Epigraphia Indica Vol 22

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032576/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXII (1933-34) 009 pratnakIrtimapAnazu PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001 1984

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXI. pratnAtinAva PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001 . 1984

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Reprinted 1984 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Price : Rs. 90.00 Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Ares, New Delhi-110015

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA AND RECORD OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA. Vol. XXII. 1933-34. EDITED BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D., GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPAIST TOR DIDIA. DELHI: MANAGER OF PUBLICATIONS 1988

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CONTENTS. The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGB 176 114 127 ALTEKAR, A. 8., M.A., D.LITT: No. 12. A New Copper-plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakata Branch, dated Saka 806 >> 28. Two Bhor State Museum Copper-plater . . . . . . . . . BANKRJI, R. D., M.A.: No. 19. The Jesar Plates of Siladitya III : Valabhi Samvat 367 . . . . . . > 20. The Bayana Inscription of Chittralekha : V. 8. 1012 ... 21. The Gurgi Inscription of Prabodhasiva. . . . . . . BHANDARKAR, D. R., M.A., Ph.D.: No. 8. Silahara Cave Inscriptions . . . 17. Jethwai Plates of the Rashtrakuta Queen Silamahadevi : Saka-Samvat 708 . > 31. Hathi-Bada Brahmi Inscription at Nagari . . . . . . . BHATTACHARYYA, B., M.A., PH.D : No. 13. Brahmanapalli Grant of Karkka Suvarnnavaraha : Saka 746 . . . CHAKRAVARTI, N. P., M.A., PH.D.: No. 9. A Buddhist Inscription from Kara . . . . . . . . . . GANGULY, DHIRENDRA CHANDBA, M.A., PH.D. No. 11. Jainad Stone Inscription of the Paramart Jagaddeva . . . . . . HALDER, R. R.: No. 29. Mala Plates of Virsaimhadeva : V. S. 1343 . . . . ... 37. Chirava Inscription of the Time of Samarasimha of Mewar: (Vikrama) Samvat 1330. JAYASWAL, K. P., M.A., BARRISTER-AT-LAW No. 1. The Text of the Sohgaura Plate . . 2. Shell Character Rock Inscription at Ci-Aruton (Java) Koxow, STEX, PH.D.: No. 4. Kharoshthi Inscription on a Begram Bas-relief . . . 5. A Note on the Mamane Dheri Inscription MAJUMDAR, N. G., M.A.: No. 26. Irda Copperplate of the Kamboja King Nayapaladeva . . . . . MAJUMDAR, R. C., M.A., PE.D.: No. 36. Note on the Sailendra Kings mentioned in the Leiden Plates . . . MIRASHI, V. V., M.A.: No. 6. Thakurdiya Plates of Maha-Pravararaja . . , 18. The Khamkhed Plates of the Time of Pratapasila . 26. The Sarkho Plates of Ratnadevs II of the (Chedi) year 880 . . . - 27. Tirodi Plates of Pravarasena II . . , 33. An Unfinished Vakataks Plate from Drug . . . . NILAKANTA SASTRI, K. A., M.A.: No. 3. Manur Inscription of Maranjadaiyan * * * * * :: 32. A Chola Inscription from Uttirameror . . . . . . PANCHANUKKI, R. S., M.A.: No. 7. Dayyamdinne Plates of Vinayaditya-kutyasraga; Saka 614 . . . . . PANDMA, L. P., PANDIT:No. 22. The Mahakovala Historical Society's Plates of Mahabhargaptarajaders . Rev, B IAWAR NATH, SAHITTACKARYA: No. 80. Ropi Planes of Paramara Devaraja; Vikram-Bumat 1060 . . . .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. RDOS . . . . 07 BAN, DAYA RAN, M.A., C.L.E., RAI BAHADUR No. 16. A Sarada Inacription from Hund. . . . . SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, K. V., B.A. No. 10. T'innovelly Inscription of Maravarman Bundara-Pandya I , 23. Draksharama Inscription of Kulottunga I, 33rd year . >> 24. Utaramallur Inscription of Parantaka 1 . . . 34. The Larger Leiden Plates (of Rajaraja I) . . . . 35. The Smaller Leiden Plates (of Kulottunga I) . . . VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, V., B.A. No. 14. Tiruvalangadu Inscription of Rajadhiraja . . . 18. Kulidikki Inscription of Vijaya Nandisvaravarman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 INDEX-By B. Ch. Chhabra, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. . 298 APPENDIX.-A List of the Inscriptions of Northern India written in Brahmi and its Derivative Sortyta from about A. C. 300. Index to Appendix (continued).-By Profesor D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Ph.D. 311-362 Title-pago, Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections . . . . . . .i

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LIST OF PLATES. No. 1. Rook Inscription at Ci-Aruton (Java) . . . . . . . to face page 2. Manur Inscription of Maranjadaiyan . . . . . . . . 3. Begram Bas-relief Inscription . . . . . . . between pages 4. Thakurdiya Plates of Maha-Pravararaja. . . 6. Silabars Cave Inscriptions . . . . * to face page . 6. A Buddhist Inscription from Kara. . . 7. A New Copper-plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta Branch, Dated Saks 806(i) between pages 74 & 78 . 8. A New Copper-plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta Branch, Datod Saka 806(ii) . . . . . . . . . . . to face page 76 9. Brahmanapalli Grant of Karkka Suvarnnavaraha : Saka 746 . . between pages 84 & 86 10. Tiruvalangadu Inscription of Rajadhiraja II . . . 90 & 91 11. The Khamkhed Plates of the Time of Pratapaails . . . 94 & 95 12. A Sarada Inscription from Hund . . . to face page 13. Jethwai Plates of Queen Silamahadevi ; Saka-Samvat 708. 108 14. Kulidikki Inscription of Vijaya Nandisvara varman . 16. Jesar Plates of Siladitya III : Valabhi Samvat 367. 16. Bayana Inscription of Chittralekhs: V. 8. 1012 . . 17. Maha Kosala Historical Society's Plates of Mahabhavaguptarsjadeva. , 18. Uttaramallur Inscription of Parantaka I. . between pages 148 & 149 19. Irda Copper-plate of Nayapaladeva . . 164 & 166 20. Barkho Plates of Ratnadeva II of the (Chedi) Year 880 . . to face page 21. Tirodi Plates of Pravarasena II . between pages 172 & 173 22. Bhor Museum Copper-plates of Dhruva Dharavarahs , 182 & 183 # 23. Hathibada Brahmi Inscription at Nagari. . . . . . . to face page 203 # 94. A Chola Inscription from Uttiramerur 206 25. The Seal of the Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I, eto. . 213 26. The Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I (I) . between pages 238 & 239 242 & 243 244 & 245 . (IV) . 246 & 247 248 & 249 > > > > (VI). . . 250 & 261 252 & 263 83. The smaller Loidon Plates of Kulottunga I . . 276 & 277 ......... VII)

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 2, text 1. 1.- For Mahamatan read Mahamatana. 4, para. 1,1. 4.-For uptil read up till. 4, para. 2, 1. 3.-For Oradheid read Oudheid' 4, para. 2, 1. 3.-For Nederlandisch-Indie read Nederlandsch-India. 4, text 1. 2.-For 'varmanah read varmmanah. 5, 1. 6.-For Pushkaraadi read Pushkarasadi. 5, para. 4, 1. 2.- For king read king. 5, para. 4, 1. 4.-For yah pura Tarumay(a)m read yah pura [Ta]r[umaya[r]. 7, f. n. 4, 1. 2.-For Majanjao read Maranjao. 9, text 1. 8.-For (ni) read ni. (K. V. S. A.). 9, text 1. 16.-For kiradu read kinru. (K. V. S. A.). 10, text 1. 50.-For errappera read ennapper.o. (K. V. S. A.). 13, 1. 30.-For i-troke read i-stroke. 14, last para. 1. 2.-For III read II. 16, 1. 29.--For Vajasaneyin read Vajasaneyi. 17, 1. 33.-For Ptithvishena read Prithivishena. 18, f. n. 4.-For (619-20 A. D.) read (A. D. 629-30). 20, 1. 10.-- For Taittiriya read Taittiriya. 21, f. n. 1.-For Pulomburu read Pulomburu. 22, para. 3, 1. 10.-For Tundra read Tundra. 23, f. n. 13.--For w e read and 24, para. 2, 1. 8.-For Senanir-read Senanir=. 26, f. n.2.-For hivibhyAM read hivibhyAM 29, text 1. 28.--For to read to and for so read . 31, 1. 16.--For aramam read aramam. 33, 1. 29.--For irrefragible read irrefragable. 34, 1. 14.-For Varsyana read Vaisyanam. 34, 1. 15.-For Kshatriyanam read Kshatriyanam. 40, 1. 10.-For yu read yum. 44, 1. 1.-For route read rout. 44, 1. 24.-For shows read show. 45, 1. 1.- For Kadava read Kadava. 50. f. n. 7.-For Mimamsa, and read Mimamsa, Pancharatra, and 50, f. n. 8.--For Shadja read Shadja. 50, f. n. 8.-For Daivata read Dhaivata. 51.1 20.-For extacy read ecstasy. 51, f. n. 5.-For note 14 on p. 10 read note 24 on p. 48. 55, 1. 2.--For prose read verse. 56, f. n. 9.-For Forbe's real Forbes,. 58, 1. 1. 3.-For king Dhara read king Dhara(varsha). 60, text l. 13.-For we read (5) 61, text 1. 20.-For rara read mufa. 61, text . 24.-For etary: read (T):

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vii (VOL. XXII. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. INDICA. Page 61, text l. 24.--For [x] read -u. 61, text I. 27.-For furto read fore(MT) >> 63, 1. 40.- For forec read force. 64, para. 5, 1. 3.-For-mutas-cha read-mutala. 64, para. 5, 1. 3.-For-sutas-cha read-sutatacha. 64, para. 5, 1. 5.-For-chudh- read -chuddh... 65, 1. 33.-For Satakratu read satrura. 65, 1. 36.-For 1. 24. read 1. 23. 65, 1. 38.-For-bhut read -bhut. 65, f. n. 2. For 169 read 199. 66, 1. 1.-For 1. 62 read l. 61. 66, 1. 4.-For l. 71 read 11. 68-69. 66, 1. 13.-For orajo read oraja. 66, 1. 43.-For Farrukkabad read Farrukhabad. 71, 1. 8.-For Puravi read Paravi. 71, 1. 8.-For Padhama read Padhama. 71, text 1.4.-For (a) read ( ). 72, text 1. 6.-For (8) read (ate). 72, text 1. 10.-For afufae read affer , 72, f. n. 3.-For I read i t . 73, text 1. 27.-For ($) read (i). 75, f. n. 1.-For bhagavA read bhagavaDA. 76, f.n.2.-For vinamya read binamba. 76, f. n. 5.-For eft read eft. 77, para. 2, 1. 1.-Omit of after are. 77, para. 3, 1. 1.--For gutteral read guttural. 77, para. 3, 1. 2.-For to 8 read into upadhmaniya. 77, para. 4, 1. 3.--For Nabada read Navada. 78, 1. 2. and 1.5.-Insert the before Mahi. 78, f. n.9.-For nivAipacana read ginavA(bA)(ba)zina. 79, f. n. 3, 1. 6.-For Puravi read Puravi. 80, 1. 3.-For villages read the village. 80, para. 2, 1.6.--Insert with after Bharthanaka. 80, para. 2, 1. 6.-Insert with after Dhahadva. 80, para. 3, 11. 2, 4, and 8.-For Kastha read Kashtha. 80, text l. 1.- For at reader 80, f. n. 2.--For Kathia read Kathiao. 81, text 1.7.-For we read 5a. 81, text 1. 10.-For watco read a z . , 81, text l. 16.-It may be noted that the word in superfluous considering the metre. 81, f. n. right-hand side.--For 3 read 2. 81, f. n. 2.-For-achatat read -achalat. 83, text 1. 36.-For it read a(:). 84, text 1. 57.-For ufort read for ). 84, text l. 57.-For art read (:). 87, 1. 9.-Insert From before the record. 87, 1. 10.-For attemps read attempts.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 88, f. n. 4.-For 1175-1182 A. D. read 1175 to 1182 A. D. , 91, text 1. 38.-For 1 read 7. , 91, translation, 1. 3.--For nadaiga! read 'nadigal. 92, 1. 24.- For Ottai. read ottai-. 94, 1. 6.-For svargge read svarge. 94, f. n. 2, 1. 3.- For ehose read these. 95, f. n. 16.-For efter read tref . 99, 1. 32.-For drongarika read dongarika. 99, 1. 46.-For Kolepadra read Kolapadra. 100, 1. 30.--For Gosvamini read Gosvamini. 101, 1. 27.--For prayato read prayato. 102, 1. 12.- For his read this. >> 102, 1. 32.--For way read was. 102, 1. 33.-For 219:C:*] read #19 [:*] 102, 1. 34.- For a read ea: 103, 1. 15.-For tasy-anujah read tasy=anujah. 106, text l. 23.-.For for read for='. 108, text I. 42.-For Favo read 2". 108, text 1. 48.--For we read . 108, f. n. 12.- For dongarika read dongarika. 109, text 1. 56.-For Files read a. 109, text l. 65.- Insert 13 after ata. 109, f. n. 3.-For yesto read atafanya731. , 110, f. n. 2.-For Ilao read Ilao. ,, 113, f. n. 1.- For Mamadi read Mamadi. > 116, text 1.5.-For Osan-atio read "San=atio. , 116, text 1. 10.- For sobha read sobha, and for mandal-agra read mandalagra. ,, 116, text l. 13.--For 'liashao read 'lashao. , 117, text 1.-26.--- For Ottam-[a*] read ottama(ma)', and for chchuda read chchu(chu)da. , 117, text 1. 27.-Foranga-jao read -angajao. 117, text I. 28.-For osy=aiva read sy-ai(sy=e)va. 118, text 1. 31.--For mandal-agram read mandalagram. 118, text 1. 32.- For obhashita- read 'bhashi(si)ta-. 118, text l. 33.-For san=nava- read 'san-nava.. 118, text 1. 42.- For 'bhogao read bhogao. 118, text 1. 43.-For 'leya-ki read leyakio. 118. f. n. 1.- For han-dhtio read "han=dhtio. 119, text I. 50.- For sagara read sagarao. 122, text 1. 2.-Insert nati- after mukta123, text 1.5.--For Omanah read manah. 124, text I. 17.-For chakr-ahva read chakrahva. 124, text 1. 18.-For suto-bhud read suto=bhud. 124, text l. 20.-For rupam read rupam. 131, text 1. 20.-For Tivr-amsor=amsu read Tivramsor=argu. 131, text 1. 33.-For En-anka read Enarka. 132, f. n. 1.-For-eso read -eso. 138, f. n. 2.-For Yak kanchanan read yah kaxchanans.

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X Page 144, f. n. 9.-For 'ksharame read "Isharame. 161, 1. 11.-For Kartika read Karttika. 32 168, 1. 9. For datta[m*] read dattam=. 168, 1. 25. For aklipt- read sa-klipt-. ,, 172, f. n. 11.-For faster read faface. 23 33 33 33 13 33 37 189, 1. 15.-For Gangala read Gangala. 190, text 1. 11.--For fe read grafts. ,, 191, text 1. 33.-For RT: read :(). 192, para. 6, 1. 9.-For Bhisana read Bhisana. 194, f. n. 6. For lakSmauthalA read lakSmauthalA :. , 195, f. n. 7. - For rAjagurU read rAjaguru. 213, last 1.-For sreni read sreni (C. R. K.). 21 33 33 15 23 33 kou 33 23 23 230, 1. 34. For ommission read omission. 232, 1. 31.-For Palan- read Palan-.. 33 ,, 234, 1. 35.-For paleographical indications noted on page 17 read chronological indications noted on page 228. 237, column 1.-Insert la after 1. 237, column 1, No. 14.-For Tirutti read Tiritti. 33 ,, 240, text 1. 37.-For tre-agni read tret-agni. 23 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 37 ,, 241, text 1. 75.-For punjarikrita read pinjarikrita. 243, text 1. 101.-For sasanam read sasanam. 23 13 172, f. n. 20. - For asmi 1. 28 and sAvvatsare dAdazyAM read amiya 1. 26 and sAvvatsara and dAdazyA. 174, text 1. 31.-The figure 7 should be placed over the danda after a and the figure 8 should come after bAdazyA. 174, text 1. 32. For read . (V. V. M.) 176, 1. 14.--Insert in the twenty-third year after Magha. 177, 1. 11. For samkho read sumkshodeg. 183, text 1. 24. - For sadAjA read sadAjI.. 23 185, text 1. 41.-For " read [x] 189, 1. 14.--For kumbha read kumbha. 214, 1. 23. For had read have. 216, f. n. 6.-For Sibi read Sibi. 219, 1. 30.-For Simha read Simhadeg. 221, column 1.-For Amarabujanga read Amarabhujanga 222, last 1.-For indentical read identical. 243, f. n. 6. For cads read reads. 244, f. n. 3.-For erasur read erasure. 253, text 1, 279.-For ivv-ur-kkaranattan read ivv-ur-ur-kkarapatlan 254, text 1. 310.-For degpurattu read purattu. [VOL. XXII. 259, 1. 7.--For varippattagam read varippottagum. 271, 1. 1.-For son read younger brother. 274, 1. 11--For village read villages, 281, f. n. 1.--For Nilaiyuaaiya read Nilaiyuduiya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOLUME XXII. No. 1.-THE TEXT OF THE SOHGAURA PLATE. BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A., BARRISTER-AT-LAW, PATNA. 1. The Sohgaura platel discovered in 1894 in the district of Gorakhpur and presented to the Asiatic Society of Bengal by Dr. Hoey, is one of the undoubted pre-Asokan documents. Fleet, R. D. Banerji, and myself have had occasions to comment on the age of the writing. In Dr. Fleet's opinion, it could even be placed earlier than 320 B.C.: * The standard of the Brahmi characters of the inscription refers it to at any rate an early date in the Maurya period, B. C. 320 to about 180; and the method of spelling presented in it, along with the use of those characters and the general style of the record, would justify our placing it even before that time." -JR 48. 1907, p. 509. 2. The inscription, however, has not been solved. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar impressed on me the necessity of giving my attention to it. The discovery of the Mahasthan stone which has now been edited in this journal (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 83 ff.), made it necessary to refer to this document. It seems that the reading can be made out now with some certainty. 3. The illustrations are in JRAS. 1907, plate facing p. 510--the Asiatic Society's photograph and Sir George Grierson's electrotype copy. It will be seen that the small-sized le's on the Mahasthan stone and those in our plate agree in shape; and so do the peculiar m forms (Mahasthan, line 2) which are not found in Asoka inscriptions. This m is also found on a Patna glass seal. Both Sohgaura and Mahasthan records have as their subject-matter kothagala (koshth-agara) which is used in the Kautaliya Arthasastra as a technical term for stato store-houses for keeping drarya and grains (Al., chs. 36, 37; pp. 93, 99, 1st ed.) and refer to atyayika (distress). 4. The Sohgaura plate was cast into several copies and is a public placard issued by the Council of Ministers of Sravasti, and is a document, relating to famine relief measures. It reads: 1 References : 1894, Bengal Asiatic Society's Proceedings, pp. 84 ff. (V. Smith and Hornle) ; 1896, Ind. Anh. 261 (Buhler); 1907, JR.48., 509 (Fleet). JBORS., VI, 203. The date assigned there is c. 300 B.O. 3 JBORS., X. 189, 192.

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No EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. TEXT. 1 Savastiyana' Mahamatan sasane Manavasiti- ka2 da' (.) s[i] li-mate usagame 'va ete dave kothagalani. 3 Tifya]veni-Mathula- Chachu- Modama- Bhalakana ehha4 li-kayiyati (:) atiyayikaya no gahimtavayo (.) TRANSLATION. The order of the Mahamatras of Sravasti (issued) from the Manavasiti camp. Only to the tenants, only on the advent of drought, these (the) dravya store-houses of Triveni, Mathura, Chanchu, Modama', and Bhadra are to be distributed (discharged); in case of distress they are not to be withheld. COMMENTS ON THE TEXT. Line 1. The third character is a ligature. There is a defect in the surface which produces a cut in the loop of the 8 and the leg of the t above it (see the first photograph). The ligature is indicated by breaking off the perpendicular line before joining to it the legs of the 8, which may be compared with the normal s of lines 1 and 2. Mahamatana.-The long a mark to the h is in the middle of the perpendicular line. The t is of the stunted variety, witb & suggestion of a projecting bar, just as in the t of the last line in gahimtavayo. Sasane. There is probably a suggestion of a long matra to the first in the electrotype. Line 2. For the long vowel in da of Manavasiti kada see the electrotype. Silimate. Sili stands for Sanskrit sirin; sira, plough'; Hindi sir, 'cultivation'; sirin'a tenant' a cultivator.' Mate-matre. Us-agame: the e-mark to m is absolutely certain ; and the d-force to 8 (in the middle of the bar) is also certain in the electroplate. The expression stands for u88-dgame- Sanskrit ushmagame. Dave: the lower limb of d is blurred. As the store-houses were evidently more than two, it is not advisable to read the word as duve. It seems to be connected with the technical term of the Maurya period dratya in connection with Government Stores, e.g., dravya-pala (ArthaGastra, ch. 38). Line 3. Tiyaveni is a clear reading. The photograph shows Mathule, but the electrotype Mathula. The long vowel to k in Bhalakana can be seen in the photograph, though it is faint. Line 4. The i-mark to l in chhali, is faint. Chhali-Sanskrit ksharios; chhali-kayiyati, to be spent', 'to be discharged'. Chha was misread by Fleet as va. There is a straight bisecting line in the circle. Buhler read it correctly. LOCALITIES. Triveni, Mathura, Chanchu, Modama and Bhadra must have been in the Kosala Province, of which Sravasti was the capital. This Mathura, therefore, is not the Mathura of the Surasenas but a town or village somewhere in Oudh, Gorakhpur or Champaran. We have an important village Mathuliya in Champaran. Chanchu (Ghazipur) could be within the jurisdiction of the Ligature stf : the right leg of t touches the bar of ya. * 4. vowel-mark is traceable in both photographs. .There seems to be a long ito, and to l. See oleotrotype. If it be taken as an adjectival form like Mathula, the place-name would be Mudana. . Kohar (c), to pour cut, to flow, to dissolve or dissipate. JRAS., 1907, 628.

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THE TEXT OF THE SOHGAURA PLATE. provincial government of Sravasti, as the district of Gorakhpur was; but more likely it was another place between Triveni (ghat) and Bhadra-between the districts of Gorakhpur and Champaran or thereabout. Nothing is known about Modama or Mudama. Bhadra (Bhalla) was & common name. Manavasiti (Manavasiti) is to be looked for in the Tarai. Its name shows that it was a cool resort. THE SOHGAURA AND KUMHBAR PILLAB SYMBOLS, Amongst the symbols the moon (Chandra) placed on a hill-like combination and next to it the large MO (like the ms in the inscription-in two separate parts) denote an imperial monogram for Chandra[gupta) Maurya). We have the same moon symbol on the Kumhrax pillar (ASR., 1912-13, p. 78, pl. XLIX) where it certainly means. Chandragupta'. The hilllike combination stands for gutta mi the upper loop is g and the lower loops are tta, and onthe top of the combination stands chanda or chandra. This monogrammatic method of writing is what is called Silpa-lipi (i.e., art-writing) in the text cited by Dr. Hirananda Sastri (Proceedings and Transactions of the 6th Indian Oriental Conference, p. 11). It will be seen from the plate published in the A.S.R. that in the centre, by the side of the central dot, there is the symbol for Chandagutta, then there is an abrasion in the stone (which I have examined and seen on the actual stone), then opposite there is in a somewhat cursive hand three letters-reading from right to left-Moriya'. This along with the symbol reads : MoriyaChandagutta.' That Chandragupta Maurya had his royal monogram is clear from the Kautaliya Arthas-, ch. 50, p. 129 ['rajanka' branded on royal animals] and ch.93, p. 249 ['narendranka 'engraved on weapons and armours for the use of soldiers ). The Mo on the Sohgaura plate is to the right of the monogram. For the full form of the - force, see electrotype. The two trees probably signify the drought stage from leafsome to leafless, and the houses for stores. THE DATE. Apart from the monogram, the date is to be gathered from certain ciroumstances. At the time, Sravasti was under a Council of Mahamatras. This will be true of the Nanda and Maurya times when Kosala was reduced to the position of a province of the Magadhan empire. The lettering will show an age about a century before Aboka. The document indicates that extensive measures were adopted by the State to meet threatened or repeated droughts, and the measures were largely advertised for the information of the public. This and the Mahasthan tablet seem to be contemporary documents of the reign of Chandra-gupta Maurya when repeated droughts ocurred, according to the Jains theological history. Both Sohgaura and Mahasthan inscriptions refer to atiyayika' circumstances. 1 I reserve a fuller discussion on the Kumbrar pillar for a separate paper. It is sufficient to note here that the circles denote the plan of this pillar. My brother Mr. U. S. Jayaswal, who is an engineer by profession, without knowing anything of the actual position of the pillar said that it should be the 8th pillar in the third row according to these erection marks'. This agrees to the letter on Dr. Spooner's plan (XLI, p. 69). The sectional plan to the right on the pillar and its ciroles for the pillars and three lines before the letter mi constitute a copy of Dr. Spooner's plan of a group of 8 pillars on the site, reckoning it facing south wbere the main gate stood. What Dr. Spooner took to be Persian symbols are simply the direction for enection, noting mukha''face' gate'. M and kha (or, kho) cover tho whole of the sectional plan. The jotten by the circles read (left to right) "thabbha ; 3; 3."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. No. 2.--SHELL CHARACTER ROCK INSCRIPTION AT CI-ARUTON (JAVA). BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A., BARRISTER-AT-LAW, PATNA. A cureive and florid writing has been found in various places in India. I have seen it in the rock-cut cave-house at Khandgiri in the so-called Lalata Kesari Gumpha; at the door of the Gupta or pre-Gupta temple standing at Tigawan; at Rajgir; at Patna, etc.; and one text repeated several times at Ramtek (Nagpur) has been brought to light by Dr. Turner 1. Uptil now it has been called "Shell characters" or Sankha writing owing to the cursive forms of letters which resemble a conch-shell. Lately I had to study the "box-headed " writing of the Javanese inscriptions which have been edited by Dr. Vogel under the title The Earliest Sanskrit Inscriptions of Java in Publicaties van den Ouadheidkundigen Dienst in Nederlandisch-Indie, Deel I (Weltevreden, 1925). A Shell inscription is engraved at Ci-Aruton below the foot-prints of King Purnavarman. The toes of the king are represented to have had lotus-marks, the auspicious lakshana (marks), which have been taken by several Dutch scholars to be a representation of "spiders". The whole purpose of the inscription is to emphasise this samvudrika lakshana. The main inscription is in box-headed letters of the Vakataka type, which has been accurately read by Dr. Vogel (p. 22) as follows : i Vikkrantasy-avanipateh 2 Srimatah Purnnavarmanah 3 Taruma-nagar-endrasya 4. Vishnor-iva pada-dvayam. Plate 28 of Dr. Vogel's book which is reproduced here gives the facsimile of the foot-prints and the inscriptions in shell and box-headed letters. It is evident that the two inscriptions are contemporary with the foot-prints (paduka). It was to record the description of the foot-marks that the inscriptions were engraved. The shell writing was drawn first and then the "box-headed " one. This is apparent from the position of the two inscriptions. The loop of the first letter of the shell line caused a little slanting of the box-headed lines. The shell line is just below the padu ka and occupies & more prominent position. On the evening of the 14th April (1933) I placed the plate before my learned friend Dr. Hirananda Sastri with my view that here was a bi-scriptory writing, and that it was possible to solve the shell record with the help of the box-headed record which gives the purpose of the inscription. Dr. Hirananda Sastris agreed with that view. I now place my reading before scholars. The line opens with Sri, placed just between the two large toes, and reads SRI PURNNAVARMANAH. It may be noticed chat three ns are the same in shape. The writing is very likely the Paushkarasadiya, one of the three main lips of Northern India mentioned in Buddhist books (Buhler, Indische Palaeographie, p. 2). The shell writing "J. B. O. R. 8., 1933, Dec. issue. Cunningham finding it mostly on Gupta monuments thought that the writing arose in Gupta times (R., VIII, p. 129). But this is disproved by. Silahari cave inscriptions (of Rewah) where it is associated with contemporary writing of C. 100 A. D.-A. 8. R., 1927-28, p. 138. I have examined the latter, and one of them seems to give the same donor's name as the Brahmf lines. Mr. Jayaswal'n ronding seems to be plausible, but till we have examined all the known Inscriptions in this curious script we should treat it as a working hypothesis-H.8.]

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Rock INSCRIPTION AT Ci-ARUTON (JAVA). MR. K. P. JAYASWAL'S CHART. FRON PHOTOGRAPH FROM ESTAMPACE. VALUES pur are na nah va rma REPRODUCED FROM Dr. J. PH. VOGEL'S EARLIEST SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS OF JAVA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. SURVEY OF ISDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 2.) SHELL CHARACTER ROCK INSCRIPTION AT CI-ARUTON (JAVA) has been always found in Northern India, and its present instances are found on certainly Guptan monuments; the Rajgir writings on the road may be much earlier. Its cursive form shows that it was a non-monumental, i.e., book writing. The virama sign below >> in our inscription has its descent in the modern Nagari and Bengali scripts. The system is purely Hindu; the forms, though different, have basic unity with Brahmi forms. It seems that Pushkaraadi with whose personal name the system is associated, invented the system from Brahmi. A modern example of a similar type of invention is Gurumukhi. The head of each letter in our inscription is headed with a line as in Nagari, Bengali and other modern Aryan scripts of the north. This would have arisen in book-writing with pen-and-ink, to keep & straight line in view. The flourishes of long looped vowel-signs and rounded forms of the letters also point to the system of pen-and-ink. The v in our inscription is almost identical with the Brahmi letter; p has a loop to the left instead of to the right, which would denote an earlier origin when p was writter both ways. The superscript i vowel-mark is doubled to denote a long sound. The m here has only one arm of the Brahmim instead of two. The form is entirely unconnected. The $ is somewhat unconnected, it resembles remotely the Brahmi form turned upside down. The superscript and subscript has the same form as in Brahmi. The double i mark resembles the Brahmi system of the fourth century A.D. The mark for visarga on the top of the last na resembles & half form of the jihvamuliya sign of the Brahmi. The origin of the script would go back to B.C. centuries owing to the forms of p and $ and the unconnected form of . The matras would have been influenced in their development by the general system which we find in Brahmi. A NOTE ON PADUKAS. The custom of giving padukas still survives in India. The Jainas have throughout set up padukas to their Acharyas. Sannyasin mathas still make such memorials to their Mahants. In every case they are memorials to dead personages. The custom survives among Bengal Hindus, where the dead guru-jana's foot-prints are taken on a piece of paper after besmearing the soles with lac-dye (alta--Skt. alakta), whereby actual prints are reproduced. These prints are preserved. Purnavarman's foot-prints have given rise to various speculations amongst the Dutch scholars. Dr. Vogel has rightly pointed out (p. 25) that the other foot-prints of the king at Jambu were engraved on the place of cremation. The wording of the inscription indicates that the foot-prints were engraved after the king's death (yah pura Tarumay(a)m namna triPurnnavarmma). Similarly the Ci-Aruton inscription is to be taken as an after-death memorial, engraved probably at the place of the Sraddha. There is no justification in the text to regard it as a dedication to a living man as taken by the Dutch scholars. It was not for worship, and it was not worshipped in his life-time. No. 3.-MANUR INSCRIPTION OF MARANJADAIYAN. BY PROF. K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, M.A., MADRAS. Manar is a village in the Tinnevelly district about nine miles from Tinnevelly on the road to Sankaranayinarkoyil. On one of the pillars in the Ambalavanasvamin temple of this village is 1 The foot-prints of his elephant (p. 27) Jayavisala (which is the name of the animal) is a memorial to bus favourito odhana, and must have been engraved after its death.

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6 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VCL XXI I found engraved the following inscription1 of the reign of Maranjadaiyan, which I edit from a set of excellent ink-impressions received from the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras. The inscription has been noticed briefly by the late Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya in the Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for 1907, and its contents were summarised by the late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri in the Annual Report for 1913.2 The record occupies a space of about 7'x 1' 2" and consists of sixty-four lines of equal length. It is incomplete, a few words being wanting at its end. Line 21 has not come out clearly in the impression; but the words in this line can be easily supplied from the context on the analogy of 11. 27-9 which seem to repeat the phrasing employed here. Otherwise the inscription is very well preserved. The alphabet employed is Vatteluttu with an admixture of Grantha letters especially for ligatures, such as kshai, sva, sta, sti, sri, hma, bra, pra, ddha, vya, vri, tta, and for some words like sabhai, veda, dharmma and stridhana. In Grantha letters, the length of the medial i is marked by the sign of a medial a attached to the right of the letter in sri in lines 1 and 10; the sign representing a medial a is itself a plain short horizontal stroke from the right end of which hangs a vertical one-see bra in lines 17 and 23, and sra in line 29. The Vatteluttu letters resemble in general appearance those of the Ambasamudram inscription of Varaguna-Pandya.' The size of the letters is larger in the first five lines than in the following. The letter ka, however, resembles more the ka of the Anaimalai inscription than that of the Ambasamudram record. The medial u is marked by a loop below the letter n in 11. 4 and 19, and the short u by a single vertical stroke below the same letter in line 13. The pulli is clearly marked in some cases as in pangu (1. 14), pugavum (1. 34) and panikkavum (11. 34-5); but is not so clear elsewhere. One and the same letter is found written in slightly different forms, and different letters sometimes look so alike that we have to depend on the context for their proper identification. As an example of the former tendency the vowel i at the beginning of line 25 may be compared with the same letter in lines 5, 11, 26 and elsewhere in the inscription. Compare also, in this connection, the letter lu in 11. 27 and 28 with lu in 1. 29 and lu in 1. 8; and yo in lines 9 and 12. Instances of the latter are furnished by pa and tu occurring twice in line 5; by the very slight difference between tu in this line and ru at the end of the preceding one, distinguished from the former by a slight hook at the top of its left arm; and by the letters pa and n in line 14. It may also be noted that in line 35, ra and ka look alike, the stroke indicating medial a in the former having crossed the vertical of the main letter, whereas the distinction between the two letters is clearly maintained elsewhere e.g., in l. 54. These peculiarities only go to confirm the correctness of the view that "the Vatteluttu may be described as a cursive script which bears the same relation to the Tamil as the modern northern alphabets of the clerks and merchants to their originals, e.g., the Modi of the Maraathas to the Balbodh." The vowel ai occurs once in line 58. The letter ya is uniseptate and looks much simpler than in the Ambasamudram inscription and closely resembles the form of the letter in the Velvikudi grant. The sign for the medial i is invariably attached as in the Velvikudi grant to the right 1 No. 423 of 1906 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection. Part II, paragraph 23. Ante, Vol. IX plate opposite page 90. Ante, Vol. VIII, plate opposite page 320. [Nowhere else in the record is the pulli marked and it is therefore doubtful if it is marked in the instances noted here. The marks looking like pulli on the impression may be due to the roughness of the stone.-Ed.] * Buhler-Indian Palaeography ed. Fleet, p. 75.

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No. 3.] MANUR INSCRIPTION OF MARANJADAIYAN. side of the letter, and never, as invariably in the Agaimalai and sometimes in the Ambasamudram inscriptions, placed at the top of the letter. Palaeographically, this inscription belongs to the same group as the Apaimalai and Ambasamudram inscriptions and the Velvikudi and the Madras Museum grants of Jatilavarman. To the same group may be assigned the Tirupparangupram and the Trivandrum Museum stone inscriptions.1 Slight differences as in the formation of the letter ya, the disposition of the medial i symbol, and the general appearance, sloping (Anaimalai and. Velvikudi) or vertical (Madras Museum, and Ambasamudram), of the letters in an inscription do not, in the case of Vatteluttu tecords, furnish any reliable criteria for a close determination of their exact age. It seems to me therefore that the Manur inscription of Maranjadaiyan is also & record of the reign of the celebrated donor of the Velvikudi grant and the Madras Museum plates. It must be observed, however, that the high regnal years in this and in some other inscriptions of Maranjadaiyan have been considered to be an obetacle in the way of accepting this conclusion." I have pointed out elsewhere what appears to me the proper method of reconciling these bigh regnal years with the historical data furnished by the Velvikudi and the larger Singamanur grants, and I need not repeat the arguments here. I have also examined elsewhere the views recently expressed by Mr. K. V. Subramania Aiyat on some inscriptions of Maranjadaiyan and on the date of the accession of Varaguna-Maharaja. The language of the inscription is Tamil, but Sanskrit words are also employed wherever necessary. The rules of sandhi are sometimes observed, as in nurraru (1.4), but more often notpattu on badu (1. 5), kudi irundu iovur (1l. 11-12) and so on. The letter v is needlessly duplicated in two places-manraduvadagavvum (11. 45-6) and seyvvadaga (1.61). The grammatical construction of the sentence at the beginning of the vyavasthai (11. 14-20) is peculiar, but might be heard to-day from the mouth of any Sanskrit Pandit in South India. Some words are used in peculiar senses now obsolete; examples are manradutal in the sense of 'to discuss or deliberate more generally, 'to take part in the proceedings (of an assembly)'; and $ravanai, & word unknown to literature, and apparently closely allied in meaning to pangu, as can be seen from the general sense of lines 81-34 read along with II. 18-19. Sravanai and avanam are doubtless two forms of the same word-cf. Sramana, amana; and Sravana, Avani. And the old Tamil lexicon 1 Cf. Venkayya at Ind. Ant., Vol. xxii, p. 68 and Madras Epigraphical Report, 1907, Part II, p. 20, as modified by 1908, II, 36; and above, Vol. IX, p. 86, n. 13. [Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar thinks that it is wrong to group together the Anaimalsi, Ambasamadrum, Velviktidi, Madras Museum, Tirupparangugram spd Trivandrum Museum inscriptions as belonging to the name period. He suggests that the letters of the Mapur record whicb do not exhibit the older forms of , and r can favourably be compared with the writing in inscriptions of Maronjaiyan (Travancore Archaological Series, Vol. IV, p. 119), Sadaiya marap (ibid., pp. 121-122) and Vira-Pandya (ibid., Vol. III, pp. 69 and 72). -Ed.) .of. Krishna Sastri's remarks above, Vol. XVII, p. 292 and South Indian Inscriptions, III, p. 142. * Madras Epigraphical Report, 1907, II, 21, is tentative on the point; 1920, II, 8, is more decisive. The Pandyan Kingdom, Chap. IV and pp. 253-5. [Mr. A. S. Ramanaths Ayyar is of opinion that the Manur inscription must be attributed, palaeographically, to later Marijadaiyan, probably Parintaka. Viranariyana Badaiyan, the brother of Varagupsvarmen of A.D. 862. He also considers that a few records of Maranjudaiyat which ofte high regnal years, vit.. Nos. 298 of 1916 (85th year), 431 of 1914 (35th +), 1% of 1928-29 (85+6th year), 863 of 1917 (36+7th year), 605 of 1915 (43rd year) and 104 of 1900 (39th year), all of the Madris Epigraphical collection, are palaeographically similar to the Mapur rooord and may have to be asenhed to the king named above.-Ed.) . Above, Vol. XX, pp. 46-64, Early Pandyan Chronology Journal of Indian History 1982 April * In No. 64 of 1898 we have the phrase: mapalyum Ardeanaiyum wifitfa ore pangu. Here ararapai would Beem to be a unit of land other than a house-site. The word is evidently used in the sense of document or title deed in an inscription (823 of 1910) of the reign of Kulottunga 1 in the phrases: vilai erdvapai-ppadiyum and inai.yili-Iravanaippadiyum, with which of wilai-ananam (sale deed).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. Pingalam gives for the word avanam the meaning of right (to property).' Speaking generally, fravanai like avanam may be taken to denote right to property, and 'Sravanai pugu' to mean, 'to enter upon and exercise the right of ownership'. The words kachcham(agreement) and kuttukkal (obstruction) may also be noted as perhaps interesting colloquialisms of the time. The object of the inscription is to record a resolution of the sabha of Mananilainallur. The resolution is called vyavasthai in Sanskrit, and kachcham in Tamil. The resolution fixed the procedure to be followed in future meetings of the sabha by laying down the minimum qualifications in terms of property, education and character, that would entitle persons to take part in the work of the sabha. It also stated that no kind of variyam was to be assigned to a person who did not possess a full share in the lands of the village. This is one of the earliest uses of the term variyam known to South Indian Epigraphy. The Ambasamudram inscription of the sixteenth year of Varaguna-Maharaja mentions the variyar of the sabha of Ilangokkudi. It is not easy to decide if these terms in these Pandya records refer to committees of the assembly in the same manner as the Uttaramerur inscriptions of Chala Parantaka I belonging to a later century and another part of the country. It is not improbable that the earlier records only imply the choice of particular individuals for the performance of specified tasks, and that the variyar were individual officers carrying out the orders of the sabha rather than an executive committee with wide discretionary powers such as the committees of Uttaramerur undoubtedly were. However that may be, it is clear that the present resolution of the sabha of Mapanilainallur forbade any responsible executive duties being entrusted in the future to persons who did not satisfy a minimum property qualification. Lastly, the resolution lays down the penalty of a fine of five kasus per head for failure to observe its terms and for wilful obstruction, and avers that, even after the penalty is enforced, the original terms of the resolution shall be acted upon. This inscription is unique in the insight it gives into the actual working of the autonomous village assembly in brahmadeya villages under the early Pandyas. The existence of such sabhas is known from other records of the time like the Ambasamudram inscription mentioned above, and an inscription from Tiruchchendur. But the inscription edited here is the only early Pandya inscription giving particulars of the constitution and working of the sabha. A meeting of the general body is summoned by the beating of a large drum-perunguri barri (11. 9-10)". The assembly, mahasabha, met at the stated hour in a public place fixed beforehand,-here it was Govardhana, apparently signifying a Vishnu temple of which there seem to be almost no traces left at present. The rules made on this occasion by this sabha show that while in the assembly, generally speaking, all land-owners were represented, still an active part in the deliberations of the assembly was allowed only to those persons the extent of whose property did not fall below a prescribed minimum and who, in addition, had attained a certain standard of education and possessed good character. The work of the assembly when it was not in session, including the carrying out of its decisions in particular matters, was apparently entrusted to variyar of its choice. Of the number and duties of the variyar, we derive no knowledge from the inscriptions of the time. 1 Kittel notes in his Kanarese-English Dictionary that Kan. kajja is a derivative of Skt. karya, and our kachcham may be the same word in another form. The expression vilai-pramanak-kachchatta occurs in South Indian Inscriptions Vol. I, No. 52, 1. 4. the Rita. aveny vazduct i ve Administration. DD. 82-3: 133-134. * No. 28 of 1912 and No. 156 of 1903 of the Madras Epigraphical collection, : A Chola inscription (00.1997) kna the phrase: dharmi-vudin peruguri lntti. . Cf. 64 of 1898 from Uttara marur saying: emmur ari-govardhanattu Mahaviai puickajukku. The foundations of a low old buildings may be traced in the paddy fields to the west of the village, but it is now impossible to account for the 1008 Brahman houses which, according to local belief, onoe existed on the site."--Tinnevelly Gazetteer, p. 476.

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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE: ONE-SIXTH. REG. No. 3313 E's3 - 480, N. P. Chakravarti. 2551 kaakntel 08 ACAPCOZ/ % SSC42/6% ain 9\\Seae A06A021 or eugge" : 88 `ngair 2.23gp taex E27 22 5 daaw Gangg3554196 ephn 22,49 ainh5555ni w Secoat,531 esn taaaiAAt * 1 At\(32 a 1 b+ 228 22 " wanCe0\65/3 0% 22855 ng thnn on & gay 0 0 1 0 9 esiiaidrt Cated SCG 05 9C202 eCC6022 28 29 khn 29C2EE Third Side. Second Side. First Side. *NVAIVAVINVUVW AO NOILOSNI MONVW

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No. 3.] MANUR INSCRIPTION OF MARANJADAIYAN. Of the geographical data supplied by the inscription, Mapanilainallar is obviously the present Manur. The nadu in which this place was located bore the name Kalakkudi. Other places in Kalakkudi-nadu mentioned in the inscriptions are Karuvanallur, seven miles to the north of Sankaranayinarkoyil, and Karavandapuram, which seems to have had the alternative name of Kalakkudi as can be inferred from the Anaimalai inscriptions. It has been suggested that Kalakkudi might be identical with the modern village of Kalakkad in the Naaguneri Talukt. Considering that the nadu extended to the north beyond. Sankaranayinarkayil, it may be doubted if Kalakkudi-Karavandapura could be the same as Kalakkadu, too far south in the Narguneri Taluk. Ambasamudram and Sermadevi to the north of Kalakkadu were part of Mulli-nadu, and Kalakkadu is itself said to have been in the Vanavap-nadu, in a record of a later date. There is a village called Kalakkudi in the Tinnevelly Taluk itself, which may possibly have been the headquarters of the nadu. TEXT. First side. 1 Svasti bri! Ko Maranja2 daiyarkku yandu 3 muppattanju 4 nal nan-nurs-apu5 pattu-oqbadu i6 n-nalal Kalak[ku]di7 nattu brahmadeyam Mane8 [ni]lainallur mahasa9 bhaiyom perunguri ba10 Fri Sri-Gova[r*jddhanattu-kku. 11 di irundu ivv=urma12 hasa bhaiyom kudi? manra. 13 duvadanukku seyda vyavastai14 y=avadu ivv=ur pangudai15 yar makkal sabhaiyil man16 radukiradu oru dha[r*]ma[m*]-utpa17 da Mantirabrahmanam vallar su18 vrittar=ay iruppare oru pan19 ginukku oruttare sabhaiyil 20 manraduvadagavum vilaiyum 21 (pratigrahamum stri-dhanamum-udlai-)" Second side. 22 yaroru dhanmam=uppali 23 da Mantirabrahmanam 1 No. 424 of 1906 of the Madras Epigraphical collection * No. 418 of 1906 of the same collection . Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 318 and n. 8. * Ibid. * No. 130 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. . Read maha. * Read kudi. The suggestion may be made that kudi-mahradu modno : deliberate on the main of the villago'; but there is no other instance of such wago. * Road: ivrir. .Read mukkes. Conjectoral reading based on L 28 Below. . 11 Read upadkt

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10 24 vallar-ay suvri(ri)ttar-ay 25 iruppare manradu. 26 vadagavum idan-mer127 pattadu vilaiyalu28 m pratigrahattalum sti-" 29 dhanattalum eravanai 30 puguvar mulu sirava 31 pai anri kal sirava 32 naiyum araich-chiravanai33 yum mukkal eiravanaiyu34 m pugavum panikkavu35 m perada[r-a]gavum pa36 ngu vilaikku kolpa37 var3 oru vedam ell[5] 38 idamum sa-parilish(1) m parikshai tandarkke 40 eravanai panippada41 gavum ip-parisu an42 ri aravapai pukkaraiyum 39 43 pinnaiyum ik-kach 44 chattil patta-pari45 manduvadiga(v)46 vum ip-parisina471 muluch-chiravanai 48 illadarai evvagai49 ppatta variyamu 50 m errapperadar1-agavu 51 m ip-parieu beygin 52 rarum anrenru kuttu 53 kkal seyyapperada-" 54 ragavum kuttukkal sey55 varaiyum kuttukkal se 56 vvarkku uravayudani EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 57 pparaiyum vevverru 58 vagai aiyyanju k[a]su tap 59 dan-gondu pinnaiyum 60 ik-kachcha[t*]til patta-pari 61 se seyv(v)adagavum i 62 p-parisu panittu vyava Third side. 1r looks like. * Read stri Read tar. [The impression reads kol(v)odr-Ed.] gra looks like gana; cf. ra in mara in L. 1. Likewise ra and da look much alike. ra and da look alike. [VOL. X XII. * Bead beyvarkku. This reading is doubtful. Mr. G. R. Krishnamacharlu suggests that it may be read as upakam-in the sense of spoka; and that upohom-nippar may be rendered as those standing by or near, i.e., abettors. 24

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No. 3.] MANUR INSCRIPTION OF MARANJADAIYAN. 63 stai seydom mahasabhai64 yom mahasabhaiyar (pa] TRANSLATION. Lines 1-14. Hail! Prosperity! the year thirty-five, and day four hundred and sixtynine of the reign of) King Maranjadaiyap,-on this day, we, (the members of the mahasabha of Mananilainallur, a brahmadeya in Kalakkudi-nadu, having proclaimed a general body meeting by beat of drum; and, having assembled in the sacred Govardhana, made the following resolution (vyavasthai) for conducting deliberations in the meetings of the mahasabha of this village : LI. 14-20. In the matter of the share-holders of this village taking part in the deliberations of the assembly, only those who are conversant with Mantra-brahmana inclusive of one Dharma and are of good conduct shall take part in the discussions of the sabha, only one person (representing) & share ; Ll. 20-26. of those who own (shares) by purchase gift or dowry, only such as are conversant with Mantra-brahmana inclusive of one Dharma and are of good conduct shall take part in the deliberations ; Ll. 26-35. in the future, those who exercise their right of property (Sravanai-puguvar) (acquired) by purchase, gift or dowry, shall not, except by (possessing) full fravanai, exercise their right and vote (merely) in virtue of a quarter, half or three-quarters of a Sravanai; LI. 35-45. among those who acquire shares by purchase, the fravanai shall be awarded only to such as have passed an examination in an entire Veda together with the Parisishta; and those who enter upon a travanai, by means other than the above, shall take part in the discussions only in accordance with the terms of this settlement (kachcham); Ll. 46-51. in virtue of this arrangement, those who do not possess a full bravanai shall not be selected to any kind of variyam ; Ll. 51-61. those who abide by this agreement shall not say nay' and cause any obstruction (to this arrangement); those who cause obstruction and those who abet the obstructionists shall be fined five kasus each, and even thereafter, the terms of this resolution (kachcham) shall be strictly observed. LI. 61-64. We, the members of the mahasabha ordered in this wise and made this settlement. The members of the mahasabha........ No. 4 KHAROSHTHI INSCRIPTION ON A BEGRAM BAS-RELIEF. BY STEN KONow, Po.D., Oslo. Begram, on the confluence of the Ghorband and Panjshir rivers, has been identified with ancient Kapisi. The site has been explored by French archaeologists, and M. Barthou has, inter alia, unearthed a damaged sculpture in bas-relief, which has been interpreted as representing the Buddha's first interview with Bimbisara or the invitation to preach addressed to Bhagavat by Brahma and Indra. Gotama, with a moustache, is seated on a tbrone, raising the right hand in the varada-mudra and resting the left, which is mutilated, on the lap. To the right stands 1 The continuation on the fourth face seems to be built in. * The word pawik kavum in the context is not easy. I have taken it to mean declare one's opinion,' vote.' * The expression ipparidu beyinraru (11.51-2) is vague, but obviously it must refer to the persons who enter on bravanai in an irregular manner, without passing the examination, and are left out of account for the wariyam . Lit. "Stand in intimate relation with those who cause obstruction." Cf. A. Foucher, Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, VI, pp. 341 ff. .J. Hackin, La sculpture indienne et tibetaine au musee Guimet, Paris 1931, Pl. XI.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. VOL. XXII. a person in royal attire, raising his hands in supplication, and to the left a somewhat defaced figure, in the same attitude, but apparently not a royal personage. In the background we see a Vajrapani to the left, and another person to the right, and outside the group, to the right, is still another person, according to M. Hackin perhaps a monk. The beight of the sculpture is 141 inches. Under the sculpture is an inscription in Kharoshthi letters. The right-hand portion of the base is abraded, and the beginning of the record is therefore irreparably lost. If the whole base was utilized, we may reckon that approximately twenty aksharas have disappeared. What bas been preserved covers a space 104 inches long, with twenty-four letters, each about inches high. Professor Thomas bas published his reading of the record from M. Hackin's plate, where, however, the last aksharas are defaced. I am indebted to M. Hackin for graciously allowing me to publish the inscription in the Epigraphia Indica, and to the authorities of the musee Guimet for kindly providing me with excellent photographs, from which the plate accompanying this article has been prepared. Our inscription is the first Khardsbthi record which has been found in, or in the neighbour bood of, ancient Kapisi. The excellent execution of the characters, however, shows that they are due to an experienced engraver, and we have no reason for doubting that Kharoshthi was in common use in Kapisi and in the otber towns along the old highroad to India, ma Nagarahara and Pushkaravati. According to M. Hackin, Professor Mironov has examined the Begram epigraph and come to the result that certain cursive and late characters remind us of the Kharoshthi documents from Niya, and that we must, consequently, think of a dute towards the end of the Kushana period, at least not earlier than Huvishka. This estimate cannot be far from the truth, though I cannot see any special resemblance to the Niya alphabet. A priori we should be inclined to look for parallels to the characters of our record in inscriptions from places such as Wardak, Bimaran, Hadda and ancient Pushkaravati, and though the materials at our disposal are limited, our search will not be quite in vain. The ma, with the tops bent slightly inwards, has its parallel on the Hashtnagar pedestal, where we also find forms of da and pa of the same kind as in our record. The angular e, with the e-stroke at the bottom, bas exact parallels in Wardak, and also in Ara, Naugram, and Jaulia. Ta has an ancient shape, but the long tu reminds us of Wardak. Ya has its parallels on the Kanishka and Kurram caskets, and ha has the same shape as in Wardak. Sa is peculiar, the right-hand bar being shortened and bent backwards. Generally speaking, however, the characters make the impression of being traditional and little characteristic. They are perbaps somewhat later than the Hadda inscription of the year 28, and earlier than the Mamane Dheri pedestal of the year 89, though the highly cursive ductus of the last-mentioned epigraph makes it difficult to make any use of it for chronological purposes. One of the characters occurring in our record is peculiar. The last word but one is evidently meant to be pituno. The first syllable is not, however, written in the usual way. Instead of the ordinary pa with the s-stroke we have pa with a St. Andrew's cross at the end of the stem. The same sign bas been found by Professor Rapson' in some few instances in the Kharoshthi documents recovered at Niya in Chinese Turkestan, where it is used in words such as alpa, silpa, 1J. R. A, 8., 1933, p. 415. * Kharoshi Inscriptions discovered by Sir Aurel Stein in Chinese T'urkestan, A. M. Buyer, E. J. Rapson, and E. Senart, Oxford 1920-29, p. 316. Transcribed and edited by

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No. 4.] KHAROSHTHI INSCRIPTION ON A BEGRAM BAS-RELIEF. silpiga, and accordingly seems to stand for lp. Another compound lp, formed in the usual way by placing 1 above p, is stated to occur in [ka]lpitanti, where the i-stroke has been added, but hardly anywhere to denote lpa. Professor Rapson further draws attention to the fact that the St. Andrew's cross is used in a similar way in the coin legends of Wima Kadphises. In an earlier publication be proposed to read the compound letter as thph, but now be prefers to read [Kallpi(sa). We should then have to draw the inference that the writer of our inscription had misunderstood the compound and wrongly used it for pi. But we should fail to understand why he did 80. A priori we would be inclined to think that he knew it from words where it was actually pronounced pi. The oldest known occurrence of the compound akshara containing the St. Andrew's cro89 is in the coin legends mentioned above. The name or title in which it is used is applied to two different rulers, whose names are best known io the forms Kujula and Wima Kadphises. The word is known both from the Greek and from the Kharoshthi legends, and further from Chinese renderings. In the case of Kujula, the Chinese transcript points to Kapa ; the Greek legends give Kadaphes and Kadphises, and in Kharoshthi we find Kadapha, Kaphsa, Kasa?, etc. For Wima we have Chinese Kau-t'ien ; Greek Kadphises, and in Kbaroshthi the form here discussed. There is nowhere any trace of a l, but several writings which point to a dental, and probably to a voiced dental fricative, & 8. And in this connection it should be borne in mind that the Kharoshthi akshara which most closely resembles the St. Andrew's cross is the dental th. A priori, therefore, Professor Rapson's old explanation would seem to be more likely than the new one. We do not know the derivation or etymological explanation of the word. Professor Levi' has maintained that it means 'ruler of Kapisa'. Whether he is right or not, it is higbly probable that it was thus understood in Kapisa itself, where it was perhaps also used about the successors of the two first Kushanas. And in Kapisa it could then hardly be pronounced otherwise than Kapisa or Kappisa. Some of the coin legends also point to disappearance of the sound preceding p (ph). The writer of our inscription, which has been found in ancient Kapisi, would therefore be familiar with the use of the compound akshara as a rendering of the sound pi, and it is not to be wondered at that he took the St. Andrew's cross to be the sign of i, leaving out the i- troke itself. The result would be the same even if the cross originally stood for l. For it is almost certain that old lp became pp in the North-Western Prakrit. There are not, it is true, any instances of old lp in later Indian Kharoshthi inscriptions. But both Shahbazgashi and Mansehra have apa, kapa for Sanskrit al pa, kalpa, respectively, and the Dutreuil du Rhins manuscript gives apa for alpa and saga pa for sankalpa. Morec ver we find atapi for Sanskrit akalpika, side by side with Sanskrit forms sucb as kalpa, kalpi in Saka, which language has been influenced by the North-Western Prakrit. This state of things leads us to question the interpretation of our sign as lp in the Niva documents. The forms transliterated alpa, silpa, silpiga by Professor Rapson were pronounced appa sippa, tippiga, respectively, in the dialect, and we may reasonably draw the inference that the other sign, I written above p, was used where a Sanskrit loanword was pronounced as in Sanskrit e.g., in (ka)lpitanti. daes du site Congres des Orientalistes, i, p. 219. ? 1 abstract from the form Kasea which I'rofessor Rapson, Kharophthi Inscriptions, p. 312, proposes to read on a copper coin, because the actual reading is not certain. To me it looks like Katea. J. d., cciii, 1923, p. 52 - Sylvain Levi, Jean Przyluski and Jules Bloch, Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India. Translated by Prabodh Chandra Bagehi, Calcutta 1929. p. 120.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXII. So far as I can see, our only key to the pronunciation of the compound akshara are the coin legends of Wima Kadphises. And we have no reason for assuming a pronunciation Ip in them. If the letter was originally devised for writing foreign, e.g., Iranian, words containing the consonantal compound 8p, which does not occur in Indian dialects, it is conceivable that it was locally pronounced lp. But it is hardly necessary to resort to such an assumption in order to explain the Niya writings. And in our record, at all events, the compound is meant to render pi. With regard to orthography and grammar, we may note that no distinction has been made between the dental and the cerebral n. Thus we have imena kusalamulena, but pituno, danarmuhe. The last mentioned word illustrates the well-known tendency to nasalize a vowel before & nasal, and also shows that the nominative of a-bases ended in e and not in o, as is the rule in the western part of the territory in which the North-Western Prakrit was in use. The dialect used in our inscription is, as might be expected, the same as in other Kharoshthi inscriptions. As has already been remarked, the beginning of the record, probably about twenty aksharas, has disappeared. It probably contained a date, either in the old Saka or in the Kanishka era. The inscription opens with a damaged ya, or apparently rather ye. It is evidently the termination of a feminine poun, in the genitive or in the locative. This word cannot be restored with any approach to certainty. If it was the last word of the date portion, we might think of purvaye, as in the Taxila Plate. Other dated inscriptions from Afghanistan, however, use kshunarmi and not purvaye after the date. Moreover, the ensuing dative pujae makes it probable that we should expect purvae and not purvaye. The same consideration may be urged against restoring words such as bharyaye or upasikaye. We might think of kutimbiniye or of kapisiye, but we cannot say anything for certain. The first complete word is atariye, which Professor Thomas is no doubt right in restoring as Amtariye, the genitive of an elsewhere unknown dame Antari. It is evidently the name of the donor of the sculpture, and dependent on the following dananmuhe, gift. The remaining words do not present any difficulty. They are : imena kusalamulena (piltuno pujae. We might expect a bhavatu to follow, and there are perhaps some faint traces of three aksharas, which might be read bhavatu, above the line, after pujae. My reading and translation are therefore : TEXT. ... y[e] A[m]tariye danammuhe imena kusalamulena pituno pujae [bhavatu] TRANSLATION. ... gift of Antari; through this root of bliss (may it be) for the worship of (her) father. No. 6.-A NOTE ON THE MAMANE DHERI INSCRIPTION. BY STEN Konow, Ph.D., Oslo. The Mamane Dheri inscription of the year 89 of the Kanishka era was published by me in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III, i, pp. 171 ff. A small portion of the record is so defaced that I could not make it out from the photograph and estampages at my disposal. I tentatively read the last word of this part as puyae. In the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1928-29, p. 142, Mr. M. Delawar Khan has contributed a pote on the record, and a new 1 Cf. I< 8 in Pashto yal, Avestan gada; lam Avestan duma, and vice versa, Bogdian dykh, Sanskrit Ukha : Sukh, Sanskrit lola; kop, Sanskrit kalpa, eto.

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BEGRAM BAS-RELIEF INSCRIPTION. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. From a photograph. SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

Page #33
From a photograph.

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No. 6.] A NOTE ON THE MAMANE DHERI INSCRIPTION. reproduction will be found on Plate LVIII. We are informed of the fact that Mr. N. G. Majumdar proposes to read arogadakshinae instead of puyae, and a careful comparison of the new reproduction with my plate shows that be is certainly right: With the exception of the initial a, all the aksharas can be traced. It is further possible to see that arogadakshinae was preceded by a word of three aksharas, the first of which must be pi, so that we can confidently restore piduno or pituno. This completes the record, which should accordingly be read : Sam 20 20 20 20 4 4 1 marqafiras(r)a masi 4 1 ise khsunami niryaide ime deyadharme Dharmapriena shamanena pidurio arogadakshi nae upajayasa Budhapriasa puyde samanuyayana arogadakshinae. No. 6-THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. These plates were discovered in November 1931 at Thakurdiya, a village six miles from Sarangarh, the chief town of a feudatory state of the same name in Chhattisgarh, C. P. They were kindly sent to me in January 1933, by Mr. R. D. Naik, B.A., LL.B., the Diwan of Sarangarh at the instance of Mr. L. P. Pandeya, Honorary Secretary of the Mahakosala Historical Society. They are now in the possession of the Chief of Sarangarh, who has kindly permitted me to edit them. They are three oopper-plates each measuring 3-6" by 7.1". The first and the third are inscribed on one side only, while the second, which is somewhat thicker, is inscribed on both the sides. The edges of the plates are neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims. About I" from the middle of the proper right margin each plate has a roundish bole about " in diameter for the ring on which the plates are strung. The ends of this ring, which is 8" in thickness and 3-2" in diameter, were secured in & circular Beal of bronze 3-2' in diameter. About a quarter of the lower portion of the seal is broken off, but the emblem and the legend on it are intact. The ring was not eut when the plates were sent to me. The weight of the three plates is 70 tolas and that of the sead with the ring is 49 tolas. The plates were much corroded when first found, but have since been cleaned by the Archeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. The text of this inscription is, with a few exceptions, practically identical with that of the other inscriptions of the dynasty and there is no uncertainty in its reading. The symbol on the seal also closely resembles that on the other seals of the dynasty. It has already been described by Dr. Fleet and Dr. Sten Konow! The concave and slightly countersunk surface of the seal is divided by two horizontal parallel lines into two equal parts. The upper half contains in relief the figure of Lakshmi with a halo surrounding her face, standing on & lotus and facing full front. She holds a lotus in her right hand and something circular in her left. On each side of her there is an elephant standing on a lotus, and holding a pot in his uplifted trunk to pour water on the head of the goddess. In the right as well as the left corner there is a water lily. The towet half of the seal contains the legend in verse deciphered below. The characters are of the box-hoaded variety of the Central Indian alphabet as found in the copper-plates of Mahi Jayataja and Maha-Sudevaraja and also in the silver coin of Prasan 10.1. I., Vol. III, pp. 191 and 196. *Above, Vol. IX, p. 171. ! In the seals described by Dr. Fleet and Dr. Konow there is a baththa in the proper left ootpor.

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16 [VOL. XXII. namatra. They resemble in general the characters of the Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman1 and are somewhat more elongated and angular than those of the Siwani' and Riddhapur plates of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II. As in the Arang plates of Maha-Jayaraja, in medial i the length is denoted by a dot in the middle of the circle which indicates its short form. The medial u is denoted in two ways-the usual one of indicating length by a short stroke to the right as in bhu and su (cf. bhutva 1. 11 and suryya 1. 16) and the other in chu (cf. chudamani 1. 1) and yu (cf. yuyam 1. 10). The medial ri is denoted by a flourish to the left; the medial au is tripartite (cf. dhau of dhauta 1. 2). The sign for the cerebral d occurs twice in chudamani 1. 1 and Tudarashtriya 1. 4. The gh, p, s, and sh are open at the top. The right arm of 1 goes over the letter in the form of a curve and appears as a vertical stroke to the left; m appears in its angular form, n with a loop and t without it. The loop of kh is larger than its hook. The final t as in dadyat 1. 17 and vaset 1. 19 is denoted by two vertical strokes on the top. The loop of y is complete in Vajasaneyine 1. 9 and dvijaya 1. 13 and contains a dot in suryyasutai-cha 1. 16. The final pause is denoted by two vertical lines, the first of which has a hook at the top. The numerical symbols for 3 and 2 occur in lines 22 and 23 respectively. The language is Sanskrit. Except the legend on the seal and the usual imprecatory verses at the end, the whole inscription is in prose. As regards orthography, we have to note the reduplication of the consonant which follows rin sarvva 1. 8, dharmmam 1. 13, svargge 1. 18, etc. V appears doubled after anusvara in paradatta[m]vva 1. 20 and samvvatsara 1. 22. B is distinguished from as in sek-ambu 1. 2 and bahubhir- 1. 19. Ri is used instead of the vowel ri in srishtah 1. 10 and for the repha in darisayati 1. 12 and varisa 1. 17. The palatal & wrongly appears for the lingual sh in sashti and varisa 1. 17 and the dental s for the palatal in sasi 1. 6. The visarga appears superfluous after its change to s in gramah stridasa 1. 5; so also the anusvara after its change to a nasal in bhavamnti 1. 17 and simamnta 1. 2, etc. One d is wrongly dropped in tasmadvijaya 1. 13. The plates were issued from Sripura by Maha-Pravararaja on the second day of Mar. ggasirsha in the third year of his increasingly victorious reign. They record the donation of a village Ashadhaka in the rashtra or sub-division named Tuda' to a Brahman named Purandara of the Parasara-gotra of the Vajasaneyin (Sakha of the Yajurveda). The importance of our inscription lies in this that it has brought to light the name of a new prince Maha-Pravararaja in the dynasty of the so-called "Kings of Sarabhapura". Again, unlike the charters of the other kings of this dynasty, these plates have been issued from Sripura and not from Sarabhapura. From several plates of Maha-Jayaraja and Maha-Sudevaraja, which have been published, we can make out the following genealogy : Prasannamatra. Maha-Jayaraja. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 1 Above, Vol. XIX, P. 100. J. P. A, A, Vol. XX, pp. 58 ff. Maha-Sudevaraja. Maha-Pravararaja. It appears that Maha-Jayaraja was the elder son of Prasannamatra. He seems to have died without issue and was succeeded by his nephew Maha-Sudeva. All the copper-plates of MahaJayaraja and Maha-Sudevaraja are issued from Sarabhapura. This town has not been identified Manamatra. I [See p. 22 n. 1.-Ed.] C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 243. C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 191.

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No. 6.] THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA. 17 but Mr. L. P. Pandeya's suggestion that it is represented by modern Sarabhagarh, the chief town of a big zamindari of the same name in the Gangpur feudatory state in Orissa appears plausible. The town seems to have been founded by a king named Sarabharaja, just as Pravarapura was founded by King Pravarasena II of the Vakataka dynasty. It is not known when this Sarabharaja flourished. He may be identical with Sarabharaja whose daughter's son Goparaja fell in a fierce battle at Eran in the Saugor district of C. P., in which he assisted Bhanugupta as recorded in an inscription at Eran dated G. E. 191 (510 A.D.). In that case he may have flourished in the latter half of the fifth century. Prasannamatra and his descendants were evidently born in the family of Sarabharaja and may not have been separated from him by many generations; for, as stated above, the characters of their charters closely resemble those of the Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman which have been referred to the latter half of the fifth and first half of the sixth century A.D. The present plates seem to indicate that MahaPravararaja, who evidently succeeded his elder brother Maha-Sudevaraja, removed the capital from Sarabhapura to Sripura which he himself may have founded. The town is not known to have been in existence before the fifth or sixth Century A.D. It is named after Sri or Lakshmi who figures on all the seals of "the Kings of Sarabhapura". In the legend on the seal of the present charter Pravararaja is said to have won the earth with his arms. Such an expression does not occur in the legends on the seals of his brother and uncle. It seems, therefore, that Pravararaja extended his kingdom in the west and must have, therefore, felt the need of shifting his capital to a more centrally situated place like Sripura. It seems that the dynasty came to an end soon after Maha-Pravararaja; for no descendant of either Maha-Sudevaraja or Maha-Pravararaja is known. By his conquests in the west MahaPravararaja seems to have come into conflict with the Somavamsi kings of Bhandak and though he succeeded for a while, his dynasty seems ultimately to have been over-thrown by some Somavamsi king, probably Tivaradeva whose Rajim and Baloda plates are issued from Sripura; for he is the first king of the Somavamsi dynasty whose inscriptions are connected with that town. Besides, he describes himself as the lord of the entire Kosala country in the Baloda plates and such a title he could have assumed only after conquering the territory now known as Chhattisgarh, where Maha-Pravararaja and his ancestors were ruling. Tivaradeva's Rajim and Baloda plates are inscribed in box-headed characters which appear to be later than those of the "Kings of Sarabhapura". None of the inscriptions of his predecessors at Bhandak or his successors at Sripura is in box-headed characters. It seems that these characters were in use in Kosala owing to the influence of the Vakatakas; for from the Balaghat plates of Prithvishena we learn that the king of Kosala, who was probably one of the Kings of Sarabhapura", was a feudatory of his father Narendrasena. When Tivaradeva conquered the territory he also at first adopted 1 L. P. Pandeya-A Silver coin of Prasanna matra-Proceedings of the Fifth Oriental Conference, p. 461. !Dr. Sten Konow thinks that Sarabhapura may be identical with the present Sarabhavaram twenty miles north-west from Rajahmundry in the Godavari district of the Madras Presidency or one of the few other villages with a similar name in the neighbourhood (above, Vol. XIII, p. 108).-Ed.] C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 91.. R. B. Hiralal who places Sarabhapur kings after the Somavamei kings of Sripura identifies Sarabhapura with Sripura. He says "It (Sarabha pura) may perhaps have been a new name imposed on the conquered city of Sripura by the victor from the fabulous animal of that name who is believed to be a match for a lion with reference to the claim of the Sirpur dynasty to be Kesaris" (Above, Vol. XI, p. 186 footnote). This conjecture is rendered impossible by the discovery of the present plates; for, herein we find the city named as Sripura even by the last prince of the Sarabhapura dynasty. Secondly Tivaradeva and his successors who reigned at Sripura are not known to have ever assumed the title of Kesarin. Cf. 'prapta-sakala-Kosal-adhipatyah' above, Vol. VII, p. 105. They are more elongated and angular in appearance than those in the charters of Sarabhapura kings. Again the passage yAvadravizazitArAkiraNapratihataghorAndhakAraM jagadavatiSThate tAvadupabhogya: which regularly occurs in the grants of Sarabhapura kings seems to have been borrowed in the Rajim and Baloda plates of Tivaradeva.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. the same characters in incising his charters. His successors, however, seem to have reverted to the nail-headed characters which their ancestors were using at Bhandak. It is necessary to discuss the question of the date of Tivaradeva at some length in order to fix the date of the present plates. While editing the Kudopali plates of Mahabhavagupta II, Prof. Kielhorn remarked: "The Rajim copper-plate inscription of Mahasiva Tivaradeva undoubtedly belongs to about the middle of the eighth century". As he remarked elsewhere, this view was based on the evidence of palaeography, language and style. None of these grounds can, however, be regarded now as decisive. As stated above, both the Rajim and Balodas plates of Tivaradeva are inscribed in box-headed characters resembling those used in the charters of the Vakataka kings. When Prof. Kielhorn wrote, the relation of the Vakataka and Gupta kings was not known. He, therefore, accepted Dr. Fleet's identification of Maharajadhiraja Devagupta, the maternal grand-father of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II, with Devagupta of Magadha, the son of Adityasena, mentioned in the Deo Barnark inscription and assigned the Dudia plates of Pravarasepa II to the beginning of the 8th Century and the Rajim plates of Tivaradeva to the second half of the same century. Since then the Poona and Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatigupta have definitely proved that Maharajadhiraja Devagupta was none other than Chandragupta II. The Vakatakas were, thus, contemporaries of the Early Gupta King. and their records must, therefore, be referred to the fourth and fifth centuries of the Christian era. As stated above, they are inscribed in box-headed characters. The plates of Tivaradeva, which are also incised in similar characters, can no longer be referred to the 8th Century on palaeographic grounds. Nor is the evidence of language and style in favour of the late date. The charters of Tivaradeva are, indeed, composed in a style of high flourish, full of long compounds and pune; but so are those of many kings of Valabhi who flourished in the sixth and seventh century A.D. We must, therefore, look elsewhere for a more reliable evidence for fixing the date of Tivaradeva. From several inscriptions found at Bhandak and Sirpur, we get the following genealogy of the Somavamsi kings of Kosala - Udauada. Indrabala. Name nat preserved. Nannadeva. Itanadeva. (1) (2) (2) (3) Bhavadeva Rapa kiserin. Mahasiva Tivaradeva. Chandragupta. Harshagupta m. Vasata (daughter of Suryavarmen, 1 King of Magadha). Mahasivagupta Balarjuna. Ranakenasin.. 1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 258. 10.I.I., Vol. II, p. 291. Abovo, Vol. VII, p. 102 .ax. for instance, the description of Dhruvanna II of Valabhria the Botad plates of G. E. 310 (811-20 A.D.). R. B. Hiralal-Descriptive line of incriptions in O. P. and Berar, sond edition, P: 103.

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No. 6.] THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA. From the Sirpur stone insoription of the time of Mahabivagupta Bal&rjana, we learn that Balarjuna's mother Vasata was the daughter of Suryavarman "who was born in the fathily of the Varman kings, great on account of their supremacy over Magadha "1. There is no king of this name in the dynasties of Magadha except the Maukhari prince Suryavarman whose Hardha stone inscription incised in the reign of his father isanavarman, is dated (Malava) Samvat 011 (555 A.D.). The name of this prince is not known from other records of the Maukhatis. As Suryavarman is called King in the Sirpur stone inscription above referred to, he may have succeeded his father and ruled for a short time, though, being a collateral, his name is not mentioned in the records of his brother or his descendants. Chandragupta, the grand father of Mahasivagupta Balarjuna was thus & contemporary of Suryavarman and flourished probably from 550 to 570 A.D. and his elder brother Tivaradeva from 530 to 550 A.D. The date thus arrived at for Tivaradeva is corroborated by the evidence afforded by the records of the Vishnukundin kings. After examining all the available charters of these kings Mr. Dinesh Chandra Sarcar has given the following genealogy : Vikramahendra. Maharaja Govindavarman. Maharaja Madhavavarman I, Years 37 and 40 (?). Devavarman. Manchanpabhattaraka. [Raja) Vikramendravarman. Madhavavarman II (Year 17 ?). [Maharaja] Indravarman (Year 27) Maharaja Vikramendravarman II (Year 10). Maharaja Madhavavarman I was the most powerful king of the dynasty. He is described in his as well as his successors' records as one who had performed a thousand (Agnishloma) sacrifices and eleven Asvamedhas (horse-sacrifices). He is also described in his plates as " Trivara. nagara-bhavana-gata-parama-yuvali-jana-viharana-ratik" or as 'Trivara-nagara-bhavana-gata yutati-hridaya-nandanah's i.e., &s one who sported in company of (or delighted the hearts of) the best ladies in the mansions of the city of Trivara. This expression has not yet been satisfac torily explained. Dr. Hultzsch took it to mean that Madhavavarman I lived at Trivaranagara but he could not identify the city. It seems clear, however, that Trivaranagara means the city of Trivara', i.e., Tivaradeva, King of Mahakosala. But then what does the above expression signify? It cannot mean that Madhavavarman married a lady from the family of Tivaradeva ; for the expression refers to a number of ladies (yuvati-jana) in the mansions of the city of Trivara, whom he delighted. We must, therefore, take the expression to refer to Madhavavarman's victory over Tivara deva. Tivaradeva was a powerful king. As stated above, he claims in his nipake magadhAdhipatyamahatAM jAta: kule varmANa puNyAbhiH kRtibhiH kRtI kalamanaHkampaH sudhAbhIjinAm / yAmAsAdya sutA himAcala paba ghIsUryavardhA napa: prApa prAparamevaracaNstAganisarva padam / * Above, Vol. XIV, p. 115. . Ind. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 278. * Pulomburu plates of Madhavavarman, Jour. Andhra Hist. Roo. Society, Vol. VI, p. 206 * Tpur plates of Madhava varman, above, Vol. XVII, p. 338

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. charters to have attained suzerainty over the whole Kosala country. A victory over such a great king must be a source of pride to Madhavavarman. Hence we find it referred to in both his inscriptions. The idea that a victorious king captivates the hearts of young ladies of the enemy's city--nay even of the enemy's family-occurs sometimes in Sanskrit and Prakrit literaturel. It would not, therefore, be wrong to suppose that Madhavavarman I vanquished Tivaradeva. In any case, he was his contemporary. When did this Madhavavarman flourish? His Pulomburu plates record that when he crossed the Godavari to conquer the eastern region he donated the village Pulomburu in the Guddavadi vishaya to Sivakarman, the son of Damasarman and grondson of Rudrabarman of the Gautama-gotra and Taittiriya-sakha, on the occasion of a lunar eclipse which occurred on the full moon day of Phalguna. Again the Pulomburu plates of the Eastern Chalukya King Jayasimha I, which were discovered along with the above plates of Madhavavarman, record the grant of the same village to Rudrabarman, the son of Sivasarman and grandson of Damasarman of the Gotama-gotra and Taittiriya-sakha. From the details given above it is quite clear that Sivabarman, the donee of Madhavavarman's plates, was the father of Rudrasarman who received the village from Jayasimha I. It seems that Rudrasarman who is called purv-agraharika (former owner of the donated village) lost possession of the village in troublous times due to the invasions of Pulakesin II in the beginning of the seventh century A.D. He, therefore, seems to have made representations to Jayasimha I some time after peace and order had been established in the kingdom and received the agrahara village again from him. If we calculate the interval between the reigns of Madhavavarman I and Jayasimha I, we find that some 60 or 70 years must have elapsed between these two rulers. Madhavavarman's Pulomburu plates are dated in the 40th year of his reign. They were, therefore, issued towards the close of his reign. He seems to have ruled over an extensive empire; for he performed as many 88 eleven Asvamedhas. Three of his sons are known from inscriptions-(1) Devavarman (2) Manchansabhattaraka' and (3) Vikramendravarman. As Madhavavarman had a long reign of more than forty years, none of his sons seems to have succeeded him. In any case, we do not know of any plates issued by them. Madhavavarman II, the grandson of Madhavavarman I, who calls himself the lord of Trikuta and Malaya mountains, seems to have held possession of the western provinces after the death of Madhavavarman I, while another grandson, Indravarman, seems to have succeeded him in the east. His plates are dated in the 27th regnal year. He is not likely to have reigned much longer, for his son Vikramendravarman is said to have come to the tbrone when he was a mere boy.? Vikramendravarman's plates were issued in his tenth regnal year. The reigns of Indravarman and his son thus cover a little more than 37 years. As no successor of Vikramendravarman is known, he seems to have been dethroned by Pulakesin II, who placed his brother Kubja-Vishnuvardhana in charge of the Eastern province, who reigned 10f. Rajasekhara's Viddhafalabhanjika, IV, 8 and Gaidavaho (V. 1069). * Jour. Andhra. Hist. Res. Society, Vol. VI, p. 17. Above, Vol. XIX, p. 254. I have accepted the view of Mr. D. C. Sarcar, Ind. Hist. Quarterly Vol. IX, p. 276. The name of this prince coours towards the end of the Ipur plates (First set). Above, Vol. XVII, p. 334. None of his descendants are known. It is noteworthy that no royal titles are prefixed to their names even in the records of their sons. (That no plates of these rulers have yet been found may not be taken as a proof that they did not rule. In the Ramatirtham plates, Vikramondravarman also bears the title of raja like his son Indravarman who was the ruler and the donor of the grant.--Ed.) paramamAyarasa mahArAjakha bIrandrabhaTTArakavargaNaH priyajyeSThapugI gariSThaH bhava eva sakalaguNAlAvasasya sambagadhyArIpitasakalarAjyabhAraH paramamAvarI mahArAjaH zrImAn vikramendravA ekmAcApayati

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THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA No. 6.] for about 18 years (615-633 A.D.). As the Pulomburu plates of Jayasimha referred to above are dated in the fifth1 regnal year, we can calculate the interval between the dates of the two sets of Pulomburu plates as follows: Indravarman . Vikramendravarman Vishnuvardhana Jayasimha Years. 27 10 18 21 5 Total 60 As Madhavavarman I, Indravarman and Vikramendravarman may have continued to reign for some years after their respective plates were issued, this figure may have to be increased by about ten years, i.e., a period of about seventy years may have elapsed between the gifts of Madhavavarman I and Jayasimha. It appears that Sivasarman was a young man of 25 to 30 years when he met Madhavavarman I in his expedition to the east, while his son was an old man of 50 to 60 years of age when he regained the lost agrahara village from Jayasimha. Now Jayasimha issued his plates in circa 638 A.D. Deducting 70 years from this, we get c. 568 A.D. as the approximate date of Madhavavarman's plates. We find that there was a lunar eclipse in the month of Phalguna in 565 A.D. This may, therefore, be accepted as the date of Madhavavarman's plates. As these plates were issued in his 40th regnal year, we may accept 525-568 as the probable duration of Madhavavarman's reign. We have fixed above 530 to 550 A.D. as the date of Tivaradeva on the evidence of the Sirpur inscription, which we thus find corroborated by the date of Madhavavarman I, who, as described in his charters, was a contemporary of Tivaradeva.5 1 Agreeing with Mr. Somasekhara Sarma (Jour. Andhra. Hist. Res. Society. Vol. V, p. 183) I read the nu merical symbol in Jayasimha's Pulombaru plates as 5. 2 The years of Madhavavarman II's reign are not included here, as he was ruling in the west contemporaneously with Indravarman. [But cf. Dr. Hultzsch's view, above, Vol. XVII, p. 338.-Ed.] [The argument does not appear to me as very convincing. If we have to allow other rulers between Madhavavarman I and Indravarman or even another ruler, vis, Vikramendra, who also bears the title of raja, the situation would become worse. It is very doubtful if Madhavavarman I could be so far removed from Jaysimha even if he was not actually the predecessor of the latter in time as Prof. Bhandarkar thinks. See his List of Northern Inscriptions, p. 291, n. 3. Moreover, there were other lunar eclipses in Phalguna between 565 and 638 A. D.-Ed.] Agreeing with Mr. D. C. Sarcar, I have identified Madhava varman of Pulomburu plates with Madhavavarman I mentioned in the Chikkulla and Ipur plates (First set) on the ground of similarity of description. Mr. J. Dubreuil, who distinguishes between them, places Madhavavarman I about 450 A.D. The tradition in the Sthalamahatmya of Sri-Parvata on which he relies (Ancient Hist. of the Deccan, p. 73) is worthless for historical purposes. Prabhavatigupta was not known as Chandravati and was, moreover, a devotee of Vishnu and not of Siva. See her Riddhapur plates. If Madhavavarman I owed his throne to a Vakataka prince, it must be to Harishena (C. 590-530 A.D.) who conquered the Andhra country. The Vakataka princess whom he married was probably Harishena's own daughter. The late Dr. Hiralal accepting Kielhorn's date for Tivaradeva placed the Sirpur Lakshmana temple inscription of Tivaradeva's grand nephew in the eighth or ninth century A.D. (Above, Vol. XI, p. 184). But the characters of the inscription which closely resemble those in the Ganjam plates of the time of Sasanka (619-620 A.D.) are decidedly earlier. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's identification of Chandragupta mentioned in the Sanjan plates of Amoghavaraha I (Saka Samvat 793) with Tivaradeva's brother (Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 240) cannot be accepted; for that Chandragupta, who is mentioned with Nagabhata in the inscription was probably a king of Central India, and not of Kosala. It is noteworthy in this connection that Kosala is mentioned subsequently in the des. cription of the later conquests of Govinda III. Trivara who is mentioned in the Kondedda, Nivina and Purt plates as defeated by the Sailodbhava king Dharmaraja alias Manabhita was probably a descendant of the earlier Tivaradeva who issued Rajim and Baloda plates. We know of several instances of such repetition of names in the dynasty of the Somavathet kings of Kosals and Orissa to which Tivaradeva belonged.

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22 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA We have shown above that Tivaradeva flourished later than the "Kings of Sarabhapura" and was probably responsible for their overthrow. Maha-Pravararaja, the donor of the present plates, is the last known king of the Sarabhapura dynasty'. He seems, therefore, to have flourished in the beginning of the sixth century (circa 515 to 535 A.D.). The overthrow of the kings of Sarabhapura by Tivaradeva accounts for the war between Madhavavarman I and Tivaradeva. As we have seen the kings of Sarabhapura were probably feudatories of the Vakatakas. In the beginning of the sixth century the power of the Vakatakas was declining. The reign of Harishena the last known Vakataka king came to an end about 530 A.D. Madhavavarman I who is known to have married a Vakataka princess, probably a daughter of Harishena, seems to have taken vengeance for the destruction of the kings of Sarabhapura by invading the kingdom of Tivaradeva and occupying his capital for a while as suggested in his Pulomburu and Ipur plates. As for the geographical names occurring in these plates Sripura is modern Sirpur in the Raipur District of C. P. Tudal which gave its name to the district in which the donated village was situated, may be identified with one of the villages named Tunda, Tundra, Tundri or Tundra gaon in the vicinity of Seorinarayan about 25 to 30 miles from Thakurdiya. It may be noted in this connection that the Tundaraka-bhukti mentioned in the Sarangadh plates of Maha-Sudeva has been identified by R. B. Dr. Hiralal with Tundra 6 miles south of Seorinarayan. The village Chullandaraka granted in that charter may be identified with Childa 82-31' and 21-30'. The village Asha dhaka granted in the present plates may be represented by modern Asoud 82-54' and 21-45', about two miles to the north of the Mahanadi, which is within a distance of fifteen to twenty miles from the villages Tunda, Tundra, etc., mentioned above. I edit the inscription from the original plates. TEXT. The Seal. 1 mAnamAca] [] [sye] sva[bhu] tropAnaMtacita [1] 2 [zrI] pravararAjasya zAsana[] manuzAsana [] [1] 1 wit' werfier [1deg svasti [*7 First Plate. zrIpurAddikramopanatasA maM'nta makuTa cUDAmaNiprabhAtra [VOL. XXII. 2 se budhautapAdayugalo ripuvilAsinosImaM 'toharaNa hetu : 3 surasudhAgomaTH paramabhAgavatI mAtApitRpAdAnudhyAtaH 4 zromacArAjaH tuGArASTriyAvATa ke prativAsinaH samAja 5 payati [ 1 *] viditamastu vo yathAsmAbhirayaM grAmaH' stridazapatisadana 6 genfare amafanfe"arifienfiwwerWT 1[Correct reading appears to be Tunda.-Ed.] The excellent facsimiles, which accompany this article, were kindly supplied by Mr. K. N. Dikebit, M. A., Superintendent, Archaeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. The anusvara is superfluous. Motre: Anushtubh. Expressed by a symbol. The engraver first wrote dha but afterwards corrected it as da. The visarga is superfluous. which was first omitted is written below the line. Read Ha 10 [Reading is afg.-Ed.] 11 Read f

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THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA. First Plate. 91 TA E 2 4 DTD E F 15 11:13 1, 4 Second Plate: First Side. HE ABP 1 IN 1 3. 3 0 da 0 mu 10 ra neo | Hae 12 011 PD reu bueul TA 3 10 teo. | 12 ID 12. CNC 12 Second Plate: Second Side. II - - IU UT I 0/ 13 13 PD | 21 1 | F1RSTEESE dabAgeub ) 18 : TAL 1 351 158 TT 110 SCALE: THREE-QUARTER. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. Chakravarti. Rea. No. 3321 E134 -480,

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Third Plate. LLI nida di 1 11il jin jin 2 IED hoe 87 122 113 9 0 | 21 SEAL PIE T IES (From a photograph).

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No. 6.]. THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA Second Plate ; First Side. 7 (1) jagadavatiSThate tAvadupabhogya: sanidhiH sopanidhiracATabhaTaprAve8 . jyaH sabakaravisanisaH mAtApitrorAmanava punyA(sthA) bhiye parAma 9 rasamocAya vAjasaneyine bhaTTakapurandarakhAmige sAmva'zA10 sanemAtisiSTa[:1*] te yUyamevamupalabhya bhAjAyaNavidhayA ll bhUtvA yathocitaM bhogabhAgamupanta' mukhaM prativAsthaya [*] bhaviSyalA bhU12 mipAlAnanudarima yati [*] dAnAhiziSTamanupAlanajaM purANA Second Plate ; Second Side. 18 dharmaSu nivitadhiyaH pravadanti dharma [1] tasmAdijAya suvidhA 14 lazrutAya dattA bhuvaM bhavatu vo matireva goptuM [*]deg tavariSyavA datti16 rasupAlayitavyA [*] vyAsagItAMzca zokAnudAharanti [*] annapatvaM F18 thamaM suvarNa bhUdhaiSNavI sUryasutAca nAva: [1] dattAtrayaste17 na bhavanti' lokA yaH kAJcanaM gAca mahIca dadyAt [*] rASTI parimasa' 18 isrANi kharge modati bhUmidaH [1] pAcchettA cAnumaMntA' ca tAnyeva nara Third Plate. 19 ke vaset // "] bahubhivaM sudhA dattA rAjami[:] sagarAdibhiH [1] yasya ba. 20 sya yadA bhUmita(sta)sya tasya tadA phalaM [*] svadattA paradattAvA' yA 21 drakSa yudhiSThira [1] maho" mahimatA zreSTha dAnAccheyonupAla22 namiti [*] "mamukhAjayA pravaImAnavijayasava" sara 3 mArga23 bhIrSa di 2 ukiraNa maulasijhena / 1 Read are - Read 'kRSTaH * Rond mupanayantaH * Read darzayati / -Read dvijAya * Metre : Vasantatilaka. 'The anuandra is super fluous. Read SaSTi varSa. Read paradA nA. "Road mahI. 1 Road khamukhAcayA. " Rond saMkra . "Read gharavISaya. [Plate show Gola -Ed.]

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24 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. No. 7.-DAYYAMDINNE PLATES OF VINAYADITYA-SATYASRAYA; SAKA 614. By R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS. The subjoined inscription1 is engraved on three copper-plates discovered at Dayyamdinne a village in the Adoni taluk of the Bellary District. It is noticed in the Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for the year 1916 and described as follows: "The ends of the ring are fixed into the bottom of an almost circular seal, one inch in diameter, bearing on its counter-sunk surface the crude figure of a standing baar facing the proper right, as in the case of the Harihar Grant of Vinayaditya-Satyasraya published in Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, pages 300 ff. The plates measure between 87" and 9" in breadth and between 38" and 3" in height. The ring, which is oval in shape, measures 43" and 3" in diameter and is about 1" thick. The plates and the seal weigh 112 tolas". The inscription is edited below for the first time from the ink-impressions prepared in the office of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent (now Superintendent) for Epigraphy, Madras. The inscription is in a fairly good state of preservation though some letters in the second plate are damaged and rendered indistinct. Only one side of the first and last plates bears writing. The characters beleng to the southern class of alphabets and resemble closely those of the Sorab and Harihar grants, which belong, like the present one, to the Chalukya king Vinayaditya-Satyasraya. The language is Sanskrit. Excepting the invocatory verse at the beginning and benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, the record is throughout in prose. In respect of orthography it may be remarked that the consonants n, t, d, n and v are doubled after ras in arnnavam (1. 1), kirtti (1. 14), Senanir-ddaitya-balam (1. 19), etc. The rules of sandhi are not strictly observed, as for instance in panchasad-nivarttana (11. 29-31). There are numerous clerical mistakes in the record owing to the carelessness of the engraver. The object of the record is to register the grant of fifty nivartanas of land each, to Dusasarman and Kappasarman of the Kausika-gotra, and Sarvasarman of the Atreyagotra, in the eastern quarter of the village Ulchal in Nalavadi-vishaya, and fifty mivartanas, to Sarvasarman of the Gargyayana-gotra, in the southern quarter of the same village, made by the Western Chalukya king Vinayaditya-Satyasraya who was encamped at Talayakhoda-grama near the northern bank of the Tagara river. The grant was made at the request of a certain Marddakari, on the full-moon day of Ashadha in Dakshinayana-kala falling in the twelfth year of Vinayaditya's reign, when six-hundred and fourteen Saka years had expired. The record was composed by Sri-Ramapunyavallabha who also wrote the other charters of this king. The details of date given in the present record have been calculated by the late Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai whose remarks on them run as follows: "If the reference were to Saka 614 (expired)....the Ashadha full-moon would be that which fell on June 4 (Adhika-Ashadha)...... or that which fell on July 4 (Nija-Ashadha).... Neither day would be the summer solstice whether of the tropical or sidereal sun. But if we took Saka 614 as referring to the current Saka year, i.e., to A.D 691-92, then Ashadha full-moon would have been on June 16, A.D. 692* which would be......very near the tropical summer solstice". It is proved in the sequel that the intended date of the record must be July 4, A.D. 692, and that Dakshinayana-kala 1 C. P. No. 7 of 1915-16. M. E. R. 1916, App. G, p. 102. Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part ii, p. 35. It ought to be A.D. 691, since the commencement of the year (Chaitra, bu, 1) fell in March A.D. 691.

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No. 7.) DAYYAMDINNE PLATES OF VINAYADITYA-SATYASRAYA; SAKA 614.25 cited in the record must be taken to mean a day in Dakshinayanal and not a day of Dakshinayana-sankranti. It may be noted that the record does not mention the Dakshinayana-sankranti as such but specifies the day as falling in Dakshinayana only. The charter is important as it helps us in determining the date of accession of Vinayaditya with greater certitude than hitherto. So far six dated records of the king have come to light. But owing to the irreconcilable regnal years given in them it has not been possible to ascertain his initial year definitely. In this set of six are included the Jejuri copper-plates recently published in this journal' whose date has added further difficulties in solving the problem. But if we study all the dates of Vinayaditya with reference to the details contained in the Dayyamdinne plates, we arrive at a definite result, as shown below, viz., some day between Ashadha su. 2 and Ashadha bu. 15 of Saka-Samvat 603 expired, i.e., between 22nd June and 4th July of A.D. 681 for the commencement of the first current year of the king. According to the Sorab grant, Saka 614 expired, Dakshinayana-sankranti, Rohini, Saturday fell in the 11th regnal year of the king. This date corresponded to Saturday, 22nd June, A.D. 692, on which day the tithi was Nija-Ashadha tu. 2. The present charter bears the same Saka date and was issued on the full-moon day of Ashadha in Dakshinayana which, however, is stated to have fallen in his 12th regnal year. Of the two alternative equivalents for the Adhikaand Nija-Ashadha in that year, viz., 4th June and 4th July A.D. 692, the latter has to be accepted since 4th June would neither be a day of Dakshinayana-sankranti nor a day in Dakshinayana ; for Dakshinayana-sankranti took place, as stated above, only on the 22nd day of that month. Further, 4th June could not have fallen in his 12th year since his 11th year lasted till at least 22nd June. Thus the dates of these two grants, combined, yield the initial date to fall sometime between 22nd June and 4th July A.D. 681. This starting point of Vinayaditya's reign agrees perfectly well with the dates given in his Lakshmesvara inscription, and the Karnulo and Harihar? grunts. The Togarcbedu grant and the Jejuri plates, however, point to some day between 18th October A.D. 678 and 2nd July A.D. 679 for the first year of the king. This day probably marks the time of Vinayaditya's nomination to the throne during the lifetime of his father. It may be remarked that the Saka years quoted in the Lakshmesvara ingcription and the Togarchedu grant must be considered as referring to the current years and not expired ones. Dr. Kielhorn is inclined to take this view in regard to the former record. These 1 Such citations are not rare in inscriptions. See for example App. G to M. E. R. for 1916, p. 101, No. 661 of 1915. The gift in the present case might have been actually made on the day of Dakshinayana-sankranti and issued on the date recorded in the plates. See also abovo, Vol. XV, P. 253. There are two forged grants of the same king which are noticed in M. E. R. for 1906, No. 12 of App. Aand ibid., for 1917-18, No. 3 of App. A. In Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 240, is noticed the Patoda grant of this king dated Saka 617 corresponding to his 14th regnal year. Above, Vol. XIX, p. 62. *Ind. A nt., Vol. XIX, p. 149. Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 112. . Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 89. * Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 300. J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 242. Soo below, p. 29. ** Kielhorn's List of Southern Inscriptions, App. II, p. 2.

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26 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. "results will become clear from the following classified table of dated records of Vinayaditya in which the corresponding initial years also are shown: Inscription. . Rognal year. Details of date. Approximate English equivalent. Initial day of the first current year. 1. Jejuri Plates 2. Togarchedu grant Saka 609 (expired), 2nd July, A.D. 687 h Ashadha, bu. 15. Saka 611 (expired), 18th October, A.D. Karttika, du. 15. 688. (Fleet; 3rd November, A.D. 689). (I) Between October, 678, and July, A.D. 18th A.D. 2nd 679. 3. La kahmesvara inscription 4. Karnul grant . . 6. Sorab grant . . Saka 608 expired), 20th January, A.D. Magha, bu. 15. 686. (Fleet; 3rd February, A.D. 687). Saks 613 (expired), 10th January, A.D. Magha, eu. 15. || (II) Between 22nd Saka 614 (expired), 22nd June, A.D. 692 June and 4th Dakshinayana July, A.D. 681. sankranti, Saturday, Rohini. Saka 614 (expired), 4th July, A.D. 692 Ashadha, bu. 15, Dakshinayana-kala. Saka 616 (expired), 9th October, A.D.) Karttika, bu. 15. 694. 6. Dayyamdinne plates 7. Harihar grant . . The record is interesting in other respects also. While recounting the achievements of Vikramaditya the present inscription, like all the other records of Vinayaditya, states that he captured Kanchipura after defeating the Pallava king who had become the cause of disgrace to his family, subdued the three kings (dharanidharatraya) Pandya, Chola and Kerala and made the inexorable Pallava bow to his feet. Vikramaditya's own records, however, are unanimous in proclaiming that he acquired for himself the fortune of his father which had been concealed by (the confederacy of) three kings (avanipatitritaya) and defeated the enemy-kings in country after country. The Gadval plates of his 20th year (A.D. 674) add that he 'inflicted a crushing defeat on Pallava Narasimhavarman, Mahendravarman and Isvarapotavarman and seized their capital Kanchipura. Thus, the defeat.of the Pallavas and the capture of Kanchipura being common in both the accounts, the confederacy of three kings mentioned in the epigraphs of Vikramaditya must evidently refer to the Pandya, Chola and Kerala given in his son's records. Fleet's opinion that the three princes were Pallava Narasimhavarman, Mahepdravarman and Isvarapotavarman is untenable. It is ira possible in the scheme of Pallava chronology to suppose that Narasimhavarman and Mahendravarman had died and Paramebvaravarman's rule had already commenced by A.D. 658 in which year Vikramaditya had acquired his hereditary provinces after subduing the confederacy. For 1 Dyn. Kan. Dist., pp. 368 and 369. *According to Panini hivibhyAM tayasthAyajvA ||raash the terminations tayapa and ayaNa convey the same meaning. Hence the two expressions occurring in the two sets of inscriptions must be taken to give the same sense. . See for instance, above, Vol. IX, pp. 98 ff. Ibid. Vol. X, pp. 100 ff.

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No. 7.] DAYYAMDINNE PLATES OF VINAYADITYA-SATYASRAYA; SAKA 614.27 according to all authorities on Pallava chronology Narasimhavarman's reign alone extended beyond A.D. 655. As stated above, Vikramaditya recovered his territory from the Pandya, Ohola and Kerala kings, and not from the Pallavas, which fact leads us to suppose that the Chalukyan territory was not in the possession of the Pallavas in or immediately before A.D. 655. The Pallava grants, however, assert that Narasimhavarman defeated Pulakesin II in the battles of Pariyala, Manimangala and Suramara and destroyed Vatapi. In some inscriptions' he is given the epithet Vatapi-konda. This is fully borne out by the existence of & rock-inscription at Badami of this Pallava king, written in the Pallava-Grantha characters of the period. This event is supposed to have taken place after the visit of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang to the court of Pulakesin II 1.e., in about A.D. 643. It is not, at present, possible to guess under what circumstances the Pallava hold was displaced and the three confederates occupied the Chalukyan country in the intervening period. Another poteworthy point in the present record is the expression Trairajya-Pallava. Vinayaditya is stated to have vanquished, at the command of his father, the over-grown army of Trairajya-Pallava and brought his country into a state of peace and quiet. Scholars are divided in their opinion regarding the significance of the term Trairajya. Fleet, Kielhorn? and Krishna Sastris have taken it to refer to the three South Indian powers, viz., Pandya, Chola and Kerala. Dr. Dubreuile has posited that the three kings who constituted Trairajya were the Pallava, the Pandya and Simhala Manavamma. Recently, an endeavour has been made by a writer to show that this term as well as the expression avani pati-tritaya refer to the three branches of the Pallava dynasty ruling over three different regions of their kingdom 10. One of them ruled, according to him, over Tondai-mandalam and the Tamil country with its capital at Kanchi, another governed the modern Guntur and Nellore districts and formerly issued its grants usually from Menamatura, Tambrapa and Palakkada, and the third had under its control the modern Ceded Districts probably with the exception of Cuddapah. The views of either of the last two scholars are wholly untenable as they lack the support of historical facts of the period and of the proper interpretation of the texts of inscriptions in which the word occurs. This term is found used, besides in the Chalukya inscriptions, also in 1K. V. S. Aiyar's Historical Skaches of the Ancient Dekhan, p. 41; Dubreuil's Ancient History of the Deccan, P. 73. * Kuram, Kabakudi and Velarpalaiyam grants. (8. 1. 1., Vols. I, pp. 148 ff., II. No. 73, and p. 503). * E.g. 8. 1. I., Vol. II, No. 73. . There are also some minor inscriptions at Badami written in this script, see e.g. Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 61. It is not impossible that soon after the occupation of V&tapi by Narasimha varman I after A.D. 642, the Pandya, Chola, and Kerala who were biding a favourable opportunity to avenge the defeat inflicted upon them by the Pallava monarch (see the Kuram plates), joined themselves into a confederacy and, after subduing the Pallavas whose resources had probably been exhausted in their conflicts with the Chilukyan army, marched as far north as Vatapi, shattered the Pallava hold on it and finally took possession of the Chalukya territory. This supposition would explain the variant statements contained in the Chalukya as well as the Pallava epigraphs and the description of the Pallavas as the cause of disgrace and destruction of the lunar family of the Chalukyas would also be accounted for. * Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 368. ? Above, Vol. V, p. 202 n. * Above, Vol. XI, p. 341 n. 1. See also Hultzsch, above, Vol. IX, p. 101 n. 5 and Pathak, ibid., p. 205, n. 4. The Pallavas, P. 44. 10 The Madras Christian College Magazine, January 1929, pp. 6 and 8. The author presumes that "the Cholae did not exist as a political power during the seventh century A.D." (p. 4). This is wrong. They are referred to as an independent ruling family in almost all the records of Vinay iditya and his successors. There is nothing to indicate in the Gadvil grant that the Cholika visha ya nad been directly governed by the Pallavas of Kafichi, as supposed by him.

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28 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. the Malepadu plates of Punyakumara (Cir.-8th century A.D.), the Vishnupurana' and Jinasena's Adipurana (9th oentury A.D.). In the Vishnupurana, the word occurs along with Mushika in the passage + Atrou afum a t itafa Fleet has identified Mushika with a part of the Malabar coast between Quilon and Cape Comarin. Trairajya should, therefore, be naturally located near it. Further the word is explained by the commentator of Jinasena's Adipurana as referring to Chola, Pandya and Kerala. It is therefore reasonable to think that Trairajya of the Chalukya inscriptions refers to these three countries only. This view finds considerable support from the analogous expression occurring in Vikramaditya (I)'s records which in the context means the administration of the three kings (wafafafaa), viz., Pandya, Chola and Kerala. From the foregoing discussion it may be said that the constituents of Trairajya were not the Pallava, Pandya and Simhala Manavamma as postulated by Dr. Dubreuil. If the Ceylon king bad actually joined the confederation, this remarkable event would have been mentioned in the Mahavarsa as an important achievement of Manavamma. Further the Pallava could not have formed a member of the Trairujya since he is mentioned separately. The contention that the Trairajya was composed of three kings ruling over three different parts of the Pallava kingdom is similarly untenable? for the above-mentioned reasons. According to this view, we ought to find the existence of the Pallava sway over the Nellore, Guntur and the Ceded Districts in and before A.D. 643 when the confederation is supposed to have temporarily subverted the Chalukya power. But this is not the case. The situation of stone inscriptions and of villages granted in copper-plate records of this early period would show clearly that parts of the Guntur, Nellore and the Ceded Districts had already been conquered by Pulakesin II in his famous dig-vijaya and become subject to the Chalukya rule. The defeat of the three powers, namely, the Pandya, Chola and Kerala by Vinayaditya appears to have taken place after the date of the adval plates (A.D. 674) since it is not alluded to there. After the victorious campaign of the Chalukya king into the Pallava and Chola coun. tries in that year, the Pallava king Paramesvaravarman must have mustered his forces and sought the assistance of the Chola and the other two powers of South India in order to give a crushing blow to their common enemy Vikramaditya. The combined forces of these four powers entered the Chalukyan territory and probably sacked and captured the city of Ranarasika' on this 1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 337. * Chapter 4-24-67 of the Venkatesvara Pross edition. . Chapter XXX, verse 38. This reference was pointed out by Pathak above, Vol. IX, p. 208. . Mr. K. P. Jayaswal adda so to this in his quotation from the Mme Purina (J. B. 0. R. 8., Vol. XIX, p. 129). Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 281. See Mr. K. V. 8. Aiyar in J. R. A. 8. April 1922, p. 176 and also Nunda Lal Dey's Geographical Dictionary of the Ancient and Medieval India, p. 134. (Musika nagara is mentioned in the Hathi Gumpha Inscription of Khara vela, see above, Vol. XX, p. 77 and note 3.-Ed.] Dubreuil does not discuss the composition of avanipati-tritaya whioh, as pointed out above, signifies the hree powers as rairajya. It is impossible that the Simbala king Manavamma who ascended the throne in A.D. 668 (Hultzsch) coording to Dubreuil in A.D. 660 and A.D. 691 according to Wijesimha-could have entered the alliance as a crowned king and helped the Pallava Narasimha varman I in defeating the Chalukyas in about A. D. 643. Fleet originally held the same opinion but subsequently abandoned it (Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 362 n.). See, for instance, the Kopparam plates (above, Vol. XVIII, PP 257 ff.), the Niduparru grant (ibid., p. 56), the Chendalur plates of Sarvalok asraya (ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 238), the Annavaram inscription cf Vlkramaditya (Nellore Inscriptions, Darsi 2; and Dr. Venkataramanayya's Trilochana- Pallara and Karikala-Chon, p. 16), the Gooty inscription and the Sorab grant of Vinay aditya, and Nos. 333, 343, 359 and 364 of 1920 of thn Madras Epigraphical Collection.

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No. 7.] DAYYAMDINNE PLATES OF VINAYADITYA-SATYASRAYA; SAKA 614. 29 occasion. They were routed by Vinayaditya probably in A. D. 678-79, when he was nominated to the throne as indicated by his Jejuri plates and the Togarchedu grant. Of the geographical places mentioned in the record Talayakheda-grama has been identified by the late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri with Thairkedda on the north bank of the river. Ter (Thairna ). 1 Dr. Fleet has identified Nalavadi-vishaya with portions of the Ananta pur and Kurnool Districts. Ulchal which was situated in this vishaya is probably to be identified with Ulachala in the Kurnool taluk of the Kurnool district. If this is correct, Fleet's identification of the Nalavadi-vishaya will be confirmed. Recently two inscriptions of the Nala dynasty have been obtained, viz., the Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman and the Podagadh inscription of his son Skandavarman, which locate their kingdom somewhere in the Central Provinces on the side of Yeotmal, and Podagadh in the Jeypore Agency. It is too premature to establish any connection between the Nalavadi-vishaya and the Nala country since they are far removed from each other. The present record contains the second known reference to Nalavagi-vishaya, the first being found in the Kurnool plates of Vikramaditya I. TEXT. Second Plate; Second Side. 'vinA(na) 22 23 yAdivyavAyacI[[*] thiyovajJabhamahArAjAdhirAja paramezvarabha 24 hArakaniyamAprApayati [[*] viditamastu SomAbhi: caturthItaraSaTU25 zakayatIteSu pravada ( ) mAnavijayarAjyasaMvabara dAdaya (2) varttamA 28 me tanaranatarasamIpe taLayakheDagrAmamadhivasati vijaya 26 27 svadhAvAre bhASADha paurNimAsyAM dakSiNAyanakAle mahaMkArIvi[jJA]panayA Third Plate : First Side. 28 malavADiviSaye upanAmagrAme kozikAgocAya dUsazarthIce pUrvasyA20 kimi rAjamAnena pAtri vivartana api ca kauzikamISAya ka 30 ) rAjamAnena pazcAmatri (vi) vartanacaM api ca pApamocAva sa 31 vaMzarmaNe rAjamAnena paJcAzatri (vi) vattaMna kSetraM api ca gArgyAyayagotra32 sava (vaMzI daciyasyAndizi rAjamAnena pazcAmati (ci) vattaMmacecaM 33 sarvvabAtha ( dhA) parihAraM datA (tA) ni ["* ] vedavyAsena vyAmemo[19 mahaMza (ye) ra 34-36 Imprecatory verses. 37 kimi [: * ] zrIrAma puNyava[jJa]bhasenA * rAjana (jaina) likhitaM [*] 1 M. E. R., 1916, p. 130. Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 363. * Alphabetical List of Villages in the Madras Presidency, Kurnool district, p. 5. * Above, Vol. XIX, p.100. M. E R., 1922, p. 80, No. 283; above, Vol. XXI, pp. 155 f. J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 225 f. Since the Madakasira. taluk now belongs to the Anantapur die triot, Anantapur should be substituted for Bellary in Fleet's identification of this viskaya. * Lines 1 to 22 are a reproduction of the first eighteen lines of tho Jejuri plates (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 63-4).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOJ.. XXII. No. 8.-SILAHARA CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. By Prof. D. R. BHANDARKAR, Calcutta. The inscriptions which are edited here for the first time were found in Caves at Silahard in the Rewah State, Central India. More than twenty-five years ago a rubbing of one of these records was sent by a schoolmaster to Rai Bahadur Hiralal, the celebrated archaeologist of C. P. who in his turn some time ago brought it to the notice of the Government Epigraphist, Dr. Hirananda Sastri. During the year 1927-28, the latter officer visited the caves and published an account of the same together with a summary of their inscriptions on pp. 136-8 of the Archanl. Suru. Ind., An. Rep., of the same year. The estampages which he took during his official visit to the monuments were kindly made over to me for detailed treatment, and the present paper is the result of it. The caves at Silahara are about sixteen miles to the north-east of Jaithari, a station on the Katni-Bilaspur Branch of the Bengal Nagpur Railway. It lies between Latitude 23deg 2' North and Longitude 81deg 50' East. They are a group of four artificial caves with traces of one more excavation and are situated on the east bank of a small river called the Kevain, presenting a picturesque view. The name Silahara, as suggested by Dr. Sastri, is probably a modern form of Silagriha which occurs as silagaha in these inscriptions. Of these four monuments, only three, namely, the Sitamaoi, the Durvasa and the Cheri-Godadi-Caves are well preserved. The fourth has a hole in the roof of one of its cells. The first three caves only contain inscriptions, some of which are in the Brahmi script, and some in the Shell 'characters. Here, we are concerned oply with the inscriptions in the Brahmi script. From the form of the letters all these inscriptions except one seem to belong to the first century A.D. What is palaeographically worthy of note about them is that the characters p and v have occasionally flat and angular bases and that the base-line of n also is sometimes slightly curved. These peculiarities are first clearly noticeable in the cave inscriptions of Ushavadata, which pertain to the beginning of the second century A.D. But there they appear as the permanent and not incidental forms of those letters. Moreover, besides p and v, the letters kh, gh, j and m are found in Ushavadata's epigraphs invariably with flat and angular bases, which are not noticeable at all in our cave inscriptions. The inference is not unreasonable that our epigraphs are slightly earlier in date than those of Ushavadata, and if the latter belong to the first quarter of the second century, we cannot be far from right if we assign the Silahara inscriptions to about the middle of the first century A.D. Other paleographic peculiarities also deserve to be noticed. Thus d consists of two curves, one concave and one convex, joined in one way or the other and thus giving rise to two different forms of d. Similarly, the letter t appears in two different forms. The character m in Sivawila in No.3, 1. 3, is unlike m in other places in these inscriptions, and as such is worthy of note. These are seven inscriptions. All of them except two bear more or less the same import. They are engraved in the inner walls of the caves, the Durvasa containing one, and the CheriGodadi two and the Sitamaoi three. The last of these cares has one more inscription but incised on a pillar and with a different import. All these records are complete as far as they go, but the longest and most detailed of these is that engraved in the Durvasa Cave. In the Sitamadi Cave, however, while one inscription is complete, the other has apparently not been fully incised, supposing of course that the whole of it has been copied in the estampage before us. The object of the inscriptions is to record the excavation of caves by the amatya Maudgaliputra Muladeva of the Vatsa-gotra, while Svamidatta was the ruler of the kingdom. Who this Svami

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No. 8.) SILAHARA CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. datta was is not known. We know of only one Svamidatta who according to the celebrated Allahabad Pillar Inscription was king of Kottura in Dakshinapatha and was conquered by Samudragupta who flourished in the fourth century A.D. But the Svamidatta of our inscriptions must have lived in the first century. And there is neither epigraphio ncr numismatic evidence to point to any king of this name during this period. As we have just seen, the caves were excavated, not by the king Svamidatta, but by his minister Muladeva, whose pedigree for three generations has been given. He was son of Sivamita (=Bivamitra), grandson of Sivadata (=sivadatta), and great grandson of Sivanamdi ( = Sivanandi). It is worthy of note that the terms used for grandson' and 'great grandson' are natika (=naptrika) and panatika (=pranaptrika), but they are obviously used in the sense of pautra and prapautra. These last words no doubt generally occur in the inscriptions of Asoka, but they are sometimes replaced by the other words also in some versions of his edicts (cf. e.g., the Girnar with the other copies of RE. IV.). What the original object of these excavations was may be now briefly considered. The inscriptions found in the Cheri-Godadi and Sitamadi Caves simply say that they were silagaha or rock mansions, but that engraved in the Durvasa Cave describes it as aramam pavate or << pleasure-house on the hill'. There can be little doubt that they were intended as dens for mirth and frolio. This inference is supported by Inscriptions Nos. 6-7 in the Sitamadi Cave. They are no doubt engraved in characters of the second century A.D., and are thus one century posterior to the other epigraphs. Nevertheless, they are sufficiently close in time to the others. Now one inscription reads Yuvati-male=Yuvati-male. Malan means "a high ground, rising or elevated ground. The word odours in v. 16 of Kalidasa's Meghaduta, where the word is thus explained by Mallinatha : faila-prayam=unnata-sthalam, an elevated hilly place.' Consequently Yuvati-male is to be understood as denoting some hill place for meeting young women. The other inscription reads Udaya-lara, the Rising Star', which apparently is the name of some female artiste. The Silahara. Caves thus seem to have been excavated for sportive and merry-making purposes and continued as such for at least a century more. All the caves except one that have so far been discovered were intended as religious edifices. If we take the Buddhist caves, they were either chait yas, worship halls' or layanas residences for monks'. If we take the Brahmanic or Jaina caves, they were cut to serve as temples or abode of ascetics. The only exception just referred to is the two caves of Ramgash, called Sitabenga and Jogimara'. The former of these was apparently an amphitheatre, and the latter & love den. Both have an inscription each. That in the first contains some verses in praise of poetry. That in the second purports to say that there was a devadasi, Sutanuka by name, who was loved by Devadinna, native of Baranasi and a banker (rupadaksha) by profession." It appears that the Jogimara Cave was excavated originally by Devadinna for gratifying his amorous propensities. The Silahara Caves also were perhaps.cut for the same purpose, and served as pleasure retreats te Muladeva, minister of Svamidatta. This Maladeva, as stated above, has been described both as Vachha (=Vatsa) and Mogaliputa (Maudgalfputra). The first is a patronymic and shows that he belonged to the Vatsa-gdtra, that, in other words, he was a Brahman. The second is a metronymic and means " son of (& woman) of the Mudgala or Maudgala family. Madgala is a section of both the Bharadvaja- and the Atri- gotra. Maudgala again is a section not only of the Bharadvaja or the Vasishtha, but also of the Bhrigu-gofra.. The mother of Muladeva may have belonged to any one of these 14. 8. 1., An. Rep., 1903-04, pp. 74-5 and pp. 123 ff. * Lader, List of Brahms Incr., No. 921. I, however, differ from the Professor in regard to the Interpro. tation of lupadakha. For this technical sense of the word rupa, see my Carmichael Lecturer. 1921, pp. 124 fl. . GOtra-pravara-ibandha-kadambach, p. 63, 1. 9 and p. 81, L. 8. * Ibid., p. 62, 1.6; p. 110, 1. 14; and p. 37, 1. 8.

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32 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. gotras except Bhrigu. She could not have come of the Bhrigu, because her husband, being a Vatsa, was a Bhsigu. Let us in this connection discuss the significance of the Vedic metronymics which occur in cave and such early inscriptions. Buhler says in one place that "numerous instances in the northern and southern inscriptions show that the queens and princesses were frequently called by the Vedic gotra-names, such as the Gautami, the Vatsi, the Vasishthi, the Gargi, etc.". The remark is true so far as it goes, but he forgets that the Brahman women also had such gotra-names. One such instance is of course furnished by our inscriptions which call Muladeva's mother Maudgali; another, by a Nasik Cave record which speaks of a Brahman Asvibhuti as Varahiputra"; and a third by & Malavalli pillar inscription in Monumental Prakrit which mentions the Brahman grantee Nagadatta as not only of the Kaundinya-gotra but also as Kausikiputra. Now, the first question that here arises is: what was the use of these metronymics at all? There can be but one reply. When and where polygamy is in vogue, it is absolutely necessary to distinguish the sons of one wife from those of another. The practice is still prevalent in Rajputana. If a Rajput prince marries more than one princess, they are always distinguished one from the other, according as she is a Hadi-ji, Ranavat-ji and so forth. Such must have been the case in Ancient India also. Kings certainly married more than one queen who were therefore known by the family names of their fathers. But it is worthy of note that this polygamy was present in Ancient India not only among the Kshatriyas but also among the Brahmang as the three instances adduced above clearly show, The second question that now arises is this. If the Brahmans have metronymics derived from the Vedic Gotras, that is just what might be expected. But why should such gotras be in vogue among the Kshatriyas, at any rate among the members of the ruling class ? Let us take for example the Satavahana family, whose inscriptions have been found in the Nasik, Karle and Kanheri Caves. The earliest of them is called Gautamiputra; his son, Vasishthiputra; and one of their successors, Madhariputra. These metronymics are clearly formed from the Brahmanic gotras, and the wonder of it is how they are found in a ruling dynasty. In explanation of this fact it has been argued by some that the Satavahanas were of the Brahman caste,' and in support of this position our attention has been drawn to two passages from Nasik Cave Ingcription 2. The first, which is from 1.5, is khatiya-dapa-mina-madanasa," of (Gautamiputra), who humbled the pride and arrogance of the Kshatriyas". From this it is inferred that Gautamiputra could not have been a Kshatriya. For, if he had been a Kshatriya, there would have been no propriety in his saying that he put down the pride and conceit of the Kshatriyas. What was he then by caste? Is there anything in that inscription which throws light upon the subject? We are thus referred to a second passage in the Nasik Inscription, namely, ekabamhanaea, which has been rendered by Senart as "the unique Brahmana". Some scholars are thus of opinion that the Satavahanas were undoubtedly Brahman by caste. It is true that in this translation of the passage Senart practically follows Buhler, who renders it by " of him who alone (was worthy of the name of) a Brahmana"? But it is forgotten that the word bamhana of the Prakrit original can be equated not only with the Sanskrit Brahmana as was done by Buhler and Senart but also with brahmanya as was first suggested by R. G. Bhandarkar, who 1 Ibid., p. 33, 1. 10. . Above, Vol. I, p. 394. * Luders, loc. cit., No. 1131. * Thid., No. 1196. H. Rayohaudhuri's Political History of Ancient India, pp. 280-2. . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 60. Arch. Surv. West. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 110. W

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No. 8.] SILAHARA CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. translates it by "the only supporter of Brahmaps". Bhagwanlal Indraji, however, takes bamhana as equivalent to Brahmana, but takes the expression to mean the only holy man'." Personally I would prefer the first. But whatever interpretation is approved, this much is certain that bamhana need not necessarily be taken as equivalent to Brahmand and can also stand for brahmanya, and thus the prop in support of the Brahman origin of the Satavahanas becomes feeble and shaky. How then, it may be asked, are we to explain the first of the passages which has been quoted from Nasik Cave Inscription No. 2 and which represents Gautamiputra to have humbled the pride and arrogance of the Kshatriyas Even if we take the word Kshatriya bere in its usual sense, namely, the second of the four castes, the passage in question at the most would prove that Gautamiputra was a non-Kshatriya, but not necessarily that he was a Brahman. Are we, however, compelled to take this word in this sense ? Cannot khatiya (=Kshatriya) bear any other signification? In this connection we must remember that there was a tribe called Kshatriya or Kshattri, mentioned both by foreign writers and in Sanskrit literature. Thus Arrian who wrote an account of Alexander's invasion of India says that when this Macedonian emperor was in camp on the confluence of the Chenab and the Indus, he received deputies and presents from Xathroi (Khathroi), an independent tribe of Indians. The same tribe is apparently mentioned as Kshatriyas by Ptolemy.. As has been pointed out by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal', they appear to be mentioned by Kautilya along with the Kambojas and Surashtras as the Samghas subsisting both upon agriculture and arms. They are no doubt the Kshattri described in the Manusmriti, and the Kshatriyas of the later inscriptions (see c.g., the Ladnu Inscription of Sadharana who and his ancestors are spoken of as Kshatriyas of the Kasyapa-gotra). They appear to be represented by the Khatris of the modern day. Originally, however, they formed an independent tribe living not far from the confluence of the Chenab and the Indus. It will thus be seen that this tribe may very well have been the Kshatriyas whose pride and conceit Gautamiputra Satekarni crushed down. If the latter went on conquering as far northwards as the Sakas, Yavanas and Palhavas, there is nothing strange in his putting down the Kshatriyas who lived in their neighbourhood just as the Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman is reputed to have exterminated the Yaudheyas?. No irrefragible evidence is thus forthcoming from Nasik Cave Inscription No. 2. or. for the matter of that, from any source, which demonstrates that the Satavahanas were Brahmans. On the other hand, there is a passage in the same Nasik Cave Inscription which is worth considering here. It is the passage where Gautami Balasri is called rajarisi-vadhusadan akhilam anuvidhiyamana, "wholly conforming to the title wife of the Royal Sage'". It may be pertinently asked : what is meant by a Rajarshi (Royal Sage)? - It may be contended that the term simply denotes 'a sage-like king', be he a Brahman or a Kshatriya. But it has to be remembered that Rajarshi is always employed in contradistinction to Brahmarshi which unquestionably means 'a Brahman Sage'. The use of the term Rajarshi is thus enough to show that the Satavahanas were not Brahmans. Or we may set aside the Satavahanas for a while and consider the Ikshvakus of the south whose inscriptions have been found in the Andhra country at Jaggayyapeta and Nagarjunikonda. That the Ikshvakus were the Kshatriyas of the solar race is too well-known to be pointed 1 Trans. Inter. Cong. Ori., London, 1874, PP. 310-11. * Bomb. Gazet., Vol. XVI, pp. 552 and 564. * McCrindle's Ancient India : Its Invasion by Alexander the Great, p. 106. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 360. Hindu Polity, Pt. I, p. 60. . Above, Vol. XII, pp. 23 ff. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 44, 1. 12.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [ VOL. XXII. out. And yet we have in this dynasty three kings, two of whom bear the metronymic Vasisbthiputra and one Mathariputra. Related to these Ikshvakus are personages holding titles of nobility such as Maha-senapati and Maha-talavara. Even they bear such metronymics. If we turn westwards again and consider the cave inscriptions, we find that even there, feudatory chieftains styling themselves as Maharathi, Maha-senapati and Maha-bhoja possess similar metronymics. The question therefore arises : how were these Vedic metronymics in vogue among the ruling classes most of which were presumably Kshatriya by caste? According to Buhler, "the explanation is no doubt that these gotras originally were those of the Purohitas of the royal or noble families, from which the queens were descended, and that the kings were affiliated to them for religious purposes, as the Srautasutras indicate". But was it so really from 150 B.C. to 250 A.D.? Buhler is apparently taking his stand upon the Srautasutras. What the Srautasutras, however, lay down in the case of a Kshatriya or a Vaibya is the adoption, not of the Gotra but of the Pravaras of his Purohita. Thus the Baudhayana Srautasutra' says: KshatriyaVaisyanam purohita-pravaro bhavat=iti vijnayate. The Apastambao has: atha yesham (=Kshatriyanam) mantrakrito na syuh sa-purohita-pravaras=te pravriniran. From these quotations it is clear that what a Kshatriya borrowed from his Purohita for religious purposes was, not his Gotra, but his Pravaras. It may perhaps be argued that one set of Pravaras presupposes one specific Gotra only, so that when that Gotra name is pronounced, only that particular set of Pravaras is indicated. Nor is this argument well-founded. One instance will suffice for our purpose. Let us take the Mathara-gotra from which the metronymic Mathariputra is derived. It has the three Pravaras: Kasyapa, Avatsara and Naidhruva. But, these Pravaras, Mathara possesses in common with at least eighty other Gotras, such as Kasyapa, Chhagari and so forth There is no such thing as one set of Pravaras for one Gotra and one Gotra only. Even suppos. ing that a Kshatriya affiliates himself to his Purohita's Gotra for religious purposes as Buhler supposes, why should that Gotra be binding upon the Kshatriya for secular purposes, why in other words, should the Kshatriya avoid marriage, not in his proper exogamous group, but in the same Gotra as that of his Purohita, though the Gotra is natural to a Brahman but an extraneous something, which is foisted upon him ? Nowhere is it laid down in any Sutra or similar writings, explicitly or implicitly, that a Kshatriya, like his Purohita, shall not marry in the same Vedic Gotra. Besides, it is not a fact that even in this period the member of a ruling family had a metronymic invariably derived from & Brahmanical Gotra. Two instances will suffice to prove our point. There is an Amaravati Buddhist sculpture, the inscription on which records the gift of an epasaka Buddharaksbita, who is therein called Gordiputa. It is evident from this that his mother was Gondi which no scholar has yet been able to explain. The term Gomdi indicates that she belonged to the Gumda family which, however, is not known to be any Vedic Gotra. It may however be contended that this Buddharakshita originally was not a Brahman or a Kshatriya, and so his metronymic has no bearing upon our discussion. Let us therefore take another, namely, Gotiputa, which, we find, was borne by persons of three different ranks, lamely, by a king, a Maharathi and a goldsmith. Possibly this goldsmith also was neither a Brahman gora Kshatriya, and may therefore be set aside. But what about the king and the gobleman styling themselves Gotiputa which has been equated by scholars with Gauptiputra, son of a woman belonging to the Gupta. race. Surely Gupta, Gota, or Guta has not yet been *Above, Vol. XX, pp. 16 t. * Above, Vol. I, p. 394. Iravara-prasna, 54. . Pravara-khanda, 15. Luders, loc. cit., No. 1271.

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No. & 1 SILAHARA CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. shown to be the name of any Vedic Gotra. This clearly shows that we have personages of the ruler or nobility class bearing a metronymic not connected with any Vedic Gotra. Again, let us see who was this ruler that called himself Gotiputa. The inscription which makes mention of him is engraved on the pillar of a torana which was originally found at Bharaut but which is now exhibited in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. It records that the gateway was erected by Vatsiputra Dhanabhuti, son of Gotiputa Agaraju (=Gauptiputra Angaradyut), and grandson of the king (rajan) Gargiputra Visvadeva, during the rule of the Sungas.' As Visvadeva is here called a rajan, there can be no doubt that his son and grandson pertained to a ruling family. And further it is worthy of note that whereas Visvadeva and Dhanabhuti are styled Gargiputra and Vatsiputra, showing that their mothers bore the Vedic Gotra, Angaradyut alone is styled Gotiputa showing that his mother belonged to the Gupta family which was anything but a Vedic Gotra. The other instance of the occurrence of Gotiputa as a metronymic is supplied by the epigraph on the lion column standing in front of the chaitya cave at Karle. It says that the column was set up by one Agnimitranaka (Agnimitra) who was a Maharathi and a Gotiputra, which Prof. Luders takes to mean son of a Gaupti'. Maharathi denotes a feudatory rank. Agnimitra was thus a feudatory chief, and yet he bears a metronymic which is in no way derived from a Vedic Gotra. A third non-Vedic metronymic which may be considered here is that furnished by an inscription on a relic casket found in Sonari Stupa No. II near Bhilsa. It mentions the name of a Buddhist Missionary who is described as the teacher of all Himalayan countries. His personal name is not given, but he is called Kotiputa and Kasapagota'. His metronymic merits special notice as his original caste is here specified. For we have just seen that he is called Kasapagota which means that his father was a Brahman. But what was he from his mother's side? She was evidently a 'Koti' which is taken by Prof. Luders as equivalent to Kaunti. But the Professor does not explain what he means by Kaunti. Kaunti, as it is, has to be derived from Kunta, but Kunta as the name of a family or a clan is unknown. The only clan name that approximates to it is Kunti, a Yadava clan, whose ruler, Kuntibhoja, being child. less, adopted Kunti, the first wife of Pandu. It will thus be seen that the word Kunti itself means "(a womad) descended from Kunti". The Buddhist missionary Kasapagota would thus have been called Kuntiputra, and not Kauntiputra, if his mother had pertained to the Kunti lineage, Perhaps the best explanation of the metronymic Kotiputa is to say that his mother belonged not to the Kunti, but to the Kota, clan. That Kota was the name of a ruling family is clear from the fact that their coins have been found round about Delhi and in Eastern Panjab. Besides, the celebrated Allahabad Pillar Inscription speaks of Samudragupta as having captured & scion of the Kota family. The Kotas and the Guptas thus were both ruling families in the fourth century A.D. And if they were so ruling side by side in that century, there is nothing unreasonable in supposing that both the clans were in existence about the beginning of the Christian era. The metronymic Kotiputa therefore had better be equated with Kautiputra and the inference drawn that the mother of the Buddhist teacher Kasapagota oame from the Kota family. But whatever the correct explanation of Kotiputa may be, this much is certain that the mother of the Buddhist missionary belonged to a non-Vedic Gotra. The above discussion is enough to convince any one that members of the ruling and nobility classes bore metronymics which were sometimes Vedic and sometimes non-Vedio. Similarly, 1 Ibid., No. 687. * Ibid., No. 1088. * Ibid., No. 158. 4 Smith's Catalogte of the Coins in the Indian M Fleet's 0.1. I., Vol. III, p.0,1. 14. em, Calcudia, pp. 258 and 264.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXII. we have just seen that the Buddhist saint who is described as the teacher of all Himalayan countries was born of a Brahman father as his patronymic Kasapagota shows, but that his mother was a Kshatriya woman as she was a Kota by extraction. The conclusion is therefore irresistible that in the ancient period ranging from circa 150 B.C. to circa 250 A.D. there were many inter-caste marriages, which were not only anuloma but also pratiloma. The history of the Ikshvakus of South India clearly shows that the Brahmans were ready to give their daughters in marriage to the Kshatriyas if they but belonged to the ruling family. TEXT. Inscription in the Durvasa Cave. No. 1. 1 Sami[da]te rajam karayamtammhi Sivanardi-panatiskJena 2 Sivadata-natik[e]na 3 Sivamista)-putena 4 (Vachhena] M[o]galiputena 0 [Mula*]d[e*]y[e*)na aramam pavate ropapita[th] Inscriptions in the Cheri-Godadi Cave. No. 2 1 [Siva[namd*]-[pa*J[na]t[i]k[e*][na] 2 Sivadata-natikena Si[vamita-putena] [Vachhena"] 3 [Mo*Igalliputena amache[na] Muladevena si[lagajha [ka]rita. No. 3. 1 Sivanamdi-panatikens 2 Sivadata-natikena 3 Sivamita-(putena]" Inscriptions in the Sitamadi Cave. No. 4. Sivanamdi-panatikena Sivadata natikena Sivamita-putena Muladevena amachena silagaha karita. Vachhena Mogaliputena No... Sivanandi-panatikena Sivadata. No. 6. Yuvati-malet No. 7. Udaya-tar: This whole line has been faintly engraved. The remainder has not been either engraved in the Cave or ooplod la the estampage, On pellac, in characters slightly later, probably of the second century AD. On the one wall, in characters of the wood century A.D.

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No. 9.] A BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KARA. No. 9.-A BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KARA. BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., PH.D., OOTACAMUND. According to a report published in the 'Leader of the 7th August, 1932, the inscribed plate under consideration was presented to the Allahabad Archaeological Society by Sheikh Jamal Ahmad, the Senior Vice-Chairman of the Allahabad District Board and a Zamindar of Kara. Kara is a place of historical importance and is situated at a distance of about 5 miles north-east from Sirathu and 41 miles from Allahabad. The Secretary of the Allahabad Archaeological Society sent the plate to the Director General of Archaeology in India who again sent it to the Government Epigraphist for India for decipherment. No information was available as to the exact find place of the inscription. The plate which measures 47" x 21" is of copper and is triangular in shape with the corners rounded off. It was so shaped evidently for the purpose of fixing it at the bottom of an image which must have been the object of gift mentioned in the inscription. An image of Buddha with a similar inscribed plate fixed at the bottom of the pedestal was discovered years ago in the neighbourhood of Gaya. The present record contains 31 lines of writing which is in a fair state of preservation with the exception of 3 or 4 letters at the beginning of the first line and 2 or 3 letters at the commencement of the second. These letters have partly rubbed off and grown indistinct. The fifth letter in the third line is damaged and this injury to the plate seems to have been caused by some sharp instrument striking against it. The weight of the plate is 84 tolas. The most interesting feature of this inscription is its palaeography. The alphabet of the record is of the arrow-head' variety. Bendall first discovered this script in some manuscripts from Nepal and brought it to the notice of scholars in the 7th International Oriental Congress, Later on, while editing the inscription from Gaya, he pointed out that the script used in the Gaya record was the same as that used in the Nepalese manuscripts referred to above, the only difference being that the former showed 'wedges' instead of arrow-heads' at the top of the letters.' The script used in the present record is practically the same as that found in the Gaya inscription. Very few inscriptions written in this script have been discovered till now. Besides the two just mentioned, I am aware of only five other inscriptions written in this script but none of the latter has so far been published. One of them is stated to be inscribed on the pedestal of a statue of Jambhala' which is now preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Waddel notices four other inscriptions in this script which he discovered at Uren' in the Mungir District of Bihar. Bendall identified this script with the Bhaikshuki lipi mentioned by Albiruni. According to the latter scholar this script was 'the writing of Buddha' and was used in Udunpur in Purvadeka. Probably by saying that this script was the writing of Buddha, Albiruni meant to say that it was usually employed by Buddhist monks--for which reason it came to be known as Bhaikshuki or that of the bhikshus. All the inscriptions in this script which we know so far have 1 Seo Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 77 and Fleet C. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 19, note 1. In the references quoted above the image is stated to have belonged to James Robinson, C. E. of Gaya. The same image later on seems to bave passed into the possession of Mr. Saurindra Mohan Sinha of Bhagalpur who presented it to the Museum of tbe Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, where it is now preserved. See R. D. Banerji, History of Bengal (in Bengali), 2nd ed., p. 85, and Battya Sahitya Parishat-Patrika, Vol. XX, pp. 153 ff. * Verhandlungen des VII Internationalen Orientalisten Congresses, Arische Section, p. 111 * Ind. A n., Vol. XIX, p. 77 f. See Sahitya Parishat-Patrika, Vol. XX, pp. 155. J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXI, pt. 1, p. 17 and Pl. IV, Noe. 1-2. * Saobau, Alberuni'India, 1, p. 178.

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38 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. come from Magadha or its neighbourhood in Eastern India. Udunpur is evidently the Uddandapura of inscriptions and Otantapuri of the Tibetan writers and is identified with the modern Bihar.1 Bendall has already pointed out that this script has no connection with Nagari but is the immediate, offspring of an ancient form of the Brahmi. Devoid of the wedges it conforms, on the whole, to the script used in India during the 4th century A. D. but what seems strange is that it has so far been found usually in the dedicatory inscriptions engraved on statues coming from Eastern India which can only belong to the period between the 8th and the 12th centuries A. D. The main features of this script have already been discussed by Bendall and Buhler and the latter scholar has drawn attention to the characteristic points of this script which indicate its southern origin. Till we are in possession of further facts we cannot trace the gradual development of this script nor can we fix with certainty the date of its introduction. If the identification of this script with the Bhaikshuki lipi of Albiruni is correct then this script must have been used in Eastern India side by side with the Eastern Nagari which is the usual script found in the inscriptions of that period. It may not be out of place here to point out a parallel instance that we find in the Sarada script. Though a descendant of the Western Gupta alphabet it is found employed in Kashmir and in the north-eastern Punjab only from the 9th century A. D. In this case too we perceive that from the end of the 13th century to the 15th century Sarada and Nagari were used simultaneously at least in the Kangra District. This fact, however, does not preclude the possibility that both the arrow-head and Sarada scripts might have been used as literary scripts from an earlier period though they came to be employed as epigraphical scripts only at a later period. I have already pointed out that the script of this inscription is very similar to that of the Gaya inscription referred to above and Bendall's general remarks on the palaeography of the latter will be applicable to the present inscription also. Here I shall notice only the points of difference found in the letters of these two inscriptions or those points which have not been dealt with by Bendall before. Thus k in the Gaya inscription is, as in the Kushana and Gupta scripts. written with a curve at the lower end but in the present inscription this curve is differently shaped and the stroke to the right is not noticeable. Ch and j are more angular in this inscription than in the Nepalese manuscript while , r and n have all curves at the lower end. N in the present inscription is more akin to the form found in the manuscript than to that in the Gaya inscription. N is as in the manuscript with no loop to the left. P has two forms: where it is joined with the vowel a it is open to the right and is distinguishable from d only by a small cross stroke across the end of the hook to the right; in other cases it has a wedge to the left. B is similar to p in shape the only difference being that it is closed at the top. The loop in m is much bigger here than in the Gaya inscription. L is of the same type as we find in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta and also in the Paharpur copper plate inscription. In conjunction with the vowel sign e the consonants have usually a wedge to the right (cf. de in 1. 3). The inscription is written in correct Sanskrit and bears no date. It opens with an assertion of the impermanent nature of an individual being. Such an averment is quite in keeping 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, p. 110. According to the author of Pag Sam Jon Zang Otantapuri was the name of a great shrine situated in the neighbourhood of Nalanda. According to him Otanta means 'the soaring on high' (Skt. uddayan?). This name was given to this shrine because of its loftiness See Pag Sam Jon Zang, ed. S. C. Das, Index, p. clii. * See Vogel, Antiquities of Chamba State, Part-i (A. S. 1. New Imperial Series, Vol. XXXVI), p. 44. Above, Vol. XX, pp. 61 ff and Plate.

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A BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KARA. ** a 27 tot SCALE: FULL SIZE SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. Chakravarti. Ruo. No. 3320 E'94.

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No. 10.] TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYAI. 39 with the Buddhist doctrine acording to which the realization of the impermanent nature of all things leads to the attainment of right knowledge. After this short introductory sentence, the inscription registers the gift of the queen Chandalladevi who was a lay worshipper and the wife of the Ranaka Mahipala. No further details of the donatrix or her husband are given in the inscription. We cannot trace this Mahipala in any other inscription known to us but the title Ranaka shows that he was at the most a feudatory of some paramount ruler. This title is found so far as the insoriptions of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa are concerned only from the 9th century onwards. Till further evidence is forthcoming we cannot say definitely who was the overlord of this Ranaka Mahipala. TEXT. 1 N[a]ma-[ru]pam=anityam Rapaka-sri2 Mahipala-ba(va)dhu-paramopasi3 ka-rajni-sri-[Cha]ndalladevya de4 ya-dharmoyam || TRANSLATION The individual being (lit. name and form) is impermanent. This is the religious gift of the queen (Rajwi) Chandalladevi, a devout female lay worshipper and the wife of the Ranaka, the illustrious Mahipala. No. 10.-TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE. The subjoined inscription of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I is engraved on the outside of the west wall of the second prakara of the Nelliyappar temple at Tinnevelly. It was copied in 1894 by the Madras Epigraphical Department and the text of it is given in Tamil in the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume V. So far, no inscription of this king has been edited critically in the pages of this Journal or the South Indian Inscriptions. For the highly interest ing information which the record contains, both in its historical introduction and in its grant portion, it is taken up here for publication. The inscription consists of 28 lines of writing. It is in Tamil prose and verse. Though the alphabet employed is Tamil, Grantha letters are used in writing Sanskrit words such as svasti eri (1.1), abrayalinga (1. 21), Rajaraja-chchaturvvedimangalam (11. 22, 24), visesha-pujai (1. 24), etc. The introductory portion alone runs from line 1 to line 20 and is composed in Tamil verse of Agaval metre. It contains more than 125 metrical lines. The name of the poet that composed it is not given as is the case with all Tamil inscriptions; but there is no doubt that it is a creditable piece of work. The rest of the inscription is in prose. 1 The inscription uses the term Rajhi which has evidently been used as the feminine form of Rapaka. . Cf. the inscriptions of the Palas of Bengal and Magadha and those of the Sena, Varman and Chandra kings of Bengal. The Bhanja kinga Batrubhapja and Ranabhafija bore the title of Ranaka (Bhandartar, Lin, Nos. 1490, 1492-98). This titlo is also found in the Ganjim and Banpur Plates of Dandimahidevi. The Ral put title Rand ovidently originated from Ranaba. * No. 140 of the Madras Epigraphical Collootion for 1894 * No. 431 on pages 166-157.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. There are several mistakes of commission and omission in this record, especially in the verse portion of it. While some of them are due to the negligence and ignorance of the engraver, others must be attributed to the scribe that committed the record to writing and passed it for being incised on stone. Though the mistakes are too many to be catalogued here, attention may be drawn to a few. Under mistakes of spelling may be noted malar-stamatai (1. 4) where takes the place of t, Puliyur-tiru (1. 7) where : has to be replaced by it and malar-chchevad (1. 8) and tirkum (1. 11) wherer has to be corrected intor and rk respectively. Suram and purusai in line 6, tiri, tiliya in line 10 and mutkat- (1. 12), Ona (1.11), polavar (1. 17), y aruvayar (1. 19) are mistakes for buram, purisai, tirai, tiriya, mukkal, Oda, pulavar and y-arivaiyar. Under omission of letters and words, the following may be cited yu is omitted after kavi (1.5), v is omitted in the middle of de of kkurradenga! (1. 11), madamum is omitted before maligai (1. 5) and nu is omitted after ma in iyamakku (1. 13). For wrong insertion of letters see mudaliya(r) (1. 3), dano(u)dagam (1. 10), kali(kki)rril (1. 12) and kum(sa)ba (1. 17). Errors in grammatical forms are found in vendargalaikkurra (1. 11) which must be vendargalu kk-urrav-, marvelaikku for mar-velukka (1. 10) and vada-Kongannai (1. 11) which must be vada-Kongan, In the purely eulogistic account which runs from line 1 to line 4, the panegyrist states that when this king was crowned, the bow and the tiger, which are the crests of the Chora and Chola kinge, disappeared ; and the fish, which is the crest of the Pandya, sported on the golden mountain, i.e., Meru ; the Tamil and Vedic literature prospered, and all kings paid their tributes. Reference is made to the garland of Indra worn by the Pandya. From line 4 commences the historical portion. On being crowned, the king is said to have sent a large army against the Chola country, to have set on fire Tanjai (i.e., Tanjore) and Urandai (i.e., Uraiyur), the principal cities of the Chelas, to have destroyed many tanks, rivers and water sources, halls, fortifications, towers, theatres, mansions, palaces and pavilions, to have ploughed the enemy's country with asses, to have driven the Chola king into the forest and to have taken away his crown. The victorious Pandya king is then said to have gone to Ayirattali' where he performed the anointment of heroes; to have entered the sacred city of Puliyur, i.e., Chidambaram, and paid obeisance to Siva dancing with his consort in the golden hall of the temple; and to have finally reached Ponnamaravati. While staying in the last-mentioned place, the Pandya king sent word to the Chola promising to give back sonalu and the crown wbich he had lost. On bearing it, the Chola returned with his wife, and presenting his legitimate son first, himself re. maining behind, prostrated under the victorious lion-throne of the conqueror and begged. After removing the beat cf Valavan (i.e., Chola) caused by his flight and loss of territory with a libation of water, the Pandya gave back to the Chola king's legitimate son the crown and the expansive country (of Sonadu). In support of this gift, he is also reported to have given a royal writ impressed with the fish seal, the title Cholapati and his ancient city, 1 On this account the Chora is called Villavan and the Chola Puliyuyartton. Minavan is one of the names of the Pandya. . At the end of the introduction, this place is called by its other name Mudikonda bola puram. * Vyaghrapuri is the name given to it in Sanskrit. The hymns of the Devaram refer to it by the names Tinai and Puliyur and speak highly of the dance of Siva in this place. One of the verses of Sundaramurtti. Nayapar describes the place thus Mann-w lagan-karal pupdav vrimaiya Pallavarkkuuttirai kodd mawa carai marukkari-cheyyum perumaiyarePuliyiruchchirrambalatt=emberumagai-pperramwand While the Tiruvalangadu grant states that the Chola king Parantaka I covered the dabhra-sabha with gold, the Leiden plates say that he covered the temple at Vynghragrahara (1.e., Puliyur) with gold. One of the stone inscriptions of Tirugokarpam in the Pudukkottal State, dated in the 12th year of Rajakesarivarman Kulottunga (I), informs us that that king covered the large hall at Chidambaram with gold (No. 411 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1904).

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No. 10.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYAI. 41 In the abstract of the historical introduction given above, one point that is particularly worthy of note is that when the Chola king begged in the manner aforesaid, viz., by presenting his son first, the libation of water was made to himself, while the crown and kingdom were bestowed on his legitimate son. Now comes the question of the identification of the Chola king and his legitimate son, that are referred to as having been the recipients of the ignominious honour. There is some difficulty with regard to this. As both Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I and Rajaraja III count their regnal years from A.D. 1216, it would be natural to say that the invasion undertaken by the former was against the latter, and that the latter and his son were the ill-fated persons referred to. That this answer, though natural, is superficial and incorrect, and does not take into consideration all the factors that really count in the matter, will be evident from the sequel. In the first place, it is necessary to know when the Pandva king effected his conquest of the Chola territory and took the Chala king's crown and country, and when again he restored them. This last point could be answered by observing the order of mention of the events in the introduction or better still by noting the earliest year in which these events are found registered in the king's inscriptions. The narration of the events in the introduction shows clearly that the invasion of the Chola country was undertaken immediately after the Pandya king's coronation. It appears also that the restoration of the captured country was not delayed long, for we are informed that after taking the country the Pandya king went to Ayirattali and had his anointment performed there, went to Puliyur and paid obeisance to the god Nataraja, probably as a thanks-offering, and proceeded to Ponnamaravati wbere be, inviting the Chola king, presented to him or rather his son--the crown and kingdom. The numerous stone inscriptions of the king range in date from the 2nd to the 24th year. In the earliest of these, viz., the one dated in the 2nd year, * Sonadu konda' (who took the Chola country) occurs. As such, the country must have been taken in A.D. 1216-17. Since this event, which happened soon after Maravarman SundaraPandya I assumed regal powers, Sonadu konda' became the short title and distinguishing mark of the king. And it is particularly worthy of note that even the inscriptions which commence with the introduction Pumaruriya and register all bis achievements, when they come to mention the name of the king, mention him with this short title. It thus appears that 'Sonadu konda' had become almost & part of his name, that being the first great achievement. As the presentation of the Chola country is specifically stated to have been made to Kulottunga III in two stone inscriptions and as his latest inscriptions show that he reigned for 40 years', i.e., until A. D. 1217, it is clear that the country was given back soon after it was taken in 1216-17. There is no doubt that the Chola opponent of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I was Kulottunga III and not Rajaraja III, for even though the latter's regnal years are counted from A.D. 1216, his actual rule commenced two years later. Here it may be noted that in the case of most South Indian kings-especially the Cholas-we know that the regnal years are counted not from the actual date of accession to power but from a prior date which we may take to be the year of their nomination. In some cases, these two dates are very near each other, while in others they are abnormally distant. The specific mention of the fact noted above, viz., that the Chola country was given back to Kulottunga III precludes our carrying the event to a later date than A.D. 1216-17 up to which only Kulottunga III's inscriptions are found and nothing can be argued 1 No. 549 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1926. No. 394 of the same collection for 1917. * No. 72 of the same collection for 1924 and No. 9 of 1926. No. 282 of the same collection for 1900.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXII. from the omission of the epithet 'Somadu valangi' (who presented the Chola country) in the records of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I dated prior to the 6th year.1 Generally, the capturing of a country may be said to have been accompanied by the giving it back to the defeated king on his owning the overlordship of the conqueror and perhaps also on his agreeing to pay a stipulated tribute. Now can it not be said that Rajaraja III was the legitimate son of the Chela king that had the strange honour of being invested with a crown by the enemy Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I under very humiliating conditions ? One of the points in favour of this view is that Rajaraja III counted his regnal year from A.D. 1216 when the capture of the Chola country and its restoration by the Pandya seem to bave been effected. Another may be found in the statement of reasons for the second war against the Chola which certainly took place in the reign of Rajaraja III. The very words of the inscription are "munnam namakku mudi valangun-chevadi-kki innam valipaduvom ennadu eral edir sellad-irai marutta Senni vidu tusi," etc. "The Cbela (meaning Rajaraja III) who did not mind remaining submissive under the feet of him who formerly gave him his crown, refused to obey his commands, denied him tribute and sent a large army with a vanguard (against the Pandya)." This clearly suggests that it was to Rajaraja III that Masavarman Sundara-Pandya I gave the crown. Lines 11 to 13 report that the Pandya king successively liberated from prison the North and South Kongu kings, and attended by these, he entered the palatial city of Madura and received their homage. At Madura he heard them describe the ancient limits of their territories, and not being satisfied with the fairness of the division, he made a redistribution, made them agree to it and sent them away warning that if any of them should ever transgress the new limit, he would be made a feast for the god of Death. From the last statement it is clear that the kings of the two Kongus fought against each other, one encroaching on the limits of the other, and that Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I had to interfere in their politics. It is, however, not known how both the kings found themselves in prison. As regards the identification of the Kongu kings that are referred to, we might point out that the ruler of South Kongu was certainly Virarajendra, whose accession took place in A.D. 1207. Like his predecessor Vira-Chala, he claims to have ruled over the two Kongus : and his latest year of reign known so far is the 45th corresponding to A.D. 1253. But it is likely that he lived two years more. The king of North Kongu whom Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I rescued from prison may refer to one of the Adigaiman rulers of Tagadur who had possession of North Kongu from very early times or to one of Kongu-Chola origin that might have had an independent rule over any part of that province. So far, we know none of the latter. If the reference be to the former, the king may be either Vidugadalagiya-Perumal who figures as a subordinate of the Chola king Kulottunga III in his 22nd year? (A.D. 1200), or his immediate successor. This Vidugadalagiya-Perumal (called also Vidugadan, Vidugadalagiyan or Vyamuktabravanojjvala) is 1 Nos. 341 and 364 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1918. * The conquest of the two Kongus is also referred to in Nos. 72 of 1924 and 9 of 1926. * No. 135 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909 from Komaralingam is dated in the reign of Tribhuvanachakravartin Konerinmaikopdan Virarajendra and couples the 25th year of his reign with Baka 1163 (=A.D. 1231). No. 106 of the same collection, dated in the 20th year, gives him the title who ruled the two Kongus together'. A number of records attribute to him the surname Rajakesarivarman (see Nou. 131, 128 and 136 of 1909). No. 136 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909 from Kolumam. No. 144 of the same collection is dated in the 21st year of Parakesarivarman Tribh. Vira-Chols who ruled the two Xongus together' A. R. on Epigraphy for 1906, Part II, para, 34. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 332-3, and S. l. 1., Vol. I, Noe, 75 and 76.

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No. 10.1 TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYAL. 43 described as the son of Rajaraja Adhikan' (Adhika, Adhikendra, Adigaiman or Adhikesa) and a lineal descendant of the Kerala king Elini (Yavanika). His capital was Tagadai or Ten-Tagadai, i.e., Dharmapuri in the Salem district and his inscriptions are found at Kambayanallur, Tirumalai, Chengama, Punganur, Laddigam and Agastyakonda, written in Sanskrit and Tamil verses. The range of his inscriptions, his descent from Elini and bis capital Tagadai clearly show that he was the ruler of Kongu (North). As a Chola feudatory, he appears to have restored the Chola dominion in the Ganga territory, being entrusted with the charge of it. He claims to have overcome the Kadava, the Magada and the Ganga. Now a word may be said about the relationship between the Kongu and Pandva kings. While the South Kongu king Virarajendra lived during the time of Maravarman Sundara-Pandra I, by whom he was liberated from prison and was honoured out of friendship, his predecessor Vira-Chola was a contemporary of the Pandya king Jatavarman Kulasekhara I. This is made plain by the fact that a certain cbief by name Solan Silamban alias Virachola-Lankesvaradeva, who calls himself one of the samantas of the South Kongu king Perumal Vira-Chola, figures in a third year record of Jatavorman Kulasekhara I corresponding to A.D. 1193, as donor of a gift to the temple of Mulasthanamudaiya-Paramasvamin at Tenkarai near Sholavandan, 18 miles from Madura, the capital of the Pandvas. This chief continued to live in the reign of Virarajendradeva and made gifts in his 20th year to the temple of Tiruvalandurai-l'daivar at Tiru vaiandurai. The successor of Virarajendra was Vikrama-Chola, who ascended the throne in A.D. 1955.7 He was the contemporary of Mayavarman Sundara-Pandra II and Japavarman Vikrama-Pandva, and stood in the relation of machchunanar (brother-in-law) to both of them." At his influence, these Pandva kings made provisions for the maintenance of mathas in Tinnerelly and other places in the Pandya country where ascetics lived and tirujnanan was taugbt. In the war of the Pandva succession, which commenced in about A.D. 1167-68 preceding the reign of Jatavarman Kulasekhara I and which was waged between Parakrama-Pandra assisted by the Singhalese generals Laikapura-Dandanatha and Javadratha-Dandanatha on the one side, and arrother Kulasekhara on the other side, the latter is said to have been succoured by two Kongu kings who are stated in the Maharansa to be the two brothers of his mother.10 Thus, it would be clear from what has been said above, that, bound by ties of near kinship, the Pandya and Kongu kings were helping each other and were maintaining cordial relationship for nearly a century from A.D. 1167-8. Lines 14 to 16 describe a fresh war with the Chola king, who, it is said, not only did not obey the commands of his Pandva overlord who gave him the crown, but refusing to pay the usual tribute, sent forth a large army with a vanguard against him. These were immediately put This chief figures as a subordinate of kulortunga 1ll in the latter's Joth and 20th years of reign No. 536 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1902 and No. 115 of 1900). Ancient Tamil literature reveals the name of some kings that ruled over Kongu with their capital at Tagadar. One of them was Elini. It is interesting to note that he is styled a Kirala. Nos. 544, 545, 547, 552 and 565 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1906 and Jadras Epigraphical Report for 1900, paras 31 and 32. No. 552 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1906. 8.1. ., Vol. V, p. 110, No. 296. The inscription is dated in the 21st year of Jatavarman Kulasekhara I and has the introduction Putala-madandai. * No. 106 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909. IN 555 of the same for 1905 dated in the 2nd year and Saka 1179, and Xo. 578, dated in the 7th year. and Saka 1185. A. R. on S. 1. Epigraphy for 1930, Part II, para. 12, and 8.1. I., Vol. V, Xo. 421. . Ibid. 10 Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, pp. 155 and 157.

