Epigraphia Indica Vol 22

Author(s): Hirananda Shastri
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032576/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXII (1933-34)
009
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपानशु
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1984

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Volume XXI.
प्रत्नातिनाव
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
. 1984

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Reprinted 1984
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Price : Rs. 90.00
Printed at Pearl Offset Press Private Limited 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Ares,
New Delhi-110015

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
Vol. XXII.
1933-34.
EDITED BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., Ph.D.,
GOVERNMENT EPIGRAPAIST TOR DIDIA.
DELHI: MANAGER OF PUBLICATIONS
1988

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CONTENTS.
The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGB
176
114
127
ALTEKAR, A. 8., M.A., D.LITT:
No. 12. A New Copper-plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakata Branch, dated Saka 806
» 28. Two Bhor State Museum Copper-plater . . . . . . . . . BANKRJI, R. D., M.A.:
No. 19. The Jesar Plates of Siladitya III : Valabhi Samvat 367 . . . . . .
► 20. The Bayana Inscription of Chittralekha : V. 8. 1012
... 21. The Gurgi Inscription of Prabodhasiva. . . . . . . BHANDARKAR, D. R., M.A., Ph.D.:
No. 8. Silahara Cave Inscriptions . . .
17. Jethwai Plates of the Rashtrakuta Queen Silamahadevi : Saka-Samvat 708 .
► 31. Hathi-Bada Brahmi Inscription at Nagari . . . . . . . BHATTACHARYYA, B., M.A., PH.D :
No. 13. Brahmanapalli Grant of Karkka Suvarnnavaraha : Saka 746 . . . CHAKRAVARTI, N. P., M.A., PH.D.:
No. 9. A Buddhist Inscription from Kara . . . . . . . . . . GANGULY, DHIRENDRA CHANDBA, M.A., PH.D.
No. 11. Jainad Stone Inscription of the Paramart Jagaddeva . . . . . . HALDER, R. R.:
No. 29. Mala Plates of Virsaimhadeva : V. S. 1343 . . . .
... 37. Chirava Inscription of the Time of Samarasimha of Mewar: (Vikrama) Samvat 1330. JAYASWAL, K. P., M.A., BARRISTER-AT-LAW
No. 1. The Text of the Sohgaura Plate .
. 2. Shell Character Rock Inscription at Ci-Aruton (Java) Koxow, STEX, PH.D.:
No. 4. Kharoshthi Inscription on a Begram Bas-relief . . .
5. A Note on the Mamane Dheri Inscription MAJUMDAR, N. G., M.A.:
No. 26. Irda Copperplate of the Kamboja King Nayapaladeva . . . . . MAJUMDAR, R. C., M.A., PE.D.:
No. 36. Note on the Sailendra Kings mentioned in the Leiden Plates . . . MIRASHI, V. V., M.A.:
No. 6. Thakurdiya Plates of Maha-Pravararaja . . , 18. The Khamkhed Plates of the Time of Pratapasila .
26. The Sarkho Plates of Ratnadevs II of the (Chedi) year 880 . . . - 27. Tirodi Plates of Pravarasena II . .
, 33. An Unfinished Vakataks Plate from Drug . . . . NILAKANTA SASTRI, K. A., M.A.:
No. 3. Manur Inscription of Maranjadaiyan · · · · · ::
32. A Chola Inscription from Uttirameror . . . . . . PANCHANUKKI, R. S., M.A.:
No. 7. Dayyamdinne Plates of Vinayaditya-kutyasraga; Saka 614 . . . . . PANDMA, L. P., PANDIT:No. 22. The Mahakovala Historical Society's Plates of Mahabhargaptarajaders
. Rev, B IAWAR NATH, SAHITTACKARYA:
No. 80. Ropi Planes of Paramara Devaraja; Vikram-Bumat 1060 . . . .

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
ΡΔΟΣ
.
.
.
.
07
BAN, DAYA RAN, M.A., C.L.E., RAI BAHADUR
No. 16. A Sarada Inacription from Hund. . . . . SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, K. V., B.A.
No. 10. T'innovelly Inscription of Maravarman Bundara-Pandya I , 23. Draksharama Inscription of Kulottunga I, 33rd year . » 24. Utaramallur Inscription of Parantaka 1 . . .
34. The Larger Leiden Plates (of Rajaraja I) . . .
. 35. The Smaller Leiden Plates (of Kulottunga I) . . . VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, V., B.A.
No. 14. Tiruvalangadu Inscription of Rajadhiraja . . .
18. Kulidikki Inscription of Vijaya Nandisvaravarman . .
. . . .
. . .
. .
. .
. .
.
. .
. .
. .
. .
. .
110
INDEX-By B. Ch. Chhabra, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D.
. 298 APPENDIX.-A List of the Inscriptions of Northern India written in Brahmi and its Derivative Sortyta from
about A. C. 300. Index to Appendix (continued).-By Profesor D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Ph.D. 311-362 Title-pago, Contents, List of Plates and Additions and Corrections . . . . . . .i

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LIST OF PLATES.
No. 1. Rook Inscription at Ci-Aruton (Java)
. . . . . . . to face page 2. Manur Inscription of Maranjadaiyan . . . . . . . . 3. Begram Bas-relief Inscription . . . .
. . . between pages 4. Thakurdiya Plates of Maha-Pravararaja. . . 6. Silabars Cave Inscriptions . . . .
• to face page . 6. A Buddhist Inscription from Kara. . . 7. A New Copper-plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta Branch, Dated Saks 806(i)
between pages 74 & 78 . 8. A New Copper-plate of Dhruva II of the Gujarat Rashtrakuta Branch, Datod Saka 806(ii) . . . . . . . . . . . to face page
76 9. Brahmanapalli Grant of Karkka Suvarnnavaraha : Saka 746 . . between pages 84 & 86 10. Tiruvalangadu Inscription of Rajadhiraja II . . .
90 & 91 11. The Khamkhed Plates of the Time of Pratapaails . . .
94 & 95 12. A Sarada Inscription from Hund . . .
to face page 13. Jethwai Plates of Queen Silamahadevi ; Saka-Samvat 708.
108 14. Kulidikki Inscription of Vijaya Nandisvara varman . 16. Jesar Plates of Siladitya III : Valabhi Samvat 367.
16. Bayana Inscription of Chittralekhs: V. 8. 1012 . . 17. Maha Kosala Historical Society's Plates of Mahabhavaguptarsjadeva. , 18. Uttaramallur Inscription of Parantaka I. .
between pages 148 & 149 19. Irda Copper-plate of Nayapaladeva . .
164 & 166 20. Barkho Plates of Ratnadeva II of the (Chedi) Year 880 . .
to face page 21. Tirodi Plates of Pravarasena II .
between pages 172 & 173 22. Bhor Museum Copper-plates of Dhruva Dharavarahs
, 182 & 183 # 23. Hathibada Brahmi Inscription at Nagari. . . . . . . to face page
203 # 94. A Chola Inscription from Uttiramerur
206 25. The Seal of the Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I, eto. .
213 26. The Larger Leiden Plates of Rajaraja I (I) .
between pages 238 & 239
242 & 243
244 & 245 . (IV) .
246 & 247
248 & 249 ► ► ► ► (VI). . .
250 & 261
252 & 263 83. The smaller Loidon Plates of Kulottunga I . .
276 & 277
.........
VII)

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page
2, text 1. 1.- For Mahāmatan read Mahāmatana. 4, para. 1,1. 4.-For uptil read up till. 4, para. 2, 1. 3.-For Oradheid read Oudheid' 4, para. 2, 1. 3.-For Nederlandisch-Indie read Nederlandsch-India. 4, text 1. 2.-For 'varmanah read varmmanah. 5, 1. 6.-For Pushkaraādi read Pushkarasadi. 5, para. 4, 1. 2.- For king read king. 5, para. 4, 1. 4.–For yah purā Tārumay(ā)m read yah pura [Tā]r[umāyā[r]. 7, f. n. 4, 1. 2.-For Mājäñjao read Mārañjao. 9, text 1. 8.-For (ni) read ni. (K. V. S. A.). 9, text 1. 16.-For kiradu read kinru. (K. V. S. A.). 10, text 1. 50.-For errapperā read ennapper.o. (K. V. S. A.). 13, 1. 30.-For i-troke read i-stroke. 14, last para. 1. 2.-For III read II. 16, 1. 29.--For Vājasanēyin read Vājasanēyi. 17, 1. 33.-For Pțithvishēna read Prithivishēņa. 18, f. n. 4.-For (619-20 A. D.) read (A. D. 629-30). 20, 1. 10.-- For Taittiriya read Taittiriya. 21, f. n. 1.-For Pulombüru read Pulombūru. 22, para. 3, 1. 10.-For Tundra read Tundra. 23, f. n. 13.--For w e read and 24, para. 2, 1. 8.-For Sēnānir-read Sênānir=. 26, f. n.2.-For हिविभ्यां read हिविभ्यां 29, text 1. 28.--For to read to and for so read . 31, 1. 16.--For ārāmam read arāmam. 33, 1. 29.--For irrefragible read irrefragable. 34, 1. 14.-For Varsyānā read Vaisyānāṁ. 34, 1. 15.-For Kshatriyānāṁ read Kshatriyāņām. 40, 1. 10.-For yu read yum. 44, 1. 1.-For route read rout. 44, 1. 24.–For shows read show. 45, 1. 1.- For Kadava read Kādava. 50. f. n. 7.-For Mimämsä, and read Mimämsä, Pancharātra, and 50, f. n. 8.--For Shadja read Shadja. 50, f. n. 8.-For Daivata read Dhaivata. 51.1 20.-For extacy read ecstasy. 51, f. n. 5.-For note 14 on p. 10 read note 24 on p. 48. 55, 1. 2.--For prose read verse. 56, f. n. 9.-For Forbe's real Forbes,. 58, 1. 1. 3.-For king Dhārā read king Dhārā(varsha). 60, text l. 13.-For we read (5) 61, text 1. 20.-For rara read mufa. 61, text . 24.-For etary: read (T):

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vii
(VOL. XXII.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
INDICA. Page 61, text l. 24.--For [x] read -u.
61, text I. 27.-For furto read fore(MT) » 63, 1. 40.- For forec read force.
64, para. 5, 1. 3.-For-mutas-cha read-mutāla. 64, para. 5, 1. 3.-For-sutās-cha read-sutatacha. 64, para. 5, 1. 5.-For-chudh- read -chuddh... 65, 1. 33.-For Satakratu read satrura. 65, 1. 36.-For 1. 24. read 1. 23. 65, 1. 38.-For-bhüt read -bhut. 65, f. n. 2. For 169 read 199. 66, 1. 1.-For 1. 62 read l. 61. 66, 1. 4.-For l. 71 read 11. 68-69. 66, 1. 13.-For orājo read orāja. 66, 1. 43.-For Farrukkābād read Farrukhabad. 71, 1. 8.-For Puravi read Parāvi. 71, 1. 8.-For Padhama read Padhama. 71, text 1.4.-For (a) read ( ). 72, text 1. 6.-For (8) read (ate).
72, text 1. 10.-For afufae read affer , 72, f. n. 3.-For I read i t .
73, text 1. 27.-For ($) read (i). 75, f. n. 1.-For भगवा read भगवडा. 76, f.n.2.-For विनम्य read बिनम्ब. 76, f. n. 5.-For eft read eft. 77, para. 2, 1. 1.-Omit of after are. 77, para. 3, 1. 1.--For gutteral read guttural. 77, para. 3, 1. 2.-For to 8 read into upadhmaniya. 77, para. 4, 1. 3.--For Nābada read Nāvada. 78, 1. 2. and 1.5.-Insert the before Māhi. 78, f. n.9.-For निवाइपचन read गिनवा(बा)(ब)शिन. 79, f. n. 3, 1. 6.-For Pūrāvi read Pūrāvi. 80, 1. 3.-For villages read the village. 80, para. 2, 1.6.--Insert with after Bharthanaka. 80, para. 2, 1. 6.-Insert with after Dhahadva. 80, para. 3, 11. 2, 4, and 8.-For Kāşthā read Käshtha. 80, text l. 1.- For at reader 80, f. n. 2.--For Kathia read Kathiao. 81, text 1.7.-For we read 5a.
81, text 1. 10.-For watco read a z . , 81, text l. 16.-It may be noted that the word in superfluous considering the metre.
81, f. n. right-hand side.--For 3 read 2. 81, f. n. 2.-For-achatāt read -achalāt. 83, text 1. 36.-For it read a(:). 84, text 1. 57.-For ufort read for ). 84, text l. 57.–For art read (:). 87, 1. 9.-Insert From before the record. 87, 1. 10.-For attemps read attempts.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 88, f. n. 4.-For 1175-1182 A. D. read 1175 to 1182 A. D.
, 91, text 1. 38.-For 1 read 7. , 91, translation, 1. 3.--For nadaiga! read 'nadigal.
92, 1. 24.- For Ottai. read ottai-. 94, 1. 6.-For svarggē read svargē. 94, f. n. 2, 1. 3.- For ehose read these. 95, f. n. 16.-For efter read tref . 99, 1. 32.-For drõngarikā read dongarikā. 99, 1. 46.-For Kölēpadra read Kölāpadra. 100, 1. 30.--For Gosvamini read Gösvāmini. 101, 1. 27.--For prayato read prayato.
102, 1. 12.- For his read this. » 102, 1. 32.--For way read was.
102, 1. 33.-For 219:C:*] read #19 [:*] 102, 1. 34.- For a read ea: 103, 1. 15.-For tasy-ānujah read tasy=ānujah. 106, text l. 23.-.For for read for='. 108, text I. 42.-For Favo read 2". 108, text 1. 48.--For we read . 108, f. n. 12.- For dongarikā read dòngarikā. 109, text 1. 56.-For Files read a. 109, text l. 65.- Insert 13 after ata.
109, f. n. 3.-For yesto read atafanya731. , 110, f. n. 2.-For Ilao read Ilao. „ 113, f. n. 1.- For Mamadi read Māmadi. ► 116, text 1.5.-For Ośān-atio read "Sān=atio. , 116, text 1. 10.- For sobhā read sõbha, and for mandal-agra read mandalāgra. ,, 116, text l. 13.--For 'liashao read 'lashao. , 117, text 1.-26.--- For Ottam-[a*] read ottama(mā)', and for chchüdā read chchū(chü)da. , 117, text 1. 27.-Foranga-jao read -angajao.
117, text I. 28.-For osy=aiva read sy-ai(sy=ē)va. 118, text 1. 31.--For mandal-āgram read mandalāgram. 118, text 1. 32.- For obhāshita- read 'bhashi(si)ta-. 118, text l. 33.–For san=nava- read 'san-nava.. 118, text 1. 42.- For 'bhogão read bhögão. 118, text 1. 43.-For 'leya-ki read lēyakio. 118. f. n. 1.- For han-dhțio read "han=dhțio. 119, text I. 50.- For sāgara read sagarao. 122, text 1. 2.-Insert nati- after mukta123, text 1.5.--For Omānāḥ read māņāh. 124, text I. 17.-For chakr-ähva read chakrāhva. 124, text 1. 18.-For suto-bhūd read suto=bhūd. 124, text l. 20.-For rūpam read rūpam. 131, text 1. 20.-For Tivr-āmśõr=amsu read Tivrāmśõr=argu. 131, text 1. 33.-For En-änka read Eņārka. 132, f. n. 1.-For-éső read -ēso. 138, f. n. 2.-For Yak kañchanan read yah kāxchanans.

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X
Page 144, f. n. 9.-For 'ksharame read "Ishārāmē.
161, 1. 11.-For Kartika read Kärttika.
32
168, 1. 9. For datta[m*] read dattām=.
168, 1. 25. For aklipt- read sa-klipt-.
,, 172, f. n. 11.-For faster read faface.
23
33
33
33
13
33
37
189, 1. 15.-For Gangala read Gangala.
190, text 1. 11.--For fe read grafts.
,, 191, text 1. 33.-For RT: read :().
192, para. 6, 1. 9.-For Bhisana read Bhisana. 194, f. n. 6. For लक्ष्मौथला read लक्ष्मौथला :.
, 195, f. n. 7. – For राजगुरू read राजगुरु.
213, last 1.-For śrēņi read śrēņi (C. R. K.).
21
33
33
15
23
33
こう
33
23
23
230, 1. 34. For ommission read omission.
232, 1. 31.-For Palan- read Palan-..
33
,, 234, 1. 35.-For paleographical indications noted on page 17 read chronological indications noted on page 228.
237, column 1.-Insert la after 1.
237, column 1, No. 14.-For Tirutti read Tiritti.
33
,, 240, text 1. 37.-For tre-agni read trēt-agni.
23
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
37
,, 241, text 1. 75.-For puñjarīkrita read piñjarīkrita.
243, text 1. 101.-For saśanam read sasanam.
23
13
172, f. n. 20. - For अस्मि 1. 28 and साव्वत्सरे दादश्यां read अमिय 1. 26 and साव्वत्सर and दादश्या. 174, text 1. 31.-The figure 7 should be placed over the danda after a and the figure 8 should come after बादश्या.
174, text 1. 32. For read . (V. V. M.)
176, 1. 14.--Insert in the twenty-third year after Mägha.
177, 1. 11. For samkho read sumksho°.
183, text 1. 24. – For सदाजा read सदाजी..
23
185, text 1. 41.-For " read [x]
189, 1. 14.--For kumbha read kumbha.
214, 1. 23. For had read have.
216, f. n. 6.-For Sibi read Sibi.
219, 1. 30.-For Simha read Simha°.
221, column 1.-For Amarabujanga read Amarabhujanga
222, last 1.-For indentical read identical.
243, f. n. 6. For cads read reads.
244, f. n. 3.-For erasur read erasure.
253, text 1, 279.-For ivv-ur-kkaranättän read ivv-ur-ür-kkarapatlāņ
254, text 1. 310.-For °purattu read purattu.
[VOL. XXII.
259, 1. 7.--For varippattagam read varippottagum.
271, 1. 1.-For son read younger brother.
274, 1. 11--For village read villages,
281, f. n. 1.--For Nilaiyuäaiya read Nilaiyuduiya.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME XXII.
No. 1.-THE TEXT OF THE SOHGAURA PLATE.
BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A., BARRISTER-AT-LAW, PATNA.
1. The Sohgaurā platel discovered in 1894 in the district of Gorakhpur and presented to the Asiatic Society of Bengal by Dr. Hoey, is one of the undoubted pre-Asökan documents. Fleet, R. D. Banerji, and myself have had occasions to comment on the age of the writing. In Dr. Fleet's opinion, it could even be placed earlier than 320 B.C.:
* The standard of the Brahmi characters of the inscription refers it to at any rate an early date in the Maurya period, B. C. 320 to about 180; and the method of spelling presented in it, along with the use of those characters and the general style of the record, would justify our placing it even before that time."
-JR 48. 1907, p. 509. 2. The inscription, however, has not been solved. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar impressed on me the necessity of giving my attention to it. The discovery of the Mahästhän stone which has now been edited in this journal (above, Vol. XXI, pp. 83 ff.), made it necessary to refer to this document. It seems that the reading can be made out now with some certainty.
3. The illustrations are in JRAS. 1907, plate facing p. 510—the Asiatic Society's photograph and Sir George Grierson's electrotype copy. It will be seen that the small-sized le's on the Mahästhān stone and those in our plate agree in shape; and so do the peculiar m forms (Mahästhān, line 2) which are not found in Asöka inscriptions. This m is also found on a Patna glass seal. Both Sohgaură and Mahästhan records have as their subject-matter kothāgāla (koshth-āgāra) which is used in the Kautaliya Arthaśāstra as a technical term for stato store-houses for keeping drarya and grains (Al., chs. 36, 37; pp. 93, 99, 1st ed.) and refer to atyayika (distress).
4. The Sohgaurā plate was cast into several copies and is a public placard issued by the Council of Ministers of Srāvasti, and is a document, relating to famine relief measures. It reads:
1 References : 1894, Bengal Asiatic Society's Proceedings, pp. 84 ff. (V. Smith and Hörnle) ; 1896, Ind. Anh. 261 (Bühler); 1907, JR.48., 509 (Fleet).
JBORS., VI, 203. The date assigned there is c. 300 B.O. 3 JBORS., X. 189, 192.

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No
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
TEXT. 1 Savastiyana' Mahāmatan sasane Manavasiti- ka2 da' (.) s[i] li-māte usāgame 'va ete dave kothāgalāni. 3 Tifya]veni-Mäthula- Chachu- Modāma- Bhalakāna ehha4 li-kayiyati (:) atiyāyikāya no gahimtavayo (.)
TRANSLATION. The order of the Mahāmātras of Śrāvasti (issued) from the Manavasiti camp.
Only to the tenants, only on the advent of drought, these (the) dravya store-houses of Trivēni, Mathura, Chanchu, Mödāma', and Bhadra are to be distributed (discharged); in case of distress they are not to be withheld.
COMMENTS ON THE TEXT. Line 1. The third character is a ligature. There is a defect in the surface which produces a cut in the loop of the 8 and the leg of the t above it (see the first photograph). The ligature is indicated by breaking off the perpendicular line before joining to it the legs of the 8, which may be compared with the normal s of lines 1 and 2.
Mahāmatana.-The long ā mark to the h is in the middle of the perpendicular line. The t is of the stunted variety, witb & suggestion of a projecting bar, just as in the t of the last line in gahimtavayo.
Sasane. There is probably a suggestion of a long mātrā to the first in the electrotype. Line 2. For the long vowel in da of Manavasiti kada see the electrotype.
Silimäte. Sili stands for Sanskrit sirin; sira, plough'; Hindi sir, 'cultivation'; sirin'a tenant' a cultivator.' Māte-matre.
Us-agame: the e-mark to m is absolutely certain ; and the d-force to 8 (in the middle of the bar) is also certain in the electroplate. The expression stands for u88-dgame- Sanskrit ushmagame.
Dave: the lower limb of d is blurred. As the store-houses were evidently more than two, it is not advisable to read the word as duve. It seems to be connected with the technical term of the Maurya period dratya in connection with Government Stores, e.g., dravya-pāla (ArthaGästra, ch. 38).
Line 3. Tiyaveni is a clear reading. The photograph shows Māthule, but the electrotype Mäthula. The long vowel to k in Bhalakāna can be seen in the photograph, though it is faint.
Line 4. The i-mark to l in chhali, is faint. Chhali-Sanskrit ksharios; chhali-kayiyati, to be spent', 'to be discharged'. Chha was misread by Fleet as va. There is a straight bisecting line in the circle. Bühler read it correctly.
LOCALITIES. Trivēni, Mathura, Chañchu, Modāma and Bhadra must have been in the Kösala Province, of which Srāvasti was the capital. This Mathurā, therefore, is not the Mathurā of the Sūrasēnas but a town or village somewhere in Oudh, Gorakhpur or Champaran. We have an important village Mathuliya in Champaran. Chanchu (Ghāzipur) could be within the jurisdiction of the
Ligature stf : the right leg of t touches the bar of ya. * 4. vowel-mark is traceable in both photographs. .There seems to be a long ito, and to l. See oleotrotype.
If it be taken as an adjectival form like Mathula, the place-name would be Mudana. . Kohar (c), to pour cut, to flow, to dissolve or dissipate.
JRAS., 1907, 628.

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THE TEXT OF THE SOHGAURA PLATE.
provincial government of Srāvasti, as the district of Gorakhpur was; but more likely it was another place between Trivëni (ghät) and Bhadra-between the districts of Gorakhpur and Champaran or thereabout. Nothing is known about Mödāma or Mudāma. Bhadra (Bhalla) was & common name. Manavasiti (Manavašiti) is to be looked for in the Tarai. Its name shows that it was a cool resort.
THE SOHGAURA AND KUMHBAR PILLAB SYMBOLS, Amongst the symbols the moon (Chandra) placed on a hill-like combination and next to it the large MO (like the ms in the inscription-in two separate parts) denote an imperial monogram for Chandra[gupta) Maurya). We have the same moon symbol on the Kumhrax pillar (ASR., 1912-13, p. 78, pl. XLIX) where it certainly means. Chandragupta'. The hilllike combination stands for gutta mi the upper loop is g and the lower loops are tta, and onthe top of the combination stands chanda or chandra. This monogrammatic method of writing is what is called Silpa-lipi (i.e., art-writing) in the text cited by Dr. Hirananda Sastri (Proceedings and Transactions of the 6th Indian Oriental Conference, p. 11). It will be seen from the plate published in the A.S.R. that in the centre, by the side of the central dot, there is the symbol for Chandagutta, then there is an abrasion in the stone (which I have examined and seen on the actual stone), then opposite there is in a somewhat cursive hand three letters-reading from right to left-Moriya'. This along with the symbol reads : MoriyaChandagutta.' That Chandragupta Maurya had his royal monogram is clear from the Kautaliya Arthas-, ch. 50, p. 129 ['rājānka' branded on royal animals] and ch.93, p. 249 ['narendrānka 'engraved on weapons and armours for the use of soldiers ).
The Mo on the Sohgaura plate is to the right of the monogram. For the full form of the - force, see electrotype.
The two trees probably signify the drought stage from leafsome to leafless, and the houses for stores.
THE DATE. Apart from the monogram, the date is to be gathered from certain ciroumstances. At the time, Srāvasti was under a Council of Mahāmātras. This will be true of the Nanda and Maurya times when Kösala was reduced to the position of a province of the Magadhan empire. The lettering will show an age about a century before Aboka. The document indicates that extensive measures were adopted by the State to meet threatened or repeated droughts, and the measures were largely advertised for the information of the public. This and the Māhästhān tablet seem to be contemporary documents of the reign of Chandra-gupta Maurya when repeated droughts ocurred, according to the Jains theological history. Both Sohgaura and Mahästhān inscriptions refer to atiyāyika' circumstances.
1 I reserve a fuller discussion on the Kumbrar pillar for a separate paper. It is sufficient to note here that the circles denote the plan of this pillar. My brother Mr. U. S. Jayaswal, who is an engineer by profession, without knowing anything of the actual position of the pillar said that it should be the 8th pillar in the third row according to these erection marks'. This agrees to the letter on Dr. Spooner's plan (XLI, p. 69). The sectional plan to the right on the pillar and its ciroles for the pillars and three lines before the letter mi constitute a copy of Dr. Spooner's plan of a group of 8 pillars on the site, reckoning it facing south wbere the main gate stood. What Dr. Spooner took to be Persian symbols are simply the direction for enection, noting mukha''face' gate'. M and kha (or, kho) cover tho whole of the sectional plan. The jotten by the circles read (left to right) "thabbha ; 3; 3."

Page #17

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
No. 2.—SHELL CHARACTER ROCK INSCRIPTION AT CI-ARUTON (JAVA).
BY K. P. JAYASWAL, M.A., BARRISTER-AT-LAW, PATNA. A cureive and florid writing has been found in various places in India. I have seen it in the rock-cut cave-house at Khandgiri in the so-called Lalāta Kesari Gumphā; at the door of the Gupta or pre-Gupta temple standing at Tigawan; at Rājgir; at Patna, etc.; and one text repeated several times at Rāmţek (Nagpur) has been brought to light by Dr. Turner 1. Uptil now it has been called "Shell characters" or Sankha writing owing to the cursive forms of letters which resemble a conch-shell.
Lately I had to study the "box-headed ” writing of the Javanese inscriptions which have been edited by Dr. Vogel under the title The Earliest Sanskrit Inscriptions of Java in Publicaties van den Ouadheidkundigen Dienst in Nederlandisch-Indie, Deel I (Weltevreden, 1925). A Shell inscription is engraved at Ci-Arutön below the foot-prints of King Pūrņavarman. The toes of the king are represented to have had lotus-marks, the auspicious lakshana (marks), which have been taken by several Dutch scholars to be a representation of "spiders". The whole purpose of the inscription is to emphasise this sāmvudrika lakshana.
The main inscription is in box-headed letters of the Vākāțaka type, which has been accurately read by Dr. Vogel (p. 22) as follows :
i Vikkråntasy-āvanipatēḥ 2 Srimataḥ Pūrņnavarmaṇaḥ 3 Tärūma-nagar-ēndrasya
4. Vishnor-iva pada-dvayam.
Plate 28 of Dr. Vogel's book which is reproduced here gives the facsimile of the foot-prints and the inscriptions in shell and box-headed letters.
It is evident that the two inscriptions are contemporary with the foot-prints (pāduka). It was to record the description of the foot-marks that the inscriptions were engraved. The shell writing was drawn first and then the "box-headed " one. This is apparent from the position of the two inscriptions. The loop of the first letter of the shell line caused a little slanting of the box-headed lines. The shell line is just below the pādu kā and occupies & more prominent position.
On the evening of the 14th April (1933) I placed the plate before my learned friend Dr. Hirananda Sastri with my view that here was a bi-scriptory writing, and that it was possible to solve the shell record with the help of the box-headed record which gives the purpose of the inscription. Dr. Hirananda Sastris agreed with that view. I now place my reading before scholars.
The line opens with Sri, placed just between the two large toes, and reads ŚRI PURNNAVARMAŅAH. It may be noticed chat three ns are the same in shape.
The writing is very likely the Paushkarasādiya, one of the three main lips of Northern India mentioned in Buddhist books (Bühler, Indische Palæographie, p. 2). The shell writing
"J. B. O. R. 8., 1933, Dec. issue.
Cunningham finding it mostly on Gupta monuments thought that the writing arose in Gupta times (R., VIII, p. 129). But this is disproved by. Silahari cave inscriptions (of Rewah) where it is associated with contemporary writing of C. 100 A. D.-A. 8. R., 1927-28, p. 138. I have examined the latter, and one of them seems to give the same donor's name as the Brahmf lines.
Mr. Jayaswal'n ronding seems to be plausible, but till we have examined all the known Inscriptions in this curious script we should treat it as a working hypothesis-H.8.]

Page #18

Rock INSCRIPTION AT Ci-ARUTÖN (JAVA).
MR. K. P. JAYASWAL'S CHART.
FRON PHOTOGRAPH
FROM ESTAMPACE.
VALUES
pur
are
na nah
va
rma
REPRODUCED FROM Dr. J. PH. VOGEL'S EARLIEST SANSKRIT
INSCRIPTIONS OF JAVA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SURVEY OF ISDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #19


Page #20

No. 2.)
SHELL CHARACTER ROCK INSCRIPTION AT CI-ARUTON (JAVA)
has been always found in Northern India, and its present instances are found on certainly Guptan monuments; the Rajgir writings on the road may be much earlier. Its cursive form shows that it was a non-monumental, i.e., book writing. The virāma sign below » in our inscription has its descent in the modern Nāgari and Bengali scripts. The system is purely Hindu; the forms, though different, have basic unity with Brāhmi forms. It seems that Pushkaraadi with whose personal name the system is associated, invented the system from Brāhmi. A modern example of a similar type of invention is Gurumukhi. The head of each letter in our inscription is headed with a line as in Nāgari, Bengali and other modern Aryan scripts of the north. This would have arisen in book-writing with pen-and-ink, to keep & straight line in view. The flourishes of long looped vowel-signs and rounded forms of the letters also point to the system of pen-and-ink.
The v in our inscription is almost identical with the Brāhmi letter; p has a loop to the left instead of to the right, which would denote an earlier origin when p was writter both ways. The superscript i vowel-mark is doubled to denote a long sound. The m here has only one arm of the Brāhmim instead of two. The form is entirely unconnected. The $ is somewhat unconnected, it resembles remotely the Brāhmi form turned upside down. The superscript and subscript has the same form as in Brāhmi. The double i mark resembles the Brāhmi system of the fourth century A.D. The mark for visarga on the top of the last na resembles & half form of the jihvāmūliya sign of the Brāhmi. The origin of the script would go back to B.C. centuries owing to the forms of p and $ and the unconnected form of . The mätrās would have been influenced in their development by the general system which we find in Brāhmi.
A NOTE ON PĀDUKĀS. The custom of giving padukās still survives in India. The Jainas have throughout set up pādukās to their Acharyas. Sannyasin mathas still make such memorials to their Mahants. In every case they are memorials to dead personages. The custom survives among Bengal Hindus, where the dead guru-jana's foot-prints are taken on a piece of paper after besmearing the soles with lac-dye (altā—Skt. alakta), whereby actual prints are reproduced. These prints are preserved.
Pūrņavarman's foot-prints have given rise to various speculations amongst the Dutch scholars. Dr. Vogel has rightly pointed out (p. 25) that the other foot-prints of the king at Jambu were engraved on the place of cremation. The wording of the inscription indicates that the foot-prints were engraved after the king's death (yah purā Tārumay(ā)m nämnā triPurnnavarmmā). Similarly the Ci-Arutön inscription is to be taken as an after-death memorial, engraved probably at the place of the Srāddha. There is no justification in the text to regard it as a dedication to a living man as taken by the Dutch scholars. It was not for worship, and it was not worshipped in his life-time.
No. 3.-MANUR INSCRIPTION OF MARANJADAIYAN.
BY PROF. K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, M.A., MADRAS. Mänar is a village in the Tinnevelly district about nine miles from Tinnevelly on the road to Sankaranayinärköyil. On one of the pillars in the Ambalavānasvāmin temple of this village is
1 The foot-prints of his elephant (p. 27) Jayavisāla (which is the name of the animal) is a memorial to bus favourito odhana, and must have been engraved after its death.

Page #21

6
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VCL XXI I
found engraved the following inscription1 of the reign of Marañjaḍaiyan, which I edit from a set of excellent ink-impressions received from the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras. The inscription has been noticed briefly by the late Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya in the Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for 1907, and its contents were summarised by the late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri in the Annual Report for 1913.2
The record occupies a space of about 7'x 1' 2" and consists of sixty-four lines of equal length. It is incomplete, a few words being wanting at its end. Line 21 has not come out clearly in the impression; but the words in this line can be easily supplied from the context on the analogy of 11. 27-9 which seem to repeat the phrasing employed here. Otherwise the inscription is very well preserved.
The alphabet employed is Vaṭṭeluttu with an admixture of Grantha letters especially for ligatures, such as kshai, sva, sta, sti, śrī, hma, bra, pra, ddha, vya, vri, tta, and for some words like sabhai, vēda, dharmma and stridhana. In Grantha letters, the length of the medial i is marked by the sign of a medial a attached to the right of the letter in śrī in lines 1 and 10; the sign representing a medial a is itself a plain short horizontal stroke from the right end of which hangs a vertical one-see bra in lines 17 and 23, and śra in line 29. The Vaṭṭeluttu letters resemble in general appearance those of the Ambasamudram inscription of Varaguna-Pandya.' The size of the letters is larger in the first five lines than in the following. The letter ka, however, resembles more the ka of the Anaimalai inscription than that of the Ambasamudram record. The medial u is marked by a loop below the letter n in 11. 4 and 19, and the short u by a single vertical stroke below the same letter in line 13. The pulli is clearly marked in some cases as in pangu (1. 14), pugavum (1. 34) and panikkavum (11. 34-5); but is not so clear elsewhere. One and the same letter is found written in slightly different forms, and different letters sometimes look so alike that we have to depend on the context for their proper identification. As an example of the former tendency the vowel i at the beginning of line 25 may be compared with the same letter in lines 5, 11, 26 and elsewhere in the inscription. Compare also, in this connection, the letter lu in 11. 27 and 28 with lu in 1. 29 and lu in 1. 8; and yo in lines 9 and 12. Instances of the latter are furnished by pa and tu occurring twice in line 5; by the very slight difference between tu in this line and ru at the end of the preceding one, distinguished from the former by a slight hook at the top of its left arm; and by the letters pa and n in line 14. It may also be noted that in line 35, ra and ka look alike, the stroke indicating medial a in the former having crossed the vertical of the main letter, whereas the distinction between the two letters is clearly maintained elsewhere e.g., in l. 54. These peculiarities only go to confirm the correctness of the view that "the Vaṭṭeluttu may be described as a cursive script which bears the same relation to the Tamil as the modern northern alphabets of the clerks and merchants to their originals, e.g., the Modi of the Maraāṭhās to the Balbodh."
The vowel ai occurs once in line 58. The letter ya is uniseptate and looks much simpler than in the Ambasamudram inscription and closely resembles the form of the letter in the Vēlvikuḍi grant. The sign for the medial i is invariably attached as in the Velvikudi grant to the right
1 No. 423 of 1906 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection.
Part II, paragraph 23.
Ante, Vol. IX plate opposite page 90.
Ante, Vol. VIII, plate opposite page 320.
[Nowhere else in the record is the pulli marked and it is therefore doubtful if it is marked in the instances noted here. The marks looking like pulli on the impression may be due to the roughness of the stone.-Ed.] • Bühler-Indian Palaeography ed. Fleet, p. 75.

