many respects the most valuable, work on the Chin Language is that of Surgeon-Major Newland on the Language of the Lais, Lai being the native term for the large and important tribe better known by its Burmese appellation of Baungshè, or by its alternative territorial title of Håka. Unfortunately Dr. Newland is not a practised grammarian or philologist, and his presentation of the language is, therefore, a considerable trouble to the student, who has indeed to work out his own idea thereof from the various statements given him in the book. Captain MacNabb treats of the same dialect in his Handboole, and unluckily with the same defect. Bat with a little patience and study of peculiarities one can make out the tables given below for the namerals. To these I have added the numerals given me by the Siyin Chin above noted, as, so far as I can ascertain, the dialect of the Siyin Tribe is quite nearly related to that of their neighbours, the Hàkas.
* Reprint from J. 4. 8. B., Pt. I., 1875. " Page 162 1. contains long and interesting noto by Mr. Bernard Houghton on the Chin Language.
Khyong in most books of the poneration now passing away.
Mr. Houghton in the Burma Corinne Raport, 1891, p. 162. See also Newland, p. 1, and MacNabb, introduction. From Newland'a various remarks sandhi or nigori clearly exista extensively in Chin, a fact which will no doubt puzzle the ordinary learners of that language until it is explained to them. The explosivo, hesitatiug nature of inany Chins' speech can also be gathered from Capt. MacNabb's book.
I do not wish in the above remarks to underrate the labours of these two oficials. Men are not sent to the Frontier because they are philologista, but to perform far different, and for the time at any rate, far more valu. able work than that of the philologiat. The student cannot, in fact, be too grateful for the jottings of hard-worked and sorely tried frontier oficials, who must always make them under all sorts of difficulties and in the midst of engrossing and pressing duties. Even if the official happens to be "scientifie" enthusiast, the drudgery and worry of taking notes on top of the anxieties and in the midst of the difficulties inseparable from the position sro sufficiently deterrent to many men, and it is really "very good" of any man no placed to take the rouble at all. Experto crede.

Page #260

284
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[OOTORER, 1895.
Chin Numorals.
Lai (Hika, Baungshd Chin).
styin Chin.
Newland, p. 80.
2. p. 30.
MacNabb, p. 37.
põkwa
põkates
pakàt" (pahat, p. 46). kat pönî ...
pa'nit ... ... . ... põbûm ... .. patům... pöli ...
pali ... põnge...
panga... põrük ...
parük ... põsêrî...
pasêri... ... pörgêb ... .
paryat
pakwû... põra ...
parâ ... ... põʻlêkåt65
lekat... ... ... somlakat pökül
.. fankal, fankwe ...lakrat pökül-1867-pökat sanmbûm sòmtûm
somtúra saDD II
sòmli ... saapoga sömngå
somag saumrük sömrük
somrak saumsēri sòmsêri
somsalt sanmrgeb sòmryat
somlyet ... saumkwa ...somkwa
somkůà chwêkat, shwêkat, zakat ...
zakat baungkåt, zarâ7 ... ta angkat
tald, zasom ... Daungrâ7a ... ...
som]
zakat
1,000 10,000
.
.........
# Written per by Dr. Newland, PB is really the ordipary sumprul coeficient, and becomes separable when other coefficients are neede. Qu, taskà pökit, one rupee ; mai pumbit, one pumpkin (p. 31). Coefficiente precede the morals, us in the Niga languages generally.
To this enquiror's car the sound then of the epeficient was pa. The more practised training of Col. Fryer made him writo it pwe. Mr. Houghton has plupa. Bee post.
• This 'w,-10 plus, issourious wago in the words for the "toena," and seems to mean "the following" one, two, eto. "Fan is noefficient.
Lemoans" with." The Siyin Chin's numerals neatly explain that saum (còm) is "ston, and that the expressions run 3, 4, 5, eto, sam (nom) for 80, 40, 50, eto.
Similarly chro (shoot) or sa = a hundred, and baung a thousand, and to the expressions in the text mean "one chrod (ahre) or sa," and "one Daung." 10 I., ten hundred, n I e., ten hundred.
1 1. 6., ten thousand.

Page #261

OCTOBER, 1898.]
The little works of Mr. Houghton and Col. Fryer are on a footing very different from that of the works above mentioned. Mr. Houghton's brief, but withal laborious, notes are the results of the observations of a practised and highly-trained scholars and those of Col. Fryer are the work of a writer who knew what he was about from a philological point of view. Both works are, however, slight. But they tell us enough to show that the dialect of the Southern Chins differs considerably, though not essentially, from that of their brethren much further North. Witness the numerals quoted by Mr. Houghton and Col. Fryer :
Southern Chin Numerals.
Mr. Houghton (p. 19 f.).
1
2
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
20
21
30
31
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
101
121
1,000
1,001
x.
***
pe
...
...
upp
...
...
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
...
hò (hât)%
'ni
...
t'ün (tûn) m‘li (‘li)
'ngo
'sok
...
...
...
...
Funkyit-ho m'likyit.... haukkyit
...
'si
'aè
ko
'nga (ha) ng hò go (kur)
gohò
tünkyi (gip, p. 98)
'sokkyit
'sikyit
'sèkyit....
kokyit
p'yaho
...
..
...
...
...
..
...
...
********
******ppp
tatông (Burmese)
.......................
www
.00
...
IM
Col. Fryer (p. 14).
hot (n'hat)
'ni (pan-'ni)75
t'un (t'um)
| m‘li (li)
'ngo ('ngan)
sop (sauk)
she (s'ê)
ship, ship (sat) ...go (ko)
hà, ‘ngà (bâ) ha-no-pañhot
gôi (kur)
goi-ne-punhos
t'umgip (t'ngip) t'umgip-punhote m'ligip
nggip
sopgip
...shegip ... shapgip
gogip
pikbot (ki-ke) pillon-ne-puñhot
pil-gai-ne-puñhot
pilagh (ten hundred) pia ngàlon-ne-punhots
78 Much as I would have liked to have adopted Mr. Houghton's transliterations as they stand, I have felt obliged to change them to those adopted in this work for the sake of clearness.
74 The words in brackets these writers call Northern Chin.
T These expressions mean:-100 beyond with 1, ten hundred beyond with 1.
79 This, I take it, means "a hundred (and) a score with one."
255
7 Pan is a coefficient.
76 Pun is a coefficient, and these numerals run thus:-10 with 1, 20 with 1, 30 with 1,
These are clearly "a ten," and the numerals run 3, 4, 5, eto., tena.

Page #262

256
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1898.
Colonel Fryer drops a remark on p. 14, which goes far towards explaining the varying words used for "a ten" in the Naga and connected tongues in enumerating 30, 40, etc., to 90. He says gipso signifies "a clap of the hands," and so t'umgip means "three claps :" m'ligip, "four claps," and so on. Une can see how this comes about: the numerals are counted on the fingers up to ten and then the hands are clapped," one ten." This explanation also accounts for the term for fifty being an insolated one in nearly all the dialects; because when the enumerator comes to "five claps," i. e., to a handfal of tens, he would naturally mark the fact in his mind by a special term and proceed again with what is to him the laborious and important process of counting on to a hundred.
Only one of the books available to me, Dr. Newland's, gives any direct statement as to the Chins' notions of coin and currency, but he also gives the reason why the other books are practically silent on the point, for he says (introd., p. 4) that the Chins use the Burmese words for money, having none of their own for the purpose.
His table for the Lais runs as follows:
1 rupees!
1 half-rupee
1 4-anna bit
1 2-anna bit
1 pice
This is all Burmese pronounced and used Chin fashion, the Burmese words being respectively dingd (spelt danga), ngámú, tamat, muzi, paisan (Indian). Pö, mab, chí in the above expressions are all numeral coefficients, and kat means one. In the Burmese tamat the taone, and the Chin expression shows that the Lais have borrowed the Burmese word for "one mat" bodily without understanding its full import, which is interesting.
tanka pökit
| ngâmô pikat ba'mab mabkat mûchi chikat paisa pökat
Br
...
...
...
...
pp. 31, 42, 66, 82, etc.
... pp. 31, 42, 519
pp. 32, 42, 614
... pp. 32, 42, 502
...
pp. 31, 42, 635, 657
Tanka, which is an Indian word, and its derivatives in the Far East, as I have already shown at length, mean "coin" pure and simple, and the word is so used by the Chins. Thus we have shwe-tankà (Bur. shwedingd), gold coin the British sovereign: ngûn-tankà, silver coin the British rupee: baung-sa-tankà, copper coin the British-Indian pice: sappo-tanka, bad coin counterfeit money (p. 650). Tankà is also used for "money."83
=
The Lai word for silver, ngun, which by the way is good Shân, is, as usual, employed for a rupee, singly on p. 258 and also with tankà (ngun-tanka) on p. 651. On pp. 161, 225 ngûn is used generally for money, while on pp. 225, 673 we have a curious expression asòk-òk, lit., "the purchaser," for "money."
Captain MacNabb supports the above statements by giving tankd for rupee on pp. 5, 48, and for money on pp. 14, 45; while he has tankà-pakat (pp. 11, 34) for "one rupee," and tankà-fankal (p. 21) for Rs. 20, fan being a numeral coefficient (= pö, pa, pan, pün, pun).
Bar. nga, and so hama ngâma (Bur.), half rupee.
The Siyin Chin, who declined to have anything to say to copper money, recognising only the rupee and its parts as coined currency, gave as his list the following terms:
Rupee, taukà
Re. 1, tanka pyat (Bur. by:) half rupee, hámús
4-anna bit, matik (Bur. mat)
2-anna bit, makat ( 1 mú: Bur. má)
Thus showing that the Siyin Chins use practically the same terminology as the Lais for their currency.
so Burmese, achet, spelt ak'yak, a blow, stroke.
32 Pages 33, 42, 599, 681.
4 Ha, Shin,
Tanka ngaingai, genuine rupee; p. 684. 85 Pages 47, 107, 225, 508.

Page #263

OCTOBER, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
257
Tarning to the Southern Chins, Col. Fryer nowhere mentions money, and Mr. Honghton only does so incidentally, nsing the word for silver, hèn, for rupee (p. 44) and also for money (p. 46). From his pages the method of counting rupees can be gathered thus:
page 46 | hèn lo-hò ... ... Re. 1
, 47 .. hèa lò– ngô ... ... Re. 5 ,, 48 ..] hèn lò– ngà ... ... , 16 25 44 f. ..] hèn lò-haukkyit
hankkvit ... Here lò (lo) is the numeral coefficient for coin, pp. 20, 44.
It may be assumed, therefore, that the Chins count their money in a straightforward way by the British coins they use. But that they also use the numeral coefficients for the purpose can be seen from a sentence in Newland, p. 96:
adiluk-kâ pö-ruk 85 kàn pêk-lai the-whole-for six I pay-will
Translated : I will pay Rs. 6 for the whole lot: The words for the metals compare as follow in my authorities :
Chin Terms for the Metals.
Newland.
MacNabb.
Houghton.
Fryer.
The Siyin.
gold ... silver
copper brass...
shwês (B)87.shwê, shwi (B). La88 ... hà ... ... ngũn88 (S) nê (B) ... hèn ... ... hếam ... Þaungsà (S) . ...... klêsen ... ... dâr ... ... dâr ... ... k'atyàs (B) ... sànpyú (B), sànpyûb (B) ... daunglok
ngen tihr ... .. tihr ...
...n't'i ... ... tt, n't491 ... kwen
kwen ... ke (B)
.. kim (8) ... ngun (8)
bảksàn hàkyeng
dàl ... t'8 .
hak chitlòng
tin
iron ...
lead ... zinc ...
The Chins, or at least some of them, must have some notions of Troy weight, as may be seen from statements in Newland. Thusat p. 557 n. he says, after explaining that the Chins measure and do not weigh their goods, "silk yarn is sold by weight, one rapee's weight being akyé-épkat (Pakydpkát, “one rupee-weight)," each kyép consisting of so many smaller skeins or bål-kata. .... Beeswax is sold in pieces, each about a viss in weight; these pieces being called chwé- or shwé-kat," lit., one hundred. Here we seem to have distinct rudiments of Troy weight, copied from the Burmese and Shans, thus:
akyap-kat .... ... ... weight of one rupee (tickal or told) chwe-(=shwê-)kat ... ... weight of one hundred rupees
w Po, nom. coeff., for rapees. * Shiod ngangai, ngtin ngaingai, pure gold, pure silver. Cf. n. 81 above, tanka ngaingai, genuine rupee. 7 B stands for Burmese, and S for Shan.
#Maungbdha, gold kept hereditarily : p. 75. # Bur. k'atyd, pinchbeck : pp. 67, 104,
Also any white metal which is not silver, » Ti, Northern Chin. » From the expression (p. 67) for bullet, ki-m'ling (k’lüng, pp. 69, 116, a lump, hard thing). * One cannot help thinking, however, that the word is really bak, the kat being added for "one."

Page #264

258
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(OCTOBER, 1898.
Again, Dr. Newland gives ngún-dr (lit., silver weights) for "Barmese brass weighte" for weighing bnllion and the finer articles of trade (pp. 299, 522). For scales Dr. Nowland gives shwell, and for weight, l'llai, which is klai in Capt. MacNabb's book, p. 8. Mr. Houghton has akyin (Burmese), pp. 52, 130.
To the instances already given (ante, Vol. XXVI. p. 285) of artioles, of value being used for barter, Dr. Newland (p. 216 n.) adduces a good one in the use for the purpose by the Lais of the mé-fahr, or pine torch, which is to them the substitute for the lamp and of great and constant value.
Of their aptitude for trade, so far as they onderstand it, he says (p. 433 n.): - "All grain is measured in baskets. These, however, vary in size all over the hills, no two villages having baskets of the same capacity. The Hakâs have taken care to have their baskets much larger than those of any of the other tribes. To show what acute eyes to bnsiness they have, it may be explained that, when purchasing grain from the villages, or when getting in their tribute, their own large baskets are need : on the other hand, if selling to them, the smaller baskets of outsiders are then taken as the standard." This habit of having varying in-coming and out-going measures has been already noticed (ante, p. 8, n. 56) among far-Eastern peoples, and is, of course, a primitive attempt at "cover" for incidental charges, risk and wastage; fair enough, where the difference is small, but constantly used by the strong, as in this case, in order to take an undue advantage of the weak. For the Loshai and connected languages my sources of information are as follow:(1) Short Account of the Kulci-Luhai Tribes, with Oatline Grammar, Soppitt, 1887;
official publication, Assam. (2) Short Account of the Kachoha Ndga (Empćo) Tribe, Soppitt, 1885; Official publi
cation, Assam. (3) Short List of the Words of the Hill Tipperd (and Lishai) Language, Anderson,
1885; official publication, Assam. (4) Outline Grammar of the Kachári (Bòrò, Bodd) Language, 1884, Endle ; official
publication, Assam. (6) Four Lushais from the Chittagong Hill Tracts. (6) A Tippers from Hill Tippera (Narsl Ram by name).
(7) A Garo from Rônnêring. Mr. Soppitt divides the moe gonerioally known to the Bengalis as the Kakion into four main tribes, - Bangk'Ols, Janadny, Loshais, and Pois," speaking varieties of one main tongue, which will be seen from these pages to be mpch that of the Chins with many Naga affinities. His Grammar refers chiefly to the dialect of the Rangk'8ls with comparative notes on those of the Jânsens and Lushais. Two of the Lasbain whom I examined myself gave me words practically the same as those given to Mr. Soppitt, but the third man, though coming from the same part of the hills, evidently spoke a different dialect, almost certainly Maring. See Brown's Manipur, pp. 15, 43 ff. This tribe is not yet properly affiliated to either Naga or Kúkt-Laghai, but it is closely enough allied to the latter for me to call it Eastern Loshal for the present purpose.
For the purpose of comparison with the Chin dialects I here give the Kaki-Lashai numerals.
Avoirdupois, I take it, i, .., for heavy articles. * The "Cookies" of the earlier travellers and European residents in Bengal.
Here is an interesting confirmation by independent officers working on the Burmese and Assamese sides of the Chin country of the identity of, at any rate, some of the Chin and Lushai Tribes, Mr. D. Ross, Burma, ante, Vol. XXI. P. 190, says:-"The Baungahda (Lai China) are known as Poi to the tribes on the Bengal border. They are called Poi by the Tachons (China)." Whilst Mr. Soppitt, Assam, includes the Pois as among one of the four chief divisions of the Kukis.

Page #265

OCTOBER, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
259
Kaki-Lashai Numerals.
Rangk’ôl.
Jansen.
Lůshai.97
The Eastern Luxuai
( Naring).
Soppitt, p. 33.
Soppitt, p. 81.
Soppitt, p. 87.
...lenka
...pekât98...
.. lak
... pânî
...
.. pare
... pâtîm ...
tali
... påli ...
ponga pârûk påsari pârît ... påkwa...
tanga tarók ranit ryat takû
sôn
...
hà
enkat ...
... suff. kat ... ...enni ... ...nf ...
suff. ni .. entům suff, tûm ...
mili ... ringah ...
garúk 99 sârî, siri100 garit, gârit?
gúbk ... .... .. shôm, shom-kat .. shómkat-18-kat...
shômni, shomennie shôm ni-lê-enkat
shômtům... ...| Shômmili...
shômringah shômgarûk
nhômsari... | 80 ... shổmgarit
| ... khôngủôk 100 ... rajâkât, rêjîkît ... ... fakât ... 1,000 ... shangkat... ....... shangkat
ha-lai-lak5
pirmit?
:
sing'am likongs lingåkongo litrokkông liranitkong liryatkông toakikông
kam ... t'nung (Barmese)
... jakât ... ... shangkat
97 Capt. Lewin's list (Ecercises in the Luchai Languaje), in Anderson's Notes, P. 13, is identical, except as to pariek 8, chom = 10. So also was that of one of my Lushuis, except as to 10, which he called chin. The "teens" he gave as shm-le-pakat, 10 with 1(=11), and so on : the "tens" he gave as shimni, two ten (= 20), and so forth,
One cannot help strongly suspecting that the progx pl. pd is a numeral coefficient. 99 Dialectic grik, irik: p. 80.
100 Page 77.
Page 78. Dialectic arft : p. 81. Dialectic agisk: p. 81. Page 63. I. e., a ten with one. I. e., a ten with one. Page 66 f.
From an expression to be found later on, given me by one of these men, a'mat ana, for "ten annas," I take the word pirmit to equal par-mit, i. e., two mat or mit, just as a'rnat would be strictly "one mat."
It is possible that Col. Fryer's explanation of " claps of the band " is referred to here in the suffix kong. ne prefix li, see the Angami Naga niinerals, ante, p. 209 f. 9 Cf. Garo chik'unz, ten : Eudle, Kachari Grammar, p. ii.

Page #266

260
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1898.
To gather how the Lushais reckon the money they come across one has to search Mr. Soppitt's pages. The word for rupee, or money, is that for silver, shum or shôm,10 and dár, a word with strong Naga affinities, is the numeral coefficient for rupees; and it would seem that in reckoning they either use (a) the term plus coefficient plus numeral, or (b) the coef ficient alone with the numeral, or (c) when there is no ambiguity simply the numeral. Thus, we find :
(a)
(b)
p. 67
p. 60
p. 60
67
(c)
P.
p. 35
dar-ringkh
dâr-shômni
shômeunî dâr-ringâh1.
dar-shôm tûm-lê-ringâh
dâr-shôm-mili
shômenni
shomni shômtum-ringâh
Mr. Soppitt also gives siki for the four-anna bit, borrowed from Bengali.
My own notes, however, tell a very different tale from the simple one above quoted, and one more in accord with the painfully elaborate methods of calculating, which one knows to be customary with the savage or semi-civilized peoples of the Far East. Whether right or wrong, my notes are the result of an infinity of patience.
P. 67
P. 35
p. 66
pp. 66, 68
P. 68
p. 60
English.
2-anna pieco
4-anna piece half rupee
Rs. 5
Rs. 2
Rs. 4
Rs. 5
Rs. 20
Rs. 25
Rs. 85
Rs. 40
Rs. 20
The first point to observe is the nomenclature of the coined divisions of the rupee given me by the men, above-mentioned as speaking different dialects, whom I may now call for the present purpose the Eastern and Western Lushais; meaning by the Eastern Lûshai the man (? Maring) whose speech was nearest Chin and by the Western Lûshais the men whose speech was nearest to that of Mr. Scppitt's Kûki-Lushais. These men named the silver coins thus:
rapee
one rupeels
1 rupees15
1 rupees16 12 rupees15
...
Rs. 20
Rs. 35
Eastern Lushai.
parê ânâ12
silap, siplàp
t’ngâsi
tangå
pkp
p'ap tig
shôm dâr-ringâh
dâr-mi
dâr-mili
pkp-enkl
plap-sôms1
-10 Pages 53, 57, 78, 75 for sham; pp. 66, 68 for shim
11 This is the usual Far Eastern way of employing the 13 I. e., two annas.
Western Lushai.
duânâ13
Biki14
hâdali14
tangâ
tangi-kit
tanga-lê-sîkiis
tanga-lê-hâdall tanga-lê-hâdali-siki
silver.
money: p. 77 for shum numeral coefficient: the next instance is unusual. 15 Indian, doanni, a 2-anna bit."
18 The coins being placed before them to name.
14 Both Indian. Hadali adh, a half rupee.
18 We may perhaps take lap (lak) = one, and p' (= po, pa, etc.) as the numeral coefficient for rupee, but the expression has an interesting Kachin look about it, vide ante; p. 198.
17 There is confusion here, as both words mean Re. 1: enkoia half; cf. Chin koi in Houghton, p. 112. 18 Lewith.

Page #267

OCTOBER, 1898.]
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
261
Then comes the crox, - the nomenclature of the intermediate divisions of the rupee, the uncoined odd annas of account, where so much depends on the individual intelligence of the examinee. Here the Eastern Lushai counted straight ahead, - 2, 3, 5, 6 annas and so on (puré, sôm, tangá, tarik - úni), varying his nomenclature only when he came to four annas and eight annas, which he called by the names for the coins, spli, and t'agási. He used, however, pa-und for "one anna," just as he used p'làp for one rupee," and notable term a'wat-und for "10 annas," where one would have expected hi-and.
But one of the Western Lushais gave a list, which was very pazzling, - probably he was puzzled himself, and I give it here with the explanation, just as it was given me.
Divisions of the Rupee. The Western Lushai's Terms.
English,
Lushai.
Sense of the Läshai.
lanna...
2 annas
copper-coins four19 2-anna piece (doanní, Indian) 12 (pice) quarter (of a rupee) 15 (pice)20 20 (pice)21 24 (pice)2
...
... hulf rupee
dårtaiga pali ... duana ... sôm-le-pani siki 80m-le-pak'nga ... somni ... ... sômni-pali hîdali ... ... hâdalf-18-palt ...
hädali-lê-pargat ... hádali-18-paryat-pali
Bôm-18-pent .. Bôm-lê-patum
sôm-le-pali ... sôm-18-pak'ngå ... ... taiga ... ...
..half with 4 (pice)
half with 8 (pice) ... half with 8 and 4 (pice) ... 12 (annas)
13 (annas)
14 (annas) ... 15 (annas)
...........
rupee ...
The working of this, in reality intelligent, savage's mind comes out clearly in the above table. His “anna" was to him a concrete thing, vis, a quartette of (ooined) pioe, and be painfully tried to multiply out his quartettes, making mistakes in the effort before long, until he came to the half rapoo, or halali. Here he gained breathing time, until again the multiplication became too much for him, which caused him to boldly enumerate the annas direct at 12 annas and onward. He thus used the same exprossion for “12 apnas" as he had already
11 I. o., four pice. 11 Should be 8 pioe, awn-pal.
* Should be 16 pioe, om--parók. na Should be 28 pice, sumntparyet.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1898.
used for (12 pice) "3 anvas," in a manner with which my readers will be now familiar. The probabilities are that the more practised traders of this communtiy enamerate thus :
5 aunas ... siki-lê-pali
9 annos ... hîdali-le-pali 13 annas ... hâdali-siki-lê-pali
and so on. I may mention that the Eastern Lushai called pice kri.paisá, kri being used by him for both brass and copper, according to a well-known Far Eastern root. Also both men recognised the Abrus sced as mint'i (East) and sentet (West).
The Lushai terms for the metals compare as follows:
English.
Nr. Soppit.
Eastern Lushai.
Western Lushai.
gold . . tângmajiko3 (P. (4)... kô ... ... silver ... ... shîm (p. 97)... .. brass, copper ..
kri ... ...
dàtså ... iron ... ... tir (p. 75) ... ... lôhwa (Indian)
... ringmajiko
sům ... dår, hâr
rângwa ... tir ... swan
tin
...
|
lead
...
..
kêma25
-
The fourth Lashai, whom I had an opportunity of examining, was a 20 (or Dzo, as the books have it),26 the tribe most closely related of all to the Ching, and I have kept his nunerals to the last, so as to sewve as an argument for clinching the inter-relationship of Chiu and Lushai.
Zo Lashai Numerals.
4 7 10 100
... pkàt ... ... p'li ... ... ... p'sâri ... ... t'schom27 ... ...
... 2 ... 5 ... 8 ... 11 ... 1,000
.. p’nit ... ... ... p'nga ... ... . prík ... . ...t'schom-lê-p'kat2... ... tchàng
3 ... p'tûm 6 ... p'rak 9 ... p'kwa ...... It'schom-p'nitas
Ilis terms for the metals were also extremely interesting. Gold, and for the Indian aôná. which has become the term for silver among the Manipüri Nâgas, ante, p. 214 24 : silver, tanká, ie.. the term for the rupee has become that for the metal it is made of: iron, lir : lead, hár, used for brass among the Lushais, as we have just seen.
15 Capt. Lewin's list in Anderson's Hill Tirpora gold is shona (Bengali): silver is tankabin: iron is t'it. 24 Also sh1929 (Bengali).
20 K'e is Burmese. 26 See Newland, p.1; Houghton, p. 4. 27 The t, & and ch all distinctly sounded, with a hesitation betwoen the t and s. * So on to 19.
29 So on to 90. 294 Reversing the Indian process of thought, where the coin," rupee," is named after the metal it is made of

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OCTOBER, 1898.7
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE
268
From Mr. Soppitt's account of the Kachcha Nagas of North Kachar one seems to find in their tongue a typically unstable language linking with both the Chin-Lashai and the Naga Groups. Witness his numerals30 :
Kachcha Naga Numerals. 1 ... kat...
... gana ... ... 3 ... gûjûm madai mingêo, mingao31...
sûrûk senâ dasát, dêsat33
sûgûi, shûguj gårêo ... gîrêo-kàt ...
enkai, enkai** enkai-kàt85 shimiệo ...
radai, r'da 36 ringjéo, ringa037..
ring-shrok 38
...riâg-sena 80 ... riâg.dasât ... ... ..riâg-sugüi ... ... 100 ... hai 1,000 ... shing
Mr. Soppitt gives (pp. 38, 42, 44) the Kachchâ Någa word for both silver and money as rang-gáng, ráng-kling, but I gather that the word is really ring, gång (kung) being its numerai coefficient. Gold he calls (p. 43) gáchák, and iron (p. 44) hégé.
Taking ráng = silver, money, rupee, and gáng, kungs as its numeral coefficient, we find that these Nagas reckon money much as do their neighbours. E. g.,
(a) by ropee plus coefficient :
p. 31 ... ... Re. 2 ... ... rấng King-gana p. 38 ... ... Rs. 25 ...
râng gang-enkai-mingao p. 38 ... ...) Rs. 40 ... ... rấng gâng-rdai (l) by numeral coefficient only :
P. 9 ... ... Re. 1 ... ... gâng-kit p. 32 ... ... Rs. 4 or 5 ... ... kang-madai-mingao
... Rs. 61 ... ... riâg-surik gâng-kåt It is also clear that they must have the same method as their neighbours for rockoning the parts of the rupee, as on p. 10 we find
hagi = 4 annas bipi = 8 annas
bagi-gujam 12 annas, lit., "4-anna-bits three" Mr. Soppitt gives no words for the weights, which is unfortunate as the Kachcha Nagas must have definite ideas on the subject, as may be seen from a remark on p. 10, that, in relation to weights, baddng = & quarter, gajét = a half, badáng-gujúm = three quarters.
Mr. Anderson's Hill Tippera Notes are very slight, my own attempts with & Tippera. one Narsî Râm, from Hill Tipperâ, being more productive of words for the present purpose. 10 Sre p. 8.
1 P..ges 29, 32, 47. 1 Page 12
33 Page 47. 4 Page 38. * Ewkas-sai kat. klo is the full expression and moans "twenty-full-(and)-one-single." 26 sge 39.
7 Page 47. R:0g is clearly "a ten," and the numerals equal 6, 7, 8, and 9 tons. Shimro, 30, seems to be formed in the me way, r o being ton. So also radai, 40, seems to equal 4 tens, and ringao, 50, to equal 5 tena.
King is the numeral coefficient for flat things in Kacharf: Endle, p. 13.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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From the information to band, however, we here, as in the Kachiri (Bôdo) Language, seem, without leaving the class, to be getting away from immediate relationship with the Chin-Lûshai Group proper. Thus the Hill Tipperâ numerals run as follows:
Hill Tippera Namerals.
Mr. Anderson, p. 18.
Narst Råm.
Mr. Endle, Kachari Grammar, p. ii.
... kâicha ...
...
...
kaicha
k'ay â ... suff. sâ, hå, a k'anôi ... suf, nôi ...
2
... remoi
...
kunúi
3
..] katâm ...
k'atan
katam
suff. t'ân
...
4
... buroi
...
baroi
bûrûi
...dau, dok
dok
ch‘ini
chikt
... cha, chara ..chuků
Baka
chika
chi
sésaco
... kô .. .
kô-po-si ... kurunôi ... kurun'chi ...
kuruta
..
kuratást ...
kurubaroi ... kurubaroichi razâhâ Baya
1,000
** All his "teens" wore regular, except 15, which was sard.
41 Probably for "twenty with ten." The remaining numerals seem to be formed by scores (kuns; Chin, kir; Naga, kul, k'al; all no doubt through the Assamese, kurt, a score) : thus, kuru-nhi, score=40; burun(61) cht, 2 sooro and 10 =50; kuru-ta, 3 score = 60; kuruta-sf, 3 soore and 10 70; kuru-baroi, 4 score - 80; kurus baroi chi, 4 soore and 10 -90. Cf. the Manipart custom as given abovo, p. 170, n. 16.

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Mr. Anderson makes no mention of money in his Vocabulary, but I squeezed a certain amount of information out of Narsi Bam on the subject. Thus :
Rupee, râng 43
one rupee
k'wa-â43
half rupee
màsâ, m'sâ
quarter rapee
sagi
Shown the coins, he enumerated the fractional parts of the rupee thus:
Re. 1
k'wa-â ânâ baroi
rupee one annas 4
Re. 1
k'wa-â m'sà....
Re. 12...
| k’wân sagi lê-tin
He enumerated his annas, however, in a complete 1 to 15, using the suffixed forms for 1, 2 and 3, thus:
one anna
... ânâ hâ
... two annas
gold
silver
ảnh nổi
three annas
...ânâ t'ân
four annas
ânâ baroi
and so on, even using and sd, eight annas, as a synonym for m'sá for the half rupee. The words given for the metals compare as under :
copper
brass
tin
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
iron
lead
...
Mr. Anderson.
rằng chảo rång
...
shor, char
See Endle, Preface, I v. ff.
rupee one (and) half
rupee (and) quarter by three and straightforward manner from
***
rằngzà
rûpai
poichân
petsh
adkopůs
(1) Bòrò, Bòdò, Boro, Bodo, Bàrà, Bodo,
(2) Mêch. Mês.
(3) Hciar. Hajong, Lâlang.
(4) Döfin Dhimal.
(5) GAro ipperâ, Mikir (P).
265
Sò
wind
Narsi Ram.
Of the above words in Narsi Rim's list, rúpai, petôh, sisa are directly Indian, and so is the interesting word poicha for copper, i. e., metal. Lastly, Narsi Râm at once recognised the Abrus seed, which he named byéwa.
Fer Kachari there is Mr. Endle's excellent and only too brief Outline Grammar, showing the connections and the wide spread of this tongue under its best known title of Bodo (Bòrò)."
43 Silver, according to Mr. Anderson.
43 K'wd is probably a numeral coefficient. Equal to three quarters. With this sagt cf. Kachcha Naga hagi, 4 annas, and hagi-gajam (three hagte).
12 annas.
45 White iron; kup'ar, white, Anderson, p. 18.
46 It may be as well to note here the various names, more or less well-known and familiar, under which Kacharis of sorts appear in books: -

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Its connection with the general language of the North-East Frontier Hills comes out in the words noted in these pages for numerals and currency, proving it to be highly instructive for the present purpose, despite the essentially Indian character of its surroundings.
The Kachari indigenous numorals only run as far as ton, thus, as given by Mr. Endle: -
Kachari Tadigenous Numerals.
Lowland.+7
Highlansl.
Garo.
. shê, si... ... ... gini, gni ... gatan, tin ...
biri...
bonga
64
sè, söf, sê ... no, noi, gnê ... tâm, gọtâm ...
bri, broi ..ba... ...
rà, di ... sni, sini zat, ját skô, sik 8
zi, zö, ji .. kuri, ek'uris
dà ... sini ...
så, sha gnt git“âm bri banga
dak ...sni ... chet
sku chi, chik'ung
...
shugů...
When counting directly beyond ten, the Indian numerals are used, as may be speu from a sentence on p. 66: -
dàn-fii-ầu pandra båêk'urî t'àkà mangan month-each-in fifteen or one-score rupee get
(translated) get fifteen or twenty rupees a month. But the Kach iris have borrowed the Indian scale of quartettes (gandas), so popular for reckoning cowries,50 and this enables them to count as far as 43 in their own numerals. Here we have that link in Kachari with the Western tongues and habits, which explains so much that is puzzling in the curious Manipuri method of reckoning sel and already discussed; while we have also in Kachari an all-important link with the Eastern tongues and habits in the full use of numeral coefficients, employed Chinese and Naga (not Burmese and Shân) fashion.
Borrowing the Assamese word jakási (= gandd), which they have turned into zakai (a'l'ai on p. 42), the Kachâris express 15 by zuk'ai-t'ám-(coeff.)-túm, i.e., three quartettes and three. Forty-two they express by sak'ai-2-(coeff.)-nè, i. e., ten quartettes and two. The
41 S and xin Kachiri and Garo often equal ch, ch', 1. j' in the surrounding tongues. 18 The GAro is essentially a mere dinlect of Kachari or Bodo.
* Pago 60. Indian kiri, & score. We can now trace the wanderings in the Hills of this well-known term frou. karl, through Assamese k'urt, to
(1) Tippera, kuru ; Chin, kar, krut. (2) Chin, Manipuri, kul; Kachin-Singpho, k'un. (3) Chin, kal; Tippera, k'al. (4) Chin, Tippera, ko, go, gdi.
(5) Lhota and Angimi Naga, (me)ka, kuoü, kui; Cbin, kwe; Kachcha Naga, (en) kai 30 File arte, p. 371.
51 Page 12

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OCTOBER, 1898.)
CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE.
267
, 40
...
numeral coefficient for rupee is t'ai, a round thing, and so Rs. 15 would be in this enumeration zakai-tám-tai-t'ám, and Rs. 42 would be rak'ai-zö.t'ai-niè.
The Kacharis also reckon, like their Indian neighbours, in rupees, annas, and pice, i. e., in their vernacular, in tak*& tunku), faisa (poish) and anå. For taka the numcrul coefficient is tai, and for faisd it is gat, while there is no coefficient for and. This much can be gathered from the following statements scattered about Mr. Endle's book:
pp. 36, 43 f. ... ... Rupee ... ..tanka, taka p. 60 ...
Re. 1... ... ...takâ t'aisi p. 58 ... ...
, t'ainüi ,, t'aitim .. t'aiba
, taizo
p'oisa gatue p. 42 ... ... ... 5. ... .. faisa gatba
6 annas ... ... ana rd, Ana-do p. 60 ... ... ... 10 . ... ..apa-zo The only word that Mr. Endle gives for the metals is that for gold, which is darbi, a word of distinctly Eastern (Naga) affinities. He gives nothing indigenous for the weights, but several obvious corruptions of such familiar Indian terms as man, sér, etc., are to be found scattered up and down his pages.
Mr. Endle did not go beyond ten in the Garo numerals given by him, apparently because of the limit of his indigenous Kachårt numerals, but the Gâro I examined carried his ou tu 100 and 1,000, thus:
Garo Numerals. 1 ... mang's
... mang ni
.. mang g’tàn mang’bri ... mang'bangê ...
... mang'dok mang'ent ... ... mang'chit53 ...
mangchika 10 ... mangchiking4 and u ... mang'chik's
... kôrg'ràk-55
..
8D
mang cho
mang'chisa 57
30 ... kôlachite ... ... 40 ... sotbr159
50 ... sotbanga ... sotdók
70 ... sots'nt ... ... 80 ... sotchit 90 ... sotchikû
... 100 ... arêch'sà ... ... 1,000... sotsik'ingo The mang' prefixed to the numerals of the first ten appears in two lists in Dalton's Ethnology of Bengal (p. 93) of tho numerals of the Bodos (Kachåris) and the Mêchs as man
The KachohA Naga uso ging , in Kach Art, numeral coofficient for flat things. 65 Also duplicated, chitchet.
Ring may be compared with the terminal syllable kò, king, kung already noticed among the Naga Languages. 46 Evidently "one score,"
56 Also duplicated, chichik'ing. BT So on to 19, using chi + numeral or chik + numeral at will. * Evidently a score and ten.
09 Sot, clearly " ten." Should be 100, being literally "ten tens": its uso for 1,000 is notable.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1898.
and mun, both prefixed. As will have been already seen, the Mêchs and the Bodos are essen. tially the same people. Though not mentioned by Mr. Endle, mang', man, mun is clearly a coefficient, as it will be seen to disappear in the counting of money. Thus, the Gâro I examined called an anna gonda, i. e., garda, or a quartette (of pice), a fact of great inte:est in the presont connection, and proceeded to reckon his annas entirely as gondas of pice. Thus:
1 auna...
3 annas and so on to 15 annas.
His numeral coelicient for rupee was kap, and he counted his rupees kapsà, kàpg'ni, kapy', and so on. Similarly he counted his pice, nsing the Indian word poisá, straightforwardly, poisi prak, poisá-'n', poisá-g'lùm. Like the Zô Lûshais, he mixed up his silver with his rupees, calling both tank. For brass he used the Indian word for lead, strú. (To be continued.)
gonda-sà . gondi-g tàm
...
2 annas
4 annas
gondi-g'ni ... gonda-bri
THE SIEGE OF AHMADNAGAR AND HEROIC DEFENCE OF THE FORT BY CHAND BIBI A NARRATIVE OF AN EYE-WITNESS.
BY MAJOR J. S. KING.
Indian Staff Corps (retired).
(Continued from p. 237.)
Mujahid-ud-Din Shamshir Khan, who, having undertaken the defence of the city and country, was engaged in collecting a force and making preparations to repel the vindictive enemy (some explanation of which we have already given); and when he heard of the death of Anşâr Khân, and of Her Highness Chand Libi having ascended the tower of the fortress, he hastened to attend at court with all his glorious sons; and in like manner Afzal Khan and Mir Muḥammad Zamân, more than all, were distinguished by the happiness of attendance at the foot of the throne of sovereignty. After that, all the inhabitants and great men of the city, small and great, going to the foot of the throne, assembled under the shadow of Her Highness' favour.
At this juncture a body of troops from the north side of the city came into view, and arrived in the vicinity of the namáz-gáh. A number of them rushed to the summit of the namár-gáh, and some proceeded to the city. Since no one imagined the near arrival of the Mughal army, some people thought this was Sa'adat Khan's force, and some imagined it was the army of the Habshis. Shamshir Khan, in order to ascertain the circumstances of that force, sent a person among them, and he brought back the news that this was the force of the Khân-Khânân and the advanced guard of the Mughal army. The garrison of the fortress and the nobles when they became aware of the arrival of the Mughal army, fired some guns towards them and dispersed those who had come on the plain of the chabútra. Then with all their might they engaged themselves in strengthening and protecting the fortress and getting ready the warlike apparatus. When the day had come to an end, the KhânKhânan's force did not remain in the vicinity of the fortress, but hastened back to the Khân-Khânân, who had encamped near the garden of the old káríz; and that night till the appearance of the true dawn they remained cautious and wakeful.
Her Highness Chând Libî cast the rays of attention and favour on the state of the well-wishers and nobles of the country; especially Muḥammad Khân, whom she treated with much affability and kindness; and as a reward for his virtuous efforts and honourable services, she conferred on him the rank of wakil and amir-ul-umará and the office of na,b; and the reins of the control of all
One of the subterraneous water-leads, of which there were fifteen in all-vids Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVII.
P. 670,

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THE SIEGE OF AHMADNAGAR.
269
mankind and the defence and strengthening of the fortress she placed in the powerful grasp of that faithful khán; ordering him to exercise due vigilance and caution. To Mujahid-ud-Din Shamshir Khân she entrusted the protection of the helpless people and vassals outside the fortress, and the fighting the enemies of the State. A number of brave men and well-wishers of tle State, such as Mir Muhammad Zamân, and all the warlike ones she ordered to co-operate with him.
The next day was Tuesday, the 24th Rabi II. (17th December, 1595). The Khân-Khânân with a number of the officers of his army set about the protection of the city and Durhängbad, 7 and conciliating and looking after the affairs of the inhabitants and Yassals, who are a sacred trust from the Creator of mankind; and issued a proclamation of security of property and life. A number of the helpless and poor, who through want of ability to migrate, had remained in their dwellings, trusting in the good news of the promise of security, took refuge in the neighbourhood of the fortress and all the fortified villages.
On this day Mir Muhammad Zaman being appointed to summon Jalál-ud-Din Haidar, brought to the foot of the throne that sayyid of high origin, with his glorious sons; in like manner Rukn-usSultanat Alçal Khan being appointed to summon the ambassadors of the kings of the Dakhan, and they brought these two pillars of religion and the State to the foot of the throne.
On this same day a battle took place between the forces of Mujahid-ud-Din Shamshir Khan and a body of the Mughals, who with the foot of daring were traversing the open space of the Kala Chautarah plain. Mir Muhammad Zamân, showing valour and manliness worthy of a sayyid, charged the Warriors of the Mughal army and broke their ranks. Since in the beginning of the fight the flag of victory of the nobles was exalted, the people of the fortress undoubtedly gained strength and became hopeful of victory. At first they had been terrified, but afterwards they fought heroically.
At the close of the same day 17th December 7 the army of Shah Murad, with the great amirs and khans, such as Mirza Shah Rukh, Wall of Badakhshận ; Shahbaz Khan ; Sadik Muhammad Khân ; Sayyid Murtaça and all the amirs and leaders of the army, with an immense and formidable force, arrived in the neighbourhood of the city. The dust of their force blackened the mirror of the heavens, and the clang of their drums and trampets made an earthquake in the earth and a tumult in the sky. They encamped in the vicinity of the old kárís, which is called the Bagh-i-Lihisht [Garden of Paradise] From the thronging of the many forces the area of that spacious ground appeared narrower than a seal-ring or the eye of a needle.
Acoount of the pillaging and plundering of the city and country, which caused disgust in the minds of high and low, and was one of
the causes of the failure to take the fortress. This was one of the causes of the failure to conquer this paradise-like country; and until the news of this injustice and iniquity reached Prince Shah Murad and the Khân-Khanan, and they pro ceeded to put a stop to this tyranny and oppression, and punished a number as a warning to the others, no one in the city and its environs had any goods or houses left. Moreover, the foundations of buildings had been destroyed, so that no one could distinguish his own house from that of a stranger. But since it appeared as if the divine intention was to prohibit the conquest and the plans of the amirs of Akbar Shah's army, that which occurred tended to undermine their power and dignity and supremacy, while it tended to increase the greenness and freshness of the young plant of the hopes of the fathers of the State. In truth, this was the first rupture which reached the foundations of the enemies' good fortune.
TA town about throe miles north-east of Ahmednagar fort, founded by Barhan Niyam.Shih IL.
• Another writer - Mira Rafi'.ud-Din Shirhat gives the names of the principal amfre accompanying Prince Morld as follow :-"Khan-Khanan, Shabbs Kamba, Mirrâ Rustam grandson of Bahrim Mirza, the brother of She Tab maap, Muhammad Sadik Khan, MirxA 'All Akbar Pédahal and Shir Khwajah, with two hundred other great awfra.
• Or Bagh-i Hasht Bibisht, abont four miles to the north-west of the fort. For description, nee Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVII. p. 704.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBER, 1898.
By the disaster of that sacking and plundering not a sign of cultivation or prosperity remained. The roads of communication with the various quarters of the country becaine closed, so that for the space of three months not a human being from the enemy's country could bring any news to them; till famine and scarcity in their army reached such a pitch, that during that space of time, no one among either nobles or plebeians saw the face of ghee, rice and most of the necessaries of life. In the end, this same scarcity and plundering became the cause of the return of that hostile army, as will shortly, with Goul's Assistance, be related,
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
BY SIR J. M. CAMPBELL, K.C.L.E., I.C.S.
(Continued from p. 244.) The following details show the methods adopted by exorcists to drive out spirits in North Kanara :- Lakshmi, the wife of Anandrav Yardi, Senvi Brahman of Súpå in Kanara, while working in her house at noon in 1881), was attacked by a family spirit. She began to cry incessantly, let her hair fall loose, and tore her clothes. From these sigus her husband and other relations guessed that she was possessed. They put sulphur and hair on the fire ander her nostrils, but she did not speak. They then put a cloth over her face, and pouring water on it called upon the spirit to speak, and say who he or she was. On this Lakshmi speaking in the name of the spirit said :-"My name is Alvantin, I am Anandrav's first wife, and I seized this woman because she wears my ornaments and clothes, and sleeps in my room." After this statement, Lakshmi became more and moro excited. So Anandrav sent for Parsu Gbådi, & spirit-scarer by profession and by caste a Kunbt. Parga came abont six in the evening. On coming in he sat on the ground in the verandah. A low wooden stool and a handful of rice were given to him. Repeating some incantations he emptied the rice on the stool, and taking one-fourth part he arranged it in three beaps before him. Turning his finger round the heaps, and repeating incantations, he took one grain from the heap and broke it on the edge of the stool. This he repeated three times, and then said that Lakshmi was attacked by the ghost of her husband's first wife, and that Anandrây should make a vow to his family gods to scare the spirit. Anandriv did as he was advised. Still the spirit did not leave Lakshmi. So on the next day Anandrav sent for Mangesabhatta, another spirit-scarer. Mangosabhatta accompanied by a man of the kind called páyálu, or born-feet-first, came at eight at night, and sat on a low wooden stool. Mangesabhatta took out a glass, applied black powder to it, and gave the glass and a lamp to the payáls to look into the glass. He then threw a cloth over the payálu, and taking a handful of rice and repeating incantations began to throw grains of rice on the payálu. After a few minutes the páyálu told Mangèsabhatta that he saw in the glass a jungle where a man came, prepared, and lighted lamps. He also saw the village gods, the family god and yoddess, and the spirit Alvantin. On hearing this the exorcist told Anandráy that his wife was attacked by the spirit Alvantin. The exorcist then made a promise to Anandrår's family god, that after two months Apandry would go to visit the god Mangèša at Mangési in Goa, and prayed that during the two months the god shonld prevent the spirit troubling Lakshmi. After the lapse of two months Anandråv with his wife went to Mangési in Goa. There he poured water over the ling of the god Mangéśa daily for several hours, and his wife walked a thousand times round the temple every day. In this way they lived at Mangôši for about two years. One night Anandrâv was told by the god Mangêśa in dream that his wife was well. So Anandráv feasted some Brahmans in the name of the god, and returned home with his wife, who was cured.
In Bengal, among the Kurs and Musis, if any one is sick, or if an epidemic has come on the cattle, or if some family has been haunted by a spirit, the people meet together, and go to the house of their medium, called baiga or bhagat, with music and dancing. The people dance

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SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.
and play, and call on the spirit, until one or more of them begins to roll their eyes and twitch their muscles. Then one or two others, generally old women, are seized. The attack comes on like a fit of ague. It lasts for a quarter of an hour, during which the patient writhes and trembles and leaps from the ground as if shot. He is then unconscious. After a few minutes spasms set in the hands and knees, the hair falls loose, the body is convulsed, the head violently shaken, and there is a gurgling noise in the throat. Then the patient hops about with a stick, the head jerking sharply. No one in his senses could stand so much exertion for a minute. The baigá is asked to cast ont the spirit. If the spirit is the great Ganjam, it is asked politely to withdraw; if not, it is driven out with threats and promises. When all is over, the patient is rubbed with butter. On the north-east frontier of Bengal Baddhist priests exorcise in cases of sickness, or of devil or witch-possession.45 When the Santhals are troubled by a spirit, or bhat, they go to the medium. The medium fasts for a time. Then a drum is beaten before him, and his head presently shakes, and his body writhes in hair-tossing spasms. The spirit that was troubling them has passed into the medium. He shouts out some phrases, seizes some victims that are placed ready, cuts their heads off, and pours out the blood.48
271
In the Central Provinces, the Pardhans and Gonds get possessed.47 Among the Naikad Gonds the gods Waghôbâ and Morâri, who are ancestral gods, enter into the ministrant, and say whether they are pleased. The Karens have a priest or vi, who goes into convulsions, and gives an oracle.49
The Panens of Malabar make their living by exorcism and charms. They speak with spirits, who enter them, and make them do awful things. When any leading man is ill they are generally called in numbers. They paint their bodies, put on crowns of paper and cloth, light lamps, and beat drums, and blow trumpets and horns. They dance sword in hand, jump on each other's backs, make bonfires, stick one another with knives, and push one another bare-foot in the fire. The women shout and sing. This goes on for two or three days. They make rings of earth and lines of red ochre and white clay, strew them with rice and flowers, and put lights round them until the devil enters into one of them, and tells what the patient is suffering from, and what must be done to cure him. They tell the patient, and he gives them presents, and gets well. The Buntars, a high class of South Kânara cultivators, have exorcists called Nucarus like the Kunians of Malabar. Buchanan mentions a class of men called Kanis or Walliars, - that is, low-caste men who drove out spirits. Some of them did so from the knowledge of the stars, and others rattled an iron instrument, and sang till their voice went, and they seemed drunk, and were considered inspired. They could tell whether the spirit belonged to the family, and, could be driven out. A family spirit, they said, was most difficult to dislodge; a strange spirit could be easily driven out. All held this belief, except Brahmans and Musalmâns. In Coorg, the great sorcerers are Tantri Brahmans from Malabar whose goddess is Bhagavati. Every year certain candidates present themselves for the service of the goddess, and the (chief) Bråhman chooses one who is likely to make a good medium, and he becomes possessed by the goddess. When he sees a suitable man the Brahman says a text, sprinkles holy ashes on his face, and immediately the person begins to shake and dance as one possessed. In Coorg, exorcists relieve ancestral spirits from the clutches of a demon-spirit. When an ancestral spirit is released, the man, whose ancestor's spirit it is, rushes home from the exorcist's lodging without looking back, or else the house spirit which rides on his back is scared.56 In Coorg, the Kaniyas are consulted when a man or a bullock sickens. They examine their books and shells, which they use as dice, and find out who sent the sickness.56 The Kois of Bastar slay fowls and smear the sick man's
4 Op. cit. p. 214.
44 Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 283.
Op. cit. p. 114.
47 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. II. and VII.
48 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Contral Provinces, p. 25.
Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 117; Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 131. 50 Stanley's Barbosa, p. 142. 1 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 17. 53 Op. cit, Vol. II. p. 152. Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 152.
Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 261.
Rice's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 251, Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 212.

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face with the blood. They have black and white wizards. The white wizards foretell. Among Parsis, if a spirit comes into a man, the priest drives him down right through the body out by the left foot.58
When the Shamanite magician of Siberia performs his superstitions rites, he puts on # garment trimmed with bits of iron, rattles and bells; he cries horribly, beats a sort of drum, agitates himself, and shakes the metallic appendages of his robe, and at the same time the bystanders increase the din by striking with their fiets upon iron kettles. When the exorcist by his horrible contortions and yells, by cutting himself with knives, wbirling, and swooning has succeeded in assuming the appearance of something preternatural, the assembled multitude believe that the demon they worship has taken possession of the priest. When he is enchanted he makes a sign that the spirit has left him, and then imparts to the people the intimation that he has received."
In the ontlying parts of Barma, when the sick cannot be cured, & witch-doctor is called, & rope is tied round the sick man's neck, and jerked, and the spirit is asked why it has entered the man. If an answer is given, and the spirit agrees to pass into some article the object named is placed on the road. If the spirit does not go oat, the man is beaten with a bamboo ; the louder he shrieks the better. If this fails, a woman of the house becomes the spirit's wife, is dressed fantastically, goes into a sbed, music is played, and she dances into an ecstasy. She has the spirit in her, and says where the offerings should be put.co In Burma there are many experts who control evil spirits. A woman wbo dances at feasts, nåt méchamma, is consulted as to where the dead are.cl
In Ceylon, if a person is possessed, a bower of plantain trees is made near the house. In the evening, the patient is seated on an aptarned mortar facing south. Close to bis feet are placed ehickens, cocoanats, rice and limes. The verderale, that is, vaidya or doctor, comes helped by petty conjurers, who beat drums, leap and dance.02 At Gala-kep-pu dewale a village eleven miles from Kandy on the way to Colombo is the temple of Wabaladev. This is the great place for exorcising evil spirits from possessed women. Women are known to be possessed when they dance, sing and shont without cause, tremble and shake and have long fainting fits. Sometimes they run away from their house, use foul language, and bite their flesh and tear their hair. The ordinary demon priest or kattadiya gives relief. In cases where he fails he says the patient should go to Gela-kep-pu. Within two or three miles of the temple the influence or demon in a possessed woman becomes active and she moves on in a borried desperate manner. No one can stop her. At the temple she falls in a corner speechless or in a swoon. In the temple a space is curtained off where the god is. The priest tells the god the woman's story, the woman all the time shaking and shouting. The priest says: - "Demon, will you leave the woman ?" Generally, the demon answers: "I will not." Then the priest beats the woman with a cape. The demon says : -"I will leave her." The woman grows quiet and returns home. Of thirty or forty women so cured none have ever again become possessed.
Among the Chinese the chief Taoist priest, who belongs to a family who have been popes one thousand years, is a great exorcist, and has control over spirits that enter and disease women. When a man is possessed by a spirit in China, Taoist priest is called in. He fires crackers, clashes gongs, and blows a conch. Rich pork, eel, and other food is offered to the spirit. The exorcist then sprinkles tea in a circle, and burns red candles on a table covered with yellow silk,66 Exorcists are common in China. When an exorcist is called to see a case of possession he makes an altar in the house, sets out offerings of pork, fowl and rice, and calls
57 Jour. R. A. Soc. Yol. XIIL P. 416.
* Tylor's Primitice Culture, Vol. L p. 102. Dr. Caldwell's Dravidian Grammar, Afp-, P. 582. Shway Yoe's The Burman, Vol. 1. p. 136, * Op. cit. Vol. L p. 288
Marshall's Diseases of Ceylon, p. 54. * Journal; Ceylon Royal Asiatic Society, 1865-66, pp. 41-48. # Cobbold's Chinese, p. 78.
• Op. cit. p. 71.

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upon the spirit that has entered the sick person's body, to leave the body and eat the offerings. If the spirit does not leave the sufferer, the priest threatens that he will ask the gods to banish the spirit to hell.66 In China, if a man is sick with devils, the exorcist makes a paper image of a man called Tai Sun. In front of the paper image an altar is made, and on the altar are laid eggs, pork, fruits, cakes, and paper-money. Candles and incense sticks are lighted. The spirit goes into the Tai Sun, who is carried into the street, and burned or put in a boat to drift to sea.67 When a house is haunted, the Chinese call a Taoist priest. The priest wears a red robe, blue stockings, and a black cap, and bolds in his hand a sword made of the wood of peach or date tree which has been struck with lightning. A strap of red cloth is twisted round the hilt, and on the blade is a mystic scroll written in ink. He lays the sword over the altar with burning tapers and incense sticks. He prepares a mystic scroll, burns it, and gathers the ashes in a cup of water. He holds the sword in his right, and the cup in his left hand. Then he walks several paces, and calls on the gods to give him power to turn out evil spirits. He shouts :-" Leave this house like lightning." He takes a branch of willow, dips it in the cup, and sprinkles the fonr corners of the house. He takes up the sword and the cup, fills the cup with water, and splashes the water on the east walls. He calls aloud :-"Kill the green spirits, or let them be driven away." He does this at each of the four corners and in the middle. The attendants beat gongs and drums with an appalling din, and the priest shouts - "Evil spirit, retire, vanish." Then he goes to the door, and makes cuts with his sword through the air. 68
In a case recorded by the late Sir William Maxwell from Perak in the Malay Peninsula, the patient was a girl in child-bed, who after the birth of her child became delirious. A Malay exorcist, Che Johan, was called in and seated near the patient on a tiger's skin. He was naked to the waist, had a couple of cords bound across his back and breast, had strings tied round his waist, and held bunches of leaves in his hands. Close to Che Johan sat a woman who beat a one-end drum and chanted shrilly to the tiger-spirit or hanter bhán, to which class Che Johan's familiar belonged. As the woman chanted, Che Johan sat rigid, then smelling the bunches of leaves he began to nod, struck the bunches together, and fell forward burying his face in the leaves, sniffing like a wild animal on all fours, growling, roaring, worrying. He again sat up and struck his chest and shoulders with the leaves. He was now possessed by the tiger-spirit. He spoke in a feigned voice and was addressed as Bujang Gelap or Dragon spirit. He scattered rice round him, growled, muttered and danced, went to tho patient's bed. ride and hissed, "Heijin, O spirit." He sprinkled the girl and her couch with rice and a fluid. He was again convulsed and crept under his mat and lay quiet for fifteen minutes. He then sat up and yawned, and still speaking in a feigned voice said: "A dunt langsuyar, & white woman is in the girl." He again sprinkled grain, pat some in the girl's month, danced, and beat himself with leaves. At last he was tired, and gave up. Then an old man, whose familiar was a water-spirit, tried, and did no good. A revolving mosque was made, and as the demons would not yield to force, the attempt was made to tempt them out of the girl. Offerings of the fat, the sweet, the sour, and the pungent were made. A hen was put in the mosque, and the two exorcists, with wavings, music and chants, joined in moving the spirits from the child to the mosque. Each exorcist with bandful of leaves dipped in the liquor called tepong tawar guided the spirits to the mosque. The mosque escorted by the exorcists was carried to the river and started down the stream with charms and chants. This was done again next night, and a day later the girl died.
The Papuans believe in evil spirits and ghosts. Evil spirits in a coast man are driven out by an inland man into a hole in the earth.7 In Madagascar, when a person is sick, the people fall a diviner. Pieces of white wood, painted black and red, are laid on the roof of
* Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 101.
T Op. cit. Vol. IL p. 20.
Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 20. * Maxwell in Straits Journal, December 1889, p. 232.
• Ingle's Australian Cousine, p. 82.