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44 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXII. to route and many of the cavalry, elephants, chariots and infantry were cut to pieces and the field was made a feasting ground for kites and crows. After the success in this war, the Pandya king is reported to have received a parani, a particular kind of Tamil poem, composed in honour of himself celebrating all his heroic actions. This second war with the Chola king was no doubt conducted against Rajaraja III, for it seems to have taken place some years after the first war and at a time when Kulottunga III had ceased to rule. The introduction ends saying that the Pandya king, seated along with his queen Ulagamulududaiyal, was crowned in the hall at Mudikondasolapuram, at all the entrances of which he had ordered golden pillars of victory to be put up.1 A word may now be said about the second war of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I with the Cholas. The one permanent theme of the imperial Cholas from the time of Parantaka I down to Rajaraja III was the subjugation of the Pandya country and they had several times defeated the Pandyas in battle. As such, Rajaraja III must have felt keenly the pitiable position of owning the overlordship of, and paying tribute to the Pandya king to which he was reduced by the dar. ing act of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I committed at the end of the reign of Kulottunga III. The inscription under publication, as we have already noticed, gives clear evidence that he wanted to free himself from this plight by refusing to pay the tribute and by sending a contingent of forces against the Pandya. Tamil inscriptions do not help us much to determine exactly when it was done. But it can be fixed within narrow limits from other sources as we shall see presently. The Hoysala king Narasimha II, who stood in the relation of father-in-law to the Chola Rajaraja III, is said to have marched on the island of Srirangam in about A.D. 1222 and soon after, i.e., in A.D. 1224 assumed the title 'the establisher of the Chola country'. This and the other claim of his that he was the thunderbolt in splitting the rock that was the Pandya, shows that he was requisitioned by the Chola king to help him against his enemy the Pandya king Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. Our inscription states that the Pandya king waged a deadly war with the Chola and caused great damage; but the fact that the Hoysala king was able to establish a new capital soon after in the Tamil country on the borders of the Chola and Pandya territories, i.e., at Kannapur alias Vikramapura, 5 miles from Srirangam, shows that the allied forces of Narasimha II and Rajaraja III gained their object. Thus the second encounter of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I with the Cholas, which was more in the nature of repulsing an attack made by the latter, might be placed in the period A.D. 1222 to 1224. The earliest inscription that refers to Kannanur is dated in Sarvadharin (=A.D. 1228) and it states that Vira-Somesvara was ruling at the place. But as Narasimha's reign lasted till A.D. 1233, Kannanur should have been made a Hoysala capital during his time and ViraBomesvara stationed there to guard the Chola king from being molested. In fact we are given to understand that it was Vira-Somesvara that built the new capital in the country which he had conquered by the power of his arm, showing thereby that he took an active part in the war undertaken by his father. Here we may fitly consider one other claim of Narasimha and of his enemy Perunjinga. While the former calls himself a very Janardana in destroying the demon 1 It must be noted that this portion is found in earlier records immediately after describing the first war with the Chola, where its proper place is, and being almost in the form of introducing the king is bodily removed at the end of all introductions, earlier or later. Above, Vol. VII, p. 162. Ibid., and Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 507. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 507, "Ibid., p. 508.

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No. 10.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I. 45 Kaitabha in the form of the Kadava king'', the latter is styled Karnata-bhupa-mana-mardiana and Pandya-mandala-sthapana-sutradhara. These claims are sufficient to establish the fact that the Pandya king Maravarman Sundara-Pandya was allied with the Pallava Perunjinga even before the latter actually assumed regal powers. The grant portion of the inscription gives us to understand that in the 20th year and 374th day of the king's reign, when he was pleased to remain on the reclining seat of Malavarayan in the hall of the bed-chamber of the palace (or temple) at Tirunelveli in Kil-Vemba-nadu, both the devakanmis of the temple of Tirunelveli-Udaiyar and Sankaran Alagiyaperumal alias Malavarayan of Kalaoi, the Premier, made a request that certain lands of Kayattankuruchchi, which formed part of the juvita not only of the latter but also of his great grandfather Malavarayan, who like him held the office of the Premier, should be made tax. free and given to the temple to meet the expenses of offerings and worship to the image of Sokkanar which the Premier had caused to be set up in the temple : and the king complied with their request. It is worthy of note that the chief office of Premier of the country was held by Malavarayan and his great grandfather. In fact, some of the offices in early times were hereditary and persons appear to have been given the necessary training and education to hold them. The geographical names that occur in the inscription are Tanjai, i.e., Tanjore, Urandai, i.e., Uraiyur, Ayirattali, which was also called Mudikondasolapuram and of which Palaiyaru formed part, Puliyur, i.e., Chidambaram, Ponnamaravatis in the Pudukkottai State, Madurai, i.e., Madura, Kaladio which is situated in the Travancore State, Tirunelveli, i.e., Tinnevelly, Kayattankuruchchi, also in the Tinnevelly district, Vetchiyur alias Mummadisolanallur and Sakkarapaninallur among villages; and Milalai-kurram, Tirumallinadu, Kil-Vemba-nadu and Servirukkai-nadu among divisions. TEXT. 1 Svasti eri [ll] Pu-maruviya Tiru-madandaiyum Puvi-madandaiyum puyatt iruppa na-maruviya Kalai-madandaiyum Jaya-madandaiyum nalan-chirappa kol-a[r*]nda [sina)-ppu[li]yur=kodu[n]-chilaiyun=kulaind=0[lippa) va!-a[r*]nda por-[ki]rimel vari-kkayalga! vilaiyada irun-kadal-va2 [lai]yatt-inid=afam peruga=kkarun-Kalikadindu ber-kol nadappa oru-kudai nilall'=iru-nilan=kulira mu-vagai-tTamilu=muraimai[yi]l vilanga nalvagai-Vedamu[m*] navior=udan valara aiy-vagai-velviyun=chey-vinaiy= iyatga afu-vagai-chchamaiyamum alagudan tigala elu3 vagai-(ppada]lum-iyaludan parava en-disaiy-alavun=chakkaran=chella=kKonganar Kalingar Kosalar Maluvar Singalar Telingar Kinara[r*]" 1 Ibid., p. 507. *$. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 1342.B. . It is a suburb of Trichinopoly and the ancient capital of the Cholas. * This is evident from No. 72 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1924 and from No. 9 of the samo collection for 1926. The place is bereft of early inscriptions at present. . The inscriptions of this place are registered as Nos. 2 to 23 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909. . This is reputed as the birth place of Sri-Samkaracharya and is stated to be on the bank of the Parna river in the Kerala country (see Vidyaranya's Sankara-digvijaya). 7 Read nilalil as in No. 372 of 3. 1. 1., Vol. IV. Malavar is the reading in No. 300 of 8.1.1., Vol. V. * Singanar is the form in No. 300 of 8. I, I., Vol. V. 10 Kinnarar may be replaced by Sipar as in No. 372 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. IV, and No. 300 of 8. I. I., Vol. V.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXII. Gujjarar Villavar Magadar Vikkalar Sembiyar Pallavar mudaliya(r) pa[ro]ttivar elam=uraiv-idam=arul-ena oruvar-mund-oryvar murai Imurai kadava tan-tigai 4 ku[na][**]nd=iraincha ilang-oli-mani-mudiy-Indiran puttiya polan-kadir-aram marvisir-poliya papi-malar-rtamarai-tTisaimugan padaitta Manu-neri talaippa mani-mudi. Buli-pPoppi-kul-nattuo=ppuliy-anai poy-agala Kanni kul-nattir-kayal-anai kai(y)valara? ven-chinav-ivuliyum 5 velamum paraparappiot Tatjaiyum=Urandaisyu]i-chen-talal kolutti kavi1o-nilamum ninu kavinxilarra11 Xviyum-aruna-ani-nir-nalan"alittu kudamu=ma-madilungopuramum ad-arangum 19 maligaiyum mandapamum pala idittu toludu vand-adaiyar nirupar-tan-togaiyar=aluda kappir-aru parappi-kkalu6 dai-kond=a[lu]du kavadi vichchi-ch Chembiyanai-chchinam viriyals-pporudu kuram 6 pugavmotti paim-pop-mani-mudi parittu=pPapapukku-kkudutt-aruli pad-arun-chirappir-parudi-vagroyum 17=adaga-ppurusaiy18-Ayirattaliyil "feraVala[van] abhisheka-mandapattu vira(a)bhishekam panni* puga[1] virittu nalum 7 para-rasar nama-ttalai pidungi milun-ta[ru]kan-mada-sanaiu mel-kondu nir ali-vaiyya-muludu[m] podu[v-i]litta" kur-alisyuli-cheyya-tolumoy kondupoy ayyappadada [a]ru-marai-ter=andanar va! deyva-pPullyur=tiruvellaiyu(t)=pukku" =ppopp-am[balam poliya aduvarpuvaiyudap ma 1 The letter mu is written below the line. The letter p is entered at the beginning of 1. 4. No. 372 of 8. I. I., Vol. IV, has purai in place of polar. . Read malar.tta. Naffir-puli is the reading in No. 372 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. IV. Inai is the Tamil form of aja through its Prakrit equivalent. No. 300 of 8. I, I., Vol. V has vanai, which is evidently s mistake of the engraver. Kayal vilaiyada is the reading in No. 300 of 8. I. I., Vol. IV. * The d-sign of vd is entered at the end of line 4. Before parappi the letters para may be taken as having been wrongly entered or read as par. 10 After kavi, the syllable yum has been omitted. 11 No. 372 of 8. I.I., Vol. IV, has ilappa, while No. 300 of 8. I. I., Vol. V, agrees with our text. 11 While No. 372 of 8. I. 1., Vol. IV, agroos with our text, No. 300 of Vol. V. has wilar and No. 620 of 1011 har aran meaning protection'. 1. The word madamum has been omitted before maligaiyum.of. Nos. 300 and 372. 14 Viti is the reading in the Tirupparkadal inscription. See sino text-line 16, below. 10 No. 372 has chinam-iriya and No. 300 - piriya. No. 520 gives -eriya. 16 Read beram. 1 It is only roy-ajaga in No. 372 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. IV. Read purifas. The reading Boravalavap is clearly wrong. Note that Gora rhymes with bird, but not fora. The word passi la replaced by beydu in Nos. 300 and 372. * Read yanai as in No. 372. Other readings of ifitta sro alitta (300) and fitta (No. 372). >> No. 300 has nd for mey. The reading adaiyapadida given in No. 300 is an evident mistako. * Plug i the reading in No, 520 of 1911.

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No. 10.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I. 47 8 ppunetira-me[nj] kandu ma[na]n=kalippa'=kkola-malar-mel=A[ya)nunkulir-tulay-Malum ariya malar-chcheva[di] vanan[ga] vangu-siraiy-annantuyil-oliya vand=eluppum pun-kamala-vavi-su) Ponnamarapati[yi]13 ottulagan-tangum-u[ya*]r-Meruvai-kkunandu vaitt-anaiya sodi-mani-mandapatt iruntis 9 bolai-mali pala-nap-Chonalun=tap=ilanda? malai mudiyun=tara varugavents al[ai]ppa 'vana-nilai kulaiya Vala[giri]kk1-appurattu=ppana Valavan arimaiyudan 11 pugundu perra pudalvanainin-per-enrul? mun katti verriy-ariy-anai-kkil vilundu tolud=irappa=ttap-odi munn-lilanda vemmaiy10 elana-kaiyy-agala dap-157[u]daka[m] panni tan-dar-mudi yuldani vitta16 agali idan=tan mar-velaikkusattiliya' ittapadikk-enrum idu pidipad-agavena=ppongu-ti[ri]20-nalattu=ppu-palar tola" vilangun-cher-kayal-kond-unrun= tirumugamum "pand=ilanda Cholapatiy-ennu[m*] namamun=ton-nagaru=mila. 11 valangi vidai-kuduttu vitt-aruli [l*] nao-kkadar-paril vendarga[lai]kk-24 urradenga! [ti]rkun -kadavul=ivan-epr=enni=tta[!ai]y-urr=adaiya[d]ar7 tandalidaisyi]r=kilaiy-urrena muludun-kett-arul entaetti vanangum VadaKongannai 40 siraiyum milku 31 kalan-kol-aru-nirur-ttol-malai kalitt-el. Valangi 1 Kalittu is found in Nos. 300 and 372. * Read vanangi as in the other two inscriptions. * Patiyil is replaced by patiyadaindu in No. 520 of 1911. * Ma takes the place of uyar in No. 300. . Konandu (No. 300) and lunarndu (No. 372) are other forms that occur. .. Read irundu as in the other two inscriptions. I landu is the reading in No. 620 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1911. * Taruga varuga is the reading in the above. * Mana is another reading (No. 520 of 1911). 10 Vanagirikko is the reading in No. 372 of 8. 1. I., Vol. IV, but it is Valagiri in No. 300 of 8. I. I., Vol. V. 11 Nob. 372 and 300 have odum in place of udar. No. 620 of 1911 adds tan to odum. 11 Ena is the reading in No. 520 of 1911, 13 The insertion of ga after 7 in No. 372 is not supported by the reading of the other two inscriptions, dis., Nos. 300 and 431. 14 of ye the e sign is at the end of line 9 and y at the beginning of the next line. 16 Delete . 1 Vitfa may be taken as the hardened form of vinda adopted for metrioal purpos. 11 No. 372 has pugal.. 16 Road velukka : No.620 also reads velaikku. Other inscriptions read marvanaikku which must be corrected into maragukku. 1. Read ttiriya. 20 Read tirai. 11 Road tol as in Nos. 372 and 300. * The letters pa and di are entered below the line. 13 Read Oda as in No. 520 of 1911. ** Read vendargalukk-. 15 The reading kleurrangal obtained by deleting de in the S. 1. I., Vol. V, is clearly wrong. The engraver hu omitted between tho e sign and d of de. This supplied, the reading would be urrav-idangal. It is to be * noted that eda rhymes with oda. * Read #rklut. No. 520 of 1911 has adaiyar for adaiyadar. u Read urrana. >> In place of errati No. 520 has ena-kkai. ** Read Kongan as in No. 520 of 1911 instead of konga(?)pai of the 8 1. I., Vol. V. The text may also be road Konganavan. 11 Thero boom to be mistakes in the passage immediately following miffum Read tiru.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXII. 12 y-aruliya pin[n*]=oru-na] marr-ara-mulangu murasa=kkadar-ranai-[mun] pugundu Tep-Konga[n*) vand=itta dendanukku min-ponga-chchandiya! abaranan= takkad-e[na) valangi a[ra]dal peru-nabino-avan s iraiyu=mittu Tirumalo yirus-marungu Sandira-Suriya[r*] bevikka s en-kat-karu[ma]l-kali[kki]rril varu-Mutkatt-kadavul-ena mada-Maduraiyir13 tan pondu (pu]vani[yille kuda-iru-Kongarai yun=ku]mbidu-konda[varkku] tollai ppuvi[kku]m=inangamap=tano-choppa ellaikku nipa isaindittu perpa10-kkondivapru'1 seyyad=oliyil iyamakku veruli-vel-virund-akkudu[m=u]maiy-ena vitt-aruli munna[m*) namakku muli-valangu[*] =[che]vali-kkilinna14 m valipaduvom=ennadu pin[no]ru-na kava[la]nadu Puna[1*)-nad-e[n*]pun= kaliyal-eval-edir-sellad"-irai mafutta Seppi vidu tukiyum per-aniyum [okka-chchurund=odungi vasiyum varanamum t erum-adar-karu[va]-kkalanum 5 vett-unna=kkan[n-i*]randu-mayan[ga-k]kaiy-[k*]kondus vela-valaiyattu vilnd-avan poy mey 15 nadunga a[m]b-arundum=a[r*]tta-kadal-mandalikar17-udal vem-parundi-un[na] 4 kkalattil apaiyin ven-maruppun=kaiyyun-ku(o)raitt=enga! Mipavarku palkudam-am=enru tap virar-kon [m]aga-mugadu tadavi malai madukkum kaga-nedum-pandar....... d-adalum kugaiyum padalun kandum kettur-kalitta odal-karun-kun16 'dal vell-eyiril bevvay periya sulakkavallis pali kolga ena valtti vep rul vagaiyil migaiy=oliya v endalar=kkopru" sinan=taniya-kkortava"-nedu-va uyarku s en-kurudi-nir itt-oli-beydu tegu-pulattu venkavali" vitta vira-mulud=eduttu=ppadum parani tan par-vendar ketpikka adun=tiruman Read chattiya. Yartta is the reading in No. 620 of 1911. Natpill. is the reading in the above. The metrical line commencing with Tirumal occurs as under in No. 620 of 1911. "Tirumalu-Napmuganun-chevikka=chchen-kaf." Read iru.. * Read kafirril. * Read Mukkat. . This has been read as kuffuk by mistake in S. I. I., Vol. V, No. 431. . Read run: 10 There seems to be an engraver's mistake here which is not apparent. Perhaps metrpa-kkond or merkond- is intended. 11 Read itraru. 13 Read Iyamanukku. 13 Read vet-vel. 14 Another variant is kollad (No. 520 of 1911). 16 Read bil.alum. 1. Instead of kanp.irandu ...kkaiy-kkondu, No. 620 of 1911 bas kandu bayan-kordu which is metrically a better reading. 17-kudal is a variant (No. 520 of 1911). 1 The metrical line vem-parund-, eto, kufattil is better expressed in No. 520 of 1911 which gives the reading vem-parundum plyum virund-uppa akkusattu.. It is clear from this that there is an omission of m-peyunn virund. in our text. 19 No. 520 of 1911 gives the variant tam oran-to for tap virar.kop. 30 Sulakkavalli is replaced by filattai vel in No. 620 of 1911. For regru vagaiyil No. 520 has verum pagaiyan. Read kogunt. 13 The syllable ng is omitted in No. 620 of 1911. * Kavadi ia synonymous with wond-varagu and ref-varaga (Pwrapporuh, VI26).

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No. 10.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYAI. 49 17 jana-nirgalm an-kulira ang-avan tinai-kkattanattu kapu tanakk=anay ong-urimai-kkulamm=oru-kai-tibait-kondum=uri-mani-ppattan-katti muli butri marbil [a]naittu Valavapavan=mudal-deviy=epru peg-perra vanji mudalaya pey-valaiyar pongu-pupar-kum[sa]ba? mudalaya polavar puga[1] 18 mangala[ n*]ga! ettum mani-kk[ai* ]-talatt=e[n]di koai-konda nepriniraitta Oggopuran-chul Mulikopdaslapura-mandapattu puguttu 10 tisaitorum som 11-por-cheya-tta[mbam] natti vagai-kkadir-vel vada vendar tam pada[m]-m= ega=ttalaiy-aniya vira-kkalal=anindu vilangiya maniy-anins=virasimha sanattu 19 valan-kelu-kavariy=iru-marung=asaippa kadal-epna mulangun-kali-nall-iyanai vada pula-vendarle mani-ppuyam piriya ilangu-kulaiy-aru[va]yar16 toludu niprettum 16 Vlagumulududaiyarodum virr-irund=aruliya sri-ko-Marapan[ma*]r ana Tribhuvanachchakravarttigal Sri-sonadu kondu Mudikon20 Jasolapurattu virar-abhishekam panni aruliya sri-Sundara-Pandiyadevapku yapnu 20-vadu na 374nalKIl-VOmba-nattu=tTirunelveli=kkoyirpalliyagai-[k*]kupattu=ppallippita[m*] Malavarayanil elundaruliy=i[ru]ndu Udai yar-Tirunelveli-udaiyar-ko[vi]r=pati-pa[da]mula=p21 [pa]t-ud (ai]=ppa[n]ch-a[cha]riya-devarkaNGmiga! sey[ya)-ttiruvay-molind=arulina-padi [K]alati-ch Chankaran A[lagiya]p[e]ruma[n-ana] Ma[la]varayar pu[ji]ttu i-kkoyilil abrayalingam-aga elundarulivitta Sokkanar(r)kku tiruppa[dimar]r ullittu vendum niva[n]dangalukkum i. 22 var piranda Sadaiyattu-nal visesha-pujai beyya amudupadi lattuppadiy. ullittu venduvanavukkum Mulli-nattu Irajaraja-chchaturvve[di]mangalattu pidagai KayattaNGkuruchchiyil ka[r*]-pasanam visaiyu[m] nilattu mandala-mudanmai[k]ku' ivarpitakka! appat[t*]ar Malava[r]23 ayaku jivitamay {pi]abu ivapku mandala-mudanmaikku jivitamiyvaru gisa bilattu talai-varusai?? nilattile i[v]v-urkadamaiy=irukkun-kolal on T-arai 18-ve[li] nilam irubad-avadin ediram-andu-mudal antar[@]yamum uludap-kudiyum utpada-ddevadana iraiy-iliyayiruppadaga i. 1 Niril manat- is the reading in No. 520 of 1911. * There must be a better reading for the passage that follows tingi. * Read ongum. * No. 520 of 1911 has odukka-kkai. for oru-kai-lifai. Read per. * Kudutta is a variant. Read kumba. * Read pulavar. .Delete the first g and read gopurans. 10 Read pugundu. 11 Read dem. 11 Read anaiya as in No. 520. 13 Maniy-ani is replaced by kadir mani in No. 520 of 1911. 11 The letters tam are inserted in No. 520. 16 Read arivaiyar. 11 satta is the reading in No. 520 of 1911. 17 Read varifai. 11 Read arai.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXII. 24 da-ppera-venum-entu ivar namakku-chchongamaiyili-ddevarku-tiru-ppadimarr ullittu vendun-divandangalukkum ivar pira[n]da Sad[ai*]yattu-na! viseshapujai seyya, amudupadi sattu[p]padi ullittu venduvanavukku[m] Mulli nattu Rajaraja-chchaturvvedimangalattu pida. 25 gai Kayattan[ku]ruchchiyil kar-pasanam vilaiyum nilattu man[da]la-mudap maikku ivarpitakka[1] appatta[r] Malavarayarku jivitamay pin bu ivasku mandala-mudanmaikku ji[vi]tamayvarugira nilattu talai-varusai? nilatti[le] ivv-urkadamaiy-irukkun=kolaloni-arai-veli nilam iv26 v-andu-mudal antarayamum uludan-kudiyum utpada devadanay=isaiy-iliya[yly iruppadaga ittu variyilar elutt-itta ul-variyum nam olaiyum tara[ch]chonnom kai-kkondu tiruppadimarr-u[I*]litta nivandangal sella=ppannu gav=eprum ip[padi] Sandir-Adittavar-chelvad-a 27 ga kallilun=chembilum vettivittu-kkolgav-enfu tiruvaymolind-arulipapadikku ivai Tirumalli-nattu-tTadangannichchirrur-udaiyan soran Uyyanipraduvan-ana Kurukulattarasap eluttu - ivai Milalai-kkufrattu Kil. kurru Vetchiyur-ana Mummuliso28 lanallur Vedanurudaiyan Araiyap Sivallavan-apa M[adavarijan] elu[t]tu Ivai Sevvirukkai-nattu=chChakkarapaninallur Arai[yann') Viradamudichchapapa Pallavarajan eluttu | TRANSLATION (Lines 1-4.)-Hail ! Prosperity! The goddess of Wealth abiding on the lotus flower and the goddess of the Earth, residing in his arin; the goddess of the Arts abiding on the tongue and the goddess of Victory, growing in their excellence; the angry tiger filled with strength and the fierce bow, hiding themselves, being shattered; the scaly fish sporting on the shining golden mountain i.e., Meru) ; Virtue increasing abundantly on the earth surrounded by the expansive ocean, the righteous sceptre swaying (in all directions) driving away the black Kali (age): the wide earth becoming cool under the shade of (his) single parasol ; the three kinds of Tamil glowing in order; the four kinds of the Vedas being learnt (by students) and growing simultaneously : the five kinds of sacrifices being performed in accordance with (established) practice; the six kinds of faiths being? finely expounded; the seven kinds of music spreading along with iyal ; (his) disc moving as far as the eight quarters; all kings such as the Konkana, Kalinga, Kosala, Maluva, Singala, Telinga, Kinnara, Gurjjara, Villava, Magada, Vikkala, Sembiya and the Pallava, bringing with them the tributes due, and rushing before one another and praying for places to be assigned for their residence; the beautiful garland set with lustrous Read tarisai. * Read Araiyan. . In continuation of this is engraved an inscription of Tribhuvanachakravartin Konerinmaikondan. . These are iyal, ifai and nadagam. These are the Rig, Yajus, Saman and Atharvan; the upa-Vedas are also four, viz., Ayur., Dhanur., Artha. and Gandharva. * Velvi means yaga or yajia. The reference is apparently to the five yajias, viz., Brahma, Daiva, Bhuta, Pitri and Manusha. * These are Bhairava, Vama, Kalamukha, Mavirada, Pabupata and Saiva. There are six other Samayas, viz., Lokayata, Bauddha, Jaina, Mimamsa, and Bhattacharya or Mayavada. As padal is here distinguished from iyal (prose), it must have reference to fai (music). As such, the seven kinds of music correspond to the seven svaras, viz., Nishada, Rishabha, Gandhara, Shadja, Madhyama, Daivata, And Parichama. Cf. Elu-vagai-padal with lf-itai in Elisaimogap and Elisaivallabhi.

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No. 10.] TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYAI. 61 gema put on by Indrat shining in his breast ; (the Pandya) was crowned to widen the path of Manu who was brought into existence by Brahma residing on the dew-settled lotus flower. (Ll. 48.)-Causing the tiger to be removed from the country surrounded by the Poppi (s.c., the Kaveri), and the fish to spread in the country surrounding Kapni: (i.e., Kanyakumari), sending forth (his) angry steeds and elephants and setting on blazing fire (the cities of) Tanja and Urandai' (i.e., Tanjore and Uraiyur), and causing the kavi and nilam. to lose their bloom ; destroying tanks, rivers and other water sources ; breaking down several halls, ramparts, towers, theatres, palaces, and pavilions, and causing to flow rivers of tears shed by the queens of kinge who were not friendly to him, and ploughing (their lands) with Asses and sowing seeds of kavadit and fighting with the Sombiyan (i.e., the Chola) so as to deprive (him) of his anger and driving (him) out to enter the forest, taking (his) golden crown set with gems and bestowing (it) on the Bapa; performing the anointment of heroes in the anointing hall of the unfriendly Valavan' (i.e., Chola) at Ayirattali(r) the glory of which is hard to be extolled and whose golden walls touch the sunny sky; (and thus) extending (his) fame, (he) daily cut off the foarful heads of enemy kings. Mounting again on (his) fierce rut-elephant, (he) removed the commonness of the whole of the sea-girt earth. (Then) carrying only (his) sharp digo and (his) well-formed shoulders, (he) entered the sacred limits of the holy Puliyur (i.e., Chidambaram) where live Brahmanas studying the rare Vedas without the least doubt, saw the sacred form (of Nataraja) united with (his) consort, finely dancing in the golden hall; and (his) mind being filled with extacy, (he) prostrated at the flowery feet (of the god), which could not be known (even) by Brahma who resides on the beautiful lotus flower and by Vishnu who wears & cool garland of tulay. (LI. 8-11.)--At Poppamarivati' which is girt with tanks bearing lotus flowers where the bees (by their humming) rouse from sleep swans with bent winge, staying in a pavilion (set with) lustrous gems presenting the appearance of the world-supporting Meru brought and placed there (he) invited (the Chola king) to go (to him), saying that (he) would give (back) the Chola country covered with gardens and water streams, and the wreathed crown which he (.c., the Chala) had lost. (On hearing thos), the Valavan, who, being shorn of his high state, had gone beyond 1 The smaller Sippamanur plates make mention of the wearing of the garland of Indra and of securing one-half of his throne among the achievements of unnamed mythical Pandya kinge. Similarly the Sanskrit portion of the Bigger Sippa manur plates refer to a Pandya king's wresting the garland of Indra and of another's sitting on his throne. The Tamil portion also speaks of a Pandya sovereign appearing on the throne of Indra with his necklace. The Ve vikudi plates refer to a Pandya sharing with Indra one-half of his throne and his garland. In the historical introductions of the inscriptions of Rajendra-Chola I, it is said that he took from the king of Ceylon the garland of Indra which a Pandya king formerly deposited with him. * The Pandya king is often referred to as Kanni-kavalan. * These were the capitals of the Chola kings. For reforences to Urandai, see Sirupanarruppadai, line 83 and Purananuru, vv. 39, 58, 69, 352. . Kavi and nilam are the names of flower plante. See note 14 on p. 10 above. I am indebted to Rao Saheb C. M. Ramachandra Chettiyar, Coimbatore, for drawing my attention to Purapporulvenbamalai, VI. 26. Banan means also a bard'. We cannot be certain if a Bana chief or a bard is meant. In the later records of Pandya kings, there figure chiefs bearing the name or surname Mavali-Vanarayap. * With the existing traces the word may be read as Sora-Valavan' or 'Sira-Valavap. The latter, which rhymes well with virabhisheka,' means of the enemy Valavap'. If the former reading is adopted, it may be taken & the proper name of the hall. But it would mean the thief Valavan and it seems unlikely that the Anointing ball of the Chola king was so tormed. * Ayirattali was a place of considerable importance in medieval Chola times. Poppemarivati was the scene of two battles during the war of Pandya succession in the 12th century A.D.

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52 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXII. Valagiri, returned with his queen', and presenting his son before (the Pandya) saying he is yours', fell down (i.e., prostrated) at his victorious lion-throne, extolled and begged (the Pandya)". Making a libation of water which removed the heat caused by his (i.e., the Chola king's) flight and prior loss of territory, and saying this shall always be the deed of support (pidipadu) for having given back to his (i.e., the Chola king's) son a wide ground along with cool-wreathed crown and giving him & royal writ' (tirumugam) impressed with the fish which shine on the shoulders of kings ruling the earth girt with surging waves, together with the surname Cholapati which he had formerly lost and his ancient city, (the Pandya king) gave him leave to depart. (11. 11-13.)-Considering (the Pandya king) to be god in removing the faults of kings in this world surrounded by the roaring ocean, the North Kongu king bowed to him and extolling him begged to be heard fully how he was fettered and had undergone suffering in the war with those who did not join him (ie., his enemies). (On hearing it, the Pandya) rescued him from prison, removed the garland from his glorious shoulders and showed him the way (out). One other day when the South Kongu king, entering the van of the ocean-like army resounding with the noise of the war drum, made salutations, he (the Pandya king), considering (him) as fit (for it), gave him a shining ornament which (he himself) had worn : and out of excessive love removed his captivity also. Like the three-eyed god (i.e., Siva), he (the Pandya), mounted as it were on a red-eyed huge bodied black elephant (and worshipped on either side by the two Kongu kings) just as the god Vishnuis worshipped by the Sun and the Moon, entered Madura, the city of palaces, and received simultaneously in the world the salutations of the two Kongu kings. Not agreeing to the ancient (limits) of (their) kingdom, he made them remain within the limits prescribed by himself ;' and then despatched them saying that if any failed to do as bidden, he would make him a feast for the god of Death with his trident. (LI. 13-16.)-On a subsequent day, when the Chola king, (resolving) not to remain submissively under the feet of him who formerly gave him his crown, refrained from executing the commands and refused to pay tribute, actuated by the proud thought that Punal-nadu belonged to its ruler, and sent forth a van guard and large army, (the Pandya) cleared them 1 The word urimai generally means ' possession'. It has also the special significance of' wife'. Though it may not be improper to translate the phraseurimaiyodum pugundu's entered with confidence', it seems better to render it as returned with his queen and son' who were his only possession now, having been deprived of his crown and country. The passage "tan-dar-mudiyudand, oto., pidi padaga" is not free from acribe's errors. Besides, there are Bome variations in reading. The proper division of words and differences in reading have to be pointed out to make the meaning clear. Our text ba -tan-dar-mudiyudant vitla agal-dan-tap-marvelaikken-ttiliya itlapadikk. ENT marid: pidipad-agat-ena, ... Here vilaikku is a mistake for vefukku and filiya is a mistake for tiriya. A different reading is maruanaikku which has also to be corrected into maruagukku. In either 0480, the meaning is legitimate son' and corresponds to the Sanskrit aurasa-putra'. The word pidipadu' may be rendered into deed of support'. It is worthy of note that the order of the king was impressed with the royal crest. * That the two Kongu kings wont attending on the Pandya is made evident not only by the comparison instituted with Vishnu attended by the Sun and the Moon but also from what followe, viz., kada iri-Konga raiyum kurhidu kondu'. They were despatched to their country only after returning to Madura. Madura is known 48 Nap-mada-Kudal'. Though, perhaps for administrative purposes, the Kotigu country was divided into two divisions North and South', there appear to have been more divisions in it. Porur is described in the Deviram as being in Ms. Kongu, i.e., West Kongu. The division Mala-Kongu occurs in the Sinpamanur plates Wroke this passage it is clear that the Kongu country was simultaneously administored by at least two kings and that the extent of each one's territory was also settled. Sundara-Pandya brought about a repartition.

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No. 10.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYAI. 53 off and cut to pieces the horses, elephants, chariots and the fighting proud infantry. (A seeing this), he (the Chola king), bis two eyes becoming dim, fell down on the ground and fled (from the field), his body quaking with fear. The fierce kite ate the dead bodies of the mandalikas (lying stretched like) the noisy ocean, the water of which the clouds were imbibing.' Tho chiefs of heroes cut off the white tusks and trunks of elephants in the field thinking they would serve as milk-pots to their king Minavan (i.e., the Pandya). Finishing the conquest, the king made the following invocation to the goddess "Let her who wears the arkka garland and huge trident, who has white teeth, red mouth and fearful black locks, who is ever pleased at seeing the dances and hearing the sounds and songs of ... under the canopy of crows which touching the top of the sky, reaches the very region of the clouds, receive this war-oblation". (LI. 16-20.)-The victor, whose anger was not abated by killing kings that had not given up impermissible excesses, who for keeping up the life of his long sword gave it the water of red blood and made it shine (forth), who sowed white seeds of kavadi in the field of battle, who made his vassais hear the parani composed to celebrate all his heroic deeds, who made the earth cool with the water of his sacred bath, who, taking from his harem a multitude of wedded queens whose constancy to bim (ever) remained un-impaired, and puiting them on elephants' back, fastened to them fillets of gems, crowned and embraced them to his breast. Celebrated damsels like the prime queen of Valavan bearing bangles bolding in their jewelled hands the eight kinds of signs such as pots filled with water which the poets describe as auspicious, he entered the pavilion at Mudikondasolapuram surrounded with towers whose tops were fitted with flags, set up golden pillars of victory in all the directions and put on the heroes' ankle-rings linked with the ornament of foot-chain, his feet being worshipped by northern kings holding shining javelins and wearing vayai-garlands. King Maravarman alias the glorious Sundara-Pandyadeva, the emperor of the three worlds, after taking the Chola country and performing the anointment of heroes at Mudikondasolapuram, was pleased to be Heated on the lion-throne ornamented with lustrous gems, attended with the waving of lusty fly-whisks on either side, along with Ulagamulududaiyal who was praised by damsels wearing kulai(r) and who never part from the jewelled shoulders of northern kings having armies of fine fat elephants sounding like the roaring of the ocean (LI. 20--28.)-In the 20th year and 374th day of the reign of the king) when he was pleased to remain on the reclining seat of Malavarayan in the hall of the bed-chamber of (his) palace at Tirunelveli in Kil-Vemba-nadu, the devakanmis wearing silk garments and observing five-fold precepts, attached to the feet of the god in the temple of Udaiyar-Tirunelveli-udaiyar having orally expressed that, for meeting the daily scale of expenses of Sokkanar which Sankaran Alagiyaperuma? alias Malavarayan of Kalaoi had worshipped and had subsequently been pleased to set up as an asrayalinga in this temple and for offerings and unguents required during the special worship to be conducted on the day of his natal star Sadaiyam, one and a half veli of first rate land as measured by the rod used in this village for determining taxes, from out of Comparison is intended between the cloud and the kite as well as the ocean and the dead bodies.. * Parani is a poetical composition in praise of a chief who, at the head of battle, has killed 1.000 elephants. Many such pieces are referred to in the historical introductions of Tami) kings and these have not come down to us. Provisionally, I have taken the word tipaikkattanam to mean a harem. The word urimai is used in the sense of 'wife, queen'. These marks are :-chamara (Aly-whisk), purna-kumbha (pot filled with water), looking glass, torti (elephant. gond), murala (drum), lamp, flag and double fish. * Kulai means an ear ornament.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. the lands of Kayattankuruchchi, a hamlet of Rajaraja-chaturvedimangalam in Multinadu yielding crops in kar and pasanam, which was at first given as jivita to Malavarayar, the grandfather of his father for the premiership of the kingdom, and which subsequently became & juvita to this (Malavarayar) for his premiership of the kingdom, should be entered tax-free and (its) antarayam, uludankudi, etc., should be given as devadana from the year opposite to the 20th year, and Malavarayar having re-iterated the same to us i.e., the king), we declared that, for the expenses of the daily requirements of this god and for the requirements of offerings and unguents during the special worship to be conducted on the day of his natal star Sadaiyam, one and a half veli of first rate land as measured by the rod used in this village for determining taxes from out of the lands of Kayattapkuruchchi, a hamlet of Rajaraja-chaturvedimangalam in Mullinadu yielding crops in kar and pasanam which was given as jivita to Malavarayar the grandfather of his father for the premiership of the kingdom and which subsequently became a jivita to this (Malavarayar) for the premiership of the kingdom, shall be entered tax-free and (its) antarayam, uludankudi, etc., given as devadana from this year and that a copy of the entry in the tax-register as well as our order shall be issued : (and therefore) receiving this, let the expenses of daily requirements, etc., be met, and let it be so incised on stone and copper so that the same may be conducted as long as the moon and the sun last. This is the signature of Soran Uyya. nipraduvan alia Kurukulattaraiyan of Tadangannichchirrur in Tirumalli-nadu. This is the signature of Vedanurudaiyan Araiyan Sivallavan alias Madavarajar of Vetchiyur alias Mummadisolanallur in Kil-kurru & subdivision of Milalai-kurram. This is the signature of Araiyap Viradamudichchan alias Pallavarajan of Sakkarapaninallur in Sevvirukkai-nadu. No. 11.--JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA. By DHIRENDRA CHANDRA GANGULY, M.A., Ph.D., BENARES. The sub-joined inscription belongs to the reign of the king Jagaddeva of the main branch of the Paramara family, who held sway over Malava in the latter part of the 11th century A.D. No other inscription of this monarch has hitherto been noticed. The epigraphic records of the Paramaras do not even mention his name. The new inscription is engraved on a slab of stone, now lying detached on the floor of a manda pa attached to a temple in the village of Jainad about six miles north-east of Adilabad, in H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions. There are remains of another temple in the vicinity, and close by 18 & heap of carved slabs, which are reported to have been brought to this locality from a tank in the neighbourhood. Mr. Muhammad Yasin, Talu 'ar of the District, brought this record to the notice of Mr. G. Yazdani, M.A., Director of Archaeology, H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions. Mr. Yazdani made a short notice of this inscription in the Annual Report of his Department for the year 1925-26. Its transcription with short introductory notes, prepared by Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu, and a facsimile have been embodied & Appendix B of the Annual Report of the above mentioned Archaeological Department for the year 1927-28, but Mr. Krishnamacharlu's reading is not free from errors. I edit this inscription with the permission of Mr. Yazdani, who very kindly sent me an ink-impression of it. The inscription contains 28 lines of writing covering a space 1' 67" long and l' 4" broad. Some letters in lines 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 12, 17, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, Are badly broken, and a number of letters at the beginning of the line 28 are completely effaced. The characters are Nagari of the 11th century. Attention may be drawn to the forms of sth (in sthira, 1. 2), skn (in Vishnu, 1. 4), ksh (in kshina, 1. 9), and th. The signs for deh, dva, and kn, and those of h and dg are so much alike that sometimes it is very difficult to distinguish.

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No 11.) JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA. 56 The language is Sanskrit, and the whole insoription with the exception of om namah suryaya at the beginning is written in prose. There are altogether 28 verses in different metres. As regards orthography the sign for v denotes both v-and b; sometimes dental sibilant is used instead of palatal (e.g., prasasti for prasasti, 1. 10; tasibhih for rafibhih, 1. 20; suddho for tuddho, 1. 25). The consonant following the superscript r is doubled, as for example, raver=vvare, bhanurnniratyayam (l. 1), etc. The inscription records that Jagaddeva's father was Udayaditya, and his paternal uncle was the king Bhoja (v. 6). Jagaddeva is stated to have invaded the country of the Andhra king, and inflicted a severe defeat on him (v. 7). He uprooted the king of Chakradurga (v. 8), and slew many soldiers of the king of Malahara at Dorasamudra (v. 9). He also won victory over the Gurjara warriors near the Arbuda mountain (v. 10). He conquered the king Karna (v. 12). Bhoja referred to above was evidently the great king of the same name, who ruled in Malava from about 1000 to 1055 A.D. The history of Bhoja is well known to us from other sources. The latter part of his reign was unhappy. Shortly before 1055 A.D., the Kalachuri Karna and the Chaulukya Bhima I made an alliance against him, and invaded Malava from the east and the west. When the battle was progressing, Bhoja suddenly died of a malady, and Malava was taken possession of by the Kalachuris and the Chaulukyas'. In that difficult period, Jayasimha, the son of Bhoja, sought help from the Chalukya Somesvara I, king of Kalyani, and with the aid of the latter's son Vikramaditya (VI) succeeded in regaining his throne by oasting Karna and Bhima from Malava!. Since that time Jayasimha remained a staunch friend of Vikramaditya, who was under his father, the governor of Banavasi in the third quarter of the 11th century. Vikramaditya was deputed by his father to protect the interest of his empire in the south. The Eastern Chalukya Rajarija, the king of Vengi, died in 1062 A.D. His son Rajendra II (later on Kulottunga Chola I) was too young to govern his kingdom. Vikramaditya intended to avail himself of this opportunity of conquering Vengi, and organised a vast army for that purpose. Jayasimha, who was indebted to Vikramaditya for his past services, seems to have joined him in this expedi. tion in order to help his cause. The allied armies advanced towards Vengi and threatened the Eastern Chalukyas. The young Rajendra could not resist their onslaught, and Vengl fell in the hands of Vikramaditya and Jayasimha. In that predicament Vijayaditya VII, the younger brother of the deceased Rajaraja, took up the cause of his nephew, and appealed to the Chola Virarajendra (A.D. 1062-1069) for assistance. The Chola king responded to his prayer and marched towards Vengi at the head of a large army. He confronted his enemfes on the bank of the Kistna near Bezwada (Vijayavadi). In the action that followed the Karnatas and the Paramaras were severely worsted, and the cousin (or younger brother) of Jayasinhha with many other generals lost their lives. Vengi was reconquered by the Cholas, and Virarajendra appointed Vijayaditya to rule it on behalf of Rajendra-Chola.. The Tiruvengadu inscription of the second year of the reign of Virarajendra tells us that he defeated the army sent into Vengainadu by Vikramaditya. The Karuvur inscription of the fourth year of his reign records that he despatched (the banner of the ferocious tiger into all directions and cut off the beautiful heads surrounded by garlands (won) on battle-fields, of VaraNG, of the [Kerala), (who wore) large ankle rings, (and) of the younger brother (or cousin) of Ja(na)natha of Dhara.' The Manimangalam [See note 5, p. 58.-Ed.) * Merutunga's Prabandha-chintamani, by Tawney, pp. 73-75. * Bilhana's Vikramanka-charita, Sarga III, v. 67. . 8.1. I., Vol. III, p. 193. 5 Ibid. . Ibid., p. 37.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. inscription1 of the fifth year (1067 A.D.) of his reign gives us a more detailed information. It states that having moved (his camp), he declared :- (We) shall not return without regaining the good country of Vengai, which (we had formerly) subdued. You, (who are) strong, come and defend (it) if (you) are able!"-That army... . which had for its chiefs Jananathan, the Dandanayaka Rajamayan, whose mast elephants trumpeted in herds, and Mupparasan.' 56 Jananatha, referred to above, is in all probability identical with Jayasimha, who was at that time on the throne of Dhara3. Others, mentioned, seem to have been officers of Vikramaditya. In the latter part of his reign, Jayasimha had to encounter a catastrophe, which was more severe than the previous one. After the death of Somesvara I, his son, Somesvara II, ascended the throne of Kalyani in 1068 A.D. He soon entered into a quarrel with his younger brother Vikramaditya. When the Chalukya empire was threatened with a fratricidal war, Jayasimha turned against Somesvara II, and probably intrigued with Vikramaditya for the overthrow of the Chalukya king. This seems to have provoked Somesvara to declare war against Malava. He made an alliance with the Chaulukya Karna (A.D. 1063-1094), the successor of Bhima on the throne of Gujarat, for the destruction of the Paramara sovereignty, and in order to help him in his military operation despatched his general Ganga Udayaditya, and his feudatory, the Hoysala Ereyanga, with a large contingent. Jayasimha made a strenuous effort to defend his kingdom against this incursion of Karna and the Karpatas but utterly failed. In the fierce battle that followed he lost his life, and Malava was easily conquered by the invaders. During this cataclysm Udayaditya, a scion of a junior branch of the Paramara family, who was probably a subordinate chief in the Bhilsa District, drove the invaders from Malava with the help of the Chahamana Durlabha III, king of Sakambbari, and himself became the king of the country." The Nagpur stone inscription, dated 1104 A.D., composed by Udayaditya's son Naravarman, describes Udayaditya as the 'bandhu' of Bhoja. The inscription under discussion states that Bhoja was the pitrivya' (father's brother or cousin; or any elderly male relation) of Jagaddeva, son of Udayaditya. Critical examination of these two evidences leads me to suggest that Udayaditya was not the brother of Bhoja but a cousin. This gains support from an inscription of the 15th century, which records Gondala and Suravira as the father and grand-father respectively of Udayaditya. The last known date of Udayaditya is 1086 A.D. The Ras Mala' relates that Oodayadit had two wives, one belonging to the Solunkhee dynasty and the other to the Waghela clan. By the Solunkhee queen he had a son named Jug Dev, and by the Waghela queen another son named Rindhuwul. Prince Jug Dev was an intrepid warrior, and his fame as a general spread all over India. He had three wives. The first was the daughter of Raja Raj, the Dak Chowra king of Took-Toda, which, since Raja Raj himself was blind, had 1 Ibid., p. 69. This is addressed to the king who held Vengi. [Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar is of opinion that there is no warrant to take Jananatha figuring in inscriptions of Virarajendra as the king of Dhara (above, Vol. XXI, p. 226, n. 3 and p. 242 and n. 2).-Ed.] Vikramanka-charita, Introduction, p. 33, ed. by Buhler. Above, Vol. II, p. 185; Mysore Inscriptions, p. 164; E. C., Vol. V, Ak, No. 120a; Vol. VII, Sh, No. 64; Vol. IV, part II, p. 19; Someevara's Surathotsava, kavi-prasasti, v. 20; Prithviraja-vijaya, Sarga V, vv. 76-78; above, Vol. I, p. 236; author's History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 127-132. Above, Vol. II, p. 185. J. A. 8. B., Vol. IX, p. 549. Ibid., 1914, p. 241. Forbe's Ras Mala, Vol. I, pp. 117 ff.

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No. 11.) JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA. 57 been under the regency of his son Beerj. The second was the daughter of Sidh Raj Jesingh Dev, the king of Gajarat, and the third was the princess of the house of Raja Phool of Bhojnagar. Rindhuwul married the daughter of Gumbheer, a chief of Gord. Udayaditya, influenced by his Waghela queen, made Rindhuwul his heir-apparent. Jug Dev, through the jealousy of his stepmother, was reduced to poverty. He left Malwa, and, in order to make a living, accepted military service under Sidh Raj in Gujarat. Within a very short time he became a favourite of his master on account of his valour and faithfulness. On one occasion he sacrificed his son, and offered his own life and that of his wife to ensure the safety of Sidh Raj from some impending peril. Sometime afterwards, learning that Sidh Raj was making preparations for the invasion of Malwa, he resigned his office, and left for Dhara in order to defend his native country. He was received with great affection by his father, who subsequently appointed him his successor superseding Rindhuwul. Soon afterwards Oodayaditya died, and Jug Dev ascended the throne of Malwa, which he occupied for fifty years. According to Merutunga, Jagaddeva entered the military service of Paramardin (a title of Vikramaditya VI), king of Kuntala, and was highly honoured by the Chaulukya Siddharaja. The above statements of the Gujarat chroniclers are marred by gross chronological inaccuracies. Udayaditya could not have been a contemporary of Jayasimha-Siddharaja, who ascended the throne in 1094 A.D.' Even then Jayasimha was a minor, and his government was under regency: Jagaddeva certainly did not rule for fifty-two years, since Udayaditya's another son, Naravarman, ascended the throne of Malava sometime before 1094 A.D., and enjoyed it till 1133 A.D., when he was succeeded by his son Yasovarman. Naravarman, in his Nagpur stone inscription, does not make any mention of Jagaddeva, and states that he was preceded by his brother Lakshmadeva, who succeeded to the throne of Udayaditya. Lakshmadeva is not referred to in any other inscription of the Paramaras. It cannot be said definitely whether Lakshmadeva and Jagaddeva were identical person. But that Jagaddeva occupied the throne of Malava sometime between 1086 and 1094 A.D. cannot be disputed. Two Hoysala inscriptions, one of them being dated 1196 A.D., describe him as the king of Malava. The inscription under review narrates the military achievements of Jagaddeva. The king is said to have won victories over the Gurjaras near Mount Abu. The verse 10 states that even to-day (i.e., at the time of composing the inscription) the sound of the flood-tide of the tears of the wives of the Gurjara warriors indicates the twang of the bow of Jagaddeva, which is nothing but the announcement of the valour of Jayasimha.' This signifies that Jagaddeva fought under Jayasimha against the king of Gujarat, and the battle took place long time before the inscription Was composed. In these circumstances, Jayasimha, who was a friend of Jagaddeva, can reason ably be identified with the king of the same name, who was the son of Bhoja. Jayasimha, as has been referred to above, drove Bhima of Gujarat along with the Kalachuris from Malava with the help of Vikramaditya. Jagaddeva might have pursued the conquest further, and inflicted another defeat on Bhima on the foot of the Mount Abu." 1 Tawnoy, Prabandha-chintamani, p. 186, cf. Somesvara's Kirtikaumudi, Sarga II, v. 99. * Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Part I, p. 174. Ibid., p. 171. * An. Rep. A. 8.1., 1923-24, p. 135. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 351. . Above, Vol. II, p. 185. 'E. O., Vol. VI, Tarikere Talug, No. 45; ibid., Vol. II, No. 349, p. 168. .[If the translation given by me in p. 63, n. 1, is correct then Jayasinha referred to in v. 10 should be looked upon as an enemy and not a friend of Jagaddeva and thus cannot refer to the Paramira Jayasinha. The mention of Gurjaras would tempt one to identify him with Jayasimha Siddharaja of Anahila pataka. This might, however, give rise to some chronological difficulty if it was true that Jayasimha was still minor at the time of his father's death. -Ed.]

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. Jagaddeva led successful raids over Andhra and Chakradurga. Andhra was the name of the country between the lower courses of the Kistna and the Godavari, the capital of which was Vengi. Chakradurga is evidently identical with Chakrakota, which is situated in the modern Bastar State. During this period, Andhra was under the sway of Kulattunge Chola, and Chakrakopa was ruled by a Naga dynasty Jugaddeva probably led these expeditions during his own ruio. But attention is drawn to the fact that the Paramara Jayasimha was accompanied by his eousin (or younger brother) in his expedition &gainst the Andhra country. Jagaddeva, who Was the cousin and general of Jayasimha, may be considered as identical with the latter. After the invasion of Andhra, Jagaddeva might have followed Jayasinha in his campaign against Chakradurga. Kulttunga-Chola, when he was a 'Yuvaraja' (i.e., before 1070 A.D.), defeated the king of Dhara at Chakrakota. King of Dhari, referred to, was, during that period, Jayasimha. Karna, the adversary of Jagaddeva, appears to have been the king of Gujarat of the same name, who ruled from 1964 to 1094 A.D. After the death of Udayaditya, Karna probably made an attempt to reconquer Malava but was discomfited by Jagaddeva. The fact of Jagaddeva's invasion of Dorasamudra is reported also by the records of his enemies. Dorasamudra, modern Halebid, in Mysore, was the capital of the Hoysala dynasty, the early rulers of which were subordinates to the Chalukyas of Kalyani. They were enemies of both Vikramaditya and Jagaddeva. The Hoysala Ereyanga, on behalf of the Chalukya Somesvara II, and in alliance with the Chaulukya Karna killed Jayasimha in battle, and conquered Malava. The dates of the inscriptions of Ereyanga range from 1062 to 1100 A.D. He had three sons Ballala, Vishnuvardhana, and Udayaditya. In the latter part of the 11th century, the Hoysalas made an attempt to throw off the yoke of subordination of the Chalukyas. But Vikramaditya determined to keep them under control. He appears to have sought the help of Jagaddeva. Jagaddeva lent his service to the Chalukya king, and being accompanied by the Karnata army, proceeded to Dorasamudra, and besieged it. The present inscription records that he succeeded in killing a large number of soldiers of the king of Malahara at Dorasamudra. Malahara appears to have been the ancient name of Malabar." The Hoysalas, though suffering a preliminary reverse, eventually succeeded in repulsing their enemies. In this terrible struggle the sons of Ereyanga, viz., Ballala, Vishnuvardhana, and Udayaditya played magnificent parts. An inscription, dated 1196 A.D., relates that "Ballala drove back in battle the force which came to 1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 178 f. Vide ante, p. 55. The late Rai Bahadur Hiralal suggested that the verge of the inscription (KSL., No. 756) means that Kulottunga-Chola conquered the king Dhara at Chakrakota (above, Vol. IX, p. 179, fn. 2). But Drs. L. D. Burnett, and Wickremasinghe, of the London University, advise me to accept the interpretation of Hultzsch. vis., Kulottunga-Chola defeated the king of Dhara at Chakrakota. The actual reading found in Kulottunga's inscriptions is Sakkara koflattu Dhardvara kagai or Dharavaraibagai which means Dharivarasa or Dharavaraisa (i.e., Dharavarsha) at Sakkarakocta ' -Ed.] E.C., Vol. VI, introduction, p. 11; ibid., Vol. V, Ak, No. 102a. (It is uncertain if the date given at the top of the inscription before the invocatory verse is the date of the record. Only if this were so, Ereyanga's last date can be taken as A.D. 1100.-Ed.] [Malahara is nowhere known as the ancient name of Malabar. Malaharakahanika in v. 9 seems to be the translation of the Kanarese epithet Malaparol-ganda a title assumed by the Hoysala rulers. Malapa or Malaha was the name of a hill tribe to the family of whose chiefs the Hoya las probably originally belonged (cf. E.C., Vol. VI, Introduction, p. 14). Ra in Malahara is the genitive termination in Kanarese. This way of retaining the original termination in the later Sanskritised forms oocur even in earlier inscription, cf. for example ahahanushahi in the Allababad pillar inscription of Samudragupta where an is to be taken as the original Saka termination used in the genitive plural. Ed.] E. C., Vol. VI, Tk., No. 45.

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No. 11.] JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA. 59 attack him, so that even the Malava erkperor, Jagaddeva, whose proud elephant he made to scream out, said "Well done horseman'; to which he replied, 'I am not only a horseman, I am Vira-Ballala', and by his slaughter excited the astonishment of the world." The SravanaBelgola scription.dated 1159 A.D., states that "Vishnu, powerful like Yama, striking with his hand, drank up all at once the rolling ocean, the army of the Malava king, Jagaddeva, and others sent by the emperor (i.e., Vikramaditya VI)". The Belur Taluk inscription, dated 1117 A.D., registers the fact that "in Dorasamudra-they (Vishnu, and Ballala) defeated the army of Jagaddeva, painted the goddess of Victory with the blood of his elephants for vermilion, and captured his treasury together with the central ornament of his necklace." The Hoysala Narasimha I's inscription, dated 1164 A.D., records that the three brothers, Ballala, Vishnu, and Udayaditya destroyed the army of Jagaddeva in Dorasamudra. The earliest known date of the records containing the report of Jagaddeva's defeat is 1100 A.D. Jagaddeva seems to have later on entered into a quarrel with Vikramaditya, as the result of which the latter had to surrender the northern part of his dominion to the Paramaras. A pillar bearing an inscription", dated 1887 A D., of the reign of Vikrainaditya VI, is lying in the village of Sitabaldi, 6 miles to the east of the city of Nagpur. Though there is gothing in the inscription to indicate that the kingdom of the Chalukyas extended up to Nagpur in that period, the existence of the pillar there strongly suggests to that effect. If this proves to be true, Jainad, where the new inscription was discovered, was evidently within the dominion of the Chalukyas about that time. Jsinad is situated few miles south of the Penganga. As the stone, bearing the inscription, is an ordinary slab, there is less likelihood of its being carried there from a great distance. In all probability, it belonged to one of the temples in that locality. If my suggestion proves to be true, it is to be maintained that the Paramara kingdom extended at least up to the Adilabad District in the latter part of the 11th century. The Nagpur stone inscription, dated 1104 A.D., likewise suggests that Vikramaditye VI lost his-hold over-that part of the country sometime before that time. This new acquisition of territories was, in all likelihood, made by Jagaddeva. Jagaddeva was a handsome person. The Paramara Arjunavarman, in his Rasikasamjivini," states that his predecessor, Jagaddeva, was very graceful, and that his beauty is described by Naohiraja. Samalavarman, the king of east Bengal, married Malevyadere, the daughter of Jagaddeva. The object of the inscription is to record that Padmavati, the wife of Lolarka, erected the temple of Nimbaditya, in the city, the name of which is not mentioned. Lolarka was the minister of Jagaddeva, and appears to have been enjaying that position since the time of Udayaditya. His father was Gunataja, and his grund-father was Mdhendu whose wife was Sunga. All of them belonged to the Dahima family. The poet Asvatthama composed the verses of the inscription. TEXT. Metres : v. 1, 20, Anushfubh; vv. 2, 3, 7-12, 14, 15, 18, Sardulavikridita; vv. 4, 16, 17, 19, Sragdhara; vv. 5, 6, Upajati and v. 13, Mandakranta.] 1oN namaH sUryAya / pakAlathi ravabAre nimbaba)puSpIhamasya / pratyayaM pUrayanbhAnurbiratyabamuphamasvatAM // 1 // taM vandemahi vAruNIjala* Tid., vol. II, Ina, at Sravana Betgols, No. 349, p. 168. * Ibid., Vol. V, BI., No. 58. Ibid., Vol. IV, Ng., No. 30. * Ibid., Vol. V, Ak., No. 34. [In this inscription Jagaddeva is not described as the king of Malaya.-Ed.] Abovy, Vol. UI, P-304 Aboro Yol. II, p. 185. P. 8. J. 4. 8. B., Vol. X, p. 127.

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60 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 2 nidhervvelAvanAlIsthirasthAnaM sthANumabhedyamAdyamamitacchAyAtimAtrocchrayaM lanti va (ba) hiH prarohasamaye yasya trilokIcchalAnmadhye3 vyoma [ diga] ntarAlamatulA: pAkhAzikhApallavAH // 2 // taddRbhaMgaviceSTitaM bhagavato [VOL. XXII. unmI bhargasya bhavyAya vo bhUyAGguritAGgulI kisalaye pANau dha 4 nuH pazyataH / dagdhuM [trI]Ni purANi pannagaM[za]tairjyAvajJitA laMbhite yatrAvirbhavati ma bhAsvarazaravyAjena viSNorvvapuH // 3 // AsIdAzIrvvacobhiH saka 5 lamunijanaimmAnito meM[dinIndre] rAjA mudrAM vahadbhiH zirasi va (ba) huvidhairdhvo (bboM) dhitavATuvAdaiH / vizvAmitrapratApavyapanayanipuNaH prAptajanmA 6 vasiSThadhyAnADUmadhva[jAzca] tribhuvanavidita: satvasAraH pramAra: // 4 // tadanvaye sAnvayanAmadheyaH zrImAn jagaddeva iti citIza: / abhUda 7 bhUpAladigantarAla [na] mA nirvyUDhabhujazramoyaM (yam ) // 5 // yasyodayAditya nRpaH pitA sIddevaH pitRvyaH sa ca bhojarAjaH / virejaturyo 8 vasudhAdhipatyaprAptapratiSThAviva puSpavantau // 6 // andhAdhIzamTagIdRzaH patiparityaktAzciraM yaccamUvAhavyUhakhurAgrakhaNDita 1 9 bhuvi kSINAH svalantyodhvani 1 nIyante navanItakomalapadAstAmmraprabhaH pazavaicAlaMva (ba) namambu (mbu)dhe: parisarakSoNIlatAzreNibhiH // 7 // krI 10 DoJcATitacakradurganRpateradyApi yasyAjJayA daNDAnItagajeMdradAnasalilairnyastAM prasa (gha) - stiM parAM / nirvyAvRtti paThanti kaNThaluThitaiH kaiH // 8 // madhye dorasamudra 11 kairninAdervadA zailopAntavasundharAsu vipinotsaMgeSu bhRGgAGganAH madrizikharAkArAM kapAlAvalImAlokya 12 [hi]raheM dradantamusalaprAntassA' preyasAM / sAkaMdaiH pratimandiraM malaharacoNIsa' cittodare zUlaM [pa]lavayanti vA [pa] [salilai ryadvairiNAM va 13 sabhAH 11211 Acarya jayasiMhavikramakathA svAdhyAya sadhyA 'ghanadhvAnaM yasya dhanuI 15 [ca]yanavirato yasyArisarvvaGkaSaH / ndibhiH sUktaH satkavayaH zataM 1 Read dvirad-endra. Read [kshopifa. * Read sandhya. (I)niM narapatervyanti vistAriNaH / adyApyarbudaparvvatodara 14 darIddAreSu rAtriMdivaM kaMdahUravIravarga vanitAvASyAmbu (mbu) pUroyaH // 10 // ekazrAdbhutamUrdhani dhanuHsandhAnadhIraH karaH kIrti kaMdala * Read sprifam. Read vashpa". [See note 1, p. 63.-Ed.] anyatrAmbu (mbu)dhivIcikAMcivasudhAmadhye madhusyavyavasitAH stotuM tathApyacamAH // 11 //

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No. 11.) JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA. 61 16 utpanaH pratipabakarNapataryasyaika evocitaH saMsArIdarasArasaMgrahasahAdhyAyI nidhiH pAthasAM / yasyA[bhyarNa niSa[-]'paNDitazatAlA17 pAvizamyAnizaM ni:zaMkaH kalarAjahanma(haMsa)virutai radyApyamandotsavaH // 12 // kIrteH pAtraM prakRtipuruSaH pauruSotkarSabhUmibhUmarbhartuH bhuvanajayi18 na khasya mUrtaH pratApaH / zrIlolArkaH samajani jagahalabho vA(bA)labhAvAdA ___ rabhyaiSa prathitamahasAmanvaye dAhimAnAM // 13 // ekAmeva manI19 harAmabhinavollekhena rekhA]mukhA' zRMgAmpApya mahendurityabhidhayA votAnya visphUrjitaH / loke yasya pitAmahaH zucimahApuJjabijabATa20 yatyAdyApi hipadantakaMdakumudacchAyairyazIrAsibhiH // 14 // AsIdyasya pitA pitAmaha mukhAmoje caturbhizciraM gIta: zrIguNarAja ityati21 zayAdizveSu vIrAgraNIH / ekaH zUrasahasrasAkSiNi raNe kSIdakSamaH [sArjuna: praur3haH pallavayaM (yan) pratApamudayAdityasya nitya priyaH // 22 15 // [ca]JcadbhicitraciGgadhvajapaTapaTalaiH pANDurairAtapatraiH paMktinyastairapAstapralayaghanarave bhImaDhakkAninAdaiH / jA(jA)yante yasya sainyAnyavira23 lataralairvAjibhirvajapuMjaprA[yai] prAsAsipAzapraNayibhiraparairakhavAraizca vIraiH // 16 // zA[la]prAnmu[:](prAMza:) sitAMzupratinidhivadanaH padmapatrAyatAkSa: 24 pInA[sI] dIrghavAhuH kanakagirizilAsavibhorasthalaJca [1] vAhavyUhi]heSAravakisalayita bIcamUSu gacchanyo madhye rAjaputreSvapi va(ba)huSu pari25 jAyate rekhayaiva // 17 // sukhI' vAci zucirmanasya[ji] jagaheva[pratISeriha iMda iMDahara "bamabanudinaM vA(bA)lyApramatyeva yaH / caJcacAmarama28 ntareNa mahatIM rA[]zriyaM nizcalAM vi(bi)dhANa: --"dalayati iSaspRzaH __pArthivAn // 18 // tatpatnI padmapatrAyatanayanayugA padma27 [saMkAza][vaktA] nAnA padmAvatIti vijagati viditA [rAgataH khetapadmA / etabhivagrahAra haThahatakaluSe kArayAmAsa nimbAdityaprAsAda 1 Read mishanna. * Mr. K. reads fata namna. * Read jayinah. * Read mukhan. * Read vaitanya. *Read rafibhia * Read mukh-ambhojaide *[Probably we have to read : kahoda-kahama (ma). ch=Arjuna.-Ed.] Read fuddho. 10 Read fuchir-mma nany-api. u The reading of the portion with in the brackets is extremely doubtful. It is given by Mr. K. It can be stated with tolerable certainty that there is no such word as pratoshairaha. The facsimile reads patt ha and there is no space for two letters between 1 and ha. The expression death dua-duan dua-haran does not yield any plausible sense. [Rending noems to be dvandvandvandva-haram, eto., which might mean, bowing to the couple (i.6., Siva and Parvati) destroying the two bad qualities (vit., passion and ignorance).-Ed.) 11 Hore the letters look like pra auto [Reading is prasabhad-ayan.-Ed.)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. 28 -- UUUUU--u--u-- lle t hat staat thotraiH saMgama hRdayaMgamA / sajjamanyastabhAyamaNvatthAmakaH kRtiH // 20 // TRANSLATION. Om Salutation to-Surya (V. 1.) Let the object-fulfilling sun be worshipped faultlessly on Sunday, even at an unusual hour with the flowers and shoots of the Nimba tree. (V. 2.) We reverence the tree-like Siva who is indivisible and first born, who possesses a great extension of shade and is lofty and stands firm in the range of the wood on the shore of the western ocean, the matchless sprouts of whose branches blossom forth at the time of growing in the shape of the three worlds in between the sky and all its quarters. (V. 3.) May the movement of the eye-brows of the lord Siva, who looks at the bow (held) in his hand with its sprout-like fingers bent, on which (bowo) when hundreds of serpents had provided it with a string, the body of Vishnu manifested itself in the guise of a radiant arrow in order to burn the three cities--be (the cause of your prosperity. (V. 4.) There was a very powerful king named Pramara, kpown in the three worlds, much regarded by sages through blessings, roused from sleep with many a flattering word by the kings bearing his seal on their heads, who was born of fire through the meditation of Vasishtha, and was adept in defying the valour of Visvamitaera. (V. 5.) In his family was born Jagaddova, the lord of the earth, whose name was true to its sense, and the exertions of whose arms were applied to render all the quarters kingless (i.e., free from enemies), (V. 6.) whose (Jagaddeva's) father was Udayaditya, and whose uncle was the king Bhoja. These two kings (Udayaditya and Bhoja), having secured the stability as sovereigns of the earth, shone like the sun and the moon. (V. 7.) Abandoned for ever by their lord, the deer-eyed (ladies) of the Andhra king, with their butter-soft feet, stumbling down, helpless as they were, on the roads, the ground of which was trampled by the hoofs of the horses of his (Jagaddeva's) army, are led by the rows of creepers (growing) on the sea-shore supporting them (as it were) with their copper-coloured twigs. (V. 8.) He in sport uprooted the king of Chatradurga, aad at his oommand drop now, the streams on the slopes of the mountain, and the female bees in the midst of the forests, recite without ceasing, in different nates coming out of their throats, his all surpassing eulogies, fixed with (the libation of water in shape of) the rutty fluid of powerful elephants of his army. (V. 9.) In every house the weeping widows of his enemies, having seen in Dorasamudra the peak-like heaps of the skulls of their lords, who came in contact with the pointed club-like tusks of his best elephants, increase vith tears the acute pain in the heart of the chief of Malahara?. (V. 10.) It is a matter of great wonder, that; even now, the great food-tide of tests of the wives of the Gurjata Warriors, veeping day and night in the care-entrance of the Arbuda mountain, 1 This portion is badly mutilated [See above, p. 58, n. 5.-E.]

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No. 11.) JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA. 63 indicates fully the twang of his bow, as if it were the deep sound of the recitation of mantras in the form of the stories of the valour of Jayasinha.! (V. 11.) On the one hand, in front of the wonderful conflict, his hand, capable of totally destroying his enemies, and skilled in fitting the bow, does not stop acquiring fame, on the other hand, the poets by hundred in the land wbich has the waves of the ocean as its girdle, are engaged in praising him with honey-oozing hymns, bat even then are unable to tether the vastness of his glory). (V. 12.) It was he who subdued the king Karna and produced the only fitting lake which rivalled the ocean in collecting beautiful gems in the cavern of the universe. The swans, even now, having heard the hundreds of learned men discoursing together sitting close to it (i.e., the lake) continue without fear, the celebration of his victory. (V. 13.) There was born in the renowned family of Dahimas an illustrious personage named Lolarka, who, ever since his very childhood, had been dear to the world, who was a repository of fame and excellent valour, who was bravery incarnate, and was a minister of Udayaditya, the lord of the earth, and the conqueror of the world. (V. 14.) His grand-father was Mahendu by name, who, having obtained the only beautiful lady Sunga, referred to with ever new words of praise and (bearing auspicious) marks on her face shone by the sacrificial glamour, and even now gives expression to his pure brilliance in this world with his accumulated fame shining (white) like the tusks of elephants, kunda flowers, and lotuses. (V. 15.) His father was Gunaraja, who, on account of his excellence, was the leader of the warriors of the three) worlds, was ever praised by the four lotus-like mouths of Brahma, who (Gunaraja) was mature, was like Arjuna alone capable of standing (any) test in a battle, witnessed by thousands of warriors, and who, having increased his valour, became ever dear to Udayaditya. (V. 16.) His armies are known by many waving banners with various designs, by white um. brellas arranged in a line, by loud beatings of (war-) drums that could drown even the sound of thundering clouds at the time of the destruction (of the universe), by the horses glittering incessantly like a heap of diamonds, and by the riders with lances, swords and mooses. (V. 17.) Tall like a $ala tree, with his face representing the moon, with his eyes broad like the petals of lotuses, his shoulders bulky, arms long, and chest like the stone of the Kanaka-mountain, he was clearly recognised by these marks among many princes whose ears resembling young shoots were deafened by the neighing of the multitudes of his horses. (V. 18.) He was, to the satisfaction of Jagaddeva, truthful and pure-hearted, and ever since his childhood he had been paying obeisance to Siva every day. He maintaining the great and steady royal prosperity, without the privilege of the use of) waving chowries (only), crushed forcibly the inimical kings. (V. 19.) His wife named Padmavati, resembling Lakshmi in beauty, with lotus-like face, with a pair of eyes wide like petals of a lotus, famous in all the three worlds, built this palace (i.e., temple) of Nimbaditya in this city, the corruptions of which were removed by forec........ (V. 20.) May this heart-touching composition of the poet Asvatthaman secure association of the ears of the people of this) world with its responsibility placed upon the learned. 1 [The proper translatio. f the verse seems to be :-"It is strange that even to-day the extending waves of the flood of tears of the wives of the Gurjara heroes weeping night and day in the cave entrances of the Arbuda mountain, indicate the twang of the bow of this king which was on the other hand) the evening thunder in the study of the accounts of Jayasinha's valou.". The Smritis enjoin that the study of the Vedas whould be stopped wherr there is an evening thundpr, cf. Yajsavalkya Smriti (T. S. 8.), L. 14.-Ed.] 1..., dug out.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. No. 12.-A NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II OF THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BRANCH, DATED SAKA 806. By A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D. LITT., BENARES. The grant of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta branch, which is here being edited for the first time, has been neither referred to nor published so far. The set of copper plates on which the grant has been engraved belongs to Mr. Pratapbhai H. Barot of Santa Cruz, Bombay, who very kindly forwarded them to me (through Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar of the Calcutta University) for decipherment and publication. The plates are three in number. Their size, which is fairly uniform, is 11.8" X 8.3". The thickness is about .1". The edges of the plates have been raised into rims in order to protect the characters engraved. The plates are strung together by means of a ring passing through holes perforated at the centre of the upper sides of the plates, about 3" from the rims. The ring, which is " in thickness, has an inner diameter of 2". Its ends have been soldered together by means of a seal, being 2" in height and 1" in diameter at the bottom. Countersunk in its surface is a seated figure, 1" in height, holding hooded snakes in either hand. This is undoubtedly to be identified with the figure of Garuda, which is found on many other copper plate grants of the Rashtrakutas. The seal bears no writing. The grant is engraved on the inner sides of the first and third plates and on both the sides of the second. The whole of the record does not seem to have been engraven by one and the same mason. The first plate and the first side of the second one are by the same hand; the latter has no doubt more lines with greater number of letters in each than the former, but this is probably because the mason had at this stage realised that unless economy in space was made, the record could not be finished in three plates. The second side of the second plate and the third plate show a distinctly different and less elegant duct of engraving and are almost certainly by a different engraver. The plates are in a fairly good state of preservation. In a few cases, some letters have been damaged but they can be made out from the traces left behind. The surface of the plates has been dressed fairly well, but in a few cases there still remain natural depressions, due to which in some places marks have appeared in the ink-impression which look like letters or medial vowels. Thus at the end of l. 26, the plates have clearly-machirasvapade only; but the ink-impression shows- machirat-svapade owing to a depression on the surface to the left of sva which looks like t. In II. 36 and 39 the mason has correctly engraved param and maya respectively, but owing to & depression on the surface after the letters ra and ma the facsimile show param and maya respectively. In l. 56 the letter vi in vidyul-lolani appears like di in the facsimile owing to the same cause. In this document the engraving of individual letters is distinct, but every line is full of several blunders because the mason did not obviously understand what he was copying. Otherwise he would not have written suvya-mutas-cha mavah for surya-sutas-cha gavah in l. 61. The climax in this respect is reached at the end of the 1. 40 and the beginning of 1. 41 where the mason has engraved bhagavach-chudh-adhishthane for bhagavad-Buddh-a'. It would appear that the copy issued from the secretariate was written in a careless handwriting; the masons, who engraved the document, could not make out all the letters and wrote what they believed to be written on the manuscript before them. The State Record Office did not care to revise and correct the innumerable mistakes committed during engraving. In Gujarat during the 9th century two scripts were current, one was the proto-Devanagari and the other was the lineal descendant of the Valabhi' alphabet. The characters of this

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No. 12.) NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II, GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BR. 65 record belong to the first variety. The signature of Dhruva II, who issued the plates, is, however, engraved in south Indian old-Kanarese characters as is the case with the sign manuals of Karkka and Dhruva I of the Gujarat branch on their Nausari' and Baroda plates respectively. There can be no doubt that in these records, as in the present one, the masons are imitating the actual duct of the handwriting of the donors. It is therefore clear that even as late as 884 A.D., the date of the present record, the members of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta royal family were accustomed to write in a script which was current neither in northern India, nor in Gujarat, nor in Maharashtra but in Karnatak. This circumstance is in my opinion very important for determining the home of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed. If the original home of the family were in northern India as Fleet had first suggested, or in Maharashtra as Mr. C. V. Vaidya opines, we cannot understand how the princes deputed to rule over Gujarat could have been using south Indian old-Kanarese script as their mother script. It is true that as early as 770 A.D., the Rashtrakuta empire had embraced practically the whole of Karnatak including the State of Mysore. But if the royal family had originally belonged to Maharashtra or to northern India, its members deputed to rule over Gujarat and domiciled there for more than a century, would not have continued to use for their sign manual a script current neither in Rajputana, nor in Maha. rashtra, nor in Gujarat, but in the far-off Karnatak. Karkka was carrying on the administration of the empire at Malkhed for a long time during the minority of Amoghavarsha I. He and perhaps his son Dhruva I may therefore have picked up the old-Kanarese script, prevailing at Malkhed, and even used it for their sign manuals in their grants. But by the time of the present grant the Gujarat branch had long ceased to have any intimate connection with Malkhed, and the donor of the present grant, Dhruva II, would not have used old-Kanarese characters for his signature, if the former had not been the mother script of the family, carefully preserved by its members even after their domicile in Gujarat for more than a hundred years. The fact that Krishna III of the Imperial Rashtrakuta house should have used in his Jura inscription Kanarese characters and language to proclaim his victories to the people of Bundelkhand, would also show that the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed originally belonged to Karnatak, rather than to Maharashtra or Telangana or Northern India. The whole question of the home of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed cannot be discussed here?; attention is merely drawn to the light which the sign manuals of the present and some other records of the Gujarat branch throw on the subject. A few points of palaeographical interest may be noted here. Om at the beginning of the record is denoted by the usual symbol. Two forms of the letter ra have been used side by side, f. rajasu raja-simhah, 1. 3; the same is the case with the letter sa, cf. sa in Satakratu, 1.7, with the fas in Satakratu-sadrisah in l. 8. The form of the letter ksha is highly cursive in some cases, cf. kshas in vaidhavya-daksha and kshana-rana in l. 14; in other cases, however, the constituent elements of this conjunct can be clearly distinguished, cf. lakshmiman, 1. 24. The record contains final t and m, but the sign of virama has been written in two different ways. In bhut, 1. 11, and sarit, 1. 44, t is denoted by a vertical with a slight notch or protrusion on the left; in vallabho-bhut, 1J. B. B. R. A.S., Vol. XX, pp. 135 ff. * Ind. Ant., Vols. XII, pp. 158 ff., and XIV, pp. 169 ff. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 384. In ante, Vol. VII, PP. 223-6 he abandons this view and suggests what Latur may have been their home. * History of the Medieval Hindu India, Vol. II, pp. 152-53. * The fact that the signature of the present donor in his Bagumra grant, dated 867 A.D. (Ind. Ant., Vol XII, pp. 181 ff.) and in Dantidurga's grant of the same year (Ante, Vol. VI, pp. 287 ff.), is in proto-Devanagari characters is obviously due to no attempt being made there to copy the precise script used by the kinge. Ante, Vol. XIX, PP. 287 ff.. See Altekar : The Rashtrakutas and their Times, pp. 21-5.

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66 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 1. 20, and dadyat, 1. 62, a different symbol of two curves, the larger being above the smaller, is used to denote the same. This very symbol but in the reversed form, the smaller curve being above the larger, has been used to denote m in chitram in l. 37 : while in the case of min kumudanam in 1. 71, the virama is written as in modern Devanagari. When the same words like yasya and tasya occur consecutively twice in 11. 64 and 65, the numeral 2 is used after the word to indicate that it is to be repeated in reading. The avagraha has been denoted in one place only by the modern Devanagari symbol in deyor'chala, 1. 47. The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. Engraver's blunders apart, there are only a few mistakes in sandhi as noted in the rext paragraph. The formal part of the record is in prose; the rest of it is in poetry excepting the letter om at the beginning and the words tatha ch-oktam Ramabhadrena in 11. 64-65. Orthography calls for a few remarks only. (1) Va has been throughout used for ba. (2) Consonants in conjunction with a preceding have usually been doubled (cf.or=gGovindarajo. 1.3, or-artt-artti-, 1.5, etc.) with a few exceptions (cf.or=bhrityaih, 1. 9, sartha and Partha, 1.25). (3) The anusvara is preferably indicated by a dot; if the following letter is a dental, it is usually changed into n, but in no place has it been changed to a n or n before a following guttural or palatal. (4) The rules of sandhi are usually observed, but there are a few exceptions. In vv. 19 and 20 the last letters of the first verse-halves have been coalesced with the first letters of the second verse-halves, and in l. 21 we find a sandhi made between the last letter of the v. 15 and the first letter of the v. 16. The date of the record is given in words in 11. 49-50, but the expression giving it is defective. After making the necessary grammatical corrections the expression reads as follows: Sakanripa-kalatita-samvatsara-lateshu shad-uttareshu. The most important word denoting the number of centuries has been omitted by inadvertence. There can be, however, no doubt that the expression was intended to be samvatsara-sateshu=ashtasu shad-uttareshu and that the record was issued in Saka 806. This dato falls between the latest date of the grantor, known at present, Saka 799 (supplied by the plates of Dantivarman"), and the earliest known date of his successor, Saka 810, supplied by his Bagumra plates. Astronomical calculations also confirm this conclusion, for the Dhanus-sankranti of Saka 806 (elapsed) did actually take place on the second day of the bright half of Margasirsha as stated in the record. The year had an intercalary month, and so Dhanus-sankranti occurred in Margasirsha instead of Pausha, as is usually the case. The corresponding date according to the Christian Era is the 23rd of November 884 A.D. The record thus supplies a new date for Dhruva II, the significance of which will be soon brought out. The object of the present charter is to inform us that when Dhruva Dharavarsha, son of Akalavarsha, was encamped at Srikhona(ta)ka, i.e., modern Kaira, he granted & village named Dhadayasaha, to the Buddhist vihara of Kampilya. It may be pointed out that this is the same vihara, which had received a donation seven years earlier from Dantivarman, a younger brother of the present grantor. It is tempting to suggest, as has been done by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, that Kampilya of this record is identical with the ancient Kampilya, situated in Farrukhabad district of U. P., but such is not the case. Kampilya of U. P. is of hoary antiquity, while Kampilya of this record is said to have been founded by a Buddhist monk of the same nanie. The former is situated in Farrukkabad district, but Kampilya of this record was situated in the ancient district of Kantaragrama, which is identical with Katargam, situated on the Antr, Vol. VI, PP. 287 ff. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 65 ff. Ante, Vol. VI, pp. 287 f.

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No. 12.] NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II, GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BR. 67 outskirts of Surat. We must therefore look for our Kampilya in Surat district. Our record informs us in II. 40 and 41 that Kampilya-tirtha was situated on the Maddapi, flowing in Kantaragrama district. This Maddapi river seems to be the same as the Mindhola river, which flows in Surat district and joins the Arabian Sea about 10 miles to the south of Surat. I would suggest, not without some hesitation, that Kampilya-tirtha of our record, situated on the Maddapi in Kantaragrama district is very probably the village Kaplia situated on the southern bank of the Mindhola, about 25 miles east of Katargam. Kaplia may be an apabhramsa of Kampilya, or Kampilya may be a Sanskritised form of the Prakrit name Kaplia. Buddhism was on the decline in the western presidency at the time of Yuan Chwang's visit, and it is interesting to note that we come across very few grants recording donations to Buddhist establishments subsequent to the departure of this Chinese traveller. Kampilya monastery of Gujarat probably represented one of the last strongholds of Buddhism. Our record states that 500 monks were residing in this monastery in 884 A.D. Whether this number 500 is a real number, or whether it is a conventional one like that of the disciples of the Buddha mentioned in Buddhist sacred literature, is difficult to determine. No information is available about the monk Kampilya who was the founder of this monastery. The grant was made at the request of the monk Sthiramati,1 who seems to have been the presiding abbot of the monastery in 884 A.D. The opening verse of the record contains a salutation to the gospel of the Buddha. The next 31 verses give the genealogy of the Rashtrakuta line. Of these vv. 2-16 describe the rulers of the main line, and the rest those of the Gujarat branch. Only a few points need be mentioned about the account of the main line supplied by this record. The genealogy begins with Govinda I, his father Indra and grandfather Dantivarman being left out. None of the verses in this record is a new one, and except in the case of Dantidurga, no specific historic exploit is described in connection with any of the emperors of the main line. The account is brought down to Amoghavarsha I. Krishna II of the main line, who had succeeded his father before the issue of this grant, is passed over, probably because his accession being recent, the secretariate in Gujarat had not yet got any verses ready in his eulogy. The hostility between the two houses had ceased by this time, and therefore that would not have been the cause of the omission of the name of Krishna II, especially when we remember that his father, who was the cause of the war, is duly mentioned in the record. The account becomes more specific with v. 17 when the history of the Gujarat branch commences. Here also none of the verses is new; they all occur either in the Baroda plates of the donee's grandfather or in his own Bagumra plates. A few points, however, deserve to be discussed in order to remove some current misunderstandings about the history of the Gujarat branch. Like most other records, this document also does not mention the prince Govinda (a younger brother of king Karkka), who had issued the Kavi plates in 827 A.D. This circumstance had led Dr. Hultzsch to suggest that he was a usurper against Karkka and is therefore passed over in the charters issued by his successors.5 Dr. Buhler's view was also the same; he thought that the omission of Govinda's name was intentional and was meant as punishment for The syntax is rather peculiar here. The text reads as Sthiramali-namna bhikshun-avarjjya cha. From what precedes and follows this clause, we expect here a clause in dative, stating that the monastery was preBided over by so and so. Instead we have an absolutive clause, meaning being inclined, i.e., induced (to make the gift) (avarjjya) by the monk Sthiramati,' who was obviously the chief of the establishment. [A-vrij may also mean to choose' or 'to bring into possession'; avarjya here probably signifies being accepted.'-Ed.] Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp 108 ff. Ibid., pp. 181 ff. Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 145 ff, 4 Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 197.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. his disloyalty. This opinion of these two distinguished scholars seems to be untenable. It is now shown by the v. 26 of the Sanjan record of Amoghavarsha that he was born at Sribhavana or Sarbhon in southern Gujarat in c. 808 A.D., when his father was encamped there at the end of his northern expedition. He was thus a boy of about 6 at the time of his accession. His uncle Karkka was his guardian in his minority. He had to fight hard to reinstate his cousin when the feudatories had rebelled against him ; it is therefore clear that he must have spent most of his time at the imperial capital Malkhed, down to 827 A.D., when the Kavi plates were issued, if not till a later date. Karkka therefore had naturally to select a deputy to rule Gujarat on his behalf during his long and continuous absence from his own capital. He had no doubt a grown up son, Dantivarman by name, who is mentioned as the dutaka in his Baroda plates of 812 A.D. But since Karkka was succeeded not by Dantivarman but by Dhruva, it is clear that Dantivar man predeceased him and died very young. V. 20 of the present record further suggests that Dhruva was born to Karkka probably in his old age after he had spent many a sleepless night owing to his anxiety for having a son. In c. 820 A.D. it is therefore clear that Karkka had no son old enough to be deputed to govern Gujarat, and therefore his choice naturally fell on his younger brother Govinda who was old enough to be entrusted with office as early as 812 A.D. It is worth noting that the Kavi plates of Govinda do not mention his succession at all. He was merely a princely regent appointed by his brother. The later records of the Gujarat line omit his name, because he was a collateral who had never ascended the throne, and not because he was a usurper. In his Kavi plates Govinda devotes as many as full four verses to the praise of his elder brother Karkka, and two of these, which contain a genuine and heartfelt tribute to his administration, do not occur in any grant either of Karkka himself or of any of his successors. Is it likely that a usurper or a rebel would go out of his way to describe in glowing terms the administration, of the king whom he had ousted ? Nor could Govinda have been a rebel against Amoghavarsha I. It is true that the Kavi plates take the genealogy of the main line to Govinda III and omit altogether the reigning sovereign Amoghavarsha I. But this omission must be regarded as accidental, for if Govinda had been a rebel against Amoghavarsha, he could not have been an admirer or friend of his elder brother Karkka, who was Amoghavarsha's guardian responsible for his restoration. It is clear that all the known facts can be best explained on the assumption that Govinda of the Kavi plates was Karkka's deputy, governing the Gujarat kingdom on behalf of his brother, while he was absent at Malkhed during Amoghavarsha's minority. Vv. 20-31 describe the reign of Dhruva I, Akalavarsha I, and his son, the grantor, Dhruva II. All these three kings were engaged in a continuous war with a king named simply as Vallabha in this and other records. This Vallabha can be none other than Amoghavarsha I of 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 181, Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 158 ff. * See Torkhede plates, aute, Vol. III, p. 57, * [Similarly this inscription also does not explicitly mention the succession of Dhruva I but we cannot infor from it that he never succeeded.-Ed.] . Cf. one of these (after the necessary corrections) Saurajya-jalpe chalite prasangan-nidardanam visvajanina-sampar i prajyam Balen puramaho babhuva kabitdu. idanish tu nipasya tasya | v. 32. This ruler cannot be the Rashtrakuta chief Parabala, mentioned in the Pathari piller inscription dated 861 A.D. (ante, Vol. IX, pp. 248 ff.). This record no doubt mentions that an elder brother of Parabala's grandfather had conquered Lata, after conquering Karnataka army, and that Parabala himself had inflicted. ernshing defeat on a king called Nagavaloks. The record, however, does not mention Vallabha as an epithet either of Parabala or of any of his ancestors. The conquest of Lata ascribed to the unnamed elder brother of Parabala's grandfather, supposing it was real, must have taken place much earlier than 835 A.D. after which this war occurred; for Parabala himself was raling in 861 A.D. The name of the opponent of Parabala himself was Nagavaloks, and there is no evidenge to show that it was an epithet of any member of the Gujarat branch.

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No. 12.] NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II, GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BR. 69 the main Rashtrakuta line, who was a contemporary of all these three rulers. Prithivivallabha and Lakshmivallabha appear as his vallabha-ending epithets in his Sanjan plates and Nilgund inscription. It would appear that the cordial relations existing between the main line and the Gujarat branch came to an end soon after 835 A.D. Either Amoghavarsha was ungrateful, or Dhruva I became too overbearing, puffed up by the consciousness that it was his father who had restored Amoghavarsha to the throne. A war ensued between the two in which Dhruva lost his life. V.23 of this record no doubt says that the armies of Vallabha were routed out in battle, though Dhruva had to lay down his life as the price of the victory. But this statement cannot be accepted at its face value, for v. 25 admits that Dhruva's son and successor Akalavarsha had to re-occupy his paternal kingdom. Akalavarsha's task was not an easy one, for some of his followers had deserted him after his father's death on the battlefield. His victory, supposing it was a real one, did not make matters very easy for his son and successor Dhruva II, the grantor of the present charter. For v. 28 informs us that he was attacked by a mighty Gurjara force, one of his brothers joined the enemy, and Vallabha, i.e. Amoghavarsha, refused him help. Buhler had suggested that the Gurjaras, who had attacked Dhruva II, were the Chapotkatas. This view has to be abandoned, for v. 41 of the plates of Dhruva II, dated 867 A. D., mentions the mighty Mihira, famous for his cavalry, as the opponent of the Rashtrakutas. This Mihira can be none other than Pratihara ruler Bhoja I. It is therefore clear that the old historic hostility between the Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas continued during the reign of Amoghavarsha. Bhoja tried to take advantage of the estrangement between the Gujarat branch and the main line by launching an attack on Gujarat. This record no doubt claims that the invasion of the Gurjaras was repelled single-handed by Dhruva. He was however too small a ruler to achieve this feat, and it is not unlikely that realising the disastrous consequences of the annexation of Gujarat to the Gurjara-Pratihara empire, Amoghavarsha may have eventually hurried help to his rescue. At any rate we know from the Bagumra plates' that Dhruva's successor Koishna was receiving help against the Gurjara-Pratiharas from Amoghavarsha's successor Kpishna II. The same probably may have been the case in Dhruva's time after the conclusion of peace between him and Amoghavarsha. The relationship between Dhruva II and his successor Kpishna II is obscure, and the present record throws some new light upon it. Dr. Bhagwanlal had thought it not impossible that this Krishna may have been a son of Dantivarman, a son of Karkka, who is mentioned as the dutako in his Baroda grant dated 812 A.D.? It is however very improbable that a son of Dantivarman who was a grown-up prince in 812 A.D., could have ascended the throne more than 72 years later than that date-as shown now by this grant-after the succession had passed to his brother's line for three generations. Dantivarman, mentioned in the Bagumra record, is almost certainly the younger brother of Dhruva II, who was ruling as his governor in 867 A.D. as shown by his charter. The Bagumra plates no doubt suggest that Ktishna Akalavarsha, the successor of Dhruva II, who had issued that charter, was a son of Dantivarman, the son of Karkka. But this grant is very corrupt and omits altogether Dhruva I, Ktishna I and Dhruva II, who had undoubtedly ruled over Gujarat after Karkka. It would appear that one of the tada patras, which contained an account of the three missing rulers, was lost in transit when the manuscript 1 Ante, Vol. VI, p. 99. : Baroda plates of Dhruva I, dated 835 A.D., do not mention the war with Vallabhs. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 181. Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 179 f. . Ibid., Vol. XIII, pp. 67 ff. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 127-8. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 158 f. . Ibid., Vol. XIII, pp. 67 f.

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70 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. was sent to the engraver for engraving, and no one subsequently cared to correct the mistake. This would become clear from the last line of verse 19 of that record which, after making the necessary corrections, runs as follows [Babhu]va sunuh sri-Dantivarmanah prabala-pratapah. It is obvious that there is a lacuna in this verse after the word sunu in its 4th line. Other records of the Gujarat branch show that this verse ends as: Babhuva sunur-Dhruvaraja-nama, and describes the birth of Dhruva I, the son and successor of Karkka. It would appear, as suggested above, that one of the tadapatras, which commenced with the word Dhruva-raja-nama, and contained an account of the next three rulers, was lost when the document was despatched by the secretariate to the mason. The extremely corrupt text of the plates convincingly proves that no responsible officer cared to revise the document, as engraved by the mason, and so the omission of the three rulers remained unattended. These plates therefore do not show that Krishna Akalavarsha, who succeeded Dhruva, was a son of Dantivarman, who acted as dutaka in 812 A.D.1 Was he then the son of Dantivarman, a younger brother of Dhruva II, who was ruling under him in 867 A.D. as conjectured by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, and had this Dantivarman's reign intervened between the reigns of Dhruva II and Krishna II, as postulated by Dr. Hultzsch ?* The present record makes both these views very improbable. It shows that Dhruva II was ruling down to Saka 806, and so the interval between the last known year of Dhruva and the first known year of his successor Krishna II, viz., Saka 810, is now no longer of 21 years but is reduced to the short period of less than four years. It is therefore very improbable that Dentivarman could have ruled during this interval. It may be further pointed out that the Bagumra plates of Krishna Akalavarsha II simply mention the name of Dantivarman, without stating that he had ascended the throne. The verse 19 of the grant quoted above is followed after one fragmentary and two complete verses, by the name of Krishna Akala varsha, who had issued the grant. This undoubtedly lends support to the view that Dantivarman was Krishna's father as suggested by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. But we must note that there is a clear lacuna after the words babhuva sunuh and that they were really followed by Dhruvaraja-nama as shown above, It is therefore difficult to maintain that the Bagumra plates show that Krishna Akalavarsha was a son of Dantivarman. As a matter of fact the name of Dantivarman remains as an isolated and disconnected name in that very corrupt document, and its existence cannot be satisfactorily explained. The present record mentions a hither-to-unknown son of Dhruva II, Karkkaraja by name, who was the dutaka of the grant. He must have been a grown-up prince in Saka 806, and since he is not designated as a yuvaraja, it is clear that he had another elder brother living at this time. It is difficult to believe that a son of Dantivarman, who was loyal to Dhruva II, could have succeeded to the throne after ousting these two sons of the latter within less than four years after the issue of this grant. The names of the son and grandson of Dhruva I were Krishna Akalavarsha and Dhruva II respectively. It is therefore not improbable that according to the family tradition the eldest son of Dhruva II may have been named after his grandfather Krishna Akalavarsha and may have heen none other than Krishna Akalavarsha of the Bagumra plates." This view cannot be yet regarded as proved, but it may be found to represent real history when 1 [That Bhagvanlal's view was untenable was proved by D. R. Bhandarkar long ago (above, Vol. VI, p. 287). Kielhorn also does not appear to have accepted this view (see above, Vol. VIII, Appendix II, p. 9).-Ed.] Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 66. being known to be ruling in Saka 810, it Ante, Vol. VI, p. 287. Since Saka 806 was the fag-end of Dhruva's reign, his successor is not very probable that Karkka, though the eldest son, may not have been designated here as Yuvaraja because his yauvarajyabhisheka had not yet taken place. [The point that Dhruva II had two sons is not at all proved. It is not impossible that Karka was not appointed Yuvaraja by this time.-Ed.]

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No. 12. 1NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II, GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BR. 71 a well preserved and well revised charter of Krishna Akalavarsha II of the Gujarat branch is discovered. Of the places mentioned in this record, Kampilya, Kantaragrama and Maddapi river have been already discussed. From a very detailed map of Mahuva and Bardoli Talukas, supplied very kindly to me by Dr. S. M. Pagar, the Subha of Naosari Prant, it is clear that the village Dhadayasaha, given by this charter, is the same as the village Dhundesa, situated in the Mahuva Taluka of Naosari Prant of the State of Baroda. According to the charter, the Puravi river and the villages Lingatadagika, Padhamastana and Vadavalli were situated to the south, west, north and east respectively of Dhadayasaha. These are to be identified with the Purna river, Sankaratalaori, Pathron and Valod respectively, which are situated to the south, south-west, north and east respectively of Dhundesa. Lingatadagika has obviously changed its name to Sankarataladri in subsequent centuries. Srikhenaka is obviously & mistake for Srikhotaka, which is the same as modern Kaira. The identification of Somesvaratirtha, where Dhruva had bathed before making the grant, is difficult ; according to the information kindly supplied to me by Muni Vijaya Indra Suri, there are two other Somesvara-tirthas besides the well known one at Prabhasa. The second one is situated at Siddhapura, near Patan in northern Gujarat, where the rivers Ganges, Jumna and Sarasvati are supposed to meet, and the third one at Karnali near Chandod in Baroda district on the confluence of the rivers Orsang and Narmada. The first two of the above Somesvara-tirthas were very probably not included in the dominions of Dhruva ; the last mentioned one may therefore probably have been the place where he had bathed on the occasion. Kavarika and Suhila, which are mentioned in the record as headquarters of districts of the same name, cannot be identified. TEXT.1 [Metres :-vv. 1, 13, 15, 32,35 and 36, Anushtubh; v.2-5, 7, 9, 14, 18,19 and 21, Vasantatilaka; v. 6, Giti; vv. 8, 16, 23-27, 29-31 and 39, Arya ; vv. 10 and 17, Sragdhara ; v. 11 and 20, Upajati; v. 12, Sardulavikridita ; v. 22, Indravamsa ; v. 28, Prithvi ; vv. 33 and 34, Indra. tajra ; v. 37 Salini and v. 38, Pushpitagra.] First Plate. 1 bhI vastyastu bhagavatI(te) sugatazAsanAya // sa vIvyAdhasA dhAma yaM(yama) nAbhikamalaM kvataM(tama) / haraca yasya kAntenduka2 layA kamalAtaM(tama) [1] pAsodhi(hipattimirasudyatamaNDalAyI dhvastimna yammabhimukhI raNazarISu / bhUpaH zucibbi(bi)3 dhurivAstadima(ga)ntakIrtiIvindarAja rati rAjasa rAjasi(siM): [2] dRSTyA camUmabhimukhI(khIM) subhaTAhavAsAmugnA4 mitaM sapadi yena raNeSu mitya (tyam) / iSTAdharaNa dadhatA bhRkuTi(Ti) ___lalATe khaDaM kula(la) ca dayaM ca nijaM ca satvaM(tvam) // [3] ta. 5 sthAtmajI jagati vizrutazudhakotirAiitahAriharivikramadhAmadhArI / bhUpa striviSTha(Ta)pavRpAnukkAptiH tabhI:(:) 1 From the original plates. Expressed by a symbul. at looks like in the facsimile owing to the slipping of the instrument.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vor. XXII. 6 zrIkaka(ka)rAja iti gotramaNiva (ba)bhUva // [4*) tasya prabhina (nna)tATa (karaTa)cyutadAnadatti(nti)datta(nta)prahAraka(ru)cirolathi(si)tAma(nma)7 pIThaH / lyA(mA)pa: likSitau Sa(ca)pita zatrurabhUttanUjaH sada(drA)STrakUTa kanakAdirivendrarAjaH [5] tasyopArjitama. 8 hasastanayazya(ca)turudadhivannasa(ya)mAle (li)nyAH [*] bhItA bhuvaH zataka(ka) tu sadRzaH zrIdatti(nti)dugarAjobhUt // [6 *] kAMcI. 9 sa(za)ha(ka)ralanarAdhipacolapA(pa)dyazrIharSavacaTavibhedavidhAmadatya(cam) / na(ka) garNATaka(ka) ka(ba)lamacintyA(nya)majeyamatyai (nyai) - 10 maiH (tyaiH) kiyaGgirapi yaH sahasA jimA(gA)ya // [*] tammindivaM prayAte vallabharAje 'kSataprajAvA(bA)dhaH / [zrI'] karkarAjasUnurma11 hIpatiH zrI kRSNarAjIbhUt [8] rAhappamAtmabhujajAtava(pa)lAvalepamAmai (jau) vijila(tya) nizitAsilatAprahAraH / 12 pAla(li)dhvajAvale(li)zubhAmaciraNa yo hi rAjAdhirAjaparame zA(zvaratAM tatAna [*] yena zvetAtapatrAtaravika13 raprA(vA)tama(sA)pAtsalIla jagme nAsauradhUlodhavala(li)tazirasA vanabhAkhyaH . sadAjI / zrImahIvindarAjI ji14 na(ta)jagadahitastraiNavaidhavyadakSa sAkSasta)syAsInU(sU)nurakaH kSaNaraNadala(li)tAgati mattabhakumbhaH // [10*] tasyAnu15 jaH zrIdhruvarAjanAmA mahAnubhAvoprahatapratya(tA)pa: [*] prasAdhitAzeSanarendra cakra: ka(ka)meNa vA(bA)lAkaipa(va)18 purva(bba)bhUva // [11] jAte yatra 1 rASTrakUTatilake ma(saGka)pacUDAmaNI guvI(vIM) tuSTirathAkhilasya jagata: / su17 svAmini pratyahaM(ham) [*] satyaM satyamiti prazAsati sati mAmAsamu. prA(drA)tti(nti)kAmAsoharmapara gu18 NAmRtanicau(dhau) satyavratAdhiSki(SThite / [12] rakSatA yena niHzeSa(gha) catura mbhIdhisaMyutaM(tam) / rAjya cArAnaM, Here we have the alternative form of the letter za. * The horizontal bar of yin is missing. * Metre requires to be omitted here. The letter has been wrongly transposed from karkarAja to *Here we have the alternative form of . * This form of is quite common in this plate. Owing to the slipping of the instrument *t looks like .

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No. 12.] NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II, GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BR. 73 Second Plate; First Side. 19 dharmeNa lokAnA (na) jatA dRSTi [*] parA hRdi // [ 13* ] tasyAlajI jagati satpradhitokIrttinavindara (rA) iti gocalalAma 20 bhUtaH / tyAgI parAkramadhana: prakaTapratApa [: *] santApitAhitajano janavalabhobhUt // [ 14* ] tatputrotra gate nAka 21 mAkaMpitaripuvraje I zrImahArAjazarvvAkhyaH khyAto rAjAbhava[15] (a) rthiSu yathArthatAM yaH samabhISTa - / 22 phalAvAptilabdha (dha) toSeSu vRddhiM ninAya paramAmamoghavarSAbhidhAnasya |[14] rAjAbhUttatpitRvyo ripubhayavibhavo dUvyabha (mUlyabhA) 23 vaika hetu kSmI mAnindrarAjo guNanRpatikarAMta camatkArakArI / rAmAdanyAntyu (nyu)dasya prakaTitavinayA yaM nRpA [: *] seva 21 mAnA rAjazrIreva cakre sakalakavijanohItatathyasvabhAvaM ( vam ) " // [ 17*] zrIkarkarAja iti rakSitarAjyabhAraH sAraH kulasya tanayo 25 nayamAlizauryasta (yaM / ta) syAmavahime (bha) varSadita (baM) ghusArthaH pArthaH sadeva dhanuSi prathamaH zucInAM (nAm ) [18] secchAhItaviSayAndra (nyU) 20 [saMha (gha) bhAja: mohattaisa taraha [eka] karATa (i) kUTAu (n) sthAta nijayA (thA)(tha) lena jitvA yomoghavarSama cirA [t] khapade 27 vyadhatta // [18] putrIyatastasya mahAnubhAvaH jato jatantra jasavIryavoyoM (ryaH 1) vazIkRtAzeSa narendrandI va (ba) bhUva samuha(a)varAjanAmA // [20] 28 candro jaDo himagiri hima [: *] prakRtyA vAtacalaca va (ta) pa [ na * ] stapanakhabhAvaH / cAraH payonidhiriti taissamamasya nAsti yenopamA 29 nirupamastata eva * gotaH // [21] va (ba) hmANameta kimiti prajAsRjA na mapramANena purA vinirbhi( ) (tam) | evaM vicintya dhruvarAja kosiM 1 Here not only are the usual dandas omitted, but a sandhi is made between the last letter of v. 15 and the first one of v. 16. 2 Owing to a natural depression on the plate, there appear in the facsimile three vertical lines at the end of this verse; really there are only two in the original. The usual danda at the end of the half-verse is omitted and a sandhi is made with the letter following. The medial e mark is quite clear on the original, though not in the facsimile. Here also the danda at the half-verse end is omitted and a sandhi is made with the letter following. Owing to a natural depression on the plate surface, the facsimile shows a faint trace of; on the plate, however, no has been engraved. Here also the danda at the half-verse end is omitted and a sandhi is made with the letter following. The letters fa are damaged but they are clear on the original plate. is damaged but clear on the plate. 10 Metro requires us to road payodhi.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXII. 30 bidhAturAsItsutarAmasUyinI // [22] raNasi(zi)rasi khagaghAtaivvalabhadaMDaM parA. / sa(sa)svazatazabadehaH 'svAmagAdeka 31 evAsI // [23] tasyAzaSanarAdhipatayazasaH svargalokagatakorteH / zrImAna kAlavarSastanayaH samabhUtkulAlamba (mbaH) [24] vasama32 daNDAkAntaM vighaTitadRSTAnujIvivarmeNa / pitRparyAgatama cirAmaNDalamadhyAsitaM yena / [25] priyavAdI satyadhanaH zrImAna33 nujIvivatsalo mAnI / pratipacacobhakara: ebhatujaH zubhakaraH sudAm // [26] tasminvanI(ggI)bhUte guNavati guNavAnguNA34 dhikaprIti: [*] samabhUDavarAjasamI dhruvarAjastuSTikSamoke [27] itIbhi. mukhamApa[sa]ava(ba)lagUjarANAM (ba)khaM / ito vimukhavala35 bho vikRtimAgatA vAM(bI)dhavAH / tonujavikurkhitaM zamamagAtsamastaM bhayAdahI ___ sphuraNamadbhutaM nirupamendra paGgasya te [28] gUjarava(ba)la38 mativa(ba)lavatsa mubadhupahitaM ca kulyena / ekAkinaiva vihitaM parAmukhaM lIlayA yena / [28] yacAbhiSiktamAtraH paraM yaza37 svAgaupyatovApa / zubhatuMgajotituMgaM padaM [ya]dApnoti no citram [30] tenedamanilavidyuccaJcalamAlokya jIvitamasAraM [1] 38 citidAnaparamapuNyaH pravartito dharmadAyIyaM(yam) [31] sa ca samadhi . gatAyeSamahAyabda(bda)mahAsAmantAdhipatidhA(rdhA)rAvarSazrIdhruvarA39 jadevaH sarbAnava samanuvo(bI)dhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM(tam) // yathA mayA zrIkhesa(Ta)kakaTakAvasthitena' mAtApicorAtmanascai ()hi. 40 kAthamika svayathomiharaye ciraMtanakavarikApara"viSayasaMjJA(ja)sAMpratoyakAMtAragrA maprativi(ba)camahApau"sarittore bhaga 1 The letter this damaged but quite clear on the plato. * The letter # is damaged. * This danda is unnecessary. Read tefacit. * Letters are clear on the plate. * Road samudyata hitaM * Owing to a depression on the plate surface, the letter appears like it. No medial a sign has, how. ever, been engraved. * Letters aut are faint in the facsimilo, but clear on the plate. * Owing to a natural depression on the plate surface, the letter # appears like #T. The medial y mark has, however, not been engraved at all. * The letter 7 has been only half ongravod. 10 Reading may be Kavarik-amara.-Ed.] 11 [Reading of this name is doubtful.-Ed.]

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A NEW COPPER PLATE OF DARUVA II OF THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BRANCH, SAKA 806 Second plate: First side. Ashaamio-mmaa klkaa-paatrii | 20 brittiy'aamaatraagt| naa el yaab dyaash yaabaae / ekhno ebitr ) 22 shekh hl aasaayaatraabaas s. Sinon Chlorella to lifelin >1) likhe 22bCEt .951 1992.11.15: yaayjo4eriinlaain Cl eybslph daa: brittish baabu, 5G ai dliiy' ble haaldmiln hlei seple -bli naa| mheshpujo mokddyaaly', nrm ek #baau hai (lim ki blen- Xjemtti 42 kaansaas mis kndin kaayem haabibaahe ! 34 phrilyaak" 2 66lQsaadhme melesir, o! 44 saaler esessi SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rta. No, 3350 E'34-425.

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A NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II OF THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BRANCH, SAKA 806 Second plate: Second side. sthl ebN saadhaasaahibaay'aalaa maasaanyjer 42 2l/6klb ASP5 bk6gR2)/2}}}9/2Q2$19992 atalokr6tkg 2222A//le 2Az/d62c faule * (maatr shy'ns/mytaa-&#ii 44 4/ (kssp &gyeg. k m/shaay'khs:airmeo bsenaa 24 | miied : iishb aisy'aanaa brssnn ksseojaa 44 dhaaNsojaasuy'gaay' sbaaktt saar 48 | fiin hai -haaly'gu.saabFi % sb| so begm niciph iy'eler 3 jle saaNmaa giilaakaa jus . s0 yiinaa prgraaphiiish praay' 62 + g >SE SSC-1)/ / t t1 Ess> + [23) Vals/9sall2%2 SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 3350 E'34-425. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 12.) NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II, GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BR. 75 Second Pato; Second Side. 41 vacudAdhiSThAna paMcamatAni tIrthyAMnA vinayitvA' vApicamuninA kArita mahAvihA42 rAyatanAya kApityatIrthasaMkAya sthiramatinAcA bhikSuNAvaLye ca zrImata 43 (ba)cabhahArakAya mahilAviSayAntarvartI dhaDabAsahAbhidhAta(na)pAmo yakhAdhA44 TanAni pUrvato vaDavalI prAmasImA / dakSiNataH pUrAvI sarit / / pazcimato limba(ka)45 taDAgikAgrAmasImA / uttarataH paThamaNa gAmabImA / evamayaM caturAbATa46 nopalakSita: soI (): sa(so)parikaraH sa(kha)sImAparya(bontaH kasa(ra)sahitaH sahakSamA47 lAkulaH saja(da)dazAva(pa)rAdhaH sahiraNyAdeyocATabhaTavaSayA' vAtorI. 48 yaH sarvarAjakIyAnAmahastaprakSepaNIyo / pAcandrASirNavadhitiparvatasamakA49 sInaH pUrvadattadevadAyava (ba)pradAyarati(hitobhyantAsiyA makanapakAlAtIra(sa). kha(saM). 50 vArapateSu [aSTama] padu(Da)tareSu mArgabirasa(ba)aditIyAyA(yA) bharAvati savitari dhanuSi saMgrA51 te mahAparvaNi somezvarasaMgamataurthe sAtvIboda kAtisargaNa gandhapuSpa pani(ne)vedyAdikiyopavartanAthaM tathA kAnAkhyayAtsva(kha) lasATinamaskArArtha ca vi53 hArasya pratipAditasta[sya"] satamucitayA' devAyakhitvA sindhuviSaya. bobhikSu54 sa(sIvastra pravibApatI a~jalo bhoSayataH sapataH kayato na parikAnA 55 kAryA [1] tathAgAmitRpatibhirAiMgajairanyA sAmAnya bhUmidAra(na)phara(sa) Road binamba. 1 Read bhagavAvA. Space for two latters the been left out at the beginning of this line. [No Spao io toft out: the But thres letters are to be read as degriyayai-Ed.] '[Thin conjunct letter appears to be ma in the impression.-Ed.] . Avagraha in the modern form oacurs at this place only in this record. * Road 'pravezyI* These dandas are superfluous. * Rond oither sAtvIdadeg or khAtvAdhIda'. * Road samucitayA.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXII. Third Plate. 66 mityavadhAyaM 'vidyujolAndhanityAncaimva(zva)-Ni taNAvalammajasavi(ci)nducaMca67 laM jIvitamAkalayya khadAyanibizeSoyamamahAyonumantavyaH pAkhayitavyaH / 68 yavAJAnatimirapaTalAhatamatirAki(cchi) dhAdAcchidyamAna(na) vAnumodeta sa paMcabhirmahApAnakai 59 rupapAtakaizca saMyukta: sthAdityukta ca bhagavatA vedavyAsena vyAsena / SaSThi varSasahasrANi sva. 60 noM tiSThati bhUmidaH / pAccha(cche)ttA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vastre // [22] pamnarapatya (tyaM) prathama(ma) suvarNa (ka) bhUve(I)61 NAvI sUvya(ya)mu(sa)tAzA(ca) mA(gA)vaH / lokAstrayastena bhavanti dattA yaH kAMcane mAM ca mahIM ca dadyAt // [11] yAnIha 62 dattAni puga narendranAni dharthiyazaskarANi / nirmAtyavAntapratimAni sAni ko nAma sAdhuH 83 punagadadIta / [24] vinya(ndhyA)da(Ta)vISvatIyAsa zuSkakoTaravAsinaH / bacAiyo hi jAyante bhUmidAyaM . 64 ranti pa(ya) [35] va(ba)bhibasudhA bhutA' rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya 2' yadA tU(bhU)mistasya 2 tapa(dA) pa(pha)saM(sam) [25] tathA 86 comA) rAmabhadreNa // savvA(o)netAntA(gmA)vinaH pArthivendrAma(na) bhUyo / yAcate ro(rA)mabhadraH / sAmAnyIyaM dharmAcA(se). 66 turnapANAM tA(kA)le kAle pAlanIyo bhavaniH // [37'] iti kamasadakhAmbu(mbu) vi(bindukholA mithi)yamanucintya manu87 bajIvitaM [1] / ' prativimalamanobhirAmanaunainaM hi puruSaiH parakIrtayo vilo. pyAH [38] cauka68 rAjanAmA tadAmaai(jo)cApi dApako dUtaH / yAcakravaka()vivasvAntA (matApazIlorikuma60 dAnAm // 3"]" khamtI (sto)yaM zrIdhruvarAjadevasya / / lakhitaM ceta. 70 marA(yA) vasabhI(mi)vAstavyamahAsaJcivigrahAcapaTasAdhipativIdIndeta(na) zrIma71 davasIvitAmaneneti / 1 Owing to shallow engraving, the letter fx appears liko fe in the facsimilo. Rond paabvivvyv| Owing to s natural depression on the plate surface, an enordra appears over the letter fe wheront nono in fact has been engraved. * The letter has been damaged. * Rond paSTi varSa .Read . 'The letter a ls damaged. The numeral 2 i wed to indiosts that the preceding word is to be repeated in reading, Here two dandas aro wrongly engraved instead of one, "Thongnature is in old-Kanarone characters: 1 Atter the signature and before the word efter is engraved an ornamental design.

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A NEW COPPER PLATE OF DIRUVA IL OF THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BRANCH, SAKA 806 Third plate. 56 Cybsph pryes e 222:005)}2, sall228 {} SS [ :) @} .* B2EC:\* CL2) EAEA lege) L26/>')}> %B2%E -U) ij22, page sukhii| baaN (mserejosttriy'aay' yekaaebelmaabib yaate maatth sum(sh b khey'aapH shriilai/yaatraanni (ksbaay' prbl!!je >>e| knsttej strii sumhaan 64 bi pi je ddimiider inisul hyrtu "Ee(bhrminaalkhkr'ii sr'lkhle khaabdh| llneneshiiy' sNsbe naa jaanaa ny'| (bijeprile mlji te kmlne jaanaale styaan?<{m baajaay', yaa sbaasii (uktii 44 i sh m dote5 0 = g + dh bii| yaa baajghumn pnyji (oeemoi. (1) p s d 4/ SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No 3300 E'34-425.

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Page #104
No. 13.] BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746. NO. 13.-BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA SUVARNNAVARSHA: SAKA 746. BY B. BHATTACHARYYA, M.A., PH.D., BARODA. The copper-plate grant described here consisting of three platos joined together by means of a circular ring to which is attached a seal, was purchased from a resident of Baroda and is now preserved in the Library of the Oriental Institute at Baroda. This is one of the unpublished records of Karkka Suvarnnavarsha of Gujarat and is unquestionably of great historical value for the State of Baroda, if not for the Bombay Presidency; indeed, this as well as other copper-plates granted by the same king refer to grants of lands and villages all situated in the territory of His Highness the Maharaja Gaekwad of Baroda, and some of the old names can with little difficulty be identified with the names of villages now in existence. The plates measure 11" by 8" and are of about 1" in thickness with the rims fashioned thicker than the rest for the protection of the writing. A hole is bored at the top through the middle of all the three plates, and through this hole passes a massive ring, slightly oval in shape, 1" thick and 44" in diameter, which holds them together. On the ring appears a seal circular in shape and it" in diameter on which is embossed a figure of Garuda without any legend. The plates and the writing are very well preserved and the letters are very distinctly incised. The first and the third plates are incised on one side only while the second is engraved on both sides. The script of the record resembles that usually found in the inscriptions of the Valabhi rulers. The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. With the exception of the symbol at the commencement, the portion recording the grant (11. 52-68) and the concluding lines (11.77-80) the rest of the inscription is in verse. The signatures of the king Suvaranavarsha and his overlord Amoghavarsha appear at the end and are in distinotly different characters which are more akin to the Southern script than the Northern. The verses of this grant occur in other grants, particularly the Nausari platest of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta prince Karkka I and also in the Kavi plates of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta prince Govinda. The weight of the plates including the seal is 9 lbs. With regard to orthography the following are worthy of note : (i) the use of the gutteral nasal instead of anusrira; (ii) the almost invariable change of the visarga to 8 when followed by p; (iii) the doubling of d and dh in conjunction with a following y or v and (iv) the substitution of jihramuliya for risarga in all cases when followed by k. The object of the present inscription is to record the grant of the village Brahmapapallika in the Mahishaka-rishaya of forty-two villages, which is bounded by the villages of Kavaloika in the north, Likkavalli in the south, Nabada in the east and Dhadiyappa in the west. The date of the inscription is the full moon day of Vaisakha of the Saka year 746, Mahavaihakhaparvan and probably corresponds to Sunday, the 17th April, 824 A. D. The Dutaka was Durgaraja and the name of the officer who drafted the order was Narayana, the Sandhivigrahika or the Minister of Peace and War. The grant was ratified by the Emperor Srimad-Amoghavarshadeva, son of Sri-Jagattungadova. At the end of the inscription are given the sign manual of Karkkaraja the donor, as well as that of his overlord Amoghavarsha. The present record refers itself to the reign of Karkka-Suvarnpavargha, son of Indra belonging to the Gujarat Branch of the Rashtrakuta family. Indraraja, the brother of Govinda III, is here spoken of as becoming the lord of Lata which was given to him by Govinda, 1 J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, pp. 135 ff. * Ind, Ant., Vol. V, pp. 145 ff.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. According to Buhleri Lata' corresponds to what is now known as Central and Southern Gujarat the country between Mahi and Konkana, but he held from the traceable localities mentioned in the Kavi and Baroda inscriptions that Lata was confined in the 9th century to much narrower limits. But we know from the Nausari plates that the Gujarat Rashtrakutas ruled over a tract of country lying between the two rivers Mahi in the north and the Narmada in the south. Indraraja had two sons, namely, Karkkaraja and Govindaraja. Karkka had given several grants of land during his life time and four of them including the present have so far come to light, namely, the Baroda plates the Nausari plates, the Surat plates and the present one which may be called for the sake of convenience as the Brahmanapalli grant. The Baroda plates are dated in Saka 734, the Nausari in Saka 738, the Surat in Saka 743 and the Brahmanapalli in Saka 746. It appears, therefore, that Karkka &scended the throne sometime before Saka 734 and continued to rule till 746 or a little later. But from the above it cannot be assumed that Karkka's reign was entirely uneventful or even continuous, for in the Saka year 736 we find his younger brother Govindarija giving away a village near Baroda as a bhupala showing that he ruled over Central Gujarat in the same year. The second grant? made by him is dated in Saka 749 or fourteen years later. Now, this gives rise to a chronological tangle which has not boen satisfactorily explained by any writer of Gujarat history up till now. The discovery of the present inscription which is the last in the Karkka series of grants, so far known, makes it all the more imperative to examine the question more thoroughly. Two explanations of this unique circumstance may be offered. Several inscriptions of the Gujarat Branch of the Rashtrakutas state that Karkka restored the kingdom of the Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta from the hostile claimants and placed the rightful owner Amoghavarsha on the throne'. This event must have taken place sometime in 736 Saka (A. D. 814) because we find the name of Amoghavarsha mentioned in a charter of Saka 73841 which is perhaps the first during his rule so far obtained. Karkkaraja who was ruling over Gujarat naturally had to leave his own kingdom to assist Amoghavarsha of the main line of the Rashtrakutas, and probably during his absence he directed bis younger brother to look after his dominions. He must have subBequently come back, and we find him issuing a second charter in the year Saka 7381. The inscriptions issued by his younger brother both in Saka 735 and 749 testify to his great devotion and loyalty towards his elder brother Karkkarajali, The other explanation that can be offered in solution of the difficulty above referred to, is by assuming that the younger brother definitely became hostile in about 735 Saka towards his elder brother when he had not quite settled down and with the help of adventurers overthrew him by treachery. Karkka thus was obliged to go back to the south to seek the help of the Rashtrakutas of the main line at Manyakheta. He must have there discovered a conspiracy to deprive the legitimate claimant Amoghavarsha from obtaining the throne, amongst his relatives. He naturally supported the rightful claimant and by his prowegs set him up on the ancestral throne, and as a mark of favour obtained from Amoghavarsha the necessary help to overthrow his * Ind. Ahti, Vol. V, p. 145. *J. B. B.R.A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 140, 11. 60-61. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 156 f. .J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XX, pp. 131 ff. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 133 f. * Torkhodo plates (above, Vol. III, pp. 63 ff.). *Kivi plates of Govindaraja, Ind. Ant., Vol. V, 144. Beec.9. Baroda plates of Dhruvaraja I, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 199 f. Ibid. ........ forange for at f erg SVT II # Dr. Altekar places this ovent between A. D. 817 and 821 (abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 188).-Ed.] 11 The Nausari plates J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XX, p. 135. 11 Ibid. 1 [ Dr. Altekar also has come to a similar conclusion, above, p. 68.-Ed.]

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No. 13. BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746. brother Govindaraja who had unrighteously obtained the kingdom of Gujarat. Till we are in possession of further details it will be futile to draw any definite conclusions and the historians are left to judge for themselves which of the two alternatives will be more acceptable. A third explanation that both the brothers Karkka and Govinda ruled at the same time is hardly admissible because in that case this fact would have been mentioned in the charters issued by both. Both these brothers give away land near about Baroda, and Vatapadraka is mentioned as either the principal village or a surrounding village in the charters attributed to both, and it is not possible that the kingdom of Gujarat should be so divided as to permit two brothers to rule at the same time over two different tracts. Another point to which attention of historians may be drawn is the significance of the signs manual of the two kings Karkka and his overlord Amoghavarsha, for this has a direct bearing on the question of the relation between the Gujarat Branch of the Rishtrakutas and the Rashtrakutas of the main line of Manyakheta. It may be noted in this connection that the Gujarat Rashtrakutas persistently call themselves as Mahasamantadhipati and sometimes as the ruler of the Laliya- or Lacesvara-mandala. But it is in the present inscription that we find the earliest example of the practice of putting in the joint signatures of the Samanta and his overlord. This proves beyond doubt that in so far as the present inscription is concerned, Karkka acknowledged the suzerainty of king Amoghavarsha of the main line. In the earliest inscription of Karkka which is dated Saka 734 there is the signature of Karkka but not of his overlord. In the next two inscriptions issued in Saka 738 and 743 there is also one signature of Karkka but no signature of the overlord who in these cases is Amoghavarsha. In the Torkhoda inscription of Saka 735 his brother Govindaraja calls himself a bhupala and Buddhavarasa as his Mahasamanta who was enjoying an estate called the Siharakkhi Twelve which was given to him by Govindaraja. No signature either of Govinda or Karkka or the overlord appears in the inscription. Though ostensibly a negative point, the omission of signatures in the grants issued by the Gujarat Rashtrakutas from Saka 734 to 746 is nevertheless significant, particularly because in the grant under consideration the signature of the overlord makes its first appearance. Be it noted, however, that the name of the paramount sovereign does occur in inscriptions, though not the sign manual. All the inscriptions issued by the Gujarat Branch of the Rashtrakutas have a special topo. graphical interest for the State of Baroda, as most of the villages granted by the kings are situated in the Baroda State. It will be out of place here to take up all the inscriptions issued by the Gujarat Rashtrakuta kings and make an attempt to identify the villages mentioned therein, as this is clearly beyond the scope of this paper. I, therefore, propose to deal with the grants of the land specially made by Karkka in his inscriptions', so far available, and make an attempt to identify the places in order to correct some of the old inaccuracies. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 158. . Above, Vol. III, P. 53 ff. "I do not take into account the places mentioned in the Surat Platos, as according to the editor, Dr. Altekar, all these are situated in the Navasari District of the Baroda State. But these identifications are open to doubt since we feel that Karkka's territories were confined to the country situated between the Mahi and the Narmada. If we accept Dr. Altekar's identifications we shall have to conclude that Karkka extended his sway much boyond the Narmada so as to include Navasari within his kingdom. But for this, there is no evidence in the inscriptions of the Gujarat Rashtrakutas except the doubtful identification of Nagasirika with Navasari, the river Puravi with Purni and the river Vaakiki with Vanki Creek 30 miles further south of Navasari. The village Ambapacaka which is desoribed as contiguous to Nagasarika (Nagasarikl-pralibaddha) is identified with Amadpur which is on the other side of the Purni river at a distance of 5 miles. And I do not see any reason why the Vapi in given to the Jaina Achirya when the donor is 30 miles away from the place. Frankly, I have grave doubts as regards the correctness of these identifications, though I am not able to offer anything better. (See above, Vol. XXI, pp. 133 ff.) [Dr. Altekar says that in Gujarat fields are often known after the names of the wells irriga. ting them and henco Hiranyayoga.Dhashu-vapi is the name of a field.-Ed.)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. The first records the grant of a village named as Vatapadraka also known as Vatapura which was included in the vishaya of Ankottaka consisting of eighty-four villages. The main village was bounded by villages Vagghachchha in the north, Mahasenaka tank in the south, and the villages Jambuvavika in the east and Ankottaka in the west. For the history of Baroda the above grant is extremely valuable in as much as this is the earliest mention of the village of Vatapadraka which is now known as Baroda, the capital of the most enlightened House of the Gaekwads. Ankottaka and Jambuvavika have been identified by Fleet with the modern villages of Ankut and Jambuva. Mr. (now Dr.) Altekar has identified the village of Vagghachchha with the modern village Vaghodia. The Nausari plates: record the gift of two different villages to a Brahman issued from the same place Khetaka. The first consists of a village included in the territory lying between the Mahi and the Narmada, known as Samipadraka which is bounded by the villages Dhahadva in the north, Chorundaka in the south, Golika in the east and Bharthanaka in the west. The village Chorundaka has been identified with the modern village of Choranda, Bharthanaka the modern Bharthana and Dhahadva the modern Dhavata in the Karjan taluka in the Gaekwad's territories. If we take these three villages as the three boundaries we find that enclosed within there is no village in modern times which can be identified with either Samipadraka or Golika wbich are, therefore, unidentifiable. The identification offered by Dr. Bhandarkar of Samipadraka as Sondarn' does not seem to be reliable. The second grant in the same inscription refers to the gift of a village in the District of Markanika, by name Sambandhi which is bounded by the villages Kasthamandapa in the north, Brahmanapallika in the south, Sajjodaka in the east and Karanjavasahiki in the west. Dr. Bhandarkar identifies the village Sajjodaka with modern Sajod and Kasthamandapa with modern Mandwa both of which seem to be incorrect, because we have to look for their identification in the Sankheda taluk, and not in the Ankleswar taluka as suggested by Dr. Bhandarkar. Mankanika has to be identified with the well-known village of Mankni in the Sankheda taluka of the Baroda State, Sambandhi with modern Samadhi, Kasthamandapa with Kathmandva, and Brahmanapallika with modern Bamroli, all situated in the Sankheda taluka. Of the localities mentioned in the present inscription the village Brahmanapallika should be distinguished from the village of the same name which is included in the Mankanika district, as here it forms a part of the Mahishaka district. The regular phonetic equivalent for Kavaloika is Koili or Koyali and this is the name of a modern village situated in the Baroda taluka. Taking Koili as the starting point and travelling south we reach a village named Bamangam which seems to be the village now representing the ancient village of Brahmanapallika in the district of Mahishaka. The other names, however, cannot now be identified." TEXT. First Plate. 1oN ' sa vovyAdhasA dhAma yavAbhikamaLataM / haraca yasya kAntendukalayA F #*] gefeafafa 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 164. * Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawid, p. 37. *J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 147. Ibid., pp. 135 and 149. In identifying the different villages named in the grants, I have received considerable help from my esteemed Eriend Mr. V. Y. Kashalkar who was formerly the Survey and Settlements Superintendent of the Government of Baroda. * From the original plates and photographs Expressed by a symbol.

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No. 13.] BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746 2 ramudyatamaNDalAyI dhvastibayababhimukho raNayarvaroSu / bhUpaH cibidhurivAsta(pta) digantakIrtimgovindarAja 3 iti rAjasu rAjasiA(siMha) [2] dRSTA camUmabhimukhIM subhaTAhAsA mubAmitaM sapadi yena raNeSu nityaM / 4 daSTAdharaNa dadhatA mukuTiM lalATe khA kulaM ca hRdayaM ca nijaM ca __satvaM // [3] kho karAgrAmukhataca zobhA mA. 5 no manastaH samameva yasya / mahAhave nAma nizamya sadyasvayaM ripUNAM vigalatyakANDe [*] tasyAtma6 jo jagati vizrutadIrghakotirAiitahAriharivikramadhAmadhArI / bhUpatriviSTa [pa] nRpAnuvatikatannaH zrIkakarA7 ja iti gotramaNibabhUva / [5] tasya prabhitrakaraTazyutadAnadanti / dantapra hArarucirozikhitAMsapIThaH / 8 mApa: kSitau kSapitazatrurabhUttanUjaH sadrASTrakUTakanakAdirivendrarAjaH [*] . tasyopArjitamahasasta9 nayazcata[ru*]dadhivalayamAlinyA[:*] / bhoktA bhuvaH zatakratusadRzaH zrIdanti durgarAjobhUt // [*] kAMcIzakeralanarAdhipacola10 pANyazrIharSavaghaTavibhedavidhAnadaI / kAryATaka balamacinthamaneyamanye tyaikyi zirapi yaH sahasA ji11 gAya // [8] bhabhUvibhAmagTahItanibhAtazatramadhAntamapratihatAjamapatayanaM / yo vanamaM sapadi daNDa12 balena jitvA rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratAmavApa [*] pAsatovipuloba(pa)lAva lilasajholobhimAlAjalAdA13 prAlayakalaMkitAmakhazikhAjAlAtuSArAcalA' [*] dApUrkhAparavArirAbhipulinaprA. tapasihAvadheryeneyaM ja. 14 gatI khavikramabalanakAtapanIlatA [10] tasmindivamayAte vanamarAje catapra jAbAdhaH / zrIkarAjas. 16 namakIpatiH baukSaNarAjobhUna [11] yA sabhujaparAkramaniHzeSotsAditAri dikcakraM / saraskhevAvarSa 18 caritaM bolaNarANasa [12] sabhAtaramapracArakAravikiraNa / gopi nabhI nizi1 The danda is superfluous. Read danti-danten ! Readtad-delaat & pireod. * Vinarga superduous.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL.xxn. 17 laM prApTaTakAlAyate spaSTaM // [13] dInAnAthapraNayiSu yatheSTaceSTaM samohita. mjn[*]| tatkSaNama18 kAlavarSI varSati sAtinirdhvaparNa // [14] rAhappamAtmabhujajAtabalAvalepamAjau vijitya nizitAsila19 tApahArai' [] pAlidhvajAvalizabhAmacireNa yo hi rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratAM tatAna // [15*] krodhAdukhAtakha. 20 amRtatu(ka)cicayai samAnaM samantAdAjAvuttavairiprakaTagajaghaTATopasakSobhadakSaM / 21 zaurya tyatvArivargo bhayacakitavapuGkApi dRSdaiva sadyo dodhAtAricakrakSayakara. mata(ga) Second Plate: First Side. 22 madyasya dohaNDarUpaM // [16] pAtA yazcaturamburAzirazanAlaGkArabhAjo muvasvayyAzcApi katahijAmarabhu(guruprAjyAjya23 pUjAdarauM / dAtA mAnamRdagraNIbha (guM)NavatAM yosau thiyo vallabho bhoktuM svargaphalAni bhUritapasAM sthAnaM 24 jatA(gA)mAmaraM [17] yena khetAtapatrahataravikaravAtatApAtsalIlaM janme (me) nAsauradhalIdhavalitazirasA 23 vanamAkhyaH sadAjI / zrImahovindarAjo jitajagadahisaNavaidhavyadakSastasyAsI manurekaH kSaNa28 raNadalitArAtimattebhakumbhaH [18] tasyAnuNaH zrodhruvarAjanAmA mahAnubhAvoMpra hatapratApa prasAdhi27 tAzeSanarendracakraH krameNa bAlAvapurbabhUva [18] jAte yatra ca rASTrakUTa tilake sadbhUpa 28 cUDAmaNo gurbI tuSTirathAkhilasya jagataH sukhAmini pratyaI [*] satyaM satyamiti prazAsati sa29 ti mAmAsamudrAntikAmAsaudharmaparaM guNAmRtanidhI satyavratAdhiSThite / [20] dRSTonvahaM yothiMja30 nAya sarvaM sarvasvamAnanditabandhuvarga prAdAvaruSTo harati sma vatA(gA). prANAnyamA 31 syApi nitAntavIryaH [21] rakSatA yena niHzeSa caturabhodhisaMyutaM / sandhadhamrmeNa lokAnAM. * Road 'daH / * Read -praharaih I paleo. * Road -varsgadlpralates

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No. 13, BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746 83 32 khAtA huSTi parA hadi [22] havAmajo jagati sathitorakortiodhi darAja iti gotralalA83 mabhUtagAmasthAgI parAtrAmadhanaprakaTapratApasantApitAhitajano janavaDAmobhUna [23] pRthvI 34 padama iti ca prathitaM yasyAparaM jagati nAma [*] yaza caturudabisomAmeko vasudhAM vaze ya(ca)85 ke // [24] ekopyanekarUpI yo dadRze medavAdibhiriSAmA / parapalaja savimapArantaravadordhyA 36 raNe rimubhiH [25] eko nitiraI rahItazakhA dame pare bahako [] yo naivaMvidhamakarozcittaM svaprepi 37 kimutAjI // [26] rAjyAbhiSekakasarabhiSica datAM rAjAvirAjaparamekharatAM svapitrA / anyai38 mInApati[bhi bahubhiH sameva stabhAdibhi nabasAdabakhumyamAnAM [27] ekonekanarendrahanda39 mahitAnyatAnsamastAnapi motvAtAsilatAprahAravidhurAbaDA mahAsaMyuge / saraMmaimapyaca40 lA cakAra pilasatsavAmarayAhiNe / saMsaudaguruviprasavanahAnyUpabhotyA (myA) bhu. 41 pi(vi) // [28] taputrotra gato(te) nAkamAkampitaripudraje / zrImahArAjazakhyiH sthAto rAjAma42 pahuNeH // [29] parthiSu yathArtyatAM yaH samabhoSTaphalAptiladhatoSeSu [*] hiM nimAya phya Second Plate ; Second Side. 43 ramAmamoghavarSAbhidhAnasya // [30] rAjAbhUttatpitavyo ripubhavavibhavoDUtyabhAvakahe.. tulasIkAnindrarAjo gu44 pipanikarAntazcamatkArakAro / rAgAdanyAnvyudasya prakaTitavinayA yaM nRpAnse vamAnA rAjaurava cakra 45 sakalakavijanoDItataSyasvabhAvaM // [11] nirvANAvAptivAnA(1)sahitahitajanopA__ syamAnAH subattaM vRttaM ji. 48 tvAnyarAja caritamudayavAnparvato hiMsakebhyaH / ekAkI haptavairiskhalanAtisara- prAtirAjyezazaMkuoTI 1 Read bhutah I tyagi. *Superfluous. * One pa is superfluous.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXI. [VoL.XXII. 48 47 yaM maNDalaM yastapana iva nijakhAmidattaM rarakSa [12*] yasyAnamArajayi narapriyasAhasasya mApAlaveSaphalameva babhUva sainyaM / musA ca sarvabhuvanezvaramAdidevaM nAvandatAnyamamareSvapi yo manakhI // [33] zrIkarkarA49 ja iti rakSitagajyabhAraH sAraGkalasya sanayo nayazAlizaurya [1] stasyAbhavahima vananditabandhusAya' pAtyaH / 50 sadeva dhanuSi. prathamaH zucInAM [34*] dAnena mAnena sadAjayA vA zauryeNa vIryeNa ca kIpi bhUpa: [1] 61 etena tusthosti na vaiti kIrtiH sakautukA bhrAmyati yasya loke // [35*] tenedamanilavidyuccaJcalamAlokya 62 jIvitamasAraM / kSitidAnaparamapuNya pravartito dharmadAyoyaM [36] sa ca samadhigatAzeSamahA53 zabdamahAsAmantAdhipatisuvarNavarSayIkarkarAjadevaH sarvAneva yathAsaMbalyamAnakAnA. 54 TrapativiSayapatigrAmakUTAyuktaniyutAkAdhikArikamahattagadonsamanudarthayatyastu 55 va: saMviditaM / yathA mayA maataapicoraamnveshikaamubhivpukhkhyshobhihaaye| kaDibharavA56 stavya / vauNDinyasagotra / vAjisaneyasanAcAri / ' bhadAmodarasutanAgaku mArAya / mAhiSakahicatvA67 riGgaativahabrAhmaNapazikAbhidhAnagrAmo / yasyAghATanAni pUrvatI / nAvaDagrAmo dakSiNato livanI68 nAmA'parato dhADiyappanAmA prAmaH / uttaratakavalokAbhidhAnagrAmaH / evamayaM caturAdhATanopalakSitaH 59 sodgaH saparikaraH sadaNDadayAparAdhaH sabhUtavAtapratyAyaH sotpadyamAnaviSTika: sadhAnyahirasya60 deyocATabhaTapravazyaH sarvarAjakIyAnAmahastaprakSepaNIyaH pAcandrAgikSitisari tparbatasama61 kAlIna putrapaucAnvayakramIpabhotya(ba) pUrvapradattadevanadAyarahitobhyantarasiyA za. kApakA vaizAkhapabAga Rend-Haurya. I tanyad", Superfluous

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SURVEY OP INDIA, CALCUTTA. Ferraz 35 80 2086 1787 bet gan PENCE przeds 3 230VP9EUR 31 ESPLENGRE BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA SUVARNNAVARSHA: SAKA 746. DO STU SCALE: ABOUT THREE-QUARTERS. 489 Forge Soa re PPR Porn TEPER You can do ficeerd partiere MESAFEBOREIGOU cender CEP PREENBLAD nkae`r 1 P ooligateyaawrayaidnaakr (kh. PROPIERES N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE.

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THIRD PLATE. nee sNgt nuuN naaiip 41787 khpt30 13922 J554haavii 4vaa lainn- mHt/upaam tee ee viittn naa nee khulaarc 1504 4 kuaa? 3 34 38 pu gu r up ku // pumr kNm vii naam rkh 2018: 13haa nsl dee phai tee 44k daa hii haiow dee taanaas'aah tooN aaee 43dee ghr neece 6 t vr tee blvaan vrt

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No. 13.] BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746 63 nAvAdyoda(ta)'kAtisargeNa / balicasvaikhadevAgnihotrAtithipaMcamahAyajJakriyotsa paryaNArthaM prati64 pAdito yatosyocitayA brahmadAyasthityA bhujato bhojayatakaSatakarSayata pratidizatI. Third Plate. 65 vA na kenacit paripanthanA karaNauyA / tathAgAminRpatibhiraspaiMzyairanyA sAmAnyabhUmidAnaphalamavetya 66 vidyujholAnyanityaivANi tRNAgralagnajalabinducaMcalaM ca jIvitamAkalayya svadA yanivizeSo67 yamasmadAyInumantavya paripAlayitavyaca yazcAjJAnatimirapaTalAvRtamatirAcchindyAdA cchidya68 mAnaka vAnumodeta / sa paMcabhirmahApAtakairupapAtakaica saMyuktaH syAdityuktaM ca bhagavatA veda69 vyAsena vyAsena / SaSTivarSasahasrANi kharge tiSThati bhUmidaH [*] pAcchettA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva 70 narake vaset / [37] vindhyATavovI(va)toyAsu zuSkakoTaragha(vA)sinakRSNAhayo hi jAyante bhUmidAnaM hara71 nti ye [38] agnerapatyaM prathamaM suvarNa bhUvaiSNavo sUryasutAca gAvo(va:) [*] lokatrayaM tena bhavaddhi dattaM 72 yakAJcanaM gAM ca mahIM ca dadyAt // [34] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhirya (bhiHya)sya yasya yadA bhUmi73 stasya tasya tadA phalaM [40] yAnIha dattAni purA narendranAni dharmArthayazaskarANi / nimmAlya74 vAntapratimAni tAni / ko nAma sAdhu punarAdadIta [41.] svadattAM paradattAM vA yanAdrakSa na. 76 rAdhipa / mahIM mahimA zreSTha dAnAccheyonupAlanaM [42"] iti kamalada lAmbuSindulolA thi76 yamanucisya manuSyajIvitaM ca / prativimalamanobhirAtmanIne hi puruSe para kIrta77 yo vilopyA : // 43"] iti // dUtakotra zrIdurgarAjo(jaH) / likhitaM ca / sAdhivihikavInArAyaNa78 na // matammama zrIjagattuGgadevasutasya zrImadamoghavarSadevasya yadu79 pari likhitaM // matammana zrImadindrarAjasutasya zrIkakkairAjadevasya / ' 80 yadupari likhitamiti // Buperfluous. * Danda superfiuous.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. No. 14.- TIRUVALANGADU INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. BY V. VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. This inscription is engraved on the east wall of the first prikare of the Nataraja shrine in the Vatanarayanesvara temple at Tiruvalangadu, a small station near Madras on the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway. It was copied in 1905, but in that year the inscription could not be copied in full as it was partially obstructed by later structural additions to the temple. In the subsequent renovation, most of the inscribed stones were lost so that only a portion of the record is now preserved in the temple. On account of its deroagad condition, its importance was not sufficiently recognised hitherto, but it now receives elucidation from two insoriptions copied at Pallavarayanpottai' and Tirumayanam in the Tanjore district. It is of great value since it throws new light on the Chola, Pandya and Singhalese history in the third quarter of the 12th century A.D. It is engraved in the Tamil language and script of the 12th century A.D. and is particularly free from orthographical errors. The record is dated in the 12th year and 17th day of the reign of the Chola ling Rajakosarivarman alias Rajadhirajadeva (II) and commences with the usual preamble beginning with the words kadal-Sulnda, etc. The object of the inscription is the grant of 10 veli of land in Rajarajan-Palaiyanar situated in Nep mahi-nada, a division of Acromoli ]devavalanadu, free of taxes including antarayam and patam, to Vedav pamudatyan Ammaiappan alias Annan Pallavarajan of Palatyanur, evidently for his services to the State in frustrating the hostile attempts of the Singhalese king Parakramabahu against the Chala country. This inscription is the only record so far hown that gives a detailed racount of the Singhalese activities in the war of the Pandyan succession, for which our mly source has hitherto been the Singhalese chronicle Mahavamsa ; but this is biased in its version, especially as it does not give No. 465 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. ? In the absence of the original inscribed stones, the impression preserved in the office of the Superinten. lent for Epigraphy, Madras, is the only record now available for this waluable inscription. 3 No. 433 of 1934 of the Madras Epigraphical collection ; vide also above, Vol. XXI, p. 184, where this inscription is published. No. 281 of 1925 of the same collection. This is highly damaged and appears to be a duplicate copy of the present record. As regards the initial date of this king there is some confusion. Prof. Kialhorn had fixed. It between 28th February and 30th March 1163 A.D. But a record from Nandalar (No. 371 of 1907), while giving astronomical details couples the 12th regnal year of the king with the cyclic year Hematamba which corresponded to A.D. 1177 (above, Vol. X, p. 127). In this case the regnal year intended must be 14th expired or 15th current and not 12 as cited in the record. This apparent difference in date is, curiously enough, reiterated in an inscription cently copied in the Chittoor District (No. 209 of 1932), where the 19th regnal year of this king is also stated to be his 14th year. This would suggest that Rajadhiraja II was a crown prince for two years before he became king. There are, however, three inscriptions of this king (Nos. 571 of 1907, 428 of 1912 and 19 of 1913) which point +0 A.D. 1166 as the initial year. From the Pallavarayanpettai inscription we know that Rajadhiraja II was crowned 4 years after his nomination. The initial date of his predecessor, Rajaraja 11, 1a 1146 A.D. and his highest regnal year is 19 (No. 411 of 1909). Rajaraja II must therefore have lived till 1164.85 A.D. The whole position may now be summed up as follows: A.D. 1163 Rajadhiraja's nomination, A.D. 1164-65 Rajaraja's death and Rajadhinaja's succession, A.D. 1166 Rajadhiraja's coronation. Since both A.D. 1163 and 1166 work correctly as the initial year, it will be evident that Rajadhiraja II, in some of his records, counted his reign from the year of his nomination and in others from that of his coronation.

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No. 14.] TIRUVALANGADU INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. 87 any reverses sustained by the Singhalese forces. The present epigraph, however, lays special emphasis on this point, and therefore as a corrective to the Mahavamsa and as a record of contemporary events, it is a valuable document It may be divided into two sections: in the first, the services to the country rendered by the Chola general Vedavanamudaiyan Ammaiappan alias Annan Pallavarajan in counteracting the hostile attempts of the Singhalese king Parakramabahu are detailed and in the other is registered a grant of land made to him. The inscription refers to the Singhalese king Parakrambahu in contempt as flattan. the record we learn that Parakramabahu was hostile to the Chola kingdom from the beginning of his reign and in pursuance of this policy, he made the following three attemps which were successfully foiled by the Chola king - (a) When the war of the Pandyan succession broke out, Parakramabahu espoused the da use of Parakrama-Pandya, one of the claimants to the throne of Madura and also sent an army into the Pandya country which forced Kulasekhara, the rival claimant to the throne, to flee from Madura and seek the help of the Chola king. The Chola army sent to his assistance deposed Vira-Pandya, the son of Parakrama-Pandya, who was set up on the Pandya throne by the Singhalese king Parakramabahu, completely defeated the enemy's forces killing even their generals and finally placed Kulasekhara on the throne of Madura.' (b) On the failure of this attempt Parakramabahu reinforced his strongholds by despatch ing forces into Oratturai, Pulaichcheri, Matottam, Vallikamam and Mattival and constructed ships for a naval attack. But the Chala king frustrated these measures with the assistance of Srivallabha, the nephew of Parakramabahu, by carrying the war into the enemy's territory and destroying a considerable portion thereof. (c) Parakramabahu then tampered with the loyalty of Kulasekhara-Pandye to his Chola ally and won him over to his side. He could not however satisfy both the Pandya claimants at the same time. The Chola king, on the other hand, deposed the ungrateful Kulasekhara and placed Vira-Pandya, the quondam ally of Parikrama bahu, on the throne of Madura. This inscription in narrating the first attempt of Parakramabahu (11. 12.18) corroborates the Mahavansa in the main except the reverses sustained by the Singhalese forces. The details of the other two attempts (II. 18-36) are, however, new information The present record raises an important issue about Srivallabha. His position is clearly explained in it. We know that his father Manabharana was a rival of Parakrainabahu for the overlordship of Geylon. Srivallabha also appears to have aspired for the Singhalese throne. In the protracted struggle for sovereignty Srivallabha was captured by the forces of Parakramebahu, but he subsequently seems to have escaped from his uncle custody and sought and obtained shelter under the Chola king. Parakramabahu evidently resented this assistance and so commenced his campaign of hostility against the Chola kingdom. This persistent hostility of the Singhalese king is emphasised in our record in three places (11. 12, 18 and 29). Srivallabha is called the nephew (marumagan) of Parakramabahu and is recognised in the inscription as the claimant to the Ilam country (Ila-ayatttikhun kadavarly 1. 21). It is also 1 The details given in this encounter are also corroborated by the Pellavarayanpettai record (above, Voi, XXI. pp. 180.) wherein, however, Annay Pallavarajan's part in the fight does not find mention. Maharamsa Ch. 72, vv. 323-4.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. stated that he had already gone (munbe pondirunda 1.21), thus suggesting his previous arrival in South India, evidently as a refugee seeking shelter under the Chola and possibly also his assistance for the overthrow of Parakramabahu. Therefore when his help was sought by the Chola king, he readily responded, so that if there was a chance he might gain the throne of Ceylon. The part played by Srivallabha, in this connection, has hitherto been considered as that of a traitor. But if it is understood that he was fighting along with his father Manabharana for the Singhalese throne against Parikramabahu, it will be evident that such a charge cannot be levelled against him. In the rivalry between Vira-Pandya and Kulasekhara for the throne of Madura, the Chola king first took up the cause of Kulasekhara, but when the latter proved a traitor by allying himself with Parikramabahu, he was deposed and Vira-Pandya was placed in his stead. Though the present record stops with the restoration of Vira-Pandya, now with Chela help, it is clear that he must also have rebelled soon after, for when Kulottunga-Chola III continued the war, be fought against Vira-Pandya and in favour of one Vikrama-Pandya whom he made the ruler of Madura. It may be pointed out here that the new facts gleaned from this inscription, viz.--that Raja. dhiraja took up the cause of Srivallabha against that of Parakramabahu, that the Pandya king Kulasekhara turned a traitor to the Chola king and that Vira-Pandya was again installed on the Pandya throne through Chola help raise the following fresh issues which in the present state of our knowledge cannot be satisfactorily explained : Did the Chola king Rajadhiraja II actually send any help to Ceylon to assist Srivallabha in his struggle for sovereignty or did he only give shelter to him? Why was Vira-Pandya made the ruler of the Pandya kingdom and not Vikrama-Pandya after Kulasekhara turned a traitor ? What was the relationship of Vikrama-Pandya to his predecessors and what were his claims to the Pandya throne ? The territorial divisions, Jayaigondasdla-mandalam (1.8), Arumolideva-Valanadu (1.36) and Nonmali-nalu (1. 36) are already known. Palaiyan ur, the native place of Vedavanam-Udaiyan may be identified with the village of the same name in the Tiruttani taluk of the Chittoor district. This village must be distinguished from Rajarajan-Palaiyapur? (1.36) in th: Tanjore district, where 10 veli of land was granted to this Vedavanamudaiyan. The village Elagam 1 Seo 4. R. on Epigraphy for 1906, para. 23. * Why Kulasekhara proved a traitor is not explained in the record. Probably he was entioed by Parikramsbahu. His revolt is referred to in the historical introduction of Kulottunga-Chola III. See 8. 1. 1., Vol. III, Pp. 206ff. * Vira-Pandya seems to have occupied the throne for a second time from about 1175-1182 A.D. Like his predecessor Kulasekhara he also fell an easy prey to the machinations of Parikramabahu and thus made himself the bitterest enemy of the Chola king kulottunga-Chola III. He made a desparate attempt along with his son to regain the Pandya throne till at last he lost his life in the battle at Nettur. Two records from Tribbuvanam in the Tanjore district (Nos. 191 and 192 of 1907) state that Kulottunga-Chola III who bore the title 'Pandyari' killed Vira-Pandya. See also A. R. on Epigraphy for 1908, para, 64, and 8. 1. 1., Vol. III, pp. 217-18. * The Chola rulers played the role of 'king makers'. Kulasekhara, Vira-Pandya, and Vikrama-Pandya were successively made rulers of the Pandya country by the Chola sovereigns. * The Tiruvalangadu plates of the Chla king Rajendra-chola I record the grant of this village to the Siva temple at Tiruvalangadu. In the Tlvdram this village is called Palaiyandr-Alangadu (...) Alang du or Tiruvalangadu near Palaiyanur. In one inscription Tiruvalangadu is said to be near Palaiyanur (8. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 134). * This explains why the same inscription is found both at Tiruvilangadu (Chittoor district), the native place of Vedavapam-UQaiyan, and at Tirumayapam (Tanjore district) where the lands presented to him were situated.