Page #22

No. 3.]
MANUR INSCRIPTION OF MARANJADAIYAN.
side of the letter, and never, as invariably in the Agaimalai and sometimes in the Ambāsamudram inscriptions, placed at the top of the letter.
Palaeographically, this inscription belongs to the same group as the Apaimalai and Ambasamudram inscriptions and the Vēlvikudi and the Madras Museum grants of Jațilavarman. To the same group may be assigned the Tirupparangupram and the Trivandrum Museum stone inscriptions.1 Slight differences as in the formation of the letter ya, the disposition of the medial i symbol, and the general appearance, sloping (Anaimalai and. Vēļvikudi) or vertical (Madras Museum, and Ambasamudram), of the letters in an inscription do not, in the case of Vatteluttu tecords, furnish any reliable criteria for a close determination of their exact age. It seems to me therefore that the Mānür inscription of Marañjadaiyan is also & record of the reign of the celebrated donor of the Vēlvikudi grant and the Madras Museum plates.
It must be observed, however, that the high regnal years in this and in some other inscriptions of Mārañjadaiyan have been considered to be an obetacle in the way of accepting this conclusion." I have pointed out elsewhere what appears to me the proper method of reconciling these bigh regnal years with the historical data furnished by the Vēļvikudi and the larger Singamaņur grants, and I need not repeat the arguments here. I have also examined elsewhere the views recently expressed by Mr. K. V. Subramania Aiyat on some inscriptions of Mārañjadaiyan and on the date of the accession of Varaguņa-Mahārāja.
The language of the inscription is Tamil, but Sanskrit words are also employed wherever necessary. The rules of sandhi are sometimes observed, as in nurraru (1.4), but more often notpattu on badu (1. 5), kūdi irundu iovůr (1l. 11-12) and so on. The letter v is needlessly duplicated in two places-manrāduvadägavvum (11. 45-6) and seyvvadāga (1.61). The grammatical construction of the sentence at the beginning of the vyavasthai (11. 14-20) is peculiar, but might be heard to-day from the mouth of any Sanskrit Pandit in South India. Some words are used in peculiar senses now obsolete; examples are manrädutal in the sense of 'to discuss or deliberate more generally, 'to take part in the proceedings (of an assembly)'; and $rāvanai, & word unknown to literature, and apparently closely allied in meaning to pangu, as can be seen from the general sense of lines 81-34 read along with II. 18-19. Srāvanai and avaņam are doubtless two forms of the same word-cf. Sramana, amana; and Srāvana, Åvani. And the old Tamil lexicon
1 Cf. Venkayya at Ind. Ant., Vol. xxii, p. 68 and Madras Epigraphical Report, 1907, Part II, p. 20, as modified by 1908, II, 36; and above, Vol. IX, p. 86, n. 13. [Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar thinks that it is wrong to group together the Anaimalsi, Ambasamadrum, Vēļviktidi, Madras Museum, Tirupparangugram spd Trivandrum Museum inscriptions as belonging to the name period. He suggests that the letters of the Mapür record whicb do not exhibit the older forms of , and r can favourably be compared with the writing in inscriptions of Maroñjaiyan (Travancore Archaological Series, Vol. IV, p. 119), Sadaiya marap (ibid., pp. 121-122) and Vira-Pandya (ibid., Vol. III, pp. 69 and 72). -Ed.)
.of. Krishna Sastri's remarks above, Vol. XVII, p. 292 and South Indian Inscriptions, III, p. 142. • Madras Epigraphical Report, 1907, II, 21, is tentative on the point; 1920, II, 8, is more decisive.
The Pandyan Kingdom, Chap. IV and pp. 253-5. [Mr. A. S. Ramanaths Ayyar is of opinion that the Månür inscription must be attributed, palaeographically, to later Marijadaiyan, probably Parintaka. Viranåriyana Badaiyan, the brother of Varagupsvarmen of A.D. 862. He also considers that a few records of Marañjudaiyat which ofte high regnal years, vit.. Nos. 298 of 1916 (85th year), 431 of 1914 (35th +), 1% of 1928-29 (85+6th year), 863 of 1917 (36+7th year), 605 of 1915 (43rd year) and 104 of 1900 (39th year), all of the Madris Epigraphical collection, are palaeographically similar to the Mapur rooord and may have to be asenhed to the king named above.-Ed.)
. Above, Vol. XX, pp. 46-64, Early Pandyan Chronology Journal of Indian History 1982 April
• In No. 64 of 1898 we have the phrase: mapalyum Ardeanaiyum wifitfa ore pangu. Here ararapai would Beem to be a unit of land other than a house-site. The word is evidently used in the sense of document or title deed in an inscription (823 of 1910) of the reign of Kulottunga 1 in the phrases: vilai erdvapai-ppadiyum and inai.yili-Iravanaippadiyum, with which of wilai-ananam (sale deed).

Page #23

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
Pingalam gives for the word āvanam the meaning of right (to property).' Speaking generally, frāvanai like āvanam may be taken to denote right to property, and 'Srāvanai pugu' to mean, 'to enter upon and exercise the right of ownership'. The words kachcham(agreement) and kuttukkal (obstruction) may also be noted as perhaps interesting colloquialisms of the time.
The object of the inscription is to record a resolution of the sabhā of Māṇanilainallür. The resolution is called vyavasthai in Sanskrit, and kachcham in Tamil. The resolution fixed the procedure to be followed in future meetings of the sabha by laying down the minimum qualifications in terms of property, education and character, that would entitle persons to take part in the work of the sabha. It also stated that no kind of variyam was to be assigned to a person who did not possess a full share in the lands of the village. This is one of the earliest uses of the term väriyam known to South Indian Epigraphy. The Ambasamudram inscription of the sixteenth year of Varaguna-Mahārāja mentions the vāriyar of the sabhā of Iļangõkkudi. It is not easy to decide if these terms in these Pandya records refer to committees of the assembly in the same manner as the Uttaramērür inscriptions of Chāļa Parāntaka I belonging to a later century and another part of the country. It is not improbable that the earlier records only imply the choice of particular individuals for the performance of specified tasks, and that the vāriyar were individual officers carrying out the orders of the sabha rather than an executive committee with wide discretionary powers such as the committees of Uttaramērür undoubtedly were. However that may be, it is clear that the present resolution of the sabhā of Māpanilainallur forbade any responsible executive duties being entrusted in the future to persons who did not satisfy a minimum property qualification. Lastly, the resolution lays down the penalty of a fine of five kāśus per head for failure to observe its terms and for wilful obstruction, and avers that, even after the penalty is enforced, the original terms of the resolution shall be acted upon.
This inscription is unique in the insight it gives into the actual working of the autonomous village assembly in brahmadēya villages under the early Pandyas. The existence of such sabhās is known from other records of the time like the Ambāsamudram inscription mentioned above, and an inscription from Tiruchchendür. But the inscription edited here is the only early Pandya inscription giving particulars of the constitution and working of the sabhā. A meeting of the general body is summoned by the beating of a large drum-perunguri bārri (11. 9-10)". The assembly, mahāsabhā, met at the stated hour in a public place fixed beforehand,-here it was Govardhana, apparently signifying a Vishņu temple of which there seem to be almost no traces left at present. The rules made on this occasion by this sabha show that while in the assembly, generally speaking, all land-owners were represented, still an active part in the deliberations of the assembly was allowed only to those persons the extent of whose property did not fall below a prescribed minimum and who, in addition, had attained a certain standard of education and possessed good character. The work of the assembly when it was not in session, including the carrying out of its decisions in particular matters, was apparently entrusted to väriyar of its choice. Of the number and duties of the väriyar, we derive no knowledge from the inscriptions of the time.
1 Kittel notes in his Kanarese-English Dictionary that Kan. kajja is a derivative of Skt. karya, and our kachcham may be the same word in another form. The expression vilai-pramanak-kachchatta occurs in South Indian Inscriptions Vol. I, No. 52, 1. 4. the Rita. aveny vazduct i ve Administration. DD. 82-3: 133-134.
* No. 28 of 1912 and No. 156 of 1903 of the Madras Epigraphical collection, : A Chola inscription (00.1997) kna the phrase: dharmi-vüdin peruguri lntti. . Cf. 64 of 1898 from Uttara märür saying: emmúr ári-govardhanattu Mahaviai puickajukku.
The foundations of a low old buildings may be traced in the paddy fields to the west of the village, but it is now impossible to account for the 1008 Brahman houses which, according to local belief, onoe existed on the site."--Tinnevelly Gazetteer, p. 476.

Page #24


Page #25

SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE: ONE-SIXTH.
REG. No. 3313 E's3 - 480, N. P. Chakravarti.
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Third Side.
Second Side.
First Side.
*NVAIVAVINVUVW AO NOILOSNI MONVW

Page #26

No. 3.]
MANUR INSCRIPTION OF MARANJADAIYAN.
Of the geographical data supplied by the inscription, Mäpanilainallar is obviously the present Māņür. The nädu in which this place was located bore the name Kalakkudi. Other places in Kalakkudi-nādu mentioned in the inscriptions are Karuvānallür, seven miles to the north of Sankaranayinārköyil, and Karavandapuram, which seems to have had the alternative name of Kalakkudi as can be inferred from the Anaimalai inscriptions. It has been suggested that Kalakkudi might be identical with the modern village of Kalakkad in the Nääguneri Tālukt. Considering that the nādu extended to the north beyond. Sankaranayinārkāyil, it may be doubted if Kalakkudi-Karavandapura could be the same as Kalakkādu, too far south in the Nārgunēri Tāluk. Ambāsamudram and Sērmādēvi to the north of Kalakkādu were part of Mulli-nādu, and Kalakkādu is itself said to have been in the Vanavap-nādu, in a record of a later date. There is a village called Kalakkudi in the Tinnevelly Taluk itself, which may possibly have been the headquarters of the nādu.
TEXT.
First side. 1 Svasti brī! Ko Mārañja2 daiyarkku yandu 3 muppattañju 4 nāļ nāņ-nürs-apu5 pattu-oqbadu i6 n-nālāl Kalak[ku]di7 nättu brahmadēyam Māne8 [ni]lainallūr māhāsa9 bhaiyōm perunguri bā10 Fri Sri-Gova[r*jddhanattu-kkū. 11 di irundu ivv=ūrmā12 hāsa bhaiyom kudi? manrā. 13 duvadanukku seyda vyavastai14 y=āvadu ivv=ur pangudai15 yār makkal sabhaiyil man16 rādukiradu oru dha[r*]ma[m*]-utpa17 da Mantirabrāhmaṇam vallar su18 vřittar=ãy iruppārē oru pan19 giņūkku oruttarē sabhaiyil 20 manräduvadāgavum vilaiyum 21 (pratigrahamum stri-dhanamum-udlai-)"
Second side.
22 yāroru dhanmam=uppali 23 da Mantirabrāhmaṇam
1 No. 424 of 1906 of the Madras Epigraphical collection • No. 418 of 1906 of the same collection . Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 318 and n. 8.
• Ibid. * No. 130 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
. Read maha. * Read kūdi. The suggestion may be made that kudi-mahradu modno : deliberate on the main of the villago'; but there is no other instance of such wago.
• Road: ivrir. .Read mukkes. Conjectoral reading based on L 28 Below. .
11 Read upadkt

Page #27

10
24 vallar-ay suvri(ri)ttar-ay 25 iruppārē manrādu. 26 vadāgavum idan-mēr127 paṭṭadu vilaiyālu28 m pratigrahattālum sti-" 29 dhanattālum érāvanai
30 puguvår mulu sirava
31 pai anri käl sirava
32 naiyum araich-chirāvanai33 yum mukkal éirāvanaiyu34 m pugavum panikkavu35 m perādā[r-a]gavum pa36 ngu vilaikku kolpa37 vår3 oru vēdam ell[5] 38 idamum sa-parilish(1) m parikshai tandärkke 40 érāvanai panippada41 gavum ip-parisu an42 ri áravapai pukkaraiyum
39
43 pinnaiyum ik-kach
44 chattil patta-pari45 manduvadīga(v)46 vum ip-parisiņā471 muluch-chirāvanai 48 illādārai evvagai49 ppaṭṭa väriyamu
50 m errapperādār1-āgavu
51 m ip-pariéu beygin
52 rarum anrenru kuttu
53 kkal seyyapperādā-"
54 ragavum kuttukkal sey55 varaiyum kuttukkal se
56 vvärkku uravayudani
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
57 pparaiyum vevvērru
58 vagai aiyyañju k[ā]su tap
59 dan-gondu pinnaiyum
60 ik-kachcha[t*]til patta-pari
61 se seyv(v)adāgavum i
62 p-parisu paņittu vyava
Third side.
1r looks like.
* Read stri
Read tar. [The impression reads kol(v)odr-Ed.]
gra looks like gana; cf. ra in mara in L. 1. Likewise rä and dã look much alike.
ra and da look alike.
[VOL. X XII.
• Bead beyvärkku.
This reading is doubtful. Mr. G. R. Krishnamacharlu suggests that it may be read as upakam-in the sense of spöka; and that upōhom-nippar may be rendered as those standing by or near, i.e., abettors.
24

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No. 3.]
MANUR INSCRIPTION OF MARANJADAIYAN.
63 stai seydom mahasabhai64 yöm mahasabhaiyar (pa]
TRANSLATION. Lines 1-14. Hail! Prosperity! the year thirty-five, and day four hundred and sixtynine of the reign of) King Mārañjadaiyap,-on this day, we, (the members of the mahāsabhā of Māṇanilainallur, a brahmadēya in Kalakkudi-nādu, having proclaimed a general body meeting by beat of drum; and, having assembled in the sacred Govardhana, made the following resolution (vyavasthai) for conducting deliberations in the meetings of the mahāsabhā of this village :
LI. 14-20. In the matter of the share-holders of this village taking part in the deliberations of the assembly, only those who are conversant with Mantra-brähmana inclusive of one Dharma and are of good conduct shall take part in the discussions of the sabha, only one person (representing) & share ;
Ll. 20-26. of those who own (shares) by purchase gift or dowry, only such as are conversant with Mantra-brāhmana inclusive of one Dharma and are of good conduct shall take part in the deliberations ;
Ll. 26-35. in the future, those who exercise their right of property (Srāvanai-puguvar) (acquired) by purchase, gift or dowry, shall not, except by (possessing) full frāvanai, exercise their right and vote (merely) in virtue of a quarter, half or three-quarters of a Srāvanai;
LI. 35-45. among those who acquire shares by purchase, the frāvanai shall be awarded only to such as have passed an examination in an entire Vēda together with the Parisishta; and those who enter upon a trāvanai, by means other than the above, shall take part in the discussions only in accordance with the terms of this settlement (kachcham);
Ll. 46-51. in virtue of this arrangement, those who do not possess a full brāvanai shall not be selected to any kind of vāriyam ;
Ll. 51-61. those who abide by this agreement shall not say nay' and cause any obstruction (to this arrangement); those who cause obstruction and those who abet the obstructionists shall be fined five käsus each, and even thereafter, the terms of this resolution (kachcham) shall be strictly observed.
LI. 61-64. We, the members of the mahasabhā ordered in this wise and made this settlement. The members of the mahasabha........
No. 4 KHAROSHTHI INSCRIPTION ON A BEGRAM BAS-RELIEF.
BY STEN KONow, Po.D., Oslo. Bēgrām, on the confluence of the Ghorband and Panjshir rivers, has been identified with ancient Käpisi. The site has been explored by French archæologists, and M. Barthou has, inter alia, unearthed a damaged sculpture in bas-relief, which has been interpreted as representing the Buddha's first interview with Bimbisāra or the invitation to preach addressed to Bhagavat by Brahma and Indra. Gotama, with a moustache, is seated on a tbrone, raising the right hand in the varada-mudrā and resting the left, which is mutilated, on the lap. To the right stands
1 The continuation on the fourth face seems to be built in. * The word pawik kavum in the context is not easy. I have taken it to mean declare one's opinion,' vote.'
* The expression ipparidu beyinraru (11.51-2) is vague, but obviously it must refer to the persons who enter on brāvanai in an irregular manner, without passing the examination, and are left out of account for the wariyam
. Lit. "Stand in intimate relation with those who cause obstruction."
Cf. A. Foucher, Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, VI, pp. 341 ff. .J. Hackin, La sculpture indienne et tibétaine au musée Guimet, Paris 1931, Pl. XI.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOL. XXII.
a person in royal attire, raising his hands in supplication, and to the left a somewhat defaced figure, in the same attitude, but apparently not a royal personage. In the background we see a Vajrapäņi to the left, and another person to the right, and outside the group, to the right, is still another person, according to M. Hackin perhaps a monk. The beight of the sculpture is 141 inches.
Under the sculpture is an inscription in Kharoshthi letters. The right-hand portion of the base is abraded, and the beginning of the record is therefore irreparably lost. If the whole base was utilized, we may reckon that approximately twenty aksharas have disappeared.
What bas been preserved covers a space 104 inches long, with twenty-four letters, each about inches high. Professor Thomas bas published his reading of the record from M. Hackin's plate, where, however, the last aksharas are defaced.
I am indebted to M. Hackin for graciously allowing me to publish the inscription in the Epigraphia Indica, and to the authorities of the musée Guimet for kindly providing me with excellent photographs, from which the plate accompanying this article has been prepared.
Our inscription is the first Kharðsbthi record which has been found in, or in the neighbour bood of, ancient Kāpisi. The excellent execution of the characters, however, shows that they are due to an experienced engraver, and we have no reason for doubting that Kharoshthi was in common use in Kāpisi and in the otber towns along the old highroad to India, ma Nagarahāra and Pushkarāvati.
According to M. Hackin, Professor Mironov has examined the Bēgrām epigraph and come to the result that certain cursive and late characters remind us of the Kharoshthi documents from Niya, and that we must, consequently, think of a dute towards the end of the Kushāņa period, at least not earlier than Huvishka. This estimate cannot be far from the truth, though I cannot see any special resemblance to the Niya alphabet.
A priori we should be inclined to look for parallels to the characters of our record in inscriptions from places such as Wardak, Bimarān, Haddā and ancient Pushkarävati, and though the materials at our disposal are limited, our search will not be quite in vain. The ma, with the tops bent slightly inwards, has its parallel on the Hashtnagar pedestal, where we also find forms of da and pa of the same kind as in our record. The angular e, with the e-stroke at the bottom, bas exact parallels in Wardak, and also in Arā, Naugrām, and Jauliā. Ta has an ancient shape, but the long tu reminds us of Wardak. Ya has its parallels on the Kanishka and Kurram caskets, and ha has the same shape as in Wardak. Sa is peculiar, the right-hand bar being shortened and bent backwards. Generally speaking, however, the characters make the impression of being traditional and little characteristic. They are perbaps somewhat later than the Haddā inscription of the year 28, and earlier than the Mamāne Dheri pedestal of the year 89, though the highly cursive ductus of the last-mentioned epigraph makes it difficult to make any use of it for chronological purposes.
One of the characters occurring in our record is peculiar. The last word but one is evidently meant to be pituno. The first syllable is not, however, written in the usual way. Instead of the ordinary pa with the s-stroke we have pa with a St. Andrew's cross at the end of the stem.
The same sign bas been found by Professor Rapson' in some few instances in the Kharoshthi documents recovered at Niya in Chinese Turkestan, where it is used in words such as alpa, silpa,
1J. R. A, 8., 1933, p. 415.
* Kharoshi Inscriptions discovered by Sir Aurel Stein in Chinese T'urkestan, A. M. Buyer, E. J. Rapson, and E. Senart, Oxford 1920-29, p. 316.
Transcribed and edited by

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No. 4.]
KHAROSHTHI INSCRIPTION ON A BEGRAM BAS-RELIEF.
silpiga, and accordingly seems to stand for lp. Another compound lp, formed in the usual way by placing 1 above p, is stated to occur in [ka]lpitanti, where the i-stroke has been added, but hardly anywhere to denote lpa.
Professor Rapson further draws attention to the fact that the St. Andrew's cross is used in a similar way in the coin legends of Wima Kadphises. In an earlier publication be proposed to read the compound letter as thph, but now be prefers to read [Kallpi(sa).
We should then have to draw the inference that the writer of our inscription had misunderstood the compound and wrongly used it for pi. But we should fail to understand why he did 80. A priori we would be inclined to think that he knew it from words where it was actually pronounced pi.
The oldest known occurrence of the compound akshara containing the St. Andrew's cro89 is in the coin legends mentioned above. The name or title in which it is used is applied to two different rulers, whose names are best known io the forms Kujūla and Wima Kadphises. The word is known both from the Greek and from the Kharoshthi legends, and further from Chinese renderings.
In the case of Kujūla, the Chinese transcript points to Kapa ; the Greek legends give Kadaphes and Kadphises, and in Kharoshthi we find Kadapha, Kaphsa, Kasa?, etc. For Wima we have Chinese Kau-t'ien ; Greek Kadphises, and in Kbaroshthi the form here discussed. There is nowhere any trace of a l, but several writings which point to a dental, and probably to a voiced dental fricative, & 8. And in this connection it should be borne in mind that the Kharoshthi akshara which most closely resembles the St. Andrew's cross is the dental th. A priori, therefore, Professor Rapson's old explanation would seem to be more likely than the new one.
We do not know the derivation or etymological explanation of the word. Professor Lévi' has maintained that it means 'ruler of Kapiśā'. Whether he is right or not, it is higbly probable that it was thus understood in Kapiśā itself, where it was perhaps also used about the successors of the two first Kushāņas. And in Kapiśā it could then hardly be pronounced otherwise than Kāpisa or Kappisa. Some of the coin legends also point to disappearance of the sound preceding p (ph). The writer of our inscription, which has been found in ancient Kāpisi, would therefore be familiar with the use of the compound akshara as a rendering of the sound pi, and it is not to be wondered at that he took the St. Andrew's cross to be the sign of i, leaving out the i- troke itself.
The result would be the same even if the cross originally stood for l. For it is almost certain that old lp became pp in the North-Western Prākrit. There are not, it is true, any instances of old lp in later Indian Kharoshthi inscriptions. But both Shāhbāzgashi and Mansehrā have apa, kapa for Sanskrit al pa, kalpa, respectively, and the Dutreuil du Rhins manuscript gives apa for alpa and saga pa for sankalpa. Morec ver we find atapi for Sanskrit akalpika, side by side with Sanskrit forms sucb as kalpa, kalpi in Saka, which language has been influenced by the North-Western Prākrit.
This state of things leads us to question the interpretation of our sign as lp in the Niva documents. The forms transliterated alpa, silpa, silpiga by Professor Rapson were pronounced appa sippa, tippiga, respectively, in the dialect, and we may reasonably draw the inference that the other sign, I written above p, was used where a Sanskrit loanword was pronounced as in Sanskrit e.g., in (ka)lpitanti.
daes du site Congrès des Orientalistes, i, p. 219.
? 1 abstract from the form Kasea which I'rofessor Rapson, Kharophthi Inscriptions, p. 312, proposes to read on a copper coin, because the actual reading is not certain. To me it looks like Katea.
J. d., cciii, 1923, p. 52 - Sylvain Lévi, Jean Przyluski and Jules Bloch, Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian in India. Translated by Prabodh Chandra Bagehi, Calcutta 1929. p. 120.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXII.
So far as I can see, our only key to the pronunciation of the compound akshara are the coin legends of Wima Kadphises. And we have no reason for assuming a pronunciation Ip in them. If the letter was originally devised for writing foreign, e.g., Iranian, words containing the consonantal compound 8p, which does not occur in Indian dialects, it is conceivable that it was locally pronounced lp. But it is hardly necessary to resort to such an assumption in order to explain the Niya writings. And in our record, at all events, the compound is meant to render pi.
With regard to orthography and grammar, we may note that no distinction has been made between the dental and the cerebral n. Thus we have imena kusalamulena, but pituno, danarmuhe. The last mentioned word illustrates the well-known tendency to nasalize a vowel before & nasal, and also shows that the nominative of a-bases ended in e and not in o, as is the rule in the western part of the territory in which the North-Western Prākrit was in use. The dialect used in our inscription is, as might be expected, the same as in other Kharoshthi inscriptions.
As has already been remarked, the beginning of the record, probably about twenty aksharas, has disappeared. It probably contained a date, either in the old Saka or in the Kanishka era.
The inscription opens with a damaged ya, or apparently rather ye. It is evidently the termination of a feminine poun, in the genitive or in the locative. This word cannot be restored with any approach to certainty. If it was the last word of the date portion, we might think of purvaye, as in the Taxila Plate. Other dated inscriptions from Afghanistan, however, use kshunarmi and not purvaye after the date. Moreover, the ensuing dative pujae makes it probable that we should expect purvae and not purvaye. The same consideration may be urged against restoring words such as bharyaye or upasikaye. We might think of kutimbiniye or of kapisiye, but we cannot say anything for certain.
The first complete word is atariye, which Professor Thomas is no doubt right in restoring as Amtariye, the genitive of an elsewhere unknown dame Antari. It is evidently the name of the donor of the sculpture, and dependent on the following dananmuhe, gift.
The remaining words do not present any difficulty. They are : imena kusalamulena (piltuno pujae. We might expect a bhavatu to follow, and there are perhaps some faint traces of three aksharas, which might be read bhavatu, above the line, after pujae. My reading and translation are therefore :
TEXT. ... y[e] A[m]tariye danammuhe imeņa kusalamuleņa pituno pujae [bhavatu]
TRANSLATION. ... gift of Antari; through this root of bliss (may it be) for the worship of (her) father.
No. 6.-A NOTE ON THE MAMANE DHERI INSCRIPTION.
BY STEN Konow, Ph.D., Oslo. The Mamane Dheri inscription of the year 89 of the Kanishka era was published by me in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III, i, pp. 171 ff. A small portion of the record is so defaced that I could not make it out from the photograph and estampages at my disposal. I tentatively read the last word of this part as puyae. In the Annual Report of the Archæological Survey of India, 1928-29, p. 142, Mr. M. Delawar Khan has contributed a pote on the record, and a new
1 Cf. I< 8 in Pashto yal, Avestan gada; lam Avestan duma, and vice versa, Bogdian dykh, Sanskrit Ukha : Sukh, Sanskrit lola; köp, Sanskrit kalpa, eto.

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BEGRAM BAS-RELIEF INSCRIPTION.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
From a photograph.
SURVEY OF INDIA. CALCUTTA.

Page #33

From a photograph.

Page #34

No. 6.]
A NOTE ON THE MAMANE DHERI INSCRIPTION.
reproduction will be found on Plate LVIII. We are informed of the fact that Mr. N. G. Majumdar proposes to read arogadakshinae instead of puyae, and a careful comparison of the new reproduction with my plate shows that be is certainly right: With the exception of the initial a, all the aksharas can be traced. It is further possible to see that arogadakshinae was preceded by a word of three aksharas, the first of which must be pi, so that we can confidently restore piduno or pituno. This completes the record, which should accordingly be read : Sam 20 20 20 20 4 4 1 marqafiras(r)a masi 4 1 ise khsunami
niryaide ime deyadharme Dharmapriena shamanena pidurio arogadakshi nae upajayasa Budhapriasa puyde samanuyayana arogadakshinae.
No. 6-THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
These plates were discovered in November 1931 at Thakurdiya, a village six miles from Sārangarh, the chief town of a feudatory state of the same name in Chhattisgarh, C. P. They were kindly sent to me in January 1933, by Mr. R. D. Naik, B.A., LL.B., the Diwan of Särangarh at the instance of Mr. L. P. Pandeya, Honorary Secretary of the Mahākösala Historical Society. They are now in the possession of the Chief of Sārangarh, who has kindly permitted me to edit them.
They are three oopper-plates each measuring 3-6" by 7.1". The first and the third are inscribed on one side only, while the second, which is somewhat thicker, is inscribed on both the sides. The edges of the plates are neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims. About I" from the middle of the proper right margin each plate has a roundish bole about " in diameter for the ring on which the plates are strung. The ends of this ring, which is 8" in thickness and 3-2" in diameter, were secured in & circular Beal of bronze 3-2' in diameter. About a quarter of the lower portion of the seal is broken off, but the emblem and the legend on it are intact. The ring was not eut when the plates were sent to me. The weight of the three plates is 70 tolas and that of the sead with the ring is 49 tolas.
The plates were much corroded when first found, but have since been cleaned by the Archeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. The text of this inscription is, with a few exceptions, practically identical with that of the other inscriptions of the dynasty and there is no uncertainty in its reading. The symbol on the seal also closely resembles that on the other seals of the dynasty. It has already been described by Dr. Fleet and Dr. Sten Konow! The concave and slightly countersunk surface of the seal is divided by two horizontal parallel lines into two equal parts. The upper half contains in relief the figure of Lakshmi with a halo surrounding her face, standing on & lotus and facing full front. She holds a lotus in her right hand and something circular in her left. On each side of her there is an elephant standing on a lotus, and holding a pot in his uplifted trunk to pour water on the head of the goddess. In the right as well as the left corner there is a water lily. The towet half of the seal contains the legend in verse deciphered below.
The characters are of the box-hoaded variety of the Central Indian alphabet as found in the copper-plates of Mahi Jayatäja and Maha-Sudēvarāja and also in the silver coin of Prasan
10.1. I., Vol. III, pp. 191 and 196.
*Above, Vol. IX, p. 171. ! In the seals described by Dr. Fleet and Dr. Konow there is a baththa in the proper left ootpor.

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16
[VOL. XXII.
namatra. They resemble in general the characters of the Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman1 and are somewhat more elongated and angular than those of the Siwani' and Riddhapur plates of the Vākāṭaka king Pravarasena II. As in the Arang plates of Maha-Jayaraja, in medial i the length is denoted by a dot in the middle of the circle which indicates its short form. The medial u is denoted in two ways-the usual one of indicating length by a short stroke to the right as in bhu and sú (cf. bhūtvā 1. 11 and sūryya 1. 16) and the other in chu (cf. chudamani 1. 1) and yu (cf. yuyam 1. 10). The medial ri is denoted by a flourish to the left; the medial au is tripartite (cf. dhau of dhauta 1. 2). The sign for the cerebral d occurs twice in chudamani 1. 1 and Tuḍārāshtriya 1. 4. The gh, p, s, and sh are open at the top. The right arm of 1 goes over the letter in the form of a curve and appears as a vertical stroke to the left; m appears in its angular form, n with a loop and t without it. The loop of kh is larger than its hook. The final t as in dadyat 1. 17 and vaset 1. 19 is denoted by two vertical strokes on the top. The loop of y is complete in Vājasaneyině 1. 9 and dvijaya 1. 13 and contains a dot in suryyasutai-cha 1. 16. The final pause is denoted by two vertical lines, the first of which has a hook at the top. The numerical symbols for 3 and 2 occur in lines 22 and 23 respectively.
The language is Sanskrit. Except the legend on the seal and the usual imprecatory verses at the end, the whole inscription is in prose. As regards orthography, we have to note the reduplication of the consonant which follows rin sarvva 1. 8, dharmmam 1. 13, svargge 1. 18, etc. V appears doubled after anusvara in paradatta[m]vva 1. 20 and samvvatsara 1. 22. B is distinguished from as in sek-ambu 1. 2 and bahubhir- 1. 19. Ri is used instead of the vowel ri in srishṭaḥ 1. 10 and for the repha in dariśayati 1. 12 and varisa 1. 17. The palatal & wrongly appears for the lingual sh in sashți and varisa 1. 17 and the dental s for the palatal in sasi 1. 6. The visarga appears superfluous after its change to s in gramaḥ stridasa 1. 5; so also the anusvāra after its change to a nasal in bhavaṁnti 1. 17 and simamnta 1. 2, etc. One d is wrongly dropped in tasmädvijāya 1. 13.
The plates were issued from Sripura by Maha-Pravararaja on the second day of Mar. ggasirsha in the third year of his increasingly victorious reign. They record the donation of a village Ashadhaka in the rashtra or sub-division named Tuda' to a Brahman named Purandara of the Parasara-götra of the Vajasaneyin (Säkha of the Yajurvēda). The importance of our inscription lies in this that it has brought to light the name of a new prince Maha-Pravararāja in the dynasty of the so-called "Kings of Sarabhapura". Again, unlike the charters of the other kings of this dynasty, these plates have been issued from Sripura and not from Sarabhapura. From several plates of Maha-Jayaraja and Maha-Sudevaraja, which have been published, we can make out the following genealogy :
Prasannamātra.
Maha-Jayaraja.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
1 Above, Vol. XIX, P. 100. J. P. A, A, Vol. XX, pp. 58 ff.
Maha-Sudēvarāja.
Maha-Pravararāja.
It appears that Maha-Jayaraja was the elder son of Prasannamatra. He seems to have died without issue and was succeeded by his nephew Maha-Sudeva. All the copper-plates of MahaJayaraja and Maha-Sudevaraja are issued from Sarabhapura. This town has not been identified
Manamatra. I
[See p. 22 n. 1.-Ed.]
C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 243. C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 191.