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the house, and a forked branch of a tree is set near the door. Twice a day they dance. House charms and a dollar are placed on a wooden rice-mortar. A cloth is spread on the mortar, and the sick, dressed in a foolscap with leaves and flowers and a tassel, is seated on the cloth. Drums and bamboos are beaten, and the village men make a circle, and go round clapping hands, while women sing. When a woman of rank dances, a person behind the sick beats an old spade with a hatchet.71 Exorcism is generally common among the Wasnahilis of East Africa. The exorcist, or Mganga, drums, sings, and dances, and in the animal excitement the patient is cured.72 Mediums are common in South Central Africa. Cameron mentions an old chief's wife who was a medium, and held communion with her dead husband.73 The East African diviners cure fevers and boils. Most of the diviners or white magicians are women. Exorcism is practised among the Bongos of the White Nile. The exorcist gives answers by ventriloquism.75 In West Africa, the Pangos dance round the sick, beating the tambourine. They deck the body with red and white bands. The sorcerer mounts guard over the sick man's hut with a drawn sword in his hand. The disease-spirit passes into a hen, and the hen is chased away. If any one catches her he catches the disease,76 The Californian Indians spend their time in getting sorceresses to break the spells of evil spirits."7
[OCTOBER, 1898.
In Europe and Western Asia, spirit-possession played a very prominent part in the carly days of Christianity. People who were liable to possession had a separate place in the churches.is The spirits were cast out by reading the Bible and praying.70 The North-men had male and female diviners with familiar spirits.80 The Skandinavians had hoary-headed prophetesses in long white linen robes, who cured wounds.81 The early Christian Church claimed the power of exorcising demons. This was the only one of the early miracles to which Protestants laid claim.82 The Bulgarian exorcist still puts a vampire in a bottle.83 Roman Catholic priests still exorcise spirits, but few Protestants now claim to have this power. The English Dissenters claimed it in the seventeenth century,84 Sorcerers were called tamans in Ireland, and had the power of restoring stolen goods. Vallancey, in his Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, No. XIII. p. 10, says: "A farmer's wife in the county of Waterford lost a parcel of linen. She travelled three days' journey to a taman in the county of Tipperary. The taman consulted his book, and assured her she would recover the goods. The robbery was proclaimed at the chapel, a reward offered, and the linen recovered. It was not the money, but the taman that recovered it."85 In Scotland, in 1700, spirits were sent by exorcists to the Red Sea. In the eighteenth century, in Scotland, Popish priests had power over devils, and could cure madness. The Presbyterian clergy had no such power.87 It was formerly thought in England that a spirit could be laid in solid oak, in the pomel of a sword, in a barrel of beer, or in a cask of wine.99 In York, till 1819, sorcerers or wise men were common.80 Some of the cases which were tried as witchcraft'in Scotland, in the seventeenth century, seem to find an explanation in spirit-scarers' practices in Western India. The accused sorcerer was said to have made a hole in the house wall; to have passed a cock three times through the hole; to have laid the cock under the sick woman's arm; and then to have burned the cock in a fire. Indian practices explain these rites. The sorcerer's object in passing the cock through the hole in the house wall was to free it from any existing impurity or spirit. He laid the cock under the woman's arm that the disease might pass from the woman into the cock, and he threw the cock into the fire that the disease spirit might be driven away.90 The magic
71 Sibree's Madagascar, p. 295.
75 Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. II. pp. 66, 67.
78 Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa, Vol. I. p. 332.
77 Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 497.
To Op. cit. Vol. II. p. 180.
s1 Op. cit. p. 200.
85 Tylor's Primitive Culture, p. 194.
85 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 64. ST Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 83.
39 Brand's Popular Antiquities, Vol. III. p. 68.
Ta New's East Africa, p. 68.
7 Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 117.
76 MS. note, reference mislaid.
78 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 139.
so Mallet's Northern Antiquities, p. 117.
32 Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. II. pp. 83, 37.
84 Scott's Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 235. si Op. cit. Vol. III. p. 85.
88 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 153. Leslie's Early Races of Scotland, p. 499.

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and sorcery which caused so great a scare in Europe between the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries was partly white magic, that is, magic practised with the view of curing diseases; and partly black magic,- that is magic practised with the view of causing harm. The basis of both was partly old rites and spirit-worship belonging to pre-Christian times, and partly a knowledge of healing or poisonous herbs and drugs. Many of the cures were caused by simple means without any power from spirits. According to Burton (1620) many an old wife does more good with a few known and common garden herbs than our bombast physicians with their prodigious, far-fetched, conjectural medicines.91 So also in Pliny the quaint cures which he ascribes to magicians differ little from the cures he cites as worked by the common people. As a rule, Pliny professes to believe in neither, though he occasionally admits there must be some reason why every one should believe in the cures.92 He also abuses doctors for being too fond of new drugs,03 and praises the diligence and curiosity of the men of old, who searched the secret of things. As Pliny scoffed at spirits, he did not attempt to explain the grounds of the different cures. Many of the cures he cites are difficult to explain. The bulk of them seem to take their rise in the state of mind which believes all disease to be the work of spirits, and which knows that certain strong-smelling or pungent drugs recover people from swoon and other typical spirit-seizures.
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It is interesting to note how far the priests of the different religions have claimed the power of casting out spirits. Brahmans seem not to claim the power, or, at least, except the lower class Brahmans, do not practise the art. So also the pure Lingayats of the Bombay Karnatak do not believe in exorcism. On the other hand exorcism was one of the most important functions of the old Buddhist priest, and it is still the chief employment of the Jain Gorji. In Europe, the early Christian Church had a special staff of exorcists. In the Middle Ages, the Roman Catholic priests practised exorcism. The power was at first claimed by the Reformed Churches. The clergy of the Established Church of England after the sixteenth century seldom exercised it, although Dissenting ministers continued to exorcise till the eighteenth century. In England, Roman Catholic priests are the only clergy who still claim the power, and nervous seizures and similar diseases are now almost always treated by physicians as bodily maladies.
(To be continued.)
DISCURSIVE REMARKS ON THE AUGUSTAN AGE OF TELUGU LITERATURE BY G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU... (Continued from p. 249.)
BUKKARAJA afterwards begot Hariharanatha by Kâmâkshîdê vi,3 who reigned from 1379 to 1401 A. D. His son by Mallâdêvi, Vira Praudharaya by name, reigned till 1412, and his son Vijayabhupati till 1418, and his son Dêvaraya from 1422 to 1447. These facts we are able to gather from inscriptions, but we are at a loss to know when exactly they were born, when they ascended the throne, and when they breathed their last. They were constantly at war with the Muhammadans from the time of Bukka, who gained a victory over the Muhammadans for the first time in 1364 A. D. His son Harihara utterly routed them in 1380, and drove them off from Goa. This Harihara gave enormous tracts of land to varions Hindu temples. In the latter part of his reign, Saluva Gunda was his minister, and he was the father of Saluva Nrisimharaja, the person to whom the Jaimini-Bharata was dedicated. This Gundarâja, who combined in himself both the offices of minister and commander, gained an extensive tract of country. His son Saluva Nrisimharaja occupied the whole of the Carnatic, as Dêvaraya died heirless, or for 92 Pliny's Natural History, Book xxviii., Chap. 19. Op. cit. Book xxviii., Chap. 20.
91 Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 430. 95 Op. cit. Book xxix., Chap. 1.
25 Scott's Demonology and Witchcraft, p. 247.
[The mother of Harihara (II.) was Gaurâmbika and Kamakshidev! was his paternal grandmother - Epigraphia Indica, Vol. III. pp. 36 and 228.-V. V.]
[The Vijayanagara king Dêvaraya II. did not, as a matter of fact, die heirless. He had two sons, viz., Mallikarjuna and Virupaksha I., and two grandsons, Rajasekhara and Virupaksha II.; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. III. p. 35. V. V.]

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some other reason. This Nrisimba had an elder brother Timmaraja by name who was, I think, the father of Isvararaja, and the same as SAļuva Timma, the writer of the Paramay givildsa. SAļuva Nrisimba has made a good many grants of land. He made a grant of land to the temple at Vallam, ten miles to the west of Wandewash, rendered famous in the early annals of the French in South India, in S. S. 1391, , e., 1469 A. D. It was during his reign that a grant of land was made by another to the Saiva temple of Yavur in North-Arcot District in Saka 1393, i. e., 1471 A. D. From the preface to the Varáhapurána we learn that fsvarardye, son of Timmarâja, was his captain-general of the forces, and succeeded to the throne after the demise of Nrisimharâja. We learn from inscriptions that he reigned from 1487 to 1509 A. D. Some are of opinion that he reigned till 1505, when the reins of government were transferred to his son, Viranrisimha. This version may be true. As the fatber and the son bore the same name, it is highly probable that those who deciphered the inscriptions have unconsciously made a mistake, and have identified the son with the father.
From 1509 dates the reign of Krishnadevaraya. It is plain from some of the works dedicated to him that his brother guided the helm of the state previous to his assuming the reins of government. There is no question that Nrisimha was of a different family from the preceding Rajas of Vijayanagara, and became irregularly possessed of the throne. He is admitted to have been a Telinga, and the son of Isvararåya, the petty sovereign of Karnůl and Árviri, a tract of country on the Tungabhadra to the east of it, near its junction with the Krishpå. He is described by Farishta as a powerful chief of Telingana, who had possessed himself of the greater part of the territory of Vijayanagar. His illegitimate son, Kțishnaraya, was the most distinguished of Vijayanagara princes, and although his name is not mentioned by Farishta, it is admitted that in his reign the Muhammadans sustained a severe defeat from the armies of Vijayanagara, and that subsequently a good understanding prevailed between that court and the Bijapur monarchy for a considerable period.
Nộisimha had two sons, Viranrisiṁha and Krishnaraya, the former by one of his queens Tippåmba, and the latter by a slave or a concubine, Nagamamba. A story is related of the exposure of Krishnaraya, when a child, by the order of the queen, who was jealous of the favour he enjoyed with his father, and who therefore prevailed upon the king to put him to death. He was secretly brought up by the minister, Timmarasu alias Appaji, and restored to Nrisimhs when on his deathbed, who bequeathed to him the succession, for the warlike manner in which he removed the signet ring from the hand of his dying father, by cutting off the finger, on which the ring was worn, by the sword. Some accounts state, as has already been pointed out, that he acted as minister and general of his brother whilst he lived, and became Râja on the death of that prince. These receive countenance from works like the Manucharitra, dedicated to Krishnadêvarêya. Other accounts assert that the latter was deposed, and one narrative adds that he died of vexation in consequence. It is clear that the regal power was usurped by Krishsaraya, at first perhaps in a subordinate character, but finally as king.
The existence of an independent principality on the east so near as Karnâl, the presence of Muhammadan sovereignties on the north, and the continued series of Pandya and Chola princes to the south, shew that the Råja of Vijayanagara could not boast, says Wilson in his Catalogue of Mackenzie Collections, p. 86, of a spacious dominion on Krishộarêya's accession. From the range, however, of the grants of former princes, particularly of Harihara, it cannot be questioned that their sway had at one time extended much further east, and it must therefore have been considerably reduced before the Kuruba dynasty was exterminated. Krishộaraya not only restored the kingdom to its former limits, but extended them in every direction. He defeated the 'Adil Shâhi princes on the north, and maintained possession of the country to the southern bank of the Krishna, on the east he captured Kondavidu and Worangal, and ascended to Cuttack, where he married the daughter of the Râja as the bond of peace. In the south his officers governed Seringapatan, and founded a new dynasty of princes at Madura and Trichi,

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nopoly. The western coast had been held apparently through some extent by his predecessors, but he added to the Vijayanagara territory in that quarter also, and his besieging and taking Rachol or Salsette is recorded by Portuguese writers, whilst the imperfect traditions of Malabar preserve the fact of part of that province at least having been governed by the officers of Kțishnaraya, although they refer the circumstance to an erroneous era. At no period probably in the history of South India, writes Wilson, did any of its political divisions equal in extent and power that of Vijayanagara in the reign of Krishparâya. Opinions vary as to the date of this monarch.
The known lists of the kings of this dynasty are most ungatisfactory, and hardly agree on any one point, differing in regard to the dates, numbers, and order in which each king succeeded another. A reference to Kelsall's Bellary Manual, p. 109, and Wilson's Mack. Coll. p. 264, will confirm this. The traditional tables give a complete statement; but these, obviously, cannot be implicitly trusted on all points. Any attempt to make records so evidently contradictory agree with each other, must, unless fresh evidence is forthcoming, only end in failure, and much labour and research must be incurred before the tangled web can be unwoven. The only course left is to examine the inscriptions, for even when they can be proved to be forgeries, they perhaps state truly that a certain king made a grant to a certain temple. Genuine Vijayanagara grants are extremely numerous, and fresh ones are continually turning up. But the forgeries are probably nearly as plentiful as the genuine grants, for, on the disruption of the kingdom, forgery was widely practised to retain possession of lands, etc.; and to shew that the lands had been in possession of the forgers or their abettors, from time immemorial, forged grants usually purport to have been those of the popularly accepted first sovereign Bukka, whose reign is usually antedated by periods varying from 100 to 200 years.
Any attempt at present to give a genealogy of the kings is futile, as a great deal of what is sometimos accepted as fact is in reality only surmise. Thus for a list, differing in many points from either of those quoted, let the reader refer to Burnell's South Indian Paleography, pp. 54, 55. This list read in the light of inscriptions more recently discovered, and.published in Sewell's Lists, Vol. II., will prove instructive.
We cannot exactly say the day or the year in wbich Krishğaraya was born. Some nie of opinion that he was born in 1465, while others fix the date at 1487, and there is hardly any material for arriving at the truth. In the biographies of Dekkan poets, published by Kavali Venkata Ramaswami, at Calcutta, in 1829, the date of Krishqariya's death has been fixed at S. S. 1446, i.e., 1524 A. D. From this we learn that he must have been born in 1484 A. D., for it is said in the same work that he was forty years old when he died. An impromptu poem of Allasâni Peddana, current in the Telugu country, pretty nearly confirms this view. Till more accurate information is obtained on the point, we may for all practical purposes put down the date of Kțishnaraya's birth as 1484 A. D. From the poem just referred to, we learn that his death must have taken place in 8. 8. 1447, i. e., 1524 A. D. But from the multitudes of inscriptions of grants of land, available, modern archæologists are at one in fixing the date of his demise at 1530 A. D. There are some grants of one Achyutadevaraya in 1526-1529, and it is highly probable that these might bave been made during the lifetime of Krishnaraya. We learn that this Achyuta was the son of Nrisimha, by another wife Obîmbâ, from the following inscription of a grant of land made by Achyuta in S. S. 1459, i. e., 1537 A, D., to a Brahmaņa of Narayanapura in North-Arcot District, in which it is said :
Tippaji-Nagala-dêvyoh Kausalya-sri-Sumitrayôh Jatau vira-Nrisimhêndra-Krishnaraya-mahipati il
Asmåd-Obambikadêvyâm-Achyutêndrôpi bhûpatih • [A genealogy of the dynasty, which may be regarded as reliable is, however, to be found on-p. 3 of Epigraphia Indíca, Vol. IV. - V. V.)
Whatever might have been the dates of his birth and of his death, his inscriptions range from A. D. 1510 to 1529 ; Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV. p. 3. - V. V.]

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We learn from the Parijat kpaharana, that Nrisimha, the father of Krishnadevaraya, brought Madura and Seringapatam under his sway. We learn from the same work and from the Krishnarayacharitra, that in 1513 Krishộarîya began his campaign for the reduction of South-India, reduced Mysore and the country along the Kaveri to his authority-defeated the Muhammadan armies of Bijapur and Golconda - captured the forts of Udayagiri, Kondavida, and Kondapalli, and invaded Orissa, the Gajapati prince of which country was compelled to do him homage. In the very same year he invaded the hill fortress of Udayagiri in the district of Nellore, and ntterly routed Praharesvarapâtre, and bronght the fort under his sway. Sometime afterwards, his ipinister Timmarasu (Appaji) invaded Kanigiri in the same district, and sent word to Vira-Rudragajapati, the king of the place and the last of the line of Pratâparudra of Worangal, requesting him to offer the hand of his daughter to Krishnaraya, as an emblem for peace. Now as Kộishṇaraya was the son of a concabine, he was not a married man at the time of his accession to the throne, because nobody would offer him the hand of his danghter on account of his low birth. Even in such a case as this, when the offer was made by Timmarabu, the Gajapati of Kanigiri was most unwilling to accede to the proposal, but being fully aware of the consequences of a point-blank refusal, apparently consented to the proposal, and invited both Kțishạnriya and his minister to his palace, intending to put an end to the life of the former. But the minister, Timmarasu, scenting treachery, put on the imperial robes and dressed up Krishna râya as a servant. Unfortunately, the members of the seraglio inferred that this servant was the real king, from the signet ring that he wore in his hand. The brave Timmarasn, however, did not lose his presence of mind, and got the king out of the palace somehow. As soon as they found that they were beyond danger, they invaded Kanigiri, carried off the Gajapati's daughter, Chinnadevi, as a captive of war, and drove him and his family to the Vindhya mountains. Their wailings and lamentations there found a poetic expression in Peddana's Manucharitra.
Attempts were soon made on Krishnaraya's life by his new spouse at the instigation of the few female friends, who had accompanied her to the royal household. On the very day appointed for his nuptials, the bride was covered with knives by her attendants who induced her to try and murder the king at once, and thus save the honor of her father's family. She felt compelled, though most reluctantly, to yield to the advice of her friends, and went into the bridal chamber with the knives concealed on her person. Krishnaraya was startled at the sight she presented and called out to his friend and minister, Appåji. Timmarasa, wbo was at a considerable distance from the chamber on his own business, somehow heard the call, and sent the bride and her friends back to her father. However, in remorse for what she had done the bride led the life of an anchorite in a forest now in the Cuddapah District, where her husband provided for her decently. She constructed a beautiful tank there of about twelve miles square and her image is to be seen on the inscriptions adjacent. In its bed, numerous small islands, called Lankas, are formed, with plenty of cultivable land and a number of villages,
And about this tank there is a legend. Though she spent a large amount of money to close its two ghals, she could never complete them. She was pondering over the affair one day with sorrow at her heart, when an old shepherdebs, who used to supply her with milk every day, asked her the capse of her sadness. She narrated to her the whole story, when the shepherdess solved the riddle by saying that each ghat was in need of a human sacrifice, and offered her two sons for the purpose, turning a deaf ear to all entreaties. The old woman went home, called her sons, and told them of what had transpired between her and the exiled
* That this story is not very probable and that the king treated his queen, Chinnkji-amma, as he did his other queen, Tirumala-amma, are shown by the inscription from Simhachalam quoted below and by the fact that severa valuable gifts were made at Tirupati, Tiruvann&malai and other sacred places by both of these queens. A labelled stone image of each of these two queens exists in the Tirupati temple on either side of an image of Krishnaraya; Vadras Christian College Magazine, Vol. X. p. 674. - V.V.)

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MISCELLANEA.
279
queen, and said that the time had now arrived for them to become famous in the world, so long as the world would last. Thereupon the two sons girded up their loins, and, intent upon acting up to the dictates of their mother, came as cheerfully as a person going to his own marriage, to Varadarajamma, for that was the name by which the exiled queen was familiarly known to them, and said :-"O mother, bless us that our dames may last as long as the world lasts !" The queen was delighted at the brave words uttered, and told them of her incompetence and inability to do anything for them in return. But she offered them some money which they might devote to a charitable purpose. On this they said that if she was really in earnest about it, she might baild two cities in their honour and in their names. Varadarajamma gladly acceded to the proposal, and then the two brothers went fearlessly like two brave warriors going to battle, and with hands upraised offered their prayers to Paraméávara, and entered the ghds as if to gain a victory over the lord of the waters. The diggers of the tank thereupon threw a few baskets of mud over their heads. Everything afterwards, it is said, went on smoothly. Varadarajamma, as promised, built two villages in honour of them. The brothers went by the names of Peda Kambada and China Kambadu, and the villages bear the names of Peda Kambam and China Kambam. Their fame was afterwards amalgamated under the name of Kambam, familiar to all the presidency of Madras.
So far about the story of Krishnaraya's first marriage. Let us now turn our attention to some of the conquests he made. We have seen that in 1515 A. D. he started on & plan of campaign for subjugating the southern country, and brought under his sway Kondavidu, Bellamkonda, Vinukonda, Bezwada, Kondapalli, Rajamahêndri, etc. In 1516, he raised a stone pillar at Potnûr, about ten miles distant from Bhimilipatam in the Vizagapatam district, describing the conquests he had made. He then extended his conquests to Vaddathi in the Viravalli Talnk of the same distrct, went on to Cuttack in Orissa and set fire to it, when Prat&parudra, king of Kalinga, who was reigning over Orissa, effected a reconciliation with him by offering him the hand of his daughter in marriage. Krishnaraya, therefore, gave back the whole of the Kalinga country, as far as RAjamahêndri, to Pratâparudra, and entered Kanchipura, the modern Conjeeveram, in the Chinglepat District, towards the end of 1516 A. D. His marriage with the daughter of the Raja of Orissa and his return to Vijayanagara form the concluding portions of Krishnaráyacharitra, a work by Dhúrjati, son of Arugandi Käsipati, composed by the order of the ruler of Arvidi in the Ceded Districts.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. KALAMPAT-A FORM OF EXORCISM. object of the ceremony, wbieb is got up by the The Kalampat is a ceremony performed in relatives of the young wife, but her husband has certain parts of Malabar by Nairs, Tiyyas and to meet the incidental expenses. other Malayali Hindus : in the case of a
If the object is to guard against the mismarried Malayali Hindu girl of seventeen or
fortune of barrenness, an auspicious day is eighteen years of age, with the view either of
chosen for the function, but if the end in view bringing about maternity; and with the view
is an easy delivery, some day in the seventh of insuring easy delivery in the case of a
month of pregnancy is fixed upon. A pandal, woman who is enceinte.
standing on four pillars, decorated entirely with The evils of barrenness and miscarriage are fruit and flowers, and ceiled and screened at one ascribed to malignant genii who have special end with cloths, is put up for the occasion. power and influence over women. These spirits Burning lamps are suspended near each of the are Vimana Badakal (Spirit of the Skies), pillars, and the sanctuary thus made is adorned Vimana Sundaran (Siren of the Skies), with a representation of Kamen, the Cupid of Yecchen, Brahma-Rakshasan, Uddal Varatti the Hindu Pantheon, wrought into a carpet made (Drier of Body), Pillay-Thini (Eater of Infants), of field and meadow blossoms and pigments of and Rekta-Eeswari (Goddess of the Blood). I various colours. A pot of gurusi (consecrated The propitiation of these malevolent impe is the water) is placed near the spot.

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The ceremonial is performed after nightfall. seta down the bell, takes up the holy water, which, The young woman in whose favour it is performed, it will be remembered, had been placed there earbearing a pot containing rice, betel, a cocoanut lier, and going off to a corner of the yard throws and three little bundles, enters the pandal | down the plantain stalk and empties the holy and walks round the sanctuary thrice and then water over it, thus removing all the malignant stands facing the East. Meanwhile, a band of influences from the woman. He returns to the kanisans or astrologers have already turned pandal and sacrifices a fowl and when the bird up and taken their seats near the pandal, whence is quite dead, he throws it to some distance, they chant a stothram (anthem). The young going afterwards to see to which side the head woman sets the vessel down. Some rice and inclines, in order to make certain predictions as cocoanut flowers on a plate are handed over to to the results that may be expected from the her. She takes the plate and sits down. The ceremony. These results may be either good or astrologers resume their musio, singing hymns of evil. invocation to Ganapati, Sarasvati and Krishna. The husband of the young woman recompenses The afflatus at this stage descends upon the young the astrologers with new cloths. A kalampdt woman who rises and dances about wildly.
may be conducted by from four or five to as Should this mood prove to be unusually exciting, many as thirty or forty of these hired astrologers, rice and ashes are prayed upon and are then according as the means and the station in life applied to her head.
of the family permit. The head astrologer of
the village has to take the responsibility of Time has slipt by almost imperceptibly while all
bringing the other functionaries. In addition these mystic functions have been going forward
to the cloth, with which he in common with the and while the stillness of the night has been
others is presented, he is the recipient of certain constantly broken by the montonous and almost
other gifts, such as rice, cocoanuts, betel and painfully weird chant of the indefatigable choris
money. ters. It is now noticed that the earliest streaks
It may be remarked that considerable import. of the new dawn are beginning to appear faintly
unce is attached to the lighting of the superand gradually in the low Eastern sky. So the
structure, wherein the described ceremony is chief of the choristers rises from his seat and
held. No religions function of the Hindus or of produces a plantain-tree stalk, which he cuts
the demonolators of Malabar is complete without down to a convenient size and drives into it
its burning lamps. The Malabar dur-mantravddi three broom sticks, at the higher ends of which are attached some little ornamental designs made
sets the greatest value on his various little burning
wicks. In the shrine of his snake god, the pious of the tender leaves of the cocoanut palm. The
Malayali nightly burns a little lamp, and at the top of the plantain stalk is lighted by menns of
family altar in a corner of the yard a little lamp three wicks, also attached to broom sticks. The
sheds its fitful gleam on certain prescribed nights. chorister holds the illumined stalk in bis right
This importance of light as a religious symbol is, hand, and a bell in his left. He approaches the
of course, not peculiar to Malabar. Life and young woman and squats down in front of her.
light have always been associated together, both Ho moves both his arms about, and the musical
by savages and civilised people. Fire, as the tinkling of his little bell barmonises with the hymn or stothram which he starts singing before
great Zoroaster said, " is the soul of everything." the girl. After a litte while he ceases chanting,
"CASUAL."
NOTES AND QUERIES. BAO.
a flying in the Air, .... but the happy I HAVX lately come across yet another form of Man, whose Rocket makes him in the God's this curious word: ante, p. 196, and Vol. XXII. Favour, never fails of building a new Baw, and p. 165.
dedicates it to the God he adores,.... I o. 1700. "They (Peguers) have Images in all
must notomit giving the Clergy their due Praises their Temples or Baws, of inferior Gods, such as
in another particular Praetice of their Charity. Somma Cuddom (Samana Götama) ...
... and when the unfortunate Strangers They never repair an old Baw, nor is there any
come to their Baws, they find a great Deal of Occasion for that Piety or Expence ; for in every
Hospitality. - Alexander Hamilton, East Indies, September there is an old Custom for Gentlemen
VOL. II. pp. 55 1., 62. of Fortune, to make Sky Rockets, and set them
R. C. TEMPLE.

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THE SIEGE OF AHMADNAGAR AND HEROIC DEFENCE OF THE FORT BY CHAND BIBI-A NARRATIVE OF AN EYE-WITNESS.
BY MAJOR J. 8. KING. The Indian Staff Corps (retired).
(Continued from p. 270.) Night attack made by Mubariz-ud-Din Abhang Khan on the army
of the Mughals; and explanation of some of the
fatalities which occurred in that interval. TT has been already related that when the Habshi amirs, owing to quarrels among themselves, beennie
1 dispersed, each of then became scattered through the various quarters of tlic dominions. Of these, Ikhliş Khan, Aziz-ul-Mulk, Bulail Khan and others hastened to Daulatabad; and the garrison of that fort having espoused their cause, they raised to the sovereiguty ore named Moti, and called him "Moti Shah," and hoisted the standard of opposition and independence. And in like manner Mubarizud-Din Abhang Khan, in order to get one of the sons of the kings and heirs of the country, lastened towards Bijậpur, where he procured His Highness Miran Shah Al, [son of ?) the late Burhan Nizin Shah, who was living under the protection of Ibrahîm *Adil Shah, with the sagacious son of that sovereiga, who was twenty years of age. With a number of followers he then entered the district of Bhid, where he engaged himself in arranging the affairs of State and the conquest of the kingdom ; and collected a large crowd of dispersed troops in that district, who had been scattered throughout all parts of the country.
When Mlyan Manjů, through fear of the Mughal army, went with Ahmad Shah towards the district of Bhid, Her Highness Chand Blbi -- who constantly took part in the aflairs of State and the arrangement of the business of the kingdom - sent to Mubariz-ud-Din Abhang Khán, a contidential messenger with her private seal, and forbade that nobleman to engage in war with Manjů or to pursue him ; but ordered him to proceed to Daulatâbâd, and in conjunction with all the Habshi amirs and other confederates, to expel the Mughal army. In accordance with this order, Mubariz-ud-Din Abhang Khân with His Highness Miran Shah 'Ali and about 5,000 veteran cavalry, proceeded towards Daulatábad.
When the news of the approach of Miran Shah 'Ali and Abhang Khan reached Ikhlas Khân and the other Habshis, owing to a quarrel which had previously taken place between them, they were not desirous of an alliance with Miran Shah Ali; so, taking counsel with one another, they said, “We have appointed person to the sovereignty, and raised the regal umbrella orer his head, and have given him the control of all the affairs of State. To depose him now without cause, and to choose the service of Shah All, who is a protégé of Abhang Khân's, and to place ourselves ander the orders of our enemy, can have no result but repentance." Consequently, not being willing to form an alliance with Abhang Khân or submit themselves to His Highnese Miran Shah All, they refused to meet them or speak with them ; but about 500 celebrated cavalry - well armed and brave
of their army, separated themselves from Ikhlas Khan and joined the camp of Shah 'All and Abhang Khân.
When His Highness Miran Shah Alt and Abhang Khân gave up all hopes of an alliance with, or the submission of, Ikhlan Khan and the other Habshi amirs, they sent to Her Highness Chand BIM a representation of the state of affairs, Brying :- "If Your Highness to order it, with the force which we have with us we shall gird up our loins in the service of the State, and use our best endeavours in the defence of the fortress and fighting against these lords of arrogance."
Chand Bibi issued orders summoning them to the capital, and sceordingly they turned towards the city. When they arrived near it, they sent to the neighbourhood of the city & spy, to verify the roads and places intervening between them and the fortress, which might be free from obstruction by the Maghal army. The spy, after reconnoitring, brought information that the east side of the for

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tress, which was the general highway for all, was clear of Mughals; consequently Miran Shah Ali and Abhang Khân, with a force of their warriors always eager tor battle, at the close of Saturday, the 28th Rabi. II. [21st December, 1595] started towards the fortress by the road which the spy pointed out.
It was a wonderful coincidence that on the morning of this same day Prince Shah Murad started to examine the surroundings of the fortress, and to inspect and distribute among the unirs of his army the various batteries and trenches; he went about like a travelling star in the revolving heavens, and with the eye of confidence and attention observed the surroundings of the fortress. The east side, which was the general highway and the road of the avenging army, he entrusted to the charge of the Khan-Khanan. At the close of the same day the Khan-Khênîn marched from the neighbourhood of the namár-gáh, and alighied in the garden of the 'abádat-khánah [house of worship), which is situated directly on the road of the force of His Highness Miran Ali Shah and Abhang Khan. The whole of the Khấn-Khânân's army pitched their camp round that garden ; and as they were not aware of the arrival of the hostile army, on this dark night both great and little of the Khân-Khânân's army slept the sleep of carelessness, and observed no vigilance or caution. After two watches of the night had passed, His Highness Miran Shah 'Ali and Abhang Khân, with their formidable force like a powerful torrent and raging river, reached the army of their opponents and became aware of the encampment of the Mughal army; and as it was an exceedingly dark night, and the opposing force was wrapped in the sleep of negligence, they threw themselves on those incautious ones and attacked them; and falling on them like distracted lions in the midst of sleeping wild asses, they put those negligent sleepers to the sword. When the Khan-Khanan's troops opened their eyes from sleep, they saw standing round them a formidable crowd like a sudden calamity; they found the road of escape blocked on every side, and the gates of death open in the face of their desires ; consequently they saw no remedy but fighting, so they hastened to the field of battle and the acquisition of a Dame and reputation. Some at the doors of their tents and sleeping places travelled on the road of obliteration and oblivion, and a few, abandoning their property, went to the KhanKhanan's pavilion.
When the rank-breaking army of the Dakhan found the tents freed from the existence of their enemies, abandoning all caution, they hastened to plunder the property of their enemies. Abhang Khân, with a body of his troops like savage lions, took up a strong position like the mountain of Dama wand near the Khan-Kbârâp's tent, and for Learly two hours fought with that amy. The Kbán-Khanan with a body of expert archers, who on a pitch dark night could have sewn up the eye of a spake or an ant (with their arrows], got into the house by the roof of a very lofty building, and made Abhang Khan and his followers the target of their arrows. From the fire of the stone-splitting arrows they set fire with it to the plain of battle, and dried up with it the bodies of the brave pien, till time after time as the Khan-Khânân's force increased in numbers, the Dakhani force, through lust of plander, diminished. Since Abhang Khân saw that the enemy having become strong, the affair had gone beyond the bounds of rashness, he, with the body of troops which he had with him, carried off the son of Miran Shah 'Ali and gallantly made for the fortress, whilst Ebah 'Ali with some of his men returned by the way they had come. Daulat Khan Ladi, one of the amirs of the Khan-Khánân's army, followed Shah 'Ali, took about two hundred prisoners, and killed a great puniber. But Abhang Khan with the sons of Mfrån Shah 'Ali and a great number of men, on that dark night reached the gate of the fortress, and made up the strength of the garrison to 1,000. The chamberlains of the court, by order of Her Highness Chånd Bibi, admitted A bhang Khin with the sons of Miran Shah
Ali to the fortress, and brought them before her. Her Highness was much pleased at the account of the excellences and good qualities of the great anir, and suitably acknowledged his virtuous efforts in the cause of the State, and confirmed the signs of his intrepidity and boldness. By her gratitude and condescension as well as by general rewards and countless royal kindnesses she showed her appreciation of his services.
Since Abhang Khân had shown such superiority over the Mughal army, and displayed such valour, extreme terror of the rank-breaking army of the Dakhan obtained ascendancy in the minds

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of the enemy's army, and the vain-glory which they had hitherto felt, owing to the absence of opposition on the part of the Dakhanis, became changed into fear. From this great night attack a great terror reached the enemy's force, and they became excessively afraid of fighting against the people of the Dakhan. Abandoning their natural disposition of carelessness which they had shown on that night, after this they observed the greatest caution, and used their utmost endeavours to take the fortress,
The surroundings of the fortress were divided sinong the celebrated anirs and seasoned troops. The Prince chose the east side of the fortress, which is opposite the place of the battle, as the position of his own special division and the army of Gujarat; the south side, which is opposite the village of Shaitanpur and towards the Farah-bakhsh Garden, he gave in charge to the force of the KhanKhânân; and the west side of the fortess, which is towards the city of Ahmadnagar, and is the principal gate of the fortress, was entrusted to Shahbaz Khan and Mirza Shah Rukh. The nortla side, which is towards Burhanabad and the Namaz-Gáh, was entrusted to Raja All Khân, the wdli of Burhanpur. From all four faces the Mughal army, with the intention of battle, advanced the batteries and entrenchments and completely surrounded the fortress. Day and night they carried on the work of the siege, and strove their utmost to take the fortress.
The brave Mujahid-ud-Din Shamshir Khan, who with his sons and a body of his troops outside the fortress, up to the last showed eagerness in de ending himself and fighting, came into the fortress; and then the doors of entrance and exit were barricaded, and the de!enders, of all ranks, giving up their minds to war, were assiduous in the work of battle. For a long time from inside the fire of slaughter and fighting blazed up, and night and day they employed themselves in the arrangement of bloodshed,
Although the enemy used to strive their utmost to take that fortress, all their endeavours were of no avail, and the face of victory did not show itself in the mirror of their desires. The Prince, from the great energy and diligence which he used in the conquest of that fortress, used often himself to go into the batteries, and strive to fill in the ditch and erect the sar-kúb; so that in a few days it reared its head to a level with the walls of the fortress, and they also filled in the ditch with earth and rubbish.
Her Highness Chand Bibl also took an active part in the defence of the fortress and observing the affairs of the troops; and used her queenly endeavours in arranging the affairs of religion and the State. By day, like the world-illumining sun, she rested not from bestowing benefits and instructing those under her; and at night by the aid of her own rare good fortune, she slept not, but with weep ing and wailing before the throne of God, prayed for tranquillity ; consequently the arrow of the enemy's arrangements did not hit the target of their designs, and none of their attempts to take the fottress gave birth to their desires. Although the Mughal troops used the utmost diligence in erecting the sar-káb, the people of the fortress raised one of their towers to a level with it, or erected building higher than it, and so rendered abortive the plans of their opponents.
In the midst of these affairs, Vankuji Ka11,10 who before this had been a staunch ally of Ahmad Shah and Mlyáņ Manjů, with their concurrence now returned to the neighbourhood of the Mughal army. Several times he threw himself on the oatposts of the Mughal army, who were charged with the protection of the forage place, and seizing many of their horses, elephante, camels and cattle, killed a countless number of their men, In like manner Sa'adat Khân, who some time before this had gone to the Nasik district, having collected a numerous army, came directly on the road of the opposing Army, and blocked the enemy's communications, so that no created being could possibly pass from the limit of Sultanpur and Nandurbar in this direction,
Sayyid Baja - who was one of the amire of Akbar's army, and was distinguished for his bravery - by the Prince's orders, went to drive back Vankújt ; and from his excessive haughtiness and pride, giving no attention to the organisation of his force, with a limited number who came to him proceeded to repel Vankújf. When he reached the enemy; in advance of his supports, helpless as a
10 This must be Venkatedri of Penkonda -vide Garetter, Vol. XVII. p. 880,

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moth, he suddenly threw himself on the fire of battle; and the army of Vankuji, like a halo, surrounded Sayyid Raju and his allies. Since divine predestination had decreed that the sigh of calamity should come forth from the illustrious house of Sayyid Rájú, and become the smoke of destruction of his family and his army, by the fortune of war, his troops who were brave as lions, being rendered helpless by the attacks, wherever they looked they saw the road of escape blocked by the blades of keen-edged, blood-shedding swords; consequently, washing their hands of their lives, they placed the foot of bravery on the plain of fool-hardiness, and drew the sword of valour. After much strife and slaughter, that sayyid of high degree, with a number of his own people and his allies and assistants, was killed on the field of battle. Some unfortunate ones, whose appointed time was delayed, with a thousand troubles, from that Red Sea of destruction, reached the shore of escape, and spread the news of the death of Sayyid Râjû. From this event immeasurable weekness owing to loss of prestige reached the proud army of the enemy; and the nobles of the conquering dynasty became much elated at the victory.
284.
Simultaneously with this circumstance, news reached the Mughal army that a body of the Gujarat troops accompanying Sayyid 'Alam-who was one of the amirs of that kingdom - bringing with them immense treasure and goods innumerable, was approaching the army. Sa'adat Khan, who was marching through the district of Nasik and those parts, laid an ambush for them, and killed Sayyid Alam together with a great number of his men, and took possession of the whole of the goods, elephants and baggage of that force.
On hearing this news, all at once the hearts of both great and little in Akbar's army were disturbed; and in order to discover a remedy and repair this great weekness, Sadik Muhammad Khân Atâlik, with a large force, was appointed to repel Sa'âdat Khân in order that he might remove the obstruction of that body from before the opposing forces. Sadik Muḥammad Khân, with Mirân Khân, Sayyid Murtaza and a body of chosen warriors and one of selected young men and about 2,000 cavalry, marched with the utmost speed to take vengeance on Râja Jaganâth and Sa'âdat Khân. It was nearly evening when they arrived near the army of Sa'âdat Khân; and as they had marched a long distance, it would have been extremely difficult for them to engage him on that night; so they halted for the night.
When Sa'adat Khan heard of the arrival of the Mughal army, his force was heavily laden with the plunder of the Gujarat army, so making careful arrangements for guarding the baggage and defenceless part of his force, he marched away from Sadik Muhammad Khan's army without baggage, with about three hundred skilled Afghan bow-men, and drew up his force on the bank of a river11 which intervened between him and the enemy. Sadik Muhammad Khan also on the other side of the river, with his army, made ready for battle. In a moment the two forces, from opposite sides of the river, opened the battle, and with their arrows and bullets made brisk the market of destruction. Notwithstanding the smallness of Sa'âdat Khan's force, Sadik Muhammad Khan, putting out of his head the claim of equality, stepped into the valley of return, and opened the door of reproach in his own face. At the time of his return the kids turned topsy-turvy the parganah of Sangampur,13 seized. all the cattle of the country people of those parts, which had been collected in one place, made prisoners of a great number of both little and great of the parganah of Sangampur, and hoisted the standard
of return.
There was an old feud between Sadik Muḥammad Khan and Shahbaz Khân; and the KhanKhânân in all matters used to protect and assist Shabbas Khan. Finding an opportunity at this time when Sadik Muḥammad Khan was not in the camp, the Khan-Khânân sent a person to the Prince with a message, saying, "As long as Sidik Muhammad Khân may be on service, the affair of the conquest of the Dakhan will not advance: the most advisable course is to relieve him from the duties of wakil, and give him permission to return; so that your attentive slaves may accomplish the conquest of the Dakhan, and devote all our energies to taking the fortress." The Prince, according to the exigency of the time, agreed to this suggestion; and in order to please them, went to the dwell
n Probably the Godavari,
13 This must be Sangamner, about half way between Ahmadnagar and Nasik,

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ing-place of the Khân-Khânân, which at that time was the Farah-bakhsh Garden ; and as the air of that garden was pleasing to the Prince, he moved from the village of Bhingår 3 to the building in that Paradise-like garden ; and for ten or fitteen days he employed himself in pleasure and amusement in that delightful building. At that time Sadik Muhammad Khân -- no longer engaged in the business of administrator (wakil] - used to be in the village of Bhingår ; but there was secretly a constant correspondence between the Prince and the amirs.
In the midst of these affairs the sp:es of the Mughal army brought them news that Ikhlas Khân, with all the Habshi anirs who used to be in Daulatábad, and a persou nanied Moti, whom they had named Moti Shah, with about five or six thousand cavalry, were advancing towards them. The KhânKhânån on the surety of Şadiķ Muhammad Khân (who had contemplated repelling Sa'adat Khân, but had not advanced the work), appointed Daulat Khin Lüdi Afghân - who was the most warlike of his army - with about 8,000 well-trained mounted archers selected from the army of the Prince and Shahbaz Khan and his own Army, to repel Ikhlas Khan and the other Habshi amirs. On the bank of the river Gang (Godavari] a battle took place between the two forces : at the close of the day they kindled the world-consuming fire of battle.
When Ikhlas Khan and the Habshi unirs saw the Mughal army, they sent on the advanced guard of their army towards Daulatâbâd, and they themselves drew up their force in battle array in a central positionlt on the bank of the river Gaug [Godavari] ; but immediately on the arrival of the Mughal rank-breaking army, their firmness gave way, and without fighting or striving for their reputation, they took to flight. A few of the Mughal force pursued the flying army for some distance, and killed several of the stragglers; then halted in that same place, and passed the night there. Next day they marched from that place, which was near the town of Patan, 15 and moved towards the above-mentioned town, in which a number of poor merchants and some helpless and poor peasants, relying upon the promise of security, had remained. Immediately upon arriving in the town of Paithan, they threw the fire of rapine and plunder among the houses and inhabitants, and by tyranny and glaring injustice forcibly removed all the stuffs, money and goods of those people. All the females and males of the above-mentioned town they stripped of their borrowed raiment, to such an extent that they did not leave in that town even the veil of a woman - whether plebeian or noble ; after that they returned. A crowd of those oppressed persons, without a stich of clothes, limped after them and reached the Khân-Khanan's army, and loudly complained in his darbîr of this tyranny. But since Daulat Khan and the other amirs of the Khan-Khanan had brought the plundered property, the KhanKhanan, who throughout the world had earned a false reputation for generosity and manliness, through covetousness of those stuffs, sprinkled the dust of inhumanity in the eye of generosity, and took no pity on the state of those wretched oppressed people. Most of the staffs of the unhappy merchants he divided among his own troops. A few, with naked heads and feet, who were the owners, used day and night to weep and bemoan in that court ; but out of their stuff's he did not give them a single article of apparel. Prince Shah Murad was much disgusted at this, and moved back from the Faral-bakhsh Garden to the village of Bhingar ; on the way two of the intimates of the KhânKhânân having arrived near the army of the Prince, the rage of the latter was all at once excited against the Khân-Khânân, 16 and he reinstated Şadiķ Muhammad Khan in the office of wakil.
18 A small town about one mile east of the Ahmadpagar fort. 14 Or on a rugged difficult piece of grouud.
16 This is evidently Paithan or Pratishthin, N. Lat. 19° 29', E. Long, 75° 27', an extremely ancient town on the left bank of the Godkvarl, celebrated for its silk and fine muslin manufactures. - Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVII. p. 351.
18 Details of this occurrence are given as follows by Mirza Raff-ud-Din SŁfrAzt :- "At this juncture, one day Sultan Murad went out for a ride, and from a distance seeing a number of people who were going along quickly, he asked who they were, and was told it was one of the Khan-Khanan's sardars, who had also the rank of l'inhua. He said, "Why is it that he neglected to come and salute me P Bring him to me." When they brought him, Prince Murad ordered him to be beaten with & stick for not salating him. When newe of this reached the Khân. Khanan he sent the following message to Sultan Morta, - "In the same manner as your father and your elder brother treat me and respect me, you also must treat me; I cannot spbmit to such disrespect. Akbar PC dehih will be a judge between me and you."

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The Khân-Khânên waited some days in the Farah-bakhsh Garden, employing himself in pleasure and amusement, and did nothing whatever towards the taking of the fortress ; but the Prince from inorning till evening used to go round the fortress, intent upon arrangements for its reduction. Then a number of the reformers of the State advised the Khan-Khânên, and brought him from the Farahbakhsh Garden to the houses of the city of Ahmadnagar, when outwardly he was in all things attending to the siege of the fortress, and reducing the besieged to extremities; he posted a pariy of his own troops in the vicinity of the Kala Chautarah, which is opposite the gate of the fortress.
As there was a firm alliance of long standing between RAJA 'Alt Khan, wall of Burhanpur, and the people of the fortress, they continually kept up communication with him, and through his agency their requirements used to be conveyed to the fortress. And when a number of artillerymen from all the forts and districts came to the assistance of the people of the fortress, they made their way into the fortress from his side, and caused the strength of the garrison to be doubled. But the Prince having observed this, caused Raja Ali Khan to march away from there and gave his battery in charge to Raja Jaganath, who was one of the greatest of the Rajput umirs ; so the road of coming and going of the people of the fortress became entirely blocked.
In the days of the siege of the fortress and the flaring up of the fire of battle, Raja Ali Khan, wali of Burhânpur, at the instigation of Akbar's amirs, sent a letter to Chand Bibf to the following effect :- "I, knowingly, and for the sake of the honour of this high dynasty, have come to these frontiers in company with the Mughal army, and I know for certain that in a few days more, the fortress will be reduced by this army. Take care in the fighting not to exercise caution but to save your reputation surrender the fortress to the Prince ; then any fort and any district which you wish for, they will let you have in exchange for this. Since, on account of the affinity between us my reputation is in truth bound up in that of Your Highness, I have determined with myself, regardless of arrows and musketry fire, to come to the gate of the fortress and convey Your Highness to my own camp."
When this communication reached the people of the fortrebe, it became the cause of increased perturbation and helplessness among them, and they were on the point of agreeing amongst themselves to surrender the fortress. Afgal Khan stroke to assuage their hearts, and wrote as follows in reply to Râjâ ‘Ali Khân :- "It is surprising that with the perfection of Your Highness' understanding and planning you should write such a letter as this, and endeavour to ruin this high dynasty, seeing that you hastened to go forth to meet the Mughal amírs, and brought them into this country. The kings of the Dakban will not forget this. By the aid of God Almighty the Mughal anirs will shortly be made to return, and Your Highness will again be subject to the kings of the Dakhan, and must fear the vengeance of the ferocious warriors of the Dakban, and take thought for your reputation and that of your own kingdom."
. When this answer reached RAJA Ali Khan, he was ashamed of what he had written ; and the Mughal amars also, on the arrival of this letter, became hopeless of taking the fortress. But Miyan Manjů, who together with Ahmad Shah, in the beginning of the Mughal invasion, had taken refuge in the territory of Ibrahîm 'Adil Shah, had sent to the foot of the throne of that monarch petitions founded on self-abasement and despondency, representing their weakness and imploring assistance, That king, looking to what was good for the State and the integrity of the kingdom, striving his utmost to repel the enemies of the country and to reinforce the people of the fortress, issued farmáns about sending a force to those well-wishers of the State, and made prudent arrangements for repelling the ar ny of Akbar Shah. From the Adil-Sbâbi court, Suhail Khan - who at that court held the title of Ayin-ul-Mulk - with a number of celebrated amírs and about 3,000 well-trained cavalry, was appointed to go to the assistance of the Nigam-Shîh kingdom, that with the world-consuming sword he
At this speech Sultan Murad made use of very harsh language, and the diepute was the origin of much trouble. Temptors and tale-beaters used to widen the breach between them. One day Sultan Murid was saying to thono noar him, "As long as the Khan-Khanan and ShAbbaz Khan Kamb exist they will not lot mo attain to the sovereignty of the Dakhan, but, please God, after taking Abmadnagar " They replied, "Do what you please After taking Aḥmadnagar, if you can take it."

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should throw the fire of chastisement into the harvest of the existence of the hostile troops, and with the sponge of the sharp swords of his warriors, he should make the face of the earth a sea of blood, and clear the kingdom of the Dakhan from the discord and rebellion of the lords of perverseness and injustice.
From the Kutb-Shahi court also, Kult Sultan Talash -- who was renowned for his bravery - with about 10,000 celebrated cavalry and 20,000 brave infantry, was sent to repel the enemy. In like manner, from the court of Adil-Shah, farmáns were issued to Ikhláş Khan and all the Habshi amirs, inviting them to put aside their hostility, which was the cause of the ruin of the country and State, and join the nobles in repelling the enemies of the country. According to His Majesty's orders, Ikhlâs Khan and the other Habsbî amírs, with about 20,000 cavalry collected from the various cities, marched in that direction. Through the kindness of Adil-Shah, in a short time about 70,000 well-equipped cavalry, with elephants, cannon and all the implements of war, were assembled on His Majesty's frontier. From the thronging of them, the plains and hills were pressed for room,
A breach is made in the wall of the fortress of Aḥmadnagar. Fight with the enemy, in which fight the defenders are victorious. Great exertions of
Her Highness Chand Bibl, and the sincerity of her faith. When the siege of Ahmadnagar - owing to the perfection of its strength and fortification - had lasted a long time, and the face of its conquest still remained hidden by the veil of protraction and delay, it became manifest to the Mughal amirs that by the agency of guns and the filling in of the ditch, they would not be able to reduce the fortress ; so, after praying for success, and taking council together, they decided on making excavations under the foundations of the wall and towers; and in order that the defenders might not obtain information of their plan, they kept it concealed from both small and great, and used their utmost endeavours to carry it out. Opposite the Prince's battery they excavated several places, and hollowed out the pillars of the wall of the fortress. When they had finished the excavation, on the night of Friday, the first night of the moon in the month of Rajal [20th February, 1596], by the Prince's orders, they filled the hollow of that excavation with gunpowder and tamped it with clay and stones, in order that at the time of dawn — which is the time of ease and repose of the sentries vigilant during the night, and time of the owl of negligence of the defenders of the fortress - they might fire the mine and throw down the wall of the fortress, and by that means their troops might complete the conquest of the fortress. But since Fate had decreed that the fortress was not to be taken, Khwajah Muhammad Khan - who was one of the nobles of Fårs and a wasir of Shiraz, and was distinguished for the integrity of his faith and the sincerity of his intentions - having become aware of the position of the enemy's mine, employed the people of the fortress, both small and great, on that dark night in digging down, to the foundations of the walls of the fortress in the positions where they imagined the enemy's mines to be. They found one mine, and carrying away the powder which the enemy had put into it, they filled up its place with stones and earth. The defenders being relieved from the fear of this mine, commenced digging out another. And Sadiķ Muḥammad observing the day of Friday, the first day of the inoon of Rajab, which is the sacred month, postponed the firing of the mines till after noon. In truth, according to the saying, "Good in what happens," the defenders benefitted by this delay; for on that night both small and great of the people of the fortress were e:nployed till the appearance of the true dawn, in excavating the mines; and after dawn, all of them, very tired, went to their honses to rest and repose.
The Prince and Sadik Muhammad Khân, at the first appearance of dawn on Friday ordered their forces to assemble and get ready all the implements of war, and parade fully armed at the foot of the fortress. When the Mughal army, with swords, shields, spears and daggers flocked from all quarters towards the fortress of Ahmadnagar, the ground round the fortress, from the thronging together of the forces was like a swelling sea in a state of commotion. Prince Shah Murâd in his own person took an active part in the operations; and all the amirs and kháns of high rank - except the Khen

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Khanan and Shahbaz Khan, who did not approve of the conquest of the Dakhan - with their horsemen and retinue, drunis and standards, stepped into the plain of battle.
After the assembly of the Mughal army the engineers being ordered to fire the mines and throw down the walls, they set fire to those mortar-like mines. At this time the defenders had found two of the mines and emptied them of powder, and having found the third mine also, were in the act of digging it out, when suddenly the smoke of destruction came forth from that mortar-like mine, and the tiame of misfortune fell in the foundation of that wall. All at once the wall of the fortress tottered, and from terror of it the earth came forth from its place, and the sound of it came forth from the position of that foundation, so that you would have thought the trumpet of the resurrection had been blown, and you beheld the day of resurrection face to face. About fifty cubits17-length was brenched and all at once demolished and broken, and by the force of the explosion the pillars of the walls of that impregnable fortress were laid low.
A number of the enemy's force who were standing by the ditch waiting for the destruction of the wall, threw themselves into the ditch and made for the breach ; and as ti ey expected the demolition of the other walls, most of the army were waiting for that in order that they might with ease enter the fortress and take it. The stones which, bird-like, flew from the wall of the fortress, like the huntingfalcon of death killed several of the Mughal troops who were near the fortress, waiting for the assault ; and as many of the defenders were engaged in digging out the mine under the same wall, a number of them also were buried under the stones and earth. Some who were farther off, when they saw so great a brench in the pillars of the fortress, fled from the stones.18 Some crept into corners, and some went to Her Highness Chand Bibi. The amirs and leaders of the army, who, in their own houses heard of that great occurrence, hastened in a frantic state towards the breach in the wall. Of the amirs and great nobles, Mujahid-ud-Din Shamshir Khan and Umdab-ud-Daulah Mubariz-ud-Din Abhang Khân first arrived at the breach, and with Arrows and swords opposed the entrance of the Mughal troops. After that, Sadr-ul-Umra Muhammad Khan with his sons and relatives, and Multân Khan, Ahmad Shah, Ali Shir Khan and all the amirs and leaders of the army, following one another, went to the breach and blocked the way of the enemy's force. And a number of the foreign nobles, such as Abzal Khan. Maulana Muhaminad - ambassador of Ibrahim Adil-Shah - Maulana Haji Muhammad ambassador of Muhammad Kuli ķutb-Shảh - Mir Muhammad Zaman, Mîr Saiyid 'Ali Astarabadi and Khwajah Husain Kirmâni, who, owing to the great bravery which he displayed on this day, received the title of Tîr-andaz Khân. Troops of strangers and all the foreigners too, who in their own houses heard of this occurrence, hastened with all speed to the breach, and with their stone-splitting arrows blocked the way of coming and going of the enemy's troops. Most of the foreign nobles, such as the ambassadors of the Dakhan kings, by the advice of the amirs and nobles of the State, hastened to wait on Chand Sultanah, and in order to strengthen the warriors and further the business of the fighting, brought the Queen from the palace to the breach and the scene of the combat. When her sur like umbrella cast the shadow of protection and favour over the heads of the lords of the State, the strength and ferocity of the warriors was increased a thousand-fold. The lightning-making guns and flaming rockets drove the enemy from the neighbourhood of the breach ; and the engineers and artil
17 1 gaz, or cabit = 24 finger-breadths.
18 In connexion with this Mirza Raff-ud-Din relates an episode which reads like a story from the adventures of Baron Munchausen, "It was an extraordinary occurrence that when a bastion and some of the parapet of the fortress were blown up, three persona on top of the bastion, sitting on a slab of stone, were playing a game of nard sa kind of backgammon), when suddenly they were blown to the heavens with that stone, and descended near Ja'far Åka's well, which is nearly one faraakh (6,000 yards) from the fort. One of those three escaped uninjured, and when I was sent on a diplomatic mission to mediate between Nizam-ShAh and the amits, between whom dissen sions had arinen, that person was shown to me. I asked him how he had felt in going ap and coming down. Ho replied: -'Such terror pervaded my heart that I was unable to open my eyes till the stone reached the ground and I became separated from it. Thanks be to the Creator, who bridge safely out of such a whirlpool of danger anyone He wishes. By this action the Almighty shows to his servants the perfection of His power.'"-Taskaral-lum. Mulik, I, O, MS. p. 875.

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lery also from the tops of the towers, with gans and kukkah-basan and pukban [rocketel sent the flames of destruction to the lives of the enemy, and drove them away from the ditch. The well-wishers' exertions in the fight against the enemy were such, that Muhammad Lari, ambassador of His Majesty
Adil-Shah (although there was no pause in the fire of the rockets and guns), in the hottest part of the fight weat up on one of the towers of the fortress opposite the breach in the wall and kindled & khirkah and firing several guns in that khirk zh, opened the doors of destruction in the face of the enemy. As all the defenders were aware of the presence of the Queen herself in the battle, all ranks - young and old - hurried in that direction, and with their own bodies blocked the breach in the wall.
They say that when the Queen arrived in the neighbourhood of the breach, a number of the elephant-keepers brought forward the elephants that they might interpose them between her person and the fire of the enemy, but she forbade them, and would not allow the elephants to be placed in front of her. With the tongue of inspiration she caused the following speech to be interpreted :" Although to take one's own life is forbidden both by the understanding and the divine law, yet I have brought a cup of poison with me, and if (which Heaven forefend !) the enemy take this fortress, I shall drink the cup of poisoa, and free myself from the annoyance of my enemies. Besides, since one will of a certainty obtain the rank of martyrdom from the wound of the enemies of the faith and the State, how can I guard myself against the wounds inflicted by the enemy ?"
Consequently God, the most holy and most high, owing to the sincerity of intention and purity of bar faith, bestowed on the Queen that fortress (which in fact had almost fallen into the hands of the enemy), and de onded it against the oppression of that band of tyranta.
of the people of the fortress, a number who were near the wall, engaged in the work of defence, some were killed by the falling of stones and earth, and some remained firm till the arrival of Majahidad-Din Shamshir Khin and Mubariz-ud-Din Abhang Khin saved the breach. By the will of the Omnipotent, Sadik Mubammad Khin, in order to fire the other mines and breach another part of the fortress, prevented his men from making an assault on the breach, and so gaining an easy victory. A number of rash ones who, in advance of the others had gone into the ditch reached the breach in the fortress, but as no one had the hardiwood to follow them, they stopped ; and after the enemy's force, from the failure of the other mines to explode, abandoned the hope of firing them, the defenders repaired the breach, and displaying much boldness and bravery, killed most of those who had gone into the ditch and scattered themselves about.
In the midst of the fary of battle, an arrow struck Alsal Khin on the breast, but the covering of an amulot which he wore on his arm wated him from injury, and by the felicity of the sincerity of his intentions and the purity of his mind, no annoyance whatever was caused to him.
The remainder of the enemy's force, seeing the state of affairs, and none having the boldness to enter the ditch, with their own hands thoy opened the doors of misfortune and adversity in their own faces; but having no other resouroa, they formed up on the edge of the ditch and attacked the wall of the fortroue. From both sides the world-consuming fire of slanghter and battle blased up.
Although the enemy fought bravely, yet since it was not so decreed by Fate, the face of victory did. not show itself in the mirror of sword and dagger ; and they only opened the register of their endeayours at the verge offering low" and " regret." A number of celebrated and brave men of the enemy's army, by the arrows, stones, gans and match looks of the defenders were overthrown and sent to the house of perdition. Many of the warriors received disabling wounds, and retired with repentance, wailing and restlessness.
When the sun set and darkness came on, the enemy's army, who after all their exertions had experienced no result bat hartfulness and regret, drew back their footsteps from that fatal place, and only half alive, wounded by arrows, matchlocks, cross-bows and stones, went to their habitations.