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No. 14.] TIRUVALANGADU INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. (1. 29) may be identified with Tiruvedagam in the Madura taluk. The subjugation of this village is also mentioned in inscriptions of Kulottunga-Chola III. The river Vellaru rises in the Velamalai to the west of the Pudukkottai State and falls into the Bay of Bengal to the north of Manamelkudi in the Tanjore district. Uratturai, Pulaichcheri, Matottam, Vallikamam and Mattival have already been identified." TEXT. 1 Svasti(r) eri [*] Kadal-sulnda Par-madarun Kalai-madarum adal-Sulnda Por-ma2 darun-Chir-madarum ama[ r* ]ndu vala nar-kadal-sul puvi-olum pa[x]-kadal-su! pugal para3 pp& adi-ugamamepna=chchodi-mudi punaindaruliaru-samaiyamum sim-buda mum ne4 riyil nipru parippa=tTennavarun-Cheralarun Singalarum mudalaya manpavargal tirai 5 sumandu vantindi-chchevippa uliuli oru benkol elu-parum inid=alippa-ch chempon Vira-[si(r))6 [ona]sa'nattu Ulagudai-mukkokki]apadigalodum virsirundaruliya Kov-Iraja-kesari - panmar -ana 7 Tribhu'vanachchakkaravarttiga! srii-Irajadhirajadevarkku yandu pannirandavadu nal nurraimbat8 telinal Tribhuvanachchakra'vatti Konerinmaikondan Jayankondacola-mandalattu Men9 malaip-Palaiyanur-nattu=pPalaiyanur-udaiyar Tiruvalangadudaiyar koyilil deva kapmikku10 m brio-mahesvarak-kangani-seyvargalukkum [1*] Palaiyanur-udaiyan Vedavanamu daiyan Ammaia11 ppan=ana Appan Pallava[rajan IlattaNG Parakkiramabaku alvap-pode tudangi Solarajya'ttukku 12 (vi ]rodams ay-i ]ruppana pala vadigalalun be[yya-p]parttu idukku upuppa ga=pPandi-nattile padai13 [yu)ravittu.......... [Kulasekharasaiyum Madu]raiyil niprum Velagrukku vadakaraiyile po14 dappanni[ na-padiyale )..........'m seyyappartta-idattu idukku-pparikaramaga Kula 15 sekhararkku (venduvanavun-cheydu : muda]ligalum padaigalum pogavittu Ilattan padaiyaiyu 18. I. I., Vol. III, p. 210. * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 187. * Engraved in Grantha. The letters raja and mara are engraved in Grantha. The letters tribhu are in Grantha. * The letters Rajadhirajade are in Grantha. rajya is engraved in Grantha. * The word vipaikkedugalum may be inserted before seyyappartia.

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90 16 m EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. ippadaik ku-kkaranavar=ana] tra1ya-dDandana [ya* ]kkapum ullitta Pla[nkapura-Da]ndanayakkanum Jagat 17 raiyun-konru [Madurai- vasalile ivargal talaigalai] taippittu iv-vurile Kulasekhararaiyum puga-vittu-chche 18 lla-nirka.......... ku virodamay-iruppana seyya-pparttu ivan tan podai19 nilaiyana Uratturai Pulaichcheri Matottam Vallikamam Mattival ullitta Grgali padaigalu [VOL. XXII. 20 m puguda-vittu padavukalufi cheyvikkira padi kettu idukku-pparikaramaga Ilattan maru-maganaray Ila-rajya'ttukkun. 21 kadavaray munbe pondirunda Sivallavarai alaippittu ivarkku venduvana. vun-cheydu ivaraiyum i 22 varudane vendum vendum padaigalum padaigalum Uratturai Vallikamam Mattival ullitta urgalile pugavittu-pPulaichche 26 rakkay-kkaikkondalavum Ila-mapdalattu-kkariya 23 ri Matottam ullitta urgalum alittu Ilattaninavay iv-vurgalil nipra anaiga. Jun kai-kkon 24 du Ila-mandalattil kil-mel irupadin kada merpadavun ten-vadal muppadin kada merpadavum alittu it 25 turaiyil ivan manichcharay-irundaril kolvaraiyun-konru pidipparaiyum pidittu ivargalaiyum da piditta apaigalum alaippittu ivan namakku-kkatti Pandiyanar Kulasekharar 27 mellappadiyalum ivan aliya-chcheyvittapadikkum tamakku munbu seyda 28 nanmaigalum parade Ilattanudane [sa2]mbandam-pannavum ivanum ivaru a kuda-ninru Sola[rajya']ttuk 29 ku virodamay-iruppana keyyavun-kadavadaga nichchayittu idukku uruppaga-pPodi-nattu lagattarilum marra-chch 30 amantarilum namakku chchervapattu ninrudan beygira Irajarajakkarkudiyarayanum Irajaga mbira Anjukot 31 tai-Nadajvapam ullittari [Jungaigalil nigrum Vellkrukka vadnarayi poda ppanni 32 Pakapuri-dDandanal ya Jkkanum Jagattra'ya-dDapdanyakkanum ullitar talaigaliy Madurai-vasalip taichoha talai 1 The letter tra is engraved in Grantha. Engraved in Grantha. 33 galum vaigi-ppogaduvittu elli-ttimaigalum beyyakkadavadiga-kkarudi-ohobeygirapadiyum Ilattan Kulasekharar-uda The letters rajaraja are engraved in Grantha. The letters rajaga are engraved in Grantha. The letters jagattra are engraved in Grantha.

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No. 14.] 34 D TIRUVALANGADU INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II. kuda ninru udavi-seygai sutti ivarudan kkattina olaigalum val atukkalum. valilyile iva Sarajyattukku virodamky-irukkaiyale ivagal sarvupattu-ni farkku .... 35 angu-ninrum pokki munbe-pidittu Maduraikku-kkaranavarana Pandiyar maganar Vira-[Pandiya devarai Madurai ... valun kudiraiyalum venduvanavaiyirril namakku-chcho TRANSLATION. 91 vara .'padiyalum Parakkirama ... i-vastu3 36 lli-chcheyyava oduvagavul-cheyvittu alladana ivane migudippada nerndum cheydu surukki[na*] na[ lai ]kkulle Madurai ... deva-valanattu Nen mali-nattu Irajaraja'p-Palaiyanurile padirru 37 veli nilam pannirandavadu mudal antarayam pattam utpada iraiyiliy-aga ittu ippadi Udaiyar Tiruvalangadudaiya .......Muvendavelan -Ivai Nila. gangarayan eluttu | a 38 Ivai Dipattarayan eluttu Ivai Kanakaraja1n eluttu Ivai Malaiyappiraja"[n] eluttua Ivai Malava...... 39 tu Ivai Villavarayan eluttu (Lines 1-5) (Ll. 6-10). In the twelfth year and one hundred and fifty-seventh day (of the reign) of the king Rajakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajadhirajadeva, while he was pleased to be seated along with (his queen) Ulagudai-mukkokkilanadaigal on the golden throne of heroes, (the following order was issued) to the devakanmi and Sri-mahesvarakangani-seyvar of the temple of Udaiyar Tiruvalangadudaiyar at Palaiyanur in MenmalaipPalaiyanur-nadu, a subdivision of Jayangondasola-mandalam (under the royal seal) Tribhuvanachakravatti Konerinmaikondan: (LI. 11-17). Vedavanamudaiyan Ammaiappan alias Appan Pallavarajan of Palaiyanur (acted thus): When Parakramabahu of Ilam, from the time (he) assumed sovereignty acted inimically against the Chola country by various means and as a part of this move, since he caused an army to enter the Pandya country..... and forced Kulasekhara also to flee from Madura to the north bank of the (river) Vellaru.. to counteract this (hostile) action, what. ever (assistance) was needed by Kulasekhara was given (by us, i.e., the Chola king) 1 This portion is built in: before padiyalum' the letters ellap' may be inserted. The gap may be filled up with the aid of the Tirumayanam inscription, with the words ' koyilil idakkadavadaga ivanukku nam cholli belangalum venduvaraiyum pogaviduvapavum [vittu].' The letter stu is engraved in Grantha. From the Tirumayanam inscription, a portion of this gap may be filled up with the words naippokki Vira-Pandyaevarai Maduraiyil pugavitta-padikkum ivanukku Arumoli'. The letters rajaraja are engraved in Grantha. Engraved in Grantha. 7 The letter ja is engraved in Grantha. For translation see above Vol. XXI, p. 191.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXII. commanders (with) forces were despatched, the army of Ceylon (was destroyed) and its generals Lankapura-Dandanayaka and Jagattraya-Dandanayaka put to death, their heads mounted on the gates of Madura, and thereafter) Kulasekhara was allowed to enter this city (i.e., Madura). (LI. 18-26).-When (affairs) stood thus ............ hearing (the report) that, with the intent of making another) hostile attempt (against the Chola country), this (Parakramabahu) had assembled forces into his strongholds at Oratturai, Pulaichcheri, Matottam, Vallikamam, Matti. val and other places and was also constructing (a fleet of ships (therein), (we, in order) to ward off this danger), summoned Srivallabha the nephew of the Ceylonese (king) and a claimant to the kingdom of Ceylon and (who) had already arrived (here), did whatever was required for him (and) despatched him with the necessary forces to Oratturai, Vallikamam, Mattival and other villages (and) destroyed Pulaichcheri, Matottam and other villages, captured the elephants belonging to the king of Ceylon stationed in these places, laid waste in Ila-mandalam more than twenty kadam? (of land) from east to west and more than thirty kadam from south to north, killed in this place such of his subordinates as had to be killed and captured those who had to be captured This (Annan Pallavarajan) sent for these (captives) along with the booty and captured elephants and displayed (them) to us (and) thus (once again) frustrated in every way the efforts of the king) of Ila-mandalam. (Ll. 27-33).--The Pandya Kulasekhara disregarding the good done to him before (by us, i.e., the Chola king), entered into an alliance with the (king) of Ceylon, (and both) this king of Ceylon) and this (Kulasekhara) decided to stand together and act against the interest of the Chola kingdom. As an evidence of this move, (they) drove from (their) places to the north bank of the nver) Vellaru, our alies at Elagam in the Pandya country like Rajarajakkarkudiyarayan and Rajagambira Anjukaytai-Nadalvan and other feudatories who were assisting our cause and removed from the gates of Madura, the heads of Lankapuri-Dandanayaka, JagattrayaDandanayaka and others which had been pinned thereon, (and in this way) carried out the intent of working every kind of evil (to us, i.e., the Chola king). (LI. 34-39).-As the letters and presents sent to the adherents of Kulasekhara by the king of Ceylon betokening assistance to the former, when intercepted) on the way (proved Kulasekhara's) hostility to the Chola kingdom, we directed him (Annan Pallavarajan) to oust him (Kulasekhara) from there (Madura) and to reinstate) in Madura Vira-Pandya, the son of ParakramaPandya who was from the beginning (another) claimant to the throne of Madura. (Further), we provided him (Annay Pallavarajan) with all the requisites and directed him to indent on us (when necessary) for funds and cavalry and to manage the other things himself; and as he had Bo carried out our intentions) within a short time and installed) Vira-Pandya (in) Madura, (we granted him), from the twelfth year, ten veli of land in Rajarajan-Palaiyanur (situated) in Nepmali-nadu, & division of [ Arumoli]deva-valanadu, made free of taxes including antarayam and pattam (and commanded the engraving of the gift in the temple of) Udaiyar Tiruvalangadudaiy[ ar ] ...... (This is the signature of) Muvendavelan L. This is the signature of Nilagangarayan 6. This is the signature of Dipattarayap 6. This is the signature of Kanakarajan L. This is the signature of Malaiyappirajan L. This [ is the signature of ] Malava ........... This is the signature of Villavarayan L. Kadam is the Indian league measure about 10 miles in distance.

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No. 15.] THE KHAMKHED PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRATAPASILA. 93 No. 15.--THE KHAMKHED PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRATAPASILA. By PROFESSOR V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. This is a set of three copperplates discovered by a farmer while digging under a wall of his house at Khamkhed or Khamgaon about 35 miles south-west of Mehkar in Berar. They reached the hands of Mr. Y. M. Kale, B.A., LL.B., M.L.C. of Buldana, who kindly placed them at my disposal for editing. The plates are strung on a circular ring 1.2" in thickness and 2.2" in diameter, passing through a hole about 1' in diameter in the centre of the top of each plate. The middle portion of the ring is flattened to contain a legend in two lines and the crude figure of a male deity sitting crosslegged, with a halo surrounding his face. The ends of the ring do not appear to have ever been soldered and were a little apart from each other when the plates reached me, so that the latter could be taken out with ease. This makes it doubtful if the ring belongs to the plates at all. The suspicion is strengthened by the fact that the legend on the ring, though incised in the same characters as the inscription on the plates, does not contain any of the names mentioned in the plates. The plates and the ring together weigh 74 tolas. Each plate measures 6.7" x 2.3". After the plates were incised, it appears it was discovered that the hole of the first plate was wrongly cut at the centre of the bottom. It was, therefore, closed with a piece of copper rivetted into it and another was made at the centre of the top. Some portion on the right hand side of the first three lines is illegible owing to the corrosion and cracking of the first plate. The first and third plates are inscribed on the inner side only and the second, which is thicker, on both the sides. The letters are well cut and do not show through on the reverse. The ends of the plates are raised into rims to protect the letters. Each side of the plates contains six lines except the second side of the second plate which has five lines only. The characters are of the nail-headed or acute-angled variety of the North Indian alphabet. The engraver has, in the first two lines, shown the wedges clearly. Later on they are replaced by short horizontal top-strokes. The inscription thus shows the transitional stage when the wedges at the top of letters were giving place to horizontal strokes which in course of time developed into the characteristic top-lipeg of the Nagari alphabet. The size of letters varies from 1' on the first plate to .2" on the rest. The initial a which is differentiated from a by a downward stroke attached to the middle of the right hand vertical line of a occurs in adinya (1.9) and achchheta (1. 16). The initial u which ha 8 & curve at the lower end occurs in uttaratah (1. 22) and uktam cha (1. 12). The medial a appears generally in the form of a downward stroke (cf. Sagar-adibhih 1. 13) but occasionally appears above the line (cf. rajanaih 1. 13). The curve of the medial i often goes over the line to the left of the letter and, encircling it, appears again to the right, generally ending in a serif (cf. kinchs 1. 6). The medial u is shown in two ways-by lengthening the vertical stroke of the letter ending in a serif (cf. Yudhishthira 1. 17) and by means of a curve open to the left (cf. bhukta l. 13). The medial u also occurs in two ways--(1) with a curve at the base of a letter, the end of which is either curled or turned sharply upwards (cf. gavyuta 1. 7) and (2) with the sign for initial u ; (of. bhumeh 1. 6). The matras for ai, o and au generally stand above the line. They appear curled in some cases (cf. Golamma 1. 10 and 8-ch-aitad 1. 12); k and a generally show & loop on the left (see, however, "kumara 1. 8 and raksha l. 17, where k appears without a loop); 7 still appears in its old tripartite form (cf. rajanaih 1. 13); 4 is flat at the top (cf. Isvarabhata l. 9); the basa Tho seals of the Multai and Tivarkhed plates are similarly formed (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 231, and above, Vol. XI, p. 276). For similar, but later, mixture of wedges and straight top-strokes see the Vandi-Dindori plate of Govinda II (se Plate II (b), Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 160).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. stroke of is occasionally suppressed (see Parnnikagramo l. 21). The vertical stroke of ti generally on the left (cf. senapati 1. 10). D shows a slight serif at the lower end, has a loop and y is generally bipartite (cf. yada l. 14). Again the right hand upstroke of the sub-script y is drawn up as far as the top line of the whole letter (cf. gavyuta 1. 7) and shows a slight wedge at the lower end, which has not yet developed into & tail (cf. purohita 1. 9). The superscript is generally placed above the line (cf. soargge l. 15) but it appears as a short horizontal stroke in combination with y (cf. surya-grahane l. 8). The characters thus resemble in a general way those of the Multas plates of 708-9 A.D. (see Buhler's-Indische Palaeographie, Plate IV, XX). The language is incorrect Sanskrit. See, for instance, the wrong forms grama for gramas (1.8), pratipaditan for pratipaditavan (1. 9), rajanaih for rajabhih (1. 13). The rules of sandh have, in some cases, been neglected. The marks of punctuation are, in many cases, not used at all, or are used wrongly (cf. 11. 8 and 10). The final t is wrongly dropped in vase (1. 16) and dana (1. 18). Except the imprecatory verses at the end, the whole inscription is in prose. As regards orthography we may note that the consonant following is generally reduplicated (cf. chaturddanta 1.3, and purvvasyan 1. 7). In some cases an anusvara is used instead of a class nasal in the body of a word (cf. sampannah 1. 3). V is used for b in Vrihaspatina (1. 12). The object of the grant is to record the donation of the village Nandapura situated at a distance of only one gavyuta (about 4 miles) south-east of Parpnikheta (also called Parnnikagrama in l. 21) at the time of a solar eclipse. The donees were Somasvamin, Shashthikumara, Nagabarman, Adityasarman and other Brahmins. The gift was made by DavanaDruhata (Drubhata?), the son of Utaragana who was the eldest brother of the reigning king Prastapa*411a. As no information about the dynasty of these kings is given and no date is recorded in this charter, it is not possible to identify either Utaragana or his brother Pratapabila and son Davana-Druhata. The names of some Kalachuri kings end in gana but it is not known if they were related to Utaragana mentioned in this charter. We can only say that the dynasty seems to have flourished in Berar in the beginning of the eighth century A.D. The use of the expression Samadhigata-pancha-maha-sabda and the absence of any suzerain's name in the present charter seem to indicate that it was at first a feudatory royal family and made itself independent in Berar, when the power of the early Chalukyas of Badami declined in the beginning of the eighth century A.D. Among the names of officers who are asked to note the present gift occur those of the Purokita Isvarabhatta, Nagammabhatra, the Bhogika (district officer) Govinda, the Sreshthin Golamma and the Senapati Durggahari. The grant was written by the last mentioned officer who describes himself as a bee issuing out of the lotus in the form of the foot of Govinda-Vishnu. He was, therefore, a devotee of Vishnu. As for the geographical names occurring in this charter, Nandapura, the donated village, cannot be traced; its position is probably occupied by the present Khamkhod where the plates were found. Two of the villages that formed its boundary can be identified. Thus Parnnikheta is probably Pangarkhed about 15 miles to the north-west of Khamkhed and Vyaghraviraka is Vaghor about a mile to its north-east. The distance between Pangarkhod (the modern representative of Parmnikheta) and Khamkhod (which now occupies the site of The names of some Brahmins are lost as some portion of the grant after Suryagrahane in l. 8 was omitted by the engraver. The latter part of one name (viz., Sarnma) appears after Stiryagrahare. There princes are not otherwise known. Again, the plates do not contain even a regnal dato; the figure on the seal is crudely executed and its legend has no apparent connection with the plates. Though none of chose grounds is conclusive by itself, their combination casts suspicion on the genuineness of the record.

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2 6 8 10 12 THE KHAMKHED PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRATAPASILA. N. P. Chakravarti. REG. No. 3366 E'34-440. Seal. First Plate. my' tin baaper bi p Second Plate : First Side. aapu - baampur baaNlaa| nmunaa shity maanbbnaa yaa lott kre yaa ye kaarndin aa jaabaalu kaal thaakyei kaaror kaale mm baadhye baar kre haajaar ttaa ekaa andh biy'e nmst krm sstt biij mgrh paaren yaate maaNs naa / ek ee reinaaler e gh belegty dmaadur dh njimaa SCALE ACTUAL-SIZE. 6 10 12 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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Second Plate: Second Side. 14 zhg>> zhib- | 4: / tyago 6yngl-shb b 14 # n spyi a n w [[wM 0:Stg62) a1 tshe A tstshtshn mi n#|:k-twaat n 7wn7 6 tshon-by- 8 rkor-gz, t Page #126
No. 15.] THE KHAMKHED PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRATAPASILA. 95 ancient Nandapura) is not one gavyula (or four miles) as stated in the charter, but this mistake is probably due to the ignorance of the person who drafted the charter. The other villages cannot be identified.1 TEXT.t The Seal. pa(..)dhama(ma)kakha(sya) First Plate. 1 mom svasti zrI: // "] samadhigatapaMcamahAza[bda][:*] zru[va][ra] zrI?) prakaTa*] karajadA(?)ta[sa*] 2 mastanRpatilakSaNopeta]:*] sakalaguNagaNAlaM [ka] tazarIra:*] . . [*][nti*]. [dhairya[zaurya] 3 [vi] naya[sa]tyazaucasaMpannaH anekaca[ta] inta[gajaghaTA].... [prApta*] vijayaH mahArA*]ja: pra[tApa*]4 zaulaH tasmi' [zAsa]ti vasundharAntasyaiva jyeSThasya [cAtuH] utaragaNarAjJaH sUnuH dava5 nadruhaTa: [*] sa ca tatpAdapadmIpajIvI tata: statparaH svamiva pitaraM manyamAna:] 6 kiJcicche yobhyudayamuddizya nAsti bhUmeH paraM] dAnamiti tatvA Second Plate ; First Side. 7 zrIpaNAi kheTasya dakSiNapUrvasyAM dizi gavyatamA nandapuraM nAma 8 grAma(grAma) sUrya grahaNe 1 zama: somavAmiSaSThikumAranAgazarmA9 bhAdinyazarma 11 pramukhAnAM brAhmaNAnAM pratipAditaM / purohita kharabhaTTa10 nAgammabhaTTa / / govindabhogikagolammaveSThidurgaharisenApati 11 prabhRtInAM zrIkaraNappratyakSaM viditamastu sarvanRpatInAM macATabha12 TapravezaM sarvezcaitadharmazAsanaM paripAlanIyaM [*] uktaM ca vRhaspa-18 Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 tinA [1] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjAnai:17 sagarAdibhiH [*] ya[stha] ya. The accompanying plates have been prepared from excellent ink estampages kindly supplied by Mr. K. N. Dikshit, M.A., Superintendent, Archeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. t From the original plates. The second letter on the seal is illegible; the medial vowel seems to be u. Expressed by a symbol. [The reading from here to the end of the line is doubtful. The first two letters look like &-chatu.-Ed.] About three letters are illegible here. [The reading is chaturddania which is also found in the inscrip. tions of the Vishnukundin rulers ; cf. above, Vols. IV, p. 196, and XI, p. 134.-Ed.) [1 cannot make out the first three syllables of this name from the plate.-Ed.] 1Read tasmina. * Read utaragaNarAjasya * The visarga is superfiuous, 1o Somo portion of the grant giving more names of Brahmins is dropped here. 11 Dunda not roquired. 12 The visarga is unnecessary. ___IRead pAdiyazama. "Read pratipAditavAn. 1. The anusvara is superfluous. Read zau. Read rAjabhiH.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXII. 14 sya yadA bhUmistasya . tasya tadA phalaM [*] uktaM ca bhagavatA vedavyA15 sena vyAsana [*] SaSTiM varSasahasrANi svarga tiSThati bhUmidaH [] 16 pAcchatA cAnumantA ca tanyeva narake vaset // *] punarapi coktaM vyAsana [*] 17 svadattA paradattAM vA yavAdakSa yudhiSThira [*] mahI. Third Plate. 18 mahimA zreSTha dAnA(cche)yonupAlanaM [*]1 evaM jJAtvA yatra19 taH paripAlanIyamiti [*] zivamastu dharmAhiya // caturohA20 TasamasahA masya pUrvasyAM dizi vyAghravirakaM nAma grAmaH / dakSiNena bhramaza21 kaM nAma grAma: / aparato(ta:) zropaNikagrAmo bhavati [*] tasya grAmasya maryAdAvahI bha22 vati [*] uttarata: ccho(ko)bavirakagrAmaH // zrIgovindaviSNucaraNapaMkajanimAM23 tena bhRGagena durgaharisenApatinA likhitamidaM tAmba zAsanamiti [*] * TRANSLATION. (Lines 1-1200m. Hail! (There is) Maharaja Pra[tapa]kfla who has attained Palichamahatabda, who is endowed with all the distinctive marks of royalty, whose person is decked with the multitude of all good qualities, who is possessed of tranquility, courage, bravery, modesty, truth and purity, who has attained victories with numerous four-tusked elephants ...... While he is ruling over the earth Davana-Druhata (Drubhata?), the son of his own eldest brother King Utaragana, who is dependent on his lotus-like feet, is devoted to him and is wholly engaged in (serving) him, who regards him as his own father and thinks that there is no higher gift than that of land for the attainment of any religious merit and good fortune, donates on (the occasion of a solar eclipse the village Nandapura (situated) at a distance of only one gavyata (4 miles) in the south-eastern direction of Sri-Parnikheta to Brahmins, the foremost of whom are-Sarman, Somasvamin, Shashthikumara, Nagasarman and Adityasarman. Let it be known to the Purohita Isvarabhatta, Nagammabhatta, the Bhogika Govinda, the freshthin Gulamma and the Senapati Durggahari at (our) Srikarana (record office) as also to all kings that this religious order, which prohibits the entry of chatas (courtiers) and bhatas (soldiers) (in the donated village), must be obeyed by all. [LI. 12-18 contain three of the customary verses.] Knowing this, this order should be obeyed. May there be well-being and increase of religious merit! This village which has the following) well-defined boundaries has the village Vyaghraviraka on the east, the village Bhrama aka on the south, Sri-Parnikagrama which forms the boundary of the (donated) village on the west and Chhobaviraka-grama on the north. This copper edict was written (i.e., drafted) by the Senapati Durggahari, who is a bee that has issued out of the lotus-like foot of Sri-Govinda-Vishnu. 1M-tre:-Anushkabh. a Rend pattA . * Real tAnyeva. * Real sametayAmasya. (The plate showa sambtahagramasya.-Ed.] * Read tAma * The names of some Brahmins are dropped here.

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No. 16.) A SARADA INSCRIPTION FROM HUND. 97 No. 16.-A SARADA INSCRIPTION FROM HUND. BY RAI BAHADUR DAYA RAM SAHNI, M.A., C.I.E. In April last Captain E. H. Cobb, I.A., Assistant Commissioner, Mardan, North-West Frontier Province, sent me an eye-copy of an inscription, engraved on a rectangular slab of white stone, which he had discovered in the foundations of an old wall at Hund on the bank of the River Indus on the occasion of his visit to that place in company with Mr. O. K. Caroe, C.I.E., Chief Secretary to the Government of the North-West Frontier Province, now Deputy Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign and Political Department. I have deciphered the in. scription from inked estampages secured through the good offices of the discoverer. Hund is the modern name of Udabhanda, the ancient capital of the Shahi kings of Kabul from the 9th century A.D. till 1021 A.D. when this dynasty was extirpated by Mahmud of Ghazni. It was at Hund that Alexander the Great crossed the River Indus before he proceeded on his conquest of India and through which later invaders passed. The Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang visited this city in the 7th century A.D. and describes it as about 20 li, or just over three miles, in circuit and inhabited by rich and prosperous merchants. The site is now occupied by a small village surrounded by fortified walls of Muhammadan date with a perimeter of 1,400 yards. All round the village are extensive mounds marking the existence of important buildings of early date and coins of Indo-Greeks, Kushans, Shahi kings and the kings of Kashmir have been found here in large numbers. No excavations have been carried out among these remains, but when they are, they may be expected to yield valuable antiquities of all kinds. So far only a few inscriptions in Sarada characters have been noticed on this site. Two of these were found by Lt.-Col. Sir Alexander Burnes of the Hon'ble India Company's Service in the early forties of the last century and deciphered by Mr. James Prinsep. Another inscription in the same character was presented to my predecessor, Mr. H. Hargreaves, when he visited Hund in 1923-24. This inscription, according to Dr. Hirananda Sastri, dates from about the 10th century A.D. and records the construction of a Saiva temple. All the three inscriptions require proper treatment. The stone slab on which the inscription discovered by Captain E. H. Cobb is engraved measures l' by 1' by 1'4' in thickness. The inscription consists of eight lines and is in a very good state of preservation. The characters are Sarada of the 8th century A.D. and the language Sanskrit, which is not free from grammatical mistakes. The epigraph records the construction of a devakula, i.e., 'statue shrine' or temple by a Maharajri Sri-Kamesvaridevi and its consecration between Saturday, the 8th day of the dark fortnight of the month of Afvayuja in the year Samvat 168 and Thursday (?), the 12th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashadha in the year Samvat 169. The architect (navakarmapati) who supervised the construction, was Jayantaraja, son of Upendra. He was an Avantika or inhabitant of Avanti or Malwa, and a Suryadvija. The panchakula was the Brahmana, Sri-Pillaka, the son of Sri-Viraditya. The exact meaning of panchakula is not known. In his article on the Siyadoni Stone Inscription, Professor Kielhorn defines this term as "an office apparently similar to the Marathi dy or de " or "an assembly of five " who manage affairs of a town. If this interpretation is correct, we should assume Pillaka of the inscription under discussion to have been the head or 1 J. A. 8. B., Vol. VI, 1837, pp. 876 seg. and Pl. XLVI. Abovo, Vol. I, pp. 166 and 170.

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98 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. foreman of an assembly of this nature. The Kayastha, who composed this inscription, was SriBhogika, a Suryadvija, who was the son of Sri-Vihenda. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, following Sir Ramakrishna Bhandarkar1, suggests that this term Suryadvija may be taken in the sense of the Maga or Sakadvipi Brahmanas who were the special priests of the Sun-god and are traditionally supposed to have sprung from the Sun. The era in which the dates of this inscription are recorded is not mentioned. I have, however, no doubt that these should be referred to the Harshakala era which began in the year 606 A.D. and was in ancient times in use in the Panjab, the United Provinces, Bihar and Orissa, Nepal, etc. If this assumption is correct, the years mentioned would be equivalent to 774 and 775 A.D. In the above paragraph I have given the term devakula the alternative meaning of a 'statue shrine' on the analogy of the devakula of the Ikshvaku kings of Ayodhya in Bhasa's play called the Pratima-natakam. This gallery of the heroes of the Ikshvaku race differed from a divine temple in having neither the banner of a god nor the statues of door-keepers. It was open to visitors, but the statues enshrined in it were not to be bowed to. A structure of this nature was excavated in a mound near Mathura some 23 years ago. Another literary reference to a devakula occurs in the Mrichchhakatikam where, however, the precise character of the shrine is not quite clear. The earliest mention of such a structure in an inscription is that found in the inscription on the base of the headless statue of Vamatakshama (?) which was found in an ancient site at Mat near Mathura. This site also yielded other statues of Kushana kings, viz., one of Kanishka, a torso of the great Saka satrap Chashtana, etc. TEXT 1 tafa? | mahArAnI zrIkAmezvarIdevyA satka 2 devakule navakarmapati upendraputrajayantarA 3 ja avantiko / sUryadijaH // paMcakula zrIvIrAdi4 tyaga zrapilakabrAhmaNaH // // kAyastha zrIvihe5 reg utfum fer: + sfa 6 saMvat 1680 cAzvayujavati 8 zanauH ato dinA bhArabhya saMvat 158 cAvaTapati 12 ho pa 8 fast aar || | = | No. 17. JETHWAI PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI; SAKA-SAMVAT 708. BY PROFESSOR D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., PH.D. (HON.), CALCUTTA. These plates were sent to me for decipherment by the late Mr. V. P. Bhandarkar when he was Huzur Private Secretary to His Highness the Maharaja Holkar. They were discovered some 1 Vaishnavism and Saivism, pp. 151ff. Expressed by a symbol. [In 11. 6 and 7 the second digit of the year looks more like 5 than 6. But in neither case the date admits of verification from the particulars given in the inscription.-Ed.] 4 Perhaps shortened form of bRhaspatI. The text as found in the inscription is retained without any corrections..

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A SARADA INSCRIPTION FROM HUND. G nikA Dara dise / isakA va paM.ule naye na ma pani unnta kara yA pur| isalima maMsira / paga ra sI-pIsa-mi1. mI (pa.ru.1 lAtA ja ya ra mAvi pu.3 mIma giru bhayA T IBE na e 3.5 guma ya ra pati ra sa ne jaja sAmuka mapa 47 umratA pAuna 14. 6 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 3370E'34-445. SCALE: ONE-HALF. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 17.) JETHWAI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI. 99 thirty or thirty-five years ago in a small dilapidated fort on a hill near the village of Jethwai, about 8 miles west of Barwaha, in the Nimar district of the Indore State. One Babaji named Hirapuri, I am told, lighted upon them while digging into a brick and stone platform in the fort for materials for the construction of his house at Jethwai. The plates are throe in number, each measuring 91." x 67". The middle one of these is thicker than the side ones. The edges of them are raised into rims to protect the writing. The plates are strung together on an oval ring with a diameter measuring between 24" and 3". On the left side of the plates, a round hole is bored for the ring, and the second plate seems to have been slightly damaged through this boring operation. To the back of the ring is fixed a circular seal with a diameter measuring 11". The seal bears the figure of Garuda. The inscription is engraved on the inner sides of the first and the third plate, and on both sides of the second. There are sixteen lines engraved on the first plate, sixteen lines on the first and seventeen liner on the second side of the second plate, and nineteen lines on the inner side of the third plate. The grant thus contains sixty-eight lines engraved in all. The language in which the grant is written is Sanskrit throughout. The first thirty-five lines with part of the thirty-sixth, which set forth the genealogical account, line 40 and parts of lines 39 and 41 which contain a stanza descriptive of the transitoriness of human life, and lines 60-65, with parts of lines 59 and 66 which contain the benedictive and imprecatory verses are in verso and the rest in prose. The genealogical verses of the grant occur in one or other of the Rashtrakuta charters hitherto published, except two, namely, stanzas 21 and 24, which are found only in the Surat Plates of Karkkaraja. Stanza 21 contains mere stereotyped praise, but stanza 24 is historically important. The script used in this inscription is Nagari, as is generally the case with the Rashtrakuta charters. As regards orthography, the consonants following are, as rule doubled, though indifference in this respect is noticeable in some cases, thus k and are doubled in Karkkaraja (1.7) and Karnnatakam (11. 10-11), but not in a-chandt-ark-arnava (1. 53). The letter b is, as a rule, denoted by the sign for b, but also by the sign for u in a few cases, such as svalp-amvu (1. 40), samvadkyamana (1. 42) and so on. The anusvara is changed to n and n in conjunction with a following * or ch, once, in dhvastin=nayan (1.2), and once in kulan-cha (1. 4). The visarga is changed to e in conjunction with a following e, onee in nissesham (1.33) though it is retained in nihkeshao (1. 16). N is used instead of the anusvara once in rajasinhah (1. 3). As regarda lexicography, lines 48-52 contain some words such as drorgarika, vaha and so forth, the exact import of which is not known. The inscription is one of Sila-mahadevi, wife of the Rashtrakuta king Dhruva, or, as she is described in lines 37-39, Paramesvari Parama-bhattarika Sri-Silamakadevi, the great queen of the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Dharavarsha, the illustrious Dhruvarajade78 who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara, the illustrioua Akalavarshadeva, i.e., his father Krishna I. She is described as the princess of the illustrious Vittarasa alias Vishnuvardhana who bore the epithet of Sarva-lok-afraya, 'Support of the whole world'. The latter is doubtless Vishnuvardhana IV. of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty ruling at Vengi. In his account of this dynasty J. F. Fleet says that he was son of Vijayaditya I. and reigned for thirty-six years from A.D. 764 to 799. He is called Vishnuvardhana in all inseriptions except one. In this last his name is given as Vishnuraja which is no doubt the Sanskrit form of Vittarasa. No reasonable doubt can thus be entertained as to Sila-mahadevi being the daughter of the Eastern Chalukya king, Vishnuvardhana IV. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a village by Sila-mahadevito two Brahmans. The village granted is Kolepadra, situated in the district of Nandipuradvari. The 1 See above, Vol. XXI, p. 142. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 100.

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100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. boundaries of the village have been specified. One of the donees was Marachcha, son of Maradi. He was an adhvaryu and a religious student of the Kanva-sakha. His native place was Kurugota, and he pertained to the Salankayana-gotra. The other donee was Durgaditya, son of Bhatta Narayana. He also was an adhvaryu, but was a religious student of the Madhyandinasakha. His native place was Nandipuradvari. He was a member of the Community of Brahmans well versed in the four Vedas (chaturvidya-samanya) belonging to his place, and pertained to the Jatukarnya-gotra. The occasion of the grant was the eclipse of the sun, which occurred in the Saka year 708 expired on the Amavasya day of the dark half of the Asvayuja (Aevina). This corresponds to Wednesday, 27th September, A.D. 786, when there was a solar eclipse. It will be seen that the donor of the grant is a queen. And what is noteworthy about it is that she grants a village and issues the charter without any formal sanction or approval being given by her husband, king Dhruvaraja. This gives rise to an interesting question about the polity of Ancient India. Instances are not unknown of grants being made by queens. We have thus the Naihati Plate of the Sena king Ballalasena, recording and sanctioning the grant of a village by his mother Vilasadevi on the occasion of a solar eclipse. As Vilasadevi was the wife of Vijayasena who was then dead, one can easily understand why her grant had to be approved and sanctioned by her son Ballalasena who was then the living king. The case was different with Prabhavatigupta who issued the Poona Plates. She was the agramahishi of the Vakataka king Rudrasena I. But when she issued the grant, she was Regent during the minority of her son Divakarasena. This is, no doubt, an interesting item of information, because it shows that women could administer a kingdom when their sons were minors. But as she was practically the ruler, it is intelligible how she could issue a charter without sanction being accorded to it by an extraneous higher authority. Nevertheless, be it noted, the charter has a seal bearing not her own name, but that of her son, namely, Divakarasena. Far more interesting perhaps are the grants of Tribhuvana-Mahadevi and Dandi-Mahadevi, both of the Kara family of Guhesvarapataka. The first of these was the daughter of Rajamalla, a king of the south, and Queen of Lalitabharadeva. After the death of her husband, the feudatory chieftains of the kingdom approached her with a request to accept the sovereignty come to her in course of succession, and cited the instance of Devi Gosvamini who apparently belonged to the same family and who agreed to administer the kingdom under similar circumstances. And in compliance with their request, we are told, she ascended the lion-throne like Katyayani. The name of the other female ruler furnished by this dynasty is that of Dandi-mahadevi, who was the daughter of the Kara king Subhakara. That both Tribhuvana-mahadevi and Dandi-mahadevi were real rulers is proved by the charters they issued on their sole authority, and, above all, by the titles which they bore, namely, Paramabhattarika Maharajadhiraja Paramesvari. The only difference between these two is that while Tribhuvana-mahadevi was married into the Kara family, Dandi-mahadevi was apparently a virgin of that family. Whether the latter could have continued to be the ruler if she had been married is a most interesting point of law with which, however, we are not here concerned. Suffice it to say, both of these queens were rulers in reality, and it is therefore no wonder if they could issue grants in their own names, with their own dates and seals and without any extraneous sanction. But what about Sila-mahadevi, Queen of Dhruvaraja, who is the donor of 1 Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 15vff. Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 41f. Another grant of Prabhavatigupta is known which she made when she was a hundred years old. Though the village was granted by her, the plates refer themselves to a regnal year of her third son, Pravarasana (D. R. Bhandarkar's List of North. Ind. Insers., No. 1706; J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. XX, pp. 58ff). J. B.O. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 422-23, l. 16-20 Bhandarkar's List Nos. 1413, 1416 and 1906,

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No. 17.] JETHWAI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI. 101 our charter? She was neither a Regent during the minority of any one of her sons, nor an autonomous ruler. And yet she issues a grant on her own authority and without the approval of her husband, Dhruvaraja. This is rather a case which deserves further consideration. For an entirely different procedure seems to have been followed in the case of the Gahadavala family. It seems that Govindachandra of this dynasty had two pattamahadevi maharajnas, one Nayanakelidevi and the other Gosaladevi, both pattamahadevis, apparently not at one and the same time. Both issue grants, Nayanakelidevi in V. 1176 and Gosaladevi in V. 12081. But though the grants are surely made by them, they have been issued with the express approval of Govindachandra in spite of the fact that each one of them is a pattamahadevi and is described as samastarajaprakriyopeta which Kielhorn renders by "endowed with all royal prerogatives". Such was not, however, the case with Sila-mahadevi whose titles paramesvari paramabhattarika do not seem to be empty and unmeaning. Because in the prose portion of the inscription which really sets forth the details of the grant, she herself issues orders to the officers concerned with the village granted. At the end of the record also, the Dutaka and the officer who drew up the document carry out their respective duties according to the orders, not of Dhruvaraja, but of Sila-mahadevi. And further there is nothing in the draft of the charter which shows that any approval or sanction was ever accorded to the grant by Dhruvaraja. This shows that the highsounding royal titles which are coupled with her name are not an empty boast, but are a clear indication that she was a co-partner of her husband in the Rashtrakuta sovereignty. Two questions here arise: first, how could she be a co-partner of her husband in royal sovereignty, and, secondly, are there any more instances of this kind? It is well known that in ancient times wife and husband were jointly concerned in all the affairs of the life, not excluding the administration of a kingdom, and that in process of time this co-right of woman fell into desuetude in North India, but continued to be recognised for a long time in South India. Thus when a member of a royal family was crowned king, he was originally crowned along with his wife. Two instances will here suffice. The Ramayana describes the coronation of Rama, and the following significant line appears in that connection: tatah sa prayato vriddho Vasishtho brahmanaih saha | Ramam ratna-maye pithe sa-Sitam samnyavesayat||. This shows that when Rama was crowned king, he was crowned not alone, but along with Sita. The coronation of another epic hero that is always uppermost in the mind of a Hindu is that of Yudhishthira, with reference to which the following verse occurs in the Mahabharata, upavesya mahatmanam Krishnam cha Drupad-atmajam. This also shows clearly that Yudhishthira was crowned sovereign not alone, but jointly with Draupadi. If this kind of coronation has a meaning (and certainly it was originally not a mere formality), it must mean that both husband and wife were co-sharers of the sovereignty so conferred upon them. This alone can explain why in the charter issued by Sila-mahadevi there is no approval or sanction given to it by Dhruvaraja. Being crowned along with her husband, she had as much authority to issue the grant in her name as he had in his. It may, however, be contended that this line of reasoning, spacious as it is, is not convincing, unless more instances can be adduced to show that husband and wife jointly shared the ruling authority. And luckily such instances are by no means unknown though, so far as I know, they come from South India. Attention may be drawn to the Bankapur Inscription of the time of the Chalukya Somesvara I. when in Saka 977 the Kadamba chieftain Harikesarideva was administering the Banavasi twelve-thousand, we are told, not alone and by himself, but in company with his 1 Above, Vol. IV, pp. 108ff; Vol. V, pp. 117 f. Yuddha-Kanda, Sarga, 128, v. 59. Banti-P, Sarga 40, v. 14 (Bengali Recension),

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102 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. wife Lachchaladevi. Here is thus a clear instance of husband and wife jointly ruling over a province. If we, however, want to know whether, as a matter of fact, a crowned queen can issue a charter on her own authority, that instance is supplied by Vijaya-mahadevi, wife of Chandraditya who was the elder brother of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya I. of Badami. We have not one, but two, copper-plate grants issued by her. And these grants she has made independently and without reference to her husband or Vikramaditya I. This authority she must have derived from her position as mchishi or crowned queen, as she has actually been called, of Chandraditya. But this joint rule by husband and wife is not a phenomenon of the medieval period of Ancient India. We thus have another instance in Nasik Cave Inscription No. 5 which contains an order to Samaka (Syamaka), the Officer at Govardhana, by Gautamiputra Satakarni of the Satavahana dynasty and the grant of a fresh plot of land in lieu of the old uncultivable one, to the Buddhist monks staying in his Cave. It is a regular deed of grant bristling with fiscal terms and containing at the end the name of the engraver and the dates of the original donation and the actual execution. But who issues this order to the Officer at Govardhana? Not Gautamiputra Satakarni by him. self, but he and his wife together. This clearly shows that Gautamiputra and his wife were both co-partners in the Satavahana sovereignty. It will thus be seen that in ancient times both husband and wife had joint interest in the exercise of sovereignty and that they could issue a grant jointly or separately in his or her name without reference to the other party. It is worthy of note that all the instances here adduced whether of a queen exercising joint authority along with her husband, or of a queen acting as Regent during the minority of her son or of a princess ruling sole sovereign as a virgin or a widowed queen are supplied from the history of South India. Whether there was such law applicable to North India in historical times we do not know. We will now proceed to the consideration of other matters arising from our plates. There are two grants which refer to the reign of Dhruvaraja. The latter of these is the one whose contents we are discussing and which is dated Saka 708. The earlier is the Pimpari Platese dated Saka 697. This last comes into conflict with the Dhulia grant of Karkaraja, son of this Dhruvaraja, because this inscription which is dated Saka 701 refers itself to the prosperous reign of Govindataja II., though his younger brother Dhruvaraja, as we know from Pimpari Plates, was already ruling in Saka 697. K. B. Pathak, who has edited these Plates, therefore, declares the Dhulia grant to be a spurious record. I agree with Pathak in his conclusion, but not for the reasons he has alleged. His main contention is as follows. He invites our attention first to the passage: ar ....... JUANEITA [l*] Feige: na teerajat) #91ghrat fafcacata:[:*] [*] nefsariaat [:*) EfT (PAT) Alagoana 1 ... ya ...... TARTETTU wafaa ..... FA ufas Here the expression Acts , says Pathak, can only mean "by the command of Dhruvaraja". He therefore naturally asks : "how could Karkaraja order all his feudatories by the command of Dhruvaraja, in the prosperous reign of Govinda II., when Dhruva was not the reigning sovereign ?" But the expression ETUT need not necessarily mean" by the command of Dhruvaraja". It may also mean " by the command of Govindaraja". If the latter view is 1 Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 168, 171 (1.28), and 174. * Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 164, 11. 13-15; ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 46, . 16-18. . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 73. * Ibid., Vol. X, pp. 85ff. * Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 186, 11. 26-30.

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No. 17.) JETHWAI PLATES OF RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI. 103 accepted, the objection raised by Pathak becomes null and void. His other objection, however, is more important though he has put it forth rather cryptically. In the quotation just given from the Dhulia grant, there is a stanza descriptive of Dhruva which begins with tasya-anujak and which occurs in many Rashtrakuta records. But the last line of this stanza is not correctly worded, especially the initial part of it. It begins with chudamani instead of with kramena as in the other Rashtrakuta inscriptions. Besides, chulamani, as it is, causes & caesura of the metre. And what is curious is that in the Rashtrakuta charters where this stanza is given, it is followed by another beginning with jate yatra cha. This stanza, however, contains the word chulamanau which was probably sticking to the memory of the scribe who was writing out the Dhulia grant and which unwittingly fell through his pen while he was writing the last line of the preceding stanza. It is thus plain that both the stanzas were known to the scribe who prepared the draft of the Dhulia grant. Now, it is a fact well-known to an epigraphist that in the Rashtrakuta charters there are certain verses which are peculiar to certain Rashtrakuta kings. These verses could have been composed by the court panegyrist only when those kings were on the throne. The verses beginning with tasya-anujah and jate yatra cha could thus have been composed only when Dhruvaraja was the king. And the question naturally arises : how could these verses which must have been composed during the reign of Dhruvaraja alone find a place in the Dhulia grant which refers itself to the reign of his predecessor ? The verse 2 etc., as pointed out by Pathak, describes Dhruva as a paramount sovereign. When Dhruva was thus a sovereign, no Rashtrakuta record can refer itself to the reign of his predecessor Govindaraja II., as the Dhulia grant undoubtedly does. Secondly, unless we suppose that the Dhulia grant is a forgery, a chronological discrepancy must arise which we cannot get over. As indicated above, whereas the Pimpari Plates of Dhruva are dated Saka 697, his present plates are dated Saka 708. We thus obtain a period ranging between Saka 697 and 708 during which Dhruva reigned. And this period is disturbed if we consider the Dhulia grant as a genuine one. For if Govindaraja II. ceased to reign and was succeeded by his brother Dhruva about Saka 697, how could he be ruling again in Saka 701 as the Dhulia grant implies. Evidence thus points to the irresistible conclusion that the Dhulia grant is a spurious one. The last date of their father Krishnaraja is Saka 694 supplied by the Bhandak Plates. And the earliest date known for Dhruva is, as we have seen, Saka 697 which is the date of his Pimpari charter. Govinda II. thus seems to have ruled between Saka 694 and 697. This is no doubt & brief reign, but we know the cause of it, namely, that he was ousted from his throne by his younger brother Dhruva. To ascertain how he came to be so ousted, we will here quote accounts from three different charters and then piece them together so as to give a whole and intelligent story. The Deoli and Kashad grants of Krishna III. say that " sensual pleasures made Govindaraja Careless of the kingdom, and that, entrusting fully the universal sovereignty to his younger brother, Nirupama, he allowed his position as sovereign to become loose". The Daulatabad Plates of the Rashtrakuta Sankaragana record that " His younger brother was Nirupama, who, on per. ceiving him self-conceited, abandoned by (feudatory) princes, and even devoid of policy, assumed the royal authority placed in the hands of a person) other than one possessed of devotion for the predecessors, in order that the sovereignty might not deviate from the family". The Paithan Plates of Govinda III. furnish the following information in two stanzas." Although he (Govindataja) brought kings in numbers, hostile as they were, (such as) the ruler of Malava and so forth joined by the lord of Kanchi, the Ganga, and the prince) of Vengi, he (Dhruvaraja) gave ruby 1 Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 123ff. * Ibid., Vol. V., p. 193, v. 10; Vol. IV, p. 282, v. 11. * Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 194 and pp. 198-7, v. 11. Ibid., Vol. III, p. 107, 11. 30-34.

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104 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIT ornaments and a quantity of gold, and, over and above that, kept his mind unchanged towards (his) brother. Thereafter when, even after conciliation and other (remedies), Vallabha (Govinda) did not make peace, (Dhruvaraja), the great ruler, speedily vanquished him in a battle offered by the brother, expelled the enensies from the east and the north, and secured the sovereignty decorated with the insignia of the effulgent palidhvaja ". If we now piece together these items of information, we arrive at the following conclusions: (1) Govinda II. entrusted the government of the kingdom to Dhruva, because he gave himself up to sensual pleasures ; (2) the consequence was that Dhruva became the sovereign ipso facto; (3) Govinda became alive to the danger of the situation and entrusted the government to another who apparently was not a Rashtrakuta in lineage; (4) Dhruva thereupon revolted, and Govinda, to protect himself, entered into an alliance with kings who were otherwise inimical to the Rashtrakuta family; and (5) Dhruva made overtures to Govinda by offering him gold and precious stones, but as the latter gave a battle, Dhruva fought, defeated his brother, and made himself supreme. The kings with whom Govinda II. formed an alliance were, as we have seen above, the ruler of Malava, the Ganga prince and the lord of Vengi. In this connection we may take note of a verse about Dhruva which is an important one for the Rashtrakuta history and which is verse 24 of our grant'. It says: "As (Dhruva) reduced to subjection forts (durga) which were the cream of the three worlds, augmented his fame by obstructing the continuity of the (lineal) flow of the Gangas and made his own the prosperity of (a ruler) whose exalted insignia was the bull, he, alone and in this world displayed the quality of Paramesvara (Supreme Ruler) clearly and powerfully, just as Siva, by decorating Durga who was the quintessence of the three worlds, augmenting his fame by obstructing the continuity of the flow of the Ganges, and accepting the lofty Bull (Nandi) as his badge and ashes (for his use), displayed the quality of Paramebvara (Supreme God)". It is evident that this stanza is susceptible of double entendre. The mythological sense is clear enough. But so far as the historical sense is concerned, it supplies us with two facts of importance. The first is that Dhruva was a sworn enemy of the Gangas. This follows from the verses quoted from the Paithan Plates. The Ganga prince was actually one of the allies who had come to the help of Govinda when Dhruva was ousting him. It was therefore natural that Dhruva could never forgive the Ganga king. His hostilities with the Gangas have been referred to also in other Rashtrakula inscriptions. The second historical fact to be deduced from the same verse of our grant is that he made his own the prosperity of a ruler whose family insignia was the bull. Who could this prince be ? Obviously he could be no other than a prince of the (Eastern) Chalukya family of Vengi who had the bull as their badge. And this prince again could be no other than his father-in-law, Vishnuvardhana IV. The latter was no doubt an ally of Dhruva when our grant was issued. But it could not have been so originally, for we know that like the Ganga prince, the Vengi also favoured Govinda II. and opposed Dhruva. Now Vishnuvardhana IV., the Chalukya ruler of Vengi, we have seen, ruled from A.D. 764 to 799, whereas Govinda II. from A.D. 772 to 775. Vishnuvardhana therefore must have been the ally of Govinda II. and adversary of Dhruva about 775. But it seems that after Govinda II. was finally ousted, Vishnuvardhana made alliance with Dhruva which was cemented by the latter marrying his daughter. 1 The suns verse occurs in the Surat Plates of Karkkaraja (v. 24) as stated above. Prof. A. 8. Altekar, who has edited them, however, interprets it differently. (That the Eastern Chalukyas had boar as their hadge and not bull is clear from the expression vara-vardhaTaichhana foned in their inscriptions and the figure of a boar on the seals of many of the nopper plateinged by them. The reference here is probably to the Pallavn of Kinobi who had the bull as their emblem as is evidenced by their seals. We know from the Paithan plates that the Lord of Kifcbf was one of the kings with whom Gavinda II. formed an alliance.--Ed.]

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No. 17.) JETHWAI PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVT. 105 TEXT.1 First Plate. 1 bhI [1] sa vovya(vyA)idhasA dhAma yavAbhizamalaM taM [0] haraca yasya ka(kA)ntendukalayA kamasaMvataM [11"] 2 pAsIhiSantimira' mudyatamaNDalAyo dhvastibayababhimukho raNazarISu [*] bhUpaH zucibidhurivA3 digamA kotirgovindara(ga)ja iti rAjasu rAjasikaH // 2*] hA camUma... bhimukhIM subhaTAhAhasA mubA4 mitaM sapadi yena raNeSu nitvaM 10) daSTAdharaNa dadhatA bhukuTi' sakhATe khA kulaMca(ca) udayaM ca nijaM ca satva' [3] 6 khA karanA mukhataca zobha(bhA) mAno manastaH samameva yasya / [ma (tA) have nama1 niya(1)mya sadyasvayaM ri6 pu(pU)NAM vigalatyakakheM // [4"] tasyAtmajo jagati vizrutadIrghakIrtirata - ti hAriharivikramadhamadhari" [*] bhUpasta (stri)vi7 TapatRpAmuktatiH kRtaH zrIkakarAja iti goSamaNibabhUva / [5] tasya vibhinakaraTacyutadAnadantidantahara7 racirImikhitAMsapITha: [*] aSaH pito" pitamadhurabhUttanUja[:] sadrASTrakU Takanakadri rivendrarAja: // [6] 9 tasyopArjitamahasastanayacaturudadhivakSayamAlinyA: [*] bhoktA bhuvaH zataka tusadRSaH zrI10 dantidurgarajomut // [7"] kAdhIzakeralanaradhipa colapaNA zrIharSavaSvaTavibhedavidhA . nadakSaM [*] kArNa 11 Taka balamanatya majeyamanyai svaiH kiyanirapi yaH sahasA jigAya // [8"] pavita bhAmarahita nibhAtaza 1 From the original plates and impressions. * Expressed by a symbol. * Road timira'. * Read vAstadiganta. * Read degTAhAsA 1 Road bukuTi. * Road satvam 10 Read karAyA URead kAhe. WRead rAtAti. "Road prahAra WRead cApa:" Road kanakAdri. - Read sahamaH M Road marASipa. * Read pAkhA. Read camanana * Road prabhU * Road siMha * Read khar3aga11 Road H. 14 Read Yurd. 17 Road fedt. Rond rAjobhUta. >> Rond astet * Road mahIta.

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106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 12 stramazrAntamapratihatantra'mapatayanaM [1] yo vanabhaM sapadi daNDabalena jitvA rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratA13 mavApa [*] bhArItovipulopalAvalilasabIlomimAlAjamAdApAleyakalahitA malazilAjA14 lAttuSArAcalAt (0) A pUrbAparava(vA)rirAzipU(pu)linaprAntaprasidvAvadhe yeneyaM jagatI khavikramabale15 naikAtapatrA' katA // [10*] tasmindivaM pra]yA te vanabharAje cataprajAbAdhaH [] zrIkakarAnasUnurmahIpatiH ka16 SNarAjomUt] [11] yasya sabhujaparakrama ni:() zeSotsAditAridikkakra 10) kRSNasyevAkRSNaM caritaM Second Plate ; First Side. 17 zrIvavarajasya' / [12*] samatutataramaprahahareNUI ruharavikiraNaM [1] grobhepi nabho nikhilaM 18 prAhadAlAyata spaSTaM / [13] dInAnAthapraNayiSu yatheSTaceSTa samohitamajasaM 100 tatkSaNamakAlava19 SoM varSati sarvArtinivapaNaM / [14*] rAhappamAtmabhujajAtabalAvalepamANo vijitya nizitAsilatA20 prahAraH [*] pAlidhvaja valizubhAmacireNa yo hi rAjAdhirAnaparamezvaratA' tatAna // [15] krodhAdutkhAtakha21 prastarucicayai samAnaM samaMtA jAduhattavairiprakaTaganaghaTATopasaMcobhadacha / ) zaurya 23 skArivA' bhayacakitavapuH kA[f]deg dRdeva sadyo darthamAtAricakrakSayakarama gamadyasa' doINDa23 (ka)paM // [16] pAtA yacaturaM()bura(ga)zirazanAlaMkArabhAjo bhuvastrayyAzcApi taDijAmaraguruprAjyAjyapu(pU)24 jAdaraH 10 da(dA)tA ma(mA)nabhRdanoMrguNavatA yosau thiyo vanabho bhotaM svargaphala(mA)ni bhUritapa 1 Rond pratihalAI * Read khabhujaparAkrama. 17 Read ta satAna. - Read kApi. * Road prasiddhAvadhayeM.. * Read rAjastha. * Read samantAdAnAta. Read 'yasya. * Read pI. * Read degcanA * Read vargoM.

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No. 17.] JETHWAI PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI. 107 25 sA sthAnaM jamA mAmaraM // [17* ] yena khetAtapacaprahatara vika strAtatApAsalIlaM jamme nAsIradhUlI 26 dhavalI (li) tazirasA vallabha (bhA) khyaH sadAjau [1"] sa zrIgovindarAjo jitaja-madahita se vaidhavya hetusta 27 syAsItmaturekA' caNaraNadalita (tA) rAtimattebhakumbha: // [18* ] tasyAnujaH zrIdhu (dhu)varAjanAmA maha (hA) nubhAvo 28 prata prata (tA) pa: [*] prasAdhitAzeSanarendracakraH krameNa balarka vapurbabhUva // [19*] jate yatra ca rASTraku (kU) Ta 29 [ti ] lake saGgapacuTamaNo' gurvvI tuSTirathAkhitvasya jagataH sukhAmini pratyahaM [["] satyaM satyamiti pra 30 za(zA)sati sati mAmAsamudrAntikAmAsoddhapare guNa (NA) mRtanidhau satyavratA dhiSThite // [ 20* ] zazadha 31 rakaranikaranibhaM yasya sundarIniva 32 hai: // [21*] hRSTonvahaM yothi (rthi) janAya nityaM sarvvakhAmAnaMnditabadhuvarga:" [1*] pradA praruSTo' harati Second Plate; Second Side. prANAnyamasya (syA ) pi nitAntavIya:' [ // 22"] rakSatI (tA) yena caturaMbhodhisaMyutaM [*] lokAnA ( nAM) kRtA tuSTiH parA hRdi [ // 23 * ] yosau prase(sA) dhitajagatra (ca) yasAradugo" gaMgau 35 ghasantatinirodhavivRDanIttiH 2 [1*] "grAmokRtovratavRSAGkavibhUtiruzceSyaMta taMtAna" dhagAt nizzeSa (SaM) 34 rAjyaM dharmmaNa yazaH suranagAgrasAnusyaiH [*] parigIyatenura blairvvidadhara- ' 33 sma paramekha 36 [ra] tAmika: / [ 24* ] tasya paramabhaTTa (hA) rakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarazrImadakAla37 [va] [deva] pa (pA) dAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTa (hA) rakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaradhAra (rA)varSa 38 zrI dhruvarAjadevasya mahAdevI sarvvalokAzrayaviSNuvardhanazrIviTTarasarAjadu 1 Read 'kunurekaH * Read jAte. * Road raktairvvidyAdhara * Road vegAt. 11 Read if 13 Read T 2 Read bAlArka. * Read caDAmayau. * Read sarvvakhamAnanditabandhu * Read bI. 11 Road korttiH. 14 Road vyaMktaM tatAna. 7 Read prAdAtpraruSTI. 10 Read dharmoya.

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108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXII. 39 hitA paramezvarI paramabhArikA bauyaulamahAdevI // tayedamAzo40 tuNAcanavakhyAmvu(mbu)vi(bi)madhruvamAkalayya [1] jIvitaM dharmanibabuddhyA hilA41 tidAyoyamakAri bhUriH [0 25"] sA ca dhArAvarSImahAdevI kumalI(linI) . sarva(o)ne42 va yathAsavadhyamAnakAbASTrapativiSayapatigrAmakUTakana(ni)yutAyuvAdhi43 kAra(ri)kamahattarAdIna(n) samAdizati [*] astu vo viditaM yathA maya(yA) ma(mA)tApi44 borAmanarahekAmubhikapuNyayazobhivaiye zrIkuragoTavAstavyathA45 saMkAyanasagotra-pradhvayu-kAkhasabrahmaca(cA)ri-brAhmaNa-mAradi-sUnumimA rakSaH / 46 zrInAndIpa(puorahArIvAstavya-tacAtuhidha sa(sA)mAnya-jAtUkaNyasagotra-madhvayu'-mAdhyandi47 nasabramacAri-bAdhaNa-bhaTTanArAyaNa-sUnu-durga(ggA)dityaH [*] pAdyA zrImavAndopu48 rahArI-diSayantargataH' kolava(pa)danAmagrAmaH yasyAghanAni pUhataH taTanama49 pavAsAkhahAniyoyisaMgamaJcaraNiphAlapAmaca Third Plate. 50 dakSiNataH nissoIkuNDakhAvahAH nigradipadranAmazca tata doGgArikA ca ukhala padgrAmava 51 tahahaca pathimataH ekhakhapadI nAma nadikA toraNapadanAma grAma jhakari paTanismoIsaM52 gamaH bhadravaTagrAmaca uttarato drogarikA' navagrAmaca eta[dA]pAnI pakhaSitaH sadhandhahirakhadeya 53 pacATabhaTamAvezya(zyaH) akhilarAjakIya(yA)[nAmahastaprakSepaNIyaH pAcandrALa saMvadhitisarityavaMtasama54 kAlIta(ma.) bhUmichidranyAyana" yakabhUpAsaka[][AtItasaMva] marayatasatake paSottarakA pazabujavaNAma1 Read saMbadhyamAnakAnASTra. * Read caihikA * Read adhvaryu * Read tacAturvidya. * Read jAtUkaW. * Read cAbhyAM Read viSayA. s Read pUrvata:. It is difficult to correct and punctuate the words from 24 to . Perhaps they may stand for taTana-apanA-sArabaddA-nissIyi-saMgabhavaraziphAlayAmazca. 1m Read tatI. Read 'nAmA grAmI. 1 This seems to be the Sanskritised form of a GT in l. 50, and is probably the name of a river. The word dongara is found in other inacriptions also (cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 120, 11. 31 and 33). According to Kittel do igara or dongara means a hill', a steep rock. Possibly dongarika has been tised here in the sense of 'ahillock'.-Ed.] - Read sadhAndhahiraNyAdayaH. " Road bhUmicchidra " Read caSTIttarakai.

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JETHWAI PLATES OF QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI; SAKA-SAMVAT 708. iib. laae| MOTI) MILE pacAya MtAra diyA hayAtaNI 34 Sasa vA manakuttAdharAyaphalatApamAna kAlAhAlaparaganyAyamarakathA 36 G! pada JULT kAhAyapAnipatAvasa '68vara) / padenarakakinArI vanavAsAcA 38 timI malAladhAradAra dAla pUcir3hAyA jAtahAni paha140 dAyayama kAnIya savArUpacakaTU 42vAmakevamAyAmAhazAmakuTakarAyala142 8 8 44 namana ka jAvAdAyabagmAyana ratApayazAdAbalA 44 kAma kamAyAlAdAna 469vAyAcikAntinasayamAvalA 46 EMrApi HAMlarakasapanAlayakA 48ThamAvAsabAyaNa guha48 TITAmalaramA Statistianitari n 222 EMAILITPAT parevAmanavamarapathamAlA nAda kA jI kA palavAmapanAvamA 20:ILGC kAlIpam/gy" (cAnsAmA 5. satyAvara 23.yayAvata cAlalyAvara Tki 15/zavAracAkSAlA kasapala pAyA ThoriTha) TAMROMrAvala bhanapacamAyA karIAALIhiauTharelAko narake yahA sApaka(3726 1 ) STRATIOETEcyavasAyamA saya ra nizA:yazatakAcadA di. 8 taka ke rikatAra sarala khatanirihA rAma sAvau nayAdI tayAra dAra-ukA pyAra heyara, liyAkAraNAra LATE.yAya ra laganazAmAnya CATrna ITE :kAnadAkacAravAyA lie tApakSatatA saghAune uThAdAvisa rasa pipicara Ty: IOE pIpalavAraNa mRdAyahara dAhAye iyara mahAmAnavalA kArA para 168 SCALE: TWO-THIRDS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. N. P. Chakravarti. REG. No. 3373E36-425,

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No. 17.) JETHWAI PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI. 109 55 vAsthAyA mahatvAdityaprApayati pa[tikati]sarga' balicasvaizvadevAgnihotra paJcamAyana 58 pakriyosarpaNAya pratipAditaH *] yatonayotiSaNAnayoH(DaMbAnayoH) bhojayatoH __ pratidizatIvo ) na banavilyAmadhe pravattitavya' [*] tapa 67 mibhadranRpatibhirasmAIzranye(n)| sa(sA)mAnya bhUmidAnaphacamaveta jasabu()daca (ca)calaM ca jIvitamaicarya58 kalaya khadAyamibizeSoyamavAyaH] pAlayitavyaH [] yavAnAnatI vyAcchi. dyAda(dA)viSamAnaM vAnumoda59 ta sa 'paJcabhi mahapatakesApapA vitA] vedavyAsana [] paSTiM varSasahasrANi 60 varga tiSThati bhUmida(da.) [] [pAcrettA cA]sumantA ca tAnyeva narava vasat // 26"[ vidhyA(vyA)TavocatoyAsa rASkA61 koTaravAsinaH / / "] ANAya[fr] pAyante bhUmidAya(ya) paranti ye [ // 27] bahubhirvasudhA munA rAjami(bhiH) 82 sagara(ba)dibhiryasa yatra yadA bhUmistasya tasa tadA] para [ // 28"] yA)mIpa datta(tA)ni purA narendrarda (do)nAni dharmartyaya-10 63 zaskarANi [11] ni samAcamatimAni [tA]ni ko nAma sa(sA): punarA dadIta [29*] khadattA(at) paradattA(tA) vA yabAda84 ca narAdhipa [*] mahI(sI) mahImatA(at) beDa dAnAt beyopAlana" [0 30"] ti bamadakhApuyindulobA" 86 pra(vi)yamanucisya marAvajIvita ca "] patipimalamanobhirAmanIna na puruSaH parakIrtayo vi. 68 lopyA(pyAH) [ 31"] pati dhArAvarSa-cauraghuvIvanama"-mahAda(1)vI-samAdiha-bImA yASi-khaya dUtaka on likhitaM va(ca) paramajAyojayA" pAsinastAnA] mAsavivivAdhivatana" 68 bharAparaNAbA vasudeveneti po [] 1 Rond "mAvAsyAbA * Rand vSIdavAvivarSaka * Bond pravartitavyaM * RondayAvA. TRoad pathamihApAvaDIpapAvaje 'Rnds. * Road wit. u Read on. Read on. u Bandreii. "Road parane Round wife Bond mahAyacI. 'Rand . * RondarbI. Read more Uload cI pUkkI.

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110 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII No. 18.-KULIDIKKI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA NANDISVARAVARMAN. BY V. VENKATASUBBA AIYAR, B.A., MADRAS. The subjoined inscription' is engraved on a hero stone fixed near the river Palar at Kulidikki in the Gudiyattam taluk of the North Arcot district. The stone is in a good state of preservation and the letters are engraved in archaic Tamil. The language of the record is Tamil prose and it is particularly free from orthographical peculiarities. A few words used in the inscription have a special significance. The word tiri (11. 8, 9) ordinarily means 'to wander'; but here it is used in the sense of 'to proceed'. The word Pallavaraiyan (1.5) is here used to denote the Pallava king. The epigraph is dated in the 52nd year of Vijaya-Nandis varavarman and it records the death of Gangadiyaraiyar Kannadu Perungangar, the chief of Kapkat tur, who, at the instance of mamadi the Bana king, fell on the day when the Pallava army marched against Perumanadigal' and destroyed (the fortress of) Ponkulikkottai. At the outset it may be pointed out that, from the high regnal yeart quoted in the record the king may be identified with Nandivarman Pallavamalla. The record may, therefore, be assigned to the second half of the 8th century A.D. The present inscription is important because it mentions a direct attack of the Pallava king Nandivarman (Pallavamalla) on the Western Gangas (Permanadi). The reason for the attack is not stated, but it is clear that the raid must have been undertaken to check the * No. 154 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection. * In No. 35 of 1922 this word is similarly used. Compare also the word 'Ilattaraiyan' to denote the king of Ceylon (8. 1. I., III, p. 232). The term 'Perumanadiga!' is an honorific title generally applied to the Divine Being and in inscriptions it is also used to denote kings. According to a Ganga record (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nr. 35) the Pallavas bad thig title, but we find very few instances of its application to them, as for instance in No. 17 of 1899. It may probably be explained by the boast of the Western Ganga King Sripurusha who claims to have snatched this title from the king of Kanchi'. From the time of Sripurusha, it invariably denoted the Ganga rulers. In the present record, this term is dubiously used. It might be interpreted as referring to Nandivarman himself, in which case, "Pallavaraiyan" (1. 5) would be some local chieftain who revolted against his overlord, when both Vanaraiyar and Gangadiyaraiyar rushed to the rescue of the Pallava sovereign. Considering the context in which the term is used, the proximity of the Gudiyattam taluk, where this inscription is found, to the Ganga territory and the political situations of the time, it seems better to take it as referring to Sripurusha. There are only a few stone records of Pallavamalla which, from high regnal years, can be definitely attri. buted to him, viz. (a) 8.1. I., Vol. I, No. 125, dated in the 47th year from Virifichipuram, (6) No. 10 of 1895, dated in the 50th year from Panchapandavamalai, (c) S. 1. 1., Vol. I, No. 108, dated in the 52nd year from Sadupperi, (c) Ibid., Vol. III, No. 42, dated in the 62nd year from Tiruvallam, (e) No. 666 of 1922, dated in the 65th year from Mahabalipuram and (1) No. 14 of 1893, dated in the 8th year from Conjeeveram. Some of the inscriptions of Nandivarman without the distinguishing titles Pallavamalla' and 'Tellarrerinda ' and with regnal years below 22 must remain unidentifiod, as they cannot be easily assigned to either the 2nd or 3rd king of that name. Mr. K.V.Subrahmanya Aiyar has fixed the initial date of Pallavamalla at 696 A.D. (above, Vol. XXpp. 46 ff.); recently an attempt has been made to bring it down to 726 A.D. (Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. VIII, pp. 1 ff.).

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No. 18.] KULIDIKKI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA NANDISVARAVARMAN. growing power of the Gangas. Incidentally the record also mentions the relationship that existed among the three powers, viz., the Pallavas, Western Gangas and the Banas who came into conflict with one another too frequently in the 8th century A.D. 111 For a clear understanding of the record, the position of these powers during this period must be understood. Nandivarman Pallavamalla accepted the Pallava monarchy when quite young at a time when the Pallava dominion was threatened with destruction. He had to contend against Chitramaya, another aspirant to the Pallava throne. The Western Chalukyas who were the hereditary enemies of the Pallavas took this opportunity and, under Vikramaditya II, they even succeeded in capturing Kanchi and driving Pallavamalla to the south, where again at Nandipura near Kumbhakonam, the latter was besieged by a confederacy of Southern powers, from which his general Udayachandra saved him. Pallavamalla soon retrieved his position and established his power in the south also as is evidenced by his copper-plate records, nearly all of which come from the Tanjore district. He was attacked on all sides which necessitated his general Udayachandra to bestow the whole kingdom many times on the Pallava' monarch. The whole of his reign was crowded with military exploits as he came into conflict with all the neighbouring powers, viz., the Pandyas, Rashtrakutas, Eastern and Western Chalukyas and the Gangas. Here we are directly concerned with his relationship with the Gangas. Regarding the Pallava-Ganga relationship, it may be pointed out that the Pallavas claimed overlordship over the Gangas by claiming to crown the Ganga kings. The Western Ganga kings Harivarman and Simhavarman or Madhava III were crowned by the Pallava monarchs Simhavarman and Skandavarman." When the Gangas were subdued by the Western Chalukyas," the former must have come into conflict with the Pallavas along with the Chalukyas, their overlords. Bhuvikrama, the elder brother of the Ganga king Sivamara I., claims to have defeated the Pallava king in the battle of Vilanda and also to have captured the whole of the Pallava dominions. Probably as a result of this battle, Sivamara I. claims to have kept in his charge two Pallava princes.7 When the Western Chalukyas were overthrown by the Rashtrakutas, the Gangas under Sripurusha tried to assert their power, but soon the Rashtrakutas and the Pallavas vindicated their claim for overlordship by claiming to crown Sivamara II Saigotta. The contemporary of Pallavamalla on the Ganga throne at the time of our record was Sripurusha (725-788 A.D.) in whose time the Gangas tried to expand their dominions. He seems to have extended his conquests as far as Kulidikki where the present inscription is found. 1 Kasakudi, Tandantottam, Pattattalmangalam or Korrangudi plates; the Udaiyendiram plates alone do not belong to the Tanjore district. S. I. I., Vol. II, p. 372. This is said to have been performed in due form, i.e., according to customary rights (yatharham) (above, Vol. XIV, p. 333). Above, Vol. XIV, p. 332. A record of Vinayaditya, dated in 694 A. D., speaks of the Gangas as the hereditary servants of the Western Chalukyas (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 303). Rice: Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, p. 37. Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Md. 113. Ibid., Vol. IX, N. 60. Though this is a spurious record, the late Dr. Fleet did not find any impossibility in the truth of the statement that the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III crowned Sivamara II. His inscriptions are also found at Oddanpatti in the Salem district (Nos. 211 and 212 of 1910 of the Madras Epigraphical collection).

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112 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. In fact a record from Humcha states that Sripurusha slew the valiant Kaduvetti of Kanohi and appropriated to himself, from the Pallavas, the title Permanadi' which was from this time onwards exclusively used to denote the Gangas." Pallavamalla, however, did not keep quiet. The present inscription records one invasion against the Ganga king. In the Tandaptottam plates, dated six years later, i.e., in his 58th year, Pallavamalla claims to have taken from him & neck ornament which contained in it the gem called Ugrodaya. Sripurusha, therefore, seems to have given trouble to Pallavamalla till late in the latter's reign. The Bana country, known as Perumbanappadi, lay to the west of the Andhra country between the Pallava and the Ganga kingdoms. In the beginning, the Banas offered opposition to Pallava expansion, but in the Pallava-Ganga fights, they had to join one side or the other. They first became the subordinates of the Gangas. Dindigarar, & Bana king ruling over Kalbappunadu, was a subordinate of Sripurusha. A stone inscription of the time of the Ganga prince Madhava Muttaraga at Talla palla refers to his expedition against Mavali-Vanarasa and to the battle of Koyattur, i.e., Laddigam in the Chittoor district. Though forced by circumstances to join the Gangas at times, the Banas generally threw in their lot with the Pallavas. At the time of our record we see that the Bana king sided the Ganga' in checking the Pallava aggression. In this attack the Pallava king must have felt the necessity for creating a buffer state of the Bana territory, for we find within the next few years the Bana chiefs figuring as subordinates of the Pallavas and acting as the guardians of the frontier territory of their overlords. In our inscription the Bana contemporary of Pallavamalla is merely called by the general title Vanaraiyar without giving his actual name. It is evident that he cannot be Vikramaditya I., the son-in-law of Prithivipati I., as he figures in the 17th year of Nandivarman III.10 We may identify him with Nandivarman, the historical founder of the Bana kingdom.11 Our record gives us to understand that this Vanaraiyar did not take an active part in checking the Pallava attack on Penkulikkottai, though it indicates his support of the Ganga cause. It will be seen from the present inscription that he stood in the relation of a 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nr. 35. Though this record is about three oonturies later than the time of Sripurusha and also contains some wrong statements, the adoption of the title 'Permadi'i.e., Perumdnadiga) by the West ern Ganga rulers is borne out by their records ; but the other statements made in it cannot be accepted as correct unless we get reliable evidence in support of them. * It has been suggested that Paramokvaravarman II was the Pallava king slain on the battlefield at Vilardo. Though probable, we do not know much about this ruler to st.rm it. The Ganga ohiofs seem to have adopted not only the title Permdnadi but also other titles of the Pallavaa as well. Vijaya-Narasimhavikramavarman and Vijays-Isvaravarman whose inscriptions are found at Bangavadi in the Kolar district, Kilmuttugur and Valur in the North Aroot district and Hanumantapuram in the Salem district and who have been taken as Pallavas or rather Ganga-Pallavas hitherto, must really be Ganga chiefs adopting Pallava titles. These chiets do not call themselves Pallarms and their inscriptions are in Vattoluttu characters which we do not find in Pallava records. From the elephant and hans figures (above, Vol. IV, p. 177), carved in relief on one of the slabs containing an inscription of Narasimhavikramavarman, Dr. Hultzach also ooncluded that Narasimhavarman was probably - Western Ganga chief (ibid.). . 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 517, verbo 6. . Mysore Archeological Report for 1927, p. 100. * Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Bp. 13. This inscription is assigned by Ripe approximately to A.D. 725. In the battle of Soremati also tho Bapa chief sided the Ganga ruler (No. 543 of 1906). The Banas figure as rabordinates of Pallavamalla, Danti, Nandi II and Nripatunga (abovo, Vol. XI, p. 235) 8.1. ., Vol. III, No. 47 and 48. 1. Ibid., p. 93. 11 Abovo, Vol. XVII, p. 3. This Bapa chiot must ovidently have been so called after the came of his Pallavs overlord Nandivarman (II).

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6 10 12 KULIDIKKI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA NANDISVARAVARMAN. N. P. Chakravarti. Reg. No. 3365 E'34-445. HO OR BRACA 1346 Kenn SCALE: ONE SIXTH. 6 10 12 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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No. 18.] KULIDIKKI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA NANDISVARAVARMAN. maternal uncle1 to the Ganga chief at Karkattur. After the storming of Penkulikkottai, the Banas must have been subdued completely by the Pallavas, as we find a Mahavali Vanaraiyar figuring as a subordinate in the 62nd year of Pallavamalla. Subsequently, we find the Bana chief ruling the Ganga six-thousand provinces also, which must evidently have been possible only with Pallava support. It will thus be seen that by storming the fortress of Penkulikkottai, Pallavamalla was able to check the growing power of the Ganga king Sripurusha and also to subdue the Banas who from this time onwards accepted the overlordship of Pallavamalla and his successors. The question why the death of Gangadiyaraiyar should be recorded in an inscription of his adversary the Pallava king Nandivarman is easily answered. After the siege, the village Penkulikkottai belonged to Nandivarmen and inscriptions of this place had necessarily to be put up in the name of its overlord. From the fact that the Ganga chief of Karkattur is called Kannadu Perungangar, it may be inferred that his ancestors, like himself, died on battle field. Of the places mentioned in the record, Karkattur may be identified with Kalakattur near Palamaner in the Chittoor district. This Kalakattur was in Puli-nadu which was under the Banas, but was subsequently conquered by the Nolamba king under orders of the Ganga ruler. Pepkujikkottai may be identified with Kulidikki itself where the present inscription is found. 1 Sri [||]ko-Videya-Nandi 2 chchuraparumarku yandu 3 ambattirandavadu 113 4 Perumapadigal mel 5 Pallavaraiyan padai van 6 du Pepkulikkottai, a 7 litta nanu Vaparai 8 yar mamadi tiriga enat 9 tirindu pattar Karkat 10 tur-udaiya Gangadiyarai 11 yar Kappadu Perunga12 ngar [||] TEXT. TRANSLATION. Prosperity! In the fifty-second year of (the reign of) king Viseya-Nandichchuraparumar, Gangadiyaraiyar Kannadu Perungangar, (the chief) of Karkattur died, (when) Vanaraiyar, (his) uncle (directed him) to proceed on the day (when) the Pallava (1) army marched against Perumanadigal and destroyed (the fortress of) Penkulikkottai. 1 One would look for the term mamadi to precede the proper name Vaparatyar as in Allan Tikka, M Some vara, Aliya Ramariya etc. This word is so used in the present inscription that it might also open that Vanaraiyar was the 'unole of Perumanadigal, fe., Sripurusha himself. 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 91. Ep. Carn., Vol. X, p. VI. * Madras Epigraphical Beport for 1918; pp. 90-91.

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114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. No. 19.-THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 3571. BY THE LATE PROF. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. The copper-plates on which the subjoined inscription is incised were discovered in 1915 in the village of Jesar, in the Bhavnagar State of Kathjawar. They were lent in 1916 to Mr. (now Dr.) D. R. Bhandarkar, then Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Western Circle, and a preliminary account of this inscription, along with that of another grant of Miladitya III discovered in the same village, were published by that scholar.3 The record is incised on the inner side of two thick plates of copper measuring 1' 21" by 1' which are held together by a long ring of copper to which is attached an oval seal, of the same metal, with the legend, usually to be found on seals of grants of the Valabhi dynasty of Kathiawar, Sri-Bhatakka. There is a bull couchant in the upper part of the area of the seal separated from the legend by two lines. Another round hole is to be seen in each of the plates for another ring, which however is missing. There are altogether sixty-two lines of writing of which the first twenty-nine are to be found on the first plate and the remaining thirty-three on the second plate. The whole of the record, with the exception of the three imprecatory verses in the second plate, is in prose. The language of the record is Sanskrit, abounding with high flown phrases copied from earlier grants. Mistakes of the mason are common. Consonants with the superscript r are usually doubled. The upadhmaniya and jihvamuliya are used very often in ligatures with the following consonants p and k respectively. The alphabet of the inscription shows clear signs of southern influence, cf. the form of la in rain-alamkara (1. 32). The base line of ha is suppressed. The place of the anusvara is very often taken by n in ligatures, cf. ansa (1. 10) and vidhvansita (I. 19). Noteworthy also is the vowel e in eva (11. 25 and 44). The first fortyfive lines of the record are devoted to the genealogy. As usual in grants issued by the later princes of the Valabhi dynasty, the names of the sons of Bhatarka are omitted and the first prince to be mentioned, after the founder of the house, is Guhasena, the son of Dharapatta, who was the fourth son of Bhatarka. Then in the order of succession comes his son Dharasena II, his son Siladitya I, surnamed Dharmmaditya, his younger brother Kharagraha I, and his son Dharasena III. The latter was followed on the throne by his younger brother Dhruvasena II, surnamed Baladitya and he was succeeded by his son Dharasena IV. After this prince the succession devolved upon Dhruvagena III, the son of perabhata, who was the son of Siladitya I. Dhruvasena IIL, was succeeded by his elder brother Kharagraha II, who again was followed on the throne by his elder brother Siladitya II's son Siladitya (III), the donor of the present grant. [The late Mr. R. D. Banerji read the date of this inscription as Sam 300 80 7 dvi-Pausha-ba 10. Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar also read the date ag Sarn 387 dvi-Pausha-ba 4. Both these, scholars, apparently depending on their reading of the date, attributed this inscription to Siladitya IV, the son and successor of Siladitya III. The genealogical portion of the inscription, however, stops with Siladitya III, but Banerji held the opinion that the portion introducing Siladitya IV, which is found in his own grants or those of his guccessors was omitted in this inscription'. I, however, read the date as Sam 300 50 7 dviPausha-ba 4 and would attribute the inscription to Siladitya III. The second numerical figure in the year is exactly similar to the figure for 50 found in the Lunsadi plates of Siladitya III. See my note in paragraph 4.-Ed.) * Now edited above, Vol. XXI, pp. 210 f. *P. R. A. 8., W. C., 1915-16, p. 55, para, 10. P. R. A. 8., W.O., 1915-16, p. 58, and List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1308. Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, pp. 308 f, and Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions of Kathyroar, etc., pp. 45 ff. and Pls.

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No. 19.) THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 357. 115 Moreover, the donee of the present grant is evidently identical with that of Jesar plates of Sila. ditya of Valabhi Samvat 347, the difference being that he is here only mentioned as a Dikshita and his two names Saggala and Prakasa found in the earlier Jesar plates have been omitted. It therefore appears that Siladitya III, made a second grant to the same person ten years after the first grant was issued. -Ed.] The object of the inscription is to record the grant of: (1) a reservoir of water (vapi) extending over twenty-five padavarttas of land from the royal domain land (rujakiya) in the Madasarasthali in the village of Madasara in Surasht[r*]a to a Brahmana who was a Dikshita and was the son of Sambadatta of the Vajasaneya-sakha of the Yajurveda and of the Kausika-gotra and who had emigrated from Pushya-Sambapura. The boundaries of this gift were as follows: to the east Pandava-Khanda, to the south the prachiha known as the [Ka*]mpilikka Khundaka (?) belonging to Datka (Datta), to the west the field known as Sisagara and to the north the field of the householder (kutumbin) Sangilaka; (2) one hundred and four pudavarttas of land, in five pieces, situated in the northern boundary of the village). The first piece belonging to an extinct family measured sixteen padavarttas. The boundaries of this piece of land were : to the east the brahmadeya field of the Brahmana Anahaka, to the south the family land (?) of Chachcha and Matrila, to the west the field called Madhavanaka and the Sagara (?) leading towards the village Koratapadraka and to the north the field known as Pattiyanaka-durga kshettra. The second piece measuring thirty padavarttas also originally belonged to a family then extinct. Its boundaries were : to the east, the brahmadeya field of the Brahmana Sankara, to the south the brahmadeya field of the Brahmana Anahaka, to the west the field of the householder (kutumbin) Bhotuka, to the north also the field of the same Brahmana Anahaka. The third piece measuring forty-three padavarttas was cultivated by Kikaka. Its boundaries were : to the cast the path going towards the village of Suptavasadhi, to the south the brahmadeya field of the Brahmana Sangaka, to the west the fields known as Pattianaka and Matristhana, to the north the boundary of the village of Suptavasadhi. The fourth piece was also under the cultivation of Kikaka and measured ten padavarttas. Its boundaries were to the east the public road, to the south the gramasikhara, to the west the prachchiha of the nobleman (kula putraka) Varuna, to the north the field belonging to Karkkaka. The fifth piece measuring five padararttas was also cultivated by Kikaka. Its boundaries were : to the east the brahmadiya field of the Brahmana Chamasa, to the south the brahmadeya field known as Dasanaka, to the west the public road (rajaret!), to the north the brahmadeya field of the Brahmana Sankara. The Dutaka of the grant was the prince (Raja puttra) Kharagraha and it was written by the Sandhirigrahadhikrita Dirira pati Mahapratihara Samanta Mammaka. The prince Kharagraha is mentioned in the Bhavnagar plates of Siladitya III, of G. 356 and the Bhavnagar plates of Siladitya IV, of G. 372, the Devan plates of G. 375 and the plates of G. 376. The date of the grant is the 4th day of the dark half of the second month of Pausha in the year 357 evidently of the Valabhi era and is equivalent to 675-76 A.D. The grant was issued from the victorious camp at Meghavana, from which the Lunsati plates of Siladitya III, of the year 352 were also issued. I am unable to identify Madasara, Suptavasadhi and other places mentioned in this record. I edit the inscription from the original plates which had been lent to me by the Bhavnagar Durbar for this purpose. TEXT. First Plate. 1 Om' Svasti[ll] Vijayaskandha(ndha)va(va)ra[t*] Meghavana-ba(va)sa(sa kaft* pra sabha-pranat-amitranam Maitrakanam=atula-bala-sampanna-mandal-abhoga-samsakta prahara-sata-labdha-pratapat pratap-opanata-dana1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 210 t. * Expressed by & symbol.

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116 [VOL. XXII. 2 man-arjjav-oparjjit-anuragad=anurakta-maula-bhritahl-ereni-bal-avapta-rajya-sriyah Paramamahesvarah1-sri-Bhatarkkad-avyavachchhinna-raja-vansan-mata-pitri-charan-aravinda prapati-pravidhau 3 tasha-kalmashab faisha(ta)vat-prabhtiti khadga-dvittya-pa(ba)hur-eva samada-para gaja-ghata-sphotana-prakasita-satva(ttva)-nikashas-tat-prabhava-prapat arati - chuda - EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. ratna-prabha-samsakta-pada-nakha-rasmi 4 samhati[*] sakala-smriti-pranita-margga-samyat(k)-paripalana-praja - hridaya-ranjananvarttha-raja-sabdo rupa-kanti-sthairyya-ga(ga)mbhiryya-buddhi-sampadbhi[h] Smara sasank-adri(dri)raj-odadhi-t[ri*]dasaguru-Dhane 5 san-atisayanah saran-agat-abhaya-pradana-parataya trinavad-apast-asesha-sva-karyyaphala[*] prartthan-adhik-arttha-praja(da)n-anandita-vidvat-suhrit-pranayi-hridaya[b] padachar-iva 6 sakala-bhuvana-mandal-abhoga-pramoda[h*] Paramama(ma)hesvarah sri-Guhasenas tasya sutas-tat-pada-nakha-mayukha-santana-visrita-Jahnavi-jal-augha-prakshalit-aseshakalmashab 7 pranayi-data-sahaar-opajivyamana-sashpad-rupa-lobhad-iv-aarita[b] gamikair-ggunai[s*]-sahaja-sakti-siksha-visesha-vismapit-akhila-dhanurddhara[*] pra thama-narapati 8 samatisrishttanam-anupalayita dharmma-dayanam=apakartta praj-opaghata-karinam= upaplavana[m*] darsayita Sri-Sarasvatyor-ek-adhivasasya samhat-arati-paksha-Lakshmiparibhoga-daksha-vikramo vikramo' 9 vikram-[o]pasa(sam)pra(pra)pta-vimala-partthiva-srih 12 kirtti[*] sarabhasam-abhi Paramama(m)hovars[b] Dharasenas tasya sutas-tat-pad-anudhyatah sakala-jagad-anandan-aty-adbhuta-gunasamudaya-sthagita-samagra-dig-mamala samara-sata-vi 10 jaya-sobha-sana (na)tha-mandal-agra-dyuti-bhabhu(su)ratar-an(m)sa-pith-odudha-guru-manoratha-mahabharah sarvva-vidya-par-apara-vibhag-adhigama-dhi(vi)mala-matir-api sarvvatah subhashita-laven-api sukh-opa 11 pa(pa)daniya-paritosha[h*] samagra-lok-agadha-gambhiryya-hridayo-pi su-charit-atisaya adhigat-odagra jan-adhirohibhir-ase suvyakta-parama-kalyana-svabhava[*] dharmm-anuparodh-oj (jj)valatarikrit-arttha-sukha-sampad-upaseva-niru(ru)dhaDharmmaditya-dvitiya-nama Paramamahesvarah tat-pad-nudhyatab avayam-Upendra-gu 13 run-eva gurup-aty-adaravata samabhiliashaniyam-api raja-lakshmim skandha-sakt[am*] parama-bhadra iva dhuryyas-tad-ajna-sampadan-aika-rasat-aiv-odvahan khedasukha-ratibhyam-anayasi 14 ta-sat(tt)va-sampatti[h] prabhava-sampad-vasikTita-nripati-sata-siro-ratna-chchhay-opagt. par-avajn-abhimana-ras-analingita-manovrittih dha-pada-pith(th)-pi 1 The visarga is superfluous. Two dashes to the right of ga are superfluous. Superduous. Read din-mandalab. * Read rasatay". eri khilibhuta-krita-yuga-nripati-patha-visodhan kath] parityajya prakhyata-pauru 15 sh-abhimanair-apy-aratibhir-anasadita-pratikri(kri)y-opaya[*] amoda-vimala-guna-samhati-prasabha-vighatita-sakala-kali-vilassi(si) ta-gati[*] kri-Sadityan-tasy-daujas prapatim krita-nikhila-bhuvan nicha.

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No. 19.) THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 357. 117 16 shair=ddosairl=anamsisht-atyunnata-hsidaya[h*) prakhyata-paurush-Astra-kausal Atigayah(va)-gana-titha-vipaksha-kshitipati-lakshmi-gvayamgraha-prakakita-vira-purusha) (sha)-prathama-samkhy-adhigamah Paramamahesvara[h] 17 sri-Kharagrahas-tasya tanayas tat-padanuddhyatah s akala-vidy-adhigama-vihita nikhila-vidvaj-jana-manah-paritos(sh)-atisaya[h*] sat(tt)va-sapa(sampa)da tyag-anda rygena va(cha) vigat-anugandha(dha)n-asamuhit-arati. 18 paksha-manorath-aksha-bhanga[h*] samyag-upalakshit-aneka-bastra-kaushalaka...charita gahvara-vibhago=pi paramabhadra-prakpitfi(ti)r-aksitri(tri)ma-prasraya-vinaya-go(66) bha vibhushana[h] samata(ra)-sata-jaya-pataka 19 harana-pratyal-odagra-bahu-danda-vidhvan(m)sita - nikhilah(la) - pratipaksha-darpp-7dayah ava-dhanuh-prabhava-paribhut-astra-kausal-abhimana-sa kala-nfipati-mandal-abhinandita sasana[h*] Paramamahebvarah sri20 Dharasenas tasy-anujas-tat-pada(d-a)nudhyatah Bach-charit-atibayita-sakala-purvv& narapatir-ati-ddu(du)ssadhanam-api prasadhayit[a] vishayanam murttiman=iva purushakarah parivsiddha-gun-anuraga-nirdbharah. 21 chitta-vsitta(tti)bhir-mManuriva svayam=abhyupapannah prakritibhir-adhigata-kala kalapah kantima[n*)=nirvfiti-hotur-akalankah kumuda-natba[h*) prajya-prataps sthagita-dig-anta(ta)rala-pradhvan(min) sita-dhvanta-ransi(sih) satat-o. 22 t-o'dita-savita praksitibhya[h*] para[m] pratyayam-artthavantam=ati-bahu-titha prayojan-anubandham-agama-paripurnna[m] vidadhanas-sandhi-vigraha-samasa-ni schaya-nipunah sthane=nuru(rupem=adesan=dada[d*]-guna23 vriddhi-vidhana-janita-samskara[h*) sabhunam rajja(jya)-Salaturiyas(ya)-tantrayor-ubha yor-api nishnatah praksishta-vikramo=pi karuna-msidu-hridayah srutavan=apyragarvv[i*] tal kanto=pi prasa (sa)mi sthira-sauhsi[dayy]o-pini24 rasiti doshavatam=udaya-samaya-samupajanita-janat-anuraga-parivi(pi)hita-bhuvana samartth[i*]ta-prathita-Baladitya-dvitiya-nama Paramamahesvarah Sri-Dhruva sonas tasya Butas-tat-pada-kamala-pra25 nama-dharani-kashana-janita-kina-lanchhana-lalata-chandra-sa(ka)kala[h*1 bisu-bhava eva bravana-nihita-maulitik-alankara-vibhram-amala-sruta-visesa pradana-salila-kshalit agra-hast-aravindah ka(ka)nyaya i. 26 va msidu-kara-grahanad=amandiktit-ananda-vidhir=vvasundharayak karmmarmmu)ke dhanurvveda iva sammbha(bha)vit-asesha-lakshya-kalapah pranata-samanta-mandal ottam-[8*]nga-dhtita-chchula-ratnaya(ya)mana-sa(6a)sanah Paramamahesvara. 27 Paramabhattaraka-Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvara-Chakravarttih(rtti)-sri-Dharasenas-tat pitamaha-bhratsi-sri-siladityasya Sarngapaner-iv-anga-janmano bhakti. bandhur-fa*]vayava-kalpita-pranater=ati-dhavalaya duram tat-pa28 d-aravinda-pravsittaya nakha-mani-rucha Mandakiny=eva nityam=amalit-ottamangs desasy-Agastyasy=aiva rajarsher=ddakshinyam=atanvanasya prabala-dhavalimna yabasam va 29 layena mandita-kakubha nabhasi yaminipater=yvidambit-akhanda-parivesa-mandalasya payoda-syama-sikhara-chuchuka-ruchira-Sahya-Vindhya-stana-yugayah 1 Read doshair * Road kala-loka* Road nirbbhara. * The second to is superfluous . Read sadhunan. * Read vislahas.

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118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Second Plate. 30 kshiteh patyuh 'ri-Dorabhatasy-ansa(nga)jah suchi-yas-onsuka-bhrita[h*] svaya[m*]vara-malam=iva krita-parigrahah sau(sau)ryya 31 m-apratihata-vyaparam-anamita-prachanda-ripu-mandalam mbamanah saradi prasabham-akrishta-silimukha-banasan-apadita-prasa32 dhananam para bhuva[m] vidhi-vad-acharita-kara-grahanah purvvam-eva vividha varnn-oj(jj)valena srut-atisayen-odbhashita-sravanah punah punar-ukten-eva ratn-ala33 karen-Alankrita-srotra[b] paris phurat-kataka-vikata-kitapaksha-ratna-kiranam-avichchhinna-pradana-salila-nivah-avaseka-vilasan-nava-saival-ankuram-iv-agra-pani 34 m-udvahan=udhrita1-visala-ratna-valaya-jaladhi-vela-tatayamana-bhuja - parisva(shva)ktavisvambharah Paramamahesvarah sri-Dhruvasenah stasy-agrajjo-para-mahipatisparsa 35 dosha-nasana-dhiy=eva lakshmya svayam-atispashta-cheshtam-aslisht-anga-yashtir= ati-ruchiratara-charita garima parikalita sakala-nara patir-atiprakrisht-anuraga rasa 37 pratapa-ploshit-dedaha-intru-vadda[]*] gad-otkshipta-su(su)darsana-chakrah krama-prasa [VOL. XXII. rabhasa-va 36 sikrita-pranata samasta-samanta-chakra-chchu(chu)damani - mayukha khachita - charanakamala-yugalah proddam-odara-dorddand-dalita-dvishad-vargga-darppa[h] prasarppatpaiya[b] prerita. kahitipa-aamhatianuraginya rajya-triyam-arppayantyh mandal-agram=iv=avala. iva pranayi-paksha-nikshipta-lakshmikahh parihrita-bala-krido-nadhasskrita-dvijatir-eka-vi 38 dhita-dharitri-talo-nangikrita-jala-sayyo-purvva-purush-ottamah samyag-vyavasthapita(ta)-varnn-aeram-acharah saksha[d]-dharmma purvvair-apy-urvvipatibhis trishna-lava-lubdhai 39 r=yyany-apahritani deva-ba(bra)hma-deyana(ni) tesham=apy-ati-sarala-manah-prasaram= utsankalan-anumodanabhyam parimudita-tri(tri) bhuvan-abhinandit-ochchhrit-otkrishta dhavala-dharmma 40 dhvaja-prakasita-nija-vanso deva-dvija-gurut(run)=prati yatharha-manahta3-pravarttitamah-oddrang-adi-dana-vyasan-anupajata-santosh-opatt-odara-kirtti-panti(parkti)-param 41 para-danturita-nikhila-dik-chakravalah spashtam-eva yath-arttha[m*] Dharmmadityapara-nama paramamahesvarah sri-Kharagrahas-tasy=agrajanmanah kumudashanda-sri-vikasi 1 Read -udvahan-dhrita. Read senas tasy-agrajo * Read manas tat. Bhavnagar Plates read yatharham-anavarata-, 42 nya kalavatas-chandrikay=eva kirtya dhavalita-sakala-dig-mandalasya Aguru-vilipana-pinda-yamala-Vindhya-saila-vipala-payodhar-abhogaya[b*] khaudit. kahogyab patyub 43 sri-Siladityasya sunur-nnava-pr[a]leya-kirana iva pratidita (na)-samvarddhamanakala-chakravalah kesar-indra-sisur-iva raja-lakshmim-achala-vanasthalim-iv-alan kurvapah Sakhandi-ko 44 tana iva ruchima[ch*]-chuda-mandana[h*] prachanda-sakti-prabhavas-cha sarad-agame (ma) iva pratapavan-ullasha (sa)t-padmah samyuge vidalayan[n*]-ambhodharan=iva para-gajan-udaya eva tapana-bal-ata

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JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 357. Second Plate. roodh 8 nc=bail 156357 37f s)6. 13 3 p05 9 pn) daa 550- 88eey 1 5588; 105 Usoo nuuN lgaa jhNddr555chH8) 38 rupch Rec5jh85 3nn naal naa : RnaaN nuuN 5 0 . 5 tooN 7 nuuN 6 kheexcuu daa hunn tk 8 9 10 - 5 vdhiiaaN nuuN16 40 guruu nee bbuu 946017 jrur87 njun fronnaa hai| A 59 staa nr bl faazg 51 : vphailnn, () / bbuukhee nuuN 151th9 1808 999 bnnn 05: 53 5057 EA% kr diPSo g -- 2 naa / dh nuuNfsu rb kree / n nn uh 305057 nuuN 1 :- g. 40 141 razes 106 0 rnaa tee n n : fa3-257 15: 669aju rs nuuN 365[2577 44 - 2 600;62g1gh of 3 chHlee dii 5- 8f67d70531 ==5 26veegrHkh 97816: nlaa nee 5 : 4 5 1 7) | ,3 : 166 ||4lmy73% 08 choofukh bc loohtt naa deenne 5aabra cer&1:53 34887) 795sf= veekh orn=1jh hoor hii ul 15 nuuN 21 2 3 4 5 ttiibn 47 vait 5$4ttr nuuN 1757570 r l viir s5 = 57: 30 321 at=0&znee 565 nuuN s) #259 kauNsu 81-559 as 10 jaivinoo-5755555F2 - ja 34 1:17:5$s nuuN st| s rvee 7:0Fii 53 15 1veeNr==5f Fe668 nn 27 ii: 653 7:00 braoo daa lHn h ri9483277551228 D8 tooN ab tooN nvfc255-6 Rajp:21071n 25 nuuN "fddaak017:15. Faiaa % 37 19gu = u sjijvs nGGnaa 4 Joba368 tooN 657 5 nee us nuuN 5) 15 punjc 55 87nnaafe75 5 49 nee ! 8 jhttee iGno jlin noPSnn tooN tk sudaa : 8}(3 eedh r ree / PS5866( 92 =97793gs ietee 2 sbNniufl 3 0000381 // 38 n 9 tee 2108 nuuN vii ih nuuN su) nz surs (500)iiPSusn| 167574 nuuN mau08 : 335 ,40en 1 // 2 // 2 // raag-1 nee 3 tooN 62 1 6 // 2 1 2 8 87 876128laauURSTnaaN nuuNy; nee 77 h // so a 62 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rts. No. 3371 E34 425. SCALE: ONE-HALF. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 19.] THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 357. 119 vas= 45 pa iva samgrame mushna(shna)nn-abhimukhanam-ayukshi1 dvishata[m*] Paramamahesvarah sri-Siladityah kusali sarvvan=eva samajnapayaty=astu sa[m*]vidita[m*] yatha maya mata-pitro346 8-puny-apyayanaya Pushya-Sambapura-vinirggata-tach-chaturvvidya-samanya-Kusikasagotra-Vajasaneyi-sapra (bra)hmachari-brahmana-Sambadatta-putra-brahmana Di47 kshitaya Surashteshu Madasara-sthalya Madasara-grame purvv-ottara-simni rajakiyat-panchavinsati-bhu-padavartta-parisara vapi yasya aghatanani purvvatah Pandava-khanda[h*] 48 dakshinatah datka(tta ?)-satka-mpilikka khundaka -samjnita-prachiha aparatah kshetraSisagarah uttaratah kutumbi-Sangilaka-prakripta(shta)-pattiyenaka-kshetram tatha uttara-simni pancha-khand-ava 49 sthitam chatur-uttara-bhu-padavartta-sata-parimana-kshetram[*] yatr-aika-khandam utsanna-kutumbika-shodasa-bhu-padavartta-parimanam yasya purvvatah brahmana Anahaka-satka-brahmadeya-kshetram dakshi 50 natah Chachcha-Matrilayos-satka-kotumba-kshetram aparatah Madhavanaka-kshetram Koratapadraka-grumayayi sigara-cha uttarattab(tab) pattiyapaka-durgga-kabetrasamjnita-kshetram[||*] dvitiya-khanda[m*] utsanna 51 kutumbikam=eva trinsad-bhu-padavartta-parimanam sa(ya)sya purvvatah brahmanaSankara-satka brahmadeya-kshetram dakshinatah brahmana-Anahaka-satka-brahmadeya-kshetram aparata[h*] kutumbi-Bhotuka 52 satka-kshetram uttaratah brahmana-Anahakasy-aiva satka-kshetram[*] tatha tri(tri) tiya-khandam Kikaka-prakrishtam tri-chatvarinsad-bhu-pada vartta-parimana[m*] yasya purvvatah Suptavasadhi-grama-yayi pantha[h*] dakshinatah 53 brahmana-Sangaka-satka-brahmadeya-kshetram aparatah pattianaka-kshetram M[*]tristhana-kshetra[*] cha uttaratah Suptavasadhi-grama-sima[*] chaturttha-khanda[m*] Kikaka-prakrishtam-eva dasa-bhu-padavartta-parima 54 namn(pan)-cha purvvatah rajavartma di(da)kshinata[h] grama-sikharam aparatah kulaputraka-Varuna-satka-prachchiha uttarata[b] Karkkaka-satka-kshetram[*] tatha panchama-khandam Kikkaka-prakrishtam-eva pancha-bhu-padavartta 55 parimanam yasya purvvatah brahmana-Chamasa-satka-brahmadeya-kshetram dakshinatah Dasanaka-samjnita-brahmadeya-kshetram|| aparatah uttaratah brahmana-Sankara-satka-brahmadeya-kshetram[||*] 56 Evam-idam chatur-agha[tana]-visu(su)[d*]dham vapi-kshetram s-odranga[m*] oparikara[m] sa-bhuta-vata-pratyaya[m*] sa-dhanya-hirany-adeyam sa-dasapar[*]dha[m] s-otpadyam[*]na-vishtika[m*] sarvva-rajakiyan[a*]m-a 1 Read ayamshi. The name of Siladitya IV has been omitted. [See ante, p. 114 and note 1.-Ed.] Read pitroh puny-. *Read Surashtreshu. raja-vatta(rtma) 57 hasta-prakshepaniya[*] purvva-pratta-deva-brahmadeya-rahitam nyayen-acha[n]dr-[a*]rkk-arnnava-kshiti-sarit-parvvata-samakalina[h*] anvaya-bhogya[*] udak-atisarggena dharmma 58 dayo nri(ni)srishtah[*] yato-sy-ochitaya brahma-deyam(ya)-sthitya bhunjatah krishata[b] karshayata[h*] pradisato va na kaischid-vyasedhe varttitavyam= Agami-bhadra-ntipatibhir-apy-a[ema*]d-vananjair-anyair-vva * Kha of khanda is written below the line and was added afterwards. Probably we have to read Kampi". 8 bhumi-chchhidraputra-pautr

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120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII 59 anityany=sigvaryyany(ny)=astha(sthi)ram manushyam samanyan=cha bhumi-dana phalam=avagachchhadbhir-ayam-asmad-[d*] aya=numantavyah paripalayitavyas= ch=ety=uktan-chall Bahubhir=vvasudha bhukta rajabhi[h*Sagar-idibhih[1 *] 60 yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya ta[da*] phala[m*0 Yanriha daridrya-bhayan= narendraireddhanani dharmm-ayataniktitani[l*] nir[b]bhukta-malya-pratimani : tani ko nama sadhuh punar=adadita[ll*) Shashti(shtim) 61 Varsha-sahasrani gvargge tishthati bhumida[:*] achchhetta sh=anumanta shah(cha) tany=eva narake vaset || Dutako=tra Rajaputra-Kharagrahah|ll"] 62 Likhitam-idam Sandhivigrahadhiktita-Divirapati Mabapratihara-Samanta-Mammaken= eti | Sam 300 50 7 dvi-Pausha ba 4 [II*l Svahasto mama l No. 20.-THE BAYANA INSCRIPTION OF CHITTRALEKHA: V. S. 1012. BY THE LATE PROF. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. This inscription, which is being edited for the first time, was discovered by Carlleyle, one of the Assistants of the late Sir Alexander Cunningham, at Bayana in the Bharatpur State. This place (lat. 77deg 21' E., long. 26deg 54') is now a junction on the broad gauge main line of the Bombay, Baroda and Central India Railway. It was a place of great importance in mediaeval times and for some time was made the Imperial capital by Islam Shah son of Sher Shah I. When Mr. Carlleyle saw this inscription for the first time, it was lying under one of the stone pillars of the balcony which surrounds the courtyard of the Ukha Mandir at Bayana. This Mandir is a late structure built about a century ago by a Thakur of the Bharatpur State, by converting a portion of the Masjid built in 720 A. H. by Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah of the Khilji dynasty of Delhi. The inscription was found in the same position in 1885 by Fleet, and was referred to by him in his article on the Bayana inscription of Vijayadhiraja dated V. 8. 1100. It continued there till I visited Bayana in 1918, when at my request Mr. C. C. Watson, I.C.S., C.L.E., then Political Agent for the Eastern Rajputana States, asked the Bharatpur Durbar to have the slab removed and it has since been placed in the compound of the Ukha Mandir. The inscription is incised on a thick slab of yellow sandstone, quite different from the red sandstone used in the construction of the Ukha Masjid or the Ukha Mandir and almost of all the ancient monuments at Bayana. The upper left corner of the inscription is broken and the letters on one-eighth of the entire slab towards the right have flaked off. With the exception of these two parts the rest of the record is in a tolerably good state of preservation. The flaking off of the right side of the slab makes all the lines incomplete and therefore difficult to decipher. The breaking off of the upper left eorner has made the beginning of the first five lines incomplete ; out of these lines again, the first three have lost more letters than the fourth and the fifth which have lost only ten and four syllables approximately. The inscribed surface measures 3' 6" 1' 9" and the average height of letters is it". The slab bears twenty-five lines of writing which on the whole is very neatly done. As regards palacography, in many cases, the anusvara is enclosed within a circle (cf. jagatam 1.4), while in other cases it is a plain dot (cf. vaneasya 1. 4). A peculiar form of tha is noticeable in lokanathah (1.7) where the upper part of the upper loop is open, which is usually closed in other instances, As for example, in prathitah (. 18) or prithu (L 22). The initial form of the short i is * Cunningham, A. 9. R., Vol. VI, p. 50. 1 Ibid. Vol. XX, p. 72. Ind, Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 9-14

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No. 20.) THE BAYANA INSCRIPTION OF CHITTRALEKHA: V. S. 1012. 121 to be found in ity=alochya (1. 20), iva (1. 21), etc. The usual form of the palatal sa used in this inscription is the transitional form in which the curve in the upper part of the letter touches but does not coalesce with the vertical straight line which forms the left limb as in trimgaritah (1. 11). Very often this curve does not touch the straight line on the left as in charudarsanah (1. 16) or Sripalena (1. 25). As regards the orthographical peculiarities it might be stated that consonants under & superscript r are usually doubled (cf. sauryyao svargje, sarvoeshu, 1. 3., etc.). Occasionally consonants with a subscript r are also doubled (cl. ttrala in l. 8). The language of the record is Sanskrit and the whole inscription with the exception of a portion of the last line is written in verse. After referring to the Moon, the lunar race, and Krishna the record speaks of the Surasons kings, in which clan was born a king named Phakka. The name of a king Phakka has been found in an undated inscription of circa eighth century A.D. on a pillar built into the inner wall of the main gate of the Chaurasi-Khamba Masjid at Kama or Kamavana, in the Bharatpur State, which was discovered by Sir Alexander Cunningham and published by the late Pandit Bhagavan lal Indraji. The Kamavana record provides us with a genealogy of the Surasena kings for seven generations. According to the Bayana inscription, in the family of Phakka there was a king named Vappuka, who is styled 'an Indra on the earth' (1.9). His son was Rajayika, who married & lady named Sajjani of the Mayurika family. As mentioned in the Jodhpur in scription dated V. S. 894 (=A.D. 837), the Pratihara chief Bauka defeated a chief named Mayura from whom Sajjani appears to have been descended. Sajjani, who was the grand-mother of Chittralokha, the donor of the present inscription, must have been living in the earlier part of the tenth century A.D., as the latter was a middle-aged matron in V. S. 1012, having four grown-up sons. The name of Rajayika's son is lost, but from 1. 13 we learn that he married : lady named Yasaskarl of the Pramara family from whom was born Chittralekha (1. 14). Chittralekha was married to a chief named Mangalaraja, about whose descent no details are furnished. The person referred to in l. 16, whose name is lost, is probably the eldest son of Mangalaraja and Chittralekha. Fleet proposed to identify this Mangalaraja with the chief of that name of the Kachchha paghata family, who is mentioned as the ancestor of the king Mahipala in the Sasbahu temple inscription in Gwalior Fort dated V. S. 1150 (=1093-94 A.D.).* If this identification be accepted then the eldest son of Chittralekha, who is mentioned in l. 16 of the Bayana inscription, is probably Kirttiraja, who succeeded his father. Three other sons of Chittralekha are mentioned in this record. The second was named Indrajit (1. 18), the third Lakshmanaraja and the fourth Chamundaraja (1. 19). The object of the inscription is mentioned in l. 20 whence we learn that Chittralekha caused to be built a temple of Vishnu and gave two villages named Gogra pura and Nagapalli as well as certain fields in Hadhapalli to the deity (Chakrin). From 1. 23 we learn that three drammas were to be collected for the god (Sarrigin) in the mandapika of Sripatha and a similar sum in the mandapika of Vusavata. From the same line we also learn that a gift of one dramma was to be set apart for the god, probably whenever a horse was sold. It may also be that this sum was levied as octroi duty on overy horse-load of merchandise carried through the village precincts. Almost all the geographical names mentioned in the record can be identified. Sripatha has been identified as Bayana itself by the late Dr. J. F. Fleet. Though phonetically the ancient and modern names cannot be connected, there is some support for this identification as the same 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. X. Pp. 34-35. * Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 95 ff. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 36. * Ind. An., Vol. XIV, p. 10.

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122 [VOL. XXII. name has been found in another ancient stone inscription discovered at Bayana, viz., the Bayana Jain inscription of Vijayadhiraja of V. S. 1100 (=1044 A.D.). Vusavata is the modern market town of Bhoosawar in the Bharatpur State. Nagapalli is modern Nawali and Gograpura, Gogera, both situated in the same State (see Atlas Sheet No. 50 for Nawali and Cunningham's map in his Reports for Bhoosawar). Hadhapalli is now situated in the adjoining State of Jaipur and is included in the district of Hindaun2 (see Atlas Sheet No. 50 S. E.). Gogera and Bhoosawar are situated in Tahsil Wair and Nawali is in the Bayana Tahsil. We also learn from the twenty-third line that Chittralekha was a queen (rajni) and that her territories were included in the Empire of the Maharajadhiraja Sri-Mahipala. No chief of this name, mentioned in Kielhorn's list of Northern Inscriptions, could have been reigning in 955 A.D. We find that in V. S. 1003 the suzerainty of the Gurjjara-Pratihara king Mahendrapala II was acknowledged in Partabgarh in the southern part of the Mewar State. Again in V. S. 1016, the sway of Vijayapala, also of Kanauj, is acknowledged at Rajaur in the northern part of the Alwar State. The date of the Bayana inscription, V. S. 1012, falls between these two dates. The probability then is in favour of the fact that this Maharajadhiraja Mahipala, whose suzerainty was acknowledged in Bayana in 955 A.D., was a second prince of that name of the GurjjaraPratihara dynasty of Kanauj, who had come to the throne after Devapaladeva, mentioned in the Siyadoni record of V. S. 1005 and was succeeded shortly afterwards by Vijayapaladeva, mentioned in the Rajaur inscription of Mathanadeva. The date of the record is given in words in l. 24, as the Vikrama year 1012, Monday, the 12th day of the bright half of Magha which regularly corresponds to the 8th January, A.D. 955. The composer of the prasasti was a Brahmana named Sajjana. It was written by Srisakti and incised by the goldsmith Sripala. After the end of the record there is a supplementary verse mentioning the gift of a village named Aluvadraka on the occasion of a solar eclipse (ravigraha) by a person named Indrajit, who may be identical with the son of Chittralekha mentioned in 1. 18. The name of the donee is not legible. Probably this gift was also made to the same temple. I edit the inscription from the original stone. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. TEXT. [Metres :-Vv. 1, 3, 8, 12, 17, 28, 29, 31 and 34 Sardulavikridita; vv. 2, 6, 21, 25 and 43 Vasantatilaka; vv. 4, 5 (?), 11, 13, 15, 19, 20, 22, 27, 42 and 45 Anushtubh; vv. 7, 9, 10, 16 and 18 Sragdhara; vv. 14, 24, 30, 32, 33, 35-40 and 44 Arya; v. 23 Upajati; v. 26 Indravajra; v. 41 Giti.] 1 .....[*]-- --cha 2 mukhatah samjayate sm-analah | asid= dyauh siraso [dhuri kahaya-bhya[ch-aparam] yas-ch-ainam pari -~-~ ~~|| 1 ||*] -----8 -[prithu]-pattra-sarah sakha-sahasra-vinivarita-loka-tapah | chandrat prabbita-phalado-jani raja-vathias-tung-pi mukta-vepathu-bhamga-sangah | [2 || *} 1211 Pururavah sa-vasatih sauryyasya ( Above, Vol. III, p. 266. Ibid., Vol.I, p. 177. ------ Printed by the Survey of India in 1917. Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 182-88. - [chittar-lyena reme samam jato yattra rupasya cha [3] Va(Ba)bhuva Nahusho yattra yen-asadya sur-endratam | Yam-adayah surah svargge sarvve....[ 4 ].. 1 Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. VI, pl. t. I am indebted for this information to the Resident at Jaipur.

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THE BAYANA INSCRIPTION OF CHITTRALEKHA: V. S. 1012. 123 ..........stu sa[r]vvam=ama[m]galath 'll [5 *Vamsasys tasya mahima bhuvana prasiddhah kim varnnyate sa bhagavan=jagatan nivasah | Kans(ms)-arir=adipurushah gvayam-eva janma jagraha yattra sura-danava-vandit-amghrih || [ 6 1] Vadham gadha --Uuuuuu- - - - - -----Ta-namya vaba)hubhir=api parair=mmargganaih sriyamanah | vamser(87) tasminn-abhuvapn=adhika-kita-bhay-oddayit-arati-kaka bhratah kim chapa-danda na hi sarala-mate bhubhujah Sura-senah || [7 II*] Netr-ananda-karena kanta-vapusha -- --- ----UU-U-UUU-(saubha*16 gya-kolena cha chandren=api kalamkina nija-kulasy=adyena vandy-atmana lajjante khalu nishkalamka-charita ye=dy=api kale kalau 88 * Bhuktva bhuktva dharittrin chatur-udadhi-payah-pravsitam nihsapatnam kritva kritv-Asvames dhan=niyata] VUU- U- - - - - - - - - - 7 di]m-avani-bhujam gachchhatar punya-bhajam madhye kala-kramena krasita-ripura abhut-Phakka-nama narendrah! [91] Vra(Bra)hm-Endr-Opendra-Chandra-Dravinapati-Yamair=apy=ayam loka-nathah sarddham yoddhum samarthah sakalam=api jagan= manyamanas-trinaya keseshy=a[kramya]-UUUUUU--u-- - - - - -- [La*]8 kshmir-bhaya-chakita-mana yat-kule=pi sthir=abhut II 110* II) Gottre yattra pavitr. atwa watam ttrata dvisham visha l vaba)bhuva Vappuko nama yasorasih pratapavan || [11 ||*] Seva-samnihitaih surair=iva nfipai Rambh-Orvvasibhyam samair=mmaniky-abharanaih surupa UU---~---[*]---u -u-uu 9 Iyabhair-fuchchaiharavah]-sannibhair=asvair-Indra ivmaparah kshiti-tale yo djik-sahasram vina || (121*] Tasya Rajayiko jato Jamadagnya iv=atmajah rane rajanya-murddhano nirluna yena lilaya || [13 !I*] Mayurika-kula-bhlitam ten=odhva Sajjan=iti vikhyatam [1].................[Hrida* ?)10 yashu dvi[sham] bhupah sa[bhayejshu diva-nisam tishthann=api na samoprishto na cha drishto bhayena yah || [15 ] Na prakarairanna saraih kari-turaga-narair=n= adribhistumga-brithgair=nn=ambho-gambhira-garttair=jjala-vikala-bhuvam na sthalairnna drum-aughaih n=inyair=mma[ya-purair-]-UUUUUU-- -- --- - - - - 11 par pravi[sad=a]ri-puram nirddahad=v(b)ambhajach=cha || [1611*] Divyair=abharan. anga-raga-vasanaih pushpais=cha esimgaritah sarvvattr=otsava-gita-tarya-rasitairananda-sandrah prajah praty=&v(b)da vasudham cha sagya-saphalam=alokya yo vismitair=lokairs-uv-UUU - - -0- -0-[l|17|*] -[jva ?]12 la-malisnol=pi jvalita-huta-bhujo gharmma-kale=ntaralad-bhanga-vridara vahantab smrita-kula charita vi(bi)bhyati [sm=a ?]tta-sat(tt)vah | dusht-arushta-dvipendra-sthitasubhata-kar-akranta-kunt-agra-raudram samgramam bhavayanti pratiniyatavadham stri-sabham(bham) ye niku[mbhah] || [18||*]........ - -..........U-u.. [*]...... 13 my(b)udha--..&-chandrama iva vai rukah(cha ?) [1911*1 Pramara-kula-sambhuta sadhvi tena mahatmana | Yasaskar=iti vikhyata parinita yako-rthina || [2011] Ten= Adhipena tanaya sa-naya su-rupa punya-priya savinaya subha-lakshana cha tasya ........[sama ?*]14 jani Chittralekha || [2111*] Tena Margalarajena sa bastr-artha-vida sata sadhvi bhratfimati rajna parinita priyamvada || [22/1*1 Pativratam vikshya kalau yuge tam lokaih krita-strishu maha-satishu | Arundhati-Parvvata-raja-puttri-Lakshmi ?]U-- VU - -I28[*]...........

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII, 16 ..[tan-nams grihn()ati nrinambravana[v=api ?] brinvantau galit-akhila-kalmashau bhavata) || (2411) Sesho-pi bhuri-vadano na gunarsatadiyan saknoti vaktum=achiratkimu madsiso=nyah | Manv-adi-kirttita-manas=tu(?) su-kirtti y=aiva stri-dharmmam -Abu UU-U- 112511*) -- --UU- - - - - 16 autoebhut=priya-sat(tt)va-satyah | asvetayad=yah sva-yabah-prabhabhir-vra(bra)bmanda madhyam vidhut-ari-chakrah || [26|*) Dilipa-Raghu-Ramanam charitam charu-darsanah anukfitys prajanam yo jagama priyatam vibhuh || [27||*] Akramya dru[ma]-samgin! [dalita-) - -- - - - -- - - - - - 17 [tyakta-bhih] kasubikah, chakr-ahva-dvitayani yanti vibhidam praudha-kshap-alam kaya yasy=&peka-va(ba)l-augha-dhuli-patalair=achchhadite bhasvati || [28][*] Dhavantya sakhi sambhramena galita n-[@]grahi kamchi maya hard yasya samarppitas tvaritaya tam na smarami sphutan ---UUU-UUU18 deuttarya bhagn-iamymahar bocbant-iti ripu-striyah gva-purato yat-sainik-odvasitah [29]*] Indrajid=anu cha suto-bhud=yasyah samgrama-lolupah prathitah jitva vaba)hu-bhup-endran upahasito Ravanir=yena | (3011) Saujanyasya nidhir-ddayalu hridayah kalpa-drumo margga[ne) ---UU-U-UUU19 sat(tt)v-adhikah satya-gih su-pritih pratipanna-pala na-vidhau chanda-dvisham=antakah pirnn-endu-dyuti-subhra-bhuri-charito yo vidyay=alamkitah || [31][*] Tad-anu cha Lakshmaparijo jatas-tasyah sutah Ptithu-prakhyah Chamundaraja-nama paschad=Bhim-adhikah sva-gunaih |(381) Kusuma..........(saubha ?]20 gya-rupa-rajyani muktih svargga-nivaso na bhavanti vin=archcha[nam] Vishnah 8811 Ity-alochya chiriya charu-charita sa Chittralekha sati sarvvam chamchalamAkalayya jagato rupam vapur=jjivitam ! Vishnoh karayate sma mandiram=idam hem-anda-chuda-mapi-vyalamv(b)-[arddhaka)-danda- u --- (pa*]81 tuk-akukain || [34||*] Keyura-tara-harair=mani-nupura-kanaka-kamkan-avalibhih kaladhauta-mekhalabhirayah kalpa-lata iv=abhanti || [35!*) Yasam darsana-lobhans na kshapam=api Madhu-ripur=nnijam pratimam mumchati na cha Rambh-adyah wargga-strik samsmaraty-aldhuna) || (36||*] [Prativimvi bimbi)ta (?)) ...... [ni*). 12 rmmala-kapola-phalakeshu | anubhavati [s-ershya)-Lakshmi kalahan manye smitali satatama || [37]*] Kuvalaya-dala-nayanabhih prithu-jayhanabhih sasanka-vadanabhih prekshanakam=&mganabhis-tabhih siddham taya dattam || [38]!*] GograpuraNigapallyau dvau gramau Chakrina tato dat(tt)vakshesttrani Hadha pallylm (?)............ 13 majsys || [391*] Dramma-ttritayam datte prati-divasam Sripatha-stha-mandapika! apara ttrikam Vuelvata-maqdapika Sarngine satatam || [40][*] Prati-ghotakan cha dine drammo devasya bhagavato vihitah e sha ktita vyavastha rajaya sriChittralekhaya bhaktya [4111*] Maharajadhirajena bri-Mahipala-bhubhuja...... 14 Chashtbs)-mandale || [42] Yavad-dadhati vasudham sa-dharam phan-indro yavaj jalam cha vimalah marud-apayayin I praleyasaila dikhar-aksiti-chittra-charu tavad=vibhata bhuvi harmmy&m=idam Murareh || [4311*] Eke varsha-sahasra dvidababhir-vyatsarair-yuto Magbo dvadasyam subhrayam (pratishthitam tad-dino I). .....[114411*1 Vipropa Sajjana-Damna virachita prakastih Karanika-Srilaktina likhita Sripalenmlarni suvarnpakarena Bhadram=astu | Aluvadraka-namanam granam-ammi ravi-grabi Indrajid-dau- -..........0-u.. [1145117 %

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No. 20.) THE BAYANA INSCRIPTION OF CHITTRALEKHA: V. 8. 1012. TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.).......... From (his) mouth was born the fire and from the head the sky........ (V. 3.) From the moon sprang the royal family (tree) which had a thick foliage, had kept off the heat (or suffering) of the people through its thousand branches and was productive of much fruits (or good) and which, though high (or noble), was free from encountering shocks and breaking down (or fear and destruction). (V. 3.) (In which family)...... rejoiced together and where was born Pururavas, the common abode of beauty and valour. (V. 4.) Where was born Nahusha, whom when he obtained the kingship of the gods in heaven, all the gods, Yama and others........ (V. 5.) ...... (may remove ?) all evils......... (V. 6.) The greatness of this family is well known throughout the world. What more to say, where the Lord of the creation (i.e., Vishnu) and the enemy of Kamsa, who is the refuge of all creatures and whose feet are worshipped (equally) by the gods and demons, himself took his birth. (V. 7.) In that family were born (those) who were honoured by......and resorted to by numerous other supplicants, who made the crow-like enemies fly with their fear inoreased. O brother, were they the bows! No, simple minded (fool), they were the Surasens kings. (V. 8.) Who, even today, in this Kali age, being of spotless character feel ashamed of the moon, the originator of their race on account of his having a stain though it has a beautiful forma pleasing to the eye......and is honoured (by people). (V. 9.) In course of time, amongst the righteous kings who had passed away, each in his turn, after enjoying the earth extended to the four oceans and free from all enemies and perfotm ing the Horse-Sacrifice........ there was born a king named Phakka who had exterminated (lit thinned) his enemies. (V. 10.) This lord of the people was able to fight even with Brahman, Indra, Upendra, the Moon, Kuvera and Yama and regarded the whole earth (as contemptible) as a blade of grass. Dragged by hair, Lakshmi,.... with her mind struck with fear became settled in his family. (V. 11.) In that family was born Vappuka who was a mass of fame and was powerful, whose soul was pure and who was the saviour of the good (but) was (like) poison to his enemies. (V. 12.) Who, through having princes, who were like gods and who had come to him for (rendering service, through (women) adorned with diamonds and equalling Rambha and Urvall (in beauty)... and through horses that were like Uchchaihbravas-was like another Indra on the face of the earth ; (only he was) without his (Indra's) thousand eyes. (V. 13.) To him was born a son (named) Rajayika who was like Jamadagnya (Parasurima) inasmuch as he cut off the heads of warriors in battle with (perfect) ease. (V. 14.) He having married the well-known Bajjan born in the Mayarika family....... (V. 15.) The king, though residing day and night in the enemies' hearts possessed of fear, was neither touched nor (even) seen by that fear, (V. 16.) (The king not daunted by) ramparts, nor by the army consisting of the best of elephants, horses and men, nor by hills with high peaks, nor by the deep ravines caused by the rush of) water, nor by land and forests of trees nor by phantom cities. ... .entering the city of the enemy, burning (it) and completely annihilating (it). (V. 17.) (Whose, subjects, adorned with beautiful ornaments, perfumes and clothes and decked with flowers, were full of enjoyments everywhere through festivities, songs and sounds of drums. And every year seeing with wondering eyes that the earth was full of crops, who.....

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126 . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIL (V. 18.) Even (men) of strong character (), bearing the shame of defeat, feel frightened being reminded of the family of him who was unbearable like) the fire with a garland of flames during the hot season-those wieked demons (1) who look upon the battle-which is made fierce by the heads of spears held in the hands of the best of warriors soated on the wicked and angry elepbante-mlike an assembly of women. (V. 19.) ...... like the moon in splendour. (V. 20.) By that great soul, who wanted fame, was married the lady) named Yataskart, who was chaste and was born in the Premiera family. (V. 21.) By that king was begotten on her (i.e. Yasaskarl).....a daughter (named) Chittrachild who was well-behaved, beautiful, fond of faouiring) morit, well-disciplined and auspicious. (V. 22.) By that good king Mangalaraja who knew the proper interpretation of the Sastras, she, who was devoted to her husband, who had brothers and who spoke plearently, was married. (V. 23.) Seeing her devotectness to her husband, in the Kali age, the people (placed her) among women of the Krita ago who were great Satis (chaste women) like Arundhatr, the daughter of the mountain (i.e., Gauri) and Lakshmi. (V. 24.) .... by uttering her name, even hearing (her name) the ears of men are rendered free from all sins. (V. 25.) Kven Sesha, possessing many mouths, cannot speak of her qualities, quickly; how can one like myself (do 80) .... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. (V. 26.) .....(She) had 8 son to whom were dear energy and truth (and) who, having destroyed the circle of his enemies, brightened the interior of the universe by the rays of his fame (V. 27.) This king of beautiful form, following the oonduct of Dilipa, Raghu and Rame> obtained the love of his subjecta. (V.. 28.) ...... The sun being covered by the mass of dust (raised by the feet) of the multitude of his armies, the owl.is without fear and the chakravika paire separate fearing that the night was far advanced. (V. 29.) The wives of his enemies driven out of their own city by his soldiers thus lament: Q friend, while flying in confusion, my girdle which had dropped was not picked up by me; I do not remember distinctly the person to whom I entrusted my necklace.... (V. 30.) Her younger:son was Indrafit who was well-known, and eager for battles. Having conquered many kings the son of Ravana (.e., Indrajit) was joered at by him. (V. 31.) (He was the abode of civility, was kind reartent and was like a kalpa-druma (wishdying trees to the supplicants......, was full of energy and truthful, took & great delight in protecting them who had approached (him), and was like the god of death to rampant enemies. His numerous acts were white like the rays of the full moon and he was adorned with knowledge (V. 32.) After him was born into her t'son med at manarafa, who was as celebrated 88 Prithu and after him another (son named) Chimundaraja who was greater than Bhima through his own qualities. (V. 33.)...... good fortune, beauty, kingdom, emancipation and abode in heaven cannot be obtained without worshipping Vishnu. (V. 34.) Having thought of this for a long time and having found out that everything on this earth (as well as) beauty, body (and) life aze transient, she, Chittralekha, the chaste and of esteemed character, caused to be made this temple of Vishnu with a orest-jewel shaped as a golden erg and which was....(adorned with ?).....and flags.. (V. 3.) (The girls) who with armleta, shining neoklaces, jewelled anklete and bracelete of gold, (and also) with the girdles of gold appear like(80 many) wishing-creepers (kalpa-latd).

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No. 21.) THE GURG I INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA. 127 (V. 36.) Owing to the temptation of seeing them, the enemy of Madhu does not leave his own image even for a moment nor does he now remember the heavenly damsels like Rambha and others. (V. 37.) They being reflected (?) in (his) pure cheeks, the smiling (Vishnu) always experiences the anger of the jealous Lakshmi. (V. 38.) A show given by these ladies whose eyes were like the petals of lotus flowers, whose hips were heavy and whose faces were like the moon was also arranged by her. (V. 39.) Having given to Vishnu the two villages Gograpura and Nagapalli (she also gave) fields at Hadhapalli. (V. 40.) Three drammas were given, every day, to the holder of the Sarnga bow (i.e., Vishnu) by the market-place at Sripathi and also another three by the market place at Vusavata. (V. 41.) A gift of one dramma per horse was fixed for the god, the lord. This arrangement was made by the queen, the illustrious Chittralekha, out of devotion. (V. 42.) By the illustrious king, the Maharajadhiraja Mahipala......in Chashtha-mandala. (V. 43.) As long as the lord of the snakes bears the earth along with the mountains, as long as there is pure water in the celestial river (i.e., the Ganges), so long may this temple of the enemy of Mura (i.e., Vishnu) which is (as high as) the peak of the Snowy Mountains (ie., the Himalaya) and which is conspicuous and beautiful, continue to shine on this earth. (V. 44.) In the year one thousand increased by twelve years, on Monday (!) the twelfth day of the bright half of Magha was (this temple) dedicated. Line 25. This eulogy was composed by the Brahmana named Sajjana, written by the Karanika Srisakti (and) incised by the goldsmith Sripala. Let there be good (for all). Indrajit (gave) to him (i.e., the god Vishnu), the village of Aluvadraka on the occasion of a solar eclipse....... No. 21.- THE GURGI INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA BY THE LATE PROF. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. The slab on which this inscription is engraved was discovered about half a century ago, among the ruins of the great temple called Gurgaj, at Gurgi, a village about two miles due east of Rewah town, in the state of that name, in the Baghelkhand Agency of Central India. Gurgi is situated in lat. 81deg 27' and long: 21deg 30 (vide sheet No. XIII of the Rewah Topographical Survey, issued by the Survey of India in 1873). Though Rewah had been visited by older members of the Archeological Survey of India such as Sir Alexander Cunningham, Mr. J. D. M. Beglar and H. B. W. Garrick, this inscription has not been noticed by any one of them. It is now placed in the front wall of the palace at Rewah just below the Throne Room or Durbar Hall. Its existence was brought to my notice in April 1920 by Rai Bahadur Pandit Janaki Prasad M.A., LL.B., then Home Member of the Council of Regency of the Rewah State who also gave me information about its place of discovery. 1 Probably in person 35-88 we have a reference to the dancing girls (deus-da zi) given to the tomple. * Mandapibia market plade (mandard in Gujarati and Marathi). *[The text and translation of this inscription were published in Mr. Banerji's The Haihayas of Tripuri and their Monuments (Archaeological Survey of India Memoir No. 23) pp. 122 ff., but as they contained a number of errors the inacription as revised by me is re-edited here.-Ed.] *[Probably the stone inscription referred to by Beglar in Cunningham, A. S. R. Vol. XIII, p. 13, note 1, is identical with the present inscription.-Ed.)

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123 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIL. The inscribed slab measures about 4' 1" by 3' 4" and the average height of each letter is 3". The entire surface with the exception of about two inches at the top and six inches at the bottom is covered with writing. There are altogether forty-nine lines of writing on the slab. With the exception of the invocation at the beginning, the entire inscription is in verse. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the record has, on the whole, been very carefully incised. Consonants with a subscript r are not doubled, but there are exceptions, e.g., tiridasa (1.3). Consonants with a superscript have been doubled in all cases. The characters of the inscription are similar to those of the Chandrehe inscription of Prabodhasiva of the Kalachuri year 724. The initial form of i consists of two dots placed side by side and a comma below them : cf., iva (11.7, 20) and ittham (1.13). Among consonants the following forms call for notice. There are two triangles in the lower part of kha one at the foot of each of the vertical lines, ct., akhila (1. 8). Two forms of tha have been used : the older form consisting of two spheres one over the other and the later form in which the upper loop has become open, cf., mithy=(1.3) and prathita (1. 15). An angle is present in the back of da in all cases, cf., jagad (1.2). The upper part of dha is undeveloped and the letter consists of a loop attached to the left side of a vertical straight line. An acute angle is also to be seen in the lower part of bha, cf., mahobhih (1. 7). Ra is wedge. shaped, cf., ripu (1.3). In la there is only one curved line in the left limb of the letter instead of two as in later forms, c., pala (1. 1). The palatal sa, in all cases, is of the transitional form, in which the right limb of the letter consists of a straight line which is not touched by the left limb. This left limb is formed of a curve shaped like the Roman letter 'S' with a triangle at the bottom, ct., treni (1. 1). The sign of avagraha has been used occasionally in this inscription, cf., tasy=aspade- 'gra (1. 30) and Mahendre='ruvude (1. 31). The final form oft is to be found in abhut (1. 38) and of min saiddhantikanam (1.5) and dosham (1. 6). A peculiar form of the ligaturo kra is noticeable in akranda (1.2). The inscription, so far as is left of it, is not dated and from its fragmentary nature it is difficult to say with certainty to the reign of which Kalachuri king it belonged. It falls into two different parts: the first part consisting of the spiritual genealogy of the ascetics of the Mattamayura clan and the second of a short account of the rulers of the Haihaya dynasty of Tripuri and the landed property belonging to the Saiva ascetics. In this respect the Gurgi inscription resembles the Bilhari inscription of the rulers of Chedi. The first two verses contain an invocation of Siva. In the third verse we are introduced to Madhumati an abode of the Saiddhantikas and the clan of "mad-peacocks". The fourth verse also refers to this clan of Saiva ascetics. In this (religious) family of Saiva ascetics was an ascetic named Chudasiva. His disciple was called Prabhavasiva. Yuvarajadeva I., son of Mugdhatunga (Prasiddhadhavala), having brought him to the Chedi country), made him accept a monastery which was built at the cost of a large sum of money. His disciple Prasanta. siva is the most prominent figure in this inscription as well as in that found at Chandrehe. From verse 11 of the present record we learn that he had built a temple of Siva close to the palace built by Yuvarajadeva I. In addition to this temple he had dedicated images of Uma, Siva and Durga (i.e., Ardhanarisvars), Karttikeya (Shadanana), Gapapati and Sarasvati in the temples close to the palace (v. 12). This abbot also built for himself a retreat for meditation (tapah sthanakam) on the banks of the Sona, an account of which we also find in the Chandrehe inscription. He was succeeded by his disciple whose name cannot be read (v. 17). This disciple of Prasantasiva gave his place (as head of the monastery) to a younger brother disciple named Prabodhabiva (1.25). Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 149 f. . Above, Vol. II, pp. 25 ff. *[I read the name as Isinasambbu.-Ed.]

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No. 21.] THE GURGI INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA. 129 From the 26th line the record becomes almost entirely illegible with the exception of a few letters at the extreme right. Prabodhasiva appears to be the abbot in whose time the inscription was incised. The object of the record was very probably to commemorate repairs to an object caused to be built by his spiritual preceptor (sva-srami-nirmmapita- 1. 26) as well as some monument erected by himself (sat-karmma-nirmmapitam l. 29). Verses 36-43 also seem to record certain grants made by Yuvaraja (II). The account of the rulers of the Haihaya dynasty probably began from v. 27 introducing the family of the moon to which the Kalachuris belonged. The last few words in l. 35 indicate the defeat of a Gurjara king, evidently a king of Kanauj. The Kokalladeva mentioned in l. 40 is probably the second king of that name who was the son and successor of Yuvarajadeva II. There is a reference to the defeat of a Gurjara ruler and a king of Gauda. The country of Vanavasa and the lord(?) of Kuntala appear to have been mentioned in l. 42. These two countries are most probably mentioned in connection with the campaigns of Gangeyadeva, the son of Kokalla II. and the father of the great conqueror Karna, whose conquest of the Kuntala country is mentioned in the Khairha plates of his grandson Yasahkarna. The mention of the campaigns of GangEyadeva indicates that Prabodhasiva was alive in his reign and therefore the record is later in date than the Chandrehe inscription. The next five lines contain the property bestowed on the Saiva ascetics possibly by Yuvarajadeva I. who is mentioned in l. 47 and also by his surname Keguravarsha, in l. 43. In 1. 43 are mentioned SArasadollaka-which is identified by Rai Bahadur Pandit Janaki Prasad with modern Sahdol, a station on the Bilaspur-Katni section of the Bengal Nagpur Railway-Vakado. Ilaka and three other villages. In 1. 44 we have Abhirapalli, Kavacha-Kshetra and a third name Sarasvati which may be that of a village or of a river. In the next line a number of villages are mentioned of which the following only are legible: Samantapataka, Bhadvachiura, Tujumba, Kukkudiya and Rajograma. It is stated in l. 47 that Karddhaka, Brahmapuri, Nannesvara-Kahatra and another village, the name of which is not clear, were given to the god Somanatha. The prasasti was composed by Madhu, the son of Trayivarddhans of the Bharadvaja-gotra. It was written on the stone by Sivanaga the son of Avvoka and incised by the sutradhara Madhava the son of Mahesvara. I am unable to identify the localities mentioned and edit the record from the original stone which I examined on several occasions in 1920 and in 1921. TEXT. Metres :- vv. 1-5 and 16 Sragdhara; vv. 6-8, 12, 17, 20, 24, 26, 28, 30-33 and 35 Vasantatilaka; vv. 9-11, 13-15, 18, 19, 21-23, 25 and 27 Sardulavikridita ; v. 29 and 34 Malini; vv. 36-46 Anushtubh]. 1 Om ----- vaya || Lanka-[virendra(!))-va(ba)hu-vyatikara-chatula-[spha]tik-adr. indra-koti-ereni-samghatta-vi(bi)bhyad-gaganachara-vara-chchhanna-dik-chakravalam Above, Vol. XII, pp. 210 ff. The context does not give us any justification of bringing in Gangegadeve. It shows, on the other hand, that the credit of the conqueste mentioned in verso 34 must go to Kokalladiva (II.) who is introduced in the verse immediately preceding it. Moreover, since both the Chandrebe inscription (973 A.D.) and the present record belong to the time of Prabodhagiva, it is very unlikely that he could flourish at the time of Gang@yadeva (1037 A.D.) also. It is more likely that the grants were made by Yuvarajadeva (II.), as indicated by . 43, probably towards the end of his reign and recorded at the time of his son Kokalla (II) who is mentioned as npipati in l. 41. If my surmise is correct then v. 34 gives us some new information about the achievements of Kokalla II. and v. 35 indicates that Yuvarajadevs (II.) also bore the surname of Keyuravarsha like his grandfather, Yuvarija (L.).-Ed.] * Expressed by a symbol.

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130 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. L ---- () jagad-akita tad-akranda-ni[rhra]da-ghora-svachchhandah so=dri-vasi maudam upachinutach-chandra-chuda-mapir=vvah || [11] Nandin=k=eyam pravishta. (pshupati) uu u dovi-ti many[@] mitby=aitan=n=aami saany[a] uuuuuU -U--u sa-I mugdbe tvad ripa-dhari ttridasa-ripuradau driayatam patito=gre ken=astren-eti de4 [vyd) ka[tu)-vachana-jitah patu mauni [Sivo] vah [2 "1-- -- -- wuuuuuha snigdha-dhuma-prava(ba)ndha-praravdh(bdh)-akala-megh-7daya-mada mudit-onnadi-nsityan-mayara & Daty=uohchaih a udha-jala-jvalad anana-mani-[iyo]tishan chakravallaih svar-llokam va hasanti jagati Madhumati dhama saiddhantikanam "# [3 * Parvve yatravatirya vrata-niyata-mano-vrittayas-tapas-endrah bishyanam-dagarsuh Siva-matam-atanu vyasta-nihsesba-dosham yeaham=ady-api kirttireddhavalayati sudha-dhanta-kantih prasiddha visvar sampanna-vidva) ja 7 na kumuda-van-anandini chandrik-eva || [4 I Saivanam-anvaye sminn=ati-mahati munir-mmananiya muninam=enah-sushk-endhananandava-dahana iva dyotamanaira mmabobhih srimams-Chudasivo-bhud-Bhava-charana-yuga-dhyana-vo(bo)dh-arddhi-labha-prodbhut atyanta-subhra-ttribhuvana-bhavan-abhyantara-bhranta-kirttih || [5 IN) Tasy-akhila kshitipati-pranat-ottamaaga-chuda9 mani-dyuti-chay-archchita-pada-pathahl sishyo va(ba)bhuva bhuvana-traya-kirtta niyah Srimat-Prabhavasive-nama-munir=manishi [6 Il] Aniya yam sahaja vasanayi nayajnah bri-Mugdha10 tunga-tanayo Yuvarejad vah satttyv-opakara-bhavad-uttama-kirtti-hetot=&grahayan =matham=ananta-dhana-pratishtham|| [7 *) Tasy=amalena tapasa che vivardha mana-vidya-va(ba)lena cha sama11 sta-jagat-pratitah sishyah prakama-kamaniya-gun-aika-dhama srimat-Prasantasiva nama-munir-yva(bba)bhuva | [8 II*] Aksishta chira-sanchitena tapasi yasy=anga sang-otsuka Lakshmir-bhoga12 paranmukhasya Batatam nih sreyas-akamkshaya ajnam prapya par-opakara-kritay? tad-vallabhanam satam sthaneshu sthiratam=avapa vanit-ev-atyanta-Hatya-vrata || [911*] Tyagam stambham=i. 13 v=avalarv(b)ya vilasaj-jnan-amvumbu)-seka-kriyam=asudya prasarat-tapa-val(ba)la lite pratyanta-raksha-kramah ittham yasya yas(s)o- mayah sa vavridhe kulena kalpa-durmo yena vyaptam-idam prasa14 hya sakalam vra(bra)hmanda-bhand-odaram || [10 11*1 Yona Sri-Yuvaraja karita lasat-Kailasa-eping-opama-prasad-ottaratah Sumeru-sikhara-sparddhi prasiddham= bhuvi | sadma sthapitam-Isva15 reye sakale-trailokya-vismapakam yat=svarggam vrajatas-tadiya-yaga(sa)sah sopanas marggayate | [11 M Yah pratyatishthipad-Umam=Umaya cha misram=isam Shadananamratha prathit-oru-kirttih | 1.6 prasada-sex nihita-deva-gpiheslu vidvan=dvare tatha Ganapatin-cha Sarasvatin=cha # [12 ] Dah-ottirnna-suvarnna-dana-lamita-dravy-arthi-sartha-sprihah siddha-sthanam= achikarattad=aparam yah So17 pactir-opaki yasmin=yoga-jushah pravisya niyama-dhvast-antaray-adhayah santah siddha-samadhayoachchha-matayo gachchhanti muktel padam [13 II*? Tirtha #thana-nishevan-odyata-dhiyan

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No. 21.) THE GURGI INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA. 191 18 m-atyante vibrantayo yasetat-karitava(vi)n-munih sura-Berit-tire tapah-sth&takam yat-samsevya Mahadvar-Irobohane-ratt Varanasi-Vasino manyante bhava-sagaram gurum=api kshinam 19 yatha (goshpa]dam || [14 II") Asinadya jit-asanasya vijano brit-padma-padhya-sthita Sthanu-dhyana-nilina-nischala-manah-samvedit-antar-mmudah jagmur-yasya dinani dana-nirata20 --u-- [rthika?) tat(tt)va-jnana vichaksbanaischa gunibhih sarddham pariksha kshamaih | 016 1* Tivr-azhbor-ambu-sathgha ive niratibay-ollasinah svaih prabhavai[r]-yasy-antevasinoedhasatamasini U pratyaharh) vo(68)dhaya ntah lekanlaloka-dan-Opakpiti-parinamat-kirttayah samhbhrit-ajna-hobha-bhubhrich-chhirdbhih pravara-muni-janair-a[r]ohyamanaswoharanti || [16 !*] Tasy-abhava22 [t=]UUU-UU-U---h samasta-kavi-purgava-gita-kirttih | 6r-Isanasambhurs akhil-avadipala-mauli-mala-mani-dyuti-pisamgita-pada-padmah | [17 11* Ni[r]jjitya 23 vuru-UUU - Ubarv[v]-arthinamh yena srir=gamitopabhoga-padavi dau]rggatya-duhkha-chchhida sad-vidya-bhava-va(ba)ndhana-vyatikara-pradhvan(mn sa karmma-kshama-vyapar- eti 24 [samagra-sam!) UU -U U - ||[18 !I"] Yo madyat-kali-kala-danti-dalana. vyapara-panehananah sriman-Mattamayura-vansa(vamsa)-tilako ninsesha-vidya - nidhih vidvat-pa25 frshada) -U-UU --u--v-tasy)-adesha-gan-akarasya bhuvan.)-- -- -- || [19 !I*] Srimat-Pravo(bo)dhasiva-nama-nij-anujasya sthanam sama[r*]pya viji- -U [1] VUUUUU-- uuuuuu -- [1/20 ] [Yena] tyaga-tapah-samadhi-nidhina sva-svami-nirmmapita27 ---Uuu uuu -- -- -I --UU-UUUU -- -- -wa-siddhi-vaba)dhaka-bhi[y] -ollarghayanty=amva(mba)re || [21 1*] Ku28 (pam]-UU-U uuu U-MU-[*] uw-u [. a]rthi-nivahx[-sa?]rtho-py-apurvv-epaita. prajya-sva29 UU-U UUU- U- V[H 22 *] -www-u-uu-U- V WU valla U gat-karmme-nimmapitam 30 ---UU-u-uuu--- -- - - - - - - - - - -[IF 23 ] - - ftad-anu?) wusul Jumat-atma tasy-aspade='gra s b s` - * T] - sdN-b sd s`d s`d dn myN `my bsbb yb --[1124 ! ---uu-u-uuu-- Ma?]hendre='tyvu(rbbu)de yasy-ochchais =cha U-U UUU-- -- - ( UU-U-UUU--- -- - ---UU-U UUU- -um=asi]t-kshamah | [25 *] Samantapata39 kar www yayu. - VUUUUUU E1*] - - - w w w uuuuwwina[m] [26- *) En-ank-anvaya. 34 uuuuuuuuuuuuu [1] - uuw w wwww [gi]hitva va(ba)lat-khyatam khaWo may have to restore w nipatikana * Restore as lokan(?).

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132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 36 [dga*]u-u-uuu-- --- -[1127*] --u-uuu-uu-u-- --U -uuu-uu-U-- [*] nirjjitya Gurjjara-patim 36 uu-u-- --U-UUv-uv--- [128 II*] Vuuuuu--- --u- uuuuuu--- -- -- [l *Juuparijana-raksho37 --- -- vuu vuu--- -- ---[129 IN --u-vuu vu-u----u-uuu-vu-u--[*] si[nanda)-mauli-mani38 -uv-u-- --u-uuv-uv-u--(1/30 ||*] --u-uuu-uu-V-- --u-uuu- parakramo=bhut [l *] chitrezpi ya[l-li)39 khita-rupam=evekshya -- [vi]ra-vratamuuu-uu-u-- || [31 Il*] -- uja vuu-uta vi[ra] -- --[na)-vikrama-nidhir=viparita-mallah | asin=nri40 pah kavi-kadamva(mba)-[ghanaya]mana ---Umuuu-uu-u[pa]ikah 1 [32 M Tasmad=abhud=uuu-dita-Pushpa[dhanva?] --yamana-vapur=apra tima-pratapah | Kokalla. 41 deva-nfipatih patir=uttamasnam) --U-uuu-vu-u-- | [33]*] (Pra]vikati [ba]ta-baktir-Gu[rjja] -- [Hi]m-Adrim jalanidhi-jala-durggam Gauda-rajo=dbise42 te nivasati Vanavana Kuntala_ U-uu vuuU--- -- ---|| (34 II] --u-uuu- ya-kirttaniya[m] puny-anvitaya munaye svayam=43 Ichchitayal --nam=u(u)llikhita-[s&!) UU- --[Koya ravarsha-nfipatih u ---||[35 II] Pakka.. ..--[tax) tatka Sarasadollakam | Vakkadollaka- Rajyau)44 chchve(?)ko..... na(?)sepundika || (36 II] ..... ....U --u.. .. puram [Khayallikal] | [puram] Kalabhirapalli.. .. .. .. Sarasvati || (37 II*] [Etesham) dvadasakan=cha Kavacha-kshetram=eva cha 46 Samantapatakab ch-aiva Vata.. .. -v [38 II*] .. .. .. [yata --yil sagana.. um=ity=api 1 Sa.... [Bha]dvachiura Tuju]mva sha Ku[kku]diya || [ 39 II*] Rajo-gram-anvita 46 Deretan=sasanatvena dattavan .. .. .. ..v[veda]nta-paragaya gariyase [40 (18] [Puram] paura-jan-akirnnar (puraskara(?)]-samastakam bhaktya sama r ppayamasa sasanatve47 na bhupatih || [41 M Karodhakam Vra(Bra)hmapuri[m] si[chcha?)-kapondikam Nann-ekvara-kshetra]m=adat Somanathaya Sambhave?] || [42 ] [Da]tta sri Yuvardjona palita santarair=nnsipaih akalpa48 sthayini bhuyad=vrittih baiva-tapo-bhritam || [43 I] Bharadvaj-anvaya-srimat-Trayi varddhana-Dandanah prasa(ba)(stim=akarot=] stutyo Madhur=madhuraya gira [44 h) Alekhi lekhaken= yam=A49 vyoka-tanujanmana' aksharair=dfishadi spashtaih Sivanagena dhimata || [451] Utkirni sutradharena Ma[ho]avara-sutena cha Madhavanau na gunina Vi. syakarmmana || [46 ||*] TRANSLATION. Om! [Salutation to Sival] II (Verse 1.) Let the moon-crested (god Siva) dwelling on the mountain, whose own pleasure is rendered terrible by the sound of the lamentation (of the worldly beings ?), who made the world .........with the horizon of its quarters covered by the best of birds frightened by the clashing of the row of the peaks of the excellent crystal mountain shaken by the movement of arms of the hero (!) of Lanki-increase your joy. Probably we havo to restore - Gurjar-Lid and Kuntal-Ead.