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No. 6.]
THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA.
17
but Mr. L. P. Pandeya's suggestion that it is represented by modern Sarabhagarh, the chief town of a big zamindari of the same name in the Gangpur feudatory state in Orissa appears plausible. The town seems to have been founded by a king named Sarabharaja, just as Pravarapura was founded by King Pravarasena II of the Vākāṭaka dynasty. It is not known when this Sarabharaja flourished. He may be identical with Sarabharaja whose daughter's son Gōparāja fell in a fierce battle at Eran in the Saugor district of C. P., in which he assisted Bhanugupta as recorded in an inscription at Eran dated G. E. 191 (510 A.D.). In that case he may have flourished in the latter half of the fifth century. Prasannamātra and his descendants were evidently born in the family of Sarabharaja and may not have been separated from him by many generations; for, as stated above, the characters of their charters closely resemble those of the Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman which have been referred to the latter half of the fifth and first half of the sixth century A.D. The present plates seem to indicate that MahaPravararaja, who evidently succeeded his elder brother Maha-Sudēvarāja, removed the capital from Sarabhapura to Sripura which he himself may have founded. The town is not known to have been in existence before the fifth or sixth Century A.D. It is named after Śrī or Lakshmi who figures on all the seals of "the Kings of Sarabhapura". In the legend on the seal of the present charter Pravararāja is said to have won the earth with his arms. Such an expression does not occur in the legends on the seals of his brother and uncle. It seems, therefore, that Pravararāja extended his kingdom in the west and must have, therefore, felt the need of shifting his capital to a more centrally situated place like Sripura.
It seems that the dynasty came to an end soon after Maha-Pravararāja; for no descendant of either Maha-Sudevaraja or Maha-Pravararaja is known. By his conquests in the west MahaPravararāja seems to have come into conflict with the Sōmavamsi kings of Bhandak and though he succeeded for a while, his dynasty seems ultimately to have been over-thrown by some Sōmavamsi king, probably Tivaradeva whose Rajim and Baloda plates are issued from Sripura; for he is the first king of the Sōmavamsi dynasty whose inscriptions are connected with that town. Besides, he describes himself as the lord of the entire Kōsala country in the Balodā plates and such a title he could have assumed only after conquering the territory now known as Chhattisgarh, where Maha-Pravararaja and his ancestors were ruling. Tivaradeva's Rājim and Baloda plates are inscribed in box-headed characters which appear to be later than those of the "Kings of Sarabhapura". None of the inscriptions of his predecessors at Bhandak or his successors at Sripura is in box-headed characters. It seems that these characters were in use in Kōsala owing to the influence of the Vākāṭakas; for from the Balaghat plates of Prithvishēņa we learn that the king of Kōsala, who was probably one of the Kings of Sarabhapura", was a feudatory of his father Narendrasena. When Tivaradeva conquered the territory he also at first adopted
1 L. P. Pandeya-A Silver coin of Prasanna mätra-Proceedings of the Fifth Oriental Conference, p. 461. ¡Dr. Sten Konow thinks that Sarabhapura may be identical with the present Sarabhavaram twenty miles north-west from Rajahmundry in the Godavari district of the Madras Presidency or one of the few other villages with a similar name in the neighbourhood (above, Vol. XIII, p. 108).-Ed.]
C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 91..
R. B. Hiralal who places Sarabhapur kings after the Sōmavaméi kings of Sripura identifies Sarabhapura with Sripura. He says "It (Sarabha pura) may perhaps have been a new name imposed on the conquered city of Sripura by the victor from the fabulous animal of that name who is believed to be a match for a lion with reference to the claim of the Sirpur dynasty to be Kesaris" (Above, Vol. XI, p. 186 footnote). This conjecture is rendered impossible by the discovery of the present plates; for, herein we find the city named as Sripura even by the last prince of the Sarabhapura dynasty. Secondly Tivaradeva and his successors who reigned at Sripura
are not known to have ever assumed the title of Kesarin.
Cf. 'prapta-sakala-Kosal-adhipatyaḥ' above, Vol. VII, p. 105.
They are more elongated and angular in appearance than those in the charters of Sarabhapura kings. Again the passage यावद्रविशशिताराकिरणप्रतिहतघोरान्धकारं जगदवतिष्ठते तावदुपभोग्य: which regularly occurs in the grants of Sarabhapura kings seems to have been borrowed in the Rājim and Balodā plates of Tivaradeva.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
the same characters in incising his charters. His successors, however, seem to have reverted to the nail-headed characters which their ancestors were using at Bhāndak.
It is necessary to discuss the question of the date of Tivaradēva at some length in order to fix the date of the present plates. While editing the Kudopali plates of Mahābhavagupta II, Prof. Kielhorn remarked: "The Rajim copper-plate inscription of Mahasiva Tīvaradēva undoubtedly belongs to about the middle of the eighth century". As he remarked elsewhere, this view was based on the evidence of palaeography, language and style. None of these grounds can, however, be regarded now as decisive. As stated above, both the Räjim and Balodās plates of Tivaradēva are inscribed in box-headed characters resembling those used in the charters of the Vākātaka kings. When Prof. Kielhorn wrote, the relation of the Vākāțaka and Gupta kings was not known. He, therefore, accepted Dr. Fleet's identification of Mahārājādhirāja Dēvagupta, the maternal grand-father of the Vākāțaka king Pravarasēna II, with Dėvagupta of Magadha, the son of Adityasēna, mentioned in the Deo Bārnārk inscription and assigned the Dudia plates of Pravarasēpa II to the beginning of the 8th Century and the Räjim plates of Tivaradeva to the second half of the same century. Since then the Poona and Riddhapur plates of Prabhāvatiguptā have definitely proved that Maharājādhiraja Dēvagupta was none other than Chandragupta II. The Vākāțakas were, thus, contemporaries of the Early Gupta King. and their records must, therefore, be referred to the fourth and fifth centuries of the Christian era. As stated above, they are inscribed in box-headed characters. The plates of Tivaradēva, which are also incised in similar characters, can no longer be referred to the 8th Century on palaeographic grounds.
Nor is the evidence of language and style in favour of the late date. The charters of Tivaradēva are, indeed, composed in a style of high flourish, full of long compounds and pune; but so are those of many kings of Valabhi who flourished in the sixth and seventh century A.D. We must, therefore, look elsewhere for a more reliable evidence for fixing the date of Tivaradēva.
From several inscriptions found at Bhandak and Sirpur, we get the following genealogy of the Sõmavamsi kings of Kõsala -
Udауада.
Indrabala.
Name nat preserved.
Nannadēva.
Itānaděva.
(1) (2)
(2)
(3)
Bhavadēva Rapa kiserin.
Mahāśiva Tivaradēva.
Chandragupta.
Harshagupta m. Vasaţă (daughter
of Suryavarmen, 1 King of Magadha).
Mahāśivagupta Bālārjuna.
Ranakēnasin.. 1 Above, Vol. IV, p. 258. 10.I.I., Vol. II, p. 291.
Abovo, Vol. VII, p. 102 .ax. for instance, the description of Dhruvanna II of Valábhria the Botad plates of G. E. 310 (811-20 A.D.).
R. B. Hiralal-Descriptive line of incriptions in O. P. and Berar, sond edition, P: 103.

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No. 6.]
THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA.
From the Sirpur stone insoription of the time of Mahabivagupta Bal&rjana, we learn that Bālārjuna's mother Väsaţă was the daughter of Suryavarman "who was born in the fathily of the Varman kings, great on account of their supremacy over Magadha "1. There is no king of this name in the dynasties of Magadha except the Maukhari prince Suryavarman whose Hardha stone inscription incised in the reign of his father isānavarman, is dated (Málava) Samvat 011 (555 A.D.). The name of this prince is not known from other records of the Maukhatis. As Suryavarman is called King in the Sirpur stone inscription above referred to, he may have succeeded his father and ruled for a short time, though, being a collateral, his name is not mentioned in the records of his brother or his descendants. Chandragupta, the grand father of Mahāśivagupta Bālārjuna was thus & contemporary of Suryavarman and flourished probably from 550 to 570 A.D. and his elder brother Tivaradēva from 530 to 550 A.D.
The date thus arrived at for Tivaradēva is corroborated by the evidence afforded by the records of the Vishnukundin kings. After examining all the available charters of these kings Mr. Dinesh Chandra Sarcar has given the following genealogy :
Vikramahēndra.
Mahārāja Govindavarman.
Mahārāja Mādhavavarman I, Years 37 and 40 (?).
Dēvavarman.
Manchaņpabhattāraka.
[Raja) Vikramēndravarman.
Madhavavarman II
(Year 17 ?).
[Mahārāja] Indravarman
(Year 27)
Mahārāja Vikramēndravarman II (Year 10).
Māhārāja Mādhavavarman I was the most powerful king of the dynasty. He is described in his as well as his successors' records as one who had performed a thousand (Agnishļoma) sacrifices and eleven Asvamēdhas (horse-sacrifices). He is also described in his plates as “ Trivara. nagara-bhavana-gata-parama-yuvali-jana-viharana-ratik" or as 'Trivara-nagara-bhavana-gata yutati-hridaya-nandanah's i.e., &s one who sported in company of (or delighted the hearts of) the best ladies in the mansions of the city of Trivara. This expression has not yet been satisfac torily explained. Dr. Hultzsch took it to mean that Madhavavarman I lived at Trivaranagara but he could not identify the city. It seems clear, however, that Trivaranagara means the city of Trivara', i.e., Tivaradēva, King of Mahākösala. But then what does the above expression signify? It cannot mean that Madhavavarman married a lady from the family of Tivaradeva ; for the expression refers to a number of ladies (yuvati-jana) in the mansions of the city of Trivára, whom he delighted. We must, therefore, take the expression to refer to Madhavavarman's victory over Tivara dēva. Tivaradeva was a powerful king. As stated above, he claims in his
निपके मगधाधिपत्यमहतां जात: कुले वर्माण पुण्याभिः कृतिभिः कृती कलमनःकम्पः सुधाभीजिनाम् । यामासाद्य सुता हिमाचल पब घीसूर्यवर्धा नप: प्राप प्रापरमेवरचण्स्तागनिसर्व पदम् ।
* Above, Vol. XIV, p. 115. . Ind. Hist. Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 278. • Pulombūru plates of Madhavavarman, Jour. Andhra Hist. Roo. Society, Vol. VI, p. 206 • Tpür plates of Madhava varman, above, Vol. XVII, p. 338

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
charters to have attained suzerainty over the whole Kösala country. A victory over such a great king must be a source of pride to Madhavavarman. Hence we find it referred to in both his inscriptions. The idea that a victorious king captivates the hearts of young ladies of the enemy's city--nay even of the enemy's family-occurs sometimes in Sanskrit and Präkrit literaturel. It would not, therefore, be wrong to suppose that Mädhavavarman I vanquished Tivaradēva. In any case, he was his contemporary.
When did this Madhavavarman flourish? His Pulombūru plates record that when he crossed the Gödāvari to conquer the eastern region he donated the village Pulombūru in the Guddavādi vishaya to Sivakarman, the son of Dāmaśarman and grondson of Rudrabarman of the Gautama-götra and Taittiriya-sākha, on the occasion of a lunar eclipse which occurred on the full moon day of Phälguna. Again the Pulombūru plates of the Eastern Chalukya King Jayasimha I, which were discovered along with the above plates of Madhavavarman, record the grant of the same village to Rudrabarman, the son of Sivasarman and grandson of Damasarman of the Götama-götra and Taittiriya-säkha. From the details given above it is quite clear that Sivabarman, the donee of Madhavavarman's plates, was the father of Rudraśarman who received the village from Jayasimha I. It seems that Rudraśarman who is called purv-ägrahārika (former owner of the donated village) lost possession of the village in troublous times due to the invasions of Pulakēsin II in the beginning of the seventh century A.D. He, therefore, seems to have made representations to Jayasimha I some time after peace and order had been established in the kingdom and received the agrahāra village again from him.
If we calculate the interval between the reigns of Madhavavarman I and Jayasimha I, we find that some 60 or 70 years must have elapsed between these two rulers. Madhavavarman's Pulombūru plates are dated in the 40th year of his reign. They were, therefore, issued towards the close of his reign. He seems to have ruled over an extensive empire; for he performed as many 88 eleven Asvamēdhas. Three of his sons are known from inscriptions-(1) Dēvavarman (2) Mañchansabhattāraka' and (3) Vikramēndravarman. As Madhavavarman had a long reign of more than forty years, none of his sons seems to have succeeded him. In any case, we do not know of any plates issued by them. Madhavavarman II, the grandson of Madhavavarman I, who calls himself the lord of Trikūta and Malaya mountains, seems to have held possession of the western provinces after the death of Mādhavavarman I, while another grandson, Indravarman, seems to have succeeded him in the east. His plates are dated in the 27th regnal year. He is not likely to have reigned much longer, for his son Vikramēndravarman is said to have come to the tbrone when he was a mere boy.? Vikramêndravarman's plates were issued in his tenth regnal year. The reigns of Indravarman and his son thus cover a little more than 37 years. As no successor of Vikramēndravarman is known, he seems to have been dethroned by Pulakēsin II, who placed his brother Kubja-Vishnuvardhana in charge of the Eastern province, who reigned
10f. Rajasekhara's Viddhafalabhanjika, IV, 8 and Gaidavaho (V. 1069). * Jour. Andhra. Hist. Res. Society, Vol. VI, p. 17. Above, Vol. XIX, p. 254. I have accepted the view of Mr. D. C. Sarcar, Ind. Hist. Quarterly Vol. IX, p. 276.
The name of this prince coours towards the end of the Ipur plates (First set). Above, Vol. XVII, p. 334. None of his descendants are known.
It is noteworthy that no royal titles are prefixed to their names even in the records of their sons. (That no plates of these rulers have yet been found may not be taken as a proof that they did not rule. In the Ramatirtham plates, Vikramondravarman also bears the title of räjä like his son Indravarman who was the ruler and the donor of the grant.--Ed.)
परममायरस महाराजख बीरन्द्रभट्टारकवर्गणः प्रियज्येष्ठपुगी गरिष्ठः भव एव सकलगुणालावसस्य सम्बगध्यारीपितसकलराज्यभारः परममावरी महाराजः श्रीमान् विक्रमेन्द्रवा एक्माचापयति

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THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA
No. 6.]
for about 18 years (615-633 A.D.). As the Pulombūru plates of Jayasimha referred to above are dated in the fifth1 regnal year, we can calculate the interval between the dates of the two sets of Pulomburu plates as follows:
Indravarman . Vikramendravarman Vishnuvardhana Jayasimha
Years.
27
10
18
21
5
Total
60
As Madhavavarman I, Indravarman and Vikramendravarman may have continued to reign for some years after their respective plates were issued, this figure may have to be increased by about ten years, i.e., a period of about seventy years may have elapsed between the gifts of Madhavavarman I and Jayasimha. It appears that Sivaśarman was a young man of 25 to 30 years when he met Madhavavarman I in his expedition to the east, while his son was an old man of 50 to 60 years of age when he regained the lost agrahara village from Jayasimha. Now Jayasimha issued his plates in circa 638 A.D. Deducting 70 years from this, we get c. 568 A.D. as the approximate date of Madhavavarman's plates. We find that there was a lunar eclipse in the month of Phalguna in 565 A.D. This may, therefore, be accepted as the date of Madhavavarman's plates. As these plates were issued in his 40th regnal year, we may accept 525-568 as the probable duration of Madhavavarman's reign. We have fixed above 530 to 550 A.D. as the date of Tivaradeva on the evidence of the Sirpur inscription, which we thus find corroborated by the date of Madhavavarman I, who, as described in his charters, was a contemporary of Tivaradeva.5
1 Agreeing with Mr. Somasekhara Sarma (Jour. Andhra. Hist. Res. Society. Vol. V, p. 183) I read the nu merical symbol in Jayasimha's Pulombaru plates as 5.
2 The years of Madhavavarman II's reign are not included here, as he was ruling in the west contemporaneously with Indravarman. [But cf. Dr. Hultzsch's view, above, Vol. XVII, p. 338.-Ed.]
[The argument does not appear to me as very convincing. If we have to allow other rulers between Madhavavarman I and Indravarman or even another ruler, vis, Vikramendra, who also bears the title of räjä, the situation would become worse. It is very doubtful if Madhavavarman I could be so far removed from Jaysimha even if he was not actually the predecessor of the latter in time as Prof. Bhandarkar thinks. See his List of Northern Inscriptions, p. 291, n. 3. Moreover, there were other lunar eclipses in Phalguna between 565 and 638 A. D.-Ed.]
Agreeing with Mr. D. C. Sarcar, I have identified Madhava varman of Pulomburu plates with Madhavavarman I mentioned in the Chikkulla and Ipur plates (First set) on the ground of similarity of description. Mr. J. Dubreuil, who distinguishes between them, places Madhavavarman I about 450 A.D. The tradition in the Sthalamähätmya of Sri-Parvata on which he relies (Ancient Hist. of the Deccan, p. 73) is worthless for historical purposes. Prabhavatigupta was not known as Chandravati and was, moreover, a devotee of Vishnu and not of Siva. See her Riddhapur plates. If Madhavavarman I owed his throne to a Väkätaka prince, it must be to Harishēna (C. 590-530 A.D.) who conquered the Andhra country. The Väkätaka princess whom he married was probably Harishēņa's own daughter.
The late Dr. Hiralal accepting Kielhorn's date for Tivaradeva placed the Sirpur Lakshmana temple inscription of Tivaradeva's grand nephew in the eighth or ninth century A.D. (Above, Vol. XI, p. 184). But the characters of the inscription which closely resemble those in the Ganjam plates of the time of Sasanka (619-620 A.D.) are decidedly earlier. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's identification of Chandragupta mentioned in the Sanjan plates of Amoghavaraha I (Saka Samvat 793) with Tivaradeva's brother (Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 240) cannot be accepted; for that Chandragupta, who is mentioned with Nagabhata in the inscription was probably a king of Central India, and not of Kosala. It is noteworthy in this connection that Kösala is mentioned subsequently in the des. cription of the later conquests of Govinda III. Trivara who is mentioned in the Kondedda, Nivina and Purt plates as defeated by the Sailōdbhava king Dharmaraja alias Manabhita was probably a descendant of the earlier Tivaradeva who issued Räjim and Balodā plates. We know of several instances of such repetition of names in the dynasty of the Somavathét kings of Kösals and Orissa to which Tivaradeva belonged.

Page #41

22
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
We have shown above that Tivaradeva flourished later than the "Kings of Sarabhapura" and was probably responsible for their overthrow. Maha-Pravararaja, the donor of the present plates, is the last known king of the Sarabhapura dynasty'. He seems, therefore, to have flourished in the beginning of the sixth century (circa 515 to 535 A.D.).
The overthrow of the kings of Sarabhapura by Tivaradeva accounts for the war between Madhavavarman I and Tivaradeva. As we have seen the kings of Sarabhapura were probably feudatories of the Vākāṭakas. In the beginning of the sixth century the power of the Väkäṭakas was declining. The reign of Harishēņa the last known Vākāṭaka king came to an end about 530 A.D. Madhavavarman I who is known to have married a Vākāṭaka princess, probably a daughter of Harishēņa, seems to have taken vengeance for the destruction of the kings of Sarabhapura by invading the kingdom of Tivaradeva and occupying his capital for a while as suggested in his Pulomburu and Ipür plates.
As for the geographical names occurring in these plates Sripura is modern Sirpur in the Raipur District of C. P. Tuḍal which gave its name to the district in which the donated village was situated, may be identified with one of the villages named Tunda, Tundra, Tundri or Tundra gaon in the vicinity of Seorinarayan about 25 to 30 miles from Thakurdiya. It may be noted in this connection that the Tunḍaraka-bhukti mentioned in the Sarangadh plates of Maha-Sudēva has been identified by R. B. Dr. Hiralal with Tundra 6 miles south of Seorinārāyan. The village Chullaṇḍaraka granted in that charter may be identified with Childa 82-31' and 21-30'. The village Asha ḍhaka granted in the present plates may be represented by modern Asoud 82-54' and 21-45', about two miles to the north of the Mahanadi, which is within a distance of fifteen to twenty miles from the villages Tunda, Tundra, etc., mentioned above.
I edit the inscription from the original plates.
TEXT. The Seal.
1 मानमाच] [] [स्ये] स्व[भु] त्रोपानंतचित [1]
2 [श्री] प्रवरराजस्य
शासन[] मनुशासन [] [1]
1 wit' werfier [1° स्वस्ति [*7
First Plate.
श्रीपुराद्दिक्रमोपनतसा मं'न्त मकुट चूडामणिप्रभात्र
[VOL. XXII.
2 से बुधौतपादयुगलो रिपुविलासिनोसीमं 'तोहरण हेतु :
3
सुरसुधागोमट्ः परमभागवती मातापितृपादानुध्यातः
4 श्रोमचाराजः तुङाराष्ट्रियावाट के प्रतिवासिनः समाज
5 पयति [ 1 *] विदितमस्तु वो यथास्माभिरयं ग्रामः' स्त्रिदशपतिसदन
6 genfare
amafanfe"arifienfiwwerWT
1[Correct reading appears to be Tunda.-Ed.]
The excellent facsimiles, which accompany this article, were kindly supplied by Mr. K. N. Dikebit, M. A., Superintendent, Archaeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta.
The anusvara is superfluous.
Motre: Anushṭubh. Expressed by a symbol. The engraver first wrote dha but afterwards corrected it as da. The visarga is superfluous. which was first omitted is written below the line. Read Ha
10 [Reading is afg.-Ed.] 11 Read f

Page #42

THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA.
First Plate.
91
TA
E
2
4 DTD E F 15 11:13 1,
4
Second Plate: First Side.
HE ABP 1
IN
1
3.
3
0
다
0
무
10 라
너 | Hae 12 011
PD
르 부을
TA
3
10 터. | 12
ID
12.
CNC
12
Second Plate: Second Side.
II -
- IU UT I
0/
13 13 PD | 21 1 | F1RSTEESE
답A급 ) 18
:
TAL
1 351 158
TT
110
SCALE: THREE-QUARTER.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. Chakravarti. Rea. No. 3321 E134 -480,

Page #43

Third Plate.
LLI
니다
디 1 11일 진 진 2 IED
회 87 122
113 9 0 | 21
SEAL
PIE
T
IES
(From a photograph).

Page #44

No. 6.].
THAKURDIYA PLATES OF MAHA-PRAVARARAJA
Second Plate ; First Side. 7 (1) जगदवतिष्ठते तावदुपभोग्य: सनिधिः सोपनिधिरचाटभटप्रावे8 . ज्यः सबकरविसनिसः मातापित्रोरामनव पुन्या(स्था)
भिये पराम 9 रसमोचाय वाजसनेयिने भट्टकपुरन्दरखामिगे साम्व'शा10 सनेमातिसिष्ट[:1*] ते यूयमेवमुपलभ्य भाजायणविधया ll भूत्वा यथोचितं भोगभागमुपन्त' मुखं प्रतिवास्थय [*] भविष्यला भू12 मिपालाननुदरिम यति [*] दानाहिशिष्टमनुपालनजं पुराणा
Second Plate ; Second Side. 18 धर्मषु निवितधियः प्रवदन्ति धर्म [1] तस्मादिजाय सुविधा 14 लश्रुताय दत्ता भुवं भवतु वो मतिरेव गोप्तुं [*]° तवरिष्यवा दत्ति16 रसुपालयितव्या [*] व्यासगीतांश्च शोकानुदाहरन्ति [*] अन्नपत्वं F18 थमं सुवर्ण भूधैष्णवी सूर्यसुताच नाव: [1] दत्तात्रयस्ते17 न भवन्ति' लोका यः काञ्चनं गाच महीच दद्यात् [*] राष्टी परिमस' 18 इस्राणि खर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [1] पाच्छेत्ता चानुमंन्ता' च तान्येव नर
Third Plate. 19 के वसेत् ॥"] बहुभिवं सुधा दत्ता राजमि[:] सगरादिभिः [1] यस्य ब. 20 स्य यदा भूमित(स्त)स्य तस्य तदा फलं [*] स्वदत्ता परदत्तावा' या 21 द्रक्ष युधिष्ठिर [1] महो" महिमता श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छेयोनुपाल22 नमिति [*] "ममुखाजया प्रवईमानविजयसव" सर ३ मार्ग23 भीर्ष दि २ उकिरण मौलसिझेन ।
1 Read are - Read 'कृष्टः
• Rond मुपनयन्तः • Read दर्शयति । -Read द्विजाय
• Metre : Vasantatilaka. 'The anuandra is super fluous. Read षष्टि वर्ष.
Read परदा ना. "Road मही.
1 Road खमुखाचया. " Rond संक्र . "Read घरवीषय. [Plate show Gola -Ed.]

Page #45

24
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
No. 7.-DAYYAMDINNE PLATES OF VINAYADITYA-SATYASRAYA; SAKA 614. By R. S. PANCHAMUKHI, M.A., MADRAS.
The subjoined inscription1 is engraved on three copper-plates discovered at Dayyamdinne a village in the Adoni taluk of the Bellary District. It is noticed in the Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for the year 1916 and described as follows: "The ends of the ring are fixed into the bottom of an almost circular seal, one inch in diameter, bearing on its counter-sunk surface the crude figure of a standing baar facing the proper right, as in the case of the Harihar Grant of Vinayaditya-Satyasraya published in Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, pages 300 ff. The plates measure between 87" and 9" in breadth and between 38" and 3" in height. The ring, which is oval in shape, measures 43" and 3" in diameter and is about 1" thick. The plates and the seal weigh 112 tolas". The inscription is edited below for the first time from the ink-impressions prepared in the office of the Assistant Archæological Superintendent (now Superintendent) for Epigraphy, Madras.
The inscription is in a fairly good state of preservation though some letters in the second plate are damaged and rendered indistinct. Only one side of the first and last plates bears writing. The characters beleng to the southern class of alphabets and resemble closely those of the Sorab and Harihar grants, which belong, like the present one, to the Chalukya king Vinayaditya-Satyasraya. The language is Sanskrit. Excepting the invocatory verse at the beginning and benedictive and imprecatory verses at the end, the record is throughout in prose. In respect of orthography it may be remarked that the consonants n, t, d, n and v are doubled after ras in ārņṇavam (1. 1), kirtti (1. 14), Senänir-ddaitya-balam (1. 19), etc. The rules of sandhi are not strictly observed, as for instance in pañchäśad-nivarttana (11. 29-31). There are numerous clerical mistakes in the record owing to the carelessness of the engraver.
The object of the record is to register the grant of fifty nivartanas of land each, to Düsasarman and Kappasarman of the Kausika-götra, and Sarvasarman of the Atreyagötra, in the eastern quarter of the village Ulchal in Naļavāḍi-vishaya, and fifty mivartanas, to Sarvasarman of the Gargyāyaṇa-götra, in the southern quarter of the same village, made by the Western Chalukya king Vinayaditya-Satyasraya who was encamped at Talayakhoda-grama near the northern bank of the Tagara river. The grant was made at the request of a certain Marddakari, on the full-moon day of Ashaḍha in Dakshinayana-kala falling in the twelfth year of Vinayaditya's reign, when six-hundred and fourteen Šaka years had expired. The record was composed by Śri-Ramapuṇyavallabha who also wrote the other charters of this king.
The details of date given in the present record have been calculated by the late Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai whose remarks on them run as follows: "If the reference were to Saka 614 (expired)....the Ashadha full-moon would be that which fell on June 4 (Adhika-Ashāḍha)...... or that which fell on July 4 (Nija-Ashadha).... Neither day would be the summer solstice whether of the tropical or sidereal sun. But if we took Saka 614 as referring to the current Saka year, i.e., to A.D 691-92, then Ashadha full-moon would have been on June 16, A.D. 692* which would be......very near the tropical summer solstice". It is proved in the sequel that the intended date of the record must be July 4, A.D. 692, and that Dakshiṇāyana-kāla
1 C. P. No. 7 of 1915-16.
M. E. R. 1916, App. G, p. 102. Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, part ii, p. 35.
It ought to be A.D. 691, since the commencement of the year (Chaitra, bu, 1) fell in March A.D. 691.

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No. 7.) DAYYAMDINNE PLATES OF VINAYADITYA-SATYASRAYA; SAKA 614.25
cited in the record must be taken to mean a day in Dakshināyanal and not a day of Dakshinayana-sankrānti. It may be noted that the record does not mention the Dakshiņāyana-sankrānti as such but specifies the day as falling in Dakshiņāyana only.
The charter is important as it helps us in determining the date of accession of Vinayāditya with greater certitude than hitherto. So far six dated records of the king have come to light. But owing to the irreconcilable regnal years given in them it has not been possible to ascertain his initial year definitely. In this set of six are included the Jejūri copper-plates recently published in this journal' whose date has added further difficulties in solving the problem. But if we study all the dates of Vinayāditya with reference to the details contained in the Dayyamdinne plates, we arrive at a definite result, as shown below, viz., some day between Ashādha šu. 2 and Ashādha bu. 15 of Saka-Samvat 603 expired, i.e., between 22nd June and 4th July of A.D. 681 for the commencement of the first current year of the king.
According to the Sorab grant, Saka 614 expired, Dakshiņāyana-sankranti, Rõhiņi, Saturday fell in the 11th regnal year of the king. This date corresponded to Saturday, 22nd June, A.D. 692, on which day the tithi was Nija-Ashādha tu. 2. The present charter bears the same Saka date and was issued on the full-moon day of Ashādha in Dakshināyana which, however, is stated to háve fallen in his 12th regnal year. Of the two alternative equivalents for the Adhikaand Nija-Ashādha in that year, viz., 4th June and 4th July A.D. 692, the latter has to be accepted since 4th June would neither be a day of Dakshinayana-sankrānti nor a day in Dakshināyana ; for Dakshināyana-sankranti took place, as stated above, only on the 22nd day of that month. Further, 4th June could not have fallen in his 12th year since his 11th year lasted till at least 22nd June. Thus the dates of these two grants, combined, yield the initial date to fall sometime between 22nd June and 4th July A.D. 681. This starting point of Vinayāditya's reign agrees perfectly well with the dates given in his Lakshmēsvara inscription, and the Karnūlo and Harihar? grunts. The Togarcbēdu grant and the Jejūri plates, however, point to some day between 18th October A.D. 678 and 2nd July A.D. 679 for the first year of the king. This day probably marks the time of Vinayāditya's nomination to the throne during the lifetime of his father. It may be remarked that the Saka years quoted in the Lakshmēsvara ingcription and the Togarchēdu grant must be considered as referring to the current years and not expired ones. Dr. Kielhorn is inclined to take this view in regard to the former record. These
1 Such citations are not rare in inscriptions. See for example App. G to M. E. R. for 1916, p. 101, No. 661 of 1915. The gift in the present case might have been actually made on the day of Dakshinayana-sankranti and issued on the date recorded in the plates. See also abovo, Vol. XV, P. 253.
There are two forged grants of the same king which are noticed in M. E. R. for 1906, No. 12 of App. Aand ibid., for 1917-18, No. 3 of App. A. In Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, p. 240, is noticed the Patödå grant of this king dated Saka 617 corresponding to his 14th regnal year.
Above, Vol. XIX, p. 62. *Ind. A nt., Vol. XIX, p. 149.
Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 112. . Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 89. * Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 300.
J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XVI, p. 242.
Soo below, p. 29. ** Kielhorn's List of Southern Inscriptions, App. II, p. 2.

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26
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
"results will become clear from the following classified table of dated records of Vinayāditya in which the corresponding initial years also are shown:
Inscription.
.
Rognal year.
Details of date.
Approximate
English equivalent.
Initial day of the first current year.
1. Jejūri Plates
2. Togarchēdu grant
Saka 609 (expired), 2nd July, A.D. 687 h
Ashādha, bu. 15. Saka 611 (expired), 18th October, A.D. Kärttika, du. 15. 688. (Fleet; 3rd
November, A.D. 689).
(I) Between
October, 678, and July, A.D.
18th A.D. 2nd 679.
3. La kahmēsvara inscription
4. Karnül grant
.
.
6. Sorab grant
.
.
Saka 608 expired), 20th January, A.D. Mágha, bu. 15. 686. (Fleet; 3rd
February,
A.D.
687). Saks 613 (expired), 10th January, A.D. Mágha, éu. 15.
|| (II) Between 22nd Saka 614 (expired), 22nd June, A.D. 692 June and 4th Dakshinayana
July, A.D. 681. sankranti, Saturday, Röhini. Saka 614 (expired), 4th July, A.D. 692 Ashādha, bu. 15, Dakshiņāyana-kāla. Saka 616 (expired), 9th October, A.D.) Kärttika, bu. 15. 694.
6. Dayyamdinne plates
7. Harihar grant
.
.
The record is interesting in other respects also. While recounting the achievements of Vikramāditya the present inscription, like all the other records of Vinayāditya, states that he captured Kanchipura after defeating the Pallava king who had become the cause of disgrace to his family, subdued the three kings (dharanidharatraya) Pandya, Chola and Kērala and made the inexorable Pallava bow to his feet. Vikramăditya's own records, however, are unanimous in proclaiming that he acquired for himself the fortune of his father which had been concealed by (the confederacy of) three kings (avanipatitritaya) and defeated the enemy-kings in country after country. The Gadväl plates of his 20th year (A.D. 674) add that he 'inflicted a crushing defeat on Pallava Narasimhavarman, Mahēndravarman and Isvarapötavarman and seized their capital Kāñchipura. Thus, the defeat.of the Pallavas and the capture of Kāñchipura being common in both the accounts, the confederacy of three kings mentioned in the epigraphs of Vikramaditya must evidently refer to the Pandya, Chola and Kērala given in his son's records. Fleet's opinion that the three princes were Pallava Narasimhavarman, Mahēpdravarman and Isvarapotavarman is untenable. It is ira possible in the scheme of Pallava chronology to suppose that Narasimhavarman and Mahēndravarman had died and Paramēbvaravarman's rule had already commenced by A.D. 658 in which year Vikramaditya had acquired his hereditary provinces after subduing the confederacy. For
1 Dyn. Kan. Dist., pp. 368 and 369.
*According to Panini हिविभ्यां तयस्थायज्वा ॥राश the terminations तयप and अयण convey the same meaning. Hence the two expressions occurring in the two sets of inscriptions must be taken to give the same sense. . See for instance, above, Vol. IX, pp. 98 ff. Ibid. Vol. X, pp. 100 ff.

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No. 7.] DAYYAMDINNE PLATES OF VINAYADITYA-SATYASRAYA; SAKA 614.27
according to all authorities on Pallava chronology Narasimhavarman's reign alone extended beyond A.D. 655. As stated above, Vikramaditya recovered his territory from the Pāņdya, Ohola and Kērala kings, and not from the Pallavas, which fact leads us to suppose that the Chāļukyan territory was not in the possession of the Pallavas in or immediately before A.D. 655. The Pallava grants, however, assert that Narasimhavarman defeated Pulakēsin II in the battles of Pariyala, Manimangala and Sūramāra and destroyed Vätäpi. In some inscriptions' he is given the epithet Vätāpi-konda. This is fully borne out by the existence of & rock-inscription at Bādāmi of this Pallava king, written in the Pallava-Grantha characters of the period. This event is supposed to have taken place after the visit of the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang to the court of Pulakēsin II 1.e., in about A.D. 643. It is not, at present, possible to guess under what circumstances the Pallava hold was displaced and the three confederates occupied the Chalukyan country in the intervening period.
Another poteworthy point in the present record is the expression Trairājya-Pallava. Vinayāditya is stated to have vanquished, at the command of his father, the over-grown army of Trairājya-Pallava and brought his country into a state of peace and quiet. Scholars are divided in their opinion regarding the significance of the term Trairājya. Fleet, Kielhorn? and Krishna Sastris have taken it to refer to the three South Indian powers, viz., Pāņdya, Chola and Kerala. Dr. Dubreuile has posited that the three kings who constituted Trairājya were the Pallava, the Pandya and Simhala Mänavamma. Recently, an endeavour has been made by a writer to show that this term as well as the expression avani pati-tritaya refer to the three branches of the Pallava dynasty ruling over three different regions of their kingdom 10. One of them ruled, according to him, over Tondai-mandalam and the Tamil country with its capital at Kāñchi, another governed the modern Guntur and Nellore districts and formerly issued its grants usually from Mēnamātura, Tāmbrāpa and Palakkada, and the third had under its control the modern Ceded Districts probably with the exception of Cuddapah. The views of either of the last two scholars are wholly untenable as they lack the support of historical facts of the period and of the proper interpretation of the texts of inscriptions in which the word occurs. This term is found used, besides in the Chalukya inscriptions, also in
1K. V. S. Aiyar's Historical Skaches of the Ancient Dekhan, p. 41; Dubreuil's Ancient History of the Deccan, P. 73.
* Küram, Kābākudi and Vēlārpāļaiyam grants. (8. 1. 1., Vols. I, pp. 148 ff., II. No. 73, and p. 503). • E.g. 8. 1. I., Vol. II, No. 73. . There are also some minor inscriptions at Badami written in this script, see e.g. Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 61.
It is not impossible that soon after the occupation of V&tapi by Narasimha varman I after A.D. 642, the Pandya, Chola, and Kerala who were biding a favourable opportunity to avenge the defeat inflicted upon them by the Pallava monarch (see the Kuram plates), joined themselves into a confederacy and, after subduing the Pallavas whose resources had probably been exhausted in their conflicts with the Chilukyan army, marched as far north as Vātāpi, shattered the Pallava hold on it and finally took possession of the Chalukya territory. This supposition would explain the variant statements contained in the Chalukya as well as the Pallava epigraphs and the description of the Pallavas as the cause of disgrace and destruction of the lunar family of the Chalukyas would also be accounted for.
• Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 368. ? Above, Vol. V, p. 202 n.
* Above, Vol. XI, p. 341 n. 1. See also Hultzsch, above, Vol. IX, p. 101 n. 5 and Pathak, ibid., p. 205, n. 4.
The Pallavas, P. 44.
10 The Madras Christian College Magazine, January 1929, pp. 6 and 8. The author presumes that "the Cholae did not exist as a political power during the seventh century A.D." (p. 4). This is wrong. They are referred to as an independent ruling family in almost all the records of Vinay iditya and his successors. There is nothing to indicate in the Gadvil grant that the Cholika visha ya nad been directly governed by the Pallavas of Káfichi, as supposed by him.