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But Her Highness Chånd Bibt remained fized as a mountain in the same place, and ordered expert workmen to build up the foundations of the wall of the fortress ; she herself waiting in the same place till the skilled builders and stone-catters, with clay and stones built up the wall about four cubits high ; thus blocking the way against the entrance of the Mughal force; and then fortifieul the wall with many hukkah. [guns ?] and much ammunition,
After that, the Queen, with much courtesy and queenly favour, rewarded those of the defenders who in the place of battle had remained firm as mountains and displayed conspicuous bravery. Among the foreigners, Khwajah Husain Kirmani - since he had shown much valour on that day, and had killed many of the enemy with arrows - Was ennobled by the title of Tir-andaz Khân ;!' and Husain Aķa,1 Turkman received the title of Kazal-bash Khin. After straining every nerve in fulfilling the requisites of deience and the observance of vigilance, the Queen returned to the haram.
But Prince Shah Murad on that night, owing to the loss of his prestige, and the weakness which had found its way to the foundation of his good fortune ; brooding over the fact that the face of bis object was not reflected in the mirror of his desires, was biting the finger of anxiety with the teeth of Astonishment; while tears of sorrow were streaming from his eyes. He took counsel with his amirs and the leaders of his army as to the best means of reducing the fortress
In the morning, at the first streak of dawn, the Prince, son of Akbar Shah, paraded his forces and advanced to the breach of the fortress. When he reached the wide ditch he wished withoat delay to attack the fortress ; but a number of the amirs and great men of the State dependent on his favour were opposed to entering the ditch, and to his personally engaging in the fight. On account of the advice of his well-wishers, the Prince dismounted from his horse on the very edge of the ditch, and encouraged his men in fighting against the people of the fortress ; making them hopeful by promises of increased rank. He sent one of the nobles to the Khin-Khanan to ask him for assistance ; but the latter hung back with excuses, and abstained from taking part in the war. Prince Shah Marid's sense of honour being roused, he ordered his troops to commence the attack ; and special corps of ahadi 80 and men of rank, under the Prince, at once attacked the fortress with swords, arrow, cross-bows and baldraks.21
The defenders, whose strength (in spite of the weakness of the wall of the fortress), owing to their success of the previous day, was increased a thousand-fold; having built up the breach to the height of several cubits, with their fire-arms had made it like the vestibule of hell ; and fought with the utmost bravery and strength, and with the fire of hub kahe, pak-bains, guns and matchlocks which they brought to bear on them, barnt up the harvest of the existence of many of the enemy.
Althc gh the intrepid ones of the distinguished army rushed in close order towards the breach of the fortress, yet the warriors in the fortress, with their arrows, guns, bukkahs and paik-báns, scattered them and killed numbers of them, and cleared them away from the neighbourhood of the breach : till
from the number of killed in the ditch, it appeareil like a repetition of the story of the seven-fold • slaughter of Mizandaran.
Prince Shah Murad, on the page of whose fortune the signs and indications of regret were showing themselves; with his heart full of grief and his tongue full of lamentations and sighe, returned towards at camp, having abandoned the desire for war and the acquisition of a name and reputation; and removed from his mind the sovereignty and dominion of the Dakhan, which had been fixed in the world of his boasting imagination.
20 A kind of Indian military corps. - Dict.
11 Tir-andAs meaning "archer." 2 'A kind of sword.

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Terms of poaco arranged between Chand Bibt and Prince Shah Murad.
Completion of the predestinad events whioh ooourrad in that interval.
It has been already mentioned that Ibrahim 'Adil-shah had ordered about 3,000 trained cavalry to go to the assistance of Nizam-Shih Muhammad Kull Kutb-ShAh also had sent about 10,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry to the assistance of Queen Chånd Bibi and the Nizam-Shâhi army. From all quarters within the limits of the Alil-Shabt dominions a force was collected, and about seventy or eighty thousand cavalry, with elephants, artillery and rockets, after making all warlike preparations, marched towards Aḥmadnagar.
The days of the siege of the fortress being prolonged, the defenders were reduced to helplessness owing to the scarcity of provisions ; so the nobles of Her H ghness Chånd Bilt wrote letters to the amirs of the Dakhani ariny, and me. tioned in them the superiority of the enemy's force and the weakness of the defenders. By chance the sp.es who were the bearers of these letters, were captured by the alvanced-guarl of the Mughal force, and the letters were shown to the Khin-Khanan and Radik Muhammad Khan. Akbar's amirs then wrote the following letter to Suhail Khin, who was the Amirul-Umara of the army of His Majesty Adil-Shah :- "We have long been expecting your coming in order that this fighting may be put a stop to ; and the quicker you come, the better." Giving this as weil as the letter from the people of the fortress to the same spy, they sent him on. It is said that when the letters reached Suhail Khân, and he became acquainted with the contents, in the same hour he sounded the dram of march, and with the utmost possible speed, from the road of the mountainous country, turned towards Ahmadnager.
When the news of the approach of this formidable army of the Dakhan reached Prince Shah Murad and all the amirs and khans of the Mughal army - who, having become hopeless of taking the fortress of Ahmadnagar, had given up fighting - it increased the fear and terror of their army ; 80 that all at once the foundations of their patience and firmness being shaken, the reins of self-possession and repression went out of the hands of their power. Consequently a council of war was assembled, and after consulting together, it was unanimously agreed that since the army of the Dakhan, in great numbers and well equipped, was advancing to take vengeance on them; and as the conquest of the fortress had gone beyond the area of their power, it was necessary to show a bold front ond make some kind of terms with the de enders ; and by this pretence the abandonment of the siege would not be attributed to their weakness. Accordingly Sayyid Murtaza (who from olden time had been the arranger of this royal family, and used constantly to perform similar diplomatic duties for the State) was charged with the duty of arranging the terms of peace.
Sayyid Murtaş, by the advice of the Prince and amers, wrote to the rulers of the State and sent into the fortress a letter to the effect that they should send out a person to arrange terins of peace, and induce the Prince in some manner to raise the siege and quit the foot of the fortress.
Althongh the people of the fortress were reduced to extremities owing to scarcity of provisions ; and the reins of choice having gone from their hands, were all demanding peace and a treaty; yet since they perceived an odour of weakness from the signification of Sayyid Murtazi's message, and knew that only when the arrow of the enemy's desires had missed the target of their intentions, and the dawn of happiness had failed to appear on the horizon of their fate, they entered by the door of peace and knocked with the knocker of agreement; consequently becoming hopeful of victory, in order that the enemy might bear the burden of weakness, they wrote as follows, in reply to Sayyid Murtaza :“If first on your part a confidential person will come to this court, and propose terms of pence, on our behalf also an ambassador will be appointed to complete the matter."
Sayyid Murtaç and Mir Hashim (who for a long time had been paymaster of the Prince's army, and for his great intelligence, bravery and sagacity was greatly distinguished above his equals) wero sent to the Nizâm-Sbåhi court.
The sayyid remained in the fortress for the space of ten days without getting permission to depart, so that the Mughal amirs became hopeless of obtaining terms of peace, and dismal news was

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circulated in their camp; till the people of the fortress sent many rare presents for the Prince, the Khin-Khanan, Shahbaz Khan and Sadik Muhammad Khan.
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Afzal Khin, owing to the high reputation which he enjoyed among the grandees of the country and celebrated men of the State as a diplomatist, was appointed Nizâm-Shahi ambassador; and having earned the approbation of Her Highness Chand Bibi by his praiseworthy services, especially in the days of the siege, she conferred on him the office of Na,îb and the rank of Pishwâ, and exalted him with the title of Chingiz Khân.
In like manner a legation from the Prince was selected to arrange the terms of peace: it consisted of the Khan-Khânân, Mir Muhammad Zaman Razwi Mashhadi (who to the end of time will be renowned for his faithfulness in the discharge of his duties); and Shah Babrâm Astarabâdî was appointed as the deputy of Shahbaz Khân, lave we wa
the
On Sunday, the 10th of the month of Rajab [1st March, A. D. 1596], the dawn of which was the rising of the sun of happiness and reconciliation, and the beginning of the happy and fortunate days, the ambassadors above mentioned, by order of Her Highness the Bilkis of the age, went out of the fortress and hastened to their duties. When the news of the arrival of the ambassadors reached the Prince, he ordered a place to be given to them in the camp of Saiyid Murtazi, in order that whenever he should summon them Saiyid Murtaza Light bring them. Then he sent a person to summon Khan-Khanan, Shahbaz Khan Raja Al Khan, Sadik Muhammad Khan and all the great men and amira. A royal assembly was arranged for the reception of the ambassadors. Afzal Khan, Khan-i Khawanin Chingiz Khin with Mir Muhammad Zaman and Shah Bahram were taken to the foot of the Prince's throne, and kept in the place of servitude. After the ambassadors had performed the ceremonies of "kurfush" and "taslim"-which is the method of salutation of the Chaghta, kingsthe Prince and the Khân-Khânân called them near, and they asked an explanation of the cause of the war and their object in coming. Concerning the terms of peace they used the above-mentioned words. Afzal-ul-Khawanin Chingis Khan hastened to reply; and after the usual complimentary phrases, he represented his case as follows :brede si sadar met to Los when ad
31 of:
fortress
The Prince approved of the eloquent words; he bestowed on the delegates of the Queen robes of honour and Arab horses, and said: "The completion of your affairs I entrust to care of the Khân-Khânân : represent your case to him in order that it may be settled according to your your wishes." Next day, the Khin-Khânân having met in council, summoned the ambassadors of the Queen; and at first them asked for a and in order that they well-wishing khan from his allegiatico, and by bribes and stratagems obtain possession of the fortress. They said to Afgal Khan: We will make you a commander of five thousand," 1, and cede to you by treaty whatever district of the Dakhan you may desire; your opinion shall be made the rule in all affairs, and we shall allow no transgression of your wishes. It may be that in some way this fortress may come into our possession." Now he tookwondos drive form bra
Afsal Khan, in reply to them, said: The conquest of this fortress by assault is an impossibility: for though at one time it seemed to be attainable because the provisions of the fort and war war-like, mate rial came to an end; yet now that they the ten, arme and war-like implements; and nearly 10,000 brave warriors,on of for years in corn, gunpowder, a to achieve fame, are in the fortress, and for the sake of guarding the rights of salt and service of no didny yeafs, as long as t they have a breath left in their bodies, they would choose to die rather than yield the fortress and yo1 Ene troy hima-mişiz of toca When the amirs saw that their fraud and spells had no effect on Afzal Khan, they became hope less of taking the fortress, and made the following insolent speech: "Since His Majesty the late Burhan Nizam-Shah, at the time of going towards the Dakhan, made a present of the kingdom of
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Varhad [Berar] to the Nawab of His Majesty the King [Akbar], that province now belongs to the servants of that court; you must therefore withdraw your hand from its possession. And as the Prince has honoured this country by a visit and in fact holds possession of the whole of the kingdom of the Dakhan- your advisable course is to consign to the servants of His Highness the province of Daulatâbâd also with its dependencies, in order that the army may withdraw from the siege. of the fortress. We shall then return all the provinces to Prince Bahadur Shah, and afford him. assistance in taking vengeance on his enemies."
THE SIEGE OF AHMADNAGAR.
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Afzal-ul-Khawanin Chingiz Khân replied to them :-"At present there is no king in this State to whom this matter can be referred. The province of Varhad [Berår] now belongs to the Sultans of the Dakhan, and the army of this State also has confirmed them in its possession. The mention of Daulatabad is the cause of the increase of matters of sedition and mischief; because for a long time past the people of that province have withdrawn the neck of obedience from the halter of subjection, and having become travellers on the road of rebellion, have set up another king, but according to the orders of Her Highness Chând Bibi, he will not exercise dominion. Besides, the amirs of the Dakhan who are in the fortress will not agree to this, and the peace negociations will be altogether abandoned. What defeat have you inflicted on the army of the Dakhan that the provinces of Varhad [Berår] and Daulatâbâd should be given to you? Your fortune was good, in that hypocrisy having shown itself among the amirs of the State, each of them became scattered in a different, direction, and the State remained denuded of troops. You, seizing the opportunity, hastened in this direction; if there had been 10,000 cavalry in the limits of the Gâlna Ghât, you would not have been able to invade the frontier. Now, one lak of man-over-throwing cavalry of the Dakhan with the utmost preparation and grandeur are advancing towards you, and have arrived within eight farsakhs. You must first fight with them after you have answered them, you can then talk of giving and taking."
Sadik Muhammad Khan Atâlik, who was at the head of affairs in the Dakhan, being much disturbed, said to Afzal Khân:-"What nonsense this is! You keep a woman in the fort in hopes of a eunuch coming to your assistance, or that assistance will reach you from him. This is the son of His Majesty Jalal-ud-Din Muḥammad Akbar Pâdshah, in whose court so many monarchs have girded up their loins in his service. Do you imagine that the crows and kites of the Dakhan which have sat down on some spiders, can oppose the descendants of Timûr and celebrated amirs such as the KhanKhânân and Shahbaz Khân, each of whom is equal to any ten of the Dakhan? We have thrown down the walls of this fort of yours, and have undermined the remainder. In two or three days more we shall level it with the ground. Behold! up to now the conquest having happened, did you imagine that the honour of Her Highness would remain, and that men like you, who are of our own race, would not perish ?"
Afzal Khan hastened to reply:-"For the space of forty years we have eaten the salt of the kings of the Dakhan, and on the day we entered this fort, we resigned our lives, property and offspring; and now we have come to this service of yours. Since all cannot fly from death, we are prepared for death, and having made up our minds to suffer martyrdom, have waited on you. What can be better than this, that a person should be killed in the service of his benefactor, and by this means obtain an eternal good name? We used to hear that Akbar Padshah was laying claim to godhead; now we see that his amirs also lay claim to the prophetical office. Apparently it has been revealed to you in a vision that this country shall be conquered by you; but the Most High God has no admission to this laboratory that you can make so positive a statement as in three days more we shall certainly take this fort. It is possible that with the of the of this country, you may be obliged to return from the foot of this fortress without the attain people of th your object; and it is apparent to you that the people of this country live at enmity with foreigners, and will continue to do so. I am a well-wisher of His Majesty the King, and my advice is that the great amirs of the Prince be sent away from the neighbourhood of the fortress, lest there happen to them a fatal misfortune, to remedy, which may be beyond the area of possibility. There are great numbers o numbers of warriors in this fortress, who if they.
31a About 27 miles.
271914 40 wru saad 1 bis

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be killed, become martyrs, and if they kill, they will become ghasis [heroes] : how can you compel them to submit to you? Very shortly the army of the Dakhan will arrive ; the road of going to and fro will then become closed on you, and after much ruin and misfortune, trouble and injury, you will return with the greatest difficulty, and seek assistance and protection in the service of the King. And certainly what I am now saying will also be represented to His Majesty the King."
Mir Muhammad Zaman also in that assembly fearlessly made a well-weighed and manly speech, and convinced his opponents.
Several days were spent in this controversy, and the pacification was delayed, till news of the approach of the formidable army of the Dakban was circulated in the Mughal army. Spies brought information that about 70,000 cavalry with many elephants and artillery were advancing march by march; consequently the amirs of the Mnghal army, deeming it advisable to abandon contention and dispute about Daulatabad, forbore to make useless demands, and contenting themselves with the province of Varhad [Berâr], concluded the treaty of pence. On Tuesday, the 23rd of the month of Rajab [14th March, A. D. 1596], the lords of peace and reconciliation came and went from both sides.
Since the provisions of the fortress were exhausted, the besieged were in great difficulty. In these days when Almal Khân was in the Mughal camp the people of the fortress several times wrote to him, saying :-" By whatever means it is possible, conclude the treaty of peace quickly, for we cannot hold the fort another day." Moreover most of the people of the fortress, owing to the scarcity of food and want of strength, had agreed among themselves and intended throwing themselves down from the towers and walls and taking refuge with the Mughal army. On this account Afzal Khan arranged with the Mughal amirs that they should send Sayyid Murtaza and Kaçi Hasan to the gate of the fortress to arrange the terms of peace. The two being appointed for the purpose, hastened to attend at the court, and were distinguished by royal favours. These nobles, for the sake of peace, and owing to the exigency of the time, consented to give Varhad [Berár), and the foundations of friendship and agreement were strengthened by a treaty. Muhammad Khan with a number of the great men of the country and celebrated men of the State, for the purpose of completing the treaty of peace, hastened from the fortress to the presence of the Prince, and had the honour of kissing his hand, and were distinguished by royal kindnesses according to their circumstances. Their leader was treated with the greatest honour, and all the amirs and khans of the assembly were presented with special robes of honour and Arab horses.
When from both sides the foundations of friendship and agreement were laid, the matters of contention and resistance ceased ; and the causes of alienation being changed to a state of courtesy and anity, the gardens of good-fellowship flourished ; the bases of familiarity and friendship received fresh strength; the ties of faith of the agreement of both sides arrived at a stage of firmness; and the affairs of religion and the State, and the affairs of the kingdom and the faith, by the blessing of this reconciliation were arranged anew. Muhammad Khan, Chingiz Khân and all the great men returned from the Prince's camp with happy and cheerful hearts, and had the honour of kissing the vestibule of sovereignty of Her Highness the Bilkis of the age ; and the endeavours of all in arranging the affairs of State having met with Her Highness' approbation, they were distinguished by innumerable royal favours.
The Mughalariny also withdrew their hands from the siege of the fortress, and their feet from the plain of war and battle ; and returned the sword of contention and opposition to the scabbard of agreement.
The people of the fortress of Aḥmadnagar who from weakness and want of provisions had been reduced to helplessness, stepped from the narrow Pass of the siege into the open plain of the desert, and opened the doors of purchase and eale with the army. The Maghal troops, who in the days of the siege had hoarded up much grain, having by the peace obtained tranquillity of mind, and being relieved from the troubles of the siege and fighting, now made themselves lightly loaded. In two or three days the people of the fortress collected so much provisions, that if there had again been war and a giege, they would have been free from anxiety.

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When the news of the approach of the relieving force (which was marching from the direction of the mountainous country and the district of Mânikdaund23) reached the Mughal army, they had arrived within five gaw of Ahmadnagar. At first the Prince, with the intention of giving them battle, marched from the neighbourhood of Ahmadnagar on the night of Wednesday, the 27th of Rajab [18th March, A. D. 1596], one day's journey towards [Shahdurg], but the plans of the Mughal army being again changed, they turned their reins from opposing that force; and turning towards the Jeur Ghat, they marched from there towards Daulatâbâd; and passing through the neighbourhood of Daulatabad, started in the direction of Jasapura and Varhâd [Berår].
THE TELUGU LITERATURE.
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When the news of the march of the Mughal army reached the amire and leaders of the army of the Dakhan, they came to the neighbourhood of Ahmadnagar, and halted at the village of Pâtûri [Pathardi]. Ikhlas Khân and most of the Nigâm-Shahi amirs sent to the foot of the throne petitions tendering their obedience and submission, and asking for the royal promise of amnesty. According to the royal commands written promises were issued to the amirs and leaders of the army, and all were made hopeful of ungrudged royal favours. Consequently Ikhlas with the whole of the Habshi amirs separated themselves from the army of His Majesty 'Adil-Shah; and coming to the neighbourhood of the city of Ahmadnagar, encamped in the garden of the 'Abâdat-Khânah, and sent a person to the foot of the throne of sovereignty, asking for an audience. An order was issued from the palace that the purchased amirs should be honoured by kissing the threshold of sovereignty. Ikhlas Khân with his sons and brothers, and 'Aziz-ul-Mulk with his brothers, and Mali Khân and Khudâwind Khân, and Dilpat Raya with all the amirs of the sacred places [ahrám] attended at the royal court, and their heads were exalted to the heavens by the honour of kissing the ground; and they were distinguished by robes of honour and copious honours.
When His Highness Miran Shah 'All used to be among the Habshi amirs, all the Habshis in the kingdom were willing to serve under him. At this time when the Habshi amirs hastened to present themselves at the royal court, Shah 'Alf becoming alarmed, abandoned all the paraphernalia of royalty, and taking refuge with Shah Adil-Shah, placed himself under the protection of Suhail Khân. A body of troops which had been ordered to go in pursuit of him, when they reached him, plundered his tents and other property and returned.
(To be continued.)
DISCURSIVE REMARKS ON THE AUGUSTAN AGE OF TELUGU LITERATURE. BY G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU. (Continued from p. 279.)
WHEN the marriage of Krishnaraya with Pratapa Rudra's daughter was settled the matter was reported to the bride, who could not brook the idea of taking a man of low birth as her partner in life. She, therefore, thought over the affair for a long time, and resolved to murder the king, and then slay herself. Her resolution was communicated to an intimate friend of hers, who extolled her for her daring resolve, and assured her of the secrecy of the affair, but no sooner did the lady reach home than she communicated it to a very intimate friend of hers, who in turn intimated it to another, till it reached the ears of Timmarasu. Meanwhile, Krishnaraya was annointed for the marriage. Timmarasu had pondered over the affair, and approached Krishnaraya, and secretly informed him of what was intended, but at the same time assured him that he was equal to the occasion, provided the king did as he told him. On this Appaji (Timmarasu) prepared a likeness of the king and filled it with pure honey, and substituted it for the king on the bed of soft swan feathers in the mystical chamber, covered it with a sheet, and informed the women of the palace not to disturb the king as he was very tired. As the women were in the secret, t' y left the bride in the chamber, while Appâji hid himself beneath the cot. No sooner did the bride find herself alone in the room than she struck the image on the bed with a sword, when the honey in it spurted on to 23 Manikdaund is a village about 26 miles east of Ahmadnagar. Gaw is a land-measure of about six miles. 33 Not identified.

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her face and mouth. She at once began to regret being unable to live with a man whose blood was so very sweet! And on this Timmarasu rose up and gently approached her, and said that he would bring her back the king if she would promise him to behave very much better in the future. She remained petrified for some time, and when she grasped that it was the wasir who was standing before her, became very much abashed, and requested him to intercede on her behalf, and procure the king's pardon for her treachery. She further requested him to bring her back the king immediately. After making her swear fidelity Timmarasu went to an adjacent room where the king was lying concealed, narrated to him what had happened, fetched him thither, and took oaths from both of them that they should not bear any ill-will in future towards each other, blessed them, and went home. After this they lived happily together. That the king had two wives is ascertained from the Vishnuchittiya, a poetical work by the king himself.
When he set on his first campaign, he visited Simhachala, and made various grants of land to the temple there. This is proved by the inscription on the seventh pillar of the Simhachala temple, of which the following translation is culled from the local records of the District of Vizagapatam:
Blessings and greetings. Maharajâdhiraja Paramesvara Muru Rayara Ganda Adi Raya Vijaya Bhashege tappura Râyava Ganda Yavanarajyasamsthapanacharya Virapratapa Krishnadevamaharayalu, who is reigning at Vijayanagara, having come on his first campaign and subdued the fortresses of Udayagiri, Kondavidu, Kondapalli, Rajamahendri, etc., came to Simhadri and visited the place in S. S. 1438 on the twelfth day of the black fortnight of the month of Chaitra of the Dhâtu year and for the salvation of his mother Nâgâdêvamma and his father Narasaraya, gave to God one necklace of 991 pearls, a pair of diamond bangles, a padaka of sankha and chakra, one gold plate of 2,000 pagoda weight, and through his wife Chinnadevamma, a gold padaka of 500 pagoda weight and one of a similar weight through his other wife Tirumaladevamma.
There are a good many stanzas in the Manucharitra and Parijdtápaharana illustrative of Krishnadevaraya's conquests, which need not be quoted here.
Three years elapsed between Krishnaraya's first campaign and his second, which interval was spent by him in conversations and discussions with the chief literati of the day. It was during this time that Nandi Timmana prepared his Párijátúpaharaṣa and Allasani Peddans his Svarochisha Manucharitra, and dedicated it to the king between 1516 and 1520. We are led to infer this, as in neither of the two works mention is anywhere made of his fight with the Muhammadan sovereigns of Bijapur in 1519 and of his complete victory over 'Adil Khân in 1520, whereas the event finds a poetic expression in Krishnaraya's Amuktamalyada or Vishnuchittiya, from which we infer that the latter work must have been composed by the king after 1520.
His South-Indian empire embraced a vast extent of country, including Golconda and Worangal. He was by far the best of the South-Indian emperors. He had all the elements of greatnessprudence, activity, and courage in a great degree. His success in arms had gained him the highest military reputation, while the good order that prevailed in his kingdom, notwithstanding his frequent absence from it, proves his talents for government. It is said of him that he never fought a battle that he did not win, nor besiege a town that he did not take. But though great as a warrior, be was greater as a scholar and a patron of letters, and his fame rests more on the large sums of money he gave to learned men than on the conquests he made, which marked him out as a liberal supporter of literature and the arts. He subjugated the Gajapatis of Orissa, the Moslem Asvapatis, and the Telugu Narapatis, and received the title of Mururayara Ganda, a Kanarese appelation meaning "the husband of three Râyas or kings." He had many such titles. He built a dam over the Tungabhadra near Vijayanagara.
7 [For a different explanation of the title Maru-raya see Bouth-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 111, note 8, - V, V.]
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He conducted bis affairs both in peace and war in person, and was very much benefited by the aid and council of the minister of his father, who had preserved his life, and who continued to be his minister until his death, three years preceding that of the Râja. This person known as Timmarasu, Timmaraja, Appaji, and so on, is evidently the same as the Heemraj of Scott, who makes so great a figure in the Muhammadan annals. The account given by Farishta of the various princes successively elevated and deposed by Heemraj, originates probably in the circumstances attending the death of Viranrisimha and the accession of Krishnaraya, but the particulars are evidently confused and inaccurate. E. g., the inscriptions prove that Krishnaraya reigned for above twenty years, although the Muhammadan account would leave it to be concluded that he came to the throne an infant, and died without reaching maturity. He belonged to the Tuluva family. Sâļuva is his house nanie. He is also known as belonging to the Sampeta and Selagola families named after the villages in which his ancestors flourished. We learn the two latter names from the Kondavit Kavula Charitra written by certain Karnains or village accountants.
As regards Krishnaraya's literary attainments. He was called Andhra Bhoja on account of his occupying the same place in Telugu literature as king Bhôja in the Sanskrit. He was not only a patron of learning, but was also a man of letters himself, but none of his Sanskrit writings are available at present. Whatever may have been his work in the field of Sanskrit literature, there can be no gainsaying the fact that he did an incalculable amount of good for Telugu literature. The Prabandha had its origin under him. Up to this work the local poets merely translated into Telugu from Sanskrit Itihasas and Puránas. Among them Kêtana and Srinatha translated into Telugu metre Yajnavalkyasmṛiti and Harsha's Naishadha respectively. Allasani Peddana, the Laureate of Krishnadevaraya's court, was the pioneer of original poetical composition in Telugn. His first work is Svarêchisha Manucharitra. The plot of the story was taken from the Markandeya Purána. As he was the pioneer in this respect he was called "Andhrakavitapitâmaha, the Grandsire of Telugu poets."
That Krishnaraya had an extraordinary command of both Sanskrit and Telugu is shewn by his Amuktamalyada. Some are of opinion that this work was not his, but was the work of Allasani Peddana, who out of courtesy published it in his name. The king, it is said, wanted Allasani Peddana and Ramarajabhushana to prepare and bring him each a Prabandha. When the works were brought, it is said that the king expressed an opinion that the Manucharitra, the work of the former poet, was not as elegant as the Vasucharitra, the work of the latter, and therefore it was that Peddana afterwards prepared the story of Vishnuchitta under the appellation of the Amuktamalyada. We do not know if Râmarâjabhûshaṇa, the author of the Vasucharitra, was alive at the time of Krishnadevaraya or not. Even if he was, he must have been very young, for he prepared his Vasucharitra not earlier than half a century after the date of the Amuktamalyada. We can also with certainty say that the Manucharitra and the Amuktamalyada are not the compositions of a single poet, as there are differences in style between the two works, and while the one is free from grammatical errors, the other for a major portion abounds in them. In the latter work are found certain samd his (viz., e-kárasandhis, a-karasasidhis in Tatsama sabdás, Kvârthaka sasidhis) which are urgrammatical, and are not found in the former work. Certain of these sandhis are exemplified and discussed by Chinnayasûri in his Bala-Vyakarana, p. 12, which is more or less a Telugu rendering of Atharvana-Karikalu, a treatise on Telugu Grammar in Sanskrit, written by Atharvanacharya who may be taken to be more or less a contemporary of Nannaya Bhatta. We can infer therefore that the Amuktamalyada, which can be said to be more or less flooded with ungrammatical sandhis is not the work of that "Grandsire of Telugu Poetry." Moreover, it is not so soft and flowing as is the work of Peddana..
Others are of opinion that the work should be ascribed to Peddana on account of the similarity of diction in the opening stanzas of both poems. In the description of the family of

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the king in the opening stanzas of the Amuktamdlyadu, he was obliged to speak in eulogistic terms of his own character and of the conquests he had made, and out of proper feeling inserted stanzas for the purpose quoted from Peddana's Manucharitra into the mouth of God Venkatesvara, and thus incorporated the needful phrases into his work. But as there are a good many stanzas, more especially in the 5th and 6th cantos of the poem, modelled after "the hard-constructed" Peddana's verses and "the sweet words" of Nandi Tinmana, it is to be inferred that he at least received help from the poets of his court, more especially from the two poets above referred to, in the preparation of the poem. We should not, however, attribute literary plagiarism to the king, merely on the ground that a few stanzas of Peddana's are found in the poem under consideration. It was but natural that, when a poem was prepared by the king, he should have brought it and read it before the assembly of learned pandite of his court, and thrown open the subject for discussion. And then certain stanzas might have been altered and certain others remodelled, while certain other fresh ones might have been introduced by the poets. It ought not to be forgotten that it was a maiden attempt of the king, so far as Telugu literature was concerned, and considering the respective literary attainments of the king and his Laureate, Peddana, he would have been natarally glad to allow his poem to benefit by the fine touches of Peddaşa's pen.
That the poem is really the composition of the king is further evidenced not only by the opening and closing stanzas of the poem in which mention is plainly made of the author, Krishnaraya, but also by certain stanzas in the body of the poem itself, in which be plainly talks of the other works in Sanskrit, etc., which he had written. That the king was a poot of a high type is mentioned by the poets of his court in some of their works written anterior to the composition of the Vishnuchittiya, e.g., Nandi Timmana, in døv asa 4 of his Parijdtápaharana, speaks of the king as KavitApråvinyaphaniga.'
It is stated in the Vishwuchittiya that he went to Bezwada for the subjugation of the Kalinga country, and then pashed on to Chicacole for paying a visit to the Vishọa temple there, and that Veókateśvara appeared to him in a dream on the night of the Harivasara and called upon him to write the work. This event took place, as we have already seen, in 1515 A. D., but from certain events narrated in the poem, e. g., bís victory over 'Adil Khan, etc., we are able to infer that the poem was not completed before 1520 A. D.
One strong point in favour of Krishnaraya being the author of the poem ander discussion, is that it is filled with descriptions of Virhộa. It begins with a tinge of Vaishnavism; the plot of the story is Vaishṇava; it treats of Vaishṇava dharmas, of the secrets of that faith, and is surcharged with Vaishọava stories. We are, therefore, led to believe that it must have been written by a person of that faith, to which the king belonged, and not by a pure advaitin of the type of the writer of the Manucharitra. Indeed, the king was a Visishtad. Yaitin and an earnest disciple of Tâtâchárya, a fact which.speaks volumes in his favor as the author of a poem so Vaishnava in its nature.
There are, however, certain resemblances between the poetry of Peddana and that of Krishṇadêvarêya. The same sort of similes, hyperboles, proverbial sayings, hardness of style, abound in both, so that it is sometimes rather difficult to draw a fixed line of demarcation between the compositions of the two poets.
It is said that the Amuktamalyada was written by Peddana after his Manucharitra. But would a work of a later date abound in more mistakes, grammatical, rhetorical, than one of an earlier date if written by the same individual? Would not Peddana have lost his reputation by the later work P. Moreover, there is not that elegance of diction in the Amuktamdlyada which is discernible in the Manucharitra, and Krishnaraya, being a king, would surely bave tried to find out a royal road to learning, resulting in a certain inferiority in his work.
Recently a story has been afloat for the rise of the Amuktamdlyada, which seems to strengthen our position instead of weakening it, A certain poet prepared a work entitled Kavi

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karnarasdyana, on the model of Peddapa's Man charitra, and wished to dedicate it to Krishnarâys. He therefore took it to Vijayanagara, shewed it to Peddana, and requested him to show it to the king. Peddana having read it carefully, thought that by shewing it to the king he would lose his position in the king's court, and therefore devised means for shutting out the new poet from the presence of the king. Meanwhile, the new poet starved, and at last in despair, as he did not know what to do under the circumstances, he wrote four stanzas from his poem on a cadjan, gave it to his servant, and told him to effect a sale for it at the market-place. The servant perambulated the city, and coming to the palace, said in a big manly voice that he offered for sale four stanzas at a thousand rupees each, when the king's daughter, who was sauntering in the verandah adjoining her room on the topmost story, heard this, she called on one of her female attendants to fetch her the stanzas. They were accordingly brought. She read them, was exceedingly pleased, paid the servant the amount demanded, and got them off by heart.
Meanwhile, the author of the Karikarņarasáyana, still unsuccessful in seeing the king, finally went to Srirangam, the island in the Kârêrifamous for its Vaishṇava temple and in the early annals of the English in South India, dedicated his work to the god Ranganatha, and became “double-lived in regions new."
Afterwards, while at a game of chess with her father, the king's daughter chanced to make some remarks on the play, and quoted a line of the poetry she had learnt. This attracted the king's attention, and he requested her to quote the whole stanza. She did so, and the king was exceedingly pleased, and asked her for some details of the anthor, when she narrated to him the circumstances in which she got possession of the stanzas, but said that she knew nothing of the author. The king immediately rose op, went to his court, read the stanza before the assembly, and asked them whence it was, when one of the assembly informed him that it was from such and such a work, of the author's advent hither, how he had remained a long while in order to see the king, how he was frustrated in his attempt, and how in utter disgust he left the place. The king was very grieved, and immediately sent word to the poet to come to see him. But by that time the poet had dedicated the work to the god Ranganatha, and he sent word to the king to that effect. The king thereupon requested the poet to allow him an opportunity to go through the book, which request was complied with. The king then, it is said, compensated himself by the writing of Vishnuchittiya, though some maintain that the work of writing the new poem was entrusted to Peddana by the king as a sort of punishment. But considering the importance of the position Peddana held at the court, and the amount of respect be commanded, one is bound to say that this was highly improbable in the very nature of the circumstances.
Although Vaishnava, Krishnarảya ghewed no hatred towards the Saiva, and the various grants of land he made to 'Saiva temples speak very well of him. At his court were members of other sects also.
There were Saivas of the type of Nandi Timmana, extreme Saivas of the type of Dhor. jati, Madanagari Mallayye, etc. Of the learned men of his court, eight are distinguished as the ashta-diggajas, or eight elephants who uphold the world of letters, in allasion to the eight elephants that support the universe at the cardinal and intermediate points of the compass. Allasani Peddana, Nandi Timmana, Iyalardju Ramabhadra, Dhurjati, Madayyagari Mallana, Pingali Surana, Ramarajabhashana and Tenali Ramakrishna are their reputed names. We have our own doubts as to the three last being contemporaries of Krishộaraya, but we can learn from some of the works of these authors that the first five flourished in his time. We have already seen that the first two have dedicated their works to the king. The third must have been very young at the time, but he began to write, under the orders of the king, the Kathdsarasarngraha, which was afterwards completed. It is not half so chaste and elegant as his later work the Ramabhyudaya. Dhurjati in his Krishnardjavijaya states certain facts about

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the conquests of Krishnaraya over the Masalman princes of Bijapur and Golconda, which he says were recorded by Mallana in his Rajasekharacharitra. We learn from the History of Kondavidu that Tallapaka Chinnana, the writer of the Ashtamahishíkalyána, flourished at the same period. But thougb Ramarajabhûshana and others are said to have flourished at this time, and though stories are current in the Telugu country to that effect, we learn a contrary state of things from a study of the inscriptions and from other more reliable sources. A study of the works themselves will confirm the inscriptions.
There is a story current that Timrarası alias Appâji was a Niyogi Brahmaṇ. Of all those, who by their own efforts and without usurpation of the rights of others, have raised themselves to a very high social position, there is no one the close of whose history presents so great a contrast to its commencement as that of Appâji. Left an orphan at a very early age he eked out a livelihood by tending cattle near Tirupati. And the story goes that while sleeping under the leafy spreading branches of a large banyan tree on a summer afternoon, a huge snake about the thickness of a walking stick emerged from the tree, approached the boy, and with its hood upraised prevented the son's rays from falling straight on his face. A wayfarer saw the incident, waited at a distance till the boy rose up from his sleep, informed him of what had happened, and requested him to remember him when he should attain an exalted position. The wayfarer was, it is said, Bhattamurti, a celebrated poet. But it can be proved, however, that they were not contemporaries!
We learn from a great many records that Krishnadevaraya left no sons, while from one of the inscriptions we find that Achyutaraya was his son, and from another that Sadasivardya was his son. But these are matters for further investigation.
The transactions that followed the death of Krishộaraya, says Wilson in his Catalogue of Mackenzie Collection, p. 87, are very unsatisfaetorily related by native writers. The prince had to legitimate male children of his own, and the nearest heir, Achyutaraya, who is variously termed his brother, cousin, and nephew, being absent, he placed a prince named Sadasiva on the throne, under the charge of Råmarája, his own son-in-law. Achyuta returned and assumed the government, and on his death Sadasiva sacceeded under the care and control of Ramaraja as before. There is in some statements an intimation of a short-lived usurpation by a person named Salika Timmana, and of the murder of the young prince who succeeded Kạishộaraya in the first instance, and the Muhammadan accounts tend to shew that some such transaction took place. On the downfall of the usurper, the succession proceeded as above described. The reigns of Achyuta and Sadasiva and the contemporary existence of Râmaraja are proved by numerons grants. Those of Achyuta extend over a period of twelve years, from 1530 to 1542 A. D., and those of Sadasiva from 1542 to 1570, whilst those of Ramarija occur from 1947 to 1562.
Who Sadasiva was, however, does not very distinctly appear. Some accounts call him the son of Achyuta, whilst others represent him as descended from the former Rajns of Vijayanagara ; at any rate, it is evident that during Râmaraja's life he was but a puppet prince. According to Farishta, Ramraj was the son of Hemraj and son-in-law of a Raja whom he names Sivaray erroneously for Krishnaray. Râmaray, he adds, succeeded on his father's death to his office and power, and on the death of an infant Raja, for whom he managed the affairs of the government, he placed another infant of the same family on the masnad, and committing the charge of the prince's person to his maternal uncle, Hoji Trimmal, retained the political administration of the state. During his absence on a military excursion, the uncle of the Raja and several nobles conspired against the minister, and gained to their party an officer of Râmrâj, who was one of his slaves left in military charge of the capital. Finding the insurgents too strong for him Ramaraja submitted to an amicable compromise with them, and was allowed to reside on his own territorial possessions. After a short interval, the slave, being no longer necessary, was murdered, and Trimmal, the uncle, assumed the whole power. He next killed his nephew, and reigned on his own behalf, conducting him

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self with great tyranny, so that the chiefs conspired to dethrone him, but with the assistance of Ibrahim 'Â dil Shâh he was enabled to maintain his authority. On the retreat of his Musalman allies, the Hindu nobles with Râmarajn at their head again rebelled, defeated the usurper, and besieged him in his palace in Vijayanagara; when finding his fortune desperate, he destroyed himself. Rama then became Raja.
Now, comparing this with the Hindu accounts, we should be disposed to identify Hoji Trimmal with Achyutarâya. Some of the Hinda accounts, as above noticed, concur with the Muhammadan as to the murder of the young prince, and in Salika Timma we may have the slave of Râmarâja, although the part assigned to him in both the stories does not exactly coincide. Râmaraja, both agree, was obliged to resign the authority he held after Krishṇaraya's death, and the only irreconcilable point is that Hindu accounts specify the appointment in the first instance of Sadasiva. But the weight of evidence is unfavourable to their accuracy, and Sadasiva was probably made Râja by Ramaraja and his party in opposition to Achyutaraya. This will account for the uncertainty that prevails as to his connection with Krishnaraya, as well as for his being taken, as some statements aver, from the family of the former Rajas. At the time of the demise of Kțishṇaraya, the kingdom of the Carnatic Lad reached its zenith, and Achyutarîya who succeeded him in 1530 A. D. added to the empiro by subjngating Tinnevelly and other places.
We shall next enquire in detail of the poetical merits of the Achyuta-uiggajas (!), who formed the beacon-lights of the court of the Andhra-Bhoja. The foremost of them was, as we have already seen, Allasani Poddana. He was a Nandavarika Niyogi Brahmay, the son of Chokkana. He was born in the village of Dôranála, in Dapad taluk, in the Bellary District. He was, as we have already been, the Laureate at the court of Krishṇadevaraya. In his infancy he studied the Sanskrit and Telugu languages, and in due time obtained a critical knowledge of both those tongues, and was able to compose verses in either of them. His abilities procured him the situation of court poet to Nrisimharkyn, on which monarch he wrote several panegyrics. After his death, his son and successor, Krislaņaraya, patronized him, and appointed him as one of his Ashta-diggajas.
Peddana's Telaga poems are much esteemed for their barmony. Ho composed an elaborate work, entitled Svarðchisha Manucharitra, or more shortly Manucharitra, in four úsrásas. The poem deals with the following subject. A religious Brahmar, Pravarakhya, an inhabitant of Mayapuri, felt an ardent desire to visit the summit of the Himalayas, and as it was impossible to proceed there by human ingenuity, he was anxious to satisfy his desire by some supernatural agency, and in consequence stopped every sannydsin and traveller that he saw journoying thither, in order that he might obtain from them the secret, by which they were able to surmount all difficulties, and go to the mountain-top. He was in the habit of inviting these people to his house, and courteously to entertain them in hopes to obtain from them the secret. In this way there came a devotee to his abode, and as his manner was more than usually complaisant, the Brahman strenuously besought him to furnish him with the menns of proceeding to the summit of the Himalayas. The devotee ncceded to his entreaties, and gave him the juice of a plant, which he rubbed on bis feet, and desired him to soar up into the ethereal regions, repeating the name of the goddess. Pravarakhya immediately soared up into the skies, not for a moment thinking how he was to return home, and when the juice on his feet was dried up, he lost the power of flying, and roamed about the beautiful gardens on the mountain-summit. While he was thus strolling about, he heard certain soft sweet notes, and proceeding thither, saw a beautiful Gandharva damsel, wat op to her, and besought her to direct him in the right track. As he was very comely, and the damsel had never before bebeld a human being, she fell in love with him, but was resolved to behave with reserve, so that te migat not discover her real sentiments. She, therefore, reprimanded him for entering her bower without her permission, and told him to find the road out as well as he could for himself. The Brahman, discouraged at the harsh tone in which the dameel spoke, made a precipitato

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retreat, and making his way to a neighbouring grove, performed intense devotion to the god of fire, who, it is said, appeared to him under the semblance of a Brahman and conveyed him to his own lodgings. Meanwhile the Gandharva was inconsolable at his loss, having no idea that her behaviour to the Brahman would have such a termination. She expressed her grief by dashing her head on the ground and rolling on the floor, and by various other deeds which shewed the poignancy of her affliction. A male Gandharva, in the interim, took the form of the Brahman, came to her, and passing himself off for Pravaråkhya, enjoyed with her. She discovered the trick when too late, but resolved to be revenged. She became pregnant, and was in due time delivered, and the child waxed great, and became Svårôchisha-Manu, the sovereign of Jambudvipa.
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In the introduction to the poem, Peddana takes an opportunity of expatiating on the valour of Krishnaraya and describing his victories over his enemies, and chiefly over those of the Muslim faith. The poet must have survived the king pobably by about five years and breathed his last about 1535 A. D. at his own residence at Doranala. The severe misfortune he experienced in the loss of his royal patron found a poetic expression in the very pathetic elegy he wrote on the occasion, in strains the more touching as they were really felt. The sorrow that he expressed was unfeigned on his part, as the munificence of his royal master, on many an occasion, created in the poet sentiments of the most fervent gratitude. The heir and successor of Krishnarâya, Râmaraya, shewed great kindness to the poet, who commanded a world of reverence and love from the king, and would utter verses only when he willed, and not at the royal command. His works are disseminated in every province where the Telugu language is spoken and understood, and there are few poets who gained more popularity during their lifetime and have been more esteemed by posterity than Allasani Peddana, Tikkana (the writer of the later fifteen parvans of the Mahabharata in Telugu) excepted.
One day, when the court was full of poets of all descriptions, Peddana poured forth an impromptu verse at the request of the sovereign and displayed his equal knowledge of Telugu and Sanskrit languages and received marks of distinction from the king to the entire satisfaction of the people assembled, poets included. The poets had previously been contented with translations from the Sanskrit and had never tried their hands at original Telugu compositions. As Peddana was the pioneer of that movement, he was called "the grandsire of Telugu Bards." He gathered materials from a scrap of the Márkandeya Purana, and wrote an original poem, the first of its kind, the Svárochisha Manucharitra, and from his time to that of Ramarajabhûshana, the writer of the Vasucharitra, the poets one and all followed his footsteps.
He was treated more or less as a sort of feudatory prince, and was presented with a good many agraháras, the chief of which was Kokata. Though by birth a Smarta, he was a latitudinarian in religion. This is borne testimony to by the following inscription found in Col. Mackenzie's Manuscript Collections: "Allasani Peddana, a Brahman, a Nandavarika, the son of Chokkarajah. The village of Kôkata conferred on him by king Krishna Deva Roya, was given over by the poet to a certain number of Vaishnavas. The new appellation which the village received was Satagôpapura. In S. S. 1440, on the 15th day of the white fortnight of Vaisakha (i. e., full-moon day) of the year Bahudhanya, the poet raised a stone inscription in Sarvakâlêsvara Swami temple of the place, that he gave over land yielding two putties for purposes of daily oblations. The next year on the twelfth day (dvddasi) of the white fortnight of Karttika, he gave land yielding four putties and a half to Channakesava Swami and raised an inscription to that effect 1. After the time of Krishna Deva Roya, i. e., during the time of Sadasiva Roya and Krishna Roya, and Mallu Ananta Roya of Nandyal, this Kokata Agrahara became the exclusive property of Brahmans."
It is said that Peddana has written a poem entitled Harikathására, but we know of it only from fragments that have come down to us of the work in the Rangaráṭchhandas and other treatises on Rhetoric. He was the first to introduce a large influx of Muhammadan and other words of foreign origin into serious composition in Telugu, and more or less thoroughly

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naturalised them. His contemporaries followed his footsteps in this direction also. A critic on his Manucharitra finds fault with him for having plagiarised from the Naishadha and Márkandeya Purana. It is true that he has taken the plot of his poem from the Svárôchisha Manusambhava in the Márkandeya Purana, and that he has imitated in certain methods of expression Mârana, the Telugu translator of the aforesaid purána. From a study of Peddana's poem itself, also, numerous instances can be found, shewing that he had the greatest regard for Srinatha and his Naishadha, and that he, to a major extent, modelled his expression after the fashion of the Naishadha. Srinatha was the first to introduce long Sanskrit samásas into Telugu poetry, and there can be no gainsaying that Peddana stuffed his poem, the fourth dávása excepted, with long-tailed Sanskrit samásas, the result of a careful study of the work of Srinatha. We have no reason, however, on this account, I think, to find fault with Peddana, and charge him with plagiarism. Indeed, the system of borrowing expressions from the older poets is in vogue down to the present day. There are certain stories current of Tenali Ramakrishna finding fault with Peddana for certain stanzas of his, but such stories are far from being credible, considering the times in which both of them flourished, and the reputation the latter enjoyed in and out of the king's court and the way in which he put poetical queries to people who visited the place to receive royal presents.
The poet next in importance was Nandi Timmans. He was a Niyogi Brahmana of the Ápastamba sútra, Kausika gôtra, and the son of Nandi Singana and Timmâmbâ. He was a pure Saiva and the disciple of Aghôragurn. He was the nephew of Malayamâruta, the writer of the Vardha Purana. He was a native of the village called Gannavara. He composed a work called the Párijatápaharana, in which is recorded the story of Sri Krishna procuring the parijáta flower from the garden of Indra through the sage Nârada, for his consort Rukmini. The poem consists of three ásvásas written in a smooth, elegant style, and the images and similes are very bold and striking.
There is a curious story current regarding the circumstances under which the poem was written. It is said that on a certain night after supper the king held court till midnight, and then retired to bed. His wife who remained a long while conversing with her female friends, waiting for her husband, at last retired to bed as it was very late. Her female friends then covered her with a sheet and went their own ways. Krishnaraya then entered the room, and reclined on his bed. Not long after his wife's feet came in contact with his ears. The king immediately rose, surveyed the room, saw the sleeping posture of his spouse, and, bitter with rage, stood pondering thus within himself: "How hard-hearted are women? Perhaps she was angry with me for having delayed so long. It does not matter much if she is angry, but she has tried to insult me. She will not do so in future, if I punish her now." Grinding his teeth, he resolved to punish her very severely, and went and slept in a different room. The queen heard of what had transpired from her maid-servants, was sore afraid, and remained disconsolate. Nandi Timmaua, the poet who accompanied her from her father's household, understood that something was wrong from her face, approached her in secret, and requested her to inform him of what troubled her. She replied that her very life would be at stake if the secrets of the seraglio got abroad, that she would have to suffer according to her past karma, and that he need not trouble himself about her trouble. He assured her that he would keep her secret, and devise means for an amicable settlement, and that he was of no use to her if he could not render such trifling help, being an intimate friend of her father. The queen then informed him of what had happened, sobbing from very heaviness of heart. The poet consoled her, assured her that within a week everything would go on smoothly, and that her husband would pardon her. He then went home and thought seriously of the difficulty of his under. taking, prayed to his deity, and came to a resolve that he would write a poem in which he would incidentally give full expression as to what he had undertaken to do and thus bring the king over to his side. He, therefore, took the story of Pârijâtâpaharana, and composed a poem on the subject, and accomplished his object in the very first dévdsa. He then finished the

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poem and informed the king, who, on an auspicious occasion, ordered Timmana to read his poem. In the course of the reading, Timmana narrated how Narada, on a visit to Sri Krishna, gave him a párjáta flower, which was given over by the latter to Rukmini, how Satyabhama, another wife of Sri Krishna, became enraged at it, and abused Sri Krishna for his partiality, how she kicked him on the forehead with her left leg, how the latter tried to console the former instead of feeling angry with her, and so on. This immediately recalled to the king's mind his quarrel with the queen. He became very sorry for his past conduct, and desired to effect a compromise with his spouse. The poet understanding the accomplishment of his object from the expression of the king's face, was right glad, and, at the special request of the king, continued his poem. After the court was dispersed, the king went and lived happily with his queen. The matter was communicated very confidentially to the poet by the queen next inorning, who, when he heard it, was exceedingly glad.
(To be continued.)
FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE. BY GEO. F. D'PENHA.
No. 21. The Louse and the Rut.
A New Cumulative Rhyme.
A LOUSE was once going to seek, as she said, pôt bharun khává piválá ani ang bharun kapra, a bellyful of food and clothes to cover her body. As she was trudging on slowly she was met by a dog, who said: "Vu búi, Vu bái, kasha go záté? Sister louse, sister louse, where are you going?"
The louse answered: "Zátai savár milél pot bharun khává piválá ani ang bharun kaprá, I am going where I can get a bellyful of food and clothes to cover my body."
Upon this the dog said:
"Chul manje sangati, Come with me."
But the louse said: - "Kôn él tuje sangáti? Tulá koni márlam kelam mhanje tum bhu bhu bhu bhu karsil ani palsil; mangam mi kavár záun? Who will come with you? Should any one beat you, you will cry bow bow wow wow' and run away; where shall I go to then ?"
So saying the louse resumed her slow walk, and as she walked and walked and walked, she came across a cat who said to her: "Vu bai, Vu bái, kanha go záte? Sister louse, sister louse, where are you going?"
And the louse answered: "Zátaim zavár milél pet bharun khává piválá ani ang tharun kaprá, I am going where I can get a bellyful of food and clothes to cover my body."
Hearing this the cat said: "Chal manje sangáti, Come with me."
Whereupon the louse replied:
"Kên él tuje sangáti? Tuld koni márlam kelam mhanje tum mew mew karsil ani paléil; mangam mi kavár záun? Who will come with you? Should any one beat you, you will cry 'mew mew' and run away, where shall I go to then ?"
Having thus spoken she went her way, and again she walked and walked and walked. On her way she met many animals who all asked her where she was going, and who, on being told of her errand, asked her to go with them, but she refused every offer. At last, as she was still walking and walking, she came upon a rat, who asked her : - Vụ Bản, vụ bắt, kanha go sáte? Sister louse, sister louse, where are you going ?"
The louse answered:"Zátaim savár milék póf bharun khává piválá ani ang bharun kapra, I am going where I can get a bellyful of food and clothes to cover my body."
The rat hearing this said: "Chal manje sangáti, Come with me."
Now the louse knew that a rat must be living comfortably, with plenty of food to eat and clothes to wear, So she accepted the rat's offer and went into a hole in which the rat dwelt.

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There, as she had anticipated, the louse found plenty of all things - food as well as clothes, and lived happily for some time.
One day the lorse said she would make átfolan if the rat would fetch some rice and spices and jaggree. The rat went about and soon brought what was necessary from shops and elsewhere, and handed it to the louse, who set about making the attolan. As the át!olant was cooking, the rate smelt a fine savour, which made him restless as to when it would be ready, so that he might eat it. The loase, who observed the restlessness of the rat, and knew well the greedy propensities of thet animal, warned him not to peep into the pot, as he might possibly fall inside. Having thus warned the rat, the louse went to fetch water. As the aftolasi became more and more savoury in the course of the cooking, the rat became more and more restless, so restless that he could restrain himself no longer, and, disregarding the warning of the louse, got up on the oven to have a look at the átfolan, but down he fell in the pot and died.
When the louse returned with water she missed the rat, and easily guessed that he had not heeded to her warning: and right enongh, on looking, she found him dead in the pot in which the diolah was being cooked. But what was to be done now? She threw away the áltolan, dug a hole near a hedge, and buried the rat. In digging the hole, some of the roots of the trees that formed the hedge were cut op, and consequently the trees became somewhat shaky.
Now it happened that a bagla (a crane) was in the habit of every day coming and taking his stand on one of the trees. For many a day the crane bad found the tree steady, and was, therefore, surprised when it shook as he alighted on it, and thought to himself: - "Kál mi id zhdrávar baislun te eni zhár hálat ndtasa, áz baislun te zhar háltei, Yesterday when I sat upon this tree it did not shake, but to-day as I sat down it shook." So he asked the tree for the reason of it.
The tree replied:- "Undir máma mele te oiche falli gárile, oi reli muldin vin, ani baglan rela pinsási vin, Uncle rat died and was buried at the side of the hedge, so the hedge became rootless, and the crane became featherless."
Upon hearing this, "gal gal gal gal" the crane dropped all his feathers and flew away and alighted upon a banyan tree. The banyan tree which had often seen the crane before with his feathers on, now began to wonder at seeing him featherless, and began to think within itself :-“ Kál evi bagian dilari te tilla pinsan hotin, da dilaith te tiáld pinsan nai, Yesterday when this crane came be bad feathers, to-day he has come, but he has no feathers" - and the tree asked the crane for the reason of it.
Said the crane: "Undir mámd melo te oiche falli garile, oi reli mulau vin, baglan relax pinsan vin, ani vôr relá pánari vin, Uncle rat died and was buried at the side of the hedge, so the hedge became rootless, the crane became featherless, and the banyan tree became leafless."
Upon this "khal khal chal khal" fell off all the leaves of the banyan tree. Now a horse, that was in the habit of grazing in that part of the forest, often took protection from the rays of the sun under that tree, and was quite surprised to see the tree leafless. The horse began to think over the matter, and thought within itself: - "Kál diluan te id vóráld pánara hotin, az áilu ani bagitaim te pánam nai, Yesterday when I came I saw that the tree had leaves, to-day when I come I see that there are no leaves apon it." So he asked the tree for the reason of it.
The tree replied: - “Undir mámd mele te oiche fatti gárile, oi reli mulasi vin, baglari relami pinsan vin, vôr rela pánáin vin, ani ghorá reld kánási vin, Uncle rat died and was buried at the side of the hedge, so the hedge became rootless, the crane became featherless, the banyan tree became leafless, and the horse became earless."
1 This is a sort of gruel, prepared out of new rice, with the addition of jacgree and some ingredients such as cardamoms to sweeten and lend flavour to it. Almost every Bombay East Indian family makes affolam on All Souls' Day.