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No, 21.] THE GURGI INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA. 133 (V. 2.) Nandin, who is the (lady) that has entered ... ? .... I think she is Devi. This is not true; I am not she ; (she is) another person...... You simple minded, he is an asura who has assumed your form. See how I have felled him before me and by what weapon. Let Siva who was (thus) silenced being conquered by the harsh(?) words of Devi, protect you. (V. 3.) There is in this world, Madhumati, the abode of the Saiddhantikas, where the peacocks dance and shriek with joy at the unseasonal rise of clouds formed by the mass of smoke ......and which is smiling (in derision) as it were, at the heaven through the mass of the rays of the big jewels shining on high in the rows of mansions. (V. 4.) Where appeared the foremost of ascetics whose mind was restrained by vows and who taught the great doctrine of Siva which is devoid of all faults; whose well-known fame the aplendour of which was as white as if it had been) washed with nectar, whitens the universe even today like the rays of the moon gladdening the mass of kumuda flowers which were the prosperous and learned men. (V. 5.) In this great family of Saivas was (born) the illustrious ascetic Chadasiva who was honoured by sages and who in his shining glory was like the forest fire to the dry fuel of sin ; whose fame was exceedingly white having arisen out of the perfection of knowledge acquired through meditation on the feet of Bhava (Siva). (V. 6.) His disciple was the sage, the illustrious Prabhavasiva whose feet were wor. shipped by the rays of the crest jewels on the head of all the kings bowing (in reverence) and who was learned and famous in the three worlds. (V. 7.) Having brought him out of a natural desire, Yuvarajadeva, the son of the illustrious Mugdhatunga, who was verged in polity, in order to gain good fame arising out of the welfare of (all) beings, made him accept a monastery which was established at an enormous expense. (V. 8.) His disciple was the ascetic the illustrious Prasantasiva, who was famous in the whole world through his spotless austerities and force of learning which was (always) increasing and who was the sole abode of exceedingly good qualities. (V. 9.) Attracted by (his) long accumulated austerities, Lakshmi, who was eager to have & bodily contact with him who was averse to pleasure on account of his desire of final emancipa. tion, received his order to do good to others and obtained fixity (i.e., became stationary), like a very devoted wife, in the houses of the good who were his (Prasantasiva's) friends. (V. 10.) Having taken to charity as the supporting) pillar, having obtained the sprinkling of the water of shining knowledge, with all its tips protected by the increasing force of austerities grew his wish-yielding tree (kal padruma) which was his fame and which in time completely filled the vase-like interior of the universe. (V. 11.) By him was established a temple of Siva (built) to the north of the palace which was built by the illustrious Yuvarajadeva and was like the shining peak of the Kailasa mountain, which (temple) aspired to be as high as the peak of the Sumeru mountain, was famous on the earth, caused wonder in the three worlds and acted like a stair-case to his fame marching towards heaven. (V. 12.) He, whose vast fame was well-known and who was learned, dedicated the images of Uma, Uma mixed with Siva (Hara-Gauri) and Shadanana in the temples adjacent to the palace as well as those of Sarasvati and Ganapati at the gate. (V. 13.) He who had quenched all desires of hosts of supplicants by the gift of gold which had emerged (purified) from burning (i.e., sacrificial fire ?), built another abode for the Siddhas on the bank of the river Sona having entered which the Yogins who had exterminated anxieties caused by impediments through the performance of) vows, (who were) free from passions, who had attained success in meditation and whose mind was clear, acquire the position (fit) for (obtaining) emancipation.

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134 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXIL . (V. 14.) He, the snge, for the absolute rest of those who had a mind to live in a holy place, built an abode (for performing) austerities on the banks of the divine river (Ganges), taking resort to which the inhabitants of Benares, devoted to the worship of Mahesvara, think the ocean of existence, though vast, to be as small as the impression of a cow's foot (in the soil). (V. 15.) Seated in a solitary place, he, who had won a mastery over (all) the postures of sitting (asana) and whose mind-devotedly fixed to the meditation of Siva (who was always present) inuide his lotus-like heart-possessed the inner satisfaction, passed his days in making gifta. ....in company of qualified men who were adepts in supreme knowledge and could stand the test. (V. 16.) His disciples who shine in their own majesty bright like the mass of rays of the sun explaining....everyday to those who were in darkness(?) (as the sun removes the darkness) and whose fame is vast on account of the good done through the gift of sight (aloka) (as the sun gives light), roam about honoured by the best of sages whose orders are held (reverently) by the kings (bhubhrit) on their heads (as the sun is honoured by the summits of mountains which it beautifies). (V. 17.) His (disciple) was the illustrious (Isinasambhu)......whose fame was sung by all principal poets, and whose lotus-like feet were reddened by the splendour of the jewels of the garlands on the crowns of all the kings. (V. 18.) Having conquered........of all the supplicants by him, who was the remover of the misery of poverty, was placed the goddess of fortune (Sri) in a position to be enjoyed (by all); (he who was?) ............ in the matter of destroying the obstruction of the bondage of existence through true learning............ (V. 19.) He, who was a lion (panchanana) in the act of subduing the rutting elephant of death in the shape of Kali age, who was the forehead mark (tilaka) of the illustrious Mattamaydre clan, who was the store house of perfect bearing, roho in the assembly of the learned........, of him who was the source of all the (good) qualities........ (V. 20.) He having given place to his younger brother (disciple) named Prabodhakiva...... (V. 21.) By him, who was the receptacle of charity, austerities and meditation (was buile & mathal near) the one built by his master (i.e., guru), which the............do not cross in the sky for fear of obstruction to their sucoess (or perfection). (V. 22.) Also a woll(was dug by him)........ and also the host of supplicants (obtained!) ......an abundant... (even) of what was not desired before, (V. 23.) ............caused to be built by (his) good works. (V. 24.) ......then the high-souled one......in his abode....... (V. 25.) ......on high on the Mahendra or the Arbuda hills.. (V. 26.) Samantapataka............ Tv. 27.) (In) the family of the moon........(who) taking by force the famous sword....... (V. 28.)......... baving defeated the lord of the Gurjaras...... (V. 29.) ........the protection of the family.. (V. 30.) ..........the crest jewel............... (V. 31.) ........ was born the valiant ......seeing, whose beauty even as drawn in a picture .... (V. 32.) From him (was born)........ the king, the treasure house of valour, the terrible fighter, who was like....to the host of poets.. (V. 33.) From bim (was born) the king Kokalladexa who was the lord of the good whe excelled the god of love, in physical (beauty) and, was of unequalled valour.......... 1 Probably the damaged portion online refuse to the maths built by Prabodhalive which is also found in the Chandrebolaneription of Peabodhalil abowo, Vol. XXL p. 14. V. 16 Idi [For reference to this well we also Chandrohe Inscription, v. 26.-Ed.]

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No. 22.) MAHAKOSALA PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTARAJADEVA. 135 (V. 34.) The Gurjara (lord?) onters the Himalaya devoid of power and the lord of Gauda lies in the watery fort of the sea. There lives in Vanavasa the lord() of Kuntala........ (V. 35.) The King Koyuravarsha (gave)...... to the ascetic who possessed merit and whom he had himself honoured ...... (Vv, 36-37.) (The villages) Pakka...., as well as Sarasadollaka, Vakkacollaka, Rajyauchchveko(?),..,.,.nasspundika,...... pura, Khayellik(?)......Abhitapalli......and Sarasvati. (Vv, 38-40.) The twelfth part of these as well as the Kavacha-kshetra Samantapataka and Vats....,.Bhadvachiura, Tujumva and Kukkudiya along with the village of Rajo (the king) gave by means of a grant to the great (asoetie) who was versed in the Vedantas. (V. 41.) The king made the grant with all honours and out of devotion to him (and also gane?) & city crowded with citizens. (V. 42.) (He also) gave to the Sivs called Somanatha, (the villages of) Karodhaka, Brahmapuri...... kapomika and Nannisvara-kshetra. (V. 43.) May this allowance (vritts) to the Saiva-ascetics granted by the illastrious Yuvarajadeva last till the end of kalpas, being protected by the future kings. (V. 44.) The praigeworthy Madhu who was the son of the illustriots Trayivardhana of the Bharadvaja lineage, composed this eulogy with sweet words. (V. 45.) This (prasasti) was written on stone with clear letters by the scribe, the intelligent Sivanaga, the son of Avvoka. (V. 46.) (It was) incised by the engraver Madhara....who was the son of Mahesvara, was gifted and was (as clever as) Visvakarmar. No. 22.--THE MAHAKOSALA HISTORICAL SOCIETY'S PLATES OF MAHABHAVA GUPTARAJADEVA. By PANDIT LP, PANDEYA. In October 1992, this important charter was presented to the Maha-Koula Historical Society, Balpur (via Raigarh, District Bilaspur, C. P.), by a gentleman in whose family it had been lying for years. Definite information about its find-spot is lacking but it is said that the plates were discovered in a field in the course of digging. This charter eonsists of three copper-plates each measuring about 8I" in length sad 4-2 in breadth which are strung on a big circular ring of the same metal. The ring is 4-2" in diameter to which is fixed a circular seal measuring 16" in diameter. On the seal'is engraved the figure of a staending bull with two horns and a raised Kump facing the proper right. Above the figure of the bull is the mark of a crescent moon and below it the legend in two lines, which reads :-(1) Sri-Mahabhavagupta (2)rajadevasya. The plates have no raised' rims and they with the ring and the seal weigh 120 tolas. Of the three plates, the first is inscribed on the inner side only while the second and third plates bear writing on both sides. The first plate contains nine lines of writing, the second seven lines on each side and the third bas eleven lines on the inner and four lines on the outer side. The letters on both the sides of the second plate are comparatively big, each mensuring rd of an inch. In the inner side of the third plate the letters in the last five lines are smaller than those of the first six lines. The writing on the plates excepting a few lines on the first side of the third plate is in good preservation. The characters belong to the acute angled ' type of the Northern script, attributable to the 7th and 8th centuries: A.D. The letters have been nicely and clearly engraved and the majority

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136 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL, XXII. of them resemble those of the Sirpur stone inscription of the time of Mahasivagupta. The language is Sanskrit and prose throughout with the exception of the imprecatory and benedictive verses. As regards orthography," the following points may be noted The visarga is omitted in namah (1.1) and antahpati (1.4); i is used for i in abhio(1, 13), Sagar-adibhih (1. 20), etc. ; b and u have not been distinguished. The rule of sandhi has been overlooked in yadi akshara (1. 36). The exact date of the record cannot be verified from the details given in the inscription and the reading of the day of the fortnight is not certain, though it appears to be 6. Accepting this reading to be correct, the record is dated the 6th day of the dark half of Bhadrapada of the 11th regnal year of the M. P. P. Mahabhavaguptarajadeva, the forehead ornament of the Soma family (Soma-kula-tilaka) and the Lord of Trikalinga. The charter records the grant of the Linjira village in the neighbourhood of the Prithura-bhukti to a Brahmana who was the son of Chakradhara and belonged to the Kapishthala-gotra, Vagishthapravara and the Maitrayani-6akha (of the Black Yajurveda). The donee is simply called Bhatta in the inscription and it is not clear whether this was his name or the usual brahmanic title. He was an inhabitant of Ullakheta and had originally emigrated from Madhura in the Mid-country (Madhya-desa). The gift was made on the Simha-sankranti and the record was issued from the victorious camp at Kisarakella. The writer of the charter was the Mahasandhivigrahin Rudradatta, the son of Devadatts who had emigrated from Ayodhyapura. The usual device on the seal of the Somavamsi kings is the gaja-Lakshmi but in the present inscription the device is, as has been noticed above, different and is similar to that used in the inscriptions of the Early Ganga kings. Though the dates of the two known Mahabhavaguptas of the Somavam a have not been properly fixed, their personal or birth namee, viz., Janamejaya and Bhimaratha are usually found in their grants. But the grant under publication does not give such a name to the donor Mahabhavagupta. It is, therefore, not certain if he is to be identified with either of the Mahabhavaguptas already known or is an altogether different ruler of the family. Of the geographical places mentioned in the grant Kisarakella may be identified with the village of Kesarkela, about six miles to the east of Bolangir in the Patna State of Sambalpur District. The village Litjira may be identified with the village of the same name close to Baramakela in the Sarangarh Feudatory State. Prithura is the present day Pithora in the Padampur tract, about 45 miles to the north-west from Sambalpur town. The distance between Pithora and the Linjira village in the Sarangarh State is about 20 miles. These two are on the opposite banks of the Mahanadi, which flows through the borders of both the Sarangarh State and the Padampur tract, forming respectively their northern and southern boundary. Ayodhyapura is to be identified with the modern Ayodhya in the Faizabad District of United Provinces. Ulakhota may be the present Ulakhara village in the Sarangarh Feudatory State. It is about 20 miles to the west of Linjira. TEXT. Pirst Plate. i esat THC: *Ifwaret af [*] farercatore atafanalfaura2 baTavAtparamamAvaramAtApitapAdAnuSyAtamahArAjAdhirA 1 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 290 f. * This plina is mentioned in Payini, VIII-3-91. From the original plates. * Expromed by symbol.

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int.. MAHA KOSALA HISTORICAL SOCIETY'S PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTARAJADEVA. ii.b... Seal. mila pratipadasimA sAniliyara pArirI sapA rAya vAsuspatipi pAThapAlalIyA tavAya 18 TAIT pAsa kismatA panapA TA pArIdi rAyasAyarAsa visaratamA tayAra 20 lamAraHrapala kA pArari pAliyAmA vAcanamAmmaralAla pAna de samiTa 22 ghAniya mAgAyana sArA Actual size. ib. kamAlagAyA yadi kisAkallAmA yAtrinamA pitya timmanAyA nAmAkAbalama 24 2 kb kaanmlaa prmaadinyaayaabaasnd / parampara paramaM kayAmakula nilakAjali nAvipa srdnaandiipaabaanniiyH saaptaabe / 4 vAyA gavagavA palu bhakabhakAmamA samAsa pa pasArA re pagalIpApaburA rutAva pA manaTamakara tamAyAtiyA pasApha nAmamA lililipAmayAlA apavana pAyaka mi satapA pAmarAla paravAcyA 28 ___ 6TAkiyAyApAsika yAtahalsArarAna nAchI samA kAyama kara pvilaataayaatmaashdiipraayaa| yatipiri nasaTU da ya nAyavATyA simAjavAsopaviva sAmAThAlUna tAlatAlapAladAyArUgara 8sAra parAvalipi ra yAtalA sahA cApakA mAlAmAla pAtAgayAiyATavArAgamana na tArantAnalAlAlAcatAmAbAzavAnyakA karakamA savaya meM ta varA pari parikakA tapAta vAtAtilAdhA hisAra nArAmAraparagAyatamA vaka ii.a. iii.b. 10 pUlamAyakA yAmaprasATo kATa mAdhyama/RTRAdhAnatarapAla 1: pAcarAkula parata vATanicalya kaavaamaanaa| prakAzamAna pAyalina vApasa ra mAra libara para mAyale va pikAtava, 14 relayA kI ki tila sAlAta lopota kApa marATyAva TAra mArapasAra zAnavenAta pIkA pArilAyami JANTA kAna mAlakAya re sAmarAvatasAda 16marthanamA mA tapasilamAtama padayAmaka 36 makAna 38 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE : ONE-HALF, N. P. Chakravarti. REG. No. 3377535-425.

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No. 22.] MAHAKOSALA PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTARAJADEVA. 137 3 japaramezvaraparamabhahArakasImakumatilakanikalikAdhipa4 tizrImahAbhavaguptarAjadevaH kupatI / padhurAbhutyantaHpA. / tilicirapAme bA(bA)praNAsampUjya tatinivAsikuTukhi(mbinaH samAH 6 hartusavidhArnu(ta)daDapAzikacATabhaTarAjavala(ka)mAdautma(sa)osa(ma)mA7 zApayati viditamastu bhavatAM yathAyAbhimanidhiH sopanidhi8 sadayAparAdhI niSicATabhaTapraveyaH sarvIparika9 rikara'karAdAnIsameta(ta:) sarvapIr3AparivarjitaH kapi Second Plate ; First Side. 10 hasa(kha)gocAya ekA(vaSiIvasiSThapravarAya maicAyi(ya)pIyA11 khAdhyAyine madhyademamadhuravinirmAta ujakheTavAsta12 vyaM' bhaSmA(bA)aNAya cakradharasutAya siA(siMha)saddhAntau mAtA13 piborAmanaca pundhAbhI(vAbhiye sacivahA(dhA)rApura:sa14 reSa candratArakAcititalasamakAlI(lama)pabhoktAMva(ma)16 zAsanAkarIvatva pratipAditoyamityavagatva sa18 mucitamogabhAgakarahirasA(ja)kamupanayajibhavatiH Second Plate ; Second Side. 17 sukhena prativastavyamiti / bhAvibhitra bhUpatI(itibhi)rmigau. 18 ravAdamA(ma)danurodhAt]i vakhadattirikhAnupAsanIyA tathA caiva19 myavyate dharmazAkhne / va(ba)ibhirvasudhA dattA rAjabhiH saga 20 rAdaubhi(dibhiH) [*] ya(ya)sva yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA pa. A saM [*] mAbhUH(bhUdaphalamA va: paradate(te)ti pAdhi(bi)va 10 sadA. 22 nAraphalamAnantyamparadattAcapAvane [0] bhUmi vaH 23 pratipaDA(jAti yA bhUmI(mi)mpayaccatI(ti) [1] ubhI to Third Plate ; First Side. 24 punya(kha)karmANo nI(ni)yato svargagAmI(mi)no / paSTimbarSa25 sAmANI(Ni) khane mIdati bhUmau(mi)da [i] pAcovA(tA) cAramA 28 ntA ca tAve(nya)va narake vaset / saparvamevAmivAmbhUmarapya * Bond vinirepgaliya Bond otatorydya 1 Road sarop-Oparibara.

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138 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, 27 IsakUla mhara' tanarakamAyAti yAvadAitasaM (jha)vam // 28 amerapatyamprathamaM suvarNa va sUryasutAca gAvo (va) [1] 29 dattAstrayastena bhavanti lokA yaSkA naGgAca mahIzca dadyA 30 (sAmAnyavandhanametuna () pANAM kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavaDI: (:) [i) 31 sarvvA netA (bhA) yI (vi) na: pAdhi(ghi) vendrA(n"] kamaladalambu (mbu) va (bi) ndulolA (lAM) vitaca [it] saka 32 iti 33 lamidamudAhRtaca budhvA (buvA) na hi puruSaiH parakIrtayo vilApya ( lopyAH) // pravarddhamA [Vol. XXII. na 24 navijayarAjyasamvatsare ekAdazame bhAdrapada di]] do (di) [6] [1] mahAsakhI(a) [va] graha 1 Read = argulam | harananaratama Probably it was intended to write Yak kanchana bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH // manuSyajI zrI ( zriyamanucintya Third Plate; Second Side. 35 cadradattena devadattasya sutena payodhyApura vinirmAna 36 [ ( likhitamidaM zAsAna (sanam) | yadi pAcara parI (ri)svaSTa 37 mAtrAhInastu yaddhe (dbhavet ) [*] zrAntamarahamoviddAsa' kasya na 38 valI (ti) mama ] | The dandas are unnecessary. Read yad aksharam or yady-aksharam * Read -hinan-cha Road Bahantum arhata vidodsivoaj. 'No. 349. * No. 1239, pages 4.28-0 No. 23.DRAKSHARAMA INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA I 33RD YEAR. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIFER, BA., COIMBATORE. The publication of the texts of South Indian Inscriptions has placed before the student of ancient Indian history a mass of material which will serve to clear up doubtful points in the history of the various dynasties of the Dekhan. The inscription edited below is one such. It is engraved on a slab in the south wall of the Bhimesvara temple at Draksharama in the Ganjam district and is registered in the Madras epigraphical collection for 1893 as being on a third slab from the bottom between the third and the fourth pillars.' The text of it in Telugu script is given in the South-Indian Inscriptions, Volume IV. For the interesting historical information which it furnishes it is edited here.

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No. 23.J DRAKSHARAMA INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA I. As will be seen from the transcript, the inscription is not well preserved. The language employed is Sanskrit throughout and the alphabet Telugu. In several cases the writer uses the anuseara in place of the conjunct: see for instance Mandalamjeri (1.5). There are instances of the omission of (1) visarga, (2) repha and (3) anusvara. For (1), see dhara (1. 3), vishaya (1.5), abhi hita (1. 10); for (2), see dhamma (1, 6), kashann- (1. 9), kitti (1. 9) and hammyaya (1. 18); and for (3), see Gamga (1. 10) and tapasvina (1. 12). There are also few instances of needless doubling of consonants. 439 The inscription belongs to the time of the Chalukya-Chola king Kulottunga I, and is dated in the 33rd year of his reign (A.D. 1103). He is styled Samastabhuvanasraya, Prithivivallabha, Maharajadhiraja, Parameevara, Paramabhattaraka, Pandyakulantaka, Cholakulasekhara, Viramahendra, Vikramachola, Rajarajendra, Rajakesarivarman, and Tribhuvanachakravartin. All these epithets except the last three are not usually met with in his Tamil inscriptions but are found in some of his Telugu records. The importance of the inscription consists in recording the military achievements of one of the king's chief officers variously named as Vanduvaraja, Pallavaraja, Tiruvaranga and the crest jewel of the Sudra family. He was the son of a certain Eirilango, a resident of Mandalanjori in Tirunaraiyur-nadu a subdivision of Cholamandalam. He is described as a good Vaishnava, the resort of the poor' and 'the abode of heroism.' By being devoted to the feet of Rajendra-Chola, i.e., Kulottunga I., he obtained prosperity in the world and was the very sprout of the creeper, viz., his fame. At the command of the king he effected the conquest of the quarters, killed the enemies and espoused the goddess of heroism. Filling the battlefield with the blood of his foes, ploughing it with the hoofs of his war steeds, sowing therein the seeds of pearls issuing from the heads of elephants which were cut to pieces by his sword, he caused to grow his master's fame-creeper. He reduced to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, defeated the Ganga king, destroyed in battle Devendravarman and others, and planted a pillar of victory on the borders of the Odra country which was as it were the raising aloft of Rajendrachola's fame. The immediate object of the inscription is to register the facts (1) that this illustrious chief constructed with black granite a temple of Vishnu in the agrahara village of Alaveli, making provision for its offerings, (2) that, for feeding five tapasvins, ten Brahmans, and five Vanakarmins in its vicinity he gave some lands at Olarappakkam (3) and that he provided also for offerings to the temple of Panchavati-Hari on the banks of the Godavari in Vengi-mandalam. Reference is made in the damaged portion at the end of the inscription to a pavilion, probably erected by him, at Draksharama. The proper import of the inscription can be well estimated with the help of the Tamil work Kalingattupparani of Jayangondan composed in the reign of Kulottunga I. The book says that the king, while he was yet a yuvaraja, led an expedition into the north and destroyed Chakkarakkottam (X, v. 23): then went to the south and was crowned there (ibid, v. 34). After removing the chaotic condition that was prevailing in that part of the land, he was conducting his rule with justice, pleasing himself by hunting on the banks of the Kaveri. After some time he set out with all his paraphernalia for parivettai on the banks of the Palaru (ibid, v. 47). reached Adigai where he worshipped the god Nataraja and proceeded to Kanchi. By the way, reference is made to his conquest of the Chera and Pandya kings (ibid, vv, 66-68). On an occasion when he was seated there in the chitramandapa on the western side of his palace, surrounded by his ministers Vandaiman-Tondaiman and others,-provincial chiefs (mandalikas) and kings waiting at his gate, it was reported to him that the king of the north Kalingas had failed to pay his tribute twice (i.e., for two years) (XI, vv. 3, 4, 16 and 27). On the emperor's ordering that the Kalinga country should be subdued and its king brought there, Vandainagar-arasan, who is variously

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140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. called Karunakaran, Pallavarkon, and Valavaivendan, (vv. 52-54) volunteered to undertake the invasion of the seven Kalingas, and, obtaining the king's permission, set out on his march (vv. 29-31). On the way, he successively crossed such rivers as the Palaru, Popmugari, Pennai, Peraru, Godavari, Pampanadi, and Gotamai (vv. 55-57). The fight that ensued was a severe one in which many were killed and wounded. "Invading Kalingam at the sea," says the book, "planting a pillar of victory, capturing elephants and treasure, Vandaiyarkop secured the grace of the feet of Abhaya of powerful army and sword (XII, v. 68)." The poem closes with an exhortation to sing the achievements of the king, viz., the defeat of the five Pandyas and the Chera king, the tribute that was being brought from the north ; and also the fame of the cities Vandai, Mayilai and Mallai and of their chief, Tondaiyarvendan who, capturing the elephants of the Kalingas, bestowed Kalingapparani on the king (XIII. v. 65). Verse 44 of Canto II (Kadaitirappu) states in unambiguous words that the king was at Kanchi while the chief led the expedition to Kalinga and reduced it. It will be seen from this short summary of the Kalingattupparani that the account about the Kalinga war agrees with what is given in the inscription under publication. There does not appear to be any room for doubting that the chief referred to in the poem is identical with the one mentioned in the inscription and that the war described in both is the same. This being the case, the information furnished by the one is not only corroborated by the other but is greatly supplemented. The inscription gives the name of the chief as Vanduvaraja and Pallavaraja while the poem adds to these the names Karunakaran and Tondaimag, the latter being only a synonym of Pallavaraja. With Karunakara we may compare the epithet dina-nidhana ekah of the inscription. This work gives us the additional information that the chief was the lord of Vandai, Mallal and Mayilai and that he had invaded Ceylon. Both the book and the inscription declare that the chief invaded the Kalinga country at the command of the king, the former stating that the king was at Kanchi while the chief successfully prosecuted the war and the latter adding that the chief reduced to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, defeated the Ganga in battle and destroyed Devendravarman and others with the help of Kosala. Both the documents state that the chief set up a pillar of victory, the inscription specifying that it was on the borders of the Odra country. The name Karunakara Tondaiman is not unknown to inscriptions. In the Arulala-Perumal temple at Conjeeveram, there is an inscription of the Chola king Kulottunga I., dated in the 43rd year of his reign with the introduction pugal-madu, registering a grant made by Alagiyamanavalapi-Mandaiya var, the wife (deviyar) of Vela Karunakaran Tondaiman. Here it is stated that the chief was a native of Vandalanjeri in Tirunafaiyur-nadu, a subdivision of Kulottungasolavalanadu in Cholamandalam. The name of the donor and the temple to which the gift was made may be taken to show that Karunakara Tondainian professed the Vaishnava creed while the title Velan is indicative of his being a Sudra by caste and these facts are in accord with what is reported in the Draksharama inscription. Vandalanjeri is but a variant of Mandalanjeri and Vandai is perhaps connected with it. The subdivision to which the village belonged is the same in the two inscriptions and it may be noted that Tirunaraiyur and Vandalanjeri are places in the Kumbakonam taluk. Having shown how the two documents Kalingattupparani and Draksharama inscription refer to the same Kalinga war, we here take up the question regarding the date of this war, Before doing so, it may be useful to know if there was only one war with Kalinga or more. As the earliest notice of the conquest of Kalinga in the records of Kulottunga I.-without any mention of the details connected with it occurs in & stone inscription dated in the 26th year of the reign corresponding to A.D. 1096 and as this is found repeated in the inscriptions of the

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No. 23.] DRAKSHARAMA INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA I. 141 30th year and after, one is strongly inclined to believe that this should have taken place in or a little before A.D. 109. Some of the inscriptions of the king dated in the 42nd and 45th years of his reign refer to an invasion of Kalinga in which the king himself is said to have left his throne, crossed the Vergi-mandalam in the north, set fire to Kalinga, destroyed in battle a number of chiefs and took possession of the seven Kalingam." From the fact that the king himself is said here to have taken the lead in this war, and greater details are furnished regarding it than in the earlier records, it appears to be different from and later than the one already mentioned and may have to be assigned to A.D. 1111 or thereabout. But as the historical introductions of Kulottunga I. do not regularly record all his achievements, adding year by year the later conquests, as do those of the early Chola kings, it will not be safe to assign these events to the years in which we find them noticed at present. If the capture of Kalinga mentioned in the 26th year record (A.D. 1096) proves to be the one effected by the king himself, whether it is identical with or different from the Kalinga war described in detail in the 42nd and the 45th year inscriptions (A.D. 1111-14), the war celebrated in the Kalingattupparani and referred to in the Drakeharama inscription has to be assigned to & much earlier date as will be seen from the sequel. In enumerating the achievements of Kulot. tunga I., Kalingattupparani speaks chiefly of his conquests of the Pandya and the Chera, the capture of Salai and the destruction of Vilinam with a passing reference to Navilai and Manalur which were perhaps connected with his war against Kuntala. The book is quite positive about the king's stay at Kanchi while the chief Vandaiyarkon, at his instance, invaded Kalinga, waged a deadly war, planted a pillar of victory there, returned with heaps of treasure and elephants and bestowed Kalinga pparani on him. The inscription under publication confirms this account in the main and adds a very important statement that he defeated Devendravarman and others as we have already noted. Devendravarman here referred to cannot be any other than the Eastern Ganga king Rajaraja I., who, according to the Vsihatkodila grant, bore that surname and had his coronation performed in A.D. 1070, the very year in which Kulottunga was also crowned. His son and successor Chodaganga, for all that we know about him, does not seem to have borne the surname Devendravarman but was Anantavarman which name, we may note, was assumed by all his successors. Devendravarman Rajaraja I. reigned for 8 years, i.e., up to A.D. 1078. He was a supporter of the cause of Vijayaditya VII., for the Korni plates record that when Vijayaditya grew old and like the setting sun left Vengi which was like the west and was about to sink in the ocean of troubles caused by the Cholas, Rajaraja of Kalinganagara, the refuge of the distressed, caused him to enjoy prosperity in that region. Here is evidence to show that Rajaraja was an enemy of his Chola contemporary who was none other than Kulottunga I. Thus the invasion of Kalinga, undertaken solely by the chief and minister Vanduvaraja-Pallavaraja, at the instance of king Kulottunga I. as detailed in the Kalingattu pparani and the inscription under publication, must have taken place before A.D. 1078 and probably about A.D. 1076-7. Now if there is any truth in the statement of the Kalingattupparani that the Kalinga king withheld the payment of tribute twice, it must have reference to a treaty or agreement probably 1 Kielhorn's Southern List, Nos. 777, 782 and 8.1.., Vol. III, No. 72. 2 No. 608 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1904 is dated in the 42nd year and No. 44 of the same collection for 1891 is dated in the 45th year of the reign of Kulottunga I. and have the same introduction 18.1. 1. (Texte), Vol. IV, No. 446 lines 22 to 27; the chiefs overcome in the war are here mentioned by name. * C. P. No. 4 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1918-19. His coronation took place in Saka 992, Jyeshtha, bu. 8 (= A.D. 1070, May 20) (4. R. on 8. I. Epigraphy 1918-19, p. 86) and that of his son Anantavarman Chodaganga in Saka 999 ( A.D. 1078) (Ind. Ant., vol. XVIII, p. 161ff). . Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 171.

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M2 KPIORAPHIA INDIOA. [VOL. XXII. made between the Gatiga king Vajrahasta m., the father of Rajarkja I., and Virarajendra whom practically Kulottunga I. sticceeded. The Ranyikamari inscription of Virarijendra clearly states that that king regained Vagi and Kalinga which were neglected by his two predecesors. In htle Tamil historical introductions, Verarijandra sotually claims to have driven the Chalukyus at Vijayavadai, i.e., Beswada, and crossing the seven Kalingas, and reaching the Mahendragiri, to have bestowed that country on Vijayaditya who, it is said, sought his refuge. This seems to have taken place in A.D. 1068. Further troubles arising in this quarter, Virarajandra, after his successful war in Ceylon in A.D. 1006 against Vijayabiha, is said to have sent a large army into Kalinga and to have detented the Chalukyus and their allies at Chakkarakkottam. It might be on this last occasion, i.e., immediately before Kulottunga's assumption of power, that the Kalingas were probably made to pay tribute to the Cholas. To the student of Tamil literary history the inseription has no less an interest as it serves to determine the date of composition of the Kalingattupparapi which may be taken to be contemporaneous with the Kalinga war of Vapduvaraja With the help of a number of manuscripte, Mahavidvan K. Subbaraya Mudaliyar brought out an early edition of this work which is now qut of print. In it a well as in the edition of the late V. G. Suryanarayana Sastri published several years afterwards in 1898, vene 63 of Canto XI has at the end of the first line the words adipan viram' which has been changed into Anantapanman in the recent edition of Mr. N. Gopala Iyer; and there is no alternative reading given for it. The difference is indeed very vital and one would certainly wish to know in this particular case of the introduction of a proper name, on which manuscript the reading Anantapanman' which is not found in the two earlier editions, is based and the age of that manusoript also. If indeed the name Anantapanman is found in a trustworthy early manuscript not available to Messrs. Mudaliyar and Sastri, it would be worth . congidoration. The Draksharima inscription shows, as we have seen already, that the date of the Kalings war must be earlier than A.D. 1078. And being conducted by the same minister of the king as is mentioned in the Kalingattupparapi, the introduction of the name Anantapanman in the poem, supposing that it sotually occurs in an early and trustworthy manuscript, oalls for an explanation. Besides, the following questions also naturally arise. Did Vaduvan ja conduct two war against Kalinga, both in the absence of the king, or only one! It two, WM.Ons waged against Davondravarman Rajaraja I. and the other against his son Anant*varman ! And does the Kalingathupparapi celebrate the latter, omitting the general's other sobiovement! And if only one, how does Anantavarman figure in the poem and Davendra. varman in the inscription! It seems to me that the easiest way of getting over the difficulty is to suppose that while the war was actually waged in the reign of Devendravarman, his son Anantavarman took an active part in it as we do find in many in tances. Among the numerous records of Anantavarman Chodaganga, there are several which furnish both the Saka and regnal years which work out for his accession A. D. 1074-5. This date, it will be observed, is three years earlier than the date given in the plates for the king's coronation. The difference has to be accounted for by supposing that Anantavarman was nominated for rulership in A. D. 1074-5 but was actually crowned in A. D. 1078. Since stone inscriptions generally count the regnal years of kings from the date of nomination, it is clear that during the first three years, i.e., in the period A. D. 1074-5 to 1078, he must have been co-regent with his father Devendravarman 1 Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 148, v. 77. * See above Vol. XXI, p. 243. * Ibid., p. 244 Nou. 246, 380, 386, 387, 388, 392 and 393 of the Madras epigraphical collection for 1896.

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No. 23.] DRAKSHARAMA INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA I. Rajaraja I. and this is perhaps the reason why, in the large collection of his epigraphs, there is almost none dated in the first three years of his rule. The above fact shows further that, being associated with his father in the government of the country, he could well have figured in the Kalinga war referred to in the Draksharama inscription as having been waged against Devendra varman. The names of villages that occur in this inscription are Alaveli, Olarappakkam, and Draksharama. The last mentioned place is well known and I am unable to identify the first two. TEXT. 1 2 prak-pratyag-dakship-a[ka-vi]ja.. 3 (dhara]*] eri-Kulottumgga1-Chodah[||*] 143 Sri-Prithivi-vallabha-Maharajadhiraja-Param(avara]-[Paramabhantaraka-Ravi-kulatilaka-Chola]-kula-sekhara-Pandya-kul-amtaka-[Samasta-rajaaraya-Raja] 4 rajemdra-Viramahemdra-Vikramachoda-Vijayabharana-sri-Rajakesarivarmmanas-Tribhu Chodama Svasti[*] Samastabhuvanasraya vanachakravartti-sri-Kulottu[mga-Chodadevasya] trayas-trimsatime samvatsare..... 5 dalam akhila-mahi-mandanam lasaj-jana-sevyam tasmin="Tirinarayur-nad-iti vishaya[h] sarva-sasya-so[bhi]tab tatr-asit-sukha-dhamani Mandalamjeri visruta loke punnaga-...............kasti puri. 6 j-eti rambh-adhya [*] Tan-mukhyas-Siralamgov-ity=asit sach-chhudra-pumgavah [*] satya-tyaga-daya-yukto Vaishnavo dha[r]mma-vatsalah[*] Tasy-atmajasTiruva]ramga-var-abhidhanas-sad-vaishnavo jagati dina-nidhana ekah [*] satya. Rajemdra-Choda-charan-asraya-[la]pdha" srita-vira-lakshmi Lakshmih [11*] Rajendra-Choda-dharanipati-kirtti-valli-sat-pallavo 200 -llavaraja-nama [*] pramukha-rajita-rajya-bahuh'[*] 8 Kritva dig-vijayan-nihatya cha ripun-Rajemdra-Chod-ajnaya vira-sri-lalana-svayamvrita-patir-yyas-Choda-chandrah prabhub [*] yat-prasthapita-damti-(da) dana-salilaklinnam prabhoh pramganam tach-chhauryyam dvishatam kapala-ni 9 vaha gayamti vayu-cha(chchha)lat [*] Ka[r*]shann-asva-khurair-dvisham su-rudhirair -apurayann-ahava-kshetram tivra-kripana-kritta-radani-pronmukta-muktam kuran] uptva ki[r*]tti-latam vivardhayati yo Rajendra-Choda-prabhos-so-yam [Vandu]10 varaja ity-abhihita[b*] sach-chhudra-chudamanih11 [*] Bhasmikritya Kalimga-desamakhilam nicjjitya Gamga[m*] rane bhan[k*]tva Kosala-khandavala-nivahair=[De] vemdravarm-adikan [*] virah Pallavaraja ity-abhihito Rajendra-Choda-prabhoh kirtty-uttambham-iv-Odra-samdhishu jayastambham subha[m] Metro: Vasantatilaka. 10 Motre: Sardalavikridita. 11.Matre: Sardaranda. sri-dvara-chamara-ghan-atapa-varap-aika-samkha-dhvaja 1 Read Kulottunga. The letters in brackets are filled in with the help of other inscriptions of the king, e.g., No. 1248 of 9. I. I., Vol. IV, page 433. Here and in what follows the writer uses anusvara for the conjunct. Read Tirunaraiyur. Read Sirilango. "Read labdha. Metre: Anushtubh. Metre: Vasantatiia ki.

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144 EPIGRAPHTA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. 11 Dyakshipat cu so-yarh sriman-Alavely-agrahari nirmmay-alan-nila-pashana-baddham ramyam harmmyam svaya kirtty-ankurabhath' bhumjan-visvam varttate tasya Vishnoh [ll] Divyam [ru]pam bri-nivasamh vichitram kritva tattr-aiva akardt-tat-pratishtarh [*] bhumim 12 krity=zsmai vyadad=atra bhaktya grame dhiman=esha nity-amtitaya ||* Chakre Brah. mesvar-oparte pamchanam cha tapasvina[m*) 01*7 dasanam brahmananam cha panchanam Vanakarmminam [ll*j* Bhoktum tri[ n*]sat-khandika-vrihi-bij avapa-kshetran-Olardpaka-namni [1*] gra[me] 13 --- diraya -- kritva pradat-tat-kar-abhyamtarena' [11] Vergi-mandala mandane pravila ---U--u--- le prabhav=apy=dsahya-durita Gode(vari] tat-tate [1*] Srimat-Pamchavati-Harer-bBhagavato ha[r*]mmyaya --U........ rti-vishaye........... pradad-amritaya vidista]m=achamdr-arkkam || Sa tu Guddavadi-vishaye...... 15 ....ma-yukta... mandapam....Diksharam' pur&-tra....te (dha)nyair-vvadanyair yute kritva Pallavaraja............. 16 tasmad-dharmo na hamtavyo rakshaniyo manishibhih I Sva-dattam para-dattam vi yo hareti(a) Vasumdharao [] shashtim varsha-sahasrani......jaya[te krimih] [11].. tah Vilekhako Rajathdra-Chodacharyyah10[11*). TRANSLATION. .victory of the eastern, western and southern quarters.....the glorious KulottungaChoda. Hail! In the thirty-third year of the reign) of Rajaksarivarman Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulottunga-Chodadeva, the resort of all the worlds, the lord of Fortune and the Earth. Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara, Paramabhaffaraka, the ornament of the solar race, the fore. most of the Chola family, the god of) death to the Pandya family, the refuge of all kings, (styled) Rajarajendra, Viramahendra, Vikrama-Choda and Vijayabharana..... Chodamandala (is) the ornament of the whole world and is the resort of illustrious men: therein is the division of Tirinaraiyar-nadu which is resplendent with all kinds of crops : in that (division), the resort of happiness, is the city of Mandalapjeri, well known in the world and (filled with 1). punnaga (trees). The chief of it was Sirilango, the foremost among the good Sidras, possessing the qualities of truthfulness, generosity and compassion, a Vaishnava and (one) devoted to dharma. His son, who bore the good name Tiruvaranga, was a good Vaishnava, the sole resort of the poor in this world, the abode of the goddess of heroism.....and truth, and had obtained prosperity by being devoted to the feet of Rajendra-Choda. He, named (Palllavaraja, was the fino sprout of the croeper of fame of Rajendra-Choda, the lord of the earth...and was like the arm of the kingdom decorated with the insignia of royalty (*) such as the chamara, the parasof that werds off rain and heat, the oonch, the flag, eto. By the order of Rajendra-Choda, this chief Chodachandra effected the conquest of the quarters, killed the enemies and was voluntarily espoused as lord by the goddess of heroism. The courtyard of his master was made wet Motre : Sardalavikridita. Rond asuburbhadi. * Motre : Salini. * Road pratiche. Motre: Balint. * Metre : Anahtbl. Metro: Salini. Metro: Sardalavikridita. .Read Drakahardad. * The last two lines, which are found in the last on p. 429 of 8.1.1. Vol. IV, are not to the impronton

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No. 24.] UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTION OF PARANTAKA I. with the ichor flowing from his marching elephants and the heaps of skulls of his enemies sang his heroism. He, who, ploughing the battlefield with the hoofs of his steeds, flooding it with the blood of his foes, sowing (therein) the seeds of pearls issuing from the heads of elephants cut to pieces by his sharp sword, caused to grow the creeper of fame of his master Rajendra-Choda, is the crest jewel of the good Sudras, named [Vandu]varaja. 145 Reducing to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, subduing the Ganga (king) in battle and destroying the chiefs Devendravarman and others with the multitude of swords of Kosala (i.e., with the help of the Kosala army)1 this hero named Pallavaraja set up a fine pillar of victory on the borders of the Odra (country) as if raising aloft the fame of his lord Rajendra-Choda. This illustrious chief constructing with black granite a beautiful temple to Vishnu in the agrahara of Alaveli as if it were the plant of his fame, is now enjoying the universe. This wise person made an excellent image of Vishnu and set it up there and getting some land in this village gave it with devotion for the daily offerings of the god. And for feeding five tapasvins, ten Brahmanas, and five Vanakarmins in the vicinity of the Brahmesvara temple, he bought...........at the village of Olarapakam (such an extent of) land that could be sown with thirty khandikas of seed paddy and gave it free of all taxes. (To provide) for offerings to the temple of the god Pamchavati-Hari on the bank of the Godavari whose swelling waters during floods run with unlimited force, and situated in the beautiful country of Vengimandala, he gave ......in......rti-vishaya to last as long as the sun and the moon. And Pallavaraja having made........pavilion....at the city of Draksharama in Guddavadi-vishaya filled with rich and generous persons..... Therefore (this) charity must not be destroyed but must be protected by the wise. (The usual imprecation.) Rajendra-Chodacharya is the engraver. No. 24.-UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTION OF PARANTAKA I. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE. In editing the South-Indian Inscriptions (Texts), Volume VI, I drew attention to the fact that some of the inscriptions of Uttaramallur contained therein supply interesting references to the kind of autonomy prevailing in the Tamil country, supplementing, as they do, the information embodied in the two Uttaramallur inscriptions which describe the qualifications of members of village assemblies, the mode of election and the names of committees into which they were formed. One of the inscriptions that relates to the choosing of persons for testing the correctness (i.e., the fineness) of gold in current use in the village, is No. 295 of the said volume. This inscription is registered as No. 12 of the Madras epigraphical collection for 1898; and remarking on it, the late Dr. Hultzsch has noted Seems to contain rules regarding the exchange of gold'. A romanised text and translation of the inscription is given below. I am indebted to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti for this translation of the phrase Kosala-khanda-vala-nivahaih. He kindly suggested that khandavala might have been used in the vernacular sense of khadga formed on the analogy of Skt. karavala. If vala stands for bala, as v is often substituted for b, and khanda means a division of country, the phrase may be rendered "with the multitude of young men of the Kosala division". In either case, Kosala appears to have been allied with the Chola. No such alliance is known. The Chola king Virarajendra is said to have cut to pieces a certain Singan of Kosala (above, Vol. XXI, p. 241). Perhaps Koasia continued since then to be on friendly terms with the Chola. See page 149.

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146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. The record is in the Tamil language and alphabet and is well preserved like most of the other inscriptions found in the Vaikuntha-Perumal temple at Uttaramallur. Grantha letters are used in writing Sanskrit words. For instances, see svasti eri and sabhai in line 1, samanjasa, vyavasthai, vriddha and bala in line 2, samvatsa in line 5 and vyavasthai, sabhai, madhyasta and dasa in line 7. There are a few words of lexical interest which may be noted here. These are Madavidi, Sarkarappadi, samanjasa, parimaru and salirru. Of these, madavidi means 'a street having storeyed buildings'. Sometimes it is found to be the name of a particular street. Generally, such streets surround the village temple and as their names indicate appear to have been the residence of wealthy and distinguished people. In the Tamil work Manimegalai, the term madavidi actually occurs' and it is there described as 'the beautiful street of the actresses (nadaga-madandaiyar) containing storeyed buildings with gold-carvings (adaga-chchey-vingimadam). From inscriptions, we learn that the construction of storeyed buildings and mansions was a privilege given only to a few and that such buildings were made of burnt bricks. Since the subjoined inscription states that the election by the people of Madavidi was for or from their cheri, it seems to denote particular quarter of the village where perhaps the privileged persons and wealthy people lived. As padi, like cheri, is applied to denote a quarter of a big village or town, Sankarappadi has to be taken to mean another part of the same village resorted to by, or containing the residences of, a different class of people. In an inscription of Chidambaram, Sankarappadiyar figure as a separate class of inhabitants (kudigal) and are mentioned along with Vyaparin (merchants), Vellalar (cultivators), Saliyar (dealers in cloth) and Pakinavar." The same inscription gives & second group distinctly called Kifkalanai including in it Tachchar (carpenters), Kollar (blacksmiths), Tattar (goldsmiths) and Koliyar. We 800 here that while the latter group embraced the artisan classes, the former combined together businessmen and other classes such as Vellalar and Sarkarappadiyar. Another inscription mentions a group of inhabitants specifically termed Purakkalanai which included in it Saliyar, Vanigar, Kaikkolar (dealers in cloth), Senai-angadiyar and Koyil-angadiyar, i.e., shopkeepers of the military and of the palace or temple (quarters). We see that this group consisted only of merchants. The inclusion of Saliyar in this group of Purakkalanai, as well as in the first part of the previously cited inscription, and the fact that, like the other, this consisted chiefly of merchantmen may suggest that both the inscriptions refer to the same group of Purakkalanai. Though we do not know what the avocation of Sarkarappadiyar was, the inclusion of the class of Vellalar among the kudiga! of the first inscription seems to point to its inclusion also of other classes of inhabitants than Purakkalanai which, according to the second inscription, appears to have consisted entirely of merchanta. I would like to draw attention to three more references to Sankarappadiyar which seem to suggest that some of them at least were merchants who were members of the Nagare constitution and that these people had a corporate body. One of those references is in an inscriptions of Tirukkalukkupram dated in the 26th year (=A.D. 1044) of the reign of Rajadhiraja I. It 1 Canto IV, line 76. * Ibid., lines 61-2. No. 223 of South Indian Inscription. (Texta). Vol. IV, 1.20 L The portion under reference ranem follow Inda-kkupa[mo]nagaipurattu arida viyaparigalum vellalarum bankamppadiyirum faliyarum pertine varum allitta kudigalum tachohar kollar tattar kaliyar allitta kilkalapaigalum kopdu innivandam kandis adittavar beluttakkadavad-agavum. No. 208 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910. The text M M iollow Ksikkolar baliyar vanigar sopaiy-angadi koyil-angadi marrum epperpatta pura-kkalapaiyum atpathe maybe alla kudiyum pipbu orum kudiyum Orrikkondu tarikkadamai popkadamai marrun i-ppari kufom pola tai galum pala upadigalum. & 1. 1. (Texte), Vol. V, No. 465.

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No. 24.) UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTION OF PARANTAKA I. 147 records that the merchants that composed or constituted the Nagara of Tirukkalukkuoram alias Ulagalandasolapuram sold a piece of land to be granted to the temple of Brahmisvara on the hill at the place and made it also tax-free. In mentioning these members, the names of two persons are given after the calling Vyapari, one appears with the calling Saliyan and two after the designation Sankarappadiyan. That all these were merchants is first stated in the inscription itself. From this it appears that in the composition of the Nagara constitution, besides those who were purely merchants by profession, there were others, such as Saliyar and Sankarappadiyar who were also merchants but were called by the class to which they belonged or the quarters which they occupied. The next reference is found in an early Chola inscription dated in the 3rd year and 215th day of the reign of a king (of whose name only Kesarivarman is preserved). It records that the Sankarappadiyar of Vadakkil-angadi (North bazar) quarter of Uttarameru-chaturvedimangalam, & rent-free village in the district of Kaliyur-kottam gave & written document stating that they received 15 (kalanju) of gold from Sendan Ganapati alias Surasikhamani-Pallavaraiyan of Manpum-Perum-Paluvur in Kupra-kurram, a subdivision of Sola-nadu and agreed to supply one ulakku of oil daily, as long as the sun and the moon would last, for a sacred lamp which the donor had placed in the temple of TiruppulivalattuMahadeva. The phrases Vadakkil-angadi Sankarappadiyom eluttu, offi efuttitfu kudutton and chandiradityarar used in this inscription would suggest that there was a regularly constituted body of the people of Sankarappadi. Against the suggestion of a regularly constituted body, it may be said that a few of the Sankarappadi might as well have given such a joint undertaking. But in this case, it would be natural to expect the mention of their names and also the insertion of a clause to the effect that the agreement will be binding not only upon them. Relves but upon their descendants also. The Madras Museum plates of Parakesarivarman UttamaChola in reciting the contents of a vyavastha (standing order or regulation) made by the Nagara corporation of Kachchippedu, i.e., Conjcevaram in the 18th year of the reign of Parantaka I ( A.D. 925) refers to the Sankarappadiyar of the three cheris (suburbs) of the village of Rana. jayappadi, Ekavirappadi and Vamana Sankarappadi and states that they received 20 kalanju of gold for the upkeep of a lamp in the temple. Here also one cannot but find a suggestion that the Sankarappadiyar of the three cheris should have had a corporate body which received tho amount. All that we could) gather about the Sarkarappaliyar from the references cited above is that they formed part of the kudi (inhabitants), that they were chiefly in big cities (Kanchipuram, Gunamenagaipuram, Ulagalandasolapuram and Uttaramerur), that some of them at least, if not all, were merchants and took part in the transactions of the Nagara constitution which we find prevailing in such cities and that they had a corporate body among them. The use of the word samanjasa in the phrase samanjasan-kana leaves no doubt as to its meaning " to verify or test the correctness of". The personal noun formed from this word is samajitan which is inet with in some of the inscriptions of the Travancore State. In one of them the Samanjitan's duty is clearly stated to be verification of some items of expenses according to prescribed scales. As Samanjitan figures along with sabha and Tiruvadi, it appears that Samafijita and Tirucadi are the designations of particular offices in the sabha and it is not unlikely that they represent the secretary (Skt. Karyadarsi) and President. In this connection it is worthy of note that the transactions of the sabha are mostly recorded by one individual who is called the madhyastan or kara natta. It is not unlikely that he also performed the duties of the 18. 1. I. (Texta), Vol. VI, No. 363. . Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. II, pp. 136 and 174. 3 Ibid, Vol III, pp. 50-51.

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148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. accountant. He is bidden to do it at the command of another who is called in some cases sabhaiTiruvadi. As these two officials are stated to be in the assembly, there is not much doubt that they were at the same time members of the assembly and took part in their deliberations. The word parimaru is formed by adding the prefix pari to the verb maru to exchange'. It is generally used in the sense of serving. But in our inscription it has acquired the meaning in usage or current'. It will be noted how the prefix has altered the original meaning of the verb. Suirru is a compound word with a slight mistake in spelling. The proper form ought to be taburru' as suggested in the note under the text. It is composed of su?' (imprecation) and 'urru' (uttering or pronouncing). The inscription is dated in the fifteenth year and fifty-fifth day of the reign of the Chola king Parakesarivarman, who took Madura, i.e., Parantaka I. Its date is, therefore, A.D. 922. It registers a standing order (vyavastha) made by the members of the assembly (sabha) of Uttarameru-chaturvedimangalam fixing the number of persons to be chosen for testing the correctness (i.e., fineness) of gold current in the village, the method of choosing them and the procedure to be followed by the persons so chosen in conducting their work. The inscription lays down that the people of Madavidi should write on palm-leaf (tickets) the names of persons that are capable of testing gold, from among the rate-payers of their quarter, who are neither very old nor infants, and put them in pots. From the names so entered and put in pots, four persons shall be chosen from their quarter. Two persons from the army and three persons from the Sankarappadi shall be chosen in the same manner. The nine persons so selected shall test gold by using the touch-stone and without partiality to any body. It is enjoined that they should hand over daily the wax used by them, without misappropriating any cut-gold, to the great men of the Tank Committee (eri-variya-perumakkal), and, once in three months, appear before the great men of the Annual Committee (samvatsara-variya-perumakkal) and make a declaration to the effect that if they had acted contrary to this stone inscription they shall (incur the curse of) living with hunger. The clause damaged at the end of the record seems to register that these nine persons shall receive individually 7 manjadi of gold each month, perhaps as remuneration for their work. The point that calls for special attention here is that the nine persons, selected for testing gold, did not form a committee at all, and should not, therefore, be confused with the Gold Committee1 Pon-variyam of which mention is made in the two Uttaramallur inscriptions published in the Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for 1904. The texts of the two published records take particular care to use the word variyam-and this occurs more than once-to show that it was a committee that was formed, while in the inscription under publication the word variyam is studiously avoided in referring to persons selected for the testing of gold to indicate distinctly that the nine persons did not form a committee though the very record employs the words variyam and perumakkal when it speaks of the Tank and Annual Committees. Again while the Gold Committee is not made dependent on or subordinate to any other body in the two published inscriptions of Uttaramallur, the epigraph now under publication makes the nine individuals submit to the authority of the great men of the Tank Committee and make them appear once in three months before the Annual Committee and take an oath of declaration. We have drawn special 1 The text relating to Gold Committee runs as follows: A: Pancha-vara-variyattukkum pop-variyattukkum muppadu kudumbilum muppadu kudav-olai ittu seriyal oruttarai-kkudav-olai parittu pappiruvarilum aruvar pancha-vara-variyam avad-agavum aruvar pon variyam-avad-agavum B: Panicha-vara-variyattukkum pop-variyattukku[m] muppadu=(k)kudumbilum kudav-olaikku per titti muppadu vay-olai kattum puga ittu muppadu kudav-olai parittu muppadilum panpirandu par parittu-kkolvad. agavum paritta panpirandilum aruvar pop-variyam aravar pancha-vara-variyamum &vanav-igavum

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No. 24.] UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTION OF PARANTAKA I. 149 attention to the above, for the method of selection of persons by pot-tickets and the object of testing gold might be a temptation strong enough to infer that the nine persons formed into a committee-though the inscription does not warrant it--and to identify it with the one known to us from the two published inscriptions. The inscription makes it sufficiently clear that the nine persons chosen for testing gold currency, whose monthly emoluments were fixed, were subordinate to the great men of the Tank Committee and rendered technical aid in the discharge of their duties. TEXT. 1 Svasti eri [*] Madirai-konda ko-pParakosaripanma[r*]kkul yandu padi pandu? nalaimbattandu$i-nnalal Uttarameru-chaturvvedimangalattu sabhaiyom emm-uril parimarum 2 pon samanjasan=kanbadarkku-chcheyda vya[va*]sthaiy-avadu [ 1*] salavum vrid. dharum balarum=a[i*]ladar irai-kkuligalil pop-kana-vallar-ena3 ppaduvarai nokki Malavidiyar kudi=kkudav-olai eludi=ppugavittu tanga! seriyil nalvarai=kkudav-olaiyil pondarai=kkolvad-agavum [*] i-pparise se[pai]yilum 4 iruvarai=kkolvad-agavum [1*] i-pparisey Sankarappadiyilum muvarai-kkol(v)vad-aga vum [*] ivargal=ella-japattukkum=okka pop kanba[r*]gal-agavum [1] parun kallil uraiyade 6 ponp-apindapaiye uraippad-aga [1*] arxaikk-afraikku uraitta mejugu eri-variya-ope rumakka! kaikke vetti mudal-aga vanjiyade kuduppad-aga [*] mu-mmupru masain popavare sam[va]tsara-variya6 pperumakkalidaikke seoru engal-urrada nangal-eduttadanai nalum bila-lekaippali (pi]laikka eduttomayil pasittu va]vom-enru solli=ch[chu]]-irrus viduyargal-agavum [1*] i-pparisu em7 m-uril popo-edupp[**];kku vyavasthai seydom Uttarameru-chchaturvvedimangalattu sabhaiyom [l*] ipparisu edu, ... Juvuk.... .rukku meyverzu-vagai tingal=el-arai (man]jali pop peruvad-aga [*] idu [kuriyul-i]rundu . . . . . . . . . . madhyastap Sivadasan Tiruvadigalop TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! The following is the standing order made by us, (the members of the assembly of Uttarameru-chaturvedimangalam, on this the fifteenth year and fiftyfifth day of the reign of) king Parakesarivarman, who took Madirai (i.e., Madura), for examining the correctness of gold current in our village : The people of Madavidi shall write on palm-leaves (the names of such of) the rate-payers, as are not very old or infants, and as could be called capable of testing gold, and put them into pots. From among those whose names had been so entered on palm-leaves and put into the pots, four persons shall be chosen from their cheri (i.e., quarter). In this (i.6., the aforesaid) manner, two persons shall be chosen from the army. In the same way, three persone shall be chosen from 1 The syllables Madirai-konda ko-pParakesaripanmakku are engraved in three lines below Svarti Srl * Read padinaindu. . Read aindu. Read darkku. Read-urru. * Reed edupparkku.

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150 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. Sankarappadi: These (i.e., the nine persons) shall test gold with impartiality towards all people. They shall not rub gold on big stones, but use only the touch-stone. (They) shall hand over daily, to the great men of the Tank Committee, the wax used in rubbing, without misappropriating (any of) the cut (pieces). On the expiry of every three months, (they) shall appear before the great mon of the Annual Committee and declaring the following) imprecation leave them : 'If against the orders contained in this stone inscription, we had misappropriated any (gold) that had been brought to and handled by us on any day, we shall (be cursed to) live with hanger (for ever)'. Thus, We, the members of the assembly of Uttarameru-chaturvedimangalam, made (this) standing order for testing gold in our village. In this manner, . . . . .. shall receive individually, every month, seven and a half manjadi of gold. Being present in the sasembly, I, the madhyasta, Sivadasan Tiruvadigal.... . . . . this. No. 25.-IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA. BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA. This copper-plate, which is edited here for the first time, belongs to Chaudhuri Mrityunjay Naruyan Praharaj, Zemindar of Irda in the Balasore District of Orissa, whose estate is at present under the Court of Wards. About the beginning of 1934, the plate was sent on loan from the Balasore Collectorate to Mr. W. V. Duke, M.A., the then Principal of the Ravenshaw College, Cuttack, who was requested to have its inscription deciphered and interpreted. In December 1934, when I was staying in Cuttack on leave, the plate was handed over to me for this purpose, with the consent of the present Principal Dr. B. K. Singh, by Professor Nirmal Chandra Banerji, M.A., of the College. I am grateful to Dr. Singh for the facilities afforded to me in the College laboratories in cleaning up the plate and taking photographs and estampages of it, and also to Professor Banerji for the ungrudging help I received from him in various ways. My thanks are further due to Rai Bahadur Radhacharan Das, Collector of Balasore, for permission to publish the inscription in the Epigraphia Indica. Unfortunately, I have not yet been able to ascertain the actual findspot of the record and the circumstances under which it was discovered. As it is, the document may be called after the place to which it now belongs, although, as internal evidence would show, it must have come originally from a locality in South-west Bengal. This is a single sheet of copper, measuring 107" by 9.7". It is engraved with writing on both sides, and bears at the top a circular seal affixed by soldering. The seal, which has a diameter of 4.2", is divided into two semicircular panels: the upper one contains the Dharmachakra device, viz., & wheel between two couchant deer, and across the lower panel is the inscription friNayapaladevasya, i.e., Of (King) Nayapaladeva', which is cut in bold relief. Similar Dhar machakra Beals are found also on the copper-plates of the Pala and the Chandra kings of Bengal. But the way in which this seal is affixed is somewhat different. In the case of the Pala and Chandra plates, the lower portion of the seal comes into the writing and thereby causes a break in the middle of the first few lines on both the sides. But in the present plate the seal is fixed above the writing, so that it does not affect the arrangement of the text in any way. This seal again is not pointed at the top like those of the copper-plates of the Palas and the Chandras. It contains altogether forty-nine lines of writing. The letters are engraved with care as far A8 line 31. But thereafter, the incision is done rather perfunctorily, the letters being as a rule formed by shallow strokes and not always completely made out. These circumstanees, as also 1 In L 40, it is called tamra-phali

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No. 25.] IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA. the corroded condition of many of the letters, make the reading of the concluding part of the inscription at places hopelessly difficult. A triangular piece of the plate is missing from its edge, which appears to have been cut away by some sharp instrument. With this portion some three or four letters have completely disappeared; but it is possible to restore two of the missing letters with certainty. There are a few indistinct passages on the reverse, belonging to the donative verses, which I have failed to decipher; fortunately, these do not form any important parts of the docu ment. 151 The characters of the inscription are Proto-Bengali, representing a stage midway between the Badal Pillar inscription of the time of Narayapapala' and the Bangarh grant of Mahipala I.' This is illustrated, for instance, by the forms of the letter sa. On the seal of the Irda plate, the letter occurring in the conjunct ari has clearly a loop joined to the right hand upright by means of a horizontal stroke, as is generally the case in the Badal Pillar inscription. But in the rest of this record, the sa takes a more cursive appearance, in which the loop shows, in the majority of cases, a slight opening at the base. This form later leads on to the open type of sa of the Bangarh grant. The letter ja of our plate resembles the type occurring on the Badal pillar. But in the Bangarh record its left curve is extended upwards, in which respect it approaches more to the modern Bengali form. Palaeographically, the Irda copper-plate may be placed in the latter part of the 10th century A.D. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, the text being partly in prose and partly in verse. Lines 1, 18-21, 26-32 and 49 contain prose text; but it will be seen that the major part of the inscription is in metrical form. It contains in all thirty-two and a half verses, of which none except the usual donative ones occurs in any of the published records. As regards orthography, the following points may be noted: the avagraha sign is often used and often omitted; the final t, n and s are indicated by an oblique stroke put below the individual letter, e.g., in ll. 25, 36 and 40; the anusvara invariably takes the place of final m; the dental nasal is substituted for anusvara in mimansa in 1. 29; and single and double dandas are frequently used in the metrical portion of the text. As is usual in the inscriptions of this period, no distinction has been made between v and b in writing. The inscription opens with salutation to the god Siva, although the seal itself bears a purely Buddhistic device. The first five verses give a description of Priyangu, the capital (rajadhani), from which place the document appears to have been issued. The subsequent verses introduce the family of the donor. First is mentioned King Rajyapala, a scion of the Kamboja race, whose queen was Bhagyadovi (vv. 6-8). She gave birth to a son Narayanapala who was a devotee of the god Vasudeva (v.13). Narayanapala had a younger brother Nayapala who gained ascendancy after him (vv. 14-15). Rajyapala is described as a saugata, i.e., a worshipper of the Buddha, and he, as well as his son Nayapala, has full imperial titles, viz., Paramesvara, Paramabhattaraka and Maharajadhiraja (11. 18-20). The object of the document is to record the gift of the village of Brihat-Chhattivanna, adjoining to Kanti, Sarhmasha and Badakhanda, within the Dandabhukti mandala of the Varddhamana bhukli (11. 20-21). The various appurtenances and conditions of the property are related in vv. 18-21. The king gave it away on a navami day in the month of Karttika to the Pandita Asvatthasarmmas, who was born at Drona but actually hailed from Kuntira. The donee was the great-grandson of Bhatta-Divakarasarmman, grandson of the upadhyaya Prabhakarasarmman and son of the upadhyaya Anukulamiera. He belonged to the Vatsya gotra and the BharggavaChyavana-Aurvvya-Jamadagnya-Ahavana pravara, and was an adherent of the Chhandoga charapa and the Kauthuma sakcha (of the Samaveda; 11. 26-31). An enumeration of the officers 1 Ante, Vol. II, p. 160 and Plate. Ante, Vol. XIV, p. 324 and Plate.

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152 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. and persons of the royal household, who are expected to keep the document in force, is given in vv. 22-24. Vv. 25-31 and 33 are customary stanzas relating to land grants, while v. 32 makes & reference to the royal donor. Finally, in line 49, is mentioned the date of the gift, viz., the 2nd (?)' day of Karttika, the regnal year 13. The record is of much historical importance. Rajyapala, Narayanapala and Nayapala are names well-known in the genealogy of the Pala kings of Bengal, and Rajyapala I. of this dynasty had also a queen Bhagyadevi, like the Rajyapala of the present record. One is tempted, therefore, to identify the two Rajyapalas, but there are certain other facts that make this proposition quite unlikely. In the first place, the kings Narayanapala and Nayapala, sons of Rajyapala, cannot be the same as those mentioned in the Pala records. The son and successor of Rajyapala I. of the Pala dynasty was Gopala II, whose name appears in the Bangarh, Amgachhi and Manahali plates. Secondly, Rajyapala of this record has the epithet Kamboja-vamsa-tilaka, i.e., ' an ornament of the Kamboja clan'. In the Ramacharita of Sandhyakara Nandi, the Palas are supposed to have descended from the Samudra-kula ', whatever that may mean, and in the Kamauli grant of Vaidyadeva they are represented as belonging to the Solar race (Mihirasya varsa). But nowhere has the Kamboja origin been attributed to the Palas. The name-ending Pala' need not again mislead us, since there were several ruling families in Northern India in the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D. which had this appellation. The Inda copper-plate, therefore, introduces us to a new line of kings,who, judging from the characters of the inscription, should be referred to the second half of the tenth century. It evidently belongs to a time when the Pala kingdom was in a state of turmoil and the rivals of the Palas were gradually asserting themselves.). The only other inscription that speaks of a Kamboja king of Bengal is the one on a pillar from Bangarh Dinajpur District), now in the Maharaja's palace at Dinajpur, which also on palaeographic grounds can be assigned to the tenth century A.D.' It records the construction of a Siva temple (evidently at Bangarh) by & king of Gauda (Gauda-pati) whose name is not specified but who bears the epithet Kamboj-anvayaja, i.e., born in the Kamboja line'. This family could not have made themselves masters of Gauda without ousting the Palas, and it follows, therefore, that they held possession of the Pala territories in Bengal for some time during the tenth century. This Kamboja occupation is usually referred to the latter half of the century, that is to the period before the accession of Mahipala I. A passage of the Bangarh grant credits Mahipala with having recovered his paternal or ancestral kingdom (pitryan rajyam) which had been anadhiksita, i.e., not taken possession of, and vilupta, i.e., lost. This passage, which is repeated also in the Amgachhi and Manahali grants, is supposed to bear allusion to the Kamboja occupation of Bengal and its subsequent recovery by Mahipala. The Kamboja king of Gauda of the Dinajpur pillar inscription and the princes whose names appear in the Irda copper-plate presumably represent one and the same family. From the evidence of the present record it is now clear that the Kambojas seized not only North Bengal, but also the south-western portion of the province including 1 [See below p. 187, n 5.-Ed.) Chands, J.P. A. 8. B., 1911, p. 619 and Gaudardjamala, p. 36. I agree with Dr. R. C. Majumdar (Vangaudai (in Bengalit, 1330 B.S., p. 250], that the expression Kuijara-ghafa varahina of the inscription is to be taken as an epithet of the Gaudapati and not as a chronogram. It may also mon lost owing to non-occupation' (anadhikrita, i.e., anadhikarab). A. K. Maitra takes ang. dhikrita in the sense of anadhikari, i.e., turper, and compares the term adhikrita in Amara, II. 8.8 (Gaudalekhamala. p. 100.footnote), which, however, is a purely official designation and would not, with a na prefixed to it, yield this sense. The form anadhikrita could perhaps be supported as an instance of matvarthiya ach -anadhikritam. arva asti, like vibhakta bhratarah and pita gavah of the Mahabhashya (under Panini, 3.4-87). But this appears to be somewhat far-fetched. In any case it follows that the kingdom prior to Mahipala's accession had passed into the hands of some other ruling family,

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No. 25.) IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA. 153 the Vardhamana bhukti. They had their capital at a place called Priyangu, which remains for the present unidentified. But who were these Kambojas, and from where did they come? In the inscriptions of Asoka a Kamboja country is mentioned along with the Yona which lay on the North-western frontier of India. The Kambojas are mentioned along with the Yavanas as north-western tribes in the Mahabharata, and, as Grierson has shown, the Kambojas spoke a language partly Indo-Aryan and partly Iranian. Their country had great reputation for horses, to which there are allusions in the Mahabharata and in the Buddhist literature. This reputation must have reached even far off Eastern India, as is evident from the reference to the Kamboja horses of Devapala (Kambojeshu yena vaji-yuvabhih, etc.) in his Mungir and Nalanda grants. If horses could be brought into Bengal from the North-western frontier of India during the Pala period, it is not unreasonable to suppose that for trade and other purposes some adventurers could also have found their way into that province. No doubt it can be shown that there was a Kamboja on the North-eastern frontier as well. In the Tibetan work Pag-sam-jon-zang," there are references to both the Kambojas, and the eastern one is identified with the Lushai Hill tracts between Burma and Bengal. But the work belongs to a much later period, and there is nothing to show that the Kamboja of the North-eastern frontier was in existence as early as the tenth century A.D. It has been suggested by some scholars that the Kamboja invaders penetrated into Bengal from the north-east and that they belonged to & Mongolian stock which is now represented by the Koch tribe. There is, however, no sure evidence in favour of this supposition. As regards the localities mentioned in the copper-plate, some remarks are necessary. Varddhamana bhukti, comprising the major portion of the Burdwan Division of Bengal, is already well-known from inscriptions. But the information, that it had a mandala called Dandabhukti, is now furnished by the Irda copper-plate for the first time. The Ramacharita mentions a certain ruler of Dandabhukti, named Jayasimha, who was an ally of King Ramapala of Bengal and defeated Karnakasari of Utkala, i.e., Orissa. R. D. Banerji' has observed that this conflict would not have been possible if Dandabhukti were not situated in South-west Bengal. That Dandabhukti was included in the Vardhamana bhukti lends support to this view and disposes of once for all the contention of H. P. Sastri and Krishnagwami Aiyangar who identify it with Bihar. Dandabhukti appears also in the list of conquests of Rajendrachola, in his famous Tirumalai inscription.10 Between 1012 and 1024 A.D., the Chala king proceeded towards Bengal from the South, taking the route along the eastern coast. The territories he conquered on the way seem to appear in the list in due geographical order. Thus we have Odda-vishaya (Orissa), Kosalai-nadu 1 J. R. A. 8., 1911, p. 802, and 1912, p. 255. . On the Kamboja horses see J. R. A. 8., 1912, p. 256. For a detailed account of the Kamb5jas see B. C. Law, Some patriya Tribes of Ancient India, 1924, pp. 230-51. * Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, pp. 308-9. Dr. Raychaudhuri is of opinion that the Kam. bojas came to Bengal from the north-West, like the Gurjjaras-ibid., p. 311, n. 1. Ed. S. C. Das, Part I, pp. 4, 74 and Index, p. 10. I am obliged to Dr. P. C. Bagchi for having drawn my attention to these references. Chanda, J. P. A. 8. B., 1911, p. 619. S. K. Chatterji thinks that the word Koch or Koch was derived from Kamboja.-Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, Part I, p. 69. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 94. Mem. A. 8. B., Vol. V, No. 3, p. 89. * Ramacharita, Introduction, p. 10: Journal of Indian History, Vol. 2, 1922-23, p. 331. 1. Ante, Vol. IX. p. 233.

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156 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. Reverse. 26 bhuchchhidra-nyayena bhatta-bri-Divakarasarmmanah prapautraya upadhyaya-sri Prabhakaragarmmanah pau27 traya upadhyaya-sri-Anukulamieranam putraya Dron-odbhava-Kuntira-vinirggataya Vatsya-sago28 traya Bharggava-Chyavana-Aurvvya-Jamadagnya-Apnuvana-pravaraya chChhandoga. charanaya Kauthuma-sakh-a29 dhyayine bhatta-putra-pandita-bri-Asvatthasarmmane mimansa -vyakarana-tarkka veda-vedine gra. 30 mo=yam Yugadya[m) navamyam snatva vidhivad=udaka-purvvakam kritva mata pitror=atmanag=cha punya-ya[56]31 'bhivriddhaye bhagavantam Sankara-bhattarakam=uddisy=zemabhis-tamrasasaniksitya dattah | Tad-[y-}* 32 pratyayam samagram=asmai vidheyatam gatva kal-ochitam (dadanah] sukhena * nivasath(t?)=eha Mahishi-yu33 varaja-mantrinah saha ritvigbhir=a[tho] purdhitam | vu-uu-r=nniyogino dha rmmajnams-cha 8834 [mam] pradesh[tri]bhih || [22*] Adhyaksha-varggam=akhilam karanais-sametam * senapatin=cba saha sainika-samgha35 mukhyaih [1*] ditan sa-gudhapurushan saha man[tra]palair=anyan=api kshiti pater=anujivinasucha || [23*] 36 Agamina=pincipatin=nija-tirtha-yuktan se--na(?) vikshati vadaty=anusasti ch=[api) 1 asman samikshya 37 hara[no] cha nisa(sa)mya dosham danam bhavadbhir=anupalyam-idam sad aiva | [24] Asman=pratisphuratiyas-cha vichara88 nayam danan=maban=atisayah paripala[ne cha?]--u-uuu-um=atho na kimchit - - v palana39 m-apalanam=ahur=enah || [25*] Bhumim yah pratigrihnati yas=cha bhumim pra yachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmanau ni40 yatas(tar) svargga-gaminau || [26*] Ye brahmananam=a-yatha haranti pradesa-matrama api bhuta-dhatrim purisha-kupe pitfibhi41 9-sametas=te kalpa-kotir=api yapayanti !! [27*] Svadattam para-dattam=va yo hareta vasundharam [i* ] 88 vishthayam krimir-bhu. 42 tva pitsibhis=saha pachyate || [28*] Va(Ba)hubhirayvagudhi datta rajabhis-Sagar. adibhih y asya yasya yada bhumis-tasya 43 tanya tada phalamh || [29] Sarvvan=etan bhavinah partthiv-endran bhuyo bhuyah prartthayaty=esba Ramah samanyo= 1 Read mimanad. For this reading I am indebted to the editor. (Evidently the reference is to the Krilayugadi day which falls on Karttika fu 9. See L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, Pt. i, p. 59.-Ed.] . After ta there is no space for more than two letters. Danda unnecessary. . Probably the reading should be on thena. [I would read sarvvdn-adhichchhati, i.e., requiesta all.-Ed.] . [The reading seems to be dandlaparan vv saramatho na kichi(t)d dharmmad=cha. After chi, I seems to have beeu written at first and then scored out.-Ed.]

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IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF NAYAPALADEVA. Obverse. KOREG MARE AITERASrAjamAdArAlA BACHEarthitAramA vihAra Isldhkaarkaajnairaay' yAjJAna AREM pAnAdhavivAhAlA yA mAnisa banAyAjAsAvadhAkAmAta lakhamIdAbAvarAya samAlabAlinatAliyogya RESPAgajamAyAlayAvalAyamAna pAyA bAyAbApatAmahamayadayA. mAlakImAdiyAnamA BURavDAvAsitAmanAyAyAlayAna nAyabAdivalImavaradayAmAnAnukAyAvA kAmasivAhinIlAlasAtamAlAdhanasAvA REAMJHAGANdsa sasAkArabhAra mAlAlaponasyA kAmAlAvatA mahApAlikAmAlA mAyAlayonImArakAjAkiyAyAlaravAlAzyayA baravAsAsopArAmAmAmAlagucavAvavivasvAna mahAgAlAmA vivAdamAjabAciniyamApana dAdaramamA manamAyAlayAyavAzAvarabAdAma KARANG dhavAimAbhadAyAyAyAyamApara (rakA nAmAvatAzAvaInAkAvA yAkamala lAmA ra dAilAbAmAvalalAvadAsa Aadiad samAnAmasAna N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. SCALE: TWO-THIRDS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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26 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 42 44 46 48 Reverse. grAmiNAyadA yA kAdbhavakI vivi tAyavAnyA gAvarAnaDe bRhadramAyAko ma zAyinaaijI mAjI gAjhAla meM bava cAyA vidAgArImA kAryara vAmAga viSayama vanapati sAyana vivAdo saciva nAnikatAmAi tIna yAdyAna vIja zramAvAnAH vivRSa jAnanAcI tine abhiyA ma thake - isahAya zrI tyasa nagara lAyodAnAcA nAya yarimanyataravaiva bAlana Ava jaganapemiyosh vo bahAnAmA yAdasaMgAnA gAvAlagata va sAla ekatA saMghAcI madata bApa kA samAse vidA va yazavIra zunakaH pAca nkhUbA mAyA kA melina mAravA pAnI aitividhi gye| yo bhUSavata mAtA moDama mAtra yA hAra ke bAvajU phaimilI BOHTOWT 26 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 42 44 46 48

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No. 26.) IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA. 165 6 [laka*]histhira-vikrama-srir=asranta-dana-mahima-mahita-prabhavah kshmapala-mauli chaya-chumbita-pada-pithah pri7 [thvi-pa*]tih Prithur-abhud=iha Rajyapalah || [6] Srimato Rajyapalasya vela valaya-mekhalam nishkantakaman8 payam paripalayato bhuvam || [7] Sunus-sunfita-vag=yasya janant jana-pajita Srimati Bhagyadeviati devi-va 9 Himasailaja || [8] Yena pada-nakha-jyo[t]ana-jalen=alika-samasthitah 1 prakshalita vipakahanam=asubh-a[ksha). 10 ra-panktayah || [9*] Darppa-jvard virya-kandur-adhmanarh yens manajam chi. kitsitani mahata pratapen=aive vidvi. 11 sharh || [10] Bhuvam [yaji-a]sino deva divar soma-sutas-tathal Vasanti npipe yasmin=niyamen=siva lokayoh (110 12 Naracha-ruddha-nabhasam=ari-vahininam=aagait-chaturbhir-api jatum-ayitam-ajau ekah prasunamaya-pa13 [wcha)-baras-tv-Anango yam jeshyat-iti kuta ova katha-pravrittih! [12] Ba Vasu. deva-pad-avja(hja)-puja-nirata-manasah [1] 14 bri-Narayapapal-akhyah kalyani kshitipobhavat || [13*] Narayapasyalva Naro mahatma Samkarshanasy-z15 va cha Sarngapanih | Dharmmatmajasy=eva Dhananjay-bhutwasy-inajah Srl Nayapaladevah || [14*1 Lavdh(bdh-adayo 16 bhraturwanantaram yah sriyam samasadya durasado='bhut | Astamchalath chandra masi prapanne divam vivasvan=i17 va gahamanah || [15*] Yena dvishar na ganitani maha-va(ba)lani n-apekshinab! parijano=pi nijah samipe ! 18 ekakin aiva bhuja Mandara-mathyamanal=lav(b)dha samika-jaladhah Satako jaya srih || [16*] Paramasaugato* ma19 harajadbiraja-paramesvara-paramabhactarakah sri-Rajyapaladeva-pad-anudhyatah pa ramesvara-parama20 bhattarako(ka)-maharajadhirajah sriman=Nayapaladevah kubali 6-Varddhamina bhuktav-antahpati-Danda21 bhukti-mandale Kanti-Sammasha-Va(Badakhanda-prativabadulha-VrkBerlhach Chhattivanna-grame Karandir=vyavaharinah samath 22 krishakamn-ch-aiva' nivasibhis-tatha [1*) dvija-puj-adi-purvvam=idisaty-avagachchhantu bhavanta idrisam || [17] Prasiddhaya parichchhi23.nnah svaya simna samantatah v astu-kshetra-jaladhara-gartta-marg[ga-sama nvitah || [18] S-Oshar-avashkara-sthana-nivita-la24 van-aka[ra]h sahakara-madhuk-adi-taru-shand-adi-manditah || [19] Varjjitah sarvva pidabhir-8-chata-bhata-gocha25 rah raja-grabyena sarvvena pratyayena samanvitah) [20*) Ba-hatta-ghatta-ad tara -chandr-arkka-kshitim yavat | [21degTdeg 1 The right-hand Aourish of the ka is visible in the original; so the reading tilabad is certain. . Read astachalath. . Read -apekshita. * Read -songata. Rond -panamabhaffaraba. . Read bhulay-antabpati.. ? Read kerishabathfach sind. The motre in the DMN pada of this verso ia faulty. Road - dvaskara.. . This is only half of a verse

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156 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. Reverse. 26 bhuchchhidra-nyayena bhatta-sri-Divakarasarmmanah prapautraya upadhyaya-sri Prabhakaragarmmanah pau. 27 traya upadhyaya-sri-Anukulamisranam putraya Drop-odbhava-Kuntira-vinirggataya Vatsya-sago28 traya Bharggava-Chyavana-Aurvvya-Jamadagnya-Apnuvana-pravaraya chChhandoga. charanaya Kauthuma-sakh-a29 dhyayine bhatta-putra-pandita-sri-Asvatthasarmmane mimansa"- vyakarana-tarkka veda-vedine gra30 mo=yam Yugadya[m) navamyam snatva vidhivad=udaka-purvvakam kritva mata. pitror=atmanag=cha punya-ya[56]31 'bhivriddhayz | bhagavantam Sankara-bhattarakam=uddiay=asmabhis-tamrasasaniksitya dattah Tad-[y:-)* 32 pratyaya samagram=asmai vidheyatam gatva kal-ochitam [dadanah] sukhena nivasath(t?)=eha | Mahishi-yu33 varaja-mantrinah saha pitvigbhir=a[tho] purohitam 1 uu-uur=nniyogino dha rmmajnamg=cha 58 34 [mam] pradesh[tri]bhih || [22*] Adhyaksha-varggam=akhilam karanais=sametam senapatin=cha saha sainika-sangha35 mukhyaih [1*] ditan sa-gudhapurushan saha man[tra]palair=anyan=api kshiti pater=anujivinas-cha || [23*] 36 Agamino=pinpipatin=nija-tirtha-yuktan sena(?) vikshati vadaty=anusasti ch=[api] I Asman samikshya 37 hara[ne) cha nisa(sa)mya dosham danam bhavadbhir=anupalyam=idam sad= aiva || [248] Asman=pratisphurati yas-cha vichara38 nayam danan=mahan=atisayah paripala[ne chal]--u-uuu-um=atho na kimchit - - U palana39 m-apalanam-ahur-ena) || [25*] Bhumim yah pratigpihnati yagacha bhumim pra yachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmanau ni40 yatas(tam) svargga-gaminau || [26*] Ye brahmananam=8-yatha haranti pradesa-matram a pi bhuta-dhatrim purisha-kupe pitsibhi41 sesametas=te kalpa-kotir=api yapayanti!! [27] Svadattam para-dattam=va yo hareta vasundharam [*] sa vishthayam kimirubhu. 42 tva pitsibhis=saha pachyate |[28*] Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudha datta rajabhis=Sagar, adibhih yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya 43 tasya tada phala || [29] Sarvvan=etan bhavinah partthiv-endran bhuyo bhuyah pratthayaty-esha Ramah saminyo= 1 Read mimatad. For this reading I am indebted to the editor. Evidently the reference is to the Kritayugadi day which falls on Karttika m 9. Svo L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeria, Vol. I, Pt. 1, p. 50.-Ed.] . After ta there is no space for more than two letters. . Danda unnecessary. Probably the reading should be mehena. [I would read arvan=adhichchhati, i.e., requests all.-Ed.] The reading seems to be dandt=paran v a ram-atho na kinchi(t)d dharmmad=cha. After chi, i seems to have bowu written at first and then soored out. -Ed.]

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No. 25.) IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA. 157 44 yar dharmma-setur=nlipanam kale kale palaniyo bhavadbhih ! [30*] Iti kamala-dal Imvu(mbu)-vindu-lolam briyam=anu45 chintya manushya-jivitan=cha | sakalam-idam=udahfitan=cha vuddha' na hi purushaih para-kirttayo vilopyah |[31] 46 Evam bhima-pa(pa)rakramo nara patir=v(b)rute vivichya svayam - - - U -V-va hi kalau --- - - 47 vah | datum n=otsahate mano yadi tada=pyranyai[r=yad-asma]drisair-dattam -uu - sukpitinah - - U48 -0-| [32*) Gam=ekam suvarnam=ekar bhumerzapy=arddham=angulam haram narakam apnoti yavad=ahuta-samplavam !! [33*] 49 Samvat 13 [Kartti]ka-dine 2 (?)' anena tamra-phali 1 -jo* anu ni [ll] TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om ! Salutation to Siva ! Welfare ! (V. 1.) Where the temples, as if tired in ascending up to the distant firmament, lick the clouds with the tips of the tongues of their fluttering banners. (V. 2.) Where the mass of smoke, rising up to the sky from the fire of oblations, creates the illusion of cloud, the carrier' of Indra (who is) invoked in sacrifices. . (V. 3.) Where the clouds, exhausted as it were, by bathing and drinking of water, rest over the golden rampart walls which are as resplendent as fire. (V. 4.) Which bears crystal gateways, shining white, as if anointed with the glories of the king continuously flowing out through them. (V. 5.) From that capital city of Priyangu, which is of wonderful wealth and increasing virtue, and is (the seat of) powerful and righteous kings (V. 6.) Here flourished Rajyapala, an ornament of the Kamboja family, who was the very) Prithu, the lord of the earth. He (possessed) steadfast prowess and fortune, his majesty was heightened by the glory attained in ceaseless donation, and his foot-stool was kissed by the multitude of the heads of kings. (Vv. 7-8.) To (that) illustrious Rajyapala, ruling without obstacle or calamity over the earth girt by the sea-coast, (was born) a son whose mother (was) the illustrious Bhagyadevi; she was of gentle speech and worshipped by people, like the goddess who is the daughter of Hima. laya; (V. 9.) Who (i.e., the son), by the water of moon-light emanating from the nails of his feet, washed away the syllables portending evil written on the foreheads of his enemies ; 1 Read buddhra. * Probable reading : freyas-sadhanam=ekam=eva hi Kalau danan (videshattu) vah. -Ed.) . After dattan we should perhaps read : tat-paripaland sukritinah (kurvva]nti - ddaran. * Read haran=. There was probably no other numeral sign after 2. [I find two digits here and would read them as 18, The second numerical figure is clearly 8 as shown in the plate. In the first digit the soribe seems to have first engraved the symbol for 9, probably without thinking, as the grant was made on the 9th day, which he later corrected into 1. The reading cannot be 2 as the grant was made subsequent to that date. It is more likely that though the gift was made on the navami day, the plate in confirmation of this was aotually issued on the 18th.-Ed.] . The preceding letter has entirely disappeared. The elephant of Indn.

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158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. (V. 10.) Who, by dint of his great prowess, cured his enemies of the fever of arrogance, the itching of power and the swelling caused by pride. (V. 11.) During the (rule) of that king, the sacrifice-devouring gods came down to dwell on earth and likewise the performers of Soma sacrifices went up to live in heaven, according to the law (established) in the two worlds. (V. 12.) Even the four-fold army (the four angas) of his enemies, who had filled the sky with their arrows, did not approach in battle to gain victory over him; how could then there be even a talk of the god of love (Ananga) defeating him-the god who is all alone and has only five arrows of flowers ? (V. 13.) He, who was known as Narayapapala and had his mind devoted to the worship of the lotus-feet of Vasudeva, became the prosperous ruler of the earth. (V. 14.) As the high-souled Nara is to Narayana, the holder of the Sarnga- bow (.e., Krishna) is to Sarkarshana (i.e., Balarama), and Dhananjaya (i.e., Arjuna) is to the son of Dharma (i.e., Yudhishthira), so also was his younger brother Nayapaladeva (to himself). (V. 15.) Having gained ascendancy after his brother and secured Fortume, he became anconquerable, just as when the moon has set; the sun rises in the sky (and becomes tmapproachable in its glow). (V. 16.) Neither did he care for the mighty forces of his enemies, nor itid he depend on his own friends near him; he alone, churning the sea of battle by'his arm resembling Mount Mandara, obtained on a hundred occasions the fortune of victory. (Ll. 18-21.) The Paramesvara, Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadwraja, the illustrious Nayapaladeva, in good health, meditating on tke feet of the Maharajadhiraja, Parametara, Paramabhattaraka Rajyapaladeva, the devout worshipper of Sugata, (i.e., the Buddha), in the village of Brihat-Chhattivanna adjoining to Kanti, Sarmisha and Badakhanda, within the Dapdabhukti mandala belonging to the Vardhamana bhukti-- (V. 17.) (He) is thus addressing the tradesmen together with the clerks, and the cultivators together with the householders (of the village), after having paid (due) respect to the Brahmans: May it be known to you (V. 18.) (This village) ---bounded on all sides by its own well-established limits, together with homestead and arable land, Water-courses, 'pita and paths; (V. 19.) together with hand which is barren and also where sweepings are thrown; including salt-mines, and adorned with groups of trees like mango, madhuka (Bassia latifolia), etc.;(V. 20.) exempted from all oppressione, not to be taken notice of by Chatas and Bhatas, and together with all the taxes due to the king ; (V. 21.) also with the markets, bathing places &nd-ferries, for as long as the sun, moon and the earth.endare (Ll. 26, 29-31.) this village is granted by me according to the principle of Bhumichchhidra by means of a copper charter, in the name of the god Sankara-bhattaraka (i.e., Siva), after having bathed on the navami day commencing the (Kfita-)yuga, with the customary observance of the touching of water, for the increase of merit and fame of my parents and myself, (Ll. 26-29.) to the Bhatsaputra, Pandita Asvatthafarmman, who was born in Dropa and emigrated from Kuptira, of the Vatsya gotra and the Bbarggave-Chyavans-Aury.vydamadagny Apnuvana pravara, an adherent of the Chhandoga charana and a student of the Kruthuma Adithi (.e., of the Samaveds), who le conversant with the Mimarsd philosophy, grammar, logic and the There is here a play on the word anga. * The expression ma-lara, and not sa-taru a previously read by me, occurs also in L 28 of the Ringunj copper-plate of Isvaraghoeba (Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. II, p. 164).

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No. 26.] THE SARKHO PLATES OF RATNADEVA II OF (CHEDI) YEAR 880. 159 Vedas, and is the great-grandson of Bhata Divakarabarmman, grandson of the upadhyaya Prabhakarasarmman and son of the upadhyaya Anukulamisra. (Ll. 31-32.) So (you) should live here in happiness, having timely paid to this person) all the dues as enjoined. (V. 22.) The queen (mahishi), the crown-prince (yuvaraja), the ministers (mantrin) and the priest (purohita) along with the ritviks. ......and the dharmajnas with the pradeshtris. (V. 23.) All the heads (adhyaksha) of departments along with the clerks (karana), the commander-in-chief (8enapati) along with the heads of military associations (sainika-sangha-mukhya), the ambassadors (duta) with the officers of the secret service (gudha-purusha) and the political advisers (mantrapalas), as well as other subordinates of the king, as also the future kings engaged in their appropriate places-(all of them) he (i.e., the donor) sees......, addresses and orders - (V. 24.) Having regard to us and also considering the blame attaching to the person who deprives a gift, this should always be protected by you. (V. 25.) He who praises us in our consideration that the protection (of a gift) is much more glorious than the gift itself........ (Here follow vv. 26-31 which are some of the customary ones occurring in landgrants.) (V. 32.) Thus says the mighty king after duly considering .......... if one does not feel encouraged in mind to make & grant ... [Here occurs v. 33 which is again of the same group as vv. 26-31.] (L. 49.) The year 13, on the 2nd (?) day of Karttika. By this, copper-plate 1......... No. 26.--THE SARKHO PLATES OF RATNADEVA II OF THE (CHEDI) YEAR 880. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. This set of two copper-plates was found in 1916 in a tank called Gadhia in Sarkho', a village near Janjgir in the Bilaspur district, Chhattisgarh, C.P. Mr. Lochan Prasad Pandeya, Honorary Secretary of the then Chhattisgarh Gaurava Pracharaka Mandali (now Mahakosala Historical Society), came to know of them in 1925 and took immediate steps to acquire them for his Society. They are now in the possession of the Society at Bilaspur. Mr. Pandeya has published them in the Hindi Monthly Madhuri of Lucknow (Vol. V, pp. 317-22). As the plates had not, however, been edited in any research journal, I requested my friend, Mr. W. G. Mandape, B.A., LL.B., Additional District and Sessions Judge at Bilaspur, to procure them for me. I feel highly obliged to him for doing so and to the Mahakosala Historical Society for kindly permitting me to edit them. They are two substantial plates measuring 13.5" in length, 8.6" in breadth and 1" in thickness. The first plate weighs 174 tolas and the second 18H4 totas. There is a hole .6" in diameter at the centre of the top of each plate for the ring which must have originally connected them. But no such ring or seal has yet been discovered. The edges of the plates are raised into rims for the protection of letters. There are 36 lines in all, 18 being inscribed on the inner side of each plate. The class of officers called pradeshtri is referred to in the Arthasastrs of Kautilya and may be identical with priderika of Aboka's inscriptions.-Bhandarkar, Asoka, 1925, pp. 54-55. 1 For the concluding letters anu ni, of. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 149, n. 3. The figure 1 after 'copper. plate indicates that the charter consisted of only one sheet. The namo appears Birko in the Degree Map 64 J.

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160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII The letters on the first plate were not deeply engraved and have been somewhat damaged by rust. There are also depressions on its inscribed surface in some places. Still there is no uncertainty in its reading. The characters are Devanagari as in the other plates of the Kalachuri kings of Ratanpur and call for few remarks. The form for i is made up of two curves with a looped or a hooked end turned in opposite directions and placed one below the other (cf. iti in II. 9 and 16, iha in l. 20, imdorr, 1. 25, etc.); e has the form of a triangle with the base turned upwards (cf. evam, 1. 30); the medial u is shown in two ways: (1) generally with a curve attached to the foot of the vertical stroke and turned to the left (cf. purushah, 1.2, etc.) and (2) occasionally with a curve turned downwards and attached to the middle of the vertical stroke (cf. sruti, 1. 19). The medial e and 7 are shown in some cases by means of a prishthamatra (cf. tad-anvaye and putro in l. 2); both the matras for medial ai and au are occasionally placed above the line (cf. =tasmai, 1. 25 and chandr-arkkau, l. 27); in other cases one of them appears as a prishthamatra (cf. sarvv-adayaih, 1. 25 and-sakshinau, 1. 27). Va and ba are not generally distinguished, e.g., vandhun for bandhun in 1. 8; in the case of the grammatical form babhuva (11.7, 21) and the conjunct bdh (of labdho in l. 17), however, ba is denoted by the sign for ma without its left hand loop'; the letters pa and ya are not properly distinguished in some cases (cf. tasya, 1. 21 and visarppati, 1. 30); 80 also cha and va (cf. ch=aiva, 1. 34). As regards orthography we might note that the dental sa is used for the palatal ea in such cases as -santoshit-3sam (for santoshit-esam), l. 4, satrun for satrun, 1. 11, and vice versa also, though rarely, as in sahasrena for sahasrena, 1.33; ya is used for ja in Vayapeya, 1. 33, and possibly in Yanvavat-, 1. 18. The class nasal is occasionally used for anustara as in -amva(ba)rasya, 1. 2; the consonant following is only in a few cases reduplicated (cf. Karttaviryah, 11. 2-3, -tarkka-, 1. 17, etc.). The following orthographical mistakes may also be noted : kamnta for kanta, 1. 13 and tatvajno for tattvajno, 1. 23. These plates were granted by Ratnadeva II., a Kalachuri king of Ratanpur in Chhattisgarh. The first eleven verses give his genealogy as in other plates of his dynasty. From Kartavirya were descended the Haihayas. In their family was born Kokkala who had eighteen sons. The eldest of them became the ruler of Tripuri. He made his brothers lords of mandalas. In the family of a younger brother of these was born Kalingaraja who had a son named Kamalaraja. His son was Ratnaraja (I.) who married Nonalla. Their son was Pfithvideva (I.) who had a son named Jajalladova (I.) by Rajalladevi. Jajalladeva's son was Ratna In the Amoda plates of Jajalladeva II. (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 209 ff.) and those of Prithvideva II, (Ind. His. Quart., Vol. I, pp. 405 ff.) ba in such cases is shown by a letter closely resembling pa. *This expression, which ocours in most of the charters of the kings of Ratanpur, seems to show that Kali. ngaraja was a remote descendant (and not a grandson) of Kokkals. The Ratanpur Inscription of Jajalladeva II. (1114 A. D.) also distinctly says 'The family of a younger son of these produced in course of time (kramena) Kalingaraja'. If so, this Kokkals must be taken to be Kokkala I. This view is corroborated by some inscriptions of the main dynasty at Tripuri. The Benares copper-plate inscription of Karna (1042 A. D.) describes ip Prakfit verse that Prasiddhadhavala, the son of Kokkala I., took Pali to provide for the future great descendants of the family. The Bilhari stone inscription says that Mugdhatunga (who is identical with Prasiddhadhavala). the son of Kokkala I., took the country of Pali from the lord of Kosala. Pali is probably the name of the country round the modern village Pali, 11 miles north of Ratanpur, where there are ruins of exquisitely carved temples (See Archological Survey Report for 1922-23, p. 51). It seems that these descendants of Kokkala I had their capital at Tummans. They seem to have lost the country in course of time. The Ratanpur inscription of Jajalladeva (1114 A. D.) says that Kalingarija selected Tummana as his capital is the place had previously been selected for the purpose by his ancestors. It must, however, be noted that the description of Kokkela, given in the Amodi plates of Prithvideva 1. (1079 A. D.), if historically true, would apply only to Kokkala II. as pointed out by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti (above, Vol. XXI, p. 161).

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No. 26.] THE SARKHO PLATES OF RATNADEVA II OF (CHEDI) YEAR 880. 161 deva (II.) the donor of the present plates. As the description of these princes is merely conventional, no new historical information can be gleaned from it. The next sixteen verses give the genealogy of the donee Padmanabha. His great-grandfather Mahasona, a Brahmana of the Vatsa-gotra and five pravaras, hailed from Sonabhadra in the Madhyadesa (Middle Country) of the Bharatavarsha (India). He had mastered all the Vedas, Agamas as well as the six Sastras. He observed a fast unto death for fifty days at the holy place (tirtha) Jambavat. His son was Somesvara who had a son named Kulachandra. The latter's son was Padmanabha. Padmanabha was proficient in astronomy and knew two Siddhantas. In the presence of all astronomers in the assembly of Ratnadeva he asserted that there would be a total lunar eclipse when three quarters of the night had passed and the moon was in the asterism Rohini on Thursday, the Paur. nima (fifteenth tithi of the bright half) of Kartika in the year 880. When the eclipse occurred at the predicted time, the king became pleased and donated the village Chimchatalai situated in the maydala of Anarghavalli to Padmanabha. The record cloges with the usual imprecatory verses. The last verse states that the plates were engraved by Kirtidhara, the owner of the village Jamdera in the same (province of) Anarghavalli. Only one other set of plates issued by Ratnadeva II. has been discovered so far, viz., the Seorinarayan plates dated towards the close of the (Chedi) year 878, recording the donation of the village Tineri in the Anarghavalli-vishaya to a Brahmana named Narayana. The present plates increase his reign by more than a year. Neither of these records contains any reference to Ratnadeva's victory over Chodaganga, though it is frequently referred to with pride in the later records of this dynasty. This Chodaganga must be identified with Anantavarman-Chodaganga, the well-known king of the Eastern Ganga dynasty, who came to the throne in A.D. 1078 and had a long reign of 70 or 75 years. We cannot, of course, necessarily infer from this that the victory was not gained before the Chedi year 880 (A.D. 1128), for the records of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur are extremely meagre in references to historical events. The earliest reference to Ratnadeva II.'s victory over Chodaganga occurs in the Ratanpur stone inscription of the time of Prithvideva II..7 dated Vikrama Samvat 1207 (A. D. 1149-1150). Prithivideva's own Amoda plates (two sets, dated A. D. 1149 and 1154 respectively) make no reference to this brilliant victory of his father. The absence of any reference to it, therefore, in the present plates does not necessarily prove that the victory was not attained before A. D. 1128. The exact year of this vietory cannot, however, be ascertained. The recently discovered plates of Pratapamalla state that Ratnadeva defeated Chodaganga and Gokarna. The date of this These are mentioned as Vatsa, Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnuvana and Aurva in the Amoda plates of Jajalla. deva II. ; above Vol. XIX, p. 209. * See below text p. 165, note 3. These were probably the Surya-Siddhanta and the Brahmagupta-Siddhanta * Ind. His. Quart., Vol. IV, pp. 31 ff. * See e.g., The Ratanpur inscription of Prithvideva II. (above, Vol. I, 47 ff.); Seorinarayan ncsription (A. D. 1165) (P. R. A. &. W. C., 1904, pp. 52-3); Kharod inscription of Ratnadeva III. (1181-82 A. D.) (above, Vol. XXI, p. 159). The recently discovered plates of Pratapamalla (A. D. 1213-14), facsimiles of which have been kindly sent to me by Mr. L. P. Pandeya, also contain a reference to this victory. * 8. I. 1., Vol. V, No. 1018. Kielhorn first assumed this king to be Prithvideva III. but later on morrected himself by saying that he should be identified with Prithvideva II. (Supplement to Northern List, p. 17, f.n. 1), So Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's reading of the date (vit., V. S. 1207=A. D. 1149-1150) will have to be accepted, for we know that Prithvidevs II. was ruling till 1154 A. D. at least (cf. his Amoda plates, second set, Ind. His. Quart., Vol. I, pp. 412 ff.). The recently discovered plates of Pratapamalla (dated Chedi year 985= 1213-14 A, D.) state that Ratnadeva III. was succeeded by Pruta pamalla.

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162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. event could be settled approximately if the latter king could be satisfactorily identified, But we have no means of doing so at present. We also do not know the reason of this war. From the Korni plates of Anantavarman Chodaganga dated Saka 1034 (A.D. 1113) we learn that he reinstated the king of Utkala who had been deposed. The name of his enemy has not been mentioned, but it is likely that he was Jajalladeva 1%., the ambitious father of Ratnadeva II., whose friendship was sought by the kings of Kanauj and Jejabhuktika and who had defeated Somesvara and made the rulers of Kosala, Andhra, Khimidi, Vairagara, etc., pay tribute. Jajalladeva seems to have tried to extend his empire in the cast by deposing the king of Utkala. The latter's cause was however espoused by Anantavarman-Chodaganga who succeeded in reinstating him before A. D. 1113. This event must have occurred during the reign of Jajalladeva ; for his Ratanpur inscription was incised in the Chedi year 866 (A.D. 1114). It is likely that this defeat of Chodaganga occurred towards the end of his career, when he was engaged in making conquests in the north, west and south, and bringing the whole country lying between the Ganges and the Godavari under his firm control as stated in an inscription dated A. D. 1135 at the Kurmesvara temple in the Ganjam District. It seems that this whirlwind campaign of Anantavarman-Chodaganga received a check in the west by the prowess of Ratnadeva II. The Malhar Stone inscription of the time of his grandson Jajalladeva II. describes him as 'a fierce cloud putting out the continuously raging flames of the enormous spreading fire of the valour of king Chodaganga'. The hostilities continued in the next generation also, for the Kharod inscription mentions that Ratnadeva's son Ptithvideva II. defeated Chodaganga's son Jatesvara alias Madhukamarnava.? It is also interesting to note the occasion for making the grant. It seems that the other astronomers of Ratnadeva's court were using older methods of astronomical calculations. Their predictions of eclipses were not accurate and did not, therefore, come true. Padmanabha, the grantee of the present plates, discovered the mistakes in the older methods and, making the neces 1 Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao has kindly drawn my attention to two records which mention a prince named Gokarna. The first of these was incised at the temple of Madhukesvara in Kalinganagara in Saka 1013 (=109192 A. D.) and apparently mentions a king named Gokarna 'who was expert in the diksha of the extermination of the multitude of his foes'. It is, however, doubtful if this Gokarna oould be identified with the one mentioned in the plates of Pratapamalle : for, Jajalladeva I., the father of Ratnadeva II., was reigning in 1114 A. D. fsee his Ratanpur Inscription, above, Vol. I, pp. 32 f.). Even supposing that Ratnadeva came to the throne in the very next year and the battle with Chodaganga and Gokarna was fought in the same year (both of which suppositions are unwarranted), there would be difference of 24 years between the date of the above record and Ratna. deva's victory over the Ganga king and Gokarna. The second insoription is at Gudiwada in the Bimlipatam taluka of the Vizagapatam district. It refers to a grant by a certain Gokarnaraja who was a subordinate of Anantavar. man. Even if we suppose that this Anantavarman is identical with Chodaganga, it does not seem likely that a poet would refer to Ratnadeva's victory over Chodaganga and his feudatory in the same breath. Besides, the record is not useful for our purpose, as it is undated. The Kharod inscription (1.7) seems to mention Jatesvara as associated with his father Chodaganga in this war. If so, Gokarna may have been another name of Jate vara. This would also make it probable that the battle was fought in the latter part of Chodaganga's reign. [There is nothing against the victory over the overlord and his feudatory or feudatories being mentioned together, cf. for example, the Tirumukkudal Insoription of Virarajendra (above, Vol. XXI, p. 241) where his victory over Ahavamalla and his feudatories is described.--Ed.1 J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 106-124. $ The Kharod inscription mentions Jajalladeva's vlotory over Bhujabala, the lord of Suvarnapura (madera Sonpur), who was evidently a feudatory of the king of Orissa. . Above, Vol. I, pp. 32 ff. 88. 1. I., Vol. V, No. 1335; cf. J. A. H. B. 8., Vol. VII, p. 57. Above, Vol. I, p. 39. * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 162

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No. 26.) THE SARKHO PLATES OF RATNADEVA II OF (CHEDI) YEAR 880. 163 sary bija-samskaras, correctly calculated the time of the particular lunar eclipse. The inscription gives full details of this eclipse, viz., that it occurred on Thursday at three-quarters of the night when the moon was in the asterism Rohini, on the Karttika Pauraima in the year 880. This date must evidently be referred to the Chedi or Kalachuri era in which nearly all the inscriptions of the Ratanpur dynasty are dated. According to Diwan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillay's Indian Ephemeris the Karttika Paurnima in A. D. 1128 (corresponding to the Kalachuri year 880) ended at 504 ghatikas (20 hours 10 minutes) after mean sunrise on 8th November. As stated in the present inscription, the week day was Thursday and the nakshatra Rohini which began at 13 hours 30 minutes after mean sunrise. There was also a lunar eclipse on that day. According to Mr. K. L. Daftari of Nagpur who has kindly calculated for me the time of the eclipse, the moon was totally eclipsed between 48 ghatikas, 42 palas and 52 ghatikas and 54 palas after mean sunrise at Ratanpur. Three quarters of the night were over at Ratanpur at 52 ghatikas and 34 palas when, as shown above, the moon was totally eclipsed. The date and the time of the eclipse can thus be completely verified. It would not be out of place to say here a few words about the engraver Kirtidhara. He is described in the present plates as the owner of Jamdera. From the two sets of plates of Prithvideva II. discovered at Amoda and dated in the Chedi years 900 (1149 A. D.) and 905 (1154 A. D.) respectively which were incised by Vatsaraja, son of Kirtidhara, we learn that the latter belonged to the Vastavya family. Several members of this family were patronised by the royal house of Ratanpur. Thus the engraver of the earlier Ratanpur stone inscription of Jajalladeva I. (Chedi year 866=1114 A. D.) whose name is lost, was born in the Vastavya family. The Ghotia plates of Prithvideva II. were also incised by Kirtidhara's son Vatsaraja. The latter's son Dharmaraja engraved the Amoda plates of Jajalladeva II. (dated in the Chedi year 912-1161 A. D.). This family produced some good poets also. Thus Devagana who composed the Ratanpur inscription of the time of Prithvidova II, and his father Ratnasimha who wrote the Malhar prasasti in the reign of Jajalladeva II., Chedi year 919 (=1167-68 A. D.), were born in the same family and had considerable poetic talent. As for the geographical names occurring in these plates Chimchatalai, the donated village, is probably Chichola (Long. 82-39, Lat. 22-10) on the left bank of the Hasdo in the Janjgir tahsil of Bilaspur. It is only about 8 miles N.E. of Sarkho. The district of Anarghavalli in which both Chimchatalai and Jamdera were situated is roughly represented by the present Janjgir tahsil. Sonabhadra from which the donee hailed cannot be satisfactorily Mr. K. L. Daftari, a noted astronomer of Nagpur, conjectures that Padmanabha may have used for his caloulation the Rajamriganka a karana work ascribed to king Bhoja of Dhara in which the bija-szi skara. seem to have been fixed after actual observation of planets. This work, though composed in Saka 964 (A. D. 1042), i.e., 86 years before the date of the present plates, may not have been known to the other astronomers of Ratnadeva's court. Padmanabha could, thereforo, score an easy victory over them (cf. Sh. B. Dikshit's History of Indian Astronomy (Marathi), second ed., p. 238). Mr. L. P. Pandeya has kindly drawn my attention to this reference. R. B. Hiralal considered the plates to be spurious (Ind. Ant., Vol. LIV, p. 41). They seem to be an incorrect copy of the original plates made subsequently by an ignorant engraver. Hence the numerous lacune in the text. Mr. L. P. Pandeya suggests that the date of the original, misread by the ignorant copyist as 1000, may have been 900 of the Chedi era (=1148 A. D.). This falls in the reign of Prithvideva II. who, we know, was actually reigning till 1154 A. D. (Ind. His. Quirt Vol. I, pp. 405 ff.). If the plates had been spurious the details about the names of the engraver, his father and village would not have tallied. Even if it is a forgery, we need not reject all historical information in it (ef. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, p. 201). The name of the engraver was not Chitrabhanu as R. B. Hiralal supposed (above, Vol. XIX, p. 210). The word Chitrabhanu, which occurs twice in the last verse, is used only to describe Dharmaraja. He was the Chitrabhanu (sun) to the lotus-bed in the form of the Vastavya family, and was also Chitrabhanu (fire) to the fuel in the form of the helpless warriors of the enemy.

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164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. identified. It was situated in the well-known Madhyadeka or Middle Country. I know, however, no place named Sonabhadra in the above territory. Jambavat where the great-grandfather of Padmanabha fasted himself to death was a tartha. It is perhaps identical with the Jambutirtha mentioned in the Padmapurana,' where there was a Siva-linga called Jambavanteevara which was said to have been established by the lord of bears Jambavant who helped Sri Ramachandra From the context it appears to be somewhere in the vicinity of the river Svabhramati (modern Sabarmati). Jamera the village which was owned by the engraver Kirtidhara is probably identical with Jondra (Lat. 82-21 and Long. 21-44) on the bank of the Seonath river just outside the south-west limit of the Janjgir tahsil. I edit the inscription from the original plates. TEXT. [Metres : Vv. 1,9, 12, 13, 18 and 22-35Anushtubh; vv.2 and 6Upajati%Bv.3 Sragdhard%3B vv. 4, 10, 14, 17 and 19 Sardulavikridita; vv. 5, 7, 8, 11 and 18 Vasantatilaka ; v. 16 Malini ; v. 20 Salini ; v. 21 Arya.] First Plate. 1 sicirastu proM namo vra(ba)maNe / nirgaNaM vyApakaM nityaM zivaM paramakAraNama / bhAvanAyaM paraM jyotistasmai samaNe namaH // 1 // 2 yadetadapresaramamva(mba)rasya jyotiH sa pUSA puruSaH purANaH / pathAsya pucI __ manurAdirAjastadanvayabhUvi kAta3 vIryaH // 2 // devaH zrokArtavIryaH zitipatirabhavajUSaNaM bhUtadhAcA lIcitAdri vi(bi)bhyattuhinagirisutAne(se). 4 SasantoSitesa(za)m / dohaMDAkAMDa setupratigamitamahAvArizevApravAhavyAdhUtacyakSapUjA.' gurujanitaruSa varSa yo 6 varva(babaM)dha // 2 // tahasa(1)prabhavA nareMdrapatayaH khyAtA: citI yAsteSAmanca yabhUSaNaM ripumanovinyastatApAnalaH / dharma6 dhyAnadhanAnusaMcitayazAH sa(ga) sva(kha)syatA saukhyakabeyAsarvaguNAnvitaH samabhava svI(chI)mAnasau kozalaH // 4 // aSTAdayArikarikuMbhavibhaMgasiMhAH pucA babhUvuratisau(mauryaparAba tasya / samAgrajI vRpavara stripurIza cAcI(sI)se(cche)pAMca maMDalapatInsa 1 The hill where the well-known river Son, a tributary of the Ganges, takes its rise is called Bona bhadra Cf. "Tho Son rises near the Narbadi at Amarakantak in the Maikal range, the hill on which its nominal source is located being called Sonabhadra or more commonly Sonmuod", Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. XXIII, p. 76. Mr. K. N. Dikshit kindly writes to me that sopabhadra is probably the same as Sravanabhadra to which two Brihmapa donees of the Narwhal plates of Vakpati Mulija (V. 8. 1038) belonged. Like the donee of the present plates, both of them belonged to the Vatos-gotra and had five pravaraa. He thinks that sopabhadra might be somewhere in Bihar on the bank of the Sopa or Siqabbadra. * 01. Padmapurana (Venkstadvars Proos ed., Uttarakhanda, Adhydya 160). [Skandapundna (nama od.. Arbudakhanda, Adhydya 60), places Jambutirtha in mount Arbuda.Ed.] * Expressed by a symbol (cf. above, Vol. XVII, p. 862). * Expressed by the letters with a dot over it.

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SARKHO PLATES OF RATNADEVA II OF THE (CHEDI) YEAR 880. First Plate. talAvAlA niyoga vApata nitaavipcmkaangm| nAva grAhA paramAtama sadAnamA yadeNesana DiyAti: sa /vAsyaputAmanpAmAinaravAyananAvakA 2 vadha vana kA kina pani tavaddhadhapatanamahAnAhAdivitAnAhAnA sAvitasamAdA ITA kosatatitamahAtadinavApavAda nAtavAkapA nuru nitanupamAvagAyA14 vvv||3|| tasa patna vAnapaThAnaka tohityAsaghAmavayanaSalApamAnAtitAmatA pAlavAda mnA thAnadanAnusa catayanAsammamatA se ravAnAza sarvaguNAtitamamanavannAmAnAsAkA kalAzAcA kA6i kA kanAtinAmikA vAmanusotasAtavAga nAnapAemAjalAla sacamaulapatIsaha kA pavana tighAma nala mA kala 58 pataparika pitA lAgalAvAyApravAna pradhAna18 nAnA nasalA tammA pani mela kI vikAvAjAtaH sutaH ka manamADakA tapAsAghamA pratApa kA vajanagAdAtA ( jaka DAvanAni vikAsamA / satanA varadAnA DAnamanapADA vAmbAyakArakatulA 10 enA mAyanama va tasA nirminakAmanIta ghalAnuvAnAtAnahanAmanAmAnAnallA ravA pradhAna pAsa vAhatAta yA matAna pAi) 889iidaavaamnvh| jApavAdavasammata samanavadADallAdanAmuta 12 mahanavA hi tApalaH kalpadmazrIphala sA ghAmavitA cAnamumanasAtIla pikeTa kApasa kAnvatamA ganAga / / madatoDA vAdAvApAmA ma usa kalAkArAla meM unakI kImA samAnasamasrana nAvitrIzasa kimA14 SvamAnavAhato hAmavAsanA natIna vicAsonavinanAdatagAlA trdivpaalaamaaknaactmuvmmaamshaaskhun| 16vAvAsAlanAdAniya tasA sAlananiryAta paMcavasAgA dhamAlapAsatarazAlA sagaramAthaSa 16 ke kalA kalApakurAlAnivAsaghAvadAgama kAtA utsamamadhya nasajanatAlabATa 5813 paM.dAsa dahA navAvasamAya naa| 18kAsana yA caktAvipAdimu kramApAna pulAvadAnAsa ho| al8||24 // puDAnivi sakalAvana vadAvArako nAnAvita 18 HOST kAnA nikaDa vana ni vikAsamA ghanaminavAnAvAnamA sajanavadAUllavanAmRta Second Plate. mainema jimanavisudatiyA kAkAharusamA tthvinsslii| so menTasamanavaDa vanasihabhAtisamakta jAlamavicAmAnI niravAvagulAmAsivA sa kAlA ra ne| kahAhira gati bAnugrahAtA samasattarakulara samAsUnitA || hAmazAlAvA va yamAyaka vAtAsahasamanA cha ma puNyA sAmarakha kamAvammAnapuNThAvArapavADayA tipitAjagulAkaratimAnya navavA mAnAvayAcA mAnavalApasalamAna kI pAnAtAnavatANAyAmanA / vahayA vAtAhArAsAgarapArA mahitAsA satavAsAvA pAhamihinApamagAtanAsItA vikAzavasakAtaDAtAdanagapata 2418kAlikAmavAvAhieInasamaya mAnava yAmavAyAcI mudatanAnandanasyAmadAsADyA tiradAmagrataHsarvagrAmamanunAgapuka24 sAnImA pranizAnadIdA kiM kurvanAyatadAna sarvA dAyodalenakavalA nAdAturanAvAcAvalA ke grAma bsaa| 26/ganI kanyAdAna ||20||nptintpn paravAnAmanudavAnI tAtinAsAnatAvAvrahmavAtrayapAtakAtasayatA nasamAlA yAcadA 26 kI gaThAna dhAva va pAtAlA kasA kApAtAvadavA tAsa cAhAnAmata mahIpAtazAhalAsanAvamavadyAzAlAkayAtiAhatakA 28 devavatpUDanI ghAsa dAnamAnA iinaaditiH||23||yet manAhA sinApayAcamAhAra vidhAkayIcA yA citazayAmakSakAnanasya 128 pAkA paalaan|||24||srvttdaasn va gatAsavanavAhanamAlUmi dAnaramA cihAni phUlabaH puravavArajAvaha nimukSanukAvAlA 30 sAmAdittiA ghasA ghasA gha dAnulisa mA mtdaaphlm||26aaytaamuptinai sakRtilaviduIsapanA pavana mitadAnasA mosama yo hti||20 najigizAtiyasamipa yaha tAulotipulAkammaraNI nighatosamA bhaado||2|| pUrva 32 davA hiDAnI nIyatAdaka punarAmahI mahInRtI ra chudAnA chAyAhi paaltm||2laas dattA ekadalI vAyAha kalavadanAma 32 sacilA gAmami tApiTanA shcaan||30||svaamshaajnnvaaghaapghsaatnkaarpdaavnnaamhoj / 34ti ||3||ssaavrsssh yA lisA vasatina midahamA nAcAnumannAcatAnA vana kdaait|| 32 // brasbahuvidha 34 jina hamma marinamA sImATamagm ti||33||n vitavimittAha tAmadhaSamutAvighAmakA ki nh| 36 nivAba ptrptikm|| 34 // tasyA maTA navalAcI mIki saba samAlanAbAbAlAlavA klaasaajnm|| 357136 10 N. P. Chakravarti. Rea. No: 3387 E'35-445. SCALE : ONE-HALF. SURVEY OY INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 26.] THE SARKHO PLATES OF RATNADEVA II OF (CHEDI) YEAR 880. 165 8 cakAra 4(ba)dhan // 5 // teSAmanU'jasya kaliMgarAjaH pratApavakSipitArirAjaH / jAtonvaye viSTaripupravIraH priyAna9 nAMbhoruhapALaNeduH // 6 // tasmAdapi pratatanirmalakIrttikAnto jAtaH sutaH kamala rAja iti prasiddhaH / yasya pratApatara10 NAvudite rajanyo jAtAni paMkajavanAni vikAsabhAMji // 7 // tenAtha caMdravadano jani rabarAjI vikhI(kho)pakArakaraNArji11 sapuNyabhAraH / yena khavA(bA)yuganirmitavikrameNa nItaM yAtribhuvana vinihatya sa(ga)can // 8 // nonahAkhyA priyA ta.. 12 sya zUrasyeva hi zUratA / tayoH suto nRpazreSThaH pRthvodevo babhUva // 8 // pRthvodevasamudbhavaH samabhavadrAjanmadevI(vI)sutaH zU. 13 raH sajjanavAMcchi(chi)tArthaphaladaH kalpadrumaH zrIphalaH / sarveSAmucitorcane sumanasA tIkSNahiSavaMTaka: pasya(zya)vA(kA)ntatarAMganA[ga]14 madano jAjaladevo nRpaH // 1 // tasyAtmajaH sakalakosalamaMDanazrIH zromAnsamA tasamasta narAdhipatrIH / sarvadhi[tI]16 kharasi(zirovihitAMphisavaH savAbhatA nidhirasI bhuvi ravadevaH // 11 // lAvAdivarSANAM madhye bhAratamuttamam / madhyadesa(za)stu sa18 pApi sINabhadrosti yA saH // 12 // zrIsoNabhadraniryAta: paMcA! vatsagocajaH ma[]soNa rati khyAto babhUva hijavaMsa(sa)jaH // 12 // yaH Sa17 IkalAkalApakusa(pa)sI ni:se()SavedAgamajJAtA (ba) asamaH samastanamatAla[dhA daraH sarvadA / yaH paMcAsa(ca)dahAni cAntasamaye tya18 mAsa(ga) yAM(jA)va(ba) vattIrthe prANavimuktimApa nipuNo vedAntasiddhAntagaH // 14 // pranAnidhiH pAlavedavidA variSTho nAnAvidhAva Second Plate. 10 ravidhAnavina (za)cavu(bu)hiH / tasyAtmajI dijasamAjavibhUSaNazrIH somezvaraH samabha pavanapratiH // 15 // zrutisamucita20 paulastatva(ca)vivAgamArmA niravadhiguNarAsi(ziAsakalyo(pI) janeSu / hi jagati mApAnupahAbhyAM samasadanu ca kula. The vowel of his lengthened for the sake of metro, Read firefowarfymo as in all other plates of the kings of Ratanpur. The spoond letter of this word appears more like cha than va; but ua and cha appear almost like each other in this inngriptiop (ef. chaive, l. 84 infra) and other records of the period (cf. above, Vol. XIX, p. 75, 1. 23). Besides makes no senso. L therefore, propose to read atrama. Jis substituted for here as in bAvarSaya 121,sivra. . After ja suporfluggs danda was egraved and scored out.

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166 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXII. A caMdrastasya sUnurbabhUva // 16 // prajAmaMgalavezmavismayakarAbhyAsa: samastAgame puNyAtmA makhakarmadharmanipuNaH prAvINyavAnjyo(kyo)22 tiSi / tasyAzeSaguNAkarasya matimAraputraH pavitrAtmano vra(ba)yAbhyAsanivezapasa (za) lamatiH zropadmanAbhobhavat // 17 // ya: siddhA23 tayaM vetti hIrAsAgarapAragaH / saMhitAsA(zA) svatatva(ca)nI vArAhamihiropamaH // 18 // tenAso(zI)tyadhikASTavatsasmAte jAte dine go:pate24 : kArtikyAmatha rohiNIbhasamaye rAtrazca yAmatraye / zrImadrabanarakharasya sadasi jyoti bidAmagrata: savvagrAsamanuSNagoH prava25 datA tIrNA pratijJAnadI // 18 // iMdormuktiM kurkhatAyaM tadAnIM sAdAyammaMDa. lenardhavakSyA (kyAm) [*] rAjA tuSTenAtha ciMcAnalAIgrAmastasmai sA(zA)26 sanItatya dattaH // 20 // tapati na tapanaH prakharI mAdapi no vAti zAsane tIvraH / (ba)makhasteyapAtakamatima(za)yabhImaM samAlocya // 2 // caMdrA27auM gagane yAvattapatI loksaacinnau| tAvadavyAhataM syAhAnamatanmahIpataH // 22 // vijAca nAvamantavyAstrailokyasthitihatavaH / 28 devavatpUjanIyAzca dAnamAnAcanAdibhiH // 2 // yaiH kRtaH sarvabhakSInirapeyaya mahodadhiH / kSayI cApyAyita: momaH ko na nasye zye)29 akopya tAn // 24 // saM()khaM bhadrAsanaM cha(ka)caM gajAstra (kha)varavAhanam / bhUmi: dAnasya cihnAni phalaM svarga: puraMdara // 25 // va(ba) hubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAja30 bhi: samarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya sadA phalam // 2 // yathApsu patitaM sa(za)ka telavi(bi)ndubisIti / evaM bhUmikRtaM dAnaM sa31 sye sasye prarohati ||27bhuumiN yaH pratieDA(bA)ti yastu bhUmi prayacchati / ubhau tau puNyakANI niyatau svagaMgAminau // 28 // pUrva 32 dattA(tAM) vijAtInAM yatnAdraca puraMdara / mahI(hoM) mahIbhRtAM se(zreSTha dAmAzeyo hi pAlanam // 26 // svadattA paradattAM vA yo hareta vasuMdharAm / 33 sa viSTAyAM kvami tvA pitubhiH saha pacyate // 30 // asva (kha)medhasahara(me)Na vAya(ja)payasa (zatena ca / gavAM koTipradAnena bhUmihartA na su(za)34 dhyati // 31 // SaSTi vaSasahayA(sAsi varme vasati bhUmidaH / AcchettA cAnu mantA ca sAnyeva narakaM brajet // 32 // eSTaM dasa hutaM caiva ya - Read viSThAyA.

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No. 27.] TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. 167 35 tkiMciddharmasaMcitam / ahAgulana somAyA haraNena praNasya (zyati // 33 // na viSaM viSamityAhuba(brahmasvaM viSamucyate / viSamekAkinaM - 36 fart a(a)ma grafy upon arrivarni staffiat: peit: jaMDaragrAmanAthIyaM lilakhAkSaraso(zo)bhanam // 35 // No. 27.---TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. These plates were found some years ago at the Manganese mine of Tirodi, eight miles southcust of Katangi in the Balaghat District of the Central Provinces. Mr. T. A. Wellsted, Manager of the Manganese mines, Mansar, who is keenly interested in the history of the Vakatakas, came to know of their existence in April 1934 and secured them with great difficulty from a Manganese contractor of Tirodi. The plates have since been deposited in the Nagpur Museum. I am obliged to Mr. Wellsted for permission to edit them. They are four copper-plates, each measuring 7.7" by 3-8". The first and the fourth are inscribed on one side only and the other two on both the sides. Their ends are neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims; still, the inscription is in a perfect state of preservation. The last plate bears in five places marks of indents from the blows of a pickaxe. About 2.1" from the proper right margin, the plates have a roundish hole.4" in diameter for a circular ring to connect them. The ends of this ring, which is 3.3" in diameter, were flattened off so as to overlap and were joined with a pin. They were so secured when the plates were sent to the Nagpur Museum for cleaning and taking ink impressions. On this ring slides a small circular band about 7" broad and 3.8" in circumference, to which is secured with a rivet a flat circular copper seal 2.7" in diameter. The ring and the seal thus closely resemble those of the other plates of Pravarasena II. The weight of the plates is 126 tolas and that of the ring, the band and the seal is 18] tolas. The plates were slightly corroded when first found, but have since been cleaned by Mr. M. A. Saboor, Coin Expert of the Nagpur Museum. Each inscribed side of the first two plates contains six lines, that of the third five lines and that of the fourth only four lines. The seal contains the legend inscribed in four lines. The letters are deeply cut, but do not show through on the reverse. The size of the letters varies from 25" to .4". As in the other plates of Pravarasena II., the characters are of the box-headed variety of the Central Indian alphabet. They closely resemble those of the Siwani plates of Pravarasena II. and of the Riddhapur plates of his mother Prabhavatigupta. The boxes at the top of the letters are not scooped out bollow as in the Chammak plates, but appear in the form of small squares as in the other plates of Pravarasena II. The letters i, b, and I and the subscript form of m -appear without a box at the top; cf. Vajapeya and BIihaspati in l. 1 and amala-jala in l. 5. The box is not completely incised at the top of a few letters; see, for instance, n in atyanta 1. 7; chi in kenachi-1. 23; ya in yas-cha l. 24. The repha at the top of letters is, in some cases, shown with, and in others without, a box (cf. chaturvvaidya l. 19, Aptoryyama 1. 1). The length of medial i is denoted either by a ringlet in the curve representing short i as in pramani- 1. 29, or by another curve turned in the opposite direction as in trayovisa I. 31. Medial u is shown in three ways

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168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. with the u sign (1) turned to the left, cf. -anugami 1. 23; (2) turned to the right, cf. bhunjato 1. 23 and (3) shown by a hook to the right bending downwards, cf. kuryyama 1. 26. The matras for medial e, ai, o and au are generally added at the top, but occasionally at the middle or even the foot of a consonant; cf. Asramedha 1. 2 and m-aisvaryya 1. 15. The medial o is shown in two ways (1) with a matra on each side of a consonant as in shodasy- 1. 1, and (2) with a curve on the right side only, cf. bhunjato 1. 23. The medial au is everywhere bipartite; cf. dauhitra and Gautamil. 5, etc. D and d are not clearly distinguished; cf. shodasy- 1. 1 and samuditasya 1. 8; 90 also v and ch; cf. Brihaspatisava 11. 1-2; and chatur-Asvadeg 1. 2; t appears with a loop in -vastavya 1. 18 and datta[m] 1. 29; th is generally distinguished from dh by a ringlet on the base line; cf. thi in Prithivisena 1. 10 with dhi in Yudhishthira 1. 9; but contrast tha in Athervvana 1. 18. Independent b which is distinguished from v appears in two forms: (1) the rectangular one as in paribadha1. 25 and (2) that derived from p, cf. Brihaspati 1. 1; the subscript b is only in one place distinguished from v, viz., in Kosambakhanda 1. 17; but cf. ayur-bbala- 1. 15 and -udvahana- 1. 4. A vowel-less consonant is written in a smaller form below the line; cf. drishtam 1. 1 and samrat 1. 2. The visarga is denoted by two dots or hook-shaped lines; the former signify also a double mark of punctuation in ll. 13, 24, 26, etc. The completion of the record is indicated by a long horizontal stroke. The language is Sanskrit. Except the legend on the seal and the usual imprecatory verse towards the close, the whole record is in prose. As regards orthography, we may note the absence of external samdhic and the use of short for long vowels in several places. Such orthographical mistakes as bhantikva for bhaktitva 1. 8, kenachivvyaghata for kenachid-vyaghata 1. 23 are evidently due to the carelessness of the engraver. The visarga is wrongly dropped in gunai samuditasya 1. 8 and changed to cha in bhatach-chhatras-cha 1. 14. The anusvara appears superfluous after its change to a nasal in Vakalakanamm-Maharaja 1. 9, etc. The dental n is written for n in karunya 1. 7. Li is used instead of the vowel li in aklipt-opakliptah 11. 22-23, and ri for the vowel ri in drishtam 1. 1 and dushkritam 1. 30. On the other hand ri occurs for ri in sarvvakriyabhih 1. 24. The consonant following is reduplicated in some cases, e.g., arjjava and sauryya 1. 7, abhivarddhamana 1. 8; similarly v coming after anusvara in sa[m*]vvatsare 1. 31. The consonant preceding y is reduplicated in Bhagiratthyamala 1. 5 and sarvv-addhyaksha 1. 13. The upadhmaniya occurs in 11. 10, 16 and 29. The final consonant is wrongly dropped in Narattangavari-sthana 1. 1, dradasya 1. 31, etc. The plates were issued from the place Narattangavari by Maharaja Pravarasena II. of the Vakataka dynasty. Their date is recorded in words as the twelfth day of the dark fortnight of (the month) Magha in the twenty-third (regnal) year. Like almost all other complete Vakataka plates1 they open with the word drishtam which must be taken, as was subsequently done by Kielhorn, to mean 'seen' and was evidently intended to signify the genuineness of the inscription. The genealogy of Pravarasena II. is copied almost verbatim from his previous plates, his maternal grandfather Chandragupta II, being called Devagupta as in the other records. The plates record the grant of the village Kosambakhanda to a Brahmana named Varuparyya of the Harkkari-gotra and the Atharvaveda, who was a resident of Cha[m*]drapura' and proficient in the three Vedas. The donated village was bounded on the east by Jamali, on 1 The only exception is the Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatigupta. It does not appear in an odd Vakataka plate which has recently come to my hands; but I have reason to think that, like the Balaghat plates of Prithivishena, the inscription was left incomplete. 2 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 268-9. The gotra is named Harkari in the Gotra-pravara-nibandha-kadamba (Lakshmi-Venkatesa Press, Bombay. 1917). See below, Text, p. 172, note 20.

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No. 27.] TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. 169 the south by Varddhamanaka, on the west by Mrigasima and on the north by Mallakapedhaka. As the order is addressed to the officers and soldiers in the western division (aparapatta) of Bennakata, it is evident that the donated village was situated in it. The grant was written by the chief minister (Rajyadhikrita) Chamidasa' himself. We know that the Dudia plates of Pravarasena II. were issued on the tenth day of the fourth fortnight of the rainy season in his twenty-third regnal year. If Kielhorn's view that the date refers to the bright half of the month Bhadrapada is accepted, the present charter, though issued in the same regnal year, would be later than the Dudia plates by about four months and a half. One other record of the Vakatakas (viz., the incomplete Balaghat plates of Prithivishena)' has been found in the Balaghat district. This is, however, the first inscription of Pravarasena II. to be discovered so far to the east of his kingdom. As stated below, the donated village Kosambakhanda is to be identified with Kosamba about 6 miles to the south-west of Tirodi, the find-spot of the present plates in the same district. The present inscription shows, therefore, that the country under the direct rule of Pravarasena II, extended to the east as far as South Kosala (modern Chhattisgarh) and comprised the modern districts of Balaghat, Bhandara and Chanda of C. P. These districts were evidently included in ancient Vidarbha. In the Sanskrit play Malavikagnimitra of Kalidasa, who is now generally taken to be a contemporary of Pravarasena II., the country of Vidarbha is shown to be divided by the river Varada (modern Wardha). Bennakata of the present plates seems to have been one of the districts of Eastern Vidarbha. Almost all other charters? of Pravarasena II, are issued from Pravarapura which was evidently his capital. The place Narattangavari from which the present plates were issued seems, therefore, to be a holy place(tirtha) where he had gone to bathe in the month of Magha and where he granted the present charter. The month of Magha is specially praised in the Purinas as very sacred and various legends are narrated in them to evince the great merit of bathing at a holy place during that month. The eleventh day of the dark half of this month, when purnimanta, which is called Shattila ekadasi and is observed as a fast-day, is highly glorified in the Padinapurana 10 Pravarasena may, therefore, have gone to the Narattangavari tirtha to bathe on the Shattila ekadasi day and have made the present grant on the following day before breaking his fast. We may note in this connection that a similar grant was made by his mother Prabhavatigupta" at the holy place of Ramagiri (modern Ramtek near Nagpur) on the twelfth day of the bright half of Karttika, evidently after observing a fast on the preceding Prabodhini ekadasi.12 [Or Navamidise, see below p. 174, n. 10.-Ed.) . Above, Vol. III, p. 262. Above, Vol. III, p. 260. * Kielhorn has evidently adopted the primanta scheme in calculating that date. The same is followed above. The interval between the two dates would be 54 months if the amania system is adopted in both the cases. * Above, Vol. IX, p. 267. Cf. Malavikagnimitra, Act V, &l. 13. + The only exoeption is the Biwani Copper-plate Inscription of Pravarana II. (0. I. I., Vol. III, Pp. 243 ff.) in which, however, no place of issue is mentioned. The Patna Museum plate also, being the third plate of the set, does not naturally mention any place of issue. Narattangavari cannot be taken to be the site of his camp during a campaign; for there is no word like vasakat added to it. IMAGE foafer fafter I HIYOT Erdi arrituta Padmapurana (Venkatesvara Press ed.), Uttarakhanda, Adhyaya 124, 6l. 64-5. 10 Ibid., Uttarakhanda, Adhyaya 43, blokas 5 ff. 11 Her Poona plates also, though issued from the then capital Nandivardhana, were granted on a similar Occasion. 13 This day is referred to by Kalidasa in his Meghadata (fl. 115).

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170 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. As the present grant was not made at the capital, the expression vaijayike dharmasthane' at the victorious office of justice' which regularly occurs in all other charters of Pravarasena II. issued from Pravarapura are omitted in the present plates. This grant was made by Pravarasena II. for increasing his dharma (religious merit), life, strength and prosperity, for securing his wellbeing in this world and the next, as well as for augmenting the religious merit of his mother (matuh puny-Opachayarttham). This last expression occurs in none of the complete charters of Pravarsena II. As he mentions only his mother and not his father also, who was long since dead, it is likely that she was living at the time of the present grant and may have accompanied him to the holy place. From the description in her Riddhapur plates she seems to have been an old lady at the time of that grant which was made only four years before the issue of the present plates. As for the geographical names that occur in these plates, Narattangavari was probably a tirtha as suggested above. I know, however, of no place in C. P. and Berar, which exactly corresponds to this name. It may, however, be taken to mean Vari near Narattanga on the analogy of Nagapura-Nandivardhana (Nandivardhana near Nagpur) in the Deoli platest of the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III. In that case it can be identified with Wari also called Bhairav. garh, now a deserted village, on the river Ban or Wan in the extreme north-west of the Akot Taluk (Akola District, Berar). It is only 18 miles to the west of the old fort of Narnala, which probably represents ancient Narattanga, and is still regarded as a holy place. Kosambalhanda, the donated village, is evidently Kosamba (79-39 X 21:38) about 6 miles to the south-east of Tirodi where the plates were found. Bennakata was evidently a district comprising the territory round the modern village Beni, 38 miles to the east of Kosamba in the Gondia Tahsil of the Bhandara Dietrict, which may have been its headquarters. The district seems to have been divided 1. The expression dharmaddhikarani which ocours in another connection in l. 26 is evidently a mistake for dharm-adana-karane. See below, Text, p. 173, n. 18. A similar expression mapuny-apyayanarttham is found in both the Poona and Riddhapur plates of Pra. bhavatigupta. Sagram phobala divarputnapauta I. 1), J. P. A.S.B. (N. S.), Vol. XX, p. 58. Above, Vol. V, pp., 188 ff. Even now there are several suck place names ourrent in Berar, 6.g., Barsi Takli (Takli neno Bansi). As there are now, and were probably in ancient. Vidarbha, several villages named Wari or Warkhed, Narattanga may have been prefixed to define the position of the place intended.. 5 See Akola District Gazetteer (1910), p. 395. At this place there are ruins of a fort called Bhairavgarh with an image of Kal Bhairava. It may be noted in this conneotion that an ancestor of Pravarasena II. (viz., Rudrasena I.) was a devout worshipper of Svami-Mahabhairave. The writer in the Gazetteer identifies Wari with ancient Varahatirtha (Ibid., p. 382) but this identification does not seem to be correct. Varahatirtha was, no doubt, a very important tirtha on the Payoshoi. It is highly praised in the Mahabharata (Vanaparvan, Adhyaya 88, 61. 6-9, Bombay ed.) which describes the visit of the Pandavas to it in the course of their tirthayatra (Adhyayas 120 and 121). But from the description given in the Payoshini-mahatmya, the Nalachampa [Nirnayasagar ed. (1903), p. 174] and other Sanskrit works it appears to be the source of the Payoshni (modern Pirma) and must, therefore, be identified with Barakpur about a mile to the north-east of Bhainsdehi (77deg38 X 21deg39) in the Betul District of C. P. where the Payoshni takes its rise. The present Wari is far away from the source of the Payoshni. The Payoshni-mahatmya refers to the Bana river (on which Wari'is situated) as a tributary of the Payoshni bat makes no mention of a Varahatirtha on it. * Bhojakata of the Chammak plate is another district name ending in kata. The Mahabharata (Bombay ed.). Sabha parvan, Adhyaya 31, mentions both Bhojakata and Talakata as southern courrtries. In & 10-12 of that Adhyaya Sahadeva is said to have vanquished the lords of Bhujakuts and Venatata. The latter is evidently, a mistake tor Venakata. In reply to my inquiry Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, General Editor of the Mahabharata whiob is. now. being published by the Bhandazkar Orientad.Resarch Institute Poona, kindly informs me that most of the Grantha Mss. collated at the Institute show either the variant Vennakata or Bennakata in the 12th Sloka of that Adhyaya.

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No. 27.] TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. into two parts by the river Waingange, the ancient Benna. Kosamba which now represents ancient Kosambakhanda is only 20 miles from the Wainganga and was evidently included in the western division (aparapatta) of Bemakata. Of the villages that formed its boundary, only one can now be traced. Jamali which bounded it on the east is probably modern Jamuntola, 3 miles to the east of Kosamba. Chandrapura, where the donee was living is probably identical with Chandpur which lies only twelve miles to the south-east of Kosamba and contains an old fort." The other villages cannot be identified. I edit the inscription from the original plates. TEXT. First Plate. 1 driSTam [*] narattaGgavAriyAnA [t*] / biTomAptoryyAmokyaSoDazya [ti] rAtravAapevavRpatisa 2 vasAdyaskracaturazvamedhayAjinaH viSNu (SNu) vRhasagotrasya samrATa' vAkATakAnAnmahArAjazrI - 3 pravaramenasya cuno moyantakhAmimahAmerayamasya sabhArakavidhi 4 tazivaliGgoddahana zivasuparituSTasamutpAditarAjavaMzAnAM parAkramAdhigata bhAgImivijJAnAntAraziyAcA khacArAyacIbhavanAbadoza motI 5 [tyA]]] 171 1 The river is called Vena in the Mahabharata (Sabhaparvan, Adhyaya 31), Padmapurana (Svarga Khanda, Adhyaya 38, . 30-22; Bombay ed.), Matsya-purana (Adhyaya 114, 1. 27-28) and Vanya in the Markandeyapurana (Adhyaya 57, 61. 24). Venva in the Vayupurana (Ad. 45, l. 102) and Vinna in the Karma (Ad. 47, 61.32) seem to be derived from Venys (See Pargiter's Tr. of the Markandpa-partna, p. 300). Binna in Bonnakata of the present plates and Bappa in Benna karpara-bhaga of the Siwani plates are evidently corrupt forms of Sanskrit Venya and refer to the Waingangs. The Boppa-karpara-bhaga of the Siwani plates seems to be a subdivision (bhaga) of Bennakata. It cannot be located in modern Berar. Fleet's suggestion that Kollapura in that charter is possibly Kolapoor twenty-one miles south of Elichpur' (C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 244) is manifestly impossible. Kholapur (for, that is its correct name) was founded by Kholesvara, a well-known general of the Yadava king Simghapa. As stated in his Ambe inscription, it is on the bank of the Payoshini (Purna); see G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan (Marathi), p. 64. I would identify Kollapura (in the Beppakarpara bhaga) of the Siwani plates with modern Koolpa about 36 miles to the east of the Waingangs in the Amgaon Zamindari. Karanjaviraka which was a village (and not a river as supposed by Fleet) in its vicinity is represented by modern Karanja, a mile to the N.-E. of Koolpa. For viraka at the end of a village nethe see Vyaghraviraka in the Khamkhed plates (above, p. 96). Kielhorn's suggestion about the identification of Chandrapura mentioned in the Dudia plates with the abovenamed Chandpur cannot be accepted; for, as he has himself admitted, none of the other villages (mentioned in those plates can be identified in its vicinity. That Chandrapura is probably identical with Chandar in the Amraoti district of Berar, as shown by R. B. Hiralal. (See his List of Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar, second ed. p. 93.) The accompanying plates have been prepared from photographs kindly taken by Mr. M. A. Saboor of the Nagpur Museum. Read Here and in many places below, the rules of Sandhi have not been observed. * Read sabAjI. The box at the top of is not complete. This sign of punctuation is saperfluous. * Read me. The box of ma is not connected with the vertical stroke of the letter. 10 Road mUbhiSitAnAm: One other adjective dAvamedhAnabhavajAtAnAM which ooburs in all other pleton is omitted here.

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172 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 6 puSasya puSasya vAkATakAnAmahArAjadhirudrasenasya sunoH' Second Plate ; Pirst Side. 7 patyantamAhavarasya satyArjavakArayAmauryavikramanayavinayamAhAtmyadhimatva8 gasamantima'dharmavijayitvamanonegravAdigu[:] samuditakha varSayatamabhivaImA nakosada sAdhanasantAnapuSapauSiNaH yudhiSThirahattervAkATakAmA mahA10 rAjazrIpathivisenasya suno|] bhagavatabApANe prasAdopArjitacIsamudayastha 11 vAkATakAnAmmahArAjabIrudrasenasya sUnoH mahArAjAdhirAjabaudevagupta12 sutAyo prabhAvatiguptAyAmupavasva / " vAkATakAnAmpahA Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 rAjatri pravarasenasya vacanA[va] / bAkaTasya paparapo / panamantavAramA yacaniyoga14 niyuttA pAtrAsaMcArikukhapuSAdhichatAH bhaTAcyA pAca vyuSitapUrvamayAnAyA"jJApa yitavyAH [1] 16 viditamastu vaH pathahAsAbhirAmano dhAbu barthavihAya sAmuSi16 tAtya mAtu pukhIpacayArtha jamacyA paparapAveM vaImAmakaba uttarapAyeM 17 agasimasya pUrvapA mahakapaTakasya dadhipA koyambakhaLa nAma prAmaH 18 cAra cAMdra)puravatavyapathA pari sagocavaNAryAya nivedAya ittA 1 Road zrI. Read mit:..The sabecript - is not complete. *Read cAraNya. Read the. None of the Vakataka plates discovered so far gives this expression correctly. The engraver first inoised and then corrected it into . Read quacrafwas in the diwani and Dudia plates. * The angraver seems to have wrongly joined the right hand horizontal stroke of the dagger of to the vertical stroked tva. 'Road maiyAdi. . The box-head of is not completely inolaed. 1. The axuadra is superfluous. 1 Road puSiSaSastha11 The anuandna in superfluous. 1. This sign of punctuation is superfluous. 16 Read . 1. It is difficult to say if this is a sign of Visarga or of double punotuation. It is raperfluou ta either ones. "Road bhaTAmbAcAya. " Road vizrutapUrvayAcaya in the Siwanl and Chammak plates. - Read poSaya 10 The lower horizontal stroke of p is not engraved. # For other cases of the wrong omission of an antara see ofera L28 and g et meest ta 1.81 below. " Read more. Instead of affixing the stroke denoting the length to the engraver wrongly priced it to the following letter. " The gotra is named Harkari in the goSapravaranivaJcakadama (published by the Venkatativura Prons). # This word is superfluous.

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8 10 12 14 16 18 da0, c chb-- tshbgd- dbh 1 2sshw shshA0ic 3 sbeyyaatth iib. TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. 12400, g-zshpzzhgshbe / shu2 sye22blu [TYE* (QC (CL jnu L57 ddtth22 phr 2252skshkaaMgTsngsh-ch*krshzhaa gzidzH2a'Ha'H dng-skush tHbr3 2shbr'i-zhaa phyg-sh2 khzhphyu 1:zhng pnn dhrH bozheZ / traat- md / kbshd / rtg-bshng-bshg-p 1337a111326a 22 1: shts bhM p / :|:k tti 7 13: / 31 | sh 3 gyish3, 5 9+20 gyig zhol'r69 swaabhaa11dd2jsh 10rt1 / swaatth191126 frjesgyu2ttu211 +/ sh"2 2.5]zhaatwMrdzr2210 blng TEA23 br kh :11:|:kh 3 shb bzhen aaau dew 1:1 7 kh+ 211ng N. P. Chakravarti. Rua., No. 3379 E'30, 4+5, shug-zhn6311:3anR 2ihe3 2 +/ by834:z +/ 3zhaashaar'zhishzl timk ng'i kyis dthob-EHzhsh Et9]]. sk bhsshek k di 'phrg' z p ph bh phy shts 1:|:k-]]pki[[ks- 'phybs / bge 'grog kyizhib-by-gl gaj2 DC l'u-w'rgyb7ko-l'ilo-1225ngn--k'ikh'-db bdzr'i-sh, gan shi-l-rt.1 1 shaa shi khrmstthsk SCALE: HALF-SIZE. E yudzrs / k-1kshm: knytsiattM bhaawaa / ) rtn / klprbhaaw 'byint /2""B}"[[T71314# lttny-lnydzyebhaabhaautrezh l2shendu20 3326:chg38957: 22dtu Send a listing mot Tran da azhis y zndhnydzi'u du1 25 23 / wittaa kaashtt332n-l / p (i Tdd iiib. g+ brtn krt ghl'i pnnddi kttaa m sshbhaa 13g: l'u17 A g77 E.TT L sh 1:T P0 3rtd423A. gle'u- 7 tshus p'i zh shmbh 2tt s 2 zhaart / tth tthke bshibhaaddhe sowettaabhaanmaatushi tennMttti tstshaa bhaanydzaanMsM lbhukttennddstthntM 22theg zhesshkzhaamPStth brgyttzeddaau] 447 +/ 7tu L6 iv. 22 SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. 24 26 28 haauM-ze33gj68i / sh l ' 1g Tas TBsshw:sh sshw / / naa 26 sshwwtttaa, zhtstshttes29 p'tshe 11:|:k 30 D zhaatth 2@2 / 3.1gdzettaai 1shzhbr khri-taa02yaaH zh 32

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Seal. (588 agal Feal 3 ) 7yR0a Actual size.

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No. 27. ] TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. Third Plate; First Side. 19 apuuvvdty|' N udakapUrvvamatisRSTaH [1"] ucitAMcAsya pUrvarAjAnumatAcA (tAMbA) tuvaidyagrAmama 20 yadAparihArAnvitarAma: stadyayA cakaradAyi: prabhaTa japAvezya: apAraMparago[:] aSyacira' sandoha acArAsanacarmAdvAra: calavana kiraNa ke 21 22 NikhanakaH sarvvaviSTiparihAraparivRtaH sanidhiH sopanidhi [: *] sakti (kla) so23 pakti (la.) saH bhacandrAdityakAzIyaH putrapautrAnugAmI bhuto na kenacivyAghAta" ma: 4 Third Plate; Second Side. 24 karttavyaH sarvvakta" yAbhissaMracitavya parivarddhayitavyaya // ya" zvAsmacchAsanamaga[Na] ya25 mAnassvarUpAmapi paribAdhAtkuryyAtkArayita" vA tasya brAhma" "ditasya sadaNDaM nigra26 haM kuryyAma // asmi ca dharmAdi ( dhi ) " karaNe pratItAnekarAjadattAM saMcIntana" pari 27 pAlana" "tapuSyAnukIrtanaparihArArtyaca vartayAmaH saMkalpAbhiyoga" parA 21 28 [kramopajitA (ya) saMma (mA nAnA prApayAmaH Nca tatkAla prabhaviSNugauravA 1 Road apUrvvadacyA. The box-head of is not complete. 173 - * The_Chammak_plates read cAturvaidyagrAmamayyAdAn (m) and the Dadis plates cAtuvvaidyagrAmamaryAdAparihArArtyan (m). The Poona plates have cAturvidyAgracAraparihArAm. * Read vitarAmastadyathA. * Road cakaradAyI. * Road abhaTacchAtrapravezya: The reading in the present plates. is however found in all the Vakataka plates discovered so far. ' Road capuSpacaurasandoha Read fi as in the Chammak and Dudia plates. Only the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta read kinva in place of klinna. The Siwani and Riddhapur plates read klinea. An unpublished copper-plate found at Ramtek reads alavayaktiptI krecikhanaka. 16 The subscript is not completely engraved. 10 The subscript va is not completely engraved. 17 Read amiMya. * The visarga is not complete. 10 Read kenacidRvyAghAtaH. 11 Read sarvvakriyAbhi-. The engraver has not completed the subscript va Again, he first wrote ka and afterwards changed it into kri. 13 The box-head of ya is not completely engraved. 18 Read paribAdhAM kuyyAt. 14 Read kArayeddA. 18 The Chammak, Riddhapur and Dadis plates road dharmAdarakaraNe. The Siwani plates read dharmAdhikaraNe. 10 Road atautAnekarAjadattasaMcintana 20 Read paripAlanaM. 11 The engraver first wrote ka and then thought of changing it into kri. 21 Read kIrttayAma: * Road saMkalpAbhiyogaparAkramIpanitAn. The Riddhapur plates road saMkalpAdhiyogaparAkramopazitAn and the Dudis plates saMkalpAbhizodhaparAkramopajitAn. Other Vakataka plates have nothing corresponding to this. M Road eSyatkAla'. The Siwani plates have eSyantatkAla'. The Dudis plates read as in the pressnt text.