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28
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
the Malēpādu plates of Punyakumāra (Cir.-8th century A.D.), the Vishnupurāņa' and Jinasēna's Adipuräņa (9th oentury A.D.). In the Vishnupurāņa, the word occurs along with Mushika in the passage + Atrou afum a t itafa Fleet has identified Mushika with a part of the Malabar coast between Quilon and Cape Comarin. Trairājya should, therefore, be naturally located near it. Further the word is explained by the commentator of Jinasēna's Adipurāņa as referring to Chola, Pandya and Kerala. It is therefore reasonable to think that Trairājya of the Chalukya inscriptions refers to these three countries only. This view finds considerable support from the analogous expression occurring in Vikramaditya (I)'s records which in the context means the administration of the three kings (wafafafaa), viz., Pāņdya, Chola and Kēraļa.
From the foregoing discussion it may be said that the constituents of Trairājya were not the Pallava, Pandya and Simhala Māņavamma as postulated by Dr. Dubreuil. If the Ceylon king bad actually joined the confederation, this remarkable event would have been mentioned in the Mahāvarsa as an important achievement of Māņavamma. Further the Pallava could not have formed a member of the Trairūjya since he is mentioned separately. The contention that the Trairājya was composed of three kings ruling over three different parts of the Pallava kingdom is similarly untenable? for the above-mentioned reasons. According to this view, we ought to find the existence of the Pallava sway over the Nellore, Guntur and the Ceded Districts in and before A.D. 643 when the confederation is supposed to have temporarily subverted the Chāļukya power. But this is not the case. The situation of stone inscriptions and of villages granted in copper-plate records of this early period would show clearly that parts of the Guntur, Nellore and the Ceded Districts had already been conquered by Pulakēsin II in his famous dig-vijaya and become subject to the Chālukya rule.
The defeat of the three powers, namely, the Pandya, Chola and Kērala by Vinayāditya appears to have taken place after the date of the advāl plates (A.D. 674) since it is not alluded to there. After the victorious campaign of the Chāļukya king into the Pallava and Chola coun. tries in that year, the Pallava king Paramēsvaravarman must have mustered his forces and sought the assistance of the Chola and the other two powers of South India in order to give a crushing blow to their common enemy Vikramaditya. The combined forces of these four powers entered the Chalukyan territory and probably sacked and captured the city of Ranarasika' on this
1 Above, Vol. XI, p. 337. * Chapter 4-24-67 of the Venkatēsvara Pross edition. . Chapter XXX, verse 38. This reference was pointed out by Pathak above, Vol. IX, p. 208.
. Mr. K. P. Jayaswal adda so to this in his quotation from the Mme Purina (J. B. 0. R. 8., Vol. XIX, p. 129).
Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 281. See Mr. K. V. 8. Aiyar in J. R. A. 8. April 1922, p. 176 and also Nunda Lal Dey's Geographical Dictionary of the Ancient and Medieval India, p. 134. (Musika nagara is mentioned in the Hathi Gumpha Inscription of Khāra vela, see above, Vol. XX, p. 77 and note 3.-Ed.]
Dubreuil does not discuss the composition of avanipati-tritaya whioh, as pointed out above, signifies the
hree powers as rairäjya. It is impossible that the Simbala king Manavamma who ascended the throne in A.D. 668 (Hultzsch) coording to Dubreuil in A.D. 660 and A.D. 691 according to Wijesimha-could have entered the alliance as a crowned king and helped the Pallava Narasimha varman I in defeating the Chalukyas in about A. D. 643.
Fleet originally held the same opinion but subsequently abandoned it (Dyn. Kan. Dist., p. 362 n.).
See, for instance, the Kopparam plates (above, Vol. XVIII, PP 257 ff.), the Niduparru grant (ibid., p. 56), the Chendalūr plates of Sarvalok asraya (ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 238), the Annavaram inscription cf Vlkramåditya (Nellore Inscriptions, Darsi 2; and Dr. Venkataramanayya's Trilochana- Pallara and Karikala-Chon, p. 16), the Gooty inscription and the Sorab grant of Vinay aditya, and Nos. 333, 343, 359 and 364 of 1920 of thn Madras Epigraphical Collection.

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No. 7.] DAYYAMDINNE PLATES OF VINAYADITYA-SATYASRAYA; SAKA 614. 29
occasion. They were routed by Vinayāditya probably in A. D. 678-79, when he was nominated to the throne as indicated by his Jejuri plates and the Togarchêdu grant.
Of the geographical places mentioned in the record Talayakheḍa-grāma has been identified by the late Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri with Thairkeḍda on the north bank of the river. Ter (Thairna ). 1 Dr. Fleet has identified Nalavādi-vishaya with portions of the Ananta pur and Kurnool Districts. Ulchal which was situated in this vishaya is probably to be identified with Ulachala in the Kurnool taluk of the Kurnool district. If this is correct, Fleet's identification of the Nalavaḍi-vishaya will be confirmed. Recently two inscriptions of the Nala dynasty have been obtained, viz., the Rithapur plates of Bhavattavarman and the Poḍagadh inscription of his son Skandavarman, which locate their kingdom somewhere in the Central Provinces on the side of Yeotmal, and Poḍāgadh in the Jeypore Agency. It is too premature to establish any connection between the Nalaväḍi-vishaya and the Nala country since they are far removed from each other. The present record contains the second known reference to Nalavägi-vishaya, the first being found in the Kurnool plates of Vikramāditya I.
TEXT.
Second Plate; Second Side.
'विना(न)
22
23 यादिव्यवायची[[*] थियोवज्ञभमहाराजाधिराज परमेश्वरभ
24 हारकनियमाप्रापयति [[*] विदितमस्तु षोमाभि: चतुर्थीतरषटू25 शकयतीतेषु प्रवद ( ) मानविजयराज्यसंवबर दादय (2) वर्त्तमा
28 मे तनरनतरसमीपे तळयखेडग्राममधिवसति विजय
26
27 स्वधावारे भाषाढ पौर्णिमास्यां दक्षिणायनकाले महंकारीवि[ज्ञा]पनया
Third Plate : First Side.
28 मलवाडिविषये उपनामग्रामे कोशिकागोचाय दूसशर्थीचे पूर्वस्या20 किमि राजमानेन पात्रि विवर्तन अपि च कौशिकमीषाय क 30 ) राजमानेन पश्चामत्रि (वि) वर्तनचं अपि च पापमोचाव स 31 वंशर्मणे राजमानेन पञ्चाशत्रि (वि) वत्तंन क्षेत्रं अपि च गार्ग्याययगोत्र32 सव (वंशी दचियस्यान्दिशि राजमानेन पश्चामति (चि) वत्तंमचेचं 33 सर्व्वबाथ ( धा) परिहारं दता (ता) नि
["* ]
वेदव्यासेन व्यामेमो[19
महंश (ये) र
34-36 Imprecatory verses.
37 किमि [: * ] श्रीराम पुण्यव[ज्ञ]भसेना
·
राजन (जैन) लिखितं [*]
1 M. E. R., 1916, p. 130.
Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 363.
* Alphabetical List of Villages in the Madras Presidency, Kurnool district, p. 5.
• Above, Vol. XIX, p.100.
M. E R., 1922, p. 80, No. 283; above, Vol. XXI, pp. 155 f.
J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 225 f. Since the Madakasira. taluk now belongs to the Anantapur die triot, Anantapur should be substituted for Bellary in Fleet's identification of this viskaya.
* Lines 1 to 22 are a reproduction of the first eighteen lines of tho Jejüri plates (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 63-4).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOJ.. XXII.
No. 8.-SILAHARA CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
By Prof. D. R. BHANDARKAR, Calcutta. The inscriptions which are edited here for the first time were found in Caves at Silahard in the Rewah State, Central India. More than twenty-five years ago a rubbing of one of these records was sent by a schoolmaster to Rai Bahadur Hiralal, the celebrated archæologist of C. P. who in his turn some time ago brought it to the notice of the Government Epigraphist, Dr. Hirananda Sastri. During the year 1927-28, the latter officer visited the caves and published an account of the same together with a summary of their inscriptions on pp. 136-8 of the Archanl. Suru. Ind., An. Rep., of the same year. The estampages which he took during his official visit to the monuments were kindly made over to me for detailed treatment, and the present paper is the result of it.
The caves at Silaharā are about sixteen miles to the north-east of Jaithāri, a station on the Katni-Bilaspur Branch of the Bengal Nagpur Railway. It lies between Latitude 23° 2' North and Longitude 81° 50' East. They are a group of four artificial caves with traces of one more excavation and are situated on the east bank of a small river called the Kēväiñ, presenting a picturesque view. The name Silaharā, as suggested by Dr. Sastri, is probably a modern form of Silāgriha which occurs as silägahā in these inscriptions. Of these four monuments, only three, namely, the Sītāmāời, the Durvāsā and the Chēri-Gõdadi-Caves are well preserved. The fourth has a hole in the roof of one of its cells. The first three caves only contain inscriptions, some of which are in the Brāhmi script, and some in the Shell 'characters. Here, we are concerned oply with the inscriptions in the Brāhmi script.
From the form of the letters all these inscriptions except one seem to belong to the first century A.D. What is palæographically worthy of note about them is that the characters p and v have occasionally flat and angular bases and that the base-line of n also is sometimes slightly curved. These peculiarities are first clearly noticeable in the cave inscriptions of Ushavadāta, which pertain to the beginning of the second century A.D. But there they appear as the permanent and not incidental forms of those letters. Moreover, besides p and v, the letters kh, gh, j and m are found in Ushavadāta's epigraphs invariably with flat and angular bases, which are not noticeable at all in our cave inscriptions. The inference is not unreasonable that our epigraphs are slightly earlier in date than those of Ushavadāta, and if the latter belong to the first quarter of the second century, we cannot be far from right if we assign the Silaharā inscriptions to about the middle of the first century A.D.
Other paleographic peculiarities also deserve to be noticed. Thus d consists of two curves, one concave and one convex, joined in one way or the other and thus giving rise to two different forms of d. Similarly, the letter t appears in two different forms. The character m in Sivawila in No.3, 1. 3, is unlike m in other places in these inscriptions, and as such is worthy of note.
These are seven inscriptions. All of them except two bear more or less the same import. They are engraved in the inner walls of the caves, the Durvāsā containing one, and the ChēriGödadi two and the Sītāmāời three. The last of these cares has one more inscription but incised on a pillar and with a different import. All these records are complete as far as they go, but the longest and most detailed of these is that engraved in the Durvāsa Cave. In the Sitāmādi Cave, however, while one inscription is complete, the other has apparently not been fully incised, supposing of course that the whole of it has been copied in the estampage before us. The object of the inscriptions is to record the excavation of caves by the amātya Maudgaliputra Müladēva of the Vatsa-gotra, while Svåmidatta was the ruler of the kingdom. Who this Svämi

Page #52

No. 8.)
SILAHARA CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. datta was is not known. We know of only one Svâmidatta who according to the celebrated Allahābād Pillar Inscription was king of Köttura in Dakshiņāpatha and was conquered by Samudragupta who flourished in the fourth century A.D. But the Svāmidatta of our inscriptions must have lived in the first century. And there is neither epigraphio ncr numismatic evidence to point to any king of this name during this period.
As we have just seen, the caves were excavated, not by the king Svāmidatta, but by his minister Müladēva, whose pedigree for three generations has been given. He was son of Sivamita (=Bivamitra), grandson of Sivadata (=sivadatta), and great grandson of Sivānamdi ( = Sivånandi). It is worthy of note that the terms used for grandson' and 'great grandson' are natika (=naptrika) and panatika (=pranaptrika), but they are obviously used in the sense of pautra and prapautra. These last words no doubt generally occur in the inscriptions of Asoka, but they are sometimes replaced by the other words also in some versions of his edicts (cf. e.g., the Girnar with the other copies of RE. IV.).
What the original object of these excavations was may be now briefly considered. The inscriptions found in the Chēri-Godadi and Sītāmādi Caves simply say that they were silāgahā or rock mansions, but that engraved in the Durvāsā Cave describes it as ārāmam pavate or « pleasure-house on the hill'. There can be little doubt that they were intended as dens for mirth and frolio. This inference is supported by Inscriptions Nos. 6-7 in the Sitāmādi Cave. They are no doubt engraved in characters of the second century A.D., and are thus one century posterior to the other epigraphs. Nevertheless, they are sufficiently close in time to the others. Now one inscription reads Yuvati-mäle=Yuvati-mālē. Mälan means "a high ground, rising or elevated ground. The word odours in v. 16 of Kalidasa's Meghadüta, where the word is thus explained by Mallinātha : faila-prāyam=unnata-sthalam, an elevated hilly place.' Consequently Yuvati-māle is to be understood as denoting some hill place for meeting young women. The other inscription reads Udaya-lära, the Rising Star', which apparently is the name of some female artiste. The Silahára. Caves thus seem to have been excavated for sportive and merry-making purposes and continued as such for at least a century more. All the caves except one that have so far been discovered were intended as religious edifices. If we take the Buddhist caves, they were either chait yas, worship halls' or layanas residences for monks'. If we take the Brahmanic or Jaina caves, they were cut to serve as temples or abode of ascetics. The only exception just referred to is the two caves of Ramgash, called Sitabēnga and Jögimārā'. The former of these was apparently an amphitheatre, and the latter & love den. Both have an inscription each. That in the first contains some verses in praise of poetry. That in the second purports to say that there was a dévadāsi, Sutanukā by name, who was loved by Devadinna, native of Bärāṇasi and a banker (rūpadaksha) by profession." It appears that the Jõgimārā Cave was excavated originally by Devadinna for gratifying his amorous propensities. The Silahară Caves also were perhaps.cut for the same purpose, and served as pleasure retreats te Müladēva, minister of Svämidatta.
This Maladēva, as stated above, has been described both as Vachha (=Vätsa) and Mogaliputa (Maudgalfputra). The first is a patronymic and shows that he belonged to the Vatsa-gðtra, that, in other words, he was a Brahman. The second is a metronymic and means " son of (& woman) of the Mudgala or Maudgala family. Madgala is a section of both the Bharadvāja- and the Atri- götra. Maudgala again is a section not only of the Bharadvāja or the Vasishtha, but also of the Bhrigu-gofra.. The mother of Müladēva may have belonged to any one of these
14. 8. 1., An. Rep., 1903-04, pp. 74-5 and pp. 123 ff.
• Lader, List of Brahms Incr., No. 921. I, however, differ from the Professor in regard to the Interpro. tation of lupadakha. For this technical sense of the word rupa, see my Carmichael Lecturer. 1921, pp. 124 fl.
. GOtra-pravara-ibandha-kadambach, p. 63, 1. 9 and p. 81, L. 8. • Ibid., p. 62, 1.6; p. 110, 1. 14; and p. 37, 1. 8.

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gotras except Bhrigu. She could not have come of the Bhrigu, because her husband, being a Vatsa, was a Bhsigu. Let us in this connection discuss the significance of the Vedic metronymics which occur in cave and such early inscriptions. Bühler says in one place that "numerous instances in the northern and southern inscriptions show that the queens and princesses were frequently called by the Vedic götra-names, such as the Gautami, the Vātsi, the Vásishthi, the Gārgi, etc.". The remark is true so far as it goes, but he forgets that the Brāhman women also had such götra-names. One such instance is of course furnished by our inscriptions which call Mūladēva's mother Maudgali; another, by a Nāsik Cave record which speaks of a Brahman Asvibhūti as Värähiputra"; and a third by & Maļavalli pillar inscription in Monumental Prākrit which mentions the Brāhmaṇ grantee Nāgadatta as not only of the Kauņdinya-gotra but also as Kausikiputra. Now, the first question that here arises is: what was the use of these metronymics at all? There can be but one reply. When and where polygamy is in vogue, it is absolutely necessary to distinguish the sons of one wife from those of another. The practice is still prevalent in Rājputānā. If a Rajpūt prince marries more than one princess, they are always distinguished one from the other, according as she is a Hādi-ji, Rāņāvat-ji and so forth. Such must have been the case in Ancient India also. Kings certainly married more than one queen who were therefore known by the family names of their fathers. But it is worthy of note that this polygamy was present in Ancient India not only among the Kshatriyas but also among the Brāhmaṇg as the three instances adduced above clearly show,
The second question that now arises is this. If the Brāhmans have metronymics derived from the Vedic Götras, that is just what might be expected. But why should such gotras be in vogue among the Kshatriyas, at any rate among the members of the ruling class ? Let us take for example the Sātavāhana family, whose inscriptions have been found in the Näsik, Kärle and Kaņheri Caves. The earliest of them is called Gautamiputra; his son, Väsishthiputra; and one of their successors, Mādhariputra. These metronymics are clearly formed from the Brahmanic götras, and the wonder of it is how they are found in a ruling dynasty. In explanation of this fact it has been argued by some that the Sātavāhanas were of the Brāhman caste,' and in support of this position our attention has been drawn to two passages from Näsik Cave Ingcription 2. The first, which is from 1.5, is khatiya-dapa-mina-madanasa," of (Gautamiputra), who humbled the pride and arrogance of the Kshatriyas". From this it is inferred that Gautamiputra could not have been a Kshatriya. For, if he had been a Kshatriya, there would have been no propriety in his saying that he put down the pride and conceit of the Kshatriyas. What was he then by caste? Is there anything in that inscription which throws light upon the subject? We are thus referred to a second passage in the Násik Inscription, namely, ekabamhanaea, which has been rendered by Senart as "the unique Brāhmaṇa". Some scholars are thus of opinion that the Sātavāhanas were undoubtedly Brāhman by caste. It is true that in this translation of the passage Senart practically follows Bühler, who renders it by " of him who alone (was worthy of the name of) a Brāhmaṇa"? But it is forgotten that the word bamhana of the Prākrit original can be equated not only with the Sanskrit Brāhmana as was done by Bühler and Senart but also with brahmanya as was first suggested by R. G. Bhandarkar, who
1 Ibid., p. 33, 1. 10. . Above, Vol. I, p. 394. • Lüders, loc. cit., No. 1131. • Thid., No. 1196.
H. Rayohaudhuri's Political History of Ancient India, pp. 280-2. . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 60.
Arch. Surv. West. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 110.
W

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SILAHARA CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
translates it by “the only supporter of Brāhmaps". Bhagwanlal Indraji, however, takes bamhaņa as equivalent to Brāhmana, but takes the expression to mean the only holy man'." Personally I would prefer the first. But whatever interpretation is approved, this much is certain that bamhana need not necessarily be taken as equivalent to Brāhmand and can also stand for brahmanya, and thus the prop in support of the Brāhmaṇ origin of the Sātavāhanas becomes feeble and shaky. How then, it may be asked, are we to explain the first of the passages which has been quoted from Näsik Cave Inscription No. 2 and which represents Gautamiputra to have humbled the pride and arrogance of the Kshatriyas Even if we take the word Kshatriya bere in its usual sense, namely, the second of the four castes, the passage in question at the most would prove that Gautamiputra was a non-Kshatriya, but not necessarily that he was a Brāhmaṇ. Are we, however, compelled to take this word in this sense ? Cannot khatiya (=Kshatriya) bear any other signification? In this connection we must remember that there was a tribe called Kshatriya or Kshattri, mentioned both by foreign writers and in Sanskrit literature. Thus Arrian who wrote an account of Alexander's invasion of India says that when this Macedonian emperor was in camp on the confluence of the Chenab and the Indus, he received deputies and presents from Xathroi (Khathroi), an independent tribe of Indians. The same tribe is apparently mentioned as Kshatriyas by Ptolemy.. As has been pointed out by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal', they appear to be mentioned by Kautilya along with the Kambojas and Surashtras as the Samghas subsisting both upon agriculture and arms. They are no doubt the Kshattri described in the Manusmriti, and the Kshatriyas of the later inscriptions (see c.g., the Lädnü Inscription of Sädhārana who and his ancestors are spoken of as Kshatriyas of the Käsyapa-gotra). They appear to be represented by the Khatris of the modern day. Originally, however, they formed an independent tribe living not far from the confluence of the Chenab and the Indus. It will thus be seen that this tribe may very well have been the Kshatriyas whose pride and conceit Gautamiputra Sätekarņi crushed down. If the latter went on conquering as far northwards as the Sakas, Yavanas and Palhavas, there is nothing strange in his putting down the Kshatriyas who lived in their neighbourhood just as the Mahākshatrapa Rudradāman is reputed to have exterminated the Yaudhēyas?. No irrefragible evidence is thus forthcoming from Nāsik Cave Inscription No. 2. or. for the matter of that, from any source, which demonstrates that the Satavāhanas were Brāhmaṇs. On the other hand, there is a passage in the same Nāsik Cave Inscription which is worth considering here. It is the passage where Gautami Balasri is called rājarisi-vadhusadan akhilam anuvidhiyamānā, "wholly conforming to the title wife of the Royal Sage'". It may be pertinently asked : what is meant by a Rājarshi (Royal Sage)? - It may be contended that the term simply denotes 'a sage-like king', be he a Brāhman or a Kshatriya. But it has to be remembered that Rājarshi is always employed in contradistinction to Brahmarshi which unquestionably means 'a Brāhman Sage'. The use of the term Räjarshi is thus enough to show that the Sātavāhanas were not Brāhmans.
Or we may set aside the Sātavāhanas for a while and consider the Ikshvākus of the south whose inscriptions have been found in the Andhra country at Jaggayyapēta and Nagarjunikonda. That the Ikshvākus were the Kshatriyas of the solar race is too well-known to be pointed
1 Trans. Inter. Cong. Ori., London, 1874, PP. 310-11. * Bomb. Gazet., Vol. XVI, pp. 552 and 564. • McCrindle's Ancient India : Its Invasion by Alexander the Great, p. 106. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 360.
Hindu Polity, Pt. I, p. 60. . Above, Vol. XII, pp. 23 ff. * Above, Vol. VIII, p. 44, 1. 12.

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out. And yet we have in this dynasty three kings, two of whom bear the metronymic Vāsisbthiputra and one Māthariputra. Related to these Ikshvākus are personages holding titles of nobility such as Mahā-sēnāpati and Mahā-talavara. Even they bear such metronymics. If we turn westwards again and consider the cave inscriptions, we find that even there, feudatory chieftains styling themselves as Mahārathi, Mahā-sēnāpati and Mahā-bhoja possess similar metronymics. The question therefore arises : how were these Vedic metronymics in vogue among the ruling classes most of which were presumably Kshatriya by caste? According to Bühler, "the explanation is no doubt that these gotras originally were those of the Purõhitas of the royal or noble families, from which the queens were descended, and that the kings were affiliated to them for religious purposes, as the Srautasūtras indicate". But was it so really from 150 B.C. to 250 A.D.? Bühler is apparently taking his stand upon the Srautasūtras. What the Srautasūtras, however, lay down in the case of a Kshatriya or a Vaibya is the adoption, not of the Gotra but of the Pravaras of his Purõhita. Thus the Baudhāyana Srautasūtra' says: KshatriyaVaisyānām purõhita-pravaro bhavat=iti vijñāyatē. The Apastambao has: atha yesham (=Kshatriyānāṁ) mantrakrito na syuh sa-purohita-pravarās=tē pravriniran. From these quotations it is clear that what a Kshatriya borrowed from his Purõhita for religious purposes was, not his Götra, but his Pravaras. It may perhaps be argued that one set of Pravaras presupposes one specific Götra only, so that when that Götra name is pronounced, only that particular set of Pravaras is indicated. Nor is this argument well-founded. One instance will suffice for our purpose. Let us take the Mathara-gotra from which the metronymic Mathariputra is derived. It has the three Pravaras: Kaśyapa, Avatsāra and Naidhruva. But, these Pravaras, Mathara possesses in common with at least eighty other Götras, such as Kāsyapa, Chhāgari and so forth There is no such thing as one set of Pravaras for one Gotra and one Gotra only. Even suppos. ing that a Kshatriya affiliates himself to his Purõhita's Gotra for religious purposes as Bühler supposes, why should that Götra be binding upon the Kshatriya for secular purposes, why in other words, should the Kshatriya avoid marriage, not in his proper exogamous group, but in the same Götra as that of his Purõhita, though the Götra is natural to a Brāhman but an extraneous something, which is foisted upon him ? Nowhere is it laid down in any Sūtra or similar writings, explicitly or implicitly, that a Kshatriya, like his Purõhita, shall not marry in the same Vedic Götra. Besides, it is not a fact that even in this period the member of a ruling family had a metronymic invariably derived from & Brahmanical Götra. Two instances will suffice to prove our point. There is an Amarävati Buddhist sculpture, the inscription on which records the gift of an epäsaka Buddharaksbita, who is therein called Gordiputa. It is evident from this that his mother was Göndi which no scholar has yet been able to explain. The term Gömdi indicates that she belonged to the Gumda family which, however, is not known to be any Vedic Götra. It may however be contended that this Buddharakshita originally was not a Brāhman or a Kshatriya, and so his metronymic has no bearing upon our discussion. Let us therefore take another, namely, Gotiputa, which, we find, was borne by persons of three different ranks, lamely, by a king, a Mahārathi and a goldsmith. Possibly this goldsmith also was neither a Brāhmañ gora Kshatriya, and may therefore be set aside. But what about the king and the gobleman styling themselves Gotiputa which has been equated by scholars with Gauptiputra, son of a woman belonging to the Gupta. race. Surely Gupta, Gota, or Guta has not yet been
*Above, Vol. XX, pp. 16 t. * Above, Vol. I, p. 394.
Iravara-prasna, 54. . Pravara-khanda, 15.
Lüders, loc. cit., No. 1271.

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SILAHARA CAVE INSCRIPTIONS.
shown to be the name of any Vedic Götra. This clearly shows that we have personages of the ruler or nobility class bearing a metronymic not connected with any Vedic Götra. Again, let us see who was this ruler that called himself Gotiputa. The inscription which makes mention of him is engraved on the pillar of a torana which was originally found at Bharaut but which is now exhibited in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. It records that the gateway was erected by Vätsiputra Dhanabhūti, son of Gotiputa Āgaraju (=Gauptīputra Angāradyut), and grandson of the king (räjan) Gärgiputra Visvadēva, during the rule of the Sungas.' As Visvadēva is here called a rājan, there can be no doubt that his son and grandson pertained to a ruling family. And further it is worthy of note that whereas Visvadēva and Dhanabhūti are styled Gärgiputra and Vätsiputra, showing that their mothers bore the Vedic Gotra, Angāradyut alone is styled Gotiputa showing that his mother belonged to the Gupta family which was anything but a Vedic Götra. The other instance of the occurrence of Gotiputa as a metronymic is supplied by the epigraph on the lion column standing in front of the chaitya cave at Kärle. It says that the column was set up by one Agnimitranaka (Agnimitra) who was a Mahärathi and a Gotiputra, which Prof. Lüders takes to mean son of a Gaupti'. Mahārathi denotes a feudatory rank. Agnimitra was thus a feudatory chief, and yet he bears a metronymic which is in no way derived from a Vedic Götra. A third non-Vedic metronymic which may be considered here is that furnished by an inscription on a relic casket found in Sonari Stūpa No. II near Bhilsa. It mentions the name of a Buddhist Missionary who is described as the teacher of all Himalayan countries. His personal name is not given, but he is called Kotiputa and Käsapagota'. His metronymic merits special notice as his original caste is here specified. For we have just seen that he is called Kāsapagota which means that his father was a Brāhmaṇ. But what was he from his mother's side? She was evidently a 'Koti' which is taken by Prof. Lüders as equivalent to Kaunti. But the Professor does not explain what he means by Kaunti. Kaunti, as it is, has to be derived from Kunta, but Kunta as the name of a family or a clan is unknown. The only clan name that approximates to it is Kunti, a Yadava clan, whose ruler, Kuntibhöja, being child. less, adopted Kunti, the first wife of Pandu. It will thus be seen that the word Kunti itself means "(a womad) descended from Kunti”. The Buddhist missionary Kāsapagota would thus have been called Kuntiputra, and not Kauntiputra, if his mother had pertained to the Kunti lineage, Perhaps the best explanation of the metronymic Kotiputa is to say that his mother belonged not to the Kunti, but to the Kota, clan. That Kota was the name of a ruling family is clear from the fact that their coins have been found round about Delhi and in Eastern Panjab. Besides, the celebrated Allahābād Pillar Inscription speaks of Samudragupta as having captured & scion of the Köta family. The Kotas and the Guptas thus were both ruling families in the fourth century A.D. And if they were so ruling side by side in that century, there is nothing unreasonable in supposing that both the clans were in existence about the beginning of the Christian era. The metronymic Kotiputa therefore had better be equated with Kautiputra and the inference drawn that the mother of the Buddhist teacher Käsapagota oame from the Kota family. But whatever the correct explanation of Kotiputa may be, this much is certain that the mother of the Buddhist missionary belonged to a non-Vedic Götra.
The above discussion is enough to convince any one that members of the ruling and nobility classes bore metronymics which were sometimes Vedic and sometimes non-Vedio. Similarly,
1 Ibid., No. 687. • Ibid., No. 1088. • Ibid., No. 158. 4 Smith's Catalogte of the Coins in the Indian M
Fleet's 0.1. I., Vol. III, p.0,1. 14.
em, Calcudia, pp. 258 and 264.

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we have just seen that the Buddhist saint who is described as the teacher of all Himalayan countries was born of a Brāhman father as his patronymic Käsapagota shows, but that his mother was a Kshatriya woman as she was a Kota by extraction. The conclusion is therefore irresistible that in the ancient period ranging from circa 150 B.C. to circa 250 A.D. there were many inter-caste marriages, which were not only anuloma but also pratiloma. The history of the Ikshvākus of South India clearly shows that the Brāhmaṇs were ready to give their daughters in marriage to the Kshatriyas if they but belonged to the ruling family.
TEXT. Inscription in the Durvāsă Cave.
No. 1. 1 Sami[da]te rajam kārayamtammhi Sivānardi-panatiskJena 2 Sivadata-natik[e]na 3 Sivamista)-putena 4 (Vachhena] M[o]galiputena 0 [Mūla*]d[e*]y[e*)na arāmam pavate ropāpita[th]
Inscriptions in the Chëri-Godadi Cave.
No. 2 1 [Siva[namd*]-[pa*J[na]t[i]k[e*][na] 2 Sivadata-natikena Si[vamita-putena] [Vachhena"] 3 [Mo*Igalliputena amache[na] Mūladevena si[lagajha [ka]rita.
No. 3.
1 Sivānamdi-panatikens 2 Sivadata-natikena 3 Sivamita-(putena]"
Inscriptions in the Sitāmādi Cave.
No. 4. Sivänamdi-panatikena Sivadata natikena Sivamita-putena
Muladeveņa amachena silāgahā kärită.
Vachhena
Mogaliputena
No...
Sivånandi-panatikena Sivadata.
No. 6.
Yuvati-mälet
No. 7.
Udaya-tår:
This whole line has been faintly engraved. The remainder has not been either engraved in the Cave or ooplod la the estampage, On pellac, in characters slightly later, probably of the second century AD. On the one wall, in characters of the wood century A.D.

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No. 9.]
A BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KARA.
No. 9.-A BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KARA.
BY N. P. CHAKRAVARTI, M.A., PH.D., OOTACAMUND. According to a report published in the 'Leader of the 7th August, 1932, the inscribed plate under consideration was presented to the Allahābād Archæological Society by Sheikh Jamal Ahmad, the Senior Vice-Chairman of the Allahābād District Board and a Zamindar of Kara. Kara is a place of historical importance and is situated at a distance of about 5 miles north-east from Sirathu and 41 miles from Allahābād. The Secretary of the Allahābād Archæological Society sent the plate to the Director General of Archæology in India who again sent it to the Government Epigraphist for India for decipherment. No information was available as to the exact find place of the inscription.
The plate which measures 47" x 21" is of copper and is triangular in shape with the corners rounded off. It was so shaped evidently for the purpose of fixing it at the bottom of an image which must have been the object of gift mentioned in the inscription. An image of Buddha with a similar inscribed plate fixed at the bottom of the pedestal was discovered years ago in the neighbourhood of Gayā.
The present record contains 31 lines of writing which is in a fair state of preservation with the exception of 3 or 4 letters at the beginning of the first line and 2 or 3 letters at the commencement of the second. These letters have partly rubbed off and grown indistinct. The fifth letter in the third line is damaged and this injury to the plate seems to have been caused by some sharp instrument striking against it. The weight of the plate is 84 tolas.
The most interesting feature of this inscription is its palæography. The alphabet of the record is of the arrow-head' variety. Bendall first discovered this script in some manuscripts from Nepal and brought it to the notice of scholars in the 7th International Oriental Congress, Later on, while editing the inscription from Gayā, he pointed out that the script used in the Gayă record was the same as that used in the Nepalese manuscripts referred to above, the only difference being that the former showed 'wedges' instead of arrow-heads' at the top of the letters.' The script used in the present record is practically the same as that found in the Gaya inscription. Very few inscriptions written in this script have been discovered till now. Besides the two just mentioned, I am aware of only five other inscriptions written in this script but none of the latter has so far been published. One of them is stated to be inscribed on the pedestal of a statue of Jambhala' which is now preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Waddel notices four other inscriptions in this script which he discovered at Uren' in the Mungir District of Bihār.
Bendall identified this script with the Bhaikshuki lipi mentioned by Albiruni. According to the latter scholar this script was 'the writing of Buddha' and was used in Udunpur in Pūrvaděka. Probably by saying that this script was the writing of Buddha, Albirūni meant to say that it was usually employed by Buddhist monks—for which reason it came to be known as Bhaikshuki or that of the bhikshus. All the inscriptions in this script which we know so far have
1 Seo Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 77 and Fleet C. 1. I., Vol. III, p. 19, note 1. In the references quoted above the image is stated to have belonged to James Robinson, C. E. of Gaya. The same image later on seems to bave passed into the possession of Mr. Saurindra Mohan Sinha of Bhagalpur who presented it to the Museum of tbe Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, where it is now preserved. See R. D. Banerji, History of Bengal (in Bengali), 2nd ed., p. 85, and Battya Sahitya Parishat-Patrika, Vol. XX, pp. 153 ff.
* Verhandlungen des VII Internationalen Orientalisten Congresses, Arische Section, p. 111 • Ind. A n., Vol. XIX, p. 77 f. See Sahitya Parishat-Patrika, Vol. XX, pp. 155.
J. A. 8. B., Vol. LXI, pt. 1, p. 17 and Pl. IV, Noe. 1-2. • Saobau, Alberuni'India, 1, p. 178.