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As soon as the horse heard this, he dropped his ears! Having done this, the horse went, as was his wont, to a tank close by to drink water. When the tank saw the horse without his ears, it began to wonder, and to think thus: :-"Kál o ghorá áilá te tiálá kán hote, ás áilái te tiálá kán nai, Yesterday when this horse came he had ears, to-day he has come but he has no ears" and the tank asked the horse for the reason of it.
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And the horse replied: "Undir mámá mele te oiche falli gdrile, oi reli mulám vin, baglam relam pinsdṁ vin, vôr relá pánám vin, ghorá relá kânám vin, ani talam relam pánia vin, Uncle rat died and was buried at the side of the hedge, so the hedge became rootless, the crane became featherless, the banyan tree became leafless, the horse became earless, and the tank became waterless (dried up)."
Scarcely had the horse finished his tale, when the water in the tank dried up. An old groom, who drew his daily water-supply from the tank, came to fetch water, and was surprised to see all the water dried up. Thought he to himself: "Kal dilum te talam bharlelam hotam, az bagitais te suklaim, Yesterday when I came the tank was full, and to-day I see that it has dried up" and the groom asked the tank for the reason of it.
The tank replied: - "Undir mámá mele te oiche fatti gárile, oi reli mulám vin, baglam relam pinsam vin, vôr relá pánásh vin, ghorá relá kánásh vin, talam relam pániá vin, ani ghorewállá relá sosá vin, Uncle rat died and was buried at the side of the hedge, so the hedge became rootless, the crane became featherless, the banyan tree became leafless, the horse became earless the tank dried up, and the groom must remain without quenching his thirst."
When the old groom heard this story, he was so overcome with grief that he dashed his head against a stone on the edge of the tank, and then, wonder of wonders! the tank immediately filled with water, the horse got back his ears, the banyan tree its leaves, the crane his feathers, and the hedge its roots!
MISCELLANEA.
NOTES ON MARATHA FOLKLORE. WHEN a Maratha gets up in the morning, he will not allow the first sight to be the face of a widow. If he so sees one accidently, that day is supposed to pass not without much friction. To see the face of a baby or child early in the morning, is considered to be very lucky. Some people, as soon as they awake, take the name of God, and then look at the palms of both hands. The finger ends are supposed to be the seat of Laksimi (Goddess of Wealth), the palm that of Sarasvati (Goddess of Learning), and the wrist is supposed to be the seat of the Almighty. Some repeat some ennobling poems for an hour or so. After washing their mouths in the morning they utter the twelve names of Arjun the beloved of Sri Krishna. The name of that great hero of the Pauranic Age is supposed to do away with all calamities, and to lead to success. Then they utter the names of the five virtuous, much eulogised, women Ahilya, Draupati, Sitâ, Tard and Mandôdart. Their names are supposed to have the power of expiating all sin.
A man going on an important business will not allow the first sight to be the face of a widow.
But if he accidently does so, the object looked for will not be attained. On stepping out of the house, if he first sees a virgin or a woman coming towards him with a pot full of water, it is considered to be very auspicious. The simplest rule
-as it obtains among the Marâthâs is to take the name of God and then go to work.
Whenever any one writes a letter or any other important paper he puts on a turban or a cap on his head. Mourners write such things bareheaded.
Unwelcome or shocking news is not given to a man while he is taking his meals. The object of this is not to disturb the feelings of anybody while he is taking his meals. Letters are not read while a meal is being taken.
Men in mourning do not put on their turbans. They tie a dhoti round the head. Females in mourning do not apply kunkum (a vermilion spot, the sign of wifehood) to the forehead. They neither put on their ornaments, nor comb their hair, as long as the mourning lasts. Toilet is strictly prohibited in mourning. Sweetmeats are not taken nor holidays are observed, out of respect to the memory of the deceased. When a

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MISCELLANEA.
307
man dies, his friends and relatives go to his house unless there is kunku (sign of wifehood) on her and console the members of the family. They forehead. She will not drink water if the mangal allude to the virtues and keen intellect of the sutra (anall beads of glass with golden beads departed, and then say that they were very much in the middle threaded together and tied by the uggrieved when they heard the news. The feel. husband round the neck of his wife at the time ings of the family, especially women, being of marriage) is broken asunder. touched, they begin to cry. They are then told
The mother of the bridegroom is very much that the world is all miyá or illusion. It is just like a baadr, where we come for business and then
respected and honoured by that of the bride.
The latter has, on one occasion in the marriage depart. Death is sure to overtake every body and what happena is through the will of God.
ceremony, to wash the feet of the former, No marriages or other festivities take place in When the bride comes to the house of her the house of mourning for at least six months. husband, a new name is given her. The bride The family is even prohibited from cooking rich is then introduced to the friends and relatives dishes. If the neighbours, especially women, see of her husband. The couple have to go to the that they do so, they murmur und taunt the family shrines of their family gods. The Sastras with having no respect to the memory of the enjoin that, whenever a man makes a pilgrimage deceased. If a father or mother dies, the eldest to any holy place, he should be accompanied by son abstains from going to parties or other enter- his wife. If he disregards this injunction, his tainments at his friends or other relatives. He act is not considered to be meritorious. At sleeps on a hard bed, and does not put on shoes for sacred places, - especially at Banaras -- they a year. Lamps, drinking pots, dhólis, bedding and vow not to eat for the rest of their lives certain other clothes are given in charity. It is said that vegetables and fruit. the soul of the dead requires a year to go to heaven. On the fifth day of the birth of a child the
On the tenth day after the death of a person, goddess Sati is supposed to write the future his relatives go to a river and make small balls of career of the child on its forehead. The god. rice, which, after some ceremonies, are thrown | dess is therefore worshipped and invoked to make to crows to eat. If the crows do not come, they the future of the child as brilliant and successful say that some desire of the deceased remains un- as possible. On the twelfth day, a name is given fulfilled. Judging from the character and wishes to the child, and sugar distributed amongst friends of the dead, they guess what these may be. They s and relatives. then express every likely desire one by one, and A mother, while applying lampblack to the call on the crows to eat the balls. When a crow eyes of her child, applies the same a little to its touches a ball, the desire named at the time is cheek. The object of this peculiar act is that the considered to be unfulfilled. They guarantee to child should not suffer from the glance of the fulfil that desire themselves, and then leave the Evil Eye. When a child cries too much the place for home. Two days after they give a
mother attributes it to the effect of the Evil Eye. sumptuous banquet to their caste-fellows in the
She then takes a little salt and chillies and name of the dead.
removes (by uttering certain charms) the blast If the father or mother of a person dies within of the Evil Eye. six or eight months of the date of his marriage, A widow wears a red, yellow or orangethe bride is considered to be unlucky. They say coloured sari. She is prohibited from wearing that the family did not fare well on account of black or semi-black coloured edris, and from puther coming to their house. But if the family,
ting on ornaments or jewels on her person. The gains some pecuniary ends during the said period,
object of such a prohibition seems to be that she they attribute that incident to her presence.
should not make herself attractive by putting on Among Markthås, the husband and wife ornaments, or rich and fancy clothes. Childnever address each other by their names
widows keep their hair, put on ornaments, and Life is supposed to be shortened if they so ad- wear any sdrís they like. The father or mother dreas each other. This supposition, I believe, see to this, that being the only kindness which has grown out of the modesty peculiar to the they can shew to their beloved child. Marath& society.!
Saris worn at night are considered unclean, A Brahman will not drink water or eat any and are not touched so long as the morning meal thing, when his sacred thread is broken asunder. is not over. A married woman will not go out of the house Women generally worship the tulast (a sacred
1 [It is, however, a custom common to all India.-ED.) plant) and Rangunath (the idol of Srt Krishna).

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In the morning they bathe, change their sárís, her liking are also supplied her. Her desires and and, before eating anything, attend to the wor- likings are supposed to have effect on that of her ship. They pray and implore for the longevity child. If any of her desires be thwarted, the child and welfare of their husbands. A virgin prays will subsequently banker after the desired object. for a virtuous and good husband. In the even- A woman is called the “Lakshmi of the ing, males as well as females go to temples. house." If a husband unnecessarily abuses his
In chatur masya (i. e., four months in a year) wife the Goddess of Wealth (Lakshmi) will not Purunas are everywhere read, and Kirtanas smile on him. On the contrary he will be cursed (religious lectures accompanied by Binging) and destined to drag a miserable existence. celebrated. A woman generally takes up some Before going to stay in a newly-built house, vrata, i. e., she vows to give daily some article a religicus ceremony is performed. The object of of food in charity; to supply some articles of this ceremony is two-fold: to pacify the evil spirit worship to a temple ; to abstain from eating if the house is haunted by one, and to pray that some articles of food during the said period. the new house should be propitious to the family, She chooses such vrata as the means of her hne- If a crow enters a house, it is considered to be band will permit or as will be compatible with her polluted, and a religious ceremony is prescribed health. Some women make it a rule throughout
fur its purification. It is a great sin, in tbe eyes life to utter the name of Râm before eating
of a Marâtha, to see a couple of crows sitting anything. When anybody commits sin inadver- together. If anybody kills a cat, the penance tently, or hears any horrible news, he says:- for his sin is to go on a pilgrimage to Banâras. "fasojaa." (we bow to the God Vishnu). To hear the hooting of an owl is considered to
The bride and bridegroom tie to the hand of portend evil. each other a kankan, which is a sign of the life. At the time of bathing, a Maritha invokes long bonds of union. They have also to walk the rivers Gangå, Yamuna, Godavari, Narbuda and seven steps together and uttur some mantras to other Tirthas to come to his bathing water and to the effect that mutual love should be genuine and expiate his sins. that they should contribute to the welfare of The morning and the evening times are each other.
considered to be sacred, and every body tries A pregnant woman is very sumptuously fed, then to speak truth and to avoid bad language. and all her desires are attended to. Clothes of
Y. S. VAVIKAR.
NOTES AND QUERIES. CYPAYE AND BAILLARDERE.
MARATHA MARRIAGES IN HIGH LIFE - HERE are two extracts from the Journal of
SUDRA CASTE- BEIDEGROOM'S M. Flouest, 1782-6, in Burma, wbich by tbe way is full of valuable Indo-European expressions, giving
PROCESSION. new forms, not to be found in Yule's Hobson- On his way to the bride's house, the bridegroom Jobson, for two well-known words:
stops at the MAruti (temple of Hanuman) to rest Sepoy.
and make his devotion. Every village in Western "Je reçus (le 7 Janvier, 1785) les ordres de ce India possesses one. The Gayakwârs of Baroda général de partir le 12 pour l'établissement de halt at R&jrajeswar, a well known temple to Karikal, d'embarquer le mât de pavilion, l'artil. Mahadeva in Baroda, containing also a shrine to lerie, les vivres et 400 cypayes commandés par Maruti (Hanuman, the monkey-god). A brother M. Hobillard avec dix officiers passagers." - or some very near relative of the bridegroom Toung Pao, Vol. I. p. 204.
precedes him, carrying in procession to the bride Bayadère.
jewellery, a sárt (robe), and a choll (bodice). On (Bayadere is not a real Indo-Europeanism, but
arrival he is feasted, but returns in time to meet a Franco-Portuguese term.)
the bridegroom with people from the Mâruti to "Lorsque tout est préparé, orné et décoré avec invest him with the pôshak (dress of honor). The art, ils donnent un festin, font jouer la come- whole cavalcade then proceeds to the bride's die, ensuite ils donnent un bal ou figurent les house, so as to reach it at the appointed hour, the Baillardères.... Femmes qui sont appe- bridegroom being mounted on a charger or an lées a toutes les ceremonies pour danser."- elephant. Toung Pao, Vol. II. p. 15.
R. C. TEMPLE. THE LATE B. V. SHASTRI in P. N. and Q. 1883.

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DECEMBER, 1898.]
Nom.tsûr, the thief,
Gen.
Voc.
Acc.
tsûr, a thief...
Instr. tsaran, by a thief
Dat.
Abl.
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR. BY THE LATE KARL FRIEDRICH BURKHARDT.
Translated and edited, with notes and additions, by G. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E., I.C.S. (Continued from p. 282.) PARADIGMS.
Nom.
202. 1st Declension (Masculine, a base).
tsur, thief, Oblique base tsura.
Singular.
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
! tsara, O thief چوره tsara or چورا
Abl.
گل
ter چور
tsdrau چورو
tsaras, to a thief چورس tsaras gare nisha, from a thief چورس گره نشه tadraw wishe چورو نشه
tadran چورن
Voc.kulyd or Acc. J kul, a tree
tsaras mann, in a thief چورس منز .Loc
kul, the tree,
610
ak tsurah, a thief...
...
atsura sond, etc. (see §§ 198 and 206), a thief's.
Instr. kuli, by a tree...
Dat.
skulis, to a tree
...
Singular.
Example of a noun of action. diun, to give; Nom. acc. us diun: Dat. dinas, etc.
als kuli, O tree!
kulah, a tree
tehran چورو ...
...
tsur چوز
...
"
Gen.
kuly-uk, etc. (see §§ 198 and 206), of a tree Loc. Ji kulis mans, in a tree ...
203. 2nd Declension (Masculine, base). kul, tree, Oblique base kuli.
.taran hond, etc چورن . هند
tsdran man چورن
. kali
fkulya
Plural.
Js kuli
| ليو
kulyau
eulen گلن
kulyau nisha کليو نشه . awli [geria weaks, from a tree له [گرس نشد
kulen hond كلن هند
kulen mans كان من
74 The Genitive will be dealt with separately, hereafter.
Plural.
809

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1898.
Plaral.
.
204. 3rd Declension (Feminine, base). dos“ kūr, a daughter, Oblique base sos köri. Singular.
Plural Nom. vos"kür, the daughter, sjá kôrah, a danghter...... vos kóri Voc. wszyó köri or 3 yos kóri, o daughter! ... ... ... ssos kóryar Acc. još kůr, a daughter ... ... ... ... ... 5 kôri Inatr. kôri, by a daughter... ... ... ... ... více kóryau Dat. jos kori, to a daughter ... ... ... ... ... wigs kôron76 Abl. daj uygs"köri nisha, from a daughter ... ... ... this seas kôry au nisha Gon. wiá rygskori hond, etc. (500 $$ 198 and 206), of all is wyos kören hond,76 etc.
daughter. Loc. jos su kori manz, in a daughter ... ... ... so we's leôron mang76
This Hindå grammarian Isvara-kaula, in his Kašmira-labd&mrita, makes the oblique base of the dative, genitive and locative singular, and the nominative and accusative plural, in this declension, end in e not i. Thus kôre hond, kôre mans, kôre, kôre. This does not apply to the instrumental or ablative singalar. This refinement of pronunciation does not seem to prevail amongst Musalmans.]
205. 4th Declension (Feminine, i and a base). 518 gád, a fish, Oblique bases, 5's gáời (sg.), 516 gáda (pl.). Singular.
Plural Nom. 56 gåd the fish, 8518 gddah, a fish ... ... .. 156 gada
.Voc
کا ڈی
gadt, or gadi, O fish کادیه !
...
...
gadan کاڈو ...
higie gélate
Acc. 55 gad, fish ... ... ........ Instr. 555 gadi, by the fish ... ... ... . Dat. 855 gadi, to the fish ...... .. ... ... 055 gådan Abl. dans 35 15 gadi nisha, from the fish ... ... ... deild 956 gadau nichę Gen. wis 55 gadi hond, etc. (900 SS 198 and 206), of a fish. aia w5ls gådan hond Loc. siós56 gádi mana, 'in a fish ... ... ... ... só ubi gáðan mans
On account of the frequent interchange of — and i, we find, side by side in Np., forms like achhin and **I achhaw, from si gan, the eyo (ef. tho Let Doolension). [The correct form is
at the
achhyaw.]

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DECEMBER, 1898.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
311
200. The Genitive of the four Declensions, There are four possible cases in each instance :
(a) When the governing noun is in the masculine singular, (6) When it is in the feminine singular. c) When it is in the masculine plaral. (d) When it is in the feminine ploral. Thus: -
1st Declension. [Animate Noun.] Singular.
sond
sans
Sjgt tsúra
...
?
of the thief
sandi
SEE BEAN ki
( sansa
...
Plural.
hond
... 1
hanz
...
**
wist teúran
...
.
of the thieves
handi
...
(d) to ...
hanzi ... [An example of the case of an inanimate noun of this declension is mil-ul, milach, málachi. mulache, of a root; plural, mulan hond, etc.)
2nd Declension. [Inanimate Noun.] Singular.
yuk ...?
(a) se
...
us kul ...
...
of the tree
!
Plural.
hond
I hans
...
and
o
lulen
..
.
hands
of the trees
(d) to ...]
hana ..j (An example of an animate noun of this declension is guri sond, eto, of a horse ; plural, guren hand, etc.)

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THE INDLAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1898.
3rd Declension
[Animate or Inanimate.]
Singular.
hond
...
hans
u kori
... ...!
of the daughter
handi
SE LEE ER
Plural.
f hond
... 1
hans
..
horon ... ... I handi
of the danghters
L hanng
4th Declension
[Animate or Inanimate.]
Singalar.
hond
hans
...
of the fish
hand
Plan).
***} wbt gådan ...
of the fiaben

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DECEMBER, 1898.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR
313
207. The following are examples of the use of the Genitive : - (1) Governing noun, and noun in Genitive, both masouline : -
sord ...
the master of
the servant narkara... " sandi ...
the masters of
the servant khudáwand
the master of
the servants sió
handi ...
the masters of
i the servants (2) Governing noun, feminine; and masculine noun in Genitive : -
sana kitab ... the book of the servant
نہ تن
? nawkaran نوکرن خ
naukara
...
... the books of the servants
sanaa kitaba hans kitáb
... the book of the servants
naukaran ...
hanan kitába ... the books of the servants Governing noun, masculine ; and feminine noun in Genitive :
hond...?
the servant of
tho daughter handi ...
the servants of
the daughter naukar
the servant of
the daughters handi ...
the servants of
the daughter (4) Governing noun, and noun in Genitive, both feminine :
hans kitab ... the book of the daughter
hond ... 1
suger kôren
hanna kitaba ... the books of the daughter hans litáb ... the book of the daughters
Vis sió ...)
.
karen گورن
... منزه كتابه
hanza kitábą ... the books of the daughters The governing noun has often to be understood ; o. g., aris ad cóly do AB I dito Baia wiódle who ai kish tsą vanahak tima katha yima ohani salamgei hanca chhe (Bg. gis katha), if thon hadst known the things which belong unto thy peace (Luke, xix. 42).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1898.
208. Declension of the words in sond, etc., which indicate the genitive. The mascaline forms are declined according to the second, and the feminine forms according to the third declension.
...
die hond
Nom......
.....
.. Voc. ...
... sino sond...
sain sandi...
...
saié handi
si sond...
hond هند
Acc. ... Instr.
ai sandi
dié handi
2nd Declension. Governing noun in singular, masculine.
Dat....
...csin sandis
rais handie sajá handi
Abl. ...
... vain sandi
...molim vundit ..... masio handie
sundis
Gen.... Loo....
handis هندس
sandis
handus
sans...
hans
Nom.... Voc....
w
sanzi
hanzi
Acc. ...
hans
...
..
Instr.
anzi
Declension. Governing noun in singular, feminine.
3rd
Dat....
e sanzi
Die sansi
Gen. ...
in sanzi
Loc. ...
sanzi
Nom.
sin sandi
...
landi
andyasو مندبو
vais handyau
Voc.... Acc....
sin sandi
...
... dió hạndi
Declension. in woon in plural masculine.
2nd
Instr.
...
i
sandyar
handyar
Dat....
sandon ....... walio handon ........ mais sandyau ... ... J'ai nandyau Gen... ... ... cydim banden ... ... wahis handen Loo... ... ...wain sanden ... ... waió handen

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DECEMBER, 1893.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
313
Nom.
... si senz!
(*)
dia han24
Voc...
i sanzan74
bié lanzar76
ACC...
sanza
hast هنزه
نزو has-ae76
Instr.
...
sanzauze
.
Declension. Governing noun in plural, feminine.
3rd
Dat....
وتsanada مدون
wjia hanzar 76
AbL
Serran
Banaat منزو
Mana18 هنؤن
Gen.
havazan هنزن به
...... vsi saxsan .
| Loc. ... ... cozia sangat ... Note.-Before prepositions (post-positions) which are properly substantives (such as ko sababa, by the reason, i, ., on account of; dii, la marifatą, by the means of, i. e., through; $b i khôtre, with the intention (i. e., for), before the word die khote, than, used with comparative, and before adjectives in w 2 uk, used for the genitive, the genitive always takes the form in * = i; thus, sain sandi, suió handi, njih sensi, Hió ranzi. I also tied therein, a vocative jus handó instead of a handyó. [A genitive iu uk is thus declined. Only the principal parts are given.
First Declension.
Singular. Nom.... sys'garuk ... ... }'yaręck, of a house Instr. garąki ... . . Dat. Dat. ... cm garukie .... garukie .. apa parachi
- ... das garachi
Plural. Nom. ... w gargzi .... .. Hayat garachi Instr.... sor é garakyan.......... sayé garachyau Dat. ... wys yś garaken ... ... ... vous garachen
de las caracki
+ [In the 3rd declension, in the plural, i becomce q, yau au, and on an, after .]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(DECEMBER, 1898.
2nd Declension.
Singular.
Feminiue.
Masculine. Nom. ... Soals kulyuk
...
Ls kulich, of a tree
dobré kulichi
Dat. ... cousus bulikia Abl. ... dsus kudiki
..... ... dąb kulichi ... ..... dets" koulichí
Nom.... Uskulizi .. ... ... det var kulichi
kulikyou ... ... ... Johannis kulichyane puliken - - ... Upd kulichen
So also Genitives in un.
Thus (first Declension). Nom. wáis rámun ... .. . ... Wols r&meň, of Rama Instr. ... wel, ramani ... ... ... diól, rámaši and so on.
Again, Genitives in wv.
Third Declension. Nom... y hachyuv ... ... ... y hachiv Instr... + hacki ... ... ... hachiki
and so on.] On adjectives agreeing with a Genitive ; On Geritives dependent on a Genitive ; Apposition.
208. (1) An adjective agreeing with a genitive, is pat in the dative case; 7 e. 9. sale aina sãy las conting badio khudawanda-sond naukar, the servant of the great Lord.
210. (2) So also a genitive dependent on a genitive, is put in the dative; e. g. umu A 8346 xam ylsem wsi devan-kandis sardara-sandi madadą sút, through the help of the chief of the devils (Luke, xi. 15).
91 See $ 198, note 68.

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DECEMBER, 1898.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR
317
yo sio wisho walio www nadiyan-handen máranválen-hạndi nechiv', the children of the killers of the prophets (Matth. sxiii. 31).
gli sís wai wais crimes w prat bast:-($ 214, 4, b)-handen lukan-handi náv, the names of the people of each villago (who prat is an indeclinable).
wylico sino de las mais d'élywod isráíla-sandis khulâya-sans sitúyish, the praise of the God of Israel (Matth. xv. 31).
e lo gió were waincoats rubadi-($ 212, 3, c)-sanden nechiven-hạna môj, the mother of Zebedee's children (Matth. 11. 20).
jI insánan-handen (kathan) chidan-hanz fikr, care for (of) the needs of men.
de les sai wilaó szió combuis wakio wá lukan-handen gunáhan-hansi ma‘ájé-($ 214, 4, 6). handi sababa, for the sake of the forgiveness of the sins of the people.
21. (3) So also a noun in apposition to a genitive is put in the dative. It may, however,
ثه سانس مألس داوده سنز پادشاهت ,also be put in the nominative; than ni malis dadda-saz
pádshákat, the kingdom of David, my (our) father (Mark, xi. 10).
málisis we cochins abliss qalariydha-sandis vechivis yohanndhas, to John the son of Zachariah (Luke, iii. 2).
,sardari kahen aby atara-sandi waqt, in the time of Abiathar سردار کاهن آبیاره سند، وقتها
the high priest (Mark, ii. 26). osací s ráis os is váis wing pananie bandą daudz-sandi gara
pananis banda ddūda-sandi gara andara, from the house of his servant David (sáb banda for cái bandas) (Lako, i. 69).
bisa sió del sindatud samé wasichlas khudáyq-sandie Yasa. Masiņa-sansi injálą. hond god, the beginning of the Gospel of Jesus, the Messiah; the Son of God (Mark, i. 1).
de la soció del destino di T dim gubi contato com pananis bøyis Filibásani (ef. $ 198) dshani Hirdiyasi-handi sababą, on account of Herodias, his brother Philip's wife (Luke, iii. 19).
[There is no doubt that Dr. Burkhard's account of adjectives in agreement with a genitive is in the main correct. Bat my experience is that, as a matter of practice when the genitive is the genitive of & masculine noun in the singular number, the adjective in agreement is usually in the oblique case masculine. This is also the teaching of Isvara-kaula in his Kasmira-sabdainsita, although he gives no example either way. The following are examples of what I mean. They are all sentences spoken by a Kashmiri, and may be depended upon to be correct.
Tami-sandi (not sandis) khatuk kus tôrikh chhu-8; what is the date of his letter? . Tami (not tamis) chieuk mol, the price of that thing (chis is masculine). Doyimi retaki godañaki törikh wáti tami-sandi máluk last, the dividend on his estate will be paid on the first date of next month. - G. A. G.]
(To be continued.)
19 See $198.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1898.
THE SIEGE OF AHMADNAGAR AND HEROIC DEFENCE OF THE FORT BY CHAND BIBI -- A NARRATIVE OF AN EYE-WITNESS.
BY MAJOR J. S. KING, Indian Staff Corps (retired).
(Continued from p. 295.) THE Burhan-i-Ja,ásir here ends abruptly, without any conclusion. Probably the author died when he had written thus far.
As a supplement to the foregong history I shall now quote from the Tagkarat-ul-Mulak of Mirza Rafi'-ud-Din Ibrahim B. Nur-ud-Din Taufik Shirazi,23 the author's personal narrative of a diplomatic mission to Ahmadnagar about a year after the conclusion of the great sege. This account is quoted almost verbatim in the Basitin-us-Salátin, by Muhammad Ibrahim-az-Zubairi.]
*Alam-Panah [Ibrahim Adil-Shah II.) sends the author to Aḥmadnagar
to arrange the affairs of Bahadur Shah and the Amirs. In A, H. 1005 (A.D. 1596) Alam-Panah ordered me to hand over my duties to one of his ?) sons and go to Ahmadnagar, and by peaceable means to put an end to the dissensions which had arisen between Bahadur Shah and his amirs, and which had disoriganized the affairs of the State. AlamPanah added :-"They have so terrified Suhail Khan, now stationed on the frontier, that he has become dispirited. First see him, and re-assure him on our behalf, and consult with him as to the best means of settling the affairs of the people of Ahmadnagar ; and while doing the work of your mission you should avail yourself of the first opportunity to bring the matter to a conclusion."
It happened that at this time much important business had been intrusted to me, such as the governorship of the capital (Bijapur) and the office of Pishwa of the district under the government of the king's) eldest son, Fath Khan, the control of the royal mint and superintendence of about 200 elephants, 700 camels and 1,500 horses. For the keep of the horses nearly a lak of huns had been assigned from the revenue of ten large villages. Many papers and petitions which the larkuns of the districts used to send in, as well as the secret papers, used all to be laid before me, and I used to submit them to His Highness. Having handed over all these to one of the king's ?) sons, I proceeded on my mission.
When I arrived in the neighbourhood of Shahdurg,24 Suhail Khân met me about a faysakh out, and we asked after one another's health. When we arrived near his sleeping-place I found a commodious camp pitched. On all sides tents, screens and pavilions were erected, and carpets of the utmost magnificence were spread out in regal fashion. The great men, chiefs, nobles and amirs like servants were all standing or sitting each in his own place. He did not abate a jot or tittle in ceremonious treatment; but he was excessively afraid, for people had frightened him by saying that his glory and rank having exceeded that of the other amira, Alam-Pangh had become wanting in courtesy towards him, and had behaved so because he had no option in the matter. But when I repeated to him the ipec dwit of Alam-Panah; words full of clemency and kindness, all his timidity was driven away.
28 This work is extremely rare. Though I made speeial search for it in India for several years, I could only find one copy, and that a very mutilated one, in the Mulla Firaz Library of Oriental MSS. in Bombay. A description of it is given in Rehataek's Catalogue, pp. 73-5. It was so badly worm-eaten that there was great difficulty in finding anyone willing of compotent to undertake the work of copying it. At last I found a well-educated Persian gentleman, named Mirza Jawad Shirazi, who copied those portions of the book relating to the Muhammadan dynasties of the Dakhan; but the Bombay Government had to pay him a specially high rate for his latour. This copy now belongs to the India Office Library. The only other copy I know of is that in the British Museum Library. On a future occasion I hope to have more to say about this remarkable book and its author.
24 Naldurg, Lat. 17° 49' N., Long, 76° 21' E., situated on the Bori river, branch of the Bhim. The name Ehahdurg was given to it by 'All Adil-Sh& I. The Bijapur and Alimadnagar frontier line passed a little to the west of it. For description, see 4 Noble Queen, by Meadows-Taylor, also Imperial Gazetteer of India, VoL X.

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I uttered several congratulations, and said: - "At this time Alam-Panah is very well satisfied with you, for terror of you bas impressed itself on the hearts of the Mughals, and as long as you maintain your position on this frontier they will not attack us, but will remain in their own place." And the fact of the matter was that as long as Suhail Khan was on that frontier they did not attack at all, though after his time they did much damage. He brought to notice all those of his adherents who had evinced loyalty in the service of Alam-Panah ; and to put his mind at ease, the latter sent him & robe of honour and presents.26
When we set foot in the Nizâm-Shahi territory, we found a ruined country in a state of confusion; in short nothing was to be seen but the four walls of houses and a wretched, poverty-stricken populace at enmity among themselves.
Abhang Khan Habshi, who with the amirs and 20,000 horse had taken up a position outside the fort and cut off the supplies of their own people and sovereign, paraded the whole of his army and came out to give us a ceremonious reception. He reviewed his army and each of the amirs paraded his own regiment. In truth, it was a well-organized force. They had besieged their own sovereign, and, being at enmity with Chand Bibi, wished to get Bahadur Shah into their hands. The amirs insisted upon our alighting near them.
Next day Saiyid Ali - known as Tarikht - who was one of the celebrated men of the place, came with one of the officers (sar-naubat), and took us into the fort, where we had an interview with Babadur Shah. A number of the nobles within the fort in a wretched and distressed state, with one tongue and a thousand complaints, related the affairs of the hostile faction. I assumed the office of mediator in the business, and a;ter I had repeatedly and severely admonished and threatened them on behalf of Alam-Panah, terms of reconciliation were arranged. The whole of the amirs then went to the foot of the bastion and rampart, and had an interview with Bahfidur Shah, who was on top of the bastion, Robes of honour and presents were bestowed, bat night having then come on the proceedings were adjourned].
Next day the conrt of Nizâm-Shậh was erected in the midst of the camp. A half-throne (nim-takht), with the waist-belt and head-dress of Babadur Shah on it, was placed in the midst of the court. Each of the amirs, members of council and military officers then came forward, saluted (the throne) and received his customary robe of honour. There was boundless rejoicing at this both on the part of the people of the army and the garrison. The drums of rejoicing were beaten and prayers for the safety, long life and prosperity of Alam-Pankh were recited, in that he bad put an end to the sedition and disturbance and was the cause of the tranquillity of the people. Some of the garrison of the fort went outside, and, entering the camp, inquired after their relatives whom they had not seen for a long time, and thanked God that they had met one another safe at last. The men of the army also went to and fro to the fort, and presenting their petitions in the conrt of Bahadur Shah, had their claims settled. Fresh officials were appointed, that the business of the State and the army might be properly arranged.
But this pence did not suit the views of some of the disaffected mischief-breeders, so they began to excite sedition and again hoisted the standard of opposition, and seized and imprisoned three or four of the (new) officials. The garrison of the fort also joined in the rebellion; the troops, with money, promises and threats, having gained them over to their side, made an agreement with them that when the amirs with the army should come to take the fort, the men of the garrison should refrain from firing the cannons, guns and rockets. On this understanding one day the amirs outside the
25 There is no subsequent mention of Suhail Khan in the course of this narrative, but we are led to infer that he with a portion of the frontier forcu, accompanied the author as escort to the mission; but certainly not in a political oapacity, as stated by Firishtah. The latter makes no mention of our mathor, although they must have known one another personally, for they both at the same time hold high appointments at the Bijapur Court.

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fort, with the intention of seizing it, came with 20,000 cavalry, and, surrounding the fort, commenced the attack. The garrison, true to their compact, refrained from fighting, but some of the amirs and soldiers reaisted to the best of their ability and displayed much valour. When the fight waxed furious in front of the gate of the fort, the Nawwâb Bahadur Shah, in spite of his youth, sat on top of a bastion of the fort encouraging his men to fight. At this juncture the people of the army shot three or four arrows in the direction of Bahadur Shah; one arrow struck the handle of his umbrella, passing within a span from him; another struck the throat of a eunuch who was standing behind. Bahadur Shah, and came out at the back. He fell dead on the spot, and two or three other persons were wounded; but in spite of this, Bahadur Shah continued encouraging his men. From above some of the soldiers fired cannons and guns at the enemy, and some of the letter were killed, and others turning about went to their camp. Again those most contemptible of people advanced, — that shameless crew who had besieged their own sovereign cut off the supply of water and food and even aimed at taking his life. With admonitions and threats I stepped forward and reminded them, saying:Sultan Murâd with a countless force is stationed near you on your flank, and will take possession of the whole of your country. Why do you strike an axe at your own feet and overthrow the master of your own house? This disgrace and ingratitude will for years to come be recorded as a blot on the page of your history." By these impressive words I smoothed matters and again made peace. But on this occasion Chând Bibi was not willing for peace, and would not acquiesce. She said: "Abhang Khân, the Habshi slave is the purchased slave of my father, and in the time of my father and brothers, owing to his vicious disposition, he was thrown into prison, and after the death of my younger brother (Burhan II.) I took him out of prison and exalted him to this rank, yet, in the face of these kindnesses, he requites me by wanting to take my life; he has no other object. All this fighting and sedition is aimed at my life, so what confidence can I have in him, and how can I make peace with him? In this blessed month of Ramazan he has laid siege to the fort and cut off our supplies. During this month we have not even seen meat, and have had nothing with which to break our fast but the bitter water which is inside the fort and old and rotten grain. After behaviour such as this, how can my heart reconcile itself to peace with him? Now I have consented to become a slave of the Mughals, but I will not submit to the lordship of this Abyssinian slave, Abhang Khân."
One of Chând Bibi's people had written to Sultan Murâd a detailed account of all that had occurred. He communicated this by letter to his father, Akbar Pâdshah; and the latter, after reading the letter, threw it down before Sultan Salim, who is commonly known as Jahangir, and said :"Great is my good fortune, which is increased by these results which have occurred. Wherever my army goes; whatever they do, they do of themselves, and my desires are accomplished without effort."
After many and strenuous endeavours, with the utmost difficulty I persuaded Chand Bibi to agree to a reconciliation, and the peace was announced to the amirs outside. For some days the sedition and disturbance was quelled. Most of the amirs and soldiers went out of the fort and took up their abode in the camp, with the object of uniting to oppose the Mughal army, and driving Sultân Murad out of the Dakhan.
At this juncture one day one of the private servants of Burhan Shah, having ascended to the roof of his house, saw a number of the troops of the fort sitting in a retired place, dividing among themselves a quantity of money which was spread out before them. He informed Chand Bibi of this, and when the matter was inquired into, it appeared the Abhang Khân, having sent some money for the soldiers, had induced them, when opportunity offered, to open the gate to him and his men and admit them to the fort, so that they might take possession of it. When the soldiers heard that Chând Bibi was aware of their compact, and was making arrangements to drive them out, being filled with fear, they sent word to Abhang Khân, saying: - "The plot has been discovered, therefore the first thing for you to do is, at dawn to-morrow morning, mount and come to the neighbourhood of the fort, and we will open the gates; thus our lives will be saved."
Next day, at dawn, Abhang Khan, with his army drawn up in battle array, came to the neighbourhood of the fort and awaited events. Since the gate of the fort had been completely built up

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with stone and sun-dried brick, they got through the wicket, and, having opened it, sent someone running to Abang Khân to tell him to come quickly, as they had opened the wicket.
Meantime Chand Bibi, having been informed of this occurrence, sent some one to summon the officers of the garrison, and she urged them to desist from this idea of rebellion); and in obedience to her orders, some went from her presence, but others, disobeying her, remained at the gate and prepared for hostilities. Then Abhang Khin came near the gate of the fort and sent forward an A byssinian slave named 'Ambar Chapo, who was one of his servants. Chând Bibi had sent some people to fetch the remainder of the garrison, and they, obeying the order, came to the front ready to fight, and from both sides arrows and guns were discharged. The (rebel) garrison of the fort, being unable to stand against Chand Bibi's force, took to flight and got oat through one of the wickets. Ambar Chapů, who had come in through another wicket, made his way out through a second, for he saw that the garrison of the fort, having been defeated by Chand Bibi's force, were going out, and the latter were in pursuit of them.
Standing on top of a tower of the gate of the fort, Malik Sandal Baridi, on whom had been conferred the title of Masnad-i Ali, with two hundred of his own private retinue, discharged grenades and guns among the force of Abhang Khân, and sometimes among the fort garrison. “Ambar Chapů, owing to the number of people, could not find a way out, and there was no room to make a stand, and as there was a heavy fire from above, he was obliged to turn back. Abhang Khan dismounted and came near the gate of the fort to enter it, but some of his followers were annihila ed and dispersed by a cannon-ball, and he himself, having no standing-place and no way of advancing, retreated and joineil his own force, and Ambar Chapû made his way to him. Some of the garrison of the fort, when they found an opportunity, went outside and escaped, but some of them were made prisoners.
Four times in the space of fourteen months (that I remained in Ahmadnagar) I made peace between the contending factions, and again each time they came into collision, so I became hopeless. Just then news came from the frontier that some of the amire of Sultan Murid had laid the foundations of plander in the country, and had taken foreible possession of some villages and their dependencies; and that a large force was following to assist them, and would soon reach Ahmednagar.
I sent to Alam-Panîh a written account of all that bad ocurred; and when it reached him, he sent me an order saying that it was not advisable for me to remain any longer ; and that immediately on receipt of the order, I was to return to Bijapur. I showed the order to Chand Bibi, and asked her permission to depart. She gave it - but reluctantly, saying: "Whilst you have been here, on the three or four occasions when the fire of rebellion has broken out, you by strenuous efforts have thrown water on the fire of that clique, and succeeded in quenching it ; now who is to say anything to them to keep them from carrying out their threats?" At last she gave me leave to depart.
Next day I left the city, and at a distance of two or three farsalehs on the way, halted for some necessary matters. All the amirs, both small and great, unceasingly cance and handled in written petitions about their claims. Then we started from there for Bijapur ; and next day about 20,000 men - some on horseback, some on foot - with women and children ; bigh and low, owing to the revolution and the wretchedness of their affairs and being deprived of their ordinary habitations, travelled in company with us, because there was danger on the road farther on. Having arrived safely in the vicinity of Bidbûpûr (Bijapur), when they had recovered from the fatigue and danger of the jonrney, they dispersed and took refuge in various parts of the country.
When I had been exalted by kissing the threshold of Alam-Panah's court, I was reinstated in my former appointment ; that is to say, governor of the capital. Alam-PanAb said so many flattering things to me, which were a hundred times beyond my deserts, that if I were to relate them, I should rouse people's envy: for this reason I have abridged them,
> Here for the first time appears on the soene the celebrated Malik 'Ambar who afterwards became absoluto ruler of nearly half of the Abmadnagar dominions.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1898.
DISCURSIVE REMARKS ON THE AUGUSTAN AGE OF TELUGU LITERATURE,
BY G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU.
(Continued from p. 304.) ANOTHER version of the same story relates that the king informed Timmana, when he read the poem, of the annatural and improbable nature of the events related in it, and tbat the poet made no response. Not long after, however, the king had to experience similar incidents in bis own barem when he, unable to restrain his lust, acted exactly as was narrated in the poem.
Nandi Timmana is more familiarly known as Mukku Timmana, on account of his long nose, or, according to an obviously apocryphal story, on account of a beautiful stanza on the nose, which was purchased from him by Ramarajabhushana, for four thonsand pagodas, and incorporated in his Vusucharitra. It is sufficient to remark as to this improbable tale that they were not contemporaries. As has been already noted, he was the poet who accompanied the queen from her father's household, and numerous instances are on record to shew that his ancestors were pandits at the court of Vijayanagara, and received presents from the king. Among them, Nandi Mallays and Malayamaruta, who flourished at the court of Narasaraya, the father of Krishṇaraya, jointly wrote the Varáha purána, and dedicated it to Narasaraya.
Ayyalarázu Ramabhadra was a Niyogi Brahmana of Wonţimitta (Ekasilânagara in Sanskpit), in the Cuddapah District. This place is famous as being also the birth place of Bammera Potaraja, the celebrated writer of the Telugu Bhagavata. Ramabhadra had leanings towards Vaishṇavism, being the disciple of Mummadi Varadáchârya. He was the son of Akkaya and the grandson of Parvatanna. In his early days he composed a fataka called the Raghuvirasataka on the local Viraraghavastâmi temple. He entered Vijayanagara during the last days of Krishnadêvarêya, and was requested by the king to translate into Telugu metre the Sakalakathúsdrasangraha, but as the king breathed his last before the completion of the poem, the poet merley entered in the introduction that it was written at the special request of the deceased king. This poem appears to be in nine cantos, giving a detailed account of the family history of Sri Rama, Purúravas, etc., and though it vividly brings before us the poet's genius and quick-wittedness, it smacks of youthful days, being in certain portions ungrammatical and non-rhetorical., He seems to have begun to write about 1580 A. D.
He was very poor, and as he had about & dozen children, he was familiarly known as Pillala children) Ramabhadrayya. As he was in great distress, and sorely puzzled to find a livelihood, he resolved, while the trouble was weighing on his heart, to flee to the woods, leaving his wife and children to their own fate. His intimate friends prevailed apon him to go back to his family, saying that & wise man should be above the joys and sorrows of this world, and advised him to seek his fortunes elsewhere. The poet acted up to the advice thus offered, and left his birth-place for Vijayanagara the same evening, and not long afterwards reached it, arriving with his family, wet-through, in the midst of a violent thunderstorm and taking refuge in a temple, where were some students, who had been asked by their master to compose a verse on the after-deeds of forelorn lovers, and were shirking the task. Our poet after enquiry promised to extricate them out of their difficulty, if they would relieve bim and his family. The students gladly agreed to the proposal, and warmed the new-comers by the fire and dressed them in their own clothes. The poet in his gratitude composed a verse and gave it to them. They then took it and gave it to their master, who proved to be no other than Râmarajabhushann. He read the verse, was much pleased, and asked them who the author was. On their informing him that it was the work of one of their own number, he reprimanded them, and insisted on their speaking the truth. When the truth was told, he desired to be taken to the poet, which was accordingly done. Râmarâjabhûsbaņa approached the strange
[From epigraphical records we know that Ekabilanagara was the Banakit name of Worangal in the Nizar's dominions and the onpital of the Kakatiya kings. The well-known rhetorical work Pratdparuriya confirms this statement. - H. K. S.

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poet, embraced him, fed him and his family sumptuously for three or four days, took him to the king's presence, and spoke in glowing terms of his abilities, so much so that he was immediately enrolled as a poet of the court. The verse, in question, was afterwards amalgamated by Râmarajabhushana in his Vasucharitra in honour of the new poet, or, as others say, was purchased and plagiarised. But before the Sakalakathásárasargraha reached its completion, the demise of Krishnaraya left Ramabhadra once more on the world, and he therefore, associated himself with Guti Appalaraja and others, and then finally settled himself at the court of Gobbûri Narasaråja, the nephew of the son-in-law of Krishnaraya. It was to this Narasarâja that he dedicated his later poem, the Rámábhyudaya.
The friendship between Râmabhadra and Râmarajabhúshana did not last long, as the story goes that the latter grew jealous of the reputation that the former enjoyed at the court of Kirshnaraya. Râmabhadra remained indifferent until one day the king received Râmarajabhushaņa into his good graces and seated him on his throne. This made him lose his head and laugh at Râmabhadra, and so the latter in his rage, wrote a verse to this effect :-"Of what avail is the elevation of a mean despicable wretch while the best poets are kept down ? Do not lions remain quiet under the shadows of trees, while monkeys are skipping from one branch to another?” This be tied to the throne, and went his way. Bhûshana read it, was overcome by shame, and kept silence, but the enmity between the two poets waxed high. Some time afterwards, a literary discussion took place between them, which ended in their laying a wager as to which of them was the better poet. They accordingly entered into an anderstanding that one of them should write a poem, and the other should point out the blemishes in it, and if the mistakes were proved, the winner should kick the forehead of the loser. The king as arbitrator settled that Ramabhadra was to compose the poem in six months, The poet went home and thought over a subject to write upon, and of the rough outlines of it, bat all to no purpose. The time at his command had pretty nearly expired, but not a syllable of the poem was writton. But when there were but three days left, he went and closeted himself, and prayed to his tutelary deity, Râma, who, it is said, wrote a poem for him, and went his way. The poem was then taken and read before the king, and Ramarajabhushana ,aised an objection, but it afterwards proved to be irrelevant. The two poets were then called upon to satisfy the terms agreed upon. Râmaraja bhushana, therefore, removed his head-dress and put it down, and Râmabhadra kicked it instead of the rival's forehead. Thus the quarrel terminated.
The story must, however, be apocryphal, as it does not appear anywhere that Râmarajabhúshana had begun to compose verses during the lifetime of Krishnarâye, and so it is highly improbable that he should have a retinue of students at the time. For aught we know, the Vasucharitra was not composed till about thirty-five years after the demise of Krishṇaraya.
Dharjați was a Niyogi Brâhmaņa of Pakanâqu.10 Ho belonged to the Bharad vaja gótra, Åpastamba sútra. He was born and bred up at Kalahasti, in the North Arcot district, and was a good Saiya. As he lived at the time of Kệishnaraya, we may fix his date as probably about 1520-1530 A. D. He has written a work entitled Kalahastimdhátnya, a Sthalapurana, and dedicated it to the local god, Kalahastiśvara. His style is elegant and chaste. It is said of him that he yielded to the weaknesses of the flesh and the peculiar temptations of lust. It is a pity that the common folk generally pride themselves in attributing such conduct even to the most righteous. The same thing was attributed to Tikkanasomayaji, that celebrated writer of the later fifteen Parvas of the Mahábhárata. Such a thing is highly
. This mode of solving puzzles by blending the natural and the supernatural has taken possession of the Telugu mind to such an extent, that the ordinary Telugu fully believes that there can be no gloomier form of infidelity than that which questions tho moral attributes of that Great Being in whose hands are the final destinies of us all.
19 [As regards the situation of this ancient division of the Telugu country see. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IIL p. 81.-H, K. S.]

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improbable, considering the position they occupied and the high veneration with which they were regarded.
824
Madayyagari Mallana, in contradistinction to Praudhakavi Mallana, the writer of the Ekadasimáhatmya, a poet who bad lived some time previously, was a writer on Rhetoric of the time of Krishnaraya. He was an inhabitant of Kondavidu, and the son of Mâdayya. He was a Brahmana of the Lingayat sect. A very large number of Brahmaṇas were converted to this sect by Bijjalaraya, king of Kalyana. They wear a stone linga round their necks and worship it after their daily ablutions. Mallana received a good education in his infancy, and while in his budding manhood, wrote the Rajasekharacharitra, or a poetical history of Rajasekhara. He dedicated it to Nandyala Appaya, the son-in-law of Sâļuva Timmarâja, the prime minister of Krishnaraya. This poet received rich rewards from his patron in lands and other presents.
Tenali Ramakrishna alias Tenali Ramalinga, was a Yajnavalkya Brahmana of the Kaunḍinya gótrz. He was the son of Râmayya and Lakshmamma. It is said of him that he first bore the appellation of Tenâli Râmalinga, and under that name wrote the Lingapurana, still extant, but aferwards embraced the Vaishnava faith to please the sovereigns of Chandragiri, and changed his name to Ramakrishņa. Kâvali Venkataramasvâmi, in his Biographies of Dekkan Poets, p. 88, speaks of him as being one of the ashfa-diggajas at the court of Krishnaraya. He was born, he says, in the village of Tenâli in the Kistna district in S. S. 1384, i. e., 1462 A. D., and was of the family of Isvarapraggada. His horoscope exhibits him as born under a very propitious star. In his infancy he studied the Telugu dialect, and by the association of the bhatrajas or bards of Bhattipalli, he became a perfect master of that language, and a professor of rhetoric. He likewise possessed a tolerable knowledge of Sanskrit. We have no records to prove the truth of these statements, and it is highly probable that the horoscope of the poet was a later invention. Had he been born in 1462 A. D. as is alleged, he must have been about 50 years old at the time of Krishnaraya's accession.
Having heard, it is said, much of the patronage afforded by Krishnaraya, Ramakrishna went to Vijayanagara in hopes of receiving countenance from the king. As he had no friends to forward his case, he was obliged to ingratiate himself into the good graces of the inferior servants of the household and composed a few verses on one of the female attendants of the queen. The fame of Ramakrishna thus reached the ears of the king, who appointed him one of the court poets.
He was of a humorous character, and loved to play practical jokes. The guru Tâtâcharya was a very orthodox man, and was in the habit of visiting a cow-stall every morning as soon as he rose from bed, being taken to the place blind-folded in order to view the cows' excrement as the first object seen during the day, thinking it to be a very meritorious act. His habit was to keep his eyes shut and laying hold of a cow's tail to wait till she evacuated, when he opened his eyes to behold the excrement. One morning Ramakrishna got up early, and removing the cow from the stall, stood in its place stark naked. The guru came as usual, and instead of the cow's tail he found a man. His rage knew no bounds, and running up to the king, he laid a complaint against Ramakrishna. The king became exceedingly angry and ordered the poet to be forthwith executed. The executioners carried him to a plain and buried him in the earth as far as the neck, leaving only his head above ground, agreeably to the sentence passed on him. They left him thus, intending to return with a certain number of elephants to trample him to death. It so chanced that a hump-backed washerman was passing by, and asked the poet how he came to
11 [The founder of the Lingayat sect was Basava, the prime minister of Bijjala. An inscription at Managōli in the Bijapur district, dated in the reign of the Kalacharya king Bijjala, mentions this Basava as one of the fivehundred mahajanas of that village; see Ep. Ind. Vol. V. p. 10 f.-H. K. S.]

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be in such a predicament. "My good friend," said he, "I was born a hump-back like yourself, and having long suffered the scorn of ill-mannered individuals, I applied to a sage who had great knowledge of the occult sciences, and begged of him to relieve me from my misfortune. He informed me that if I should consent to be buried up to my neck in this identical spot, I should be entirely cured of my deformity. In pursuance of his directions, I got some of my friends to bury me here, and as I really believe that I am cured already, I shall be very thankful to you if you will verify my statement." The washerman did as the poet requested, and to his utter amazement found him a well-made man; and as he was a credulous fellow, he believed in all that the poet had said. "As one good deed deserves another," said the washerman to the poet, "I now ask you to bury me in this place that I may be cured of my bodily deformity as you have been." Ramaksishṇa with a grave countenance buried the poor washerman up to the neck, and after the lapse of an hour went to the king to inform him that by the personal interposition of a god, he had been restored to life. The executioners in the interim had executed the washerman, and were making their report to the king that they had killed the poet according to the royal commands. The whole court were consequently astonished to see Ramakrishna, and as the king really believed that the poet had been killed and restored to life by some god, he promised to forgive him the first hundred crimes that he should commit in future!
Now, Ana-Vêma Reddi had in his possession two beautiful horses of the Kandahar breed, entirely black, except the ears which were grey. Krishnaraya was eager to obtain one of them, and sent an embassy to Ana-Vêma Reddi to ask him for one of them, but the latter monarch replied, that if the former would send a poet, who could excel any that he had at his court, he would give him both the horses. All the poets at the court of Krishnarîya refused to depart save Ramakrishna, who forth with proceeded to the court of Ana-Vêma Reddi. When there, he completed every task set to him, and in his turn wrote a part of a stanza, which he desired his fellow-poets at the new court to complete. He then took his departure, and in the course of six months returned, but the poets had not been able to finish the stanzas. He therefore wrote the conclusion which so pleased Ana-Vêma Reddi, that he embraced him and gave him one of the black horses, and sent him away with innumerable presents. When Râmaksishņa retarned to the court of Krishṇaraya, he was received with great marks of attention, and enjoyed the king's favour in a very high degree, but he once more forfeited the good opinion of his royal master by playing on him the following practical joke. He informed the king that he had procured for him a beautiful damsel, and asked him when he would wish to visit her. The king being of a lascivious turn, appointed an early day. The poet then decorated a bed fit enough to receive his royal visitor, but instead of the maiden, placed on it a stone image, which he covered over with a rich brocade quilt. The king came at the appointed hour, and to his surprise and consequent indignation, found a stone instead of a charming virgin, and immediately ordered the poet to be executed. Ramakțishna, however, concealed himself, and when the king's wrath was abated, was taken once more into his good graces.
Sometime after this, the king's daughter had composed a poem entitled Marichiparinaya, or the marriage of Marichi, and proposed to read the same before the king's court. But as she was aware of the satirical character of Râmaksishna, she stipulated with her father, that he should not be allowed to be present. The king thereupon forbade the poet to come to the court on the day that his daughter read her poem. The poet, however, disguised himself as a maid. servant, and stood close to the princess, who began to read her poem publicly. The poem was really well-written, and abounded in good moral reflections and beautiful descriptions of the scenery and dresses of the females and other subjects, among which was the description of a pregnant woman. Just at this moment Ramakrishṇa made a gesture which set the whole court in a roar of laughter, and so abashed and crossed was the princess that she could read no more and abruptly left the court. The king was very much vexed at the poet, and sentenced him on pain of death to leave his dominions. But he was again afterwards admitted into the king's

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favour. Such are some of the stories current in the Telugu country about the vagaries of Ramakrishna, more briefly known as Tenali Rama.
As to the evidence for fixing the date of the poet apart from all popular tradition, instances are on record to shew that Ramakrishna was a contemporary of Appayadikshita and Tâtâchârya and flourished at the court of Veikatapatirays of Chandragiri. This king flourished after Tirumaladêva, to whom the Vasucharitra is dedicated, changed the seat of his government from Vijayanagara to Chandragiri, and ruled from 1585 to 1614 A. D. If, therefore, Ramakrishna was alive at the time of Krishnaraya, he must have been quite young at the time, as there was an interval of more than balf a century between the demise of Krishnaraya and the accession of Venkatapati. This consideration controverts the story of the horoscope.
To reconcile the facts some have made Appayadikshita to be a contemporary of Kộisbņaraya. As Appayadikshita lived to a ripe old age, he might have been a contemporary of Kộishnaraya in his early days, but he is known to the world as the court poet of Venkatapatiraya.18 He was a Tamil Brahmana, an inhabitant at A daya pala agrahára, about forty miles south-east of Conjeeveram, in the Chinglepat district.14 He was the son of Narayanadikshita.16 It was current among his contemporaries that he was born of the spirit of Siva, on account of the learning he exhibited in divinity and theology, which they thought to be too great for an ordinary mortal. At twelve years of age he gained a mastery over the Vedas and several of the more abstruse and philosphical sciences. He was a Siva bhakta. In early life, he obtained the favor of Venkatapatirêya of Chandragiri, for he confuted all the king's poets, in open court, on religion and philosophy, especially in shewing the perfect parity between Siya and Vishnu. The king granted him & tract of land, rent-free, for the maintenance of himself and his pupils. He is the author of the Sivárchanachandriká, the Sivatattvavivéka, the Sivamanidipika, the Atmárpaņa, etc. The first three of these works were written after the author became a súmaydjin (i, e., a performer of sacrifices). It is said that just before he wrote the Atmárpana he partook of the seeds of a plant, which is said to possess the marvellous quality of keeping the brain clear and fitting the mind for divine contemplation. By its use, he became inspired and dictated to four scribes at once. The poem is very much admired throughont the Dekhan. In course of time, he visited the sovereigns of Tanjore, Trichinopoly and Madura, who gave him every encouragement on account of his talents and virtues, so that, being a strict observer and zealous advocate of ritual, he performed through the bounty of his numerous patrons, innumerable sacrifices on the banks of the Kaveri. He chanted forth verses in praise of Siva wherever he went, and made a good many converts to his faith from Vaishṇavism, Tatacharya, who had been vanquished and baffled by him at the court of Venkata patirêya in a religious controversy, cherished a mortal hatred against him, and was determined to destroy him. He consequently engaged raffians to waylay Appayadikshita and to put an end to him as he was wending his way through a wood. They acted as they had been directed, but at the critical moment a man of great strength, it is said, suddenly appeared on the scene and rescued the poet from danger. On this circumstance reaching the ears of the king, he made the poet valuable gifts for his firmness of faith in Siva. At the age of sixty, as he was concerting measures to go to Benares, the Brahmanas of Chidambaram, in the district of South
[19 Tirumala I. transferred for the first time the seat of government to Pennakonda in A. D. 1567, i. e., two years after the battle of Talikota. This town continued to be the residence of the kings of the third Vijayanagara dynasty even to the time of Vookata II, the third in descent from Tirumala L. It is therefore uplikely that Venkata L, the son of Tirumala I. and the patron of Appayadikshita could have changed the seat of his government to Chandragiri ; see Ep. Ind. Vol. III. p. 288 f.-H. K. 8.7
[13 For the exact date of Appayadicebita, see Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 271.-H. K. 8.]
14 Adaya pala is a village belonging to the Ami Jagir in the North Aroot district. It is this village that is known as the birth-place of Appayadikshita.-H. K. S.)
[16 Appayadikshita was the son of Rri-Rangardjadikshita; see extracts from Nos. 1000, 1013, and 1056 of Dr. Hultzech's Reports on Sanskrit Manuacripts No. II.-H. K, 8.1

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Arcot requested him to come there, as' according to his confession, their place was more sanctified than Benares and the tank of Sivagangê more holy than the Ganges. The poet thereupon went to Chidambaram, where he remained engaged in religious controversies for the space of thirty years. At his death, he had in his possession five orystal lingas, two of which he presented to the Brahmaņas, and one to his nephew, to be established at Madura, another he gave to one of his relatives, while the fifth he himself established at Chidambaram sometime previous to his death. He is said to be the author of eighty-four works on theology, a good many of which are lost. The Kupalayananda and Prabodhachandrôdaya (117 are some of his works handed down to posterity.
Ayyadikshita, who wrote the Nilakanhavijaya to commemorate the religious victories of his father (!), was the nephew of Appaya, and the wazir of Tirumala Nayaka of Madura.17 This Nâyaka reigned from 1623 to 1659 A. D. over the whole of the Pandya kingdom. The story, therefore, that Appaya, the uncle of Ayyadikshita, flourished at the time of Krishnaraya, who lived a century earlier is incredible. Ramakrishna, as a contemporary of Appaya, cannot, therefore, have lived at the time of Kộishnadevaraya, an inference which confirms the other evidence available.
A good many stories are told of Ramakrishna's dealings with Tátâchârya. A brief survey of Tatacharya's life is therefore desirable here. He was a native of Conjeeveram, and was so celebrated for his virtues and talents, that he was believed to have been born from the spirit of Vishņa as Appaya was from that of Siva. He obtained the surname of Kanyadanam, for the numerous marriage ceremonies which were performed at bis expense,18 He wrote a philosophical work entitled såttvikabrahmavidydvildsa. He was the family priest of the Rajas of Chandragiri, and used to visit them from Conjeeveram.2• While absent from his abode, his chaste and affectionate wife was in the habit of standing at the gate of the dwelling, awaiting the arrival of her lord. On an unfortunate day, however, some unfeeling scoundrels informed her tbat her husband bad been accidentally killed. The shock was too much for her, and she soon afterwards died. Tâtâcharya arriving soon after this, died of a broken heart. His loss was much regretted by all classes of people, for despite his erudition, he was the most affable and benevolent of men, bestowing large sums of money on the impoverished, especially for marriage ceremonies. He rose into prominence during the last days of Râmarêja, and forced so many to embrace the Vaishnava faith, that it became a current saying that "thongh the shoulder escapes Tatâcharya's impress, the back will not escape it."
As to the internal evidences in his works for fizing the date of Râmaksiahņa. The Pandurangamdhatmya is his chief work. It is a legendary account of a shrine of Vishnu as Panduranga, the pale-complexioned deity, who sanctified by his presence in this form, the place where Pandarika, a muni, performed his devotions. The place is now known as Pandharpar, a town on the left bank of the Bhima, celebrated as the scene of the murder of the Gêyak wad's Prime Minister, Gangadhara Sastri, by the ex-Peshwa Baji Rao, about 1813 A. D. The deity now worshipped there is supposed to have fallen from heaven. He is, therefore, denominated Vitthal Svâmi, an emblem of Vishņu. The proofs of the efficacy of this shrine are brought out in glowing colours in the poem. One Nigamasarma, who during the whole of his life haunted scenes of dissipation and debauchery, came to the spot during the last
16 (Prabodhachandr daya is the name of the famous philosophical drama written by Krienamiéra. From Anfrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum it appears that a commentary on this drama was written by Appayadékshita. It is not known on what anthority the writer of this article thinks that the original work was written by Appayadtleshita. -V. V.)
11 [Nflakanthavijaya is a champu kavya of great repute in the South. It was written by Ntlakapthadichita the grand-nephew of Appayadikshita ; see Dr. Hultasch's Reports on Sanskrit Manuscripts, No. II., P. viii., and also extracts from Nos. 939, 1011 and 1281. The writer of the article would have done well to quote be authority on which he says the author of the Nakanthavijaya Wa # minister of Tiramala- Nkyaka of Madura. -V. V.)
1 (The surname in question is not kanyddanam bat katikanyddanam.-Y. V. 11 [In inscriptions of the third Vijayanaga Dynasty he is called Tatarya, the Kardabh bhridguru.-H. K. 8.]