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174 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VoL.XXII. Fourth Plate. 29 bha(ka)viSyAnvijJApayAmaH [*] vyAsagItacApa moka pramANIkartavyaH [*] svadattAmpara30 dattAbA(mbA) yI reta vasundharA [*]gavAnma sshmskh| insuriti duTika' taM / 31 sAvamare bayovIye / mAdhavAsapace hAdazyA' / jAtrA 32 svayaM rAjAdhivatana cami( vamidAsena likhita"miti / . The seal. 1 vAkATakalalAmasya / 2 (ka)maprAptaciyazriyam [1] rAja] pravarasenasya / / 4 zAsanaM riyuzAsanam" [] TRANSLATION. The Plates. (Lines 1-13.) Seen. From the place Narattaiga-vari. By the order of the illustrions Maharaja Pravarasena (II) of the Vakatakas who was born of Prabhavati gupta, the daughter of the illustrious Mgharajadhiraja Davagupta and who is the son of the illustrious Maharaja Rudrasena(II) of the Vakatakas,whosognized an abundance of progpority by the grace of the Divine (Lord) Chakrapani (Vishnu) (and) who was the son of the illustrious Maharaja Prithi vishapa (T) of the Valles, what was intensely devoted to the god) Mabekyan, whole was endowed with truthfulness, straightforwardness, compassion, heroism, valour, political wisdom, modesty, high-mindedness, intelligence, devotion to (worthy persons), and with the state of being a righteous conqueror, purity of mind and such other good qualities, whole had sons and grandBons and continuous supply of treasude and my whioh had been accumulating for hundred years, who conducted himself like Yudhishthird and who was the son of the illustrious Maha IRead vasuzvarAma * Road abo mata. * Thia sign of punotuation is superfiuoum. * Read dukhatam * Rend saMbahAra. * Read yoviMza * This sign of punctuation is superfluous. * Regd AdazAma * Read khayaM.. 10 Rond . The muading may bn Raguddhikrita-Nauamidhadna. Thin offialo apparently identical with Sendpaki Namidass of the Dudia plate-Ed.) 1 Rond viviteti / WRead nRpaviya:1 This sign of punctuation is superfluous. "Metro-Amahfudin. "I..,Rudraaknail. WI.e, Prithivahitpat.. 19 %. Kantilig Arthaastra (corond ed. by Shana Stey), p. 382

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No. 27.] TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II. 175 taja Rudrasena (I) of the Vakatakas, who was the son of Gautamiputra, who was intensely devoted to the god) Svami-Mahabhairava, who was the daughter's son of the illustrious Maharaja Bhavanaga of the Bharasivas whose royal family was created by Siva who was greatly pleased by their) carrying the linga of Siva like a load placed on (their) shoulder and who were besprinkled on their head with the pure water of the (river) Bhagirathi (Ganges) that had been acquired by their prowess, and whol was the son of the son of the illustrious Maharaja Pravarasena (I) of the Vaka takas, the Samrat (Emperor) who performed Agnishtoma, Aptoryyama, Ukthya, Shodasin, Atiratra, Vajapeya, Brihaspatisava, Sadyaskra and four Asvamedhas and who was of the Vishnu vriddha-gotra. (Lines 13-14)-Our officials of noble birth, who are employed by the order of the General Superintendent and who exercise their authority by (our) command, (our) soldiers and umbrella-bearers in the western division (aparapatta) of the district) Bennakata should be directed by the following command which is already well-known to them (Lines 15-19)-Be it known to you that in order to increase our religious merit, life, power and prosperity, to secure our well-being in this world and the next and also to augment the religious merit of (our) mother, the village named Kosambakhanda which lies to the west of Jamali, to the north of Varddhamanaka, to the east of Mrigasima and to the south of Mallakapedhaka is bestowed here with (a libation of water as a grant not previously made upon Varunaryya of the Atharvaveda and the Harkkari-gotra, who has (mastered) the three Vedas and is a resident of Chaddha(? Chamdra)pura. (Lines 19-26)-And we granto the following exemptions from restrictions as (are) "customary and (are) incident to a village belonging to Brahmins proficient in the four Vidyas, (as) approved by former kings, riz. (it is) not to pay taxes; (it is) not to be entered by soldiers and umbrellabearers; (it does) not'entitle (the State) to the customary cows and bulls;' (it does) not (also entitle it) to (the royalties on) flowers and milking, to pasturage, hides and charcoal, to the purchase and digging of salt and fermenting drugs; (it is) to be exempt from forced labour; (it carries) with it the right to hidden treasures and deposits, to major and minor taxes (klipta and upaklipta); (it 11.e., Rudras na I. This is how all previous editors and historians have taken these expressions. The construction in that one seems to be faulty; for Gautamiputrasya should have been placed aftor Pravarantasya sinoh and the word putranya following Gautamiputrasya should have been dropped. Again the epithet atyantasvami-Mahabhairava-bhaktasya should have followed dauhitrasya. (See the position of atyanta-mahestarasya below.) As the expressions stand, they seem to qualify Gautamiputrasya. But in that case the successor of Pravarasena I. would be his great-grandson as Gautamiputra did not evidently come to the throne. (Note the absence of the expression Vakafakanam-maharajasya in his case.) Besides, there is no reason why the name of Pravansna's son should bave been omitted: This Sarvidhyaksha seems to be the same as Rajyadhikrita mentioned at the end of this record. * Lit. who move about, etc. I have followed Fleet in the translation of chhatras but they seem to correspond to the charas in later records and may be a class of irregalar soldiers. See above, text, p. 172, note 20. . Lit. cenfer. 7 The right to demand the first calf of a cow is perhaps referred to here. The next three expressions exempt the grantee from certain taxes in kind which were paid to the State. Cf. Manusmriti, Adhyaya VII, . 130-132. There is no reason why these rights should be reserved for the villagers against the grante as supposed by Fleet (0.1. I., Vol. III, p. 242, ft. note 1). * Kutilya Arthajastra (second ed. by Shama Sastry, P: 60) gives klipta in the sense of fixed assessment. The expresastot klipta and spakjupta correspond to the worms bhaga and bhoga which occur in the almost contemporary records of the kings of Barsbhaputs and sudranga and uparikara in those of later kings (cf. AltekarThe Rashtraktas and their Times, pp. 213-216). Klipta may therefore be taken to mean land tax and upallipta to 80 me petty taxes in kind.

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176 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. is) to be enjoyed as long as the sun and the moon (will endure); (it is) to follow the guccession of sons and son's sons. None should cause an obstruction while (the donee or his successor) is enjoying it. (This grant) should be protected and increased by all means. And whosoever, disregarding our command, shall himself cause or make others cause the slightest obstruction, upon him, when complained against by the Brahmanas, we will inflict punishment and fine. (Lines 26-29)- In showing thus (our) regard for religion we, in order to avoid mention of the meritorious deeds already done, do not refer to our care and protection of the grants of many past kings; (but) we issue this order to the kings of) the present who have been vanquished by our resolve, attack, (or) valour and make this request to the kings of the future out of regard for such as will be in power in times to come. (Lines 29-32)--And the following verse sung by Vyasa is to be regarded as an authority on this point :-Whosoever shall confiscate land that has been given by himself or another, incurs the sin of the slayer of a hundred thousand cows. On the twelfth day of the dark fortnight of the month) Magha, this order is written by the Chief Minister Chamidasa himself. The Seal. This is the enemy-chastizing command of King Pravarasena, the ornament of the Vakatakas, who has attained royal fortune by inheritance. No. 28.-TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES. BY PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D. LITT., BENARES. The accompanying copper plates, which are being published here for the first time, are two of the exhibits in the State Museum at Bhor, capital of Bhor State in Poona district. Nothing definite is known about their find-spots. But since the village granted in both the charters can be identified with a village about six miles to the east of Bhor, it is very likely that they may have been found not far from that town. Meherban Srimant Babasaheb Pantsachiv, Rajasaheb of Bhor, very kindly handed over the plates to me for being published in the Epigraphia Indica. BHOR STATE MUSEUM PLATES OF DHARAVARSHA DHRUVARAJA; SAKA 702. The plates are three in number. The size of each plate is 8-7" by 4.9", thickness being about 12". The edges have been raised into rims in order to protect the characters engraved. At the centre of the left side of each plate, about 3" from the edge, there is a circular ring hole, about .7" in diameter, but the ring, which once held these plates together, has been lost along with the seal that had soldered its ends. The weight of the plates is 190 tolas. The inscription is written on the inner sides of the first and third plates and on both the sides of the second. On the outer side of the first plate there are seven or eight letters scribbled at & Here three types of feudatories seem to have been referred to, viz., (1) those who submitted to Pravarasena when they came to know of his resolve to vanquish them; (2) those who submitted on being attacked and finally (3) such as had been conquered by valour. [See p. 174, n. 10.-Ed.]

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No. 28.) TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES. 177 much later period, resembling Marathi characters of the 15th century. These are divided into two lines; the first of these seems to contain the word sasanapatram and the second one dhapunya. It is clear that a subsequent owner of the plates has engraved these letters to enlighten his successors as to the contents of the document. The mason has evenly distributed the contents of the record over the four sides at his disposal, each side having about 15 or 16 lines. The average number of letters per line is about 39. The plates are in a fair state of preservation. The surface of the record is slightly damaged in a few places on the third plate, but the entire record is perfectly legible in the original. The engraving of individual letters is fairly good and rarely slipshod. The charter, however, was not revised and there are numerous examples of inadvertent omissions ; cf. tata for latana (1. 19), -sankhodaksham for-samkshobha-daksham (1. 20), gme for jagme and vinda-raja for Govinda-raja (1. 24), Malasadayah for Malavesadayah (1. 29), etc. Even wrongly repeated letters or words are not crossed out; cf. -karakata for-karata (1. 7), -parachya-parachya for .parachya (1. 31), etc. The characters of the plates are Nagari and are similar to those found in the Talegaon plates of the donor's father and the Paithan plates of his son. The record contains no numerical figures ; the stop t occurs a few times (e.g., in lines 13, 56, 58, etc.), and is indicated by the normal form of the letter ta with a short horizontal line under it. The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. There are, however, a number of sandhi mistakes like bhupafuchi- for bhupas=suchi. (1.2), degt=sreyo for "ch-chhreyo (1. 61). The formal part of the record is in prose, the rest of it is in poetry with the exception of the opening letter om. With respect to orthography, the following points may be noted. V is written throughout for b. In a conjunct of which r is the first member the second member is usually, but not invariably, doubled. A nasal is preferably indicated by an anusvara even when followed by a dental; even m at the end of the verse or half-verse is usually indicated by an anusvara. The genealogical verges in this charter are already known to us from other copper plates of the dynasty. The genealogy commences with Govinda I, his father Indra Prichchhakaraja and grandfather Dantivarman, who figure in some other records, being passed over. As the charter was issued by Dhruva, a cousin of Dantidurga, within 25 years of the death of the latter, it naturally does not omit Dantidurga's name from the genealogy as is done in some other records. Some of the later records of the dynasty omit the name of Dantidurga and ascribe the overthrow of the Chalukyas to Krishna I. The present charter, which is issued by a son of Krishna I. himself, gives to Dantidurga alone the credit of overthrowing the Chalukyas. Probably neither of these statements is entirely correct. It is more probable that Kpishna I. merely completed the work of his brilliant nephew Dantidurga. Documents like the Radhanpur plates of Govinda III, which omitted the name of Dantidurga probably because he was a collateral, had no option but to ascribe the entire credit of the defeat of the Chalukyas to Krishna I. The real fact, however, was that the major portion of the work of annihilating the Chalukya prestige and power was done by Dantidurga ; his uncle Ksishna merely completed what his nephew had left unfinished. The charter describes the specific exploits of Dantidurga in the usual way, but in the case of Krishna 1. the description of his bravery is general, the overthrow of Rahappa being the only 1 Ante, Vol. XIII, pp. 275 ff. Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 105 ff. * E.g. Dabavatara cave insoription, A. 8. W. I., Vol. V, p. 87; Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I, ante, Vol. XVIII, pp. 235 ff. * E.g. Kapadwanj grant of Krishna II, ante, Vol. I, pp. 52 ff.; Bagumri plates of Indra III., ante, Vol. IX, Pp. 24 ff. * Wani-Dindori and Radhanpur plates of Govinda III, Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, pp. 157 f., ante, Vol. VI, pp. 242 ff.; Kapadwanj plates of Krishna II, eto.

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178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. specific feat mentioned. Rahappa was apparently a powerful ruler, for we are told that Ktishna could assume the imperial title only after defeating him. It is a great pity that we should still be unable to identify this potentate.1 Vv. 21 and 22 of this charter, describing the war between the grantor and his elder brother Govinda II, occur only in one other charter, viz., the Paithan plates of Govinda III. Some important defects in the readings of v. 22 as given in that charter can be corrected with the help of the present grant. Dr. Kielhorn had restored with some hesitation the 2nd and 3rd padas of this verse as follows: [bhraJour-dastta)-rane vijitya ta[ra]sa paschattato bhuya[tah (bhuyasah ?) prachy odichya-fpJarachya-pasya* (paran=vyapasya ?) cha lasat-Pali-dhvajair-[bhu]shitam The last word in the second pada of this verse in our charter is thupate, which has to be corrected into bhupatin.. Obviously bhupatin and neither bkuyatah nor bhuyasah is the word intended by the poet. The line so read now shows that Dhruva first defeated his brother and then attacked his allies afterwards. Our charter further shows that the real reading of the third line is intended to be prachy-odichya-parachya-yamya-vilasat-Palidhvajair-bhushitam. To judge from his emendation and translation, Kielhorn seems to have been inclined to construe the opening words of this line with the kings defeated by Dhruva. It is however clear from the above reading that the compound describes the Palidhvaja. Dr. Pathak has pointed out on the authority of the Adi-Purana of Jinasena that the Palidhvaja consisted of four groups of 1,080 flags with particular signs arranged in the four quarters of the army. It can therefore be very fittingly described as glittering in the north and south and east and west as l. 3 of the present verse does in our charter. When did the revolution take place which put Dhruva on the throne ? This question cannot be answered very confidently as yet. So long the earliest reference to the war between the two brothers was found in the Daulatabad plates of Sankaragana, issued in 793 A.D. So we could only say that the war took place sometime before 793 A.D. and after 772 A.D., the latest known date for Ktishna I.? The present charter, issued early in January 781 A.D., now contains the earliest reference to this war. So we can conclude that the war was over by the end of 780 A.D. when Dhruva had succeeded in establishing himself firmly on the throne. 1 For possible conjectures on this point see Altekar, The Raslutrabugas and their l'imes, p. 43. ? Ante, Vol. III, pp. 105 ff. Kiclhorn's reading pasya is not justified by his own facsimile, which shows clearly that the correct reading in that plate also is yamya. The way in which the letters mya in nibamya and sya in tasy=atmajo are written in 1. 6 of the Paithan plates will make it clear that we have to read yamya and not pasya there also. [This correction is not necessary. The correct reading of this pada in the Paithan Plates is chaturddantarane......bhupatch and the same reading is intended in the present grant also. The context shows that the term chaturddanta which occurs also in the inscriptions of Vishnukundin rulers and in the Khamkhed Plates of Pratapabila (above, p. 95) has been used in the sense of chaturanga-sena. I cannot trace the word in this sense in Sanskrit lexicons but Mr. N. L. Rao draws my attention to its use in this sense in the Kanarese Pampa-Bharata, a work of A.D. 941 by Pampa (Ch. XI, prose following verses 36 and 57), and Pampa Ramayana, a Jaina work of about 1100 A.D. by Nagachandra alias Abhinava Pampa (see Chs. IX, verse 12 and XIII, v. 06) and also in the following verse from an unpublished Kanarese inscription in the Bijapur Museum Atana rdjya-frige wiketanai-ene tanna bhuja.balar maritra.bufar chiturdda mta-bafaris vikhyatige Bhayila-champanafrayanadam il. This verse may then be translated as follows: When the Vallabha (i.e.. Govinda II) did not make peace through conciliatory measures then, the great and mighty lord (mahend vibhut, i.e., Dhruva) forthwith defeated him in a battle in which the army consisted of the four divisions and thereafter, obtained the entire sovereignty of the king, decorated with the emblems of Palidhvajas glittering in the east, north, west and the south. This interpretation would show that there is no referenoe to the defeat of the allies of Govinda II. in this verbe as Prof. Altekar thinks.-Ed.] $ Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 104. * Arte, Vol. IX, pp. 1956. *Supplied by the Bhandak plates, ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 121 .

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No. 28.] How much earlier he had ascended the throne is a question, the answer of which is beset with difficulties. The Pimpari plates of Dhruva, issued in 775 A.D., mention Dhruva as the reigning emperor, but in the Dhulia plates; issued in December 779 A.D., we find Govinda II described as the reigning emperor, and a son of Dhruva making a land grant apparently with the authority of Govinda II. Can we get over the resulting chronological discrepancy by holding that the Dhulia plates are spurious? Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has recently drawn attention to one very important circumstance tending to show almost conclusively that the Dhulia plates are spurious. He points out that the composer of the Dhulia plates of Govinda II was well acquainted with the two verses beginning with Tasy-anujah sri-Dhruvarajanama and Jate yatra cha Rashtrakuta-tilake, which describe Dhruva as the imperial ruler. He further points out that these verses could have been composed by the court panegyrist only when Dhruvaraja had become king. How could these verses', says he, which must have been composed during the reign of Dhruvaraja alone, find a place in the Dhulia grant which refers itself to the reign of his predecessor?' 6 TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES. 179 Under normal circumstances, this argument would have been quite decisive to prove that the Dhulia plates are spurious. But there are certain special circumstances which materially affect its cogency. From the Deoli and Karhad plates of Krishna III, we know that sensual pleasures made Govindaraja careless of the kingdom and that entrusting fully the universal sovereignty to his younger brother Nirupama, he allowed his position as sovereign to become loose. It is clear from this that while Dhruva was ostensibly governing the kingdom as regent for his elder brother, he was secretly trying to strengthen his position as the de facto sovereign. One of the steps to be taken for this purpose would be to issue land grants in his own name as the reigning emperor, ignoring his elder brother altogether. The issue of the Pimpari plates was a result of this policy of gradual and surrepticious usurpation. Since Dhruva was the de facto sovereign administering the kingdom for his brother, it is quite possible that not only the two verses beginning with Tasy-anujah and Jate yatra, but all the verses in the Pimpari plates describing the greatness of Dhruva as the emperor, could well have been composed by the court panegyrists of his faction as early as 775 A.D., when Govinda was only a sleeping emperor, facilitating the kingdom to slip into the hands of his brother, whom he had appointed regent. Verse 11 of the Daulatabad plates states that Dhruva took over the administration entrusted to a stranger by his brother and assumed the royal authority in order that sovereignty may not deviate from the family. It would appear that Govinda soon saw through the game of Dhruva when inter alia he began to issue charters like the Pimpari plates in his own name. He removed him from the headship of the administration and entrusted it to some one else, who did not belong to the Imperial family. For a time Govinda seems to have asserted himself, and v. 21 of our charter shows that Dhruva thought it prudent to follow a policy of conciliation for some time. Apparently he offered outward submission and he and his son were confirmed as local governors. The Dhulia plates were issued by a son of Dhruva in 779 A.D. at a time when he thought it prudent not to openly flout the authority of his brother. Hence they mention Govinda as the reigning emperor, but at the same time contain a verse in eulogy of Dhruva. Though outwardly at peace, the brothers were heading to an inevitable, war. From the Daulatabad plates (v. 11) we find that owing to his licentious habits Govinda's administration deteriorated and his feudatories rebelled against him. This offered a golden opportunity to Dhruva to rebel openly against his brother, ostensibly for the purpose, not of getting the throne for himself, 1 Ante, Vol. X, pp. 81 ff. Ante, Vol. VIII, pp. 182 ff. Above, pp. 102 f. I am indebted to Prof. Bhandarkar for kindly placing at my disposal a copy of the first proof of his paper. Ante, Vol. V, p. 193, v. 10; Vol. IV, p. 282, v. 11.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. but of retaining the empire for the family. Govinda made an alliance with the kings of Malava, Kanchi, Vengi and Gangavadi. Dhruva was however a skilful general; 1. 2 of v. 22 of our charter shows that he first defeated Govinda before the latter could get help from his allies and then attacked and drove them out. The decisive battles of this war were very probably fought in the year 780 A.D. In 779 A.D. Dhruva was still recognising the sovereignty of Govinda as the Dhulia plates show. Before the beginning of January 781 A.D. he had defeated both his brother and the latter's allies as the present charter shows.1 180 We have seen already how the occurrence of the verse Tasy-anujah in the Dhulia charter is not sufficient to pronounce it as spurious. It is no doubt carelessly written, but that circumstance alone is not sufficient to call it spurious, as pointed out by the late R. B. Venkayya, the then editor of the Epigraphia Indica. It is further to be noted that Makarasamkranti did take place on the 10th tithi of the bright half of Pausha of Saka Samvat 701 expired, as the Dhulia charter asserts. Forged grants are rarely correct in the astronomisal details of their dates. Further, if the donee of the Dhulia plates had set out to get a forged charter, investing him with the ownership of the village Rakkhula, he would naturally have seen to it that the donor mentioned was a well-known king like Dhruva or Govinda III rather than an obscure prince like Karkka Pratapa sila, who never ascended the throne. As it is, we do not know the name of this son of Dhruva from any other source. If we assume that the Dhulia plates are spurious and that Dhruva had ousted his brother as early as 775 A.D. (when the Pimpari plates were issued), the reign of Govinda will be of not more than three years. Nay, it may be even shorter, for his father Krishna I may well have ruled for some months after June 772 A.D., when the Bhandak plates were issued. Now during this short period of three years we shall have to assume that: 1. Krishna I ruled for some weeks or months, and then died. 2. Govinda II ascended the throne peacefully and himself governed for some time, during which period he defeated a king named Parijata and relieved (or perhaps devastated) the city or province of Govardhana (Daulatabad plates, v. 10). 3. He then appointed Dhruva as his regent who soon began to intrigue secretly against his brother (Karhad plates, v. 10). 4. Govinda then detected his brother's ambition and removed him from the headship of the administration, entrusting it to a stranger (Daulatabad plates, v. 11). 5. Dhruva then submitted for some time to his brother, seeking to win him over by peace ful means (vv. 21-2 of this charter). 6. Govinda spurned aside these overtures and formed a confederacy with the kings of Vengi, Kanchi, Malava, and Gangavadi. [But see p. 178, n. 4.-Ed.] Ante, Vol. X, p. 82, n. 1. Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 183, n. 2. [The dates given in spurious records need not always be incorrect. But there are other considerations for declaring a record spurious (see Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, pp. 202 f.). In the case of the Dhulia plates, there is, first of all, the chronological difficulty; secondly, the name of the donor, viz., Karka Pratapasile referred to as the son of Dhruva has not yet been verified from any other source; thirdly, the characters of the plates are indifferently formed and at least a few of them have forms which we find in the records of a later period. For example, the letters ja, tha, ba, etc., do not resemble those found in the grants of Dhruva or even Govinda III while they are similar to those occurring in the records of Amoghavarsha (Sanjan plates, above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 243 ff.) or Krishna III. (Deoli plates, above, Vol. V, pp. 192 ff.). All these points taken together with those already mentioned by Pathak and Bhandarkar, give rise to a suspicion about the genuineness of the Dhulia plates in spite of the argumente adduced by Prof. Altekar in favour of their genuineness.-Ed.] Above, Vol. IX, p. 194 and note 1.

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No. 28.] TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES. 181 7. The two brothers then openly fought with each other, and Dhruva got the throne after defeating his brother (vv. 21-2 of the present charter). I think that three years is too short a period for these events to take place. And yet we shall have to suppose that they did take place during that short period if we are to assume that the Dhulia plates are spurious, and that Dhruva was already a full-fledged king, when the Pimpari plates were issued in 775 A.D. I have alredy shown how there is yet no satisfactory evidence to show that the Dhulia plates are spurious. We shall have therefore to conclude that (1) the Pimpari plates were issued by Dhruva when he was only a de facto and not a de jure emperor; (2) that he was later removed from the headship of administration when Govinda detected his treachery ; (3) that he then tried to win over his brother by conciliation, Dhulia plates being issued at a time when he thought it impolitic to openly flout the authority of his brother; (4) that no amicable settlement could be arrived at between the two brothers; and Govinda formed a confederacy against his brother which the latter defeated completely during the year 780 A.D.; (5) that Dhruva became a de jure emperor only towards the close of 780 A.D., our present charter being the first one known so far, to be issued by him as a de jure emperor. The donee of this charter is Vasudevabhatta who was the son of Durgabhatta, and was famous for his proficiency in the interpretation of the Vedas and Vidangas (sarg-opamga-ved-arthatatva-vidushe). The present charter would show that Karhada, which is the same as Karad in Satara district, was a centre of scholarship where Vedic exegesis was also given attention to. Karad was undoubtedly a famous centre of education in the Rashtrakuta period, for we find many of the donees of Rashtrakuta grants hailing from that town. This, for instance, is the case with the donees of the Samangad plates of Dantidurga," the present grant of Dhruva and the Sanjan charter of Amoghavarsha I. The village granted to Vasudevabhatta by this charter was Laghuvinga, bounded on the north, east, south and west by the Nira river, Brimala town, Layana-giri and Brihad-Vinga respectively. Laghu-Vinga is further stated to be situated in Srimala-vishaya. Srimala is obviously the same as Shirval, a large village in Bhor state, about 32 miles from Poona on the Poona-Satara road. Laghu-Vinga village seems to be either the same or a portion of the village Vinga; about 3 miles to the west of Shirva!. From the information kindly supplied to me by the Bhor government, and by Mr. R. S. Phadnis of Bhor, I find that Virga is bounded on the north, east, south and west by the Nira river, Shirval village, Nenadi hill and Vadagaon respectively. The northern and eastern boundaries of Vinga are identical with those of LaghuVinga; Nenadi hill also is clearly the same as Layana-giri, the present name being the vernacular form of Layanadri. The eastern slope of Nenadi bill has several caves of the Buddhist type, majority, however, being now in a dilapidated condition. One of them still possesses a stupa, about 12 feet in height. The caves are obviously earlier than our charter and were clearly the cause of the name which the bill bore in the 8th century. To the west of modern Vinga is the village Vadagaon. It is quite possible that this Vadagaon is BrihadVinga of our charter. The derivation of the name Vadagaon, a popular village name in Maharashtra, from the presence of a Vata tree in the village, is due to popular etymology. It would appear that Btihad-Viuga in course of time came to be known simply as Brihad-grama in contradistinction to Laghu-Vinga and was later changed into Vadagaon. 1 [The events occurring during this period have also been discussed by Prof. Bhandarkar where he has given different explanation (see above, pp. 103 f.). -Ed.) Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, pp. 111 ff. . Ante, Vol. XVIII, pp. 236 ff.

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182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. TEXT. [Metres : Anushtubh, vv. 1,26-7,29,313; Vasantatilakd, vv.2,3,5,6,8,9,15%; Upajati, vv.4, 19%3B Giti, v. 7; Sardulavikridita, vv. 10, 17, 20, 21, 22; Arya, vv. 11-14, 23, 25; Sragdhara, vv. 16, 18%B Indravajri, 24, 28, 30%3; Pushpitagra, v. 32.] . First Plate. 1 oN [*] sa vIvyAdhasA dhAma yaM(yan)nAbhikamala kvata (tam) [] harava yasya kA(kA)teMdukalayA kamalaMkRtaM(tam) [1 // *] pAsauddhi(hiSa2 tittimiramudyatamaNDalAyo (dhvastiM nayana(yaba)bhimukho raNayabageSu [*] bhUpa (paza)cirvivarivAsta(pta)digatakIti3 oviMdarAja rati rAjasu rAjasiMgha(la.) [ 2] dRSTA camUna(ma)bhimukhI subhahATa(TAha)hAsAmunA(vA)mitaM sapadi yena raNe. 4 Su nityaM [*] daSTAdharaNa dadhatA bhukuTiM lalATe khaGgaM kulaJca dayaJca nijaca tha(sa)tva(ttvam) [ 3 // "] khaGgaM karAyA(grA)nmukhata6 ca zobhA mAno manastasa(ma)mameva yasya [*] mahAhave nAma niyamya sadyakhayaM ripUNAM vimala tyakANr3e [4 // *] ta. 6 syAtmano jagati vizrutadIrghakIrtirAtatihAriharivikrama[dhAma"]dhArI [*] bhUpastri viSTapakatA(nRpA)tuvati(tiH) kRta7 jaH zrIkarkarAja rati gotramaNirva(ba)bhUva / [ 10] tasyo(sya) prArmina(prabhitra)ka kaTa(varaTa)ca(cutadAni(na)daMtidaMtaprahArakadhi8 roli(likhitNy(taas)potthH|] mApa[:] citau kSapitazacurabhUta(ttanUjaH sadrASTrakUTa kanakAha (di)riveMdrarANa[n *] 9 tasyopArjitamahasastanayazcataradadhivalayamAsindhA: / "] bhoktA bhuvaH zatakratusadRzaH zrauda(da) 10 tidurgarAjIbhUt // *] kAcIzakaralanarAdhipacora(la)pADavoharSavaghaTavibheda vidhAmadaca(cam) [*] karNATakaM pa(ba)lamacityama11 yaman manye)bhU(bha)tye(tye:) kiyavirapi yaH sahasA jigAyaH(ya) [ // // bhA(ca)bhUvibhaMgamagahItanizAtazastra (na)matrAMtamapratika12 sAntramapaitayana(bama) [*] yo vasa(ja)meM tha(sa)padi daNDa[*] lena jitvA rAjA dhirAjaya[*]mekharatAmabApa [e ] pA setIbipulo 1 The anusvara mark being shallow has not come out in the ink impression * There is a natural depression here on the plate surface which looks like an amudra mark. * There is a natural depression after ka which looks like a ra. * The anu sira over is shifted to the right of the letter owing to its proper space being taken by the letter far above it.

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Bhor MUSEUM COPPER PLATES OF DHRUVA DHARAVARSHA. 22, 1c att ki iPTa /rera TAla (akAdA 26 mAmalaTavilAsaraturayAKiER 2 TEXTERNETitle yasa narahara gujarAta 4465/ctZlAlabaradAlana ( 4 4 5..5.24 kAThe( 81 Ta ( ra./345151(JhAyaraparala A/ECKOLKAR CARRC mahArArAma POETECXI381/hakarUpayAdavaladAyarala sapaTalabATa hAlekAra haTA REPEAct le kara laya yasare dala ra tilakAmA 10 kridara 28OKCAR ARC(mahApura Telara (dAle gahirAivara RTRENT 12 rsdlaasreblbilaallaaryaamdh| TETTEXTENANTERramahalakattAbATa TAhara rahe( mana kA dAyarATa iid. 16 KOSECSEXEN/yAsaha gujA 34(((lATAnavapulara(puraprayAga HI(CARIESTHETIRAA TE TUTILEEKlAlamahAlAta 18 (( KETER:AEROLKDeTehatara prasAra UCKyaya (TET/ ha radAyAda 5. TA . (tadAtariyArU rAmadarasA ETC(TO(kAlarUpahAra yasaraQUERMEHTET/ hAdara karA 62/ 2A GA, vira (NSETTER( TARA ( rIvAlaya/radAyAcA laharaha24 8 rerAra rahalapahala rahatA hAtamA 26 hararara X(((saradara kalavAraharaTAyara tyarAja AVCSAXCOM/EC(mukhamAlArA 3/83bhAtasAra 5CENDEPE (2liyAralatAnIta sahasrA / " AX reyAnamtaraharamamAra (((8/czERRACE samAcAra sarisTacararata 30 ra, yaEi JARONTITNAra yAcavathaAT REK HER4011406 (rAtatvaharaharaTATA 32 N. P. Chakravarti, REG. No. 3384 E'35.-425. SCALE : THREE-QUARTERS, SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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2ab. 342( KEERUT laharAcayA ra ma jAna gACEART 2 Itractors/4/siDhi mahilasilAmabalakAra 13/ EXA rahiHipAda parArArAramaharahadA REWISEmaramasalaTekcaracarAhara JRATECTETITarakarETmatAka rAyamarUpAlAmArAsa VISIGENZANITAra rakamakaradArA 38 ENJ rasida kIrata mahilA ra bAraha tapuri rAhAramA dupayara pAyAta cavadAra ra dukhamaya raha SAMARRICKla (ACKGANA yatakAni purIlapaTa (AICTECEmara para di.((( pAnamasAlayamA yasa mapalalita Satre(A(haradinalAzatatArapAyara/ bhAvita ra. vAhAri ra unacade: TEAC pahacalI yasya (ku( malIpurama karA devara curo| taya 68 ra Xirg (cisA yAdava ke pratyArAlA iii. hddarkar LATAKlayA INCREAZAM/rapadApara TiThaharayArapaTAcatAmaha la(( ( Saxenna/KETrAmamadina Aance(purucakaraNArA 52 pa ni contrvserayala TexhalTAmadAra (ha Ma(marAlilAvalabharA TA- ma rahatAAMERA rahe AdrriesTEET (TENT, hira bali(ANT(RE/ sAtAmATara (sasTama NEE LERFACE rAta rahAra, US sAmA JiARAT AARTICE ra nikitA 60iKIRTAIK virATadAradAraharakhAla pAsa 60 , EX RA (laTlanyAsa rulAnayi duzahAla RABARA Tana yuriyArakAsAcA 62 parA ra dure mArata

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No. 28.] TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES. 13 palAvalilasa[jJo*]lormimAlAnalAdAprAleyakalaMkitAmalazilAjAlAttuSArAcalAt [[*] pUrvApa 14 svArazipulamA (na) prAMta prasidhA (DA) vadheryeneyaM jagati (to) kha (kha) vikramava (ba) lene kAlapatraka (ar) [ // 10 // * ] tasmiMdi (smindi) 15 vaM prayAte vallabharAje cataprajAvA (bA)dhaH [*] zrIkarkarAjasUnurgrahIpatiH kRSNarAjobhUt / [ 11 // *] yasya Second Plate; First Side. 16 svabhujaparAkrama nize (zze SocchA (sA) ditAridikcakka ' [*] kRSNa svakaSNaM caritaM zR (zrI) kRSNarAjasya // [ 12 // *] zubhatuMgatuMgaturagapra 17 reNu (NU) I (dhvaM )rudhdha (ca) ravikiradhAM (Nam ) [ 1*] grauthepi nabhI nikhilaM lAyate spaSTaM(STam ) // [ 13 // * ] dInAnAthapraNayiSu yatheSTaceSTaM sa 18 mIhitamajazra (sram) [*] tatkSaNama kAlavarSa (rSe) varSati sarvvArtinirvvaparNa ( Nam ) [ // 14 // *] rAhampamAtmabhujajAtava (ba) lAvalepamAjI viji 183 19 tya nizitAzri (si) latAmaha (hA ) hai rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratAM tatA [na 20 prazTa (sva) tara cicayai: (ye) rbhAsamAnaM [ bha* ] dakSaM (cam ) [ 1*] zauryaM 21 gga [1] pAliDa ( dhva ) jAvalizubhAmacireNa yo hi // 15 // * ] krodhAdutkhAtakha tAdAjAdu(bu) hRta (tta) vairiprakaTagajaghaTATopasaco tyaktA (cA) riva bhayacakita [va*]pu [:* ] kApi dRTraiva sadya (yo) dapadhmAtA ricakracaya karamagamadyasya dordaNDa (rU) paM (pam ) [ // 16 // * | pAtA yazcatu 22 raM [bu* ] rAzirazanAlaMkArabhAjo vyAjyapUjAdage(raH) [1*] 23 tAM yosau yU ( zri ) yo vallabho (ram) [ // 17 // *] yena 24 karavrAtatApAtsalIlaM [ja* ]gme sa zrI [go* ]viMdarAjo jitajaga 25 dahitastreNa vaidhavya hetuH (tu) stasyAsI [t *] sUnurekaH prAhaGkA bhuvaH straiya (vastrayyA) cApi kRtA (ta) hijAmaraguruH (ba) prAdAtA mAnabhRdagraNIrguNava bhotuM svargaphalAni bhUritapasA sthAnaM jagAmAmarazvetAtapatraprahata ravi nAzI (so) radhUlodhavalitazirasA vrajJabhAkhyaH sadAjA // (1) kSaNaraNadalitArAtimA (ma) tebhakuMbha: [ 18" ] tasyAnuja [: *] zrIbhuva 26 rAjanAmA mahAnubhAvo prahatapratApa [: 1"] prasAdhitAzeSa nareMdracakraM (kraH) krameNa vA (bA)lAvapU (pu) ( ) bhUSa [ // 18 // * ] jA (jA) te yatra ca rASTrakUTati 27 ke sapacUDAmaNI gurvI tuSTirathAkhilasya jagataH sukhAmini pratyahaM (m) [14] (sa) tyamiti prasA(zA) mati sa sa ( sa ) The anusudra mark being shallow has not come out in the ink impression.

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184 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXI. 28 ti mAmAsa(sa)mudrAMtikAmAsIdha(Da)manapare guNAmRtanidhau satyavratAdhiSTi(SThi)te [ // 20 // *] zrIkAJcIpatigAMgave(3)gikayutA 29 ye mAnna ve"]zAdayaH prAjyAnAnayati sa tAM(tAna) kSitibhRto yaH prAtirAjyAna ti(pi) [*] mANikyAbharaNAmi manicayaM 30 yasya prapadyopari (kha) yena prati taM tathApi na kRtaM cetonyathA mAta (ram) [21 // *] sAmAdyairapi vallabho na hi yadA [dhi*] vya31 dhAtaM ttadA(taM tadA) cA(bhrA)tuIta(tta)raNe vijitya tarasA pazcAta(tta)to bhUpa te (tIna) [*] prAcyodIcaparAcyaparAcya vAmyavilla (la) satpAlidhvajai32 bhaSitaM ciUryaH paramezvaratvamakhilaM labhe mahentI (ndro) vibhuH [ // 22 // 1) samadhara karanikaranibhaM yasya yazaH surana Second Plate ; Second Side. 33 gAgrasAnustha[H / "] parigIyatenuraktavidyAdharasuMdaroni*]Sa hai[: // 23 // *] dRSTonvahaM yorthijanAya sabai sarvasvamAnaMditava(ba)34 dhuvarga[: / "] prAdAbaruSTo harati sma vega(gAt) prANA[*] yamasyAvi(pi) nitAMtavirya (dIryaH) [ // 24 // *] tenedamamilavidyuca(ca)Jcalamava35 lokya jIvitamasAra(ram) [1] kSitidAnaparamapuNyaM pravartito vra(ba)pradAyoyaM (yam) [ // 25 // *] sa ca paramabhaTTArakamahA36 rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraparamabhaTTArakarImada(da)prakAlavarSadevapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTAraka37 mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarIdhArAvarSazrIdhruvarAjanAma[*] yonirupamadeva[:*] kuzalI sarjA neva ya38 thA[saM*]va(ba)dhyamAnaka(kAna) rASTrapativiSayapatigrAmakUTAyuktAkA(ka)niyuktAkAdhikArika mahattarAdI[*] samA39 dizatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA zrInaurAnadausaMgamasamAvAsitena mayA mAtApitrI rAtmana caihikA40 musmi(bhi)kapuNyayazobhivadha(ca)ye karahADavAstavyatacAtuvidyasAmAnyagArgasagotrava(ba) 1 The reading in the Paithan plates of Govinda III is ufu. * The reading in the Paithap plates of Govinda III is a: The present reading is the better one. [Bat Bee above, p. 178, n.4.-Ed.] parAcya is wrongly repeated. The reading of this letter is doubtful. The conjunct letter looks like it in the original. The Paithap plates reading is a t. [The correct reading in both the grants seems to be mahend.-Ed.) Ansvara mark has not come out here in the ink impression. Subscript is only partly visiblo. The hole of the ring has out ita lower portion.

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No. 28.] TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES. 185 41 baca(ca)saba(ba)pracAriNe dugga(ga)bhaTapuSAya sAMgopAMgavedArthatatvaviduSe vAsudevabhaTTA42 ya zrImAlaviSayAMtargatalaghuvi(vi)ganAmA prAmaH tasya cAghA(Ta)nAni [*] pUrvataH zrImAlapatana(ttana) ha43 kSiNata(to) layaNagiri[:"] pacimataH (vR)haDiMgakapAmaH uttarataH naurA nAma nadI [*] evamayaM caturAdhA44 TanopalacitI grAma[:*] sodga[:.] sa(sI)parI(ri)karasa(sa)daNDadamAparAdhasa(sa)bhU topA(tavA)tapratyAyasI(mo)tpadyamA45 naviSTika[:"] sadhAnyahira (ra)nyA(sthA)deyo pa(yos)cATabhaTapravezyaH sarvarAjakIyAnAmA staprakSepaNI48 ya pAcaMdrAvidhitisaritparvatasamakAlIna[:] pU(pu)capauSAnvayakramIpabhogya(gyaH) pUrvaprattade47 vavA(ba)pradAyarahitobhyaMtarasidhyA(khyA) bhUmicchidranyAyana sakapakAlAtItasaMvamarasa(ma)48 teSu saptama varSahayAdhikeSu sihAtha(rtha)nAni saMvatsara mAghasitarathasaptamyAM ma Third Plate. 49 hAparvaNi va(ba)licasvaizvadevAgnihocAtithipaJcamahAyajayo marpaNA() khAvAyo dakAtisargeNa 50 pratipAdito(taH) [i] yatosyo 'ucitayA bra(ba)pradAyasthityA bhujato bhojayata[:"] vaSataH karSayataH pratidizatI vA na ke51 cidalyApi paripaMthanA kAryA [*] tathAgAmibhadrapatibhiramaura(ra)nyairvA khA(mA) mAnyaM bhUmidAnaphala52 mavetya vidyulo(so)lAnyanityaizvaryANi 'vaNAyalamnajalavi(bi)ducaccataca jIvitamAkala ya(yya) khadAyani53 vizeSIyamasmadA(hA)yonumaMtavyaH pratipAla (layitavyaya [] yAtrAnatimirapaTalA tamatirAthi(cchi)dyA54 dAcchidyamAna' vAnumodeta sa paJcabhimahApAtakaisI(yo)papAtakeca saMyukta[:"] sthA[*] ityuktaca bhagava 1 A natural depression on the plate surface here looks like an ansudra. .Anusvara, though clear on the plate has not come out in the impression. Read kriyI.. * This is superfluous after the prooeding sandhi. This letter looks like a, but it is due to the slipping of the instrument to the right of a. .The letter is damaged. ' is damaged. 'Read svaaditi| utaca.

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186 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA, [VOL. XXII. . 55 tA vedavyAsana [1] yaSTi ksahayA(sA)pi svarne tiDati bhUmidaH / cAcchetA(tA) cAnumaMtA ca tAnyai(nye)va nara56 rake vaset [ // 26 // *] viMdhyATavIkha(va)toyAma zuSkakoTaravAsinaH / *] kRSNAhayo hi jAyate bhUmidAnaM e. 57 raMti ye [ // 27 // *] agnerapatyaM prathama suvaNaM' bhUi~SNavI sUryasutAca gAvaH [1] lokatrayaM tena bhave58 dhi(chi) dattaM yaH kAJcanaM gAca mahinIva dadyAt // 28*] ba(ba)ibhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH smraadibhiH|"] vastra va59 sya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phala(lam) [ // 28 // *] bAnIha datA(ttA)ni vaza maradAnAni dharmArthayabasvArANi [*] mirga60 lyavAMtaprati[mAni*] tAni ko nAma sAdhu[*] punarAdadIta [ // 30 // vadatA(ttAM). paradattA kA ghanAdraca paravipa [{"] [mahI*] mahI61 matA(tA) ceSTha dAmAkhecchayopariNA(dhama) [1] iti kamaladalAbu(mbu) vi(bi)dulIlA (vi)yamanuci(ci)tya manuSyajIvi62 taJca [*] prativimala[ma*]nIbhirAmanaunarNa(na) hi puruSa parakIrtayo vilopyA: [ // 32 // *] zrInAga63 [pa]rANakadUtakaM likhitaM zrIgauDasutena zrIsAva(ma)tena // B THE BHOR STATE MUSEUM PLATES OF KHAMBHA II ; SAKA 4001. The plates are three in number. The serial number of each plate in the set is engraved near the ring hole, a little away from the lines of the main record. The size of the plates, which is fairly viniform, is 7.8" X 4.2" and the thickness about 1". The edges have not been raised into rims. The plates were originally strung together by means of a ring passing through holes, about 5" in diameter, perforated at the centre of the left side, about 5" from the edge. The ends of the ring are soldered together by means of a seal which is bell-shaped, being l' in height and 1.2" in diameter. On the seal is superimposed the figure of a lion in the round crudely executed. The seal bears no inscription. At a subsequent unknown date the ring had been cut, but the seal and soldering are still intact. The weight of the plates along with the seal and the ring is 122 tolas ; the weight of the plates alone is 100 tolas. The inscription is engraved on the inner side of the first and the last plates and on both the sides of the second. The engraving is throughout by the same hand. Each side has 11 lines of writing with the exception of the first side of the second plate, which has only 10. The last lines of the second side of the second plate and of the third plate are only about half of the normal length. The first line of the record has 33 letters including the four numerals%3; probably, discovering by computation that the space at his disposal permitted a greater spacing of letters, the mason went on gradually reducing the number of letters per line; from 1. 9 onwards we have on an average 1 This is uperfluous.

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No. 28.) TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES. 187 only 22 letters per line. The last full line has however 31 letters; this was obviously done with & view to avoid the use of the outer side of the third plate. The plates are in a fair state of preservation and the engraving of individual letters is fairly good. Only in a few cases can we detect carelessness, as for instance, in the case of dha in panchapradhanah, 1. 15, tin kil-asit, l. 17 and the omission of two letters in v. 4. The characters are Devanagari. Only a few letters like i, e, na, da, dha, and tri, differ from modern characters. The following palaeographical points deserve notice: (1) Prishthamatras occur in the case of medial ai and au; cf. paurnamasyam 1. 2, vairi l. 4, Tailappa 11. 19, 20, etc. In the case of medial e, the prishthamatra occurs only in a few cases; cf. tela 1. 9, yena l. 21, Khambhena l. 27; in the majority of cases a slanting line to the left going upwards is used to denote it. (2) The form of n in etasmin l. 11 is obviously due to the slipping of the instrument. (3) The medial u is denoted by a loop open to the right, which is very much similar to the loop used to denote the medial ri; cf. sunuh 1. 20, purvam l. 26, with nripa l. 1 and vriddhi 1. 6. (4) The plates show two forms of ha; the unusual cursive one is to be seen certainly in simha l. 15, and possibly in vaha () 1. 8. The numerical figures for 1 and 0 occur in the record itself and those of 1, 2, and 3 on its margin. The following points deserve mention in connection with the orthography: (1) V is written throughout for 6. (2) Sa is throughout written for &. This is the case even in conjunct letters like sva (11. 3, 5, etc.), the only exceptions among the conjuncts being the letters sri (11. 14, 16) and scha (1. 4). (3) In a conjunct of which r is the first member the second letter is doubled only in a few cases; cf. paurnnadeg 1.2, -varggah 1. 21, sarvvan 1. 41. A nasal is preferably denoted by an anusvara including even m at the end of a verse or half-verse; the cases where it is denoted by the nasal of the class of the following letter, as in martandar and gandan 1.4, Virga 11. 6 and 7, are few. (5) There are no punctuation marks at the end of prose sentences except in one case where we have two vertical strokes (1. 15). (6) Verses are not numbered and their punctuation is very irregular. All such irregularities have been noticed in footnotes, added to the text. The language of the record is Sanskrit. Prakrit terms are however used in ll. 8 and 9 where taxes are enumerated. Case-endings of the names of ministers and their epithets are also in Prakrit, cf. mamalu, parabalu, pradhanu, 1. 13 and amatyu, 1. 14. The rules of sandhi have often been ignored especially in the portion having Prakrit endings. In the metrical portion the language is fairly correct, but not a single line of the prose portion is without syntactical anomalies. It is clear that the draftsman did not at all know how to write correct Sanskrit. The opening clause giving the date is awkward in construction and ungrammatical. In the sentence following, the writer intended apparently to have at the beginning a clause in the locative absolute like Khambhadeva-rajye abhivardhamane; but he wrongly put all the adjectives of Khambha-deva in the accusa. tive case, perhaps under the wrong notion that these were meant to qualify rajyam in l. 6. The next sentence (ul. 7-10) is indeed unique in having neither the subject nor the predicate. Then follows a long sentence (11. 11-15) giving the names of the five ministers of the donor. Here we have such a plethora of epithets used in connection with these dignitaries that it becomes very difficult to discover the real names of the five ministers. In the concluding portion of the charter the word governed by dattam has no case-ending at all. Most of these mistakes are apparently the mistakes of the draftsman and not of the engraver. The form of this charter is rather unique and calls for notice. Usually the copper-plates first give the genealogy of the donor, then mention his name along with the names of his officers, then describe the doneo and the object granted, and end by quoting the imprecatory verses. In this charter after the mention of the date, we have the description of the donor followed by the

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188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. description of the grant. Then come the names of the five ministers of the donor followed by his own genealogy. Then come imprecatory verses, and at the fag-end of the charter we have the donees' names added like an after-thought. The date of the charter is given at the beginning both in words and numerals. It was issued in the Saka year 1001 (elapsed), named Siddhartha, on the full-moon day of the month of Jyeshtha which fell on a Saturday. The corresponding date according to the Christian era is Saturday the 18th of May 1079. The donor of the present charter is so far unknown to us from any other record or reference. He belonged to a feudatory Chalukya family, ruling at Srivalaya or modern Shirval, a large village in Bhor state, about 32 miles from Poona on the Poona-Satara road. The name of this ruler was Khambha, that of his father Tailappa, and of his grandfather Khambha again. It is clear that the family was ruling at Shirval for three generations only. No specific exploit is attributed to any of the members of this family in the genealogical description, which, as usual, speaks of their defeating the enemies, breaking the temples of elephants in the enemy phalanx, and winning fame pervading the three worlds. These rulers do not seem to have been of any consequence in the politics of the age. They were probably relatives of the Imperial Chalukya family ruling at Kalyani and were allowed to hold the territory round Shirval in the feudatory capacity. The name of the donor's father Tailappa and his surname Chalukya would support this conjecture. Ll. 11-15 give the names of the five ministers who were holding office when the grant was given in 1079 A.D. The plethora of epithets here renders the task of giving their personal names rather difficult; but probably they were Kumara Jesingha, the prime minister, Chachu the Samanta or the revenue minister, Kontali Thakura the Amatya or the counsellor, Somanathaiya, the minister to the Queen Siriyadevi (i.e., Sridevi), daughter of King Munja, and Laiadaranayaka, the minister to Queen Mahaladevi.! It would appear that the Queens Sridevi and Mahaladevi were taking active part in the administration of the little kingdom of Shirval. It may be pointed out that this was quite in consonance with the tradition of the Chalukya family to which the donor belonged. We have several other instances of Chalukya kings entrusting important administrative offices to their queens. Thus Akkadevi, the elder sister of Jayasimha III was the governor of Kingukad seventy at least from 1022 to 1053 A.D.Maijaladevi, one of the queens of Somesvara I. was holding the important post of the governor of Banavasi twelve-thousand in 1054 A.D. Lakshmadevi," the favourite queen of Vikramaditya VI, held several important posts in the administration including the governorship of the capital.. Queen Siriyadevi is described as Munjeya-maharani. The expression Munjega would suggest that she belonged to Munja town or country, or was the daughter of king Munja. The latter seems to have been the case. The Tidgundi inscription of Vikramaditya VI, dated 1082 A.D., refers to a Sinda feudatory of his, named Munja, ruling in the vicinity of Bijapur He was thus a 1 [Paricha-pradhana here, I think, should not be taken in the literal sense of the term. Probably it has been used in the context in the general sense of & 'royal council.' In this case the names and offices of the members constituting the council may have been follows: (1) Jesingha or Jayasinha, the chief minister, (2) Jekhambha or Jayastambba, & sahani, (3) Chachu, also a sahani, (4) Kotali or Kontali, the samanta, (5) Mamalu, a thakura, (6) Amaiya, the parabala (commander of the army), (7) Siddhamu, the minister, (8) Munjeya, the pradhana, (9) Somanathaiya, the minister of the chief queen Siriyadevi or Sridevi and (10) Valaiya (*), the chief dandanayaka and attached to the queen Mahaladevi.-Ed.] Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part i, p. 435. * Ibid., p. 440. . Ibid., p. 448. Ante, Vol. III, pp. 308 ff.

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No. 28.) TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES. 189 contemporary of Khambha II, the grantor of this charter. The latter could therefore well have married a daughter of the former. The village granted in this charter is Vinga which is described as a maha-sthana or holy place. This is clearly the same village which was given 300 years before by Dhruva Dharavarsha to Vasudevabhatta, a learned Brahmana of Karad, as we know from the charter A above. Line 27 shows that king Khambha only renewed the grant. Verse 5 naively observes that the village Vinga had been given to Brahmanas as early as the time of Rama. We may presume from this that since the time of Dhruva the village was not resumed by any of the succeeding rulers and figured as a brahmadeya village on the revenue records of successive governments. Though the village continued to be a brahmadeya village, its ownership did not remain in the family of Vasudevabhatta, the original donee. Curiously enough the names of the donees do not occur at all in that portion of the grant which describes the donation. The mistake is rectified by adding a postscript to the inscription which comes at the end of the imprecatory verses. The syntax of this important sentence is not free from doubt. It reads as follows: Sri-Kumbhadevabhafta-Gangala-duvera(deva)-pramukha-Vinga-mahasthana-sarvanamasya-sasanan Khambha-rajena dattam. It is clear that we have to emend pramukha into pramukhebhyah and that Kumbhadeva and Gangaladeva received the charter as the leading personages among the donees. In other words, they did not receive the grant for themselves, but as representatives obviously of the Brahmana community of Vinga. Virga is described in the record as a maha-sthana or holy place and seems to have been the seat of a learned Brahmana settlement. King Khambha therefore might have granted the charter to the whole Brahmana settlement of the place. What then about the rights of the descendants of Vasudevabhatta ? The village Vinga is situated about 70 miles from Karid and one has to pass through the difficult Khandala pass before one can reach it from the Karad side. In the old days when communications were rather difficult, Vasudevabhatta and his descendants must have found it difficult to manage their Vinga property from Karad. They may have, therefore, sold it to the Brahmana community of Vinga, who in turn may have induced the government of the day to make it tax-free. The present charter transfers to the donees the village revenues along with the right to receive some customary perquisites probably from the village artisans. The precise nature of the latter cannot be made out owing to the difficulty of interpreting the terms used for the purpose in ll. 8 and 9. TEXT. [Metres :-Indravajra, v. 5, 6; Sardulavikridita, v. 4; Anushtubh, vv. 9, 10; Salini, v, 12; U pajati, vv. 1, 2, 3, 11 ; Rathoddhata, vv. 7, 8.) First Plate. i o afer [1] (u) CHATTE vaatfu pool kiemafe hArthasaMvatma[lf my interpretation (see p. 188 n. 1.) is correct, Munjeys would only be the name of the pradhana and would have no connection with the queen Siriyadevi and consequently with the Sinda chief Munja of Bijapur.-Ed.) (As the inscription does not give any particulars of the donees it is difficult to come to any such conclusion definitely. It may not be impossible that they belonged to the family of Vasudevabhatta, the original donee, and there being a change in the ruling dynasty Khambha renewed the charter to them. Or this may be a trwah charter issued by the king to people not connected with the family of Visudevabbatta for reasons not known. -Ed.] From the original plates. * Expressed by a symbol. * The construction of the sentence should have been zrIzakatRpakAlAtIta ekIttarasahale.

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190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 2 rAMtargatajyeSThapaurNamAsyAM sa(za)nidine padye(ye)tasminkAle samadhigamapa(pa)3 camahAsa(zabda(bda)mahAmaNDalekha(kha) "sirivalayapuravarAdhIkha(kha)raM cAlu4 kyakulakamalamArtaNDaM vairidalagaNDaM dharmAvatAraM pu()ricaMdraga5 NAvatAraM samastarAjAvalIvirAjamAnamahAmaNDaleva(kha)rIkhaM. 6 bhadevarAjavijayarAjyamuttarIttarAbhidhipravaImAne vi7 mahAsthAnaM hastIdakapu(pU)rvakaM samastadaMNDadoSa8 sahitaM parthArthasaMva(ba)ce(I) sarvavAhavArasuryutape9 varilapuralatela(lA) dimAgalI(li)kakArukadeNe eva10 mAdisamasa pAcaMdrArkapratipAlanIya [*] aguMthitapurthi rA1 jada (M)naM [*] etasmin kAle kumAjesiMgha' amAtyakesari Second Plate ; First Side. 12 sAhaNIjekhaMbhasAhaNIcAcusAmaMtta(ta)kota liThAkuramA13 maluparava(ca)lupAmayasamAtyasicamupradhAnumuMjayamahArA14 au(jau)IsiriyAdevya(vyA) amAtya somanAthaiyA rANImahalAheba(devyA) 15 laiyAdaranAyakasiMha ete paMcapradhAnA: // cAlukyavasa(2) vi16 tate pRthivyAM khabbA(bA)huvIryArjitarAjasa(za)vda:(bda:) (1) dese(ze) purA zrI. 17 valayAbhidhAne khaMbhAbhidhAnI nRpatiH kilAsIta(ta) [ // 1 // *] 18 pariMdamaH pAlayitA prajAnAM dharmeNa sAkSAdiva dha19 rmarAjaH / guNaiH prajAraMjanatatparobhUtailapya20 rAjaH kila tasya putraH / / 2 // *] tailappasUnuH punareva khaMbhaH 21 pratApasaMtApitasa(za)travarga: [*] panakaso(sI) yena raNe ripu(pU) Second Plate ; Second Side. 98 NAmAnartitAnIha kava(ba)ndhakAni [ *] mu(mUlapAstamanasvinIjanama 1 For the syntax of this sentence see the introduction. * There is a depression on the plate surface here which looks like an anusvira. * The constituent words in this big compound are difficult to separate or interpret. .There is sudden break here. The expression should have been samastaparihArIpetaM. * Here should have come a verb like dadAti. *Read akaMThitapaNya. In this sentence, sandhi rules have been disregarded. * What looks here like an anusvara over is really a natural depression on the surface of the plate. [The reading is dandanayaka-ainha. The preceding portion should probably be corrected as devya Valaiya seep. 186 n.l-Ed.] 1. There is a superfluous vertical line after the letter dha.

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No. 28.] TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES. 191 23 na: kaMdarpadarpasphuratteja:puMjagiyINita'jagadIpaprabhAmaNDa24 saH / sanAkhaM(kha)NDitavairipAraNavaTAkuMbhasyamuktAphAla: kI25 AkrAMtajagatra(ca)yo vijayate khaMbhaH citaukatriyaH [ 4 // "] rAmAdi28 dasa kisa pUrvamAsIkSidi mahAsAnamidaM hijAmA(nAm) ) 27 khaMbhena rAjA ta punarnamaya dattaM kRtaM sA(mA)sanameSa28 musA / / 5*] pamatkule yo bhavitA narendraH puSpairasUtrana29 thitaiH sa dRSTaH / matsA(cchA)savAdisyamidaM bhavahirvAca(ccha) vadha30 meM pratipAlayeti / [4] panyadattamathavA svayaM taM (bAdAa yamiha yastu pAlayet / pAmavaMsa(sa)makhilaM samudaraki(kIrtimAni32 ha paratra pArthivaH / / 7 // ] Third Plate. 33 dharma eSa nRpateH sanAtanI yaprasAdhyaH khalu vairima (lam) [*] pA34 sayatyakhilamAlamaNDala (ba)pradAyasahitaM narekha(kha) [ ] svada36 sAM paradatto vA thI hareta vasuMdha(dha)ro(rAma) [1] paSThi(STi) varSasahasrANi 38 viSThAyAM jAyate lamiH [neu] ba(bahubhirvasudhA bhattA rAjanyaH sagarA37 dibhiH [1] yasya yasya yadA bhUmiH tasya tasya tadA phala(lam) [...] nisa38 mA doSaM haraNe mahAtaM guNaM ca mUmairanupAlane' tu / 39 dattaM narendraH pratipAlanIyaM se(the)bo hi dAnAdanupAlana tu [11] sA40 mAnyIyaM dharmatata(1)pANAM kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH *] 41 sarvAnetAnbhAgi(vino bhUmipAlAnbhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmabha42 : 1 ] baukuMbha*]devamahagaMgaladubairapramukha vinamahAsthAnasarvanamasyasA(mA)sa43 naM khaMbharAjena dattaM(ttama) [.] maGgalaM mahAvIH [*] 1 Road jitAkhila* Read a farcitettfa: (Reading is correctly Khambhah kshitau kshatriyad.--Ed.) There is a ruperfluous vertical line after da. 'Road bhUmisa-- * Road nizamya. * Read mahAntaM. The medial stroke is engraved in the wrong direction. * Read deva()pramuzkhebhyaH

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192 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. No. 29.-MALA PLATES OF VIRASIMHADEVA: V. S. 1343. By R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER. These two copper-plates, briefly noticed in the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year 1914-15 (p. 3, item 11), and now preserved in the Rajputana Museum, were found at a place called Mala about three miles from the village Baroda in the Dungarpur State in Rajputana. Each plate is engraved on one side only and has two ring holes. The first plate measuring 107" x 101" contains twenty-one lines of writing, while the second measuring 101" x 97" has eighteen. The characters are Nagari of the fourteenth century A.D. The peculiar form of tta in svadattam, 1. 20, and -pradutta, 1. 24, may be noticed. The letters sam in samsare (1. 18) and sva in svargga (1. 20) are not fully engraved. The language is Sanskrit, and excepting the benedictory and imprecatory verses in 11. 13-23, the whole composition is in prose. The names of the witnesses are in vernacular (11. 28-36). Some desi words are to be found in the record; for instance, pachhe vadaka (1. 11) meaning the back portion of a house; araharta, 1. 27 (Skt. araghata); nadu, 1. 27 (a small pond), bhathi, 1. 28 (a kiln), phalihaka, 1. 37, also called phala, phalsa, phalia meaning an entrance or gate and guyada, 1. 38, (a compound or courtyard). As regards orthography, consonants following a superscript sre sometimes doubled as in -hartta (1. 17), sarvvada (1. 25); etc., u and are not distinguished except perhaps in chiba (1. 34); & is used for 8 in sahasrena (1. 16) and -sahafrani (1. 21) and vice versd in sudhyati (1. 17), nischalah (1. 18); sh occurs in place of kh in Vaisasha (1. 1), Moshala (1. 28), lishitan (1. 39), etc., apparently due to the influence of the vernacular; anusvara is used for nasals in Ganga- (1. 6), chanumata (1. 15), etc., and also at the end of padas; risarga is omitted in lines 11, 17, 21, 26, 37, etc., while sandhi is not observed in lines 6, 12, 14, etc. Other mistakes are pointed out in the transcript and the footnotes. The inscription refers itself to the reign of Maharajakula (Maharaval) Sri-Virasimhadeva of Vatapadraka in Vagada. The charter is dated Sunday, the 15th day of the dark halt of Vaisakha of the Samvatyear 1343 corresponding to the 13th April, 1287 A.D. It records (11. 2-12) that Maharajakula Virasimhadeva granted one and a half halas. of land and a house with enclosures of land in its front and back at the village Mala in the district Katija (mod. Katiyor) to a Brahmana named Talha son of Vayaja of the Bharadvaja-gotra for the spiritual welfare of Maharajakula Dovapaladeva. The description of the gift is given in lines 26-28, after which the names of the witnesses are recorded (11. 28-36). The name of the Sutradhara is given as Bhisana in l. 35. Lines 36-38 mention the boundaries of the house. The last two lines record the name of the Dutaka as Sunaladevi and that of the writer as Vikama (Vikrama) who is said to have acted under the verbal orders of the Panchasri Vavana. Visala is spoken of as one, on whose authority the names of the witnesses were recorded. As regards the persons mentioned in the inscription, Virasimhadeva evidently belonged to the Guhila family of Dungarpur. He was fifth in succession from Samantasimha, the founder 1 This samvat is 'qafe. 2 In some parts of Mewar, one hala of land was reckoned to be equivalent to several bighas of land. The practice of granting lands to Brahmans on the occasion of Sraddha (death anniversary) ceremony of forefathers was not uncommon among the rulers in old days. See the Paramara Yalvarman's grant dated Samvat 1192 in Id, A., Vol. XIX, p. 348,

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No. 29. ] MALA PLATES OF VIRASIMHADEVA: V. S. 1343. 193 of the State and his earliest and latest known dates are Samvat 13431 and Samvat 1359(A.D. 1286 and 1302). He was thus a contemporary of Raval Samarasimha of Mewar, whose known dates range between Samvat 1330 and 1358 (A.D. 1273-1301). Maharaval Devapaladeva (also known as Deda or Dedu) was the immediate predecessor of Virasimhadeva. As to the places mentioned, Vagada was the old name of the modern Dungarpur State. Vatapadraka (now called Bapoda) remained the capital of Vagada up to the period of Dungarasimha (the grandson of Virasimhadeva) in whose time the capital was transferred to Dungarpur 80 called after his name. The date of the inscription weakens the contention of Colonel Tod, Major Erskine and other writers holding that the foundation of the Dungarpur State was laid by Mahapa or Rahapa of Sisoda. According to the Kumbhalgarh inscription', dated Samvat 1517, Lakshmanasimha, a ruler of Sisoda, fought in the battle of Chitor in 1303 A.D., and was thus the contemporary of Raval Ratnasimha of Mewar and probably of his father Samarasimha also as Ratnasimha ruled only for a year. Virasim hadeva of this record, we know, was a contemporary of Samarasimha. He must, therefore, have been a contemporary of Lakshmanasimha also. Now, Virasimhadeva was fifth in successten from Samantasimha (the real founder of the State), while Lakshmanasimha was eleventh from Mahapa or Rahapa. It is, therefore, highly improbable that Mahapa, who goes as far back as eleven generations from Lakshmanasimha, should have founded the State. That it was Samantasimha of Mewar who laid the foundation of the present Dungarpur State is supported not only by the Mount Abuo and the Kumbhalgarh inscriptions but also by the account of Muhnot Nainsilo, the well-known historian of Marwar. TEXT.11 First Plate. i ottan a 1982 to 113 d (C) "pu turer T1642468 AT[C]2 bakulabIvi(vI)rasiMhadevakalyANavijayarAjye taviyuktapaMcavIvA 1 His parliest inscription is the present record, dated V.8. 1343. * This date is found in an unpublished inscription from Baroda; cf. saMvat 1358 varSe pASADhadi 15 vAgaDavaTapadrake mahArAjakulabIvIrasiMhadavakalyAcavijayarAjye . . . . . . mAhavasutajyautivAcAditya(vyA)stha(ya) maMgahaDayAmaM udakena pradana / His first and last inscriptions are dated V.8. 1330 and V.8. 1358 respectively. Vide, Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. XXI, p. 143 and Ind. Ant., Vol. LIII, p. 11, note 1. * Gazetteer of the Dungarpur State by Major K. D. Erskine, Statistical table No. XXI. * Tod's Rajasthan (ed. W. Crooke), Vol. I, p. 304. * Gazetteer of the Dungarpur State, pp. 131-32. * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 279. 8 Tod's Rajasthan (ed. W. Crooke), Vol. I, p. 304, note 3. * Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 349. 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. LIII, p. 102. Cf. alao Muhnot Nainsi's Khyata, p. 19. 1 From impressions. Expressed by a symbol. The stroke is redundant. 14 stands for face the dark fortnight of a lunar month'so that is the 15th day of the dark half of the month, i.e., amatasya. On Sunday the tithi was fourteenth, but it lasted only for fifteen ghatis after which the tithi fifteenth, i.e., amavasyd fell, during which period the grant was made and the ceremony performed by Maharaval Virasimhadeva. Among the Hindus it is generally the practice to perform Sraddha ceremony after 12 noon.

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194 3 vaNarA khetalaprabhRtipaMcakulapratipattau / " zAsanapatramabhilikhya 4 te yathA // ihaiva puNyAMbhasi [nA]tvA nalinIdalagatajalalavatarala EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 5 taraM jIvitamAkalayya mahArAjakula [ zrI] vi (vI) ra siMhadevena dhautazkheta 6 vAsasI (sau) paridhAya bhagavaMtaM bhavAnIpatiM I[va] raM paramayA bhaktyA gaMgAditI 7 rthodakena saMkhApya zrIkhaMDAgurukarpUrakastUrikAdibhivi (vi) lepya jAtIva 8 kularAjacaMpakazatapatrikA hi (di) bhirvilepya yathAkRtapUjayA paramadhArmi 9 keNa bhUtvA mahArA[ja*] kulazrIdevapAladevazreyase bhAradvAjagotrAya 10 [doDI] brA (brAhma vayajAputrAya brA' (brA) tAlhAzarmaNe kataujapathake mAla11 grAme bhUmihala 1 // sAI ilaikasya bhUmi (mi: / ) gRha ( haM) 1. The stroke is redundant. * Read sAdhaka halasya. [VOL. XXII. vADaka 12 khalasahitaM etata zAsanodakapUrvaM dharmeNa saMpradattaM // ato dAnApA-' 13 hArasaMvaM[dhe] maharSipraNItAni smRtivAkyAni saMti // va (ba) hubhirvasudhA bhu 14 kA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUma tasya tasya tadA phalaM // 1 15 SapTi (TiM) (gha) va (rSa) saMhatrA (sA)Ni svarye (meM) tiSTa (STha ) ti bhUmidaH / prAcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnye 16 va narakaM vrajet // 2 taDAgAnAM sahazre (se) Na akhamedhazatena ca / gavAM ko17 TipradAnena bhUmiharttA na su (zu) ddhyati // 3 calA lakSmI' calA prANA' calaM jI - 18 vitayauvanaM / calAcale hi saMsAre dharma eko hi nisca (kha) laH // 4 bhUmiM ya: 19 pratigTahNAti yastu bhUmiM prayacchati / ubhau to puNyakarmANI hA / ' vetau 20 sva[rga ] gAminau // 5 khadattAM paradatAM vA yo haresa (ca) vasuM21 [dha]rAM / SapTi (TiM) rva (va) rSasahazrA (sA)Ni viSTA (SThA) yAM jAyate kami (miH) // [2] * Read etacchAsanI' or 'sanI'. * Road 'pahAra sambandhe. Second Plate. 22 mama vaMzacaye cINe' yonyo rAjA bhavisya (Sya ) ti [] mama 23 tasyAhaM karalagnosmi na lopyaM zAsana (nam ) // imAni maharSi24 praNItAni smRtivAkyAni zrutvA asmatprada [tta]zAsanamihAnyairapi * Read bhUmistasya. * Read lakSjhoSalA. Read prAyAcalaM. * Better read vaMze paricIye, 1 pagrevATaka pache

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No. 29.] MALA PLATES OF VIRASIMHADEVA : V. S. 1343. 195 25 bhAvibhoMki (kta bhirbhUpAlaH sarvadA pAlanIyaM kiMtu kenApi kadAci. 26 t na lopanIyaM / bhUmeLaktiH / kajajAmAgre(m) vATikAyA[:] pAnIyasahi27 tAta) catuHsImAparyaMtu' bharaiMTa' / tathA vIrUlakSetra / tAM ghaTIyAsatkanADu 28 bhAThisahitu(ta) catuHsImAparyaMta' / 'patra sAkSiH / puro moSala // jA 29 kezavAditya / vA(brA) somAdIta / rAjagu" sUdA / vaDa0 laSa (kha)mAdIta / 30 tokamA / [nA]gapuroM' vAmadhU / maha sUmaNa / maha vInaDA / maI avaNa / rAulA 31 dhAra / rAudeg dhrmdev| rAu ramaNa | rAu lApa(kha)Na / "theSThi pArasa / mAra32 Na / zreSTi mImA / sA harasANa / mAlagA14 doDauM mahaMdeg kedA / maI tAlhA [*] 33 maha jolaa| maha rAlhaNa / ma bho[vala] / maha bhImA / maha sAdA / maI 115 34 [caubA] / maha la[]paDa / DohalI vIjA [1] zrotri vAvaNa / "paMDideg vAlhA / rAI 35 bIlhaNa / rAu' ratana / "sUrya bhosaNa / bhila' [nA]Thala / bhi rAlayA / meha bhI38 maDA / meha velhA, saha pAghATa / ehasva dakSiNasyAM dizi vA(bA) pAmAra 1 Read catumjhaumAparyanta .Read gharahara. * Read caitra * From here up to the middle of the line 36 the inscription is in vernacular, Stands for gafsa, a priest. * Stands for jAnI, * performer of yajJa, from Skt bAnika. Stands for rAjaguru *Stands for vaDavA, a record keeper. * Read brA which stands for brAhyacA, Stands for mahattama. 11 An epithet generally applied to persons of royal family or Brahmanas of high class. "A term applied to merchante. "Stands for sAdhu. 16 This term is not clear to me. 15 The stroke is redundant. 26 Stands for ditent, person who receives a land from a king for his maintenanoo. Stands for zrIciya, * Stands for afegar. "Stands for sUtradhAra, ** Stands for wife, a tribe. Stands for mehavA.

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196 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 37 rart fefu ameanfare / pUrvasyAM dizi rAjamA[:] / pazcimA 35 yAM dizi guvADa TU" devyA'cInaladevi (bI) [*] paMcayoM vAyayamathena / ' 30 zAsanamidaM paMca cokamena sithi(khi) kahU bIsalayabdena vAciyaH [*] fafo(f) No. 30.-ROPI PLATES OF PARAMARA DEVARAJA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1059. BY SAHITYACHARYA PANDIT BISHESHWAR NATH REU. This grant of Devaraja is in the possession of Audichya Brahmanas of Ropsi or Ropi, a village 6 miles south-west of Bhinmal in the Jaswantpura District of Marwar. While touring in that District in 1920, I came across the grant and got it photographed for the Sardar Museum, Jodhpur. It has already been noticed by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar. The grant contains two copper-plates inscribed on one side only. The plates, as far as I remember, measure about 9"x8" and have two holes through which are passed two plain rings. The first plate contains 11 and the second 12 lines of writing. The characters of the grant are Nagari similar to those used in northern India in the tenth or eleventh century A.D. The language is Sanskrit and the clerical errors are remarkably few. The text is in prose throughout with the exception of one verse in ll. 21-23. At the end is found the signature of the donor. The orthography presents no special features. The object of the plates is to record the grant of a field situated to the south of the city-wall (kotta) of Srimala, the modern Bhinmal by the Maharajadhiraja the illustrious Devaraja residing at Srimala to one Aurakacharya, the son of Chandasivacharya and the head of the temple of Siddhesvaramahadeva at Kshamemathuna (Kshatmamathuka ?) on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. The boundaries of the land granted were as follows: to the east the land of the Brahmana Govinda, to the south the land of Vamana, the son of Durlabha, to the west the village belonging to the Mahasamanta Purnachanda and to the north the land of the Brahmana Sridhara. The date of the record is the 15th day of the bright half of Magha (Vikrama) Samvat 1059 (=1002 A.D.)." The witnesses were Matvaka the preceptor of Devaraja and Parnachanda. The grant was written by Suryaravi, the son of Nyasa. Though no mention of the clan of donor Devaraja is found in the grant, yet on the basis of the year and the place given in it, we may assume that he was a Paramara' ruler of Abu whose 1 Stands for dUtaka. ' * Omit. [Or read. Probably she was a lady of the royal family, if not one of the queens.-Ed.] * Stands for paMcolI. The stroke is redundant. Stands for T, one of the two sects of the gut tribe. See his List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 103, where he reads the year as Samvat 1069. 7 [The date is irregular. The full moon of Maghs fell on Thursday the 21st January when there was no lunar eclipse. The nearest lunar eclipse occurred on the full moon of Phalguna corresponding to Friday the 19th February. It is also not verifiable for Samvat 1059 current or Samvat 1069.-Ed.] For the history of Paramara rulers please refer to my Bharata ke Prachina Rajavamea, Vol. I, and Raja Bhoja (both in Hindi).

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No. 30. ROPI PLATES OF PARAMARA DEVARAJA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1059. second name was Mahipala and who succeeded his father Dharanivaraha, a ruler famous in the chronicle of Rajasthan. We give here a chhappaya often recited by bards in honour of Dharani varaha : maMDovara sAmaMta havo ajamera sihasrava / gaDha puMgala gama va love bhAMSa bhuSa lhapalha bharavaha bhojarAjA jAlaMdhara / jogarAja gharaghATa havo hAMsU pArakSara | navakoTi kirAr3a saMgata vira paMvArakara ghappiyA / dharaNIvarAha ghara bhAiyAM koTa bAMTa ja jUM kiyA According to this, Dharnivaraha distributed the nine provinces of Mandor, Ajmer, Pungal, Lodrava, Abu, Jalor, Dhat, Parkar and Kiradu among his nine brothers. It is also said that owing to these nine chiefships Marwar has come to be known as "Navakoti Marwar." But there is very little truth in the above chhappaya1. Devaraja's (Mahipala's) son and successor was Dhandhuka who was obliged to accept the allegiance of Solanki ( Chalukya) Kumarapala I, the ruler of Gujarat. TEXT. First Plate. 1 siddham [*] OM namaH zivAya // saMvat 1[0] 58 mA2 gha zudi 15 asyAM saMvAramAsapaJcadi 3 vasapUrvvAyAM zraura' mAlAvasthita mahArAjA 4 dhirAjazrI devarAjaH svabhujyamAnaviSaye 5 dharmadAyana kSetrazAsana (maM) prayacchati / yadi 6 va zrI 2 mAlIyakohAddaciNadigbhAge kSetraM 7 yayAghATanAni / pUrvvato govindanA (brA) - 9 tasatkA bhUsImA / 8 sallA bhUsomA / dakSiNato vAmanadumapazcimato mahAsAmantavIsaha bhUsImA / 10 pUrvacaNa [pA) bhaya 11 uttarataH zrIdharavrA (brA) praNace [ce* ]Na bhUsomA [*] 197 Second Plate. 12 evametacaturAdha (ghA) TanAbhyaMtara kSetraM " 13 asmAbhiH somagrahaNe khAtvA trilokIguruM zaMkara 1 See also Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, pp. 238 f. Expressed by a symbol. *The figure 2 is used to denote the repetition of ari. * Danda unnecessary.

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198 "EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. 14 madhyarSa mAtApitrIrAmana puskhayezobhicaya(2) 15 mart(at) e SATSigaar waar afge 16 ufri [*] (M]Tarife i tufwata 17 J........ fratern a 18 new o rfo ofrdanti TRT19 ca bhAvibhoktabhiH / patra sAkSI zrIdevarAjagurunmatvA20 : 9 He syg: 1 fafaa sifa. 21 yA nyAsamutana / yo yaH pRthivyA rAjA hi mamA 22 online waufa RTS Herna med (#1) 23 fak() # FEET[:*) teatrore No. 31-HATHI-BADA BRAHIMI INSCRIPTION AT NAGARI. BY PROF. D. R. BHANDARKAR, CALCUTTA. During the cold season of 1934-36, Dr. Niranjan Prasad Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India, was on tour in North India. In the course of that tour he visited Nagari, eight miles north of Chitorgarh in the Udaipur State, and discovered a Brahmi inscription engraved on a mas sive slab of Hathi-bada containing the same text as the celebrated inscription from the Ghosundi well. This is one of the big slabs, says Dr. Chakravarti, in the inner side of the northern wall towards the right hand corner. The slab has a big crack in the middle, and parts of it have badly peeled off. The surface is very rough, and the letters have now become quite faint. Before the stone was cleaned, practically nothing but the letter play in the first line was visible. "No traces", he adds," of a third line, if there was any, can be found now." It is impossible to congratulate sufficiently the Government Epigraphist upon this brilliant discovery. From the middle of November 1915 to the end of January 1916 I was myself at Nagari. During that period I carried on excavations at two places, one of which was Hathi-bada, about half a mile east of the village. Hathi-bada is an open rectangular enclosure 296' 10' long and 151' broad. Its walls were crowned with a coping stone, and were originally 9' 6" high. When the Mughal emperor, Akbar, came there to reduce Chitorgarh, he was encamped at Nagari and used this enclosure as his elephant-stable, on account of which it has since then been called Hathi-bada. But surely it could not have been a structure of the Muhammadan period. The high massive dressed blocks of stone piled one upon another into this structure pointed to a period very much anterior to the Muhammadan. In this connection I was revolving in my mind an inscription, referred to above, which was originally stuck up in a well at Ghosundi, about 6 miles from Nagari, but which is now deposited in the Victoria Hall at Udaipur. It is well known that most of the stones used in the Ghosundi well, as in the archaeological monuments at Chitorgash, were taken from Nagari, and looking to the massive nature of the block and the peculiar lamina Danda annecessary. * The reading seems to be Kshamematend but its meaning is not clear. [To me the reading appears to be Keka.mahuki and may men at Kahatmamathuka' where the temple of the Mahadeva Siddhodvars seems to have been situated.-Ed.] Read mad-ardhean cha or mama gore. For a full desoription of those oxoavations, soe Menoin 4. 8. I., No. 4, pp. 1174; PRAS, Wo. 1916-16. PP 53-84.

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No. 31.) HATHI-BADA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION AT NAGARI. 199 tions of the stone on which the inscription is engraved, little doubt was left in my mind as to its having originally pertained to this structure, whose stones exactly resembled it in these respects. The contents of the inscription pointed to the same inference. It speaks of the erection of a pujasila-prakara, or enclosure for worship stone, of Samkarshana and Vasudeva. This description no doubt answered to the stone enclosure represented by Hathi-bada. But some more proof was wanted to show that the place enclosed by the Hathi-bada was, as a matter of fact, dedicated to Vaishoava worship. And after a careful inspection I lighted upon a stone in one wall of the enclosure containing some characters of the seventh century A.D., which, though highly weatherworn, could be distinctly read as Sri-Vishnu-padabhyam. This clearly showed that this Hathibada was once a place for the worship of Vishnu. Nevertheless, it must be confessed that even then it was not quite certain, though highly probable, that the Ghosundi inscription originally belonged to the Hathi-bada and that this structure was really the puja- Sila-prakara of Samkarshana and Vasudeva mentioned in that record. But this matter has now been placed beyond all doubt by the find of this new inscription by Dr. Chakravarti, which, as we shall shortly see, is but another copy of the text preserved in the Ghosundi epigraph but which to this day forms part of the Hathibada itself. The service thus rendered by the Government Epigraphist to the cause of history and archaeology can scarcely be overrated. Before we treat of this record epigraphically, it is necessary to point out that there was also a third copy of this text which was for the first time recognised as such by the Government Epigraphist himself in his letter to me. During the touring season of 1915-16 when I was excavating at Nagari, I discovered a stray fragment of an inscription along with two others in the heart of the village which had been found on the boundary stone of Ghosundi and Bassi and which contained the words : [te]na Sarvatatena Asvamedha-. This has been briefly described in a monograph of mine, entitled "The Archeological Remains and Excavations at Nagari and published in Memoirs A. S.I., Vol. IV, No. 4, p. 120, where I have also made the remark that " the form of its letters corresponds exactly with that of the Ghosundi epigraph." This happened in 1915-16. Eleven years thereafter the A. S.I., An. Rep., 1926-27 (p. 205) announces the discovery of Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar H. Ojha that during the year under report he recovered two of the missing portions of the well-known Ghosundi inscription. One of these, according to this Report "supplies the words 'Sarvatatena Abramedha,' which evidently form the end of the first line of the record and enable the initial letter of its second line to be restored as ya, and the whole expression as Sarvatatena A evamedhayajina." The other fragment, continues the same Report,"containing the word sarve svarabhyam, Mr. Ojha says, is preserved in the Udayapur Museum, and supplies the missing portion of the second line of the same inscription." It thus seems that up till 1926-27 the first of these fragments continued to remain at Nagari, possibly just where I found it in 1915-16. Rai Bahadur Ojha evidently did not remember that the discovery of this fragment was first announced in the Memoir of the Archaeological Survey of India referred to above. But what is strange is that he considered the two fragments as the missing portions of the well-known Ghosundi inscription. As remarked by me in the Memoir, as just stated, the form of the letters on these fragments no doubt corresponds exactly with that of the Ghosundi epigraph. But close observation will enable one to perceive not only that the draft of the fragments is written in an entirely different hand but also that their letters are of a slightly different size from those of the Ghosundi record. This blunder was repeated by Mr. R. R. Halder in his paper on the Ghosundi inscription, which is published in the Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 203, and, the text of which he tried to restore with the help of these fragments. It must, however, be said to the credit of both these scholars that they restored in the original text the words na Sarvatatena A svamedhao to their proper place, though they failed in regard to sarve svara(bhyan

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200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. as was expected. As remarked above, there was one text of the record which was engraved in three different places in the Hathi-bada. When this structure began to fall into disrepair, one stone block containing the greater portion of one inscription was carried to and stuck up into the Ghosundi well; two small fragments of another inscription taken as far as the boundary stone between Ghosundi and Bassi; but the larger part of the third is in situ, that is, still forms part of the Hathi-bada itself, this last being now brought to light by the Government Epigraphist, as stated above. Let us now turn to the epigraphic details of each. We have observed that here we have one common text running through three different inscriptions-all, however, originally incised on the block slabs of the Hathi-bada. The best preserved of these is that found in the Ghosundi well and now removed to the Victoria Hall, Udaipur. Here not only is the greater portion of the record preserved, but its letters also remain in good condition. It was originally in three lines. The next best preserved record is that found by Dr. Chakravarti, and, though preserved in fragment, it yet remains part and parcel of the original building. It is in two lines, each containing naturally more words than those of the first record. Of this inscription practically as much has been preserved as of the first, though its letters are faint and weatherworn. Of the third record only two small fragments are so far known, as pointed out above. The first of these, which we shall call A, was first brought to the notice of the scholars by Kavi Raj Shyamal Das and transcribed in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LVI, Pt. I, pp. 77 ff., No. 1 and Pl. V. It was afterwards edited by me in Memoirs A. S. I., No. 4, p. 119, and by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal in Ep. Ind., Vol. XVI, pp. 25 ff. with the help of the estampages provided by me. The second of the three copies, which we shall call C, is being edited by me here for the first time according to the ink impression kindly supplied by the Government Epigraphist. Of the third copy, which we shall call B, only two fragments have been recovered. One of these was first noticed by me in Memoirs A. S. I., No. 4, p. 120. Both together were afterwards transcribed but erroneously considered to be part of the first copy, that is, of A by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Ojha in A. S. I., An. Rep., 1926-27, p. 205 and thereafter by Mr. B. R. Halder in Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 203. All the three copies are now being edited here with a view to see whether and how far we can restore the original text. The characters of these texts according to Buhler1 belong to an alphabet which "probably prevailed at least in the latter half of the 4th and in the 3rd century B.C." Mr. Jayaswal, however, seems to be right in observing that "the only thing that can be said with certainty is that the script is later than Asoka's time." The letters g, p, and v of our inscriptions are a clear proof of this. The top of g is not angular, and p and have not a round base as in the Asokan script. The only records with which the Hathi-bada epigraphs can be profitably compared are the inscription of Heliodorus found at Besnagar and those of Bahasatimitra at Pabhosa. And a comparison will convince us that the Hathi-bada records are perhaps slightly later than that of Besnagar, but decidedly earlier than those of Pabhosa. The top of g in the Besnagar inscription is as angular as that of Asoka's, but is almost round in the Hathi-bada inscriptions. This shows that perhaps the Besnagar record is slightly prior to those of Hathi-bada. On the other hand, the p, b, h, and I of the Pabhosa have cornered and flat bases, showing that these inscriptions are decidedly later than those of Hathi-bada. All things considered, our epigraphs may be assigned to the beginning of the first century B.C. 1 Indian Paleography (trans. by Fleet), p. 32. Above, Vol. XVI, p. 27. A. 8. I., An. Rep., 1908-09, pp. 128-29, Pl. XLVI. Above, Vol. II, pp. 242 ff and Pls.

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No. 31.) HATHI-BADA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION AT NAGARI. 201 Some other palaeographic peculiarities of the Hathi-bada inscriptions may also be noticed. In the case of the ligatures, the consonants are invariably placed below each other in their natural order somewhat unlike those of the Asoka edicts. Next, the cork-screw-liker is worthy of note, as in Asoka inscriptions. And further the superscript and subscript is also have been clearly distinguished one from the other. Thus the superscript r in Sankarshana- has been distinguished from the subscript r in -putrena and -prakaro. This is a noteworthy fact, for it is conspicuous by its absence even in Asoka's inscriptions, though the words in which both the kinds of 78 occur are by no means few. The language of our inscriptions is undoubtedly Sanskrit, and it is somewhat inexplicable why Prof. Luders called it" a mixed dialect."i Probably he based his conclusion on the transcript of Kavi Raj Shyamal Das, which is far from being scrupulously correct and which is not supported by the photo-litho that accompanies his article. The only word, that is not quite Sanskrit, is bhagavabhyam, which, however, is a mistake of the engraver or the scribe for bhagavadbhyam. Besides, bhagavabhyam, even as it stands, is & dual which is never found in a Prakrit. It must therefore be looked upon as an inaccuracy of the scribe. Such inaccuracies are not infrequent in inscriptions, about the Sanskrit language of which there can be no doubt. The Hathi-bada record is thus one of the two earliest which are couched in Sanskrit. The other epigraph in Sanskrit of this early period has been found at Ayodhya pertaining to Dhanadeva, son of Phalgudeva, a ruler of Kosala: When J. F. Fleet was living, the earliest Sanskrit inscription then known was that of the Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman engraved on the celebrated rock at Junagadh. It is dated (Saka) 72=150 A.D. And further, as the inscriptions ranging between 300 B.C. and 100 A.D. were all up till then in a sort of Pali closely allied to, and based upon, the vernacular, he and the late Prof. Rhys Davids maintained that the spoken language current up to 100 A.D. was practically Pali, and that the Sanskrit, or the bhasha for which Panini and Patanjali wrote, could not have been a vernacular during that time. On the other hand, Patanjali distinctly informs us that the language for which Panini wrote was the language of those fishtas or disciplined Brahmans who spoke it naturally and without any study of grammar.* This points to the unmistakable conclusion that up till circa 150 B.C., the time of Patanjali, the bhasha or language for which Ashtadhyayi was the grammar continued to be the actual speech of the disciplined Brahmans of Aryavarta, which was no doubt the samskrita or polished form of the vernacular. All that was now required to leave no ground at all for scepticism was the actual find of inscriptions of this period which were couched in Sanskrit. This desideratum is now furnished by our record and also that of Ayodhya just adverted to. No sceptic can possibly contend that they are not in Sanskrit, that is, in the bhasha for which Panini and Patanjali wrote or that they are not earlier than 150 A.D., the date of the Junagadh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman, Our record is also important from the religious point of view. It speaks of the erection of a puja-bila-prakara by Gajayana Sarvatata, son of a lady of the Parasara-gotra, for the gods Sarkarshana and Vasudeva. But what does & puja-sila-prakara mean! It may mean "a stone enclosure round an object of worship" to distinguish it from enclosures surrounding, e.g., residential buildings. What are called railings round Buddhist Stupas are really puja-tila-prakara though they are round and that of the Hathi-bada rectangular. A similar expression is not unknown to us from an Asoka inscription. We refer here to silavigadabhicha occurring in the Padariya or Rummindei pillar inscription. List of Brahmi Inscrs. (above Vol. X, App.), No. 96. : J. B.O. R. 8., 1924, p. 203; above, Vol. XX, p. 57. T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 151. .J.B.B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 334 ff.; R. G. Bhandarkar's Wilson Philological Lectures, pp. 295-96.

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202 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. Silavigadabhicha obviously Curresponds to the Sanskrit fila-vikata-bhittani, a huge stone enclosure wall'.1 What Asoka here wants to tell us is that he constructed this wall round the spot of Buddha's birth, which was already an object of worship and where he actually worshipped. The word vigada=vikata in this phrase, which signifies' stupendous' is noteworthy, and is no doubt significant of the huge massive blocks of which it must have been composed exactly as in the case of the Hathi-bada. Hathi-bada as a paja-eila-prakara is therefore not of an unknown character. The Hathi-bada enclosure and the railings of the Stupas thus are all puja-Sila-prakara, though they are of different shapes and are devoted to different worships. If any other instance of the puja-sila-prakara round a Vaishnava object of worship is required, it is furnished by the railing which I unearthed round the representation of Vasudeva in front of the Kham Baba during my excavations at Besnagar. Recently, however, Mr. J. C. Ghosh has suggested a new interpretation. He takes it to mean" a rampart (prakara) for the stone object of worship (paja-bila)". This puja-sila according to him is a Salagrama or a black stone from the river Gandaki which is believed to be pervaded by the presence of Vishnu and is thus a sacred stone worshipped by the Vaishnavas. "Mention of it" says he " is found in the Mahabharata, III, 8102. Amongst the varieties of them mentioned in the Puranas, we find that one variety is called Sazkarsana and another Vasudeva (Agni-Purana, XLVI)".. Now, it is perfectly true that there is one variety of Salagrama which is known as Sarkarshana and another as Vasudeva. But the real question is: to what early period is the worship of Salagrama traceable? It is, again, true that the Mahabhurata makes mention of this worship. But what is unfortunate here is that as the Mahabharata was put together in its final shape about the 6th century A.D., no statement contained in that epic can be taken with certitude as belonging to a period much prior to it. Worship of a Salagrama cannot thus be supposed to be prevalent much anterior to the 6th century A.D. and hardly ever in the 1st century B.C. to which period the Hathi-bada inscriptions have to be assigned. The phrase paja-bila-prakarah may be dissolved either as paja-bilayah prakarah, as Mr. Ghosh has done, or, as pujayah sila-prakarah as others have done before him. But as there is no clear evidence as to the Salagrama worship being in vogue as early as the 1st century B.C., it is perhaps safer to dissolve the compound word as others have done it. This agrees, as stated above, with the expression sila-vigada-bhicha, which occurs in an Asoka inscription. Of these last sila-bhicha regularly corresponds to sila-prakara of the Hathi-bada record, as also remarked above. Just as Asoka speaks of having constructed a stone enclosure wall round the place where Buddha was born, one Jataka mentions the erection of an enclosing wall (prakara) round Sambodhi, the place where Buddha attained to enlightenment. It is, therefore, no wonder if Sarvatata similarly built an enclosure wall round the place where Samkarshana and Vasudeva were worshipped. But the question arises how were Samkarshana and Vasudeva worshipped here? In the western half of the Hathi-bada I found, during my excavations there, the remains of a brick platform, which originally ran from east to west. If there was any shrine upon it, it may have been a wooden structure which has now completely disappeared. Not far from it in the western part of the wall was found by me the words sri-Vishnu-padabhyam, in characters of the 7th century A.D.. It is true that at that time Vishnu alone was worshipped. But it is worthy of note that what of him was worshipped was not an image but the footprints. And as there is absolutely no evidence of the construction of a shrine on the brick platform, it seems that even in the 1st century B.C. Sankarshana and ?D. R. Bhandarkar's Asoka, pp. 375-76. ? A. 8. I., An. Rep., 1913-14, pp. 198-99, Pls. LVI (a) and LVII. : 1. H.Q., Vol. IX, p. 796. 4 Jal., Vol. IV, p. 236; D. R. Bhandarkar's Asoka, pp. 376-77. Memoirs A. S. 1., No. 4, p. 130. * Ibid., p. 129.

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HATHIBADA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION AT NAGARI. Left half. Right half. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE: ONE-FIFTH. N. P. Chakravarti. Rea. No. 9400 E 35-425

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No. 31.) MATHI-BADA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION AT NAGARI. 203 Vasudeva were worshipped through their footprints. If this inference is correct, we may with Mr. Ghosh take the phrase puja-bila prakara to mean" an enclosure wall round the stone objeot of worship." But the prija-bila does not here represent salagrame stones as he takes it, but rather the footprints of the two brother gods carved in stone. In course of time. however, Sarkarshana lost hold of the popular imagination, and Vasudeva alone remained the obset of worship. This change of worship is noticeable even in that early period. Just as in the time of the Hathi-bada record Samkarshana and Vasudeva were both worshipped, the celebrated Nanaghat inscription of Satakarni opens with obeisance to both these divinities. On the other hand, the Besnagar pillar epigraph speaks of Vasudeva alone and styles him deva-deva, 'god of gods!! The three inscrip tions belong to a period ranging between 135 and 35 B.C. And yet at this early period we find Vasudeva eclipsing and outliving his elder brother Samkarshana in popular worship. At Bes nagar, too, Vasudeva was being worshipped when the Greek envoy Heliodorus came and erected the column. In front of the pillar the retaining walls of a high platform were unearthed, surrounded by a solid railing. On this platform, no doubt, Vasudeva must have been worshipped. But here too not a trace of shrine could be found. It is not at all unlikely that here also what of Vasudeva was worshipped was, not his image, but his footprints. Let us now place the three copies of the record side by side with a view to see what new facts are revealed to us and also to find out how far we can restore the original text. Of these the Ghosundi well text runs as follows: A. 1 ......tena Gajayanena P(a)rasariputrena Sa2 ..........[j]i[na] bhagavabhyam Sarkarshana-V[a]sudevabhya(m) ........ bhyam pujasila-prakaro Narayana-vat(i)ka. The two fragments found near the boundary between Ghosundi and Bassi may be transcribed as follows: 5 1 ........ (tr)(a)(na) Sarvatatena Ab[v]amedha...... 2 ........ sarvesvarabh(yam). The inscription engraved in the Hathi-bada which was recently found by the Government Epigraphist reads as follows: ...vatsena) (Ga]i(a)yan[e]na P(a)r(asaripu)t(re)na (Sa}(t){vata]tena Ab(vame)[dhaya). []}(in.). 2 .........(pa)-V(a)gudevabh[y]/in) anihata(bhyarh) 88/r)vle)[b]va[r](a)bh(yarh) palik Xi)l(a)-P[1]a[k]aro Nar[&]yana-vat(i)[k](a). 1 Arch. Suro. West. Ind., Vol. V, p. 60, 1. 1. 14. 8. I., An. Rep., 1908-09, p. 128, (Text A), l. 1. * Ibid., 1913-14, pp. 204-05. * For plate see above, Vol. XVI, facing p. 25 and Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, facing p. 203. * For plate see Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, facing p. 203.

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204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. If we now carefully study Inscriptions A and C, we notice that they are fragments only in so far as their initial portions are gone, that, in other words, no letter seems to have been lost at the end of any one of the lines. This is clear particularly in the case of A. There is enough or even more than enough space left after the termination of every one of its lines to show that no letters have been lost after the last letter read of these lines. Secondly, it is worthy of note that whereas A consists of three lines, C contains only two, and that as both A and C end exactly with the word Narayana-vatika, we must take it that the original text ended with that word. Thirdly, if we compare A with C, it is by no means difficult to fill up the lacunae at the beginning of lines 2 and 3 of the former inscription, especially with the help of B. Thus line 2 of A must have commenced with (rvatatena Aevamedhaya)jina, etc. Similarly line 3 of A must have begun with (anihatabhyana sarvestara)bhyan, etc. It will be seen that ines 2 and 3 of A have each lost nine letters. The inference is irresistible that the same number of letters, viz., nine, has been destroyed, preceding tena, with which line 1 commences. Now, it deserves to be noticed that whereas line 1 of A begins with tena, line 1 of C does with vat(ena). And it is not at all difficult to restore the word to (Bhaga)vateng. Six initial letters only thus remain to be accounted for. And perhaps we shall not be far wide of the mark if we tentatively fill up the lacuna with Karito-yan rajna. We may thus restore Inscription A and thereby also the original text as follows: 1 (Karito-yam rajna Bhagava)tena Gajayanens Parasariputrena Sa2 (rvatatena Abvamedha-ya)jina bhagava[de]bhyam Samkarshana-Vagudevabhyam 3 (anihatabhyam sarvesvara)bhyam pujasila-prakaro Narayana-vatika. TRANSLATION, (This) enclosing wall round the stone (object) of worship, called Narayana-vatika (Compound) for the divinities Sarkarshana-Vasudevs who are unconquered and are lords of all (has been caused to be made) by (the king) Sarvatata, a Gajayana and son of (a lady) of the Parasaragotra, who is a devotee of Bhagavat? (Vishnu) and has performed an Advamedha sacrifice. Between Parasariputrena and Sarvatatena of the Text given above Mr. Halder reads sa....na. But this is & mistake, because C clearly shows that Parasariputrena was followed immediately by Sarvatatena. The mistake has arisen, because the two fragments comprising B have been taken by him to be the integral parts of A. That this is & misconception, pure and simple, has been pointed out above. The fragment na Sarvatateng of B should thus be restored, not to sa....na Sarvatatena as he has done, but to (parasariputre) na Sarvatatena. That this restoration is the correct one may be seen from the estampage of the fragment supplied by the Government Epigraphist which has a clear trace of tr(e) immediately preceding pa, showing that this na is the ending syllable of Parasariputrena. This sa....na of Mr. Halder has been conjecturally restored by Mr. Ghosh to Susarmana, denoting & Kanva prince of that name mentioned in the Puranas. But this superstructure based on a bubble crashes with the bursting of the bubble. The king who constructed the pujatila prakara for Sarkarshana and Viaudeva was thus Gajayana Parasariputra Sarvatata. The mere matronymic Parasariputra cannot show to which caste Sarvatata belonged. But the patronymic Gajayana by its very formation indicates, as has been pointed out by Mr. Jayagwal, that he was a Brahman. It is true, as remarked by Mr. E. H. It is very difficult to say how the term Bhagavata is to be understood hero. It may mean" a devotee of Bhagavat (Vishnu)" has been translated above or "a devotee of Bhagavata (viz., of Samkarshapa and Vasudeva). IM. An, Vol. LOI, P. 203 1. H. Q., Vol. IX, p. 798.

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No. 32.] A CHOLA INSCRIPTION FROM UTTIRAMERUR. 205 Johnston that Gajayans as a patronymic is unknown. But Mr. Ghosh has correctly observed that a name similar to Gajayana is Gadayana (with its variant Godayana) occurring in the MatsyaPurana as the name of an individual gora. And it is not at all improbable to say that Gadayans is a slip of the scribe for Gajayana. Whether Sarvatata, again, is the proper name or an epithet of the king is somewhat doubtful. It bears, however, the plausibility of being an epithet. But kings even in ancient times were sometimes better known by their epithets than by their individual names. Thus the Maurya emperor, Asoka, has styled himself Priyadarsin, which is an epithet, in all his inscriptions, except one; in this last alone he is known by his proper name, Asoka. And even though Sarvatata is taken as an epithet as seems very likely, it need cause us no surprise. The question now arises, who could this Gajayana Sarvatata be? His records show that he lived in the first century B.C. His patronymic Gajayana also shows that he was a Brahman. And further we have to note, as Mr. Ghosh has told us, that Gadayana which obviously is a mistake for Gajayana is mentioned in the Matsya-Purana as an individual gotra falling under the Kanva division of the Angiras Gana. It thus appears that Sarvatata was a Kanva. And we know from the Puranas that after the Sungas the Kanvas became the rulers of North India. The Kanvas thus exercised supremacy in the first century B.C. Nothing therefore precludes us from supposing that Sarvatata was a Kanva ruler. It is true that Sarvatata is not found in the list of names, given by the Puranas, of the Kanva rulers. But as we have seen above, Sarvatata is not a proper name, but rather an epithet. And it is not at all impossible that it was an epithet borne by one of the princes of this Brahman dynasty. No. 32.-A CHOLA INSCRIPTION FROM UTTIRAMERUR. BY PROPESBOR K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, MADRAS. The inscription edited below has been noticed briefly in the Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for 1923, Part II, paragraph 28. It is engraved on & stone slab built into the south wall of the Hanuman shrine in front of the Sundaravarada perumal temple, Uttiramerur. The inscription which fully covers the face of the slab occupies an area 13" x 37", and the average height of the letters is 1", the ligatures sometimes measuring up to 2" and more. Only eight lines of the inscription at the beginning are preserved, but it seems unlikely that the missing part extended over more than two or three lines. In any case, what is left of the inscription enables us to form an adequate idea of its purport and significance. I edit it from two impressions, one in my possession, the other supplied by the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras. The inscription is dated in the 158th day of the ninth year of king Rajarajakesarivarman, i.e. Rajaraja I, and thus belongs to A.D. 993-4, the reign of that king having commenced on some day in the month following the 25th June, 985 A.D. Paleographically, the inscription bears a very close resemblance to the other stone inscriptions of Rajaraja's reign, the alphabet being Tamil with the usual admixture of Grantha for Sanskrit words. The language of the inscription is Tamil. The grammatical.construction of the main sentence of the vyavastha is faulty; it seems to follow local colloquial usage, but the meaning is clear. Note 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 204. No. 197 of 1923. Marked Peruma! Koil in the plan of Uttiramerar in my Studies in Cola History and Administration. Cf. Nos. 176 of 1908 and 298 of 1908 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection, . Above, Vol. IX, p. 217.

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206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. particularly the changes from -enum to -enral in l. 4 and to enrum in 1.6. The form javasthai for vyavasthai, and the use of the verb pokkaruttal in the sense of answer for ' are noteworthy. The object of the inscription is to record a decision (vyavastha) of the Mahasabha of Uttirameruchaturvedimangalam, the best known of the village sabhas of the Chola period on account of the celebrated inscriptions of the reign of Parantaka I. regulating its constitutional arrangements. The decision of the sabha relates to the responsibility for the payment of fines (dandam) imposed on the members of different groups by different agencies. The groups liable to fines are enumerated thus : Brahmanas, Sivabrahmanas, Accountants, Merchants, Vellalar and any other castes (jatigal) (II. 4-6). The agencies that could levy fines were : the King's court (rajadvaram), the court of justice (danmasanam), the revenue department (vars), and others (marruttanum). The decision is that for all fines levied only the particular caste or group to which the individual or individuals fined belonged should be held accountable for their proper payment. The occasion for this decision is not explicitly stated. But it seems proper to assume that the Mahasabha was responsible for securing the timely payments of fines by the villagers, that somehow the sanctions required to secure this began to fail them, and that consequently, they reached a method that made a powerful appeal to group-loyalty and enlisted the co-operation of the groups with the Mahasabha in the discharge of its responsibility. It will be noticed that the enumeration of the authorities levying the fine (dandam) and of the classes of persons liable to it, is illustrative and not exhaustive; 80 that even fines, if any, levied by the Mahasabha itself would fall under the operation of this new vyavastha. The mention of accountante, merchants and Vellalar among the groupe raises an interesting issue. Were these classes members of the Mahasabha and did they take part in its deliberations? I think the answer to this question must be in the affirmative for two reasons. First, the meeting of the general assembly of the village is described as comprising everybody, young and old (abalavriddharamaiya epperppatadum)', and there is no indication that it was an exclusively Brahman assembly. Secondly, the various Chala inscriptions which lay down special qualifications of property and education relate to the executive of the assembly indicated by such words as Variyam, Sabhamarrafijolludal, Kutam,' etc. The vyavastha recorded in our inscription must thus have had the approval of all the classes affected by it. The Maqur inscription of Macanjadaiyan. (A. D. 800), it must be noted, lays down a high qualification in property and education not only for the variyam but for a person taking part in the general assembly, manradutal, as well. And the Tiruchchendur inscription of Varaguna II shows that the system of village government that prevailed in the Pandya country in the ninth century was much the same as we find it in the Chola kingdom of the tenth century and later. We may assume either that the Manur rule was an exception, or what seems more probable, that in course of time the exclusiveness of the sabhas broke down in part. TEXT. 1 Svasti sri [l*] Kov-Irajardjakidaripanmarkku yanda 9 nap 188 Utti2 rameru-chchatuvveditnangalattu Mahasabhaiyom Tulavara-brikayil 8 mukamandapatte pagalk-kudiyirupdu Mabasabhaiyom seyda javasthaiyi-kvadu r[a]4 jadvaratt-epum danmasanattenral Variyill-e-oral marruttapum nammuril bra R.y., 62 of 1898. * Above, p. 5. * Expressed by a symbol. A tadbhava oi varastha. * Studies in Chola History and Administration, pp. 82-84. * Abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 101. .Read-chaturvedi.

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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE : ONE-FIFTH. Ruo. No. 3902 E-35-425. N. P. Chakravarti. 8 th A HALOS tata 8 ter m olecole new tamil til iontinuar Oleck l er ELE-1 -olenga kufika sehingga 9. Det litrovitalistlimle lw't reg vikara po sa kanyang tida M otorizatie de a kshamisen lapsenizl&Pro Reelikim erzin on Carolina Semjobrih mampos zakrelor elimu zis sati 3.rentes PACETO Deeptimo Peco Teplalintaa larlig puss 15 TES A CHOLA INSCRIPTION FROM UTTIRAMERUR.

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No. 33.] AN UNFINISHED VAKATAKA PLATE FROM DRUG. 207 5 hmanar-[enral sivabhrahmanar-enral Kanakkar1-enral vyaparigal-en[ral*] Vellalar 6 (r)enral marrumm-epperppatta jatigall-enrum avvava-jatigal patta dandam avva[v] 7 are pokkaruppar-(r)agavum brahmanarai itta dandam brahmanare pokkarupparga]-[a] 8 gavum sivabrahmanarai itta dandam sivabr[a]hmanare pokkaruppargal-agavum ka[na]........ TRANSLATION. (Ll. 1-3). Hail! Prosperity! On the 158th day in the ninth year of (the reign of) king Rajarajakesaripanmar, we, the Mahasabha of Uttarameru-chaturvedimangalam, assembled by day in the mukhamandapa of the sacred temple of the tulabhara2, and made the following resolution: (Ll. 4-8). Whether at the gate of the royal palace, or at the court of justice or in the (department of) revenue, or elsewhere, the Brahmanas, Sivabrahmanas, accountants, merchants, Vellalas and any other castes of our village, shall be themselves answerable for the fines laid on the respective castes, the Brahmanas being answerable for the fines laid on Brahmanas, the Sivabrahmanas being answerable for the fines laid on Sivabrahmanas,-- No. 33. AN UNFINISHED VAKATAKA PLATE FROM DRUG. BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. This plate was discovered some years ago at Mohalla, the headquarters of the Panabaras Zamindari in the Drug District of C. P. An impression taken at the time by Mr. M. A. Saboor of the Nagpur Museum was sent to the late Rai Bahadur Hiralal. As it was only a single plate, not containing the complete genealogy or even the name of the donor, Rai Bahadur Hiralal did not naturally consider it of sufficient importance and it is not, therefore, included in his list of inscriptions of C. P. and Berar published in 1932. I came to know of its existence in January 1934, from a casual reference in his letter. I requested him to give me more details, but he could not recollect any except that it was in the possession of a Zamindar in the Drug district. Later on while turning up old papers, he found an old impression of it which he kindly sent me. As Rai Bahadur Hiralal had fortunately jotted down at the time the name of its owner, I requested Mr. B. A. Bambawale, I.C.S., Deputy Commissioner of Drug, to procure the plate for me. He traced it to one Akbar Khan, a petition-writer of Drug, who held it on behalf of Nagshah of Saroli. In the course of inquiries made by Mr. Bambawale it was elicited that the plate was originally found at Mohalla by one Bisambhar Raut who sent it to Nagshah. But for Mr. Bambawale's keen interest and active help this unique plate would not have again come to light. It is now deposited in the Nagpur Museum. This plate was intended to be the first of a set of three or four plates recording the charter of a Vakataka king. It is inscribed only on one side. It measures 8" by 3.75" and weighs 19 tolas. It is only" in thickness and is thus the thinnest of all Vakataka plates discovered so far. About 1.9" from the middle of the proper right margin there is a hole, '35" in diameter, for a ring intended to connect it with other plates of the set. But no such ring has been discovered so far. The size of the plate and the position of its hole show that it does not belong to the same set as the Patna Museum third plate of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II edited by Prof. A. S. Altekar. 1 Read Kanakkar. No doubt the Sundaravarada Perumal Koyil. *The Patna Museum plate is 7.25" by 4.2". About 1" from the centre there is a hole about-35" in diameter. J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XIV, pp. 465 ff.

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208. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. The plate contains five lines only. The letters are very neatly cut and do not show through on the reverse, though the plate is very thin. The ends of the plate are neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims, still the inscription is in a perfect state of preservation. As stated above, the plate records the charter of a Vakataka king and is, like most other plates of the Vakatakas, inscribed in the box-headed characters which were current in C. P. and Berar from the fourth to the sixth century A.D. The boxes at the top of letters are not scooped out hollow, but appear like small squares as in many inscriptions of the Vakatakas. The engraver has not engraved boxes at the top of the letters ja and la and, in some cases, ta, dha, and ga. The characters resemble, in a general way, those of the Riddhapur platest of Prabhavatigupta and the Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman and call for few remarks. The medial a, e and o are generally denoted by horizontal matras, bent downwards at the end, added generally at the top (cf. Padmapurat, 1.1) and in some cases, particularly in that of m, at the middle of letters (cf. medha and samtajah, I. 2). One of the two matras for ai is on the top (cf. Bhairava, 1. 3). The medial au is bipartite as in the cognate records of the Vakatakas. The medial i is denoted by & curve turned to the left on the top of a letter often forming a loop (cf. Siva, 1. 3), while its length is expressed by adding to it another and smaller curve turned in the opposite direction (cf. Sri-Pravarasenasya, I. 2). The medial u is shown either by lengthening the vertical to end in a serif (cf. supari-, L. 3) or by a curve turned to the right (cf. chatur., 1. 1). The letters a, ka and ra have ornamental curves at the lower ends of their verticals as in the Southern alphabet ; da has a round back and is not clearly distinguished from da (cf. dasasvamedha, 1.5 and Shodashy., 1.1); va is distinguished from ba which latter has a notch on its left; ma appears in a transitional cursive form with the lower box added to its left arm. Its other form with the box attached to the right vertical which is generally seen in the charters of Pravarasena II does not appear in this record. The two forms appear side by side in the Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatigupta and Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman. The form of ma used in the present plate develops ultimately into that found in the charters of the kings of Sarabhapura as well as in those of Tivaradeva. The final e and m appear in a much reduced size and the latter has a looped base. The loop on the left side of ya has almost disappeared in two places (cf. Vajapeya, 1. 1 and Yajinah, 1. 2). The right arm of la is longer than the left except in the case of li. The language is Sanskrit. As for orthography we bave to note the reduplication of the consonant following r, e.g., in Aptoryyama, 1. 1; th is reduplicated before y in Uktthya (1.1) and Bhagiratthya (1. 4), the reduplicated letter being made unaspirate. With the exception of the place of issue the record is identical, so far as it goes, with the initial portion of the charters of the Vakataka kings Pravarasena II and Prithivishena II. It mentions by name only one prince of the dynasty, viz., Pravarasena I, who assumed the Imperial title of Samrat and performed several Vedic sacrifices. It then refers to his grandson who was & great devotee of Svami-Mahabhairava and who was the daughter's son of Bhavanaga the Maharaja (of the family) of the Bharasivas. The description of the Bharasivas--their coronation with the water of the Ganges which they had obtained by their valour, and their performance of ten Afvamedhasis given as in the other plates of the Vakatakas. The record on the plate breaks off just before the mention of this grandson of Pravarasena I, viz., Rudrasena I. The plate purports to have been issued from Padmapura. Here two questions present themselves :-(1) Was the inscription commenced on this plate finished or was the plate rejected for some reason or other! (2) Who was the king who intended to issne this charter? As for the first question, I am inclined to think that the inscription was 1J.P. A..B., Vol. XX, pp. 58 ff. * Above, Vol. XIX, p. 100.

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No. 33.] AN UNFINISHED VAKATAKA PLATE FROM DRUG. 209 never completed or, in any case, the present plate was rejected for some unknown reason. Nearly all the charters of the Vakatakas contain the word drishtam, with or without some word like siddham or svasti, at the beginning or in the margin. The only exceptions so far known are the Balaghat plates of Prithivishena II and the Riddhapura plates of Prabhavatigupta. Of these, the former is known to be an incomplete charter. In the case of the latter the word was probably not inserted for want of space. As in the Balaghat platas of Prithivishena II there is in the present plate sufficient space for three letters in the beginning of the first line. If the record on the plate had been completed, the word drishtam would have been prefixed to it as in so many other records of the Vakatakas. The following remarks of Prof. Kielhorn about the Balaghat plates would equally apply to our plate--"I am convinced now that drishtam (and the Prakrit dittham of the Mayidavolu and Hira badagalli plates) must really be taken in its ordinary sense of seen' and that it is similar to the modern true copy' or examined' of official letters or Government orders. Such a remark could, of course, have been affixed or prefixed to a document only when it was finished and it is missing here, because our grant was not completed." Another point to be noted in the case of the present plate is that it leaves space sufficient for five letters at the end of the last line. The word Gautamiputrasya which follows Bhavanaga-dauhitrasya in other Vakataka records, could very well have been written in that space. In fact the engraver seems to have begun to incise the word; for faint traces of the top portion of the first syllable of that word can be noticed on the plate. That the engraver left so much space at the end seems to show that he received an order to stop before he could complete that line. Whether the record was inscribed on another set of plates cannot be determined at present. Let us next try to answer the second question- Who was the king that intended to issue this charter ?' The general resemblance between the characters of the present plate and those of the Dudia and Riddhapur plates seem to indicate that it might be Pravarasena II. But almost all the known complete charters of Pravarasens II were issued from Pravarapura, & city which he himself seems to have founded and made his capital. It seems that Nandivardhana was the capital of the Vakatakas before the time of Prayerasena II; for the earliest grant of the dynasty discovered so far, viz., the Poona plates of the queen mother Prabhavatigupta, was issued from Nandivardhana.? So it was Pravarasena II who shifted the capital from Nandivardhana to the newly founded city of Pravarapura. If he had intended to grant the present plate, Pravarapurs and not Padmapura, should have, in all probability, been the place of issue. Besides, the palaeographical evidence detailed above seems to show that the present plate may be assigned to a slightly later date. Padmapura is not known to have been a holy place (tirtha); nor is a 1 Cf. the Chammak and Siwani plates of Pravarasena II ; Fleet, 0.1.., Vol. III, Nos. 58 and 56. *Cf. the Dudia plates of Pravarasena II, above, Vol. III, p. 268. * Cf. the Poona plates of Prabhavatigupta, ibid., Vol. XV, p. 39. * Above, Vol. IX, pp. 267 ff. Ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 268-269. * The only exceptions are (1) the Siwani plates which, however, do not mention any place of issue and (2) the recently discovered Tirodi plates (above, pp. 171 ff.) which, as I have shown in my article on them, were probably issued from a holy place. In the case of the Patna Museum plate (J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XIV, p. 465) and the Ramtek plate (List of O. P. Inscriptions, Second Edition, p. 4), the first plates of their sets being missing, the place of insne is not known. Rai Bahadur Hiralal has identified this place with Nagardhan 4 miles from Ramtek, but it is more likely to be Nandpur about 15 miles to the north of Ramtek where extensive ruins can still be seen and where two seals inscribed in characters of the 3rd and 4th centuries A.D. have been found. (See J. P. 4. 8. B., Vol. XXIX, pp. 159 ff.) Mr. K. N. Dikshit has conjecturally identified this with Paynar in Wardha distriot where there is a high strong fort overlooking a river and considerable ruins (ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 109).

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210 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. word like vasakat added to it, showing that it was the site of the donor's camp. It seems, therefore, that Padmapura was the capital of a successor of Pravarasena II who intended to issue this charter. Let us next consider why the capital was shifted from Pravarapura. The Balaghat plates of Prithivishena II describe that king as one who had raised his sunker family. This expression has not been satisfactorily explained. It evidently refers to some foreign invasion in the reign of Prithivishena's father and Pravarasena II's son, Narendrasens, when he was reduced to great straits. Who was this powerful enemy of the Vakatakas? We should note in this connection that the Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman which have been referred to a period falling between the end of the fifth and the first half of the sixth century were issued from Nandivardhana, which, as shown above, was formerly a capital of the Vakatakas. So Bhavattavarman must have occupied the western portion of the Vakataka kingdom. The Vakatakas in this emergency seem to have shifted their capital to Padmapura in the East where they had the support of their loyal feudatories, the kings of Kosala (Chhattisgarh) and Mekala (the region round the source of the Narmada). An inscription of Bhavattavarman's successor has been discovered at Podagadh in the Jaypur Agency of the Vizagapatam district of the Madras Presidency, from which it appears that the Nalas suffered a great reverse after their initial success and their capital Pushkari was made desolate. It seems, therefore, likely that Prithivishena II carried the war into the enemy's territory and regained his ancestral kingdom evidently with the help of his maternal grandfather the king of Kuntala and his feudatories of Kosala, Mekala and Malava. His Balaghat plates were intended to be issued when he was encamped at Vembara. No other plates of either Prithivishena II or his successors have been discovered ; 80 we do not know the name of their capital. It seems likely that our present plate was intended to be issued either by Napandrasena or his son Prithivishena II from the then capital Padmapura. If so, Padmapura is the last known capital of the Vakatakas. The mention of Padmapura in the present plate is also important from another point of view. The well-known Sanskrit dramatist Bhavabhuti, who ranks in Sanskrit literature next only to Kalidasa and flourished towards the close of the seventh century A.D., mentions Padmapura as his ancestral home. In one of his plays, the Mahaviracharita, Padmapura is stated to be in the Dakshinapatha, while in another, viz.; the Malati Madhava, it is mentioned as situated in Vidarbha. As no place named Padmapurs was known till now from any epigraphic record as fuf* ?) weitus: TATATHATURTHER fafarave (above, Vol. IX, p. 271). There is no ground for Prof. 8. K. Alyangar's conjecture that Napendrasena allied himself with the Pushya: mitras and the Patumitras who rose in revolt against Skandagupta and was subsequently defeated by the latter (The Vakatakas in the History of India, p. 50). Mr. K.P. Jayagwal thinks that the Vakataka family must have sunk along with the Guptas owing to Hun invasions (History of India, 150 A.D.-350 A.D., p. 102). But there are no traces of Hun coupation in the heart of the Vakataks kingdom, whereas we have clear evidence of the occupation of Nandivardhana by. Bhavattavarman of the Nala family who rose about that time. * Above, VOL XIX, p. 100. * vIsalAmakalAmAlavAdhipatibhirabhyarSitamAsanasya pratApavAnAtisamajhA(pratApapraccatArizAsanasya) vAkATakAlAhArAka zenu.... * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 153 Pushkari has not been identified. It may be identical with modern Barsur in the State of Baatar, C. P., which abeunds in ancient ruins. (See Gaspeteer of the Chattisgarh Feudatory States, P. 39.) This place has not yet been identified. It is likely to be Bembal about 28 miles to the east of Chandi and 2 milos to the west of the Waanganga. This identification would further indicate that Prithivishena II was on his way to the territory of the Nalas which lay further to the south-east, probably in the State of Bastar.

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No. 33.] UNFINISHED VAKATAKA PLATE FROM DRUG. situated in Berar, some scholars were inclined to take it as identical with Padmavati, the scene of Bhavabhuti's Malati-Madhava, which is now clearly shown to be Pawaya 25 miles north-east of Narwar in Gwalior State. The discovery of the present plate has settled this disputed point and proved incontrovertibly that Bhavabhuti was born in ancient Vidarbha. The Vakataka kings were patrons of Vedic learning and performed many important Vedic sacrifices. It is no wonder, therefore, that we find such learned Mimamsakas as the ancestors of Bhavabhuti, who themselves performed such sacrifices as the Vajapeya, settled in Padmapura, where they must have received the patronage of the Vakatakas. After the decline of the Vakatakas, there were no great royal dynasties ruling in C. P. and Berar in the 7th and the beginning of the 8th century A.D. Bhavabhuti seems, therefore, to have gone to the north where he found a patron in Yasovarman, the mighty king of Kanauj, as stated in the Rajatarangini. 211 We have seen above that Padmapura was situated in Vidarbha. From the Malavikagnimitra of Kalidasa we learn that the river Wardha divided Vidarbha into two parts. Ancient Vidarbha, therefore, comprised not only modern Berar but also the Marathi districts of the Central Provinces, which, as I have shown elsewhere, were under the direct rule of the Vakatakas. As a matter of fact there is no village named Padmapura in modern Berar proper, while there are at least six villages of that name in the Chanda and Bhandara districts of C. P. Of these Padampur, 2 miles from Amgaon, a station on the Bengal-Nagpur Railway, is probably the Padmapura of the present plate. As I have shown elsewhere the villages mentioned in the Siwani plates of Pravarasena II can be identified in its vicinity. The village contains many ancient relics. When I visited the place during the Christmas of 1934, I found four finely carved but broken images of the Tirthankaras Parsvanatha and Rishabhadeva, some others of Hindu gods like Vishnu and remains of two Mediaeval Hindu temples, such as fragments of massive stone pillars, a large lintel measuring 8' x 1'-7" x 1'-6" and bases of door-jambs, in the adjoining fields. No other Padampur in C. P. is reported to have such ancient relics. There are at present no Brahmin families in Padampur itself which is now a small village of 112 souls, but there are many Brahmins in the neighbourhood of Padampur. It is noteworthy that they follow the Taittiriya branch of the Black Yajurveda to which Bhavabhuti's family belonged. I, therefore, feel no hesitation in concluding that Padampur in the Amgaon Zamindari of the Bhandara district, C. P., was the last Vakataka capital and. the ancestral home of Bhavabhuti. xxxvi. 1 Cf. Dr. S. K. Belvalkar's Introduction to the Uttara-Ramacharita (Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. XXI), p. 2 A. S. R., for 1915-16, pp. 1-10. * ati dakSiNApathe padmapuraM nAma nagaram / tatra afefefer: kAzyapAzcaraNaguravaH paGktipAvanAH pazcAprayo dhRtavratAH somapIthina udumbaranAmAnI brahmavAdinaH prativasanti / tadAmuSyAyaNasya tatrabhavato vAjapeyayAninI mahAkaveH paJcamaH.... zrIkaNThapadalAnchanI bhavabhUtirnAma jAtUkarNIputraH (Mahaviracharita pp. 2-3, ed. Oxford University Press). Act V, st. 13. s Above, p. 169. Above, p. 171, footnote 1. 1 An old farmer of Padampur told me that one more image was taken to the Nagpur Museum about forty years ago. It cannot however be definitely identified there, as no accurate record of the findspots of images has been kept in the Museum and the provenance of many is not known. But from the dimensions of its stone prabhavali, which is still in situ at Padampur, the image seems to be identical with that of Siva (A.-22 in the Descriptive List of Exhibits in the Nagpur Museum) which is said to have come from Bhandara' (district ?). It may be noted in this connection that the Siwani plates of Pravarasens II which record the gift of the village Brahmapuraka in the neighbourhood of Padampur, were granted to a Brahmin of the Taittiriya-sakha. ....

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212 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXII. TEXT. 1 panapurAt [1] pagniSTomApto*moktyavIDamyatirASavAjapeyavRpatisavasAdya- . skracaturakha2 medhayAjinaH' viSNuvakSasagoSasammAja: vAkATakAnAmahArAjazrIpravarasenasya canoH sUnIH 3 atyantasvAmimahAbhairavamatasya sabhArasavivizitazivaliGgohanazivasupari4 tuSTasamutpAditagajavaMzAnAM parAlamAdhigatabhAgirathyamalajalamUrdhAbhiSiktAnAm 6 dayAmkhamedhAvata'cAtAnAdhArazivAnAmahArAjazrIbhavanAgadauriyAra 1 From the original plate. * There is a space of 7' sufficient for incising three letters before this word. Here and in some places below the rules of sandhi have not been obeerved. * Road bhAgauratyya. * Rond mUbhiSiktAnAm * Read bamatha. "There is a space of 1.3" left after this word. Faint traces of the top portion of plato. letter can be seen on the

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THE SEAL OF THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. ACTUAL SIZE ANCIENT TOWER AT NEGAPATAM. (FROM IND. ANT. Vol. VII). THE TOWER AS 1 EXISTED IN 1846. BRONZE IMAGE PRESENTED TO LORD SALIER IN 1868. N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. From photographs. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. No. 34. THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES (OF RAJARAJA I). BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE. The Leiden University Museum in Holland preserves two sets of copper-plate charters of the Cholas of which the larger contains 21 leaves or plates and the smaller 3 leaves. These are popularly known as the Large and Small Leiden Grants. They were edited nearly half a century ago, i.e., in 1886 by Pandit Natesa Sastri and Burgess in Volume IV of the Archaeological Survey of Southern India. The provenance of the plates is not noticed by the authors: but regarding the larger set they say that it is engraved in Chola-Grantha characters on 21 plates each measuring 14" by 5". They also note:-" The plates are held together by a massive ring bearing a seal about 4 in diameter with 16 knobs at about equal distances from each other round the margin. The central field contains, on the left, two fishes-the scales, fins, gills, eyes and mouth, of which are all clearly expressed; and on the right, an animal, seated dog-fashion, with its tail brought forward to touch the nearer of the fishes :--from the large tusk in its mouth, it is probably intended for a tiger-the Chola symbol. Over it is a chhatra, with a chamara on each side, the handles resting on the heads of two small pillars resembling lamp-stands,-each stand having a cloth knotted round the middle of it. The tops of these resemble lamp flames. A well-raised circle, double below, surrounds all this; and outside it, in raised characters of the Chola-Grantha type, is the legend beginning at the bottom : 213 Iti Rajendra-Cholasya Parakesarivarmmanah rajarajanyamakutasreni-ratneshu sasanam " The following additional information is found in the note recently received from Leiden, by Dr. Chakravarti, and kindly forwarded to me by him3:-"The plates are " in thickness. On the left side there is a hole (diameter 1") by means of which the plates are fastened to a massive copperring having an outward diameter of 13". The ring has a circular section with diameter of 3" and has been soldered into a cylindrical tube with raised rims. This tube, measuring 51" in length and 1" in section, contains a short inscription which contains the name Apaimangalam in Tamil. On the top of the tube there is a massive conical projection in the form of a lotus flower, with eight pointed leaves turned downward and sixteen pointed leaves turned upward. On the upper surface of this lotus is the seal" described above. The note further informs that "the writing has not been engraved: was written first on wax tablets and from these the copper-plates have been cast a cire perdue". To the careful observations of Messrs. Burgess and Natesa Sastri I would only add that the inner one of the double line at the bottom of the raised circle is intended to denote the bow emblem of the Cheras whom the Cholas had subdued, and that the legend requires slight emendation. Rajendra-Chola's legend is given in two stone inscriptions published in the South-Indian Inscriptions (Texts), Volume V, and also in the seal of the Tiruvalangadu plates. With the help of their readings the legend on the seal of the Leiden plates given by Burgess and Natesa Sastri may be corrected into Etad-Rajendra-Cholasya Parakesarivarmmanah [*] rajad-rajanya-makuta-ereni-ratneshu sasanam [||*] 1 Pp. 204 ff. [At my request Lt. Col. Th. van Erp of Rijks Ethnographisch Museum, Leiden, kindly sent, through the good offices of Prof. J. Ph. Vogel, excellent ink-impressions of the grant from which the facsimiles accompanying this article are prepared-Ed.] General Nos. 578 and 579. A. S. R., for 1903-04, p. 234.

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214 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. That this must be the reading is clear from the authors' own remarks that the symbol " used for the first syllable of Rajendra and for the third syllable of rajarajanya is quite different from that cmployed for ra elsewhere in the legend, being more like what one might expect to find for dra or pra." The photograph of the seal kindly sent by Lt. Col. Th. van Erp was examined by me in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India and found to agree with the reading given above. I may remark that there is no punctuation mark in the legend. At the time the large Leiden plates were published, the account furnished in them formed the only authentic source for Chola history and served to remove some of the misconceptions and wrong conjectures regarding a few of the members of the Chola family. The editors had correctly estimated the worth of the record when they said that it was the first Chola inscription yet translated containing much definite information respecting the dynasty, and must be regarded as of the greatest importance'. The genealogy it furnished superseded those published by Sewell in his Lists of Antiquities and formed an important basis for future investigations. Since the editing of these plates, a number of valuable Chola records have been edited critically. Of these, the most important is the Tiruvalangadu grant discovered by me in 1906 and edited in the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume III. No less useful is the stone inscription of Virarajendra found at Kanyakumari by the late Gopinatha Rao and odited by me in the Travancore Archeological Series, Volume III. The Anbil plates of Sundara-Chola and the Madras Museum plates of Uttama-Chola, the former edited in the Epigraphia Indicat and the latter in the South Indian Inscriptions, are other important ones. Besides these epigraphical sources, there are a few Tamil historical texts which also aid the student in his study of the Chola history. These are the Kalingattupparani and the Kulottunga solanula, first noticed by the late Kanakasabhai Pillai in the Indian Antiquary, Vikrama bolan-ula, Rajarajasolan-ula and others, the texts of which had since been edited with care. Considering the time of publication, it must be said that the inscription on the Leiden plates has been fairly well made out. But there are a few mistakes of the authors as well as of the printer which mar the text and distort the sense. They could be easily corrected without having recourse to the original, mainly with the help of the reading of other allied records. I noted down the mistakes when I took up its study seriously while editing the Kanyakumari inscription in the Travancore Archeological Series nearly 15 years ago. On that occasion, I also revised the text of the Leiden plates, which on comparison with the impressions now kindly secured by the Government Epigraphist is found to agree. One of the serious defects in the previous edition of this inscription is the wrong arrangement of some of the plates. The plate marked there as "Fifteenth plate; second side" is really the fourteenth plate, second side. Similarly the plate marked "Fourteenth plate: second side" is in fact the fifteenth plate, second side. The inscription then reads through without any interruption; the regular order of the lines 284 to 316 given in the volume should be 284, 305 to 315, 295 to 304, 285 to 294 and 316. While the published Sanskrit text is almost free from errors of transcription, the Tamil por. tion contains too many mistakes to be noticed here. The best way will be to give a correct version of the whole with proper division of words adding foot-notes wherever serious changes are effected. Most of the mistakes are simple ones due to taking ra for the length stroke from which it is hardly distinguishable or due to taking the basic consonant as the first combined consonant and vice 1 Vol. II, pp. 16+168. 2 See pages 283 to 489. Pages 87 to 158. * Vol. XV, pp. 44-72. *Vol. III, pp. 264 ff.

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No. 34.1 THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 215 versa. In effect, the significance of some of the words has been altered or distorted and rendered meaningless. For instance karanattan has been read as kanattan (1. 356), Pakkaran has been read as Pakkan (1. 276), Peremapura as Perampura (1. 156), ulgum as ulakum (1. 285), virpidiyum as virapidiyum (1. 285), paya-kkallina as paykkallin (1. 236), Siriyan Kadamban as Siriyana kadamban (1. 244), etc. The formation of ta and na being almost similar, one has been mistaken for the other. For instance, the proper name Anaiyan has been read as apsiyada (1. 159). As lu is shaped almost like mu, the latter letter has been mistaken for the former, e.g., matolukku and nattolun (11. 173 and 174), for nattomukku and nattomun. The Granthe letter bha being similar to the conjunct tta, the former has been mistaken for the latter, e.g., Tammadistattan (1. 153) which must be Tammadi-Bhattan. Wrong division of words has sometimes resulted in distorting words and obscuring their sense. For instance, what has been read as brahmadeyamun-Kirakudi (1. 265f) ought to be brahmadeya-Mungirkudi, what has been read as peruttatoramangalum (11. 159-60) ought to be per-ttanton tangalum (per tandontangalum) and what has been taken as pal tevavakai (1. 287) should be palad-evvagai. It is unnecessary to cite more instances as the mistakes are corrected in the revised text given below. The impressions now obtained show that the inscription has been very neatly executed from beginning to end. It is in two sections. The first section is in the Sanskrit language and written in the Grantha alphabet. It contains 111 lines of writing and covers the obverse and reverse sides of five plates. Except the first plate, the rest are marked with the numerals 2 to 5 on the obverse sides, near the top of the ring hole, either to its left or right. These numerals are in smaller characters than the letters of the inscription. The following orthographical peculiarities may be noted. The vowel a is represented by two separate symbols which could be easily mistaken for tara. The finals of consonants are indicated by a slight vertical stroke marked on the right top corner (for instances see yavat in 1. 4 and pratapavan in 1. 31), except in the case of m where it is marked on the top of the left side. The superscribed repha is denoted by a dot placed over the consonant (e.g., see sarnginas in 1. 3 and Ravir-vvi in 1. 7). The length symbol is invariably separated from the letter to which it be longs. While kri (see Krishna in 1. 43, krita in l. 66f., kritya in l. 67), is represented by a hook turned to the right crossing ka, kri is shaped by bending, at the bottom, the vertical stroke of ka to the left (see chakra in 1. 52). There are many instances of the use of final m for anusvara; for example see sampatatbhis= in 1. 44, Sambhu in l. 69, dakshin-ambho in 1. 69, sambhutena in 1. 80, sampanna in l. 101, and sambhavo in l. 103. While the medial short i is denoted by a concave curve marked over the latter, long i is denoted in two ways by having a closed loop at the beginning or end of the i curve. The u symbol is formed in three different ways: (1) In the case of most letters (n, p, m, y, etc.), it is indicated by the addition of a tube to the bottom of the letter: the long u in these letters is denoted by the further addition of a convex curve passing from the right of the letter to the left covering its lower portion. (2) In the case of letters like k and r, which have a tube-bottom, the u symbol is represented by the addition of a curve passing at the bottom of the letter with a slight bend on the right side: the long u in these letters is shown by a wavy line added to the letter at the middle of the right side. (3) In the case of t and &,, the u symbol is indicated by the addition of a hook at the bottom turned to the right. Tu and eu are not represented. 1 The lines quoted in this paragraph refer to the edition of the text by Burgess and Natesa Sastri. On each side, the first plate contains 10 lines, the second 11 lines, and the third and the fourth 12 lines. While the obverse of the fifth plate has only 9 lines, the reverse of it contains 12 lines.

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216 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. The language and alphabet of the second section is Tamil, though Grantha letters are used in some words of Sanskrit origin. It contains 332 lines of writing and covers the obverse and reverse sides of sixteen plates. These plates are marked with the numerals 1 to 16 as in the Sanskrit portion. The omission of pulli or virama, and the shaping of mu and Ju alike are the only points worthy of note. Omission of letters are noticeable in gram (1. 49) for gramam, vija (1. 67) for vijaya, samahvah (L. 97) for samahvayah, Jayangonbola (1. 108) for Jayangonda fola, in the Sanskrit portion; punmai (1. 56) for pundamai, 'yudattu (1. 126) for 'yudaruttu, Kshatrifikha (1. 240) for Kshatriyabikha, brahmaden - (1. 212) for brahmadeyan-, Nannimanla (1.247) for Nannimangala, pisulndu (11. 232, 253, 268) for pidisulndu, and eludi (1. 234) for eludinen in the Tamil portion. Both the Sanskrit and the Tamil portions are in the script of the 11th century A.D. The writing of the Sanskrit section and the writing from the latter half of line 323 up to line 332 are alike, and seem to be somewhat in a different hand from the main Tamil section from lines 1 to 323 of the 16 Tamil plates. We shall now notice the contents of the inscription. In the Sanskrit portion, the first verse is in praise of Vishnu' while the second is an invocation to the gods for the continuance of the Cho! family. Verses 3 and 4 introduce certain mythical ancestors of the solar family to which the Chelas belonged. They are Manu' the son of Ahimakara (i.e., Surya); his son Ikshvaku ; the virtuous Mandbatri. born in his family; his son Muchukunda; his son Valabha; and Sibi. born in his family. Of the last, the poet exclaims" who, excepting Vyasa, could extol the qualities of this king who protected his life only for the benefit of others!" (v. 5). The eponymous Chola' is 1 There are generally 10 lines on each face except on IIb, VIII, IXa and b, XIV. and XVa, which contain 11 lines each, and XV6, and XVIa, which have 13 lines each. Verse 9 of Canto VIII of Kalingattupparami starts the mythical ancestry of the Cholas from Vishnu and car. ries it in regular succession through Brahman, Marichi, Kayapa, and Surys. Verse 10 of Canto VIII of Kalingattupparani states that Ikahvaku was the son of Manu who was the son of Surya. It refers to the rendering of justice by Mapu, to the astonishment of all, by holding the life of his own son as being no better than that of the calf overrun by the wheels of his car. The verse reads Avv-Arukkap magan-agi Manu modini purand ariya-kadalanaiy ivinadu kapru-nigar-opr. e-vvarukkamum viyappa murai-beyda kadaiyum Ikkuvaguv-ivan-maindan-ena vanda parisum [lo]. It is interesting to note that the account of the Periyapurana of Manu rendering justice to & COW whose call ww run over by the car of his son, by running his own car over the latter, finds mention in an inscription of Vikrams.Chola found at Tiruvarur (No. 456 of 8. II.-Texte, Vol. V, pp. 174ff.). This gives some more details that are not found in the hagiology. Here it is stated that a cow having rung the bell put up at the gate (of the palace) of Manu, the king sent his minister (mantrin) Ubhaiyakulamalan of Palaiyur in Inga-nidu to know the cause of the ringing. On his reporting that a cow rang the bell, Manu oame out, saw the cow and her calf that lay dead, enquired and learnt, that the calf was run over by the car in which his son drove and considering his son's life as being equal to that of the calf, he ordered his minister to run a car over his son. The minister set out with a heavy heart and piercing his ears died. The dvdrapalas (i.e.. gate-keepers) informing the king of the happening, he felt sorry and himself ran the car over his son. At this juncture, the God showed His Grace by restoring to life the calf, the minister and the son of Manu. The king presented the call to the mother cow and set out for tapas with the minister, anointing the revived son in his place and appointing to the office of his minister, the minister's son named Surya. Before Mandhata, the Kalingattuppara i introduces Purandara as being the son of Ikahvaku (VIII, v. 11.). Mandhati and Muchukunds are described in verse 12. The former is described as making the fierce tiger and the deer drink together at the same ghaf. In verse 13, Sibi is referred to only by his act of cutting his flesh from his body without the least agitation and entering the scales to equal the weight of the dove; and before him is mentioned one (i.e., Prithulakshu) who oarried the nectar arising from the churning of the ocean to the gods. Speaking of Chole, the Kalingattupparani (verse 14) states that he formed the Cholamandala and that swa. dhiraja, i.e., Suraguru and others came in his line. The same verse also speaks of Rajakosarina and Parakesarin,

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 217 then introduced as being born in his family (v. 6). It was after his name that the kings born in the family were called Cholas. This is of importance in indicating that the name Chola was first applied to a person, and then to the family, to the people and to the country. In this family was Rajakesarin and in the latter's family was Parakesarin (v. 7). It is stated that the names, or rather the titles, Rajakesarin and Parakesarin were borne alternately by kings born in the Chola family (v. 8). Thus it is made clear that only ruling members of the line assumed the said titles and not the others. The next person mentioned as belonging to the family is Suraguru who acquired the name Mrityujit by conquering the god of death1 (v. 9). In his family was Vyaghraketu whose descendant was Panchapa (v. 10). From here, the information furnished in the plates relates to historical persons. King Karikala who is described as the god of death to his enemies, is said to have been born in his family. The fact noted about him is that he constructed embankments to the river Kaveri (v. 11). He seems to have won lasting fame by this deed. The composer of the Kanyakumari inscription draws special attention to the damage caused annually to the country by the river when it was in floods. The building of embankments to it not only alleviated the frequent sufferings of his subjects but turned the very source of evil into good and made the country grow in wealth and prosperity. And posterity never failed to mention with gratitude this noble act of the king. His renovation of the city of Kanchi, which as we know was the capital of the Pallavas from very early times, is recorded in the Tiruvalangadu plates. In these ways Karikala seems to have used the riches which he must have obtained by his successful fight with Trilochana-Pallava and the influence which he must have gained thereby. In the first of these works, Karikala was helped by several of the subjugated kings including Trilochana-Pallava.5 The date of Karikala has been taken to be the 5th century A.D. In Karikala's family was king Kochchangannan. He is described as the bee at the lotus feet of Sambhu (v. 12). While the story of Kochchangannan's previous birth as spider weaving cobwebs over the linga at Jambukesvaram is detailed in the Periyapuranam and the Tiruvalangadu plates,? his building activities and devotion are referred to in the Devaaram. His victory in the battle of Kalumalam is fully described in the Kalavali. After him came ko-kKilli. A descendant of Killi was Vijayalaya (v. 13). While 1 Mrityujit is described in the Kalingattupparani (Canto VIII, v. 15) as " one who showed to Kala (i.e., the god of death) his way of conduct". In S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 417, n. 2, it has been pointed out that the poem evidently refers to Suraguru and Mrityujit as two different kings. After Mrityujit, Vyaghraketu and Panchapa are the only two kings mentioned in the Leiden plates. The former is referred to in the Tiruvalangadu plates by his other name Chitraratha and it is stated that his bannercloth bore the emblem of the tiger. The Kalingattupparani evidently speaks of him when it refers to 'one who put in his flag Indra as the tiger'. Panchapa is described in the Tamil poem as he who offered his blood to be drunk forcibly. The Kanyakumari inscription speaking of Panchapa' states that he cut open five arteries of his body and fed with blood five Yakshas. Tat-kule Kalikalo-bhut Kaveri-tira-krin-nripah (above, Vol. VII, p. 153). Tasmin kule samabhavat Kalikala-Cholo virah Kavera-tanayan-tatinim vidhata (ibid, p. 150). Toludu mannare karai-bey Ponni (Kalingattup. parani, VIII, v. 20). South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, pp. 417f., v. 42. Charana-saroruha-vihita-vilochana-Trilochana-pramukh-akhila-prithvievara-karita-Kaveri-tira (above, Vol. XI, p. 340, n. 2). Kavera-tanaya-[vel-o[1]lamghana-prasamana-pramukh-ady-anek-ati saya-karinab..... Karikalasya (Punyakumara plates, above, Vol. XI, p. 345). Above, Vol. XI, p. 340. "See S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 418, verse 43 and note 4. See v. 3 of Tirunavukkarasu's Devaram on Tiruchchaykkadu and his hymn on Tirunanipalli, verse 2; also Sundaramurttinayanar's hymn on Tiruvavadudurai, verse 2. The Madakkoyil at Tiruvaigel is said to have been constructed by Sengannan: see Jaanasambandar's hymn on that place. K. V. S. Aiyer's Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, pp. 187 and 188, and also above, Vol. XI, p. 166, n. 6.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. the Kanyakumari inscription states that he constructed the town of Tanchapuri1 in the Chola country, the Tiruvalangadu plates say that he captured that city and built the temple of Nisumbhasudani in it. Since we know from the Sendalai pillar inscriptions that Tanchapuri was one of the principal cities of Perumbidugu-Muttaraiyan, who flourished immediately before the time of Vijayalaya, the conclusion is irresistible that the latter must have conquered the Muttaraiyan chief and wrested the town from his possession and made it his capital. As such the information furnished in the Kanyakumari inscription is not quite correct. And since we know from Vekar palayam plates that Nandivarman III, who was not far removed from Vijayalaya, had a certain Cholamaharaja alias Kumarankusa as his ajnapti, it is not impossible that this Vijayalaya succeeded him and eventually made himself independent or paved the way for his son to raise the canopy of a dominion in Southern India. Of Aditya, the son of Vijayalaya (v. 14), much information is not given in the Leiden plates. But we know from other sources that he was a Rajakeearivarman and had the name Kodandarama,' that he was a great conqueror and knew no defeat, that he was on friendly terms with the Chera king Sthanu Ravi' and the Western Ganga Prithvipati II,10 that he extended his territory into Tondai-nadu and killed or defeated the Pallava king Aparajita, that he acquired Kongu,11 that he built large temples to Siva on both banks of the Kaveri and that he reigned from A.D. 870 to 907.10 Aditya's son was Parantaka (I.) (v. 15). He is said to have founded big towns, to have effected some conquests and to have covered with gold the temple of Indumauli, i.e., Siva at Vyaghragrahara (vv. 16-17). His achievements recorded in other places are the signal defeats inflicted on the Pandya Rajasimha, the acquisition of the Bana kingdom and the bestowal of it on his ally the Western Ganga Prithvipati II, the conquest of Ceylon, 13 the overcoming of the Rashtrakuta Krishnaraja III in battle and the establishment 1 Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 155, v. 54. 28. I. I., Vol. III, p. 418, vv. 45, 46. Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 134ff. Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, p. 211. There are ample evidences of the rule of the Muttaraiyans in the Pudukkottai State and Tanjore and Trichinopoly Districts. See pages 138-39, above, Vol. XIII. 5 See S. I. I., Vol. II, p. 512, v. 26, and the Tamil portion which follows it. It is said that this Cholamaharaja was called the heroic head jewel of the Chola race, that the glory of his prowess was well known, that his liberality was that of Karna and that his conduct was upright. Above, Vol. XV, p. 68, v. 17. 1 Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 155, v. 55. Above, Vol. XV, p. 68, v. 18. 218 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 221. 10 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 81ff. 11 Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, p. 213. 13 These are recorded in the Udayendiram plates of Prithvipati II (8. I. I., Vol. II, p. 387, vv. 9 and 10). The charter distinctly refers to two invasions of the Pandya country, in the earlier of which Parantaka I. defeated the Pandya king and captured his city, and in the later he not only defeated the Pandya but also slew an immense army despatched to his aid by the lord of Lanka. Parantaka's first invasion of Madura may be placed in A.D. 910 when he assumed the title Madiraikonda'. The second invasion referred to above may be placed in about A.D. 918 which is the date of one of his inscriptions mentioning the battle of Velur in which it is also stated that Parantaka defeated the allied forces of Pandya and the king of Ceylon. The 13 The earliest inscription that gives to Parantaka I., the epithet "Madiraiyum Ilamum konda" being dated in the 37th year of his reign, his conquest of Ceylon must be said to have taken place in or about A.D. 944. Tiravalangadu plates referring to this event state that "all the waters of the sea were not enough to quench the fire of the Chola king's anger, which consumed the enemies and which was put out only by the tears of the wives of the king of Simhala, cut and killed by the king's weapons " (S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 419, v. 52). The Kanyakumari insoription states that the name Simhalantaka was acquired by Parantaka I., by this achievement (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 155, v. 50). 14 Traw. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 155, v. 58. Parantaka's conquest of the Rashtrakuta Krishna III must have happoned before A. D. 944 which is the earliest date of Krishna III's records in the Tamil country subject to the rule of the Cholas (No. 375 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909).

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No. 34.] : THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 219 of several agraharas called after his name Viranarayana. The first over-seas invasion-which was to be continued long afterwards--was undertaken by him. He reigned for 48 years from A.D. 907 and paid great attention to the internal administration of his country. Verse 18 states that Parantaka had three sons named Rajaditya, Gandaraditya and Arinjaya. Of these, Rajaditya is said to have been the lord of the earth after Parantaka I. had passed away (v. 19), and fighting with Krishnaraja, i.e., the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III, he is reported to have met with his end (v. 20). The incorrectness of the statement contained in verse 19 that Rajaditya became the lord of the earth after Parantaka has been clearly shown on pages 82-83 of Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, where in a footnote, several records of Parantaka I., dated in regnal years corresponding to A.D. 947,948, 952 and 953 have been cited. Because the battle of Takkolam, in which Rajaditya lost his life, took place in A.D. 947 and is referred to in a record of A.D. 949, it is evident that he did not survivo his father, who lived and reigned, according to a recently discovered inscription dated in the 48th year, up to at least A.D. 955. From verses 21 and 22 we learn that Gapdaraditya reigned over the Chola dominion and founded a city after his name on the north bank of the Kaveri,and passed away after a son named Madhurantaka had been born to him. The last statement is significant inasmuch as it indicates that Madhurantaka was a child at the time of his father's demise. The next seven verses (vv. 23-29) state that Arinjaya, his son Parantaka II who fought & sanguinary battle at a place named Chevur* (v. 25), and the latter's son Aditya II who is said to have played sportively with Vira-Pandya while he was yet a youth (v. 28), ruled the kingdom in succession and that Madhurantaka succeeded Aditya II (v. 29). Thus, from the statements of the plates it is evident that the three kings Arinjaya, Parantaka II and Aditya II held the reins of government only during the minority of Madhurantaka and gave him the kingdom when he came of age. Their reigns must accordingly have been short. That this was actually the case can be gathered from a consideration of the time of the rule of Uttama Chola. His stone inscriptions carry his reign to 16 years and one of them gives Kali 4083 as the equivalent of his 13th year. As such, his rule lasted from A.D. 969 to 985. Therefore, it is certain that the intervening kings between Parantaka I. to Madhurantaka, omitting of course Rajaditya, who, as shown above, did not survive his father, must have reigned in the interval A.D. 955 to 970. Verses 30 to 34 speak of Rajaraja I., the successor of Uttama-Chola. He is said to have conquered the countries of Pandya, Tulu, Kerala and also Simhalindra and Satya raya. The genealogy furnished in the present plates is given below in a tabular form for easy reference along with those supplied by the Tiruvalangalu plates, the Anbil plates, and the Kanyakumari inscription. 1 Ibid., v. 60. 1 Annual Report on Sowth-Indian Epigraphy for 1932, p. 49. . This place has been identified with Kandaradittam in the Trichinopoly District. * In some inscriptions he claims to have driven the Pandys into the forest". The Kanyakumari record states that the quivering Pandya contemporary of his crossed the mountain and fled away. Sundara-Chota's general Parantakan Siriyavelar, a KodumbaJur chief, is said to have lost his life in a battlefield in Ceylon in the 9th year of the king's reign (above, Vol. XII, p. 124, and note 3). * A. R. on Epigraphy for 1908, p. 69.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. THE TABLE SHOWING THE ANCESTRY OF THE CHOLAS IN The Tiruvalangada plates. Anbil plates of Sundara chola. The Kanyakumari inscription. The Leiden plates. Sun-Manu-Ikshviku Vishnu-Brahma-Marichi Brahma-Marichi-Kasyapa. Sun-Manu-Ikahvaku ... Vikukabi-Purajaya alias Kasyapa-Aryaman ... Vivasvan-Manu-Ikshvaku- Mindhatri-MuchukundaKakutatha-Kakshivat. Mahivira ... Rudrajit. Vikukshikrava-Purajaya... Valabha ... Sibi ... Chola. Aryyama ... Apalapratapa Chandrajit-Ukinara-Sibi... Prithu ... Kuvalasva ... ... Vena-Pfithu...Dhundhu Chola. Mandhatri ... Muchukunmara... Yuvanaeva-Man da ... Harichandra ... Rajakesarin. dhatri-Muchukunda... Sagara ... Bhagiraths ... Valabha-Prithulaksha- Seppi, Killi, eto. Rituparna... Dilips ... Parthivachudamani Rama ... Chola. Parakesarin. Dirgbabahu alias Chandrajit Samkriti...Panchapa... Karikala, etc. Satyavrata alias Rudrajit Rajakesarin. Suraguru alias Mrityujit. ...Ausinars Sibi...Marutta ... Dushyanta-Daushyanti Kochohangappan: (built (Bharats)-Chola of Chol- temples for the lord of Parakesarin. Vyaghraketa. Varman. Gauri in all countries, v. 13). Rajakesarivarman of Mrityujit. Panchapa. Rajakesarin. Nallatikkop. Virasens. Karikala: (constructed Parakesarin. embankments to the Valabha. Kiveri). Chitra or Vyaghraketu. Chitraratha. Srikantha." Kochchanganpan: (a Pushpaketu. devotee of Sambhu). Chitraeva. Vijayalaya. Ketumals, Ko-kKilli. Chitradhanvan: (brought Kaverakanyaka). Rajakesarin : (built large temples of stone to Siva Samudrajit. Vijayalaya. on both banks of che Buraguru alias Mrityujit. Kaveri). Panchapa. Aditya. Chitraratha alias Vira-Chola : (reduced MaVyagbraketu. dhuri, married the daugh. Nfimrids. Parantaka I: (covered the ter of the Kerala king who temple of Siva at Vyaghrawas also called Paluvet grahara with gold). Narendrapati. tarayar). Manoratha. Vasu (Uparichara). Perunatkisli. Arifichika: (married Kalyani, the daughter of the Vaidumba king). Visvajit. Karikala. village of the a Rajiditya : (fought with Krishnaraja andGandaraditya : -Arinjaya. died in battle). after his name on (founded the bank Ka veri). Perunatkilli. Sundara-Chola: (also called Rajakesarin and Parantaks; his virtuous rule and his martial glory described in vv. 27-30). Valabha. Jagadekamalla. Kalikala (Karikala): (renovated Kanchi with gold; constructed embankmente to the Kaveri). Vyalabhayankara. Madhurantaka. 1 The mythical ancestry of the Cholas as furnished in these sources is given at the beginning of each list before the eponymous Chola is mentioned. Hyphen after a name indicates son and successor and dota lineal descendant'. * Tiruretumbur was called Srikantha-chaturvedimangalath.