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come from Magadha or its neighbourhood in Eastern India. Udunpur is evidently the Uddandapura of inscriptions and Otantapuri of the Tibetan writers and is identified with the modern Bihar.1
Bendall has already pointed out that this script has no connection with Nagari but is the immediate, offspring of an ancient form of the Brahmi. Devoid of the wedges it conforms, on the whole, to the script used in India during the 4th century A. D. but what seems strange is that it has so far been found usually in the dedicatory inscriptions engraved on statues coming from Eastern India which can only belong to the period between the 8th and the 12th centuries A. D. The main features of this script have already been discussed by Bendall and Bühler and the latter scholar has drawn attention to the characteristic points of this script which indicate its southern origin. Till we are in possession of further facts we cannot trace the gradual development of this script nor can we fix with certainty the date of its introduction. If the identification of this script with the Bhaikshuki lipi of Albirūni is correct then this script must have been used in Eastern India side by side with the Eastern Nagari which is the usual script found in the inscriptions of that period.
It may not be out of place here to point out a parallel instance that we find in the Saradă script. Though a descendant of the Western Gupta alphabet it is found employed in Kashmir and in the north-eastern Punjab only from the 9th century A. D. In this case too we perceive that from the end of the 13th century to the 15th century Sarada and Nagari were used simultaneously at least in the Kangra District. This fact, however, does not preclude the possibility that both the arrow-head and Sarada scripts might have been used as literary scripts from an earlier period though they came to be employed as epigraphical scripts only at a later period.
I have already pointed out that the script of this inscription is very similar to that of the Gaya inscription referred to above and Bendall's general remarks on the palæography of the latter will be applicable to the present inscription also. Here I shall notice only the points of difference found in the letters of these two inscriptions or those points which have not been dealt with by Bendall before. Thus k in the Gaya inscription is, as in the Kushana and Gupta scripts. written with a curve at the lower end but in the present inscription this curve is differently shaped and the stroke to the right is not noticeable. Ch and j are more angular in this inscription than in the Nepalese manuscript while , r and n have all curves at the lower end. N in the present inscription is more akin to the form found in the manuscript than to that in the Gayă inscription. N is as in the manuscript with no loop to the left. P has two forms: where it is joined with the vowel a it is open to the right and is distinguishable from d only by a small cross stroke across the end of the hook to the right; in other cases it has a wedge to the left. B is similar to p in shape the only difference being that it is closed at the top. The loop in m is much bigger here than in the Gaya inscription. L is of the same type as we find in the Allahābād pillar inscription of Samudragupta and also in the Paharpur copper plate inscription. In conjunction with the vowel sign e the consonants have usually a wedge to the right (cf. de in 1. 3).
The inscription is written in correct Sanskrit and bears no date. It opens with an assertion of the impermanent nature of an individual being. Such an averment is quite in keeping
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, p. 110. According to the author of Pag Sam Jon Zang Otantapuri was the name of a great shrine situated in the neighbourhood of Nalanda. According to him Otanta means 'the soaring on high' (Skt. uddayan?). This name was given to this shrine because of its loftiness See Pag Sam Jon Zang, ed. S. C. Das, Index, p. clii.
* See Vogel, Antiquities of Chamba State, Part-i (A. S. 1. New Imperial Series, Vol. XXXVI), p. 44. Above, Vol. XX, pp. 61 ff and Plate.

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A BUDDHIST INSCRIPTION FROM KARA.
**
a 27
tot
SCALE: FULL SIZE
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. Chakravarti. Ruo. No. 3320 E'94.

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with the Buddhist doctrine acording to which the realization of the impermanent nature of all things leads to the attainment of right knowledge. After this short introductory sentence, the inscription registers the gift of the queen Chandalladēvi who was a lay worshipper and the wife of the Rānaka Mahīpâla. No further details of the donatrix or her husband are given in the inscription. We cannot trace this Mahipāla in any other inscription known to us but the title Rānaka shows that he was at the most a feudatory of some paramount ruler. This title is found so far as the insoriptions of Bengal, Bihār and Orissa are concerned only from the 9th century onwards. Till further evidence is forthcoming we cannot say definitely who was the overlord of this Rāņaka Mahīpāla.
TEXT. 1 N[á]ma-[rū]pam=anityam Rāpaka-sri2 Mahipāla-ba(va)dhū-paramõpāsi3 ka-rājñi-sri-[Cha]ndalladēvyā dē4 ya-dharmõyam ||
TRANSLATION The individual being (lit. name and form) is impermanent. This is the religious gift of the queen (Rajwi) Chandalladēvi, a devout female lay worshipper and the wife of the Rânaka, the illustrious Mahipala.
No. 10.-TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I.
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE. The subjoined inscription of Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I is engraved on the outside of the west wall of the second prākāra of the Nelliyappar temple at Tinnevelly. It was copied in 1894 by the Madras Epigraphical Department and the text of it is given in Tamil in the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume V. So far, no inscription of this king has been edited critically in the pages of this Journal or the South Indian Inscriptions. For the highly interest ing information which the record contains, both in its historical introduction and in its grant portion, it is taken up here for publication.
The inscription consists of 28 lines of writing. It is in Tamil prose and verse. Though the alphabet employed is Tamil, Grantha letters are used in writing Sanskrit words such as svasti eri (1.1), ābrayalinga (1. 21), Rājarāja-chchaturvvēdimangalam (11. 22, 24), višesha-püjai (1. 24), etc. The introductory portion alone runs from line 1 to line 20 and is composed in Tamil verse of Agaval metre. It contains more than 125 metrical lines. The name of the poet that composed it is not given as is the case with all Tamil inscriptions; but there is no doubt that it is a creditable piece of work. The rest of the inscription is in prose.
1 The inscription uses the term Rajhi which has evidently been used as the feminine form of Rapaka.
. Cf. the inscriptions of the Palas of Bengal and Magadha and those of the Sena, Varman and Chandra kings of Bengal. The Bhanja kinga Batrubhapja and Ranabhafija bore the title of Ranaka (Bhandartar, Lin, Nos. 1490, 1492-98). This titlo is also found in the Ganjim and Banpur Plates of Dandimahidevi. The Ral put title Rand ovidently originated from Ranaba.
• No. 140 of the Madras Epigraphical Collootion for 1894 • No. 431 on pages 166-157.

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There are several mistakes of commission and omission in this record, especially in the verse portion of it. While some of them are due to the negligence and ignorance of the engraver, others must be attributed to the scribe that committed the record to writing and passed it for being incised on stone. Though the mistakes are too many to be catalogued here, attention may be drawn to a few. Under mistakes of spelling may be noted malar-stāmatai (1. 4) where
takes the place of t, Puliyur-tiru (1. 7) where : has to be replaced by it and malar-chchevad (1. 8) and tirkum (1. 11) wherer has to be corrected intor and rk respectively. Süram and purusai in line 6, tiri, tiliya in line 10 and mutkat- (1. 12), Ona (1.11), polavar (1. 17), y aruvayar (1. 19) are mistakes for buram, purisai, tirai, tiriya, mukkaļ, Oda, pulavar and y-arivaiyar. Under omission of letters and words, the following may be cited yu is omitted after kāvi (1.5), v is omitted in the middle of de of kkurradenga! (1. 11), mādamum is omitted before māļigai (1. 5) and nu is omitted after ma in iyamakku (1. 13). For wrong insertion of letters see mudaliya(r) (1. 3), danõ(u)dagam (1. 10), kali(kki)rril (1. 12) and kum(sa)ba (1. 17). Errors in grammatical forms are found in vēndargalaikkurra (1. 11) which must be vēndargaļu kk-urrav-, mārvēļaikku for már-vēļukka (1. 10) and vada-Kongannai (1. 11) which must be vada-Kongan,
In the purely eulogistic account which runs from line 1 to line 4, the panegyrist states that when this king was crowned, the bow and the tiger, which are the crests of the Chöra and Chola kinge, disappeared ; and the fish, which is the crest of the Pandya, sported on the golden mountain, i.e., Mēru ; the Tamil and Vēdic literature prospered, and all kings paid their tributes. Reference is made to the garland of Indra worn by the Påndya. From line 4 commences the historical portion. On being crowned, the king is said to have sent a large army against the Chõla country, to have set on fire Tanjai (i.e., Tanjore) and Urandai (i.e., Uraiyūr), the principal cities of the Chēļas, to have destroyed many tanks, rivers and water sources, halls, fortifications, towers, theatres, mansions, palaces and pavilions, to have ploughed the enemy's country with asses, to have driven the Chola king into the forest and to have taken away his crown. The victorious Pandya king is then said to have gone to Ayirattali' where he performed the anointment of heroes; to have entered the sacred city of Puliyur, i.e., Chidambaram, and paid obeisance to Siva dancing with his consort in the golden hall of the temple; and to have finally reached Ponnamarāvati. While staying in the last-mentioned place, the Pandya king sent word to the Chola promising to give back sonāļu and the crown wbich he had lost. On bearing it, the Chola returned with his wife, and presenting his legitimate son first, himself re. maining behind, prostrated under the victorious lion-throne of the conqueror and begged. After removing the beat cf Valavan (i.e., Chola) caused by his flight and loss of territory with a libation of water, the Pandya gave back to the Chola king's legitimate son the crown and the expansive country (of Söņādu). In support of this gift, he is also reported to have given a royal writ impressed with the fish seal, the title Cholapati and his ancient city,
1 On this account the Chöra is called Villavan and the Chola Puliyuyartton.
Minavan is one of the names of the Pandya. . At the end of the introduction, this place is called by its other name Mudikonda bola puram.
• Vyaghrapuri is the name given to it in Sanskrit. The hymns of the Devaram refer to it by the names Tinai and Puliyur and speak highly of the dance of Siva in this place. One of the verses of Sundaramürtti. Näyapar describes the place thus Mann-w lagan-käral pupdav vrimaiya Pallavarkkuuttirai kodd mawa carai marukkari-cheyyum perumaiyarePuliyiruchchirrambalatt=emberumagai-pperramwand
While the Tiruvalangadu grant states that the Chola king Parantaka I covered the dabhra-sabha with gold, the Leiden plates say that he covered the temple at Vynghragrahara (1.e., Puliyur) with gold. One of the stone inscriptions of Tirugókarpam in the Pudukkottal State, dated in the 12th year of Rajakesarivarman Kulottunga (I), informs us that that king covered the large hall at Chidambaram with gold (No. 411 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1904).

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In the abstract of the historical introduction given above, one point that is particularly worthy of note is that when the Chola king begged in the manner aforesaid, viz., by presenting his son first, the libation of water was made to himself, while the crown and kingdom were bestowed on his legitimate son.
Now comes the question of the identification of the Chõļa king and his legitimate son, that are referred to as having been the recipients of the ignominious honour. There is some difficulty with regard to this. As both Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I and Räjarāja III count their regnal years from A.D. 1216, it would be natural to say that the invasion undertaken by the former was against the latter, and that the latter and his son were the ill-fated persons referred to. That this answer, though natural, is superficial and incorrect, and does not take into consideration all the factors that really count in the matter, will be evident from the sequel. In the first place, it is necessary to know when the Pāņdva king effected his conquest of the Chola territory and took the Chāļa king's crown and country, and when again he restored them. This last point could be answered by observing the order of mention of the events in the introduction or better still by noting the earliest year in which these events are found registered in the king's inscriptions. The narration of the events in the introduction shows clearly that the invasion of the Chola country was undertaken immediately after the Pandya king's coronation. It appears also that the restoration of the captured country was not delayed long, for we are informed that after taking the country the Pandya king went to Āyirattaļi and had his anointment performed there, went to Puliyūr and paid obeisance to the god Natarāja, probably as a thanks-offering, and proceeded to Ponnamaravati wbere be, inviting the Chola king, presented to him or rather his son--the crown and kingdom. The numerous stone inscriptions of the king range in date from the 2nd to the 24th year. In the earliest of these, viz., the one dated in the 2nd year, • Sõnādu konda' (who took the Chöļa country) occurs. As such, the country must have been taken in A.D. 1216-17. Since this event, which happened soon after Māravarman SundaraPandya I assumed regal powers, Söņādu konda' became the short title and distinguishing mark of the king. And it is particularly worthy of note that even the inscriptions which commence with the introduction Pumaruriya and register all bis achievements, when they come to mention the name of the king, mention him with this short title. It thus appears that 'Sõņādu konda' had become almost & part of his name, that being the first great achievement. As the presentation of the Chola country is specifically stated to have been made to Kulottunga III in two stone inscriptions and as his latest inscriptions show that he reigned for 40 years', i.e., until A. D. 1217, it is clear that the country was given back soon after it was taken in 1216-17. There is no doubt that the Chola opponent of Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I was Kulõttunga III and not Rajaraja III, for even though the latter's regnal years are counted from A.D. 1216, his actual rule commenced two years later. Here it may be noted that in the case of most South Indian kings-especially the Chöļas-we know that the regnal years are counted not from the actual date of accession to power but from a prior date which we may take to be the year of their nomination. In some cases, these two dates are very near each other, while in others they are abnormally distant. The specific mention of the fact noted above, viz., that the Chöļa country was given back to Kulottunga III precludes our carrying the event to a later date than A.D. 1216-17 up to which only Kulõttunga III's inscriptions are found and nothing can be argued
1 No. 549 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1926.
No. 394 of the same collection for 1917. • No. 72 of the same collection for 1924 and No. 9 of 1926.
No. 282 of the same collection for 1900.

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from the omission of the epithet 'Somādu valangi' (who presented the Chõļa country) in the records of Māravarman Sundara-Pāndya I dated prior to the 6th year.1 Generally, the capturing of a country may be said to have been accompanied by the giving it back to the defeated king on his owning the overlordship of the conqueror and perhaps also on his agreeing to pay a stipulated tribute. Now can it not be said that Rājarāja III was the legitimate son of the Chēļa king that had the strange honour of being invested with a crown by the enemy Māravarman Sundara-Pandya I under very humiliating conditions ? One of the points in favour of this view is that Rājarāja III counted his regnal year from A.D. 1216 when the capture of the Choļa country and its restoration by the Pāņdya seem to bave been effected. Another may be found in the statement of reasons for the second war against the Chola which certainly took place in the reign of Rajarāja III. The very words of the inscription are "munnam namakku mudi valangun-chevadi-kki innam valipaduvom ennādu ēral edir sellād-irai marutta Senni vidu tūsi," etc. "The Cbēļa (meaning Räjarāja III) who did not mind remaining submissive under the feet of him who formerly gave him his crown, refused to obey his commands, denied him tribute and sent a large army with a vanguard (against the Pāndya).” This clearly suggests that it was to Rājarāja III that Māsavarman Sundara-Pāņdya I gave the crown.
Lines 11 to 13 report that the Pāņdya king successively liberated from prison the North and South Kongu kings, and attended by these, he entered the palatial city of Madura and received their homage. At Madura he heard them describe the ancient limits of their territories, and not being satisfied with the fairness of the division, he made a redistribution, made them agree to it and sent them away warning that if any of them should ever transgress the new limit, he would be made a feast for the god of Death. From the last statement it is clear that the kings of the two Kongus fought against each other, one encroaching on the limits of the other, and that Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya I had to interfere in their politics. It is, however, not known how both the kings found themselves in prison. As regards the identification of the Kongu kings that are referred to, we might point out that the ruler of South Kongu was certainly Virarăjēndra, whose accession took place in A.D. 1207. Like his predecessor Vira-Chåla, he claims to have ruled over the two Kongus : and his latest year of reign known so far is the 45th corresponding to A.D. 1253. But it is likely that he lived two years more.
The king of North Kongu whom Māravarman Sundara-Pāņdya I rescued from prison may refer to one of the Adigaimāņ rulers of Tagadūr who had possession of North Kongu from very early times or to one of Kongu-Chola origin that might have had an independent rule over any part of that province. So far, we know none of the latter. If the reference be to the former, the king may be either Vidugädalagiya-Perumāļ who figures as a subordinate of the Chola king Kulöttunga III in his 22nd year? (A.D. 1200), or his immediate successor. This Vidugädalagiya-Perumal (called also Vidugādan, Vidugädalagiyan or Vyamuktabravaņojjvala) is
1 Nos. 341 and 364 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1918. • The conquest of the two Kongus is also referred to in Nos. 72 of 1924 and 9 of 1926.
• No. 135 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909 from Komaralingam is dated in the reign of Tribhuvanachakravartin Konerinmaikopdan Virarājēndra and couples the 25th year of his reign with Baka 1163 (=A.D. 1231).
No. 106 of the same collection, dated in the 20th year, gives him the title who ruled the two Kongus together'. A number of records attribute to him the surname Rajakesarivarman (see Nou. 131, 128 and 136 of 1909).
No. 136 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909 from Kolumam. No. 144 of the same collection is dated in the 21st year of Parakësarivarman Tribh. Vira-Chols who ruled the two Xongus together'
A. R. on Epigraphy for 1906, Part II, para, 34. Above, Vol. VI, pp. 332-3, and S. l. 1., Vol. I, Noe, 75 and 76.

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described as the son of Rājarāja Adhikan' (Adhika, Adhikēndra, Adigaiman or Adhikēša) and a lineal descendant of the Kēraļa king Elini (Yavanika). His capital was Tagadai or Ten-Tagadai, i.e., Dharmapuri in the Salem district and his inscriptions are found at Kambayanallur, Tirumalai, Chengama, Pungaņūr, Laddigam and Agastyakonda, written in Sanskrit and Tamil verses. The range of his inscriptions, his descent from Elini and bis capital Tagadai clearly show that he was the ruler of Kongu (North). As a Chola feudatory, he appears to have restored the Chõļa dominion in the Ganga territory, being entrusted with the charge of it. He claims to have overcome the Kādava, the Magada and the Ganga.
Now a word may be said about the relationship between the Kongu and Pāņdva kings. While the South Kongu king Virarājēndra lived during the time of Märavarman Sundara-Pändra I, by whom he was liberated from prison and was honoured out of friendship, his predecessor Vira-Chola was a contemporary of the Pandya king Jațāvarman Kulasekhara I. This is made plain by the fact that a certain cbief by name Solan Silamban alias Vīrachola-Lankësvaradeva, who calls himself one of the samantas of the South Kongu king Perumal Vira-Chola, figures in a third year record of Jațăvorman Kulasēkhara I corresponding to A.D. 1193, as donor of a gift to the temple of Mülasthanamudaiya-Paramasvāmin at Tenkarai near Shõlavandan, 18 miles from Madura, the capital of the Pāndvas. This chief continued to live in the reign of Virarăjēndradēva and made gifts in his 20th year to the temple of Tiruvālandurai-l'daivār at Tiru vaiandurai. The successor of Virarājēndra was Vikrama-Chola, who ascended the throne in A.D. 1955.7 He was the contemporary of Mayavarman Sundara-Pāņdra II and Jāpavarman Vikrama-Pāņdva, and stood in the relation of machchunanär (brother-in-law) to both of them.” At his influence, these Pandva kings made provisions for the maintenance of mathas in Tinnerelly and other places in the Pandya country where ascetics lived and tirujnanan was taugbt. In the war of the Pāņdva succession, which commenced in about A.D. 1167-68 preceding the reign of Jațăvarman Kulasēkhara I and which was waged between Parākrama-Pāndra assisted by the Singhalese generals Laikāpura-Dandanātha and Javadratha-Dandanātha on the one side, and arrother Kulasēkhara on the other side, the latter is said to have been succoured by two Kongu kings who are stated in the Mahāransa to be the two brothers of his mother.10 Thus, it would be clear from what has been said above, that, bound by ties of near kinship, the Pandya and Kongu kings were helping each other and were maintaining cordial relationship for nearly a century from A.D. 1167-8.
Lines 14 to 16 describe a fresh war with the Chola king, who, it is said, not only did not obey the commands of his Påndva overlord who gave him the crown, but refusing to pay the usual tribute, sent forth a large army with a vanguard against him. These were immediately put
This chief figures as a subordinate of kulörtunga 1ll in the latter's Joth and 20th years of reign No. 536 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1902 and No. 115 of 1900).
Ancient Tamil literature reveals the name of some kings that ruled over Kongu with their capital at Tagadär. One of them was Elini. It is interesting to note that he is styled a Kirala.
Nos. 544, 545, 547, 552 and 565 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1906 and Jadras Epigraphical Report for 1900, paras 31 and 32.
No. 552 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1906.
8.1. ., Vol. V, p. 110, No. 296. The inscription is dated in the 21st year of Jatavarman Kulasekhara I and has the introduction Pütala-madandai.
• No. 106 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909.
IN 555 of the same for 1905 dated in the 2nd year and Saka 1179, and Xo. 578, dated in the 7th year. and Saka 1185.
A. R. on S. 1. Epigraphy for 1930, Part II, para. 12, and 8.1. I., Vol. V, Xo. 421. . Ibid. 10 Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, pp. 155 and 157.

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to route and many of the cavalry, elephants, chariots and infantry were cut to pieces and the field was made a feasting ground for kites and crows. After the success in this war, the Pandya king is reported to have received a parani, a particular kind of Tamil poem, composed in honour of himself celebrating all his heroic actions. This second war with the Chōla king was no doubt conducted against Rajaraja III, for it seems to have taken place some years after the first war and at a time when Kulottunga III had ceased to rule. The introduction ends saying that the Pandya king, seated along with his queen Ulagamulududaiyal, was crowned in the hall at Mudikonḍaśõlapuram, at all the entrances of which he had ordered golden pillars of victory to be put up.1
A word may now be said about the second war of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I with the Chōlas. The one permanent theme of the imperial Cholas from the time of Parantaka I down to Rajaraja III was the subjugation of the Pandya country and they had several times defeated the Pandyas in battle. As such, Rajaraja III must have felt keenly the pitiable position of owning the overlordship of, and paying tribute to the Pandya king to which he was reduced by the dar. ing act of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I committed at the end of the reign of Kulottunga III. The inscription under publication, as we have already noticed, gives clear evidence that he wanted to free himself from this plight by refusing to pay the tribute and by sending a contingent of forces against the Pandya. Tamil inscriptions do not help us much to determine exactly when it was done. But it can be fixed within narrow limits from other sources as we shall see presently. The Hoysala king Narasimha II, who stood in the relation of father-in-law to the Chōla Rajaraja III, is said to have marched on the island of Srirangam in about A.D. 1222 and soon after, i.e., in A.D. 1224 assumed the title 'the establisher of the Chōla country'. This and the other claim of his that he was the thunderbolt in splitting the rock that was the Pandya, shows that he was requisitioned by the Chōla king to help him against his enemy the Pandya king Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. Our inscription states that the Pandya king waged a deadly war with the Chōla and caused great damage; but the fact that the Hoysala king was able to establish a new capital soon after in the Tamil country on the borders of the Chōla and Pandya territories, i.e., at Kannapur alias Vikramapura, 5 miles from Srirangam, shows that the allied forces of Narasimha II and Rajaraja III gained their object. Thus the second encounter of Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I with the Cholas, which was more in the nature of repulsing an attack made by the latter, might be placed in the period A.D. 1222 to 1224. The earliest inscription that refers to Kannaṇur is dated in Sarvadharin (=A.D. 1228) and it states that Vira-Sömesvara was ruling at the place. But as Narasimha's reign lasted till A.D. 1233, Kannanur should have been made a Hoysala capital during his time and ViraBömēsvara stationed there to guard the Chōla king from being molested. In fact we are given to understand that it was Vira-Sōmesvara that built the new capital in the country which he had conquered by the power of his arm, showing thereby that he took an active part in the war undertaken by his father. Here we may fitly consider one other claim of Narasimha and of his enemy Peruñjinga. While the former calls himself a very Janardana in destroying the demon
1 It must be noted that this portion is found in earlier records immediately after describing the first war with the Chola, where its proper place is, and being almost in the form of introducing the king is bodily removed at the end of all introductions, earlier or later.
Above, Vol. VII, p. 162.
Ibid., and Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 507. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 507, "Ibid., p. 508.

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Kaitabha in the form of the Kadava king'', the latter is styled Karnāta-bhüpa-mana-mardiana and Pandya-mandala-sthāpana-sūtradhāra. These claims are sufficient to establish the fact that the Pandya king Märavarman Sundara-Pāndya was allied with the Pallava Peruñjinga even before the latter actually assumed regal powers.
The grant portion of the inscription gives us to understand that in the 20th year and 374th day of the king's reign, when he was pleased to remain on the reclining seat of Malavarayan in the hall of the bed-chamber of the palace (or temple) at Tirunelvēli in Kil-Vēmba-nādu, both the dēvakanmis of the temple of Tirunelvēli-Udaiyar and Sankaran Alagiyaperumāļ alias Malavarāyan of Kālaời, the Premier, made a request that certain lands of Kayattānkuruchchi, which formed part of the jūvita not only of the latter but also of his great grandfather Malavarāyan, who like him held the office of the Premier, should be made tax. free and given to the temple to meet the expenses of offerings and worship to the image of Sokkaņār which the Premier had caused to be set up in the temple : and the king complied with their request. It is worthy of note that the chief office of Premier of the country was held by Malavarāyan and his great grandfather. In fact, some of the offices in early times were hereditary and persons appear to have been given the necessary training and education to hold them.
The geographical names that occur in the inscription are Tañjai, i.e., Tanjore, Urandai, i.e., Uraiyūr, Ayirattaļi, which was also called Mudikondasölapuram and of which Palaiyāru formed part, Puliyur, i.e., Chidambaram, Ponnamarāvatis in the Pudukkottai State, Madurai, i.e., Madura, Kāladio which is situated in the Travancore State, Tirunelvēli, i.e., Tinnevelly, Kayattankuruchchi, also in the Tinnevelly district, Vetchiyur alias Mummadisõlanallur and Sakkarapāņinallur among villages; and Milalai-kürram, Tirumallinādu, Kil-Vēmba-nādu and Servirukkai-nädu among divisions.
TEXT. 1 Svasti eri [ll] Pū-maruviya Tiru-madandaiyum Puvi-madandaiyum puyatt
iruppa nā-maruviya Kalai-madandaiyum Jaya-madandaiyum nalañ-chirappa kol-ā[r*]nda [siņa)-ppu[li]yur=kodu[ñ]-chilaiyun=kulaind=0[lippa) vā!-a[r*]nda
por-[ki]rimēl vari-kkayalga! viļaiyāda irun-kadal-va2 [lai]yatt-inid=afam peruga=kkarun-Kalikadindu ber-kõl nadappa oru-kudai
nilall'=iru-nilan=kulira mū-vagai-tTamiļu=muraimai[yi]l viļanga nalvagai-Vēdamu[m*] navior=udan valara aiy-vagai-vēlviyuñ=chey-viņaiy=
iyatga afu-vagai-chchamaiyamum alagudan tigala elu3 vagai-(ppāda]lum-iyaludan parava en-disaiy-aļavuñ=chakkarañ=chella=kKonganar
Kalingar Kosalar Māļuvar Singalar Telingar Kinara[r*]"
1 Ibid., p. 507. *$. I. I., Vol. IV, No. 1342.B. . It is a suburb of Trichinopoly and the ancient capital of the Cholas.
• This is evident from No. 72 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1924 and from No. 9 of the samo collection for 1926. The place is bereft of early inscriptions at present.
. The inscriptions of this place are registered as Nos. 2 to 23 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909.
. This is reputed as the birth place of Sri-Samkaracharya and is stated to be on the bank of the Parna river in the Kerala country (see Vidyāranya's Sankara-digvijaya).
7 Read nilalil as in No. 372 of 3. 1. 1., Vol. IV.
Mālavar is the reading in No. 300 of 8.1.1., Vol. V. • Singanar is the form in No. 300 of 8. I, I., Vol. V. 10 Kinnarar may be replaced by Sipar as in No. 372 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. IV, and No. 300 of 8. I. I., Vol. V.

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Gujjarar Villavar Magadar Vikkalar Sembiyar Pallavar mudaliya(r) på[ro]ttivar elām=uraiv-idam=arul-ena oruvar-mund-oryvar murai
Imurai kadava tan-tigai 4 ku[na][**]nd=iraiñcha ilang-oli-mani-mudiy-Indiran pūttiya polan-kadir-āram
mārvisir-poliya papi-malar-rtămarai-tTisaimugan padaitta Maņu-neri talaippa mani-mudi. Būļi-pPoppi-kūl-nättuo=ppuliy-āņai pöy-agala Kanni
kül-naţtir-kayal-āņai kai(y)valara? veñ-chinav-ivuliyum 5 vēlamum paraparappiot Tatjaiyum=Urandaisyu]i-chen-talal kolutti kävi1o-nilamum
ninu kavinxilarra11 Xviyum-aruna-ani-nir-nalan"alittu küdamu=mā-madilungõpuramum ad-arangum 19 mäligaiyum mandapamum pala idittu toludu
vand-adaiyar nirupar-tan-tögaiyar=aluda kappir-aru parappi-kkalu6 dai-koņd=a[lu]du kavadi vichchi-ch Chembiyanai-chchiņam viriyals-pporudu
kūram 6 pugavmötti paim-pop-mani-mudi parittu=pPapapukku-kkudutt-aruli pād-aruñ-chirappir-parudi-vāgroyum 17=ādaga-ppurusaiy18-Ayirattaliyil "fēraVaļa[van] abhishēka-mandapattu virá(a)bhishēkam panni* puga[1] virittu
nāļum 7 para-rāśar näma-ttalai pidungi milun-ta[ru]kan-mada-sāņaiu mēl-kondu nir
ali-vaiyya-muludu[m] podu[v-i]litta" kür-älisyuli-cheyya-tölumöy kondupoy ayyappadāda [a]ru-marai-tēr=andanar vā! deyva-pPullyür=tiruvellaiyu(t)=pukku" =ppopp-am[balam poliya aduvārpūvaiyudap ma
1 The letter mu is written below the line.
The letter p is entered at the beginning of 1. 4. No. 372 of 8. I. I., Vol. IV, has purai in place of polar. . Read malar.tta. Naffir-puli is the reading in No. 372 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. IV.
Inai is the Tamil form of aja through its Prakrit equivalent. No. 300 of 8. I, I., Vol. V has vanai, which is evidently s mistake of the engraver.
Kayal vilaiyada is the reading in No. 300 of 8. I. I., Vol. IV. • The d-sign of vd is entered at the end of line 4.
Before parappi the letters para may be taken as having been wrongly entered or read as pår. 10 After kävi, the syllable yum has been omitted. 11 No. 372 of 8. I.I., Vol. IV, has ilappa, while No. 300 of 8. I. I., Vol. V, agrees with our text.
11 While No. 372 of 8. I. 1., Vol. IV, agroos with our text, No. 300 of Vol. V. has wilar and No. 620 of 1011 har aran meaning protection'.
1. The word madamum has been omitted before måligaiyum.of. Nos. 300 and 372. 14 Viti is the reading in the Tirupparkadal inscription. See sino text-line 16, below. 10 No. 372 has chinam-iriya and No. 300 - piriya. No. 520 gives -eriya. 16 Read beram. 1 It is only roy-ajaga in No. 372 of 8. 1. 1., Vol. IV.
Read purifas. The reading Boravalavap is clearly wrong. Note that Göra rhymes with bird, but not fora.
The word passi la replaced by beydu in Nos. 300 and 372. * Read yanai as in No. 372.
Other readings of ifitta sro alitta (300) and fitta (No. 372). » No. 300 has nd for méy.
The reading adaiyapadida given in No. 300 is an evident mistako. * Plug i the reading in No, 520 of 1911.

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No. 10.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA I.
47
8 ppunetira-mē[nj] kandu
ma[na]n=kalippa'=kkõla-malar-mēl=A[ya)nunkulir-tulāy-Mälum ariya malar-chchéva[di] vanan[ga] vängu-siraiy-annantuyil-oliya vand=eluppum pun-kamala-vāvi-sū) Ponnamarāpati[yi]13 ottulagan-tangum-u[ya*]r-Mēruvai-kkunandu vaitt-anaiya södi-maņi-mandapatt
iruntis 9 bölai-mali pala-nap-Chöņāļun=tāp=ilanda? malai mudiyun=tara varugavents
al[ai]ppa 'väna-nilai kulaiya Vāļa[giri]kk1-appurattu=ppāņa Valavan arimaiyudan 11 pugundu perra pudalvanainin-pēr-enrul? mun kāțţi
verriy-ariy-anai-kkil vilundu tolud=irappa=ttāp-odi munn-lilanda vemmaiy10 elāna-kaiyy-agala dāp-157[u]daka[m] paņņi tan-där-mudi yuldani vitta16 agali
idan=tan mär-vēļaikkusattiliya' ittapadikk-enrum idu pidipăd-āgavena=ppongu-ti[ri]20-nālattu=ppū-pălar tola" viļanguñ-cher-kayal-kond-ūnrun=
tirumugamum "pand=ilanda Chõļapatiy-ennu[m*] nāmamun=ton-nagaru=mila. 11 valangi vidai-kuduttu vitt-aruļi [l*] nao-kkadar-pāril vēndarga[lai]kk-24
urradenga! [tī]rkun -kadavul=ivan-epr=eņņi=tta[!ai]y-urr=adaiya[d]ār7 tandalidaisyi]r=kilaiy-urrena muludun-kētt-arul entaētti vanangum VadaKongannai 40 siraiyum mīļķu 31 kalan-kol-aru-nirur-ttől-mālai kalitt-el. Valangi
1 Kaļittu is found in Nos. 300 and 372. * Read vanangi as in the other two inscriptions. • Patiyil is replaced by patiyadaindu in No. 520 of 1911. • Ma takes the place of uyar in No. 300. . Konandu (No. 300) and lunarndu (No. 372) are other forms that occur. .. Read irundu as in the other two inscriptions.
I landu is the reading in No. 620 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1911. • Taruga varuga is the reading in the above. • Mana is another reading (No. 520 of 1911). 10 Vanagirikko is the reading in No. 372 of 8. 1. I., Vol. IV, but it is Vālagiri in No. 300 of 8. I. I., Vol. V. 11 Nob. 372 and 300 have odum in place of udar. No. 620 of 1911 adds tan to odum. 11 Ena is the reading in No. 520 of 1911,
13 The insertion of ga after 7 in No. 372 is not supported by the reading of the other two inscriptions, dis., Nos. 300 and 431.
14 of ye the e sign is at the end of line 9 and y at the beginning of the next line. 16 Delete . 1 Vitfa may be taken as the hardened form of vinda adopted for metrioal purpos. 11 No. 372 has pugal..
16 Road vēļukka : No.620 also reads vēlaikku. Other inscriptions read mårvanaikku which must be corrected into maragukku. 1. Read ttiriya.
20 Read tirai. 11 Road tol as in Nos. 372 and 300.
* The letters pa and di are entered below the line. 13 Read Oda as in No. 520 of 1911.
** Read vēndargalukk-. 15 The reading kleurrangal obtained by deleting de in the S. 1. I., Vol. V, is clearly wrong. The engraver hu omitted between tho é sign and d of de. This supplied, the reading would be urrav-idangal. It is to be • noted that eda rhymes with oda.
* Read #rklut.
No. 520 of 1911 has adaiyar for adaiyadar. u Read urrana. » In place of errati No. 520 has ena-kkai.
** Read Kongan as in No. 520 of 1911 instead of konga(?)pai of the 8 1. I., Vol. V. The text may also be road Konganavan. 11 Thero boom to be mistakes in the passage immediately following miffum
Read tiru.