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moments of his life and gave up the ghost in the temple there. A controversy ensued between the servants of Yama and the servants of Vishnu as to who should be in charge of his yatanááarira, and the latter gained the day. He gained Vishnutva. No doubt, he repented the sins. of his life at a time which, regarded from a merely human point of view, would be an hour too late. No doubt also, he had not during his lifetime remembered that moral contagion, like the infectious power of physical diseases, borrows half its strength from the weakness of the subject with which it comes in contact. If one were only half as pure as Sri Krishna, one might go about with harlots and be none the worse for it. No amount of sensuous excitement can compensate for the degradation which the moral nature must suffer by associating on familiar and tolerant terms with the most degraded and abandoned of the human species. In this mere human view there can be no toleration of vice. We may, and we ought, to weep for the sinner, but we must not sport with sin. But the divine view is quite different. Heaven divides the state of man into diverse functions, setting endeavours in continual motion, for which is fixed as an aim or goal, obedience, The one great difference between the human and the divine condition is that while the former judges actions by their results, the latter pries into the secrets of the heart and judges by motives; while there is a lack of equality and mercy in the former, these form the bed-rock, the sine qua non of the latter.
The work is dedicated to Viruri Vêdâdri, who had Kandala Appalâchârya as his guru. Mention is made of this guru by Sarangu Timmakavi, in his Vaijayantivilása. Ramakrishna must, therefore, have been a contemporary of Timma, who speaks of himself in his Vilása as the Karanam of Golconda, which was then ruled by Mahmûd Shâh. We know that he was Nawab of Golconda from 1581 to 1611 A. D. Ramakrishna must, therefore, have flourished, towards the end of the sixteenth and the first quarter of the seventeenth century. We know, 1 moreover, that Viruri Vêdâdri, to whom the Pandurangamahatmya is dedicated, was the premier of a petty Jagirdâr, Peda Samgamaraja, whose father, Guravaraja, is said to have been a contemporary of Sadasivaraya, and that in S. S. 1463, i. e., 1543 A. D., he gave four villages for the consecration to the deity. Mention is made of this in the local records in Col. Mackenzie's Collections. Samgamaraja, the son of Guravaraja, must have reigned in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. It is highly probable, therefore, that Ramakrishna must have been a poet of his court about 1560 to 1570 A. D.
His diction is on the whole excellent. It is alleged that he has written another work entitled Pandurangavijaya, on the same subject as the Pandurangamahatmya, but this is highly improbable, as this would have been a waste of his energies. And, moreover, the verses that are generally quoted from the Pandurangavijaya (still extant), do not savour of the poetry of Ramakrishna at all.
The next of the Ashtadiggajas was Pingali Surana. He was a Niyogi Brahmana, of the Apastamba sútra and Gautama gôtra. His father was Amarana, and his mother Abbamma He had two brothers, Amalana and Errana. Pingali was his house-name. This is a pretty village in the Kistna district, at present called Pinâli. In describing the progenitor of hie race, Gonka, in his Prabhávati-Pradyumna, the poet describes him as being a resident of Pingali, who had a maid-servant, Pêki by name. The story of Peki is even now current in the Telugu country. Once upon a time while Gonka was wandering in the woods, he came across a beautiful bead, which he concealed in his box. On the very same day a maid-servant, Pêki by name, took service in his house, and discharged the duties of the household to their entire satisfaction. Sometime after, the lady of the house became pregnant and the maidservant was left in charge of the lying-in room. While on this duty, it is said, that on a certain night she trimmed the wick of the lamp burning in the room, by stretching out her tongue without rising from her bed. This made her mistress quake with fear, and she told her husband the next day about it. They wanted to get rid of the maid as, soon as possible, and set her on the most difficult undertakings, all of which she performed with the greatest

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ease. Bafiled in these attempts, they told her to go to Benares and bring the sacred Ganges' water, and in the interim changed their residence and went to a place afar off. Peki came home, bringing the sacred water of the Ganges, and not finding any of the family there, went in search of them, taking with her a huge stone not easily carried by even half a dozen of the strongest men and gave it over to her master. On his enquiring of her kindly, as to the best way of getting rid of her, she replied that she would go on his giving over to her the bead he had obtained in the forest. This was done, and she immediately left the house.
Though his ancestors belonged to the Kistna district, Sûrana seems to have travelled southward, and to have taken up his residence at the courts of Akavid and Nandyal in the district of Kurnul, formed after the dissolution of the kingdom of Vijayanagara. It is said that he was one of the Ashtadiggajas of the court of Kộishnaraya, but we have no records to shew that he flourished at the time or at the court of the said monarch. The mistake that he was one of the eight poets of the court of Krishnarâys must have arisen, I think, from the confusion of the name of that monarch with one who bore the same appellation and ruled long after at Nandyal, and who seems to have maintained Telugu literature to a certain extent, just as did his more celebrated name sake of Vijayanagara. We are led to believe that the poet flourished about the middle of the sixteenth century. His Kalápiirnodaya is dedicated to Krishnaraya of Nandyal, who is there the sixth in descent from Arvîți Bukkaraya. The latter monarch had, as his eldest son, Singararaya, wbo had Narasingaraya, whose son was Nåra parêya, whose son was Narașingarêya, whose son was Krishnaraya. Bukkaraya, as we have seen already, ruled from 1473 to 1481 A. D. If we should fix twenty years as the reigning period of each of the four kings who succeeded Bukka, Krishnaraya must have flourished about 1560 A. D. It appears, therefore, that he was a contemporary of Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagara, which fact is rendered manifest by the inscription in the Ankalamma temple at Karimaddala village.20 Achyutaraya, who sueceeded Krishwaraya in 1530 A. D., reigned till 1542 A. D.
We have already seen how Salika Timma assumed the reigns of government during the minority of Sadasiva, how he tried to confine Râmaraja (the son-in-law of Krishnadêvarêya) and his brother Tirumalarêya in prison, how they both fled to Penukonda and mustered forces, and with the help of the sovereign of Kurnul invaded Vijayanagara, defeated and killed Salika Timma, and proclaimed young Eadasiva king in 1542 A. D. Sadasiva was king only in name, and Râmara ja assumed the actual reins of government and ruled as the real monarch till 1565 A. D., when he was overthrown and killed by the Muhammadan armies at the battle of Talikota. The Muhammadan kings entered Vijayanagara and by many atrocious acts ruined the kingdom, but, on account of internal dissensions, did not completely occupy the place. For the next five years anarchy prevailed in the land, and about 1567 A. D. Sadasiva died. In the same year Tiramaladeva left Vijayanagara for Penukonda, proclaimed himself king in 1569 A. D., and reigned there for the brief space of three years, when he died His son, Srirangarîyn, reigned from 1572 to 1585 A. D. His brother, Venkatapatiraya, then became king, and removed the seat of his government from Penukonda to Chandragiri, 21 where he died in 1614 A. D., leaving no issue. Now as Krishnaraya of Nandyal was a contemporary of Sadasiva, he must have flourished about 1564 A. D. And Pingali Sûrana, who dedicated his Kald pirnôdaya to Krishộarkya of Nandyal, must have done so at about the same period. This king is also the same Krishnaraya of Nandyal that flourished towards the beginning of the reign of Venkatapatiraya. He must, therefore, have reigned for a very short period after 1585 A. D. Moreover, mention is made in the Kaldprirņôdaya that Nároparaya, the grandfather of Krishnaraya, utterly routed Kutubu'l-Mulk, the progenitor of the Kutab-Shâhi family of Golconda, at Kondavido. This Kutubu'l-Mulk, we know, reigned at Gölconda from 1512 to 1543 A. D. As this battle came off in 1515 A, D., at the time of
2. Local Records, Vol. XVI. of Oriental M3. Library, Madras.
(See above p. 826, note 12.-H, K, S.)

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Krishnaddvaraya, it cannot be far from the truth to say that the grandson of the person who fought the battle must have been living thirty or forty years later.
The inference, therefore, is that Pingali Sûrana must have lived about 1560 A. D. We may infer the same thing from a study of the Råghavapk ndaviya. We know that this work is dedicated to Pedda Venkatîdri of Akavidu, about twelve miles to the west of Koilkuntla in the Kurnul district on the banks of the Tungabhadra. "We learn from the poem that Veukatadri's grandfather, Immarya, conquered the country as far as Rajahmundry in the district of Godaveri. We learn further that Immarêya and NÄraparáys were kings tributary to Kșishwadevaraya, and that they led his forces against the Muhammadans. We have already seen that Krishnadêvarîya conquered Vijayanagara in 1515 A. D. It is highly probable that Immarîya may have been with him at the time. That the Akavida kings were feudatories of the kings of Vijayanagara is borne out by the Raghavapándaviya. From that reference, we are led to infer that the poem must have been written previous to the dissolation of the kingdom of Vijayanagara in 1565 A. D.
There is also a story current which confirms the above statements. It is said that this Sûrana was the husband of Allasâni Peddana's grand-daughter, and in his young days roamed about like a loafer in the streets, and so the people not only laughed at him but also at his wife for having secured a pudding-headed husband. Sûrana enraged at this treatment went away to a foreign place, became a good pandit, returned home, and began to write the Raghavapandaviya. When the matter was reported to Peddana by his grand-danghter, he asked the poet Sûrana to read a stanza from it. A certain portion of a stanza was read, when Peddana said that it was a laboured one, but before the same stanza was completed, he changed his opinion, and extolled his grandson. As Sûrana lived with the Âkapidu kings and wrote the Raghavapándaviya before his other work, the Kaldpurn daya, was written, he must have written it about 1550 A. D., when he was in the first flush of manhood. The Garudapurána, written previous to this date, is lost.
Surana is by far the best of medieval poets and makes & near approach to Tikkana. We learn from the opening stanzas in his Prabhávati-Pradyumna that he wrote previously the Garudapurana, the Rágharapandaviya and the Kalapúrnodaya. Râmarâjabbtshana's Harichandra-Nalopakhyána was composed after Sûrana's Raghavapandaviya. Súrana was the pioneer in the production of those complete poetical works, of which each stanza carries two meanings and so continuously tells two stories. Such poetical compositions are called duyartha. kávyas in Telugu. In the preface to his Ragharapdndaviya, Sûrana has well defined the way in which such kávyas ought to be written, and has thus paved the way for the guidance of future poets treading on the same lines.
We have already pointed out that the Raghavapandaviya must have been written by Surana in the flush of manhood. Taste, the handling of subjects, and style, generally differ with men with the advance of age. This is clearly brought before us in the case of poets generally. Take Srinatha for instance, who has written voluminoably, and compare the poetry of his youth with that of his manhood and old age, and one perceives a world of difference. There is a world of difference between his Vidhi nataka and his Naishadha between his Marutaratcharitra and his Sáliváhanasaptašati, between his Kasikhanda and his Panditárid-yacharitra. The spectacles through which poets view the world are different at different stages of their life. When a man begins to write poetry in his youth his head is so stuffed with a surfeit of Sanskrit poetry and dramatic lore that he merely pours forth his book-learned skill. But when the flush of youth bas cooled down, when he is no longer brisk when he is tossed about in the wider sphere of busy and active life, he no longer sees through the spectacles of his books, but observes things as they are in the work-a-day world. When men come to view life through the spectacles of Nature, a wide change comes over them, which s brought very vividly before us in their style, no longer laboured, no longer that of the studious recluse, but flowing like running water.

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Sanskrit drama seems to have taken so firm a hold of Pingali Sûrana, that he could not help adopting the style of the dramatists in his poetic compositions. He had the greatest regard for Kálidaga and some for Båna. But still he did not tread the beaten track of poetic routine, and shews some originality in his poems. He lead a phase of Telugu poetry to a certain extent. The one great pecaliarity with him is that his descriptions are true to Nature, and are dramatic. The descriptions of Ayodhyâ and Hastinapura in his Raghavapandaviya are not byperbolical as is generally the case with other Telugu poets, and I am pazzled to observe that he has fallen into that pit in his descriptions towards the beginning of the Kaldpůrnôdaya, for there is a certain conventionality which Telugu poets generally adopt in their descriptions of towns and cities. which Sûrana did not generally follow. In his Prabhavati-Pradyumna he went straight on with the subject as if it was a drama to be enacted on the stage, and then made Indra and his charioteer, MÂtali, view Dvâraka from their seat in the heavens and describe the place, so that the description of the town was not the poet's but Indra's and Matali's.
The Kallpurņodays is the best among Surana's prabandhas. It was entirely a product of the poet's brain. The following is its story in brief :--
I. - In the Trêta-Yuga. Narada, put to shame by Tumbara, prays to Vishnu who confers on bim certain gifts.
II. - In the Dva para-Yuga. In a park at DvÂraků, Kalabhåshiņi with her female friends is swinging in a cradle. Narada informs his disciple, Manikandhara, that these women of the earth are setting the celestials at naught. Rambhâ, who is beneath a cloud, sauntering in the heavens with her lover Nalakubarn, overhears the conversation, comes before them with her lover, and speaks in rather an arrogant fashion, and says that in beauty she has no compeer. Nárada informs the celestial lovers that there shall arise a false Rambha and a false Nalakú bara, to put a barrier between them, and descends to the earth near the park. The two lovers go their own way. Meanwhile Kalabhishini, who is in the park, sees Nalakûbara and falls in love with him. Narada comes and sees Kalabhishiņi, and informs her that she will one day become a co-wife with Rambha. She hears the good news gladly, serves Närada as becomes a hostess and goes home. Narada then retires to Sri Krishna's court.
III. - Närada goes to Sri Krishna's seraglio with Kalabhâshiņi, leaving Manikandhara outside to play on the vind, and under the orders of Sri Krishna learns music from Rukmini and other members of the seraglio. Sri Krishna invites Naruda, Kalabhâsbiņi and Manikandhara to his presence, hears their music, and says that they are on a par with ench other in the art, and are unrivalled in the fourteen worlds.
IV.- Narada has doubts as to whether the praise bostowed on him by Sri Krishna is merely formal or real, and sends Kalabhâshiņi, with the gift of assuming any feminine form she pleases, to learn the true opinions that the members of the seraglio entertained about him, and informas Manikandhara of the cause of his bitter enmity with Tumbura. Kalabhâshini returns and informs Närada that the praise bestowed on him was real, which satisfies him very much. Nárada then dismisses her, and sends Maạikandhara on a mission to sacred watering places.
V. - Manikandhara goes to Eleśvara Upadhyâya of SÁradApitha in Kasmir on a mission which proves fruitless. He thereupon retires to perform tapas.
VI. - Kalabhashini who has centred her mind on Nalakú bara remains in her park, being very much troubled by her love for him, when Manistambha, a Siddha, comes and creates confidence in her, both by his words and deeds, tells her that he will take her to Nalakübara, and goes up to the heavens with her in his lion-shaped chariot (siviha vdhana).
VII.-Ag his chariot does not proceed far, Maņistambha informs Kalabhâshint that they have arrived at the temple of a deity who has a lion-shaped chariot, and that unless the deity is propitiated, they will not be able to proceed further, descends from his chariot, leaves Kalabhishini near the temple, and goes in search of flowers,

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VIII. - An old woman, Sumukhasatti by name, comes and informs Kalabhâshiņi that the Siddha is a magician, and that he has brought her there to be offered up as a sacrifice to the deity, and shews her in corroboration thereof an inscription which sbe reads, and is satisfied with the veracity of all the old woman has said, and bursts forth into lamentations. Meanwhile, the Siddha returns, holds Kalabhashqi by her tresses, and is about to slay her, when the old woman'makes a vow on the deity, whereupon the Siddhu slays the old woman. The deity soon after this appears before them, and allows the Siddha to roam the heavens with Kalabhâahiņi. Sumakhâsatti then becomes a young woman and extols the deity.
IX. - Manistambhn and Kalabhâshini fall on a bed of flowers in a park. When the latter cries out, Manikandhara who has assumed the form of Nalakübara and has enjoyed Rambhå, at a distance, hears the cry, and comes and terrifies Manistambha. Meanwhile, Kalabhashini looses herself from the hold of the Siddha, assumes the form of Rambhâ, and approaches the false Nalakú bara to live with him. In the interim the real Rambha goes in search of him, and comes upon the scene, when both the real and the apparent Rambha quarrel with each other as Co-wives, and the latter is cursed and retires. Soon after the real Nalaka bara appears on the scene, curses the false one, and retires to heaven with Rambhâ. Maņistambha flies with his sword.
X. - Kalabhashini, Manikandhara and Manistambha come one by one to Sumukhåsatti at the temple already mentioned and narrate to each other their respective stories. Manikandhara then offers up Kalabhâsbiņi. She is cut to pieces, and the pieces become invisible. Sumukhasatti and Maạistambha go their own way. Manikandhare then retires to Srisaila, to breathe bis last, and a Malayala Brahmaņa, who comes there, takes possession of the necklace of the deceased and performs japa.
Such is the main story of this beautiful poem which contains many shorter stories as well all happily brought to a close in its fifth canto.
The last of the bards whom we have to deal with is Ramarajabhushana, sometimes styled Battumarti. No two critics, however, agree as to whether these two Dames belong to one and the same poet or are the names of two different poets. I shall endeavour in the following lives to present the reader with the case on either side and leave him to form his own judgment.
Râmarâjabhúshaạt was the poet who wrote the Vasucharitra. Some are of opinion that this name was an honorific title, conferred on him by the fact of his having played an important part at the court of Ramaraja, and that his real name was Battumurti. He was born at Battapalli. The village was given to the poet's ancestors, known as the Prabandbankas, by Krishnadevaraya, for their poetic excellence. Some identify the village with one near Pulivendla in the Cuddapah district, and others with one in the district of Bellary. The poet may have been born at the time of Krishnadevarâye, but it is highly improbable that he was one of the eight poets of his court. He really gained the title of Ramarajabhûshana for a few impromptu verses on Râmaraja, during the last days of his life. Râmarâja, as we have seen already, was the son-in-law of Krishṇaraya, and the regent who guided the helm of the state during the minority of Sadasivaraya from 1542 to 1564 A. D. We may say, therefore, that possibly the poet began to write about 1560 A. D. We learn that he addressed some commendatory verses to Råmarâja during his lifetime from the fact of Tirumalaraya, to whom the Vasucharitra is dedicated, referring to the same fact in addressing the poet in bis Vasucharitra. From the Nara pativijaya we learn that Råmarâja married Tirumalåmba, the daughter of Krishnaraya, and had by her Krishnaraja and Pedda Timmaraja.
After the demise of Râmaraja, the kingdom of Vijayanagara, which ought properly to have fallen to his son Krishparaja, as being the property of his maternal grandfather, was usurped by Tirumalaraya and Venkatapatirêya, the brothers of Râmaraya.

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To return to the names of Râmarajabhûshapa. Some say that Mûrti and Râmarâjabhushana are the names of two different poets, and that the former was the author of the Narasabhupaliya, while the latter wrote the Vasucharitra and Harischandra-Nalópákhyana. Others maintain that Mûrti was the real name and that Râmarajabhushana was an honorific title given to him for holding the leadership of the court of Râmarâja, and that he was the son of Sûraparaja and the adopted son of Venkatarajabhushana. Those who maintain the latter. view say that the colophons in the Vasucharitra, Narasabhipáliya, and HarischandraNalopákhyana vary, and that in the colophons of the last two works there is a variation in the names of the father of the poet. Virêsalingam Pantulu says that though at the first reading of the works under reference we are led to believe that the writers are different, further reflection will make us feel that we must receive that opinion with a little caution.
THE TELUGU LITERATURE.
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In the beginning of each of these works, there is a slight difference in the adjuncts used, but as these are not contradictory, we have no reason to infer that the poets are two different people. As both the writers are bhaktas of Hanumân, as their style is not different, as it has been generally admitted till lately that Baṭṭamurti was the author of the Vasucharitra, and as the commentators of the Vasucharitra, who flourished very soon after him, say that he wrote the Narasabhupaliya illustrative of the figures of speech used in the former work, we are forced at least to doubt that these works are due to two different authors.
There can be no gainsaying the fact that Mûrti was the author of the Narasalhúpaliya. 'Battu' and other adjuncts must be either family names or honorary titles. In the work under consideration, there is an adjunct Subha' attached to the word 'Mûrti.' How came this word to be there, and to whom ought it to be properly applied? From the colophon to the Harischandra-Nalôpakhyana, we learn that this adjunct 'Subha' was conferred by Ramaraja on the poet Râmarâjabhushana. All this tends to shew the identity of the writers of the Vasucharitra and Harischandra-Nalepakhydna. Were Râmarâjabhûshana' a mere title, there would be no occasion at all to doubt the identity of the writers. But were the word used to express the name and not the title of a person, then there would be no occasion for using 'Râmarâjabhushana' in one place, Ramanṛipabhushana' in another, and 'Râmabhushana' in a third. In his preface to the Harischandra-Nalopakhyana Poondla Ramakrishniah says that this is a fact of trivial importance, and that he is at a loss to know how Viŕêśalingam Pantulu drew that inference. For, says he, had the expression 'Râmarâjabhushana' been a mere mark of honour, the poet would not have curtailed it, but assuming it to be the poet's own name he was at liberty to deal in whatever way he pleased with it as suited his own convenience. If, as that writer maintains, Ramarajabhushana' is a mere title, what means have we, asks Poondla Ramakrishniah, to learn the genuine name of the poet A book does not go by the mere title of the writer, and what has Virêsalingan. Pantalu to say for the word 'Venkatarayabhashana'? If he explains Râmarâjabhûshana in the way he does, he must also explain Venkatarayabhushana' in just the same way. And as the latter appellation seems to be an anonymous one, it follows, says Poondla Râmakrishniah, that the word Bhushana' is a common appellation for all the members of the poet's family. It is said in the last of the works, the Harischandra-Nalopakhyana, that the poet had written previously the l'asucharitra, and other works, and that he had dedicated them to many of the greatest kings.
We learn two facts from the foregoing statements, viz., that the poet must have written at least one more work than the Vasucharitra, i. e., the Narasabhúpaliya, and that he must have. dedicated these. to more than two, at least three, kings, viz., Râmaraja, Tirumalaraya and Narasaraya. I leave the credibility of this explanation to the reader.
2 Biographies of Telugu Poets, Vol. II. p. 91.

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Showere
Some maintain that the poet wanted to please his real and foster fathers, and has therefore entered the name of the one in one of his works and of the other in the other, while in the third no mention is made of either, and that in the Harischandra-Nalopakhyana the mention of the expression Sara pâtmaja' shews that he was the son of Soraparâja, while in the Narasabhupaliya, the mention of 'Venkatarayabhushanasupatru' shews that he was the adopted son of Venkatarayabhushana,
The first of the poet's works is the Vasucharitra, which is an exaggerated description of the loves of king Vasu and the beautiful nymph Girikanyaká. It was dedicated as we have already seen to Tirumalaraya. The following metrical rendering is taken from the second book of the poem, and is supposed to be spoken by Mañjavâņi when she was deputed by her mistress Girikanyaká to Vasuraja :
"O ruler of the world, thy presence bright
Fills each expanding heart with true delight And joy, as when propitious fortane pours Unmeasured treasures down in golden showers, Or when the moon in plenitude arrayed Shoots her bright splendours through the midnight shade. Friend of the world ! O powerful deity! The effulgence of thy penetrating eye Dispels the darkness and the gloom profound, Whose sable mantle covers us around. Thy graceful presence this auspicious day, O king of kings, sends far each care away! With every keen desire and wish possessed Filled to satiety we stand confessed. O sovereign of the earth! Thy heavenly tread Approaching doth with potent blessings shed On mortals immortality and grace, And makes us wise as is the ethereal race. Pre-eminent in good thy virtue pours Like fruitful antamn its prolific stores : Our homage paying we profit by thrift. The rural goddess sheds her choicest gift Exuberant on me and on my friends; with joy In plenty we our happy hours employ, That can a grateful voice onow upraise,
Receive the boon and give eternal praise ?" The Vasucharitra was much admired by the contemporaries of Battamarti, and became model for later poets to follow. The poet was highly rewarded by Tirumalaraya for this and other works that he composed at the command of that monarch. The descriptions of nature and the diction of the poem are excellent. It was written after 1570 A. D. Tirumalaraya, to whom the work is dedicated, removed the seat of his government to Penukonda in 1567 A. D., and his battle with the Moslems after that date is recorded in the poem, and a slight reference is also made to the king transferring the reins of government to his second son Srirangaraya after making him heir-apparent, after the demise of his eldest son Raghunatharaya.
Whoever the writer of the Narasabhüpdliya may be, it is dedicated to Narasaraya, the nephew of Ramarîya and Tiramalarâya. Srirangaraya, the maternal grandfather of Narasaraya, had five sons - Könarâja, Timmarâja, Râmarâja, Tirumalarâja, and Venkatapati

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raja, and three daughters - Lakkamâmba, Obamâmba and Kônamâmbâ. Of the offspring of the daughters: to Narasaraya, son of Lakkamâmbâ, is dedicated the Narasabhúpaliya, to Gobburi Narasaraja, son of Obamâmbâ, is dedicated the Rámábhyudaya, while the Paramayögivilása is dedicated to Timmaraya, son of Kônamâmbâ. The Narasabhúpáliga is a Telugu rendering of the Sanskrit Prataparudriya, of which the portion dealing with the drama (Nálaka Prakarana) and the examples illustrative of the rules are omitted. The examples were prepared afresh by the author in the name of Narasarâja. It is said that Râmarajabhushana had a taste for music.
335
By the time he composed the Harischandra-Nalópákhyana, Ramarajabhushana must have been of a ripe old age, and by that time the dissolution of the kingdom of Vijayanagara had reached its completion. This work was written after Pingali Sûrana wrote his Raghavapaṇḍaviya, dedicated to Sri Rama, towards the end of the sixteenth century. We may, therefore, safely say that Râmarajabhushana wrote his works from 1550 to 1590 A. D.
In his preface to the Harischandra-Nalópákhyana, Poondla Ramakrishniah says that the fact that the colophons of the Fasucharitra and Harischandra-Nalbpakhyana, the first and third of the works, agree, and that mention is made of a totally different personage in the second of the works, Narasabhupálya, shews that the writer of the first and third of these works must have been one and the same person. Had the second work been written by this person there would have been no possibility of so many inconsistencies in prosody as are to be found in it, for they are wholly absent in the Vasucharitra.
In the preface to his commentary on the Vasucharitra, the commentator Somanatha (who also wrote the Chaturbhujabhisheka, Yávanacharitra and Gamgdgaurisamvada) says that the Vasucharitra was written by Mûrti or Baṭṭumûrti. We know that this commentator flourished towards the beginning of the seventeenth century, a few years after Appakavi and Ahôbalapati. What have the modern critics to say to this?
Telugu poets are in the habit of introducing into their later works certain stanzas from their earlier ones, with slight rectifications and modifications. Take for instance Tikkana's Nirvchanôttararamayana and his Mahabharata. This habit is also visible in the Vasucharitra and Narasabhupaliya. An inexplicable fact unless we admit that the two works are the compositions of one and the same poet.
The evidence therefore comes to this that the so-called Ashta-diggajas did not all flourish at the time of Krishnadevaraya, and there can be no gainsaying the fact that the golden age of Telugu art and literature began sometime previous to Krishnaraya, whose nearer ancestors had discovered and nursed the genius of the Telugu people, while he, after his military achievements, gave them a home. His wars with the Muhammadans had established his supremacy over the vast extent of Telugu country. Vijayanagara had become an imperial State, and the Telugus, bound to her not merely by legal bonds, but by indissoluble ties of interest and affection, brought to her their civilization. Their arts and philosophy were easily carried to the new seat of learning, where Krishnaraya was ready to receive them with due honor. Not content with patronizing literature, he built many mandapas and temples, nor, while hospitable to the authors of the city's civilization, was he unmindful of her material prosperity, and the trees he planted in the town extended their cool, umbrageous branches over many a weary way-farer. Later on, though her political power waned and disappeared; though kingdoms rose and fell and the centuries rolled away, they did but bring fresh triumphs to the city of the poet and the sage. Revolution after revolution has since passed over the face of India, but time has only half succeeded in its theft. Vijayanagara has been removed and ruined, but its power through its writers to delight the Telugus is still left.

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NOTES AND QUERIES.
CORNAC.
HERE is the latest quotation I can find of this curious Europeo-Indianism, as an addition to those in Yule's Hobson-Jobson, s. v. It means an elephant-driver.
1895."Si deux elephants sont capturés, l' un reviendra au maitre de la monture: le chasseur et le cornac se partageront le prix de l'autre."Aymonier, Voyage dans le Laos, Vol. I. p. 64. R. C. TEMPLE.
BAZARUCCO AND BEZOAR.
HERE is a further contribution towards the history of these words, vide Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. vv., Budgrook and Besoar.
1689. "Here (Borneo) is also Gold and Bezoar. This Stone breeds in the Maw of a Sheep or Goat, about a knot of Grass that stays in the Maw, and is often found within the Stone. The Persians call these Beasts Bazans, and the Stone Bazar, which is, a Market, as by excellence proper for a Market or Fair: and from the same word comes the Bazarucques, he east money that is sent to the Market. The Stone is smooth and greenish, and the more substantial and weighty it is, the better it is and of the greater vertue. In the Country of Pan, near Malacca, they find a Stone in the Gall of a certain Swine, more highly esteemed than the Bazar. It is of a reddish colour, as smooth and slippery in the feeling as Soap, and exceeding bitter; so that when it is to be used, they only steep it in cold water, and the water is a most soveraign Antidote against all poyson, and an effectual cordial against all infectious Diseases."-Mandelslö, Voyages and Travels into the East Indies, E. T., 1669, p. 124.
R. C. TEMPLE.
A TELUGU SUPERSTITION.
WHEN troubled by fleas or mange dogs bring their hinder parts (or posteriors) in contact with the ground and move on for some distance in that repulsive attitude and in this manner some of the parts of their bodies which are not accessible to the tail or the teeth are scratched or scrubbed, and when a Telugu observes in a house this canine action for which Nature is responsible, he at once attaches to it a superstition to the effect that the house is ruined, but as the house is usually not ruined in consequence it may be inferred what truth there, is in the superstition!
M. N. VENKETSWAMY.
[DECEMBER, 1898.
INDIGO AS A TABUED PLANT.
I HAVE seen it stated that Musalmans object to red in the Muharram. Is this objection general? and what is its foundation P
It would perhaps explain the fact that in the east of the Panjab red is distinctly the Hindů, and indigo (which good Hindus will not grow) the Musalman colour.
But why will not Hindas grow indigo? There inust surely be some older reason than its adoption by Musalmans as a favourite colour in their clothes.
DENZIL IBBETSON, in P. N. and Q. 1883.
A WANDERING GHOST AT THE NICOBARS. THE following extract is from the diary of the Agent at Mûs in Car Nicobar:
"8th May 1896. The chief Offandi, Friend of England, and a few other notables of Mûs came and asked my permission to expel from the Beacon the ghost of the boy who had died the other day. I told them that the Beacon was a standard erected in honor of Her Majesty the Queen Empress, and that no ghost could go into it. I also told them that, if they defiled the Beacon, they must not expect the usual presents from the Queen (i. e., the Indian Government). They then went into the nearest jungle, and caught the ghost in a thick bush and threw it into the sea.
R. C. TEMPLE.
MURDER IN ORDER TO PROCURE A SON.
IN December, 1885, a low class Musalman woman 35 years of age, from the Jalandhar District, Pañjab, arrived in Port Blair, sentenced to transportation for life for murder in the following circumstances. She had had several male children
who had died in infancy, and had been told by a faqir that, if she killed the eldest son or daughter
of some one, and bathed herself over the dead
body, she would have another son, who would live. She had daughters, one of them a little child, with whom the eldest daughter of a neighbour, aged three, used to play. With the assistance of her elder daughter, a grown girl, she took the little girl into her home and cut her throat. Next day she and the elder daughter took the body into a barley field, where the woman bathed herself over it.
R. C. TEMPLE.

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
GEORG BÜHLER, 1837-1898.
W. Griggs, repro.
J. Löww, Photo., k..k. Hof-Photograph
Weihburg-gasse 31, Tienna.

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IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
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GEORG BÜHLER.
IN MEMORIAM.
BY M. WINTERNITZ, PR.D. N the 16th of April, 1898, the terrible news reached Vienna that Hofrath Dr. J. G. Bühler,
C. L. ., Professor of Sanskțit and Indian Antiquities in the University of Vienna, bad met his death by drowning in Lake Constance. He had left Vienna on the 5th of April to spend the Easter vacation with his wife and son, who were staying with relations at Zürich. Terapted by the unasually fine weather, he broke his journey at Lindau on Lake Constance, to enjoy two days' rowing before proceeding to Zürich. On the 7th of April he hired a small boat, and returned to the Hotel towards evening. On Good Friday the 8th April he hired the same boat again - a small rowing boat, ominously called 'nat-shell' by the natives — to take Another trip across the lake. He was last seen about seven o'clock in the evening, Those acquainted with the locality believe that he must have lost an oar and, in attempting to recover it, over-balanced the boat, and so was drowned. Next day the boat was found floating on the lake bottom upwards, but no one knew who the old gentleman' was that had been seen in the boat the night before. While his servants in Vienna believed him to be in Zürich with his family, his wife thought that he had been unexpectedly detained in Vienna, though she was not a little distressed at receiving no reply to ber letters. A few days passed before the proprietor of the Hotel, in which the Professor had been staying, communicated with the police. Enquiries were set on foot, and at last, on the 15th of April, it was ascertained that the occupant of the boat was Hofrath Bühler of Vienna. The body has never been recovered.
Readers of this Journal, in which so many of Dr. Bühler's discoveries have been published, need not be told what an irreparable loss Sanskrit scholarship and Indology have suffered
by the death of the great scholar who seemed to be quite indispensable as a guide and worker ! in the field of Indo-Aryan research. Many of the readers of this Journal, too, were friends and
pupils of the deceased; need they he told of his untiring readiness to help, of the noble unselfishness with which he sacrificed any amount of time to those whom he had enlisted as coworkers in any branch of the science which was all in all to him, or of his wonderful enthusiasm as a teacher ? Yet & short sketch of the life-work of the eminent scholar and master whom we have lost, may not be unwelcome to readers of this Journal, which owes so much to
him.
Johann Georg Bühler was born at Borstel near Nienburg in Hanover on the 19th July. 1837. He was a student at the University of Göttingen where he took his doctor's degree in 1858. His master was the famous linguist and folklorist Theodor Benfey, and Benfey was always very proud of his pupil, while the latter was attached to him as long as he lived, in the sense that a Hindu pupil is attached to his Guru. I remember it was about a year after Benfey's death) Bühler saying that he did not agree with Benfey's theory, according to which the Buddhist fairy tales were the oldest source from which all Indian fairy tales were derived, but that he did not care to write anything in opposition to his old teacher.
The first articles published by Bühler were concerned with questions of Comparative Philology and Vedic Mythology. They were published in Orient und Occident (1862 and 1864), edited by Benfey :-an essay on the god Parjanye, an article on the etymology of eós, etc. A paper
On the origin of the Sanskrit Linguals' appeared, in 1864, in the Madras Literary Journal. But before long his enthusiasm turned more and more to the study of Sansksit as an independent branch of knowledge, and no longer & mere handmaid to Comparative Philology. It was this enthusiasm which awakened in him a strong desire to go out to India, and in order to form connections for achieving this purpose, he went to England in 1859. Here he continued his studies in the libraries of Oxford and London, entered into relations with Prof. Max Müller, and held for a short time the post of Assistant Librarian at the Royal Library in Windsor, After three years he returned to Göttingen, to take up an appointment at the University Library.

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But he had not been there very long when at last an opportunity seemed to offer itself for the fulfilment of his greatest desire. At that time he was determined to go to India at any cost, and as he often told his pupils, when he wished to encourage them to go out to India) would Lave gone out as a merchant's agent, had no better chance offered itself. Thus, when he was told that there was an opening in the Education Department in India, he did not stop to consider the circumstances connected with the appointment in question, but started at once for India, and when he arrived in Bombay, he found that the post which was promised him was not vacant! Happily, however, in those days European scholars were constantly wanted in the Educational Department. He became acquainted with Sir Alexander Grant, then Principal of the Elphinstone College in Bombay. Sir Alexander had already done much for education in India, and was particularly anxious to raise the standard of Sanskrit studies in the College. It was through his exertions that in December, 1862, Raghoonath Shastry was sent from the Poona College to Bombay, to teach Sanskrit, and he soon succeeded in obtaining for Bühler an appointment as Professor of Oriental Languages at the Elphinstone College.
In his Report to the Director of Pablic Instruction, Bombay, for the year 1862-63, Sir Alexander Grant refers to Bühler's appointment and adds : Dr. Bühler seems in every way well qualified for the duties of his chair. He reports that as Sanskrit studies have been only just started in the college, the standard is as yet low. This will be doubtless remedied by his exertions in the course of time, and we are now in a position to assert that every student in college will be regularly grounded in either Sanskrit or Latin, I need not point out to you the importance of this step from an educational point of view. In his next Report (1863-64) Sir Alexander, after referring to the services of the Professors in general, adds : Dr. Bühler especially seems to me to deserve mention for the cordial way in which he has thrown himself into the work of the College. Not only as a man of learning, but also as a practical educationist, he has been a great acquisition to our staff. He not only taught Sanskrit, but also Comparative Philology and Latin, occasionally also Ancient History. He paid great attention to the College Library, to which many standard Sanskrit works were afterwards added through his exertions. In every way he worked hard to make the Natives acquainted with European methods of research and with the results of Oriental studies in Europe, but at the same time he was aware of the great value, which the traditional learning of Native Paņdits may have for the progress of Sanskpit studies, both in Europe and in India. In one of his first Reports on his college work he recommends to Government the appointment of one of the thorough-bred Shastrts of the old school, both as a help to the advanced students and as an assistance to the Professor. The Shastris,' he says, 'are the representatives of the traditional knowledge of Sanskrit, and in the present state of Sanskļit stadies their services are by no means to be underrated. It was his constant effort to combine the advantages of classical European education with those of the traditional Hindu methods of teaching. That India has produced such scholars as Bhåndärkar, Shankar Pandit, Telang, Apte, and others, and that these men, who have acquired and made so excellent a use of European methods of criticism, have been educated in the Bombay Presidency, is to a very great extent due to the beneficial influence of Bühler and it must be said later on also of Kielhorn.
In the Report of the Director of Public Instruction, Bombay, for the year 1865-66, reference is made for the first time to the plan of publishing A Collection of Sanskrit Classics for the Use of Indian High Schools and Colleges' under the title Bombay Sanskrit Series, to be edited under the superintendence of Profs. Bühler and Kielhorn. Althongh, in the first instance, intended for the use of schools in India, the excellent editions of standard Sanskrit works published in the Bombay Sanskrit Series have become of the greatest importance for the progress of Sanskrit studies in Europe. We need only compare the beautiful editions of Sanskrit texts, published in this Series, with the carelessly printed and (excepting a few landable exceptions) utterly uncritical editions published in the Calcutta Bibliotheca Indica, to see how beneficial the influence of men like Bühiler and Kielhorn bas proved also in this

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IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
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respect. Bühler himself took his share as an editor in this Series by publishing excellent editions of some books of the Panchatantra, of the first part of Dandin's Dašak um áracharita, and other important texts.
From 1870 Bühler acted as Education Inspector in the Northern Division of the Bombay Presidency. If we read his Annual Reports on his work in this capacity, as they are printed in the Reports of the Department of Public Instruction in the Bombay Presidency (1870-1880), we can get an idea of the zeal and enthusiasm with which he devoted himself to his official duties, ever anxious to raise the standard of education in the district entrasted to his administration. Bühler's services were fully appreciated by the Education Department, and when, in 1880, he retired from the service, the Director of Public Instruction in the Bombay Presidency, in his Report for the year 1879-80, referred to Bühler's work in India in the following words: His Excellency in Council will take this opportunity of expressing his great regret at the loss which the Department has sustained by the retirement from the service of Dr. Bühler, whose zealous labours have done so much to lay the foundation of a sound popular education in Gujarat, while he has no less distinguished himself by his successful exertions in the collection of some thousands of manuscripts in Central India, Rajputâna, the Panjaub, Kashmir, etc., as well as in this Presidency; in the preparation of standard works on Hindu Law and literature, and in adding to the stock of philological and archæological lore. By his influence as a Teacher in Government Colleges and Examiner in the University of Bombay. he has not only kept alive an interest in Sanskpit, but has extended the study of that language, and raised the standard of Oriental Scholarship throughout the west of India."
Bühler's great and important travels for the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts began in 1866, and the Report of the Department of Public Instruction of the Bombay Presidency for the year 1866-67 contains an highly valuable report by Bühler on discoveries made on his tour to the Southern Maratha Country in search of Sanskrit Manuscripts. The Director of Public Instruction, referring to Bühler's labours during this tour, says: By conversing fluently in the Sanskrit Language with Brahman Shastris at the various places which he visited, he succeeded to a great extent in inspiring confidence and in allaying the prejudices of persons who were at first unwilling to show their sacred volumes to an European.'
This search for Sanskrit MSS., for which, thanks to the efforts of Mr. Whitley Stokes Government had made an annual grant of 25,000 Rupees, now occupied Bühler for many years With untiring zeal and energy he searched the libraries in many parts of India, and discovered most valuable and unexpected treasures.. And his investigations, carried on with no less enthusiasm than knowledge of his subject, led to discoveries in all branches of Indian literature. Indeed, some entire branches of literature were brought to light by him for the first time.
Thus, before the days of Bühler, our knowledge of the highly important literature of the Jainas was very scanty indeed, although the members of this sect had for centuries displayed an extraordinary literary activity, and the most valaable collections of Sanskrit and Pråkpit MSS. were hidden away in the old and rich libraries of the Jaina monasteries. Bühler was the first to start a systematic investigation of these treasuries of Sarasvati' as the Jainas call their libraries. The Library of Jesalmer, searched by Bühler in 1874, was the first Jaina library, which a European was allowed to search. It was no easy matter to be admitted to these jealously guarded treasures. The monks and ministers in Jesalmer tried, by every possible means, to prevent the inspection of their library, and it required not a little patience and tact and diplomacy on Bühler's part to enable him to examine all the MSS. in it. But his labour was amply rewarded. For not only was this library rich in valuable MSS. both of the religious literature of the Jainas and of profane Brahmanical literature, but these MSS. also proved to be of high antiquity. Before the year 1873 no MSS. were known in India to be older than the 15th century. In 1873. Bühler had discovered MSS. dated as early as A. D. 1258, and here in Jesalmer he was delighted to find MSS. of a still earlier date, some going back to

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A. D. 1100. It is of course well known now that since then much older Sanskrit MSS. have been discovered in Nepal, Japan, and Kashgar.
Throughout his travels in search for Sanskrit MSS. Bühler paid special attention to the Jaina MSS., and it is through his exertions that numerous specimens have become accessible to European scholars in the libraries of London and Berlin, as well as in Indian libraries. Thus it is, that we are now comparatively well informed about the history and the religious system of a sect, of which hardly anything was known thirty years ago, is chiefly due to Bühler's efforts. For his discoveries and collections of MSS. led to the excellent works of Profs. Albrecht Weber, Hermann Jacobi, and Ernst Leumann, in the department of Jaina religion and literature. It is no small comfort to know that Bühler's labour will not be lost, and that in this branch of Hindu literature these scholars will continue the work, which he had inaugurated with so great success.
The general results of Bühler's indefatigable labours in the search for MSS. are found in numerous Government Reports and Catalogues;-e. g., in his Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. contained in the Private Libraries of Gujarat, Kathiávád, Kachchh, Sind and Khandes, published 1871-73, in the annual reports for the years 1870-80 of the Royal Asiatic Society on the progress of Oriental learning (generally reprinted in the Indian Antiquary), in many of the volumes of the Journal of the German Oriental Society, and in the easter volumes of Weber's Indische Studien, we constantly come across references to new discoveries made by Bühler, discoveries of works pertaining to all branches of Indian Literature, which were either altogether unknown before, or of the re-discovery of which scholars had long given up all hope. These labours reached their climax in the famous Detailed Report of a Tour in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts in Kaimir, Rajputana and Central India (Bombay, 1877), a very mine of information about almost every point of Sanskrit Literature. Details were given here about numerous works which had hitherto been entirely unknown, and about authors whose very names had never been heard before.
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To mention only one instance, it is in this Detailed Report that we first hear of Kshemendra, the Kasmir poet and polyhistor whose numerous works, though of small value as works of art, are of the greatest importance for the history of the contemporaneous literature and especially also for the history of the Hindu epic literature. It is impossible to write a history of Indian literature now-a-days, without constantly referring to Bühler's Detailed Report, which contains not only names and titles, and brief notices of numerous works and authors, but also most valuable discussions on the literary and historical importance of the discovered MSS.
For Bühler was not only a successful discoverer and zealous collector of MSS., but he was also most eager to use his discoveries for literary and historical investigations. Though he never grudged the treasures, which he had discovered, to other scholars, and though he was ever ready to place any MSS. he had found at the disposal of scholars in Europe or India, who were anxious to edit texts or to avail themselves of the new MSS. for literary purposes, - he also took his share in the laborious task of editing texts, and above all he never lost sight of the one great aim he had in view, to bring light into the dark ages of the ancient history of India, and to disentangle the chaos of the history of ancient Hindu Literature.
How often have we heard complaints about the unsatisfactory state of history in India ! We are told that, as regards the history of ancient India, we have nothing but fables and legends, no real historical facts at all; that, with an enormous mass of literary compositions, we have no chronology in these works that could be depended on. Well known are the words of the great American scholar, W. D. Whitney, that 'respecting the chronology of this development, or the date of any class of writings, still more of any individual work, the less that is said the better,' that all dates given in Indian literary history are pins set up to be bowled down again. All these complaints, which twenty years ago were still fully justified, are
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DROEMBER, 1898.)
IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BUHLER.
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now-a-days greatly exaggerated. That this is the case, that Sanskrit Literature is no longer the chaos it was, that one or two pins,' at any rate, stand so firmly rooted that they cannot be
bowlod down' again, that the hope at least is justified that, instead of the chaos of Indian history and literature, we shall some day have a cosmos,- is in no small measure due to the efforts of Bühler himself and of a considerable number of pupils and fellow-workers who had gathered around him.
Bühler never felt satisfied with what is called 'inner chronology,' which is based on a comparison of the contents of the different literary compositions and in this way tries to establish a kind of chronological sequence of the works, - a proceeding in which too much scope is left to individual opinion. One safe historical date which could be depended on was worth more to Bühler than a volume full of more or less convincing arguments as to might-bes. But how were such firmly established historical dates to be obtained? If not from works of literature yet from monuments of stone and metal. Bühler was fully aware of this, and with his characteristic enthusiasm he devoted himself to the task of searching for, deciphering, and interpreting inscriptions, and no one was more eager than he was in turning these inscriptions to account for historical, geographical, and literary purposes. The results of these investigations are recorded in numerous papers in the Indian Antiquary, the Epigraphia Indica, and other Oriental Journals, and we owe to them many important chronological data, not only about the political history of India, but also concerning many Hindu authors and works of literature, and light is thrown by them on the history of entire branches of literature, as well as on the history of certain religious systems. In a most important paper on Indian inscriptions and the age of the Kayya Literature (Die indischen Inschriften und das Alter der indischen Kunstpoesie, Sitzungsberichte der Kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, 1890) Bühler has shown, in one particular instance, how much valuable information concerning the history of the classical Sanskrit literature may be gathered from the inscriptions. The fact thar from the literary works themselves the so-called Kávya Literature cannot be traced back further than the 6th century A. D., led to Prof. Max Müller's famous theory of a literary interregnum' in India, and a Renaissance of Sansksit literature,' beginning about 400 A. D. and reaching its highest development in the 6th century, but Bühler showed in this paper that the irrefutable testimony of inscriptions proves a much higher antiquity of the Kávya Literature, that it was developed not after but before the beginning of our era, and that a
literary interregnum' probably never existed in India. In the new edition of his work India, what oun it teach us? (published in 1892), Prof. Max Müller readily acknowledged that, in view of the arguments of his friend Bühler, the theory of the Renaissance promulgated by him could not be upheld any longer without considerable modification.
But it is not only with regard to the history of classical Sanskpit literature that Bühler's epigraphic discoveries and researches have led to new and important results, they have also thrown a flood of light on many dark points in the history of religious movements in India The sect of the Jainas, whose literature (as already mentioned) has only become properly known by Bühler's discoveries, has, also by the investigations of the same scholar, received its due position in the history of religious systems in India. Not so very long ago, Jainism used to be looked upon as a mere offshoot of Buddhism, but Bühler succeeded in proving, by the indisputable testimony of inscriptions, that the Jainas were in early times (as they are now) an important sect, independent of and contemporaneous with that of the Buddhists; that both Jainism and Buddhism arose about the same time in the same part of India - a fact which is of the greatest importance, not only for the history of Buddhism, but also for the history of religious movements in the east of India during the 6th and 5th centuries B. C. The results of Bühler's investigations, which are laid down in a series of articles on the authenticity of the Jaina tradition in the Vienna Oriental Journal, 1887-90) have been fully borne out by further researches of Profs. Jacobi and Leamann. Bühler himself has given a clear and popular account of the Jaina religion and of the historical importance of the Jaina sect, in a paper

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read before the Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna, entitled Ueber die indische Sekto der Jaina' (1887).
It is well known that the writings of the Jainas, apart from their intrinsic value as religious writings and their bearing on the history of religion, are of the greatest importance for the history of Indian literature and civilisation in general. For the Jaina monks, much like the monks of the Middle Ages in Europe, did not contont themselves with the study of their own sacred literature, but devoted themselves as eagerly to the study of various branches of learning, and we owe to them many excellent works on grammar and astronomy, besides both original compositions and commentaries on works of poetry. In his important paper, Ueber das Leben des Jaina-Mönchs Hemachandra' (Denkschriften der Kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien, 1889), Bühler has given as an account of the life and works of a famous Jaina monk, who distinguished himself in the profane sciences, especially as # grammarian and lexicographer.
By his labourg in connection with Jaina literature, Bühler was led to the study of Prakrit and we owe to him many valuable contributions to Prakfit grammar and lexicography.
But all this pioneer work, to which Bühler was led by his epigraphic researches, and which would have been enough to make the repatation of any scholar, was with him only a small part of his work. His chief aim, which he never lost sight of, was always the elucidation of the political history of ancient India. I need only refer to his epigraphic and historical investigations reported in numerous articles and papers found in the Indian Antiquary, in the Epigraphia Indica, in the Vienna Oriental Journal, in the Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, in the Proceedings of the Imperial Academy of Sciences at Vienna, and in some volumes of the Archaeological Survey of India. Especially to the famous Edicts of King Aboka he devoted no end of time and patient labour, and how much he has done for the decipherment and correct interpretation of these important inscriptions is well known to all who take an interest in the history of ancient India.
But no less important than the inscriptions seemed to him the few, but all the more valoable, historical works of the Hindus - the historical romances and chronicles - as well as the accounts of Chinese and Arabian travellers on India. In 1874, when searching the library of Jesalmir, he discovered an old palm-leaf MS. which (to his great delight) contained the Vikramánkadevacharita, a chronicle composed by the Jaina Bilhana. He started at once to copy the whole MS. He had not much time to spare, but together with his friend Prof. Jacobi (who was his companion during this tour) the whole work was copied within seven days. An edition of this work, with a valuable historical introduction, was published by Bühler soon after in the Bombay Sanskrit Series. Another historical work, the Rajataranging or the Chronicles of the Kings of Kasmir, also attracted his special attention. In his famous Detailed Report he devoted to this work a long discussion, in which he dwelt on its importance for the history of India, and pointed out the oldest MSS, which, later on, formed the basis for Dr. Stein's excellent edition of this work. Professor Sachau's edition and translation of Alberúni's famous account of India excited Bühler's liveliest interest, and when the translation was published, he devoted to it a review of 30 pages in the Indian Antiquary (1890), pointing out the eminent importance of this work for the History of India.
All this was only intended as a kind of preliminary work for the great scheme which he had in his mind for years to write a connected history of Ancient India. That this scheme was not to be carried out, is probably the most deplorable loss, which Indian studies have suffered by the untimely death of the eminent scholar, who — with his wonderful historical instinct, his critical tact, his accuracy, and his ever unbiased judgment was the very man to write a history of India. And it is a fact only too well known that a history of ancient India, based on secure epigraphic and literary dates, is one of the greatest desiderata of Indology.

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DECEMBER, 1898.1 IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BUHLER.
His intimate acquaintance with manuscripts and inscriptions naturally made Bühler a first rate authority on all questions of paleography. When Prof. Max Müller published the famous specimens of ancient Indian writing found in Japan, he requested Bühler to discuss the paleographical importance of the new finds, and his paleographical remarks form a most valuable appendix to the texts edited by Prof. Max Müller (Anecdota Oxoniensia, Aryan Series, 1, 3). Only three years ago Bühler published a most valuable contribution to the history of Indian writing in his essay On the Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet' (Indian Studiese No. III., Sitzungsberichte der Kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien, 1895), — a second revised edition of which, together with two Appendices on the Origin of the Kharoshthi Alphabet and of the so-called Letter-Numerals of the Brâhm? (with three plates), appeared almost simultaneously with the distressing news of the author's death. And two years ago he published, as part of his Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research, a most exhaustive treatise on Indian palæography (Indische Paleographie, with seventeen tables and map) of which an English translation, happily still written by Bühler himself, is now in the press and will be published before long.
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But there is hardly any branch of Indian Philology and Archeology, in which Bühler has not done pioneer work, on which his extensive knowledge has not thrown new and unex. pected light. It is true that his writings are more concerned with classical Sanskrit literature than with the Veda, yet we owe to him most important discoveries of MSS. belonging to the Atharva-veda and to the Yajurveda, and he took the greatest interest in all questions of Vedic philology. He sympathised with those Vedic scholars who (like Prof. Ludwig or Prof. Pischel) see in the Veda, first of all, a product of the Indian mind which can only be rightly understood in connection with the rest of the Indian literature. But above all he was interested (and here we see again the historian ) in the history of the Vedic schools, and he never ceased to hope that with the help of inscriptions it would be possible to gain information about the development of the different Vedic schools, their spread over various parts of India, and their age, and in time also about the vexed question as to the age of the Veda itself, i. e., of individual Vedic works.
These questions as to the age and geographical distribution of the Vedic schools were discussed by Bühler on several occasions in connection with his investigations into the history of the Indian Law-books, a branch of Sanskrit literature in which, again, we owe to Bühler real pioneer work. Beyond the law books of Manu and Yajnavalkya and some modern Commen taries and Digests, little was known, before Bühler, about the oldest legal literature in India, To Bühler (whose labours in this direction have been most successfully continued by Prof. Jolly) we owe our acquaintance with the most ancient Hindu law books, the Dharmasútras. As early as 1867 he wrote his important introduction, Sources of the Hindu Law, to Sir Raymond West's Digest of the Hindu Law of Inheritance, Partition, and Adoption, of which a third edition appeared in 1884. In this introduction he gave, for the first time, a concise but complete survey of the Hindu law literature. In 1868 and 1871 he published an edition of one of the oldest Hindu law books, the Aphorisms on the Sacred Laws of the Hindus, by Apastamba, - the first critical edition of a work of that kind. A second edition of this work appeared a few years ago (1892-94) in the Bombay Sanskrit Series. For Prof. Max Müller's Sacred Books of the East he translated the oldest and most important Hindu law books in two volumes The Sacred Laws of the Aryas (Vols. II. and XIV. of the series; a second edition of Vol. II appeared last year). These translations were chiefly made from MSS. discovered by Bühler himself. Editions of the texts have since been published by various scholars. The introductions to these two volumes contain highly important investigations concerning the age of the works translated, and their relation to one another. In 1886 Bühler translated the law book of Manu, the most popular of all Hindu law books, for the same series (The Laws of Manu, Vol. XXV. of the Sacred Books of the East). This volume contains not only an excellent translation of the work, but also extensive extracts from the numerous commentaries, and
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Appendices illustrating the relation of the Manusmriti to other Hindu lawbooks. And it also contains a most valuable introduction of 133 pages, in which he not only continues his investigations into the history of the Hindu law books, but also enters into discussions on some of the most important chronological and historical questions touching almost every department of ancient Hindu literature.
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Amongst other things he discusses in this introduction the relation of Manu's law book to the Epic literature of the Hindus, and for the first time grapples with what is perhaps the most difficult problem in the history of the Indian literature, the chronological and literary problem of the gigantic Hinda epic, the Mahabharata. In dealing with this question he again evinces his eminently historical instinct. Here, too, he was utterly dissatisfied with the 'inner' criticism and the vague hypotheses defended by Prof. Holtzmann and other scholars. Eagerly he sought for epigraphic and literary documents from which any secure dates as to the history of the Hindu epic could be obtained. In his Contributions to the History of the Mahdbharata (published together with Prof. Kirste's paper on Kshemendra's Bharatamanjari in the Sitzungsberichte der Kais. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien, 1892) he has shown how, by the patient study of inscriptions and by a comparison of other branches of literature, the dates of which are more or less approximately known, it is possible to bring light even into this darkest of all problems in the history of ancient Hindu literature. He was most anxious to interest his pupils in this much neglected branch of Sanskrit literature. It was on his suggestion that my articles on the South-Indian recension of the Mahabharata were printed in the Indian Antiquary, and the last letters of the deceased which I received from him during the last months preceding his death, are an eloquent and melancholy proof to me of the great and lively interest he took in all questions of Mahabharata criticism. In this department of Indology his loss will he felt by no one more painfully and more acutely than by the present writer, whose first thought in all his Indological studies has hitherto always been, what will Bühler say ?'
We are often told that to make discoveries is merely a matter of luck, and some people might think it was just Bühler's good luck which enabled him to make so many important discoveries, which in their turn led to his fruitful labours in all departments of Indian research Now it may be called 'luck' that at the time when he was in India there were still so many unknown treasures hidden in Indian libraries. But surely no one was better qualified that Bühler to unearth these treasures.
First of all, he was stimulated by an enthusiasm for his particular line of research, of which only he can have some idea who has ever seen him, standing with sparkling eyes and almost childlike delight before some impression of a difficult inscription from which he had succeeded, after patient and often renewed attempts, in reading the correct Sanskrit words This enthusiasm was the main spring of the zeal and energy with which he pursued his researches. Moreover, he had acquired a thorough knowledge of the languages, in which he could freely converse with native scholars, on whose assistance he had greatly to depend in his travels of research. But above all it was his hearty sympathy and tact which won him the love and affection of the Natives and, whenever wanted, their ready help and co-operation. He counted among his friends members of all classes of the native population, among learned Brahmans, as well as among the Jains monks. He tells us (in a German paper read at the Vienna Oriental Museum in 1883,1 describing his Journey through the Indian. desert") how much of his success in searching Jaina libraries he owed to his intimate friendship with the Sripaj Jinamuktisuri, the head of a portion of the Kharatara-Gachchha. He was never tired of mentioning, in words of grateful recognition, any services rendered to him by Pandits. I need only refer to the kind and hearty words of friendship which, in the very first pages of his Detailed Report, he devotes to Pandit Badhakishn, who had brought him the first MSS. of his Kasmir collection, and how carefully he mentions every one of the Native scholars, whose assistance had been of any use to him during his search for MSS. in Kasmir.
Printed in the Oesterreichische Rundschau, 1888, pp. 517-535.