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA L 221 The Tiruvalangadu plates. Anbil plates of Sundara Chola The Kaayakumari inacription. The Leiden plates Kochchengannan ( spider in his previous birth ; devoted to Sambhu). Vijayalaya : (construoted Parintaka II (fought . Tanohapurl in the Chola sanguinary battlo country). Chevar) Aditya (L.) alias Kodandarama: (killed the Pallava king). Vijayalaya :' (captured Tafichapuri; consecrated Nisumbhasudani). Adityavarman: (conquered in battle the Pallava Aparajita and took posaegsion of his country). Parantaka (I.): (defeated Pandya, Simhala; built a Dabhra-sabha to Siva). Parantaka (I.): (killed the Pandya king, destroyed Aditya (IH) alias Madhurs and acquired the Karikala: (fought witle title of Madhurantaka; Vira-Pandya). oonquered the unconquerable Krishnaraja and was famod 88 Vira-Chols; having killed the lords of Rajaraja I: (conquered the Simhala soquired the title Pandya, Tulu, Kerala, of Simhalantaka; estab- Simhalendra and Satyalished agraharas called Sraya; destroyed ships st after his other name Kandalur-Sala; captured Viranarayana). Vengainadu, Cangapadi. Nulam bapadi, Tadigaipadi. Kudamalainadu, Kollam, Arindama Kalingam, and Ilam; and removed the splendour of the Beliyaa). Parantaka (II): (hearing of his advance the Pandya king Crossed the Madharantaka (Rajondras mountain and fled). Chola) Rajaditys: (defeated Krishparaja and went to heaven). Gapdaraditya: (became king after his father). -Arindama: (became the best of kings). Rajarij. (I.): (Satyakrays fled from the battlefield). Parantaka (II): (called a Manu and Sundara; on his death his queen Vanava mahadevi committed sati). Madhurantaka alias Rajondra-Chola: (conquered Kuntala, made Manyakhets & playground for his armies ; had the kinge of Kuluts and Utkala alain and the chiefs of Kalinga and Vimea destroyed burnt Kataha). Rajendra dova. the earth Aditya (II): (ruled after Parantaka (II); killed the Pandya king in battle). Arunmolivarman : (performed tula. bhara; captured the town Vilinda; conquered the Pandya Amarabujanga and burnt the lord of Lanka; defeated Satyaaraya ; killed Andhra Bhima; conquered the country of Parafurama, and subdued the kings of Gangs, Magadha, Aratta, Odda, Surashtra and Chalukya). Rajadhiraja (set fire to Kalyanapura, and conquered Ahavamalla). Kalinga, Veng Vlrarajendradeva alias Vira-Chola : (slew at Kudalsangama the kings 1 After Aditya (LI), his paternal uncle Madhurantaka bore the burden of the earth and installed Araqmoli in the office of heir-apparent: his devotion to Siva is described

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229 The TravAlangidu plates. Madhurantakaalias Utta ma-Choja, Rajendra Chola and Cholendrasimha: (conquest of the quarters with a powerful army: invasion of the South, the Pandya country and the-flight of the Pandya king to the Malaya hill; his son. Chala-Pandya lefs in charge of the kingdom; invasion of the Western region, crossing the Bahya and fighting with and defeating the lord of Kerala and leaving Chola-Pindya in obarge of the west also; entry into Kanahl and con quest of Jayasimha : EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Anbil plates of SundaraOhoja The Kanyakumari insoription. of the Mappate family; conquered the Vengi and the Kalinga countries; established brahmadeyas in the Chola, Tundira, Pandya, Gangavati and Kuluta countries; and saw the back of Ahavamalla three times). [VOL. XXII. The Leiden plates. After tracing the pedigree of the Cholas the Sanskrit portion of the inscription states that king Rajaraja alias Rajakesarivarman gave in the 21st year of his reign the village of Apaimangalam to the lofty shrine of the Buddha in the Chalamanivarma-vihara, which the ruler of Sriwishaya and Kataha named Maravijayottungavarman of the Sailendra family having the Makara crest, the son of Chalamanivarman, had erected in the name of his father at the delightful city of Nagapattana in Pattana-kurram, a sub-division of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu (11; 73-86) and that after Rajaraja had passed away, his son Madhurantaka caused a permanent edict to be made for the village granted by his father (vv. 35-36). The Sanskrit prasasti given in this inscription was composed by a Brahmana resident of Kottaiyar named Anentanarayana of the Vasishtha family (v. 39): it was ordered by the officer Tillaiyali of Kanchivayll, otherwise known as Rajaraja-Muvandavel, to be neatly incised (vv. 40-42). On the direction of the lord of Kataha and at the instance of Tuvavaravan Apukkap, the son of Sriman: Atikal (Adigal), the five artisans of the Bhovya family at Kanchipura, viz., Vasudeva alias Rajaraja-Mahacharya, Sriranga and Damodara, the two sons of Krishna, Krishna son of Vasudeva, and Purushottama, the son of Aravamrita incised the prasasti and affixed their signatures to it (vv. 43-48). On this word, see note 1, p. 243 below. *No. 227 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1921. A word may now be said about the composer of the prasasti and the engravers of the grant. Since it is stated that this permanent edict was caused to be made by Madhurantaka (i.e., Rajan dra-Chola I,, the son of Rajaraja I., there is no doubt that the prasasti was composed during his reign by his court poet. The composer's name given in it is Anantanarayana and not Nandanarayana as Messrs. Burgess and Natesa Sastri have it. He was a Vasishtha.and a resident of Kottaiyur. The Tiruvalangadu grant, which was issued in the early part of the same reign, i.e., in the 6th or the 7th year. is said to have been drawn up by Narayana the son of Sarkara. The village of Kottaiyur, to which the composer of the prasasti in the Leiden plates belonged, is renowned as the birth place of Pavattabbatta-Somayajiyar, one of the Chola officers that conducted enquiries in temples. It is indentical with the village of that name in the Kumba

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No. 34.) THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 223 konam Taluk of the Tanjore District. From date of the inscriptions of the place it is learnt that it was situated in Innambar-nadu'. While the Tiruvalangadu grant was incised by four persons, the 'Leiden plates were engraved by five. The proper names that ocour in both are Sriranga (Tiruvarangan) and Damodara, who were the sons of Krishona, and Purushottama the son of Arivamrita. While the Tiruvalangadu plates give the additional name Aravamurta, the son of Krishna, the Leiden plates furnish the names Vasudeva, son of Krishna, and his son Ksishna The attribute a-krishna-charita) Krishna-sambhavdepi mahdmatih is given to Aravamurta in the Tiruvalangadu plates, which distinctly state that Sriranga and Damodara were his younger brothers, whereas it is applied to Vasudeva alias Rajarajapperacbariyan in the Leiden plates which mention Sriranga and Damodara immediately after him without specifying any relationship. The common application of the epithet cannot point to the identity of the individuals Vasudova and Aravamurta. But it is not unlikely that both Vasudeva and Aravampita were the elder brothers of Sriranga and Damodare. The title Rajarajapperacharyyap borne by Vasudeva might have been granted by Rajaraja I. himself, during whose reign the gift recorded in the Leiden plates was actually made, though the document was finally insued in the reign of Rajendra-Chdla I. This grant might even be slightly earlier than the Tiruvalangadu grant issued in about the 6th year. In the Sanskrit portion, the word hovya is ased to denote the family (anavaya) of the persons that inoised the inscription on the plates and they are also called chitrakarinal. In mentioning their names in the Tamil portion which follows, the persons that incised the edict get the epithet Oviyachohittirakari. It is thus made clear by the inscription itself that hovya is only a variant of the Tamil Oviya. The word oviyam occurs in the Tamil classical work Manimegalai in reference to a treatise called oviya-nul and this is made evident by the commentary of Adiyarkkunallar on Venirkadas of Silappadikaram. Thus, we are led to think that hovya or Oviya is not the proper name of a family or caste but is the name of a profession, and that profession, we know from the inscription, to be painting' (chittirakari). This sense of the word oviya is clearly obtained from two other references in the Manimegalai and Jivakachintamani.In the second reference, the commentator Nachohinarkkiniyar furnishes the synonym chittirakarar' for Oviyar, as in the Leiden plates. In this connection, it is also worth noting that ovu is used in the sense of " a painting" in Maduraikkastchi.. From what has been said above, it looks as if inscriptions were in the first instance painted on the materials, stone or metal, by painters, though the incising might have been left to be done by carvers on stone or metal. But it is not unlikely that both painting and carving were done by the same individuals; that is to say that lekhakas knew both painting and carving.' In the Tamil portion of this grant it is said that on the 92nd day after the 21st year of his reign, king Rajaraja, while he was in the pavilion, on the southern side of his palace called Rajasrayan, erected in a suburb of Tanjavur, declared that the income of 8,943 kalam, 2 tuni, 1 kusuni, and 1 nali of paddy accruing from the payment of the assessment on 97 veli, 2 ma, 11 kani, 1 mundirigai, kil of three ma, three kaxi and one mundirigai and kil of half and 2 ma of land comprising the village of Agaimangalam,-including such as had ceased to be pallich 1 No. 241 of the same collection for 1927. Canto II, II. 30-31, which read madaga-magalirkku nanganan vaputtav-Oviya-chchennul-urai-nair-khidat kaiyum. * See 11. 23-26. Canto 5, 1. 7. * Verne 102 of the Gandaruvatattaiyar-Hambagow.. * See 1. 365. * This is evident from the use of the words bettinom, achariyar and chittiralari uod in connection with the writers of this document.

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224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. chandas (i.e., grants made to Buddhist or Jain temples), and omitting such as had been excluded in survey,--should be given as & tax-free pallichchanda to meet the requirements of the palli, i.e., the shrine of the Buddha in the Chulamanivarmavihara which was being constructed by Chulamanivarman, the king of Kadaram, at Nagapattanam in Pattapakurram, & Bub-division of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanalu. This oral order of the king was committed to writing by the official who generally writes down the royal orders, was signed by four persons who bore the designation tirumandiravolai-nayagam, i.e., Superintendents of Royal Writs, and was issued. In accordance with it, it was ordered to be entered in the accounts by the officials bearing the designation karumamarayum, i.e., Secretary, and naduviruklum, i.e., arbitrators, Four officials of the tax department styled puravuvari and three others styled vari ppottagam (i.e., maintainers of tax registers) being present, the entry in the state registers was made. This done, arrangements were made for drawing up the deed of gift, giving it to the donee and effecting the necessary changes in the divisional or village accounts. For the ceremony of walking along the boundaries taking round a female elephant, pointing out the limits and marking them with stones and milk-bush, one official called kankani-naduvitukkum, i.e., superintendent of arbitrators, four Bhattas and one puravuvari officer were nominated; and a royal order was issued to the natar, i.e., the members of the Divisional Assembly stating that they should be present with the nominated persons, point out in detail the boundaries and draw up and give the deed of assignment to the donee (11. 49-50). On hearing the approach of the royal mandate, the administrative body of the division went in advance, and paying obeisance to the order, received it on their heads and acted as directed in the order. The deed drawn up by them is actually what is incised on plates I to XVI (Tamil portion), which, after reciting the contents of the royal order noted above, gives in detail the boundaries of the lands comprising the village of Agaimangalam which is the object of the grant, specifies the conditions to be observed by the donees and the privileges to be enjoyed by them and bears the signatures of the persons that were present at the time of its being drafted. The names of the officials of Rajaraja I. that figure in this inscription, their designations and the villages with district and subdivision, to which they belonged, are given in List A; and the names of the persons who signed the deed, with their official designations, and the sabha or urar of villages on whose behalf they attested it, are given in List B. Here king Rajaraja I. is surnamed Rajarajakesarivarman and is said to have cut off the ships at Kandalur-Salai, to have taken Vengai-nadu, Gangapadi, Nulambapadi, Tadigaipali, Kudamalai-nadu, Kollam, Kalingam and Ilamandalam with the aid of his highly powerful and victorious army, and to have deprived the Seliyas of their splendour. In the numerous collection of stone inscriptions of Rajaraja I., Kandalur-Salai sometimes occurs in the shortened form Salai. That it was an important place in the Chera kingdom is made clear from the epithet " ViraPandyan talaiyum Seralan Salaiyum Ilangaiyum konda" (who took the head of Vira-Pandys, the Salai of the Chera king and Lanka) applied to the Chola king Rajadhiraja I.'; and that it was a port town having a large number of ships is evident from the phrase " enjalil velai-kelu Kandalur-Salari" occurring in the historical introduction of the same king in describing his campaign against the Cheras. As the destruction of the ships at Kandalur-Salai is first recorded in Rajaraja's stone 1 A. R. of the Trav. Arch. Department for 1920-21, p. 65. + Though Salai and kalam mean also feeding house 'and' vessel' it seems improper to introduce this senso of the words in the phrase Salai-lam-arutta and to say that the Chola king caused the discontinuance of "the feoding house or boarding school of the Cheras " (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 3f.) for, it would turn one of the important military achievements of that king, on which he may be said to have prided himself by repeating it in his deeds of glory (i.c., the historical introduction), into an ignoble act which the king would hardly have allowed to be mentioned in his meykirti.

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No. 84.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 225 inscriptions dated in the 10th year of his reign, it must have taken place in about A.D. 994. Though the epithet Kandalur-Salai kalam-arutta is applied in most records to Rajaraja I., there is but a single inscription which states that the king" by ordering his army, effected the destruction of ships at Kandalur-Salaia ". Vengai-nadu is the country of the Eastern Chalukyas ; Gangapadi is the territory of the Western Gangas of Talakkad ; and Nulambapadi is the province subjected to the rule of the Nolambas. Kudamalai-nadu occurs in the form Kudagumalai-nalu in one of the Mysore State inscriptions and may be the same as Coorg. But, it may also be interpreted as Malai-nanu (i.e., the hill country) lying on the western side (kuda or kudagu). In this case, Malai-nadu or Kudamalai-padu may be taken to represent the country of the Cheras. And it is worthy of note that some of the Tanjore inscriptions of Rajaraja I. state that he defeated the Chera king (Cheraman) and the Pandyas in Malai-nadu and presented the booty obtained there to the temple of Rajarajesvara which he built at Tanjavur.. The conquests of the places mentioned above are registered in the king's records dated between the 12th and the 14th years as having been effected with the help of his highly powerful and victorious army. Thus between A.D. 997 and 998 Rajaraja seems to have overcome the Western Gangas, the Nolambas, the chief of the Coorg province or the Cheras, and the Eastern Chalukyas. Inscriptions dated between the years 14 and 15 (A.D. 998-999) add Kollam and Kalingam to the king's conquests. Bearing the name Kollam there were two places on the West coast. They had the distinguishing epithets Kurakkeni and Pandalayani. The former is Quilon, a station in the Shencotta-Trivandrum line of the South Indian Railway, and the other is Pandalayani near Quilandy, a station in the Mangalore line of the same Railway. Both appear to have been cities of considerable importance in early times. According to the Kottayam plates of the Chera king Sthanu Ravi, a contemporary and ally of the Chola sovereign Rajakesarivarman Aditya I. (A.D. 870-907), a Christian Church-the earliest that is known from lithic records--was built at Kurakkeni-Kollam, which was subject to the immediate rule of the Venadu Chief Aiyanadigal-Tiruvadi and his heir-apparent Rama. Tiruvadi. The Venadu Chiefs are often called Kolambhadbibas from the fact that they were the lords of Kolambha, i.e., Quilon.' Pandalayani-Kollam or Kolam is said to have been made the capital of a kingdom by Ramaghata-Mushikesvara. The chiefs of this place are called in lithic records Iramakuta-Muvar'. If Kollam referred to as having been captured by Rajaraja I, in his historical introduction is Kurakkeni-Kollam, i.e., Quilon, he must have got it from the chief of Venadu after deteating him, and if it is Pandalayani-Kollam, he must have wrested it from Iramakuta-Muvar. Both these chiefs were subordinate to the Chera king. Probably, referring to the conquest of the Cheras herein noted as having been effected by the army of Rajaraja I., the Tiruvalangadu grant says that the commandant of the king captured the town of Vilinda whose moat was the sea, whose extensive ramparts were glorious and high, (and) which was impregnable to the enemy warriors, thus omitting Kollam but mentioning Vilinam (S. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 421, v. 79). The Sepur inscription of Rajaraja I., which is somewhat differently worded from the rest, states that the Chola sovereign conquered the haughty kings of Kollam, Kolladesam and Koduu. 1 No. 121 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1923. Ep. carn., Vol. III, Tn. 122. * Kielhorn's Southern List, Nos. 704 and 764. * Seo Tanjore temple inscription mentioning this conquest. . See J. R. A. 8., 1922, p. 172. * Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, pp. 63 and 70. A. R. of the Trav. Arch. Department for 1920-21, P. 54, para. 29J. R. A. 8., 1922, p. 10. A, R. # South Indian Epigraphy for 1930, Part II, para, 418.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. golth (Crangapore) and that the kings of the sea (kadal-aroitar) waited on him. Here must be Doted one other event, which seems to have taken place in the king's 14th year of reign (A.D. 998) and which seems to have furnished the king with the grandiloquent epithet tomelil valor uliyu ella yondum tolustaga vilangum yande Seliyaraiattedu-kol meaning that " in the very year of his growing prosperity when he became the object of adoration in all quarters, he took away the splendour of the Seliyas (i.e., the Pandyas)". This event was eonsidered to be of much prime importance that it was ever afterwards inseparably associated with his title and name in all his later inscriptions and the epithet bodily removed to the end of the introduction giving place to the mention of later additional conquests before it. It is not unlikely that the king himself was engaged in the fight against the Pandyas and secured such unqualified success which gave him the permanent epithet while the additional conquests effected by the army were inserted before the phrase Hindiral venri tandar-kondu.' An exact parallel to this may be found in the epithet Sopadu kondu Mudikondasolapurattu virbhishekam panniy-aruliya, which was similarly associated with the name of Maravarman Sundars-Pandya I., and taken to the end of his introduction giving his later conquests an earlier place. The Sapur inscription adds that the Chola sovereign destroyed Madura, i.e., the capital of the Pandyas and places that event before the conquests of Kollam, Kolladesam and Cranganore. Speaking of the Pandya conquest the Tiruvalangadu grant says that when Rajaraja I. set out to conquer the South, the moon as if to afford protection to the Pandya king born in his family, became the white parasol of the invader; and records also that Amarabhujanga was seized. The last item of conquest mentioned in the Leiden plates is ffamandalam, i.e., the province of Ceylon. This was affected with the help of the army. Pero haps Rajaraja himselt did not go to Ceylon. As the event is mentioned for the first time in the historical introduction of the 16th year, it has to be placed in A.D. 1001. Quite in agreement with the stone inscriptions that it was the highly victorious army which effected the conquest of this item also, the Tiruvalangadu grant registers the event in these words :-" This terrible General of that (king Arunmolivarian) crossed the ocean by ships and burnt the Lord of Lanka (Ceylon) ". Since no additional conquests are recorded in Rajaraja's inscriptions from the 16th to the 20th years and since the Annexation of Rattapadi 7 lakhs is noticed in the inscriptions of the 1st year and after, it seems that the invasion against the Western Chalukya country took place in some part of the 21st tegnal year of the king (A.D. 1008). As the Leiden plates are also dated in the 21st year and 92nd day and as they do not mention Rattapadi 71 lakhs, it is evident that. the conquest w&s effected in the latter part of A.D. 1005, after the date of this grant, i.e., after the 92nd day of the 21st year of reign. The greatness of Rajaraja I. as a conqueror is evident from the fact that he was able to bring under subjection not only the rulers of almost all the provinces of South India but also the king of Ceylon. It would thus appear that Rajaraja I. was the greatest Sovereign of the day, greater than any of his predecessors and had a high claim for imperial honours. However much the valour of this king and the conditions that were prevailing in the various Madras.Epigraphical Report for 1912, Part II, pars. 29. * The 16th year inscriptions of Rajaraja I., add llam to the list of conquests effeoted with the help of the army and this is inserted before tindiral and the epithet takneliltaken after it. In the records of the 21st year and later, another conquest effected with the help of the areny, viz., that of the Western Chalukys country or Rattapadi 77 lakhs, is mentioned. We find it also similarly entered after Ilam and the opithet of the king taken to the end of the introduction. See above, Vol. VI, p. 302. Madras Epigraphical Report for 1912, Part II, para. 22. . 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 421, vy. 77-78. * Ibid., v. 80. Madras Rpigraphical Report for 1802, par. 6.

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No. 24.) THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OP RAJARAJAL . provisaces of the Deccan in his day might have contributed to the success of his arms (in his vast sobame of conquests), credit must necessarily be given to the highly powerful army " with whose aid he is expressly stated in hundreds of inscriptions to have effected the enlargement of his dominions. A word about the conditions of the various states of the Deocan may not be out of place here. In fact it is necessary to know them to understand what opportunities presented themselves to Bajar ja L and how be availed himself of them. During the period when Rajaraja I was heir apparent, which according to the Tiruvalasgadu grant covered the reign of Uttama-Chola (A.D. 970-985), there reigned over the Pandya country & king named Vira-Pandya who boasts of " having taken the head of the Choja king" . As opposed to this, more than one ruler of the Southern provinces, who could be regarded as his contemporaries, have assumed the title "who took the head of Vira-Pandya". One of these latter was the Chola king Aditya II alias Karikala and about him the grant under publication states that though a young boy he played sportively, with Vtrar Pandya'. Others are the Kodumbalur chief Vikramakeseri and Parthivendravarman', both of whom appear to have been the Chola king's allies. From this it can be safely said that there were hard fights between the parties. In some of these, Vira-Pandya must have been successful and in others his opponents. In ascertaining the actual truth in such a matter, the places of die tribution of their inscriptions may be regarded as a sure test of their claims. This seems to be in favour of neither party. So far, we have not come across any inscriptions of Vira Pandya in the Chola country. Nor have we any record of his opponents in the Pandya territory, as we do find, in the case of Parantaka I. and Rajaraja I. The struggle between the Cholas and the Pandya was a hard and continuous one. It commenced in the reign of Chola Parantaka I. against RajaBirtha-Pandya and his ally the king of Ceylon and was continued ever afterwards. Parantaka II alias Sundara-Chola is said to have driven the Pandya into the forest; and of his general Paran takan Siriyavelar it is reported that he gave up his life in a battle in Ceylon. Aditya Karikala's claim to have conquered Vira-Pandya has just been noted. Rajaraja I. had to renew the struggle and his success was better than that of his predecessors. The numerous inscriptions of his found all over the Pandya country .e., Madura and Tinnevelly districts-testify to the fact that his overlordship W88 acknowledged in that quarter. Even the very name of the territory was changed into Rajaraja-Pandinadu'. For this continuance of hatred between the Cholas and Pandyne there were good grounds. From the time when the ancient Choles ceased to be a maling power and lost their hold of their ancient possessions in Trichinopoly and Tanjore districts and until Vijay&laya started a new line at Tanjore, their original home was oocupied by the Pandyas an the one side sad the Pallavas on the other, and there were severe fights between theme two power themselves. To wrest back from the new inoumbente the kingdom, which had become theirs by long enjoyment and whioh they would not easily yield, led the Cholas to be continually at was with the Pandyas. While this was the case with the kingdoms in the extreme south of the Peninsula, the stata of affairs in the countries of Verg, Kalinga and Retta, , the dominion of the Rashtrakutas WM 18.1. I., Vol. II, p. 420, v. 70. . Nos. 163 of 1894 and 65 of 1896, which are dated in the 4+2nd year and 18+4th year of this king. See below, p. 241, verse. 28. Stone insoriptions of Parakesarivarman " who took the head of VirsPlodya" have been attributed to this king. Fletorical Sketches of Ancient Dekhox, pp. 336.236 See above note 4, p. 219. See his inscription at Apaimalai near Madura pablished in 8. 1. 1.. Vol. II, p. 239, No. 106 sleo No. 119 pf 1905. See Madras Epigraphical Collections No. 408 of 1006. 70 of 1907, 802 and 618 of 1919

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2.28 RPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIL anything but satisfactory. In the last quarter of the 10th century A.D., these countries were thrown into confusion, being torn by internal dissensions, and were subjected to wars and counter wars bringing in their train all the evils of an unsettled life, reducing to the position of subordinates the dynasties that wielded once an extensive power and enjoyed high prosperity, and resulting in the deposition of rightful heirs, affording scope for rising into prominence of families which held but subordinate and feudatory positions and leaving some of the legitimate rulers to seek the aid of others to regain their lost position and country. The years 972-5 were highly eventful in the history of these countries. In A.D. 972-3, Siyaka Harsha, the Paramara king of Malwa, it is said, gained a victory over the Rashtrakuta Khottiga and the latter's capital Manyakheta, ie., Malkhed, was plundered and pillaged either by him or by his successor Munja1. This was followed by the rising of the Western Chalukya Taila II, who, in A.D. 973-4 overthrew Khottiga's successor Kakkala and acquired the fortunes of the Rashtrakutas, leaving the once flourishing Ratta rule to remain only in the memory of the people. At the very time when the Rashtrakuta rule was wiped out, the Vengi country, deprived of its legitimate ruler by the deposition of Danarpava, was experiencing a feverish desire to obtain a suitable lord and, it is said, it was only assuaged after 27 years, by the appearance of Chalukya-Chandra, i.e., Saktivarman. The earlier opinion as regards the interregnum in the Vengi country was that it was caused by the Cholas. Dr. Burnell, speaking of this period, said that it was a period of anarchy and suggested that it should be attributed to a Chola invasion; and Dr. Fleet suspected that the Vengi country must have been conquered by the Cholas but considered that the claim of the Chola king Rajaraja I. to have conquered Yengi was merely an honorary one based on some previous king's conquests, as that scholar was under the impression that Rajaraja's reign began in A. D. 1003 or 1004. That the country of Vengi, though deprived of its legitimate ruler Danarnava, was not subject to anarchy is established by the rule of Badapa, Tala and others belonging to the collateral line of the Eastern Chalukyas; and that the claim of Rajaraja I. to have conquered Vengi was only honorary and must be based on a prior Chola ruler's conquest is disproved by the fact that none of the predecessors claims it. On the other hand, the fact that Danarnava ruled for the short period of 3 years (970-972-3) and the evidence of the Conjeeveram inscription, that he killed (or defeated) Kamarnava, who must be no other than his contemporary the Eastern Ganga king Kamarnava IV (A.D. 950-980) might be reasonably taken to show that the latter made a counter invasion of the Eastern Chalukya dominion and brought about Danarnava's deposition. The accession of Saktivarman, the son of Danarnava, to the Vengi throne immediately following Rajaraja's invasion suggests that the very object of the invasion might have been to secure the country to its rightful owner and was probably undertaken on behalf of the deposed Danarnava. Here it may be remarked that the Sanskrit portion of the inscription on the Leiden plates, which contains the prasasti of the Chola family, was composed later than the Tamil portion and during the time of Madhurantaka, the son and successor of the donor, i.e., the Chola king Rajaraja I. The prasasti seems to have been added on as a learned preface to the matter of fact Tamil portion which, as stated already, sets forth in detail everything relating to the grant of the village of Apaimangalam to the palli in the Chulamanivarma-vihara at Nagapattanam. While according to the Tamil portion the vihara was in the course of construction by Chulamanivarman, the chief of Kadaram, at the time of the grant, i.e., the 21st year of the reign of the Chola king Rajaraja I. (A.D. 1005), the Sanskrit introduction states that it was built by Maravijayottungavarman, the son of Chulamanivarman, in the name of the latter. This apparent discrepancy 1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 225 f. Ibid., Vol. III, p. 269; Vol. IV (Nilgund Inser.), p. 206; and Vol. XII, pp. 311 f. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 272. Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 29 ff. For paritalla (p. 34, 1. 48) read parisulla.

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 229 may be explained by saying that the construction of the Chulamanivarma-vihara was undertaken by the Kataha king Chulamanivarman himself in about the 21st year of the reign of Rajaraja I. but was completed by Chulamanivarman's son Maravijayottungavarman in the reign of Rajaraja's son Rajendra-Choja I. The number of years taken for the building of the vihara which is not less than 9 and the munificent grant made to it by Rajaraja I. of the entire income from the village of Anaimangalam amounting to 8943 and odd kalam of paddy for a year for the upkeep of the palli in it, speaks to the loftiness of the structure which in the words of the prasasti writer is said to have lowered Kanakagiri, i.e., Mount Meru. In connection with this building we may note the following observation of Sir W. Elliot made in 1878 "Till within the last few years there was to be seen on the Coromandel coast, between one and two miles to the north of Negapatam, a tall weather-beaten tower, affording a useful landmark to vessels passing up and down the coast. It went by various names, as the Puduveligopuram, the old pagoda, Chinese pagoda (Valentyn mentions it Pagood China in 1725) and in the map of the Trignometrical survey (sheet 79) it stands as the Jeyna (Jaina) pagoda. But save in name it has nothing in common with Hindu or Mahommedan architecture, either in form or in ornament. Tradition is silent as to its origin or purpose, and although it has been the subject of frequent speculations, no satisfactory theory has been formed to account for it." In 1846 Sir W. Elliot saw it. He describes : "I found it to be a somewhat four sided tower of three stories, constructed of bricks closely fitted together without cement, the first and second stories divided by corniced mouldings, with an opening for a door or window in the middle of each side. At the top of the lowest story were marks in the wall showing where the floor of the second had been fixed. The top was open. The base of the ground story was worn at the angles, from collision with passers-by and cattle, but the structure was solid and firm. No trace of sculpture or inscription was visible." (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 224.) The history of its disappearance is shortly this - The Jesuits expelled from Pondichery settled in its vicinity and applied for permission in 1859 to dismantle it. Captain Oakes, the District Engineer, recommended its demolition stating it to be an old ruin, crumbling to decay and not deserving the name of an ancient monument, as it had neither sculpture nor inscription. Sir W. Elliot protested against it and the Governor deferred final orders until he saw it himself. Meanwhile Sir W. Elliot left India. Sir Charles Trevelyn went to Negapatam, was not impressed with its high antiquity, thought that expenditure on it was a waste of public money, did not concur in the recommendation for demolition but directed its being fenced round with an enclosure to secure its safety and at the same time ordered photographs of it to be taken. These orders were not carried out. In 1867 the Jesuits renewed their petition, the Chief Engineer recommended repairs and the tower was allowed to stand. He added "there is no doubt that it is used as a landmark for vessels approaching the Negapatam road-stead" and the Master Attendant of the port had expressed the opinion that "the native population objected to its removal". Then came the final order (28th August 1867): "The Governor in Council is pleased to sanction the removal of the old tower at Negapatam by the officers of St. Joseph's College, at their own expense, and the appropriation of the available material to such school building purposes as they appear to have in contemplation". Sometime after, Lord Napier visiting Negapatam was presented with a bronze image found in the excavation connected with the college. The construction of the Chulamanivarma-vihara and the palli in it, to which the grant of the village of Anaimangalam, registered in these plates, was made, is referred to in lines 6-7, 13-15, and 200-1 and in all these places, the building is said to be in the course of construction by Kadarattaraiyan, and not even once as having been built. In the first of the references given above, Kadarattaraiyan is also called Chulamanivarman. King Rajaraja I. gave his oral order on the

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230 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 92nd day after the 21st year of his reign that the grant should have effect from that very year. After the due observance of all the formalities, which took full two years and seventy-two days, the deed was finally drawn up and presented on the 163rd day after his 23rd year (1.322f.). It is only from the later Sanskrit introduction, composed during the reign of Rajendra-Chola L., that we learn that Kadarattaraiyan was not a mere local chief but was a member of the Sailendra family and the lord of the country of Sri-Vishaya and that he was ruling over Kataha and had the Makara crest. Now the question arises as to how Chulamapivarman, the lord of Sri-Vishaya and the ruler of Kataha or Kadaram, came to erect a big vihara for the Buddha at Negapatam in the heart of the distant Chola dominion and how the powerful Chola king came to grant the entire revenues of a village for the upkeep of a palli in it. It is a significant fact that the historical introduction of the Chola king as detailed in these plates does not mention Kataha, i.e., Kadaram or Sri-Vishaya. And therefore the inscription leaves us entirely in the dark as to what kind of relationship existed between Kadarattaraiyan (i.e., the lord of Kataha) and the Chola king Rajaraja I. Nor are we given to understand the circumstances under which the grant was made, i.e., whether it was done at the request of the Kataha ruler or on the Chola king's own initiative. But for the somewhat later Sanskrit introduction, any one, reading only the Tamil original grant, might be led to think that Kadarattaraiyan must have been a local chief of affluence and subordinate to the Chola king. Now, for aught we know, Rajaraja I. was tolerant of all religious creeds prevalent in his dominion, though his special leaning was towards Saivism. In this connection, his construction of the Brihadievara temple, called Rajarajeevara after his name, at his capital Tanjore, and the immense gifts made to it from the treasures which he had acquired as booty in the conquests of the Chera and the Pandya kings in Malai-nadu and the Chalukya king Satyaaraya, and his assumption of the significant surname Sivapadasekhara, are worth remembering. Rajaraja I, was no mean monarch. It was he that for the first time in the annals of the Cholas maintained a large standing army which consisted of 900,000 men and which is spoken of in his inscriptions as "highly powerful and victorious". The power of his arms, as we have seen already, was felt in India from Kalinga in the north to the southern cape and beyond the seas in Ceylon; but no mention is made of Kataha, From the conquest of Kataba described in detail in the records of the 16th year onwards of the reign of Rajendra-Chola I, we learn that it was a kingdom of considerable importance and contained many strongly fortified places such as SriVijaya, i.e., Sri-Vishaya of the Leiden plates, Pannai, Malaiyur, Mayirudingam, Ilamuridada, Ilangasoka, Pappala, Mevilimbangam, Vilaippandur, Takkola, Madamalingam, Nakkavaram, etc. As such, if Rajaraja I. had really conquered Kataha, it would certainly have found mention in his historical introductions. The ommission seems to indicate that he did not conquer it. On the other hand the fact that Kadarattaraiyan was enabled to commence the construction of a monumental Buddhist vihara at Negapatam in the Chola country in the 21st year of Rajaraja I. and that the latter assigned the revenues of a village for the upkeep of a shrine in it might lead one to infer that the Kataba ruler must have made a successful invasion of the Chola country. This is, however, negatived for the reason that the inscription is not issued in the name of the Kataha ruler but in the name of the Chola king. Can it not therefore be said that the Kataha ruler was on friendly terms with the mighty Chola king and obtained his permission to build the vihdra in question and that the latter made endowments to a palli in it, which, as we know from the smaller Leiden plates, was called Rajarajapperumballi after the name of the Chola king? One other observation may be made with regard to the connection of the Buddhists with Negapatam. In the traditional account of Tirumangai-Alvar, who is described in the Guruparampard as a tendatory of the Chola king of his day, it is stated that. he once went to Nagapattanam, got inside the Buddha temple at the place, carried away the gold image that was

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA 1. 231 enshrined within it and melting the same utilised the amount in building walls and other structures in the Ranganathe temple at Srirangam. If there is any truth in this, it would show that long prior to the construction of the Chulamapivarma-vihara, s.e., before the beginning of the 9th century, Negapatam was renowned as a Buddhist centre and had in it & Bauddha monument. We do not know if the vihara that was erected in the days of Rajaraja I., was a now one or was only the renewal of the old monument. The order of the king granting the village of Apaimangalam was addressed to the nattar (the Divisional Assembly), the brahmadeya-kilavar (i.e., the head men of the brahmadeyas), the urgalilar (i.e., the body of ur) of devadanas, palsichchandas, kanimurrufft and vettipperu and to the nagaras. It will be shown below that in carrying out this order, men of several brahmadeyat and the urar of several villages, devadanas and vettipperu actually took part. It is to be noted that this order, though addressed to all these bodies of men, was in the first instance received by the natfar only and was executed by all as required. The natfar appear to have had a better standing than the rest and the others were all subject to their administrative control. Here are four distinct asemblies, viz., (1) the assembly of the division (nadu), (2) the assembly of the ur, (8) the assembly relating to the brahmad yas, i.e., the sabhas, and (4) the nagara by which is perhaps meant the body of merchants. What is meant by a brahmad@ya, devadana, or pallichchanda is generally well known. They refer respectively to villages or lands granted to Brahmanas, Hindu temples, and Jaina or Buddhist shrines. The significance of kani-murrutfu is not so plain. The word kani is used in ancient Tami) works to denote the person or persons that announce to the king the time of day or night. They are also called nafigaikkanakkar or kadigaiyart. It is not unlikely that their services were paid for by grants of lands or villages as other services were Murruftu may be taken to mean " complete yield". This sense of the word is obtained from its usage in reference to a piece of land granted to a temple in the text of an inscription from Kilappaluvurt where we find the phrase " i-nnilam ufudu payir-erri murruffum konduvandhu tirumurrattu alappadagavum ". The use of the word murruffu after the group devadana pallichchanda-kani seems to indicate that in the case of lands of villages granted to temples, Buddhist or Jaina shrines, and to the announcers of time to the king, the entire produce without any incidental deductions should be made over to the respective donees. It is not unlikely that we meet with phrases like devadana-murruffu, pallichchanda-murruffu, and kani-murruffu. The separation of brahmadeyas from the group is perhaps due to the fact that they had assemblies of their own called sabhas, different, of course, from the assembly of the ur, as we see it in this very inscription. That a particular village might have had more than one assembly according to its constitution could also be gathered from the circumstance that Kadambanur had both the sabha and the urur and one person on behalf of each of these assemblies signed the deed in respect of that village. The transactions of the nadu, the sabha and the ur are usually recorded by the command of those bodies, by persons who bore the official designatione Madhyastha, Karanattan and the like. The functions of these individuals were perhaps similar to those of the secretaries of regularly constituted associations. Sometimes, we find that the order to these individuals is given by a single member instead of by the body collectively. This member is designated by the term Tiruvadigal. In all likelihood Tiruvadigal meant the President of the assembly. In this connection it is particularly worthy of note that he is stated to be one of the members constituting the body. This is made evident from the wording of an inscription of Rajaraja 1.), viz., sabhaiyullirundu sabhai-t Tiruvadi panippa efudin an ivvur madhyasthan Mantrikulottaman magan Karppagap 1 Soo Jivakachintamani, v. 2733, and Sulappadipuram, Indirao 1. 49. * No. 678 of 8. I. I., Vol. V. .No. 34 of 8. I. I., Vol. VII.

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232 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. piriyanen. Since the Secretary is called the madhyastha of the village, it may be even said that he was the accountant of the village and had a function in the assembly. In List B (p. 237, below), the official Kunavan Nandi alias Alankarapriyan occurs thrice (Nos. 4, 15 and 16), firstly as the madhyastha of the sabha of Mungirkudi secondly as the karanattan-madhyastha of the sabha of Pirambil and lastly as the karnattan-madhyastha of the urar of Kadambangudi. If all these refer to a single individual, it would show that one could hold the position of a karana or madhyastha of several villages. Perhaps the three villages Mungirkudi, Pirambil and Kadambangudi were close to one another. From a number of inscriptions, we see clearly that the sabha and the ur were transacting their business independently. Though this was the case, they appear to have been completely subject to the orders of the king which they implicitly carried out. In this connection we may draw attention to the fact that the grant of the village of Anaimangalam, registered in the Leiden plates, was first made by the king without any reference to these bodies and was even entered in the State accounts, and the bodies were only required to give effect to it. Another point to note is, that as occasion required, the State deputed one or more persons to co-operate with the local bodies in the conduct of their business. Thus, in the matter of marking the boundaries of the village and drawing up the deed of gift, no less than six persons-all State officials, one being a naduvirukkum, one puravuvari and four Bhattas-were nominated. In fact it was one of these officials that actually drew up the deed of gift: it is worthy of note that he was not even a resident of any of the villages of the division of Pattana-kurram. From List B it will be seen that the assemblies of no less than 26 villages took part in going round the boundaries of Apaimangalam whose revenues were assigned by the Chola king Rajaraja I. to the Bauddha shrine at Nagapattanam. Like Anaimangalam, these villages were also situated in the sub-division Pattana-kurram of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu. Many of them bear the names given in the inscription even at the present day. Ten of these villages, viz., (1) Kadambanur, (2) Naranamangalam, (3) Mungirkudi, (4) Sannamangalam, (5) Kottarakkudi, (6) Nannimangalam, (7) Poruvanur, (8) Pirambil, (9) Uvarkkudi, and (10) Tiruk. kannangudi were administered by sabhas; except (4) and (10), the rest are expressly called brahmadeyas. Of the remaining places, fourteen, viz., (1) Narimanram, (2) Sattamangalam, (3) Kovur, (4) Uttur, (5) Alangudi, (6) Turaiyur, (7) Kadambangudi, (8) Sendamangalam, (9) Kurralam, (10) Tirunavur, (11) Munjikkudi, (12) Kadambavalavatkai, (13) Palan-Korrangudi and (14) Venkidangil were under the control of the administrative bodies of the urar: it is worthy of note that none of these fourteen villages is called a brahmadeya. In the case of two other villages, viz., Velangudi and Siru-Sendamangalam, neither the sabha nor the urar is mentioned. But as regards the latter, there is the possibility of its having been subject to the authority of the urar of Sendamangalam of which it must have formed part. It is not known why the assemblies of Sivalaiykudi (1. 103) and Nallurchcheri (1. 163) which, according to the boundaries given, were in the outskirts of Apaimangalam do not figure among the signatories. The ceremony of circumambulating the granted village, fixing its limits and marking the latter with stones and milk-bush, was performed by the members of the assemblies of the sabha or the urar of the abovenamed twenty-six villages, at whose bidding and on whose behalf an official or two invariably signed the document. Besides these, on behalf of the other two villages two persons signed the deed. Anaimangalam itself contributed two individuals for the purpose. Of these, one, a Vellala by caste, rode on the back of an elephant, pointed out the boundaries and signed the document, while the other a Brahman also attested it. The four Bhattas who were nominated by the Government to co-operate with the representatives of the several divisions of the district in this matter, did so and affixed their signatures to the deed which they helped to be drawn up and given to the donee.

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 233 The officials who signed the deed at the command of the sabha or the urar are variously called madhyasthan, karanattan, vetkovan, karanattan-vetkovan or karanattan-madhyasthan. The deed evidencing the gift, by the king, of the village of Anaimangalam, drawn up as aforesaid in accordance with the royal order issued to the nattar of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, conveying in due form the revenues of the village to the donees, stipulates the conditions (vyavastha) to be observed by, and specifies the privileges (pariharas) conferred on, the said donees, i.e., the authorities of the Bauddha vihara at Nagapattanam. It is interesting to note that the word parihara has been defined by such an early authority as Kautilya, in his Arthasastra, in the following words : Jater visesheshu pureshu ch-aiva grameshu deseshu cha teshu teshu anugraho yo nripater= nidesat taj-jnah parihara iti vyavasyet ||1 That favour, which by the command of the king has been bestowed on special castes, cities, villages or countries, is called a parihara by one who knows it. From the use of the words parihara and anugraha as synonyms, it can be gathered that the king refrained from taking the incomes due to him and favoured the donees with their gift. The conditions for the enjoyment of the grant stated in this inscription are: (1) When fresh channels have to be dug, they shall be so done as to admit of an easy flow of water. With their aid, the lands of the village shall be irrigated. After the fields are irrigated, the waste or the excess water shall be collected and led away. (2) Water passing in the existing channels for irrigating the lands of this village shall be allowed to do so as usual and the excess water shall, consistently with the prevailing custom, be collected. And none shall be permitted to cut any branch channels from them, to dam them across, to put up small picottahs or to bale out their water in baskets. By these two clauses, the donees are given the sole right to the use of the existing irrigation channels and the privilege of opening fresh channels for irrigation in such a way as to admit of an easy flow of water. (3) Good water (intended for drinking) shall not be used for common purposes, but that water may be dammed and made to irrigate lands. This clause prevents the contamination of the sources of water intended for drinking purposes. The sanitary effect of it needs no saying. (4) Mansions and big buildings shall be constructed with burnt bricks only. This condition is perhaps intended to secure safety and permanency to stately edifices and to prevent their collapse and consequent loss arising from the use of bad materials such as unburnt bricks. (5) Large wells shall be sunk. This is possibly to afford facilities for irrigating dry lands that have no access to the existing irrigation channels. (6) Cocoanut trees shall be planted in groves. (7) Damanaka, maruvu, iruveli, sembaga, sengalunir, mango, jack, areca-palms, kodi (perhaps vines or betel creepers) and such other useful plants of various descriptions shall be grown. These two clauses seem to afford facilities for availing to the fullest extent the resources of the village and to add to its wealth and beauty. (8) Big oil-presses shall be installed. (9) The irrigation channels passing through the lands of this village to other villages in the outskirts shall be permitted to flow without any impediment by the donee; and similarly also (10) The channels passing through outside villages to irrigate the lands of this village shall be allowed to flow uninterrupted by the people of the outlying villages. 1 Dr. Shama Sastri's second ed., p. 73.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII The object of the last two clauses is perhaps to secure peace and harmony among the people of the adjacent villages and to safeguard their rights. The next clause (11) prohibits the Ilavas from climbing the palmyra and cocoanut trees, posBibly for tapping them for toddy : and the last clause (12) allows the use of big drums and ornamental arches by influential or aristocratie families living in the village and accustomed to have them by tradition or by family suffrage. The clause is indirectly meant to secure non interference by the donees of the rights of privileged persons. Subject to the above conditions the donees are given the pariharas, i.e., the privilege of realising and enjoying all such incomes as nadaschil, uratchi, vaffinali, pidanafi, kannalakkanam, vannarapparai, ku sakkanam, nirkuli, ilaikkulam, tarippudavai, taragu, tatarappattam, idaippadtam, attukkirai, nalla, nallerudu, nadukaval, udupokku, virpidi, valamanjadi, ulgu, odakkuli, manrupadu, mavirai, tiyeri, ilamputchi, kuttikals, etc., which the donor, i.e., the king had the right to realise. The inscription states that these incomes shall not hereafter be claimed by the king but that they shall go to the donees. After the deed had been completed, the following five persons, who were probably Royal officers of high standing, set their signatures to it (last plate : second side) (1) Araiyan Arumoli alias Rajendrasola-Pallavaraiyan, the headman of Nadar in Tiraimurnadu, a sub-division of Uyyakkondar-valanadu (ll. 323-25). (2) Krishnan Raman alias Rajendrabola-Brahmamarayan of Keralantaka-chaturvedimangalam in Vennadu, & sub-division of Uyyakkondar-valanadu (11. 325-27). (3) frayiravan Pallavayan alias Uttamasala Pallavaraiyan of Araisur in Pambuni-kurram, a sub-division of Nittavinoda-valanadu (ll. 327-9). (4) Dvedaigomapurattu Damodara-Bhattan of Kadalanguli in Kurukkai-nadu, & sub-division of Rajendrasimha-valanadu (11. 329-30). (5) Araiyan Sikandap alias Mipavan-Muvendavelan, the headman of Kurumbil in Ambarnadu, & sub-division of Uyyakkondar-valanadu (11. 330-32). In these names, it is particularly worthy of note that Nos. (2) and (3), i.e., Krishnan Raman and Irayiravan Pallavayan, who bore the titles Mummadisola Brahmamaharayan and Mummadibola Poean respectively in the body of the Tamil document (lines 191., 21-22, 52 and 53) probably after the surname Mummadibola borne by Rajaraja I., had their titles changed into Rajendrabola Brahmamerayan and Uttamasola Pallavaraiyan when they affixed their signatures at the end of the document (see lines 325-7 and 327-9). The altered titles take after the names of Rajendra-Chola I. and indicate that when these persons affixed their signatures king Rajendra Chola I. had assumed regal powers. It will thus be seen that this is in accordance with the paleographical indications noted on page 17. Irayira van, Pallavayag, with the surname Mummadisola-Poban, figures in & number of inscriptions of Rajaraja I. of varying dates and is styled one of the Perundanam (of the king). His connection with the temple at Tiruvallam in the North Arcot District is known from the inscriptions of that place. The village Araisur, whence he hailed, is stated to have been situated in the Chola country (Sola-nadu) and to have belonged to the sub-division Pambunikurram on the southern bank (of the Kaveri). For the significance of these terme see pp. 343 t. of my Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan. This word may be interpreted a quarter (panamt)" to be paid by the dancing women (kutt). It has not to be mistaken for kuttukbol which occurs in other records and means default'. Nos. 208 to 210, 218, 219 and 238 of the Madrus Epigraphical Collection for 1921. No. 216 of the same

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 235 Kadalangudi in Kurukkai-nadu, a sub-division of Rajendrasimha-valanadu, to which the officer Damodara-Bhattan belonged, was also called Videlvidugu-chaturvedimangalam and Gangaikondasola-chaturvedimangalam and contained in it the village of Tiru-Velvikudi now called Tiruvilakkudio in the Mayavaram Taluk of the Tanjore District. Though several inscriptions state that this Kadalangudi, surnamed Videlvidugu-chaturvedimangalam and Gangaikondasala-chaturvedimangalam, was situated in Kurukkai-nadu, two records mention it as being in Nallagrur-nadu. That Rajendrasimha-valanadu was also in the Chola country (S0lamandalam) is known from an inscription of Sengunram in the North Arcot District. LIST A. Designation. Name of person. Village. Sub-division. District. Lines. Do. GAPO. Do. Olai-eludum or Man-Amudan Tirttakaran Vilattur Avur-kuram Nittavinoda 17, 18, 50. dira-olai valanadu. Olai-nayagan or Man- Krishnan Ramag alias Keralantaka. Vennadu . Uyyakkondar- 19-20, 52, dira-olai-nayagan Mummadibola-Brahma- chaturvedi. Valanadu. 325-327. maharayan mangalam. Irayiravay Pailavayap Araisur Pambuni-kur- Nittavinoda- 21-22, 53, alias Mummadisola valanadu. 327-29. Polan Velan Uttamahdlap alias Paruttikkudi Nopmali-nadu Arumolideva. 22, 23, 64, Madurantaks-Muvenda valanadu. velap Karumamarayum Aruray Aravanaiyan alias 25, 314. Parakramafola-Muvendavelap Tattan Sendan alias 26, 314. Sembiyan-Muvendave. lan ArungupramudaiyaNG Map. 27. poran Porkari Pilangan PAJuralias Karkudi Tirunaraiyur. Kshatriya. 29, 30, 312. Mipavan-Muvendavelan nadu. sikhamani. valanadu. Sankaranarayana Aran- Vanganagar. Purangaram. Arumolideva- 30-31. bai-nadu. Valanadu. $6lavelan 318. Korramangalamudaiyap 312. Teva kudaiyap Araiburudaiyay 315. 1 No. 121 of the same collection for 1926. * No. 143 of the same. * No. 108 of the same. No. 120 of the same. * Nos. 121 and 135 of the same. * No. 149 of 1921.

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236 Designation. Naduvirukkum Do. Do. Do. Do. Puravuvari Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Varippottagam Do. VarippottagaKanakku. Variyilidu Mugavetti Do. Do. Do. Paffolai Do. Do. Do. Bhatta AAA Do. Do. Do. Name of person. Korran Porkari 3urriyan Tevadi Tevan Sattan EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Parameevara-Bhatta-sar- Pullamangavakratuyajin Damodara-Bhattap lam. Kadalangudi. Tammadi-Bhattap Veppainallur Tiyambaka-Bhattap Padalai Puvatta-Bhattan Kottaiyur Kilinallar Kalumalam. Anaiyan Talikkulavan Kodandan Senan Ilavadigal Nallaran Karpagan Solai Kumaran Arangan Singan Venkadan Madevan Bumi Tali Viraaolan Kilvay Kanavadi Mundan Arangan Saiyadan Amalan Tattan Sikittan Peruman Ambalattadi Sikandan Dovag Makalan Arifiji Nakkan Mandagavan LIST A-contd. Parkkulattu bha-Bhattap Village. Sub-division. Paluvur Kallikudi Alangudi Pudamangalam Alattur Sat Paruttiyur Uruvar Parpana- Tirunallar Do Do. Peremapurattu VennaiyaBhattay Dvedaigomapurattu Nan- Viranarayana- Kara-nadu dievara-Bhattap Turpil Sridhara-Bhattan chaturvedi. mangalam. Sri-Tungamangalam alias Abhi mapa bhushana chaturvedi mangalam. Vela-nadu Tirunaraiyur. nadu. District. .. ::::::::::::: Kshatriyasikhamanivalanadu. Do. Rajendrasimha-valanadu. Kshatriyasikhamanivalanadu. [VOL. XXII. Lines. 27, 28, 315. 28, 329-330. 32, 42. 32. 313. 33. 33, 34. 34. 35, 48, 206-7. 316. 317. 317f. 36. 36, 318. 320. 320f. 319. 319. 319. 319f. 321. 321. 322. 322. 44, 45, 304-5. 46, 307f. 46-7, 309-10. 42-44, 301.

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No. 34.) THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 237 LIST B. No. Name of person. Designation. sabhi or urar. Village. Lines. Kadambapur (brah- 2128. maddya). Do. 213f. Naranamangalam 2168. (brahmadeya). Velangudi 220. Mungirkudi (brah-223f. madeya). Narimapram 225f. 1 Muppattiruvap Yajnan Madhyasthan sabha alias Karpagadityap Narayanap Damodaran Vaikhanasa Trar 2 IrunurruvanUttaman Madhyasthani sabha alias Brahmamanga lyan 3 Narayanan Orri 4 Kunavan Nandi alias Madhyasthan sabha Alankarapriyap Aimbattiruvap Videlvi. Do. urar dugan Ediray Sattan alias vekovan Do. Nanurruvapperungovel 7 Durukkap Kamudap Karanattdi-Madhyasthan sabha Orap Chandrasekharan Do. alias Brahmaman galyap Aiyyap Aluur Nakkap Mo! Do. Kannap Alankarapriyan sabha Sattamangalam 230f. 233-35. Sannamangalam Kottarakkudi (brahmadeya). 237ff. indr 244f. Kovur 240ff. Uttur Nappimang alam 247EUR. (brahmadeya). Poruvanar (brah. 251-53. madeya). Alanguli 2054. Madevap Orap Karamatian-Vefkovan Do. Arar Do. Turaiyur 258-9. Kabyapap Suryyap Aran Karapatan gap Bharadvaji Tirutti Do. Vaikundap Kupavap Nandi alias Karapattan-Madhyasthan Alankara priyan Do. Orip Aiyyap Madhyasthan Etti Valafijuliyap Sangap sabha Do. indr Do 2696. Andr Devap Crap Chaturmukhap Arangap 21 Managan Narayanap Karanatldp-Valbovan Madhyasthan Karanattan-vulovan Pirambil (brahma, 261-62. deya). Kadambanguli 263f. Sendamangalam 266f. Siru-Sendamanga lam. Kursalam 272-3. Tirunavur 275-6. Uvarkkudi (brahma-278-80. deya). Munijikudi 292-3. Tirukkannangudi 286-7. Do. sabha Andr Managap Kannap 23 Atiramar Irabattunalvan alias Muppurruvay DoDo. sabha

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. LIST B-contd. No. Name of person. Designation. sabha or urir. Village. Lino. Karapatlan-Madyasthan urar Do Do. Orap Crap Do. 26 | Crip Nakkap 27 Aritap siriya Kadambap Do. Kadambavalavatkai 290-91. Palankorraigadi 234-95. Venkidangil 297-98. Apaimangalam 300. (brahmadeya ). TEXT. Sanskrit Portion. Metres - Anushtubh, v. 7, 8, 11, 14, 23, 26, 27, 35-37, 40-45, 47 and 48 ; Malabharini, v. 32; Mandakranta, vv. 12, 21, 30 and 39; Manjubhashini, v. 13; Praharshini, v.9; Rathoddhata, v. 10 : Ruchira, v. 24; Sardulavikridita, vv. 1, 4, 18, 19 and 33. Sragdhara, vv. 2, 3,20 : Upajati, vv. 5, 6, 15, 17, 22, 28, 34, 38 and 46; Vamsastha, v. 29; Vasantatilaka, vv. 16, 25 and 31. First Plate; First Side. 1 Svasti Sri || 6L Lakshmi-pina-payodhara-dvaya-tati-ka&mira-park-amkita 2 bhramyan-Mandara-turga-spimga-kashana-bhrajishpu-hem-amgadah PSl*] rakshanto ha3 rinila-nila-vapusho loka-trayam Sarnginas=sarng-ady-ayudha-sobhina4 febriyam=alam pushnantu vo babava) [1] Yavat Kailasa-baile 5 viharati bhagavan= Indumaulis=8y8-devyi yavat kehir-amburasau 6 Harir=ahi-sayane yoga-nidran=tanoti [*] yavad-dbvantan=nitantam vyapa7 nayati Ravir=vvisva-lok-aika-dipastavat payad-apayid-ayam-akhi. 8 la-mahi-mandalan=Chola-vamsah 11[28] Asid=adyo npipanam=Manur=Ahimakarad visva9 18k-aika-netrad=Ikshvakugaetat-tanujo=jani nfipa-makuta-breni-lidh-amghri-pi10 thah [1] Mandhata Dhatri-kalpo guna-nidhir-abhavat-tat-kule bhumipalo yo Lo First Plate ; Second Side. 11 kalaka-bail-avadhi vidhivad=imam palayamasa bhumim ||[3] Raj=asin=Muchukunda ity=812 bhihitas-tasy-atmajo viryyavams-tat-putro. Valabho-jani kshitipatih kshatr-aika13 chudamanih [18] tad-vamse Sibir=ity=abesha-jagati prakhyatarkitttir=nnfipag-briman avirabhud=814 Aesla-ntipati vrat-archichit-amghri-dvayah ||(4*) Par-arttha-samrakshita-jivitasya tasy The puuetuation mark, which consists of double vertical strokes, wems to have been omitted at first and then inserted between bhdmim and Raja.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. SANSKRIT PORTION. | y vit paatkkaat 2 18rtyeek unnvaaj28: aatm 2 ipptttuvktnngT3TUvtitaa 488 22 taappytONS 4 paatitm 3268104 vtirviraarvm teytotiyraakttu 836 tyti itu potiypty nnn 8 c88ai0315 2000: tlipaannnnvikaa 28 maarkttuaarvaak kaaj13181konnttoom 10 0;81 55vttl utaittru 8e6646 10 1,5. *1882 25331322-803881jaa vrum 12 ittjtee tptueetj5 18tkr 12 tes18: 56virtm juutpvrttil kaatrrtu 14 6"taatit tuty praak'N 12t tt) 14 >821212: 5188582 16 nnnptaak t: 33002 paaknnn paa2288) 16 kaaytrm 2686TET2 taaptrm 18 taatujtaal tiiyjnnn aitrikk uTwraak 18 upaakeppaajkvnnnaa518 16taaNai33 - 20 4 8 cikaa -1 20 | O. . ii,a. pttlllr taaraavityoj krnn 21818 1 8, ttum. itnnn kaark ptaati piriytrci. nvaap vtu vj it klvrttilt jaa) 24 p ck8 Ms :caak tulaa raakvnnn kaikll riitirvtu * 8"renn 1583vt y 26 aatey | pt8287082113125petu 8eAtu yetyepttok 3vttinnnenn 28 peet aa ijyvaayaajitit56 jtaikl 28 (100): pnn82lpk vvvvtnnn int reejaity 30 oru tokaikkaa : 29ittil 385 pvr-- 2/30 taataa caattaattukNaiTATISF) N, P. Chakravarti. Rrs. No. 3910 E'35-425. SCALE : ONE-HALF. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTIL

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ii,. 32 taavaalvptuyrjaa 23 : t 32 1280 taavrttu vaakoottut8a57 34 8150vtuppaavtoyaarvrraa38.taat- 34 vrvm pjtaavvaalvotr8 873mnnr 36 3818368 paavlr pootaataavaannn 36 150tptu ptu taannn tnnntrvtee 38 vtaateevnnn raajtee kaatt taatitttjaattuai 38 utyteevaatyaavaaraataati882 40 32NDARyaatett paatveYS 2 40 162122voodred25 paannaayaat jaarjaatm 422 teetvtaan:utirjaatraartvtiyr: 42 iii,a. - itG f] t t816 ai.73jt 44 tilkaak 323 4 58 taa u228155232 innnpkk tai t 46 pppaak 2006 knnaaktit t tjvi) 46 86oes120 vpaattaak tiiwraati3 Tamil 48 ktaatm t82aipaatai plll. 11587aatrr 48 * paal tukaatirjaapti' . 50 kpttut 18 t pii tm30 N 50 vaakyoptvcaarityaaj 52 u u8: pookaa 835: kaapjaayl 52 8-4. vyoo 2vnnttaa518- u. 22 maat k taataa T2He 54 iii,5. 23-ntu u rttkaak paatukaa 5873t upteej11ai taajaaHvnnn 26aa ptaannpvtaattaa635paatunn 81 58 3"tuupiyaayaatu poonnnrr krvaati 2 8262501857 t rvu itttpraavaa 2jaatee 18 paapttivnnntu pi. vt pkvll re5 :6 tootaam it 3852212 kvaataaraajvaattitaa uttl - 2 2 02

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No. 34) THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 239 15 ti-gabhira-gunasya rajtab [1*] Vyasam kavinam-fishubham vibaya k wa guna. 16 p=Varanayitura samartthah ||5*] Tad-vamba-virakara-purppaehandro. nidhih kaka. nam=817 janishta Cholah [1*] yad-varsa-jat: yad-upajnam-va Chol-abhidhanan-dadhati kehitisah [68] 18 Tato jit-akhil-arati rajaafd-Rajeart [*] tatah para-pura-ddhvathsa-pard bhat 19 Parakosari [7*) Rajakesarino nama Parakosarinorgya cha [*] sva-vaxda-janma nam 80 rajnam=ijs=asit parivrittitah 14[8*] Tad-vanhe Suragurur-asta-vairi-varggd kajen dro Second Plate ; First Side. 21 Ravi-kula-kotur-Ivirkeit [1*) yo jitva rana-bhuvi Mrityum-apy=ajayyan-dushprapam= alabha22 ta Msityujit-samakhyam [9*) Vyaghrakoturabhavat-tad-anvaye vairi-va[ra]na mrigadhi. 23 po npipah [l*] Panchapo=jani tad-anvaye bali partthivo=rtthi-jana-kalpapada24 pah ||[10*] Ari-kalo mabipalab Kartkalastad-anvayi [l*) avirasid=asau chakra Ka25 veri-tira-bandhanam [11] Kochcharkappin-abhavad-akhila-kahmadhip-aradhit amghri. . 26 raevvambe tasya prathite-mahima Sambhu-pad-abja-bhrimgah [1*] Kokki-srfpati27 ramala-dhir=anvavaye tadiye bhupalo+bhud=akhila-apipati-azeni-chu28 d-archchit-&mghrih 1[12*) VijayalayO=jani tad-anvaya jayi vijit-akhil-avani-talo ma29 habalah [*] pranaman-nfipendra-makuta-sthala-skhalan-mapi-rashi-ranjita-pad ambuja-dvayah ||[13*] 31 Adityo bhubhfitas-tasmad=udagad=amita-dyutih [1*] dhvast-arati-mahipala-ddhvanta cha. 31 krah pratapavan tasma {[14*) Ananta-ratna-prakar-aika-vasad=udara-sattvadeudiyaya Second Plate ; Second Side. 32 t [l*] Parantako visva-hitaya raja Raj=&va dugdh-ambunidhah kalabhih 1[15] A-Chakra 33 valam=avanih sa vijitya sarvvam rakshan sukhona Kali-kala-tam-thkumali [17 gra. 84 man=nivesya vividhan=mahato yabbbhisabubhrichakara sarad-abhra-nibhair=ddig antan ||[16*] 85 Sva-ba[hu* )-vi(I)ryy-avajit-akhil-aba-mukh-Opanit-amala-hitakena [10] Samavping36 E-mandiram-Induimauler=vVyaghragraharsi Ravi-vashba-kotub 1017*) Tasyrakesha 1.& 1 The length of gand poems to have been insorted afterwarde.

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240 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. 37 rendra-vandita-pada-dvandvasya putras=trayas-tre-agni-dyutayo=bhavan=narapate 38 s-Sutrama-tulya-sriyah [1*] Rajaditya iti kshitau nigaditas=sri-Gandaraditya ity=u 39 kt-Orinjaya ity=abesha-jagati khyat-abhidhano baliM[18*] Samrakshya kahitim ambura. 40 si-rabanan=dharmm-anuyate divam yate tatra Parantake para-bala-ddhvama-aika dakshe 41 nripe 11 bhupal-avali-mauli-lidha-charana-dvandvas-tadiy=atmajo Rajaditya i42 ti srutassa balavan=asid=avanyah patih [19*) Rajadityas=s& viro Ravi-kula tilakah Third Plate ; First Side. 43 Kfishparajarn! 88-sainya samkshobhy=akshobhyam=ajau nija-nisita-sarai44 =sampatat(a)bhis-samantat [l*) nag-endra-skandha-vartti vidalita-hridayas=tan-nisat eshu-patai45 =aruhy=ochchair=vvimanan=tribhuvana-mahito vira-lokan=jagama [20*) Rajadity? 46 gurapura-vadhu-vaktra-pamkeruhanam pritim karttum gatavati mahatejasi kshma. 47 m=asesham [18] viro=rakshat kshapita-sakal-arati-sandr-andhakaro 48 bhrata tasya prathita-mahima Gandaradityavarmma [216] Utpadya putram Madhurantak49 khyam Kavera-kany-ottara-tira-bhumau [l*] gra[ma*]m=mahantan-cha nijena namna pa50 ratra-betossa divan-jagama [22] Tasmin-divam gato deve sasasa AA51 kalim=mahim [*] Arifjayo=ri-bhupala-vana-davanalo bali [23*] Arinjayad= aja52 ni Purantak-opamah Parantakan para-ntipa-chakra-marddanah [1*] apalayaj= jalanidbi-me. 53 khalam=mahim sukhena yonija-guna-ranjita-prajah [24*) Chevura-namanis pure 54 nija-charu-chapa-mukt-atifata-sara-rasi-nirantar-asah [1*) sat-asi-bhinna-ripu-danti Third Plate ; Second Side. 55 girindra"-niryyad-rakt-apaga bahuvidha niravarttayat sah [25*] Karikal-anya nama36 nam=Adityam=ndapipadat [1*) Rajarajan=cha rajendro Ravi-vamsa-sikha-manim ||[26] 67 Suraloka-paritrana-pare tasmin Parantake [l*) naraloka-paritranam=A 1 The e sign of re is at the end of the previous line. . After ja the length sign has been entered and erased. * The letter t is entered in the next lino. * There is something like & virama mark on the left top of mma. . After ma in nimani, the length sign has been entered and erased. * After ta in multati, & length sign has been entered and erand. 7 Read gir-indra

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 241 58 dityo vidhivad=vyadhat [27*) Sa Vira-Pandyana sa-helam=ajau chikridha(da) balo 59 Manu-vamsa-dipah [l*] matamgajen=eva mad-otkatena mpigendra-sabu(vo) ba60 la-garvvitena ||[28] Divar gati tatra naradhip-adhipe sa Gandaraditya-su61 ton maha-bhujah [l*] apalayad=varidhio-mekhalam=mabim=Mahendra-kirtti62 r=mMadhurantako npipa) ||[29] Tasmin=yate Tridaga-nilayan=tratum=urvvipat indre 63 viro vibva-kshiti-pati-lasan-mauli-lidh-amghri-pikhah [l*] doshna Sesh-oraga-pa64 ti-tanu-bri-musha Rajarajo gurvvim=urvvi-dhuram=udavahach=Chola-vamba-pradipah ||[30*) Ji. 65 tva 88 Pandya-D(T)ulu-Kerala-Simhalendra-Satyaoray-adi-npipatir=n'nija-bahu-viryyat 66 daya tat-kari-turamgama-ratna-rashtrany=asadas=apiyasasadhavali-chakara. ||[31*) Kti Fourth Plate ; First Side. 67 ta-dig-vija[ya*]s=sa Rajarajah karadiksitya mahipatin-aseshan [l*) nyavasato sva pure sukhan=nri68 ?pendras-tridive loka-namaskpito yath=Endra) ||[32*] A bailad=ahimamsu-janma mahi69 tad=a dakshin-ambhonidher=a ch=Ast-ahvaya-parvvatat giripater=a Sambhune adhi70 shthitat [l*) rajano nija-vamsa-rakshana-para bhoktun=cha bhogan=bahun=nitya Nitya71 vinoda-pada-kamala-dvandvam samasibriyan |[33*] Yatassa raja nija-pa72 da-bhajam rajnam=udaro bahudh=asrayo=bhut [1*) atah prithivyam=amita73 prabhavam Rajasrayan=tan=nigadanti santah ![34] So=yamrakhila-kala-kalapa74 paravara paradsiv=asesha-nfipa-chakra-charu-chamikara-kirita-koti-gha75 tit-aneka-manikya-marichi-punja-punjariksita-pada-pitho Rajarajo Rajakosart76 varmma sva-samrajye-varshe ekavimsatitame nikhila-dharani-tilakayamane Ksha77 Priya-bikhamani-valanadu-namni mahati janapada-nivaho Pattana-kkurra-namni janapa78 de-neka-sura-sadana-satra-prap-aram-abhirame vividha-saudha10-raji-rajamane Na Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 79 gipattane nija-mati-vibhava-vijita-Suraguruna budha-jana-kamala-vana-marichimalin=.1 Read Gandaraditya. The length of ri seems to have been omitted at first and then inserted wrongly before instead of after it. * The e sign of to is at the end of the previous line. . Road varidhi. . Read aripatin=nija.. After chakara, a visarga has been entered And erased. * The letters vasat are written over an erasure. * The e sign of pe is incised at the end of the previous line. . Read tad.. From this line, Tamil characters are interspersed with Grantha. 10 The words vividha-saudha are written over az ormuro, After dha, length atzoko has been ernsod.

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242 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 80 rtthi-jana-kalpapidapena Sandra-vaihsa-sambhutena Srivishay-adbipati 81 na Makara-ddhvajen-&dhigata-sakala1-naja-vidyasya Katah-adhipatyam-atanvata Chula 82 manivarmmanah patrena sri-Maravijayo1ttushgavarmmana nirmmipitam-adha 83 rikita-Kanakagiri-samunnati-vibhavam-atiramaniyan-Chulamapivarmma-viharam adhiva 84 sata Buddhaya tasminneva janapada-nivahe Pattapa-kkurra-namni janapa 85 de karipi parikramana-vispaahta-almi-chatushtayam-Aqaimazhgal-abbi 86 dhanam gramam-adat || Itthan-devena dattasya sva-pitra chakravarttina [1*] gramasy-asya ga 87 te tasmin-devabhuyam-mahaujasi [35] Tat-simhasanam-arudhas-tat-putro Madhurantakah [1] 88 sasanam sasvatan-dhiman karayitv=adisa[n]=nripah [36] Sesho-sesham-mahirh yava 89 d-dhatte-sesh-drag-esvarah [1] stheyat-tavan-viharo-yam vibhavena sa90 havanau ||[37] 85-yath pra' [VOL. XXII. Katah-adhipati[r]-ggupanan-nivasa-bhumir-mmahita Fifth Plate; First Side. 91 bhavah [*] agaminah prartthayate narendran dharmmam sad=emam-mama rakshat=eti ||[38] Grame 92 ramy jagati mahita Kottayur-abhidhane Lakshmi-dhamany-ajani vimale yo Vasishth 93 anvavaye [1] sat-sarisav! vimala-charit Onantanarayan-Akhyas-so 94 yan-dhiman-arachayad-imam-agrajanma prasastim [39] Tasya ra 95 jno mahith sarvvan-dharmmana parirakahatah [*] ajayyasya yaj-janma-bhur-abhutu 96 jit-abesha-ripu-bhupala-sambateh [40] Mahadhikari(1) 97 matimarha-Tillayali-samahvaya*] [*] sva-pitur-3nnama vayil-i 98 ti arutah [41*] Yo Rajaraja-Muvendavel-iti gad-i 99 dam so ya sasanam saddhv-akarayat [42*] || || The sign of jo is written at the end of the previous line.. 20 Read makim. 11 Read abhud-bh@mau. The letters siddhakara seem to have been entered over an erasure. bhumau Kinohi prathito bhuvi [*] tan-niyo. 1 After sabala, a letter has been entered and rubbed out. The letter yo in vijayo is a correction * The letter rand is a correction. 4 Read giri.. The letters tasminne are written over an erasure. The sign of te is at the end of the previous line. "The last letter pra is a correction. The proper name seems to be Anantandrayana and not Nandanarayana as Mesars. Burgess and Natesa Sastri have taken.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (II) 201yatsukuninatsuteitanoni 12 13 N ROUG1038003noiro. 200978-387081228] BUY3128012002736-1 T.2 m nagemadeato30a1103233 STB1270S] 20107c.morianorainsutadesuraterori osusu 08024300&TWO usaian197522) 331210131 837011/ 0 6retemirurunB218831 1-3107121) iraiagatsumadeiinokanatokodeTea gin Jin made2722-237120180 1436012 toroukaraMing Ming 1007Nian 0303092 -7301FT2IrOS10120many BTSUKO01E0282010.00karaanatanotame no70816300 kanameno180000355TSB12ootsu, 330no200toD35313258.. 78 ROBE goties115120% ~koikoino2016578 ic,b, 2chitsusaitamanai, 80 SEASTRO DR2023000gaRu runonaraeB%EL 1310nokuga35855R13085220deimasuga 82B0507 2.380m m . Kate:2007 :12:37043 PB18878803 2scosmeter i rarerukotodeshitanomi 10251000 RWY312308182 21523110255detsuka! 200180 yr 2006300000CN2575795 19738218337 karami rumiruunaruF800.para LIOPEN30-070878?sutotsunisinosai syone87e51 tonononono 8700no 2403012/04onias80IC901 90 yeam gou 317oukanakonogurai 0,0. 1310:] 12.0inori21Ming iru. teiuto381528inaikato. 1921108293823noruna201307030825785850demokannanashino92 Sia LINE 2005 0880313Brou! sammon | 84 W2331333 8783%810300023011 (6094 11383 203172308com essR3mg an ling 1961321000 11888100s wing on 8 19 green filengo10.30 1 98 B03Boise112292950gaDuo itenomi12343609191998 SoQnsiSOU. posugin g haish use N. P. Chakravarti. Reo.No.3910 E35-425. SCALE : ONE-HALF. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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10,6. 100 peetaiyeetyraacaar uvootyaa 53*taat jsic itnnnai pookknnnaak kaalraingkm kookaa 102 122 ippvaapcaart: 24 teemraikkaa 187 13786yaanaamt pttm 136 - pootu 104 tvru. tai DIETNE atiyraatu paatt37:3 * 2008lttinnnmaalai 108 pttu piyaaceekkmynnairaajraaj 110 ttvr vngktnnnkkrtumlrrruptaittu 110 SEE 5 tmmai poem -1.Net TAMIL PORTION. p -taannnmaannnraiykvaannn 35 2 ppaannnkaarttutl ajteyaakklaattotuprnnn 2 ttttnnpuupaalpptrkrlmttaatlraactm. 4 t.maayaannttu + pttonnnptu tonnnnrnnn tY4 t3J9m mollllaa jytilktrttil mnnmk 6 ttumSIP poottnnn tailmnnnptyaikll 6 mnnvaataarm kaattu taamptttaitut teetinnntu 8 mnnpaattppnnn pennm3pttttukkaatvrmnnn 8 pttttruknttu tnnnmyklpnnnnnn paattmrJFyrptu 10 m teetltritilnnntonnnnurrmuyrnnnryaa crnnnyaakr 10 veetnnnai knnnttu veermnnn) kkky plm ikaivailvrait3 tltaannnai | 12 tttkkvkaitaakaarmulaattll puutiyvaa 21vtuppnnnkrtttaikepaa 14 - ktaikllaamnnn 2vttupvaikkrootaatySaiTU, tennnaavtlllut poppaattraiylvaatrvtttu) 16 aaetrmllaa vltm tlllutu ptitt meetaat vaak 18 kaattaannnttaakvtaitttairtttaalllait tillaittm 18 20 trvkmaiyyaaktt nnaikrlltt at 20 paavttukllai mnnnnnnmpekraamnnnumntr

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No. 34.) THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 243 Fifth Plate ; Second Side. 100 Katah-adhipates-tasya niyogat-Tuvavuravan [*] Anukka iti vikhyatas-brimao Atikal--atmajah 1[43*) OL 101 Vinito guna-sampannas=svami karya-hito ratah [1] sakanam tahvatam-idam=achikarad udara-dhih [44] OL 102 Rajaraja-mahacharyyo Vasudev-apar-abvayah [*] a-krishna-charitah Kpi103 shna-sambhavo=pi mahamatih [45*) Sriramga-Damodara-namadheyau Krishn atma104 jau Krishna-pad-abja-bhrimgau [*] Krishn-abhidhano=pi cha Vasude105 Va-barirajo niraja-charu-netrah [46] Aravampita-putras-cha Purusho106 ttama-sa[m*]jnitah [*] sparddhamano=kshara-nyase Chitraguptena chitraguh ||[47*] 107 Hovy-anyavaya-tilakah Kanchipura-samutbhavah. (*) prasastim=enam=ali108 khan panch-aite chitrakarinah [48*] 1-esasanam vettinom Jayankon[da]60109 la-mandalattu sri-Kanchipurattu oviya-chchitrakari Krishoan Vasudevan-ana Rajaraja-ppe110 racharyyanepum Krishnan Tiruvaranganum Krishnan Damodiranum Vasudevan Krishnanum 111 Aravamirdu "Purushottam'apnum! || 61 116 Tamf Portion. Pirst Plate; First Side. 1 Svasti sri [l*] 6. Konerinmaikondan Kshatriyasikhamani-valanatto2 pPattana-kkurrattu nattarkkum brahmadeya-kkilavarkkum devadana-ppalli3 chchanda-kkani-murruttu-vettappert-urgalilarkkum nagarangalilarkkum 4 namakku yandu irubatt-opravadu nal tonnurr-irandinal B Tanjavureppurambadi maligai Rajasrayanil tepkkil mandabat6 tu nam irukka=kKidaratt-araiyan Chulamanipanman Kshatriyasikha7 mani-valanattu=pPattana-kkufrattu Nagapattanattu eduppikkiora Chula8 manipanma-vibarattuppallikku vendum nivandattukku Kshatrisya"]sikhamani-va9 lanattu=pPattana-kkurrattu Anaimangalam pallichchandam irangal=ulpada ala10 ndapadi ningal nikki nilap tonnurr-eley-irandu-ma mukkaniy=araikka 1 Abhikala is the reading given in Volume IV of Archaeological Survey of South India. As the letter bh is quite differently shaped from there is no doubt that the proper name here given is briman Afika (Adikal) and not Abhikala. . Read samudbhavih. * The reading given in the A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 208 is Aravamirtuvum. The additional vum is clearly mistake. There is no trace of it in the plate. If vum is retained, there would be six names, but there must be only five for it is stated in line 108 parich-aitt chitralarinal. Moreover, what is required is a double name like Krishnan Yaoudevan, eto, in which the first component indioates the name of the father In fact we have it stated in verne 47, that this individual's name was Purushottama and that he was the son of Aniawita. * The letter puis corrected frona pi. . Read mapum. * The reading of A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, (p. 208, 1. 114) ia murrurwd. It is evidently a mistake. The plato ends only murit which is also found in other inscriptions

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244 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. First Plate ; Second Side. 11 ni mandirigai=kkil-mupru-ma mukkani mundirigai-hkil ariyeg-irao12 Ju-mavinal irai kattipa kanikkadap nella ennayirattuttollayi13 rattu narpattu mu-kkalape iru-tupi=kkurui oru-naliyum Kadaratt-araiyan . 14 Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=pPattapa-kkurrattu Nagapattanatt-eduppi15 kkipra Chulamanipanma-viharattu-ppahikku iruppad-aga yandu irubat16 topravadu-mudal pallichchanda-isai-iliy-aga variyil=ittu-kkudukka17 v-epra nam bolla nam olai eludum Nittavinoda-valanattu A. 18 vur-kkurrattu Vilattur-kilavan Amudan Tirttakaran eluttinalum nam 0 19 lai-niyakan Uyyakkondar-valanattu Vennattu=kKeralanta[ka*)-chohaturvve20 dimangalattu Krishnan Iramap-ana Mummadibola-Brahmamaharayanum Nitta Secund Plate; First Side. 21 vinoda-valanattu=pPambuni-kkurfattu Arsibur-udaiyan frayiravan Palla.' 22 vayan-ana "Mummadikala-Polanum Arumolideva-valanattu Nenmali-nattu=pParu23 ttikkudaiyan Velap=Uttamasolan-apa Madurantaka-Muvendavelanum 24 oppinalum pukka nan=tittippadiye variyil=ittu-kkolgav=enru 25 nam karumam-arayum Arurap Aravanaiyap-ana Parakkiramasoja-Muve26 ndavelapum Tattan Sendan-ana Sembiyap-Muvendavelapu27 m Arungunram-udaiyan Mapperan Popkariyum naduvirukkum Pulla 28 mangalattu=pParamesvara-Bhatta-Sarvvakratuyajiyum Kadalanguli-tTamodara-Bhat tanu29 m nam karumam-arayum Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=tTirunaraiyur-nattu=kKar kudai30 yan Pisangan Palur-apa Mipava - Muvendavelanuim Arumolideva-valanattu Second Plate ; Second Side. 31 pPurangarambai-nattu Vanganagar-udaiyan Sankaranarayanan-Aranganum naduvi32 rukkum Vennainallur=tTammadi-Battaqum Pasalai=tTiyambaka-Battanum $o33 la=ppuravuvari=kKijinallur-ki]avan Koiran Popkariyum Kalumalam-udai. 34 yan Surriyan Tevadiyum Paluvur-udaiyan Tevap Sattanum 35 Kalsikkudaiyan Anaiyan Talikkulavanum varippottagam sa36 ttapur-udaiyan Kumarap-Aranganum Paruttiyur-kilavap Singap Ve37 nkadanum irundu yandu irubatt-opravadu nal tonnur-&38 rinal pallichchandam iraiy-iliy-aga varifyi*]l=ittu-kkudutta tatiga=nattu=pPattapa39 kkurrattu Anaimangalam alandapadi ningal nikki nilap tonpurr-840 ley=irandu-ma=kkaniy=araikkani mundirigai=kkil-munru-ma mukkani * Read Brahmamaha * Pallavayan has been taken as Pallava[rai*lyan by inserting rai, in A. 8. of 8. 1., Vol. IV, p. 200. As there is not a single place where Pallavaraiyan ooours, the proper name Pallavayan needs no correction. mma in Mummadi is written over an erasuri The letters vavala in deva-vala are damaged.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (III). ii,a. 26aatppttit tnnn 22 pyaaaikko 15tmtu kttum trtmailtaannn 22 reek plairaannnuttmmaitaalaituaattpettvorkai 24 m kaatimaimailku kttutaa e24 mkaaraa kaataivaannnrmnnnaipraak trm IPg aatOaatai ttnnn cottrvaimriylllaittl 26 25vnnnaak pyaippernnnuesTay 28 m tlttup pookttpttujymaalngktaitaamaatrm 28 mttmaayvrmnnyreetaaruttittraiJIGaataataa 30 paakaipaijaamaivaipaittpennnmaimettutllai 30 ii,. | DETAIpaakkaayaannntaataaraaynn '' 32 kmlttmmpttnnnumaatmaak 32 42vr kaamvnnnkorraapaatkaayOD PO 34 pnnnkaariym tmlll klaiyaannntaittnnnum orgonzarsi 14ynnnt kollvnnnumaattkmraa 36 traiyai mnnnmaiyaak i tnnnai 36 rvmaatm peetaatkttullee 74 38 tlaiGaattmaaliyaat vrnnnkaatkaippnnn 38 | fntt0112ttlaattttittaat ticaitaa22 me maannnaavaataannn pttlll taallkk kmlllunnnmaalllttaar 40 A COaatuvaannntaakntaannn 42 pkkailkllaatmmt itytu vrnnn 42 ptaarukktraiyaakntu tm tlmtaiyaannnttai 44 305klttttu plvntmaannnairum turutti Jy) 44 TTAtt rpkptaattaiyum mtttuvaannnaannn 46 paakaikllilv vlltaarukaartaaruttlai ]]) 146 1 266 tlk lttu vaatkomputtuttaamaiyaa 48 kllkknnai mnnnt krumaipetttttuttu 48 tm 3kllaatirailelkeritttllluttum rkaikttutll 50 kllllym trkr6 237 2lcekyotttyennnnnnumlaakkttaal maataa 50 R moottaakimk llaakttaannntetilaittimntaarai SCALE : ONE-HALF. SURVEY OP INDIA, CALCUTTA N.P. Cliakravarti. REs. No. 3910 E'35-425.

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52 nvtilnnnvaa mmaimyaa ai82rrrvmnnnai paatinnn pailkyrnnnmmicmpocnnnumaakttikklm 54 vevaannnuttmaacaa515933 trttlvr vmpptvmtimtllpaapltaar 56 tlai rilaampuuvaammnnnttollaatutt 56 JJl kvum tvivltukaap5 58 maippaay tlkaapptmltaak toll 58 kttimnnttpuklllukaammlaittvraittnnn 60 ' 16kaarutlainnnnnnaa 27NOVaayaannttu paatu 60 21 Car ? vaatc kaa D in,a. 62 naa gaNaannnaaj raajm prkvrpttolaitt 62 Pttikkkmaakt tikkutu paataikllttucetaitolllutu 64 ptittaalmel pttu tttittuppaalaakkutlaaltottaa llu 64 mkaalytu tc polceyttilttuttaatellaam 66 cvrmnnn ull kaatppkaiaanttutl naamevllss tt:33nnn lttutt mkaapaatkaat tmenttu 68 toknnnuaim paapputaiyunnnnyennntumlttaarrkum mtairinnnnnnuttttuppelllaamt tokkperyaannnai 70 tuaakttotinnnnnnumpukaiynnvaiynnnttainilttut mettm aiaim maatinnnaim puspunnnnnaatnnnDEFaallai ir,b. 72. HTAMI taakmrunnn . lGUNkraivaak tkktraampkmeraamaannn 74 3taataavttaiktoo mk tprmaakc m rktvu. alairer kaamennnaimr 76 vaavtaakvum AS Teasaii yaar mnnntai mvaatilvttttaar ptilaakmaa mnnntil 78. 1 0aa - kaalai tkaattaak aamaatm ellaa mtraamaitai vellll 80 ktvaalaamaangk mo mttairaakaattori eetmaikktaivciymennnOtl 32627 ATTcaannnaa

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 2015 41 mundirigai kil-araiyeg-irandu-mavum [pidi] sulndu pidagai nadappi[p*Ipad-agaw kkapkani nadu. Third Plate; First Side. 42 virukkum Vennainallur=tTammadi-Bhattapaiyum' Battan Kshatriyalikhamani. V&48 fanattu=tTirunaraiyur-nattu eri-Tungamangalam-aga Abhimanabhushana-okclus turvve. 44 dimangalattu=tTurpil Sridhara-Bhattanaiyum i-ppatgu Vela-nattu=tTirunellu45 Parkkulattu=pParpanaba Bhattapaiyum ivy-ur Peremapurattu Venpaiya46 Bhattapaiyum Rajendrasimha-valanttu Kara-nattuuttaniyur Sri-Viranaraya47 na-chchaturvvedimangalattu "Dvedaigomapupattu Nandisvara-Bhattanaiyum pura vuva48 ri Kallikkudaiyan Anaiyan? Talikku avanaiyum perattandon-ta49 ngalum ivargalodu nioru ellai terittu=ppili bu]ndu pidagai nadandu kallu50 n=kalliyum natti afavolai be[y*]du polettagav=eppum vabagattal mandira61 volai Vilattur-kilavan Amudap Tirttakaran eluttipalum mandiravolai na. Third Plate; Second Side. 62 yakap Krishnan Iramap-ana Mummadikala-Brahmamaharayanum Araisur-udski yap [1] 53 rayiravar Pallavayap-ana Mummadisola-Pobanum Paruttikkudaiyan 54 Velap=Uttamasjan-ana Madurantaka-Muvendavel. 56 pum oppinalum (*) Tiru-magal pola=pperu-[ni]la-chchelviyu56 netaakkey=urimai pun[da*]mai mana-kkola=kKandalar67 chchalai kalam-aputt-aruli Vengai-nadun=Gangapadiyu[m] Nu58 Jambapaliyun=Tadigaipadiyun=Kudamalai-nadu:=Kollamun-Kali. 59 ngamum en-disai puga! tara Tla-mandalamun=ti[*-diral-vepri-ttan. 60 dag=konda tapp-elil valar uliyul-ella yandun=to-1 1 This word is omitted in A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 209, text-line 152. * This word has been incorrectly read a kafukkum in the above. The official designation naduvirukkum of VennainallaratTammadibhaffan actually cours in text line 142 f. on the same page. * This word has been incorrectly read as ttaffanaiyum in the A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 209, text-line 153. * The Tamil letters naba are written in smaller characters than the rest and ba appears as a convex ourve. The traces show that the Granths letter bha was originally written and then erased. The reading given in the A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 209, text-line 156 is Parapa (-la). 5 The reading of this word given in A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, is Perampura in line 166 and Perempura in lipo 448 which are clearly inadmisible. * The reading in A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, is (Duenda(t)- Jkompuramu: This word has been wrongly read as agaiyida in text-line 169 of A. 8. of 8. 1., Vol. IV, p. 209. Read per tandom: Bee, above p. 215. . Without inserting y, we may read sidu which is but the colloquial form of beydu. Bat as the inscription GBR beydue later on (11. 204 and 206), it is preferable to have here also the grammatically correct form 10 Pottaga seems to be the contraction of poga and taga. 11 The sign of is entered at the end of the previous lino. 11 The letters in this line are larger in size than those in the other lines. 45 There is space for the length of to at the commencement of the next line, but it is not written

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246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. nattobepru 1 lutega riladgnm panday Saliyatai-ttedu kol bi-kv-I. Fourth Plate; First Side, 68 rajarajakenarivarmmar-apa Srl-Rajarajadevaku yandu irubatt-onravadu 68 mukku-tturumugam vark [1] ndipomuntirumagad@kandu edir-elunda toludu va64 nigiettatai-met vaittu=ppidi salndit pidagai nadandu elai tepittu kallu86 -kalliyu[m*] natti aravolai beyda nilattukku-kkilpark-ellai Kshatri66 yasikhamani-valanattu=pPattana-kkurrattu=kKovut mel-ellai[*] 67 Kovur-ttachcha=pilattukkum Kovur=kKavidiy-odaikku[m] merkun[] 68 terk-ippum ivv-ur=pPugaiyunniy=epnum milattkku me 69 pkum [l *) terk-ippum ivv-ellaiye kilakku nokki=ppoy i-pnilat70 tukku terkaippum Pugaiyunniy-eppum nilattukku merkum [l*) te71 rk-ipnum merk-ippum Pngaiyunnikku=ppayum vaykkalin melaiy-& Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 72 raikkalil natrakkalaga wikidanda siru-Varambukku vadakkum [*] innum ivv. arai73 kkaliley merku narrukkal-&ga attiekkidanda kifu-varambukku merkum [l*) innum 74 i-nnafrukkalukkey terku varamb-aga atti-kkidanda Varambukku vadakkum [1] innu75 m ivv-araikkalin mel-varambukku merkum [1*) ippum ivv-araikka76 lip terkil=pPugaiyunniy-araikkalukku merkum [l*] ippum ida77 # teskil Kovur=kkusava-nilan oru-mav-araikku morkum [19) idap terkil 78 oru-mav-araikku markum [1*) idap terkil daiyil naduvukkuaetterkum [] in 79 fum i-kKovur ellaikku merkum [1*] terk-ippum Kovur vollblan A80 raisur. Mariyadi oru-mavukku morkum (*) idap terki dai naduvukkuetterkum [1] 81 vv-odaiye ten-kilakku nokki=ppoy mers. Pallavaykkal ivv-8. Fifth Plate; First Side. 82 daikkey vilunda idattukku merkum [l*) inpum mer-Pallavaykkalip ten. 83 karaikku=tterkum Kovur Melpallattu mel-varambukku merkum (1") ivv-ur Me 84 lpallattu vellalap Ujappali Pakkaran araikkalil vada-varambukku va85 dakku[m] [l*) ivv-araikkalin melai adaiyin naduvukkum vellalan Pa86 ramesvaran Naraiyur araikkalukku merkum [*] ivv-Odaiyin nadu. The letters milellai, written at the end of this line, are in bigger oharacters. The letter du almost encircles the previous letter in naduvuklou. * The ai sign of rai is written at the end of the previous line. Before di in Mariyadi the letter has been entered and erased. The letters rpa in merpafla are written over an erasure. * The reading given in A. 8. of 8. 1., Vol. IV, text-lines 195 and 276 in Uruppali-ppaklart. The plate clearly reads ra, not ru. It being a double name it has to be read a given in our text. The letter du almost enoireles the previous letter.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (IV). 1,d. veettkai 82 - mllltttt porrrraipnnnr kaalnnnkennn 82 knttaak kmlttuNaiSOR OTH 84 caallttaakppook taitrllrmputtaa 84 PASUU tm 16N)taittmrornnnnnn 86 6mvaannnllaakktluaar raamaannnkrai 86 tr.mettmutik "OCTOT"nnnnnn taak 88 taatttkttu 2177(ckettup50)32llk ttelll 88 | 3 0 kaat ttkOee - SUrennn 90 - 855 kutittu t U TTtaar 90 | - 565 - "3 Page #309
ri,. 112 tumaalvelk kttittpyoll kaannnr tyaaryplllluraikllll 112 plaakkottittum leemootaamaatm iintmlyaannn 114 | 2llyetinnnnnnumttiyyellaakkrkaannnaimryotaakai 114 teylk tokaikaittnnnmaak vellllaall 116|a5. kaa teekmaaknnntennnvaattpolll 116 taatennn gee35 aivymaatailttinnnttutnnn paamaa 118 pnt nnnuttutl taakmkeennnutr mkimaa mnnnuaimaayaa 118 jai mtilttrkyvaakmmllaat tokaacerai 120 alllkee yo pailaaml leeyaannn tlttukku killlttmm - 120 plvoo toomeraa prt klllS 2 ukaaml cii,a. 122 kaavnnnnnnum meeyutt rnnnlaitticaivrttttaattirttmttutlai 122 21-ttettmeteJJaatai tkr ectaivvcuvyennnmopp 124 t.yem pttkk kkk cennnnaavvottaattaamukaamvraa ue 124 kterikrnnn etaavrvnnpvkvttuttuppaayttlaajai 126 jnnnvryaar nettuvaayaakaalttu kraitteyer 126 attu oovytturvaalvyennntum rvutti 128 meevrmyaak -tcmv raattirll ptimuttaattnnnr. 128 (tutivyaayaamttil 22vttuttllraillaareyeaitnnnnnn 130 peyutnttennnkkrkokceevrnnnntaaaitu kmtttottiyum 130 kaateetiyumtennnaalaakaatterrmtaatmtaa maamaa rii,. 132 paatuktirvrmnnnutriyaamtaannnumaavaavmaitutvnt 132 vyttu kraiyaannnkmpnnnlllmai maavinnnaattirmpukkuttiyaakum 134 paattelceyinnntennn peyaallltttairaat vrvairttaitttokm 134 taaptttuvvyp plvaannnaalaatu 136 klai yee mtraacvnnn paakvttuvuto 136 maarcivaayaa mevrnnn vtailttlaivrmttairai trtt 138 taamaattaattu kaariym maatttaatmtrttktrvaatym 138 - kaaliyaannn tvttaamvrmpukkuttiraakmaayvrmpeeytt kaatoraa 140 paataikllpaayaallmai putinnntennnky pttennntllraatntookaar 140 pe maavaavai veelaamaamraalttu taayaiaatetaannnttaannnr

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA 1. 247 87 vukku merkum [*] Kovar vellalap- Aiyyafan Sendan araikkalin 88 kottattu ivv-odaikke merkum [i*) ivv-araikkalukkuettepku89 m [*] Melpalla-nilattin kottattu ivv-adaikkey merkum [1*) ivv-890 dail Erivatti-vaykkalukkey vilunda idattuku morkum [*] ivv-Erivatti-vaykka91 lukke merkum ( ") ipnum ivv-Erivatti-vaykkalukkey tejkum (") ivv-E Fifth Plate; Second Side. 92 rivatti-vaykkalukke merkum [ll*] Tenpark-ellai ivv-Erivatti-va93 ykkalukku vadakkum [*] ivv-Erivatti-vaykkale merku nokki=chche94 pru i-vvaykkalaiy.udafuttu=ttep-karaikkey=eri terk-inpu. 95 m ivv-Acaimangalattu brahmadeyattu=ppadugai veli nila. 96 ttin mel-ellaiye senru te[n].madalay=kkidanda odaik. 97 ku merkum [I*] ivv-ellaiye [tjerku nokki=chchepru merkki. 98 ppum ivv-odaikkey vadakkum [l*) innum ivv-odaikku 99 vadakku nokkiy=Epivatti-vaykkalu[k]key=urf-adapku kilakkum [*] ivv-Erivatti100 vaykkalaiy=udaputtu vada-karaiyEy=eji i-vvaykkalip vada-karaiyea 101 merku nokki=chchepru i-vvaykkalukku vadakkum [*] ivv-ellaiyey Sixth Plate; First Side. 102 merka nokki-chchenru i-vvaykkal tan kidandavara merku nokki i-ppattu-p103 Pattana-kkurrattu brahmadevam Sivalaiykudiyil nilap nan-mavil vada-varam bey-ur104 ru i-vvarambe merku nokki=chchepru ivv-ellaikku vadakkum [1*] ivv-ellai. 105 yo merku nokki=chchepru Palavilapp-ana adaiyEy=urtu ivv-ellai106 kku vadakkum [11*] Melpalk-ellai vadakku nokki Nattuppokkuuttalai107 VAyer vettapperrukku=kkilakkum [*] vadakk-inpum inpattu=pPatta108 Da-kkur[r*Jattu Munjikuli nilattin kil-ellaiy-ana adaiyey=urru-iv109 v-6daiyip naduvey vadakku nokki=chchepru ivv-odaiy=ulppada ivv-o110 daikkuukkilakkum (1) ivv-odai tap kidandavarey vadakku nokki i-mMunjiku111 di nilamey=ufru i-mMunjikudikku=kkil-ellaiy-ana adaiyey-urru vadakk-in Sixth Plate; Second Side. 112 pum ivv-ellaikku=kkilakkum [l*) ivv-adai tan kipandavarey pala mudokkum-u113 dongi vadakku nokki i-mMunjikudi nilamey=urru i-mMunjikudikku=kki]-ellaiy-apa 114 Odaiye vadakk-ippum ivv-ellaikku-klalakk-ippum ivv-odai tas ki. 116 dandavarey vadakku nokki-chchepru idanai vittu i-mMunjikuti vellala116 Iraman Govindan nanmavio tep-varambegaufru ivv-ellaiye va * The ai sign of dat ie wetten at the end of the previour Hoe. 1. Roadstupalay, . At the end of lixo 100 and at the beginning of line 101 there is unwrittet poe for one or two lettertx not alour # some letters were written and erased, *The Inlign of W ontered at the end of the previous Lab Read de Xudokios mad wadongi are perhaps mistaken for mudalks and mudang.

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248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIF. 117 dakku nokki=chcheppui-m Munjikudi bgahmadegam-ana nilattip tep-varambo118 yuru idapukkuaetterkum. [**] idapukkey kilakkum [1*] ippum i-mMunjikudi 119 brahmad@yam nilattukoy vadakkum 11*1 ivy-ellaiyo vadakku nokki-chchepru 120 Munjikudi vellap-vagai-klal-ellaiy-apa nilattukku=kkilakkum [*] iv. 121 V-ellaiye vadakku nokkirchchenru vada-merku nokki Munjikudi darimaya Seventh Plate; First Side. 122 kkal-eppum nilamey=urru i-ppilattin kil-varambukku=kkilakkum [1*] idan vada123 varambey merku nokki-chehepru vada-varambukku vadakku[ml] i-chcheyin melai-pp124 raiyodai vadakku nokki=chchepru ivv-odaikku=kkilakkum [1] ivv-odaiye vada 125 kku nokki-chchepru ivv-Apaimangalattukku=ppaya-kkallipal Raja126 rajap-vaykkaley=urru i-vvaykkalaiy=uda[ru]ttu vada-karaikkey=eri 127 ivv-Apaimangalattu brahmadeyattu=kKalavay-eppum nilatti128 kil-varambukku=kkilakkum [*] vadakku nokki=chchepru[m] kilakku nokki=chche129 ru[m] ivv-Apaimangalattu brahmadeyattu=kKilap' Kilan kar-cheyin ten-va130 rambey-urruettep-kilakku nokki=chchepru idipipru vada-kilakku nokkiyum 131 kilakku nokkiyum bepra ellaikku=tterkum kilakkum [*] idap vada-varambey Seventh Plate; Second Side. 132 vada-merku nokki=chchepru idanukku vadakkum [l*] innum ivv-Awaimangalattu 138 brahmadeyattu Aritan Siriyip Kacambap mupru-mavin kil-varambukku=kkilakkum [11*] 134 depark-ellai i-chcheyip tep-varambey kilakku nokki=chchepru idanukkuaetterku136 m [l] i-nnattu=pPattana-kkurrattu brahmadeyam Pirambil Kottidal-ana nilat136 tip ellaiyey kilakku nokki=chchepru ivv-Apaimangalattu brahmadeya137 ttu Vachchiyan Paramebvarap Puvan nilattin mel-varambey urf-adapku=t138 terkum [*] innilattukkey merkun=terkum kilakkum [1] i-nnattu brahmadeyam 139 Pirambil Kottidal-apa nilattip. kil-varambukku=kkilakkum [1*] i-vvarambey vadakku nokki-eh140 chepru Vilapp-eppum arrin tep-karaiyEy-urruettep-karaikku=tterkum (1) i-kkarai141 yet kilakku nokki-chchepru ivv-Apaimangalattu Mahadevar devadanam-ana o Eighth Plate; First Side. 142 ru-mav-araiyin mel-varambey-urru i-vvarambukku merkum [l*) i-vvarambey terku 143 nokki ittevar dovadapam-aga Mullivaravaiyin mol-varambey-urru i 144 varambukku merkum [l*] i-vvarambe tepku nokkiyun=kilakku nokkiyun-cho145 bra i-ttevar kulamey=ufru i-ttevar kulattukku=ppayum vaykka1 The reading paykkallin given in A. 8. of 8.1., Vol. IV, is due to the mistake of taking ya and na. for y and In so doing, the sense is obscured. 1A lotter has been entered and erased after -kki. .The letters beyw of beyour are written over an erasure After ye, a letter be been entered and erased. Than proper name may also be road Muffiedrai.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (V). ridi,a. 14 vyl paamrtu paampurtmrkirpeytotu 142 tokaatipaatptpairlllai llnnnpaamainnn mellll peY) 144 krumaatyoomttupto tokai pttitt naatveellukai 144 ittai mortu tlaikllttukaaymlrykm llaam 9- itr tokr cennntu ktai tevtaakaiti: 146 ptikaaltai -ttlaimlpaampaalmrmttnntklaannn 148 tennnOUR - + tokvmaittttotmaat 148 tyaateltaannnmaannnvmmaakppurm maavilaimlrmttittm, kmlaiyaa 150 maannneetennnpaampeyrntpotu vaatai maatkaatrrumtook 150 teyaataannnttkaannplaitlaimpoaittoriroo viii,. 152 - - kaaviytt tai tmooppttu pyttrlinnn melkraiyee? 152 toottirrennnp villpyoortrkktittmyaivillaa 154 55vkllaakkvaattaappp kaiaatrttu teylllitt 154 unya pootiyvelUNGAvtaak 156 kttikkaatu plcnnn teennnukkkmkaattot mnnnai 156 vruvilll * taattymttm vel 158vtttaa taaki villppu ketttttu vilaatuttennn 158 50 ktaiyottennnmaaye-toocaivrnnnpnnnaiyai 160 vairmykkrtaitnnn moyaamaa kttaikk 160 12 pkkvaannn tikaitiyelvaamaakkkaakk 162 paip2.19aa -- rttu 162 is,a. tlvaacaamyaay yaataatttent 164 -'- A pttukkaiyttikkttuknnnnnnttaate 164 --27012024 paattukonnntennnpaamrttttutl 166 3.170'mkaatorr tetailkaannntu paataicaalaittuaataa 166 aattokm vlltttpeetaannntel llluttitlnnn 168) Rayaat mkktai keelllllp koll maar563 168 tmmaannvr [43 kruppotrc plllaamlai 170 paitt kklltttvttaimelllpr 170 naattkaalllaakkngknnttttiyl ttrpaarumlkailk 172 1927 ttintum tiruptkaiyrraiyaieeplpaall ttennn 172 tmpti 3- 35yooruti veet N. P. Chakravarti. Res. No. 3910 E'35-425. 8CALE : ONE-HALF. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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ix,b. 174 mlr tturum periy ptvttint kvnnnttum mnnlai 174 uraittaaraallaimmmaa miittikkraimlllaannn tlper 176 ptpttup pinnnailttaak keetaar reyttaaltttip 176 rtaampaa pumviympeptaak maannnl ttkk 178 prmprltu lekmellai tirppylum 178 trtv mlr A l nnn lootrtntttt 180 piltu tlai kttittmpnnnaippaall iraaaitkm6 180 ttrk3nnnennnrpet vimaaceyyaattaaklmnnnnnn llttu 182 133pttuptutaattelmaataiperukktaak 5 | 182 5 1.9 P knntmptytaak nkrtngkttaattnnn OSTS leeviy kennpkmruutkm meeyvaakkm 184 8,a. - - - - , . - 186 5. - - - - 3 ( ppaa pttupaam '1-4myryngkrlkllvmnnnai yoottm taatmpur 188 vntaarupaa5 tuciykkaa prprpkkrltllmaannn peerm 14m pkktitmprm 190 verrppttt kttcaikkvaa laakmUtaakr 190 pnnppaiynnn tyumeeepaatpperaatt7277JJIKIT 192 ymkllaa ryumvitrllliyum taatrmy ptaalaikkaannn lllaannn rppraa 192 peructtaannnlllttrkaaviyml kaallllucaappu kai . SAraappaa 194 peerrukraiyutvuvaatvlPT244 194 x,b. ctmrai piriyumpaalmaak caayum vkaiyummrai prmnnn 196 viraiy tiyri mmpuypaattitaallmllnnnttkm - 196 nnppaattutaampt pkoonnntl198 tyl nvkaacvmkp poraam2 -P198 pottuaaailai ptraarnnmaiyooryt tittraitti 200 ptppknnnk crttu trtpaattukk prttyai 200 ktaikllaam peemaivipttaayvlltaapnnnt 202 ryiliyaattukkuttaannnttaivaamai tlmnnnaitt 24 202 ep yaannnaa pi pttonnnpkttl paakttrngkttk 204 " naannnpu pool ceyttu tvtrttrtt cyaam 204

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 249 146 lip mel-varambe terku nokki-chchepru i-ttevar devadanan-Ka147 navadikal-ana nilattin mel-varambukku merkum [1*] -Kanavadikalana 148 ten-varambey kilakku nokki=chchengu i-vvarambukkuaetterkum [1*] it149 tevar devadapam-aya Melukkuppuram oru-mavip mel-varambukku merkum [[*] ivv-oru150 mavin ten-Varambey kilakku nokki-chchenru i-vvarambukku=tteskum [*] i-tte151 var devardanam mukkaniyin tep-varambey kilakku nokki=chcheyru Pat Eighth Plate, Second Side. 152 tal-vaykkaley=urr-adasku=tterkum [*] i-pPattal-vaykkalin mel-karaiye va153 dakku nokki=chchenru Vilappey=urr=adasku=kkilakkum [*] i-v Vilappaiy=udaru154 ttu vada-karaikkey=eri innattu=pPattana-kkufrattu brahmadeya[m*] Mungir155 kudiy-ellaiyey=urru ivv-ellaiye vadakku nokkiyun156 kilakku nokkiyun=chepru idapukku=kkilakkun=terkum [1*] ip157 num i-mMungirkudi nilattukkey merkum (*) ivv-ellaiye 158 terku nokki Vilappukkey=ursu Vilappaiy-udasuttuaetten 159 karaikkey=epi=tten-karaiye kilakku nokki-chchenrui-nnatnu=kKovu160 r-kKanavadimayakkal-ana nilattin mel-varambey=urr=adaku=tterkum [1*] ikka161 navadimayakkal-apa nilattip mel-varambukku merkum [1*] i-kKanavadimayakka162 lin tep-varambey kilakku nokki-chchepru i-nnattu-[pPatta]na-kkurrattu Ninth Plate; First Side. 163 brahmadeya[m*] Nallurchcherikku=ppayum vaykkalaiy=usr=adajku=tterkum [l*) i-v164 vaykkalin ten-karaiyey kilakku nokki=chchen(o)ru innattu=kKovur 165 vellalan Urappali Pakkaran=oru-mavin ten-Varambey=urru itten166 varambey kilakku nokki-chchepru Kovur mup=rudangiga tachchan-nilattukkEy=u167 Fr=adarkuaetteskum [11*] Aga ivv-isaitta peru-napg-ellaiyilum=agappatta nir-nilanu168 m punseyum urum ur-irukkai[yu*]n=kulamum Sri-koyilgalum parai-chcheri169 yun-kamman-seriyun=chudukadum peruvad-agavum [1*] ivv-urmanaiyum ma170 pai-ppadappaiyun-kadaisyu Ju-kadai-tteruvum manrun=kapru-mey-palun-ku171 lamui=kottagaramun=kidangun=keniyum purrun=terriyun=kadum pililigaiyun=[ka]172 Jarum uvarum arum ar-idu-padugaiyum odaiyum udaippum min-payil-pallamun-tep-pa173 yil podumbu(r)[m*] me[l*]-nokkiya maramum kil-nokkiya kinarum ullittu nir pusi ne Ninth Plate ; Second Side. 174 dum-paramb=erindu udumb='adiy-amai tavalndad=evvagai - ppattadum unnilan=0175 liv-inri=kkaranmai miyatchiyu[m] migudi=kkuraiyum=ulladanga ippadi perrada176 ku=pperra vyavasthai [11*] i-ppilattukku nirkk-indavaru vaykkal kutti-p 1 The reading brahmad@yamun-Kirakudi in A. S. of 8. I., Vol. IV (1.265, p. 212) is a mistake. That the name of the village is Mungirkudi is evident from line 157. * The letters lap are written in smaller characters after erasing a letter which was probably la. The letters mbu are faintly marked over an erasure. * The letters after bodi and gai are written over au erasure. * This is a variant of isaindao or iyainda.

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250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXII. 177 payttavum varavum vidavum peruvad agavum [*] i-ppilattukku178 ppayum vaykkalgal menadai nir payavum varavum peruva 179 d-agavum [*] i-vvaykkalga anniyar kurang-aruttu=kkuttavum 180 vilang-adaikkavad-kerrettam pappavut-kudai-at-ipaikkavam 181 peradad1-agavun-chennir-ppoduvinai seyyadad-agavum [*] appir-adaittu-ppa182 chcha-pperuvad-Agavun-chu++++-otta mida majigaiy-edukka-pperuvad-Agavun183 turavu-kinaru ilichcha-pperuvad-agavun-kavu teng-ida=pperuvad-agavun-damana[ka]184 mu[m] maruvum-iruveliyun-chenbagamun-chengalunirum mavum palavun-kamugum papai peru Tenth Plate; First Side. 185 yun-kodiyum-ullitta pall-uruvil payan-maram-idavun-nadavum peruvad-agavum [*] 186 n-chekk-ida-pperuvad-agavum [*] ivv-ur nilattaiy-udaruttu-ppurav-urgalukku=ppoy 187 nir payum vaykkalgal menadai nir payavum varavum peruvad-agavum [*] purav-ur ni188 lattudu pondu ivvur nilattukku-ppayum vaykkalgal mena 189 dai nir payavum varavum peruvad-agavum [*] ivv-ur-itta tengum panaiyum i190 lavar-era-pperadad-agavun-tan kudikk-erra-vannam muraisum muppadi-tto191 rapa[mu]m natta-pperuvad-igavam [*] ippadi perradarku-pperra pariharan-nhi192 yum uratchiyum vatti-naliyum pida-naliyun-kannala-kkanamum vannara-pparai193 yun-kusa-kkanamun-nir-kkuliyum ilai-kkulamun-tari-ppudavaiyun-taragun-tattar ppatta 194 mum idai-ppattamum=attukk-iraiyu[m] nallavun-nallerudun=nadu-kavalum udupo Tenth Plate; Second Side. 195 kkum virpidiyum valamanjadiyum ulgum3 oda-kkuliyum manrupadum ma196 viraiyun-tiyeriyum ilam-putchiyum kutti-kalum ullittu-kko-ttott-un197 pappalad-evvagaippattadun-ko=kkolladey pallichchanda ttukke-4 198 y peruvad-agavum [*] ippadi perra vyavasthaiyum pariharamum 199 perra i-nnilan karanmai miyatchiyu[m] migudi-kkuraimaiyum=ulla. 200 danga-pPattana-kkurrattu Nagapattanattu-kKadaratt-araiyan eduppi201 kkiura Chajimanipapma viharattu-ppallikku-ppallichchandam-i 202 raiy-iliy-aga-kkudutta i-npattu Anaimangalam pallichchanda irangal-u203 Ipada yandu irubatt-opravadu-mudal pidi sundu pidagai nadandu kallu204 n-kalliyu[m*] natti aravolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-va Eleventh Plate; First Side. 205 Janattu-pPattapa-kkurrattu nattam nattarodum uda-pinru pidi sulndu pidagai nadandu kal 206 lan-kalliyu[m] natti aravolai seydu kudutten puravuvari Kallikkudaiyan Anaiyar 1The sign of pe is marked at the end of the previous line. Insert y before chcha and road paychcha. For a note on these words see above, p. 215. The k of ke is written at the beginning of the next line.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (VI). 2,0. OST"ptttttttu mrrainrkttkktu 206 vngkaallteevaalaayt tnt tlllaiytllttmaannn klai 206 tllkrllaavnnnaivaiyennnnnnait tteraimttumaatlmmaa 208 9. 1 5 eti -- potu uttlaimttai TTmnnnvairl 208 'ttntaal nnnai opaamaamaanilttil vllraannnaitaannnput 210 tnnnnnniyai kailllai ttennntmUCCEPtum taittu 210 vrlcey taaktkaamaak vaamnnraakaa(kai 212 nttjaatvaayeennnuuRADITIU82 - 212 upaittkrpkaattkporraiynnnvraitaa nnnnaamtttaarai 214 TG pvaannntaaaay -31TS 26yvlltaat 214 ai,. 216 p-- 20- 5250 UNO trutm 216 28 naannn paataattp pkaitttulUDT 2 plttu tyaa18-nnntutltaitmtaannn 2 218 2m nkyonnnlaiyennnvnnnlll ttetaiOSUPtu 218 6 ttt tevaimnnnnaarmoonnnkr 220 tt pl iUUUTATITUpo 220 vru knnnvu unnnlllt terai mp kllluttumaannnkttu 222 paalaiyetuaaruttmaayuutiyvrmnn mtaarurairaa 222 tktolll pt k yaa kaantirainn mnnn 224 utyaannn alngkaavnnnnnn vnnnvnnn ktteeraim 224 rii,a pttaalainver.tottaa 226 kvilaipaattuppaannnkaaktaamnnnrttu 76172 226 tvnnnai32782jaimaat tveellaivorvnnnnnnturrai 228 lllai tennn mlpptikaarttuvaat rt 212 228 ivtaattu, mvityaavaamnnn vltaakaantnnn 230 paattmngkltkaavrm 2811colvtaivnnnail 230 vevai - ttaacaiaatttraaaitulye tottuvaar 232 - annnpaiyennnvmaittennntmrpkeemturktttu 232 aro cevtutvtaamttu vruvaayairpptairraa 234 tutymtmvaittuaayaam tyaaaarel 234 N, P. Chakravarti. REG. No. 3910 E'36-425. 8CALE :ONE-HALF. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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rii,h. ayaastuvtu tnnntu teennnaittaavaipaiynnnm 236 ttennnrrum ippttittpittkr reytutttt 236 maav81221 paataiaarnttu 2 tomtaakku 238 itym caattaannnai ttainnnaaraittirvaatrnnn 238 Tag35 vaannn paiymailllaittemaikkutti 240 peerllrttu 59 972lceytrukkllai mitiv8231) 240 31SuPage #318
No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 251 207 Talikkulavaneprivadymepp=elutt-eprum [*] ivv-Anaimangalam pidi suln. 208 du pidagai nadakkirapodu apaiy=eri i-[n]tattarodum uda-pintzellai 209 terittu-kkattipip ivy-Apaimangalatt-irukkum vellalan Ko Put210 tapen-ivaiy-eppueluttrenrum [*] ippadi pidi sundu pidagai nadandu 211 aravolai beydu. kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=pPattana-kku. 212 irattu brahmades ya *]Kadambapur sabhaiyom ivargal solla ivv-ur maddhyasthan Muppattiru213 van Yajnan-ana Karpagadittanep=ivaiy=epp-elutt eprum i-kKadambanurar bo214 lla ivv-ur Vaikhanased Narayanap Damodarapep=ivaiy=epo-elutt-en Eleventh Plate ; Second Side. 215 rum [18] ippadi pidagai nadandu pili bulndu aravolai seydu kuduttom 216 Kshatriyasikhamapi-valanattu=pPattapa-kkurrattu brahmadeyam Naranams217 ngalattu sabhaiyom ivv-ur maddhyastan. Irunarruvan Uttaman-ana Bra218 hmamangalyanep=ivaiy=epp-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi sulndu afavo219 lai beydu kuduttom Kshatriya ikhamani-valanattu=pPattana-kku220 rrattu Velangudi Velargudaiyan Narayanap Orriyep 221 jvaiy=epp=elutt-eprum [*] ippadi pili bu]ndu pilagai nadandu &222 savolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamapi-valanattu=pPattapa-kkurra223 ttu brahmad@ya[m*] Mungirkudi sabhaiyom ivv-ur maddhyastap. Kunava-Na224 ndiy-apa Alarkarappiriyanep=ivaiy=epp-elutteprum (1") ip Twelfth Plate ; First Side. 225 padi pidi balndu pidagai nadandu apavolai beydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikha. 226 mani-valanattu=pPattada-kkugrattu Narimanrattu uram ur[a*]r solla elu227 dipen ivv-ur maddhyastan! Aimbattiruvan Videlviuugagen ivai en. 228 p-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pili bulndu pilagai nadandu aravolai 229 beydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=pPattana-kkurrattu=ch230 Chattamangalatt=urom urar solla eludipen ivv-ur Ve231 kkovann-Edirap Battan-ana Nanurruvapperungovela. 232 nen=ivaiy=epn=elutt-eprum [l*] ippadi pisdi*) sulndu pidagai nadandu apa233 volai beydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=pPattana-kkufrat234 tu brahmadeyam Sannamangalattu sabhaiyom sabhaiyar solla eludi[nen*] Twelfth Plate ; Second Side. 235 ivv-irakkaranattaNG maddhyastap? Durukkan Kamudapep ivaiy=epn=elu236. tt-enrum [1] ippadi pili bulndu pidagai nadandu afavolai beydu kudutto237 m Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=pPattana-kkurrattu brahmadeyam Kottarakkudi sa238 bhaiyom ivv-ur=kkaranattan maddhyastap? Uran Chandirasekharan-ana 239 Brahmamangalynen ivaiy-epp-elutt-eprum [1*] ippadi pidi suIndu 1 Read than . Read Trur.

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252 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 240 pidagai nadandu aravolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriya*ikhamani-vala241 nattu-pPattana-kkurrattu-kKovur urom urar solla eli(lu)dinen 242 ivv-ur-kkaranattan maddhyastan Aiyyan-Aiyyanen-ivaiy-enn-elutt-e243 nrum [*] ippadi pidi sulndu pidagai nadandu aravolai seydu kuduttom Kahatri244 yasikhamani-valanattu-pPattana-kkurrattu Uttur urom urar solla[v]e Thirteenth Plate; First Side. 245 ludinen ivv-ur-kkarapattan maddhyastan Nakkan Mulliyen-ivaiy-en246 p-elutt-egrum [*] ippadi pidi sulndu pidagai nadandu aravolai seydu kudut247 tom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu-pPattana-kkurrattu brahmadeyam Nanniman[ga*} 248 lattu sabhaiyom sabhaiyar solla ivv-ur-kkaranattan maddhyastan1 249 Kannan Alankarappiriyapen-ivai-enn-elutt-enrum [*] i 250 ppadi pidi sulndu pidagai nadandu aravolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriya251 sikhamani-valanattu-pPattana-kkurrattu brahmadeyam Poruvanur sabhai252 yom sabhaiyar solla eludinen ivv-ur-kkaranattan Vetkova 253 Madevan Uranen-ivaiy-enn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pildi*] sulndu pida254 gai nadandu apavolai beydu kuduttom Kshatriyakikhamani-valanittu-pPattaga Thirteenth Plate; Second Side. 255 kkurrattu Alangudi urom ur[a*]r solla eludinen ivv-ur-kkaranattan Ka256 syapan Suryya(ya')n-Aranganen ivai enn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi sulndu pi257 dagai nadandu aravolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu-pPattana-kku258 rrattu-tTuraiyur urom ur[a*]r solla eludinen ivv-ur-kkaranatta 259 Bharadvaji Tiritti Vaikundan elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi sulndu pida260 gai nadandu aravolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu-[pPat] 261 tana-kkurrattu brahmadeyam Pirambil sabhaiyom ivv-ur-kkaranatt[a*]n maddhya262 athap Kunavao Nandiy-ina Alaikarappiriyanto ivaly-eng-elutt-eoru 263 m [*] ippadi pidi sulndu pidagai nadandu aravolai seydu kuduttom Kadambankudiy uro 264 m ur[*]r solla eludinen ivv-ur-kkaranattan maddhyasthan Kunava[n*] Nandiy-ana Ala Fourteenth Plate; First Side. 265 karappiriyanen ivaienn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi sulndu pidagai nadandu ara266 volai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu-pPattana-kkurrattu Sendaman267 galattu urom urar solla eludinen ivv-ur maddhyasthan Uran Aiyyane 268 p-ivai enn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pi[di*] sulndu pidagai nadandu aravolai se269 ydu kujuttom Kahatriyasikhamagi-valanattu-pPattana-kkurra[ttu"]-chChiruchchendsmanga 270 lattu Etti Valanjuliyan Sanganen ivai enn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi sul271 ndu pidagai nadandu atavolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu= 1 Read "sthan, * Read urur. The bh of bhai is entered at the commencement of the next line. 4 This letter is superfluous.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (VII). rio,a. |--paannnnnnpaannnvnnntti tnnnt t t tnnn 266 paalceytu irutaat maaltiyvaamnnn -pmaakaiaarttu rttm 266 lttuvm uraa raallkeunnnrullairaannn jkmeennn 268 paiaavailllaitteraimtttaattaayaall 268 ttrukttutaamaa yetivaaknnvaataaruppttaatraa 36 ttmtu 270 lttuaavl ciyrai kllaitaavaalaannntaakrai piaaeetm 270 aieekkkaapoltevtaaruttomaavtikaavaaraataa 272 kaittaattutt tlttaalaam raapollaalllutinnnainnnjaakaannttaannn 272 pennnpnnnvtyttaimaavnnnllai paannnvlllaitteraimttu tttittum 274 - tttaataamaatkyaavaataarum2274 atai kaikkutm meennnnnntnnn cin,b. kaattttutttuA272rnnnrlkaannnai 2 276 13 tutt kllai kcklaivailllaittennn mlai 5 276 PAt tu 4po.ytukrutromk taavrmnn 278 pkttu 2vtiym20ttuciyaak 278 llle taannnai vepu caakaacettaakaarmaakai 280 17vlainnnai mainnnlllttopmaaktm 280 (53tu 4 kytcttot klaam 282 (7 vaakaittrttrukee lm 282 llle t'annnait4kkaalaaktvaikaivmaitaakkaillai 284 onnnaiaiaalaitteraimttttm3taakai tt - 284 ve 20/ ttmkkvlllivaamnnnraannnkk naat 286 288 tomaattmaak tnnnnnnai 290 r,a 286 paannlaiyoomaaymaaltikllaiyaannn cyai tovnnn taampaipttutaannnnnnai evaivailllaittennntu m2 aallltkeetu tlaa tekttu - tomntiyaavnn pnnnaaruttnnn 290 kuunrttu nmp - alkai pvaamaaraarceNUllltnnnennn tkrnntt 1822 vaaraattunnnnnnnnn pnnnvaatt 292 ttennntu 232 kaattu pootaittupol ry kruttoom .civrmnnaarukai tnt | r r pktraak umpm 13ll tinnnvaikaannn 18nnn 71nnnaavail paavailllaitltaarm0025 296 ttktt tttt ttrm tvm 292 294 296 SERVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA. SCALE:ONE-HALF. N. P. Chalrararti. Rea. No. 3910 E'36-425.

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To,b. | tttttuvennkaaraa/57Pnnnptu 298 naakainnn2711356 kraicmaitkaimaiUTIX50g 298 -<>ttu.2014yetucaattomairaapttuga 300 mtt ktaiyaakaimnnnennnnnnvaannntaiteraimtHN 300 ptitai vitm tntvolaiceytkennntee 302 virutti, ttu veetm kraiyuur teyitu tmtu kaattu 302 (mnnnmaiynnnattmai 304 itai keetee tv tttutinnnrBN 304 taa'?31tttppaaaattumaannnUaiTC) 306 vlllaittevaiyiru 124taikeetu pukvaakrtt raintu 306 kk kiyv8210131ilvpurttu iy 12 aiellaiyevainnnkknnntULTo tai 308 23tee tukkly 350tjaitvil SDn 308) ri,a. 310 maatppr pettvtaakmttutvaallai 310 mnnnvmaittokaittpopyeyilai rurkaallkvtai tngkaamaar 312 m eelllait tyllaamaikootrmklaamoonnnumteptaillaam3 312 kupaarkkaalkttaattumaatu nnnumto yaapttivttnnnumaam 314 maarumelllttvraannnumaamynnnlllvaittpellrnnnumP.314 mnnnutaa (paakaimttaallm ptlttaavrm(INS 316 vy jy llyttaa aalpkaayaannntotnnvairnnnnnnum 316 tm kaallll e llaiyaannnkllllaarnnnum aalttuuraallyaataipk 31865myveeripttu paattaampttiyaatipnnn ptnnnpekaimai 318 tykmlryknnptiymlllnnnnntkraiyai tmailnnnumtttnnn 320 potttaakkktaivttaiyeemriyilru25m 320 taippelllmaipaalpomaannnaaltaamttnnnkai 322 322 knnn nnn ymtkaannn mnnpnnnmaakaantulllnnn322 Toi,5. tntuvtulllnnnttaal paaltaakkttt ovaiyaikkonnttaar 324 7aaruttinnnaajktaakmaannnllvnnnaamoyaannnraaj 324 pepllnnnaayvaittuyevaakaann raavllaaruupennnjm 326 kkonnnaat aat moklttut tinnnaapnnnaijeruco 326 maaynnnuk nmtmtvikaatvnnn taarupaampunnkkraak 328 paataall cardpaillvynnnaitaamllaa 328 vnnkkm kmpraajr No rvnn taaru taatukkaituruntu 330 taatkomttnttu 21007212nnnutaapkrumaatvttonn4 330 "1 taampaataalllutuleekimaannnraaynnn knnnnainnneevllg 332 tlvll uttmtaak ! 332

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No. 34.) THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 253 272 pPattana-kkurrattu-kKurtalatb=urom urar solla 9ludinen ivv-ur=kkaranatap: 273 Vetkovan Devap Uranep=ivai epp=elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi sulndu pada 274 gai nadandu afavalai seydu kuluttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=pPatti-- Fourteenth Plate ; Second Side. 275 pa-kkurrattu=tTirunavur urom urar solla eludinen ivv-ur maddhyasthe276 n Sadurmugan=Ara[n]gatten=ivai epp=elutt-eprum [*] ippadi pidi sulndu 277 pidagai nadandu aravolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valapat278 tu=pPattana-kkurrattu brahmadeyam Uvarkkudi sabhaiyom sabhaiyar so279 lla eludinen ivv-ur=kkaranattan Vetkovan Managa[n] N. 280 arayananenwivai epp-elutt-enrum [1*] ippadi pidi sulndu pi281 dagai nadandu aravolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhama282 ni-valanattu=pPattana-kkurrattu Munjikuli urom urar 60283 lla eludipep ivv-ur=kkaranattap Vetkovan Managan Kanna284 pep=ivai epp=elutteprum [1*] ippadi pili salndu pilagai nadandu a285 favolai beydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=pPattana-kkurrattu Ti Fifteenth Plate ; First Side. 286 rukkannankuli sabhaiyam sabhaiyar Sollav=eludinen ivv-ur=kkaranat287 tap Vetkovap Atiramap Irubattunalvan-agiya Mungurruvane288 p=ivai enp=elutt-enrum [1*] ippadi pidi sulndu pilagai nadandu afavolai 289 seydu. kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=pPattana-k290 kurrattu Kadambavalavatkai urom urar bolla eludinen i291 vv-ur=kkaranattan maddhyasthan Urap=Uranem=ivai eon=elu292 tt=enrum [*] ippadi pili sulndu pilagai nadandu aravolai seydu 293 kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu=pPattana-kkurrattu= 294 PPalarkortarkuli uram urar solla eludinen ivv-ur=kkaranatta295 maddhyasthan Uran=uranen=ivai epn=elutt=enrum [l*] ippadi pili saln296 du pidagai nadandu afavolai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhamani-valanattu Fifteenth Plate ; Second Side. 297 pPattana.kkursattu Venkidangil uram ur[a*]r solla eludinen ivv-ur=kkara298 nattan maddhyasthan Ura[n*) Nakkanen=ivai enn=elutt-enrum [*] i-ppadi pidi sulndu 299 pidagai nadandu aravolai seydu kuduttom ivv-Anaimangalattu brahmade300 yattu Aritan Siriyan Kadambanen=ivai epn=elutt=eprum i-pparisu2-bBatta301 y ninru pidi nadappittu aravolai seyvitten Kshatriyasikhama302 ni-valanattuaet Tirunaraiyur-natu brahmadeyam Sri-Tungamangalattu 303 Turpil Sridhara-Bhattanen=ivaiy=enn=elutt-enrum [i*] ippadi Bhatta[y*] 304 nipru pidi nadappittu afavolai seyvitten Kshatriyasikhamani-vala305 nattu Vela-natnu=tTirunallur-pParkulattu=pParpanabha-Bhattanen=ivai en306 preluttenrum [1*] i-pparisu Bhattay nipru (pidi*] nadappittu aravolai seyvitten Ksha307 triyalikhamani-valanottu Vela-nattu=tTirunallur Peremapurattu Ven1 This word is generally written Paffa. * Delete b.

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254 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. 308 naiya-Bhattanen=ivaiy=epp=elutt-eprum [l*) i-pparibu Bhattay nipru pi309 di nadappittu aravolai beyvitten Rajendrasimha-valanattu Sri-Virana Sixteenth Plate; First Side. 310 rayana-chchaturvvedimangalattu Dvedaigomapurattu Nandisvara-Bhattanep=ivai 311 epp-elutt-enrum [1*] pugunda afavolaippadiye variyil=ittu=kkolgav=epru nan= karumam=ara312 yum Minava - Muvendavelanum Koramangalamudaiyapum Tevapkudaiyanum na313 duvirukkur=Kadalanguli-dDamadara-Bhattanum Kottaiyur=pPuvatta-Bhattanum nar karum&314 m-arayum Parakramasola-Muvendavelanum Sembiyan-Muvendavelanum Solave315 lapum Araisur-udaiyanum naduvirukkum Pullamangalattu Paramesvara-Bhatta-sarvva316 kratuyajiyun-cholla=ppuravuvari Alargudaiyan Kodandan Senanum Pu317 damangalamudaiyan Ilavadiga! Nallaranum Alattur-udaiya Kappagan318 Cholaiyum varippottagam Paruttiyur-kilavan Singan Venkadanum 319 mugavetti Kilvay Kanavadiyum Munqan=Aranganun=Chaiyadan-Amalanum Tattan 320 Sikitanum varippottaga-kkanakku Madevan Bumiyum variyilidu Uruvur-udaiya321 Tali Virasolanum pattelai Peruman=Ambalattadiyum Sikandan Dovanum 322 Makalap=Arinjiyum Nakkan Mandagavanum irundu yandu irubattu-muprava Sixteenth Plate ; Second Side. 323 du na nurr-apubattu-muprinal variyil-ittu-kkuduttadu || Ivail Uyyakkondar324 valanattu=tTiraimur-nattu Nadar-kilap Araiyan Arumoliy-ana Raje325 ndrasola=pPallavaraiyan eluttu || Uyyakkondar-valanattu Vennattu= 326 kKeralantaka-chchaturvvedimangalattu Krishnap Ramap-ana Rajendrabola327 Brahmamar[a*Jyanukkum okkum | Nittavinoda-valanattu=pPambuni-kkurrat328 (tu*] Araisur-udaiyan frayiravan Pallavayan-ana Uttamagola-pPallava329 raiyanukkum okkum | Rajendrasimha-valanattu=kKucukkai-nattu=kKa330 dalangudi Dvedaigomapurattu Damodara-Bhattaqukkum okkum || Uyyakkonda331 r-valanattu Ambar-nattu Kurumbil-kilan Araiyan Sikandan-ana Minavan Muve332 ndavelanukkum okkum | 62 | TRANSLATION. Sanskrit portion. (L. 1) Hail! Prosperity ! (V. 1) May the arms of Sarngin (ie., Vishnu) of the harinila-blue body, which are resplendent with garnga and other weapons, which are marked with the kasmira ointment (smeared) on the surface of Lakshmi's two round breasts, whose golden bracelets glitter as they rub against the high summits of the whirling Mandara (mountain), (and) which protect the three worlds, increase greatly your prosperity ! From this word onwards the writing is slightly different and the letters are more deeply cut. This portion might belong to the time of Rajendra-Chola I., while the previous portion might have been written at the time of Rajaraja L

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 255 (V. 2) As long as the moon-crested deity (t.e. Siva) sports with his consort on the Kailasa mountain, as long as Hari (Vishnu) performs meditative sleep (yoga-nidra) on the serpent couch in the milk-ocean, and as long as the sun, the sole light of all the worlds, dispels the dense darkness of the world, so long, may the Chola family protect from danger the circle of the whole earth. (V. 3) From the Sun (Ahimakara), the sole eye of the whole world, was (born) Manu the first of kings; (then) was born his son Ikshvaku, whose footstool was licked by rows of diadems of kings. In his family was (born) king Mandhatri, who was a storehouse of virtues, who was equal to Dhatri (Brahman) and who justly ruled this earth (extending) as far as the Lokaloka mountain. (V. 4) His son was the heroic king named Muchukunda. As his son was born king Valabha who was the sole erest jewel of the Kshatra (i.e. the Kshatriya race). In his family was born the illustrious king, who was widely renowned throughout the world as Sibi and whose two feet were worshipped by the whole host of kings. (V. 5) Who, excepting Vyasa, the best among poets, is able to describe the qualities of that profoundly virtuous king who preserved his own life (only) for the benefit of others? (V. 6) As a full moon to the ocean of that family, was born (king) Chola, who was the repository of all arts (kala) (just as the fullmoon is the repository of the sixteen kalas) and the kings born in whose family bore the name Chola after his name. (V. 7) Then came king Rajakesarin, who conquered all (his) enemies. After him came Parakesarin, who was bent on destroying the towns of hostile kings. (V. 8) The name of Rajakesarin and (that) of this Parakesarin became alternately the order of kings born in their family. (V. 9) In that family was born the lord of kings, Suraguru, who destroyed all (his) enemies, who was the standard of the Solar race, (and) who, having conquered in the battle-field even the unconquerable Mrityu, acquired the unattainable epithet Mrityujit. (V. 10) In his family was born king Vyaghraketu, who was a lion (as it were) to the elephants -(his) enemies. In that race was born the strong king Panchapa (who was) the Kalpa-tree to (bis) supplicants. (V. 11) King Karikala, (the god of) Death to his enemies, was born in that family. This (king) constructed embankments to the Kaveri (river). (V. 12) In his family was (born) Kochchamkarnan of well established fame, the bee at the lotus-feet of Sambhu (Siva), (and one) whose feet were worshipped by all kings. In his family (there) was king Kokkilli of clear intellect, the lord of prosperity, whose feet were worshipped by the crests of the whole host of kings. (V. 13) In that family was born the victorious Vijayalaya of great strength, who conquered the entire surface of the earth (and) whose two lotus-like feet were brightened by the lustre of gems emanating from the region of the diadems of prime kings that prostrated before him. (V. 14) From that king (also mountain) came forth Aditya (also Sun) of great splendour, who possessed (mighty) powers (also heat) and destroyed the dense darkness, i.e., enemies. (V. 15) From him, who was the sole abode of countless heaps of gems (and) who possessed enormous strength, rose for the benefit of the world, king Parantaka with full glory, just as the moon does with all his rays, to give pleasure to the world, from the milk-ocean (which contains within it countless gems and huge aquatic animals). (V. 16) Having conquered the earth right up to the Chakravala (mountain and) protected the whole (of it) with peace, that sun to the darkness, i.e. the Kali age, founded various big towns

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256 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. (and) brightened the ends of the quarters with (hin) fame which was as (white as the clouds of the autumn (sarad). (V. 17) With the pure gold brought from all the quarters which were subdued by the prowess of his own arm, this banner of the solar race (i.e., Parantaka) covered the mansion of Indumauli (Siva) at Vyaghragrahara (i.e., Chidambaram). (V. 18) To that king, whose two feet were worshipped by all the rulers of men, were born three sons prosperous as Sutraman (Indra) and resplendent as the three fires, the (one) called Rajaditya in this world, (another) named the glorious Gandaraditya (and the third) Arinjaya, the valorous, whose name was famous throughout the world. (V. 19) When king Parantaka, who was pre-eminent in destroying the armies of (his) enemies (and) who was a follower of dharma, had gone to heaven after having protected the earth girdled by the ocean, there was) his son known as Rajaditya, who was strong, (and) whose two feet were rubbed by the crests of hosts of kings : he became the lord of the earth. (V. 20) That heroic Rajaditya, the ornament of the solar race having agitated in battle, the imperturbable Krishnaraja along with his army, with his sharp arrows falling in all directions, while (seated) on the back of an excellant elephant, had his heart split by the thrusts of his (i.e. Krishnaraja's) sharp arrows and mounting a celestial car went to the world of heroes (viraloka) praised by the three worlds. (V. 21) When Rajaditya (or the sun among kings) of great prowess (or splendour) had gone to give pleasure to the lotus-faces of heavenly damsels, his heroic brother of wide-spread fame, (named) Gancaradityavarmman, protected the whole earth dispelling the dense darkness, (viz.) all (his) enemies. (V. 22) Having got a son named Madhurantaka and (having founded) a big village after his own name in the country on the north bank of the river) Kaverakanya (ie. Kaveri), he (Gandaraditya) went to heaven for achieving the objects of (that) other world. (V. 23) When that lord had gone to heaven, the heroic Arinjaya, a very conflagration in (consuming) the forest of enemy kings, ruled the whole earth. (V. 24) From Arinjaya was born Parantaka, (who was) equal (in prowess) to the destroyer of the three) cities (i.e. Siva), (who was) the crusher of the circle of enemy kings, (and) who, (causing his) subjects to be pleased by his good qualities, peacefully ruled the earth girdled by the ocean. (V. 25) At the city named Chevura, he (Parantaka) had the quarters filled with heaps of sharp and pointed arrows sent forth from his beautiful bow and caused to flow manifold rivers of blood springing from the high mountains, i.e. the enemies' elephants cut asunder by (his) sharp sword. (V. 26) This lord of kings (rajendra) begot two sons), Aditya, otherwise called Karikala and Rajaraja, the head-jewel of the solar race. (V. 27) When that Parantaka directed his attention to protect the world of gods (i.e., died). Aditya justly carried out the protection of the world of men. (V. 28) That young boy (Aditya), the light of the family of Manu, played sportively in battle with Vira-Pandya, just as a lion's cub (does) with a rutting mad elephant proud of its) strength. (V. 29) When that chief of kings went to heaven, the son of Gandaraditya, (.e.) king Madhurantaka, he, of powerful arms and famous as Mahendra (Indra), protected the earth which had the ocean for its girdle. (V. 30) When that chief of the rulers of the earth passed away to protect the abode of the gode, the heroic Rajaraja, the light of the Chola race, whose footstool was licked (i.e. rubbed)

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 257 by the glittering crests of all kinge, bore the heavy burden of the earth on bis arm which was sur. passing the lustre of the body of Sesha, the lord of serpents. (V. 31) Conquering the kings of the Pandya, Tulu and Kerala (countries and) Simhalendra and Satyasraya and others by the power of his arm and taking possession of their elephants, horses, gems, and kingdoms, he caused to glow all the ten quarters with (his) fame. (V. 32) Having accomplished the conquest of the regions and made all kings tributary, that lord of kings, Rajaraja, lived happily in his town, honoured by (his) people, just as Indra, worshipped by the world, was in heaven (V. 33) As far as the mountain which has the glory of bringing forth the Sun, as far as the Southern ocean, as far as the mountain named Asta and as far as the lord of mountains (ie., the Himalaya) occupied by Sambhu (Siva), the kings that were concerned in the protection of their own families sagaciously sought refuge in the pair of lotus-feet of Nityavinoda, in order to enjoy many pleasures. (V. 34) Because that sovereign was liberal to, (and) in many ways the refuge of, the kings that sought his feet, the good men in this earth call him Rajasraya of boundless magnanimity. (11. 73 to 86) He, this Rajakesarivarman Rajaraja, who had seen the other shore of the ocean of the collection of all sciences, whose foot-stool was made yellow by the cluster of rays (emanating) from many a gem set on the borders of the beautiful gold diadems worn by the entire circle of kings, gave, in the twenty-first year of his universal sovereignty, to the Buddha residing in the surpassingly beautiful Chulamanivarma-vihara, of (such) high loftiness (as had) belittled the Kanakagiri (i.e. Meru), which had been built-in the name of his father, by the glorious Maravijayottungavarman, who, by the greatness of his wisdom, had conquered the teacher of the gods, who was the sun to the lotus-forest (viz.) the learned men, who was the Kalpa-tree to supplicants, who was born in the Sailendra family, who was the lord of the Sri-Vishaya (country), who was conducting the rule of Kataha, who had the Makara crest, (and) who was the son of Chulamaoivarman that had mastered all state-craft-at Nagipattana, delightful (on account of) many a temple, rest-house, water-shed, and pleasure garden and brilliant with arrays of various kinds of mansions, situated) in the division called Pattanakurra (included) in the big group of districts named Kshatriyasikhamani-va!anadu, which was the forehead-mark of the whole earth, the village named Apaimangalam (which had its) four boundaries defined by the circumambulation of the female elephant and (which was situated) in the division called Pattana-kurra (included) in the same group of districts (as had been named above). (Vv. 35-36) When that powerful (Rajaraja) had obtained divinity, his wise son, king Madhurantaka, who ascended on his throne, caused an enduring edict (to be made) for this village, which had thus been granted by his father, the king-emperor, and ordered thus - (V. 37) As long as Sesha, the lord of all serpents, holds the entire earth, so long may this vihara last in (this) world with its endowment. (V. 38) This lord of Kataba of great valour, the abode of virtues, thus prays to all future kings : "Protect (ye) for ever this my charity." (V. 39) In the delightful village called Kottaiyur, famed in this world, that intelligent Brahman of stainless character named Anantanarayana, the follower of the wise, born in the spotless family of Vasishtha, which was the abode of prosperity, composed this pra fasti. (Vv. 40-42) Of that king who was justly protecting the entire earth, who was invincible and who had subdued the whole host of hostile kings, the chief officer was the wise person called Tilla

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258 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. yali, whose birth place in this earth was known as Karchivayil and who was known in the world as Rajaraja-Muvendavel : At bis (i.e. the king's) injunction, he caused this edict to be neatly executed. (Vv. 43-44) At the direction of that lord of Kataha, Sriman Atikal's son, who was well known as Tuvavuravan Anukka, who was modest, endowed with virtues, devoted to his master's concerns and of generous mind, caused to be made this lasting edict. (Vv. 45-48) The most intelligent Rajaraja-Mahacharya, otherwise called Vasudeva, who, though born of Krishna, was not of black (krishna) conduct; the two sons of Krishna, called Sriranga and Damodara, who were the bees (as it were) at the lotus-feet of Krishna ; and also the son of Vasudeva, named Ktishna, who had beautiful lotus-like eyes : and the son of Aravamrita, called Purushottama, of excellent speech (?), who was vying with Chitragupta in stamping (i.e. engraving) letters-these five artista, who were the forehead-marks of the Hovya family and born in Kanchipura, wrote this eulogy. (11. 108f.) This edict was incised by us, the engraving sculptors of the prosperous (city of Kanchipura in Jayangondachojamandalam, viz., Krishnan Vasudevan alias Rajarajapperacharyan, Krishnan Tiruvarangan, Krishnas Damadarap, Vasudevan Ksishnap and Aravamirdu Purushottaman. Tamil portion. (1.1) Hail! Prosperity! (This is the order of) Konerioniaikondan (issued) to the nattar (i.e., the members of the Divisional Assembly) of Pattapa-kurram, a sub-division in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, the headmen of brahmadeyas, the representatives of the ur in devadanas, pallichchanda, kanimurruflu and vettipperu (villages) and the nagarangalilar (i.e., the body of merchants). (1. 4) In the twenty-first year and ninety-second day of our (reign) when we were in the pavilion to the south of the palace of Rajahrayan (situated) outside Tanjavur, we having declared that, in order to meet the necessary requiremente of the palli (attached to the Chulamanivarma-vihara which is being built by the Kidara king Chulamanivarman at Nagapattanam in Pattana-kurram (a sub-division) of Kshatriyalikhamani-valanadu, the income of eight thousand nine hundred and forty-three kalam, two tani, (one) kuruni and one nali of paddy accruing from the payment of land assessment on ninety-seven (veli), two ma, one and a half kani, one mundirigai; kil (i.e. 1/320) of three ma, three kani, and one mundirigai and kil (i.e. 1/320) of half and two ma of land, inclusive of those that had ceased to be pallichchanda and exclusive of those that had been removed in survey, which formed the village of Anaimangalamh in Pattana-kurram (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu shall be entered in the (retenue) register as a tax-free palichchanda from the twentyfirst year of our reign) and the taxes paid over to the palli in the Chulamanivarma-vihara which (as aforesaid) is being erected by the Kadara king at Nagapattanam in Pattana-kurram (a subdivision) of Kshatriyasikbamani-valanadu, (this) our order was written by Amudap Tirttakaran, the beadman of Vilattur in Avur-kurram (a sub-division) of Nittavinoda-valanadu, who writes our orders, signed by the superintendents of our writs (viz.,) Krishnan Raman alias MummadicholaBrahmamarayan of Keralantaka-chaturvedimangalam in Vennadu (a sub-division) of Uyyakkondar-valanadu, Irayiravan Pallavayan alias Mummadichola Posan, (a native) of Araisur in Pambunikurram (a sub-division) of Nittavinoda-valanadu and Velan Uttamacholan alias Madurantaka Muvendavelan (a native) of Paruttikkuli in Nenmali-nadu (a sub-division) of Arumolideva-valanadu, and was issued : and in accordance with it, it was ordered to be entered in the accounts by our Secretaries Aruran Aravanaiyan alias Parakramachola-Mavendavelan, Tattan Sendan alias Sembiyan-Muvendavelan (and) Mapperan Popkari (a native) of Arunkupram, the arbitrators Paramesvara-Bhatta-Sarvakratuyajin of Pullamangalam and Damodata-Bhattan of Kadalangudi, our

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 259 Secretaries Pisangan Palur alias Minavan-Muvendavelap of Karkudi in Tirunaraiyur-nadu (a subdivision) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, and Sankaranarayanan Arangan of Vanganagar in Purangarambai-nadu (a sub-division) of Arumolideva-valanadu, and the arbitrators Tammadi. Bhattan of Vennainallur and Tiyambaga-Bhattan of Pabalai. (1. 33) The Puravurari (officers) Korran Porkari, the headman of Kilinallur, Surriyan Tevadi (a native) of Kalumalam, Tevan Sattap (a native) of Paluvur and Anaiyap Talikkulavan (a native) of Kallikkudi, the varippattagam (ie. officers in charge of Tax registers) Kumarap Arangan (a native) of Sattapur and Singan Venkadan, the headman of Paruttiyur, being present, Apaimangalam in Pattana kurram (a sub-division) of their district, comprising of ninety-seven (vela), two ma, one and a half kani, one mundirigai, kil (i.e. 1/320) of three ma, three kani and one mundirigai and kil i.e. 1/320) of half, and two ma of land, after deducting those that had been removed in survey, was entered in the revenue register as a tax-free palsichchandam on the ninetysixth day of the (said) twenty-first year. (1. 41) We furnished the names of the following persons) for going round the hamlets accompanying the female elephant - Our officer) Kankani-naduvirukkum Tammadi-Bhattan of Vennainallur and the Bhattas (vit.) Sridhara-Bhattan of Turpil residing at Sri-Tungamangalam alias Abhimanabhushana-chaturvedimangalam in Tirunaraiyur-nadu (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, Pappana. bha-Bhattan of Parkkulam (residing at) Tirunallur in Velanadu (a sub-division) of the same nudu, Vennaiya-Bhattan of Peremapuram (residing) in the same village and Nandisvara-Bhattan of Dvedaigomapuram (residing) at Sri-Viranarayana-chaturvedimangalam, a free village in Karanadu (a sub-division) of Rajendrasimha valanadu and the Puravuvari (officer) Anaiyan TalikkuJavan (a resident) of Kallikkudi. (1. 49) A royal order (tirumugam) embodying the above and with the words ".it behoves you also to be with these persons, to point out the boundaries, to go round the hamlets accompanied by a female elephant, to set up (boundary) stones and milk-bush and to draw up and give the deed of gift," having been sent to us, the nattom (the assembly of the district), in the writing of the Royal scribe (mandiravolai) Amudan Tirttakaran, the headmen of Vilattur, and with the signatures of the Superintendents of Royal Writs (tirumandiravolai-nayakam) Krishnan Raman alias Mummadisola-Brahmamarayan, Irayiravay Pallavayan alias Mummadisola-Posan (a resident) of Araisur and Velan Uttamasolan alias Madurantaka-Muvendavelan (a resident) of Paruttikudi, in the twenty-first year (of the reign) of the glorious king Rajarajakesarivarman alias Rajarajadeva, who having conceived in his mind that, like the goddess Lakshmi, the great goddess of the Earth had become his own, was pleased to destroy the ships at Kandalur-Salai, took, with the aid of his highly powerful and victorious army, Vergai-nadu, Gangapadi, Nulambapadi, Tadigaipadi, Kudamalai-nadu, Kollam, Kalingam and the province of Ilam (i.e. Ceylon), famous in the eight quarters, and who carried away the splendour of the Seliyas (i.e. the Pandyas) in the year of his acquiring excessive glory fit for being praised till the end of time, we, the naxom (i.e., the assembly of the district), seeing it (i.e. the order) being brought, respectfully advanced (towards) received and carried (it) on our heads and accompanying the female elephant, walked round the hamlets, set up (boundary) stones and milk-bush and drew up and gave the deed of gift. (1. 65) The eastern boundary of the land (thus granted) forms the western boundary of Kovur in Pattana-kurram (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu; (it is) to the west of the land of the carpenter of Kovur and of the (stream) Kavidi-odai of Kovur; further south (it is) to the west of the field called Pugaiyunni (belonging to the same village ; further south, proceed. ing in an easterly direction on the same boundary and further south of the same field, (it is) to the west of the field called Pugaiyunni; further south and further west, it is) to the north of the

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260 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. small ridge (which had been) converted into a nursery (and made to form part) of the one-eighth (veli of land lying) to the west of the channel irrigating the (land called) Pugaiyunni ; further, (it is) to the west of the said small ridge which had been converted into a nursery at the western side of this one-eighth (veli); further still, (it is) to the north of the ridge made on the southern side of the same nursery; further on, (it is) to the west of the western ridge of this one-eighth (veli); further, it is) to the west of the one-eighth (reli) of Pugaiyumni (Lying) on the southern side of the said one-eighth (veli); further south of this, (it is) to the west of the one ma and a half of land belonging to the potter of Kovur; on the south of this (land), (it is), to the west of the one ma and a half (of land); on the south of this, (it is) to the south of the middle of the stream; further on, (it is) to the west of the boundary of this (village of) Kovur; further south, (it is) to the west of the one ma of land of Araisur Mariyadi, a Vellala of Kovur; on the south of this, (it is) to the south of the middle of the stream; going in a south-easterly direction along this stream, (it lies) to the west of the spot at which the western Pallavaykkal falls into this very stream; further on, (it is) to the south of the southern bank of the western Pallavaykkal and to the west of the western ridge of the land called) Melpallam of Kovur; (further), it is to the north of the northern ridge of the one-eighth (veli of land) of the Vellala Urappali Pakkaran in Melpallam of this village :-(it is also) to the west of the middle of the stream at the western side of this same one-eighth (veli) and of the one-eighth (veli ol land) of the Vellala Paramebvaran Naraiyur; (it is) to the west of the middle of this stream; (further, it is) to the west of this game stream which forms the boundary(?) (kottam) of the one-eighth (veli of land) of Aiyyaran Sendan, a Vellala of Kovur; (it is also) to the south of the same one-eighth (celi of land); (further, it is) to the west of this stream at the boundary() (kottam) of the land (called) Melpallam ; and (also) to the west of the spot at which this stream falls into the channel) Erivatti-vaykkal and to the west of this Erivatti-vaykkal; further, (it is) to the south of this Erivatti-vaykkal and to the west of this Erivatti-vaykkal. (1. 92) The southern boundary is to the north of this Erivatti-vaykkal; and going in a westerly direction along this Erivatti-vaykkal, crossing the same channel and getting up (its) southern bank, and going further south along the western boundary of the (one) veli of padugai land belonging to the brahmadeya of this (village of ) Anaimangalam, (it lies) to the west of the stream which (here) lies in the direction of south-north; going then in a southerly direction along this (same) boundary, (and proceeding) further west, (it is) to the north of the same stream; again (going) in a northerly direction along the said stream and reaching this Erivatti-vaykkal, (it is) to the east of it; crossing the Erivatti-vaykkal and getting up its north bank and proceeding (then) in a westerly direction along the north bank of this channel, (st lies) to the north of the channel ; passing in a westerly direction along this boundary, and then in a westerly direction in the course of the stream, and reaching the northern ridge of the four ma of land in Sivalaiykudi, a brahmadeya of Pattana-kurram in this nadlu, and (then) passing along the same ridge in a westerly direction, it lies) to the north of this boundary : proceeding in a westerly direction along the same boundary and reaching the stream (called) Palavilappu, (it lies) to the north of this boundary. (1. 106) The western boundary is to the east of the vettapperu (granted to the men in charge of) the head sluice of the Nattuppokku-(channel) which runs in a northerly direction; going further north and reaching the stream which forms the eastern boundary of the lands of the village of) Muinjikudi in Pattana-kurram of the same district and going then in a northerly direction along the middle of the same stream as it lay, (it lies) to the east of this stream, and includes the stream also; proceeding thence in a northerly direction along the stream, as it lay, till reaching the lands of the same (village of) Munjikudi, and reaching also the stream which formed the eastern boundary of this Munjikudi, and proceeding further north, (it is) to the east of the same boundary; going through the several turnings of the stream as it lay and then passing in a northerly direc

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 261 tion till reaching the lands of this Munjikudi (village), and proceeding further north of the stream which forms the eastern boundary of the same village of Munjikudi and further to the east of the same boundary, and going then in a northerly direction along this stream as it lay, and leaving this (stream) and reaching the southern ridge of the four ma of land (belonging to) Raman Govindan, a Vellala of this Munjikuli and passing (then) in a northerly direction along the same boundary and reaching the southern ridge of the lands which formed the brahmadeya of this (same) Munji. kudi, (it lies) to the south of it and also to the east of it; further on (it lies) to the north of the lands (belonging to the brahmadzyn of the said Munjikudi; going then in a northerly direction along the same boundary, (it lies) to the east of the land forming the eastern boundary of the holding of the Vellalas (vellan-vagai) of the said Munjikudi; going then in a northerly direction along the same boundary, and then in a north-westerly direction till reaching the field called Odarimayakkal in Munjikuli, (it lies) to the east of the eastern ridge of the said field; going in a westerly direction along the northern ridge of the same field, (it lies) to the north of the northern ridge; going in & northerly direction along the (stream of) Papaiyodai on the western side of the same field, (it lies) to the east of the same stream; going then in a northerly direction along the same stream till reaching the channel called Rajarajap-vaykkal which was dug out to irrigate the lands of this (village of) Apaimangalam and then crossing this channel and getting up its northern bank, (it lies) to the east of the eastern ridge of the field called Kalavay in the brahmadeya of this (village of) Anaimangalam; going in a northerly direction and (then) in an easterly direction and reaching the southern ridge of the quarter (veli) of land of Kilap Kilan in the brahmadiya of this Apaimangalam, and passing (again) in a south-easterly direction, it lies) to the south and east of the boundary which proceeds from this (ridge) in north-easterly and easterly directions; going (then) in a north-westerly direction along the northern ridge of the same, (it lies) to the north of this (line); further, (it lies) to the east of the eastern ridge of the three ma (of land) of Aritap Siriyan Kadamban in the brahmadeya of this (village of) Apaimangalam. (1. 134) Proceeding in an easterly direction along the southern ridge of this (land), the northern boundary is to the south of this (field); proceeding in an easterly direction along the boundary of the land called Kottidal in the brahmadeya (village of) Pirambil in Pattana-kurtam, (a sub-division) of the said district (of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu) till reaching the western ridge of the land of Vachchiyan Paramesvaran Puvan in the brahmad ya of the said Anaimajigalam, (it lies) to the south of it; (it also lies) to the west, south and east of the said land; (it is) also to the east of the eastern ridge of the land called Kotidal in the brohmadeya (village of) Pirambil in the above said nadu ; proceeding in a northerly direction along the same ridge and reaching the southern bank of the river called Vilappu, (it lies) to the south of its southern bank; proceeding in an easterly direction along this bank and reaching the western ridge of the one ma and a half (of land) in the devadana of (the god) Mahadeva of this (village of) Anaimangalam, (it lies) to the west of this ridge; proceeding in a southerly direction along the same ridge and reaching the western ridge of (the field of) Mullivaravai which is (also) a devadana of the same god, (it lies) to the west of that ridge; proceeding (then) in southern and eastern directions along the same ridge and reaching the tank of this god, and then going in a southerly direction along the western bank of the channel feeding the said tank of this god, (st lies) to the west of the western ridge of the field called Kanavadi-kal which is also a devadana of the above mentined) god; proceeding (then) in an easterly direction along the southern ridge of this KanavadiJral, (it lies) to the south of this ridge; (it is also) to the west of the western ridge of the one mi of the devadana land called Melukkuppuram" (belonging to this god; proceeding in an easterly Assignments made for meeting the expenses of supplying oil for the anointing of images of gode and for oloaning the courtyards of temples are called Majubbuppuran.