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12 y-aruļiya pin[n*]=oru-nä] marr-āra-mulangu murasa=kkadar-rānai-[mun] pugundu
Tep-Konga[n*) vand=itta dendanukku min-ponga-chchandiya! abaranan= takkad-e[na) valangi a[ra]dal peru-nabino-avan s iraiyu=mittu Tirumalo yirus-marungu Sandira-Sūriya[r*] bēvikka s en-kat-karu[mā]l-kali[kki]rril
varu-Mutkatt-kadavul-ena māda-Maduraiyir13 tān põndu (pu]vani[yillē kūda-iru-Kongarai yun=ku]mbidu-konda[varkku] tollai
ppuvi[kku]m=iņangāmap=tāño-choppa ellaikku nipa išaindittu perpa10-kkondivapru'1 seyyād=oliyil iyamakku veruli-vēl-virund-akkudu[m=u]maiy-ena
vitt-aruli munna[m*) namakku muļi-valangu[*] =[che]vaļi-kkilinna14 m valipaduvõm=ennādu pin[no]ru-nā kāva[la]nadu Puna[1*)-nād-e[n*]puń=
kaļiyal-éval-edir-selläd"-irai mafutta Seppi vidu tükiyum pēr-aniyum [okka-chchurund=odungi vāśiyum våranamum t ērum-adar-karu[va]-kkalāņum 5 veţt-uņņa=kkan[n-i*]randu-mayan[ga-k]kaiy-[k*]koņdus vēlā-valaiyattu
viļnd-avan pöy mey 15 nadunga a[m]b-arundum=a[r*]tta-kadal-mandalikar17-udal vem-parundi-un[na] 4
kkalattil apaiyin ven-maruppuñ=kaiyyun-ku(o)raitt=enga! Mipavarku palkudam-ām=enru tāp virar-kön [m]āga-mugadu tadavi malai madukkum kāga-nedum-pandar....... d-ādalum kūgaiyum pādalun
kaņdum kēţțur-kalitta odal-karun-kūn16 'dal vell-eyiril bevvāy periya sülakkavallis pali kolga ena vältti vep
rul vagaiyil migaiy=oliya v ēndalar=kkopru" sinan=taniya-kkortava"-nedu-va uyarku s en-kurudi-nir itt-oli-beydu tegu-pulattu venkavaļi" vitta vira-mulud=eduttu=ppādum paraņi tan pār-vēndar kētpikka adun=tiruman
Read chattiya. Yartta is the reading in No. 620 of 1911. Natpill. is the reading in the above.
The metrical line commencing with Tirumal occurs as under in No. 620 of 1911. “Tirumalu-Napmuganun-chevikka=chchen-kaf." Read iru.. • Read kafirril.
* Read Mukkat. . This has been read as küffuk by mistake in S. I. I., Vol. V, No. 431. . Read rün:
10 There seems to be an engraver's mistake here which is not apparent. Perhaps metrpa-kkond or mërkond- is intended. 11 Read itraru. 13 Read Iyamanukku.
13 Read vet-vel. 14 Another variant is kollad (No. 520 of 1911). 16 Read bil.aļum.
1. Instead of kanp.irandu ...kkaiy-kkondu, No. 620 of 1911 bas kandu bayan-kordu which is metrically a better reading.
17-kudal is a variant (No. 520 of 1911).
1 The metrical line vem-parund-, eto, kufattil is better expressed in No. 520 of 1911 which gives the reading vem-parundum płyum virund-uppa akkusattu.. It is clear from this that there is an omission of m-péyunn virund. in our text.
19 No. 520 of 1911 gives the variant tam oran-to for tap virar.kop. 30 Sulakkavalli is replaced by filattai vel in No. 620 of 1911.
For regru vagaiyil No. 520 has verum pagaiyan.
Read kogunt. 13 The syllable ng is omitted in No. 620 of 1911. * Kavadi ia synonymous with wond-varagu and ref-varaga (Pwrapporuh, VI26).

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No. 10.) TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYAI. 49
17 jana-nīrgalm an-kuļira ang-avan tiņai-kkattanattu kapu tanakk=ānāy ong-urimai-kkulämm=oru-kai-tibait-kondum=uri-mani-ppattan-katti
muļi būtři mårbil [a]ņaittu Valavapavan=mudal-dēviy=epru pēg-perra vañji mudalāya pey-valaiyar pongu-pupar-kum[sa]ba? mudalāya polavar
puga[1] 18 mangala[ n*]ga! eţtum maņi-kk[ai* ]-talatt=ē[n]di koại-konda nepriniraitta
Oggõpuran-chül Muļikopdaslapura-maņdapattu puguttu 10 tisaitorum som 11-por-cheya-tta[mbam] nāțţi vägai-kkadir-vēl vada vēndar tam pāda[m]-m= ēga=ttalaiy-aniya vira-kkalal=anindu vilangiya maniy-anins=virasimha
sanattu 19 valan-kelu-kavariy=iru-marung=asaippa kadal-epna mulangun-kali-nall-iyānai vada
pula-vēndarle mani-ppuyam piriya ilangu-kulaiy-aru[va]yar16 toļudu nipréttum 16 Vlagumulududaiyārodum virr-irund=aruliya sri-ko-Mārapan[ma*]r
āņa Tribhuvanachchakravarttigal Sri-soņādu kondu Mudikon20 Jasolapurattu virar-abhishēkam panni aruļiya sri-Sundara-Pāndiyadēvapku
yāpņu 20-vadu na 374ņālKIl-VÕmba-nāttu=tTirunelvēli=kköyirpalliyagai-[k*]kūpattu=ppallippita[m*] Malavarāyaṇil eļundaruļiy=i[ru]ndu Udai
yār-Tirunelvēli-udaiyar-kő[vi]r=pati-pā[da]müla=p21 [pa]t-ud (ai]=ppa[n]ch-ā[chā]riya-dēvarkaŋmiga! sey[ya)-ttiruvāy-molind=aruliņa-padi
[K]ālaţi-ch Chankaran A[lagiya]p[e]rumā[n-āņa] Ma[la]varāyar pū[ji]ttu i-kköyilil ābrayalingam-āga elundaruļivitta Sokkanār(r)kku tiruppa[dimār]r
ullittu vēndum niva[n]dangalukkum i. 22 var piranda Sadaiyattu-näl visēsha-pūjai beyya amudupadi lättuppadiy.
ullittu vēnduvanavukkum Mulli-náttu Irājarāja-chchaturvvē[di]mangalattu pidāgai Kayattāŋkuruchchiyil kä[r*]-pasāņam visaiyu[m] nilattu
mandala-mudanmai[k]ku' ivarpitākka! appāt[t*]ar Malava[r]23 āyaku jivitamāy {pi]abu ivapku mandala-mudanmaikku jivitamiyvaru
gisa bilattu talai-varusai?? nilattilē i[v]v-ūrkadamaiy=irukkun-kõlal on T-arai 18-vē[li] nilam irubad-avadin ediram-andu-mudal antar[@]yamum uludāp-kudiyum utpada-ddēvadāņa iraiy-iliyāyiruppadaga i.
1 Niril manat- is the reading in No. 520 of 1911. * There must be a better reading for the passage that follows tingi. * Read ongum. • No. 520 of 1911 has odukka-kkai. for oru-kai-lifai.
Read pēr. • Kudutta is a variant.
Read kumba. * Read pulavar. .Delete the first g and read gopurans. 10 Read pugundu. 11 Read dem. 11 Read anaiya as in No. 520. 13 Maniy-ani is replaced by kadir mani in No. 520 of 1911. 11 The letters tam are inserted in No. 520. 16 Read arivaiyar. 11 satta is the reading in No. 520 of 1911. 17 Read varifai. 11 Read arai.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
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24 da-ppera-vēnum-entu ivar namakku-chchongamaiyili-ddēvarku-tiru-ppadimärr
ullittu vēndun-divandangaļukkum ivar pira[n]da Sad[ai*]yattu-na! visēshapūjai seyya, amudupadi sattu[p]padi ullittu vēnduvanavukku[m] Mulli
nāțţu Rājarāja-chchaturvvēdimangalattu pidā. 25 gai Kayattan[ku]ruchchiyil kār-pašāņam vilaiyum nilattu man[da]la-mudap
maikku ivarpitākka[1] appāţta[r] Malavarāyarku jivitamāy pin bu ivasku mandala-mudanmaikku ji[vi]tamāyvarugira nilattu talai-varusai?
nilatti[lē] ivv-ūrkadamaiy-irukkun=kõlaloni-arai-vēli nilam iv26 v-āņdu-mudal antarāyamum uludāņ-kudiyum utpada dēvadāņay=isaiy-iliyä[yly
iruppadäga ittu variyilar elutt-iţta ul-variyum nam õlaiyum tara[ch]chonnöm kai-kkondu tiruppadimārr-u[I*]litta nivandangal sella=ppannu
gav=eprum ip[padi] Sandir-Adittavar-chelvad-a 27 ga kalliluñ=chembilum vețțivittu-kkolgav-enfu tiruvāymoļind-aruļipapadikku
ivai Tirumalli-náttu-tTadangannichchirrur-udaiyan soran Uyyanipråduvăn-ána Kurukulattarasap eluttu - ivai Milalai-kkūfrattu Kil.
kurru Vețchiyūr-āņa Mummuļiső28 lanallür Vēdanūrudaiyan Araiyap Sivallavan-apa M[ädavarijan] elu[t]tu
Ivai Sevvirukkai-näțţu=chChakkarapāņinallür Arai[yann') Viradamudichchapapa Pallavarājan eluttu |
TRANSLATION (Lines 1-4.)-Hail ! Prosperity! The goddess of Wealth abiding on the lotus flower and the goddess of the Earth, residing in his arın; the goddess of the Arts abiding on the tongue and the goddess of Victory, growing in their excellence; the angry tiger filled with strength and the fierce bow, hiding themselves, being shattered; the scaly fish sporting on the shining golden mountain i.e., Mēru) ; Virtue increasing abundantly on the earth surrounded by the expansive ocean, the righteous sceptre swaying (in all directions) driving away the black Kali (age): the wide earth becoming cool under the shade of (his) single parasol ; the three kinds of Tamil glowing in order; the four kinds of the Vēdas being learnt (by students) and growing simultaneously : the five kinds of sacrifices being performed in accordance with (established) practice; the six kinds of faiths being? finely expounded; the seven kinds of music spreading along with iyal ; (his) disc moving as far as the eight quarters; all kings such as the Konkaņa, Kalinga, Kosala, Māļuva, Singaļa, Telinga, Kinnara, Gurjjara, Villava, Magada, Vikkala, Sembiya and the Pallava, bringing with them the tributes due, and rushing before one another and praying for places to be assigned for their residence; the beautiful garland set with lustrous
Read tarisai. * Read Araiyan. . In continuation of this is engraved an inscription of Tribhuvanachakravartin Könêrinmaikondan. . These are iyal, ifai and nadagam.
These are the Rig, Yajus, Säman and Atharvan; the upa-Vēdas are also four, viz., Ayur., Dhanur., Artha. and Gandharva.
• Vélvi means yaga or yajia. The reference is apparently to the five yajias, viz., Brahma, Daiva, Bhuta, Pitri and Manusha.
* These are Bhairava, Váma, Kaļāmukha, Mävirada, Pabupata and Saiva. There are six other Samayas, viz., Lokayata, Bauddha, Jaina, Mimamsa, and Bhattacharya or Måyåvada.
As padal is here distinguished from iyal (prose), it must have reference to fai (music). As such, the seven kinds of music correspond to the seven svaras, viz., Nishada, Rishabha, Gandhara, Shadja, Madhyama, Daivata, And Parichama. Cf. Eļu-vagai-pädal with lf-itai in Elisaimogap and Elisaivallabhi.

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No. 10.] TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYAI.
61
gema put on by Indrat shining in his breast ; (the Pandya) was crowned to widen the path of Manu who was brought into existence by Brahmā residing on the dew-settled lotus flower.
(Ll. 48.)-Causing the tiger to be removed from the country surrounded by the Poppi (s.c., the Kāvērī), and the fish to spread in the country surrounding Kapni: (i.e., Kanyakumāri), sending forth (his) angry steeds and elephants and setting on blazing fire (the cities of) Tanja and Urandai' (i.e., Tanjore and Uraiyūr), and causing the kävi and nilam. to lose their bloom ; destroying tanks, rivers and other water sources ; breaking down several halls, ramparts, towers, theatres, palaces, and pavilions, and causing to flow rivers of tears shed by the queens of kinge who were not friendly to him, and ploughing (their lands) with Asses and sowing seeds of kavadit and fighting with the Sombiyan (i.e., the Chola) so as to deprive (him) of his anger and driving (him) out to enter the forest, taking (his) golden crown set with gems and bestowing (it) on the Bapa; performing the anointment of heroes in the anointing hall of the unfriendly Valavan' (i.e., Chola) at Ayirattali® the glory of which is hard to be extolled and whose golden walls touch the sunny sky; (and thus) extending (his) fame, (he) daily cut off the foarful heads of enemy kings. Mounting again on (his) fierce rut-elephant, (he) removed the commonness of the whole of the sea-girt earth. (Then) carrying only (his) sharp digo and (his) well-formed shoulders, (he) entered the sacred limits of the holy Puliyur (i.e., Chidambaram) where live Brāhmaṇas studying the rare Vēdas without the least doubt, saw the sacred form (of Natarāja) united with (his) consort, finely dancing in the golden hall; and (his) mind being filled with extacy, (he) prostrated at the flowery feet (of the god), which could not be known (even) by Brahmă who resides on the beautiful lotus flower and by Vishnu who wears & cool garland of tulay.
(LI. 8-11.)--At Poppamarivati' which is girt with tanks bearing lotus flowers where the bees (by their humming) rouse from sleep swans with bent winge, staying in a pavilion (set with) lustrous gems presenting the appearance of the world-supporting Mēru brought and placed there (he) invited (the Chola king) to go (to him), saying that (he) would give (back) the Chola country covered with gardens and water streams, and the wreathed crown which he (.c., the Chala) had lost. (On hearing thos), the Valavan, who, being shorn of his high state, had gone beyond
1 The smaller Sippamanür plates make mention of the wearing of the garland of Indra and of securing one-half of his throne among the achievements of unnamed mythical Pandya kinge. Similarly the Sanskrit portion of the Bigger Sippa manür plates refer to a Pandya king's wresting the garland of Indra and of another's sitting on his throne. The Tamil portion also speaks of a Pandya sovereign appearing on the throne of Indra with his necklace. The Vē vikudi plates refer to a Paņdya sharing with Indra one-half of his throne and his garland. In the historical introductions of the inscriptions of Rajendra-Chola I, it is said that he took from the king of Ceylon the garland of Indra which a Pandya king formerly deposited with him.
* The Pandya king is often referred to as Kanni-kavalan.
* These were the capitals of the Chola kings. For reforences to Urandai, see Sirupánårruppadai, line 83 and Puranānūru, vv. 39, 58, 69, 352.
. Kävi and nilam are the names of flower plante.
See note 14 on p. 10 above. I am indebted to Rao Saheb C. M. Ramachandra Chettiyar, Coimbatore, for drawing my attention to Purapporulvenbamalai, VI. 26.
Banan means also a bard'. We cannot be certain if a Bana chief or a bard is meant. In the later records of Pandya kings, there figure chiefs bearing the name or surname Mavali-Vanarayap.
* With the existing traces the word may be read as Sora-Valavan' or 'Sira-Valavap. The latter, which rhymes well with virabhisheka,' means of the enemy Valavap'. If the former reading is adopted, it may be taken & the proper name of the hall. But it would mean the thief Valavan and it seems unlikely that the Anointing ball of the Chola king was so tormed.
• Ayirattali was a place of considerable importance in medieval Chola times.
Poppemarivati was the scene of two battles during the war of Pandya succession in the 12th century A.D.

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Valagiri, returned with his queen', and presenting his son before (the Pandya) saying he is yours', fell down (i.e., prostrated) at his victorious lion-throne, extolled and begged (the Pandya)". Making a libation of water which removed the heat caused by his (i.e., the Chola king's) flight and prior loss of territory, and saying this shall always be the deed of support (pidipādu) for having given back to his (i.e., the Chola king's) son a wide ground along with cool-wreathed crown and giving him & royal writ' (tirumugam) impressed with the fish which shine on the shoulders of kings ruling the earth girt with surging waves, together with the surname Cholapati which he had formerly lost and his ancient city, (the Pandya king) gave him leave to depart.
(11. 11-13.)-Considering (the Pandya king) to be god in removing the faults of kings in this world surrounded by the roaring ocean, the North Kongu king bowed to him and extolling him begged to be heard fully how he was fettered and had undergone suffering in the war with those who did not join him (ie., his enemies). (On hearing it, the Pandya) rescued him from prison, removed the garland from his glorious shoulders and showed him the way (out). One other day when the South Kongu king, entering the van of the ocean-like army resounding with the noise of the war drum, made salutations, he (the Pāņdya king), considering (him) as fit (for it), gave him a shining ornament which (he himself) had worn : and out of excessive love removed his captivity also. Like the three-eyed god (i.e., Siva), he (the Pāņdya), mounted as it were on a red-eyed huge bodied black elephant (and worshipped on either side by the two Kongu kings) just as the god Vishņuis worshipped by the Sun and the Moon, entered Madura, the city of palaces, and received simultaneously in the world the salutations of the two Kongu kings. Not agreeing to the ancient (limits) of (their) kingdom, he made them remain within the limits prescribed by himself ;' and then despatched them saying that if any failed to do as bidden, he would make him a feast for the god of Death with his trident.
(LI. 13-16.)-On a subsequent day, when the Chola king, (resolving) not to remain submissively under the feet of him who formerly gave him his crown, refrained from executing the commands and refused to pay tribute, actuated by the proud thought that Punal-nadu belonged to its ruler, and sent forth a van guard and large army, (the Pandya) cleared them
1 The word urimai generally means ' possession'. It has also the special significance of' wife'. Though it may not be improper to translate the phraseurimaiyodum pugundu's entered with confidence', it seems better to render it as returned with his queen and son' who were his only possession now, having been deprived of his crown and country.
The passage "tan-dar-mudiyudand, oto., pidi pädaga" is not free from acríbe's errors. Besides, there are Bome variations in reading. The proper division of words and differences in reading have to be pointed out to make the meaning clear. Our text ba -tan-dar-mudiyudant vitla agal-dan-tap-marvelaikken-ttiliya itlapadikk. ENT marid: pidipad-agat-ena, ... Here vilaikku is a mistake for vefukku and filiya is a mistake for tiriya. A different reading is märuanaikku which has also to be corrected into maruagukku. In either 0480, the meaning is legitimate son' and corresponds to the Sanskrit aurasa-putra'. The word pidipadu' may be rendered into deed of support'.
It is worthy of note that the order of the king was impressed with the royal crest.
• That the two Kongu kings wont attending on the Pandya is made evident not only by the comparison instituted with Vishnu attended by the Sun and the Moon but also from what followe, viz., kada iri-Konga raiyum kurhidu kondu'. They were despatched to their country only after returning to Madura.
Madura is known 48 Náp-mada-Kudal'.
Though, perhaps for administrative purposes, the Kotigu country was divided into two divisions North and South', there appear to have been more divisions in it. Porür is described in the Deviram as being in Ms. Kongu, i.e., West Kongu. The division Mala-Kongu occurs in the Sinpamanür plates
Wroke this passage it is clear that the Kongu country was simultaneously administored by at least two kings and that the extent of each one's territory was also settled. Sundara-Pandya brought about a repartition.

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No. 10.)
TINNEVELLY INSCRIPTION OF MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYAI. 53
off and cut to pieces the horses, elephants, chariots and the fighting proud infantry. (A seeing this), he (the Chöļa king), bis two eyes becoming dim, fell down on the ground and fled (from the field), his body quaking with fear. The fierce kite ate the dead bodies of the mandalikas (lying stretched like) the noisy ocean, the water of which the clouds were imbibing.' Tho chiefs of heroes cut off the white tusks and trunks of elephants in the field thinking they would serve as milk-pots to their king Miņavan (i.e., the Pandya). Finishing the conquest, the king made the following invocation to the goddess "Let her who wears the arkka garland and huge trident, who has white teeth, red mouth and fearful black locks, who is ever pleased at seeing the dances and hearing the sounds and songs of ... under the canopy of crows which touching the top of the sky, reaches the very region of the clouds, receive this war-oblation".
(LI. 16-20.)-The victor, whose anger was not abated by killing kings that had not given up impermissible excesses, who for keeping up the life of his long sword gave it the water of red blood and made it shine (forth), who sowed white seeds of kavadi in the field of battle, who made his vassais hear the parani composed to celebrate all his heroic deeds, who made the earth cool with the water of his sacred bath, who, taking from his harem a multitude of wedded queens whose constancy to bim (ever) remained un-impaired, and puiting them on elephants' back, fastened to them fillets of gems, crowned and embraced them to his breast. Celebrated damsels like the prime queen of Valavan bearing bangles bolding in their jewelled hands the eight kinds of signs such as pots filled with water which the poets describe as auspicious, he entered the pavilion at Mudikondasolapuram surrounded with towers whose tops were fitted with flags, set up golden pillars of victory in all the directions and put on the heroes' ankle-rings linked with the ornament of foot-chain, his feet being worshipped by northern kings holding shining javelins and wearing vāyai-garlands. King Māravarman alias the glorious Sundara-Pāņdyadēva, the emperor of the three worlds, after taking the Chola country and performing the anointment of heroes at Mudikondasőlapuram, was pleased to be Heated on the lion-throne ornamented with lustrous gems, attended with the waving of lusty fly-whisks on either side, along with Ulagamulududaiyāl who was praised by damsels wearing kuļai® and who never part from the jewelled shoulders of northern kings having armies of fine fat elephants sounding like the roaring of the ocean
(LI. 20—28.)-In the 20th year and 374th day of the reign of the king) when he was pleased to remain on the reclining seat of Malavarāyan in the hall of the bed-chamber of (his) palace at Tirunelvēli in Kil-Vēmba-nādu, the dēvakanmis wearing silk garments and observing five-fold precepts, attached to the feet of the god in the temple of Udaiyar-Tirunelvēli-udaiyar having orally expressed that, for meeting the daily scale of expenses of Sokkaņār which Sankaran Alagiyaperumā? alias Maļavarāyan of Kālaời had worshipped and had subsequently been pleased to set up as an asrayalinga in this temple and for offerings and unguents required during the special worship to be conducted on the day of his natal star Sadaiyam, one and a half vēli of first rate land as measured by the rod used in this village for determining taxes, from out of
Comparison is intended between the cloud and the kite as well as the ocean and the dead bodies..
* Parani is a poetical composition in praise of a chief who, at the head of battle, has killed 1.000 elephants. Many such pieces are referred to in the historical introductions of Tami) kings and these have not come down to us.
Provisionally, I have taken the word tipaikkattanam to mean a harem. The word urimai is used in the sense of 'wife, queen'.
These marks are :-chamara (Aly-whisk), pürna-kumbha (pot filled with water), looking glass, torti (elephant. gond), murala (drum), lamp, flag and double fish.
• Kulai means an ear ornament.

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the lands of Kayattankuruchchi, a hamlet of Rājarāja-chaturvēdimangalam in Multinādu yielding crops in kar and pasānam, which was at first given as jivita to Malavarāyar, the grandfather of his father for the premiership of the kingdom, and which subsequently became & jüvita to this (Malavarāyar) for his premiership of the kingdom, should be entered tax-free and (its) antarāyam, uludānkudi, etc., should be given as dévadāna from the year opposite to the 20th year, and Malavarāyar having re-iterated the same to us i.e., the king), we declared that, for the expenses of the daily requirements of this god and for the requirements of offerings and unguents during the special worship to be conducted on the day of his natal star Sadaiyam, one and a half vēli of first rate land as measured by the rod used in this village for determining taxes from out of the lands of Kayattāpkuruchchi, a hamlet of Rājarāja-chaturvēdimangalam in Mullinadu yielding crops in kär and pasānam which was given as jivita to Malavarāyar the grandfather of his father for the premiership of the kingdom and which subsequently became a jivita to this (Malavarāyar) for the premiership of the kingdom, shall be entered tax-free and (its) antarāyam, uludānkudi, etc., given as dēvadāņa from this year and that a copy of the entry in the tax-register as well as our order shall be issued : (and therefore) receiving this, let the expenses of daily requirements, etc., be met, and let it be so incised on stone and copper so that the same may be conducted as long as the moon and the sun last. This is the signature of Sõran Uyya. nipräduvän alia Kurukulattaraiyan of Tadangannichchirrür in Tirumalli-nadu. This is the signature of Vedanurudaiyan Araiyan Sivallavan alias Mädavarājar of Vetchiyür alias Mummadisõlanallur in Kil-kurru & subdivision of Milalai-kurram. This is the signature of Araiyap Viradamudichchān alias Pallavarājan of Sakkarapāņinallūr in Sevvirukkai-nādu.
No. 11.—JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA.
By DHIRENDRA CHANDRA GANGULY, M.A., Ph.D., BENARES. The sub-joined inscription belongs to the reign of the king Jagaddēva of the main branch of the Paramāra family, who held sway over Mälava in the latter part of the 11th century A.D. No other inscription of this monarch has hitherto been noticed. The epigraphic records of the Paramāras do not even mention his name. The new inscription is engraved on a slab of stone, now lying detached on the floor of a manda pa attached to a temple in the village of Jainad about six miles north-east of Adilābād, in H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions. There are remains of another temple in the vicinity, and close by 18 & heap of carved slabs, which are reported to have been brought to this locality from a tank in the neighbourhood. Mr. Muhammad Yasin, Talu 'ar of the District, brought this record to the notice of Mr. G. Yazdani, M.A., Director of Archaeology, H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions. Mr. Yazdani made a short notice of this inscription in the Annual Report of his Department for the year 1925-26. Its transcription with short introductory notes, prepared by Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu, and a facsimile have been embodied & Appendix B of the Annual Report of the above mentioned Archaeological Department for the year 1927-28, but Mr. Krishnamacharlu's reading is not free from errors. I edit this inscription with the permission of Mr. Yazdani, who very kindly sent me an ink-impression of it.
The inscription contains 28 lines of writing covering a space 1' 67" long and l' 4" broad. Some letters in lines 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 12, 17, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, Are badly broken, and a number of letters at the beginning of the line 28 are completely effaced.
The characters are Nägari of the 11th century. Attention may be drawn to the forms of sth (in sthira, 1. 2), skn (in Vishnu, 1. 4), ksh (in kshina, 1. 9), and th. The signs for deh, dva, and kn, and those of h and dg are so much alike that sometimes it is very difficult to distinguish.

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No 11.)
JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA.
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The language is Sanskrit, and the whole insoription with the exception of oṁ namah sūryāya at the beginning is written in prose. There are altogether 28 verses in different metres. As regards orthography the sign for v denotes both v-and b; sometimes dental sibilant is used instead of palatal (e.g., prasasti for prasasti, 1. 10; tāsibhiḥ for rāfibhiḥ, 1. 20; suddho for tuddho, 1. 25). The consonant following the superscript r is doubled, as for example, ravēr=vvārē, bhānurnniratyayam (l. 1), etc.
The inscription records that Jagaddēva's father was Udayaditya, and his paternal uncle was the king Bhoja (v. 6). Jagaddēva is stated to have invaded the country of the Andhra king, and inflicted a severe defeat on him (v. 7). He uprooted the king of Chakradurga (v. 8), and slew many soldiers of the king of Malahara at Dorasamudra (v. 9). He also won victory over the Gurjara warriors near the Arbuda mountain (v. 10). He conquered the king Karna (v. 12).
Bhöja referred to above was evidently the great king of the same name, who ruled in Mālava from about 1000 to 1055 A.D. The history of Bhoja is well known to us from other sources. The latter part of his reign was unhappy. Shortly before 1055 A.D., the Kalachuri Karna and the Chaulukya Bhima I made an alliance against him, and invaded Mālava from the east and the west. When the battle was progressing, Bhoja suddenly died of a malady, and Mälava was taken possession of by the Kalachuris and the Chaulukyas'. In that difficult period, Jayasimha, the son of Bhöja, sought help from the Chālukya Sõmēsvara I, king of Kalyāņi, and with the aid of the latter's son Vikramaditya (VI) succeeded in regaining his throne by oasting Karna and Bhima from Mālava!. Since that time Jayasimha remained a staunch friend of Vikramaditya, who was under his father, the governor of Banavāsī in the third quarter of the 11th century. Vikramăditya was deputed by his father to protect the interest of his empire in the south. The Eastern Chalukya Rājarija, the king of Vengi, died in 1062 A.D. His son Räjëndra II (later on Kulottunga Chola I) was too young to govern his kingdom. Vikramaditya intended to avail himself of this opportunity of conquering Vengi, and organised a vast army for that purpose. Jayasimha, who was indebted to Vikramaditya for his past services, seems to have joined him in this expedi. tion in order to help his cause. The allied armies advanced towards Vēngi and threatened the Eastern Chalukyas. The young Rajendra could not resist their onslaught, and Vengl fell in the hands of Vikramāditya and Jayasimha. In that predicament Vijayaditya VII, the younger brother of the deceased Rājarāja, took up the cause of his nephew, and appealed to the Chola Virarājēndra (A.D. 1062-1069) for assistance. The Chola king responded to his prayer and marched towards Vēngi at the head of a large army. He confronted his enemfes on the bank of the Kistna near Bezwada (Vijayavādi). In the action that followed the Karnātas and the Paramāras were severely worsted, and the cousin (or younger brother) of Jayasinhha with many other generals lost their lives. Vēngi was reconquered by the Cholas, and Virarājēndra appointed Vijayaditya to rule it on behalf of Rājēndra-Chola.. The Tiruvengadu inscription of the second year of the reign of Virarājēndra tells us that he defeated the army sent into Vengainādu by Vikramāditya. The Karuvür inscription of the fourth year of his reign records that he despatched (the banner of the ferocious tiger into all directions and cut off the beautiful heads surrounded by garlands (won) on battle-fields, of Vāraŋ, of the [Kerala), (who wore) large ankle rings, (and) of the younger brother (or cousin) of Ja(na)nátha of Dhară.' The Manimangalam
[See note 5, p. 58.-Ed.) * Merutunga's Prabandha-chintamani, by Tawney, pp. 73-75. * Bilhana's Vikramanka-charita, Sarga III, v. 67. . 8.1. I., Vol. III, p. 193. 5 Ibid. . Ibid., p. 37.

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inscription1 of the fifth year (1067 A.D.) of his reign gives us a more detailed information. It states that having moved (his camp), he declared :- (We) shall not return without regaining the good country of Vengai, which (we had formerly) subdued. You, (who are) strong, come and defend (it) if (you) are able!"-That army... . which had for its chiefs Jananathan, the Dandanayaka Rājamayan, whose mast elephants trumpeted in herds, and Mupparasan.'
56
Jananatha, referred to above, is in all probability identical with Jayasimha, who was at that time on the throne of Dhara3. Others, mentioned, seem to have been officers of Vikramaditya. In the latter part of his reign, Jayasimha had to encounter a catastrophe, which was more severe than the previous one. After the death of Sōmesvara I, his son, Somesvara II, ascended the throne of Kalyani in 1068 A.D. He soon entered into a quarrel with his younger brother Vikramaditya. When the Chalukya empire was threatened with a fratricidal war, Jayasimha turned against Sōmesvara II, and probably intrigued with Vikramaditya for the overthrow of the Chalukya king. This seems to have provoked Sōmēsvara to declare war against Mälava. He made an alliance with the Chaulukya Karna (A.D. 1063-1094), the successor of Bhima on the throne of Gujarat, for the destruction of the Paramāra sovereignty, and in order to help him in his military operation despatched his general Ganga Udayaditya, and his feudatory, the Hoysala Ereyanga, with a large contingent. Jayasimha made a strenuous effort to defend his kingdom against this incursion of Karna and the Karpatas but utterly failed. In the fierce battle that followed he lost his life, and Malava was easily conquered by the invaders. During this cataclysm Udayaditya, a scion of a junior branch of the Paramara family, who was probably a subordinate chief in the Bhilsa District, drove the invaders from Mälava with the help of the Chahamana Durlabha III, king of Sakambbari, and himself became the king of the country."
The Nagpur stone inscription, dated 1104 A.D., composed by Udayaditya's son Naravarman, describes Udayaditya as the 'bandhu' of Bhoja. The inscription under discussion states that Bhoja was the pitrivya' (father's brother or cousin; or any elderly male relation) of Jagaddeva, son of Udayaditya.
Critical examination of these two evidences leads me to suggest that Udayaditya was not the brother of Bhoja but a cousin. This gains support from an inscription of the 15th century, which records Gōndala and Suravira as the father and grand-father respectively of Udayāditya. The last known date of Udayaditya is 1086 A.D.
The Ras Mala' relates that Oodayadit had two wives, one belonging to the Solunkhee dynasty and the other to the Waghela clan. By the Solunkhee queen he had a son named Jug Dev, and by the Waghela queen another son named Rindhuwul. Prince Jug Dev was an intrepid warrior, and his fame as a general spread all over India. He had three wives. The first was the daughter of Raja Raj, the Dak Chowra king of Took-Toda, which, since Raja Raj himself was blind, had
1 Ibid., p. 69.
This is addressed to the king who held Vengi.
[Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar is of opinion that there is no warrant to take Jananatha figuring in inscriptions of Virarajendra as the king of Dhärä (above, Vol. XXI, p. 226, n. 3 and p. 242 and n. 2).-Ed.]
Vikramanka-charita, Introduction, p. 33, ed. by Bühler.
Above, Vol. II, p. 185; Mysore Inscriptions, p. 164; E. C., Vol. V, Ak, No. 120a; Vol. VII, Sh, No. 64; Vol. IV, part II, p. 19; Sömêévara's Surathotsava, kavi-prasasti, v. 20; Prithviraja-vijaya, Sarga V, vv. 76-78; above, Vol. I, p. 236; author's History of the Paramara Dynasty, pp. 127-132.
Above, Vol. II, p. 185.
J. A. 8. B., Vol. IX, p. 549.
Ibid., 1914, p. 241.
Forbe's Ras Mala, Vol. I, pp. 117 ff.

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No. 11.) JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA.
57
been under the regency of his son Beerj. The second was the daughter of Sidh Raj Jesingh Dev, the king of Gajarāt, and the third was the princess of the house of Rajā Phool of Bhojnagar. Rindhuwul married the daughter of Gumbheer, a chief of Gord. Udayaditya, influenced by his Waghela queen, made Rindhuwul his heir-apparent. Jug Dev, through the jealousy of his stepmother, was reduced to poverty. He left Mālwă, and, in order to make a living, accepted military service under Sidh Rāj in Gujarāt. Within a very short time he became a favourite of his master on account of his valour and faithfulness. On one occasion he sacrificed his son, and offered his own life and that of his wife to ensure the safety of Sidh Rāj from some impending peril. Sometime afterwards, learning that Sidh Raj was making preparations for the invasion of Mālwā, he resigned his office, and left for Dhäră in order to defend his native country. He was received with great affection by his father, who subsequently appointed him his successor superseding Rindhuwul. Soon afterwards Oodayāditya died, and Jug Dev ascended the throne of Mālwā, which he occupied for fifty years.
According to Mērutunga, Jagaddēva entered the military service of Paramardin (a title of Vikramāditya VI), king of Kuntala, and was highly honoured by the Chaulukya Siddharāja.
The above statements of the Gujarat chroniclers are marred by gross chronological inaccuracies. Udayāditya could not have been a contemporary of Jayasimha-Siddharāja, who ascended the throne in 1094 A.D.' Even then Jayasimha was a minor, and his government was under regency: Jagaddēva certainly did not rule for fifty-two years, since Udayāditya's another son, Naravarman, ascended the throne of Mālava sometime before 1094 A.D., and enjoyed it till 1133 A.D., when he was succeeded by his son Yaśõvarman. Naravarman, in his Nāgpur stone inscription, does not make any mention of Jagaddēva, and states that he was preceded by his brother Lakshmadēva, who succeeded to the throne of Udayāditya. Lakshmadēva is not referred to in any other inscription of the Paramāras. It cannot be said definitely whether Lakshmadēva and Jagaddēva were identical person. But that Jagaddēva occupied the throne of Mālava sometime between 1086 and 1094 A.D. cannot be disputed. Two Hoysala inscriptions, one of them being dated 1196 A.D., describe him as the king of Malava.
The inscription under review narrates the military achievements of Jagaddēva. The king is said to have won victories over the Gurjaras near Mount Abu. The verse 10 states that even to-day (i.e., at the time of composing the inscription) the sound of the flood-tide of the tears of the wives of the Gurjara warriors indicates the twang of the bow of Jagaddēva, which is nothing but the announcement of the valour of Jayasimha.' This signifies that Jagaddēva fought under Jayasimha against the king of Gujarāt, and the battle took place long time before the inscription Was composed. In these circumstances, Jayasimha, who was a friend of Jagaddēva, can reason ably be identified with the king of the same name, who was the son of Bhoja. Jayasimha, as has been referred to above, drove Bhima of Gujarat along with the Kalachuris from Mälava with the help of Vikramaditya. Jagaddēva might have pursued the conquest further, and inflicted another defeat on Bhima on the foot of the Mount Abu."
1 Tawnoy, Prabandha-chintamani, p. 186, cf. Sömēsvara's Kirtikaumudi, Sarga II, v. 99. * Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Part I, p. 174.
Ibid., p. 171. • An. Rep. A. 8.1., 1923-24, p. 135.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 351. . Above, Vol. II, p. 185. 'E. O., Vol. VI, Tarikere Talug, No. 45; ibid., Vol. II, No. 349, p. 168.
.[If the translation given by me in p. 63, n. 1, is correct then Jayasinha referred to in v. 10 should be looked upon as an enemy and not a friend of Jagaddēva and thus cannot refer to the Paramira Jayasinha. The mention of Gürjaras would tempt one to identify him with Jayasimha Siddharaja of Anahila pataka. This might, however, give rise to some chronological difficulty if it was true that Jayasimha was still minor at the time of his father's death. -Ed.]