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DÉCEMBER, 1898.]
IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
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Readers of this Journal will remember the beautiful obituary' which (Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVII., 1888) he devoted to his lamented friend Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, - a scholar whose excellent contributions to Indian epigraphy and archeology would probably have been lost to the European world of learning, if it had not been for Bühler, who translated into English the papers written in Gujarati by his friend. With a kindly and sympathetic interest, and at the same time with that strict accuracy and conscientiousness which characterizes everything written by Bühler, he gives in this obituary a full account of all that Pandit Bhagvânlal has done for Indian history, epigraphy, and archeology. In stirring words he refers to the noble character of this scholar, and then proceeds to describe his own relations to him, - how they sat together for hours, working and conversing about problems of Indian history and archeology, but frequently also about the social, political, and religious conditions of modern India. His amiable, frank character,' (he conclndes) his keen intelligence, and his extensive learning, made him very dear to me. I shall never forget the pleasant days, when I used eagerly to look forward to the announcement that the Panditji had come ; and I Badly acknowledge now, as I have done already on special occasions, that I have learnt a great deal from him.'
Never have I heard from Bühler any of those slighting and disparaging remarks about the character of the Natives, which one hears so frequently from people who have spent a few months, or may be years, in India without ever making the least attempt to become really acquainted with any class of Natives. When he spoke of the people among whom he spent so many years of his life, it was always with words of just appreciation of the good he had found in the Native character, and words of kindly and grateful remembrance of the services they had rendered him in his scientific pursuits. An incident, which occurred during his stay near Jesalmir, and which he relates in the above-mentioned paper on his Journey through the Indian Desert, may show how he surmounted even serious difficulties by the tact and shrewd commonsense, with which he respected and even adopted the religious prejudices of the Natives. One day it happened that a cow was found in the neighbourhood of his camp, ransacking the fodder stores of the camels, and one of the camel-drivers thew & stone to frighten the cow away. Unfortunately he hit her leg. Now, since cows are sacred in Rajputâna, this offence created a great stir. The owner of the cow appeared greatly excited, and stoutly refused to accept any recompense offered him for the damage done. The cows, he said, be loved like his family, and nothing short of corporal punishment inflicted on the offender would satisfy him. The minister of the Rawal, who had hurried to the spot, also insisted on the same demand. The camel-driver ,was to receive a hundred strokes. Bühler refused to endorse snch a sentence, and a whole day passed in futile negotiations with the local officials. At last Bühler hit on a new plan. When the minister of the Rawal came again, Bübler offered to inflict on the camel-driver a heavy fine, and to use the sum for e. pious work. To this the people agreed. If a certain amount of fodder were bought, and spread out on the spot of the accident to give the cows of Jesalmer & solemn feast, the atonement would be considered sufficient. Bühler at once promised to do this, and imposed on the offender a fine of twenty rupees, with which he bought five camel loads of bay. These were spread out outside the camp, and for three days all the cows of Jesalmer assembled for a solemn pasture. The wounded cow soon recovered, and the incident, which otherwise might have led to serious disturbances, had no further consequences. It even proved useful, inasmuch as it raised Bühler's authority in the eyes of the people, who were impressed with his sense of justice, since he had offered such a suitable práyaschitta for the horrible offence committed. The Sripůj, too, heartily approved of Bühler's action saying, 'You have acted rightly, now the people know that you respect their prejudices.'
Personal contact and frequent exchange of ideas with native Pandits, were considered by Bühler as indispensable for the progress of research. It was on this account that most of his contributions to Indology were written in English, that he wished his pupils to do the same,

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that he insisted on articles relating to India being written in English for the Vienna Oriental Journal, and that he persuaded even the Imperial Academy of Sciences at Vienna to print in its Proceedings papers in the English language, - es be once said to one of his English friends, not to save you trouble, but for the good of those in India. His friendly relations with the Natives of India enabled him to find many things which no other European could have found; they also enabled him to gain an insight into the inner life and thought of the Indian people, such as only few Europeans, though they may have spent years in India, have been able to obtain. And it was this intimate acquaintance with Hinda modes of thought and with the inner life of the Hindus, which made intercourse with Bühler, and above all his academical teaching, so very inspiring and so extremely instructive.
In fact, what was said of Benfey, that his inspirations were more wonderful than his science,' applies even in a greater measure to Bühler, Benfey's great pupil. It was impossible for any one, whatever special department of Indian research he might be interested in, to converse with Bühler even for half an hour only, without gaining from him new points of view and many new inspirations. How much more must this apply to those who like the present writer) have actually had the good fortune of sitting as pupils at Bühler's feet? When in 1880 the Indian climate affected his health and he had to leave India, he was speedily appointed to the chair of Sanskrit and Indology in the University of Vienna, and with unabated energy he devoted himself to the duties of his chair. Even when teaching the elements of Sanskrit, he was inspired by the same enthusiasm as that with which he pursued his important archæological and epigraphic researches and worked out the most difficult problems of Indian history. It was a real pleasure to attend his Elementary Course of Sanskrit.' The same practical method of teaching the elements of Sansksit, which he and Prof. Bhåndarkar had, with such great success, used in Indian Colleges, was introduced by him in the University of Vienna. For this purpose he published, in 1883, a practical handbook for the study of Sansksit, - his Leitfaden für den Elementarkursus des Sanskrit. When I began the study of Sanskrit in 1881, he was just printing this Leitfaden for use at his own lectures; and how we rejoiced at every new sheet that came from the press! An English translation of this Handboole, under the title Sanskrit Primer, was published in America by Prof. Perry (Boston, 1886). His Elementary Course of Sanskrit' was followed by the reading of easy texts, and never shall I forget the happy hours when I read with Bühler the immortal Nalopákhyána. When we had surmounted the initial difficulties of the study of Sansksit, he began to initiate us into the different branches of Sanskrit literature by reading with us specimens of the ornate style of classical Sanskrit poetry and poetical prose, e. g., Baņa's Kadambari; we were introduced to Paņini by the reading of the Siddhantakaumudi, to the Alankárasástra, by Vámana's treatise, to Hindu philosophy by the Vedúntasára and the Tarkasoshgraha, to the drama by Kilidasa's Malavikágnimitra to the Veda by reading & selection of hymns with Sayana's commentary, to the Dharmasastra by the interpretation of the Mitákshará, and at the same time he lectured to us on Sanskrit Syntax, on Indian History, on Epigraphy, on the history of the Hindu law books, etc.; and both within and without the lecture room he took the greatest personal interest in every one of his pupils : like a true Indian Guru, he was as a father to his disciples, who will cherish his memory with anceasing gratitude.
As Professor in the University Bühler was also anxious to make Vienna a centre of Oriental studies. With this end in view he became one of the Editors of a literary and criti. cal supplement to the Monatsschrift für den Orient, edited by the Vienna Oriental Museum, in which he published several important reviews (1884-86). Shortly before the Congress of Orientalists held at Vienna in 1886, he founded, together with the other Professors of Oriental languages at the University and with the assistance of Baron von Gautsch who was then Minister of Public Instruction, the Oriental Institute of Vienna University. I still remember the the proud satisfaction and delight, with which he walked through the two rooms of the University di yoted to this Institute, and how pleased he was to see his papils working in it.

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IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
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It was in the same Oriental Institute, where soon after the newly founded Vienna Oriental Journal was edited, in which (from 1887) he published many valuable contributions to Indian history, epigraphy, archeology, lexicography and other branches of Indology.
As a Member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences at Vienna he not only added many valuable papers to the Procedings of the Academy, but he also took every opportunity of urging the Academy to support Sanskrit studies by grants of money for scientific purposes : - e. g., only a few years ago, for the edition of a series of highly important texts, the Sources of Sanskrit Lexicography.
Nevertheless, friendly relations to India and England suffered no interruption. We meet his name in every volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, and he often sent communications to Mr. Cotton's Academy, and to the Atheneum. And readers of this Journal know only too well what his loss means to the Indian antiquary.
As a representative of Vienna Universits, le regularly attended the International Congresses of Orientalists, and in the meetings of the Indian Section he always took a prominent part, in fact the part of a leader, - a part in which he will be sadly missed at the next Congress to be held at Rome. It is in no small degree owing to his initiative and his great influence that the various resolutions proceeding from the Indian Section of the Congresses, and addressed to the Governments of India, bave led to substantial results, and helped on the progress of archeological and epigraphic research in India. At these Cougreses it became clear that Bühler held the position of a recognised leader among the Sanskrit scholars of Europe, a position which he did not assume from any ambition on his part, but which was tacitly granted him as a matter of course. That this was the case is due as much to his personality as to his great scholarship. For it is characteristic of Bühler that while he won tlic love and respect of the Natives to so great an extent, he enjoyed at the same time the friendship and regard of Englishmen in India, both of scholars and of higla officials. In Europe, too, he had, by his tact and shrewd knowledge of the world, made many friends and won influence, not only in the learned world, but also in high and influential circles. In this respect also Bühler's loss to Indian studies is irreparable. For he never used liis influence but in the interest of Science.
And it lies in the nature of our studies, that for their advancement the quiet-labour of the student alone is not sufficient. We want, not only pioneers willing to work in the field of archeological and epigraphic research, but also large sums of money to enable them to undertake long journeys, to make excavations, and so on, and to make their discoveries generally accessible by costly publications; we want not only patient scholars willing to edit voluminous texts, but also large sums of money, again, to make the publication of such texts possible. All this can only be done with the help of Governments, Academies, and learned Societies. Bühler was the very man to work in this direction in the interest of Science. He had connections in influential circles both in India and in England, in Austria and Germany, and he knew how to interest persons in his cause, who are otherwise difficult to approach in anything relating to a branch of knowledge, which is still anything bat popalar. But by his energy and his wonderful knowledge of men he succeeded in carrying his point, where many another would have failed. Though he was a German scholar in the true sense of the word industrious, patient, and accurate, there was yet something of the practical Englishman in him. He was a true scholar, yet his world was never limited to his study. He was a man of the world in the interest and for the benefit of Science.
And while he possessed those qualities which enabled him to exercise influence, he was ever ready to help and to advise. No one, - whether he was a friend or pupil of his, whether a well known savant, or a young Sanskrit scholar just writing his doctor's dissertation,' applied to him in vain for help and advice; and I know many who call themselves pupils of Bühler, who have never attended a single lecture of his. He who wanted to edit a text applied to

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Bübler for MSS. He who wanted to do archeological or epigraphic work, turned to Bühler for inscriptions and, it may be, for ways and means to go ont to India. He who wanted information about any difficult roint in Indian research, turned (it seemed the most natural thing) to Bühler for advice. Thus he will be missed by every Sanskrit scholar and Iodologist ; but his nearer friends and pupils feel without him as if cast adrift.
Bühler's leadership among Indologists, though it had long been an understood fact, was to find its outward expression in the great work, which occupied him during the last years of his life, and which was to be the crown of his life-long labours in the field of Indian research, - in his Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research. Upwards of thirty scholars of various nationalities — from Austria, England, Germany, India, the Netherlands, and the United States - bad joined Bühler, in order to give, according to an elaborate scheme which he himself had worked out, systematic treatises on all the different branches of Indology, and thus for the first time to render a complete account of the present state of our knowledge of India in a concise survey of Indian philology, literature, history, antiquities, religion, sciences, and art. Bühler had not only planned the whole work, enlisted his collaborators, and undertaken the general editorship, but he had also reserved for himself the treatment of some of the most difficult subjects. He had the satisfaction of seeing the great undertaking started by the publication of several excellent contributions. But only one of his wn contributions was he allowed to see completed, - that on Indian palæography which has already been mentioned. He had also promised to treat, together with Prof. Jolly and Sir Raymond West, on sociology, clans, castes, etc., and on economies, tenures, commerce, etc.; and how he would have brought his extensive knowledge of modern Indian life to bear on these subjects! Together with Dr. Stein, he had intended to treat the subject of geography, with which he was so familiar, both by his journeys extending over so many parts of India and by his epigraphic researches. But above all, his plan, which he had carried about for so many years, of writing a Connected History of India, was to be accomplished in this work. He had promised to treat on the literary and epigraphio Sources of Indian History, and on the Political History from the earliest times to the Mahommedan Conquest, with a chapter on Chronology. That he has not been spared to accomplish this task, is undoubtedly the greatest misfortune that could have befallen Indian studies. It is one comfort to know that the Encyclopedia which has been started so auspi. ciously is to be continued, Prof. Kielhorn having undertaken the editorship of the work in succession to Bühler. And there can be no doubt that men like Prof. Kielhorn, Dr. Ilaltzsch, and Dr. Fleet will be able to take up the work on Indian history, which Bühler left undone, that Prof. Jolly, Sir Raymond West and Dr. Stein will be able to accomplish tho tryk in which Biibler was to assist then, and that they will do so in the spirit of their departed friend; but surely those scholars, and in fact all those who are still engaged in any work in connection with the Encyclopedia, will feel the loss of Bühler most. deeply, and miss him most frequently and most painfully,
What enabled Bühler to so eminentiy become the leading spirit of such an undertaking as the Encyclopedia, was the fact that he was one of the few universal Indologists (a term recently applied by Büller to the veteran Sanskrit scholar Prof. Weber) who are still living. With the advance of Indian studies it has become well nigh impossible for any one scholar to
* The following Parts have been published up to the present date, i.e., under Bubier's editorship :
Vol. I., 8, 6. The Indian Systems of Lexicography (Koshas) by Th. Zacharis (in German). . 1., 6. Vedio and Sanskrit Syntax by J. S. Speyer (in German). , I., 11. Indian Palaeography (with 17 plates) by Bühler (in German). II., 3, 6. Coins (with plates) by E. J. Rapson (in English).
8. Law and Custom by J. Jolly (in German). 1, a. Vedic Mythology by A. Macdonell (in English).
Ritual Literature, Vedie Sacrifices and Charms by A. Hillebrandt (in German),
Sâm khya and Yoga by R. Garbe (in Germar). III., 8. Buddhism by H. Kern (in English),

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master all the different branches of Indology, and the period of specialisation (which by a sad necessity must come in every branch of knowledge) has set in. Bühler fully recognised the necessity of specialising, but he also saw the danger of carrying specialisation too far, and he often warned his pupils against limiting themselves too much to one special branch of research. He himself never forgot and often took Occasion to point out, how the various branches of Indology, and the different periods in the bistory of Indian civilization are most intimately connected,
Nor did he ever lose sight of the relations existing between the various nations of the East and the different branches of Oriental studies in general. Although he limited himself, in his writings, as much as possible to those departments of knowledge which were his particular domain, yet his view reached far beyond the limits of India, and the history of Indian civilisation was to him but an act in the great drama of the History of Mankind.
Bühler's clear-sightedness in questions of detail, his far-sightedness in dealing with great historical problems will be missed for years to come. We shall miss again and again his noble character, his great and influential personality, his inspiration, his advice and his help. And all that he might still bave produced, is lost, - irretrievably lost! He who has been a leader of men, a trusty guide, has been taken from us! He is gone, and it merely remains for us to cherish his memory by continuing the work which he had so much at heart, to the best of our power and by building on the solid foundations which be bas laid ; for, though he is no longer with us, his lifo-work will remain for ever,-na hi karma kahiyate.
: GEORG BÜHLER, 1837-98.
BY THE RIGHT HON. F. MAX MÜLLER It is not often that the death of a scholar starties and grieves his fellow-workers as the death of my old friend, Dr. Bühler, has startled and grieved us all, whether in Germany England, France, or India. Sanskřit scholarship has indeed been unfortunate : we have often lost young and most promising scholars in the very midst of their career; and though, Dr. Bühler was sixty-one years of age when he died, he was still so young and vigorous in body and mind that he made us forget his age, holding his place valliantly among the wrópaxou of the small army of genuine Indian students, and confidently looking forward to many victories and conquests that were still in store for him. By many of us he was considered almost indispensable for the successful progress of Sanskrit scholarship - but who is indispensable in this world ? - and great hopes were centred on him as likely to spread new light on some of the darkest corners in the history of Sanskțit literature.
On the 8th of April last, while enjoying alone in a small boat a beautiful evening on the Lake of Constance, he seems to have lost an oar, and in trying to recover it, to have overbalanced himself. As we think of the cold waves closing over our dear friend, we feel stunned and speechless before so great and cruel a calamity. It seems to disturb the regular and harmonious working of the world in which we live, and which each man arranges for himself and interprets in his own way. It makes us feel the littleness and uncertainty of all our earthly plans, however important and safe they may seem in our own eyes. He who for so many years was the very life of Sanskrit scholarship, who helped us, guided us, corrected us, in our different researches, is gone; and yet we must go on as well as we can, and try to honour his memory in the best way in which it may be honoured - not by idle tears, but by honest work.
Non hoo praecipuum amicorum munus est, prosequi defunctum ignavo questu, sed quae voluerit meminisse, quae mandaverit exsequi.
1 Reprinted from J. R. 4. 8., 1898.

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A scholar's life is best written in his own books; and though I have promised to write a biographical notice for the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, in which he took so warm and active an interest, I have to confess that of the personal circumstances of my old friend, Dr. Bühler, I have but little to say. What I know of him are his books and pamphlets as they came out in rapid succession, and were always sent to me by their author. Our long and never interrupted friendship was chiefly literary, and for many years had to be carried on by correspondence only. He was a man who, when once one knew him, was always the same. He had his heart in the right place, and there was no mistaking his words. He never spoke differently to different people, for, like a brave and honest man, he had the courage of his opinions. He thought what he said, he never thought what he ought to say. He belonged to no clique, he did not even try to found what is called a school. He had many papils, followers, and admirers, but they know but too well that though he praised them and helped them on whenever he could, he detested nothing more than to be praised by his pupils in return. It was another charming feature of his character that he never forgot any kindness, however small, which one had rendered him. He was kritajña, memor facti, in the real sense of the word. I had been able, at the very beginning of his career, to render him a small service by obtaining for him an appointment in India. He never forgot it, and wbenever there was an opportunity he proved his sincere attachment to me by ever so many small, but not therefore less valuable, acts of kindness. We always exchanged our books and our views on every subject that occupied our interest in Sanskrit scholarship, and thoagh we sometimes differed, we always kept in touch. We agreed thoroughly on one point that it did not matter who was right, hut only what was right. Most of the work that had to be done by Sanskrit scholars in the past, and will have to be done for some time to come, is necessarily pioneer work, and pioneers must hold together even though they are separate, at times while reconnoitring in different directions. Bühler could hold his own with great pertinacity; but he never forgot that in the progress of knowledge the left foot is as essential as the right. No one, however, was more willing to confessa mistake than he was when he saw that he had been in the wrong. He was, in fact, one of the few scholars with whom it was a real pleasure to differ, because he was always straightforward, and because there was nothing astute, mean or selfish in him, whether he defended the Purvapaksha, the Uttara-paksba, or the Siddhanta.
Of the circumetances of his life, all I know is that he was the son of a clergyman, that he was born at Borstel, 19th July, 1837, near Nienburg, in the then kingdom of Hanover, that he frequented the public school at Hanover, and at 1855 went to the University of Göttingen. The professors who chiefly taught and influenced him there were Sauppe, E. Cartius, Ewald, and Benfey. For tbe last he felt a well-deserved and almost enthusiastic admiration. He was no doubt Benfey's greatest pupil, and we can best onderstand his own work if we remember in what school he was brought up. After taking his degree in 1858 he went to Paris, London, and Oxford, in order to copy and collate Sanskrit and chiefly Vedic MSS. It was in London and Oxford that our acquaintance, and very soon our friendship, began. I quickly recognized in him the worthy pupil of Benfey. He had learnt how to distinguish between what was truly important in Sanskřit literature and what was not, and from an early time had fixed his attention chiefly on its historical aspects. It was the fashion for a time to imagine that if one had learnt Sanskrit grammar, and was able to construe a few texts that had been published and translated before, one was a Sanskrit scholar, Bithler looked upon this kind of scholarship as good enough for the vulgus profanum, but no one was a real scholar in his eyes who could not stand on his own feet, and fight his own way through new texts and commentaries, who could pot publish what had not been published before, who could not translate what had not been translated before. Mistakes were, of course, unavoidable in this kind of pioneering work, or what is called original research, but such mistakes are no disgrace to a scholar, but rather an honour. Where should we be but for the mistakes of Bopp and Burnouf, of Champollion and Talbot P

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Though Bühler had learnt from Benfey the importance of Vedic studies as the true foundation of Sanskrit scholarship, and had devoted much time to this branch of learning, he did not publish much of the results of his own Vedic researches. His paper on Parjanya, however, published in 1862 in Benfey's Orient und Occident, Vol. I. p. 214, showed that he could not only decipher the old Vedic texts, but that he had thoronghly mastered the principles of Comparative Mythology, a new science which owed its very existence to the discovery of the Vedic Hymns, and was not very popular at the time with those who disliked the trouble of studying a now language. He wished to prove what Grimm had suspected, that Perjanya, Lit. Perkunas, Celt. Perkons, Slav. Perun, was one of the deities worshipped by the ancestors of the whole Aryan race, and in spite of the usual frays and bickerings, the main point of his argument has never been shaken. I saw much of him at that time, we often worked together and the Index to my History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature was chiefly his work. The important lesson which he had learnt from Benfey showed itself in the quickness with which he always seized on whatever was really important in the history of the literature of India. He did not write simply in order to show what he could do, but always in order to forward our knowledge of ancient India. This explains why, like Benfey's books, Bühler's own publications, even his smallest essays, are as useful to-day as they were when first published. Benfey's edition of the Indian fables of the Panchatantra produced a real revolution at the time of its publication. It opened our eyes to a fact hardly suspected before, how important a part in Sanskrit literature had been acted by Buddhist writers. We learnt in fact that the distinction between the works of Brahmanic and Buddhist authors bad been far too sharply drawn, and that in their literary parguits their relation had been for a long time that of friendly rivalry rather than of hostile opposition. Benfey showed that these Saiskřit fables of India had come to us through Buddhist hands, and had travelled from India step by step, station by station, through Pehlevi, Persian, Arabic, Hebrew, Latin, and the modern languages of Europe, till they supplied even Lafontaine, with some of his most charming Fabliaux. Benfey was in many respects the true successor of Lassen in calling the attention of Sanskrit scholars to what are called in German the Realia of Sanskrit scholarship. He was bold enough to pablish the text and translation of the Sámapeda, and the glossary appended to this edition marked the first determined advance into the dark regions of Vedic thought. Though some of his interpretations may now be antiquated he did as much as was possible at the time, and nothing is more painful than to see scholars of a later generation speak slightingly of a man who was a giant before they were born. Benfey's varions Sanskrit grammars, founded as they are on the great classical grammar of PAğini, hold their own to the present day, and are indispenBable to every careful student of Pagini, while bis History of Sanskrit Philology is a real masterpiece, and remains still the only work in which that important chapter of modern scholarship can be safely studied.
Bühler was imbued with the same spirit that had guided Benfey, and every one of his early contributions to Benfey's Orient und Occident touched apon some really important question, even though he may not always have settled it. In his article on Deós, for instance (. . O., Vol. I. p. 508), which was evidently written under the influence of Curtius' recent warning that beds could not be equated with dews and Skt. déra without admitting a phonetic anomaly, he suggested that Bobs as well as the Old Norse diar, 'godb,' might be derived from a root dhí, to think, to be wise. Often as we discussed that etymology together and it was more than a mere etymology, because on it depended the question whether the oldest Aryan name of the gods in general was derived from the bright powers of Nature or from the more abstract idea of divine wiadom - he could never persnade me that these two branches of the Aryan race, the Greek and the Scandinavian, should have derived the general name for their gods from a root different from that which the other branches had used, vis., dio, 'to be brilliant, and from which they had formed the most important pluster of mythological names, such as Zeus, Jovis, Diespiter, Dia, Diana, etc. I preferred to

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admit a phonetic rather than a mythological anomaly. If I could not persuade him he could rot persuade me, et adhuc sub judice lis est !
Several more etymologies from his pen followed in the same journal, all connected with some points of general interest, all ingenions, even if not always convincing. In all these discussions, be showed himself free from all prejudices, and much as he admired his teacher, Professor Benfey, be freely expressed his divergence from him when necessary, though always in that respectful tone which a Simbys would have observed in ancient India wben differing from his Guru.
While he was in Oxford, he frequently expressed to me his great wish to get an appointment in India. I wrote at his desire to the late Mr. Howard, who was then Director of Public Instruction in Bombay, and to my great joy got the promise of an appointment for Bühler. But, unfortunately, when he arrived at Bombay, there was no Vacancy, Mr. Howard was absent, and for a time Bühler's position was extremely painful. Bat he was not to be disheartened. He soon made the acquaintance of another friend of mine at Bombay, Sir Alexander Grant, and obtained through him the very position for which he had been longing. In 1865 be began his lectures at the Elphinstone College, and proved himself most successful as a lecturer and a teacher. His power of work was great, even in the enervating climate of India, and there always is work to do in India for people who are willing to do work. He soon made the acquaintance of influential men, and he was ebosen by Mr. (now Sir) Raymond West to co-operate with him in producing their famous Digest of Bindu Law. He sapplied the Sanskțit, Sir Raymond West the logal materials, and the work, first published in 1867, is still considered the higbest authority on the subjects of the Binda Laws of Inheritance and Partition. Bat Bühler's interest went deeper. He agreed with me that the metrical Law-books of Ancient India were preceded by legal Setras belonging to what I called the Sûtra period. These Satras may really be ascribed to the end of the Vedio period, and in their earliest form may have been anterior to the Indo-Scythian conquest of the country, thougb the fixing of real dates at that period is well-nigh an impossibility. When at a much later time I conferred with him on the plan of publishing a series of translations of the Sacred Books of the East, he was ready and prepared to undertake the translation of these Satras, so far as they had been preserved in MSS. Some of these MSS., the importance of which I had pointed out as early as 1859 in my History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, I handed over to him; others he had collected himself while in India. The two volumes in which his translation of the legal Sátras of A pastamba, Gautama, Vasishtha, and Bandhayana are contained, have been amongst the most popular of the series, and I hope I shall soon be able to pablish a new edition of them with notes prepared by him for that parpose. In 1886 followed his translation of the Laws of Man", which, if he had followed the example of others, he might well have called his own, but which he gave as founded on that of Sir William Jones, carefully revised and corrected with the help of seven native commentaries. These were substantial works, snfficient to establish the repatation of any scholar, but with him they were by-work only, undertaken in order to oblige a friend and fellow-worker. These translations kept us in frequent correspondence, in which more than one important question came to be discussed. One of them was the question of what caused the gap between the Vedie period, of which these sutras may be considered as the latest outcome, and the period of that ornate metrical literature which, in my Lectures on India delivered at Cambridge in 1884, I had ventured to treat as the period of the Renaissance of Sanskrit literature, subsequent to the invasion and ocea pation of India by Indo-Scythian or Turanian tribes.
It was absolutely necessary to prove this once for all, for there were scholars who went on claiming for the author of the Laws of Manu, nay, for Kálidêsa and his contemporaries, & date before the beginning of our era. What I wanted to prove was, that nothing of what we actually possessed of that ornate (alankara) metrical literature, nor anything written in the continuous sloka, could possibly be assigned to a time previous to the Indo-Scythian invasion. The

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IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
chronological limits which I suggested for this interregnum were from 100 B. C. to 300 A. D. These limits may seem too narrow on either side to some scholars, but I believe I am not overstating my case if I say that at present it is generally admitted that what we call the Laws of Manu are subsequent to the Sámayáchárika or Dharma-sûtras, and that Kâlidâsa's poetical activity belongs to the sixth, nay, if Professor Kielhorn is right, even to the end of the fifth century p. Ch., and that all other Sanskrit poems which we possess are still later. Bühler's brilliant discovery consisted in proving, not that any of the literary works which we possess could be referred to a pre-Gupta date, but that specimens of ornate poetry occurred again and again in pre-Gupta inscriptions, and, what is even more important, that the peculiar character of those monumental poems presupposed on the part of their authors, provincial or otherwise an acquaintance, if not with the Alaskara Sûtras which we possess, at all events with some of their prominent rules. In this way the absence or non-preservation of all greater literary compositions that could be claimed for the period from 100 B. C. to 300 A. D. became even more strongly accentuated by Bühler's discoveries. It might be said, of course, that India is a large country, and that literature might have been absent in one part of the Indian Peninsula and yet flourishing in another; just as even in the small peninsula of Greece, literary culture had its heyday at Athens while it was withering away in Lacedaemon. But these are mere possibilities, and outside the sphere of historical science. There may have been ever so many Kalidasas between 100 B. C. to 300 A. D., but illacrimabile premuntum nocte. The question is, why were literary works preserved, after the rise of the national Gupta dynasty, in the only ways in which at that time they could be preserved in India, either by memory or by the multiplication of copies, chiefly in Royal Libraries under the patronage of Rajahs, whether of Indian or alien origin and why is there at present, as far as manuscripts are concerned, an almost complete literary blank from the end of the Vedic literature to the beginning of the fourth century A. D.?
The important fact which is admitted by Bühler, and was urged by myself, is this - that whatever literary compositions may have existed before 300 A. D., in poetry or even in prose, nothing remains of them at present, and that there must surely be a reason for it. Here it was Bühler who, in the Transactions of the Vienna Academy, 1890, came to my help, drawing my attention to the important fact that among certain recently published ancient inscriptions, eighteen of which are dateable, two only can with any probability be proved to be anterior of what I called the four blank centuries between 100 B. C. to 300 A. D. (See India, p. 353). There occar verses which prove quite clearly that the ornate style of Sanskrit poetry was by no means unknown in earlier times. The as yet undeveloped germs of that ornate poetry may even go back much further, and may be traced in portions of the Brahmanas and in some Buddhistic writings; but their full development at the time of these Sanskrit inscriptions was clearly established for the first time by Bühler's valuable remarks. So far we were quite agreed, nor do I know of any arguments that have been advanced against Bühler's historical views. There may be difference of opinion as to the exact dates of the Sanskrit Girnar inscription of Rudradâman and the Prakrit Nasik inscription of Pulumâyi, but they contain at all events sufficient indications that an ornate, though perhaps less elaborate style of poetry, not far removed from the epic style, prevailed in India during the second century A. D. All the evidence accessible on that point has been carefully collected by my friend, and reflects the greatest credit on his familiarity with Sauskrit Alamkára poetry. But the fact remains all the same that nothing was preserved of that poetry before 300 A. D.; and that of what we actually possess of Sanskrit Kavya literature, nothing can for the present be traced back much beyond 500 A. D. We must hope that the time may soon come when the original component parts of the ancient epic poetry, nay, even the philosophical Darśanas, may be traced back with certainty to times before the Indo-Scythian Invasion, It is well known that the Mahabharata and the Purdnas are mentioned by name during the Sutra period, and we cannot be far wrong in supposing that something like what we possess now of these works must have existed then.

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Bühler was full of hope that it might be possible to fix some of the dates of those popular works at a much earlier time than is assigned to them by most scholars. I was delighted to see him boldly claim for the Veda also a greater antiquity than I had as yet ventured to suge gest for it, and it seemed to me that our two theories could stand so well side by side that it was my hope that I should be able to bring out, with his co-operation, a new and much improved edition of my chapter on the Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature. I doubt whether I shall be able to do this now without his help. The solution of many of the historical and chronological questions also, which remain still unangwered, will no doubt be delayed by the sadden death of the scholar who took them most to heart, but it is not likely to be forgotten again among the problems which our younger Sanskrit scholars have to deal with, if they wish truly to honour the memory and follow in the footsteps of one of the greatest and most useful Sanskrit scholars of our days.
These chronological questions were, of course, intimately connected with the question of the date of the Sanskțit alphabets and the introduction of writing into India, which produced a written in place of the ancient mnemonic literature of the country. There, too, we had a common interest, and I gladly handed over to him, and for his own purpose, a MS. sent to me from Japan that turned out to be the oldest Sanskrit MS. then known to exist, that of the Prajnaparamitá hridaya-sútra. It had been preserved on two palm-leaves in the Monastery of Horiuzi, in Japan, since 609 A. D., and, of course, went back to a much earlier time, as the leaves seem to have travelled from India through China, before they reached Japan. Bühler sent me a long paper of palæographical remarks on this Horinzi palm-leaf MS., which forms a most valuable Appendix to my edition of it. Thus we remained always united by our work, and I had the great satisfaction of being able to send him the copy of Ašvaghosha's Buddhacharita, which my Japanese papils had made for me at Paris, and which, whether Ašvaghosha's date is referred to the first or the fifth century A.D., when it was first translated into Chinese, represents as yet the only complete specimen of that ornate scholastic style which, as he had proved from numerous inscriptions, must have existed previous to the Renaissance. Thus our common work went on, if not always on the same plan, at all events on the same grond. We never lost touch with each other, and were never brought nearer together than when for a time we differed on certain moot pointer
I have here dwelt on the most important works only which are characteristic of the man and which will for ever mark the place of Bühler in the history of Sauskřit scholarship. Bu there are many other important services which he rendered to us while in India. Not only was he always ready to help us in getting MSS. from India, but our knowledge of a large number of Sanskrit works, as yet unknown, was due to his Reports on expeditions undertaken by him for the Indian Government in search for M88. This idea of catalogaing the literary treasures of India, first started by Mr. Whitley Stokes, has proved a great success, and no one was more successful in these researches than Bühler. And while he looked out everywhere for important MSS. his eyes were always open for ancient inscriptions also. Many of them he published and translated for the first time, and our oldest inscriptions, those of Asoka, in the third centary B. O., owe to him and M. Senart their first scholarlike treatment. This is not meant to detract in any way from the credit due to the first brilliant decipherers of these texts, such as Prinsep, Lassen, Barnouf, and others. Bühler was most anxious to trace the alphabets used in these inscriptions back to a higher antiquity than is generally assigned to them, but for the present, at least, we cannot well go beyond the fact that no dateable inscription has been found in India before the time of Asoka. It is quite true that such an innovation as the introduction of alphabetic writing does not take place on a sudden, and tentative
2 Anecdota Oxoniensia, 1884.
8 Th text of the Buddhacharita was published by Cowell in the Anecdota Oxoniensia, the translation in my Sacrel Books of the East.

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specimens of it from an earlier time may well be discovered yet, if these researches are carried on as he wished them to be carried on, in a truly systematic manner. In this field of research Bühler will be most missed, for though absent from India he had many friends there, particularly in the Government, who would gladly have listened to his suggestions. One may regret hig departure from a country where his services were so valuable and so much appreciated. I have not dwelt at all in this place on the valuable services which he rendered as inspector of schools and examiner, but I may state that I received several times the thanks of the Governor of the Bombay Presidency, the late Sir Bartle Frere, for having sent out snch excellent scholars as Bühler and others. Unfortunately his health made it imperative for him to return to his own country, but he was soon so much restored under a German sky that he seemed to begin a new life as Professor at Vienna. If he could not discover new MSS. there, he could digest the materials which he had collected, and he did so with anflagging industry. Nay, in addition to all his own work, he undertook to superintend and edit an Encyclopaedia of Indo-Aryan Philology which was to be a résumé up to date of all that was known of the languages, dialects, grammars, dictionaries, and the ancient alphabets of India; which was to give an account of Indian literature, history, geography, ethnography, jurisprudence; and finally, to present a picture of Indian religion, mythology, philosophy, astromomy, mathematics, and music, so far as they are known at present. No one knows what an amount of clerical work and what a loss of time such a superintendence involves for a scholar who has his hands full of his own work, how much reading of manuscripts, how much letter-writing, how much protracted and often disagreeable discussion it entails. But Bühler, with rare self-denial, did not shrink from this drudgery, and his work will certainly prove extremely useful to all futare Indo-Aryan students One thing only one may regret - that the limits of each contribution are so narrow, and that several of the contributors had no time to give as much more of their own original work. But this is a defect inherent in all encyclopædias or manuals, unless they are to grow into a forest of volumes like the Allgemeine Encyclopedie der Wissenschaften und Künste by Ersch, begun in 1831 and as yet far from being finished. 'Under Bühler's guidance we might have expected the completion of his Encyclopædia within a reasonable time, and I am glad to hear that his arrangements were so far advanced that other hands will now be easily able to finish it, and that it may remain, like Lassen's Alterthumskunde, 1847-1861, a lasting monument of the lifelong labours of one of the most learned, the most high-minded and large-hearted among the Oriental scholars whom it has been my good fortune to know in the course of my long life.
ON PROFESSOR BÜHLER.
BY C. H. TAWNEY, C.I.E.1 The death of Professor J. G. Bübler, came as a terrible shock to his numerous friends in England. It appears that he left Vienna on the 5th of April, 1898, to pay a visit to his wife and son, aged sixteen years, who were staying with relations at Zürich. He broke his journey at Lindau on the lake of Constance. Being an expert oarsman, he was tempted by the fine weather on Good Friday, the 8th April, to take a trip alone in a small rowing boat down the lake. He was last seen about 7 p. m. on that day. It is surmised that he lost an oar and in attempting to recover it, overbalanced the boat, which was apparently very crank, and so was drowned. The boat was found floating bottom upwards, but no one had any idea who had been in it. As Professor Bühler had evidently intended to surprise his family in Zürich with his visit, and had therefore given no hint of his movements, they continued to correspond with him at his address in Vienna and were much distressed at receiving no answer. Meanwhile the proprietor of the Hotel in which he was staying, finding that he did not return, communicated with the police, and enquiries were at once set on foot. It was not ascertained that the occupant of the boat was Professor Bühler of Vienna, until the 15th April, when the melancholy tidings reached his wife in Zürich. The body has never been recovered.
Reprinted from Luzac's Oriental List.

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Professor Bühler was born at Berstel near Nienburg in Hannover. He was educated at the University of Göttingen and studied Sanskrit under Professor Benfey, for whose scholarship he always retained an enthusiastic admiration, and took his Doctor's degree in the year 1858. He passed many years in the Bombay educational service (1863-1880), and thus came to acquire great familiarity with Gujarati and Marathi and also the power of speaking Sansksit fluently, an accomplishment which impressed considerably the pandits of lower Bengal. The famous Sanskrit scholar Mahamahopadhyâya Mahesa Chandra Nyâyaratna carried on an animated conversation with him in Sanskrit in the hearing of the writer of the present notice.
Professor Bühler possessed a sympathy with Indian thought and feeling, and a knowledge of native customs and the obvious everyday facts of native life, which removed him from the list of dryasdust Sanskrit Scholars, and entitled him to be styled rather an Indianist of a very wide range of acquirements. While in Bombay, he paid great attention to the study of Indian Law. Of this the book, which he brought out in connection with Sir Raymond West in 1867 and 1869 on the Hinda Law of Inheritance and Partition, is an abiding monument. He subsequently returned to this study and produced the Sacred Law of the Aryas as taught in the schools of Âpastamba, Gautama, Vasishtha, and Baudhayana, in the Sacred Books of the East Series (Oxford, 1879, 1882). In 1886 he translated the Laws of Mann for the same series.
Professor Bühler was well read in Sanskrit Philosophy, though we cannot call to mind any work that he wrote in connection with the orthodox systems. In Belles Lettres (Kávya) he was thoroughly at home. It was a pleasure to hear him unravel the intricacies of a difficult stanza, constructed, as too many Sanskrit stanzas are, for the express purpose of displaying the recondite learning of the author. In this field he edited four books of the Panchatantra in the Bombay Sanskrit Series, which was originally brought out under the superintendence of himself and Professor Kielhorn. Of these books many editions have appeared. He edited for the same series the first part of the Dasakumdracharita of Dandin. The second part was edited by Professor Peterson. Professor Bühler considered the style of this author in the admittedly genuine portions, as the highest flight of Sanskrit prose.
In 1875 he edited the Vikramánkadevacharita of Bilbapa, a historical work written in ornate Sanskrit, from a single MS. copied by himself and Professor Jacobi in seven days. This brings us to the distinguishing feature of Professor Bühler's Sanskrit scholarship. No one has done more for the elucidation of the Hindu period of Indian History. By means of his papers on Indian inscriptions in the Indian Antiquary and elswhere he has ostablished the history and chronology of that period on a secure basis. Of the knowledge thus acquired he made a memorable use in his article on the Indische Kunstpoesie" which appeared in 1890. In this paper he shews from an examination of dated inscriptions and other sources, that the ornate style of classical Sanskrit poetry and poetical prose was in fall bloom in the second century of the Christian era. The wide-reaching consequences of this demonstration are at once apparent. In fact this short paper revolutionised the views of Sanskřit scholars with Yegard to the date of important branches of Indian literature. Other historical writings of Professor Bühler are his pamphlets on the Suksitasamkirtana of Arisimha, on the Jaina monk Hemachandra and the Navasáhaslinkacharita, the latter brought out in co-operation with Professor Zachariae,
His knowledge of Jaing literature and of living Jaina teachers was extensive. It may be assured that his love of history gave him a particular sympatby with Jainas, as some of the best medieval chronicles of I:dia appear to have belonged to that " Darsana." His short treatise “Ueber die Indische Secte der Jaina," which appeared in 1887, is perhaps the best account of that somewhat neglected sect. It is much to be regretted that it has never been translated into English.
The ripest fruit of his epigraphic studies is to be found in his English pamphlet on the origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet, in which he derived those characters from the most

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ancient North Semitic letters, and his contribution on Indian Palaeography (with nine tables) to the Indo-Aryra Encyclopædia. The latter treatise is so complete that it is difficult to imagine that it can be ever superseded or supplemented. His loss as editor of this Encyclopedia will be widely felt. He was most active as & decipherer of Indian inscriptions to the last, and took a lively interest in the archeological investigations of Doctors Haltzsch, Führer, Waddell and others,
Professor Bühler was a most painstaking teacher. He tatight the Sanskrit language in Vienna even from the Alphabet, the letters of which he drew on a black board for his less advanced class. He was always ready to help any serious student, and averse sometimes to having his assistance acknowledged. In fact, his distinguishing moral quality was unselfishness. He was perhaps hardly conscious himself to what an extent he carried this virtue. His manners were genial and unassuming. He was always in his element in the society of cultivated Englishmen. Before devoting himself to the classical language of India, he had been thoroughly disciplined in Greek and Latin. He was well acquainted with the modern languages of Europe and particularly with English. He could read with ease the most difficult English authors, and composed fluently in that language. It was these qualities that enabled him to give such a powerful impulse to Sanskrit scholarship both in India and Europe. Nor was his influence confined to the old world. He certainly counted among his pupils one native, at least, of the United States. His work will long survive not only in the books that he has written, but in the interests and capacities that he has created and trained.
PROFESSOR BÜHLER.
BY CECIL BENDALL EVERY practical student of Indian learning must have heard with consternation of the death, by a boating accident in the Lake of Constance shortly before Easter, of Hofrath Johann Georg Bühler, Professor of Sanskrit at Vienna, and for many years a prominent member of the Bombay Educational Service.
Born in 1837 at Berstel in Hanover, he studied Sanskrit under the leading Sanskritist of the last generation, Theodor Benfey. Bähler was Benfey's joy and pride. I remember Bühler once describing to me his embarrassment because old Benfey insisted on kissing him on a public occasion. Bühler made early acquaintance with England, visiting this country for the study of Indian MSS., working for a time in the library of Windsor Castle, and also assisting Prof. Max Müller in the index to his Ancient Sanskrit Literature. In 1863, mainly through the influence of the last-named scholar, he joined the Bombay Educational Service, holding successively the Professorship of Sanskrit at Elphinstone College, Bombay, and an Inspectorship of Schools in Gujarat. He did excellent work in both capacities.
It is due to the critical scholarship and personal influence of men like Bühler and Kielhorn that the best native scholarship of the Bombay side" is at least half a century ahead of the rest of India. And yet the rulers of India have decreed that native instruction in Sanskrit is strong enough to run alone, and the race of such European teachers is to become extinct ! One wishes there were a few men on Indian Councils capable of feeling the force of remarks like those of Böhtlingk (the greatest living lexicographer) on the last Sanskrit dictionary by Bengali scholars. But to return to Bühler. In bis educational tours he collected and published statistics of private libraries of MSS. These researches culminated in his great tour in Kasmir in 1875, where he made discoveries of anprecedented importance in the literary history of India. Returning to Europe in 1880, he was at once appointed to the Chair of Sanskrit at Vienna, which he occupied till his death.
1 From the Atheneum, No. 3678, April 23, 1898.

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His chief works were the Digest of Hindu Law (1867-76), written in conjunction with Sir Raymond West; Manu, translated with a masterly introduction (Oxford, 1886); and texts and translations of Apastumba and other minor jurists. He also edited several important texts in lexicography and historical romance, besides usefulworks for educational parposes. Of his contributions to periodicals a few only can be mentioned. The chief are to be found in the Vienna Oriental Journal (mainly founded, and largely edited, by him) and in the Indian Antiquary. He frequently wrote in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, of which he was and honorary member and also an active supporter. Amongst his other articles I may note: Die Asoka- Inschriften;' . Ueber das Leben des Hemachandra' (1889); Ueber' die Secte der Jaina' (1887); Die indische Inschriften und das Alter der Kunstpoesie' (1890); and his
Indian Studies,' written in English, though pablished in Austria, " not to save you trouble," as he once told me, but for the good of those in India. The crowning work of his life was to have been the Encyclopædia of Indo-Aryan Research, designed and edited by him, of which some account has already been given in the Atheneum, No. 3593. Of his great published contribution to this, Indische Palãographie,' it is impossible for me to speak withont gratefully recording the generous acknowldegment (as charming as it was characteristic) of the work done by others who had preceded or aided him in any line of research. During his visit to London in 1897, and also ap to his death, I believe, he was mainly engaged on the ancient geography of India. I fear however, from what he told me, that he had made but little progress with what might have heen his greatest work, the pre-Muhammadan history of India. He would have gathered together in this his numerous and brilliant contributions to the Epigraphia Indica.
Bühler had the true nature of a scholar - accurate, incisive, critical in his own work helpful, kindly, stimulating to others. His tact and savoir-faire made him a natural leader of men on occasions like congresses of Orientalists, where, indeed, his familiar figure will be very greatly missed. His genial, hearty manner made him equally popnlar and influential with scholars and with men of the world. In all senses he made the best of both worlds.
GEORG BUHLER.
IN MEMORIAM.
BY A. A. MACDONELL, M.A., Ph.D. I FEEL that the various able and full obituary notices of Prof. Bühler which have appeared, leave hardly anything for me to say. But I am glad to have an opportunity of saying that little as a small tribute to the memory of one whose abilities and achievements I have admired ever since I began the study of Sanskrit, now nearly twenty-four years ago, under his old teacher, Theodor Benfey. Never since then has the death of any scholar produced on me the impression of an irreparable calamity, till the papers last Easter announced the news that Bühler, a solitary sculler on a Swiss lake, had mysteriously disappeared beneath the waves in the evening twilight of Good Friday. All the eminent Sanskritists, Benfey, Stenzler, Whitney, Roth, who have died within this period, were all old men, ranging in age from about seventy to eighty years, and had accomplished their life's work. Bühler, on the other hand, was only sixty and, though he had already achieved so much, was really but entering upon what would have been the most important epoch of his career. Quite a short time before his death he expressed the opinion that he would require ten years to finish his chief work, for which his past life had only been a preparation. It was at least fortunate that he lived long enough not only to plan, but to see carried out to a considerable extent, the greatest enterprise yet undertaken in the field of Sanskțit scholarship, his Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research. His organising ability, his practical talent, his intimate knowledge of modern India, and his keen interest in all departments of Sanskrit learning, singled him out

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as the man best fitted for the accomplishment of this task. Having had the good fortune to spend seventeen of the best years of his life in India, he owed much to native learning; but he richly repaid the debt by doing more than any other scholar to reveal to the Indians of to-day the history of their past.
Years before I made his personal acquaintance I had heard much about Bühler from Benfey, who often spoke with pride of the achievements of his distinguished pupil. I can still remember some of the very words Benfey used in describing the circumstances of Bühler's appointment at Bombay. It was not till 1883, some three years after his return to Europe, that I first met him. Since then I had every two or three years opportunities of frequent personal intercourse with him at successive Oriental Congresses, especially at Stockholm, London, and Geneva, as well as on the occasion of his visits to England. In August 1887 I came across him by accident in the street at Lucerne. It was then I learnt that, as his wife was a Swiss lady, he was in the habit of spending a considerable part of his vacations in Switzerland, and of taking hard rowing exercise on the Swiss lakes after his exhausting labours at Vienna. His fondness for this form of exercise, which he indulged in for the sake of his health, was destined to bring about his untimely death. Since 1893, when he asked me to contribute to his Encyclopædia the part on 'Vedic Mythology,' I also had occasion to correspond with him a good deal in connexion with that work. These opportunities furnished sufficient data, I think, for forming a fairly correct estimate of his character. He struck me as having a peculiarly scientific cast of mind. But with this was combined an intellectual enthusiasm which caused him to be perpetually on the watch for whatever was calculated to promote Indian studies in every direction. Though of a thoroughly matter-of-fact temperament, he was not altogether lacking in sentiment. This betrayed itself in the emotion with which he used to speak of what he owed to the teaching and inspiration of Benfey. The special interest he seemed to take in the pupils of his old guru doubtless sprang from the same source. His high-mindedness always deterred him from doing or saying anything against those to whom he felt he owed a debt of gratitude. Nor did he stoop to personal controversy. But had he ever been unjustifiably attacked, his aggressor would probably have had cause to repent his temerity. For Bühler, as he told me himself, kept a record of the blunders which he found in the work of other scholars, and which he might have felt compelled to refer to in self-defence.
One quality which especially distinguished Bühler was that power of concentration which enables a man to devote weeks or even months of intense application to the decipherment of an inscription without the certainty of any tangible result. Such labour, though sometimes apparently fruitless, serves to sharpen and strengthen the mental powers, and it is only those who are capable of it who can hope to become really great scholars. This quality was possessed in an eminent degree by Benfey, and was undoubtedly fostered by Bühler, in his turn among pupils such as Dr. M. A. Stein, who has done such valuable archæological work in Kashmir. The parampará of teachers becomes really fruitful by the cultivation of such qualities and the propagation of scientific method and accuracy, rather than by the formation of schools, which by their very nature must suffer from one-sidedness. Thus Bühler's death is to be deplored not only as a direct loss to learning, but also because of the indirect disadvantage resulting from the premature removal of a great trainer of scholars. Altogether Bühler came near to the ideal of what a Sanskritist of the present day should be. Like Colebrooke, the great founder of Sanskrit scholarship, he combined with universal learning and untiring industry, distinguished practical ability. This enabled him to acquire a vast knowledge of the concrete data of modern Indian life, a knowledge particularly valuable to scholarship in a country which has experienced for three thousand years a continuity in literature and civilization which is unparalleled in any other branch of the Aryan race. Bühler thus became capable of understanding and illuminating the intellectual and social history of India as a whole to an extent which will hardly ever be equalled.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1898.
PROFESSOR J. GEORG BÜHLER.
BY PROFESSOR A. KAEGI, ZÜRICH.1 ALL the newspapers have reported the tragic end of the famous Indologist Hofrath Dr. J. Georg Bühler, Professor in the University of Vienna. No one can help feeling the deepest sympathy with his relatives, whose sad bereavement has been rendered all the more painful ,by the melancholy circumstances attending his death. But not only the relatives and numerous friends of the departed, but also Sangkrit scholarship itself has suffered the heaviest and most unexpected lose - a loss that is simply irreparable. For Georg Bühler was more than an eminent Sanskrit scholar'; he held and has held for years the undisputed position of leader of Indian philology; he was the scholar who at the present time was the leading spirit of all researcbes relating to ancient India. May I then, as a grateful adinirer of the wonderful inan, be permitted to devote a few lines to his memory?
Bühler was born in the parsonage of Borstel near Nienburg on the Weser, and educated at the grammar school of Hannover, where H. L. Ahrens and Raphael Kühner were amongst his teachers. At Faster, 1855, he proceeded to the University of Göttingen to study Classical and Oriental antiquities, and found there sach eminent teachers as Hermann Sauppe, Ernst Curtius, Theodor Benfey, and Heinrich Ewald. After having taken his doctor's degree he went, in the autumn of 1858, to France and England, where he devoted three years to the thorough study of Vedic MSS. in the great libraries of Paris, London, and Oxford. In England he became acquainted with Professors Max Müller and Theodor Goldstücker who assisted him in many ways, and for a time he held the post of assistant librarian in Her Majesty's library at Windsor Castle.
In October, 1862, he returned to Göttingen with the intention of qualifying himself as a University lecturer. But in November he was offered a professorship at the Sanskrit College in Benares, the principal seat for the study of Brahmanical philosophy, and while the negotiations about this appointment were being carried on, he was invited to take the newly created chair of Oriental languages at the Elphinstone College in Bombay. Bühler gladly accepted the offer, and began his work at Bombay in the spring of 1863. His very first lectures on Sanskrit, Prakrit and Comparative Philology, and still more the zeal and energy with which he threw himself into the educational work at the college, making new practical arrangements for instruction in the philological department and procuring a library of books and manuscripts to be used by students and teachers, could not fail to attract the attention of the authorities, who very soon began to employ the young scholar in the Educational Department in other ways also.
As early as 1864 Bühler, together with Sir Raymond West, then judge at the Bombay High Court, was appointed by the Governor of Bombay Presidency, to compile a Digest of Hindu Law, which was to take the place of the Sastris (native scholars versed in the customary law), who until then had acted as legal advisers at the lower courts.
During the summer of 1866 he was employed at Poona as superintendent of Sanskrit studies, and in the winter of 1866-67 he travelled, by order of the Government, through the Maratha and Kanara countries, in order to search the Brahmanic libraries for important manuscripts. As the result of this very first journey Bühler brought home more than 200 old manuscripts, among them many rare and until then quite unknown works, and he lost no opportunity in pointing out to the authorities the necessity of a systematic investigation of the old, libraries.
Two years more of quiet teaching and study followed, till, early in 1869, Bühler was appointed Acting Educational Inspector for the Northern Division of the Bombay Presidency (Gajarát and neighbourhood), being thereby charged with the administration and superintendence of all elementary and secondary schools of a territory extending over about 56,000 square miles, with five millions of inhabitants. For many years afterwards the administration of the lower and secondary AngloIndian schools in that province was Bühler's principal task, which he undertook at once with that
1 Translated from an article published in the New Zürcher Zeitung.

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incomparable energy so characteristic of him to the very end. First of all, he was anxious to develop and improve the colleges for a higher and more genere.! education of native teachers, and then new schoolbooks were procured and new regulations introduoed; wherever possible, new schools where founded, the existing schools carefully classified, systematic annual inspections of all colleges and schools were arranged, and finally, through Bühler's initiative, the salaries of teachers at secondary schools were considerably raised, and the masters at the lower schools were given opportunities of earning an annual increase of their salaries by especially good work. We may form an idea of Bühler's extensive activity in this administrative work from the fact that when he entered on his office in 1869 there were in the province 780 schools with 47,800 scholars, while at the end of his term of office in 1880 the number of schools had risen to 1,763 with 101,970 scholars.
However, while his time and energy were to such an extent placed at the service of the Administration, Bühler yet found it possible to render his official work, especially his inspections of schools and colleges (of which occasionally he used to give most interesting and vivid descriptions), at the same time fruitful in the highest degree for scholarly purposes. When he entered on his office as Educational Inspector he obtained from the Government, which bad already become aware of the important results of his first journey in search of MSS., the order and authority to search all libraries within reach in tho province for MSS, and to acquire for the Government any works of importance, Consequently, during his tours of inspection be communicated, in all the larger towns, with the learned Pandits, and enlisted agents who had to hunt up the libraries, carry on negotiations with the owners, and to compile lists of MSS. He soon found out that the number of books and libraries was enormous, and that more especially the Jainas possessed exceedingly rich treasures of MSS. As these efforts of Bühler were crowned by such unexpected results - during his very first year of inspecting he had succeeded in purchasing upwards of 200 important old MSS. and in acquiring catalogues containing something like 14,000 titles of works of the Brahmanical literature alone - be was commissioned to undertake several tours to different parts of India as far as Kashmir and Nepal, and from all these tours he returned with valuable treasures of MSS. and inscriptions (on stone, copperplates, coins, etc.). Especially famous became his tour to Kasbmir, when he discovered and acquired not only a great number of hitherto unknown Brahmanical works, but also an almost complete collection of the sacred books of the Digambara Jainas. Besides the purchases for the Indian Government Bühler also bought, with the permission thereof, large and systematic collections of MSS. for European libraries. Upwards of 5,000 MSS. have since those years become generally accessible to scholars, apart from numerous corrected copies of Sanskrit works, which he privately procured for scholars of all countries.
That Bühler in spite of his extensive practical work should have found it possible still to devote himself to literary pursuits in such an eminent degree, has always been a matter of surprise. His very first greater work, the Digest of Hindu Law, published by order of the Governor of Bombay (1867 and 1869) became a standard. From numerous law-books, which at that time mostly existed in MS. only and had to be collated for the first time, and from information gathered from the mouths of Shastris versed in the customary law, West and Bühler compiled a codex of the law of inheritance, partition, and adoption, which has since been repeatedly edited, translated into the vernaculars, and enjoys great authority throughout the whole of India.
Next Bühler, whose school-books for Indian colleges have already been mentioned, founded, together with Kielhorn (then Professor of Sanskrit in Poona, and now in Göttirgen) the Bombay Sanskrit Series - an undertaking which was intended to give young native scholars an opportunity of learning European methods of criticism in editing texts, and to procure cheap and good editions of Sanskrit standard works for use in Indian schools and colleges. Bühler himself published in this collection the Panchatantra, Dandin's Dabakumdracharita, the historical romance VikramdAkadeva. charita of the 11th century which be himself had discovered, the ancient law-book of  pastamba, and others. His catalogues of MSS. and his well-known Reports are of great scientific value, and his epigraphic researches in connection with the amous edicts of King Piyadasi-Asoks and other Indian inscriptions have marked a new epoch and led to new results of the highest importance.