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262 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXIL direction along the southern ridge of this one ma, (it lies) to the south of this ridge; proceeding (then) in an easterly direction along the southern ridge of the three kani of the deadana land of (i.e., belonging to this god and reaching the Pattal-channel, (it lies) to the south of it; proceeding (further) in a northerly direction along the western bank of the said Pattal-channel till reaching the (river called) Vilappu, (it lies) to the east of it; crossing the said Vilappu and getting up its northern bank and arriving at the boundary of Mungirkudi which is a brahmadeya of Pattapa-kurram in the same district and then proceeding in northern and eastern directions along that boundary, (it lies) to the east and south of it; further on, it is) to the west of the lands of this Mungirkudi; proceeding in a southerly direction along the said boundary till reaching the river) Vilappu, crossing the Vilappu and getting up its southern bank and then proceeding in an easterly direction along the southern bank and reaching the western ridge of the land called Kanavadimayakkal (situated) in Kovur of this nadu, (it lies) to the south of it; (it lies also) to the west of the western ridge of this land (viz.), Kanavadimayakkal ; proceeding in an easterly direction along the southern ridge of this land (viz.), Kanavadimayakkal and reaching the channel irrigating Nallurcheri, a brahmadeya of Pattana-kurram of this district (it lies) to the south; proceeding then in an easterly direction along the southern bank of the said channel till reaching the southern ridge of the one ma of land (belonging to) Urappali Pakkaran, a Vel]ala of Kovur in the same district and then going in an easterly direction of this southern ridge and reaching the carpenter's land in Kovur where the boundary originally commenced, (it lies) to the south. (1. 167) The donee shall have possession of the wet lands, dry lands, the village, villagesite, ponds, sacred temples, the quarters of the Paraiyas, the quarters of the artisans and the burning grounds included within the four great boundaries thus described. (1. 169) The following are the conditions to be observed in thus taking possession of this village inclusive of karanmai and miyatchi (rights) with its excess and deficiency in measure ment including in it the houses, house-sites, shops, the bazaar street, assembly grounds, waste lands set apart for grazing calves, ponds, kottagaram (i.e., kraals or palaces), valleys and wells, ant-hills, terri, forests, pidiligai, barren lands and brackish lands, rivers, arable lands near rivers, streams, breaches, pits containing fish, gardens with their honey (produce), trees growing up and wells sunk down, without excluding any of the existing lands covered with water or rolled by the harrow or where the ingrana runs or the tortoise crawls. (1 176) Channels shall be dug (so ax) to irrigate the lands of the village; and their waste water shall be collected in canals and led away. Existing water courses over channels irrigating these lands shall be allowed to flow and their waste water shall be collected and led away. It is not permissible for others to cut branches, dam them across, put up small picottabs or bale water in baskets. Good (i.e., drinking) water shall not be used for common purposes; but it may be dammed and made to irrigate (lands). Mansions and large edifices shall be built of burnt tiles (i.e., bricks). Large wells shall be sunk. Coconut trees shall be planted in groves. Damanaka, maruvu, irureli, denbagam, sengalunir, mango, jack, sreca-palm, palmyra, kodi and other useful trees of various descriptions shall be sown and planted. A big oil-press shall be set up. (Such of) the irrigation channels as are cut through the lands of this village and (made to pass to outlying villages shall be permitted to flow over and be collected. (Similarly also), the channels cut through the lands of the outlying villages (and made to pass into this village for the irrigation of lands shall be permitted to flow over and be collected. Ilaras shall not be permitted to climb the palmyra and coconut trees planted (on the borders) of this village. Big drums and ornamental arches in three rows shall be allowed for families, according to traditions. (1. 191) On receiving the lands as aforesaid, the privileges conferred are as follows: nadatchi (fee for the administration of the distriot), trd!chi (fee for the administration of the

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 263 village), vattinali (i.e., one nafi of grain on each basket), pidanali, kannalakanam (i.e., fee of one kanam of gold received on every marriage occasion), vannarapparai (i.e., fee on washerman's stones), ku sakkanam (i.e., fee of one kapam paid by every potter), water-cess, ilai-kulam, tarippudavai (i.e., fee of one cloth on each loom), the fee on brokers, fee on goldsmiths, fee on shepherds, attukkirai (i.e., fee for keeping flocks of sheep), good cow and good bull, nadukaval (i.e., fee for the watch of the district), udupokku, virpidi, valamanjadi, ulgu, Odakkuli (i.e., fee on ferries), tolls, manrupadu (i.e., fee raised for assembly), mavirai, tiyeri, ifamputchi, kuttikal and such other fees, as the king could levy and enjoy, shall not henceforth be received by the king but shall be taken by the authorities of this payi. (1. 198) For this land, inclusive of its kararmai and miyatchi (rights), with all excess and deficiency in measurements and including (such) lands as had ceased to be pallichchanda, forming the village of Anaimangalam (situated) in this district, which had been granted (subject to) the conditions and privileges (specified) above, as a tax-free pallichchanda to the palli in the Chulamanivarma-vihara which is being built by the Kadara king at Nagapattanam in Pattanakurram, we, the natrom (i.e., the members of the Divisional Assembly) of the said) Pattanakurram in Kshatriyasikbamani-valanadu, accompanying the female elephant, circumambulated the hamlets, planted (boundary) stones and milk-bush, drew up and presented the gift deed (to hare effect) from the twenty-first year (of the king's reign). I, Anaiyap Talikkulavan, (a resident) of Kallikkuli (and) a puravurari (officer), being present with the representatives of the districts while accompanying the female elephant and circumambulating the hamlets, planting (boundary) stones and milk-bush, drew up and gave the deed of gift: and this is my signature. (1 207) When the nattar were accompanying the she-elephant and circumambulating the hamlets of this Apaimangalam, I, Kon Puttan, & Vellala, residing at this Anaimangalam, mounted the elephant, was present with them and showed the boundaries clearly : and this is my signature. (1. 210) In this manner, we, the members of the assembly of Kadambasur, a brahmadeva of Pattapa-ktirfam in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At their bidding, I, Muppattiruvap Yajnan alias Karpagadittap, the arbitrator of this village, have signed this): and this is my signature. At the bidding of the inhabitants of this Kadambapur, I, Narayanap Damodaran, a Vaikhanasa of this village, (have signed this): and this is my signature. (1. 215) In this manner, we, the members of the assembly of Naranamangalam, & brah. madeya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, circumambulated the hamlets accompanying the she-elephant, and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Irunarruvan Uttaman alias Brahmamangalyan, the arbitrator of this village, (have signed this): and this is my signature. (1. 218) In this manner, we, (the urar of Velangudi ?), accompanied the she-elephant and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Velangudaiyan Narayanan Orri of Velangudi in Pattanakurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyalikhamani-valanadu (have signed this): and this is my signature. . (1. 221) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Mungirkuli, a brahmadeya of Pattapa-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Kunava-Nandi alias Alankarapriyan, the arbitrator of this village, (have signed this): and this is my signature. (1. 224) In the said manner, we, the urar of Narimanram in Pattana-kurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamapi-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets

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264 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Aimbattiruvap Videlvidugan, the arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 228) In the said manner, we, the urar of Sattamangalam in Pattapa-kugram, (a subdivision) of Kshatriyabikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Vetkovan Edirap Sattan alias Nanarruvapperungovelap of this village have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 232) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Sannamangalam, & brahmadeya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly, I, Durukkan Kamudan, the accountant-arbitrator of this village have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 236) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Kottarakkudi, a brahmadeya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Oran Chandrasekharan alias Brahmamangalyan, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed this): and this is my signature. (1 239) In the said manner, we, the urar of Kovur in Pattana-kufram, (a sub-division of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Aiyyan Aiyyan, the account ant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 243) In the said manner, we, the irar of Uttur in Pattana-kurram, (a sub-division of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Nakkan Mulli, the accountantarbitrator of this village have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 246) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Nappimangalam, a brahmadeva of Pattapa-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly, I, Kannan Alankarapriyap, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, (have signed this) : and this is my signature. (1 249) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Poruvanur, a brahmadeya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriya ikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly I, VaekovaMadevap Orap, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 253) In the said manner, we, the urar of Alanguli in Pattana-kufram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyabikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamleta and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Kasyapan Suryyan Arangan, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 256) In the said manner, we, the urar of Turaiyur in Pattana-kurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Tiritti Vaikundan of the Bharadvaja-(gdtra), the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and (this is my)signature. (1 259) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Pirambil, a brahmadiya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the sho-elephant, circumambulated the bamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Kunavar Nandi alias Alankih rapriyan, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed this): and this is my signature.

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No. 34.] THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. 265 (L. 263) In the said manner, we, the urat of Kadambangadi, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Kunavan Nandi alias Alankarapriyan, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1 265) In the said manner, we, the urar of Sendamangalam in Pattapa-kurram, (a subdivision) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urat, 1, Oran Aiyap, the arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 268) In the said manner, we, (the urar of Siruchchendamangalam !), accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets, and drew up and gave the deed of the gift. I, Etti Valanjuliyan Sangan of Siruchchendamangalam in Pattapa-kurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, (have signed this): and this is my signature. (1. 270) In the said manner, we, the drar of Kurralam in Pattana-kurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Vetkovan Devap Oran, the accountant of this village, have signed (thus): and this is my signature. (1.273) In the said manner, we, the urar of Tirunavur in Pattapa-kurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-va!anadi, accompanied the sbe-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Chaturmukhan Arangan, the arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 276) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Uvarkkudi, a brahmadeya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumAmbulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly, 1. V etkovan Managan Narayanan, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 280) In the said manner, we, the urar of Munjikudi in Pattana-kurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Velkovan Managan Kannan, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 284) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Tirukkannangudi in Pattana-kurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly, I, Vetkovan Atiraman Irubattunalvan alias Munnurruvan, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 288) In the said manner, we, the crar of Kadambavalavatkai in Pattana-kurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Oran Oran, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 292) In the said manner, we, the urar of Palankorrangudi in Pattapa-kurram, (a subdivision of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urar, I, Oran Oran, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature. (1. 295) In the said manner, we, the urar of Venkidangil in Pattana-kugram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the irar, I, OraNG Nakkan, the account. Ant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.

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266 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. (1. 298) In the said manner, we, (the members of the assembly of Anaimangalam ?), accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Aritan Siriyan Kadamban, (a resident) of this brahmadeya of Apaimangalam, (have signed this): and this is my signature. (1. 300) In the said manner, I, Turpil Sridhara-Bhattan, (a resident) of Sri-Tungamangalam, a brahmadeya in Tirunaraiyur-nadu, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-vajanadu, (in the capacity) of a Bhatta, caused the she-elephant to circumambulate (the hamlets) and got the deed of gift to be drawn up. This is my signature. (1. 303) In the said manner, I, Parpanabha-Bhattan of Parkkulam, (residing) at Tirunallur in Vela-nadu, (in the capacity) of a Bhatta, caused the she-elephant to circumambulate (the hamlets) and got the deed of gift to be drawn up and given. This is my signature. (1. 306) In the said manner, I, Vennaiya-Bhattan of Peremapuram (residing) at Tirunallur in Vela-nadu, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, (in the capacity) of a Bhatta, caused the she-elephant to circumambulate (the hamlets) and got the deed of gift to be drawn up and given. This is my signature. (1. 308) In the said manner, I, Nandisvara-Bhattan of Dvedaigomapuram (residing) at Sri-Viranarayana-chaturvedimangalam in Rajendrasimha-valanadu, (in the capacity) of a Bhatta, caused the she-elephant to circumambulate (the hamlets) and got the deed of gift to be drawn up and given. This is my signature. (1.311) Our (ie., the Royal) Secretaries (viz.) Minavan Muvendavelan, Korramangalamu. daiyan and Devankudaiyan; the arbitrators (viz.) Damodara-Bhattan of Kadalangudi and Puvatta-Bhattan of Kottaiyur; our Secretaries (viz.) Parakramasola-Muvendavelan, Sembiyan Muvendavelan, Solavelan and Araisurudaiyan, and the arbitrator Paramesvara-Bhatta-Sarvakratuyajin of Pullamangalam, having ordered that (the necessary) entries may be made in the Revenue Registers in accordance with the deed that was thus signed and issued; the puravuvari (officers) (viz.) Kodandan Senan of Alangudi, Ilavadigal Nallaran residing at Pudamangalam and Karpagan Solai residing at Alattur, the varippottagam (i.e., officer in charge of Revenue Registers) (viz.) Singan Venkadan, the headman of Paruttiyur, the mugavetii (officers) (viz.) Kilvay-Kanavadi, Mundan Arangan, Saiyadan Amalan, Tattan Sikittan (ie., Sri-Krishna), the varippottagakkanakku (i.e., the accountant in charge of the Revenue Registers) Madevan Bumi, the variyilidu (i.e., the officer who makes entries in Revenue Registers) Tali Virasolan, a resident of Uruvur, and the pattolai (keepers of Royal writs) (viz.) Peruman Ambalattadi, Sikandag (i.e., Srikantha) Devan, Makalan Arinji, and Nakkan Mandagavan, being present, entries were made in the Revenue Registers and the deed was given (to the donee) on the one hundred and sixty-third day of the twenty-third regnal year. (1. 323) This is the signature of Araiyan Arumoli alias Rajendrasola-Pallavaraiyan, the beadman of Nadar in Tiraimur-nadu, (a sub-division) of Uyyakkondar-valanadu. (1. 325) (This is) approved by Krishnan Raman alias Rajendrasola-Brahmamarayan of Keralantaka-chaturvedimangalam in Vennadu, (a sub-division) of Uyyakkondar-valanadu. (1. 327) (This is) approved by Irayiravan Pallavayan alias Uttamasola-Pallavaraiyan, a resi dent of Araisur in Pambuni-kurram, (a sub-division) of Nittavinoda-valanadu. (1. 329) (This is) approved by Damodara-Bhattan of Dvedaigomapuram, (a resident) of Kadalangudi in Kurukkai-nadu, (a sub-division) of Rajendrasimba-valanadu. (1. 330) (This is) approved by Araiyan Sikandan (Srikantha) alias Minavan Muvendavelan, the headman of Kurumbil in Ambar-nadu, (a sub-division) of Uyyakkondar-valanadu.

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No. 35.) THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I. 387 No. 35.---THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES (OF KULOTTUNGA I). BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE. The inscription edited below is engraved on & set of throe copper-plates now preserved in the Leiden University Museum in Holland. It was once published without plates in the Arch@o. logical Survey of South India, Volume IV, pp. 224 ff., by Burgess and Natesa Sastri as early as 1886. Though the text of the inscription had been fairly well made out, the translation given in the volume requires to be largely amended. It is also considered desirable to give facsimile plates of the inscription. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India, very kindly obtained from the Museum authorities in Leiden one set of excellent rubbings of the inscription and a photograph of the seal and placed them at my disposal for study and publication in the Epigraphia Indica. The three plates each of which measures 14-8 inches by 5-3 inches--that form this set, are held together by a strong ring bearing a large seal very similar to the one on the Larger Leiden Plates. The following is the reading of the legend on this seal by Burgess and Natesa Sastri : Sri-Kulottunga-Cholasya Rajakesarivarmanah punyam kehanisvara-sabha-chuda-ratnaya(ya) saganam The editors note:" whether through mistake on the part of the engraver or from want of room to get the whole inscription into the one line round the circumference, is uncertain, but the syllables- lasya Rajakesarivarmanah are inserted below aga-Cho and punyam kshoaisvara between which they must be read, and this, together with the peculiar forms of some of the letters, makes the legend difficult to decipher". The fact that the legend runs round the circular seal and has the syllables lasya, etc., engraved below in a second line is a clear indication that what is written below forms the end of the legend. And since it is certain that Sri-Kulottunga-Cho must precede the portion contained in the second line, the commencement, i.e., the first half of the verse forming the legend is Punyam kshonisvara-sabha-chuda-ratnaya sasanam. In this legend, the compound kshonisvara-sabha-chuda-ratnaya has been translated as "to the crest jewel of the assembly of earth-rulers" by Messrs. Burgess and Natesa Sastri.There is no doubt that the engraver had made some mistake here as had been supposed by these scholars. It seems to me, however, that the compound must have specific reference to the sangha of the Buddhist church (palli) erected at Nagapattanam by king Chudamanivarman of Kataba. Sabha in the legend is no doubt a synonym of sangha : and the term ratna, which is often applied to the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha, the sole resorts of the Buddhists, is highly suggestive of and favourable to connecting sabha with the Buddhist shrine and creed. There is yet another suggestion contained in the terms used in the same compound : chudaratna may be taken to stand for chudamani, perhaps & contracted form of Chudamanivarma-vihara, which was the name of the Buddhist monument called after its royal founder Chudamanivarman : but the intervening position of the word sabha between kshonisvara and chudaraina makes the interpretation difficult. Had the word sabha with the appropriate termination been used at the end of the compound, it would have been quite easy to interpret the word into "to the sangha of the vihara erected by) king Chudamanivarman" which, it seems, was intended to be conveyed by the legend. In fact the inscription on the plates as will be pointed out in the sequel, tells us clearly that the ambassadors from the king of [The impressions of this inscription also were very kindly prepared by Lt. Col. Th. van Erp of Rijks-Ethnographisch Museum, Leiden, at the request of Prof. J. Ph. Vogel -Ed.]

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268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII Kataha requested king Kulottunga-Chola to have a copper-plate issued in favour of the sangha of the palli of Chudamanivarma-vihara. We have instances of edicts with opening verses of this nature. The inscription is written in the Tamil language and alphabet throughout : but Grantha Jetters are used here and there where words of Sanskrit origin occur. For instance see si and sa in minincsa (1. 3), ja and nma (1. 3), sri (1. 4), raja (1. 5), Rajentra (1. 6), Rajaraja (1.7), deshai (1.8), tamra-sasana (1. 10), Rajavidyadhara-bri-samanta and Abhimanottunga-bri-samanta (11. 10-11), Rajavallabha (I. 12), prasada (1. 13), Rajaraja (1. 14), brahmade (1. 18), brahma (1. 28), Vijayara. jentra (1. 31), fri-Sailendra-Chulamanivarmma-vihara (11. 39-40), Mahadeva (1. 42), santuvigriha and Rajao (1.49), and Raje(1. 50). Unlike the plates of the Sanskrit and Tamil portions of the Larger Leiden set, the plates of this set are not numbered. The only orthographical peculiarities worth noting are: (1) the use of the vowels in some rare places where consonants are needed, e.g., kanialarai (11. 9, 38) and (2) the formation of u in cases of tu, nu, nu, lu, etc., by the addition of the length (vertical stroke) sign to their short. The inscription is not quite well worded and there are possibilities of engraver's mistakes. The inscription which is dated in the 20th year of the reign of the Chola king Rajakekarivarman alias Kulottunga-Chola I, commences with the historical introduction pugal-madu vilanga, which refers in general terms to the king's conquest of the Chera (Villavar), Pandya (Minavar), Vikkalan, i.e., Vikramaditya VI and Singanan, i.e., Jayasimha. It records that, while the king was resting on the reclining seat (palli-ppidam) called Kalingarajan in the bathing hall of his palace at Ayirattali alias Ahavamallakulakalapuram, two messengers (dutar) of the king of Kudaram, named Rajavidyadhara-bri-samanta and Abhimanottunga-sri-samanta, petitioned to him that the village granted free from the payment of taxes including antaraya, viraseshai, panmai-pandai-vetti, kundali and sungamera, as paffichchanda for meeting the requirements of the shrines of Rajendracolapperumpalli and Rajarajapperumpalli which were constructed by the king of Kadaram at Solakulavallipattanam in Pattapa-kurram, a sub-division of Geyamanikka-valanadu, may be entered in a copper-plate document and issued in favour of the Sangattar of the palli. The messengers also prayed that the Kaniyalars of the pallichchanda lands may be removed and the lands be left entirely in the charge of the palli and that this fact may also be noted in the same copper-plate deed. Accordingly, a royal order was issued to the adhikarin named RajendrasingaMuvendaveja, that he, in conjunction with the sandhivigrahin Raja vallabha-Pallavaraiyan, should draw up a copper-plate deed to that effect. After giving a list of the pallichchandas belonging to Rajarajapperumpalli, their situation, extent, kanikkadan, and nichchayitta-nellu, the inscription states that (1) the taxes or incomes in money and kind have been assigned to meet the requirements of the monastery and that (2) the previous owners who were holding the lands of these pallichchanda villages have now been removed and the same have been vested solely with the Sangattar of the monastery. The details furnished about the pallichchanda villages are given in a separate table. Further, the inscription furnishes the under-mentioned boundaries of the monastery and its gurroundings (palli-nilai and palli-vilagam) and states that the total extent covered by them was 314 veli, 2 ma and 1 mundirigai - Eastern boundary--to the west of the sea-shore inclusive of the sand-hill in it; Southern boundary-to the north of the well called Pugaiyunpi-kinaru; to the north of the land belonging to the temple of Tiruvirattanamudaiya-Mahadeva situated to the west of the said well; and to the north of the line passing westwards from the north Nos. 136, 100, 764, 768-7 of the 8. I. I. (Texts), Vol. V.

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No. 35.) THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I. 269 bank of the channel dug by Paravaikkulattu-Marayan and reaching the high road to Karaikkal; Western boundary---to the east of the said high road to Karsikkal; Northern boundary--to the south of the boundary of the lands in Vada-Kada pali of sola kulavallipattanam. The inscription concludes by saying that the royal order had thus been carried out and that, on the direction of the sandhivigrahin Rajavallabha-Pallavaraiyan and the adhikarin Rajendrakinga-Muvendavolan, this copper-plate charter was written by Nilaiyudaiya-Panaiyan Nigarilisolan Madhurantakag, one of the Vikkiramabaranatterinda-Valangai-Velaikkapas of Uckodi. Serial No. Village. Division in which situated. Extent in veli, Kanikkadan in ma, kani kalam, kuruni and mundirigai. and nali. Nichchayitta. nellu kalam. 1 97-2-11 8,943-9-3 4,500 124 400 560 Do. 2,779-4-4 1,800 274-37 106 10,600-9-6 Anaimangalam . . Pattana-kurram in Geya. manikka-valanadu. Brahmadeya in Apsimet Do. galam. Mufijikudi . . . Amur . . . . Tiruvarur-kurram . . Vadakudi alias Naqalar . Als-nadu. . . Ki-Chandirappadi . . Palaiyur brahmadeya Puttakkudi . . . Kurambar-nadu in Jayan gonda sola-valanadu. Udayamirttandanallur . Idaikkali-nadu. . . 5,850 2.840 701-41 6,514-5-1 Do. 1,012-5 10-2-11-1 kil. 601 1,500 1,000 8,720-4-4 87 6,107 3-3 135-3-3 78-5 Of the villages noted above, whose revenues had been assigned to the palli Anaimangalam. Amur. Vadakudi and Palaiyur are in the list of villages of the Negapatam Taluk of the Tanjore District (Madras Presidency) and Munjikudi, which, according to the Lar ger Leiden plates, formed the South-western boundary of Apaimangalam, must also be in the same Taluk. The historical introduction of Kulottunga's inscriptions commences in different ways. One of them found in his earlier epigraphs begins with the words tirumanni, vilangum and records that with the sole aid of his arm and sword, he captured herds of elephants at Vayiragaram (Wairagadh in the Chanda District of the Central Provinces), received tribute from Dharavarsha of the Chakkarakotta (country) and brought the earth under his parasol. In these epigraphs, which are dated up to the 4th year of reign, the king is styled Rajakesarivarman alias Rajendra-Choladeva. Another insoription dated in the 6th year of his reign commences with the words pu-melarivai. The majority of his other records, dated between the 6th and 49th years, have either (1) the introduction pugal-Minda-punari, which gives a detailed account of the king's achievements, or (2) pugal-madu-uslangawhich refers in general terms to his victory of the Chera, Pandya, and Vikramaditya VI and Simhapa, i.e., Jayasimha. The late Dr. Hultzsch has dealt with the events of the reign of Kulottunga as could be gathered from the Vikramankadevacharita of Bilhana. 18.1. 1. (Texts), Vol. VII, No. 392. * Ibid., No. 137. * No. 813 of 8. I. 1. (Texta), Vol. IV, Noa. 874 and 786 of Vol. VII.

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270 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. the Kalingattupparani of Jayangondan, the copper-plate grants of the later Eastern Chalukya kings and the inscriptions of his reign and has also attempted to reconcile the discrepancies found in them. The following are categorically the events of his reign :(1) While heir-apparent, he captured herds of elephants at Vayiragaram and defeated Dharavarsha of the Chakkarakotta country. (2) In or before the 5th year, he defeated the king of Kuntala, crowned himself as the king of the Chala country and decapitated an unnamed king of the south, (3) An eleventh year record adds that he drove Vikkalap from Nangili by way of Manalur to the Tungabhadra river and conquered Gangamandalam and Singanam. Some inscriptions substitute Alatti for Manalur and Kongapam for Singanam. (4) An inscription of the 14th year states that Kulottunga put the five Pandyas to flight and subdued the western portion of their country including the gulf of Mappar, the Podiya mountain, Cape Comorin and Kottaru.' He is reported also to have limited the boundary of the Pandya country, to have placed garrisons in the strategically important places of the newly acquired territory, and to have conquered Kudamalai-nadu. (5) The conquest of the Kalinga country is noticed in the inscriptions of the 20th, 42nd and 45th years of the king's reign. As the inscriptions of Kulottunga I., unlike those of Rajaraja I., Rajendrachola I., and others, do not mention the conquests effected by the king in the order in which they occurred the later inscriptions often omitting the earlier achievements - it is difficult to determine with their aid the actual date of occurrence of the events. About Rajakesarivarman Kulottunga's acquisition of the Chola dominions & word may now be said. It will be easy to follow the events if we have before us the pedigree of the Cholas from Rajaraja I., and that of the Eastern Chalukyas from Saktivarman downwards, for it was during the reigns of the kings that followed them, the two families were closely knit together by marriage ties. The following table represents the relationship between the various members of the two families - Rajaraja I. Rajendra-Chola I. Kundavai m. Vimaladitya, younger brother of Sakti Farman. Rajadhi raja I. Rajendra- deva. Virarajen- dra. Ammang m. Rajarija. Madhurantaki m. Rajendra-chola II, i.e., Kulottonga I Kundavai. The earliest Chala king that interfered in the politics of the Eastern Chalukya country was Rajaraja I. From his inscriptions it is seen that he conquered Vengi in the 14th year of his reign (=A.D. 999-1000). That it resulted in placing Saktivarman alias Chalukya-Chandra on the Eastern Chalukya throne is evident from the fact that the latter's accession took place in that 1 See Klelhorn's Southern List No. 761. * 8.1, 1., Vol. III, p. 174. . 3. I. I., Vol. III, p. 144. See Kielhorn's Southern List Nos. 777, 782; 8.1. I., Vol. III, No. 72; and Madras Epigraphical collection for 1891, No. 44 (S. 1. 1. (Texts), Vol. IV, No. 445), and the same for 1904, No. 608. 58. I. I. (Texts), Vol. VII, No. 739

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No. 35.] THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I. 271 very year. This is known from the Ranastipundi grant of Vimaladitya, the son and successor of Saktivarman, which places the coronation of that king on Thursday 10th May, A.D. 1011, and states that Saktivarman ruled for 12 years before him. Of Vimaladitya's son Rajaraja I. (of the Eastern Chalukya family), the Korumelli plates state that his coronation fell on Thursday, 16th August, A.D. 1022 and the Teki plates add that he ruled for forty-one years. His younger brother was Vijayaditya VII. And since it is said that after Rajaraja I., VishnuvardhanaVijayaditya ruled for fifteen years, the latter has been assigned to the period A.D. 1063-1077 by Dr. Fleet. There are three inscriptions at Draksharama of a certain Vishnuvardhana ranging in date from the 3rd to the 13th year and furnishing Saka equivalents which work out for the king's initial year A.D. 1061-2. These inscriptions may have to be attributed to Vijayaditya VII, as there was no other Vishnuvardhana at the time, Kulottunga being distinctly styled Saptama Vishnuvardhana. It appears that Vijayaditya VII ruled till A.D. 1077. We have three copper-plate charters of the reign of Vijayaditya which state that he succeeded to the throne on the death of his elder brother Rajaraja. There is no room to suspect that Vijayaditya's succession was disputed. Further, a consideration of the facts, that Rajaraja was crowned in A.D. 1022 and reigned for 41 years, that Vijayaditya counted his regnal years, as shown above, from A.D. 1061-2, coupled with the fact that Rajendra alias Kulottunga I., son of Rajaraja, actually assumed regal powers only from A.D. 1070, i.e., several years after the demise of his father and reigned for the long period of nearly 50 years, i.e., till A.D. 1119-20, leads to the irresistible conclusion that Rajendra must have been in his teens 60 years prior to the end of his reign; and establishes also the necessity for the succession of Vijayaditya after Rajarajas and his quiet succession to the throne of Vengi, as reported in the plates, confirm this conclusion. The dissension between Vijayaditya and Rajendra, if any, must have arisen only subsequent to the death of Rajaraja, perhaps when Rajendra came of age. From what has been said above, it will be seen that the Eastern Chalukya dominion was subject to the rule of the successive kings Saktivarman, Vimaladitya, Rajaraja and Vijayaditya without any break from A.D. 999-1000 to A.D 1077. For aught we know, Vijayaditya was not a powerful monarch and his rule was not peaceful. Ever since the Chola king Rajaraja I. interfered in the politics of the Eastern Chalukyas and, putting an end to the interregnum, placed Saktivarman on the throne of Vengi, that country seems to have practically become a principality subject to the authority of the Cholas; and the Chola kings appear to have cemented their relationship with the Eastern Chalukyas by ties of marriages. The policy followed by Rajaraja I. and Rajendra-Chola I. towards the newly acquired country of Vengi, was neglected by the latter's sons Rajadhiraja I. and Rajendradeva, but was resumed by Virarajendra. This is referr to in the Kanyakumari inscription in the following terms(r): "The Vengi and Kalinga countries which had come in the family of the Cholas fr genera tions having been left uncared for by his (Virarajendra's) two brother and having 1 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 31. Ibid., and Vol. VI, pp. 349-51. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 50. Above, Vol. VI, p. 336. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 283. S. I. I. (Texts), Vol. IV, Nos. 1011, 1012 and 1013. Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1925, p. 77 and the same for 1914, p. 86. The pretty long reign of Rajaraja for 41 years and the actual longer reign of Rajendra for 50 years after an interval of several years making up a total of more than 91 years for the reigns of father and son are worth noting. Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 57, v. 77.

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272 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. been encroached upon by powerful enemies, the glorious king Vallabha-Vallabha, i.e., Virarajendra, conquered these highly powerful foes, leaving only those that were frightened, and ruled over the country." From the inscriptions of Virarajendra we further learn that he conferred the country of Vengi on Vijayaditya and protected him. If these facts are borne in mind, it will be easy to see why, when Vikramaditya VI invaded the Eastern Chalukya dominion, Virarajendra marched against him and his brother and defeated them in many a battle in the Vengi country. Even subsequently Vijayaditya's position in the Vengi country was not secure for it is said that the Eastern Ganga king Rajaraja I., the refuge of the distressed, made Vijayaditya, when he was about to sink in the ocean of troubles caused by the Cholas, to enjoy prosperity by the support which he afforded him.1 Speaking of the support given by Virarajendra to Vijayaditya, Dr. Hultzsch correctly suggested that the relations between uncle and nephew, i.e., Kulottunga and Vijayaditya were not so entirely amicable as the panegyrical account of the Chellur grant would make us believe, but that Kulottunga tried to oust his uncle. This suggestion gains ground by the explicit statement of the plates that the troubles of Vijayaditya were caused by the Cholas who, during the reign of the Eastern Ganga king Rajaraja (A.D, 1070-78), were ruled by none other than Kulottunga I. From the facts noticed above, it will be plain that Vijayaditya actually reigned over the Vengi country from A.D. 1063 to A.D. 1077, his cause being supported by the Chola king Virarajendra in the earlier years and by the Eastern Ganga king Rajaraja in later days. It is also certain that the disturbances in Vengi during the rule of Vijayaditya were on the one hand caused by the invasion of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI and on the other by the attempt of Kulottunga to oust him. We shall now see if Kulottunga had any position in the Chola country which he eventually succeeded in getting. The Tamil poem Kalingattupparani indeed states that the queen of Gangaikonda-Chola, i.e., Rajendra-Chola I., taking up the child of her daughter and observing the marks on his body, exclaimed that he was fit to be her son and to protect the Solar race. From this a theory of adoption of Kulottunga by the queen of Rajendra-Chola I. had been started. That this theory has no foundation whatsoever on facts but had been newly invented to give a locus standi to Kulottunga after he had actually obtained the Chola throne, will be evident from the sequel. Even the panegyrists that wrote the accounts of the copper-plates issued during his reign, in referring to the accession of Vijayaditya which took place already in A.D. 1061-2, speak as if Kulottunga had a claim in the Chola dominions, when they say that Kulottunga being desirous of the Chola kingdom, suffered his uncle Vijayaditya to become the ruler of Vengi, himself holding a second rank in the kingdom, viz., that of the yuvaraja or the heir-apparentship. That this is a garbled version of facts will be evident to anyone. We fail to see how the acceptance of the overlordship of Vengi would have interfered with his right, if any, of the Chola dominion. On the other hand, had he been made the ruler of Vengi in the first instance, he would have been in a better position subsequently to push his claim for the Chola throne. That there was no need for adoption by the queen of Rajendra-Chola I. of her daughter's son is clear from the facts that Rajendra-Chola I. had several sons. The Tiruvalangadu plates say that this king appointed his son Chola-Pandya to protect the Pandya and Kerala countries. The Kanyakumari inscription adds that "like unto a sacrifice having three fires, there were born 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 171. 2 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1892, p. 5. Canto X, vv. 3 to 6. 48. I. I., Vol. I, pp. 59-60. 8 I. I., Vol. III, p. 423, vv. 93 and 99.

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No. 35.] THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I. 273 to Rajendra-Chola I. three sons, of whom the first was Rajadhiraja I".1 Rajendradeva and Virarajendra are distinctly called Rajadhiraja's younger brothers;' and they succeeded to the Chola throne one after another. A careful examination of the lowest and the highest regnal years of the inscriptions of the successive Chola kings Rajondra-Chola I., Rajadhiraja I., Rajendradeva, and Virarajendra as well as the results of the calculation of the astronomical details furnished in many of them establishes :(1) that Rajendra Chola I. counted his regnal years from A.D. 1011, though his actual rule began in A.D. 1014-154 and lasted till A.D. 1044, and that he installed his eldest son Rajadhiraja I. heir-apparent in A.D. 1018; (2) that Rajadhiraja I. counted his regnal years from A.D. 10186 though his rule actually began in A.D. 1044' and lasted till A.D. 1053-48 and that in his turn he installed his younger brother Rajendradeva as his heir-apparent in A.D. 1052 ; (3) that Rajendradeva counted his regnal years from A.D. 1052deg though his rule actually began in A.D.1054 and lasted till A.D. 106510 and that he installed his next younger brother Virarajendra as his heir-apparent in A.D. 1062 ; and (4) that Virarajendra counted his regnal years from A.D. 106211 though his rule actually began in A.D. 1064-5 and lasted till A.D. 1069.12 Besides the above named kings there were also two others who, as the inscriptions left by them prove, had actually ruled over the Chola dominions, even though it be for short periods only. These are Rajakesarivarman Rajamahendradeva and Parakesarivarman Adhirajendra. The inscriptions of the first so far found, are dated in the 2nd and 3rd years 18 while those of the Becond, which are somewhat more numerous, are also dated in the 2nd and 3rd years.14 As Rajakesarivarman Rajamahendra claims to have defeated Ahavamalla at Mudarkaru and gained victory over Jayasimha who commanded his forces, it looks pretty certain that he must have reigned after Rajendradeva. Since he and Virarajendrs are both styled Rajakesarivarman, they may be considered to have ruled conjointly, for otherwise Virarajendra should have borne the title Parakesari and not Rajakesari as he is actually called in all his records. Since one of the 1 Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 157, v. 73. * Tid., vv. 74-76. . Above, Vol. VII, p. 7. It has been shown that the reign was counted from a date between the 26th November A.D. 1011 and the 7th July 1012. "The earliest year found in his inscriptions is the 3rd. $ Anntal Report on Epigraphy for 1915-16, p. 118, para. 14. * Above, Vol. VII, p. 7. The reign is determined to count from a date between 15th March and 3rd December A.D. 1018. * The earliest year found for him in inscriptions is the 26th. * The latest known date is the 36th year. See No. 262 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1921, where the king is called Rajakesarivarman alias Vijayarajendradevs which was another name for Rajadhiraja I. Above, Vol. VII, p. 7. His reign is determined to have commenced approximately on the 28th May A.D. 1052. 10 Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1927-28, No. 63, which is dated in the 11th year of the king's reign. His earliest inscription is of the 2nd year. 11 The commencement of his reign is determined to have fallen between the 11th September A.D. 1062 and the 10th September A.D. 1063. 1. The earliest date known for him is the 2nd year and the latest 8th. See 8. 1. I., Vol. V, No. 976 and Vol. III, No. 57. 13 8. I. I., Vol. II, No. 56 and Vol. VII, No. 743. 14 No. 123 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1926 and 8. I. I., Vol. II, No. 57. 15 See text of No. 743 of 8. I. I. (Texts), Vol. VII.

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274 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. inscriptions of Adhirajendra refers to some transactions made in the 8th year of Virarajendra, Dr. Hultzsch has correctly placed him between Virarajendra and Kulottunga I. We may suppose that his actual rule over the Chola dominion commenced in the later part of his 2nd year when perhaps Virarajendra died, and this must have taken place in A.D. 1069. As his Tiruvallam inscription is dated in the 200th day of his 3rd regnal year, he must have had charge of the Chola territory for very nearly a year. Another inscription of this king found at Kuhur, dated in this very year, is also very interesting as it tells us that in the latter part of that year there was some concern about the king's health for the recovery of which provision was made for the recital of the sacred hymns (tiruppadigam) in the temple of Mambalamudaiya-Mahadeva at the village. Perhaps the disease could not be cured and proved fatal. Two other epigraphs of the king3 inform us that the village Sengeni and Adaiyur were under the rule of chiefs who bore the title Karikalachola, which was one of the surnames of Adhirajendra's father Virarajendra who must have bestowed it on them. That the rule of the predecessor of Kulottunga I. was recognised even in Ceylon, which was then a province of the Cholas, is proved by the inscriptions found in the island. From what has been said above, it would be seen that there was absolutely no need for any adoption from A.D. 1044 till the demise of Virarajendra. It may also be added that, there are no indications in Chola inscriptions of the period A.D. 1040-1069 that Kulottunga I. was ever adopted for succession to the Chola throne. Now as to the contents of the inscription. Lines 1-13 form the preamble, lines 13-38, the document proper, and lines 39-48 furnish the boundaries of the lands comprised in the pallinilai and pallivilagam, while what follows is the concluding portion. In the preamble, two pallis, named Rajendrasolapperumpalli and Rajarajapperumpalli, are mentioned as having been built by the king of Kadaram in Solakulavallipattanam in Pattana-kurram, a subdivision of Geyamanikka-valanadu. It is stated that the ambassadors of the king of Kadaram made the request that the Pallichchanda villages of these two may be entered in a copper-plate deed, the previous Kaniyalars removed and the lands vested with the Sangattar of the palli. The document proper enumerates only the Pallichchandas of Rajarajapperumpalli; and there is no mention of Rajendrasolapperumpalli at all. We are not sure if the word Rajendrasolapperumpallikkum has been omitted after eduppitta in line 14. If it had been, the villages given must have belonged to both the pallis. In lines 16 and 38, this copper-plate document is said to have been issued in favour of the Sangattar of the palli erected by the king of Kadaram and in line 39 Rajarajapperumpalli, which must have been a shrine in the vihara, figures as the surname of failendraChudamanivarma-vihara itself. While this is the case here, the grant registered in the Tamil portion of the Larger Leiden Plates is said to have been made for the requirements of the palli in the Chudamanivarma-vihara which was then being constructed at Nagapattanara in Pattapakurram of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu by Chudamanivarman, the king of Kadaram' the Sanskrit portion, however, stating that "the Vihara was built by Maravijayott ungavarman in the name of his father Chudamanivarman". On account of the substitution of the names Sojakulavallipattanam and Geyamanikka-valanadu in the Smaller set for Nagapattanam and Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu of the Larger Leiden Plates, and also on account of the other differences noted above as regards the palli referred to in either set, a doubt may reasonably arise as to the identity of the donee in the two sets. But the fact that the village of Apaimangalam with its total extent of 97 veli, 2 ma and odd and kanikkadan 8943 kalam, which is exactly the grant made in the 18. I. I., Vol. III, No. 57. 2 No. 280 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1917. 33. I. I. (Texts), Vol. VII, Nos. 854 and 884. In the later history of the Cholas the chiefs of the villages Sengepi and Adaiyur play an important part.

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No. 35.] THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I. 275 Larger Leiden Plates, figures as the first item of the Payichchandas belonging to Rajarajapperumpalli in the Smaller set, proves definitely the identity of the donees of the two sets. Therefore it must be regarded that Solakulavallipattanam and Geysmanikka-valanadu are but the altered names of Nagapattanam and Kshatriyalikhamani-valanadu respectively. Of the terms that occur in the inscription, kanikkadan, kaniyalan, nichchayitta-nellu and Sangattar deserve to be noticed. Kanikkadar is made of kani -lands and kadan-duty, and may be taken to mean "the assessment payable on lands to the king ". From the occurrence of this word in the Larger Leiden Plates in this very sense with respect to the total quantity of income from the entire extent of lands in the village of Agaimangalam and the repetition of the term and the quantity in our plates, the meaning suggested above seems to be decisive. Kaniyalar means literally " the persons that manage lands" and may be taken to refer to the men employed by the State to lease its lands for purposes of cultivation, to afford facilities to farmers by way of irrigation, etc., and to see to the realisation of rents or assessments. The term nichchayitta-nellu is rarely met with in inscriptions. In this record, which relates to an application made to the king to terminate the functioning of the kaniyalar and to transfer the lands from their possession and management to the authorities of the Buddhist monasteries for being dealt with directly by them, there is evidently some further gain to be derived by the monasteries in the proposed change, to wit the rights and privileges which the kaniyalar might have had. Perhaps the term nichchayitta-nellu stands for the quantity of paddy settled to be paid by the cultivating tenants to the kaniyalar to meet the cost of affording facilities, etc., and for their remuneration for performing the function as middlemen between the State and the tenants. It is not unlikely that the term Sangattar of the palli has the same significance as the Panmahegvaras (or Mahesvaras) of Siva temples and Sri-Vaishnavas of Vishnu temples. In many inscriptions we meet with the clauses "idu Panmanesvarar rakshai", "idu Sri-Vaishnavar rakshai". In the case of grants of Buddhist or Jaina shrines the above clauses would be altered into "idu pallickChangattar rakshai." The translation of these clauses into "This shall be under the protection of all the Mahesvaras or Sri-Vaishnavas or the Sangattar or others of the monastery" may not make clear whether by the terms Panmahesvaras, Sri-Vaishnavas and Sangattar individuals belonging to the respective sects are meant or whether they have any particular reference to regularly constituted bodies of men drawn from the said sects in accordance with set rules as in the case of the Sabha or other constituted bodies and having concern with the management of the properties of the temple or other institutions with which they are associated. Judging from the single fact that the objects of the grants had to be fulfilled daily or at specified occasions, not for a fixed number of years only, but perpetually " as long as the Moon and the Sun last" as the inscriptions put it, in the manner stipulated by the donors, it can be said that the recipients who undertook to effect them could not have been a chance collection of individuals but could only have been responsible members of regularly constituted bodies whose duties were to accept such gifts and to execute the will of the donors. In this connection a few more facts contained in some of the inscriptions are worth noting. It is stated that the donations made have to be maintained as a whole, undiminished for ever and that the expenses involved in fulfilling the objects of the grants have to be met only from the incomes. It is unnecessary to say that on the part of the recipients, the safe investments of the endowments and the timely realisation of interests and the utilising of the latter without default for the specified purposes involve a very high responsibility and considerable amount of work. Here again we are obliged to think that the recipients must only be members of regularly constituted committees wielding influence and authority and not mere chance colleotions of individuals. Unless this be the case, it is impossible to perceive how costly gifts of lands, villages and the

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276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. like intended to meet the cost of perpetual charities would have been left with them by kings and private individuals and how the donors would have been assured of the fulfilment of their objects. A few inscriptions insert & penal clause stating that in cases of default the Papmahebvaras shall levy or cause to be levied a fine on the defaulters, to be paid to the Dharmasana or the king of the day. From this also the irresistible conclusion is that the Papmaheavaras in the case of the Siva temples, Sri-Vaishnavas in the case of Vishnu temples and the Sangattar in the case of the Buddhist and Jaina temples must have been regularly constituted bodies meant for or invested with the authority of keeping proper accounts of grants, enforcing the regular conduet of the objects and punishing or causing to be punished any one making infringements in the undertaking TEXT. Pirst Plate. 1 Pugal-madu vilanga Jaya-madu virumba Nila-magal nilava Malar-magal pu[na]ra urimaiyir-chiranda mani-mudi su% di Villavar kulai-tara Mipavar nilai-keda Vikkalar Singanar mel-kadal paya-ttikk anaittunitan sakkara nadat3 ti virasinnasanattu=bBuvanamuludulaiyalodum virrirund=aruliya kov-Irajakekari panmar-ana chakka4 ravarttiga! bri-Kulottunga-Choladevarkku yandu irupad-avadu Ayirattaliy-apa Ahava mallakulakalapuratta koyilin=ullalettirumanjana-salaiyil palli[p*]pidam Kalingarajapil elund aruli irukka Kidarat6 taraiyan Geyamanikka-valanattu=pPattaya-kkurrattu Sojakulavalli-pattanattu edappitta Rejentraso7 la-pperum-pallikkum Rajaraja-pperum-palikkum (p)pallichchandam-ana urga! palam badiy=antarayamum vira8 teshaiyum panmai-pandai-vettiyum kundal[ilyum' bunga-meramum ullittanav ellam tavirn9 damaikkum mupbu pallichchandanga! kaniy-udaiya kapi-alarai-ttavira i ppalli-chchangattarkke kani10 yagapperramaikkum tamra-sasanam panpi-ttara vendum-enru Kidkrattare diyar dutap? Rajavi. 21 dyadhara-bri-samantapum Abhimanottunga-bri-samantanum vinnappam beyys ippadi sandhivigrahi Read anaith Read with sanattu. . Read Rajendra . Read chandam-m in 11. 9 and 15. The -wign of li morges in the bottom curve of low of paffiklum in the provious line. Read pugajaran Boro de looks like durs as the sign of length is separated from du. The letter at the end of the word is entered in smaller character at the right bottom of

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THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I. konotohaKe nadoinai 2nshiyongaarimasu. Zi desu chinamini[oioitearunokana nanaenookashiinokaFen karigaarunodearuShan nooide] soredearunomideno1kara1.38mnosupanitsuitenogaatatsuteha 6nanodeiinodearu. pakakitatsukumitainamonogaiidesu o ishiiminnanokuchinnoZhong kara oishiidesushi ] 8:00 wairashii. a hureru200777sannonoriwonoZi ararametehaikanaaaIp ndeitainohanashisurunantearuBen Dian madeno 10Ben niirunonioishiiiiiiiga, aukotonode, aasumiharuka 27001sanhaamariinainodesunomide300 unanteiuatarihanaino B ASERIES de su ka ? iinoni21aru] , 180723noBu ruGe Nian no201210351) suisuiomoshinesu1Ben desutsuteiruTAKTSnosutasanmanomankoni nurosannowaiiiiiiitsuteirusunnoanoZi gaDuo inogaari masen. demoariZi nochinniitsutenannonekunesu] no2tsunorunaa] . 20120-001 ii,a. 160tsuteinainogaiinoanatanihaarunohamusuride100 michikaradekitemoraimashi33gaiikanatoarunodesu 18aoiku2Ben nosumabashiteiruanatanoraisugaiinonimeiku2010 risurukanaakaikatsupurushisusetsukukotsukua imaichiwakaruiRi haainikunosuisuimase ! ! [Trunarakono1Nian nomi UVsTimernodeariamaounooshiatsuteimasu. kahunooChu surunoga, kashietearunode , Ben Lai hairunokanaaruaru] [kisushiteirunodehanainodekurashitsukusurinoii311-22 aa] irutoiunogaiyaiteiruiruiunohaBen [arunisuruaru 0716120Chu shinoakihumiredeatsute , amaa itsumonosoruahirunoamiaiuZi nootsusaradearusanoaruaru tanodearugamamawarinoiga, totsusarawareteirunodearunoha [ arehasurunarabaZhong Chu yaredekanariama runodesugaiinarinagaraokorukotonai! shirasunomoiinokawakarinikuinodeiinodehanaioHua gaaarimasu. 33412A10.mawanainode1001 0492~2Ben azuniiru youdesuga, kochiranoi 30 Bu iidenenechiteinaiminoarumonogaarudearukochira i0 3262nosugatai] arumitaini197220T 2017Nian nokaun, 132 ha rumisannoZuo Pin ha10003.googaway] toiimasu] 34niaru a ruteinotodehairunodesugairoiroiro 3234 230810000-12:31:37 36 2014 .04.i ya suku2Nian no14noFang gaiinodesuga136 N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Res. No.393436-425. SCALE : FOUR-TENTHS. SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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nttykrnnn muraitt kynnn 36 tttraakkaikaannn Fakttnnn 52178 irumttosmttum 22turaamk ootiyverraiyaacnntt vrttirumprtinilyu(upr vill uttm raiyil pttpttaam maatrklaingkee tttttttirukurraatm ivrk ttvttkkumootnnnmttu-pruaittrtkr ynnn tllvitttuktlptttnnnraam5aann 44 ktituurll cttkkmaamlpaaltuattkttirrti ttaattaiylaicottiruvllipttttaattu. ilmvttnaattnnn prmaalyaaktaatrum137, 234 38 42 46 48 50 52 kono pinnn. iii,b. ai srutiruttpptttttilpmppt taannnlllttraalrrukuaittaalllkti cai3tuvuk puaiaittp ttypttittu kttaippaatt aatuttttttpttr allvu kaatruai vrumttairmtppttaakiy urumcu kaayngmintruvittirmaamaiyaatkrmittum avnttu taajnnnyumpttu mtvkppvikll 112vllvpplvnnnu S41151 kck mlvntaarrraamrllptttu ellluti ennntt14) tirumrmaannntltrikkuvppp pkaipt mrkrl mekmtu ettaannnrrrraaaillluttup Actual size. Seal. From a photograph. 38 40 42 44 46 48 50 52

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No. 35.] THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I. 277 12 Rajavallabha-pPallavaraiyanodun-kuda irundu tamra-basanam panni-kkudukkav enru adikari13 ga! Rajentrasinga-Muvendavelarkku=ttirumugam prasadan=cheyd-aruli Varas ttamra-sasanan=cheydapali [1*] Kalaratta14 raiyan Geyamanikka-valanalku Pattana-kkurrattu Solakulavalli-pattanattu edup pitta Rajaraja-[p*]perum-pa[l*]]i15 kku pallichchandam Geyamanikka-valanattu=pPattapa-kkurrattu A paimangalam nilan=tonnarr-elet iran Second Plate; First Side. 16 du-ma=kkani arai-kkaniyum muobudaiya kani-alarait-ttavira i-ppalli-chchat gattarkke kaniy-agavum idu kani-kkadan nellu 17 enn-ayirattutto]layirattu narpattu mu-kkalane iru-tuni-kkuruni mu-gnaliyinal nichchayitta nellu "nal-ayirat 18 t=rinnurru=kkalamum Apaimangalattu: brahmadeyam nilam pappiranda muk kalinal nellu nanurru=kkala19 m nichchayitta nellu ainnarru-arupadin kalamum i-nyattu Munjikudi nilam irubatt-ele mukkale mukkani & 20 rai-kkaniyigak kani-kkadan nellu irand-ayiratt-elu-narre-elubatt-opbadin ka[la]n[@] tuni 21 na-nali nichchayitta nella Xyiratt-empurtu?=kkalamum [1*] Tiruvarur-kkurrattu Amur nila22 m nustaje maganiyil kani-kkadan nellu="ppadinayirattaru-nurru-kkalana iru-tuni=k. 23 kufuni aru-nali [ni]chchayitta nellu siyy-ayiratt-ennurn-aimpadin kalamum [1*] Ala-nat24 tu Vadakudiy-ana Nanalut nilam elupada mukkal nag-mav=araiyipal kani-kkadar ne25 llu ar-ayirattainnarr-orupattu nag-kalane sin-kuruni oru-nali nichchayitta nellu irand-a26 yiratt-ennarru 10narppadis-kalamum [1*] innattu=kKilchchandirappadi nilam patta irandu-makkani 27 arai-kkani mundirigai kil-mukkalipalkani-kkadag nellu Xyiratt-orubatto iru-kalaneli ain-kuguniyum (1) i-pni 1 Read Rajendra. * The engraver seems to have, in the first instance, omitted the word paffiklu and then inserted it in mallor characters (pali at the end of 1. 14 and klos at the beginning of l. 15). * The roof reais entered below the line in small characters. * Read liniyalarai. * The r of re has been inserted in small character between e and ju. * The length of tu is unconnected with tu. * The length of D is separated from u. * The length of ni is separated from . Canoel the first p. 10 Read dopadi. 1 land som to be a correction

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878 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. 28 tu=pPalaiyus brahmadeyam nilam arupadsi mukkalinal nellu Syira kkalam nichchayitta nellu ayiratt-ai29 nnurru kalamum [*] Jayangondakola-valanattu=kKurumbur-nattu=pPuttakkuli nilam enbatt-ejes 30 kalipal kani-kkada nellu enn-ayiratt-elu-nurr-irupadin-kalanetani na-nali nichchayitta nellu s Second Plate ; Second Side. 31 'ar-ayirattuoru-nur=elu kalamum Vijayarajentrasolab-valanattu Idaikkali-nat32 tu Udaivama[r*]ttandanallur nilam mugre mupru-mavipal nellu nurru33 muppatt-ain-kalane mu-kkuruni mu-ppaliidu punbey varisaippadi iraia 84 kkattu=ttiruvaymolindarulipapadi nellu elupatt-en=kalan(n)ey air=kuruni 35 idil i-ppallikku=ppadiyum ivv-urgalil pala pattangal ullitta antaraya36 mum papmai-panda-vettiyum utpada-kkadava kabum nellum i-ppallik Third Plate; First Side. 37 ku vendum nivantangalukku iruppad-aga iraiy-ili ittamaikkum 1*1 i-ppa!!i chchandanga! mup38 budaiya kani-alarni'ttavira-kkudi nikki i-ppalli-chchavgattarkka kaniy. aga kunuttom=eprum 89 Geyamanikka-valanatfu=pPattana-kkustattu=chCholakulavallipattanattu Sri-Sailendra Chudamaniva40 mma-viharam-apa Rajarajapperumpallikku=ppalli-nilaiyum palli-vilagamum utpa[t]ta ellei kil41 park-elai kadar-karaiyil manar-kupr=utpada merkum (*) tepparkk-ellai Pugai42 unio-kkinarrukku vadakkum idap merkku Tiruvirattanamudaiya- Mahadevar nilattu43 kku vadakkum idan merku=pParavaikkulattu-Marayan kalluvitta kusattil vadakarai merku no44 kki Karsikkar-pperuvaliy=ufa vadakkum [] melpark-ellai Karaikkar-pperuvalikku kkilakkum (*) 45 vadapark-ellai solakulavallipattanattu nilam Vada-Kadappadi ellaikku=ttepkum [1] aga i-D Third Plate ; Second Side. 46 ping-ellaikk=utppattato nilam muppatt-opro mukkale irandu-ma mundiri gai idu anI The letter is inserted below pa. Bapalalt had been entered first and t and e inserted after in small character. * The initial lottor a had also been entered at the end of the previous lice. Canoel one of the d'u. * The letter ka is a correction from some other letter. . Read Vijayarajendra. "The syllables budaiyo have been read as padaiy tn 4, 8.of 8. I. * Read biniyalarai. *The letter kka is written as a group, perhape man after thought, by raising the top stroke of bare . Read yuoni. 10 Rood wpaftae

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No. 35.] THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I. 279 47 tarayamum p anmai-panda-vettiyum marrum epperppattidum u tpade i. ppallikke iraiy-i48 li kuduttom [l*] ippadi beydu kudukkav-entu tiruvaymolindaruliettiru-mugam prasadan=cheydaru49 i vandadu [*] tamra-basanam panni=kkudukkaveenru santuvigrihagali Raja. vallava-pPallavaraiyarum &50 dikariga! Rajendirasinga-Muvendavelarum solla i-ttamra-bisanam oludi61 nen Utkkodi Vikkiramabarana-tterinda-(vala) Valangai'velaikkararil Nilai udaiya-Pa[nai]. 62 yan Nigarilisolan Maduraptakapen ivaien oluttu ill TRANSLATION. (Lines 1 to 13) In the 20th year of the reign of) king Rajakesarivarman alias the emperor Sri-Kulottunga-Choladeva, who was pleased to be seated along with his queen) Bhuvanamulududaiya! on his lion throne, wearing the excellent crown of gems belonging to the family), his disc of authority (i.e., sway) extending in all directions, the goddess of fame (growing in) excellence, the goddess of victory becoming desirous, the goddess of the earth (becoming) bright and the goddess on the (lotus) flower (i.e., Lakshmi) espousing (him), the Villavar (i.e., the Chera) becoming shattered, the Minavar (i.e., the Pandya) becoming disestablished, and Vikkalan (i.e., Vikramaditya VI) and Singanan (i.e., Jayasimha) plunging into the Western ocean, when he was pleased to rest on the reclining couch (pallippidam) called Kahingarajan in the bathing hall within the palace at Ayirattali alias Ahavamallakulakalapuram, the ambassadors of the king of Kadaram named Rzjavidyadhara-Sri-Samanta and Abhimanottunga-SriSamanta having made the request that, for having been exempted from the payment of the customary taxes) inclusive of antarayam, viraseshai, panmai-pandai-vetti, kundali, and fungamera, (all) the villages which were the pallichchandas of Rajendrasolapperumpalli and Rajarajapperumpalli constructed by the king of Kadaram at Solakulavallippattanam in Pattana-kkurram (a sub-division) of Geyamanikkavalanadu, for removing the old kaniyalars who were holding the kanis of the pallichchandas and for investing the Sangattar of the palli with these lands, a copper-plate charter may be made and given, a royal order having been issued (with the approval of the king) to the adhiakarin Rajendrasinga-Muvendavelar that (he) in conjunction with the sandhivigrahin Rajavallabha-Pallavaraiyan should draw up a copper-plate charter to this effect, the following is the copper-plate charter drawn up in pursuance of this order : (LI. 13-35) Ninety-seven (veli), two ma and one kani and a half of land comprising Apaimangalam in Pattapa-kurram, & subdivision of Geysmanikka-valanadu, which formed the pallichchanda of Rajarajapperumpalli, erected at $olakulavallipattanam in Pattapa-kurram, a subdivision of Geyamanikka-valanadu, have been removed from the possession of its old tenants and made the kani of the Sangattar of the said palli. The kanikkadan on this land is eight thousand nine hundred and forty-three kalam, two tuni, one kuruni and three nali of paddy: and the nichchayitla-nellu on it is four thousand and five hundred kalam of paddy; 1 Read sandhivigrahigal. The i-sign has been inserted on gr instead of on h. The 4. 8. of 8. 1. adopts the correct reading in the text itself. The reading given in the A. 8. of 8. I. is pala pala vagai which gives no sense. * The lettersi Nilai-daiya-Panas- at the end of this line are in smaller characters, the last letter being faintly engraved in the margin. The A. 8. of 8. 1. has nalai.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. (the kanikkadan) on lands measuring twelve and three-fourths (veli) in the brahmadeya of Anaimangalam is four hundred kalam of paddy : its nichchayitta nellu is five hundred and sixty kalam. The kanikkadan on twenty-seven and three-fourths (veli), three kani and a half of land in Munjikudi of this nadu is two thousand seven landead and seventy-nine kalam, (one) tuni and four nali of paddy: its nichchayitta-nellu is one thousand and eight hundred kalam. The Kanikkadan on one hundred and six (veli) and one-sixteenth of land in Amur situated in Tiruvarur-kurram is ten thousand and six hundred kalam, two tuni, one kuruni and six nali of paddy : its nichchayitta-nellu is five thousand eight hundred and fifty kalam. The kanikkadan on seventy and three-fourths (veli), four ma and a half of land in Vadakudi alias Nanalur situated in Alanadu is six thousand five hundred and fourteen kalam, five kuruni and (one) nali of paddy : its nichchayitta-nellu is two thousand eight hundred and forty kalam. The kanikkadan on ten (vel), two ma, one kani and a half, one mundirigai, and kil threefourths of land in Kil-Chandirappadi of this nadu is one thousand and twelve kalam and five kuruni of paddy, and on sixty (veli) and three-fourths of land in the brahmadeya of Palaiyur of this sama nadu is one thousand kalam of paddy : their nichchayitta-nellu is one thousand five hundred kalam. The kanikkadan on eighty-seven and one-fourth (veli) of land in Puttakkuli of Kufumburnadu in Jayangondabola-valanadu is eight thousand geven hundred and twenty kalam, one tuni, and four nali of paddy: its nichchayitta-nellu is six thousand one hundred and seven kalam. The paddy (income) on three (veli) and three ma of land in Udayamartandanallur of Idaikkalinadu in Vijayarajendrasola-valanadu is one hundred and thirty-five kalam, three kuruni and three nali. The royal order fixing the income on this, according to the prevailing rate for dry lands, is seventy-eight kalam and five kuruni of paddy. Half of this shall be for this palli. (LI. 35-40) The several incomes of money and paddy inclusive of antarayam, panmai-panda vetri, etc., arising from the above said villages have been assigned, free from taxes, to meet the expenses of this palli. Also, the pallichchandas have been freed from their previous kaniyalars, have their tenants removed and have been given by us to the Sangattar of this palli as their kani. The boundaries of the site and the surrounding ground of the glorious Bailendra-Chudamanivarma-vihara alias Rajarajapperumpalli at Solakulavallipattanam in Pattana. kurram, (a subdivision) of Geyamanikka-valanadu are : (LI. 40-52) The eastern boundary is to the west of Sand-hill on the sea-shore. The southern boundary is to the north of the well called Pugaiyunni and also to the north of the land belonging to the Tiruvirattanamudaiya-Mahadeva situated to the west of this (i.e., the above said well) as well as to the west of the high road to Karaikkal which proceeds westward from the north bank of the tank dug out by Marayan at Paravaikkulam to the west of this (i.e., the land of the Mahadeva). The western boundary is to the east of the high road to Karaikkal. The northern boundary is to the south of the boundary of the land called Vada-Kadappadi in Solakulavallipattanam. The land situated within these four boundaries measure thirty-one and three-fourths veli, two ma and one mundirigai in extent. And this land has also been given by us free of all taxes to this palli inclusive of the antarayam, panmai-panda-vetti and all other (paffams). This has been made in accordance with the royal order issued to us embodying the declaration of the king.

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No. 36.] NOTE ON SAILENDRA KINGS MENTIONED IN LEIDEN PLATES. 281 On the direction of the sandhivigrahin Rajavallabha Pallavaraiyan and the adhikarin Rajendrasinga-Muvendavelan, this copper-(plate) edict was written by the Nilaiyudaiya-Panaiyani Nigarilisolap Madhurantakan,. one of the Vikramabharapa-terinda-Valangai-Velaikkaras of Utkkodi : this is my signature. No. 36.--NOTE ON THE SAILENDRA KINGS MENTIONED IN THE LEIDEN PLATES. BY PROFESSOR R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., Ph.D., DACCA. The Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I contain references to two Sailendra kings, viz., Chu. lamanivarman and his son Sri-Maravijayottungavarman. The Sailendra dynasty is known to have ruled over Malay Peninsula and Java towards the close of the eighth century A.D. An inscription found at Ligord in Malay Peninsula refers to a Sailendra king named Sri-Maharaja, and he had, perhaps, also the personal name Vishnu. There is internal evidence to show that this inscription is somewhat later than A.D. 775. An inscription found at Kalasan, in Java, dated A.D. 778, refers to the building of a temple of Tara by Maharaja Panamkarana, the ornament of the Sailendra dynasty. The temple is undoubtedly the famous Chandi Kalasan, one of the finest temples in Java. Another inscription found at Keluraks, in the neighbourhood of the same locality, mentions a Sailendra king Sri-Sangrama-Dhanamjaya and refers to the setting up of an image of Manjusri by the royal preceptor Kumaraghosha, a resident of Gauda (Gaudi-dvipaguru). Arab writers, from the ninth century onwards, refer to the empire of Zabag or Zabaj, ruled over by the Maharaja. There is no doubt that under this name they refer to the empire of the Sailendras, which now extended over nearly the whole of Malayasia (Malay Archipelago and Malay Peninsula), including the famous kingdom of Sri-Vijaya in Sumatra. There are reasons to believe that for some time this empire also exercised some sort of suzerainty over Kamboja (Cambodia) and Champa (Annam). There can be hardly any doubt that the empire of the Sailendras, referred to as Zabag by Arab writers, is the same as the kingdom of San-fo-ts'i, referred to in the Chinese Annals from the tenth century onwards. The Chinese annals refer to no less than twelve embassies sent from San-fo-ts'i to China during the tenth century A.D. The first two embassies during the eleventh century A.D. are The expression Nilaiyuaaiya-Panciynd might indicate a "profession, office or calling ". Its exact meaning is not clear to me and it is therefore left untranslated. Much has been recently written in French and Dutch journals and books about the Sailendras. The fol. lowing note is intended merely to give a very brief outline of their history so far as it is necessary to elucidate the Leiden Plates. For fuller discussion of their history and reference to recent authorities the reader may consult the following articles of mine :-(1) Les Rois Sailendra de Suvarnadvipa, B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XXXIII, pp. 121. 141. (2) The Sailendra Empire, Journal of the Greater India Society, Vol. 1, pp. 11-27. (3) The struggle between the Sailendras and the Cholas, Ibid., pp. 71-91. (4) Decline and Fall of the Sailendta Empire, Ibid., Vol. II, Pp. 12-24. Reference may also be made to the following article by Dr. G. Coedes -15) On the origin of the Sailendras of Indonesia, Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 61-70. * B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XVIII, 6, App. 1, PP. 29ff.; J.A.S.B., Letters, Vol. I (1935), pp. 20ff. * T. B. G., Vol. 68 (1928), pp. 57ff. . Ibid., pp. 1ff. * The Arab and Chinese accounts are collected by Ferrand, J. A., 11-XX, pp. Iff. They are also quoted in articles Nos. 1-4 mentioned in f. n. 2 abovo.

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282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. of special interest from the point of view of this inscription, and we therefore give short details of them on the authority of the History of the Sung Dynasty. "In the year 1003 A.D., the king Sseu-li-chu-ia-wu-ni-fo-ma-tiao-hua sent two envoys to bring tribute." "In the year 1008 A.D., the king Sseu-li-ma-lo-p'i sent three envoys to present tribute." Dr. Coedes was the first to point out1 that the first royal name is a Chinese rendering of SriChulamanivarman, and the second is equivalent to Sri-Maravi......, the first part of the name of his successor Sri-Maravijayottungavarman, referred to in the Larger Leiden Plates. This identification has been universally accepted, and has served to clear up the history of the Sailendras in many respects. The Larger Plates refer to the Sailendra kings as follows: (1) Sailendra-vamsa-sambhutena Srivishay-adhipatina [VOL. XXII. (Sanskrit portion 11. 80-81). (2-3) Katah-adhipati (Ibid., 11.90, 100). (4) Kidaratt-araiyan (Tamil portion 1.6). (5-6) Kadaratt-araiyan (Ibid., 11.13, 200). Katah-adhipatyam=atanvata...... It would thus appear that the Sailendra kings are referred to as kings of Kataha, Kadara, or Kidara, these three being variants of the same place-name. This place has been identified with Keddah in the Malay Peninsula. Now, in the first passage the king is also called lord of Sri-Vishaya, which is no doubt the same as Sri-Vijaya, a kingdom in Sumatra which, as we have noted above, was included in the empire of the Sailendras. The expression immediately following viz., Katah-adhipatyam= atanvata means, in my opinion, who extended the suzerainty (i.e., the kingdom) of Kataha'. The learned Editor of the Plates has translated the passage as "who was conducting the rule of Kataha". But the primary meaning of the Sanskrit root 'tan' is to spread', 'extend' etc., and I see no reason to reject it in this case. If we accept the normal meaning of the expression, and remember that in all other cases, five in number, the king is simply referred to as king of Kataha (var. Kadara, Kidara), no doubt remains that the Sailendras, according at least to the writers of this inscription, were originally rulers of Kataha, and then extended their suzerainty over Sri-Vijaya. The great importance of this point will be obvious to any one who is familiar with the current controversy about the original home-land of the Sailendras. Dr. Coedes first suggested that the Sailendras were originally rulers of Sri-Vijaya, and this view was subsequently regarded as an established fact. Some time ago I demonstrated the weakness of the reasoning on which this theory was based, and Dr. Coedes has now freely accepted my view. He states that it is impossible, according to sound methods, to affirm that before the 11th century the kings of SriVijaya belonged to the Sailendra dynasty or that they reigned at Sri-Vijaya' 1 B. E. F. E. O., Vol. XVIII, 6, p. 7. This is the general view. Recently Dr. H. G. Quaritch Wales has suggested that Sri-Vijaya might be the name of a kingdom in Malay Peninsula itself. He has drawn attention to the fact that "one of the most important ancient sites in the northern part of the Malay Peninsula is still called C'aiya (i.e., Jaya, a shortened form of Vijaya; and not far to the south is situated Sri-Vijaya Hill)". Indian Art and Letters, Vol. IX, p. 4. See articles mentioned in p. 281, n. 2. That the Sailendras ruled over Sri-Vijaya as early as the tenth century.A.D. is proved by Arab records, if we regard Zabag as denoting the Sailendra empire. To this extent, Dr. Coedes' statement requires modification.

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No. 36.] NOTE ON SAILENDRA KINGS MENTIONED IN LEIDEN PLATES. 283 As noted above, the evidence of the Leiden Plates fully supports the view that the Sailendra kings were rulers of Kataha or Kadara (var. Kidara) and subsequently extended their suzerainty over Sri-Vijaya. The Chinese references to the two embassies from San-fo-ts'i quoted above, taken along with the data supplied by the Plates, leave no doubt that king Chulamanivarman died sumetime between A.D. 1005 and 1008. The fact that although the formal grant in the Tamil portion was drawn up in the 23rd year of Rajaraja I, yet mention is only made of Chulamapivarman and not his son, might be taken to indicate that the former died in A.D. 1007-8. But this is somewhat problematical. In any case Chulamanivarman died shortly after A.D. 1005 and this explains the discrepancy noted by the Editor on pp. 228-29 above. It is obvious that soon after the Grant was made in A.D. 1005 by Rajaraja I, and while the construction of the Vihara was still in progress, king Chulamanivarman died, and the work begun by him was completed by his son and successor. The learned Editor has discussed at length the problem how the ruler of Kataha came to erect a Buddhist Vibara at Negapatam in the heart of the distant Chola dominion, and how the powerful Chola king came to grant the entire revenues of a village for the upkeep of a palli in it' (p. 230 above). The early history of the Sailendras and the Nalanda Charter of Devapals of the year 391 offer an easy solution to this problem. It is most likely that the Sailendra dynasty originally migrated from India; there is at least no doubt that they kept up an intimate intercourse with India and received their religious in piration from this country. We learn from Hiuen Tsang and I-tsing that even as early as the seventh century A.D. there was a regular religious intercourse between India and Malayasia. The Kelurak inscription, mentioned above, shows that the guru or preceptor of the Sailendra kings in A.D. 778, was a resident of Gauda (Bengal). About the middle of the ninth century A.D. the Sailendra king established a Vihara at Nalanda, and at his request king Devapala of Bengal granted five villages for its upkeep. The Leiden Plates obviously describe a transaction which is exactly similar to what we find in the NalandA Charter of Devapala, and, as in this charter, the villages must have been granted by Rajaraja at the request of the Sailendra king. In the smaller Leiden Plates also, we find that at the express request of the king of Kidara, communicated by his envoys, the Chola king Kulottunga exempted these villages from taxes. In the Larger Leiden Plates there is no express mention of this request, but such a request must be presumed, not only on the above analogies, but also from verse 38 of the Sanskrit portion which may be rendered into English as follows: "This lord of Katahs......thus prays to all future kings :- protect (ye) for ever this my charity". The reference to the grant as my charity can only be taken to mean that it was at his request, and on his behalf, that the village was granted by the Chola king. The two persons who composed and executed the edict are mentioned in vv. 39-42, and it is not clear whether their master (tasya rajno s.e., ' of that king'), mentioned in v. 40, refers to the Chola king or king of Kataha. But the verses 43-44 definitely say that on the direction of that lord of Kataba, Tuvavuravap Anukkan caused to be made (this) 1 Above Vol. XVII, p. 310. The Editor of this inscription has added some notes on the evasivo race of the Bailendras" (p. 312). But they are neither adequate nor sourate. His statement that the Sailendras ruled over Sumatra and Java in the seventh century A.D. (p. 313) is not warranted by any evidence known to me. His other remarks need not be disoussed here in detail, but the readers are referred to the articles mentioned in p.si 2.2 for a general review of the subject. I may note that he pointed out the reeemblance between the rola Charter and the Leiden Plates, and took the word 'atenpata ' in this inscription in the senso in wbiak Ikan token it.

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284 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. lasting edict'. As the composers and engravers are separately mentioned by name, it is not clear what exact part this person played. But it proves that the lord of Kataha was an interested party in the transaction. The learned Editor has discussed at length various possible relations, friendly or hostile, between the Chola king and the ruler of Kataha at the time of the grant (p. 230 above). There can be no doubt that the relatiou of the Sailendras and Cholas was friendly, not only at the time when the grant was first made, but also when the deed was actually executed, early in the reign of Rajendra Chola. But soon hostility broke out, and there was a prolonged warfare between the two. The first reference to this hostility is contained in the Tiruvalangadu plates dated in the sixth year of Rajendra Chola. From these we learn that the Chola army crossed the seas and conquered Kataha. The Malur inscription of Rajendra Chola, dated in the thirteenth year, gives a detailed account of his conquest of Kadara and various dominions included in the Sailendra empire. These details are repeated in other charters of Rajendra Chola dated in the 19th, 22nd, 23rd, and 27th years of his reign, and some other inscriptions represent him as burning Kataha and ruling over Kadara. There is thus clear evidence that Rajendra Chola conquered the Sailendra empire in or before his 13th regnal year, and that hostilities had probably begun as early as the sixth year. The views of the learned Editor of the Plates that the conquest of Kataha is described in detail in the records of the 16th year onwards (p. 230) does not appear to be accurate. The war between the two kingdoms continued during the reigns of Vira-Rajendra and Kulottunga. The former is said to have conquered the kingdom of Kadira, but he gave it back to its king who worshipped his feet." But the smaller Leiden Plates show that peace and amity were again established between the two powers by A.D. 1089-90. As already stated above, these Plates inform us that at the request of the king of Kidara, communicated by his envoys Rajavidyadhara Samanta and Abhimanottunga Samanta, Kulottunga exempted from taxes the village granted by the Larger Leiden Plates. Thus diplomatic relations were again established, and friendly feelings revived, after a struggle of more than half a century during the interval between the two Leiden Charters. In conclusion, we may refer to a point on which these Plates throw interesting light. Line 81 of the Sanskrit portion refers to the king of Kataha as Makara-dhvaja'. Makara, which is a conventional representation of an animal with the body of a fish and the head of an elephant. forms one of the most well-known decorative ornaments in Javanese architecture. The adoption of Makara as the emblem of royal banner by the Sailendras may explain its frequent occurrence in Javanese architecture. The reliability of the inscription, in this respect, has been doubted. I have fully discussed this point in the article No. 3 mentioned in p. 281 n. 2. 18. 1. I., Vol. III, Part II, p. 202. This inscription, among others, disproves the statement of the Editor of the Nalanda Charter that " in the documenta, known at present, these Sailendras or the rulers of Sri-Vijaya are nowhere mentioned as the foudatories of the Cholas". (Above, Vol. XVII, p. 313).

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No. 37.] CHIRAVA INSCRIPTION OF SAMARASIMHA ; SAMVAT 1330. 285 No. 37.-CHIRAVA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SAMARASIMHA OF MEWAR; (VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1330 BY R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER. This inscription was first edited in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. XXI, pp. 155 ff. without any notes on historical persons and places mentioned thereiu. In order to bring out the importance of the inscription historically, I re-edit it in English from an ink-impression kindly placed at my disposal by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar H. Ojha of Ajmer. The stone containing this inscription is now fixed outside the door of a new temple at Chirava, a village situated about eight miles to the north of Udaipur in Mewar. The record consists of thirty-six lines of writing, which cover a space of about 1' 9"x1'8". The characters are Nagari of the fourteenth century A.D., common in Rajputana during that period. The language is Sanskrit and excepting a few words in the beginning and the date at the end, the whole inscription is in verse. The inscription commences with the usual eulogy of the god Yogesvara and the goddess Yogegvari (Vv. 1-2). Verse 3 says that in ancient times there was the king Bappaka in the family of the sons of Guhila (i.e., Guhilot clan). After many kings came Padmasimha, who was like a jewel among men (V. 4). Verse 5 speaks of his son Jaitrasimha, who was like the wind of destruction to other great kings. In verse 6, we are informed that neither the kings of Malava (Malwa), Gurjara (Gujarat), Marava (Marwar) and Jangala, nor the ruler of the mlechchhas (Muhammadans) could humble his pride. His (Jaitrasimha's) son was Tejahsimha, a devotee of Siva, whose son was Samarasimha, an exceedingly brave and dutiful king then living (Vv. 7-9). The text then turns to another family, which rendered conspicuous services to the kings of Mewar. Verses 9-12 state that in the Tamtarada family, there was a man named Uddharana who being able to protect the good and punish the wicked was made the Talaraksha of Nagadrahapura (Nagda) by the king Mathanasimha, and who had eight sons, the eldest of whom was Yogaraja who in turn was made the Talara in the same city by the king Padmasimha. His (Yogaraja's) younger brother was Ratabhu, whose son was Kelhana. Kelhana's son was Udayi, whose son was Karmana (Vv. 13-14). Yogaraja had four sons, namely, Pamaraja, Mahendra, Champaka and Kshema, of whom Pamaraja was killed fighting with the army of Suratrana (Sultan) near Bhutala, while Nagadrahapura was destroyed (Vv. 15-16). Verse 17 speaks of Mahendra having three sons named Bala (Balaka), Ahladana and Vayaja. Balaka's son was Pethaka, whose son was Samanta, a worshipper of Vishnu (V. 18). In verse 19 we are told that while Kottadaka was being taken and a battle with Rana Tribhuvana was being fought, Balaka was killed fighting in front of the king Jaitrasimha. His clever wife Bholi, being unable to bear the pains of separation of her husband, became sati (V. 20). Champaka had a son named Rajasimha who had a son called Ramasimha whose son was Bhachumda (V. 21). Verse 22 informs us that, through the favour of the king Jaitrasimha, Kshema secured the post of Talaraksha of Chitrakuta (Chitor). From his guileless wife Hiru he had a son named Ratna, who was killed along with Bhimasimha in a battle fought at the foot of the fortress of Chitor. Ratna's son was Lala and brother was Madana. The latter proved his valour in the battlefield of Utthunaka, while fighting with Parchalugudika Jaitramalla in the cause of the king Jesala (Vv. 23-28). Verse 29 says that Bhimasimha's son Rajasimha on being made a minister, paid him (Madana) much respect. Through the favour of the king Samarasimha, he (Madana) succeeded his father in the post of Talaraksha of Chitor, where he worshipped Siva in the temple of Tribhuvananarayana built by the king Bhoja (Vv. 30-31). Madana's son was Mohana (V x2). The

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286 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. text of the record again changes here and describes the village Chirakupa (i.e., Chirava where the inscription is found). Verses 34-40 tell us that, surrounded by hills and beautiful sights, the village Chirakupa is situated near Nagahrada and was given as a gift by the king Padmasimha to Yogaraja serving in his army. The latter built there the temples of Yogesvara and Yogesvari, which were restored later on by Madana, who granted some land near the lake Kalelaya (Kalela) for the maintenance of those temples. Another beautiful temple of Vishnu called Uddharanasvaini had formerly been built there by Uddharana (V. 37). In verses 41-42, Vayaraka, Pataka, Munda, Bhuvana, Teja, Samanta, Ariyaputra, Madana and their descendants are urged to preserve the grant fully. Then follows the description of the Jain Acharyas, who flourished at that place (Chitor). Verse 44 says that there was at the head of the Pasupata seet Sivarasi, who possessed many good qualities and worshipped the (god) Ekalinga. After him Bhadresvarasuri of the Chaitra-gachchha, Devabhadrasuri, Siddhasenasuri, Jinesvarasuri, his pupil Vijayasimhasuri, Bhuvanachamdraguri, his pupil Ratnaprabhasuri, then living, followed in succession (Vv. 45-47). The last-named was highly honoured by Visvaladeva and Tejahsimha, and composed this prasasti at Chitor (V. 48). The name of the writer of this record is given as Parsvachamdra, who was the pupil of Ratnaprabhasuri, while that of the engraver was Kelisimha, son of Padmasimha. Delhana was the artisan, who did other things connected with it (Vv. 49-50). At the end, the date is given as Friday), the first day of the bright half of Karttika, Samvat 1330, corresponding to Friday, the 13th October 1273 A.D As regards the persons mentioned in the inscription, the name Bappaka (V. 3), which seems to be a personal title and not an individual name, refers to the Guhila ruler of Mewar, also known as Bappa, Vappaka, Bashpa, Bappaka, Bappa, Bapa, etc. In the inscription of Naravahana, dated V. S. 1028 (A.D. 971) he is said to be like a moon among the kings of the Guhila family and a jewel on this earth. He is said to have ruled for some time at Nagda, the old capital of Mewar and then taken the fortress of Chitor from the Mori king Mana. The inscription dated V. S. 770 (A.D. 713) shows that Chitor was in the possession of the Mori dynasty till that year, so that Bappaka (Bapa) must have taken it after that date. According to the Ekalinga Mahatmya. also called Ekalinga Purana of the time of Rana Rayamala, he is said to have abdicated in favour of his son in V. S. 810 (A.D. 753).40 This shows that he was the master of Chitor for about 40 years from V. S. 770 to 810 (A.D. 713-763). The accession of Bapa, according to Col. Tod, also falls within this period. 11 This date of Bapa helps in his identification. In the inscriptions of Ranapur, Abuls and Chitor, dated Samvat 1496, 1342 and 1331 respectively in which the genealogy of the Mewar Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 347, verse 10. J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XXII, p. 166. * Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 118, verse 17. Ibid., p. 141. Inscription, dated V. 8. 1667 of the time of Maharani Rayamala of Mewar. . ETCHYTATOUETytu: HPEN Rkalinga Mahatmya (Manuscript, dated V. 8. 1738) of the time of Maharani Kumbhakarna of Mewar. * Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 123. "J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 166. * Tod's Rajasthan (Ed. Crooke), Vol. I, p. 266. Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1917-18, P. 3. . Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. II, p. 919, Appendix No. 3. 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 190. 11 Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 269. 11 An. Rep. A. 8. 1., 1907-8, p. 214, 1. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 347. * Cunningham A. 8. R., Vol. XXIII, plate XX, v. 3.

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No. 37.] CHIRAVA INSCRIPTION OF SAMARASIMHA; SAMVAT 1330. rulers is not complete) he is designated as father of Guhila which is evidently wrong. In the Kumbhalgarh1 inscription, dated V. S. 1517 he is placed fifth from Guhila which seems also to be wrong, for in the Atapur inscription, dated Samvat 1034 which is earlier than the Kumbhalgarh inscription and in which the genealogy of the early rulers of Mewar is complete and correct, this (fifth) place is occupied by Sila, although there is no mention of the name of Bapa in it. Thus Sila of the Atapur inscription is Bappa of the Kumbhalgarh inscription, so that Bappa or Bapa may be identified with Sila (Siladitya). But, the discovery of Siladitya's inscription, dated V. S. 703, and of his son Aparajita, dated V. S. 718, annuls this identification of Bapa with Sila; there being a difference of about 70 years between this date of Sila and that of Bapa specified above. In the Atapur inscription, after Aparajita, come the names of Mahendra, Kalabhoja and Khumana in succession. In Rajputana Khumana is said to be the son of Bapa, i.e., Bapa was the father of Khumana and hence he is to be identified with Kalabhoja, who is mentioned in all the above-named inscriptions. The date of Bapa according to this assumption will not differ much from that of Kalabhoja, if an average rule of 25 years be assigned to each of the preceding rulers Aparajita and Mahendra (II). Jaitrasimha (V. 5) was one of the most powerful kings of Mewar. He is also known by the names Jayatala. Jayasimha, Jayatasimha and Jaitsi.10 His name is not mentioned by Col. Tod in his Rajasthan. He was the grand-father of Samarasimha, to whose time the present record belongs. He fought many battles with the Sultans of Delhi, Gujarat, Malwa and the rulers of Marwar, Jangala and Sind." The inscriptions of his time show that he ruled at least for 39 years. Tejahsimha (V. 7) was the son and successor of Jaitrasimha and ascended the throne between Samvat 13091 and 131713 (A.D. 1253 and 1261). During his time Mewar seems to have been attacked by Visaladeva, the Baghela Rana of Dholka, who afterwards became the ruler of Gujarat.14 He died between Samvat 1324 and 1330 (A.D. 1267 and 1273). Much is already known about Samarasimha (V. 8), who succeeded his father Tejahsimha about Samvat 1330 (A.D. 1273). He seems to have protected Gujarat when it was attacked by the Muhammadans (Sultan of Delhi, most probably Ghyasuddin Balban, A.D. 1265-1287). He also protected the Mewar country when Ulugh Khan, the younger brother of 'Alauddin, started from Delhi for Gujarat.17 The inscriptions of his time range from Samvat 1330 to 135818 (A.D. 1274 to 1301). There is nothing worth mentioning about Padmasimha (V. 4) and Mathanasimha (V. 10) except that they followed in succession on the throne of Mewar and were the father and grand-father respectively of Raval 1 Noted in PRAS, WC, 1905-06, p. 61, No. 2214. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 187. Above, Vol. XX, P. 97. Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 31. Ind. Ant., Vol. LIX, p. 165, notes 26 and 27. Also Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 250, n. 2. He has been identified with Khomana I (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 190). "Hammiramadamardana of Jayasimhasuri, p. 27. Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1924-25, p. 2, No. III. Ibid., p. 2, No. II. 10 In bardic chronicles. 11 Ind. Ant., Vol. LVII, pp. 31-33. 13 This is the date of the last manuscript of Jaitrasimha's time. 13 This is the date of the first manuscript of Tejahsimha's time. 287 14 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 210, plate I, 1. 4 and Vol. LIX, p. 166. 15 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 350, V. 46. 16 Edward Thomas, The Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 7. 17 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, pp. 194-95. 18 An. Rep. Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1920-21, p. 4, No. VIII.

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288 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. Jaitrasimha of Mewar, who is mentioned in verse 5 of this record, and who is called Jesala in v. 28 of the same. Rana Tribhuvana (V. 19) was-the king of Gujarat after Bhimadeva II and was the contem. porary of Raval Jaitrasimha of Mewar. Bhimasimba (V. 26) appears to have been the minister of Jaitrasimha and was killed in the fight, most probably fought between Tejahsimha of Mewar and Visaladeva of Gujarat. Suratrapa (V. 16) refers to the Sultan Shamsu'ddin Altamsh of Delhi, who had attacked Mewar and destroyed Nagda, its old capital. Jaitramalla (V. 28) was the Paramara king Jayatungideva of Malwa. Bhojaraja (V. 31) was evidently the Paramara king Bhojadeva of Malwa. He lived for sometime at Chitor and built there a temple of Siva, which is now called Advadji or Mokalji's temple. Tribhuvananarayana (V. 31) was the name of the temple as well as the title of the king Bhoja who built it. It was also called Bhojasvamijagati.' Visvaladeva (V. 48) was evidently Visaladeva, the younger son of Viradhavala, the Baghela ruler of Dholka. He became the Rana after the death of his father in Samvat 1294 (A.D. 1238) and in Samvat 1300 (A.D. 1243) usurped the throne of Gujarat after deposing its ruler Tribnuvana (Tribhuvana pala) referred to in v. 19 of this inscription. As to the places mentioned in this record, Chirakupa (V. 34) is the present village of Chirava, about 8 miles north of Udaipur. Nagadraha or Nagahrada (Vv. 10 and 12 respectively) is now called Nagda and was the old Capital of Mewar. Bhatala (V. 16) is a village about twelve miles from Nagda. Kotfadaka (V. 19) is the village of Kotra, one of the military stations in Mewar. Utthunaka (V. 28) is the village of Arthuna in the Banswara State in Rajputana TEXT. Metres :-Vv. 10, 11, 16, 17, 19, 20, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 42, 44, 45, 47 and 48 Arya; vv. 9, 12, 13, 14,15, 18, 22, 25, 32, 37, 49, 50 and 51 Anushtubh; vv. 1, 4, 5, 6, 26, 34 and 36 Upajati; vy. 7, 38, 39, 40 and 43 Sardalavikridita ; vv. 41 and 46 Giti ; v. 2 Indravajra ; v.3 Vaitaliya; V. 8 Malini; v. 21 Rathoddhata; v. 24 Vasantatilaka and v. 35 Indravarsa. 1 siddham // zrIM namaH zrImahAdevAya // zrIyogarAjakharanAmadheyo devo vRSAMkaH sa zivAya vostu / stuta: sadA yaH pramadAprasatraH kiM kiM prabhutvaM na dadAti 2 1 yogezvarI vo bhavatu prasavA devI svabhAvAnavamaprabhAvA / SIsaMsAdhanalIna cittogIMdravaMdarabhivaMditAMtiH // 2 guhilAMgajavaMzajaH purA citipA3 lotra babhUva bappakaH / prathamaH paripaMthipArthivadhvajinIdhvaMsanalAlasAzayaH // 2 va(ba) vatItaSu mahIkhareSu zrIpaJcasiMhaH puruSottamobhUt / sAMgAdyaM yamavApya la1 Ind. Ant., Vol. LVII, p. 33. His son Rajasimha was also made a minister, as is clear from v. 29 of this record. * Ind. Ant., Vol. LIX, p. 166. * Ibid., Vol. LVII, p. 32. Ibid., Vol. LVII, p. 33. * Ibid., Vol. LIX, p. 163-4. 1 An. Rep. Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1920-21, p. 4. Duff's Chronology, p. 189. * Expressed by a symbol.

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No. 37.] CHIRAVA INSCRIPTION OF SAMARASIMHA; SAMVAT 1330. 4 kSmIstasthau vihAyAsthiratAM sahotyAM // 4 zrIjaina siMhastanujosya jAtobhijAtibhUbhRtyalayAnilAbhaH / sarvvatra yena sphuratA na keSAM cittAni kaMpaM gamitAni 289 5 sadyaH // 5 na mAlavIyena na gaurjareNa na mAravezena na jAMgalana / mlecchAdhinAthena kadApi mAno mlAniM na ninyevanipasya yasya // 6 teja: siMha ilApati: 6 samabhavattasyAtmajanmA cicakrarucirAcAro cUDArthane // nayI cAturyocchrayavaMcitAcyutavadhUvaM caprapaMcIJcayaH / vicArAMcitaM cittaM nyaMcitacApalaM ca caMcacaMdramarI racayan zrIcaMdra 7 7 tadanu ca tanujanmA tasya kalyANajanmA jayati samarasiMhaH zatrusaMhArasiMhaH / kSitipatiratizUracaMdrarukkIrttipUra: svahitavihitakarmA va (bu) samam // 8 itatha // jAta 8 STAMTara jJAtau pUrvamuvaraNAbhidhaH / pumAnumApriyopAsti saMpatrazubhavaibhavaH // yaM duSTa ziSTazikSaNarakSaNadakSa tvatastalArakSaM / zrImayanasiMha nRpatizcakAra nAgadraha daMge // 10 9 aSTAvasya viziSTAH putrA abhavanvivekasupavitrA: / teSu va ( ba ) bhUva prathamaH prathitayazA yogarAja iti // 11 zrIpadmasiMhabhUpAlAdyogarAjastalAratAM / nAgadapure pauraprI prApa 10 tipradAyakaH // 12 babhUvAvarajastasya rasabhUriti vizrutaH / kevhala stanayomuSya mukhyaH pauruSazAlinAM // 13 udayItyAkhyayA khyAtastatsuto vitatodayI / abhUjjAtastu tatputraH karmaNa: 11 saGgha zarmaNaH // 14 yogarAjasya catvArazcaturA jajJireMgajAH pamarAjo maheMdrotha caMpakaH cema ityamI // 15 nAgadrahapurabhaMge samaM suratrANa sainikairyuDDA / bhUtAlAhaTakUTe 12 pamarAja: paMcatAM prApa // 16 vA (bA) lAhAdanavayajA maheMdratanujAstrayastvajAyaMta / nayavinayaparaparAjayajAtalayA vihitadInadayAH // 17 bAlAkasyAMgaja jAta: pekSAko viM 13 lasa[]laH / sutobhUttasya sAmaMto'naMtopAstau kRtodyamaH // 18 bAlAkaH koha[Da ka grahaNe zrIjenasiMhantRpapurataH / tribhuvanarANakayuddhe jagAma yuDDA paraM lokaM // 18 tahi

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290 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL. XXII. 14 rahamasahamAnA bhoyapi nAbAdimA vidagdhAnAM / dagdhvA dahane dehaM tadbhAryA tamanvagamat // 2. caMpakasya surabhaH svabhAvatI rAjasiMha iti naMdanobhavat / rAmasiMhamatha sa pramUta 16 vAn sojaniSTa ca bhacuMDamaMgajaM // 21 kSemastu nirmitakSemacitrakUTe talAratAM / rAnaH zrIjaivasiMhasya prasAdAdApaduttamAt. // 22 horuriti prasiddhA pratiSiddhArtAtidurmatirabhUJca / 16 jAyA tasyAmAyAjAyata tanujastayo rakhaH // 23 rakhAni saMti saguNAni bahanyapauDa khyAtAni yastadadhiko vidadhe tu dhAcA / paMsvAdhiropaNaguNana garauyasoce ravaH sa ke 17 na samatAM samupaiti zukaH // 24 rakhasya sUnurandhanaprAptamAnosti mAniSu / lAlA nAmA ghanasthAmA pravarAcAracaucavAn // 25 vikrAMtara samaratha rakhaH sapatnasaMhAra 18 chataprayavaH / zrIcitrakUTasya talATikAyAM zrIbhImasiMhana samaM mamAra // 26 rakhA nujosti rucirAcAraprakhyAtadhIrasuvicAraH / madanaH prasanavadanaH satataM taduSTaja 19 nakadamaH(na:) // 27 yaH saukhisalakAryabhavaduHsthUNakaraNAMgaNe prAran / paMcalaguDikena samaM prakaTabalo camana // 28 zrIbhImasiMhapuSaH prAdhAnyaM prApya rAjasiM 20 ho yaM / bahumene nakadhyaM prAkpratiparva dadhadaye // 28 zrIcitrakUTaduI talAratAM yaH piTakamAyAtA / zrIsamarasiMharAjaprasAdataH prApa ni:pApa: // 3. zrIbhoja 21 rAjaracitatribhuvananArAyaNAkhyadevarahe / yo viracayati ma sadA zivaparicayAM sva zivalipsuH // 31 mohano nAma yasyAsti naMdanI vinayI nayI / bAlopi pApi 22 karmabhyaH sAzaMkaH zUkama(va)ttayA // 32 savikAraH zivavairI yadasti viditaH purAtano madanaH / nirva(vi): zivabhoramuStha tenopamA mAtaH // 2 taba nAgadasa 1 Seema to be the title of Jaitramalla, Read niSpApa:.

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No. 37.] CHIRAVA INSCRIPTION OF SAMARASIMHA; SAMVAT 1330 2 91 - --- - 23 nidhAna pade pade prAjyalasavidhAne / pAmaH subhUmImati cIrakUpanAmAstyadI SAmalamorakUpaH // 4 tayAdhipatyena dhanAptizAlinA prApa prasAda guhilAmaacanaH / zrIpa 24 prasiMhacitipAdupAsitAbAyogarAjaH kila vipraveSAt // 35 sa yogarAjaH prathama pRthu zrIrakANyattatra pavitracittaH / zrIyogarAjazvaradevagaI yogekharaudeva28 gRheNa yuktaM // 36 pUrva muharaNenehoharaNakhAmizAMgi(zAGgi)gaH / iyaM vidhApitaM ramyaM pUrvajoharaNArthinA // 37 jJAtvA satvaragatvaraM jagadidaM sarva gaNebhyaH satAM paryAlIcya vi28 zeSatazca viSamaM pApaM talAravalaM / dharme dhUrjaTipUjanapratike nityaM mano nyasta vAnAtmAnaM madanazcikIrSuramala janmanyamubhibapi // 38 pramahotramahattamena zitha(va) 7 yoryasmAdamU kAritI prAsAdo nanu yogarAja iti vikhyAtina puNyAtmanA / mAtu rvaprathAtmanazca madano vaMhIyasa zreyase lakSyAlaMkata uddadhAra tadimAvAjanma 28 zudhAcayaH // 18 vAle lAyasarovarasya rucira pazcAnave gocare kedArI madano dadau pramudito ho ho vibhajya svayaM / durgAnuttaracitrakUTanagarasthaH kSemahIrU29 suto bhavedyArthamavadyamocanamanA devAya devyAyapi // 40 vayarAkaH pAtAko maMDo bhuvaNotha tejasAmaMtI / pariyAputro madanastvidamabhidhaiH pAlanIyamidamakhilaM // 30 41 bhAvibhigata iMzyairanyairapi rakSyamAtmapuNyAya / vizvaM vinazyadetaddharmasthAnAdika vasta 2 yAvaccaMdravirocano vilasato lokaprakAzodyatI tAvahevagrahahayaM vija 31 yatAmitamadAmAspadaM / urttAsya ca naMdatu pramadavAbamAyAdanugrAgraNIranyepyasya sanAbhayo gatabhayA bhUyAsurutpAtataH // 43 pAzupatatapasvipatiH zrIzivarAzi: sazaula] 32 guNarAzi: / ArAdhitaikaliMgodhiSThAtAcAsti niSThAvAna // 44 zrIcaitragacchagagane tArakabudhakavikalAvatAM nilaye / zrIbhadrezvarasUrirgururudagAviSkavaraNAMgaH [45] 33 zrIdevabhadrasUristadanu zrausidharmanasUriratha / ajani jinezvarasUristacchiSyo vijayasiMha sUrica // 46 zrIbhuvanacaMdrasUristatpa bhUdabhUtadaMbhamalaH / zrIratnaprabhasUri mAM 34 stasya vinayosti munirava // 47 zrImadikhaladevazrautajaHsiMharAjakatapUjaH / sa 'prazastimagedira bacirga citrakUTasthaH // 48 ziSyomuSyAlikha[bha]

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292 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 35 khyo vaiduSyeNa vibhUSitaH / pArSacaMdra bama vihaharyavAlizAlinIM // 48 padma siMhasutaH kailisiMhomUmuJcakAra ca / sthAnatra delhaNa: zilyau kamAMta[rama]- . 36 kANyat // 5. yAvadikhasarasyasminnasti rAmazri puSkaraM / rAjahaMsayutaM tAvat prazastinaMda tAdiyaM // 51 maMvat 1330 varSe kArtikazudi pratipadi zukra] [1]

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INDEX. By B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D. [The figures refer to pages ; 1. after a figure to footnotes and add. to additions. The following other abbreviations are also used :-ca.capital; ch.=chief; ci.=city; co.-country; com.composer; di.district or division; do.-ditto; dy.dynasty: E. Eastern ; engr.=engraver; ep.epithet; f. female; k.king: I. - locality; m.=male; mo.mountain ; myth.mythic or mythological; #.name; N.Northern; off.office; 9.-queen; ri.=river ; 8.=Southern ; 8.a.=same as ; sur.=surname; te.=temple; tit.=title; vi.=village ; W =Western.) PAGE Abu, mo., . PAGE Adityafarman, donee, . . 94, 95 & n., 96 Adityasena, k. of Magadha, . . . . 18 Adiyarkkunallar, commentator, . . 223 Advadji, te., . . . . . . 288 Afghanistan, an, . . . . . . 14 Aganin, . . . . . 161, 165, 166 Agaraju, k., . . . . . . . . . 35 . Agastya, sage, . . . . . 117 Agastyakonda, vi., . . . . . 43 Agnihotra, mahayajia,. . . . 85, 109, 185 Agnimitra or Agnimitranaka, ch.. . . 35 Agnipurana, work, . . . . . - 202 Agnishtoma, sacrifice,. . .19, 171, 175, 212 agrahara,. . . 20, 21, 61, 139, 144, 219, 221 agramahishi, chief queen', . . . 100 agre-uxelnra, cf. pachhe-vridaka, : : : 194 Ahavain Ja, sur. of W. Chalukya k. Somesvara 162 n., 221, 222, 273 Ahavamallakulakalapuram, 8. a. Ayirattali vi., 268, 276, 279 Ahimakara, myth. k., . . . 216, 238, 255 Ahladana, m., . . . . . 285, 289 ai, initial, . . . . ai, medial, . . . 93, 160, 168, 187, 208 Aimbattiruvay Videlvidugan, m., 237, 251, 264 Aiyanaligal-Tiruvadi, Veradu ch., 225 Aiyyag Aiyyan, m., . . . 237, 252, 264 Aiyyarah sendan, m., . . . . 247, 260 Ajmer, . . . . . . . 197 Ajnapti, off., . . . . . . 218 djnasarcharin, off... . . . . 172 Akalavarsha I., Gujarat Rashtrakuta k., 66, 68, 69, * a, initial, . . . . . 208, 215 a, initial, . . . . . 93 d, medial, . . . 2, 6, 93, 208 a-bhata-chchhatra-pravesya, privilege, 173 & n. Abhaya, k., . . . . . . 140 Abhimanabhushana-chaturvedimangalam, 8. a. Tungamangalam vi., . , 236, 245, 259 Abhimanottunga-brisamanta, envoy, 268, 276, 279, 284 Abhinava-Pampa, 8. a. Nagachandra,. .178 n. Abhirapalli, vi, . . . . 129, 132, 135 abhyantara-siddhi, . . 84, 185 . 57, 196 Aba, province, . . . . 197 Abu Inscription of V. S. 1342 a-char-asana-charm-angara, privilege, . . 173 a-chata-bhafa-gochara, do., . . . . a-chafa-bhata-pravesa, do., . . . a-chafa-bhala-pravesya, do., . . . 185 a-chafa-bhafa-pravesya, do., . . . 23, 108 Adaiyur, vi.. . . . . 274 do n. Adhika, 8. a. Rajaraja Adhikan,. . . 43 Adhikarika, off., . . . . 84, 108, 184 Adhikendra, 8. a. Rajaraja Adhikan, Adhikarin, off., . 268, 269, 277, 279, 281 Adhikesa, 8. a. Rajaraja Adhikan, Adhikrita, off.,. . . . . . . 152 n. Adhirajendradeva, Chola k., . . 273, 274 adhvaryu, . . . . . . 100, 108 adhyaksha, head of department', . , 156, 159 Adigai, vi... . * 139 Adigaiman, ch., . . . . . . 42, 43 Adigal, s.a. Atikal, . . . . 222 Adipurana, work, . . . 28, 178 Aditya I, Chola k., 218, 220, 221, 225, 239, 255 Aditya II, Chola k., 219, 221 & n., 227, 240, 241, 256 286 74 Akalavarsha, sur. of Krishna I, 82, 99, 106, 107, 183, 184 a-kara-dayin, privilege, . . . . 173 Akbar, Mughal emperor, . . 198 Akkadevi, q. . . . . . . 188 Alagiyamanavalani-Mandaiyalvar, 4.,. 140

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294 PAGE Ala-nadu, di., 269, 277, 280 Alangudi, vi., 232, 236, 237, 252, 254, 264, 266 Alankarapriyan, s.a. Kunavan Nandi, 232, 237, 251, 252, 263, 264, 265 270 236, 254, 266 287 173 & n. 139, 143, 144, 145 Alatti, vi.,. Alattur, vi., Alauddin, . a-lavana-klinna-kreni-khanaka, privilege, Alaveli, vi., Alberuni's India, work, 37 n. Albiruni, author, 37, 38 Alexander the Great, Macedonian k., 33 & n., 97 Allahabad Pillar Inscription, 31, 35, 38, 58. alphabets : Acute-angled,. Arrow-head, s. a. Bhaikshuki, Balbodh, Bengali, Bhaikshuki, Box-headed, Brahml, Chola-Grantha, Devanagari, Greek,. Gupta, Gurumukhi, Kanarese, Kharoshthi, EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 93, 135 37, 38 6 5 37, 28 4, 15, 17, 18, 167, 208 1, 4n., 5, 30, 38, 198 213 66, 160, 187 38 Eastern Nagari, Grantha, 6, 39, 89 m., 90 m., 91 m., 146, 205, 215, 216, 241 m., 245 m., 268 13 38 5 65 11, 12, 13, 14 38 177 Kushana (Brahmi), . Marathi, Telugu,. Valabhi, Vatteluttu, Wedge-headed, s. a. Bhaikshuki, Western Gupta, * * . Modi, Nagari, Nail-headed, Old-kanarese,. Pallava-Grantha, Paushkarasadiya, Proto-Bengali, Proto-Devanagari, Sarada,. Shell or Sankha, 4,30 Tamil, 6, 39, 86, 110, 146, 205, 213, 214, 216, 241 m., 245 m., 268 . .5, 38, 54, 93, 99, 177, 192, 196, 285 18, 93 65, 76 n. 27 . . . 4 151 64, 65 n. 38, 97 . . * 138, 139 . 64, 77 6, 7, 112 n. 37 38 * Aluvadraka, vi., Alwar, state, Ama, M., amacha, s. a. amatya, Amadpur, a. a. Ambapataka vi., Amaiya, m., amanta, Amarabhujanga, Pandya k., Amarakantak, I., amatya, minister', amatyu, 8. a. amatya, Ambalavanasvamin, te., Amara (kosha), work, Amaravati Inscription of Buddharakshita, Ambapataka, vi., Ambar-nadu, di., [VOL. XXII. Ambe Inscription, Amgachhi Plate,. Amgaon, vi., PAGE 122, 124, 127 122 195 36 79 *. 188 n., 190 169. 221, 226 Anarghavalli, di., Anbil Plates of Sundara-Chola, . . Ambasamudram, vi., Ambasamudram Inscription of Varaguna Pandya, 164 n. . 152 n. 6, 7 & n., 8 171. 152 211 Ammanga, Chalukya q., 270 Amoda Plates of Jajalladeva II, 160 n., 161 n., 163 Amoda Plates of Prithvideva I, 100. Amoda Plates of Prithvideva II, 160, 161, 163 Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakuta k., 21 m., 65, 67, 68, 69, 73, 77, 78 & ., 79, 83, 85, 177 m., 180 n., 181 Amudan Tirttakaran, m., Amur, vi.,. Apahaka, m., Anahilapataka, ca., Anaimalai Inscription, 235, 244, 245, 258, 250 269, 277, 280 115, 119 -57. 6, 7 & n., 9 Anaimalai Inscription of Rajaraja I, . 227 n. Apaimangalam, vi., 213, 222, 223, 224, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233, 238, 242, 243, 244, 247, 248, 250, 251, 253, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 263, 266, 269, 274, 275, 277, 279, 280 Anaiyan Talikkulavan, m.,236, 244, 245, 251, 259, 263 Analapratapa, myth. k., 220 Anantanarayana, com., 222, 242 & m., 257 Anantavarman-Chodaganga, Ganga k., 141 &., 142, 161, 162 & n. 161, 163, 166, 167 214, 219, 220, 221, 222 . 34 30, 188, 190 187, 190 5 79. 234, 254, 266 9 . . Andhra, co., 21 m., 33, 55, 58, 60, 62, 112, 162 Andhra-Bhima, k. Angaradyut, s.a. Agaraju, Angiras Gana, 221 35 206

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INDEX. PAGE Ankottaka, di., . . . . . . 80 Ankottaka, us.. . . . . . . 80 Ankat, s. 4. Ankofaka vi., . . . . 80 Annam, . . . . . . 281 Annavaram Inscription of Vikram&ditya, 28 %. Annual Committee, . . . . 148, 150 antardyam, tax, 54, 86, 91, 92, 268, 276, 278, 279, 280 Antarl, , . . . . . . . 14 Anukulamisra, ., . . . 181, 186, 169 anuloma inter-caste marriage, . 36 anwavara, . . . . . 66, 77, 120 anusvira, changed into class nasal, . . 99 ansvara, omitted, . . 139, 172 n. anuaire, superfluous, 16, 22 *., 23 n., 168, 172 n. aww.sudra, used for class nasal, 94, 98 96., 139, 143 r., 160, 177, 187, 192 anusvara, used for final m... 181, 177, 187, 192 Aparajita, Pallava k., . . . . 218, 221 Aparajita's Insoription of V. 8.718 . i 287 a-parampara-go-balivarda, privilege, . 173 apara-patta, W. di.', . 169, 171, 172, 175 Apastamba Srautasitra, work, . . . 34 A pidryama, sacrifice, 167, 171, 176, 208, 212 a.pushpa-kshira-sandoha, privilege, 173 &#. Arab, . . . . . 281 & n., 282 *. araghalja, . . . . . 192 arahafta, . . . 195 . Ara Khardshthi Inscription, . . 12 Arsikor, vi., 234, 235, 244, 245, 246, 284, 288, 289, 260, 266 Araibar Mariyadi, m., . . . . 246, 260 Araiburudaiyag, m., . Araiyan Arumoli, m., . . . 234, 264, 266 Araiyan Sikandan, 11., . , 234, 264, 266 Araiyan Viradamudichchap, M., . . . 60, 54 aramami papale, pleasure-house on the hill', 31, 36 Arang Plates uf Maha-Jayaraja, . . 16 Aratta, co., . . . . . Aravamirdu, . a., Aravamrita, . 243 & n., 258 Aravamrita, m., . . . 222, 223, 248, 268 Aravamurta, s. a. Aravamrita, . . . Arbuda, 8. 4. mo. Abu, 55, 60, 62, 63 n., 131, 134 Ardhanartavara, 8. a. god Siva, . . 128 Arixchika, Chola k., . . . . Arindama, 8. a. Chola k. Aridjaya, . . 221 Arisjaya, Chola k., . , 219, 220, 240, 256 Aritay Siriyan Kadamban, M., 238, 248, 253, 261, 206 Ariyaputra, m., . . . . . 286, 291 Arjuna, epic hero, * 61 & *.., 63, 156 PAGE Arjunavarman, Paramara k., , . 59 Arrian, author, . . . . . . Artha datra, 6. a. Kaufaliya Arthasustra, 2, 159 .. 174 1., 175 r., 233 Arthupa, vi.. . . . . . . 288 Arulaln-Perumal Inscription of Kulottunga I, 140 Arumolidevavalanadu, di., 88, 88, 91 & 1., 92, 235, 244, 258, 259 Arundhati, Vasishtha's wife,. . 123, 126 Arungupramudaiyap Mapperan Porkari, m., 236, 244, 268 Arupmolivarman, Choja k., . 221 & n., 226 Aruray Aravapaiyap, ..., . . 235, 244, 258 Aryaman, myth. k., . . . . . 220 Aryavarta,. . . . . . 201 abesha-mahababda, . . . . . 74, 84 Ashadadi samvat, . . . . 192 >>. Ashadhaka, vi., . . . . 10, 22 Ashfadhyay, work, . . . 201 Aboks, Maurya k., 1, 3, 31, 153, 159 ., 200, 201, 202, 205 Asoud, vi.. . . . . . . 22 Gorayalinga, . . . . . . 53 Afvamedha, sacrifios, 19, 20, 123, 125, 168, 171 & M., 176, 194, 199, 203, 204, 208, 219 Afvatthaman, com... . . . 59, 62, 63 Alvatthalarman, dones, . . 181, 156, 158 Asvibhati, m.,. . . . . . 32 Atapur Inscription of V. 8. 1034 . . 287 Atharvara, . . . 179 & A Atikal, ., . 222, 243 & *., 258 Atiraman Irubattunalvan, m.. . 237, 283, 265 Atindira, sacrifice, , . i 171, 176, 212 Atithi, mahayajla . . 85, 109 add., 185 atiydyika, 4. a. dtyayiba, . . . 2, 3 affukkirai, tax,. . . . . 234, 263 Atyantamdhibvara, tit., . . 172, 174 atyayika, 'distress', . . au, medial, . 16, 93, 160, 168, 187, 208 Aurak oharya, donec, . . . . 196, 198 Auktnars sibi, myth. k., . . . . 220 avagraha, sign, . . . . . 66, 128, 18) Avalokita, m., . . Avanti, .. a. Malana co., . . . 97 Avantika, inhabitant of Avanti, . . 97, 98 Avar-karram, di.. . . . 288, 244, 268 Avvoka, m., . . . . 129, 132, 136 Ayirattali, wi., 40, 41, 45, 46, 51 & #., 268, 276, 279 Ayodhyl, ca., . . . . . 98, 136, 138 Ayodhyl Inscription of Dhanadova, . 201 221

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896 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. TAGE Ayukta or Ayuktaka, off,. . 84, 184 b. . . . 38, 160 & ., 167, 200, 208 b, subscript. . . . . . 168 Badakhanda, v., . 151, 165, 158 Badal Pillar Inscription, . . . . Badami, 4. a. Vatapi ca., . 27 de 1, 102 Badami Rock Inscription of Narasith havarman, 27 Badapa, E. Chalukya k. . . . . 228 Baghela, clar . . . . . 287, 288 Bagumra Grant of Dhruva, . 65 7., 67, 69 Bagumra Grant of Krishna. . 68, 69, 70 Bagamra Platos of Indra III, . . .177 . Bahasatimitra,. . . . . . 200 Bala or. Balaka, m., . . . 285, 289 Baladitya, . a. Valabhi k. Dhruvasna II, 114, 117 Balaghat Plates of Prithivishena II, 17, 168 1., 169, 209, 210 Balarjuna, Somarami k. of Korala, 19 Balarams, god,. . . . 158 Bali, . . . . . 68 . Bali, mahayajia, . . .85, 109, 185 Ballale, Hoysala prince, . . . 58, 59 Ballklasena, Sena k., . . . 100 Bamangam, .. a. Brahmanapalliki vi., . 80 bamhana, s. a. Brahmana or brahmanya, 32, 33 Bamroll, 8. a. Brahmanapallika vi. of Mankani * 80 Ban, ri, , , , . . 170 Bana, co., . . . . . 112 Bana, dy., 48, 51 & n., 110, 111, 112 & 1., 113, 218 Bapa, ri., . . . . . 170 . Banavasi, co.. . . . 55 Banavasi twelve-thousand, co., 101, 188 Bangarh, ti.. . . . . Bangarh Grant of Mahipala I, . . 181, 152 Bangarh Pillar Inscription, . . . 162 Bangavadi Ganga Inscriptions,. . .112... Bankapur Inscription, . . . . 101 Banpur Plates of Dandimsbadevi, . 39. Bapi, Bappa, Bippa, Bappaks or Bappaka, Guhila k., . 285, 286, 287, 288 Barkhpur, vi... . . . 170 n. Bardpaal, ca. . . . . . Baroda, vi.. . 192, 193 & n. Baroda, state, 77, 78, 79, 80 Baroda Plates of Dhruva, 06, 67, 68, 69 & n., 78 n. Baroda Plates of Karka, . . 78 Barsi-Takli, vi., ... . . . . 170 . PAGE Barsur, vi., . . . . . . . . 210 m. Bashpa, 8. a. Bapa, bapa, . . . . . . 286 Bassi, vi., . . . 199, 200, 203 Bastar, state, . . . . . 210 n. Bauddha, sect., . . . . 60 n. Baudhayana Srautasutra, work, . . 34 Bauka, Pratihara ch., . . . . 121 Bayana, ci., . . . . 120, 121, 122 Bayana Jain Insoription of Vijayadhiraja, 120, 122 Beerj, ch., . . . . Bogram, l. . . . . Begram Kharoanthi Inscription,. . . Belur Taluk Inscription, Bembal, vi.. . . . . . 210 n. Benares, . . . . . . . 134 Benares Copper-Plate of Karna, . . . 160 n. Beni, vi.. . . . . . . Benni, ri.. . . . 171 & . Benna, ri.. . . . . . . 171 n. Benna-karpara-bhaga, di.,. . . . . 171 n. Bennakata, di., 169, 170 & 1., 171 & n., 172, 175 Besnagar, vi., . . 200, 202, 203 Besnagar Inscription of Heliodorua, 200, 203 bh, . . . . . . . 54, 128 bha, form, confused with tta, . . 215 Bhachumda, ., . . . 285, 290 Bhadra, I., . . . . . . 2, 3 Bhadravata, vi. . . . . 108 Bhadresvarasuri, acharya,. . . 286, 291 Bhadvachiura, vi. . . . 129, 132, 135 bhaga, lax, . . . . 175 n. Bhagavat, 8. a. god Balarima, . . .204 . Bhagavat, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . 204 & n. Bhagavat, .. a. the Buddha,. . 11 Bhagavata, tit... . . . 204 & 1. Bhagiratha, myth. k., . . . . . 220 Bhagirathi, .. a. Ganga ri., 188, 171 & n., 175, 208, 212 & . Bhagyadovt, Kamboja q., , 151, 162, 156, 157 Bhagyadevi, Pala . . . . . . 152 Bhairava, sect. . . . . .00 . Bhairavagarh, vi.. . . . . 170 & n. Bhals, . a. Bhadra,. . Bhalla, do., . . Bhandak, ca., . . . 17, 18 Bhandak Plates, . . 103, 178 n., 180 Bhandari, di.,. . Bhaja, dy. . . . . 39. Bhanu, s. a.god Sarya, . Bhanugupta, Guptas k., . . . . 17

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INDEX. 297 121, 122 . . . . . PAGE Bharadvaji Tiritti Vaikundan, m., 237, 252, 264 Bharasiva, dy., . . . 171, 175, 208, 212 Bharata, myth. k., . . . . . 220 Bharatavarsha, India', 161, 165 Bharatpur, state, . . 120, Bharaut Torana Pillar Inscription, Bharga, 8. a. god biva, . Bharthana, 8. a. Bharthanaka vi.. . Bharthanaka, vi.. . . . Khasa, author, . . Bhata, off., 137, 172, 173 & n. Bhatakka, 8. a. Valabhi k. Bhatarka, . . 114 Bhatarka, Valabhi k., . . . . 114, 116 bhathi, kiln', 192, 195 Bhatta, tit., 100, 108, 136, 137, 151, 156, 169, 189, 191, 224, 232, 236, 245, 253, 254, 259, 266 Bhattacharya, sect.. . . . . 50 n. Bhattaka, tit., . . . . 23 Bhattaputra, tit. . . . 156, 158 Bhattaraka, tit. of god, 75, 156, 158 Bhatfaraka, tit. of k.,. . . 20 n., 29 Bhava, 8. a. god Siva, . . . . 130, 133 Bhavabhuti, author, , . . 210, 211 & n. Bhavadeva, Somavamoi k. of Kosala, 18 Bhavaniga, Bharativa k.. 171, 175, 208, 209, 212 Bhavattavarman, Nala k., 16, 17, 29, 208, 210 & n. Bhavnagar Plates of Slladitya III, 115, 118 n. Bhavnagar Plates of Srladitya IV, . . 115 Bhikshu-samgha, of Sindhu-vishaya, . 75 Bhila (Bhila or Bhil), tribe, . . 195 & n. Bhilsa, l... . . . . . 35 Bhima I., Chaulukya k., . . * 55, 56, 57 Bhima, epic hero, . . . . . 124, 126 Bhima mehata, m., . . . . . 195 Bhimi &reshthin, m., . . . . 195 Bhimada, m., . . . . . . 195 Bhimadeva II, k. of Gujarat, . . . 288 Bhimaratha, 8. a. Maha-Bhavagupta III, Bhimasimha, minister, 285, 288, 290 Bhimesvara, te., . . 138 Bhinmal, vi., . . . 196, 197 Bhisana, m., . . 192, 195 boga, tax, . . . . .175 n. bhoga-bhaga, . . . 23, 137 Bhogika, m., . . . . 98 Bhogika, off.. . . . 94, 95, 96 Bhoja, Paramara k... 55, 56, 57, 60, 62, 163 ., 285, 288, 290 Bhoja I., Pratihara k... . . . . 69 Bhojakata, di., . . . . . . 170 n. PAGE Bhojasvamijagati, te., Bhojnagar, ci... . . . . . 57 Bholi, f. . . . . . . 285, 290 Bhoosawar, vi., . . . . . . . 122 Bhor, state, . . 176, 181, 186, 188 Hem . . . . . 115, 119 Bhovala, m., : . 195 Bhovya, family, . . . . . 222 Bhramasaka, vi. . . . . . 96 bhuchchhidra-nyaya, . . . . . 156 Bhujabala, k. of Suvarnapura, . . .162 n. bhukti, territorial division, . 151, 153, 155, 158 bhumichchhidra-nyaya,. . Bhutali, vi.. . . . . 285, 288, 289 Bhutayajna, sacrifice, . . . . 50 n. Bhuvanamulududaiya), Chola q.. . 276, 279 Bhuvaga,m., . . . . 286, 291 Bhuvanachandraburi, acharya . . 286, 291 Bhuvikrama, W. Ganga prince,. . . bigha, land measure, . . 192 n. Bihar, . . . . . . . 38 Bilhana, author, . . . . 55 1., 269 Bilhana, m., . . . . . . . 195 Bilhari Inscription, . 128, 160 n. Bimaran Kharoshthi Inscription, . . 12 Bimbisara, Maurya k., boar, emblem on seal,. . . 24, 104 n. Botad Plates of Dhruvasena II, . . 18 n. Brahma or Brahman, god, 11, 61, 63, 123, 125, 216 n., 220 brahmadaya, . . 84, 85, 185 brahmadiya, 8, 9, 11, 115, 118, 119, 189, 215, 216, 222, 231, 232, 237, 238, 243, 247, 248, 249 & n., 251, 252, 253, 258, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 269, 277, 278, 280 brahmadeya-kilavar, . . . . . 231 Brahmaguptasiddhanta, work, . . . 161 n. Brahmamangalyan, 8. a. Irundrruvan Utta man, . . . . . 237, 251, 263 Brahmamangalyan, 8. a. Oran Chandrabokharan, 237, 264 Brahmana, caste, . . . 32, 33, 34, 36 Brahmanapallika, vi.. . . . . 77, 80, 84 Brahmanapallika, vi. of Mankanika di.. . 80 Brahmanic Caves, . . . . . 31 brahmanya, . . . . . 32, 33 Brahmapuraka, vi.. . . . .211 n. Brahmapuri, vi., . . 129, 132, 135 brahmarshi, Brahamana sage', . . . 33 Brahmayajna, sacrifice, . . . 50#. Brahmesvara, te., . . . . 144. 145

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298 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. PAGE Brahmiavara, te., . . . . . 147 Bribadisvara, te., . . . . Brihad-Vinga, vi.. . . . . 181, 185 Brihaspati, preceptor of gods, . . . 95 Brihaspatisava, sacrifice, . 171, 175, 212 Brihat-Chhattivanna, vi., . 181, 184, 155, 158 Buddha, the 11, 12, 13, 37, 67, 75, 161, 1569., 158, 202, 222, 224, 230, 231, 232, 233, 242, 257, 267 Buddhadhishthana, . . . . Buddbarakshita, wpasaba, . . . Buddhavarase, ch.. . Buddhism, . . Buddhist Caves, . . Budhapriya, teacher,. . . bull, emblem on seal, . 104 & n., 114, 135 Bundelkhand, . . . . 65 78 C'aiya, (Jaya), . . . . . . 282 n. Cambodia, . . . . . 281 Cape Comorin, . , 270 Ceylon, 28, 51 7., 87, 88, 92, 140, 142, 218 & n., 219 *., 226, 227, 230, 259, 274 Ceylonese, 3. a. Singhalese . . . . 92 ch, . . . . . . 38, 160, 167, 168 Chachcha, 71. . . . 116, 119 Chachu, m., . . . 188 & n., 190 Chachu, s. a. Chanchu, Chaddhapurs, vi.. . . . . 172, 175 Chabamana, dy... . . . . 56 Chaitra-gachchha, 286, 291 Chaitya,' worship hall', . . . 31, 36 Chakkarakotta, co., . 139, 142, 269, 270 Chakradhara, ., . . . 136, 137 Chakradurga, ca., . . . 68, 68, 60, 62 Ohakrakota, 8. a. Chakradurga, . . 58 & *. Chakrapani, 8. . god Vishnu, . . 172, 174 Chakravala, mo. . . . . 239, 255 Chakravartin, tit., . . . 117, 242, 276 Chakrin, e.a. god Vishnu, . . . 121, 124 Chalukya, army, . . . . . 27 n. Chalukya, co., . . . . 27 & *., 28 Chalukya, E. dy., 20, 58, 99, 101, 102, 104 & 1., 111, 142, 221, 226, 228, 230, 270, 271, 272 Chalukya, feudatory family, . . . 188, 190 Chilukya, W. dy., 24, 27 & 1., 28 & *., 65, 66, 68, 59, 94, 111 & 1., 177, 188, 226 & ., 228, 272 Chalukya-Chandra, 6. a. Saktivarman, 228, 270 Chalukya-chola, dy. . . . . . 139 PAGB chamara, auspicious sign, . . . . 53. chamara, emblem on seal, . 213 Chamasa, m., . . . . . 115, 119 Chamdrapura, vi.. . . . . 172 Chamidasa, minister, . . ; 169, 174, 176 Chammak Plates of Pravarasena II, 167, 170 ., 172 .., 173 ., 209 n. Champa, 4. a. Annam, . . . . 281 Champaka, m., . . . 285, 289, 290 Chamundaraja, ch., . . 121, 124, 126 Chanchu, I., . . . chanda, s. a. chandra, . . Chanda, di., . . . .. 211 Chanda, vi., . . . . 210 n. Chandagupta, &. a. Maurya k. Chandragupta, 3 Chandalladevi, q.. . . . . . 39 Chandakivacharya, 7., . . 196, 198 Chapdi Kalasan, ke., . . . 281 Chandpur, vi., . . . . 171 &n. Chandra, dy., . . 39., 150 Chandra, Moon symbol referring to Chandra gupta Maurya. . . . . . 3 Chandraditya, W. Chalukya k., . 102 Chandragupta, k., . . . . . 21 m. Chandragupta, Maurya k., . . . . $ Chandragupta, Somavarit . of Kaala, 18, 19 Chandragupta II, Gupta k., . . 18, 168 Chandrajit, . a. myth. k. Dirghabahu, 220 Chandrapura, vi.. . . . . . 171 n. Chandravati, 9., . . . . . . 21 n. Chandrehe, wi., . . . . 128 Chandrehe Inscription of Prabodhakiva, 128, 9., 134 *. Chandur, ti., . . . . . 171 *. Chapotkata, dy.. . . . . . 69 Charaniphala, ti., . . . . . Charu, mahayajia, * . . 85, 109, 185 Chashtana, Sala Satrap. . . . . . 98 Chashthamandala, di... . 124, 127 Chata, off., . . . . . 137, 175 chatur-anga-send, . . . . . 178 n. chaturddanta, . . . . 95 n., 178 *. Chaturmukhan Arangan, m., . 237, 253, 265 Chaturvaidya-grama, . . 173 & n. Chaturvidyagrahara,. . . . . 173 n. Chaturvidya-samanya,. . 100, 108, 119, 184 Chaulukya, dy., . . . . 55, 56, 57 Chauriai Khamba Masjid, at Kama, . 121 Chodi, co., . . . . . 128 Chellor Grant, . . . . . 272

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INDEX. 299 Pags Chola, dy. 8 & n., 26, 27 & n., 28, 40 & #., 41, 42, 43, 44 & *., 45 n., 51 & n., 52, 53, 55, 72, 81, 86, 87, 88 & 1., 89, 90, 91, 92, 106, 140, 141, 142, 144, 145 1., 147, 148, 182, 205, 206, 213, 214, 216 & 1., 217 & n., 218 n., 219, 220 & 1., 222, 224 1., 225, 226, 227, 228, 230, 232, 234, 238, 241, 265, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274 & n., 276, 279, 281 n., 283, 284 & n. Chola (or Cholavarman), k., eponymous of Chofa dy.. 216 & ., 220 & 1., 239, 256 Cholakulabekbara, sur. of Kulottunga I, 139, 143 Cholamahirija, Chola prince, . 218 & 1. Chola-Pandya, Chola prince, Chola-Pandya, Pandya k.,. . . . 222 Cholapati, tit., . . Cholondrasitha, 8. a. Rajendra-Chols, . 222 Cholika-vishaya, Chola Province', . . 27*. Choranda, .. a. Chorundaka vi., . 80 Chorundaka, vi.. . . . . 80 Chadakiva, Saiva ascetic, . 128, 130, 133 Challmapivarman, Sailendra k., 222, 224, 228, 229, 230, 242, 243, 257, 258, 267, 274, 281, 282, 283 Chalamapivarma-vihara, 222, 224, 228, 229, 231, 242, 243, 244, 260, 267, 268, 263, 267, 268, 274, . 272 40, 47, 52 278, 280 PAGE Chenab, ri, . . 33 Chendalur Plates of Sarvaloka raya . 28 . Chengama, vi.. . . . . . 43 Chora, dy., 40 & n., 139, 140, 141, 213, 218, 224 & n., 225, 230, 268, 269, 279 cheri, . . . . . 146, 147, 149 Cheri-Godadi Cave, at Silahara,. . . 30 Chort-Godadi Cave Inscription, 30, 31, 36 Chevur, vi.. . . . 219, 221, 240, 256 Chhandoga, charana,. . . 161, 156, 158 Chhatim, see Chhattivanna, . . . 154 Chhatina, 3. a. Brihat-Chhattivanna vi.. . 154 Chhatna, 8. a. Chhattivanna vi.. . . 154 chhatra, emblem on seal, . . . . 213 chhatra, . . 172 & 15., 173 & n., 175 n. Chhattivanna, vi.. . . . . 154 Chhobaviraka, wi.. . . . . . 96 Chiba, m., . . . . . 192, 195 Chichola, u., . . . . 163 Chidambaram, & n., 45, 51, 148, 256 Chikkulla Plates of Madhavavarman, 21 . Childa, vi., . Ohimchatalat, ti.. . . . 161, 163, 166 China, . . . . . . . 281 Chinese,. . . 281 n., 282, 283 Chinese Annals, . . : . 281 Chirakaps, vi., . . . 286, 288, 291 Chirava, o. a. vi. Chirakups,. . 285, 286, 288 Chitor or Chitorgarh, ca.,. 193, 198, 285, 286, 288 Chitor Inscription of V. 8. 1331, . . . 286 Chitra, s. a. Chola k. Vyaghraketu, . . 220 Chitrabhanu, sun', 'fire', mistaken for the personal name of an engr. . .168 n. Chitradhanvan, Chola k., . . . . 220 Chitragupta, . . . . . . . 223, 243 & . Chitrakuta, ca., . . . . . 286, 290 Chitralekha, Q. 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127 Chitramiya, Pallava ch., . . . . 111 Chitraratha, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Chitraraths, 8. a. Chola k. Suraguru, . . 217 . Chitraratha, s. a. Chola k. Vyagbraketu,... 220 Chitraeva, Chola k., . . 220 chittirabirar, . . . . . 223 chithirakari, . . 223 & . Chodachandra, 3. a. Vanduvardja, . . 144 Chodaganga, 3. a. Anantavarman-Chodagangs, 161, 162 & n. Chola (or Cholamandala), co., 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 61, 86, 87, 139, 140, 143, 144, 216 s., 234, 235 . 195 Chullandaraks, vi.. . . . . Chyavana, m.,. . . . . Ct-Aruton, L. in W. Jana, Conjeevaram, . . Conjeeveram Inscription, . Conjooveram Inscription of Pallavamalla, 147 110 . . 243 de . . . 12, 30, 38, 94, 128, 168, 208 . . . . . . . 16, 168, 187, 208 dabhra-sabha, . . . . . . 221 Dahims, family, . . . . 60, 61, 63 Daivayajsia, sacrifice, Dak Chowrs, clams . Dakshina Kobal, co... . . . . 164 Dakshinapatha, . . . . 31, 210, 211 . Dakshina-Radhi, co., . . 164 Dakshindyana, . . 24, 25, 26, 20 Damafarman, .. . . . . . 20 Damodars, engr. . . 222, 223, 243, 268 Damodara, M., . . . . . . 84 Damodara Bhattan, , 234, 235, 236, 244, 254, 258, 266 Danarnava, Ganga k.. . danda, 'fine', . . Dandabhukti, di., . . . . 228 . . . . 208 . 181, 163, 164, 165, 166

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. PAGE Dandandyaka, off. . . 86, 188 n., 190 n. Dandapatika, of . . . 137 Dandimahadevi, Bluma-Kara q.) 39 7., 100 danmasanam (dharmaaanoncourt of Justice', 206 Dantan, 3.. Dandabhukti, . . . 154 Danti, Pallava L., . . . . . 112 r. Dantidurga, Gujarat Rashtrabufa k... 65 n.., 72 Dantidurga, Rashfrakufa k., 67, 81, 105, 177, 181, 182 Dantidurga's Grant, . . . . . 65 n. Dantivarman, Gujarat Rashfrakuta prince, 69, 70 Dantivarman, Rashfrabufa k., . , 67, 177 Dantivarman, sa Gujarat Raahtrakufa k. Dantidurga, . 66, 68, 69, 70 Dasanaka, field, . . . . . 115, 119 Dadavatara Cave Inscription, . . .177 n. Datta, m., . . . . . . 115, 119 Daulatabad Plates of Sankaragana, 103, 178, 179, 180 Dacebyanti, .. a. myth. k. Bharata, 220 Davana-Druhsta, prince, . . . 94, 95, 96 dave, &. a. dravya. . . . . 2 days, lunar :bright fortnight : . . . . . . 286, 292 7th,. . . . . . 185 9th,. . . 151, 156 & n., 167 16. 10th,. . . . . . 180 12th,. . . . 97, 98, 122, 124, 127 15th (full-moon), 20, 24, 28, 29, 77, 84, 161, 163, 188, 190, 193 n., 196 & ., 197 dark fortnight : 4th, . . . . . 114, 115, 120 6th, . . . . . . 136, 138 8th, . . . . . . 97, 98 10th,. . . . 114 12th,. . . 168, 174, 176 15th (new-moon), 100, 108, 109, 192, 193 & n. days of the month : 2nd, . . . . 16, 23, 162, 167, 159 6th, . . . . . . . 15 RAav days of the week : Sunday, 192, 193 & . Monday, . . . . . 122, 124, 127 Thursday, 97, 98, 161, 103, 166, 1967). Friday, . . . . . 196 N., 286, 292 Saturday, . . . 25, 26, 97, 98, 188, 190 Dayyamdinne, vi.. . . . . . 24 Dayyamdinne Plates of Vinayaditya, 25, 26 Doda, .. a. Maharaval Dovapaladeva,. 193 Dedu, .. a. Maharaval Devapaladova,. 193 Delhana, .. . . . . . 286, 292 Deo Barnark Inscription, . . . . 18 Delt Grant of Krishna III, 103, 170, 179, 180 n. Derabhata, Valabhi k.Dhruvasons III's father, 114, 118 Devabhadrasari, acharya,. . . 286, 291 devadana, 54, 231, 243, 248, 249, 258, 261, 262 dvadasi, . . . . . 31, 12 Devadatta, ., . . 136, 138 divadaya,. . . . . 75, 84, 185 Dovadova, 8. 4. god Vishnu, . . . . 203 devadega, . . . 118, 119 Devadinna, banker, . 31 Devagans, com.. . . . . . 163 Devagupta, .. a. Chandragupta II., 18, 168, 172, 174 Devagupta, k. of Magadha, . . . . 18 devakami, . . . 45, 53, 89, 91 devakula 'statue shrine' or 'temple'; . 97, 98 Devali Plates of laditya IV, . . . 115 Devan Oran, m., . . . 237, 263, 265 Devapala, Pala, k., . . . . 153, 283 Devapiladova, Guhila k. of Dungarpur, 192, 193 Devapaladeva, Gurjara-Prasthara k., . . 122 Devarija, Paramara k. of Abu,. 196, 197, 198 Devaram, work . . . 40 n., 52 1., 217 & n. Devavarman, Vishnubundin k.,. . .19, 20 Devendravarman, Ganga k., 139, 140, 141, 143, 145 Dovondravarman Rajaraja I., Ganga k., 141, 142, 143 Devt, s. d. goddess Parvati,. . . 130, 133 Devi-Gosvimint, Kara q. . . . . 100 dg, form of- . . . . dh,. . . . . 128, 168, 187, 208 dh, doubled before v or y, . . . . 77 Dhadayasaha, vi, . . . . 66, 71, 75 Dhadiyappa, vi... . . . . . 77, 84 Dhabadva, vi., . . . . . Dhaivata, suara, . . . . . 50 n. Dhavabhuti, k., . . . . . 35 Dhanadevs, k., . . . . 201 Dhanajaya, .. . epic hero Arjuna, 155, 158 . . . days of the reign . 92nd, . . 96th, . . 167th, . . J58th, . . 163rd, . . 374th, . . 469th, . . . . 148, 149 223, 226, 230, 268 . . 244, 259 . . 8A, 89, 91 . 205, 206, 207 . . 230, 254 . . 45, 49, 53 . . 9, 11 . .

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Dhandhuka, Paramara k. of Abu, Dhara, ca.,. Dharada, m., PAGE 197 55, 56 & n., 57, 58 & n., 163 n. 195 Dharanivaraha, Paramara k. of Abu, Dharapatta, Valabhi k., Dharasena II, Valabhi k., Dharasena III, Valabhi, k., . Dharasena IV, Valabhi k., Dhara (varsha), k., dharma, dharma-chakra, emblem on seal, dharmadaya, . 58 n., 269, 270 Dharavarsha, sur. of Dhruva II, .66, 74 Dharavarsha, sur. of Rashtrakuta k. Dhruva, 99, 107, 108, 109, 176, 184, 189 9, 11, 144, 158, 170, 194 150 116, 119, 197 dharm-adhikarana, Dharmadeva, m., Dharmaditya, s. a. Valabhi k. Kharagraha Dharmaditya, 8. a. Valabhi k. Siladitya I, dharmajna, Dilipa, myth. k.,. Dinajpur, vi., Dindigarar, Bana k., Dinta, com., . * 170 n., 173 & n. 195 * II, 118 114, 116 156, 159 Dharmapriya, monk, Dharmapuri, 8. a. Tagadai ca., 15 43 163 & n. 190 Dharmaraja, engr., Dharmaraja, s. a. god Yama, Dharmaraja, s. a. Sailodbhava k. Manabhita, 21 n. dharmasana, 276 dharmasasana, s. a. tamrasasana, Dharmasastra, 95 137 155 Dharmatmaja, 8. a. epic hero Yudhishthira, Dhatri, s.a. god Brahman, Dhavata, s.a. Dhahadva vi., 238, 255 80 287, 288 Dholka, co., Dhruva, Rashtrakuta k., 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 107, 176, 177, 178 & n., 179, 180 & n., 181, 183, 184 Dhruva I., Gujarat Rashtrakuta k. 65, 68 & n., 69, 70, 72, 78 n., 82 Dhruva II, Gujarat Rashtrakuta k., 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, & n., 71, 73, 74, 76 Dhruvasena II, Valabhi k., . 18 n., 114, 117 Dhruvasena III, Valabhi k., 114, 118 Dhulia Grant of Karka, 102, 103, 179, 180 & n., 181 Dhundesa, 8. a. Dhadayasaha vi.,. 71 220 115, 119 Dhundumara, myth. k., Dikshita,. 124, 126, 220 152 112 76 91, 92 220 Dipattarayan, m., Dirghabahu, myth. k.,. INDEX. 197 114 114, 116 114, 117 114, 117 * . PAGE 209 dittham (drishtam), Divakaraearman, m., Divakarasena, Vakataka k., Divirapati, off., dohaliya, dongarika,. 151, 156, 159 100 115, 120 195 108 & n. 55, 58, 59, 60, 62 53. double-fish, auspicious sign, Draksharama, vi., 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144 & n., 145 Dorasamudra, I., Draksharama Inscription of Kulottunga I, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143 Draksharama Inscription of Vishnuvardhana,. 271 dramma, coin,. Draupadi, epic heroine, dravya, 121, 124, 127 101 1, 2 2 209 99, 108 151, 156, 158 207 Drupadatmaja, s. a. epic heroine Draupadi, 101 Dudia Plates of Pravarasena II, 18, 169, 171 m., 172 n., 173 n., 174 m., 209 & n. Dungarasimha, Guhila k. of Dungarpur, 193 193 192, 193 128 Dravyapala, off., drishtam, drogarika, see dongarika, Drona, vi., Drug, di.,. e, initial, e, medial, eclipses lunar, solar, . Dungarpur, ca.,. Dungarpur, state,. 181, 185 100, 108 Durga, 8. a. goddess Parvati, Durgabhatta, m., Durgaditya, donee, Durgahari, m., Durgaraja, m., Durlabha, m., 94, 95, 96 77, 85 196, 197 Durlabha III, Chahamana k., 56 Durukkan Kamudan, m., 237, 251, 264 Durvasa Cave, at Silahara, 30 Durvasa Cave Inscription, 30, 31, 36 Dusasarman, donee, . 24, 29 Dushyanta, myth. k., 220 duta or dutaka, 68, 69, 70, 76, 77, 85, 101, 109, 115, 120, 156, 159, 186, 196 m., 268, 276 dvarapala, door-keeper', 216. Dvedaigomapuram, vi., 234, 236, 245, 254, 259, 266 dvijatidaya, 8. a. brahmadaya, 108 E . * . 301 . * 12, 114, 160, 187 2, 160, 168, 187, 191 m., 208 20, 21 & n., 161, 163, 196 & n., 197 94, 95, 96, 100, 109, 122, 124, 127

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302 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. PAGE Ediran Sattan, m., . . . 237, 251, 264 eba-bamhana, ep. of Satavahana Satakarni, . 32 Balinga, 8. a.god Siva, . . . 286, 291 Ekalinga Mahatmya or Ekalinga Purana, work, 286 & n. Ekavirappadi, . . . . . 147 Elagam, vi.. . . . . . 88, 90, 92 elephant, emblem, . . . 112 n. Elini, Kerala k., . . . . . 43 $n. Eran, vi.,. . . . . . 17 Eran Inscription of G. E. 191, 17 eras : Chedi,. 159, 161, 163, 166 Harshakala, Kalachuri, 8. a. Chedi, Kali, . . . . PAGS Gangaikonda-Chola, .. a. Chola k. Rajendra chols I, . . . . . . . 272 Gangaikondabola-chaturvedimangalam, 6. a. Kadalangudi vi... . . . . 235 Gangaladeva, donee, . . . 189, 191 Gangamandalam, Co. . . . . . 270 Gangapadi, co., 180, 221, 222, 224, 225, 245, 259 Ganga six-thousand, province, . . . 113 Ganga Udayaditya, general, . . . 56 Gangavadi, see Gangapadi, . . . . .. Gangavati, see Gangapadi, . . . . .. Ganges, Ti., 71, 104, 134, 162, 164 n., 175, 208 Malava,. . . . Old Saka, . Saka, 21 n., 24, 25 & n., 26, 29, 42., 43 #., 64, 86, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 84, 98, 100, 102, 103, 108, 176, 180, 185, 186, 189 Valabht, . . . . . 114, 115 Vikrama, 122, 192, 193 & n., 196 & 7., 197, 286, 292 Ereyanga, Hoysala k., , . . 58, 58 & n. fri-variya-perumakkal, tank committee', 148, 149 Etti Valanjuliyan Sangan, m., 237, 252, 266 F finhed, emblem on seal, . . . . 213 flag, auspicious sign, . . . . . 53 r. Gangeyadeva, Haihaya k.,. . . 129 &#. Gangpur, state, . . . . . . 17 Ganjam Plates of Dandimahadevi, . . Ganjam Plates of the Time of Sasanka, 21 Gargi, gotra-th., . . . . . 32 Gargiputra, metronymic of Visvadeva, 35 Garuda, emblem on seal, . . . 64, 77, 99 Gauda, co., 129, 132, 135, 152, 281, 283 Gauda, m., , . . . 186 Gaudapati, sur. of Kamboja k., . . 162 & n. Gaudarajamala, work, . . . . . 152 . Gatidavaho, mork, . . Gaudi-dvipa-guru, ep. of Kumaraghosha, . 281 Gaupti, . . . * 35 Gauptiputra, 8. a. Goliputa, . . . . 34, 35 Gaurl, 8. a. goddess Parvati, . . 126, 220 Jaurjaru, 'k. of Gurjara' . . . 289 Gautami, golra-., . . . . . 32 Gautam Balakri, Satavahana q., . . 33 Gautamiputra, metronymic of Satavahana k. Satakarni, . . . . . 32, 33, 102 Gautamiputra, Vakdfaka prinee, 171, 175 & n., 209 gaoyuta, land measure, . , 93, 94, 95, 96 Gaya Image Inscription in Bhaikahukt Lipi, 37 & ., 38 Geyamanikka-valanadu, di.. . 268, 289, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 gh, . . . . . . . 16, 30 Gbazni, co., . . . . 97 Ghorband, ri., . . . . . Ghonandi, vi., . . . . 198, 199, 200, 203 Ghonundi Brahmi Inscription, 198, 199, 203 Ghotis Plates of Prithvideva II,. . 163 Ghyagudin Balban, Sultan of Delhi Girnar Rock Edict IV of Asoka,. . . 31 Godavarl, ri., , 20; 58, 139, 140, 144, 145. 162 200, 208 Gadval Plates of Vikramaditya I, 26, 27 n., 28 Gubadavala, dy. . . . . . . . 101 gaja-Lakshmi, emblem on seal, . . . 136 Gjayana, . . . . 201, 203, 204 Anpapati, god,. . . . 128, 130, Gandaki, ri, . . . . . . 202 Gandaraditya, Chola k., , 219, 220, 221, 240, 241 & n., 256 Gandaruwatattaiyar-Ilambagam, work,. .223 n. Gandhara, mara, . . . . . 50 n. Ganga, dy., . 43, 103, 104, 107, 110 & n., 111 & 1., 112 & n., 113, 136, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 161, 162 n., 184, 218, 221, 225, 228, 272 Ganga, s. a. ri. Ganges, . . 107, 192, 194 Hangadiyatniyar Kannada Perungangar, W. Ganda ch.. . . . . 110 & 1., 113

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INDEX. 9A3 . . . PAGE Gogera, vi., . 122 Gograpura, vi., . . 121, 124, 127 Gokarna, ch. . . * 161, 162 . Golamme, m., . , 93, 94, 95, 96 Golasinghe, . a. Solasingha, . Gold Committee, . . 148 Golika, vi.. . . . 80 Gomdi, gotra-., Gordiputa, metronymic of Buddharakshita, Gondala, Paramara ch., . . Gooty Inscription of Vinayaditya, Gopala II, Pala k., . . Goperaja, ch., . . . Gord, I., . . . . Gosaladevi, Gahadavila q... Gota. . . . . . . . 34 Gotama, 8. G. the Buddha,. Gotamai, ri., . . . Gotiputa, metronymic of Agaraju, . . 34, 35 Gotiputra, metronymic of Agnimitranaka, 35 gotras : Atri, . . . . . . . 31 Atreya, . . . . 24, 29 Bharadvaja or Bharadvaje, 31, 129, 132, 135, 192, 194, 237, 252, 264 Bhrigu, . . . . . . 31, 32 Chhagari, . . . 34 Gadayana, . . 205 Gajayana, 201, 203, 204, 205 Garga, . . . . . . 184 Gargyayana,. . . . . 24, 29 Gautama, . . . . . 20 Godayana, 205 Gotama, . . 20 Harkari or Harkari,. 168 & n., 172 & n., 175 J6wdkaraye, * * . . 100, 108 Kanvs,. . . . . 205 Kapishthala,. . . . . 136, 137 Kabyapa, . 33, 34, 35, 211 .. Kaundinya.. . . . 32, 84 Kausika, 24, 29, 115, 119 Mathara, Parkkara, . . 16, 23, 201, 204 Balankayana, . . 100, 108 Vachha, 8. a. Vatea, . . . 31, 36 Vesishtha, . . 31, 222, 242, 257 Vatsa, V&tes or Vatsya,. . 30, 31, 32, 151, 156, 158, 161, 165 Vishnuvriddha, . . . 171, 175, 212 Gotra pravaranibandhakadamba, work, 31 ., 168 ., 172 .. PAGE Govardhana, L., . . . . . Govardhana, te.. . . . .8&th, Govinda, m., . . . . . 94, 95, 96 Govinda, m., . . . . . 196, 197 Govinda, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . . 94, 96 Govinda I, Rashtrakuta k., 67, 71, 81, 105, 177, 182 Govinda 11, Rashtrakuta k., . 82, 102, 103, 104 & n., 107, 177, 178 & ., 179, 180, 183 Govinda III, Rashfrakuta k., 21. ., 67, 68, 72, 73, 77, 78 & n., 79, 83, 103, 111 n., 177 & n., 180 & n., 184 n. Govindachandra, Gahadapala k., . . 101 Govindavarman, Vishnukundin k., . . 19 Gramakutayukta, off., . . . 84, 108, 184 gramatikhara, . . . . . 115, 119 Guddavadi, di., . . 20, 144, 145 Gudhapurusha, off., . . . 158, 159 Gudiwada Inscription, . . . . 162 n. Guhasena, Valabhi k., . . . 114, 116 Guhesvarapataka, ca., . . . 100 Guhila, dy. of Dungarpur, . . . 192 Guhila, . a. Guhilot clan of Mewar, 285, 286, 287, 288 Guhilot, clan of Mewar, . . . 285 Gujarat, co., . 56, 57, 58, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 77, 78, 79 & 11., 197, 285, 287, 288 Gumbheer, ch. of Gord, . . . . 57 Gurda, family, . . . . . 34 Gunabhara, 8. a. Vasudeva com., . . . 109 Gunamenagaipuram, vi., . . . . Gunarija, m., . . . . . 59, 61, 63 Gupta, dy. . . .4 & n., 5, 18, 35, 210 R. Gupta, race, . . . . . . 34, 35 Gurgaj, te., , . . . . 127 Gurgi, vi., . . . . . . 127 Gurjara, co., . . . 46, 50, 285 Gurjara or Gorjara, dy., . 55, 67 & ., 60, 62, 63 *., 129, 182, 134, 136 Gurjara or Gorjara, people, . . . 87, 74, 163 Gurjara-Pratthara, dy.. . . . . 122 Gurjara-Prathars, empire, . . . . 69 Garjarida, . . . . . 132 .. Guruparampara, work, . . . 230 Guta, . . . . . gutta, o. a. gupta, . . . guyada, 'courtyard', . . . . 192, 196 | . . . . . 12, 64, 114, 187 200

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304 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. PAGE Hada-ji, . . . . . 32 Hadda Khardshthi Inscription of the year 28, 12 Hadhapalli, vi., . . . 121, 122, 124, 127 Haihaya, s. a. Kalachuri dy. 127 n., 128, 129, 160, 164 hala, land measure, . . . 192 & 11., 194 Halebid, 8. a. Dorasamudra, . . . 58 Hammiramadamardana, work. . . . 2871. hamsa, emblem, . . . . . . 112 n. Hanuman, te., . . . . . . 205 Hara, 8. a. god Siva, . . . . 71, 105, 182 Hara-Gaurl, 8. a. Ardhanarisvara, . . 133 Haraha Stone Inscription of Maukhari Surya Varman, . . . . . . 19 Hari, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . 238, 255 Harihar Grant of Vinayaditya, . . 24, 25, 26 Harikesarideva, Kadamba ch., . . . 101 Harischandra, myth. k.. . . . : 220 Harishena, Vakafaka k., . . . 21 n... 22 Harivarman, W. Ganga, k., . . . Harsha, k., . . . . 72, 81, 105, 182 Harshagupta, Somavamsi k. of Kosala, . . 18 Hasdo, ri., . . . . . . 163 Hashtnagar Pedestal Kharoshthi Inscription, 12 hithi-bada, elephant-stable', . 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203 Hathi-bada Brahmi Inscription at Nagarl, 198, 201, 202, 203 Hathigumpha Inscription of Kharavela, 28 n. Heliodorus, Greek, . . . . 200, 203 Himadri, . a. Himalaya mo.. . . . 132 Himalaya, mo., . . . . 127, 135, 157, 257 Himasailaja, 8. a. goddess Parvati, . 155 Hirahadagalli Plates, . . . . . 209 Hiranyayoga-Dhashu-vapi, field, . . 79 n. Hiru, f. . . 285, 290, 291 Wigen Tsang or Hiuen Taiang, Chinese pilgrim, see also Yuan Chwang, . . . 27, 283 house, symbol, . . . Hovya, see Bhovya, 223, 243, 258 Hoysala, dy. . . . 44, 56, 57, 58 Hoysala Narasimha I.'s Inscription, . . 59 Humcha Inscription, . . . . . 112 Hun, tribe, . . . . . 210 >>. Hund, a. a. Udabhanda ca., . Huvishka, Kushana k., . . . . 12 PAGE i, medial,. . . . 5, 6, 16, 187, 208, 215 i, used for i, . . . . . . 136 Idaikaji-nadu, di., . . 269, 278, 280 idaippaffam, tax, . . . . . 234 Ikshvaku, dy. of Ayodhya,. . . . 98 Ikshvaku, dy of South India, 33, 34, 36 Ikshvaku, myth. k., . : 216 & n., 220, 238, 255 ilaikkulam, tax, . . . . 234, 263 Ilam, 8. a. Ceylon, 87, 90, 91, 221, 226 & 1., 245, 259 Ila-mandalam, 8. a. Ceylon, . . 90, 92, 224 Ilampufchi, tax, . . . . . 234, 263 Ilamuridesa, . . . . . 230 Ilangaboka, I., . . . . . . 230 Ilangokkudi, vi., Ilattan, s. a. Singhalese k. Parikramabihu, 87, 89, 90 Ilattaraiyan, k. of Ceylon', . .110 . Ilava, caste, . . . . . 234 Ilavadiga! Nallaran, m., . . 236, 254, 266 llavarsha, co., . . . . . . . 166 Indo-Greek, . . . . . . 97 Indra, god, 11, 40, 46, 51, 121, 123, 125, 157 & n., 217 n., 241, 256, 257 Indra or Indra Prichchhakaraja, Rashtrakuta k., . . . . . . 67, 177 Indra III, Rashfralcuta k., . . . .177 n. Indrabala, Somavamit k. of Kosala, . 18 Indrajit, ch., . . . 121, 122, 124, 126, 127 Indrajit, Ravana's son, . . . . 126 Indraraja, Rashtrakuta k., . 73, 77, 78, 81, 85, 105, 182 Indravarman, Vishnukundin k.,, 19, 20 & 1., 21 & 7. Indumauli, 8. a. god Siva, * . 218, 238, 239, 256 Indus, ri., . . . . . . . 33, 97 Inga-nadu, di., . . . 216 n. Innambar-pidu, di.,. . . . . 223 Ipur Plates of Madhavavarman, . 19 n., 20 n., 21., 22 Iramakuta-Muvara, . . . . 225 Irayiravan Pallavayan, m.. . 234, 235, 244, 245, 254, 258, 259, 266 Irda, vi.. . . . . . . . 150 Trdi Copper-Plate of Kamboja Nayapaladova, 160, 161, 162, 163 Irunurruvan Uttaman, m.. . 237, 251, 263 Isa, .. a. god Siva, . . . , 130, 164 ibai, kind of Tamil composition, . , . 50 n. Isanadeva, Somavarii k. of Kosala, . . 18 . i, initial, i. medial, . . . . . 6, 120, 128, 160, 187 .5, 6, 7, 93, 187, 208, 215

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INDEX. 305 PAGE 128 n., 131, 134 . : 19 . . 120 . . Ibanasambhu, Saiva ascetic, Ilanavarman, Maukhari k., . Islam Shah, Khilji k., . Isvara 8. a. god Siva, Isvarabhatta, m., . . Isvarapotavarman, Pallava k., I-tsing, Chinese pilgrim, . iyal, kind of Tamil composition, . . 93, 94, 95, 96 . . . 283 45, 50 & n. j, . . . 30, 38, 93, 151, 167, 180 n., 208 Jagaddeva, Paramara k., 54, 55, 56, 57 & n., 58, 59 & n., 60, 61, 62, 63 Jagadekamalla, Chola k., . . . . 220 Jagattraya-Dandanayaka, Singhalese general, 90, 92 Jagattungadeva, Rashtrakuta k., . . . 77, 85 Jaggayyapota Inscriptions of the Ikahvikus, 33 Jahnavi, 8. a. Ganga ri., . . . . 116 Jaina, sect. . . . . . . 50 n. Jaina Caves, . . . . . . 31 Jain-Acharyas, . . . . 286 Jainad, vi.. . . . . . 54, 59 Jaitramalla, 8. a. Paramara k. Jayatungideva, 285, 288, 290 & n. Jaitrasimha Guhila k., 285, 287 & n., 288, 289, 290 Jaitsi, 8. a. Guhila k. Jaitrasimha, . . 287 Jajalladeva I, Kalachuri k., 160 & n., 163, 165 Jajalldeva II, Kalachuri k., . . 160, 165 Jalor, province, . . . . . . 197 Jamadagnya, 8. a. Parasurama, . : 123, 125 Jamali, vi., . . 168, 171, 172, 175 Jambani, vi. . . . . .154 n. Jambavant, epic hero, . . . 164 Jambavantesvara, te., . . . 164 Jambavat, L., . . . . 161, 164, 166 Jambhala, god,. . Jambu, l. in W. Java, Jambukesvaram, vi., . . . . 217 Jambutirtha, I., . . . 164 Jambuva or Jambuvavika, vi., . . 80 Jardera, vi., . . 161, 163, 164, 167 Jamuntola, vi.,. . . . . 171 Janamejaya, 8. a. Maha-Bhavagupta II, 136 Jananatha, 8. a. Paramara Jayasinha, . 55, 56 &n. Janardana, 4. a. god Vishnu, . . . 44 Jangala, co., . . . . 285, 287, 289 jani (yajnita), . . . . . . 195 n. Janjgir, di., . . . . . 163, 164 Jatakas, work,. . . . 202 .. Jatavarman Kulasekhara I, Pandya k., Jatekvara, Ganga k., . . . 162 & 1h. Jatilavarman, Pandya k., . . . . 7 Jatakarniputra, 8. a. poet Bhavabhati, 211 . Jaulit Kharoshthi Inscription, . 12 Java, . . . . . . 281, 283 . Javanese, . . . . . . . . 284 Jayadratha-Dandanatha, Singhalese General,. 43 Jayangondan, author, . . . . 139, 270 Jayangondabola-mandalam, di., 88, 89, 91, 243, 258 Jayangondasola-valanadu, di. . 269, 278, 280 Jayantaraja, m., . . . . . 97, 98 Jayasimha, k. of Dandabhukti, . . 153 Jayasimha, s. a. Quhila k. Jsitrasimha, . .287 Jayasimha, W. Chalukya k., 222, 268, 269, 273, 279 Jayasimha, Paramara k., 55, 56, 57 m., 58, 60, 63 & . Jayasimha, a. a. Jayasimha-Siddharaja, 57 & 1. Jayasimha, 3. a. Jesingha, . . . . 188 . Jayasimha I., E. Chalukya k. . . 20, 21 & n. Jayasimba III, Chalukya k., . . . 188 Jayasinhha-Siddharaja, Chaulukya k... 67 and . Jayasimhasuri, author, . . . . 287 n. Jayastambha, 8. a. Jekhambha,. . .188 n. Jayatala or Jayatasimha, 8. a. Guhila k. Jaitrasimha,. . . . . 287 Jayatungideva, Paramara k. of Malw?, 288 Jayavitala, n. of k. Purnavarman's elephant, . 6n. Jejabhuktika, . . . . . . 162 Jejuri Plates of Vinayaditya, 25, 26, 29 & n. Jekhambha, . . . . . 188 n., 190 Jesala, 3. a. Guhila k. Jaitrasimha, 285, 288, 290 Jesar, vi., . . . . . . . 114 Jesar Plates of Siladitya III, . . . Jesingha, minister, . . . 188 & n., 190 Jethwai, vi.. . . . . . . 98, 99 jihvamuliya, Jinasena, author, Nor) . . . . . 28, 178 Jinesvarasuri, acharya, . . 286, 291 Jivakachintamani, work, . . .223, 231 n. jivita, . . . . . 45, 50, 54 Jodhpur Insoription of V. S. 894, . . 121 Jogimara Cave, at Ramgarb, . . . 31 Joja, m., . . . . . . . Jondra, vi.. . . . . . . 164 Jug Dev, 8. a. Paramara k. Jagaddeva, 66, 67 Jumna, ri., . . . 71 Junagadh Rook Inscription of Rudradiman, 201 Jura Inscription of Krishna, . . A6 . 37

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306 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. PAGE PAGE Kalela or Kalslaya, lake, . . . 286, 291 Kali, age, 45, 50, 123, 125, 126, 131, 134, 187 & n., 239, 265 Kalidasa, author, . 31, 169 & 1., 210, 211 Kalikala, 8. a. Chola k. Karikala, . . 217 ., 220 Kalinga, co., 45, 50, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 221, 222, 224, 225, 227, 230, 245, 270, 271 Kalinganagara, ca., . . . . 141, 162 n. Kalingapparani, eulogy, . . . 140, 141 Kalingaraja, Kalachuri k., . . 160 & ., 166 Kalingarajan, seat, . . . 268, 276, 279 Kalingattupparani, work, 139, 140, 141, 142, 214, 216 n., 217 7., 270, 272 Kaliyur-kottam, di... . . . . 147 Kallikudi, vi.. . 238, 244, 245, 250, 259, 263 kal padruma, 126, 130, 133, 165, 239, 265, 267 Kalumalam, vi., . , 217, 236, 244, 269 Kalyanapura, I., . . . . . 221 Kalyani, ca., . 55, 56, 58, 188 Kalyani, Chola 9., . . . . . 220 Kama, vi.. . . . . . . 121 Kamalaraja, Kalachuri k.,. . 160, 166 Kamamnava, E. Ganga k., , . . 228 Kamauli Grant of Vaidyadeva, . '162 Kamavana, 8. a. Kami vi., . . . Kamavana Inscription, . . . . 121 Kambayanallar, vi., . . . . . 43 Kamboja, co., . . . . . . 153 Kamboja, dy. . . 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 167 Kamboja, tribe, . . . . 33, 163 & . Kamboja, &. a. Cambodia,. . . . 281 Kamboja borses, . . . . 153 d . Kamesvarfdevi, q. 1. 9 . . . . . . 97, 98 Kampilikka khundaka, . . . 115, 119 Kampilya, monk. . . . * 66, 67, 76 Kampilya, tirtha, . . . 66, 67, 71, 76 Kamsari, o. a.god Vishnu,. . * 123, 126 Kanakagiri, .. a. mo. Meru, . . 229, 242, 267 Kanakarajan. . . . . . 91, 92 kapaklar, 'accountants', . * 207 & . Kanauj, ca. . . 122, 129, 162, 311 Kanavadikal, field, . . . 249, 261, 262 Kapavadimayakkal, field,. . . 248, 262 Kirchi or Kachlpur, ., 26, 27 de n., 72, 81, 103, 104 n.., 105, 110 ., 111, 112, 139, 140, 141, 147, 180, 182, 184, 217, 220, 222, 243, 268 Kigchivayil, i.. . . . 222, 242, 268 Kandalar-Balai, 1., 221, 224, 225, 246, 200 Kandar dittam, w., . . . . . 219. Kanheri Cave Insoription,. 32 , . . . . . . 1, 6, 38, 93, 208 Kabul, . . . . . . . 97 kachcham,' resolution', . . 8 & n., 10, 11 Kachchhapaghate, dy., . . . . 121 Kachchipedu, &. a. Conjeevaram,. . 147 Kadalangudi, vi., 234, 235, 236, 244, 254, 258, 266 kadam, land measure,. . . 90, 92 & n. Kadamba, dy., . . . . . 101 Kadambangudi, vi... 232, 238, 244, 262, 265 Kadambanur, vi.. . 231, 232, 237, 251, 263 Kadambavalavatkai, vi.. . 232, 238, 263, 265 Kadapha, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 Kadaphes, &. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 Kadara, 8. a. Kataba co., 224, 228, 229, 230, 243, 244, 250, 258, 263, 268, 274, 277, 279, 282, 283, 284 Kadava, 8. a. Pallava, . . . . 43, 45 Kaddibhara, vi.. Kadphises, . . . . . . . 13 Kaduk, tribe. . . . . . . 196 n. Kadavetti, ch., . . . . 112 kaikkolar, . . . . 146 Kailasa, mo., . . 130, 133, 238, 255 Kaira, 4. a. Srikhetaks . . . 66, 71 Kaitabha, demon destroyed by Vishnu, . . 45 Kakkala, Rashtrakuta k., . * . 228 Kakshivat, myth. k.,. . . 220 Kakutstha, 5. a. myth. k. Puranjaya, 220 Kals, 8. a. god Yama, . . . 217. Kalabhirapalli, vi., . . . . 132 Kalabhoja, Guhila, k.,. . . 287 Kalachuri, dy., . 55, 57, 94, 128, 129, 160, 161, 163 Kaladi, tri., . . . 45, 49, 53 Kalakattar, vi, . . . . . 113 Kalakkad, vi... . . . . 9 Kalakkadu, v., . . Kalakkuli, vi., . Kalakkudinkidu, di... * 9, 11 kalam, measure of capacity, 223, 229, 258, 274, 277, 278, 279, 280 Kalamukha, sect., . . . . 50 . lalarju, weight, . . . . . 147 Kalasan, vi., . . . . 281 Kalavali, work, . . . 217 Kalavky, field,. . 248, 261 Kalbappunada, co.,. . * 112 Ka Bhairava, deity, . . . . . 170 m. 121 9 .......