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Jagaddēva led successful raids over Andhra and Chakradurga. Andhra was the name of the country between the lower courses of the Kistna and the Godavari, the capital of which was Vēngi. Chakradurga is evidently identical with Chakrakota, which is situated in the modern Bastar State. During this period, Andhra was under the sway of Kulättunge Chõla, and Chakraköpa was ruled by a Näga dynasty Jugaddeva probably led these expeditions during his own ruio. But attention is drawn to the fact that the Paramāra Jayasimha was accompanied by his eousin (or younger brother) in his expedition &gainst the Andhra country. Jagaddēva, who Was the cousin and general of Jayasimha, may be considered as identical with the latter.
After the invasion of Andhra, Jagaddēva might have followed Jayasinha in his campaign against Chakradurga. Kulttunga-Chola, when he was a 'Yuvarāja' (i.e., before 1070 A.D.), defeated the king of Dhärå at Chakrakota. King of Dhari, referred to, was, during that period, Jayasimha.
Karna, the adversary of Jagaddēva, appears to have been the king of Gujarat of the same name, who ruled from 1964 to 1094 A.D. After the death of Udayāditya, Karņa probably made an attempt to reconquer Mälava but was discomfited by Jagaddēva.
The fact of Jagaddēva's invasion of Dorasamudra is reported also by the records of his enemies. Dorasamudra, modern Halebid, in Mysore, was the capital of the Hoysala dynasty, the early rulers of which were subordinates to the Chalukyas of Kalyäņi. They were enemies of both Vikramaditya and Jagaddēva. The Hoysala Ereyanga, on behalf of the Chālukya Sõmēsvara II, and in alliance with the Chaulukya Karna killed Jayasimha in battle, and conquered Mälava. The dates of the inscriptions of Ereyanga range from 1062 to 1100 A.D. He had three sons Ballāla, Vishnuvardhana, and Udayaditya. In the latter part of the 11th century, the Hoysalas made an attempt to throw off the yoke of subordination of the Chalukyas. But Vikramaditya determined to keep them under control. He appears to have sought the help of Jagaddeva. Jagaddēva lent his service to the Chalukya king, and being accompanied by the Karnāta army, proceeded to Dõrasamudra, and besieged it. The present inscription records that he succeeded in killing a large number of soldiers of the king of Malahara at Dorasamudra. Malahara appears to have been the ancient name of Malabar." The Hoysalas, though suffering a preliminary reverse, eventually succeeded in repulsing their enemies. In this terrible struggle the sons of Ereyanga, viz., Ballăla, Vishnuvardhana, and Udayaditya played magnificent parts. An inscription, dated 1196 A.D., relates that "Ballāla drove back in battle the force which came to
1 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 178 f. Vide ante, p. 55.
The late Rai Bahadur Hiralal suggested that the verge of the inscription (KSL., No. 756) means that Kulottunga-Chola conquered the king Dhåra at Chakrakota (above, Vol. IX, p. 179, fn. 2). But Drs. L. D. Burnett, and Wickremasinghe, of the London University, advise me to accept the interpretation of Hultzsch. vis., Kulottunga-Chöla defeated the king of Dhåra at Chakrakota. The actual reading found in Kulottunga's inscriptions is Sakkara köflattu Dhardvara kagai or Dharavaraibagai which means Dharivarasa or Dhåråvaraisa (i.e., Dharavarsha) at Sakkarakoçta ' -Ed.]
E.C., Vol. VI, introduction, p. 11; ibid., Vol. V, Ak, No. 102a. (It is uncertain if the date given at the top of the inscription before the invocatory verse is the date of the record. Only if this were so, Ereyanga's last date can be taken as A.D. 1100.-Ed.]
[Malahara is nowhere known as the ancient name of Malabar. Malaharakahānika in v. 9 seems to be the translation of the Kanarese epithet Malaparol-ganda a title assumed by the Hoysala rulers. Malapa or Malaha was the name of a hill tribe to the family of whose chiefs the Hoya las probably originally belonged (cf. E.C., Vol. VI, Introduction, p. 14). Ra in Malahara is the genitive termination in Kanarese. This way of retaining the original termination in the later Sanskritised forms oocur even in earlier inscription, cf. for example ahahanushahi in the Allabābåd pillar inscription of Samudragupta where an is to be taken as the original Saka termination used in the genitive plural. Ed.]
E. C., Vol. VI, Tk., No. 45.

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JAINAD STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE PARAMARA JAGADDEVA.
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attack him, so that even the Mälava erkperor, Jagaddēva, whose proud elephant he made to scream out, said "Well done horseman'; to which he replied, 'I am not only a horseman, I am Vira-Ballāla', and by his slaughter excited the astonishment of the world." The SravanaBelgola scription.dated 1159 A.D., states that "Vishnu, powerful like Yama, striking with his hand, drank up all at once the rolling ocean, the army of the Malava king, Jagaddēva, and others sent by the emperor (i.e., Vikramaditya VI)". The Belur Taluk inscription, dated 1117 A.D., registers the fact that "in Dörasamudra-they (Vishnu, and Balläła) defeated the army of Jagaddēva, painted the goddess of Victory with the blood of his elephants for vermilion, and captured his treasury together with the central ornament of his necklace." The Hoysala Narasimha I's inscription, dated 1164 A.D., records that the three brothers, Ballala, Vishņu, and Udayaditya destroyed the army of Jagaddēva in Dorasamudra. The earliest known date of the records containing the report of Jagaddēva's defeat is 1100 A.D.
Jagaddēva seems to have later on entered into a quarrel with Vikramaditya, as the result of which the latter had to surrender the northern part of his dominion to the Paramāras. A pillar bearing an inscription", dated 1887 A D., of the reign of Vikraināditya VI, is lying in the village of Sitabaldi, 6 miles to the east of the city of Nagpur. Though there is gothing in the inscription to indicate that the kingdom of the Chālukyas extended up to Nāgpur in that period, the existence of the pillar there strongly suggests to that effect. If this proves to be true, Jainad, where the new inscription was discovered, was evidently within the dominion of the Chalukyas about that time. Jsinad is situated few miles south of the Penganga. As the stone, bearing the inscription, is an ordinary slab, there is less likelihood of its being carried there from a great distance. In all probability, it belonged to one of the temples in that locality. If my suggestion proves to be true, it is to be maintained that the Paramåra kingdom extended at least up to the Adilābād District in the latter part of the 11th century. The Nägpur stone inscription, dated 1104 A.D., likewise suggests that Vikramaditye VI lost his-hold over-that part of the country sometime before that time. This new acquisition of territories was, in all likelihood, made by Jagaddēva.
Jagaddēva was a handsome person. The Paramāra Arjunavarman, in his Rasikasamjivini," states that his predecessor, Jagaddēva, was very graceful, and that his beauty is described by Naohirāja. Samalavarman, the king of east Bengal, married Mālevyadere, the daughter of Jagaddēva.
The object of the inscription is to record that Padmavati, the wife of Lolārka, erected the temple of Nimbāditya, in the city, the name of which is not mentioned. Lõlārka was the minister of Jagaddēva, and appears to have been enjaying that position since the time of Udayāditya. His father was Gunataja, and his grund-father was Mdhēndu whose wife was Sungā. All of them belonged to the Dāhima family. The poet Asvatthama composed the verses of the inscription.
TEXT. Metres : v. 1, 20, Anushfubh; vv. 2, 3, 7-12, 14, 15, 18, Sārdülavikridita; vv. 4, 16, 17, 19, Sragdharā; vv. 5, 6, Upajati and v. 13, Mandākrāntā.] 1ों नमः सूर्याय । पकालथि रवबारे निम्बब)पुष्पीहमस्य । प्रत्ययं
पूरयन्भानुर्बिरत्यबमुफमस्वतां ॥१॥ तं वन्देमहि वारुणीजल* Tid., vol. II, Ina, at Sravana Betgols, No. 349, p. 168. • Ibid., Vol. V, BI., No. 58.
Ibid., Vol. IV, Ng., No. 30. * Ibid., Vol. V, Ak., No. 34. [In this inscription Jagaddēva is not described as the king of Malaya.-Ed.] Abovy, Vol. UI, P-304 Aboro Yol. II, p. 185.
P. 8.
J. 4. 8. B., Vol. X, p. 127.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
2 निधेर्व्वेलावनालीस्थिरस्थानं
स्थाणुमभेद्यमाद्यममितच्छायातिमात्रोच्छ्रयं
लन्ति व (ब) हिः प्ररोहसमये यस्य त्रिलोकीच्छलान्मध्ये3 व्योम [ दिग] न्तरालमतुला: पाखाशिखापल्लवाः ॥२॥ तद्दृभंगविचेष्टितं भगवतो
[VOL. XXII.
उन्मी
भर्गस्य भव्याय वो भूयाङ्गुरिताङ्गुली किसलये पाणौ ध
4 नुः पश्यतः । दग्धुं [त्री]णि पुराणि पन्नगं[श]तैर्ज्यावज्ञिता लंभिते यत्राविर्भवति म भास्वरशरव्याजेन विष्णोर्व्वपुः ॥३॥ आसीदाशीर्व्वचोभिः सक
5 लमुनिजनैम्मानितो में[दिनीन्द्रे] राजा मुद्रां वहद्भिः शिरसि व (ब) हुविधैर्ध्वो (ब्बों) धितवाटुवादैः । विश्वामित्रप्रतापव्यपनयनिपुणः प्राप्तजन्मा
6 वसिष्ठध्यानाडूमध्व[जाश्च] त्रिभुवनविदित: सत्वसारः प्रमार: ॥४॥ तदन्वये सान्वयनामधेयः श्रीमान् जगद्देव इति चितीश: । अभूद
7 भूपालदिगन्तराल [न] मा निर्व्यूढभुजश्रमोयं (यम् ) ॥५॥
यस्योदयादित्य नृपः पिता
सीद्देवः पितृव्यः स च भोजराजः । विरेजतुर्यो
8 वसुधाधिपत्यप्राप्तप्रतिष्ठाविव पुष्पवन्तौ ॥६॥ अन्धाधीशम्टगीदृशः पतिपरित्यक्ताश्चिरं यच्चमूवाहव्यूहखुराग्रखण्डित
1
9 भुवि क्षीणाः स्वलन्त्योध्वनि 1 नीयन्ते नवनीतकोमलपदास्ताम्म्रप्रभः पशवैचालंव (ब) नमम्बु (म्बु)धे: परिसरक्षोणीलताश्रेणिभिः ॥७॥ क्री
10 डोञ्चाटितचक्रदुर्गनृपतेरद्यापि यस्याज्ञया दण्डानीतगजेंद्रदानसलिलैर्न्यस्तां प्रस (घ) - स्तिं परां । निर्व्यावृत्ति पठन्ति कण्ठलुठितैः कैः
॥८॥ मध्ये दोरसमुद्र
11 कैर्निनादेर्वदा शैलोपान्तवसुन्धरासु विपिनोत्संगेषु भृङ्गाङ्गनाः मद्रिशिखराकारां कपालावलीमालोक्य
12 [हि]रहें द्रदन्तमुसलप्रान्तस्सा' प्रेयसां । साकंदैः प्रतिमन्दिरं मलहरचोणीस' चित्तोदरे शूलं [प]लवयन्ति वा [प] [सलिलै र्यद्वैरिणां व
13 सभाः 11211 आचर्य जयसिंहविक्रमकथा स्वाध्याय सध्या 'घनध्वानं यस्य धनुई
15 [च]यनविरतो यस्यारिसर्व्वङ्कषः ।
न्दिभिः सूक्तः सत्कवयः शतं
1 Read dvirad-endra.
Read [kshopifa.
• Read sandhya.
(ई)निं नरपतेर्व्यन्ति विस्तारिणः । अद्याप्यर्बुदपर्व्वतोदर
14 दरीद्दारेषु रात्रिंदिवं कंदहूरवीरवर्ग वनितावाष्याम्बु (म्बु) पूरोयः ॥१०॥ एकश्राद्भुतमूर्धनि धनुःसन्धानधीरः करः कीर्ति कंदल
* Read sprifam.
Read vashpa".
[See note 1, p. 63.-Ed.]
अन्यत्राम्बु (म्बु)धिवीचिकांचिवसुधामध्ये मधुस्यव्यवसिताः स्तोतुं तथाप्यचमाः ॥११॥

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16 उत्पनः प्रतिपबकर्णपतर्यस्यैक एवोचितः संसारीदरसारसंग्रहसहाध्यायी निधिः
पाथसां । यस्या[भ्यर्ण निष[-]'पण्डितशताला17 पाविशम्यानिशं नि:शंकः कलराजहन्म(हंस)विरुतै रद्याप्यमन्दोत्सवः ॥१२॥
कीर्तेः पात्रं प्रकृतिपुरुषः पौरुषोत्कर्षभूमिभूमर्भर्तुः भुवनजयि18 न खस्य मूर्तः प्रतापः । श्रीलोलार्कः समजनि जगहलभो वा(बा)लभावादा
___ रभ्यैष प्रथितमहसामन्वये दाहिमानां ॥१३॥ एकामेव मनी19 हरामभिनवोल्लेखेन रेखा]मुखा' शृंगाम्पाप्य महेन्दुरित्यभिधया वोतान्य विस्फूर्जितः ।
लोके यस्य पितामहः शुचिमहापुञ्जबिजबाट20 यत्याद्यापि हिपदन्तकंदकुमुदच्छायैर्यशीरासिभिः ॥१४॥ आसीद्यस्य पिता पितामह
मुखामोजे चतुर्भिश्चिरं गीत: श्रीगुणराज इत्यति21 शयादिश्वेषु वीराग्रणीः । एकः शूरसहस्रसाक्षिणि रणे क्षीदक्षमः [सार्जुन: प्रौढ़ः
पल्लवयं (यन्) प्रतापमुदयादित्यस्य नित्य प्रियः ॥ 22 १५॥ [च]ञ्चद्भिचित्रचिङ्गध्वजपटपटलैः पाण्डुरैरातपत्रैः पंक्तिन्यस्तैरपास्तप्रलयघनरवे
भीमढक्कानिनादैः । जा(जा)यन्ते यस्य सैन्यान्यविर23 लतरलैर्वाजिभिर्वजपुंजप्रा[यै] प्रासासिपाशप्रणयिभिरपरैरखवारैश्च वीरैः ॥१६॥
शा[ल]प्रान्मु[:](प्रांश:) सितांशुप्रतिनिधिवदनः पद्मपत्रायताक्ष: 24 पीना[सी] दीर्घवाहुः कनकगिरिशिलासविभोरस्थलञ्च [1] वाहव्यूहि]हेषारवकिसलयित
बीचमूषु गच्छन्यो मध्ये राजपुत्रेष्वपि व(ब)हुषु परि25 जायते रेखयैव ॥१७॥ सुखी' वाचि शुचिर्मनस्य[जि] जगहेव[प्रतीषेरिह इंद
इंडहर "बमबनुदिनं वा(बा)ल्याप्रमत्येव यः । चञ्चचामरम28 न्तरेण महतीं रा[]श्रियं निश्चलां वि(बि)धाण: --"दलयति इषस्पृशः
__पार्थिवान् ॥१८॥ तत्पत्नी पद्मपत्रायतनयनयुगा पद्म27 [संकाश][वक्ता] नाना पद्मावतीति विजगति विदिता [रागतः खेतपद्मा ।
एतभिवग्रहार हठहतकलुषे कारयामास निम्बादित्यप्रासाद
1 Read mishanna.
* Mr. K. reads fata nämna. * Read jayinah.
• Read mukhan. • Read vaitanya.
•Read rafibhia * Read mukh-ambhojaide
*[Probably we have to read : kahōda-kahama (ma).
ch=Arjuna.-Ed.] Read fuddho.
10 Read fuchir-mma nany-api. u The reading of the portion with in the brackets is extremely doubtful. It is given by Mr. K. It can be stated with tolerable certainty that there is no such word as pratoshairaha. The facsimile reads patt ha and there is no space for two letters between 1 and ha. The expression death dua-duan dua-haran does not yield any plausible sense. [Rending noems to be dvandvandvandva-haram, eto., which might mean, bowing to the couple (i.6., Siva and Parvati) destroying the two bad qualities (vit., passion and ignorance).-Ed.)
11 Hore the letters look like pra auto [Reading is prasabhad-ayan.-Ed.)

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
28 -- UUUUU--u--u-- lle t hat staat
थोत्रैः संगम हृदयंगमा । सज्जमन्यस्तभायमण्वत्थामकः कृतिः ॥२०॥
TRANSLATION. Om Salutation to-Sūrya
(V. 1.) Let the object-fulfilling sun be worshipped faultlessly on Sunday, even at an unusual hour with the flowers and shoots of the Nimba tree.
(V. 2.) We reverence the tree-like Śiva who is indivisible and first born, who possesses a great extension of shade and is lofty and stands firm in the range of the wood on the shore of the western ocean, the matchless sprouts of whose branches blossom forth at the time of growing in the shape of the three worlds in between the sky and all its quarters.
(V. 3.) May the movement of the eye-brows of the lord Siva, who looks at the bow (held) in his hand with its sprout-like fingers bent, on which (bowo) when hundreds of serpents had provided it with a string, the body of Vishnu manifested itself in the guise of a radiant arrow in order to burn the three cities--be (the cause of your prosperity.
(V. 4.) There was a very powerful king named Pramāra, kpown in the three worlds, much regarded by sages through blessings, roused from sleep with many a flattering word by the kings bearing his seal on their heads, who was born of fire through the meditation of Vasishtha, and was adept in defying the valour of Visvämitæra.
(V. 5.) In his family was born Jagaddöva, the lord of the earth, whose name was true to its sense, and the exertions of whose arms were applied to render all the quarters kingless (i.e., free from enemies),
(V. 6.) whose (Jagaddēva's) father was Udayāditya, and whose uncle was the king Bhoja. These two kings (Udayāditya and Bhoja), having secured the stability as sovereigns of the earth, shone like the sun and the moon.
(V. 7.) Abandoned for ever by their lord, the deer-eyed (ladies) of the Andhra king, with their butter-soft feet, stumbling down, helpless as they were, on the roads, the ground of which was trampled by the hoofs of the horses of his (Jagaddēva's) army, are led by the rows of creepers (growing) on the sea-shore supporting them (as it were) with their copper-coloured twigs.
(V. 8.) He in sport uprooted the king of Chatradurga, aad at his oommand drop now, the streams on the slopes of the mountain, and the female bees in the midst of the forests, recite without ceasing, in different nates coming out of their throats, his all surpassing eulogies, fixed with (the libation of water in shape of) the rutty fluid of powerful elephants of his army.
(V. 9.) In every house the weeping widows of his enemies, having seen in Dorasamudra the peak-like heaps of the skulls of their lords, who came in contact with the pointed club-like tusks of his best elephants, increase vith tears the acute pain in the heart of the chief of Malahara?.
(V. 10.) It is a matter of great wonder, that; even now, the great food-tide of tests of the wives of the Gurjata Warriors, veeping day and night in the care-entrance of the Arbuda mountain,
1 This portion is badly mutilated [See above, p. 58, n. 5.-E.]

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indicates fully the twang of his bow, as if it were the deep sound of the recitation of mantras in the form of the stories of the valour of Jayasinha.!
(V. 11.) On the one hand, in front of the wonderful conflict, his hand, capable of totally destroying his enemies, and skilled in fitting the bow, does not stop acquiring fame, on the other hand, the poets by hundred in the land wbich has the waves of the ocean as its girdle, are engaged in praising him with honey-oozing hymns, bat even then are unable to tether the vastness of his glory).
(V. 12.) It was he who subdued the king Karņa and produced the only fitting lake which rivalled the ocean in collecting beautiful gems in the cavern of the universe. The swans, even now, having heard the hundreds of learned men discoursing together sitting close to it (i.e., the lake) continue without fear, the celebration of his victory.
(V. 13.) There was born in the renowned family of Dahimas an illustrious personage named Lölārka, who, ever since his very childhood, had been dear to the world, who was a repository of fame and excellent valour, who was bravery incarnate, and was a minister of Udayaditya, the lord of the earth, and the conqueror of the world.
(V. 14.) His grand-father was Mahēndu by name, who, having obtained the only beautiful lady Sungā, referred to with ever new words of praise and (bearing auspicious) marks on her face shone by the sacrificial glamour, and even now gives expression to his pure brilliance in this world with his accumulated fame shining (white) like the tusks of elephants, kunda flowers, and lotuses.
(V. 15.) His father was Gunarāja, who, on account of his excellence, was the leader of the warriors of the three) worlds, was ever praised by the four lotus-like mouths of Brahmā, who (Gunarāja) was mature, was like Arjuna alone capable of standing (any) test in a battle, witnessed by thousands of warriors, and who, having increased his valour, became ever dear to Udayāditya.
(V. 16.) His armies are known by many waving banners with various designs, by white um. brellas arranged in a line, by loud beatings of (war-) drums that could drown even the sound of thundering clouds at the time of the destruction (of the universe), by the horses glittering incessantly like a heap of diamonds, and by the riders with lances, swords and mooses.
(V. 17.) Tall like a $āla tree, with his face representing the moon, with his eyes broad like the petals of lotuses, his shoulders bulky, arms long, and chest like the stone of the Kanaka-mountain, he was clearly recognised by these marks among many princes whose ears resembling young shoots were deafened by the neighing of the multitudes of his horses.
(V. 18.) He was, to the satisfaction of Jagaddēva, truthful and pure-hearted, and ever since his childhood he had been paying obeisance to Siva every day. He maintaining the great and steady royal prosperity, without the privilege of the use of) waving chowries (only), crushed forcibly the inimical kings.
(V. 19.) His wife named Padmāvati, resembling Lakshmi in beauty, with lotus-like face, with a pair of eyes wide like petals of a lotus, famous in all the three worlds, built this palace (i.e., temple) of Nimbāditya in this city, the corruptions of which were removed by forec........
(V. 20.) May this heart-touching composition of the poet Asvatthaman secure association of the ears of the people of this) world with its responsibility placed upon the learned.
1 [The proper translatio. f the verse seems to be :-"It is strange that even to-day the extending waves of the flood of tears of the wives of the Gurjara heroes weeping night and day in the cave entrances of the Arbuda mountain, indicate the twang of the bow of this king which was on the other hand) the evening thunder in the study of the accounts of Jayasinha's valou.". The Smritis enjoin that the study of the Vedas whould be stopped wherr there is an evening thundpr, cf. Yájšavalkya Smriti (T. S. 8.), L. 14.-Ed.]
1..., dug out.

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No. 12.-A NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II OF THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA
BRANCH, DATED SAKA 806.
By A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D. LITT., BENARES. The grant of Dhruva II of the Gujarāt Rashtrakūta branch, which is here being edited for the first time, has been neither referred to nor published so far. The set of copper plates on which the grant has been engraved belongs to Mr. Pratapbhai H. Barot of Santa Cruz, Bombay, who very kindly forwarded them to me (through Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar of the Calcutta University) for decipherment and publication.
The plates are three in number. Their size, which is fairly uniform, is 11.8" X 8.3". The thickness is about .1". The edges of the plates have been raised into rims in order to protect the characters engraved. The plates are strung together by means of a ring passing through holes perforated at the centre of the upper sides of the plates, about 3" from the rims. The ring, which is " in thickness, has an inner diameter of 2". Its ends have been soldered together by means of a seal, being 2" in height and 1" in diameter at the bottom. Countersunk in its surface is a seated figure, 1" in height, holding hooded snakes in either hand. This is undoubtedly to be identified with the figure of Garuda, which is found on many other copper plate grants of the Rashtrakūtas. The seal bears no writing.
The grant is engraved on the inner sides of the first and third plates and on both the sides of the second. The whole of the record does not seem to have been engraven by one and the same mason. The first plate and the first side of the second one are by the same hand; the latter has no doubt more lines with greater number of letters in each than the former, but this is probably because the mason had at this stage realised that unless economy in space was made, the record could not be finished in three plates. The second side of the second plate and the third plate show a distinctly different and less elegant duct of engraving and are almost certainly by a different engraver.
The plates are in a fairly good state of preservation. In a few cases, some letters have been damaged but they can be made out from the traces left behind. The surface of the plates has been dressed fairly well, but in a few cases there still remain natural depressions, due to which in some places marks have appeared in the ink-impression which look like letters or medial vowels. Thus at the end of l. 26, the plates have clearly-machirāsvapadě only; but the ink-impression shows- machirät-svapade owing to a depression on the surface to the left of sva which looks like t. In II. 36 and 39 the mason has correctly engraved param and mayā respectively, but owing to & depression on the surface after the letters ra and ma the facsimile show parāṁ and māyā respectively. In l. 56 the letter vi in vidyul-lölāni appears like di in the facsimile owing to the same cause.
In this document the engraving of individual letters is distinct, but every line is full of several blunders because the mason did not obviously understand what he was copying. Otherwise he would not have written sūvya-mutās-cha mavah for surya-sutās-cha gāvah in l. 61. The climax in this respect is reached at the end of the 1. 40 and the beginning of 1. 41 where the mason has engraved bhagavach-chudh-ādhishthäne for bhagavad-Buddh-a'. It would appear that the copy issued from the secretariate was written in a careless handwriting; the masons, who engraved the document, could not make out all the letters and wrote what they believed to be written on the manuscript before them. The State Record Office did not care to revise and correct the innumerable mistakes committed during engraving.
In Gujarāt during the 9th century two scripts were current, one was the proto-Dēvanāgari and the other was the lineal descendant of the Valabhi' alphabet. The characters of this

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record belong to the first variety. The signature of Dhruva II, who issued the plates, is, however, engraved in south Indian old-Kanarese characters as is the case with the sign manuals of Karkka and Dhruva I of the Gujarāt branch on their Nausāri' and Baroda plates respectively. There can be no doubt that in these records, as in the present one, the masons are imitating the actual duct of the handwriting of the donors. It is therefore clear that even as late as 884 A.D., the date of the present record, the members of the Gujarat Rashtrakūta royal family were accustomed to write in a script which was current neither in northern India, nor in Gujarat, nor in Mahārāshtra but in Karnatak. This circumstance is in my opinion very important for determining the home of the Rāshțrakūtas of Mālkhed. If the original home of the family were in northern India as Fleet had first suggested, or in Mahārāshtra as Mr. C. V. Vaidya opines, we cannot understand how the princes deputed to rule over Gujarāt could have been using south Indian old-Kanarese script as their mother script. It is true that as early as 770 A.D., the Rashtrakūta empire had embraced practically the whole of Karnatak including the State of Mysore. But if the royal family had originally belonged to Mahārāshțra or to northern India, its members deputed to rule over Gujarat and domiciled there for more than a century, would not have continued to use for their sign manual a script current neither in Rājputāna, nor in Mahā. rāshtra, nor in Gujarät, but in the far-off Karņāțak. Karkka was carrying on the administration of the empire at Mālkhed for a long time during the minority of Amõghavarsha I. He and perhaps his son Dhruva I may therefore have picked up the old-Kanarese script, prevailing at Mālkhed, and even used it for their sign manuals in their grants. But by the time of the present grant the Gujarāt branch had long ceased to have any intimate connection with Mālkhed, and the donor of the present grant, Dhruva II, would not have used old-Kanarese characters for his signature, if the former had not been the mother script of the family, carefully preserved by its members even after their domicile in Gujarāt for more than a hundred years. The fact that Krishna III of the Imperial Răshtrakūta house should have used in his Jura inscription Kanarese characters and language to proclaim his victories to the people of Bundelkhand, would also show that the Rāshtrakūtas of Mālkhed originally belonged to Karņāțak, rather than to Mahārāshtra or Telangana or Northern India. The whole question of the home of the Rāshtrakūtas of Mālkhed cannot be discussed here?; attention is merely drawn to the light which the sign manuals of the present and some other records of the Gujarāt branch throw on the subject.
A few points of palaeographical interest may be noted here. Om at the beginning of the record is denoted by the usual symbol. Two forms of the letter ra have been used side by side, f. rājasu rāja-simhah, 1. 3; the same is the case with the letter sa, cf. sa in Satakratu, 1.7, with the fas in Satakratu-sadrisah in l. 8. The form of the letter ksha is highly cursive in some cases, cf. kshas in vaidhavya-daksha and kshana-rana in l. 14; in other cases, however, the constituent elements of this conjunct can be clearly distinguished, cf. lakshmimān, 1. 24. The record contains final t and m, but the sign of virāma has been written in two different ways. In bhūt, 1. 11, and sarit, 1. 44, t is denoted by a vertical with a slight notch or protrusion on the left; in vallabho-bhūt,
1J. B. B. R. A.S., Vol. XX, pp. 135 ff. * Ind. Ant., Vols. XII, pp. 158 ff., and XIV, pp. 169 ff.
* Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, pt. ii, p. 384. In ante, Vol. VII, PP. 223-6 he abandons this view and suggests what Lätür may have been their home.
• History of the Medieval Hindu India, Vol. II, pp. 152-53.
• The fact that the signature of the present donor in his Bagumrā grant, dated 867 A.D. (Ind. Ant., Vol XII, pp. 181 ff.) and in Dantidurga's grant of the same year (Ante, Vol. VI, pp. 287 ff.), is in proto-Devanagari characters is obviously due to no attempt being made there to copy the precise script used by the kinge.
Ante, Vol. XIX, PP. 287 ff.. See Altekar : The Rashtrakutas and their Times, pp. 21-5.

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1. 20, and dadyāt, 1. 62, a different symbol of two curves, the larger being above the smaller, is used to denote the same. This very symbol but in the reversed form, the smaller curve being above the larger, has been used to denote m in chitram in l. 37 : while in the case of min kumudānām in 1. 71, the virāma is written as in modern Dēvanagari. When the same words like yasya and tasya occur consecutively twice in 11. 64 and 65, the numeral 2 is used after the word to indicate that it is to be repeated in reading. The avagraha has been denoted in one place only by the modern Dēvanāgari symbol in deyor'chāļa, 1. 47.
The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. Engraver's blunders apart, there are only a few mistakes in sandhi as noted in the rext paragraph. The formal part of the record is in prose; the rest of it is in poetry excepting the letter om at the beginning and the words tatha ch-oktam Ramabhadrēna in 11. 64-65.
Orthography calls for a few remarks only. (1) Va has been throughout used for ba. (2) Consonants in conjunction with a preceding have usually been doubled (cf.or=gGovindarajo. 1.3, or-ārtt-artti-, 1.5, etc.) with a few exceptions (cf.or=bhrityaih, 1. 9, sārtha and Partha, 1.25). (3) The anusvāra is preferably indicated by a dot; if the following letter is a dental, it is usually changed into n, but in no place has it been changed to a n or n before a following guttural or palatal. (4) The rules of sandhi are usually observed, but there are a few exceptions. In vv. 19 and 20 the last letters of the first verse-halves have been coalesced with the first letters of the second verse-halves, and in l. 21 we find a sandhi made between the last letter of the v. 15 and the first letter of the v. 16.
The date of the record is given in words in 11. 49-50, but the expression giving it is defective. After making the necessary grammatical corrections the expression reads as follows: Sakanripa-kālātīta-samvatsara-latëshu shad-uttarēshu. The most important word denoting the number of centuries has been omitted by inadvertence. There can be, however, no doubt that the expression was intended to be samvatsara-satēshu=ashțasu shad-uttarëshu and that the record was issued in Saka 806. This dato falls between the latest date of the grantor, known at present, Saka 799 (supplied by the plates of Dantivarman"), and the earliest known date of his successor, Saka 810, supplied by his Bagumrā plates. Astronomical calculations also confirm this conclusion, for the Dhanus-sankranti of Saka 806 (elapsed) did actually take place on the second day of the bright half of Mārgasirsha as stated in the record. The year had an intercalary month, and so Dhanus-sankranti occurred in Mārgasīrsha instead of Pausha, as is usually the case. The corresponding date according to the Christian Era is the 23rd of November 884 A.D. The record thus supplies a new date for Dhruva II, the significance of which will be soon brought out.
The object of the present charter is to inform us that when Dhruva Dhārāvarsha, son of Akālavarsha, was encamped at Srikhona(ta)ka, i.e., modern Kaira, he granted & village named Dhadayāsaha, to the Buddhist vihāra of Kāmpilya. It may be pointed out that this is the same vihāra, which had received a donation seven years earlier from Dantivarman, a younger brother of the present grantor. It is tempting to suggest, as has been done by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, that Kampilya of this record is identical with the ancient Kampilya, situated in Farrukhābād district of U. P., but such is not the case. Kāmpilya of U. P. is of hoary antiquity, while Kāmpilya of this record is said to have been founded by a Buddhist monk of the same nanie. The former is situated in Farrukkābād district, but Kāmpilya of this record was situated in the ancient district of Kāntāragrāma, which is identical with Katargām, situated on the
Antr, Vol. VI, PP. 287 ff.
* Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 65 ff.
Ante, Vol. VI, pp. 287 f.

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outskirts of Surat. We must therefore look for our Kampilya in Surat district. Our record informs us in II. 40 and 41 that Kampilya-tirtha was situated on the Maddāpi, flowing in Kantāragrāma district. This Maddāpi river seems to be the same as the Mindhōla river, which flows in Surat district and joins the Arabian Sea about 10 miles to the south of Surat. I would suggest, not without some hesitation, that Kampilya-tirtha of our record, situated on the Maddapi in Kāntāragrāma district is very probably the village Kaplia situated on the southern bank of the Mindhōla, about 25 miles east of Katargām. Kāplia may be an apabhramsa of Kampilya, or Kampilya may be a Sanskritised form of the Prakrit name Kāplia.
Buddhism was on the decline in the western presidency at the time of Yuan Chwang's visit, and it is interesting to note that we come across very few grants recording donations to Buddhist establishments subsequent to the departure of this Chinese traveller. Kampilya monastery of Gujarat probably represented one of the last strongholds of Buddhism. Our record states that 500 monks were residing in this monastery in 884 A.D. Whether this number 500 is a real number, or whether it is a conventional one like that of the disciples of the Buddha mentioned in Buddhist sacred literature, is difficult to determine.
No information is available about the monk Kampilya who was the founder of this monastery. The grant was made at the request of the monk Sthiramati,1 who seems to have been the presiding abbot of the monastery in 884 A.D.
The opening verse of the record contains a salutation to the gospel of the Buddha. The next 31 verses give the genealogy of the Rashtrakuṭa line. Of these vv. 2-16 describe the rulers of the main line, and the rest those of the Gujarat branch. Only a few points need be mentioned about the account of the main line supplied by this record. The genealogy begins with Govinda I, his father Indra and grandfather Dantivarman being left out. None of the verses in this record is a new one, and except in the case of Dantidurga, no specific historic exploit is described in connection with any of the emperors of the main line. The account is brought down to Amōghavarsha I. Krishna II of the main line, who had succeeded his father before the issue of this grant, is passed over, probably because his accession being recent, the secretariate in Gujarāt had not yet got any verses ready in his eulogy. The hostility between the two houses had ceased by this time, and therefore that would not have been the cause of the omission of the name of Krishna II, especially when we remember that his father, who was the cause of the war, is duly mentioned in the record.
The account becomes more specific with v. 17 when the history of the Gujarat branch commences. Here also none of the verses is new; they all occur either in the Baroda plates of the donee's grandfather or in his own Bagumra plates. A few points, however, deserve to be discussed in order to remove some current misunderstandings about the history of the Gujarat branch. Like most other records, this document also does not mention the prince Govinda (a younger brother of king Karkka), who had issued the Kävi plates in 827 A.D. This circumstance had led Dr. Hultzsch to suggest that he was a usurper against Karkka and is therefore passed over in the charters issued by his successors.5 Dr. Bühler's view was also the same; he thought that the omission of Govinda's name was intentional and was meant as punishment for
The syntax is rather peculiar here. The text reads as Sthiramali-namna bhikshun-avarjjya cha. From what precedes and follows this clause, we expect here a clause in dative, stating that the monastery was preBided over by so and so. Instead we have an absolutive clause, meaning being inclined, i.e., induced (to make the gift) (avarjjya) by the monk Sthiramati,' who was obviously the chief of the establishment. [A-vrij may also mean to choose' or 'to bring into possession'; avarjya here probably signifies being accepted.'-Ed.] Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp 108 ff. Ibid., pp. 181 ff. Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 145 ff,
4
Ibid., Vol. XIV, p. 197.