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His literary activity beonine still more extensive and fruitful, when, in 1881, after leaving the Indian Civil Service, he took the chair of Sanskrit in the University of Vienna. Partly through his iastruction, by which he trained a number of younger scholars, still inore by his numerous publicatione an l his extensive connections both in the East and in the West he became more and more the centre and the chief promoter of Indological studies in Europe - a fact which came out clearly enough at the Congress of Orientalis's held in Vienna in 1880. With itiring and never failing courtesy and with an unselfishness that was truly surprising, he placed the vast stores of his experiences and studies, as well as the rich treasures of his MSS. at the dis; osal of his fellow students, and by his numerous connections with the leading authorities in India he was able to procure for European and American scholars anything they might want for their work, if it could at all be had from Indis.
To meation even only the most important of Bühler's larger works or of his numerous articles in differeat journals both of Europe and India, wond of course be impossible here. Of his books, I will only mention that he translated for Max Müller's Sacred Looks of the East fire of the most important law-books, amongst them that of Manu - this alone a volume of 760 pages, including .nportant introduction and notes. Of his smaller essays also I will mention only one. In his book
India, what can it teach us? (London, 1883) Max Müller had expressed the startling view that the whole of the Indian literature, as far as it is not Vedic or Buddhistic, was written in the time after the Turanian (Indo-Seythian) invasion of India, i. e.. after the second century of the Christian era. The Vela, he declarel, was evidently a wreck saved from a general shipwreck ; everything else that has come down to us - epic literature, law-books, works on grammar, poetry - was merely a late reflorescence of a new life sprung up under more favourable circumstances : it was renaissance litrature. This hypothesis, of course, created a great sensation and called forth lively discussions. Mos: scholars Josed or doub.el this theory without however considering the great uncertainties prevailing in all questions of Indian chronology) being able to refute it entirely, others were led away by Max Müller's fascinating arguneatation, until Bübler took up the discussion with his splendid and methodical essay on the Indian inscriptions and the nge of the Indian Kavya literature (Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie, 1890, Vol. 122). Starting from sonde recently discovered inscriptions, e'ghteen of wbich bear perfectly certain dates which are fully discussoul by Bühler, he refu'es in this essay Max Müller's arguments one by one, and establishes besides a number of secure dates.
Again in the discussion which has lately been revivel and has excitel such great interest, as to the age of the Veda, Bühler has taken the most sober and moderate view of the question.
About six years ago Bühler conceived the plan of editing an Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research on a grand scale - a work which was, as it were, to crown his life-long efforts for the general development of Indology. Within a very short time he succeeded in securing the co-operation of about thirty scholars from different parts of the world - from America, India, England and the continent of Europe. With youthful zeal he set to work himself, and twice the Austrian Government granted him a year's leave of absence for the purpose of devoting himself entirely to bis work in connection with the Encyclopedia. Besides the Palaography, published in 1896, he intended to treat of the Antiquities, Geography and History. Especially in the last mentioned part he hoped to Le able to bring out new and unexpected results. Only a short time ago he explained to me with his cheerful enthusiasm, how he wasigoing once for all to refute the general talk about the Hindus lacking the historical sense - and now all at once this terrible blow, this sudden and cruel destruction of all hopes and schemes! And what might we not bave expected from a man so full of vigour and energy! His capacity, his love of work and his power of work seemed simply unlimited and now! It is true, we may hope that at least the Encyclopedia (to say nothing of his other schemes) is so firmly es ablished that it can safely be carried out to the end. But the parts which he was to work out bimself will never be accomplished by any one, as he would have done it. If there ever was a man," writes the Nestor of German Sanskritists, Professor Albrecht Weber in Berlin, “whose loss can be callel irreparable, it is Georg Bühler.” Of him it may be truly said: "He has lived for all ages"!

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IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
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P.S. - While I was writing the above, a newspaper came to my hands, in which a Vienna correspondent reported rumours circulating in Vienna as to a voluntary or violent death of Hofrath Bühler. The correspondeat added that indeed no tangible proofs of either the one or the other hypothesis are forthcoming, and that Bühler's nearest Vieana friends "deny most positively the very possibility of a suicide committed by Bühler from ethical or philosophical motives" - and surely they are right. Whoever has known Bühler ever so slightly, must certainly arrive at the same conclusion. I knew him for nearly twenty years, since August 1878, and from that time to the very last I have had frequent intercourse with him both personal and by letters, and I venture to assert most emphatically that with him "a tendency to the negation of the pleasures of existence" or any kind of Buddhist mysticism is entirely out of the question, and the hypothesis of a suicide is absolutely groundless. Nor is there any foundatioa for the hypothesis of a violent death, of a crime, it being entirely uncalled for in view of the facts which have come to light. Boating was Buhler's favourite sport, and he often liked to practise it, particularly after hard work. Already on the 7th of April he had made an excursion from Lindau, and after his return in the evening was seen engaged in cheerful conversation with other visitors at the Hotel. On Good Friday the 8th he was induced by the beautiful spring weather to stay one day longer, "in order to make a longer excursion," as he was heard saying. After having drawn up a telegram to his wife, Come to-morrow,' which was afterwards found in the Hotel, he startel in the afternoon in one of those long and narrow boats, the Oars of which lie so lightly on the outriggers, that they are lifted even at a great dis’ance by the Wash of a steamer, if they are not held tightly as soon as the waves approach. Now Bühler was seen from the banks rowing forward and backward for some time on one and the same spot after 7 o'clock in the evening. Next day the empty boat was found floating on the lake with one oar, while the other oar was found at some distance from it. In the opinion of experienced people living near the lake it is highly probable that he lost one oar, which he tried to secure again, and in trying to catch it he, being a stout man, fell overboard. By this natural and simple hypothesis the terrible accident becomes perfectly plain and intelligible.
A CONTRIBUTION ON BÜHLER.
BY PROF, F. KNAUER (KIEW). In the case of Bühler I hardly know which to admire most: the greatness of his learning and mental power, or the greatness of his mind and character. I do not think I can honour his memory better than by quoting a few extracts from his letters addressed to me, and by adding an account of an incident which shows the great scholar also as a man of rare hunan qualities.
On January 2nd, 1891, he writes :-"I think, we shall before long become acquainted even with older temples of the Brahmans. The excavations of Mathura, Ahicchatra and Sravasti will no doubt considerably modify our views about the religions of India."
On March 3ri, 1898 : --" The [London] Congress was one of the finest and most successfnl. A great deal of useful work was done : some of the papers were very important ; Cowell's speeches the most important of all."
On June 6th, 1893:-"The work (Mánavagrihyasútra ) is one of the most ineresting of its kind." And with reference to new discoveries :- "The brutal facts are now demolishing the finest theories concerning the age of Sanskrit literature, which a so-called criticism has derived from inner' reasons. But what we have learnt until now is only the beginning, we may look forward to far more startling discoveries, and I am afraid, of all that has been considered as the correct thing during the last forty years not much will stand the test of time. Our salvation is in the pick-axe and the shovel ad in paying more attention to Hindu tradition."
On June 22nd, 1898:-- "The worthy Bhattjis never cared much for the state of their Mantras; they always felt like that famous priest who baptised nomine patris filice et spiriti sancti, and it did not matter in the least. The Samskara has its effect with a nonsensical Mantra just the same as with

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a correct one." "In support of your quite correct view that the g rihyáni karmáni are older than the śrautáni, I should also like to point out that the tariffs for the latter were much too high to be ever carried out completely."
In Vol. I. of the Vienna Oriental Journal, 1887, Bühler had published an article on the elliptic use of it and cha, which was to a certain extent directed against myself, inasmuch as I had, in my edition and translation of the Gobhilagrihyasútra, taken a different view from that of the Hindu commentators which Bühler defends in his paper. I considered it my duty to oppose Eühler in a special article. With some misgivings for I was an admirer of Bühler and could ill spare his *6 As to help and advice I wrote to him pointing out my objections. And what was his reply? iti and cha it does not matter. I shall return to the subject on some other occasion. All I ask for, if anybody wishes to enter upon a controversy with me, is that the tone should always be that of polite society." A few days later he writes: "The fuller the discussion the better." I do not know what impression my article published soon after in the Festgruss an Otto von Böhtlingk had made upon him; but when I announced to him my intention to come to Vienna in the summer of that year 1888, he invited me to stay with him. Of course, I did not like to trouble him. But when I came to Vienna, he frequently invited me to his house, and we met every day in the Oriental Institute. With the heartiest kindness he placed everything that could be of any use to me at my disposal, and assisted me with his advice and help with an unselfishness shrinking from no sacrifice that was truly touching. What could it be that induced the wonderful man to be so exceedingly kind to me? His personal acquaintance I had only made in 1886 at the Vienna Congress of Orientalists and, of course, then only very superficially, as he could not pay much attention to a beginner in those eventful days which taxed all his energies. I had not been his pupil, and was already a professor. Neither personally nor in literary matters could I be of any service to him; besides I had attacked him in public. Were these not reasons enough for him to receive me, in 1888, with cool reserve and to grant me only such favours as he could not deny me for decency's sake? Far from that, he fully opened to me the rich stores of his learning and allowed me a deep insight into his world of ideas, which proved a lasting gain to myself. It was clear that Bühler considered no one as too unimportant whom he thought capable of contributing in any way to the progress of learning, and that he tried to help and assist any such person to the utmost of his power. At the same time he had a charming manner of placing himself on a level, as it were, with those below him, so that even the humblest became inspired with courage.
-
On the 10th of July, 1896, he wrote to me on some other occasion: "This I should like now to substitute in the place of former conjectures, and you may print and criticise it as much as you like." And in his last letter to me he writes to thank me heartily for the splendid' work (my edition of the Manavagrihyasûtra), although in this work I had repeatedly made critical remarks directed against him. Bühler was free of all touchiness in questions of scholarship, and granted to everybody the full liberty of his own opinion, nay, he seemed to experience a certain pleasure in meeting with views differing from his own, if only they were expressed judiciously. One might think that such a feature should be raatter of course in any scholar, particularly in one who has everything at his command and can afford to be superior to little weaknesses. However, experience teaches that this is not so and that even men of the greatness of a Bühler are not always proof against gnatbites' received in literary warfare, in consequence of which they become disagreeable (though it may be only for a short time). Bühler, however, was a lion without fear. He was a truly great scholar, an extraordinary character, an exceedingly keen observer of human nature, and a wise educator in matters of learning. Honour to the memory of a master !
AN APPRECIATION OF BÜHLER.
BY EMILE SENART, MEMBRE DE L'INSTITUT.
WHEN I agreed to add a few words to the notice that Dr. Winternitz was writing on the life and works of Bühler, I only considered, with my old sympathy for the Indian Antiquary, my affectionate admiration for the eminent scholar whose loss has left us an irreparable void.

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DECEMBER, 1898.]
IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
Since I have read this touching memoir however, I feel the rashness of my promise. With the accuracy of a thoroughly well informed witness, and the pious fervour of heart-felt devotion, the writer reviews the entire life and work of the master, bringing into prominent relief the originality and importance of his role. Nothing further would therefore remain for me to say, were I not eager to accept the opportunity that is offered to me to add to such numberless expressions of homage and sincere regret the tribute of the high and respectful esteem that is felt by his French fellow-workers for this indefatigable pioneer of Indianism.
In spite of the fact, that, but for a friendly exchange of correspondence, I only made the personal acquaintance of Bühler a few years before his death, I cannot forget that having followed the same course of studies under the same "Guru," there existed, if I may be allowed the expression, a bond of common origin between us. When I began the study of Sanskrit, under the direction of Benfey, I remember what high expectations that clear-sighted judge had already formed of the distinguished destiny that awaited the man, still so young, whom he loved to proclaim his most remarkable pupil. Bühler himself never failed to acknowledge on his part, with fervent gratitude and faithful sympathy, the value of his instruction and the encouragement of such flattering predictions. Benfey was not only singularly suggestive in his teaching, and his conversation; he was not only an admirable grammarian and linguist. One of the first, he had fully perceived, beyond the mere linguistic interest that had first excited the attention of the West to the study of Sanskrit, the attraction which was offered to the highest curiosity of the mind by the insight into the past history of India and the development of its life, religious, political and social. He was the first who ventured to sketch a general view of it in his famous article, which appeared in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopædia; and so he was certainly most influential in the course which his pupil's ideas early adopted. Bühler wanted to study India in itself, and for itself, and to trace, before all else, chronological, and positive data as given by its literature, and monuments With this object, he decided to seek, in the familiar intercourse of the country itself, in its scholastic traditions, in a methodical research for manuscripts and documents, the information that this great work required.
It was to himself alone, however, to his own perseverance and ardour, to his enormous capacity for work that he was indebted for the success that so largely crowned his plan. Always distrusting specious deductions and brilliant generalisations, he showed in his whole aspect that harmonious fusion of qualities peculiar both to the German and the English mind to which Dr. Winternitz has so happily alluded. Varied and profound science, decided precision, unflinching tenacity, a practical knowledge of both men and affairs, nothing was wanting to make him, not exactly the leader of a certain school, but what was even better, a diligent leader of workers, or, as I may express it, a chef d'atelier, endowed to a striking degree, with authority and power. Such he showed himself in India, where he succeeded in making enthusiastic fellow-workers of several Natives, as well as of those of his own countrymen whom he attracted and embued with his enterprising spirit, and still more so in Europe when he returned to Vienna and there founded a course of teaching which proved so fruitful. By the current use of Sanskrit, by certain ways of teaching and even by certain habits, of mind, he used some coquetry to maintain the stamp of his long and affectionate familiarity with the Hindu world.
Thanks to the high position he enjoyed both with the Administration of the British Government, as well as with the Indianists of the East and West, he became under all circumstances, the natural intermediary between India and Europe, and he never refused his aid, whenever it was required, either by men or by useful enterprises. Of this I had a striking proof during the latter part of his life, the memory of which is all the more agreeable to me,

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as it recalls a circumstance which gave me the opportunity of offering him a few days' hospitality and of enjoying his society more intimately. The Eleventh Congress of Orientalists having brought Bühler to Paris, where a number of other celebrated Indianists were also assembled, I thought it a daty to take advantage of the occasion for the realisation of a desire I had for some time entertained. The project in view was the organisation of an International Association, the object of which would be to further, by all means, archeological investigations in India. That Bühler should take a warm interest in the project at once, will not seem surprising. His enthusiasm, however, was not displayed only in promises. This was proved by the zeal by which he obtained the patronage of important personages, whose aid and assistance was essential to the success of the plan. He also, in a most precise and practical spirit, drew a sketch for the future working of the Association and kept up strenuously, to his death, the active correspondence which was entailed by our common interest in the undertaking. To him is certainly due, in a large measure, the valuable and powerful intervention of our eminent friends, Lord Reay and Sir Alfred Lyall, which secured for the project, the favourable disposition of the Indian Government. His loss is certainly a fatal blow to the new Association. May his memory protect it!
The least attentive observer would perceive, that in Bühler the man of work and of tlought was also the man of action. Both his words and appearance, as well as an indescribable air of promptness and decision, showed it at first sight. He never indulged in reveries - in vague speculation, or in the frail adjustment of conjectures. In a field of research, where the uncertainty of chronological bases or the rarity of positive statements, as well as the national quietism and mystic disposition, opens so large an area for hypothesis, it remains a striking honour in his career that he devoted himself by a determined effort conscientiously and indefatigably to the conquest of facts, even when slightly prominent, and the fixing of dates even though secondary or provisional. It was a logical consequence of this frame of mind, that the Vedic Literature for him held a less prominent place than the epigraphic matter, that, in the study of law the genealogy of books and schools were of greater importance to bim than the analysis of institutions. Even in the investigation of religious antiquities he was more busy in testing the tradition than in expatiating upon the systems.
From the first and until the end of his life, Bühler followed with undeviating firmness the path he had traced out for himself after due reflection. He has accomplished his task, He has accomplished it with éclat, for, with the clearness of purpose that was one of his chief characteristics, he had chosen his line in the direction of his most prominent faculties, and to it he devoted such a power for work, a vigour and an ingenuity of mind as never failed. All these brilliant qualities were at their best when the fatal accident occurred for which we shall long remain inconsolable.
In France, it revived among us sad memories, as a similarly cruel and unforeseen cata. strophe had just ten years before deprived a fellow-worker and contemporary of Bühler of his life. In some respects one may say that Bergaigne, by the turn of his mind, by the direction of his favourite studies, presented a living antithesis to Biihler. But he also was cut off at the very moment when he seemed almost to have reached the crowning point of his labour, at an age when many fruitful years appeared to be still in store for him. Two masters, so widely different in their lines of work, are thus brought together for us by a common fatality which seemed to cling to their common studies. We had long been eager to manifest our high respect for the science and services of Bühler. Our Academy had considered it an honour to number him among its correspondents. While recalling a loss so near to our hearts, his tragic end, has, even for those who only knew him through his books, added a thrill of intimate emotion to the regrets which naturally accompany the premature death of a powerful worker.

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IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER
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His mind was of an unceasing activity and ever awake. His learning, admirably suggestive was never taken unawares. A rich fullness of culture, a wide store of remembrances animated his conversation, which was at once solid and lively. All those who have had the good fortune to know Bühler personally will retain a faithful memory of a man, obliging, without any display -- who softened by unvarying uprightness and true benev olence the commanding authority of a vast science and of a very decided turn of mind. As to the scholar, his useful impulsion is sure to survive him long, and his name will remain inscribed in the first ranks of the golden book of Indian studies.
A NOTE ON THE FACTS OF BÜHLER'S CAREER.
JOHANN GEORG BÜHLER, son of a clergy man, was born on the 19th July, 1837, at Borstel, a village near Nienburg (county Hoya, Hannover). The first part of his education was domestic, after which he was sent, in the spring of 1852, to Hannover, to complete the course of the Lyceun under the well known scholars H. L. Ahrens and R. Kühner. In 1855 he matriculated at the University of Göttingen and studied classical philology and archeology under K. F. Hermann, Schneidewin, E. Curtius, H. Sauppe, and F. Weiseler, and oriental philology under Th. Benfey, and H. von Ewald. Having taken his degree as Ph. D. in that summer of 1858, he went to Paris in October, 1858, thence to London in June, 1859, where he accepted in May, 1861, the post of Assistant to the Librarian of the Royal Library at Windsor, which in October, 1862, he exchanged for a similar one at the University Library at Göttingen.
He was nominated Professor of Oriental Languages at the Elphinstone College in Bombay on the 10th February, 1863; in December of the same year, Fellow and Examiner of the University of Bombay; in March, 1864, a Member of the Commission for the Publication of a Digest of Hindu Law; in June, 1864, Professor of Ancient History and English at the Elphinstone College. In January, 1866, he was promoted to the post of Acting Superintendent of Sanskrit Studies and Professor of Ancient History and English at the Deccan College, Poona, and was sent on a tour of research in the Southern Maratha and Kaņara country during the cold seasons of 1866-69. He then returned to Bombay as Professor of Oriental Languages and Ancient History at the Elphinstone College, and was advanced, on the 20th December, 1868, to the post of Educational Inspector of Guzerat and Officer in charge of the search of Sanskřit MSS. in the Bombay Presidency. He was sent on special duty to Rajputana from December, 1873, to March, 1874, and to Kashmir and Central India, from July, 1875, to April 1876. His health failing, he was pensioned on the 12th September, 1880, and accepted the professorship of Indian philology and archaeology in the University of Vienna in October, 1880. He was Corresponding Member of the German Oriental Society (1871), of the American Oriental Society (1873), of the Berlin Academy of Science (1878), of the Royal Society of Sciences at Göttingen (1883), of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in Vienna (1883), of the Petersburg Academy (1893), of the Institut de France (1887), and of the Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes at Paris. He was an Ordinary Member of the Imperial Academy of Science in Vienna (1885), of the Société Asiatique at Paris, of the Asiatic Society at Bombay, and of the
1 Communicated by Prof. H. Jacobi and others,

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Gujarat Vernacular Society. He was an Honorary Member of the American Oriental Society (1887), of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1895), of the Imperial Russian Archaeological Society, and of the Anjuman-i-Punjab.
He was appointed a Knight of the Prussian Order of the Crown (III Class) in 1872, a Companion of the Order of the Indian Empire 1st January, 1878, and Comthur of the Order of Franz-Josef, and was nominated K. H. Hofrath in 1889, and Honorary LL.D. of Edinburgh in 1885.
Literary Works. He wrote his Inaugural Dissertation on the Affix tys, Göttingen, 1858. He contributed papers to: -- Benfey's Orient and Occident, Journal of the Philological Society (London), 1859-1863; Journal of the Bombay and Bengal Asiatic Societies and of the Madras Literary Journal, 1863-1867; to the Indian Antiquary, 1872-98; to the Epigraphia Indica, 1888-1898; to the Vienna Journal für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 1886-95. Together with Sir Raymond West he published the Digest of Hindu Law Cases, Part I., Bombay, 1867, Part II., 1869, second edition, 1878, third edition, 1881. He edited the Panchatantra with English Notes (Nos. 1 and 3 of the Bombay Sanskrit Series), 1868, second edition, 1881, third edition, 1881, fourth edition, 1891; the Åpastambiya Dharmasútra, Bombay, 1868-71, second edition, 1892-94; a Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. from Gazerat, 1872-73; the Dasakumiracharita with English Notes, Bombay, 1873, second edition, 1887; the Vikraman kacharita with an Introduction, Bombay, 1875; & Detailed Report of a Tour in Kashmir, Bombay, 1877; the Paiyalachchhinamamála, Göttingen, 1878; the Sacred Books of the Aryans, Vol. 1., Oxford, 1879 (second edition, 1897), Vol. II., 1883; Leitfaden für den Elementarcursus des Sanskrit, Wien, 1883; Indische Paleographie (in the Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research), Strassburg, 1896; Inscriptions from the Caves in the Bombay Presidency in' Dr. Burgess' Archeological Reports or Western India, Vols. IV. and V., London, 1883; Erklärung der Asoka Inschriften in the Journal of the German Oriental Society, 1883-93: Paleographic Remarks on the Hrinji palm-leaf MS. in the Anecdota Oxon., Aryan Ser. I, 3. 1884; The Laws of Manu, translated, S. B. E., Vol. XXV., 1886; Translations of the Dhauli and Jangada versions of the Asoka Edicts in Archeological Reports for Southern India, Vol. I., 1887.
His publications in the "Schriften der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften" are the following: (a) Uber eine Sammlung von Sanskrit und Prakrit Handschriften, 1881; (6) Übercas Alter des Kaśmirischen Dichters Somadeva, 1885; (*) Über eine Inschrift des Königs Dharabena von Valabhi, 1888; (d) Uber eine neue Inschrift des Gujara Königs, Dadda II., 1887; (e) Über eine Sendraka Inschrift, 18€7; () Über die Indische Secte der Jainas, 1887; (g) Uber das Navashasankachrita des Padmagupta, 1888; (h) Das Leben des Jaina Mönches Hemachandra, 1889; (9) Über das Sakrita-samkirtana des Arisimha, 1889; (1) Die Indischen Inschriften and Das Alter der Indischen Kunst Poesie, 1890; (5) Indian Studies No. I., The Jagadůcharita of Sarvananda, 1892; (1) Indian Studies No. II., Contributions to the History of the Mabábharata, 1892; Indian Studies No. III., On the Origin of the Brahma Alphabet, 1895 (Second edition, 1898).
BÜHLER AS A COLLECTOR OF MSS.
BY PROF. ERNST LEUMANN, STRASSBURG. It is generally not known or scarcely noticed to what an extent the history of any scierce is dependent on the local distribution of its materials. When a town or country shows some predilection for this or that branch of research we are, at first, inclined to find the reason in some local or patioval instinct, or in the efficacy of the teaching and writings of some scholar, who may be considered to be the local genius. And this inclination is strengthened by the undoubted facts that there are such things as local schools of science as there are of art, and that nationalities do tend towards different standards in science and art. This does not,

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IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
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however, explain how it is that – to turn to Indian research - Denmark has only produced Pali scholars (Westergaard, Fausboll, Trenckner, Andersen), that Northern Buddhism is chiefly cultivated in Paris (Barnouf, Feer, Senart, Lévi, Guimet), and that other branches of Indian studies are more or less equally confined to particular seats of learning. The real explanation lies in the dispersion of the materials. Rask furnished Copenhagen with a splendid collection of PAli manuscripts which roused the interest of Danish scholars, just as Hodgson sent to Paris an excellent collection of the writings of the Northern Buddhists as preserved in Nepal. So the famous general Sanskrit Library of Chambers went to Berlin and found there an indefatigable interpreter in Weber, while the India Office and the Bodleian have become seats of Indian philology, through the manuscript libraries of Colebrooke and Wilson. In later years also Cambridge received a series of manuscript treasures from the enlightened activity of Daniel Wright, with the consequence that two Cambridge scholars (Cowell and Beudall), have made them their special study. Now on the same level with those great collectors of manuscripts who, by bringing or sending over to Earope their treasures, have founded there different seats of Indian Wisdom, we have to mention Bühler. Indeed, he not only equals Rask, Hodgson, Chambers, Colebrooke, Wilson, and Wright as a collector of manuscripts, but far sorpasses, them all. And therefore, had he done nothing else for Sanskrit Philology, he would be one of its greatest promoters, - one of those whose activity most decidedly and most happily determine the progress of Indian Research. On this fact we insist all the more, as the general public, in appreciating scholars, is inclined to overlook merits of the kind described. Well written books, like fragrant Aowers, chiefly attract the general attention and also in a titanic publication (like Murray's or Littré's or Grimm's Dictionary), which looks like a majestic oak in the park of literary and seientific productions. But who thinks of the roots hidden in the ground, which farnish the elementary materials for stems, branches and blossoms ? Who longs to hear of the pioneer work, which furnishes the materials for those publications that the general reader may use or enjoy ?
But let us, nevertheless, inquire in what way Bühler has been an unparalleled collector of Indian manuscripts. Between 1863 and 1866 Bühler bought for himself about 300 manuscripts, which in 1883 he presented to the India Office, and the zeal and ability exhibited in bringing together this small bat remarkable colleotion induced the Bombay Government to secure Bühler's services in that line. And so between 1866 and 1868, Bübler was specially deputed to explore the native libraries in the South Maratha and the North Kaşarà countries, and obtained for Government about 200 manuscripts which were deposited in the Elpinstone College; and in 1868, when a regular and most important Search for Manuscripts' was instituted by the Government of India, Bühler became the head of the Bombay organisation, which op to 1880, when he left India, has bought for the Deccan College Library 2,363 manuscripts. Besides all this, between 1873 and 1880, Bühler asked for and received on several occasions permission to send over to Europe such texts on sale as were already well represented in the Government Collection. Among the European Libraries it is particularly that of Berlin which unhesitatingly grasped this splendid opportunity of adding to its stock of Indian manuscripts; and thus it came about that nearly 500 manuscripts, partly presented and partly sold, have, through Bühler, found their way to Berlin.
By mentioning in each case the exact or approximate number of manuscripts acquired we only mean to give a general idea of the enormous extent of new materials that we owe to Bühler's activity in India. A considerable part of the texts represented were entirely unknown before, many of them were brilliant discoveries due only to Bühler's exceptional energy and sagacity and to his profound learning. Thas he rescued two whole branches of literature from oblivion, viz., the Kashmiri branch which comprises Vedic and Sauskpit texts and the extensive Prakrit and Sanskrit literature of the Svetâmbara Jains. Who would, thirty years ago, have thought that India still contained so many unknown literary documents P And who would have found them or even looked for them, if Bühler had not gone out, of his own

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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accord, to India, as an adventurer of philological research - comparable in this respect only to Anquetil Duperron and Czoma Körösi ?
The majority of those five hundred manuscripts which Bühler sent to Berlin belong to the literature of the Svetambara Jains. This has had the effect that Jain Philology is comparatively much cultivated in Germany, while in England and France, where the scholars are still greatly absorbed by the occupation which their rich stores of Buddhist manuscripts affords, no effort has yet been made to deal with Jainism. First of all Weber devoted to the new materials ten years of his life, as the fruits of which he brought ont - not to speak of smaller publications - his New Catalogue (three 4to volumes of 1,364 pages) and his Sacred Literature of the Jains (an English translation of which was published in the Indian Antiquary). Klatt also was won for the new branch of study by the materials, as well as by Bübler personally (when on leave in Earope in 1878); and with a remarkable skill and assiduity he selected from the new literature all that tended to yield chronical and bibliographical facts. What Klatt contributed and what later on by ill fate he was prevented from contributing to Indian Research may be inferred from a Note in a former volume of the Indian Antiquary (1894, p. 169, note 2). A few years after Klatt, Leumann began, as a student in Berlin, his Jain investigations, transferring them afterwards to Strassburg where he tried to complete Bühler's work in that line by procuring for his University Jain manuscripts not represented as yet in the Berlin-Bühler Collection.
But Bühler founded the German Jain Philology not only through Berlin. In 1873-74 Jacobi had accompanied Bühler on one of his tours and had acquired with Bühler's consent and friendly support a manuscript collection of his own, containing chiefly Jain texts. It is well known how much Jacobi has fertilized this collection, and what valuable editions and translations of Jain texts he has brought out and furnished with most instructive introductions - not to mention the independent papers in which he has dealt with Jain subjects.
As to the impulses which Jain Philology received in India from Bübler we might refer to many, but confine ourselves to record here only what certainly is the chief and most promising impulse. Bühler imparted his desire of discovering or uncovering all that is hidden or unknown in Jain Literature to Peterson, his successor in Bombay, who has been so fortunate as to be able to enter sanctified temple libraries, which, in spite of all exertions, were closed to Bühler. Peterson has indeed been continuing Bübler's work in the Search for Manuscripts' very much to his credit, and his endeavours well supplement those of the highly accomplished scholar, Bhandarkar, who naturally favours the Brabmanic literature, though, like Weber, he has temporarily been induced to devote himself also to a very earnest perusal of Jaina texts.
We have dealt here somewhat at length on the position which Bühler holds towards Jain studies through his search for manuscripts. But his search claims to be of nearly the same primary importance in regard to the study of Indian Law and Custom. And further, all the other branches of Indian Learning have received new impulses and gained new prospects through the materials that have become available through Bühler. So, once more, we may state fairly that Bübler would have marked an epoch in Indian Philology,- he would, indeed, have remodelled it by giving it a new and larger base, even if he had done nothing else than securing for scientific investigation the three thousand manuscripts that we owe to him.
BÜHLER AND THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
A Note BY JAMES BURGESS, C.I.E., LL.D., FORMERLY EDITOR. With Professor Dr. J. G. Bühler, I became acquainted immediately on his arrival in Bombay as Professor of Sanskrit in the Elphinstone College, and during the next ten years we met occasionally at the rooms of the Bombay Branch of the Asiatic Society and at the University

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DECEMBER, 1898.]
IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
examinations. But it was in 1871-72 that we became intimate. The Bombay Asiatic Society was then publishing little, and at long intervals; and it occurred to me that, by using the grant it had from Government for the publication and inviting papers from many men able to contribute such in the numerous branches of Oriental research, the Society might publish every quarter, if not every second month. This proposal I brought formally before the Society's Managing Committee, urging it as a duty to use the funds granted for publication in this way, and pointing out the extent of the field. But the Secretary, Mr. Jas. Taylor (who had formerly been in the firm of Smith, Elder & Co.), pooh-poohed the proposal as chimerical. This led me to promise to attempt what the Society declined, and towards the close of 1871, I wrote to all the scholars I knew in India, asking whether they would support a monthly magazine on the plan of the programme of the Indian Antiquary. I had an immediate and encouraging response from several, including Dr. Burnell, Mr. Beames, Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar, Prof. Blochmann, Dr. Bühler, Mr. T. W. Rhys Davids, Mr. F. S. Growse, and others. Thus the Journal was commenced. Dr. Bühler sent me his first paper "On the Chandikâsataka of From that date we Bâṇabbaṭṭa" in March 1872, and it appeared the following month. started a correspondence which continued more or less regularly till the time of his lamented death. To the Indian Antiquary he was a warm friend and frequent contributor, and, during the thirteen years I edited it, I never appealed to him in vain when I wanted a paper: he commended it to his friends; and though so liberal a contributor, he insisted on paying his annual subscription for it, thereby testifying practically his anxiety for its success.
-
From 1885 our correspondence continued quite as regularly as before, and touched mostly on chronology, ancient geography, palæography and epigraphy. From the latter part of 1888 till 1894, his contributions to the Epigraphia Indica were also frequent and extensive Daring all these years we had much personal conference, meeting in Vienna, Edinburgh, London, Paris, and elsewhere, and I always found him the same, full of information drawn from all sources, enthusiastic about everything connected with Indian history and antiquities. His judgment was remarkably accurate and his knowledge of human nature instinctively clear, while his energy, wisdom and tact ensured success in whatever he undertook, and rendered his opinion one of great weight in any matter he expressed it upon. He was a true and valued friend as well as an accomplished scholar. His loss for the ancient history of India seems almost irreparable.
A NOTE ON DR. BÜHLER.
BY PROFESSOR MAURICE BLOOMFIELD.
PROFESSOR BÜHLER was an almost perfect embodiment of what might be called the pragmatic scholar. His work was full of action, but in all his varied activity he never lost sight of the highest scholarly ideals. He gave freely to all that camo of his advice and help. Whether it was necessary to search obscure catalogues for notices of manuscripts; to engage the co-operation of the Government officials in India; or to stir up a dreamy Pandit to the point of answering a letter, or parting with a manuscript in his possession; in all these and many other contigencies you might count upon his help given in the most cordial fashion. Yet how far was he from becoming the agent and business-man of others: he always remained the master. With all his wonderful grasp of the realities of India, and Indian life and history he never lost patience with the pains-taking closet-work of the philologist that is needed to secure a firm foundation for the reconstruction of the past. He was an ideal philologist: philologist and historian in one. Every Indian scholar, that is not a mere tradesman, is something of an historian, but the force of most of us is spent at the door of historical inquiry. To edit and translate, to restore and decipher, these are certainly important and unavoidable tasks; most of us are so busy with such labours as to be at times in danger of not seeing the forest for the trees that

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are in it.' Bühler was in an eminent degree both common labourer and architect: it is hard to to say where he will be missed most. As a searcher and finder of mannscripts, as a promoter of archeological inquiries, and as a decipherer of inscriptions he had no rival. But he was even greater when he stepped out, as it were, from the intricate maze of his knowledge of details and turned to works of generalization: when he helped to digest Hindu Law; when he presented his unrivalled essays on Indian Paleography; when he conceived and guided the first attempt at a connected Encyclopædia of Indian Philology; above all when he propounded and solved in his own clear-headed way questions in literary history and chronology. It is but the soberest truth to say that just such a man we shall not count as one of us again, that his loss will never be quite repaired. Western scholarship owes him a debt of lasting gratitude; India may fitly deplore the loss of perhaps her truest historian.
372
By way of adding something to the record of his extraordinary activity in India, I may be permitted a quotation from a letter of his, written scarcely two months before his untimely death (dated February 22nd, 1898). He is speaking of the unique manuscript of the Kashmirian Atharva-Veda, the so-called Paippaláda Chakka, which was sent to the late Professor von Roth by the British authorities in India, and is now in the possession of the library of the Tübingen University: "If, as I presume, you will print a history of the manuscript, I would ask you to mention that Sir William Mair decided on my advice to despatch the MS. to Professor von Roth. On its account I had to travel from Indor to Calcutta in February 1876, because Sir William Muir did not know what to do with the ragged volume. I pointed out to him that in the first place it stood in need of a bath; this it got in Sir William's bathroom. After that the MS. looked quite fresh, and Sir William handed it to me to have it mended by the Native book-binders. The repairs lasted for nearly a week."
NOTES ON G. BÜHLER.
BY PROF. RHYS DAVIDS.
AFTER reading the strikingly able paper by Dr. Winternitz I feel that it is only possible to add one other proof of the all-round nature of Professor Bühler's enthusiasm for knowledge of all things that had to do with the history of India. When I first knew him he had scarcely read a line of Pali. But he soon afterwards became a member of the Pali Text Society, and also (this does not always follow) read the books himself. He became as keen about the issue of cach new volume as if he had been a mere Pali scholar. And the last time he was in my study he said we were talking about Privat-docents that no one should be appointed a University teacher for Sanskrit unless he was at home also with Pali, and vice versa. He was interested chiefly in what could be gained for Indian lexicography, and the history of social institutions. But I confess I was amazed to find knowing how very busy he was, how many other interests he had had for so long a time that he should have been able to make time to read so much in these new texts. His articles on Pali subjects in the Vienna Journal, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, and in the Indian Antiquary; the great importance attached by him to Pitaka evidence in the opening pages of his Indische Paleographie, and such notes as that in his Manu, p. xci., show the object he had in view. And I know from personal conversation, that he was meditating other papers of a similar kind.
-
It is perhaps important to point out, as regards the subject of inner chronology,' that no one was more skilled at drawing conclusions as to the comparative chronology of two or more books from a careful comparison of their contents, than precisely Bübler. The introductions to his translations of Manu and Apastamba are elaborate examples of the importance and value of such comparisons, and of the right method to be followed in making them. It would be amply clear from them alone that it was not the use of inner chronology' as a means of investigation, that Bühler objected to, but the
1 See, for instance, ante, 1894, pp. 148-154, 242, 247.

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IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
wrong use of it the drawing of conclusions too wide, and too absolute from insufficient data; a reliance on comparisons of isolated passages, instead of including all the passages relating to the same point; a limitation of the comparisons to one or more points, omitting other matters also available for chronological purposes, and so on. The conclusions reached by Bühler, on grounds of inner chronology,' in the two essays referred to, are stated, not only once, but on several instances, in quite positive terms. They have obtained the assent of those of his fellow-workers most competent to judge of them. And inner chronology' used in the like judicial spirit, based on the like wide and accurate knowledge, guarded by the like painstaking industry, will always form an important element in our attempts to elucidate the history of Indian thought and institutions. That is the test: do the conclusions arrived at by the method of inner chronology gain the assent of other scholars ?
373
I venture to hope that this is really about what Dr. Winternitz would himself say: and would express the thanks we must all feel to him for having, with so much judgment and insight, shown us the varied sides of the activity of the great scholar whose personal qualities, and whose enthusiasm for the cause, so endured to all of us that we feel his loss as that, not only of a master, but also of a personal friend.
IN MEMORIAM G. BÜHLER.
ON SOME SWAT LANGUAGES.
BY GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., PH.D., I.C.S.
WHEN the Editor of the Indian Antiquary honoured me by inviting me to be one of the contributors to the Bühler Memorial Number, I felt some hesitation in complying. I could but offer a tribute of affectionate remembrance to him who I knew both as a guide and as a friend, and I knew that any poor halting, words of mine would be inadequate to express what I felt and what I wished to say while others, more able and better qualified than I, would adorn these pages with eloquent tribute to his worth. On second thoughts, I gathered courage, and it seemed to me that the best offering which I could make to his memory, would be of the first fruits of an undertaking whose inception owes much to his advice and encouragement.
It was in 1886, at the Oriental Congress held in Vienna, that I first met Bühler, and discussed with him a project, which had long occupied my mind, for holding a Survey of the languages now spoken in India. Encouraged by him, I laid the proposal before the Congress itself, and a resolution, strongly supported by him, was passed urging on the Government of India the advisability of undertaking the investigation. I avoid writing of the warm friendship which dated from those days, or of the close correspondence enriched by the treasures of learning ungrudgingly poured forth which continued through the next eleven years. Suffice it to say that, largely due to his personal efforts and to his advice, the preliminary operations for the Linguistic Survey of India were commenced some two and a half years ago. One of the last occasions that we met was when I read to the Aryan Section of the Paris Congress of 1897 the progress report of these preliminary steps, and I still seem to see him sitting on the daïs as Vice-President and to hear the words of encouragement with which he welcomed the story of what had been done. A day or two afterwards we parted, never, alas, to meet again. Early last May I learned that the project had been finally sanctioned, and was on the point of writing to him to tell him the joyful news, when the sad and much belated tidings of his death reached us in Patna. Never can I forget what I owe to him. True were the words of my Pandit when I told him of it, Mahabhánur astam gatô 'sti,' a great sun had set, and had left many without the light which they could hardly spare.
So I venture to dedicate to his memory some of the earliest results of the Linguistic Survey of India, because it was an inquiry in which he had continually taken an exceeding interest, and because these very results illustrate points on which he laid special stress in his correspondence with me.

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With his full concurrence, it was determined to delay the publication of the section of his Grundriss which was to be devoted to the modern vernaculars of India till after the completion of the Survey. Surprises, he was sure, were in store for us, and, unless we postponed the production of the section on the Tertiary Prakrits,' there would be danger of its being out of date almost as soon as it was issued. How true this was, the subsequent progress of the Survey has shown, and of the two specimens which I now proceed to give, one illustrates tLese surprises.
Gujari and Ajeri.
One of the most well-marked dialects of Rajputana is M@wari, spoken by the Chauhan Rajputs of Mêwâr. It is one of the great West-Central group of Indo-Aryan languages to which belong Eastern Panjabi, Gujarati and Standard Hindi, and forms one of the connecting links between these last two languages. Closely connected with it is Marwari, spoken in the neighbouring Bate of Marwar. The grammars of both will be found in Mr. Kellogg's work, and need not le described here.
More than eight hundred miles from Mâwâr, across the Indian Desert and the entire Panjab, beyond the North-West frontier of India, lies the Swật Valley, inhabited principally by a Pushtôspeaking popalation. There are, however, two Muhammadan tribes, the Gujars and the Ajars, who speak an Indian, and not an Iranian, language. The Gujars are cowherds, and the Ajars, who are closely connected with them, tend sleep. The former are a well known tribe, and seem to be at home right through the hill country north of the Panjab, though strongest in the North-West. They are also numerous' along the banks of the upper Jumna near Jagadri and Buriya, and in the Sabaranpur District, which during the last century was actually called Gujarat. To the east they occupy the petty State of Samptar, in Bundelkhand, and one of the northern districts of Gwalior, which is still called Grújargår; but they are more numerous in the Western States, and especially towards Gujarat, where they form a large portion of the population, The Rajâs of Riwari to the south of Delhi are Gújars. In the Southern Panjab they are thinly scattered, but their numbers increase rapidly towards the North, where they have given their name to several important places, such as Gujranwala, in the Rechna Duab, Gujarât, in the Chaj Duab, and Gujar Khan, in the Sindh-Sagar Dukb. They are numerous about Jehlam and Hasan Abdál, and throughout the Hazara District ; and they are also found in considerable numbers in the Dardu Districts of Childs, Koli, and PAlas, to the east of the Indus, and in the contiguous districts to the east of the river.'1 Regarding the Gujars of the Panjab, I have not as yet received any certain information, except that, the language-specimens, received from the District of Muzaffarnagar on the east bank of the Jamna show several points of connection with the language spoken by their brethren of Swât. The Gujars of the rest of the Panjab Himalayas, and those of Kashmir are reported to speak a language of their own, but specimens of it bave not yet been received. We must therefore content ourselves for the present with that spoken by those who are the most western and the most northern of all the Gujars with whom we are acquainted. This brings us to the surprise already alluded to. The language of the Swat Gujars is practically identical with Mêwâți, spoken, more than eight hundred miles away, in Rajputana. As might be expected they have borrowed a portion of their vocabulary from the neighbouring Pushto and Panjabi, but the grammars of Swât Gujari and of Ajari, on the one hand, and of Mêwârf, on the other, are to all intents and purposes identical. This will be manifest from the following notes and specimens. It is an interesting fact that, both with the Gujars and the Ajars, one of their septs is known as Chöhân.' I am indebted to Major H. A. Deane, C.S.I., for all these specimens.
1 Cunningham, Arch, Sur. Rep. ii., 61, quoted by Crooke in the Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh, 8.2, Gujar.

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I. NOUNS.
A.Substantives -
(a) Masculine. (1) Ending in 6Sing. Plur. Nom. ghor-6 ghor-4 Obl. ghor-d ghor-a
Dir. kó Obl. ká
(2) OthersNom. bắp bap Obl. bdp bapa (6) Feminine. Nom. dhi dht Obl. dhi dhid
Genitive Terminations. Gan. mairo tairs
Dir. k Obl. k
Masc. kâ kd
Fem. K
B. Adjectives - (1) Ending in 6
Masc.
I
Fem.
Dir. changchang Obl. changchangi (2) OthersDo not change.
Thou
Ag. mai
Nom. hu tú, tó
taï
Dat. mand tand
II. PRONOUNS.
GUJARI SKELETON GRAMMAR.
-
He
We
oh, wah ham
us-kó
usd, us ham
You
tam
tam
maháró thâró
They
we
un, und
un-kó
Possessive, apņô; obl., apnd; fem., apní; own.
Dir. chango changá Near Demonstrative,-yo, this; ag., isd, is; Pl., yé, obl., in Obl. changd changá
Relative, chi, who or what.
we-tah ham-tah tam-tahun-tah
Interrogatives, kaun, who P, obl. kas; ki, what?
VERBS.
A-Auxiliary and Verbs Substantive
Pres., hai, for all numbers and persons. Past. Mase. Sg., thô, P1. thá; Fem. thị, for all numbers and persons.
B. Finite Verb
III.
már-an.
mâr-tó.
Infinitive,Pres. Part., Past. Part., már-iô.
Pres., már + personal endings.
-
Sing.
Plur.
-
Future, ings + go. Def. Present, ings + hai. Imperfect, ings + tho.
Past,
Perfect,
Pluperfect,
-
...
mar.io.
már-is hai.
már-ió thổ.
Personal endings.
...
már + personal end
már + personal end
már + personal end
1
હૈ
ro re
2
ai
ro
3
di
9, P.
at
Irregular Past Participles
gis,
kio,
lis,
mây t
gone
dis, or ditô, given
lai,
made
dai,
taken
Imperatives.
dead
take.
give.
DECEMBER, 1898.1
IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
875

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The following points may be noted in regard to the grammar of the specimens :
1. - NOUNS. The Agent case is generally the same as the Nominative. Indeed the use of the Agent with the Past tense of a Transitive verb appears to have almost disappeared.
In the case of nouns in 8, the oblique form singular usually ends in a, but sometimes, probably owing to careless speaking, the direct form is used ; thus, ghorô kó, of a horse, instead of the more correct ghorá kó; mandó (for manda) kam md ; mairô báp kú, for mairá báp ká. Sometimes, under the influence of Panjabi, the oblique form ends in é. Thus, when the younger son speaks to liis father, the narrative says, correctly, aynd báp tah kahið; but when the elder son answers his father, the Panjabi idiom, apné bdp tah, is incorrectly used..
On the other hand, the influence of Panjabi sometimes makes these nouns have the direct form in d instead of in 8. Thus u ka (for us kb) barô put pati md tho.
Amongst the postpositions may be mentioned md, in ; kanal, with. The postpositions tah and nah are borrowed from Pught. They are used indiscriminately to mean both to and from.' Thus, ithar tah d-ja, come to this place, and ithdr tah ja, go from this place.
The following are examples of the correct use of the direct and of the oblique forms: mairo pût mbyô tho (Hindi, merd pút mvá (hd), my son was dead; apnå må tah (Hindi, apné mál sé), from his own property ; changá admi (Hindi, change admi), good mien ; is ka paird md (Hindi, is ké pair; mi), on his feet ; apnd dôstd kanah (Hindi, apné dóato sáth), with (my) own friends ; chungi trima (Hindi, changi stri), a good woman ; is ki angri md (Hindi, ia ki anguli md), on his finger. The use of the word yako, one, a, appears to be irregular. I have noted, -
Yaks bap, a father ; yuko bap ko, of a father ; bat yaké thôr, in a certain place. Yaká dhi, a danghter ; yakd changi trimat, a good woman ; yake dhi kô, of a daughter.
II. - PRONOUNS. The proper form of the Agent of his mai. Thus : mai tairo khaxmat kið hai (Hindi, mai ne éri khidmat kl), by me thy service has been done. But hd is sometimes substituted for it. Thus : thi mdrio, I killed, instead of mai mário, by me killed.
An example of the Agent of the second person is tai ni ditó hai (Hindi, tú né nahi diya hai), by thee has not been given,
So for the third person wedbandið (Hindi, us né bata), by him was divided ;us kahið (Hindi, us ne kahd), by him it was said ; but oh (not us or usd) uthið (Hindi, wal utha), he rose.
III. – VERBS. In the conjugation of verbs, note the peculiar way in which the Present Definite and Imperfect Are formed. Here the verb exactly follows the Mêwâri custom. To form these tenses, the auxiliary verb is added, not to the Present Participle, but to the various persons of the simple Present Tense. Thus : mara, I beat ; márd hai (not mártó hdi), I am beating ; márd thô (not mártó th), I was beating. Other examples are karů hai, I am making, used as a present subjunctive, (that) I may make (merriment with my friends); kard tho, I was making. Irregularly influenced by Panjabi are diyá ná thd, (anyone) was not giving ; chalâ nd tho, he was not going ; chard tho, he was grazing.
The Present Participle is used to form a Habitual Past. Thus : khaitó, he used to eat; Plural Masculine, khaitá, they (the swine) used to eat.
In the Simple Present, which is also used as a present subjunctive, there are some irregularities observable in the specimens. In ham khushali kard, khushdi ki, the first person plural is used for the first person singular. Panjabi is responsible for kha-lal, and h8 jáyai, and also for khái (they eat), in which last the singular is used for the plural.

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As already observed, the use of the Passive construction of the Past Tense of Transitive verbs appears to be dying out. The Agent form of the personal pronouns is still usually employed before these tenses, but all traces of the Agent case have disappeared from the noun. The feeling for Gender, too, is very weak. Thus we have mai tairó (instead of tairi) khazmat kió (instead of ki) hai, I have done thy service; so we have jili kiô, instead of jili ki, he shouted.
má
Ut
isa
ma
mú
was.
Specimen I.Parable of the Prodigal Son in Gujari. Yakó admi ka dô pût tha. Nandi kahiô put apna bắp tan chi, ai bap, One man of two sons were. By-the-young son his-own father to it-was-said that, 'oh father, mana apna má tal bando dai-lai.' Usa dwanyam pak apná bandió. to-me thy-own property from share give.' By-him both on his-own property was-divided. Kai di pachha nando pût harkuj yaké-fhár kar-ké dur dés tan giỗ. Some days after young son everything (in) one-place having-made far country to went. There mandó kam ma udá-lió. Chi habbá apná wajhér-liô, by-him his-own property bad works in was-wasted. When all (his) property was-finished, oh đèn pah yakô barô galat đuổ, oh sau?ô hô-giỗ. Oh giả, on dés ma yako that country on one great famine came, he straitened became. He went, that country in one Usá chi 'mandah z nawar khán kanah naukar hô-giô. apni patti tak dai-galio, chief with servant became. By-him his-own field to he-was-sent, that (you) unclean animal chár-lai. Oh apná-minah-pah oh bhô khádo, chi zinawar khaitá, hadô kauné diya na graze.' He his-own-desire-on that straw would-eat, which animals eat, but any-one giving not tha. Chi sil ma ho-gio, isá kahió chi, ‘mairô bắp ka kama raukar chẳngô When senses in became, by-him it-was-said that, my father of how-many servants good tuk khai, nữ bhakd mara. Hi uthago, apná búp táh jáwigs, us tah kahugo chi, food eat, I hungry am-dying. I will-arise, my-own father to will-go, him to will-say that, "ai bap, ha tairó bhi gunáhgar hai, Khudáe kd bhi gundhgár hai. Is ko layiq ní, "Oh father, I thy a'so sinner am, God of also sinner am. Of this worthy not-I-(am), chi tạirô put hôj đua; kho apná naukara ma mand ghal-lai." Oh uthio, apná that thy son I-may-become; but thy-own servants among me put."" He arose, his-own Xô là đúc thô, chị bap tah ayô. apri bap isá tars da thô, kiô, father to came. He yet far was, that by-his-own father to-him it-was-seen, pity on-him was-made, i bhaji, ghra-gharai A6-gi, isá chômiô. Pût is tah kahis chi, ai to-him he-ran, embracing took-place, him-to it-was-kissed. By-son him to it-was-said that, Oh Is ko layiq chi bập, lữ Khuddle lá khi gundhgar hai, tairô khi gun&ngân hai. father, I God of also sinner am, thine also sinner am. This of worth not-I-(am) that taira put ho-jawa. Us ka bap apná naukara tah kahiô chi, chango chirró thy son I-may-become." By his father his-own servants to it-was-said that, 'good lai-d6, is tah ghal-l66 yakú angri is ki angri ma kar-léô, pané is ka paira ma kar-l66. Áð bring, him-to put-on one ring him of finger on put, shoes him of feet on put. Come chi, tuk khả lãi, khushat hộ-jấy sawab tan chỉ, gô mai rô put máy ô thô, jimtô huyế that, food we-eat, merry become, this reason for that, this my son dead was, living become hai, gum giá thô, lab-liô hai Wế khushal hô-giô. is; lost become was, recovered is.,
isú
ní
dress
is
They merry became.
Hun us ka barô pût patti ma thô. Chi oh ayo, ghar tah nairo hô-gió, git nachan ka Now him of elder son field in was. When he came, house to near became, songs dancing of awaz sunió. Yako naukar tah bôliô, usá pechhi, 'yo ki chha hai?' sound was-heard. One servant to (he) called, to-him (by-him) it-was-asked, this what matter is?' kahiô, chi, ‘tairồ bhat ayo hai, tairô búp khai rất kio hai, chi usá By-him it-was-said, that, thy brother come is, (by)-thy father feast made is, as him righ jor Oh muộn giờ andar chali na thô. Báp is ka sound-and-well (by-him-it)-has-been-found.' He sulked within going not was. Father him of
Us
lđô-hai.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1898.
naksió, isá minnat kið.
18 apna báp-tah rawab ma kahio chi, came-out, him-to entreaty was-made-by-him. By-bim his own father-to answer in it-was-said that, daikh, hitna machh midah mai tairô khazmat kió hai; héchare tairô bé-amri * see, so much long time by-me thy service been done is; ever thy disobedience
ni k ið 'hai. BN tal mand yako lailó ni dito hai, chi hit apná dosta kanah not-by-me done is. Still by-thee to-me one kid not given is, that I my own friends with
khushalt karu-hai. Har-kade chi tairo yo pút úyo, chi fairó ma kachní pah merriment might-make. As-soon-as when thy this son came, by-whom thy property harlots on
udáy8-hai, tai 18 pah khairat ki. Us kahió, chi, pút, 10 nit mairo Wasted-has-been, by-thee him on feast made. By-bim it-was-said, that, son, thou always me kôr hai, a maird harkuj tairó hai. Y8 munasib thô, chi han khushali karil, khuskál with art, and my everything thine is. This proper was, that we merriment make, merry hã, tấchi bộ tairô phái môtyổ thô, vint, hộ ô hai; gu gió thô, ládô hai.” be, because this thy brother dead was, alive become is; lost become was, recovered is.'
A Fable in Gujari. Yako jakat lar đồ hệ số gã chara-thô, purbat mà grã tah dứt. Yakô đề
One boy every day buffaloes cows used-to-graze, mountain in village from far. One day ichà pah jili-kið chi, 'bagyár ayô hai.' Gra kú lok warnakşió, cki bagyár joke on it-was-shouted-by-him that, wolf come is. Village of people went-out, that wolf
khadőr-lai. Chi 16k appia, bagyár na tho. Jákat tah iná pachhnő kið: 148 should-drive-off. When people arrive, wolf not was. Boy from by-them enquiry was-made ; by-him chahio chi, hd chha karū tho.' Lôk ghar tah pachha gið. Daja aš yako parrô áy8. it-was-said that, 'I joke making was.' People house to back went. Second day one leopard came.
Jákat jilt-kið chi, "varhúri-déo; parto byó hai.'. Lok Tahi chi By-the-boy it-was-shouted that, come-running; leopard come is.' By-the-people it-was-said that
vô ba kahai? kawề ma giô. Parô-mê jakat . khẩ-46. Cha ma karya, this(-boy) lie tells,' any-one not went. By-the-leopard boy was-devoured. Joke in lying, jakat mar-giố. boy died.
Gujari Numerals. Ek, 6 kô dê tin ohár pañch chhế sat ath naữ dâh yard bara terà chaudahā pandrà soha
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 satard athari uni bí el té bí do té bi, etc. dah té bi yerd te bi, etc. charos éke té chawé, etc.
17 18 19 20 21 22 30 31 40 41 dah tê chawé or panjah yard té chavé, etc. sath ék té sath, etc. dah tê sath, etc. chár bi 50
51 60 61 .
80 #k tê cháy bộ đồ tể chấm bi ton tê chân bị cháy té chát bi, and so on đa tê cháy bẻ vềã tê chân đế 81 82 83 84
90
91 bára te chár bi and so on, up to uni té chár bi sau. 92
99 100.
A Folk-Tale in Ajari. El jamo dhaka ma bakri chárai thê. Ek di par ma maikha labh-lió. Us
One man mountain in goats grazing was. One day rock in a-honey-comb) was-found. By ne kahib chi, hi kap-liyugo,' khô hath us ko na aprió, Wi-j& thár sauro te him it-was-said that, I will-cut-it-off,' but hand him of not reached, because the place narrow and aukhổ thổ. Mã tok grà tah agô, đậra
liố, tê tay tah guố; 4 kỳ difficult was. Then he village to came, gunpowder was taken-by-him, and rock to went; it of
het dab-chhörið chi ag 16-kê par uda-chhörugo, to maikha habbá kad-lywgo. beneath it-was-buried-by-him) that fire applying rock I-will-blow-up, and honey all will-extract.
70

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DECEMBER, 1898.)
IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
379
Mhi palitah nah ag ia-ice bais-rahiô. Mht das hôy6, par phul-gió, jano Then fuse to fire applying he-sat-down. Then explosion became, rock barst, (the)-man udá-chhörió. Ut maikhú kô arman må mar-gið. Was-blown-up. There honey of longing in he-perished.
Garwi. The modern Indian language with which Bühler's name is most closely connected is Kasbmiri. The first scientific account of that language appeared in his famous Kashmir report, and during the years of our intercourse, he was never tired of dwelling on its importance for the linguistic history of India. At length, some three or four years ago, at his earnest solicitation, I took up the serious study of this interesting form of speech, and have been amply rewarded. Similarly, the late Dr. Burkhard's papers on the Musalman form of Kashmiri, which are now appearing in these pages, were undertaken at his suggestion and with his assistance.
One of the result of these studies has been the establishment of the existence of a North-Western group of Indian languages, all closely connected, and extending from Karachi, in Sindh, through the Western Panjab, into Kashmir. The Linguistic Survey, thanks to the kindness of Major Deane, the Political Officer at the Malakhand, has brought forward two more languages, also spoken in the Swat country, which belong to the same group. They had been previously described by Colonel Biddulph, but their affinities had never been established. Their names are Gârwi and Tôrwalt. They closely resemble each other, and, in this paper, I shall only give some grammatical notes, and two of the specimens which I have collected of the former. Other specimens have also been utilised in preparing the notes, but considerations of space forbid their being printed here.
Gârwi is the language of the Ga wâre, a sept of which tribe is named Bashghar, a fact which has led Colonel Biddulph to erroneously call the language Bushkarik,' and to call the entire tribe Bushkar.' The language is closely connected with that of the Torwal, who inhabit the Swat and Panjkôrå Valleys lower down than the Gaward.' It is evidently of Indian origin. Regarding the Gaware, Colonel Biddulph says,
" Bushkar is the name given to the community which inhabits the upper part of the Punjkorah Valley, whence they have overflowed into the upper part of the Swat Valley, and occupied the three large villages of Otrote, Ushoo, and Kalam. They live on good terns with their Torwal neighbours, and number altogether from 12,000 to 15,000 souls . .. The Bushkarik proper are divided into three clans, the Moolanor, Kootchkhor, and Joghior. They say that they have been Mussulmans for nine generations, and the peculiar customs still common among the Shins do not exist among them . . . . The Bushkar dialect approaches more nearly to modern Punjabi than any other of the Dard languages; but in some respects seems to show some affinity to the dialects of the Siah Posh."
With reference to the above remarks, the conversion of the people to Islam began in the time of A khûn Darwêza, about three hundred years ago, and has been carried on up to within the last centary. Garwî, like the other languages of the Swât Kohistên, has one remarkable peculiarity. The verb, except in the Future Tense, and in the Imperative mood, does not distinguish between the various persons. In some of these languages, e. 9., Garwi (as described by Biddulph under the name of Bushkarik) even number is not distinguished. On the other hand, throughout the conjugation of the verb, the distinction of gender is carefully maintained. Thus, in Garwi, the present tense of the verb "to be" is, masculine, tú, feminine, túi. According to the gender of the subject, each of these words means, I am, thou art, he, she, or it is, we are, you are, they are, as the context may require.
It is not possible to form a complete grammar from the specimens, but the following instances of grammatical forms show that the language is closely connected with Kashmiri.
Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh, p. 70. A brief notice of Bushkarik Grammar is given in Appendix E. of the same work.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Sing.
I. - NOUNS - Declension.
Plur.
Similarly. Nom, bab, a father babt
dui, a daughter. Gen. bab-a
babu-a
Genitive, dit-2: but Nom. Dat. bab-ki or -ka babú-ki orka
Plur, dúi. Loc. bab-md
habu-mă
A good man is ak rán mérh. Abl. bab-ma, from a father babú-md
A good woman is ak rain is. II. - PRONOUNS —
I, ya; of me, me, mai; Obl. form, mai; We, md; oar, mo. Thon, tâ; of thee, cha ; Obl, form, tai; Ye, thấ; your, tlô.
He, that, ashi; his, asd; Obl. de; they, tum ; their, tasd; by them, tama. Other forms are sah, he ; tasd, his ; tas-ki, to him ; tan, by him. This' is ch or ai. III. – VERBS (a) Verbs Substantive - Pres. - thú, th, (masc.); thi (fem.); for both numbers and all persons. Used once to
mean was.' The elder son was in the field. Past - dsh, Ash, dshi; fem. dshí; for both numbers and all persons : used once to
mean 'is,' what matter is ? I may or shall be, hôm; he became, hí; be (Imperat.) hô; to be, hôge ; being, hôg. (6) Finite Verbs -
Chando, to beat. Chandôsh, beaten ; 80, múrsh, dead; chháros, lost: gat, gone. Imperative, -chand, beat. Other examples are, da, give; giya, bring ye; sháwa, sha,
clothe ye; yd, come (? 1st person, plural); chó, go. Present, - chandánt, I beat, for all persons and both numbers. Other examples are
khánt, I would eat; mardnt, I am dying; kharánt, thou art defiling; want, it
comes ; gránt, thou bandiest : bachant, I go. Imperfect, - chandánt ash, (I, etc.) was (were) beating. Past, (a) Transitive Verbs - Passive construction - With Masculine Object, -
mai chandi, I beat him); pastala, (he) sent him); kér, (he) made; lith (he) saw
(him); gas, (he) caught (him); mano, he said ; budh, (he) heard (a sound); lath, (he) found him). With Feminine Object, - kéth, thy (father) has made (a feast), (I) did not disobedience to thee; d&th, thou didst (not) give (a kid);
gis, (he) caught (her); khég, (he) ate (her). (6) Intransitive Verbs, - gå, (1, etc.) went ; ya, yag, (he) came ; itiath, (he) arose;
bág-chhöre, (he) ran up to him); nukas, (he) came out. The following are apparently Past Participles used as Past Tenses; - khidshta, they ate; karésh, I might do (merriment, fem. obj.) ; didah, (he) gave; bachash, (he) went; pudsh, they were drinking.
Future, -ya-chandam, I shall beat; chhom, I will go ; ya manam, I shall say ; karam,
I will make; ya poham, I will understand.