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INDEX 307 bani, 995 . PAGE . 231 kani, land measure, 223, 243, 244, 258, 259, 261, 269, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 kanimurruttu, . . 231, 243, 258 Kanishka, Kushana k., . . . : 98 Kanishka Casket Khardshthi Inscription, 12 kaniyalar, . 268, 274, 275, 278 & n., 277 & *., 278 & W., 279 Kankaninaduvirukkum, off. . . 224, 269 kannalakkanam, tax,. . 234, 263 Kannan Alankara priyan, m., 237, 252, 264 Kannanur, 8. a. Vikramapura, . Kannasarman, donee, . . . . . 24, 29 Kanni, 8. a. Kanyakumari, . . . 46,61 kanikkadas. 268, 269, 274, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 kanni-kavalan, ep. of Pandya k., . . .51 n. Kantaragrama, di.. . . . 66, 67, 71, 74 Kanti, vi.. . . . . . 151, 155, 158 Kanva, dy. . . . . . 204, 205 Kanyakumari, 8. a. Cape Comorin, . . 51 Kanyakumari Inscription of Virarajondra, 142, 214, 217 de 1., 218 & 1., 219 de 1., 220, 221, 222, 272 Kapa, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 Kapadwanj Grant of Krishna II,. . .177 n. Kaphsa, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 Kapisa, ca., Kapiea, of Kapion', . . Kapist, ca., . Kaplia, s. a. Kampilya tirtha, Kappisa, of Kapisa', . Kars, dy., . . . . . . 100 Kara, I., . . . . . . . 37 Karad, vi., . . . . . 181, 189 Karaikkal, ti.,. . . 269, 278, 280 Karana, off. . . . 155, 156, 159, 232, 252 Kara-nadu, di.,. . . . 236, 245, 259 Karanattan, off 147, 231, 233, 252, 253 Karanattan-Madhyaatha, off. . 232, 233, 237, 238, 252, 253 Karanattan-Vetkovan, off. . . . 233, 237 Karanika, off... . . . . 124, 127 Karanjavasahika, vi., . . . . 80 Karanjaviraka, vi.. . . . . . 171 n. karanmai, . . . . 262, 263 Karavandapuram, vi., . . 9 Karhada, vi.. . . . . 181, 184 Karhal Grant of Krishna III, 103, 179, 180 Karikala, .. a. Chola k. Aditya II, 221, 227, 240, 256 PAGE Karikala-Chola, Chola k., .28 n., 217, 220, 239, 256 Karikalachola, sur. of Chola k. Adhirajendra, 274 Karikalachola, tit., . . . . . 274 Karka, Rashtrakuta k., . . 81, 182, 183 Karka, Gujarat Rashtrakuta k., 65, 67, 68, 69, 70 & n., 72, 73, 76, 77, 78, 79, 84, 85, 90, 102, 104 8., 106 Karkaka, m., . . . . . 116, 119 Karka Pratapabila, Rashtrakuta k.. . 180 &n. Kaskattur, vi., . . . . * 110, 113 Kaskudi, vi.. . . . . 235, 244, 259 Karle Cave Inscription, . . . . 32 Karle Lion Column Inscription, . . . Karmapa, m... . 285, 289 Karpa, Chaulukya k., . . . . . 56, 58 Kama, epic hero, . . . 218 .. Karpa, Haihaya k., . . 129 Karna, k., . . . . 56, 61, 62 Karna, Kalachuri k., . . . . 55, 160 n. Karnakesarin, k. of Utlala, . . . . 153 Karnali, vi., . . . . 71 Karnata or Karpatak, co.,. . . 45, 65 Karnata or Karnataka, people, 55, 56, 58, 88 n., 72, 99, 106, 182 Karnul Grant of Vinayaditya, . . . 25, 26 Karodhaka, vi., . 129, 132, 135 Karpagadityan, 8. a. Muppattiruvan Yajian, 287, 251, 263 Karpagan Solai, m.,. 226, 254, 266 Karttavirya, myth. I., . . . 160, 164 Kirttikeya, god, . , . . 128 Karumamarayum, off., . 224, 235 Karunakaran, 8. a. Vanduvaraja, . karuni, measure of capacity, 277, 278, 279, 280 Karuvanallar, vi., . . . Karuvur Inscription, . . . . . 55 karyadarsi, . . . . . . 147 Kasa, 8. a. Kadphises, Kasakuli Pallava Grant, . . . 27 n., 111 n. Kasapagota, patronymic of a Buddhist teacher, 35, 36 Kashmir . . . . . . . 97 Kashthamandapa, vi.. . . . 80 Kassa, s. a. Kadphises, kabu, coin, . . . 8, 10, 11 Kasyapa, sage,. . . . 216 11., 220 Kasyapan Suryyan Arangan, m., 237, 252, 284 Kataha, co., 221, 222, 229, 230, 242, 243, 267, 258, 267, 268, 282, 283, 284 Katargam, s. a. Kantaragrama, . . . 66, 67 Kathiawar, . . . . . . 114 Kathmandva, o. a. Kasbthamandapa vi. . 80 13 20

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308 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. : 120 PAGE Katija, di., 192, 194 Katiyor, di., . 192 Katea, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 n. Katyayani, . a. goddess Parvati, . . . 100 Kaaja, road, . . . . . . 195 Kaunti, 3. a. Koti, . . : 35 Kausikiputra, metronymic of Nagadatta, 32 Kaufaliya Arthafastra, work, 1, 3, 174 n., 175 n. Kautilya, author, 33, 159 n., 174 n., 175 h, 233 Kiu-t 'ien, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . Kautiputra, 8. a. Kotiputa, . . . . 35 Kavachakshetra, vi.,. 129, 132, 135 Kavaloika, vi.,. . 77, 80, 84 Kavarika, vi... . . . . 71, 75 Kavera-kanyaka, 8. a. ri. Kaverl, 220, 256 Kavera-tanaya, 8. a. ri. Kaveri,. . .217 n. Kaveri, ri., . 51, 139, 217 de n., 219, 220, 234, 239, 255 Kavidiy-odai, ri., . . .. 246, 259 Kavi Grant of Govinda, . 67, 68, 77, 78 & n. Kayastha, . . . . . . . 98 Kayattankuruchohi, vi.. . . 48, 49, 50, 54 Keda, ., . . . . . . 195 Keddah, 8. a. Kataba co., . . . . 282 Kolhana, m., . . 285, 289 Kelisimha, engr., . 286, 292 Kelurak, vi., . . 281 Kelurak Inscription, . . . . 281, 283 Kerala, co. 43 de n.., 45 ., 72, 81, 105, 182, 219, 221, 222, 241, 257 Kerala, dy., 26, 27 de 1., 28, 56, 220, 272 Keralantaka-chaturvedimangalam, wi., . 234, 235, 244, 254, 258, 266 Kesarin, tit., . . . . . . 17 . Kesarivarman, Chola k., . . . . 147 Kesarkel, vi., . , . 136 Kekavaditya, m., . Kotumala, Chola k. . . . 220 Kevig, Ti., . Keyuravarsha, sur. of Haihaya k. Yuvarija deva I., . . . . 129, de n., 132, Koyuravarsha, sur. of Haihaya k. Yuvarijadeva II., . . . 129 de 1., 132, 135 . . 16, 30, 64, 128 Khadgarona, m... . . . . . 109 Khairba Platee of Yasahkarna, . . . 129 Khom Baba, ... * * . . . 202 Khambha I, Chalukya ch... . . 188, 190 Khambha JJ, Chalukya ch., . 186, 187, 188, 189 de n., 190, 191 den. PAGE Khamgaon, 3. a. Khamkhod vi., . . . 93 Khamkhed, ti., . . . . . 93, 94 Khamkhod Plates of Pratapasila, 171 n., 178 n. Khandgiri, I., . . khandika, measure of capacity, . 144, 145 Kharagraha I., Valabhi k., . . . 114, 117 Kharagraha II, do. . . . . 114, 118 Kharagraha, Valabhi prince,. . . 115, 120 Kharavela, k., . . . . . 28 n. Kharod Inscription of Ratnadeva III, 161 16., 162 n. khatiya, 8. a. Kshatriya, . . . . 33 khatiya-dapa-mana-madana, ep. of Satavi. hana Satakarni, . . . . . 32 Khathroi, 8. a. Kshattri, Khatri, s. a. Kshattri, . Khayellika, vi., . . . . Khetaka, vi.. . . * 80 Khetala, m., . . . . 194 Khilji, dy. . . Khimidi, co., . . . * 162 Kholapur, vi. . . 171 . Kholesvare, general, . . . . 171 *. Khomana 1, Quhila k., . . . 287. Khottiga, Rashtrakuta k., .. i Khumana, Guhila k., . . . . 287 Khyata, work, . . . . . . 193 n. Kidara, s. a. Kataha co., . 243, 258, 278, 282, 283, 284 Kikaka, m., . . . . . 116, 119 kil, land measure 223, 244, 258, 269, 277, 280 Kilag Kilap, ., . . . . . 248, 261 Kilappaluvur Inscription,. . 231 Kil-Chandirappadi, vi., . . 269, 277, 280 ki kalapai, . . . . . . 146 K1j-korra, di., . . . . . . 50, 54 Killi, Chola k., . . . . 217, 220 Kilinallur, vi., . . . 236, 244, 259 Kilmuttagur Ganga Inscriptions,. .112 n. Kl]vay Kanavadi, m., . 236, 254, 266 Kil-Vomba-nadu, di... . . . . 45, 49, 53 Kinnara, see Sina, . . . . . 45, 60 Kinsukad seventy, di. . . . 188 Kirado, province, . . . . . 197 Kirtidhara, engr., 161, 163, 164, 167 Kirtikaumudi, work, . . . . .57 1. Kirttiraja, Kachchhapaghata ch., . . . 121 Kisarakella, l. . . . . : 136 Kistna, ri.. . . . : 55, 58. klipta, . . . 175 de n. Koob, tribe . . . . 153 de n. 30

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INDEX. 309 . . 35 Rovaru, buy . . . . . . 270 200, PAGE Kochchangannan, Chola k., 217, 220, 221, 239, 255 Kodandan Senan, m., . , 236, 254, 266 Kodandarama, 8. a. Chola k., Aditya I, 218, 221 Kodumbalur, . . . . 219 n., 227 Kodungolur, 8. a. Cranganore, 225, 226 Koili, 8. a. Kavaloika vi., . . . . 80 Kokkalla I, Kalachuri k., , . 160 d. 1., 164 Kokkalla II, do.. . 129 de n., 132, 134, 160 n. KO-kkilli, 8. a. Chola k. Killi, 217, 220, 239, 255 Kolam, 8. a. Kollam,. . . . * 225 Kolambha, 8. a. Quilon, . . . . 225 Kolambhadhisas, ' Venadu chiefs ', . 225 Kolapadra, vi.,. . . . 99, 108 Kolapoor, vi.. . . .171 n. koliyar, . . . . 146 Kollam, co., . 221, 224, 225, 226, 245, 259 Kollapura, vi., . . . . .171 n. kollar, Koluman Inscription, . . . . 42 n. Komaralingam Inscription, . . . . 42 n. Kondedda Plates of Dharmaraja-Manabhita, 21 n. Konerinmaikondan, ep. of Chola k. Rajaraja I,. . . . . . , 243, 258 Konerinmaikondan, ep. of 8. Kongu k. Vira rajendra, . . . . 42 n. Konganam, co., . . . . . . 270 Kongu, co., . . 42 do n., 43, 47, 48, 52 & n., 218 Kongu-chola, dy., . . . Konkana, co., . . 45, 50, 78 Kon Puttan, m., . . . . 251, 263 Kontali, minister, 188 d n. Koopla, vi, . . . 171 1. Kopparam Plates of Pulikesin II, . . 28 n. Koratapadraka, vi., . . . . 115, 119 Korui Plates, . . . . . 141, 162 Korramangalamudaiyan, m., . 235, 264, 266 Korrangudi Inscription of Pallavamalla, 111 n. Korran Porkari, m.,. . . 236, 244, 259 Korumelli Plates, . . . . . 271 Kosala, co., 2, 3, 17 & 1., 20, 21 n., 45, 50, 140, 143, 145 de n., 160 n., 162, 165, 169, 201, 210 de n. Kobaleinadu, s. a. Dakshina Kosala, . 154 Kosambi, s. a. Kolambakhanda vi., 169, 170, 171 Kolambakhanda, vi., 168, 170, 171, 172, 175 koshth-agara, store-house, . . 1 Kota, clan, . . . . . . 35, 36 Kotali, &. a. Kontali, . . . . 188 n., 190 kothagala, 4. a. koshth-agara, . . . 1, 2 PAGE Koti, Kotiputa, metronymic of a Buddhist teacher, 35 Kotra, vi., . . . . . . 288 Kottadaka, vi., . . 285, 288, 289 koffagaram, . . . . . 262 Kottaiyur, vi... 222, 236, 242, 254, 257, 266 Kottarakkuli, vi.. . . 232, 237, 251, 264 Kottaru, I., . . Kottayam Plates of Chera Sthanu Ravi, . 225 Kottidal, field . . . . . 248, 261 Kottura, ca., . . . . . . 31 Kovur, vi.. . 232, 237, 246, 247, 249, 252, 259, 260, 262, 264 Koyali, 8. a. Kavaloika vi., . . . 80 Koyattur, vi., . . . . . . 112 koyil-angadiyar, . . . . . 146 kra, form of : : : . . 128 krishaka, 'cultivator', . . . . 155 & n. Krishna, engr., . . . 222, 223, 243, 258 Krishna, m., . . 222, 223, 243 de n., 258 Krishna, 8. a. epic hero Yudhishthira, . 101 Krishna, 8. a. god Vishnu, 121, 158, 183, 243, 258 Krishna I, Rashtrakufa k., . 69, 81, 99, 103, 108, 177, 178, 180, 183 Krishna II, do... . . . . 67, 69 Krishna II, Gujarat Rashtrakuta k., 69, 70, 72 Krishna III, Rashfrakuta k., 65, 170, 179, 180 n., 215, 218 de n., 219, 220, 221, 240, 256 Krishna-Akalavarsha, 8. a. Gujarat Rashtra. kuta k. Krishna II, . . . 69, 70, 71 Krishnan Raman, m., . 234, 235, 244, 245, 254, 258, 259, 266 Krita, age, . . . 116, 123, 126, 158 Kritayugadi-navami, tithi, . . . . 156 n. ksh, form of Kshamamathuna, vi., . . . 196, 198 n. Kshatmamathuka, vi., 196, 198 n. Kshatra, 8. a. Kshatriya caste, . 238, 255 Kshatriya, caste, . . 32, 33, 34, 36, 255 Kshatriya, 8. a. Kshattri, . . . . 33 Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu, di.. . 222, 224, 232, 233, 235, 236, 241, 243, 244, 245, 246, 250, 251, 252, 253, 257, 258, 259, 261, 263, 264, 265, 266, 274, 275 Kshattri, tribe, . . . . . . 33 Kshema, m., 285, 289, 290, 291 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k.. . 20 Kudagumalai-nadu, 8. a. Kudamalai-nadu,. 225 Kudalasamgama, I., . . . . . 221 Kudamalainadu, co., 221, 224, 225, 246, 259, 270

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310 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. PAGE Kurnool Plates of Vikramaditya I., . . 29 Kurmesvara Temple Inscription,. . . 162 Kurralam, vi.. . . . 232, 237, 253, 265 Kurram Casket Kharoshthi Inscription : 12 Kurugota, vi.. . . . . 100, 108 Kurukkai-nadu, di.,. 234, 235, 254, 268 Kurukulattaraiyan, 8. a. Goran Uyyanirraduvan. . . . . . . 50, 54 Kurumbil, vi., . . . 234, 254, 266 Kurumbur-nadu, di., . 269, 278, 280 kuruni, measure of capacity, 223, 244, 258 kusakkanam, tax, . 234, 263 Kushana, dy.. . . . 12, 13, 97, 98 Kutayukta, off., . . . . . 84 kutti,' dancing women', . . . .234 n. kuttikal, tax, . . . . . 234, 263 kuttukkal, 'default', . . . . . 234 n. kutumbin, 'householder', . . . 115, 119 Kuvalasva, myth. k., . . . . . 220 PAGE Kudopali Plates of Maha-Bhavagupta II., . 18 Kuhur Inscription, . . . . 274 Kujala Kadphises, . 13 Kukkidiya, ti., . . . 129, 132, 135 Kulachandra, 161, 165, 166 Kulaputra, . . . . . 172 kulaputraka, nobleman', . . . 115, 119 Kulasekhara, ch. . . . . 43 Kulasekhara, Pandya k., 87, 88 & n., 89, 90, 92 Kulidikki, I., . . . . 110, 111, 113 Kulottunga I., Chalukya-Chola k., 138, 139, 140, 141 de n., 142, 143, 144 Kulottunga I., Chola k., . 71., 40 n., 140, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274, 276, 279, 283, 284 Kulottunga III, Chola k., 41, 42, 43 7., 44, 88 de n., 89 Kulottunga Chola I., 8. a. E. Chalukya Ra. jendra II, . . . . 55, 58 d. Kulottungabolan-ula, work, . . . 214 Kulottungasolavalanadu, di, . . . 140 Kuluta, co., . . . . 221, 222 Kumara, tit., . . . . . . 188 Kumaraghosha, monk, . . . * 281 Kumaran Arangan, m., . . 236, 244, 259 Kumarankusa, . a. Cholamaharaja, . . 218 Kumarapala I, Solanki k. of Gujarat,. . 197 Kumbhadeva, donee, . . . . 189, 191 Kumbhakarpa, Maharana of Mewar. 286n. Kumbhalgarh Inscription of V. S. 1517, 193, 289 Kumhrar Pillar, . . . . 3 dn. Kunavan Nandi, m., 232, 237, 251, 252, 263, 264, 265 Kunavi, tribe. . . . . . . 196 n. kundali, tax, . . . . 268, 276, 279 Kundavai, Chalukya princess, . . 270 Kundavai, Chalukya q. . . . 270 Kuijaraghatavarsha, ep. of Gaudapati, . . 152 n. Kunra-kurram, vi., . . 147 Kunta, . . . . 35 Kuntala, co., 57, 129, 132, 135, 141, 210, 221, 270 Kuntalesa, . . . . . . 132 n. Kunti, Yadava clan, . 35 Kunti, wife of Pandu, . . . : 35 Kuntibhoja, Yadava k., . 35 Kuntira, vi., . . 151, 158, 158 Kurakkenikollam, co. . . . . 225 Karin Pallava Grant, . 27 . Karmapuruna, work, . . . . . 171 n. L 1, . . . 16, 38, 114, 128, 167, 200, 208 Lachchaladevi, Kadamba . . . . 102 Laddigam, vi. . . . . . 43, 112 Ladna Inscription of Sadharana, . . . Laghu-Vinga, vi.. . . 181, 185 Lahuada, m., . . . . 195 Laiadaraniyaka, minister, . . . 188, 190 Lakhamadita, m., . . . 195 Lakhana, m., . . . . . . 195 lakshana, 'auspicious mark', . Lakshmadeva, 4. a. Paramara Jagaddeva, 57 Lakshmanaraja, ch.,. 121, 124, 126 Lakshmanasimha, k. of Sisoda, . . . 193 Lakshmesvara Inscription of Vinayaditya, 25, 26 Lakshmi, emblem on seal, . . .15, 17, 136 Lakshmi, goddess, 17, 63, 116, 118, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 130,-133, 238, 254, 259, 279 Lakshmidevi, 9. . . . . . 188 Lakshmivallabha, ep. of Rashtrakufa k. Amo ghavarsha I., . . . . . . 69 Lala, m., . . . . . 285, 290 Lalata Kesarl Gumpha, at Khandgiri,. 4 Lalitabhiradeva, Kara k., . . . . 100 lamp, auspicious sign, . . . . 53 n. languages - Avesta, . . . Bhishi, s. a. Sanskrit, . . . 201 Iranian, . . . . . . . 14 Kanarese, . . . . . . 65

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INDEX 311 PAGE . . 97 . . 215 PAGE languages contd. Marathi, Mixed dialect, . . . . 201 North-Western Pra rit, . . . . 13, 14 Pali, . . . . . 201 Pashto, . . . . . . . 14 n. Prakrit, . . . . 32, 46 n., 187, 201, 209 Saka, . . . . . . . 13 Sanskrit, 7, 8, 13, 14 n., 16, 24, 38, 39, 43, 66, 77, 94, 97, 99, 114, 121, 128, 136, 139, 146, 151, 168, 177, 187, 192, 196, 201, 205, 208, 215, 216, 268, 285 Sogdian, 14 n. Tamil 7, 8, 39, 43, 44, 46 n., 86, 110, 146, 205, 216, 223, 268 Lanka, . . . 129, 132, 218 n., 221, 224, 226 Lankapura-Dandanatha, Singhalese general, . 43 Lankapura-Dandanayaka, Singhalese general, 90, 92 Larger Leiden Plates (of Rajaraja I), 40 1., 213, 214, 217 W., 218, 220, 221, 222, 223, 226, 227, 228, 230, 232, 267, 268, 269, 274, 275, 281 d ., 282, 283 dn. Lata, co., . . . . . 686., 77, 78 Latesvaramandala, 4. a. Lata co., , . 79 Latiyamandala, 8. a. Lata co.. . 79, 83 LAtur, I., . . . . . . . 65 n. layana, residence for monks', . 31 Layanadri, mno., . . * 181 Layanagiri, mo., 181, 185 lekhaka, * acribe!, 132, 223 li, used for li, . . Ligor, I., . . . . 281 Likkavalli, ri., . . . 77, 8+ Lingatadagika, ri.. . . 71, 75 Linjira, vi.. . . 136, 137 lion, emblem on seal, . . . . 186 lipi, 'script', . . . . . Lokaloka, mo.,. . . . 238, 255 Lokayata, sect,. . . : 30. Lolarka, minister of Paramara k. Jagaddova, 59, 61. m, subscript. . . . . . . 167 m, used for anusvira, . . ma, land measure, , 223, 243, 244, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 268, 269, 274, 277, 278, 279, 280 machchunanar, brother-in-law'. . . 43 Madakkoyil, te., . . . . .217 . Madamalingam, l., . . . . . 230 Madana, m., . . 285, 286, 290, 291 Madasara, vi.. . . . . . 115, 119 Madasarasthali, di., . . . 115, 119 Madavarajar, 8.a. Vedanurudaiyan Araiyan Sivallavan, . . . . . . 50, 54 Madaridi, streets having storeyed buildings', 146, 148, 149, 150 Maddapi, ri., . . , 67, 71, 74 Madhariputra, metronymic of a Satavahana k., 32 Madhava, engr., . . . 129, 132, 135 Madhava III, 8. a. W. Ganga k. Simhavarman, 111 Madhava Muttarasa, W. Ganga prince, . 112 Madhavanaka, field,. . . . 115, 119 Madhavavarman, I., Vishnukundin k., 19 & 1., 20, 21 and n., 22 Madhavavarman II., do., . . 19, 20, 21 n. Madhu, com. . . . . 129, 132, 135 Madha, m., . . . . . . 195 Madhukamarnava, 8. a. Ganga k. Jatesvara,. 162 Madhukesvara, te., . . . . . 162 n. Madhukesrara Temple Inscription. . . 162 n. Madhumati, ci., . . . . 128, 130, 133 Madhura, ri., . . 136, 137 Madhuri. #. a. Madura ca.,. . 220 Madhurantaka. Chola k., 219, 220, 221 & n., 228, 240, 241, 256 Madhuratanka, . a. Chola k. Parantaka I, . 221 Madhurantaka, 8. a. Rajendra-Chola, 221, 222, 257 Madhurantaki, Chalukya q., . . . 270 Madhuripu, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . 124, 127 Madhyadeen, Middle Country', . 136, 137, 161, 164, 165 Madhyama, erara, . . . . . 50 n. madhyasta, , 147, 148, 231, 232, 233, 237, 251, 252, 253 Madimi kovda, ep. of Chola k. Parantaka I,. 218 n. Madiraiyun Iamum-konda, do... . . 218 m. Mad-peacock, 6. a. Mattamayura secl,. . 128 Madras Museum Grant of Jatilsvarman, 7&n. Madras Museum Plates of Parakekarivarman Uttama-Chola. . . . . 147, 214 168 63 looking-glass, auspicious sign, . . 131. lp, Kharoshthi, form of , . . . . . 13 lu, form, confused with mu, . . .13. 216 Lunar race, . . . 27 7., 121, 129. 134 Lunsadi Plates of Siladitya 1II, . 114, 115 lupadakha, 8. a. rupadaksha, . . .31 . Lushai Hill tracts, 8. a. Kambojn co., . . 53 M m, . m, final, . . . . 1, 5, 12, 16, 30, 38, 93.08 65, 66, 128, 168, 208, 215 .

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312 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. PAGE . 80 . . . . 33, 201 PAGE Madura, cu., 42, 43, 45, 48, 52 & n., 87, 88 & 1., 89, 90, 92, 148, 149 & n., 218 7., 226, 227 Maduraikkanchi, work, . . . . 223 Mudurintaka-Mavendavelan, . a. Velan Uttamadlan.. . 235, 244, 245, 258, 259 Maga, see Suryadvija, . . . . . 98 Magada, 8. a. Magadha, 43, 46, 50 Magadha, co., 3, 18, 19 & n., 38, 39 n., 221 Magha-enata, . . . . . 169 n. Mahabalipuram Inscription of Pallavamalla, . 110 n. Mahabharata, epic, 101, 163, 170 7., 171 m., 202 Mahabhahaya, work, . . . . 152 n. Maha-Bhavagupta II., Somavari k. of Kosala, 18 Mahi-Bhavaguptarajadeva, Somavarsi k. of Trikalinga, . . . . 135, 136, 137 Mahabhoja, til.. . . Mahadeva, .. a. pod Siva, 248, 261, 268, 280, 285 mahadevi, queen', . . . 107, 108, 109 Mahadhikarin, of. . . . . 242 Maha-Jayaraja, Sarabhapura k., . , 15, 16 Mahakosala, co., . . . . . . . 19 Mahakshatrapa, tit., . . Mahaladevi, q. . . . . 188 & n., 190 Mahamandalesvara, tit., . * 190 Mahamata, . a. Mahamatra, Mahamatra, off. . . . 2, 3 Mahana, m., , . - 195 Mahanadi, ri,. . . 22, 136 Mahapa, Guhila k. of Dungarpur . . 193 Mahapratihara, off., . . . 115, 120 Maha-Pravararaja, Sarabhapura k., 15, 16, 17, 22 Maharaja, 8. a. Sailendra k. Sri Maharaje, . 281 Maharaja, tit., 19, 20, 7., 95, 96, 168, 171, 172, 174, 175 & n., 208, 210 n., 212, 281 Mahirajadhiraja, tit., 18, 29, 99, 107, 117, 122, 124, 127, 138, 139, 143, 144, 151, 155, 158, 172, 174, 184, 196, 197 Maharajadhiraja, lit., . . Maharajakula, tit. . . 192, 193 & n., 194 Maharajni, tit., . 97, 98, 101, 190 Maharani, tit., . . . . . 286n. Maharashtra, co., . . . . . 65 Maharathi, tit... . . . . 34, 35 Maharaval, tit. . . 192, 193 & n. mahasabha, . . 8, 9, 11, 206, 207 Mahasamanta, lit., . . . 79, 196, 197 Mahasimantadhipati, tit., 74, 79 Mahasandhivigrahadhikrita, off. . . . 109 Mahasandhivigrahakshapafaladhipati, off. 76 Mahdoandhivigrahika, ff. . . . . 138 Mahasandhivigrahin, off. . . . . 136 Mahisenaka, tank, . Mahasenapati, tit., . , . . 34 Maha-Sivagupta, Somavari k. of Trikalinga, 136 Maha-Sivagupta Balarjuna, 8. a. BalArjuna, 18, 19 Mahasona, m.,. . . . 161, 165 Mahasthana, holy place', . . 189, 190, 191 Mahasthan Stone, 3. a. Mauryan Brahmi Inscription of Mahasthan, . . . 1,3 Maha-Sudevaraja, Sarabhapura k., 15, 16, 17, 22 Mahatalavara, tit. . . . . . 34 Mahattama, off.. . . . . . 195 n. Mahattara, off., . . . . 84, 108, 184 Mahava, M., . 193 n. Mahavai akha, parvan, . . 77, 84 Mahavali-Vanaraiyar, Bana k., . . . 113 Mahavamsa, work . . 28, 43, 86, 87 & n. Mahavira, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Mahaviracharita, work, . . . 210, 211. Mahavishnu, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . 8 n. Mahaviharayatana, see vihara, . . . 75 Mahendra (II), Guhila k., . . . 287 Mahendra m., . . . . . 285, 289 Mahendra, mo., . . . . 131, 134, 142 Mahendra, 8. a. god Indra,. . . 241, 256 Mahendrapala II, Gurjara-Pratihara k., 122 Mahendravarman, Pallava k., . . . 26 Mahondu, m., . . . 59, 61, 63 Mahesvara, 8. a.god Siva, . . 131, 134, 174 Mahesvara, 8. a. Panmahesvara, . . 276 mahesvara kanganifeyvar, . . . 89, 91 Mahi, ri., . . . . . 78, 79 n., 80 Mahipala, ch., . . . . . 39 Mahipula, Gurjara-Pratihara k., 122, 124, 127 Mahlpala, Kachchhapaghata k., . 121 Mahlpala, 8. a. Paramara k. Devaraja of Abu, 197 Mahipala I, Pala k.,. . . 151, 152 & n. Mahishaka, di., . . . . . 77, 80, 84 mahishi, 'queen', . . . 102, 156, 169 Mahmud of Ghaznl, . . . . mahoddranga, . . . . . . 118 Maikal, mo. . . . . . . 164 . Maisaladevi, q., . . . . 188 Maitraka, dy., . . . . 115 Makalan Arinji, m.. . 236, 264, 266 makara, emblem, 222, 230, 242, 257, 284 mala, elevated ground', * ground, . . . . 31 Mala, I., . . . . . . 192, 194 Malabar, co., . . . . . 58 & n. Malaga, . . . . . . 196

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INDEX. 313 RAOS Manavasiti-Kada (Manavastti-kataka), I., . 2, 3 Manchannabhattaraka, Vishnukundin k., 19, 20 Mandala, territorial division, , 151, 153, 154, 155, 158, 160, 161, 164, 166 Mandalanjeri, vi.. . . . 139, 143, 144 mandalika, . . . . 53, 139 mandapa, . . . . . . . 54, 57 mandapika, market place', 121, 124, 127 *. Mandara, mo.. . 155, 158, 238, 254 mandaro, ' market place', . . . . 127 n. Mandhatri, myth k., . , 216 & n., 220, 238, 265 Mandira-olai, off., . . 235, 259 Mandira-olai-nayagan, off., . , 235, 259 Mandor, province, . . . . . Mandwa, vi., . . . Mangalaraja, Kachchhapaghata ch., 121, 123, 281 PAGE Malaha, 8. a. Malapa, . . . . . 58 n. Malahara, ca., . . 55, 58 & n., 62 Malaharakshonisa, 8. a. Malaparol-ganda, 58 n. Malai-nadu, co., . . . . Malaiyappirajan, m., . . . 91, 92 Malaiyur, l., . . . . . 230 Malapa, tribe. . . . . . . Malaparol-ganda, Hoysala tit., . . 58 n. Malatimadhava, work, . . . . 210, 211 Malava, co., 54, 55, 56, 58, 59 & 1., 103, 104, 177, 180, 184, 193 n., 210 & 1., 285 Malava, m., . . . . . . 91, 92 Malava!li Pillar Inscription in Monumental Prakrit, . . . . . . . 32 Malavarayan, premier, .. 45, 50, 54 Malavarayan, 8. a. Sankaran Alagiyaperumal, 45, 49, 50, 53, 54 Malavariyan, seat . . . . . 45, 53 Malavikagnimitra, work, , , 169 & 1., 211 Malaviya, 'k. of Malava,' . . . . 289 Mala vyadevi, Paramara princess, . . . 59 Malaya, mo., . . . 20, 222 Malay Archipelago, . . . 281 Malayasia, . . . . 281, 283 Malay Peninsula, . 281, 282 & n. Malepadu Plates of Punyakumara, . . 28 Malhar Stone Inscription of Jajalladeva II, 162, 163 Malkhod, 8. a. Manyakheta ca... 65, 68, 228 Mallai, ci., . . . . . . 140 Mallaka pedhaka, vi., . . . 169, 172, 175 Mallinatha, commentator, . : 31 Malur Inscription of Rajendra-Chola, 284 Maluva, 8. a. Malava, . . . . 45, 50 Malwa, s. a. Malava co., 57, 97, 228, 285, 287, 288 mamadi, uncle' . . . 110, 113 & n. Mamalu, off. (?). . . . 187, 188 n., 190 Mamalu, m., . . . 188 n., 190 Mamine Dheri Pedestal Inscription, 12, 14 Mangahada, vi.. . . . . : . 193 n. Mammaka, com.. . . 115, 120 Mana, Mori k.,. . . 288 Manabharana, Singhalese k., . Maonurana, Singhalese k.. . . 87, 88 Manabhita, Sailodhava k.. . : * 21 n. - Managan Kannan, m., . 237, 253, 265 Managan Narayanan, m.,. . 237, 253, 265 Manahali Plate, . . . . . 152 Manalur, vi.. . . . . . 141, 270 Manamatra, Sarabhapura, k., . 16, 22 Mananilainallur, vi... . 8, 9, 11 Manavamma, 8. 4. Sinhala Manavamma, 27, 28 &#. Manimangala, vi., . . . 27 Manimangalam Inscription, . . . Manimegalai, work, . . . 146, 223 man jadi, weight, . 148, 149, 150 Manjusri, bodhisattva, . Mankanika, di., . . 80 Mankni, vi.. . . . . . . 80 Mannar, gulf,. . 270 Mannata, family, 222 Mannum-Perum-Paluvur, vi., 147 Manoratha, Chola k., . . . . . . 220 manrupadu, tax, . . . 234, 263 mantra-brahmana, . . . 9, 11 Mantrapala, off.. . . . 158, 159 mantrin,' minister', . . 156, 159, 216 N. Manu, myth. k., 216 & ., 220, 238, 241, 255, 256 Manu, 8. a. Chola k. Parantaka II, . . 221 Manu, sage, 46, 51, 117, 124, 164 Manur, vi., . . . 5, 9, 206 Manur Inscription of Marafijadaiyan, . 7 & n., 206 Manushayajia, sacrifice, . . . 60. Manu Smriti, work, . . . 33, 175 >>. Manyakheta, ca. . . . 78, 79, 221, 228 Marachcha, donee, . . . , 100, 108 Maradi, m., . . . . . 100, 108 Maranjadaiyan, Pandya k., 5, 6, 7 & 7., 9, 11, 206 Marava, 8. a. Marwar, . . . 285 Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I., Pandya k., 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 52 n., 63. 928 Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II, do... 13 .. .

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314 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. PAGE Melpallam, field, 246, 247, 260 Melukkuppuram field, 249, 261 & n. Menamatura, vi., . . . 27 Mesmalaip-Palaiyanur-nadu, di., . . 89, 91 Meru, mo., 40, 47, 50, 51, 229, 257 Merutunga, author, . . . 55 r., 57 metres Agaval, . . . . . Anushtubh,. 22 ., 59, 71, 96 n., 122, 129, 143 n., 144 1., 154, 164, 174 n., 182, 189, 238, 288 PAGE Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya, do.. . . 43 Mararesa, K. of Marava', . . . . 289 Miravijayottungavarman, Sailendra k., 222, 228, 229, 242, 257, 274, 281, 282 Marayan, ., . . . 269, 278, 280 Marddakari, m., . . . . . . 24, 29 Marichi, sage, . . 216 n., 220 Markandeyapurana, work, . . . . 171 n. Maruda paga, 8. a. Ganga ri.. . . . 124 Marutta, myth. k., . . . 220 Marwar, state,. 193, 196, 197, 285, 287 maryada-parihara, . . . 173 & n. Mat, I., . . . Matha, . . . . . 43, 134 & . Mathanadeva, k., . . . . . 122 Mathanasimha, Gukila k., 285, 287, 289 Mathariputra, metronymic of an Ikahviku k., 34 Mathula, 8. a. Mathura, Mathuliya, vi., . . . Mathura, ci.. . . . . Mathura, I., . . . . . 2, 98 Matottam, vi., . . . 87, 89, 90, 92 matra, sign for medial vowel ', . . 2, 5, 208 Matrila, m., . . . . . 115, 119 Matristhana, field, . 115, 119 Matsyapurana, work, . . 171 n., 205 Mattamayura, sect, . 128, 131, 134 Mattival, vi., . . 87, 89, 90, 92 Matvaka, m.. . . . . . 196, 198 Maudgala.family, . . . 31 Maudgali, gotra-., . . . 32 Maudgaliputra, metronymic of Muladeva, 30, 31 Maukhari, dy... . . . . . 19 Maurya, dy. . . . . 1, 2, 3, 205 Mavali-Vanarasa, Bana ch., . . . 112 Mivali-Vanarayan, . . . . 51. Mavirada, sect, . . . 50 n. mavirai, faz, . . 234, 263 Mayavada, sect, * 50 n. Mayidavolu Plates, . . 209 Mayilai, ci., * 140 Mayiruqingam, I., . 230 Mayura, ch., . 121 Mayurika, family, 121, 123, 125 Medavan Bumi, m.,. 236, 254, 266 Modavan Uran, m.. . 237, 252, 264 Meghaduta, work, . . 31, 169 n. Moghavana, I., . . . . . . 115 Mehata, tit., . .195 . Mekali, C., . . 210 &n. Arya, . . . . 71, 122, 164, 182, 288 Chhappaya,. Giti, . . . . . . 71, 122, 182, 288 Indravajra, . . 71, 122, 154, 182, 189, 288 Indravamba, . . . . 71, 288 Malabharini,. . . . . . 238 Malini, . . 129, 164, 288 Mandakranta, . . 59, 238 Manjubhashini, . . . 238 Praharshini,. . . . 238 Prithvi, . . . . 71 Pushpitagra,. . . . 71, 154, 182 Rathoddhata, . . . 189, 238, 288 Ruchira, . . . . . . 238 Salini, . . . 71, 144 1., 154, 164, 189 Sardulavikridita, . 59, 71, 122, 129, 143 n., 144 n., 154, 164, 182, 189, 238, 288 Sragdhara, 59, 71, 122, 129, 164, 182, 238 Upajati, 59, 71, 122, 154, 164, 182, 189, 238, 288 Vaitaliya, . . . . . 154, 288 Varhastha,. . . . . . 238 Vasantatilaka, 23 ., 71, 122, 129, 143 n., 134, 164, 182, 238, 288 Merilimbangam, l., . . . . . 230 Mewar, state, 122, 192 n., 193, 285, 286 & *., 287, 288 Mihira, 8. a. Pratihara Bhoja I., . . . 69 Milalai-karram, di.,. . . . 45, 50, 54 Mimamsa, sastra, . . . . 156,158 Mimamsa, sect, . . . . . 50 n. miman saka, . . . . 211 Misavan, 8. a. Pandya, . 40 n., 48, 53, 268, 276, 279 Minavan-Muvendavelan, 4. a. Araiyan Sikandan, . . . . 234, 254, 266 MiNGavan-Muvendavelan, 8. a. Pitangan Pafur, 235, 244, 259, 266 Mindhold, 8. a. Maddapi ri. . . . 67 . . . . . 262, 263 Mlechchhas, Muhammadans', . 285, 289

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INDEX 315 PAGE Mo, abbreriation for Moriya i. e. Maurya, . 3 Modama, I., . . . . . . 2, 3 Mogaliputa, 8. a. Maudgaliputra, . . . 31, 36 Mohalla, ri.. . . . . 207 Mohana, m., . . . . . 285, 290 Mokalji, te.. . . . . . . 288 Mongolian stock, . * . 153 months : Ashadha, . . 24, 26, 29, 97, 98, 193 n. Ashadha (Adhika), . . . . 24, 25 Ashadha (Nija), . . . . 24, 25 Asvayuja, . . . . 97, 98, 100, 108 Bhadrapada, . . . 13 Dvi-Pausha, * . 114, 115, 120 Jyeahtha, . . 188, 190 Karttika, 26, 151, 152, 156 n., 157, 159, 161, 163, 166, 169, 286, 292 Magha,. 26, 122, 124, 127, 168, 169, 174, 176, 185, 196 & n., 197 Margasiras or Margasirsha, 15, 16, 23, 66, 75 Pausha, . . . . 66, 180 Phalguna, . 20, 21 & n., 196 n. Vaisakha, . . . 77, 84, 192, 193 Mori, dy.. . . . . . . . 286 Moriya, 8. a. Maurya dy.. . Moshala, priest, . . 192, 195 Mount Abu Inscription, . . . . 193 Msichchhakatika, work, . . 98 Mrigasima, vi.. . . . . 169, 172, 175 Mrityu, 8. a. god Yama, . . . 239, 255 Mrityujit, 8. a. Chola k. Suraguru, 217 & n., 220, 239, 255 nu, form, confused with fu, . , 215, 216 Muchukunda, myth. k., .216 & n., 220, 238, 255 Mudama, I., . . . . 2 n., 3 Mudarkaru, vi.. . . . . . 273 Mudgala, family, . . . : 31 Mudikodnasolapuram, 8. a. Ayirattali, . 40 n., 44, 45, 49, 53, 226 Mugavetti, off.,. . . 236, 266 Mugdhatunga, Haihaya k., . . 128, 130, 133 Mugdhatunga, 8. a. Prasiddhadhavala, . . 160 n. Mughal, dy., . . . . . . 198 Muhnot Nainsi, author, . . . 193 & n. mukha, face', 'gate', . . . . . 31. mukhamandapa, . . . . 206, 207 Muladeva, minister, . 30, 31, 32, 36 Mulasthanamudaiya-Paramasvamin, te., . 43 Mullinadu, di., . . 9, 49, 50, 54 PACE Mullivaravai, field, . . . . 248, 261 Mullivavai, 8. a. Multivaravai, . . 248n. Multai Plates, . . . . . 93 n., 94 Mummadisola, 8. a. Chola k. Rajaraja I, : 234 Mummadisola Brahmamaharayan, 8. a. Krish nan Raman, 234, 235, 244, 245, 258, 259 Mummadisolanallur, 8 a. Vetchiyur, 45, 50, 54 Mummadisola Pesan, 8. a. Irayiravan Palla vayan,. , 234, 235, 244, 245, 258, 259 Munda, m., . . . . . 286, 291 Mundan Arangan, m., . . 236, 254, 266 mundirigai, land measure. . 223, 244, 258, 259, 268, 269, 277, 278 Mungir Grant of Devapala, . . . . 153 Mungirkuli, ri., 232, 237, 249 & n., 251, 262 263 Munja, Paramara, k., . . . . 164 n., 228 Munja, Sinda ch., . . . . 188, 189 n. Munjeya, m., . . . 188 n., 189 n., 190 Munjeya-maharani, sur. of q. Siriyadevi, . 188 Munjikkudi, vi... 232, 237, 247, 248, 263, 260, 261, 265, 269, 277, 280 Munnarruvan, 8. a. Atira man Irubattunal. van, . . . . . 237, 253, 265 Mupparasan, ch., . . . . . 56 Muppattiruvan Yajnag, m. 237, 251, 263 Murari, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . 124, 127 murasa (or muraja), auspicious sign, 53 n. Murruttu, . . . . . . 231, 243 & n. Mushika, co., . . . . . . 28 Musikanagara, vi.. . . . . . 28 n. Muttaraiyan, . . . . . 218 &n. Muvendavelan, m., . . . . . 91, 92 Mysore State Inscription, . . . . 225 N 1, . . . 16, 30, 38, 94, 151, 167, 187, 215 n, final, . . . . . . . 215 n, used for anusvara, . . . . 114, 151 1, used for 7 . . . . . 168 h, used for anusvara, 77, 99, 116, 118, 119 . . . . 38 . . . . . . 4, 5, 38, 94, 167 Nachchinarkkiniyar, author, . Nachiraja, author, . . . nadagam, kind of Tamil composition, Nadar, vi.. . . nadachi, tax, . . . . . . 223 . . 59 * 50 n. 234, 264, 266 . 234, 262

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316 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. PAGE Nadhala, m., . 195 nadu, pond', . . 192 nadu, territorial division, . 231 nadu kaval, tax,. 234, 263 Naduvirukkum, off. , 224, 232, 236, 245 & n., 254, 259 Naga, dy., . . . . . . 58 Nagabhata, Pratihara k., . . . . 21 n. Nagachandra, author, . . . . . 178 n. Nagadatta, m.. . . . . . 32 Nagadrahapura or Nagahradapura, ca., 285, 286, 288, 289, 290 Nagakumara, donee, . . Nagammabhatta, m., . . . . 94, 95, 96 Nagapalli, vi. . 121, 122, 124, 127 Nagaparanaka, m., . . . . 186 Nagapattana, ci.. . 222, 224, 228, 230, 232, 233, 243, 244, 250, 258, 263, 267, 274, 275 nagara, merchant', . . . 231, 243, 258 Nagarahara, ci., . . . . . . Nagardhan, vi. . . . . . 209 n. Nagari, vi. 198, 199 Nagarjunikonda Inscriptions of the Ikshvikus, 33 Nagasarika, vi.. . . . . . 79 n. Nagasarman, donee,. . . . 94, 95, 96 Nagavaloka, k., . . . . . . 68 n. Nagda, cu., . . . 285, 286, 288 Nagipattana, ci., . . . 241, 257 Nagpur, . . . . . . 59 Nagpur-Nandivardhana, vi., . . . 170 Nagpur Stone Inscription,. . . 56, 57, 59 Nahusha, myth. k., . . * 122, 125 Naihati Plate of Ballalasena, . 100 Nakkan Mandagavan, m... 236, 254, 266 Nakkan Mulli, m., . 237, 252, 264 Nakkavaram, . . . . 230 Nala, co.,. . . . . 29 Nala, dy., . . . . . 29, 210 &n. Nalachampu, work, 170 n. Nalanda, l., . . . 38 11., 283 Nalanda Grant of Devapala, * 163, 283 & n., 284 Nalavidi-vishaya, di., . . . 24, 29 nali, measure of capacity, 223, 244, 258, 263, 277, 278, 279, 280 nalla, tax, . . . . . . 234 Nallarfur-nadu, di., . . . : 235 Nallatikon, Chola k... . . . . 220 nallerudu, lax, . . . 234 Nallorchcheri, vi.. . 232, 249, 262 PAGE namasya,. . . . . . . . * . 191 Namidasa, general, . * 174 n. Nanaghat Inscription of Satakarni, . 203 Nanalur, 8. a. Vadakudi vi., . 269, 277, 280 Nanda, family,. . . . Nandalar Inscription, . . . . . 86 n. Nandanarayana, com., . . . 222, 242 n. Nandapura, vi., * , 94, 95, 96 nandi, see also bull, emblem on seal, . . 104 Nandin, * * * . . . 130, 133 Nandipura, vi., . . . . 111 Nandipuradvari, di.,. . . . 99, 108 Nandlavara-Bhattan, m., . 236, 246, 254, 259, 266 Nandivardhana, ca.,. . 169 n., 209, 210 &n. Nandivarman, Bana k., . . . 112 Nandivarman, 3.a. Nandivarman-Pallava. malla, . . . . . 110 n., 113 Nandivarman III, Pallara k., . 112 & n., 218 Nandivarman-Pallavamalla, Pallava k., 110, 111 Nandpur, vi., . . . . . . 209 n. Nangili, L., . . . . . . 270 Nannadeva, Somavamsi k. of Kosala,. 18 Nannesvarakshetra, vi., . 129, 132, 135 Nannimangalam, vi., . . 232, 237, 252, 264 Nanurruvapperungovel, 8. a. Ediran sattan, 237, 251, 264 Nara, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . , 155, 158 Naranamangalam, vi.. . 232, 237, 251, 264 Narasimha I, Hoysala k., . 59 Narasimha II, do.. . . . . . 44 Narasimhavarman I., Pallava k., 26, 27 & n., 28n. Narattanga, vi.. . . . 170 & n. Narattangavari, l., 168, 169 & n., 170, 171, 174 Naravahana's Inscription of V. 8. 1028, 286 Naravarman, Paramara k., . . . 56, 57 Narayana, com., . . . 77, 85 Narayana, com., Narayana, donec, . . . . . 161 Narayana, M., . . 100, 108 Narayana, 8. 4. god Vishnu, Narayanan Damodaran, m.. . 237, 251, 263 Narayanan, Orri, m., . 237, 251, 263 Narayanapala, Kamboja k.. . 151, 152, 155, 158 Narayanapala, Pala k., . . . 161, 162 Narayana-vatika, . . . - 203, 204 Narbada, a. a. Narmada ri., . . narendranka, engraving on weapons and armours for the use of soldiers', . 3

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INDEX 317 102 PAGE Narendrapati, Choga k., . . . 220 Narendrasena, Vabafaka k., . 17, 210 & *. Narimanram, w., . . 232, 287, 261, 263 Narmada, ri..., 71, 74 &#., 78, 79 n., 80, 210 Narnala, ti.. . . . 170 Narwar, vi.. . . . . 211 Nasik Cave Inscription No. 8, . . . Nasik Cave Inscriptions, Nasik Cave Inscription No. 2, . 32, 83 Nataraja, 8. a, god Siva, . . 41, 51, 130 natika, (naperika), grandeon', . . 31, 36 waffar, . 224, 231, 233, 243, 268, 263 mapfom, district assembly', . . . 259, 263 Nattuppokku, channel, . . . 247, 260 Naugram Kharoshthi Inscription, 12 Nausirt Plates of Karka, 85; 77, 78 & *., 80 Navada, u., . . . . . 77, 84 Navagrama, vi., . . . 108 navakarmapati, architect', . . . 07, 48 Navakoti Marwar, . . Navamidias, minider, . Navasst, .. a. Nawaari si. Navilai, w., . Nawali, ui. . Nayanakelidevi, Cahadaolo . . . Nayapala, Kamboja k., . 180, 161, 163, PAGE Nityavinoda, .. a. Chola k. Rajardija I,. 241, 357 wiwariana, land measure, . . . . 24, 29 Nivina Plates of Dharmaraja-Manabhita, 21. Niya Kharishthi Documente, . 12, 13, 14 Niyuktaba, of... . . . 84, 108, 184 Nolamba, dy.. . . . . . 113, 225 Nonalla, Kalachuri . . . . 100, 188 non-Vedio metronymio, . . 36 Nrimrida, Chola k.. . : Nripatunga, Pallapa k. . . . . . 113 . Nulambapadi, co.. . 221, 224, 225, 246, 200 numerals, sign or symbol: . . . . . . . 187 . . . 187 n., 150 & n., 187, 216 * . 16, 76, 167 & #., 187, 215, 216 . . . 16, 167, 187, 216, 216 120, 215, 216 . . 31 m., 215, 216 . . . . 216 . 120, 216 . 157 m., 216 . . . . . . 167., 216 . . . . . 114, 120 300, . . . Nysal, m., . . . . . . . . 196, 198 son . 79. Nayapala, Pala k., . . . Negapatam, . . . 229, 230, 231, 283 Nelliyappar, te., . . . . . . Nenadi, mo., . . . . . 181 Nenmali-nadu, di.. . 86, 86, 91, 92, 236, 244, 258, 250 Nettar, tri., . . : 88. nichchayittanellu, . 268, 269, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Niduperra Grant of Jayasinha L., . . 28 . Nigradi padre, wi.. . . . . . 108 Nilagangarayan. . . . . . 91, 92 Nilaiyudaiya-Panaiyap Nigarilla, Madhu rantakan, com.. . TO, 280, 281 & >>. Nilgund Inscription of Amoghavarsha I., 60 Nimbaditya, god, . . . . 59, 61, 63 Nira, ris. . . . . 181, 184, 185 nirlil, tax, . . . . . . 234 Nirupama, Raekprakupa k., 103, 179, 184 Nishida, swara,. . . - 50. riskiddha-chafa-bhafa-praceka, privilege . 137 Nitumbhaslidant, te., . . . 218, 221 Nittavinode-valanidu, di, 234, 235, 244, 254, 208, 206 7, medial, . . . . 98, 160, 168, 208 odakhil, loc . . . . 234, 263 Odda, co., . . . . 221 Oddanpatti Inseription of Pallavamalla 111 n. Oddavishaye, Orissa, . . . . . . 188 Odra, co., . . . . . 130, 140, 143 Oloi-eudum, off. . . . . Olai-niyagax, off., . 235, 250 Olarippikkam, w., . . Onk, symbol for 22, 71, 80, 96, 98, 106, 100, 116, 129, 136, 164, 182, 189, 193 Oodayadit, .. a. Paramang k. Udayaditya, 56, 57 Oriana, . . . . . . . 162 #. Orang, ri., . . . . . . 71 otanta,' the soaring on high', . . . 38. Otantapurl, .. a. Bihar, . . . 38&*. oviya, . . . . 923 & . Oviyachchittirabdri . . 223, 243 Oviyanal, work, . . . . Oviyar, 1. a. chithirakirar, . . Ovu, painting' . . . 223

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318 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. PAGE . . P. . . . . 5, 12, 16, 30, 38, 160, 200 Pabhosk Inscription of Bahasatimitra, 200 pachhe-vadaka, 'back portion of a house', 192, 194 padal, see also isai, . . . 45, 50 n. Padampur, ei., 211 & n. Padariya Pillar Inscription of Aboka, . padavarta, land measure, 115, 119 Padhamaktana, vi., . . . . . 71, 75 padi, . . . . . . . 146 Padmanabha, donee, 161, 162, 163 n., 164, 166 Padmapura, ca., . 208, 209, 210, 211 & n., . 201 212 . 281 PAGE Pallavarayanpottai Inscription, 86 & 7., 87 . Pallavarkon, 8. a. Vanduvaraja,. . 140 Pallavaykkal, ri., . . . 246, 260 palli, 224, 228, 229, 230, 250, 258, 263, 267, 268, 269, 274, 275, 276, 277 & n., 278, 279, 280, 283 pallichchanda, 223, 224, 231, 243, 244, 250, 258, 259, 263, 268, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Paluvur, vi.. . . . . 236, 244, 259 Pamaraja, m.. . . . . . 285, 289 Pambuni-kkurram, di.. . 234, 235, 244, 254, 258, 266 pancha, see panchakula, . . . . 97 panchaita, see panchakula, . . . 97 panchakula, assembly of five', . . . 97, 98 Panchalagudika, ep. of Paramara k., Jaitra nalla. . . . . . . 285, 29 Pampa, author, . . . . . . 178 n. Pampa-Bharata, work, . . . . 178 n. Pampanadi, ri., . . 140 Pampa-Ramayana, work . . . . 178 n. panam, coin., . . . . 234 >>. Panamkarana, Sailendra k., panatika (pranaptrika or praraptrika), great grandson', . . . . . 31, 36 Panchagni, ep., . . . . . . 211 . panchakula, . . . . . 194 Pachama, stara, . . . . 50 n. pancha-mahapataka, . . . 76, 85, 109, 185 pancha-mahasabda, . . . 94, 95, 96, 190 pancha-mahayajna, . . . 86, 109, 185 Pafchpa, Chola k., . 217 & 1., 220, 239, 255 Pafichapa davamalai Inscription of Pallava. malla, . . . . . . . 110. Pancha-pradhana, 'royal council', . 188 n., 190 Passicharatra, sect, . . . . 50 n. add. ranchder, 1H. . . . . 192, 193, 196 Panchayati-Hari, .. a. god Vishnu, 139, 144, 145 Pancholt, tit.. . . . . . . 196 n. Pandalayani-Kollam, co., . . . . 225 Pandavas, . . . . . . 170 n. Pandavakhanda, ti.,. . 115, 119 Pandita, tit., . . 151, 156, 158, 195 *. Pandu, epic hero, . . . 35 Pandya, co., . . . . . 43, 44, 206 Pandya, dy., . 8, 26, 27 & n., 28, 40 & 11., 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 51 & 1., 52 & 1., 53, 72, 81, 86, 87, 88 & 11., 89, 90, 91 & *., 92, 106, 111, 139, 140, 141, 144, 182, 206, 218 & n., 219 & n., 221, 222, 225, 226, 227, 230, 241, 257, 259, 268, 269, 270, 272, 279 Pala, dy., . . Padmapurana, work,, 164 & 1., 169 & n., 171 n. Padmasimha, Guhila k.. . 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 291 Padmasimha, m., Padmavati, Lolarka's wife, . . 59, 61, 63 Padmavati, vi., . . . . . . 211 paduka, 'foot prints', . . . . 4, 5 Paduvanva, vi., . . . . .154 n. Pag Sam Jon Zang, Tibetan work, Paharpur Copper-plate Inscription, . . 38 Paithan Plates of Govinda III, 103, 104 & n., 177, 178 & n., 184 n. Pakka, vi.. . . . . . 132, 135 39 ., 150, 152, 153 Palaiyanur, vi., . 88, 88 & n., 89, 91 Palaiyanur-Alangadu, ri., . 88 n. Palaiyaru, vi., . . Palaiyur, vi.. . . . 216 n., 269, 278, 280 Palankkorrangudi, vi., . 232, 238, 253, 265 Palar, ri., . . . . 110 Palaru, ri., . . . 139, 140 Palasbani, vi., . . . . . . 154 n. Palhava, tribe, . . . . 33 Pali, co., . . . . . . 160. Pali, vi., , . . . . 160 n. palidhvaja, 72, 82, 104, 106, 178 & n., 183, 184 Pallava, dy. 26, 27 & n., 28 & N., 40 n., 45, 46, 50, 104 n., 110 & #., 111, 112 & n., 113, 217, 218, 221, 227 Pallavamalla, 8. a. Nandivarman-Pallava. malla, . . . 110 ., 111, 112 & 1., 113 Pallavaraiyag, ch., . . . . 110 11., 113 Pallawargiyan, 'Pallava k.' 110, 113 Pallavarija, 8. a. Vanduvaraja,. 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145 Pallevarajan, 8. a. Araiyan Viradamudich. chap. . . . . . . 50, 54 .

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INDEX. 319 . . 230 PAGE Pandyakulantaka, ep. of Kulottunga I,. 139, 143 Pandyari, ep. of Chola k. Kulottunga III, 88 . Pangarkhed, ri., . . . . 94 Panini, awthor, . . 26 n., 136 7., 152 1., 201 Panjabir, ri., . . . Powmdherara,. . . . . 275, 276 Pasmai-pandai-reffi, taz, 268, 276, 278, 279, 280 Pannai, I., Pappala, I., . . . 230 Parabala, Rashtrakata ch., . . .68 . Parabalu, . . . * 187, 188 R., 190 Paraiya, caste,. . . . . 262 Paraiyodai, ri... . . . . 261 Parakimarin, Chola tit., . 213, 216 n., 217, 220, 239, 273 Parakesarivarman, Chola k., 220, 227 n., 239, 255 Parakesarivarman, sur. of Chola k. Parantaka . . . . . 148, 149 & n. Parakesarivarman, our. of 8. Kongn k. Vira Chola, . . . . . . . 12. Parikramabahu, Singhalese k., 86, 87, 88 & n., 89, 91, 92 Parakrama-Pandya, Pandya k... 43, 87, 91, 92 Parikramabola-Mavendavelan... a. Ariran Aravanaiyan,. . . 235, 244, 254, 258, 268 Paramabhagavata, lit. . . . . 22 Paramabhaffaraka, tit., 99, 107, 117, 137, 139, 143, 144, 151, 155 & n., 158, 184 Paramabhaffariki, tit., 99, 100, 101, 108 Paramamaketuara, tit.. . 20 m., 116, 117, 118, 119, 136 Paramara, dy... 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 192 n., 196 & n., 228, 288 Paramardin, 8. a. Vikramaditya VI, . . 57 Paramasangata, til.. . . . . . 155 Parametara, tit.. . 29, 99, 106, 107, 117, 137, 139, 143, 144, 151, 155, 158, 182, 183, 184 Paramesvara-Bhatta-sarvakratuyajin, th., 236, 244, 254, 258, 266 Paramedvaran Naraiyur, ., . . 246, 260 Paramebvaravarman, Pallava k., . . 26, 28 Paramekvara varman II, do. . . . 112. Parametvari, tit.. . 99, 100, 101, 108, 109 paramopasika, f. lay worshipper'; . 39 parani, poetical composition, 44, 53 & n. Parantaka I, Chola k., . 40 *., 44, 145, 147, 148, 208, 218 & R., 219, 220, 221, 227, 239, 240, 255, 256 PAGE Parantaka II, do. . . 219, 221, 227, 240, 256 Parantaka, 6. a. Sundara-Chola, . . . 220 Parantakan Siriyavelar, general, .219 .. 227 Parantaka-Viranarayana Sadaiyan, 7n. Parasa, m., . . . . . . 195 Parasaripatra, 8. a. Sarvatata, . . 203, 204 Parasurama, . . . . . 125 Parasurama, k., . . . . 221 Paravaikkulam, vi... Ikkulam, .. . . . 269, 278, 280 parihara, privilege', . , 173 & 1., 233, 234 Parijata, k., . . . . 180 parimau, . . . . 146, 148, 149 Pariyala, ri., . . . . . . 27 Parkar, prorince, . . . . . 197 Parkkulam, vi., . . 236, 245, 253, 259, 266 Parnnikagrams, vi., . . . . . 94, 96 Parnpikheta, 8. a. Pamnikagrama ri., . 94, 95, 96 Parpanabha-Bhattan, m... 236, 245, 253, 259, 266 Paravachandra, writer, . . . 286, 292 Paravanatha, Tirthanbara, . . . Partabgarh, ci., . . . . 129 Parthivachudamani, myth. k., * 220 Parthivendravarman, ch., . . . 227 Paruttikudi, vi.. . . 235, 244, 245, 258 Paruttiyur, ri., . . 238, 244, 254, 259, 266 Parvatarajaputri, 8. a. goddess Parvati, 123, 126 Parvati, goddess, . . Pasalai, vi.. . . . . 236, 244, 259 Pabupata, sect . . . . 50 n., 286, 291 Pabupati, 8. a. god Siva, . . 130 Pataka, I., . . . . . 286, 299 Patanjali, author, . . 201 pathaka, territorial division, . . . . 194 Pathari Pillar Inscription, Pathron, 6. a. Padhamaetana vi.. . Patns, . . . . . . . Patya, atate, . . Patna Glass seal, . Patna Museum Plate of Pravarasena II, 207, 209 . Patna Museum Plates, . . . . 169 N. Patoda Grant of Vinayaditya, . 26. Pattal, channel, . . . . . 249, 262 paffam, tax, . . . . 86, 91, 92, 280 paffamahadevi, chief queen', . . . 101 Pattana-karram, di... 222, 224, 232, 233, 241, 242, 243, 244, 246, 247, 249, 250, 251, 262, 263, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 268, 269, 274, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Pattattalmangalam Inscription of Pallava malle, . . . . . . .

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320 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (Vol. XXII. PAGE Pattianaka, field, . . . . 115, 119 paffinavar, . . . . 146 Pattiyanakadurga, fteld, . 115, 119 Pattiyenaka, feld, . . . . Parslai, off. . . . 236, 254, 286 Patumitrs, dy... . . . . . 210 *. PavAI, , , . . . 200 Pawaya, vi., . . . 211 Payoshni, ri., . 170 m., 171 .. Payoshimahatmya, work, . . . 170. Peluvettarayar, Kerala k., . . 220 Penganga. . . . . . . 50 Penkulikottai, vi., . 110, 112, 113 Pennai, Ti., . Peraru, ri., . . . . 140 Peremapuram, vi.. . 236, 245, 263, 260, 266 Periyapurana, work, . . . 218 n., 217 Permadi, 8. a. Perumanadigal, . . . 112 . perumakkal, . . . : 148 Perumal, te., . . . . . . 205 n. Peruma! Vira-Chola, 8. 4. 8. Kongu k. Vira. Chola, . . . . . . 43 Permanadi, 8. a. Perumanadigal, 110, 112 & n. Perumanadigal, W. Ganga til., 110 & #., 112, n., 113 & n. Peruman Ambalattadi, m., 236, 264, 266 Perumbanappadi, 8. a. Bana co., . 112 Perumbidugu-Muttaraiyan, . . . 218 Perunatkisli, Chola k., Perundanam, . . . . . . Perunjinga, Pallava k. . . . . 44, 45 Perur, vi... . . 52. Pathaka, m., 285, 289 Phakka, Surasena k., . 121, 123, 125 phala, phalid, phalihaka or phalad, gate', . 192 Phalgudeva, k.,. . . 201 Phanindra, 8. a. Sesha, Phoolbunnee, vi., . . . 184 n. pi, Kharoshthi, form of . . 12, 13, 14 pidanali, tar, . .. . 234, 263 pidiligai,. . . . . 262 Pillaks, , . . 97, 98 Pimpari Plates of Dhruvs, 102, 103, 179, 180, prachiha, PAGE Podagadh, vi, . . 210 Podagadh Inscription of Skandavarman, 20 Podiya, mo.. . . . . . . Ponmugari, ni.. . . . . . Ponnamaravati, vi.. . 40, 41, 45, 47, 51 & . Ponni, .. a. ri. Kaverk 48, 51, 217. pon-viriyam, 'gold committee!, . 148 Poona Plates of Prabhavatigupta, 18, 100, 169 n., 170 R., 209 & m. Poruvanur, i., . 232, 237, 252, 264 Prabandhachintamani, work, . 55 1.., 57. Prabhakarabarmen, ... . . 151, 156, 159 Prabhasa, ti., . . . 71 prabhavali, nimbus . . . . . 211 . Prabhivakiva, Saiva ancedie, 128, 130, 133 Prabhavatigupta, Vakifaka g.). 18, 21 ., 100 & n., 167, 168 n., 169, 172, 173 ., 174, 208, 209 &. Prabhutavarsha, Rashfrakufa k.. . . 102 Prabodhakiva, Saiva cacchie, . 127, 128, 129 & n., 131, 134 & n. Prabodhini ikada., tithi, . . . . . 115, 119 Praddahtri, off., . . . . 156, 159 & . Pradskila, off, . . . . 159 *. pradhana, . . . 188 N., 189 . Pradhanu, . . . . . 187, 190 prakdra, 'rampart', . . . . 202 Prakritaprababa, work, . . . 154 Pramira, .. a. Paramara, 60, 62, 121, 123, 126 Prasannamatra, Sarabhapura k., 15, 16, 17 & n. Prasantakiva, Saiva ascetic, . . 128, 130, 133 prasasti, eulogy', . 122, 124, 129, 132, 136, 163, 222, 228, 229, 242, 243, 257, 280, 291, 292 Prasiddhadhavala, 8. a. Haihaya k. Mugdha tunga, .. . . . . . . 128 Prasiddhadhavala, Kalachuri k.,. . .160 . Pratapamalls, do., . 161 & n., 162 . Pratapailla, k., . . 93, 94, 95, 96, 178 x. Prathara, dy... . . . . 69, 121 pratiloma inter-casto marriage, . . 38 Pratimandtaka, work,. . . pratyaya,. . . . . . 155, 156 pravaras Bbargava-Chyavans-Aurvys-Jamadagnya Apnuvans, . . . . 151, 156, 158 Kidyapa-Avataara-Naidhruvs, . . : 34 Vasishtha, . . . . . 136, 137 Vata-Bhargava-Chyavana-Apnuvine Aurva, . . . . . . 161 m. . . . 124 181 Pisgalam, work, . . . . Pirambil, vi.. . 232, 237, 248, 262, 261, 264, 265 Pisangan Palar, ., . . . 235, 244, 269 Pitamaha, 6. a. god Brahman, . . 61 Pithori, W., . . . . . 136 Piriyajna, aprifice, . . . . 50.

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INDEX 321 PAGE Pravarapurs, ea.. . 17, 169, 170, 209, 210 Pravararaja, 8. a. Maba-Pravararaja, 17, 22 Pravarasons I, Valdifaba k., 171, 175 & n., 203, 212 Pravarasona II, do.. . 16, 17, 18, 100 ., 167, 168, 169 & W., 170 & *., 172, 174, 170 &n., 207, 208, 209 & n., 210, 211 &n. prekshanaka, show ', . andmor . . . . 124 prishthamatra, . . 160, 187 Prithivipati I, W. Ganga k., . 112 Prithivishena I, Vakitaka k., . . 172, 174 Prithivishena II, do., . 17, 168 , 160, 208, 209, 210 &n. Prithivivallabh, ep. of Rashfrakula k. Amogha varsha I, . . . . . . 09 Prithivivallabha, ep. of W. Chalukya Vinaya. ditya. . . . . . . 29 Prithivivallabha, sur. of Kulottunga I, 139, 143 Prithu, myth. k., . . 124, 126, 155, 157, 220 Prithulaksha, myth. k., . . . . 216 n. Prithurabhukti, di., . . . . 136, 137 Prithvideva I, Kalachuri k., , 160 & n., 165 Prithvideva II, do.. . 160 n., 161 & *., 162, 163 & n. Prithvideva, III, do., . . . 161 n. Prithvipati II, W. Ganga k., . 218 & n. Prithviraja vijaya, work, . . 56 n. Prithvivallabha, ep. of Rashtrakufa k. Dhruva, 109 Prithvivallabha, 8. a. Gujarat Rashtrakula k. Govinda III, . . . . . Priyadarsin, ep. of Maurya Asoka, . . 205 Priyangu, ca., . 151, 153, 154, 157 Ptolemy, author, . . . . . 33 Pudamangalam, vi.. . . . 236, 254, 256 Pudukkottai, state, . 40 n., 218 n. Puduveligopuram, 8. a. Cholamanivarmavihara,. . . . . . 229 Pugaiyunni, field, . . . . 259, 260 Pugaiyunni-Kinaru, well, . . , 268, 278 pujasila, . . . . 202, 203 pilja-bila prakara, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204 Pulaichcheri, vi.. . 87, 89, 90, 92 Pulikodin II, W. Chalukya k. . . 20, 27, 28 Puliyor, . a. Chidambaram, . 40 & #., 41, 46, 46, 51 Paliyuyartton, 8. a. Chole, Pullamangalam, vi.,, 236, 244, 254, 268, 286 puwi, dot', . . . . . 6 & 1. pulli, omitted, . . . 216 Pulomburu, w., . . Pulomburu Plates of L. Chalukya Jayasinha I, . . . 20, 21 & *. PAGE Pulombaru Plates of Madhavavarman, 19 n., 20, 21 n., 22 Pupal-nadu, co., . . 48, 52 Pangal, province, . . . : 197 Punganur, vi.. . . Punyakumira, Chola k., 28 & . Punyakumara Plates, . . . . . 217. purakkalanai, . . * 146 Purananuru, work, . . . . 51. Puranas, works, . . . 202, 204, 205 Purandara, 8. a. god Indra, . . . . 166 Purandara, mytk. k.,. . . . . 216 n. Purandarasvamin, donee, . . 16, 23 Purangarambai-nadu, di., 236, 244, 250 Purajaya, myth. k.. . . . . 220 Purantaka, 8. a. god Siva, . . . . 240 Purapporulvenbamalai, work . 48 n., 51 . Paravi, ri., . . . . 71, 75, 79 . Purarwari, off... 224, 232, 236, 244, 260, 263, 268 Puri Plates of Madbavavarman-Sainyabhita II, Parna, ri., . . . . . . 45 n. Parna, s. a. Payoshni ri.. . 170 n., 171 m. Parni, 8. a. Parivi ri.. . . . 71, 79. Purnachanda, n., . . . . 196, 197 purna-kumbha, auspicious sign, . . 53 n. Purnavarman, k. of W. Java, . . . 4,5 purnimanta, . . . . . 169 & n. purohita, priest', 34, 94, 95, 96, 156, 159, 195 n. Pururavas, epic hero,. . . . 122, 125 Purushottama, engr., 222, 223, 243 & n., 268 Purvadeta, . . . . . . 37 purv-Agraharika, former owner of the donated village', . . . . . . . 20 Pushkarasadi, originator of Paushbarasidiya script, . . . Pushkaravati, ca., . . . . 12 Pashkaravati Kharoshthi Inscription, . . 12 Pushkarl, ca. . . . . . 210 &n. Pushpaketu, Chola k., . . . 220 Pushyamitra, dy. . . . . .210 1. Pushya-Sambapura, vi., . . . . 115, 119 Pattakkudi, vi.. . . . . 269, 278, 280 Pavatta-Bhattan, ". . . . 236, 254, 266 Pavattabhatta-Somayajiyar, m., . . . 222 . 20 Quilon, . . . . . Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah, Khilji . . . . 225 120

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322 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vos. XXII. PAGE PAGE 1, . . .7 ., 38, 65, 94, 128, 208, 214 T, doubling of consonant after ,. . 16, 24, 55, 56, 94, 99, 114, 121, 128, 160, 168, 177, 192, 208 r, doubling of consonent before . 121, 128 7, subscript, . . . . 5, 201 T, superscript, . . 5, 94, 167, 201, 215 T, superscript, omitted, . . 139 Radhanpur Plates of Govinda III, 177 & #. Raghu, myth. k. . . . 124, 126 Rahapa, 8. a. Mabapa. . . . . 193 Rabappa, k., , . 72, 82, 106, 177, 178, 183 Raj, ch., . . . Raja, til., . . . . 19, 20 n., 56, 57 rajadhani, capital, . . . 151, 154 Rajadhirdja, tit. . . . . 106, 182, 183 Rajadhiraja I, Chola k. . 146, 221, 270, 271, 273 & R. Rajadhiraja II, do.. . . 86 & n., 88, 89, 91 Rajaditya, do. . . 219, 220, 221, 240, 256 raja-dvira, king's court', . . . . 206 Rajagambira Arijukkottai Nadalvan, . 90, 92 raja-grahy-sarva-pratyaya-samanvita, privi lege, . . . . . . . 155 rajaguru,. . . . . 193 n. Rajakesarin, Chola tit., 216 n., 217, 218, 220, 239, 255, 267, 273 & n., 276 Rajakesarin, 8. a. Chola k., Kulottunga I, . 267, 268, 269, 270, 276, 279 Rajakesarin, 8. a. Sundara-Chola, 220 Rajakesarivarman, Chola k., 220, 222, 225, 239, 241, 256 Rajakesarivarman, s. a. Chola k. Rajarija I.. 257 Rajakesarivarman, s. a. Chola k. Rajadhiraja II, . . . . . 86, 89, 91 Rajakesarivarman, sur. of 8. Kongu k. Virarijendra, 42 n. Rajakesarivarman, sur. of Kulottunga I, . 139, 143, 144 Rajalladevi, Kalachuri q- . . . 160, 165 Rajamahendradeva, Chola k., . 273 Rajamalla, k., . . . . . Rajamayan, ch., . . Rajamrigan kakarana, work, . . . 103 n. rajan, moon', . . . . . . 239 rajanka, brand on royal animals'. . . 3 Raja Phool, ch. of Bhojnagar, . . 57 rajputra, prince'. . . . . 115, 120 Rajaraja 1, Chola k., 205, 213, 219, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, & *., 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 234, 240, 241, 246, 248, 254 r., 256, 257, 259, 270, 271, 281, 283 Rajaraja II, do.. . . . . . 86 . Rajaraja III, do., . 41, 42, 44 Rajaraja, E. Chalukya k.. . 55, 270, 271 Rajarkja I. Ganga k., . 141, 142, 272 Rajaraja Adhikan, ch., . . . . 43 Rajarajachaturvedimangalem, vi.. . 39, 49, 50, 54 Rajarajakesarivarman, .. a. Chola k. Kuld. ttunga I, . . . . . 40 N. Rajarajakesariverman, 3. a. Chola k. Rajaraja I, 205, 206, 207, 224, 248 Rajarajakkaskudiyarayan,. . . 90, 92 Rajaraja Mahacharya, 8. a. Vasudeva engr., 222, 243, 258 Rajaraja-Muvendavel, 8. a. Kanchivayil ei.. 222, 242, 258 Rajarajan-Palaiyanur, vi., . . 86, 88, 91, 92 Rajaraja-Pandinadu, co. . . . 227 Rajarajapperacharya, 4. a. Vasudeva engr., 223, 243, 258 Rajarajapperumpalli, te.. . 230, 288, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Rajarajastlam-ul, scork, . . 214 Rajarajendra, sur. of Kulottunga I, 139, 143, 144 Rajarajesvara, te., . . 225, 230 rajarshi, sage-like king'. . . . . 33 Rajasekhara, author, . . Rajasimha, m., . . . . 285, 290 Rajasinha, minister,. . 285, 288n., 290 Rajasimha, Parulya k., . . . 218 Rajasraya, 8. a. Chola k. Rajaraja 1, 241, 257 Rajasrayan, palace, . . 223, 243, 258 Rajatarangini, soork, . . . 211 Rajaur, ca.. . . . . . . 122 Rajaur Inscription of Mathanadeva, . 122 Rajavallabha, off.. . . . . . 137 Rajavallabhs-Pallavaraiyan, minister, 268, 269, 277, 279, 281 rajavartman, public road', . . . 119 rajavalta, see rajavartman,. . . 115, 119 Rajavidyadhara-brisamanta, envoy, : 268, 276, 279, 284 Rajayika, Sarasina k. . . 121, 123, 125 Rajendra-Chola I, Chola k., 270, 272, 273 56

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INDEX. 323 PAGE PAGE Rajendra-Chola II, s. a. Chola k. Kulottunga I,. . . . . 269, 270, 271 Rajendra-Chola, 3. q. Rajaraja I,. 213, 214, 229, 230 Rajendradeva, Chola k., . 270, 271, 273 Rajendrasimha-valanadu, di.. . 234, 235, 236, 245, 254, 259, 266 Rajendrakinga-Mavendavelan, .. . 268, 269, 277, 279, 281 Rajendrabola-Brahmamarayap, . a. Krishnan Raman, . . . . . 234, 254, 286 Rajendrabola-Pallavaraiyan, 8. a. Araiyan Aru. moli. . . . . . 234, 254, 266 Rijondrasolapperumpalli, te., 268, 274, 276, 279, 280 Rajendra II, E. Chalukya k., , . . 55 Rajendra-Chodacharya, engr., . , 144, 145 Rajendra-Chols, 8. a. Chola k., Madhurantaka, 221 Rajendra-Chola, 8. a. Kulottunga I, . 139, 143, 144, 145 Rajendra-Chola I., Chola, k, .51 9., 153, 221, 222, 254 n., 284 Rajendradeva, Chola k., . . . . 221 Rajgir, vi., . . . . . 4,5 Rajim Plates of Tivaradeva, 17 and n., 18, 21). rajni,' queen', . . . . 39 & n., 122 Rajograma, vi., . 129, 132, 135 Rajputana, . . . . . . 65 Rajyadhikrita, off., 169, 174 & n., 175 n. Rajyapala, Kamboja k., . 151, 152, 165, R&ma-Tiruvadi, Venadu ch., . . . 225 Kataraa, eris, . . . . . 101 Rambha, nymph, . , 123, 124, 125, 127 Ramgarh, I., . . . . . . 31 Ramganj Copper-Plate of Isvaraghosha, 158 *. Ramtek, 8. a. Ramagiri, , . . 169, 173 n. Ramtek, vi.. . . . . . 4, 209 n. Ramtek Plate, . . . . . 209 m. Rana, til., . . * 39 1., 285, 286, 288 Ranabhanja, Bhanja k. . . . . 39 . Ranajayappadi, . . . . . 147 Ranaka, tit.. . . 39 & n., 289 Ranakesarin, Somavansi k. of Kosala, . . 18 Ranakesarin, sur. of Somavansi k. Bhavadeva, 18 Ranapur Inscription of V. S. 1496, . . Ranarasika, sur. of Chalukya Vikramaditya I, Ranastipundi Grant of Vimaladitya, . . Ranavat-ji, . . . . . . * Ranganatha, te., . . . . 231 Rani, til., . rasktra, 'sub-division, . . 16 Rashtrakuta, dy. . . 64, 65, 67, 68 & 1., 89, 70, 72, 77, 78, 79 & n., 81, 82, 98, 99, 101, 103, 104, 105, 107, 111 & n., 170, 179, 181, 182, 183, 218 & n., 219, 227, 228 Rashtrakuta, empire, . . . . Rashtrapati, off. . . . 84, 108, 184 Rasikasamjivini, work, .. . . . 59 Ras Mak, work, . . . . 56 & *. Ratabhu, m., . . . . . 285, 289 Ratana, ., . . . . . Ratanpur, ca., . . 160 & n., 161, 163 Ratanpur Inscription of Jajalladeva II, 160 n., 162 & n., 163 Ratanpur Inscription of Prithvideva II, 161 . Ratanpur Inscription of Prithvideva II's Time 161, 163 Ratha-sapkimi, tithi, . . . . . 185 Ratna, m., . . . . . . 285, 290 ratna, 8. a. Budhist tri-ratnu : Buddha, Dharma and Sangha, . . . . 267 Ratnadeva II, Kalachuri k., 159, 160, 161, 162 & n., 163 n., 165, 166 Ratnadeva III, do.. . . . . 161 n. Ratnaprabhasuri, acharya,. . . 286, 291 Ratnaraja I, kalachuri k.,. . . 160, 165 Ratnasimha, com.. . . . . . 183 Ratnasimha, Mewar ch., . . . 193 Ratta, co., . . . .. . 227, 228 Rajyapala, Palu k., . . Rajyapala I, Pala k., . Rajyauchchveko...., vi... Rakkula, vi., . Ralhana, h... . . Ralhuya, 1., . . . 195 Rama, epic hero, . 101, 124, 126, 156, 189, 191, 220 Ramabhadra, 8. a. epic hero Rama, 76, 138 Ramachandra, 8. a. epic hero Rama, . . 164 Ramacharita, work, . . 152, 153 & 11., 154 n. Ramaghata-Mushikekvara, k., . . . 225 Ramagiri, mo., . . . . . . 109 Ramana, 14., . . . . 195 Ramap Govindag, 14., . 247, 261 Ramapala, k. of Bengal . * 153 Ramapunyavallabha, com., . 24, 29 Ramasimha, me.. . . 285, 290 Ramatirtham Plates of Indravarman, 20 n.

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324 Rattapadi 7 lakhs, co., Roula, tit., Raval, tit.,. Ravana, Rakshasa, Ravani, Ravana's son Indrajit, Ravikula, solar race', " Ravikulatilaka, sur. of Kulottunga I, Ravivamsa, solar race', Rayamala, ch. of Mewar, Reva, s. a. Narmada ri., Rewah, ca., Rewah, state, ri, used for r, ri, used for ri, ri, medial,. Rindhuwul, Paramara prince, Rishabha, svara, Rishabhanatha, Tirthankara, Rithapur Plates of Bhavattavarman, Rituparna, myth. k., ritvij. Rohini, nakshatra, Bopi, vi., Ropsi, vi.,. ri, used for ri, Riddhapur Plates of Prabhavatigupta and Pravarasena II, * Rudradaman, Mahakshatrapa, Rudradatta, minister, Rudrajit, s. a. myth. k. Satyavrata, Rudrasarman, dones, Rudraearman, m., Rudrasena I, Vabjaka k., Rudrasena II, do., Rammindei Pillar Inscription of Asoka, ripa, 'banking', ripadaksha, banker', 8, need for 6, 6, EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 16, 18, 21., 167, 168. 170 & n., 173 m., 208, 209 56, 57 50 n. 211 16, 17, 29, 208, 210 220 156, 159 25, 26, 161, 163 196 196 33, 201 136, 138 220 20 20 100, 170 m., 172, 175 & n. * 172, 174 & 201 . 31 x. 31 8 PAGE 226 & n. 195 193, 287, 288 126, 164 124 239, 240 143 239, 240 286 & n. 164 127 4 m., 127 16 16, 168 16, 187 168 . a, used for 8, a, used for sh., Sabarmati, s. a. Svabhramati ri., sabha, * 16, 151 16, 55, 100, 187, 192 5, 12, 165, 121, 128, 151, 180 n., 208 100, 192 16 104 8, 9, 11, 147, 148, 149, 206, 224, 231, 232, 233, 237, 238, 251, 252, 253, 275 PAGE 267 84, 119, 185 195 7. 75, 84, 185 119, 137 84, 108 108., 119, 185 33 . 110 m. 171, 175, 212 115, 119 23, 76, 85, 95, 109, 120, 137, 156, 166, 186, 191, 194, 220 115 170. 188n., 190 155 129 117, 222 128, 130, 133 Sahya, mo., Saiddhantika, sect, Sailendra, dy., 222, 230, 242, 257, 268, 274, 278, 280, 281 and n., 282 and ., 283 and ., 284 and ". Sabha, s. a. Buddhist Sangha sa-bhuta-vita-pratyaya, privilege, Sada, m., Sadaiyamaran.. sa-danda-das-aparadha, privilege, sa-das-aparidha, privilege, sa-dhanya-hiranya-deya, privilege, sa-dhanya-hirany-adeya, privilege,. Sadharana, Kshatriya, Sadupperi Inscription of Pallavamalla, Sadyaskra, sacrifice, Sagara, Sagara, myth. k., Saggaja, donce, Sahadeva, Pandava, epic hero, Sahani, tit., sa-hatta-ghatta-salara, privilege, Sahdol, vi., * Sailodbhava, dy., Sainikasamghamukhya, off., Salva, seci, Saiva ascetics, Saivism, Saiyadan Amalan, m., Sajjana, com., Sajjani, Serasena q., Sajjodaka, vi., Sajod, vi., Saka, tribe, Sakadvipi, see Suryadvija, Sakambharf, ca., sakas : [VOL. XXII. Bahvricha, Kanva,. Kaathuma, Madhyandina, Maitriyani, Taittiriya, Vajasaneyi, Sakkarapapinallur, vi., sa-klipta, privilege, Sakra, s. a. god Indra, aakshin, witness', " Saktivarman, E. Chobakya ., 21. 156, 159 . 50m. 128, 129, 130, 133, 135 230 236, 254, 266 122, 124, 127 121, 123, 125 80 80 33, 98 98 56 . . . 184, 185 100, 108 151, 156, 156 100, 108 136, 137 20, 211 & n. 16, 23, 84, 115, 119 45, 50, 54 173 106 195, 196, 198 228, 270, 271

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INDEX 325 PAGE . 146 109 Salagrama, . . 202, 213 Salai, si... . Salai, 6. a. Kanda ar kalai,. 224 & n. Salaturiya, tantra, . 117 Baliyar, . . . . Samadhf 2. a. Sambandht wi., 80 Samahariri, off. . . Samaka, 1. a. Syamaka, . Samalavarman, k., of R. Bengal, . . . 50 Samangnd Plates of Dantidurgt, . . * 181 samajana, . . . . 146, 147, 140 samarjitan, . . . . . . 147 omania, feudatory,' . <3, 70, 116, 118, 180, 186, 188 de #., 190 Samanta, m., . . . 285, 286, 289, 291 Samantapataka, vi... . 129, 131, 132, 134, 138 Samantasimha, Guhila k. of Dungarpur, 192, 193 Samarmimba, Mewar ch., 193, 285, 287, 280, 290 Samastabhuvanadraya, ww. of Kulottunga I,. . . . . 189, 143 samanta-danda daha rahita, privilege, . 100 samaya,' sect', . . . 30 . Sambadatta, m., . . . 116, 119 Bambandhi, vi., . . . 80 Bambhu, ... god Siva, . 132, 217, 221, 241, 256, 257 Sarnbodhi, . . . . . 202 sarigha tribe,' . Samidata, k., . . Samipadraka, vi., . Bankara, m., . . Bankaricbarya, admin, . Bamkarshana, &. a. 'god Balarlma, 155, 158, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204 d . sankrantis Dakshinayana, . . . . 25 d ., 28 Dhanush, . . 06, 76 Makarn, . . . 180 . . . . . . 136, 137 Bamkriti, myth. k., . . . . 220 Sammkeha, ni.. . . 151, 155, 158 Samrit, (Somnaj) tit., . . 168, 171 & *., 175, 208, 212 Bamudragupta, Grupla k. . . 31, 35, 38, 58m. Samudrajit, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Samudrakuln, *. a. Pala dy. . . . 152 samudrika lakahana, me bolasa. . sameinamarija-perwmakkal, aswal com mite', . . . . . . 148, 140 RAOU sandhi, not observed, . . 7, 24, 94, 136, 108, 192, 212n. Kandhi, wrong. . . . . 66, 177 Sandhivigrahadhikrita, off. . . . 115, 120 Sandhivigrahika, off., . . 77,85 Sandhivigrahin, off, . . 268, 269, 276, 279 & *., 281 Sandhyakara Naack, author, . . . 163 Son-fo-ta'i, .. a. Zabag, . 281, 283 Sangka, m., . . * 118, 119 prih, 208, 274, 276, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Sangho, Dudullist monks' order', 267, 268 Sangilaks, ..., . . . . . 115, 119 Sangrama-Dhonathjaya, Sailendra ... 381 *-nidhi, privilege, . . . 23, 137, 173 Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarsha I. 211., 68, 60, 177., 1806., 181 Sankar, M... . . . . 115, 110 Sankars, ... god sive, . . 166, 168, 197 Sankaradigvijaya, work, . . . 451. Sankarngapa, maisha bapa, . 108, 178 Sankarap-Alagiyaperumal, premier, 45, 49, 53 Sankaranarayapan Aradgan, m... 236, 244, 209 Sankarappadi, . . . 146, 147, 148, 140 Sankarappadiglr, . . . . 146, 147 Bankaratalkort, . a. Lingutadagika bi., 71 Bannamangalam, w., . . . . 232, 237, 251, Sannidhdtri, off. . . . . . 137 Ad-parikara, privilege, noe -paribora,. . 84 Saptaparpa, see Chhattivanni, . . 104 Sarabhagarh, . . . Bara bhapur, ., . . 16, 17 & 16., 21 176m., 208 Sarabharkja, ., . . . . . . 17 Sarabhavaram, vi.. . . . . . 17.. Sarangadh Plates of Maha-Sadava, . * Sarangarh, ale . . . 136 Sarsaa ollaka, ti, 129, 132, 136 Sarasvati, goddess, . . 116, 128, 120, 132 Sarasvati, Ti., . . . 71, 129, 132, 186 Sarasvati, vi., . . . , 119, 132, 136 Barbhon, a. a. Srbhavana W. . . Sarkh8, ex., . . . 160, 169 Barngapapi, ... god Vishnu, . 117, 166 Barngin, . a. yod Vishnu, 121, 316, 238, 261, 301 Barva, Rashfrakkijah.. . . . 78.83 Sareddhyakala, o.. . . . . 172, 175 m Sarvaldkitraya, R. Cholubya k. . . 28 .. Sarvaldkiaraya, s. a. I. Ohaba .. Vlahpo. vardhace IV, . . . . . 90, 107

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326 sarva-namasya-bisana, sarva-pida-parivarjita, privilege, sarva-pida-varjita, privilege,. Sarvasarman (Atreya), dones, Sarvasarman (Gargyayana), donee, Sarvatata, Kasea k.,.. baasanapatra, Sasanka, k., Sasbahu Temple Inscription, Sastra, Satakarni, Satavahana k., Satavahana, dy., sati,. Satrap, tit., 199, 201, 203, 204, 20,5 173 sarva-vishli-parihara-parikrita, privilege, sarv-oparikara-kar-adana-samita, privilege, . 137 basana, deed', . 196, 242, 243 177, 194 21 n. 121 126, 161, 166 33, 102, 203 32, 33, 102 285 98 39 n. Satrubhanja, Bhanja k., Sattamangalam, vi., Sattanur, vi., 232, 237, 251, 264 236, 244, 259 219, 221, 230, 241, 257 Satyaeraya, Chalukya k., Satyavrata, myth. k., saugata, Buddhist devotee', Savasti, s. a. ca. Sravasti, 220 151 2 54 sch, form of,. 221, 224, 226, 246, 259 Seliya, a. a. Pandya, Sembiya, s. a. Choja, 46, 50, 51 Sembiyan-Muvendavolay, s. a. Tattan Sendap, 235, 244, 254, 258, 266 39 T., 100 146 94, 95, 96, 156, 159, 174 n. 218 232, 237, 252, 265 147 274 & n. 235 220 225, 226 164 161 &. 51. 9 124, 126, 241, 242, 257 45, 50, 54 16 128, 130, 133 Sena, dy., senai-ang diyir,. Senapati, off., Sendalai Pillar Inscription, . Sendamangalam, vi., Sendan Ganapati, m.,. Sengeni, vi., -Sengupram Inscription, Senni, Chola k... Sepur Inscription of Rajaraja I, Seonath, ri., Seorinarayan Plates of Ratnadova II, Seri-valavan, Sormadevi, vi., Sesha, serpent, . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. Savvirukkai-nadu, di., sh,.. ah, used for kh, Shadanana, s. a. god Karttikeya, PAGE 189, 191 137 155 24, 29 24, 29 . * . + * * Shadja, svara, Shahanushahi, tit., Shahbazgarhi Kharoshthi Inscriptions,.. Shabi, dy. of Kabul, Shamsu'ddin Altamah, Sultan of Delhi Shashthikumara, donee, Shat-lila-ekadasi, tithi, Sher Shah I, Khilji k., Shirval, vi., shy, form of Shodasin, sacrifice, Sholavandan, vi., Sibi, myth. k., siddham, symbol for - Siddhamu, minister, Siddhanta, astra, Siddhapura, vi.,. Siddharaja, Chaulukya k.. Siddhasonasari, acharya, siddha-sthana, . Siddhesvaramahadeva, te., siddhir aslu, symbol for -, . Sidh Raj Jesingh Dev, k. of Gujarat, Siharakkhi Twelve, di., Sikandan Devan, Sikhandiketana, s. a. god Karttikeya, Sila or Siladitya, Gukila k., Siladitya I, Valabhi k., Slladitya II, do., Sladitya III, do., Sladitya IV, do., Siladitya's Inscription of V. S. 703, silagaha, s. a. bilagriha, silagriha rock mansion', Silahara, I. Silahari Cave Inscriptions,. Silamahadevi, Rashtrakuta q., Simhajendra, Sizhhapa, s. a. Jayasimha, [VOL. XXII. 288 54 94, 95, 96 169 120 181, 188 171, 175, 206, 212 43 216&., 220, 238, 255 197, 288 188 *., 190 161, 166 71 57 286, 201 130, 133 196, 199 & n. 164 57 79 236, 254, 266 118 287 114, 116, 117 . * . . Silappadikaram, work, bila vigadabhicha, bila-vikata-thittani Silpa-lipi, art-writing' or method of writing' Simhghana, Yadava k., Sinhala, a. a. Ceylon,. Sishhala Manavamma, k, of Ceylon, Sinhalantaka, ep. of Chola k. Parantaka I, PAGE 50. 58. 114, 118 114, 115, 119 114, 115 * 13 97 287 30, 31, 36 30 30, 31 4. 98, 99, 100, 101, 108 223, 231 ia. 201, 202 202 monogrammatic 3 171. .218., 221 27, 28 & *. 218., 221 219, 221, 241, 257 289

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INDEX. 327 PAGE Simhavarman, Pallaws k.,. Sithararman, W. Ganga k., . . . 111 Sins, 8. a. China, 45 1. Sind, . . . . . 287 Binda, dy.. . . . . 188, 189 n. . Sindhu, co., . . . . 75 Singala, . a. Sinhala or Ceylon, . . . 45, 50 Singan, ch., . . . . 145 . Singanam, co.,. . . . . 270 Singanan, 8. a. Jayasimha,. 268, 276, 279 Singan Venkadan, 1., 236, 244, 254, 259, 266 Singhalese, people, . . . 86, 87, 88 Signamagur Grants,. . . . 7 Sinnamauar Platos, (Bigger), . 51 n., 52 n. Sinnamanur Plates, (Smaller), . . 617., 52 . Sirilango, m., . . . 139, 143 & n., 144 Sirivalaya, 8. a. Srivalaya ca.. . . . 190 Siriyadovi, q. . . . 188 & n., 189 7., 190 Sirko, 8. a. Sarkho vi., . 159 *. Sirpur, 8. 4. Sripura,. . . . 1771. Sirpur, s. a. Sripura,. . . 18, 19, 22 Sirpur Stone Inscription, . . . . 136 Sirpur Stone Inscription of the Time of Maha Sivagupta Balarjuna, . . 19, 21 Sirpar Teluple Inscription of Tivaradera's Grand-nephew, . . . . 21 n. Sirupanitruppadai, work, . 51 n. Siru-Sendamangalai, vi... 232, 237, 252, 265 Sisagara, field, . . . . . 115, 119 Sisodi, state, . . . Sita, epic heroine. . . . . . 101 Sitabaldi Pillar Inscription, . . . . 59 Sitabenga Cave, at Ramgarh Sitamidi Cave, at Silahari, . . 30 Sitamadi Cave Inscription, . . . 30, 31, 36 Siva, god . , 21 ., 40 & 1., 52, 61, 62, 63, 128 130, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 151, 152, 154, 157, 158, 164, 171, 175, 208, 211 & n., 212, 218, 220, 221, & 16., 254, 255, 256, 275, 278, 285, 288, 290, PAGE Sivamita, ., . . . . 30, 31, 38 Sivamitra, 3. a. Sivamita, . . . . 31 Sivanaga, scribe, . . . 129, 132, 135 Sivanardi, m.,. 31, 36 Sivanandi, 8. a. Sivanardi, . . . 31 Sivapadasekhara, Sur. of Chla k. Rajaraja I, 230 Sivarasi, acharya, . . . . 286, 291 Sivakarman, donee, . . . . 20, 21 Siwani Plates of Vakataka Pravarasena II, 16, 167, 169 n., 171 n., 172 n., 173 n., 209 n., 211 & n. Styaqonl Record of V. S. 1005,. . 122 Siyaconi Stone Inscription, . . . * 97 Siyaka Harsha, Paramara k. . . . 228 Skandagupta, Gupta k., . Skandapurana, work, . . . . 164 n. Skandavarman, k. . . . . . 29 Skandavarman, Pallava k... . . 111 Smaller Leiden Plates (of Kulottunga) I, 207, 274, 275, 283, 284 Sinriti, kistra, . . . . . . 194 8-odranga, privilege, . . . 75, 84, 110, 185 Sohgaura, vi.. . . . . . . 1 Sohgaura Place, . . . . . 1,3 Sokkanar, god, . . . . . 45, 49, 53 Solakulavallipattayam, vi., 268, 269, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Solanki (Chalukya) dy. . . . . 197 Sola-nadu, co., . . . . . 147, 234 Solan Silamban, ch... . . . . 43 Solar race, 33, 144, 152, 216, 255, 256, 272 Solasingha, engr., . Solavelan, m., . . . 235, 254, 266 Solunkhoe, 8. a. Solanki dy.. . . . 56 Somidita, ., . . . . . . 195 Somakala, dy. of Trikalinga, . . 136, 137 Somanatha, s. 4. god Siva, . 129, 132, 135 Somanathaiya, minister,. . 188 & n., 190 Somapithin, ep., . . . . 211 n. Somasvimin, donee, . . . . 94, 95, 96 Somavatha, see Somakula, . . . 135 Sonavatnsi kings of Bhandak, Somavarisi kings of Kosala . 17, 18, 21 N. Somavansi kings of Sripura, Somayujin, . : 109 Someavara, author, . . . . 56 n., 57. isomesvara, k., . . . . . . 162 Sumesvara, m., . . . . 161, 163 Soncavara I, W. Chalukya k., 55, 56, 101, 189 Somuevara Il, do. . . . . 56.88 Somesvara-tirtha, . . . 71, 78 23 201 . . Siva, *. a. goddess Parvati, Sivabrahmana', . . . Sivadisan Tiruvadigal, m., . Sivadata, m., . . . Sivaslatta, . a. Sivadata, Sivalaikudi, vi., . . . Sivamare I, W. Ganga k., . Sivamara II, Saigotta, do.. . . . . . . . 206, 207 149, 150 31, 36 . : 31 232, 247, 260 . . 111 . 111 & .

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328 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. (VOL. XXII. Riu. 183 ungs PAGE Son, 1. a. Sona ri., 164 n. Sriranga, mgr.,. . . 12, 13, 143, 368 kone, ri., . . . . . . 104 *. Srirangam, . . . . . . 44 Sons, ri., . . 128, 130, 133 Srtrangam, di... . . . , #31 Sopabbadra, .. a. Sopa n., . . 164. Srisakti, scribe,. . . 122, 194, 191 Sona bhadra, vi.. 161, 162, 164 & n., 165 Sri. Vaishrana,. . 376, 376 Sonadu, 8. a. Chola co. . . 40, 47, 49 Brtvalaya, ca... . . . . 188, 190 Sonad u konda, ep. of Maravarman Sundara Srfvallabha, Shinghaken t.. . . 87, 88, 90, 93 Pandya I, . . . . . 41, 226 Srt-Vijaya, Mo., . . . . . 382 . Sonadu-rafangi, do... . . . . 42 Srivijayo, .. a. Arvishays co., PO, 281, 282, & *., Sonari Stapa Casket Inkeription, . . . 35 283, 284 . Sondarn, vi., . . . . . 80 Brivishaya, co.,. . .m, 130, 242, 257, 288 Sonmunda, 6. a. Bopabbades vi., . . brotriya, . . . . . . . 195 Sonpur, &. a. Suvarnapers ca., . . 162 n. Sruti, s. a. Vida, . . . . . 165 --Opallipla, privilege, . . . . Boot-M-chu-la-wu-ni-fo-ma-webm, . a. Set. 8-Opanidhi, privilege,. . . , 137, 173 Chulmanivarman . . #-Oparikara, privilege,. . . 78, 119, 186 foru-di-ma-lo-p'i, .. a. Sot Wheejay Sorab Grant of Vinayaditya, . . 4, 26, 80 varman) . . . . . . 499 Soran Uyyanirraduvao, ... . . 30, 54 1, form of- . . Sora-Yalavan, . . 81 . Sthalamaidemya, work, . Soremati, ... . . 112>>. Sthanu, 8. d. god Siva, s-dahar-dvaskara-salama-wielio-lovan-akara, Sthapu, . a. god Siva, . . 131 privilege, . . . . . 155 Sthanu Ravi, China .. . 218, 295 $-tpad yamana-vishib, privilepe, 84, 110, 185 Sthiramati, monk . . . . 67 & ... 75 Srautasitra, word . . . . . Surtrajya, co., . . . . . 28. Sravana-Belgola Inscription, . , * & *. Subhakara, Kara .,'. . 100 Sravanabhadra, s. a.Sora bhadra vi., . 104 Sada, m.,. . . . . 196 Bravasti, ca. . . . . . 1, 2, 3 Sadrs, conte, . . 130, 140, 143, 144, 145 Srishlhin, banker', . . . 94, 95, 96, 195 Sugata, 8. a. the Buddha, . . . 71, 158 Sri, s. e. goddess Lakshmi, 17, 116, 131, 134 Sehila, ei.. . . . . . . 71, 75 Sribhavana, vi.. . . . . . . 88 flirt, 1. a. o rr., . . . 146, 148 Sridevt, s. a. Siriyadevi 9.,. . . 188 & *. Sultans of Delhi, Gujardt and Malwi,. 987 Sridhara, m., . . . ... 196, 197 . 148 Sridhara-Bhattan, m., 136, 245, 283, 250, 206 Samana, M., . . . . . . . . 195 Srikantha, Chola k.,. . Sumatra,. . . . . . 281, 282, 283 ... Srikantha, ep. of poet Bhavabhati, 211 m. Sameru, mo., . . . . 130, 133 Srikantha-Chaturvedimangalam, .. a. Tiruver. Summer solatice, . . . . . 24 umbar vi. . . . . 220 . Sun, . . . . . . . . 220 arikarana, record ofice', . . 95, 96 Sanaladevi, 9., . . . . . 192, 196 Srtkhenaka, . a. Srikhotaka L., 71, 74 Sunetra, 8. a. god Indra, . . . 164 Srtkhataka, I., . . . . . . 68, 71 Sundara, *. a. Chola k. Parantaka II, 221 Sr-Maharaja, Sailendra k., .. * 281 Sundara-chola, 214, 219 n., 220, 221, 222, 227 Selmala, ci., . . . 181, 185 Sundaramurtti-Nayanar, author, 40 n., 217 *. Srimala, di. . . . 181, 183 Sundaravarada Perumal, te. . 206, 207 R. Srimala, vi.. . 196, 197 Sung, Chinese dy., Sripala, engr. . . . 122, 124, 127 Sunga, dy. . . . . . 35, 205 Sriparvata, mo... Sangi, Mahindu's wife . 69, 61, 63 Sriparvala-sthalamahamya, work, . . .21 . hungamera, lax . * 208, 276, 279 Bripathi, ti.. . . 121, 124, 127 Baptavaadhi, vi., . . . 118, 119 Supura, ed., . . * 16, 17 & >>., 22 Suridhirkja, 1. a. Chola k. Suraguru, .216 . Sriparuha, W. Ganga . 110 ., 111, 112 & n., Bursguru, Chola k., 216 *., 217 and n., 290, 230, 256 113 & R.!

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INDEX. 329 PAGE Suraguru, 8. a. Brihaspati, . . . 241 Suramira, vi.. . . . . . . 27 Surasarit, 8. a. Ganga ri. . Suragena, clan,. . . . 2, 121, 123, 123 Surashtra, co., . 115, 119, 221 Surashtra, tribe, . . . 33 Surasikhamani-Pallavaraiyan, 8. a. Sendan Ganapati, . . . . . . 147 SurathOtsava, work, . . . . . 56n. Surat Plates of Karks, . 78, 79 .., 99, 104 %. Suratrana, 8. a. Saltan Shamsuddin Altamah of Delhi, . . . . 285, 288, 289 Suravira, Paramira ch. . . . . 56 Surriyan Tevadi, n., . . . . 236, 244, 259 Surya, god. . . . 59, 62 Surya, M., . . . 216 . Surya, myth. k., . . * 216 & n. Suryadvija, class, . . 97, 98 Suryaravi, com. . . 196, 198 Suryasiddhanta, work, . . 161 . Suryavarmari, k. of Magadha, . 18, 19 and . Suryavarman, Maukhari k., . . . 19 Sukarman, Kanoa k.,. . . Sutanuka, deadasi, . . 31 Sutradhara, mason', . . 129, 132, 192, 195 n. Sutriman, 8. a. god Indra,. . . 240, 256 Suvarnadvipa,. . . . . 281 *. swarpakara, goldsmith', . . . . 124 Suvarnapura, C., . . . . 162 16. Suvarnarokha, ri.,.. ... 154 Suvarna varahs, 8. a. Gujarat Rashfrabia k. Karka,. . . . . . 77, 84 fra, form of- . . . . . 54 Svabhramati, ri., . . Svamidatta, k. of Koura, . 31 Svamidatta, 4. a. Samidata, * '30, 31 Svami-Mahabhairava, deity, 170 n., 171, 176 and ., 208, 212 svara, musical note', . . . .50 1. Syamaka, ch., . . . . . . 102 PAGS Tagara, ri., . . . . Tails It, W. Chalukya k... . . . 228 Tailappa, Chalukya ch., . . 187, 188, 190 Takkanaladam, 1. a. Dakshina Radha, . . 154 Takkola, I., . . . . . . Takkolam, vi., . . . . . . 219 Tala, E. Chalukya k.,. . 228 Talaksta, di., . . . . . 170 %. Talakkad, os., . . . . 225 T'alara or Takirakaha, of... .285, 289, 290, 291 Talegaon Platee. . . . . 177 Talha, M., . . . . . . . . . 195 . Talha or Talbajarman, dones, . . 192, 194 Tali Virabolan, 1., . . * 236, 254, 266 Tallapalla, vi.. . . . . . . 112 Tambraus, vi., . . . . . . 27 Tamil, co., . . . 27, 44, 145, 218 >>. Tammadi.Bhattan, n., 238, 244, 245 and n., 259 tamraphali, copper-plate' . 150 n., 157 tamra-sasana,copper grant', 23, 96, 137, 156, 268, 276, 277, 278,279 T&mtarada, family, . . . . Tanohapurl, S. a. Tanjore . . 218, 221 Tandabhukti, .. a. Dasdabhukti, . . . 154 Taplantottam Inseription of Pallavamalla, 111 ., 204 112 Tanjai, os... a. Tanjore, . 40, 45, 46, 51 and >>. Tsijavar, 6. a. Tanjore, . 223, 225, 243, 958 Tanjore, . . . . . 40, 45, 51, 230 Tanjore Inscription of Rajaraja , . . 225 Tanjore Temple Inscription, . . 225. Tank Committee, . . . 148, 149, 150 tapasvin, ascetio' . . . 139, 144 Tari, goddes, . . . . . . 281 karagu, lax, . 234 tarippudavai, do.. . 234, 203 Tarka, sistra, . * 156, 165 Taruma, 4. a. Tarimanagara, Tarnanegara, ca. in W. Jona, Tattan Senday, .. . 235, 244, 268 Tattan Sikattan, M., 236, 254, 200 tatar, . . . . . . . 146 taftarappan, lax, . . . . . 234 Taxila Plate, . . . . . . 14 Teja, 7., . . . . 296, 291 Tejaheimha, Gulila k., 286, 286, 287 & *. 288, 289, 291 Teki Plster, . * 271 Telangana, Co., . . . . . . 66 , 4, final, t 12, 16, 30, 94, 168, 215 16, 66, 128, 151, 177, 208, 215 . Tachchar, . . . Tadangan pichchirrte, vi., Tadignipadi, co., . Tagadai, ca., . Tagadur, &. a. T'ayadai, . . . 30, 54 221, 224, 245, 259 , . . 42, 43.

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330 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. 43 29 * 262 . . 195 PAGE Telings, co.. . 45, 50 Teflarrerinda, sur, of Nandivarmau Pallava 110 n. Tegkarai, vi.. . . . . Ten-Tagadai, 8. a. Tagadai, 43 Ter (Thairns), ti., . terri, . . . Teva kudaiyag, m.,. . 235, 254, 266 Tevan Sattan, m.. . 236, 244, 259 Tevuram, wurk, see also Diviram, . 88 n. th, . . . . 13, 128, 168, 180 n. thabbha, 'pillar! . . . . . 37. Tbsirkedda, vi., . . . . . . 29 Thakura, bit., . . . 188 & 11., 190 Thakurdiya, vi., . . . 15, 22 thpA, Kharoshthi, form of -, . . 13 Tidgundi,Inscription of Vikramaditya VI, . 189 tiger, emblem on banner, . 217 m. tiger, emblem on 8'01, . . . . . 213 Tigwan, vi., Tikama, m., . . . Tillai, .. a. Puliyur, . . 40 n. Tillaiyali, m., . . 222, 242, 257, 258 Tiperi, vi. . . 161 Tinnevelly, . . . 39, 227 Tirsimurpadu, di., . 234, 254, 266 Tirodi, I., . . 167, 169, 170 Tirodi Plates of Pravarasens II, . . 209 . Tirthankaras, . . . . 211 Tiruchchaykkadu, . . 217. Tiruchchendur Inscription, . . . 8, 206 Tirugokarnam, vi., . . . . 40 . Tirukkalukkagram, vi., . . . 146, 147 Tirukkannangudi, vi., . 232, 237, 253, 265 Tirumalai, ci., . . . Tirumalai Inscription of Rajendrachola, 153, 154 Tirumalli-nadu, di., . . . 45, 50, 54 Tirumandiravolainayajam, off.. . . 224, 259 Tirumangai-Alvar, ch., . . . . 230 Tirumayanam, ti., , . . 88 n. Tirumayanam Inscription, . . . 86, 91 m. Tirun ukkndal Inscription of Virarajendra, 162 . Tirunallar, n., . 236, 245, 253, 259, 266 Pirunanipalli, . . . . . 217 . Truna saiyurnadu, di., 139, 140, 143, 144, 236, 236, 244, 245, 253, 259, 266 Tiruvivukkaraso, anchor, . . 217 m. Tirupavur, .,. . 232, 237, 253, 265 Tirunelveli, 8. a. Tinnevelly, . . 45, 49, 53 Tirunelveli-Udaiyar, te., . . 45, 49, 6B PAGE Tirupparangu yram Stone Inscription, 7& . Tirupparkadal Inscription, . . . Tiruppulivalattu-Mahadeva, te., . . . 147 Tiruvadi, . . . . . . 147 Tiruvarligal, . . . . 231 Tiruvaigal, vi... . 217. Tiruvlaudurai, vi.. . Tiruvalanilurai-Udaiyar, te., . . . 43 Tiruvalangadu, vi.. . . . 86, 88 ., 89, 91 Tiruvalangadu Grant, . . . . 40 n. Tiruvalatgadu Plates of Rajcudra-Chola I., . , 88 n., 213, 214, 217 & 1., 218 & 9., 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 225, 226, 227, 272, 284 Tiruvaliam, vi., . . . . . . 234 Tiruvallain Inscription, . . . . 274 Tiruvallam Inscription of Pallavamalla 110 n. Tiruvaranga, 4. a. Vanduvaraja, 139, 143 & n., 144 Tiruvarangan, 4. 1. Sriranga enr. 233, 243, 258 Tiruvarur Inscription of Vikrama-chola, 216 1. Tiruvarur kurram, di., , : 269, 277, 280 Tiruvivadudurai, . . . . 217 m. Tiruvedagain, vi., . .. . . 89 Tiru-Velvikudi, vi., . - 235 Tiruvengadu Inscription, . . . . 55 Tiruvcrumbur, vi.. . . . 220 A. Tiruvilakkudi, . a. Tira-Velvikudi vi., 235 Tiruvirattanamudaiya Mahadeva, te... 268, 278, 280 Tikaimugan, 8. d. god Brahman,. . . 46 Tivaradeva, Nomarni k. of Kosala, 17 & n., 18, 19, 21 & 1., 22, 208 Tivarkhod Plater, . . . . . 93 n. Tiyambaka-Bhattan, . . . 236, 244, 259 Tiyaveni, 3. a. Triveni, . . . . 2 tiyeri, tax . . . 234, 263 Tovarobodu Grant of Vinayaditya, 25, 26, 29 Tondaiman, .. a,Vanduvaraja, . . 140 Tondai-mandulam, co., . . 27 Tondainadu, . . . . Tondaiyarveadan, ch., . . . 140 Took-Toda, 1., . . . * 56 Toranspadra, vi.. . . . . 108 Torkbede Plates of Govinda, 68 11., 78 n., 79 Lotti, elephant-goal', auspicious sign, . . 53 n. Trairajyr, . . . . . 27, 28 & n. Trairajya, con . . , 27, 28 & n. Trairajya-Phullava, . . . . 27 Trayivardhana, 11., . . . 129, 132, 135 tree, symbol, . . . . . 3

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INDEX 331 PAGE u, initial,. u, medial, 1, medial, . . . . . . . 93 6, 93, 160, 167, 168, 208, 215 . . . 6, 16, 93, 187, 215, 268 Ubhaiyakulamalan, minister, .. . 216 n. UchchainSravas, Indra's horse, . , 123, 125 Udabhanda, ca., . . . . 97 Udaiyendiram Inscription of Pallavamalla, 111 . Udarimayakkal, field, . . . , 248, 261 Udayachandra, general, . . . . 111 l'dayaditya, Hoysala prince, . . 58, 59 Udayaditya, Paramara ch., 56, 57, 58, 59, 60 Udayaditya, Paramara k., 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63 PAGE Tribhuvana or Tribhuvanapala, A. of Gujarat, 285, 288, 289 Tribhuvanachakravartin, sur. of Kulottunga I., . 139, 143, 144 Tribhuwanachakravartin, tit., of S. Kongu k. Virarajendra, . . . . . . 42 n. Tribhuranachakraratti Konerimmai-Kondan, tit. of Choja k. Rajadhiraja II, . 89, 91 Tribhuvana-Mahadevi. Kara q.,. . . 100 Tribhuvanam Inscriptions, . . . 88 . Tribhuvananarayana, te.. . : 285, 288, 290 Tribhuranananar iyawa, tit. of Paramare Bhoja, 288 Trikalinga, co.,. . . . . 136, 137 Trikata, mo.. . . . . . . 20 Trilocbana-Pallava, Pallara k., . . 28 n., 217). Tripurl, ca. . . . 127 n., 128, 160 & n., 164 Trivandrum Museum Stone Inseription, 7 & n. Trivara, Somarani k. of Kosala, . . 21 N. Trivaranagara, ca.. . . 19 Trivida, . . . . 172 Triveni. l., . 2 3 Tryaksha, s. a. gol Sira, tta, form, confused with bha, tu, Khardshthi, form of . Tudi-rishtra, 8. a. Tunda-rashtra, . 16. 22 Tuhinagiri, 8. a. Himalava mo... . . 164 Tujumba, ri... . . . . 129, 132, 133 tulabhara, gift. . . . . . . 221 Tulabhara, &. a. Surdarararada Peruma! . . 206, 207 Tulu, co... . . 219, 221, 241, 257 Tammana, ca.. : : . . 100 n. Tunda, ri. . . 22 & n. Tunda-rashtra, di.. . . . 22 & *. Tundira, co., . . . 292 Tundiraka-bhulti, di., . Tandra, ri.. . . Tundragaon, ri.. . Tudri, ri.. . . Tungabhadri, Ti., Tungamangalam. ri., 236, 245, 253, 259, 260 tini, measure of capacity, 223, 238, 277, 278, 279, 280 Taraiyar, ri., . . 232, 237, 252, 267 Turpil, ri. . . 236, 245, 253, 259, 266 Turaruraran Anukkan, m.. . 202, 243, 258 Turarurarin, Anukkan, . . . 283 12 2111. 37, 38 120 l'da vamarttandanallur, vi., . , 269, 278, 280 Udayana, Somawan si k. of Kaala, . 18 Udayatari, J. (1), . . . . 31. 36 Udayendiram Plates of Prithvipati II, 218 . dayi, m., . . . . . 285, 289 Uddandapura, 8. a. Bihar . Uddharapa, m., . . . 285, 286, 289, 291 Uddharaasvami, te., . . 286, 291 udranga, fax, . . 175. t'dumbara, 1., . . Udunpur, ri., . . udu pokku, tar,. . 231, 263 Ugrodaya, gem, . . . . . . 112 Ukhala pudra, ti., . . . . 108 Ukhalapadri, ri.. . . 108 Ukha Mandir, te., . . L'Ithya, sacrifice, . . 171, 175, 208, 212 llacbala, ri., . . . . . . 29 Clagalandasolapuram, ri., . . . . 147 Ulaga mulududaival, Pandyn 9. 44, 49, 53 t'lagudai-mukkokkilanadigal, 9., . 89, 91 l'lakhara, vi., . ulaklu, measure of capacity, . 147 Usehal, ri., 24, 29 ulgu. far,. . . . . . 234, 263 Ulla kheta, ri.. . . 136, 137 ulud inkudi, . Ulugh Khan, . . Uma, s. a. goddess Parvati. . 129, 130, 133 Unu-and-Isa, 8. a. Ardhanartsrare, . : 130 Uma and Sira, s. a. Ardhsuarlsvars, . . 133 upadk maniya,. . . . 77 add., 114, 168 upadhynya, teacher', . . . 151, 156, 159 . 287

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332 upaklipta, upapataka, Uparichara, a. a. Chola k., Vasu, uparikara, tax, upisaka, Buddhist lay worshipper' upavedas : Arthaveda, Ayurveda, Dhanurveda, Gandharvaveda, Upendra, m., Upendra, s. a. god Vishan, ur, Uraiyur, Uran Aiyyan, m., Uran Chandrasekharan, m., Urandai, ca., 8. a. Uraiyur,. Uran Nakkan, m., Uran Uran, m. of Kadambavala-vatkai, Uran Oran, m. of Palankorrangudi, Urappali, Pakkaran, m.,. urar, s. a. sabha, Argalilar,. Uruvar, vi., Urval, nymph, Grafchi, tax, Uratturai, vi., Uren Inscriptions in Bhaikshuki Lipi, Vabavadata's Cave Inscription, Unara, myth. k., Utaragana, prince, Utkala, s. a. Orissa, Utkodi, vi., PAGE 175 & n. 76, 85, 109, 185 220 175 n. 34 40, 45, 46, 51 & n. 238, 253, 265 238, 253, 265 238, 253, 265 246, 249, 260, 262 224, 231, 232, 233, 237, 251 & n., 252 & n., 253, 263, 264, 265 234, 262 87, 89, 90, 92 37 231, 243 236, 254, 266 123, 125 30 220 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. 50 n. 50 n. 50 ., 117 50 n. 97, 98 116, 123, 125 231, 232 40, 45, 51 237, 252 237, 251, 264 Pallavayan, Uttaramallar, vi., Uttarameru-Chaturvedimangalam, vi., I.,.. Uttara-Radha, co., Uttararamacharita, work, Utthanaka, vi., Uttiraladam, s. a. Uttara-Radha, Uttiramerur, vi., Uttar, vi... Uttama-Chola, Chola k., Uttamaeola Pallavaraiyan, s. a. Irayiravan * 94, 95 & m., 96 153, 162, 221 269, 279, 281 214, 219, 222, 227 Uttaramorur, vi., Uttaramerur Inscription of Chola Parantaka 234, 254, 266 145, 146, 148 147, 148, 149, 150, 206, 207 8 & n. . 8&. 154 211 m. 285, 288, 290 154 205&n. 232, 237, 252, 264 . PAGR Uvarkkudi, vi.,. 232, 237, 253, 265 Uyyakkondar valanadu, Zi.,. 234, 235, 244, 254, 258, 266 v, v, doubled after anusvara, v, used for b, . v, wrong doubling of-, Vachchiyan Parameevaran Puvah, m. Vadagaon, vi., Vada-Kadanpadi, vi.,. Vadakkil-angadi, Vadakudi, vi., vadava, record keeper', Vadavalli, vi., Vagada, s. a. Dungarpur state, Vagghachchha, vi.. Vaghaditya, donee, Vaghodia, s. a. Vagghachchha vi., Vaghor, vi., vaka, Vaidumba, dy., vajayika-dharma-sthana, of justice', Vaikhanasa, Vaikuntha-Perumal, te., Vairagara, co., Vaishnava, sect, 5, 30, 160, 168, 200, 208 168 55, 66, 99, 136, 151, 160, 168, 177, 187, 192 7, 16 248, 261 181 269, 278, 280 147 269, 277, 280 195. 71, 75 192, 193 & n. 80 1937. 80 94 99, 108 220 Vaisvadeva, mahayajna, Vaisya, caste, Vaivaavat, myth. k., Vajapeya, sacrifice, 170 237, 251, 263 146 162 139, 140, 143, 144, 199, 202 85, 109, 185 34 220 167, 171, 175, 208, 211 & n., 212 142 12 72, 81, 105, 182 129, 132, 135 4, 16, 17, 18, 21m., 22, 100, 167, 168 & n., 169, 171, 172 & n., 173 n., 174, 175 & m., 176, 207, 208, 209, 210 & n., 211, 212 164n. 216, 220, 238, 255 18, & n., 76, 114 47 & n., 52 188 m., 190 & n. 234, 263 140 [VOL. XXII. victorious office Vajrahasta III, Ganga k., Vajrapani, attendant of the Buddha, Vajrata, k., Vakadollaka, vi., Vakataka, dy., Vakpati Munja, Paramara k., Valabha, myth. k., Valabhi, ca., Valagiri, mo., Valaiya, m., valamanjadi, tax, Valavaivendan, s. a. Vanduvaraja, .

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INDEX 333 . . . . . . . . . PAGE 55 131 Viran, . . . Varanasl, ci., . . Vararuchi, author, Vardhamanabhukti, di.. 154 Vardhamanaka, vi,, . vari,' revenue department', . Vari, vi., . . . Varippottaga-Kanakku, off., Varippottagam, off., . . 151, 163, 166, 158 169, 172, 175 . . . 206 . 170 236, 254, 266 224, 236, 244, 259, 288 variyam, . . . . 8, 10, 11 and 1. variyam, committee,' . . . . . 148 rariyar, . . . . . . 8 Variyilidu, off.. . . 236, 266 Varman, dy of Magadha, 19 and n., 39n. Varuna, m., . . . . 116, 119 Varunarya, donee, . 168, 172, 176 Vasata. q. of Somavarns k. Harshagupta, 18, 19 Vasishtha, aage, . . . 60, 62, 101 Vasishthi, gotra-n., . . : 32 Vasishthiputra, melronymic of an Ikahvaku k., 34 Vasishthiputra, metronymic of a Satavahana - 140 PAGE Valavan, 6. a. Chola, 40, 46, 47, 49, 51 and 2., 53 Valha, m., . . . . . . 195 Vallabha, ep. of Rashtrakufa ch. Parabala, 68n. Vallabha, 8. a. Amoghavarsha I,. . 68, 69 and n., 72, 74, 81, 106, 107, 182, 183 Vallabha, 8. a. Govinda II, . . 104, 106, 1781., 184 Vallabha-Vallabha, 8. a. Chola k. Virarajendra 272 Vallikamam, vi.. . . . 87, 89, 90, 92 Valod, . a. Vadavalli vi., . . . 71 Vima, sect, . . . . . 50n. Vamana, m., . . * . 196, 197 Vimana Sankarappadi, . . 147 Vamstakshama, . . . 98 Vanagiri, &. a. Valagiri, . . . 47n. udnakarmin, . . . 139, 144, 145 Vanaraiyar, Bana k.', 110n., 112, 113 and R. Vanavasmahadevi, Choja q., . 221 Vanavannadu, di., . . Vanaviss, co., . . . . 129, 132, 135 Vandai, ci.. . . . . . Vandaiman-Tondaiman, minister, 139 Vandainagar-aralan, . . . . . 139 Vandaiyarkon, . . . . . 140, 141 Vandalazjeri, 8. a. Mandalajeri vi., . 140 Vandi-Dindori Plates of Govinda III, 93n. Vanduvarija, general, . . 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145 Vangaladesa, E. Bengal, . . . . . . 154 Vanganagar, vi.. . 235, 244, 259 udrigar, . . . . . 146 Vanki Creek, sve Vankildri, . 797. Vankiki, ri.. . . . . . . 70n. vannarapparai, taz, . 234, 263 Vapi, vi.?, . . . . . . . 79n. vapi, reservoir of water', . . . 116, 119 Vappaka, 8. a. Bapa, etc., . : 286 Vappuka, Surasena k. . 121, 123, 125 Varada, ri., . . . . . 169 varada-mudra, . . . Varaguna II, Pandya k., . . . 206 Varaguna-Maharaja, 8. a. Varaguna-Pandya, 7, 8 Varaguna-Pandya, Pandya k., . * 8,7 Varagupavarman, . . . . 7n. vanaha, see boar, emblem on seal,. . 104n. Varahamihira, author, . . . 166 Varahatirtha, . . . 170n. Varahiputra, metronymic of Atvibhuti, . . 32 Vastavya, family, . . . 163 and n. vastu-kahatra-jaladhara-gartia-marga-samanai ta, privilege, . . . . . . 155 Vasu, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Vasudeva, com.,. . . . . 109 Vasudeva, engr., . . 222, 223, 243 and .., 258 Vasudeva, m., . . 222, 223, 243, 268 Vasudeva, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . 151, 156, 158, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204 and >>. Vasudovabhatta, dones, . 181, 185, 189 and . Vatanarayanekvara, te., . . . 86 Vatapadraka, ul., . . . . 79, 80 Vatapadraka, vi.. . 192, 193 and . Vatapi, ca., . . * 27 and . Vatapi-konda, ep. of Pallava Narasimhavar man, . . . . . . . 27 Vatapura, 8. a. Vatapadraka, . , . 80 Vatiya, ... . . . . . vatodariya, privilege, .. Vatsaraja, engr., . Vatel, gotra-po.. . . . 32 Vatalputra, metronymic of Dhanabhuti, . 36 vaffinali, taz, . . . . . . 234, 263 Vavans, m., . . 192, 193, 194, 196, 196 Vayaju, ., . . . . . 285, 289

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334 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [Vol. XXII. PAGE Vayaja, m., . . . . . . 192, 194 Vayaraka, fin. 286, 291 Vayiragaram, w., . 269, 270 Vayupurana, work, 171n. Vida, . . 10, 11, 45, 50, 51, 63n., 100, 156, 159, 161, 165, 168, 172, 175, 181, 185 vedas sve also wpavidas) - Atharvaveda, 50%., 168, 175 Rigvede, . 50n. Samaveda, . . . . 50., 151, 168 Yajurveda, . . 16, 50n., 115 Yajurveda (Black), . 136, 211 Vedangas, . . . 181, 185 Vedanta, sastra, . . . 132, 135, 166 Vedanurudaiyan Araiyan Sivallavan:m. 50, 54 Vodavanamudaiyan Ammaiappan, donce, 86, 87, 88 and 1., 91, 92 Vedavyasa, 8. a. sage Vyasa. 29, 76, 85, 96, 109, 186 Vedic gotras, . . . . 32, 34, 35 Vedic golta-names, . . . : 32 Vedic metronymios,. . 32, 34 Velamalai, mo... . . 89 Vela-nadu, di... . 236, 245, 253, 259 266 Velangudi, vi.. . . . 232, 237, 251, 263 Velan Karunakaran Tondaiman, 8. a. Vandu. varaja,. . . . . . . 140 Velan Uttamaadlan, .. . . 235, 244, 245, 258, 259 Velha, in.. . . . . . . . 195 peli, land measure, . . 53, 54, 86, 88, 91, 92, 223, 244, 258, 259, 260, 268, 269, 274, 279, 280 Vellala, caste, , 232, 247, 260, 261, 262, 263 velalar, cultivators'. . , 146, 206, 207 Vollaru, ri.. . . . . 89, 90, 91, 92 Velur, vi., . . . 218n. Velur Ganga Inscriptions, 112n. Velarpalaiyam Pallava Grant, . Valorpalayam Plates, . . . . . 218 Velvikudi Grant of Jatilavarman, 6, 7 and #. Velvikudi Plates, . . . 51n. Vembara, vi.. . . Vena, myth. k., . . . . 220 Veni, ri., . . . . . . 171n. Venadu, . . . Venakata, di.,. . . . 170n. Venatata, di... .. . . . 170. Vangai, &. a. Vongi, . 66 Vengainadu, 3. a. Veng co., 56, 221, 224, 225, 248, 259 PAON Vengl, co.,. 55, 56n., 58, 99, 103, 104, 139, 141, 142. 144, 145, 180, 221, 222, 227, 228, 270, 271, 272 Vengika, k. of Vengi, . . . . . 184 Venkidangil, vi.. . . 232, 238, 253, 265 Vennadu, di., . . 234, 235, 244, 254, 258, 266 Vennainallur, vi.. . 236, 244, 245 and 1., 259 Vennaiya Bhattan, m., 236, 245, 253, 254, 259, 266 Vennakata, di.,. . . . 170n. Venva, ri.. . 171n. Venya, Ti. . 171n. Vetohiyur, vi., 45, 50, 54 Vetkovan, off. 233, 237, 251, 252, 253, 264, 265 reftipperu, . . . . 231, 248, 258, 231, 243, 258, 260 Vidarbha, co.. . . . 169, 170n., 210, 211 Viddhamlabhanjika, work, . . . 20n. Videlvidugu-chaturvedimangalam, 8. u. ka: dalangudi vi., . . . . . . 235 Vidugadalagivan, 8. a. Vidugadalagiya-Peru mal. . . . Vidugadalagiya-Peruma), ch., . . . 42 Vidugadan, s. a. Vidugadalagiva-Perumal. . 42 Vidyaranya, author, . . . . . 45. rihara, 'Buddhist monastery', . 66, 228, 229, 230, 231, 233, 242, 257, 267, 274, 283 Vihenda, m., . . . . . 98 Vija, I., . . . . . . 195 Vijaya, 8. a. Srivijaya co. . . 282n. Vijayabahu, k. of Ceylon, . . . . 142 Vijayabharana, sur. of Kulottunga I, 143, 144 Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k., . . 99 Vijayaditya VII, E. Chalukya k., . 55, 141, 142, 271, 272 Vijaya-Isvaravarman, W. Ganga k.. . 112n. Vijayalaya, Chola k., . . 217, 218, 220, 221, 227, 239 Vijaya-mahadevi, Chalukya q., . 102 Vijaya-Nandisvaravarman, 8. a. Pallara k. Nandivarman-Pallavamalla, . . 110, 113 Vijaya-Narasiibavikramavarman, W. Ganga . . . . . . 112n. Vijayapala, Gurjara-Pratihara k.. . . . 122 Vijayarajendradeva, 8. a. Chola k. Rajadhira ja I, . . . . Vijayarajendrasola-valanadu, di.. . 278, 280 Vijayasena, Sena k., . . . . . 100 Vijayasinhasuri, acharya, . . 286, 291 . . 210 273n.

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INDEX. 335 PAGE PAGE Vindhya, mo.. . 76, 85, 109, 117, 118, 186 Vinga, v., . . . 181, 187, 189, 190, 191 Vinna, ri., . . . . . . 171n. Vira-Ballala, . a. Ballala,. . . 59 Vira-chola, Chola k.,. . . . 220, 221 Vira-chola, S. Kongu k., . Virachola-Lankosvaradeva, 8. a. Solan Silam ban. . . . . . . . 43 Viradhavala, Baghela ch. of Dholka, 288 Viraditya, ., . . . . . 97, 98 virama,'aign of multe consonant', . . 5, 65, 66 Viramahendra, sur. of Kulottunga I, 139, 143, 42, 43 144 289 Vijayavadi, 8. a. Bezwada,. . . 55, 142 Vikama (Vikrama), com.. . . . . 192 Vikkala, . . . . . . 46, 50 Vikkalan, 8. a. W. Chalukya Vikramaditya VI, 268, 270, 276, 279 Vikkiramabaranatterinda-Valangai-Velaikka rae, . . . . 269, 279, 281 Vikrama-chola k., . . 216n. Vikrama-chola, 8. Kongu k., Vikramachole, sur. of Kulottunga I, . 139, 143, 144 Vikramadilya I., Bana k... . . . 112 Vikramadilya I., W. Chalukya k. 26, 27, 28 and 1., 29, 102 Vikramaditya II, do. . . . . . 111 Vikramaditya VI, do. . . 55, 56, 57, 58, 69, 188, 268, 269, 272, 279 Vikramahendra, Vishnubundin k., Vikramakesarin, Kodumbalur ch., Vikramankacharita, work, . . 55., 66n. Vikramankadevacharita, work, . Vikrama-Pandya, Pandya k., . 88 and n. Vikramapura, ca. . . . . . 44 Vikramasblam-ula, work, . . . 214 Vikramondravarman 1, Vishnukundin k., . 19, 20 and n., 21n. Vikramondravarman II, do. . 19, 20 and n. 21 Vikukshi, myth. k., . . . . . Vikukshisvara, myth. k., . . . 220 Vilaippandur, I., . . Vilanda, . . . Vilappu, ri.. . . 248, 249, 261, 262 Vilarde, vi., . . . 112n. Vilisadevi, Sena q.. . . . . 100 Vilattar, ti.. . . . 285, 244, 245, 258, 259 viltkhaka, engraver', . 144 Vilifam, vi.. . Viliam, ci., . Vilinda, ci., . . . . 225 Vilinda, vi., . . . . 221 Villava, . . . . . 46, 50 Villavas, 8. a. Chera, . . 40n., 268, 276, 279 Villavarayan, m., 91, 92 Vimaladitya, . Chaluleya k., . . 270, 271 Vimsa, co., Vinada, m., . . . . . . 195 Vinayaditya, 6. a. Vinayaditya-Satyasraya 25, 26, 27 and 1., 28 and n., 29, 111n. Vinayaditya-Satyakraya, W. Chalukya k., 24, 29 Viranarayana, vi, . . . . 219, 221 Viranarayana-chaturvedimangalam, vi., 236, 245, 264, 269, 266 Vira-Pandya, Pandya k., . 7., 87, 88 and ., 91, and 1., 92, 219, 221, 224, 227 and n., 241, 256 Virarajendra, Chola k., 55, 58n., 142, 146 n., 162n., 214, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 284 Virarajendra, 8. Kongu k.,. . 42 and ., 43 Virarajendradeva, 8. a. Vira-chola, . 221 Virasina, Choja k., . . . . . 220 virastshai, tar, . . . , 268, 276, 279 Virasimhadeva, Guhila k. of Dungarpur, 192, 193 and n., 194 Vira-Somesvara, Hoysala k., . . . 44 Virifichipuram Inscription of Pallavamalla 110n. virpidi, fax, . . . . 234, 263 Virula, field, . . . . . . 195 Visala, m., . . . . . 192, 196 Vissladova, Baghela Rani of Dholka,. 287, 288 visarga, . . . . . 5, 168, 172n. visarga, changed into jihvamiliya, 77 visarga, changed into sibilant, . . . 99 visarga, changed into upadhmaniya, . . 77 visarga, omitted, . . 136, 139, 168, 192 visarga, euperfluous, . . 16, 227., 96n., 118n. vishaya, territorial division, . . . 181, 181 Vishayapati, off. . . . 84, 108, 184 Vishnu, god. . . 4, 8, 211., 51, 52 and ., 60, 62, 94, 96, 121, 124, 125, 126, 127, 139, 144, 174, 199, 202, 204 and 1., 211, 216 and .. 220, 264, 265, 275, 276, 285, 286 Vishnu, 8. a. Hoyaala Vishnuvardhana, . 59 Vishnu, 8. a. Sailendra k., BM-Maharaja, 281 Vishpukundin, dy., . . 19, 96n., 178n. Vishnupurara, work, . . . , 28 and . Vishnuraja, a.a. E. Chalukya & Vishnuvardh ana IV, . . . . 99 225

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336 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VOL. XXII. PAGE YAdave, rare PAGE Vishnuvardhana, Hoysala prince, . . . : 35 Vishnuvardhana, 8. a. E. Chalukya k. Vijaya Yajnaralkya Smriti, worki . . .68 . ditya VII, . . . . . . yajfika, . . . 196. Vishnuvardhana, 8. a. Kubja-Vishnuvardhana Yakshas, . 217 R. Vishnuvardhana IV, E. Chalukya k., . . Yama, yol, . . . . 59, 122, 125 Vishnuvardhana-Vijayaditya, 3. a. E. Chalu. Yasal karna, Haihaya k., . . . . 129 kya k. Vijayaditya VII, . . . . 271 Yasaskarl, Surasena q., 121, 123, 126 Vievadeva, k., . . . . 35 Yasovarman, k. of Kananj, . . . , 211 Visvajit, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Yasovarman, Paramara k., . . . 57, 192. Vibvakarman, divine architect, 132, 135 Yaudbeya, tribe. . . . . . 33 Visvaladova, 8. a. Baghela ch. Visaladora, 286, 288, Yavana, trihe, . . . . . 33, 153 291 Yavanika, 8. a. Elini, Vigvamitra, aage, . . . . 60, 62 years of the cycle :Viftarsen, 4. a. E. Chalukya k. Vishnuvardhana Hemalamba, . . . . 86 . IV, . . . . 99, 107 Sarvadhirin,. . Vrihatkodil Grant, . . . 141 Siddharth, .. . . . 185, 188, 189 Vusavata, vi., . . 121, 122, 124, 127 years of the reigu Vyaghragrahara, 6. a. Puliyur. 40n., 218, 220, 3rd, . * . 16, 23 239, 256 5th, . . . . . . 26 Vyaghraketu, Cholu k., . 217 and 1., 239, 255 Ytb, . . . . 26, 205, 206, 207 Vyaghrapuri, 8. a. Puliyor, . . . 40n. 10th, . . . . . . 26 Vyaghraviraka, vi.. . . . 94, 96, 171. 11th, * 25, 26, 136, 138 Vyakarana, sastra, . . . . . 156 12th, . . 24, 25, 26, 29, 86, 89, 91, 92 Vyolabhayankara, Chola k., .i 220 13th, . . . . 152, 157, 159 Vyamuktabravanojjvala, 8. a. Vidugadalagiya 14th, . . . . . 25., 26 Perumal, . . . . . . 42 15tb, . . . . . 148, 149 vyaparin, merchant', . . . 146, 147, 207 20th,. . . 45, 49, 53, 54, 268, 279 Vyasa, sage, . . 23, 29, 76, 85, 96, 165, 21x, . 222, 223, 226, 228, 229, 230, 241. 174, 176, 216, 239, 255 244, 267, 268, 269, 263 Vyavaharin, ofl. . . . . . 156 23rd, . . . 168, 174, 230, 264, 266 vyavastha or vyavasthai,' resolution' 7, 8, 9, 33rd, . . . . 138, 139, 143, 144 11, 147, 148, 149, 205, 206, 233 351h, . . . . . . 9, 11 52nd, . . . . . 110, 113 Yogaraja, 7., . Waghela, 8. a. Bagbela clan, . 56 . 285, 286, 289, 291 . Yogarkjavara, 4. u. god Siva . . Wainganga, ri.,. 288, 291 .171 and 1., 210 *. . Yogekvara, . u. yod Siva, , . . 269 Wairagadh, 4. a. Vayirigaram vi., 286, 286 Yogekvari, . a. goddess Parvati, 285, 286, 288, 291 Wan, .. a. Ban s., . . . . . 170 Yona, co., . 177 n. . . . . Wpl-Dindori Plates of Govinda III, 153 Yuan Chwany, 8. a. Hinen Triang, Wardak Khardahtht Inscription, . . . 67, 97 12 Yudbiphthira, epic hero, 23, 96, 101, 158, 168, 172, Wardha, 8. a. Varadari.. . . . 189, 211 Wari, vi., . . . . . . 170 and .. Yugadinarami, see Krilayujadi, . . 156 Warkbed, vi. . . . . . 170 *. Yuvanaava, myth. k., . . . . 220 Wima or Wina Kad phians, . 13, 14 yuvaroja, "heir apparent', 70 and n., 139, 156, 160, 272, 289 Yuvarajadeva I, Haihaya k., Xatbroi, 3. Q. Khathrai, 128, 129 and n., 130, . . 33 , 133 Yuvaraja II, do., . . 129 and n., 132, 135 . Yuvatimala, place-1., . . 6, 7, 12, 16, 94, 160, 167, 208 . . , . , 31, 39 Z ), sabecript, . . . y ved for 1. . . . 1601 Zabag, empire of the Saileudra, 281, 282 R. Yadave, clan, . . . . 171 *. Zabaj, do. . . . . ... 281 174 31. . 94 MGIPC-51-II-10-88-9-8-38-260.

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