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DECEMBER, 1898.]
IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
GARWI.
Specimen I.- The Parable of the Prodigal Son.
381
Ak mêsh-a dú púl ashû.
Lakot pat tani bab-ka mano, mai-ki mál-me tani
tani
I
One man-of two sons were. Younger son his-own father-to said, 'me-to property-in my-own dah da,' Tan mál duéra dah-kér. Kidi dos pat lakot put share give.' And his-own property (on)-both (he)-divided. A-few (some) days after younger son harkihá jama kér, déôr utan-ki gá. Tati bág taní mál lál kar anchan-kér. everything together made, far country-to went. That place his-own property bad act dissipated. Swá mál khlás-kér, tati utan-me gián gáhat yág, ta ti tang hû. Sah ga tati All property finished, that country-in big famine came, and he straitened became. He went that utan-ma khan-sah naukar hú. Tan tani khér paṛtalú súar char. 'Aï súar country-in chief-with servant became. And his-own field sent (him) swine graze. Which swine khidshta, ya pa khánt;' kami na diách. Pata khid-me ya, manô, má baba are-eating, I also will-eat;' anyone not gave (him). Afterwards sense-in came, said, 'my father-of kiti ngular thôi nên giả khiên, ya bật hộ marint, Ya itiênt, tan bao-hi chôm how-many servants are, good food eat, I hungry am-dying. will-rise, and father-to will-go, tas-ki manam, "O bab, ya Khudáé gunáhgár chha gunahgár. Até layiq na kô chả him-to will-say, "O father, I of-God sinner thy sinner. So worthy not (am) that thy đất hôm, raukan mở mai hisáb-kar."' Sah itiath, tani bab-ki yag. Sah son be, servants-among me reckon."" (And) he rose, his-own father-to came. (And) he pafka asho tani bab lith, rahm kér, bág-chhôré, mûr-mé gas, khkôl-kér. afar was his-own father saw (him), pity did, ran-up (to him), embrace-in caught (him), kissed (him). Put mano, O bab, ya Khudáé gunáhgár, chha gunahgar. Até layiq kô chia put Son said, 'O father, I of-God sinner (am), thy sinner (am). So worthy not (am) that thy son hôm. Bab tani naukar-ki mano, rán jáma giya, as sháwa; angusir angir shawa; kosh be.' Father his-own servants-to said, 'good dress bring, him clothe; ring finger put-on; shoes khur shá. Ya, gil kháé, khushál hôé. Tithi ma ch put mûrsh, júndo; chhárósh feet put-on. Come, food eat, merry be. Because my this son dead, revived (is); lost lad.' Tama khushali kér. recovered (is). They merriment made.
na
Một task giản pút khép mở thủ.
Séh
yág, shit-ki Now his elder son field-in was. (When) he came, house-to budh. A naukar-ki awás-kér, tapaus-kér, ké chhal ash?' heard. A servant-to called, inquired, what matter is?'
niár hú, saród nétah awas near was, music dancing sound Tan manô, chha já yag He said, thy brother come hú, shiki na
thôn; bao khairút kéth, tithi rôgh jor lath.' Seh bájá
is; father feast has-made, because whole well found.' (Then) he angry became, inside not bachash. Bab núkas, minat kér. Tan jawab-me bab-ki manô, bér, até búr múdah went. Father came-out, entreaty made. He reply-in father-to said, lo, so long time chha khismat kér, hécharé chha bé-amri na kéth. Tai mai-ki á sûr na déth, mai tani thy service I-did, ever thy disobedience not did. Thou me-to one kid not gave, I my-own dôstán-sah khushal karésh. Kai saat ai pú yág, chha mál kachanai-rá kharab-kér, friends-with merriment might-do. Which time this son came, thy property harlots-on wasted, tai khairat kér.' Tan manô, O pût, tú hallal mai-sah bai, má harkai chha. Aï thou feast did.' He said, 'O son, thou always me-with livest, my everything thine (is). This munasib asha, ma khushali kér, khushal ha, tithi chha á já murah, jándé; proper was, we merriment did, merry become, because thy this brother dead, alive (is); chharosh, lad.' lost, recovered (is).'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Specimen II. - A Folk-Tale. Ak bôr ashú, aké chhél áshi. A i-ra
prish. Bộr rat ashú, chhél tad A tiger was, & goat was. A spring-at water were-drinking. Tiger above was, goat below áshi. Bôr mano chhél-ka, má ká k haránt ?" Chhel mano, chã bán-te was. Tiger said goat-to, my water why do-you-make dirty?' Goat said, water thy, side-from rcánt, ya túá thi. Chha kiki khas karam?' Lôr mano, tú bár lá thú, mai-sah comes, I below am. Thy water how dirty can-I-make ?' Tiger said, thou very bad art, me-with
bet gránt. Mai-ka izhgár mano. Ya tai-san pham. År mani, top words dost-bandy. Me-to liar say (Cali). I thee-with will understand.' This saying, a-jump
ker, chlélgis, swa khég. (he)-made, goat caught, whole devoured.
Al đa tha chon panj shố gat ath nem daeh ikua bẩh thô chồng panjah shihr satal aid also
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 bish dashbish danish dashod úb(sh thabish dashóthabesh chorbish dashochorofsh panjbish. 20 30 40 50 60 70
80
90 100.
A NOTE ON BÜHLER.
BY PROF. J. JOLLY (WÜRZBURG). WHILE referring for details to a comprehensive biography to be pub ished e!sewhere, I beg to send you for the Indian Antiquary, to which Bühler during the last quarter of a century has devoted Bo much of his time and energy, a few lines in illustration of the personal views and character of a revered friend older than myself. In all the obituary notices hitherto published it has been pointed out correctly that Bühler's surprising universality made him the born leader of such an enormous undertaking as the Encyclopedia. But I do not find the fact mentioned anywhere that Bühler had planned a similar work many years ago. As he told me in 1878 and later, he had made arrangements with Nikolaus Trübner, the well-known London publisher, for the publication of a bulky work on Indian Antiquities, destined to replace Lassen's Indische Altertumskunde, which work was then fast becoming antiquated. His epigraphic researches, and other works in which he had meanwhile become engaged, compelled hiin to lay aside his plan for some future time. Then old Trübner died, and it was reserved for his nephew, Karl J. Trübner of Strassburg - the founder and publisher of the Encyclopedias (Grundrisse), who has rendered such s gnal services to nearly every branch of philology -- to secure Bühler as the Editor of the Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research, without knowing anything of his deceased uncle's plan.
Let me quote one more instance of Bühler's “distinguishing moral quality of unselfishness" (Tawney). In connection with his extensive preliminary work for the Digest of Hindu Law, he had collected ample materials for critical editions of the law-books of Baudhayana, Gautama, Vishnu, Vasishtha and Narada, but he handed them over to myself and other junior scholars to help us in the editing of those texts. Thus at all times and in everything he would care for the cause of science only; and the inspiration which he disseminated in every direction has contributed no less to the progress of learning than his own pioneer work exhibited in so many publications. But for him, many important works would never have been written or printed, many old inscriptions would never have been excavated, many temple and private libraries in India would never have been searched for MSS.
It is well known that Bühler afforded a splendid proof of his generous liberality by the presentation of his private collection of MSS. consisting of 128 valuable old MSS. and 193 modern copies) to the India Office Library in London, in 1888. He also presented to the Royal Library in Berlin A collection of 177 MSS. in 201 volumes.

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DECEMBER, 1898.]
IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
IN MEMORIAM GEORG BÜHLER.
A POSTSCRIPT.
383
BY R. C. TEMPLE.
It has been a melancholy pleasure to me, after much correspondence and with the effective assistance of Dr. Winternitz, to compile this memorial number of the Indian Antiquary in honour of my genial friend and invaluable guide and co-operator of so many years. It is natural that, when called upon, many fellow-workers should have come forward with their parting appreciation of one who was not only a matured scholar and a safe master, but also always a kindly friend, a generous opponent and a fair fighter, thinking in all controversies not so much of himself as of the right of the cause he fought for. It is natural also that the conductor of this Journal, which he helped from its very commencement, as we have already heard from Dr. Burgess, continuously up to his sudden death 26 years later (I had to publish his last contribution uncorrected for the press, and from the other side of the world, from Yokohama and San Francisco, in ignorance of the calamity that had overtaken my friend, I "wrote letters to the dead" about projected contributions), should desire to go out of the usual course to do honour to the memory of one who had conferred so many benefits with such unstinted, unselfish lavishness on the studies it serves to forward. Indeed, those who have been able to assist me in this undertaking have esteemed their pious labours to be a privilege; so do I in my turn esteem it a privilege to have had the right to indite this postscript as a last testimony, however inadequate, to the worth of the mutual friend, who was also the actual master and teacher of so many of us.
I have been able to set before the reader a goodly array of writers for this special number, but it will be readily understood that for individual reasons many who would gladly have come forward with friendly articles or notes have been prevented from doing so. From these I have had kindly expressions of sympathy and regret at inability to actively assist. The venerable scholars, O. von Böhtlingk and A. Weber, pleaded age and infirmity, and generous and appreciative letters were sent by Lord Reay, Sir Raymond West, Drs. Whitley Stokes and Fleet in England, and from Profs. Garbe, R. Pischel and Hillebrandt among others on the Continent of Europe.
Abundant information has already been given as to the main facts of Bühler's career :his services to Comparative Philology and to Indian Studies of a very wide range; mythology, Vedic and Sanskrit; Indian literature, ancient and modern, Sanskrit, Pali, Jain, Buddhist, legal, Belles Lettres; geography, chronology, epigraphy, archeology, palæography; history and philosophy, ancient and modern, religious, political, epic; grammar, lexicography, philology, law:his many works, culminating in the great Encyclopædia unfinished at his death:- his efficiency as an official, a teacher, an organiser:- his exceeding skill as an Oriental and European lingnist: his many fine personal qualities, knowledge of human nature, tact and skill in bringing to the fore the better instincts of those with whom he was in contact :- his knowledge and energy as a collector of MSS. and his large-hearted generosity in their disposition:- his power of making and keeping friends.
There is, indeed, nothing for me to add to the long catalogue of Bühler's capacities and works accomplished, beyond making good one small deficiency, which after all it properly lies with me to supply, a list of his 85 contributions to this Journal, though it cannot be a full measure of the work he did for it, owing to his never-ending kindness in looking over and improving on the work of others less gifted and less completely equipped.
Bühler's Contributions to the Indian Antiquary. 1872.
1. On the Chandikasataka of Banabhatta.
2. Note on MSS. of the Atharvaveda.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1998.
3. Note on Valabhi. 4. On the Vrihatkatha of Kshemendra.
1873. 5. The Desisabda Samgrabs of Hemachandra. 6. Abhinanda, the Ganda. 7. On the Authorship of the Ratnavali. 8. Ona Prakrit Glossary entitled Paiyalachbi. 9. Pushpamitra or Pushyamitra P
1874. 10. Letter : on the Bhandar of the Osval Jains of Jesalmer.
1875. 11. The Author of the Paialachhi. 12. A Grant of King Dhruvasena of Valabhi. 13. A Grant of King Guhasena of Valabhi,
1876. 14. Sanskrit MSS.; extract from the Preliminary Report. 15. Inscriptions from Kavi (2 papers).. 16. Two Inscriptions from Jhalrapathan. 17. Grants from Valabhi. 18. A Grant of Chhittarajadeva, Mahamandalesvars of the Konkana. 19. Analysis of the first seventeen Sargas of Bilhana's Vikramankakavya.
1877. 20. Farther Valabhi Grants. 21. Note on Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji's “ Ancient Nagari Numerals." 22. A New Grant of Govinda III., Rathor. 28. Three New Asoka Edicts. 24. Eleven Land-Grants of the Chaulakyas of Anbilavad. 25. The Rajatarangini ; extract from official report.
1878. 26. The Digambara Jainas. 27. Additional Note on Hastakavapra-Astakampron. 28. MSS. of the Mahabhashys from Kasmir. 29. Gujara Grants No. II.; The Umeta Grant of Dadda II. 30. Additional Valabhi Grants, NOB. IX.-XIV. 31. The Three New Edicts of Asoka. 32. Note on the Inscription of Rudradaman, translated by Bhagvanlal Indraji Pandit.
1879. 33. An Inscription of Govana III. of the Nikumbhavamsa.

Page #393

DECEMBER, 1898.]
IN MEMORIAM GEORGE BÜHLER.
885
1880. 34. Inscriptions from Nepal (with Bhagvanlal Indraji). 35. Valabhi Grant No. XV.
1881. 36. Sanskrit Manuscripts in Western India. 37. A New Kshatrapa Inscription. 38. Note on the Dohad Inscription of the Chanlukya king Jayasimhadeva. 39. Note on the word Siddham used in Inscriptions. 40. Forged Copper-plate Grant of Dharasena II. of Valabhi, dated Saka 400.
1882. 41. Inscriptions from the Stupa of Jagayyapetta. 42. On the Origin of the Indian Alphabet and Namerals. 43. Valabhi Grants No. XVII. ; Grant of Siladitya 11., dated Sam. 352.
1883. 44. The Dhinjki Grant of King Jaikadeva. 45. Rathor Grants, No. II.; Grant of Dhruva III. of Bharoch (with Dr. Hultzsch). 46. Grant of Dharanivaraha of Vadhvan. 47. The Ilichpur Grant of Pravarasena II. of Vakataka. 48. On the Relationship between the Andhras and the Western Kshatrapas. 49. An inscribed Royal Seal from Wala.
1884. 50. The Recovery of a Sanskrit MS. 51. Prof. Peterson's Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. 52. Two Sanskrit Inscriptions in the British Museum, 53. Transcripts of the Dehli and Allahabad Pillar Edicts of Asoka. 54. Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji's Considerations on the History of Nepal.
1885. 55. A Note on a Second Old Sanskrit Palm-leaf MS. from Japan. 56. The Banawasi Inscription of Haritiputa-Satakamni. . 57. Notice of Prof. R. G. Bhandarkar's Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Circle.
1886. 58. Valabhi Inscriptions, No. 18; a New Grant of Dharasena IV. 59. Beruni's Indica.
1887 60. The Villages mentioned in the Gujarat Rathor Grants Nos. II and IV.
1888. 61. Gujara Inscriptions, No. 3; a New Grant of Dadda II. or Prasantaraga. 62. Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji.

Page #394

386
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DECEMBER, 1898.
1889. 63. Some Further Contributions on the Geography of Gujarat. 64. The Begumra Grant of Nikumbhallasakti, dated in the Year 406. 65. Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Presidency during the Year 1883-84.
1890. 66. Texts of the Asoka Edicts on the Delhi Mirat Pillar and of the Separate Edicts on the
Allahabad Pillar. 67. Note on Harshavardhana's Conquest of Nepal. 68. Alberuni's India, Ed. Edward C. Sachau.
1891. 69. The Barabar and Nagarjuni Hill Cave Inscriptions of Asoka and Dasaratha. 70. The Date of the Græco-Buddhist Pedestal from Hashtnagar.
1892. 71. The Dates of the Vaghela Kings of Gujarat.
1893. 72. Asoka's Sahasram, Rupnath and Bairat Edicts.
1894. 73. The Roots of the Dhatapatha not found in Literature. 74. Note on Prof. Jacobi's Age of the Veda and Prof. Tilak's Opinion. 75. Bulletin of the Religions of India (Dr. Morison's Transaltion).
1895. 76. The Origin of the Kharoshthi Alpbabet.
1896. 77. Epigraphic Discoveries in Mysore. 78. A New Kharoshthi Inscription from Swat. 79. The Sohgaura Copper-plate. 80. A New Inscribed Græco-Buddhist Pedestal. 81. Apastamba's Quotations from the Puranas.
1897. 82. The Villages in the Gujarat Rashtrakuta Grants from Torkhede and Baroda. 83. The Origin of the Town of Ajmer and of its Name. 84. A Jaina Account of the End of the Vaghelas of Gujarat.
.1898. 85. A Legend of the Jaina Stupa at Mathura. .
To this last paper I was obliged to add a footnote to p. 54 of the volume for 1898, the very last page of the Indian Antiquary on which it was destined that Bühler's handiwork should appear: -" It is right to add that Dr. Böbler, my personal friend for many years and the greatest friend and supporter that the Indian Antiquary ever possessed, had no opportunity of seeing this, his last article, through the press."
And now, with thanks to those who have helped in this act of piety, I conclude these last words in memory of the universal scholar, whose loss our generation will not see replaced.

Page #395

INDEX.
.
.
..........
291
241
.ssuescere
..
....
.....
15
abaons, Chinese anpan ................ 19 Archipelago, table of weights in the Malay... 36 abree geed ............
... 57 Asra, an angelic spirit ........... Acleeen, weights and coins at ................ 41
L t = siamois ........ adenanthera seed is fin seed ................. 33 Aurangabandur, weights ............ Afgal Khin ...................................... 235 Arbatba Obbia, dend of the Minbu monasagathocles, coins of ............................... 227 teries, his Burmese translation of the Ahmednagar, siege of, and heroic defence of Xandjánaka Jataka ................................. 117 the fort by Chind Bibi, 232 il., 268 ff . Aymonier, Etienne, Voyage dans le Laos of
281 ff., 318 ff. the Mission, 1895, 15; bis Siamese-Sbån Abbang Keria .................
................. 281 weighta, 17; on kuld ***....................... 28 Afval Kbån .................................. 292 Azes, ovins of ......................... 227 Aixal Kbån ....... .......... Akbar Padshah .............
293 Ambar Chapa .....
821 Chind Sultanah............
288 Bactriun coins, imitations of ................ 225 Habebi amirs ...............
281 Bardage of the E. Nilgiri Hills.................... 168 Ibrahim Adil-Shah .........
Buldur, Prince .................................. 233 khác Khản .................
285 baigd or bhagat, a spirit medium in Bengal.. 270 Khan-Khanan................. .******
baillardère = bayudère .....
308 Khwajah .......................
Bulai, a spirit ................................ Kull Ratb-Shih..........
291 balance = oking ........... Ķuli Sultan Talash ..........
287 Bammer Pitanna, a Telugu poet............ 246 Miran Shah Ali ......................... 281, 285 bao, discussed, 280; in 1782......................... 196 Mir Hashim.............................
291 | Bapdov, & spårit ................................... 240 Mir Muhammad Zaman ..................... 294 Bappaləbatti ............................ ......... 53 Moti Shah ................ 281 barre......
16 RAj& ‘Ali Khan, salt of Burhanpur .... 286 berter:- cowries, 170; gold dust as, 43, Sadat Khân................
284 pine torch or mé-fahr of the Lais............ 258 Adik Muhammad Khan ...............284 287 I bat or pad .................... ... .. ..... Sayyid Alam ............ ......***............ 184 Baunguld. Lai Háků ...................... 253 Sayyid Martaça ....................... 291 bayadere or baillanders...............
308 Suyyid Rájů ............................. besarticoo ........... ......
336 Sbab Murad........ ............ 290 bells, Burmese, gienter, various coniputations Shamshir Kbån .............
of the weights of, 120; Myingin bell, 120 : Sahail Khan ..............
2861 inscriptions on, et Maulmain, 114; at Tarikhf............
319 Rangoon, 115, Mahagande, 116, 120, 121, Vankújt Kali ............
283 Mabétibaddaghrda, 115, 120, 121, DhamAjari, a folk tale in.
378 machêti's ..................................... 120, 121 "All Adil-Shah I ...
233 | Bengal, weights ...................................... 85 'Al Khan, Raja .................................
234 ) bezoar ..................................................... Alvantin, a spirit ............................. 270 Bghai, dialect of Karen ............................ Amardja, Bappabhatti's patzon ............ 53 | Bhagat baigd .................... ****......* anching or chang .............
16 Bhamo Shân ............ Andhra = Telugu ...........
244 Bhatyi Khatri, a spirit Andra country, dimensions of............... 245 Bhushangad, fort of ..................... Anegondi = Vijayanagara ........................... 249 Bichana ................................................. Angâmi Någas; measures of capacity, 210: Bijapur, the fifth king of ........................
numerals, 209: terms for metala................ 2091 birth customs, Musalmans .......... Anjengo, weights ............
Bado = Bòrò = Kach&ri ........... Annam, table of weights .........
35 ból, derivation of, discussed, 118; calculation Ansår Klån ........................
of the .. ***** Ao Nagas : avoirdupois weights, 208; mea- Bord = Bôdô = Kachart .............................. sures of capacity, 208; numerals, 206 ; Bowring on Siamese weights ..................... terms for metals, 206; terms for money ... 206 Brahma-Rakshasa, a spirit .....................
16
90
89
.
..
.
.

Page #396

388
INDEX.
..
28
Burmans called Kulds ............ Burmese, currency and coinage among the,
1 ff., 29 ff., 57 ff., 85 ff., 113 ff., 141 ff., 169 ff., 197 #f., 253 ff.: - decimal scale of mí compared with ancient Chinese scale, 30 :mental arithmetic, natural, 20 :-method of using the swanpan, 19:-weights, concurrent decimal and quaternary system of, runs side by side thro' all the wide districts occupied by the Shan tribes, 14:- comparative, and Siamese bullion weighte, 1 f.:-- old, and PAļi weights, 113 ff. :- same as Siamese, 3: -standard weights ............141 ff.
340
...... 340
...
.
16
...
British coinage, Siamese version of, 18; com.
putation of, in rural Siam........................... 19 Bühler, George, in Memoriam: by the Right Hon. F. Max Müller, 349 ff. ; by C. H. Tawney, C. I. E., 355 ff.; by Cecil Bendall, 357 f.; by Dr. Macdonell, 858 ff.; by Prof. A. Kaegi, Zürich 360 ff.; by Prof. F. Knauer (Kiew), 363 ff.; by Emile Senart, Membre de l'Institut, 364 ff.; by Prof. Jacobi and others, 367 ff.; by Prof. Ernst Leumann, Strassburg, 868 ff.; by Dr. Burgess, 370 ff. ; by Prof. Maurice Bloomfield, 371 f.; by Prof. Rhys Davids, 372 f.; by Dr. Grierson, 378 ff.; by Prof. J. Jolly
(Würzburg), 382; by Col. R. C. Temple...383 ff. Bühler, George, in memoriam: by Dr. Win- ternitz .............................................. 337 ff.
Aboka, edicts of king ........................ 342 Bombay Sanskrit Series ...................... 888 Comparative Philology and Vedic Mythology ................. .............. ..
337 education inspector ............................ Hindus, epic literature of the.............. Hindu literature, hist. of ancient ......... India, ancient hist. of ............ Indinn law-books, hist. of the ............... 343 Indian philology and archeology ......... 343 Indo-Aryan Research, encyclopedia of ... 348 Jainas, literature of the ...................... 339 Kavya literature.................................. 341 Orientalista, International Congresses of. 347 palæography ...
343 Pandit Bhagvânlal Indraji ................... 315 Pandit Rådhâkishn........................... 344 political hist. of ancient India............... 342 Praksit grammar and lexicography ...... 342 religious movements in India, hist. of ... 341 search for Sanskrit manuscripts ... ... ... 339 Sripaj Jinamuktisdri ............................ 344 Vienna, chair of Sanskrit and Indology in the University of ................. 346 member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences at ...........
347 Oriental Journal ........
University, Oriental Institute of ... 346 Bühler, George, his contributions to the Indian Antiquary .........
383 Bujang Gelap, a spirit ......... Bukkaraya ......................
247 bullion weights, comparative Burmese and
Siamese, 1 f.; Malay, 1 f.; Shân method of calculating, 8: measures of ancient Chinese
preserved by Indo-Chinese populations... 31 bunkals of commerce............... Burhan-i Ma,&gir, a very rare Persian mang script ..................
232 Burhånpar, hakim of................................... 234
S
. 318
318
Calicat, weights of........... Cambodia, concurrent tables of weights for, 3;
derived perhaps from Siam, or vice versa... Cambodian ideas of currency, modern, Chi.
nese influence on, 34: denominations ..... candareen, diectissed .................. .......... Carwar, weights ...................................... cash, probable derivations of:-Burmese, Far
Eastern Commercial, Malay, Sanskrit or
Prakrit, Talaing ......... cattie .............. catty, modern Achinese Siamese ........... 38 Chand Bibi's heroio defence of Ahmadnagar.
232 ff., 268 ff., 281 ff., 318 ff. Abhang Khan Habehl....................819, 320 Alam-Panah ............ ............... 319 Bahadur Shah .... Fath Khôn ..... Ibrahim Adil-Shah II ......................... 318
Sahail Khan.............. Chånd Sultanah ..........
233 chang or anching Charan Mata = Bard Mother .................... 243 Chåvandh, fort of ................................ 233 chi ...................................... ............................................................ 16 Chins: - coin and currency, notions of, 256 :
definition of, 258:-language, sources of information for the, 253:-metals, terms for, 257: -numerals, 254:- Siyin, terms for currency, 256: --Southern, dialect of, 255; their numerals, 255; method of counting rupees, 257:-trade, aptitude for, 258:
-- Troy weight ................ ............... 257 Chinese influence on modern Cambodian ideas
of currency, 34; weights, 29 ff.; modern metric system based on natural seeds or grains of plants, 33; ancient and modern systems based on Adenanthera seed ......... 33 Chowtean =čewatin = Sebastian ........... 168 Christian names, corruption of ................. 168 Chudil, a female spirit ............................ 243 Cochin, weights of................................. 88-89
16
347
..........
273
.
.....
.
......
43

Page #397

INDEX.
889
268
Gola ............
Cochin-China, oblong tngots of gold and story of the Mahabharata, 80; found only
silver issued in........................................ 14 once in epic literature .............................. 81
table of weights ...................................... 35 Ganjam, a spirit........................................ 271 coinage, currency and, among the Burmese, Garo numerals, 267; annas reckoned as 1 ff., 29 ft., 57 ff., 85 fl., 113 ff., 141 #., gandds of pice
.............. 169 #f., 197 f., 253 ff. Gårwi, 379 ff.; parable of the prodigal son, conduri or small red bean............................ 33 3 81; a folk-tale ............ cornac ................................................. 336 Gauda ................................................. 27 cowries as barter, 170; reckoning by .......... 172 Gaus.......................................................... 27 cowry connected with Lhota-Någa weights, Gentoo is improper name for Telugu ......... 244
204 ; = sabd in Ao Någa language............ 206 ghost at the Nicobars, & wandering ............. 336 crane and Princess, story of ..............54 ff., 82 Goa, weights ................................... 86-87 Crawfurd on Siamese weighte, 6 on weights
at Acheen ......... ................................. 43 Gujari, skeleton grammar, 375; parable of cumulative rhyme, a new, The Louse and the
the prodigal son in, 377; a fable in, 378; rat......... ............. 304 ff. numerals .........
****......... 378 currency and coinage among the Burmese, gumchi or abrus seed
.............. 57 1 ff., 29 ff., 57 ff., 85 ff., 113 ff., 141 ff., guñja = gumchi or abrus seed .......... 57,
169 i., 197 ff. 258 if. cypaye = sepoy ............ ......................... 308
Håkt = Lai= Banngshe ......................... 253 hakim .................
....... Dagon and Kiackiack ........
..............
Hamilton, Alex., on Siamese weights, 7:Daguu .............
on weights and coins at Acheen, 41; at DAkan, a spirit ........
1 Johore, 41; at Java and Malacca ............. damling or damleng ............ ......... ......... 16 Harakhaf Jhâmpadl, a spirit ...................... dams, 400, adopted by Akbar as final division
Harihara .......................
247 of his gold jalala............... ............... 170 Harka B&i=Lady Madness ............... Davis, un Malacca weights ......................... 40 Hédali, a spirit Devagiri, Singhana king of ..................... 250 € + Helioclez, coins of ..............
225 Dévarishte ............................................. 251 Hin88 wights ............ Dhammacheti, Kalyani inscriptions of ......... 116 Hin " "usalman titles of....................... 28 Dhammachêti's bell ...........
horno aples........... Dikshit, Mr. Shankar Balkrishna, his death Hyrkodes, coins of................
............ 227 and work ............
................. 193
83
..........
O
VE
..
.......
.....
.....
....
.
.................
141
...........
50
effigy, burninga in................ Eukratides, coins of .............. Euthydemus, coins of ......... exorcism, a form of, Kalampât ..................
168 225 225 297
Ibrahim Nizam-Sh&h ............................... 233 Ikhlas Khan ...................................283, 284 Indian weights, Southern............... 57 ff., 85 ff. indigo as a tabued plant .......................... 336 ingots of gold and silver, oblong, issued in Tonking and Cochin-China..
......... 14
fai = sou siamois ..........
.................................. 17 fén seed is adenanthera seed ...................... folklore, in Salsette, 54 ff., 82, 304 ff.:
Maratha, 306 ff. in S. India, 165 ff. :-- Klara, story of .................................165 ff. folk-medicine, latter-day, in Nicobar islands. 28 French authorities on Siamese weights ...... 5
Jaina Stupa at Mathura, a legend of the,
49 ff., inscriptions from the Kankali Tila
at Mathura ................................................ 49 jaldla, gold, of Akbar .............................. 170 jambor yamboo ............... ............ 37 Jánaðns, a tribe of the Kaki race ................. 258 Java, table of weights .........................36, 41 Jewe, black, at Cochin ............................... 168 Jhelam district, Panjab, tombe in................ 140 Jinaprabba's Terthakalpa........................... 49 Jinn, a Musalman spirit ............................ 243 Jôda Rawalia, a famous exorcist of spirits ... 240
gandas, Indian scale of, borrowed by Ka
ch&ris ................................................ 266 Saņēsa, story of, omitted in Grantha M18.,
77; more recent than rest of introductory

Page #398

390
************....................................
Johole, weights Johore, coins at joi, a Kachin weight. ..................................................... 200
49 41
*******************
************
Kacharis:gandas, Indian scale of, borrowed by, 266: indigenons numerals, 266:language, otherwise Bodo or Bòrò, 265:metals and weights...... ............... 267 Kachcha Naga numerals ....................... 263 kacheng, a Kachin weight .....200 Kachin is a Burmese appellation, 197; Assamese equivalent is Singphô, 197:- book money table, silver and copper, 198:- language connected with Naga language, 197; language, sources of information for, 197: -Myitkyinà, money table, 199:- terms for currency and metals compared with Singphô, 200:-terms for silver, gold, brass, copper, iron, tin, lead, zinc, 200:- troy and avoirdupois. weights Kachin-Naga numerals, comparative table of, 212; terms for metals, comparative table of. 213 kala, 27: applied to the Burmans...... 28 kalálam............ 28 kalampit, a form of exorcism 279 kalaum 28 Kal Bhairava, a spirit ................................. 241 kalü ***************** 28 Kalka Mata, a spirit ***.......................................... 241 Kalyani inscriptions of Dhammachêti, A. D. 1476 Kâmen, the Hindu Cupid
**********.....
******************
Kamkars of the Tinnevelly district
***************..
Kampa, father ofSangama Kankali Tila at Mathur, Jaina inscriptions from the kareum ******************************** Karens, authorities for study of language of, 144; consonants adopted from Burmese characters, 146; dialects of, Sgan, Pwo, and Bghai, 145-ponderary scale, 147; terms for brass, copper, iron, spelter, 149; alloyed silver, gold, money, pure silver, 149; terms for British money, 147; for the rupee and its parts, 148:- tones reproduced by four symbols
................. 146 Karens, Burmese, Red, and Talaing ************ 145 Kasmiri grammar, essays on, 179 ff., 215 ff., 228 ff, 309 ff. Aorists and pluperfects, examples of...... 183 declension, 228 ff.: oblique base, number, case, nominative, vocative, 228; accusative, instrumental, dative, 229; oblative, genitive, 230; locative, case of unity
**************
***********
***************
***************************
******************
INDEX.
************
*************
200
116 279 168 247
28
232
irregular verbs
gender................................... 216 f ********************** 179 noun............................... 215 ff. paradigms ........................................................................ 309 ff. Kesava, story of **************** ....165 .. Kiackiack and Dagon Kiakeck, 83;=kyaik
************
kin, ancient Chinese the kyat or modern tickal....................................................
31
kobang, the Malay coin and weight............ 228 f. Kodiár Matâ Mother Itch kola
=
*****************
****************
259
************ 241 28 Köllimalai mountains........ .................................................... 165 Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagara......... 245, 247. Koki-Lushai numerals....... Kaki race divided into four main tribes kula. ............................................................................................. kuláš Kali Kutub-Shah .................................. 234 Kushana kings
258 27 f.
27
49 84
Kyaik-kauk Pagoda the... kyat or modern tickal ancient Chinese kin. 31 Kyauk banlan Pagoda at Maulmain, curious English inscription on large bell on platform of the .........
*************
*********************
*********
.................................
Lai Baungshè = Haka......... ***** 253 Lâlbâi, a spirit ...................................... 241 La Lonbère on Siamese weights...... Laos, 8, 28; table of weights
6 35 16
lat
........
23 84
******************
****************
114
...................................................
Lhota-Nagas: copper money table, 204:numerals, 205:-silver money table, 203:-- terms for silver, gold, brass, copper, tin, iron, lead ************. Lilavatt the, anthority for concurrent Troy scales, 62; contemporaneous with first Muhammadan irruptions
204
*********...
.... ******************
63
livre *********** *************** 16 Lockyer, on weights at Acheen, 41; at Malac*************** 41 13
ca
****************
*******************
Lôngnis'êk Lushais, a tribe of the Kaki race, 258:anna a quartette of coined pice, 261:Kaki, numerals, 259; language, sources of information for, 258; metals, terms for, 262;money, mode of reckoning, 260; rupee, the coined divisions of the, nomenclature of, 260; the intermediate divisions of the, nomenclature of, 261:-Zô numerals 262
Madhava, entitled Vidyaranya .................. 247 Mahabharata, on the S.-Indian recension of
the
67 ff., 92 f., 122.

Page #399

-
************
**********.....
********* '*******
********........ ***********
...
122 135 f. 67
*************** ***** ***
*****.***.....
Anukramani, discrepancies in the recensions of the extracts from MS. Whish No. 65 with corresponding passages of Northern recension Grantha MS. Whish No. 65, 69; omits story of Ganêsa. has many omissions in the Parvasamgraha Northern recension, unsatisfactory state of the text in the Parvans, eighteen Sakuntala episode S.-Indian MSS. Mahabharata, Telugu recension of the........ 246 Mahájánaka Játaka, the, Taw Sein Ko's edit. of, 117; Burmese translation by U. Awbatha, 117 the pó or bol of the Mahamuni collection of inscribed stones, 114 shrine near Amarapura, Burmese inscription at the, A. D. 1454 Mahdnisitha Sútra................... Mahiari Mata, spirit of the Mahi river Mahi Sun, a spirit makhdi, the only recognised indigenous coin in Manipor 170 Malay bullion weights, 1 f.: weights 37 ff. Malcom on Siamese weights Malsers of the Anamala Hills .................. 168 Manilla, weights at ........................ 45 Manipuris account keeping, 170; avoirdu
**************
************
********************
***********
pois scale, no indigenous, 178:- bell-metal, cannot make, 177; -Brit.-Ind. silver pieces, names for, 176; concurrent Manipuri terms for, 176; copper money, 176; Brit. Ind. copper money, 177; rupee in accounts, 174:sel or makhái the only recognised indigenous coin, 170; scale of 400 to rupee of account, due to system of reckoning 400 cowries to the anna, 171; same as ddm of Akbar's time, 171; reckoned by fours, 171; method of enumerating, 173; coined, Brit.-Ind silver coins in terms of, 175; minting of, described, 177; forged, 178: sources of original information, 169 Troy weights ...................... Manipuri Nagas:- terms for metals, 215numerals............................................................... 215
178
35
********
*****************
************.
*******************.
******
********************
INDEX.
**************
**********
*****************
Mâtâ Rûpâni Mother Silver Mathura, Jaina Stupa at, a legend of the, 49 ff.; Kankali Tila at, Jaina inscriptions from the
49
********
******************
Maulmain, Kyaukbanlan Pagoda at ............. 114 Menander, coins of 227 Mêrali, a spirit... ******************* ..241, 242 Milburn, on weights at Acheen 43 Miri-Abors: money, calculation, 210: numerals, 211:- terms for metals 211 Miyân Hasan .......................................... 234 Miyan Manja 233 9
Mômeit, Shân weights at. Mônê, Shan weights at Money, paper, in Cathay in 13th and 14th cent. ..................................................... 32 mú, Burmese decimal scale of, compared with ancient Chinese scale, 30; is merely sur vival of ancient Chinese universal scale 31 Muhammad Khan ...... ............................ 236 Mujahid-ul-Din Shamshir Khân 268 Mujahid-ud-Din Shamshir Khan Habsbi...... 234 Müng Nan, trade of, for 1896. .................... 17 Murad, Prince Shah ...................... 233 murder in order to procure a son 336 Musalman birth customs, 56:- titles of Hindus, 28; 224:-tombs, pictures on... 140 6 Myitkyina Kachin's money table, 198; method of counting..........
***************
122
77
101
119
118 53 241 242
**************.
391
***********.....................................
************
***************
*********
pad or bat ....... pádamúla pádamúlika.
*******************
**************
242
maradoe
**********************
Maratha folklore, notes on, 306 ff.; mar
****************
89
*********
******************
riages in high life ******************************** 308 once Chinese tael ***************** 16 Maring dialect .................... 258 Onor, weights at......... Marriages in high life, Maratha 308 Marsden, on weights at Malacca.................. 43 Masant Shikôtar, a spirit masha
242 61
202
Nagas:-language connected with Kachin language, 197; sources of information on, 203: method of reckoning money, 263-terms for "a ten"..................................................... 256 Nannaya Bhaṭṭa .............. 245 Narsingh, a spirit ***************** 242 Narsi Râm on Hill Tipperâ money, 265; on metals *********................ ****************** 265 Navlai, an angelic spirit.................. 239 Népal, curious coinage extends into Central Asia thro' Tibetan trade *************** Newbold, on Malay weights......... Nicobar islands, latter-day folk-medicine, :-a wandering ghost at the ............... 386 Nizam-Shahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar, a his tory of the ********....... 233 Nunes, on Malacca weights........................ 40
***********
90 43
********************
16 ......................................... 252

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892
INDEX
****
Parabu Pēt = Perseverance Point......... peti dfsar = petty officer ..................... Pinik BogePhnik Bay ............................ Pot Bilêr = Port Blair .................. Pôțmôţ =Port Mouat .................. sikshan = section ............ Sawar Pêt = Shore Point ............ táldsh, search .................. táp, convict station............................. Ubtên = Hopetown ................ Waipar = Viper Island ............
27 pua, standard weight in Ao Naga language... 208 Pwo, dialect of Karen .......................... 145
Raffles, on weights at Acheen................. 43 RAjaprasada ......................................... 49 raktikd ....................................................61, 90 Rangkôle, a tribe of the Kaki race.............. 258 rati .........
............ 61, 63, 90, 91 Rekta-Eswari, goddess of the blood, a spirit. 279 Rupee, Brit.-Indian, is chief currency in Shân
States outside Siam proper .................... 14
pala .............
61, 90 pala of the Sanskrit =phala of the Pali..... 113 Påļi weights...
.... 118 ff. P U LS................................ Panbaļ&....................................................... 23 Panjabi nicknames .................................. 140 Pao ........................................................ 10 pardao discussed .................................... 251 f. Partasangraha the, 101; list of Parvans according to the ......
........... 101 Peddanna, a Telugu poet........................... 246 Penang and Province Wellesley, weights at... 45 phala, a Troy weight esteemed by the Bur. mese monks...............
............. 117 phala of the Papi=pala of the Sanskrit, 113,
117, 118 Phâlbâi, a spirit...............
241 Pillay.Thini, eater of infants, a spirit ......... 279 Pindyâ near Mektilà ................................... 11 plague in Bombay, a notion as to the ......... 168 po, a weight = b6l or phala, 117; calculation
of the Pois, a tribe of the Kûki race.................... Port Blair, idioms from :
chauldari (shuldarf) a native tent....... chúnd-bhattá, a lime kiln .................... diputmant = department .............. dipatmant adhib = forest officer ......... diputmantwald ................................ dudh-lain = the milk-lines............. HáthiGhat = Elephant Point ............ kilas = class ............. Namunaghar = Pattern-house ........ Nimak-bhatta = salt-pans ............. parmôsh = promotion ...................... rdshan = ration................................. rashan-mét=ration mate .................. Tél = rail............., shér sdhib = orerseer of convicts ......... síkman = sick-man ............................ singal (signal)= a semagram............... tikat (1) ticket of leave, (2) its holder, (S) neck-ticket..........
83 tikațliv=(1) ticket of leave, (2) its holder. 83 total = total ....................................83
total karná = to compare the totals ...... Port Blair, some technical terms and names in :
Bala Ghat = Barwell Ghat................. bijan = division................................... chaulddri ................................**** Chuna Bhattâ......... ........................... dhobi, a washerman ............... Hathi Tapu = Elephant Point ............ Hårdo = Haddo ............. Mohan Rêt = Mount Harriet................ Nabbi Bês = Navy Bay ....... ...
.
.
...
Sa'adat Khân ........................
................. 234
.. Salsette, folklore in .............. 54 ff., 82, 304 ff. Sarkaricbärya ..................................... 247 Sangama, son of Kampa .............
............ 247 Sargameswar, temple of Siva........ Sathvái, an angelio spirit............................. Saurjit, coined silver in 1815 ...................... 178 SA YA Da ................ ........................... 249 Schmidt, Herr, his visit to the Madras Presidency.............
................ 168 Scytho-Bactrian coins in the British collec
tion of Central Asian Antiquities......... 225 ff. sebundy diacussed ............ ............... 252 sél, the only recognised indigenous coin in
Manipur, 170; 400 sel = 1 rupee ........... 170 sepoy or cypaye...........
.............. 308 sér ...........
... ......... 61 Sgau, dialect of Karen ...... ...................... 145 Shans :- Burmese, 8; Cambodian, 8, 14;
Chinese, 8, 12; Siamese, 8, 13:- Aymo. nier's weights - Siam-Cambodian scale, Chinese decimal scale, relative French and Shân, 17 :-Brit.-Ind. rupee is chief currency among the outside Siam proper, 14: - comparative money table (Bhamo Shân, Theinni Shân, Wuntho Shân), 11:-old native pieces of money, 14: - money of higher account than tickal or rupee, 15:Siamese terms employed in the currency and weights of the, 15 ff.; their weights, 1 ff; at Lôngnis'ék, 13; at Mômeit, 9; at Mônê, 9;
83
aaaaaaaa

Page #401

INDEX
393
....
18
at PindyA near Mêktilà, 11; their method
of calculating bullion weights ................... 8 Shikótár, a spirit........................................... 241 Siam, computation of British currency in
rural, 19:-report on trade of, in 1678, 8:
version of British coinage ............... Siamese weights, 1 ff.: - Bowring on, 4: -
comparative Burmese and Siamese bullion, 14.; common origin with ordinary ancient Indian scale, 6: Crawfurd on, 6: derived perhaps from Cambodian, or vice versd, +: - French authorities on, 5: - general table of, 6; - Hamilton, Alex., on, 7 - La Loubère on, 5:- Malcom on, 6: - same as Burinese, 3- relation be. tween, and other Far Eastern scales, 5:
Stevens on, 7:- Vanschouten on ...... 5 Sibsågar Någas: - terms for metals, 214:
- calculation of money .......................... 214 Sikshasamuchchaya, the, book-notice of ...... 84 Singanakadi ............................................ 250 Singapore and Malacca, weights at ......... 45, 48 Singhana, king, of Devagiri.................... 250 f. Singpho (Assamese) = Kachin (Burmese),
197: - terms for currency and metals com
pared with Kachin.................................. 200 sling or sleng ............................................. 16 Soutbern India, notes on............................ 168
Badaga of the E. Nilgiri Hills.............. Black Jews at Cochin ........................... Kamkars of the Tinnevelly district .......
Malsers of the Anamala Hills ............. Spirit basis of belief and custom. notes on, 22 ff., 104 ff., 137 ff., 153 ff., 221 ff., 287 ff., 270 ff. : - exorcists, 237 ff.; Asri, Sathvai, Navli, Vêtål, 239; Hindu procedure different from Musalman, 238; Konkan, procedure of Hindu cxorcists in the, 239; Vêtal, Hêdali and Bapdev, 210; methods adopted to drive out sprits in N. Känara, 270; Panens of Malabar, 271; Perak in Malay penirisular, case there, 273 ; Umêtha, procedure there, 240: - how spirits are kept off, 223 : - spirit-entries, 139 ff., ear, 159, why pierced ; 159, foot, 158, hair, 153; reasons why it plays so noticeable a part in early beliefs and rites, 153, hand, 156, Lead, 139, mouth, 155, nose, 160, why bored; 160, sneezing, 155, yawning, 156:- spirit hnunts, 104 ff., boundaries, 105, caverns, 110, deserts and waste places, 110, empty houses, 111, funeral places, 104, groves, 111, hearths, 111, hills, 111, house-roofs, 111, looking-glass, 112, river-banks and rea-shores, 137, roads, especially cross-roads, stone, 106; bored stones, 108, trees, 109, un
clean places, 137, water or pot-holes, 137:spirit-possession, 137 ff.; all people are at all times liable in the Dakban, Gujarat, and Konkan, 138; effects of spirit-possession :sick ness or disease, barrenness, loss of favour or affection, loss in business, general misfortune, $21;cured by cbarm, 222; fear is the great cause why spectres are seen, 138 ; voluntary and involuntary seizures, 137:-spirit-seasons, 161 ff.; auspicious events, 162; Ganpati invoked, 163; all beginnings are special spirit-times, 163; eating, 161; new-moon and full-moon days, 164; times of meeting and bargain, 162: - spirits, features, character, and mode of liv. ing of, 22 ff., lege turned back or crooked, 22, hair loose, 22, hair on end, 22, general character is evil, 22, good-will of, belief in complete on partial -is widespread, 22, Brownie, 22, connection of, with men, 23, character of, man's view of, always
affocted by development and degradation... 24 Sringeri Establishment............ Stevens, on weights at Acheen, 42; at Ma
lacca, 42; on Siamese weights................ 7 Stupa, Jaina, at Mathura, a legend of the,
49 ff. ; built by the gods ........................ 49 Sulo Archipelago, weights in 1814 in the. ...... 44 svastika, soine remarks on the, 196; Jains call
it sdthis and believe it to be figure of Sid.
dha, 196 ; Buddhist and Hindu doctrines... 196 gwanpan or Chinese abacus, 19; improvised
out of British coins, 19, 21; Burmese method ........... ....................
............... 19 Swat languages, Bühler on some.............. 378 ff.
Tabataba, 'Ali B. 'Aziz-Ullah, author of the
Burhan i Ma,árir ................. tael, Malayan compared with Chinese ....... Tdi ........................
............... 8 Talaings: - alphabet, language, and writing,
150f.:--authorities for study of, 150:-silver money scale, 152; terms for brass, copper, gold, iron, lead, silver, tin, 153 ; terms for
parts of the rupee and tickal ................... 152 Talaing Vocabulary, Haswell's, on kyaik ... 8+ Taungus ................................................ 10 Taw Sein Ko's ed. of the Mahdjánaka Jataka 117 Tarkarat-ul-Mulúk, the ........................ 318 ff. Telinga = Telugu ........... ..................... 244 Tellicherry, weights ................................. 8 Telugu literature, discursive remarks on the Augustan age of, 244 ff., 275 ff., 295 ff., 322 ff.
Achyutadevaraya .......... ............... 276 Achyutara ya ...............
**
... 300

Page #402

INDEX
276
....
.
....
..
....
297
275
997
31
:
:
:
327
1
***
.... 302
Tu
..............
o
AllaAni Peddana ....... .296, 297, 299, 301 Timmarasu ........... ................ 293, 297 AndhrakavitA pitamba ...................... 297 Timmarasu alias Appaji ......... Andra Bhöja *** .......................... 297 Tirumaladôvamma................................. 296 Appaji ......... ......................... 295, 297 Vijayabhapati.......................................
275 Aprayadikshita ........................... 326, 27 Vijayanagara ..............................
296 Ashta-diggajas .......................
.. 335 Viranşisinuha .............................276, 297 Atharvanicharya
Vira Praudhari ya ....................... Ayyalarizu Ramabhadra ........... 322 Vira-Rudragajapati ...................... 278 Bannera Potarja .............. 922 Telugu susperstition, a ............................... 336 Buttumûrti ................
332 Tenngu = Telugu ................................... 2H+ Chinnadevamma...........
... 296
Theinpi Shân .............................................. 11 Dêvariya ............
... 275 thép = current British coin of Burma .......... 17 Dhurjaţi.................................
299, 323 tical, pl. ticauz, 17:- of pare brass, 115, Gouka ...................................
... 328 of gold, 115, of pure silver .................... 115 Hariharanatha .........................
975 ticare ........................ ... ... ............ Hemruj ...........................................
tickal, nodern, or kyal = ancient Chinese Hoji Trimu l ...............................
300 kin............ Isvararåya .........
276 Tippera, Hill, numerals, 261; metals........... 265 Iva'araju Râmnbhadra......
293 totu, 61, 90, 91:- = 96 abrus seeds in S. Kaldpůrnodaya, the ......................... 331 India, 57:-- nowhero suggested by Hindu Kun yadinam ..........................
legislators, 61:- Akbar .......................... 170 Ketanu ................... . .. ...
297 Tombs, Musalman, pictures on....................... 140 Kokata ............
Tongking, oblong ingots of gold and silver Krishnadevamnhârâyalu
296 issued in, 14:-table of weights ............ 35 Krishnadevaraya.........................
... 276, 335 Trllinga = Telugu..............
......... 214 Krishnarnya ........................ 295, 297, 335 tuld, an Avoirdupois weight, 117; tho anMadanagari Malayya ......
299 oient, 119; name given by the PAli scholars Madayyagari Mallana.....................299, 326 of Burma in 15th cent. to the prosent Malayamaruta ...............
323 Mudras maund of 25 lbs. Av. .................. 119 Mukku Timmana.............
................... 322
322 Turkistan, table of weights ......................... 37 Mörurayara Ganda...........................
296 Nandi Mallaya.................
322 Nandi Timmana................ 296, 299, 303, 322
Uddal Varatti, drier of body, a spirit ......... 279 Pêki
328 Pillala Ramabhadrayya......................... 322 Pingali Sarana..............................299, 328 Valmiki, a popular legend about................ Prat&parudra .............................. 279, 295 Vansohouten on Siamese weights ............... Praudhakavi Mallana........................... 324Vilyatirthamahêsvara ................................. 249 Råmaksisbna .............................
................. 324 Vijayanagara grants to templos ................... Ramarajabhashana.....................297, 299, 332 Vimana Badakal, spirit of the skies Râinraj ...............
300 Vimana Sundaran, siren of the skies ......... Sadasivardys .....................................
300 Viss, the isolated Burmese denomination, SAļuva Nrisimbaraja........................... 275 91:-in inscription on bell at Kyankbånlun SAluva Tinma...........
276 pagoda at Maulmain ............................ 114 Sárangu Timmakayi....... 328 Vitál, the arclifiend
****....... 239 Sindhá chala ................................ .......
296 Somanatha ................................ ...... 335 Brinátha..................... ............... 297, 303
Walmik or Valmiki .................................. 112 Sürana ................ ........................ weights, Burmese standard, 141 fr. :-Hinta Tatachiyya......................... ........326, 327 weights, 141 :- stampod standard, in form Tenali Rama
of various animale ............ ............... 142 Tenali Ramakrishna ...................299, 324 weights, Chinese, 29 ff. ; ancient, 29, 48; comTenali Ramalinga ............................. 324 pared with Burmese ; decimal scale of mu, Tikkana............................................ 330 30; Annum, table of, 35; Archipelago, table Tikkanasomayaji .............................. of, 36; Java, 36; Cochin-Chin, tablo ot, Timmzura ju ...........
-76, 35 ; commercial, table of, in 1395-7, 11;
277
279
330
326

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*********
Laos, table of, 35; modern indigenous table of, 29; Tongking, table of, 35; Turki compared with, 37; Turkistân, table of weights, Malay, 37 ff.; in 1595-7, 41:Acheen, at, Lockyer on, 41; Hamilton, Alex., on (and coins), 41; Stevens on, 42; Milburn on, 43; Raffles on, 43; Crawfurd on, 43, scale, 46:5:can be clearly separated from concurrent modern Chinese decimal scale, 45; Chinese influence on, 44:derived from same original source as Indian and Far-Eastern scale, 45:- general Chinese-Malay scale in 1673, 44: -identical with Siamese or continental Indo-Chinese quaternary scale, 38: Johole scale, 49:-- Malacca, at: Davis on, 40; Lockyer on, 41; Marsden on, 43; Newbold on, 44; Nunes on, 40; Stevens on, 42; bullion, table of, 44; commercial, table of, 44; and Singapore, 45, 48; scale, 47: Manilla, at, 45; Penang and Province Wellesley, 45:- rise of modern system discussed, 39:- stan dard terms, tables of Malay vernacular and international commercial, 40:- virtually the same as Far-Eastern continental scale, 45: Sulo archipelago in 1814 weights, Minor tongues....
44 143 ff. 144 144
Chin-Lashai............................................ Hill language............. Kachin-Naga .................................... 144 Karen......... ........................................... 144 Manipuri ........................................................... 144 Talaing........... ************* 144
*************************************
**********
weights, old N. Indian scales, 60, N. Indian Muhammadan scales, 60, general Indian Muhammadan, 60, two separate scales for centuries weights, Pâli and old Burmese, 113 ff.; of the greater Burmese hills 120 weights, Siamese and Shân, 1 ff. : - Aymonier's, 17-bullion, comparative Burmese and Siamese, 1f.:- bullion, Shân method of calculating, 8; Burmese, concurrent systems of, explained, 2; decimal scale due to Chinese influence and concurrent quaternary scale to Siamese influence, 2:- Cambodia, concurrent tables of, for, 3; derived perhaps from Siam, or vice versa, 4:- FurtherEastern system of, traceable to an Indian source, 15:- Malay bullion, 1 f.:- Siamese and Burmese are the same, 3:- Siamese,
—
-
**********.....
****************
***************
37
61
INDEX.
relation between, and other Far-Eastern scales, 5; general table of, 6; common origin with ordinary ancient Indian scale. 6, 15 weights, Southern Indian ........ 57 ff., 85 ff.
ancient Chinese scale
90
395
*************
Anjengo and Onor, money, 89; Avoirdu
pois
***************
91
*********...
******************
*********************
************
Aurangabandar, Troy, 86; Avoirdupois... 86 Bengal, money, 85; Troy, 85; Avoirdupois Bombay, money, 64; Troy, 64; Avoirdupois Calicut and Tellicherry, money, 88; Troy, 88; Avoirdupois Carwar, money, 87; Avoin pois Cochin, money, 88; Avoirdupois existing scales are direct descendants of popular Indian scale of 96 ratis to the told **********.. ........................................................ 90, five principal tables of general denominations, 57; average Troy and average Avoirdupois Goa, money, 86; Avoirdupois......... Gujarat, money, 63; Troy weights, 64; Avoirdupois weights imperial, of the Govt. of India ............. Indian popular scale.............. Lilavati popular scale literary scale of 820 raktikås to the pala became extended to the Far East Madras, money, 67; Troy, 67; Avoirdupois Malabar, money, 65; Troy, 66; Avoirdupois ******************************************* 66 modern Avoirdupois ***********.... modern Troy .......... Muhammadan Avoirdupois ****************** Nepalese Troy and coinage.................. 91 related to N. Indian scale thro' rati, tôla, and sér, rather than thro' raktika, másha, and pala......... Wuntho Shân.....
*********......
*******************
**********
****************
58
********************
58
59
*********
.....85
*********
*******...
******************
*************
88
yamboo jambor......... *******************... Yecchen, a spirit
65
88 87 89
91 59
57 87
64 60
90
90
90
67
11
37
**************** 279
=
zabú cowry in Ao Naga language............ 206 Zo Lushai numerals....
*********************** 262

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