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his disloyalty. This opinion of these two distinguished scholars seems to be untenable. It is now shown by the v. 26 of the Sanjān record of Amõghavarsha that he was born at Srībhavana or Sarbhon in southern Gujarāt in c. 808 A.D., when his father was encamped there at the end of his northern expedition. He was thus a boy of about 6 at the time of his accession. His uncle Karkka was his guardian in his minority. He had to fight hard to reinstate his cousin when the feudatories had rebelled against him ; it is therefore clear that he must have spent most of his time at the imperial capital Mālkhed, down to 827 A.D., when the Kävi plates were issued, if not till a later date. Karkka therefore had naturally to select a deputy to rule Gujarat on his behalf during his long and continuous absence from his own capital. He had no doubt a grown up son, Dantivarman by name, who is mentioned as the dutaka in his Baroda plates of 812 A.D. But since Karkka was succeeded not by Dantivarman but by Dhruva, it is clear that Dantivar man predeceased him and died very young. V. 20 of the present record further suggests that Dhruva was born to Karkka probably in his old age after he had spent many a sleepless night owing to his anxiety for having a son. In c. 820 A.D. it is therefore clear that Karkka had no son old enough to be deputed to govern Gujarāt, and therefore his choice naturally fell on his younger brother Govinda who was old enough to be entrusted with office as early as 812 A.D. It is worth noting that the Kāvi plates of Govinda do not mention his succession at all. He was merely a princely regent appointed by his brother. The later records of the Gujarät line omit his name, because he was a collateral who had never ascended the throne, and not because he was a usurper. In his Kävi plates Govinda devotes as many as full four verses to the praise of his elder brother Karkka, and two of these, which contain a genuine and heartfelt tribute to his administration, do not occur in any grant either of Karkka himself or of any of his successors. Is it likely that a usurper or a rebel would go out of his way to describe in glowing terms the administration, of the king whom he had ousted ? Nor could Govinda have been a rebel against Amõghavarsha I. It is true that the Kāvi plates take the genealogy of the main line to Govinda III and omit altogether the reigning sovereign Amoghavarsha I. But this omission must be regarded as accidental, for if Govinda had been a rebel against Amõghavarsha, he could not have been an admirer or friend of his elder brother Karkka, who was Amõghavarsha's guardian responsible for his restoration. It is clear that all the known facts can be best explained on the assumption that Govinda of the Kāvi plates was Karkka's deputy, governing the Gujarat kingdom on behalf of his brother, while he was absent at Mālkhed during Amõghavarsha's minority.
Vv. 20-31 describe the reign of Dhruva I, Akālavarsha I, and his son, the grantor, Dhruva II. All these three kings were engaged in a continuous war with a king named simply as Vallabha in this and other records. This Vallabha can be none other than Amöghavarsha I of
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 181,
Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 158 ff. * See Torkhede plates, aute, Vol. III, p. 57,
* [Similarly this inscription also does not explicitly mention the succession of Dhruva I but we cannot infor from it that he never succeeded.-Ed.]
. Cf. one of these (after the necessary corrections)
Saurajya-jalpe chalite prasangan-nidardanam visvajanina-sampar i prajyam Balen püramaho babhuva kabitdu. idanish tu nipasya tasya | v. 32.
This ruler cannot be the Rashtrakūta chief Parabala, mentioned in the Pathari piller inscription dated 861 A.D. (ante, Vol. IX, pp. 248 ff.). This record no doubt mentions that an elder brother of Parabala's grandfather had conquered Läta, after conquering Karnataka army, and that Parabala himself had inflicted. ernshing defeat on a king called Nägāvaloks. The record, however, does not mention Vallabha as an epithet either of Parabala or of any of his ancestors. The conquest of Lata ascribed to the unnamed elder brother of Parabala's grandfather, supposing it was real, must have taken place much earlier than 835 A.D. after which this war occurred; for Parabala himself was raling in 861 A.D. The name of the opponent of Parabala himself was Nagávalóks, and there is no evidenge to show that it was an epithet of any member of the Gujarat branch.

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the main Rashtrakūta line, who was a contemporary of all these three rulers. Prithivivallabha and Lakshmivallabha appear as his vallabha-ending epithets in his Sanjān plates and Nilgund inscription. It would appear that the cordial relations existing between the main line and the Gujarat branch came to an end soon after 835 A.D. Either Amõghavarsha was ungrateful, or Dhruva I became too overbearing, puffed up by the consciousness that it was his father who had restored Amöghavarsha to the throne. A war ensued between the two in which Dhruva lost his life. V.23 of this record no doubt says that the armies of Vallabha were routed out in battle, though Dhruva had to lay down his life as the price of the victory. But this statement cannot be accepted at its face value, for v. 25 admits that Dhruva's son and successor Akālavarsha had to re-occupy his paternal kingdom. Akālavarsha's task was not an easy one, for some of his followers had deserted him after his father's death on the battlefield. His victory, supposing it was a real one, did not make matters very easy for his son and successor Dhruva II, the grantor of the present charter. For v. 28 informs us that he was attacked by a mighty Gurjara force, one of his brothers joined the enemy, and Vallabha, i.e. Amõghavarsha, refused him help. Bühler had suggested that the Gurjaras, who had attacked Dhruva II, were the Chāpotkatas. This view has to be abandoned, for v. 41 of the plates of Dhruva II, dated 867 A. D., mentions the mighty Mihira, famous for his cavalry, as the opponent of the Răshtrakūtas. This Mihira can be none other than Pratīhāra ruler Bhöja I. It is therefore clear that the old historic hostility between the Pratihāras and the Rashtrakūtas continued during the reign of Amõghavarsha. Bhöja tried to take advantage of the estrangement between the Gujarat branch and the main line by launching an attack on Gujarāt. This record no doubt claims that the invasion of the Gurjaras was repelled single-handed by Dhruva. He was however too small a ruler to achieve this feat, and it is not unlikely that realising the disastrous consequences of the annexation of Gujarāt to the Gurjara-Pratīhāra empire, Amöghavarsha may have eventually hurried help to his rescue. At any rate we know from the Bagumră plates' that Dhruva's successor Kộishna was receiving help against the Gurjara-Pratīhāras from Amõghavarsha's successor Kpishņa II. The same probably may have been the case in Dhruva's time after the conclusion of peace between him and Amoghavarsha.
The relationship between Dhruva II and his successor Kpishņa II is obscure, and the present record throws some new light upon it. Dr. Bhagwanlal had thought it not impossible that this Krishna may have been a son of Dantivarman, a son of Karkka, who is mentioned as the dutako in his Baroda grant dated 812 A.D.? It is however very improbable that a son of Dantivarman who was a grown-up prince in 812 A.D., could have ascended the throne more than 72 years later than that date-as shown now by this grant-after the succession had passed to his brother's line for three generations. Dantivarman, mentioned in the Bagumră record, is almost certainly the younger brother of Dhruva II, who was ruling as his governor in 867 A.D. as shown by his charter. The Bagumră plates no doubt suggest that Kțishņa Akālavarsha, the successor of Dhruva II, who had issued that charter, was a son of Dantivarman, the son of Karkka. But this grant is very corrupt and omits altogether Dhruva I, Kțishna I and Dhruva II, who had undoubtedly ruled over Gujarāt after Karkka. It would appear that one of the tāda patras, which contained an account of the three missing rulers, was lost in transit when the manuscript
1 Ante, Vol. VI, p. 99. : Baroda plates of Dhruva I, dated 835 A.D., do not mention the war with Vallabhs. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 181.
Ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 179 f. . Ibid., Vol. XIII, pp. 67 ff. • Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 127-8. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 158 f.
. Ibid., Vol. XIII, pp. 67 f.

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[VOL. XXII.
was sent to the engraver for engraving, and no one subsequently cared to correct the mistake. This would become clear from the last line of verse 19 of that record which, after making the necessary corrections, runs as follows [Babhu]va sūnuḥ śrī-Dantivarmanaḥ prabala-pratāpaḥ. It is obvious that there is a lacuna in this verse after the word sūnu in its 4th line. Other records of the Gujarat branch show that this verse ends as: Babhūva sūnur-Dhruvarāja-nāmā, and describes the birth of Dhruva I, the son and successor of Karkka. It would appear, as suggested above, that one of the taḍapatras, which commenced with the word Dhruva-rāja-nāmā, and contained an account of the next three rulers, was lost when the document was despatched by the secretariate to the mason. The extremely corrupt text of the plates convincingly proves that no responsible officer cared to revise the document, as engraved by the mason, and so the omission of the three rulers remained unattended. These plates therefore do not show that Krishna Akalavarsha, who succeeded Dhruva, was a son of Dantivarman, who acted as dutaka in 812 A.D.1
Was he then the son of Dantivarman, a younger brother of Dhruva II, who was ruling under him in 867 A.D. as conjectured by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, and had this Dantivarman's reign intervened between the reigns of Dhruva II and Krishna II, as postulated by Dr. Hultzsch ?* The present record makes both these views very improbable. It shows that Dhruva II was ruling down to Saka 806, and so the interval between the last known year of Dhruva and the first known year of his successor Krishna II, viz., Saka 810, is now no longer of 21 years but is reduced to the short period of less than four years. It is therefore very improbable that Dentivarman could have ruled during this interval. It may be further pointed out that the Bagumra plates of Krishna Akalavarsha II simply mention the name of Dantivarman, without stating that he had ascended the throne.
The verse 19 of the grant quoted above is followed after one fragmentary and two complete verses, by the name of Krishna Akala varsha, who had issued the grant. This undoubtedly lends support to the view that Dantivarman was Krishna's father as suggested by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. But we must note that there is a clear lacuna after the words babhuva sūnuḥ and that they were really followed by Dhruvaraja-nāmā as shown above, It is therefore difficult to maintain that the Bagumra plates show that Krishna Akalavarsha was a son of Dantivarman. As a matter of fact the name of Dantivarman remains as an isolated and disconnected name in that very corrupt document, and its existence cannot be satisfactorily explained. The present record mentions a hither-to-unknown son of Dhruva II, Karkkarāja by name, who was the dutaka of the grant. He must have been a grown-up prince in Šaka 806, and since he is not designated as a yuvaraja, it is clear that he had another elder brother living at this time. It is difficult to believe that a son of Dantivarman, who was loyal to Dhruva II, could have succeeded to the throne after ousting these two sons of the latter within less than four years after the issue of this grant. The names of the son and grandson of Dhruva I were Krishna Akalavarsha and Dhruva II respectively. It is therefore not improbable that according to the family tradition the eldest son of Dhruva II may have been named after his grandfather Krishna Akalavarsha and may have heen none other than Krishna Akalavarsha of the Bagumra plates." This view cannot be yet regarded as proved, but it may be found to represent real history when
1 [That Bhagvanlal's view was untenable was proved by D. R. Bhandarkar long ago (above, Vol. VI, p. 287). Kielhorn also does not appear to have accepted this view (see above, Vol. VIII, Appendix II, p. 9).-Ed.] Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, p. 66. being known to be ruling in Saka 810, it
Ante, Vol. VI, p. 287.
Since Saka 806 was the fag-end of Dhruva's reign, his successor
is not very probable that Karkka, though the eldest son, may not have been designated here as Yuvaraja because his yauvarajyabhisheka had not yet taken place.
[The point that Dhruva II had two sons is not at all proved. It is not impossible that Karka was not appointed Yuvaraja by this time.-Ed.]

Page #94

No. 12.
1NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II, GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BR.
71
a well preserved and well revised charter of Krishna Akālavarsha II of the Gujarāt branch is discovered.
Of the places mentioned in this record, Kāmpilya, Kantāragrăma and Maddāpi river have been already discussed. From a very detailed map of Mahuvā and Bardoli Talukas, supplied very kindly to me by Dr. S. M. Pagar, the Subhā of Naosari Prant, it is clear that the village Dhadayāsaha, given by this charter, is the same as the village Dhundesā, situated in the Mahuvā Taluka of Naosari Prant of the State of Baroda. According to the charter, the Půravi river and the villages Lingatadăgikā, Padhamastaņa and Vadavalli were situated to the south, west, north and east respectively of Dhadayäsaha. These are to be identified with the Pūrņā river, Sankaratalaõri, Pathron and Valod respectively, which are situated to the south, south-west, north and east respectively of Dhundesa. Lingatadägikā has obviously changed its name to Sankaratalaðri in subsequent centuries. Śrikhēnaka is obviously & mistake for Srikhőtaka, which is the same as modern Kaira. The identification of Somēśvaratirtha, where Dhruva had bathed before making the grant, is difficult ; according to the information kindly supplied to me by Muni Vijaya Indra Sūri, there are two other Sõmēsvara-tirthas besides the well known one at Prabhasa. The second one is situated at Siddhapura, near Pātan in northern Gujarāt, where the rivers Ganges, Jumna and Sarasvati are supposed to meet, and the third one at Karnāli near Chandod in Baroda district on the confluence of the rivers Orsang and Narmadā. The first two of the above Somēśvara-tirthas were very probably not included in the dominions of Dhruva ; the last mentioned one may therefore probably have been the place where he had bathed on the occasion. Kavarikā and Suhilā, which are mentioned in the record as headquarters of districts of the same name, cannot be identified.
TEXT.1 [Metres :-vv. 1, 13, 15, 32,35 and 36, Anushtubh; v.2-5, 7, 9, 14, 18,19 and 21, Vasantatilakā; v. 6, Giti; vv. 8, 16, 23-27, 29-31 and 39, Arya ; vv. 10 and 17, Sragdharā ; v. 11 and 20, Upajāti; v. 12, Sardulavikridita ; v. 22, Indravaṁsā ; v. 28, Prithvi ; vv. 33 and 34, Indra. tajrā ; v. 37 Sālini and v. 38, Pushpitāgrā.]
First Plate. 1 भी वस्त्यस्तु भगवती(ते) सुगतशासनाय ॥ स वीव्याधसा धाम यं(यम)
नाभिकमलं क्वतं(तम) । हरच यस्य कान्तेन्दुक2 लया कमलातं(तम) [१] पासोधि(हिपत्तिमिरसुद्यतमण्डलायी ध्वस्तिम्न
यम्मभिमुखी रणशरीषु । भूपः शुचिब्बि(बि)3 धुरिवास्तदिम(ग)न्तकीर्तिीविन्दराज रति राजस राजसि(सिं): [२]
दृष्ट्या चमूमभिमुखी(खीं) सुभटाहवासामुग्ना4 मितं सपदि येन रणेषु मित्य (त्यम्) । इष्टाधरण दधता भृकुटि(टि)
___ललाटे खडं कुल(ल) च दयं च निजं च सत्वं(त्वम्) ॥[३] त. 5 स्थात्मजी जगति विश्रुतशुधकोतिरािितहारिहरिविक्रमधामधारी । भूप
स्त्रिविष्ठ(ट)पवृपानुक्काप्तिः तभी:(:)
1 From the original plates.
Expressed by a symbul. at looks like in the facsimile owing to the slipping of the instrument.

Page #95

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. XXII.
6 श्रीकक(क)राज इति गोत्रमणिव (ब)भूव ॥[४*) तस्य प्रभिन (न्न)ताट
(करट)च्युतदानदत्ति(न्ति)दत्त(न्त)प्रहारक(रु)चिरोलथि(सि)ताम(न्म)7 पीठः । ल्या(मा)प: लिक्षितौ ष(च)पित शत्रुरभूत्तनूजः सद(द्रा)ष्ट्रकूट
कनकादिरिवेन्द्रराजः [५] तस्योपार्जितम. 8 हसस्तनयश्य(च)तुरुदधिवन्नस(य)माले (लि)न्याः [*] भीता भुवः शतक(क) तु
सदृशः श्रीदत्ति(न्ति)दुगराजोभूत् ॥[६ *] कांची. 9 स(श)ह(क)रलनराधिपचोलपा(प)द्यश्रीहर्षवचटविभेदविधामदत्य(चम्) । न(क)
गर्णाटक(क) क(ब)लमचिन्त्या(न्य)मजेयमत्यै (न्यै) - 10 मैः (त्यैः) कियङ्गिरपि यः सहसा जिमा(गा)य ॥[*] तम्मिन्दिवं प्रयाते
वल्लभराजे 'क्षतप्रजावा(बा)धः । [श्री'] कर्कराजसूनुर्म11 हीपतिः श्री कृष्णराजीभूत् [८] राहप्पमात्मभुजजातव(प)लावलेपमामै (जौ)
विजिल(त्य) निशितासिलताप्रहारः । 12 पाल(लि)ध्वजावले(लि)शुभामचिरण यो हि राजाधिराजपरमे शा(श्वरतां
ततान [*] येन श्वेतातपत्रातरविक13 रप्रा(वा)तम(सा)पात्सलील जग्मे नासौरधूलोधवल(लि)तशिरसा वनभाख्यः
. सदाजी । श्रीमहीविन्दराजी जि14 न(त)जगदहितस्त्रैणवैधव्यदक्ष साक्षस्त)स्यासीनू(सू)नुरकः क्षणरणदल(लि)तागति
मत्तभकुम्भः ॥[१०*] तस्यानु15 जः श्रीध्रुवराजनामा महानुभावोप्रहतप्रत्य(ता)प: [*] प्रसाधिताशेषनरेन्द्र
चक्र: क(क)मेण वा(बा)लाकैप(व)18 पुर्व(ब्ब)भूव ॥[११] जाते यत्र 1 राष्ट्रकूटतिलके म(सङ्क)पचूडामणी
गुवी(वीं) तुष्टिरथाखिलस्य जगत: । सु17 स्वामिनि प्रत्यहं(हम्) [*] सत्यं सत्यमिति प्रशासति सति मामासमु.
प्रा(द्रा)त्ति(न्ति)कामासोहर्मपर गु18 णामृतनिचौ(धौ) सत्यव्रताधिष्कि(ष्ठिते ।[१२] रक्षता येन निःशेष(घ) चतुर
म्भीधिसंयुतं(तम्) । राज्य
चारानं,
Here we have the alternative form of the letter श. * The horizontal bar of yin is missing. • Metre requires to be omitted here. The letter has been wrongly transposed from कर्कराज to •Here we have the alternative form of . • This form of is quite common in this plate.
Owing to the slipping of the instrument *t looks like .

Page #96

No. 12.] NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II, GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BR. 73
Second Plate; First Side.
19 धर्मेण लोकाना (न) जता दृष्टि [*] परा हृदि ॥ [ १३* ] तस्यालजी जगति सत्प्रधितोकीर्त्तिनविन्दर (रा) इति गोचललाम
20 भूतः । त्यागी पराक्रमधन: प्रकटप्रताप [: *] सन्तापिताहितजनो जनवलभोभूत् ॥ [ १४* ] तत्पुत्रोत्र गते नाक
21 माकंपितरिपुव्रजे I श्रीमहाराजशर्व्वाख्यः ख्यातो राजाभव[१५] (अ) र्थिषु यथार्थतां यः समभीष्ट -
।
22 फलावाप्तिलब्ध (ध) तोषेषु वृद्धिं निनाय परमाममोघवर्षाभिधानस्य |[14] राजाभूत्तत्पितृव्यो रिपुभयविभवो दूव्यभ (मूल्यभा)
23 वैक हेतु क्ष्मी मानिन्द्रराजो गुणनृपतिकरांत चमत्कारकारी । रामादन्यान्त्यु (न्यु)दस्य प्रकटितविनया यं नृपा [: *] सेव
21 माना राजश्रीरेव चक्रे सकलकविजनोहीततथ्यस्वभावं ( वम् ) " ॥ [ १७*] श्रीकर्कराज इति रक्षितराज्यभारः सारः कुलस्य तनयो
25 नयमालिशौर्यस्त (यं । त) स्यामवहिमे (भ) वर्षदित (बं) घुसार्थः पार्थः सदेव धनुषि प्रथमः शुचीनां (नाम् ) [१८] सेच्छाहीतविषयान्द्र (न्यू)
20 [संह (घ) भाज: मोहत्तइस तरह [एक] कराट (इ) कूटाउ (न्) स्थात निजया (था)(थ) लेन जित्वा योमोघवर्षम चिरा [त्] खपदे
27 व्यधत्त ॥ [१८] पुत्रीयतस्तस्य महानुभावः जतो जतन्त्र जसवीर्यवोयों (र्यः 1) वशीकृताशेष नरेन्द्रन्दी व (ब) भूव समुह(अ)वराजनामा ॥[२०]
28 चन्द्रो जडो हिमगिरि हिम [: *] प्रकृत्या वातचलच व (त) प [ न * ] स्तपनखभावः । चारः पयोनिधिरिति तैस्सममस्य नास्ति येनोपमा 29 निरुपमस्तत
एव * गोतः ॥ [२१] व (ब) ह्माणमेत किमिति प्रजासृजा न मप्रमाणेन पुरा विनिर्भि( ) (तम्) | एवं विचिन्त्य
ध्रुवराज कोसिं
1 Here not only are the usual dandas omitted, but a sandhi is made between the last letter of v. 15 and the first one of v. 16.
2 Owing to a natural depression on the plate, there appear in the facsimile three vertical lines at the end of this verse; really there are only two in the original.
The usual danda at the end of the half-verse is omitted and a sandhi is made with the letter following. The medial é mark is quite clear on the original, though not in the facsimile.
Here also the danda at the half-verse end is omitted and a sandhi is made with the letter following.
Owing to a natural depression on the plate surface, the facsimile shows a faint trace of; on the plate, however, no has been engraved.
Here also the danda at the half-verse end is omitted and a sandhi is made with the letter following. The letters fa are damaged but they are clear on the original plate.
is damaged but clear on the plate.
10 Metro requires us to road पयोधि.

Page #97

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXII.
30 बिधातुरासीत्सुतरामसूयिनी ॥[२२] रणसि(शि)रसि खगघातैव्वलभदंडं परा.
। स(स)स्वशतशबदेहः 'स्वामगादेक 31 एवासी ॥[२३] तस्याशषनराधिपतयशसः स्वर्गलोकगतकोर्तेः । श्रीमान
कालवर्षस्तनयः समभूत्कुलालम्ब (म्बः) [२४] वसम32 दण्डाकान्तं विघटितदृष्टानुजीविवर्मेण । पितृपर्यागतम चिरामण्डलमध्यासितं
येन ।[२५] प्रियवादी सत्यधनः श्रीमान33 नुजीविवत्सलो मानी । प्रतिपचचोभकर: एभतुजः शुभकरः सुदाम् ॥[२६]
तस्मिन्वनी(ग्गी)भूते गुणवति गुणवान्गुणा34 धिकप्रीति: [*] समभूडवराजसमी ध्रुवराजस्तुष्टिक्षमोके [२७] इतीभि.
मुखमाप[स]अव(ब)लगूजराणां (ब)खं । इतो विमुखवल35 भो विकृतिमागता वां(बी)धवाः । तोनुजविकुर्खितं शममगात्समस्तं भयादही
___ स्फुरणमद्भुतं निरुपमेन्द्र पङ्गस्य ते [२८] गूजरव(ब)ल38 मतिव(ब)लवत्स मुबधुपहितं च कुल्येन । एकाकिनैव विहितं परामुखं
लीलया येन ।[२८] यचाभिषिक्तमात्रः परं यश37 स्वागौप्यतोवाप । शुभतुंगजोतितुंगं पदं [य]दाप्नोति नो चित्रम् [३०]
तेनेदमनिलविद्युच्चञ्चलमालोक्य जीवितमसारं [1] 38 चितिदानपरमपुण्यः प्रवर्तितो धर्मदायीयं(यम्) [३१] स च समधि
. गतायेषमहायब्द(ब्द)महासामन्ताधिपतिधा(र्धा)रावर्षश्रीध्रुवरा39 जदेवः सर्बानव समनुवो(बी)धयत्यस्तु वः संविदितं(तम्) ॥ यथा मया
श्रीखेस(ट)ककटकावस्थितेन' मातापिचोरात्मनस्चै ()हि. 40 काथमिक स्वयथोमिहरये चिरंतनकवरिकापर"विषयसंज्ञा(ज)सांप्रतोयकांतारग्रा
मप्रतिवि(ब)चमहापौ"सरित्तोरे भग
1 The letter this damaged but quite clear on the plato. * The letter # is damaged. * This danda is unnecessary. Read tefacit. · Letters are clear on the plate. • Road समुद्यत हितं
• Owing to a depression on the plate surface, the letter appears like it. No medial à sign has, how. ever, been engraved.
* Letters aut are faint in the facsimilo, but clear on the plate.
• Owing to a natural depression on the plate surface, the letter # appears like #T. The medial y mark has, however, not been engraved at all.
• The letter 7 has been only half ongravod. 10 Reading may be Kavarik-amara.-Ed.] 11 [Reading of this name is doubtful.-Ed.]

Page #98

A NEW COPPER PLATE OF DARUVA II OF THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BRANCH, SAKA 806
Second plate: First side.
Aশামিও-মমা
কলকা-পাত্রী | 20 ব্রিটিয়ামাত্রাগত। না এল যাব দ্যাশ
যাবাে । এখনও এবিত্র ) 22 শেখ হল আসাযাত্রাবাস
s. Sinon Chlorella to lifelin
>১) লিখে
22bCEt .951 1992.11.15:
যাযজো৪েরীনলাইন Cল এযবসলফ দা: ব্রিটিশ বাবু, 5G ঐ
দলীয় বলে হালদমিলন
হলেই সেপ্লে -বলি না। মহেশপুজো মোকদদ্যালয়, নরম এক
#বাউ হৈ (লিম কি বলেন- Xজএমটি 42 কানসাস মিস কন্দিন কাযেম হাবিবাহে ! 34 ফ্রিল্যাক"
2 66lQসাধমে মেলেসির, ও! ৪৪ সালের এসএসসি
SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rta. No, 3350 E'34-425.

Page #99

A NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II OF THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BRANCH, SAKA 806
Second plate: Second side.
স্থল এবং সাধাসাহিবায়ালা মাসাঞ্জের
42
2l/6klb ASP5 bk6gR2)/2}}}9/2Q2$19992
atalokr6tkg 2222A//le 2Az/d62c faule
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SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 3350 E'34-425.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #100

No. 12.) NEW COPPER PLATE OF DHRUVA II, GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BR.
75
Second Pato; Second Side. 41 वचुदाधिष्ठान पंचमतानि तीर्थ्यांना विनयित्वा' वापिचमुनिना कारित
महाविहा42 रायतनाय कापित्यतीर्थसंकाय स्थिरमतिनाचा भिक्षुणावळ्ये च श्रीमत 43 (ब)चभहारकाय महिलाविषयान्तर्वर्ती धडबासहाभिधात(न)पामो यखाधा44 टनानि पूर्वतो वडवली प्रामसीमा । दक्षिणतः पूरावी सरित् ।।
पश्चिमतो लिम्ब(क)45 तडागिकाग्रामसीमा । उत्तरतः पठमण गामबीमा । एवमयं
चतुराबाट46 नोपलक्षित: सोई (): स(सो)परिकरः स(ख)सीमापर्य(बोन्तः कस(र)सहितः
सहक्षमा47 लाकुलः सज(द)दशाव(प)राधः सहिरण्यादेयोचाटभटवषया' वातोरी. 48 यः सर्वराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयो । पाचन्द्राषिर्णवधितिपर्वतसमका49 सीनः पूर्वदत्तदेवदायव (ब)प्रदायरति(हितोभ्यन्तासिया मकनपकालातीर(स).
ख(सं). 50 वारपतेषु [अष्टम] पदु(ड)तरेषु मार्गबिरस(ब)अदितीयाया(या) भरावति
सवितरि धनुषि संग्रा51 ते महापर्वणि सोमेश्वरसंगमतौर्थे सात्वीबोद कातिसर्गण गन्धपुष्प पनि(ने)वेद्यादिकियोपवर्तनाथं तथा कानाख्ययात्स्व(ख) लसाटिनमस्कारार्थ
च वि53 हारस्य प्रतिपादितस्त[स्य"] सतमुचितया' देवायखित्वा सिन्धुविषय.
बोभिक्षु54 स(सीवस्त्र प्रविबापती अँजलो भोषयतः सपतः कयतो न परिकाना 55 कार्या [1] तथागामितृपतिभिराइंगजैरन्या सामान्य भूमिदार(न)फर(स)
Road बिनम्ब. 1 Read भगवावा.
Space for two latters the been left out at the beginning of this line. [No Spao io toft out: the But thres letters are to be read as °riyayai-Ed.]
'[Thin conjunct letter appears to be ma in the impression.-Ed.] . Avagraha in the modern form oacurs at this place only in this record. • Road 'प्रवेश्यी* These dandas are superfluous. • Rond oither सात्वीद° or खात्वाधीद'. • Road समुचितया.

Page #101

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXII.
Third Plate. 66 मित्यवधायं 'विद्युजोलान्धनित्यान्चैम्व(श्व)-णि तणावलम्मजसवि(चि)न्दुचंच67 लं जीवितमाकलय्य खदायनिबिशेषोयममहायोनुमन्तव्यः पाखयितव्यः । 68 यवाञानतिमिरपटलाहतमतिराकि(च्छि) धादाच्छिद्यमान(न) वानुमोदेत स
पंचभिर्महापानकै 59 रुपपातकैश्च संयुक्त: स्थादित्युक्त च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन । षष्ठि
वर्षसहस्राणि स्व. 60 नों तिष्ठति भूमिदः । पाच्छ(च्छे)त्ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वस्त्रे ॥[२२]
पम्नरपत्य (त्यं) प्रथम(म) सुवर्ण (क) भूवे(ई)61 णावी सूव्य(य)मु(स)ताशा(च) मा(गा)वः । लोकास्त्रयस्तेन भवन्ति दत्ता
यः कांचने मां च महीं च दद्यात् ॥[११] यानीह 62 दत्तानि पुग नरेन्द्रनानि धर्थियशस्कराणि । निर्मात्यवान्तप्रतिमानि
सानि को नाम साधुः 83 पुनगददीत ।[२४] विन्य(न्ध्या)द(ट)वीष्वतीयास शुष्ककोटरवासिनः ।
बचाइयो हि जायन्ते भूमिदायं . 64 रन्ति प(य) [३५] व(ब)भिबसुधा भुता' राजभिः सगरादिभिः ।
यस्य २' यदा तू(भू)मिस्तस्य २ तप(दा) प(फ)सं(सम्) [२५] तथा 86 चोमा) रामभद्रेण ॥ सव्वा(ो)नेतान्ता(ग्मा)विनः पार्थिवेन्द्राम(न) भूयो ।
याचते रो(रा)मभद्रः । सामान्यीयं धर्माचा(से). 66 तुर्नपाणां ता(का)ले काले पालनीयो भवनिः ॥[३७'] इति कमसदखाम्बु(म्बु)
वि(बिन्दुखोला मिथि)यमनुचिन्त्य मनु87 बजीवितं [1] ।' प्रतिविमलमनोभिरामनौनैनं हि पुरुषैः परकीर्तयो विलो.
प्याः [३८] चौक68 राजनामा तदामऐ(जो)चापि दापको दूतः । याचक्रवक()विवस्वान्ता
(मतापशीलोरिकुम60 दानाम् ॥३"]" खम्ती (स्तो)यं श्रीध्रुवराजदेवस्य ।। लखितं चेत. 70 मरा(या) वसभी(मि)वास्तव्यमहासञ्चिविग्रहाचपटसाधिपतिवीदीन्देत(न) श्रीम71 दवसीवितामनेनेति । 1 Owing to shallow engraving, the letter fx appears liko fe in the facsimilo. Rond पाबविवव्यव।
Owing to s natural depression on the plate surface, an enordra appears over the letter fe wheront nono in fact has been engraved. • The letter has been damaged.
• Rond पष्टि वर्ष .Read .
'The letter a ls damaged. The numeral 2 i wed to indiosts that the preceding word is to be repeated in reading, Here two dandas aro wrongly engraved instead of one, "Thongnature is in old-Kanarone characters: 1 Atter the signature and before the word efter is engraved an ornamental design.

Page #102

A NEW COPPER PLATE OF DIRUVA IL OF THE GUJARAT RASHTRAKUTA BRANCH, SAKA 806
Third plate.
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সুখী। বাঁ (মসেরেজোস্ট্রিয়ায় যেকােবেলমাবিব যাতে মাঠ সুম(শ ব খেয়াপঃ শ্রীলৈ/যাত্রাণি (কসবায় প্রবল!!জে »ে| কনস্টেজ স্ত্রী সুমহান 64 বি পি জে ডিমীদের ইনিসুল হযরতু "Eে(ভরমিনালখকৰী সৰলখলে খাবধ।
ললনএনেশীয় সংসবে না জানা নয়। (বিজেপ্রিলে মলজি তে কমলনে জানালে সত্যান?<{ম বাজায়, যা স্বাসী (উক্তিই ৪৪ ই শ ম dote5 0 = গ + ধ বী। যা বাজঘুমন পঞ্জি (ওএএমওই. (১) প স দ ৷
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE: THREE-QUARTERS
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No 3300 E'34-425.

Page #103


Page #104

No. 13.]
BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746.
NO. 13.-BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA SUVARNNAVARSHA: SAKA 746.
BY B. BHATTACHARYYA, M.A., PH.D., BARODA. The copper-plate grant described here consisting of three platos joined together by means of a circular ring to which is attached a seal, was purchased from a resident of Barodā and is now preserved in the Library of the Oriental Institute at Barodā. This is one of the unpublished records of Karkka Suvarnnavarsha of Gujarāt and is unquestionably of great historical value for the State of Baroda, if not for the Bombay Presidency; indeed, this as well as other copper-plates granted by the same king refer to grants of lands and villages all situated in the territory of His Highness the Maharaja Gaekwad of Baroda, and some of the old names can with little difficulty be identified with the names of villages now in existence.
The plates measure 11" by 8" and are of about 1" in thickness with the rims fashioned thicker than the rest for the protection of the writing. A hole is bored at the top through the middle of all the three plates, and through this hole passes a massive ring, slightly oval in shape, 1" thick and 44" in diameter, which holds them together. On the ring appears a seal circular in shape and it" in diameter on which is embossed a figure of Garuda without any legend. The plates and the writing are very well preserved and the letters are very distinctly incised. The first and the third plates are incised on one side only while the second is engraved on both sides. The script of the record resembles that usually found in the inscriptions of the Valabhi rulers. The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. With the exception of the symbol at the commencement, the portion recording the grant (11. 52-68) and the concluding lines (11.77-80) the rest of the inscription is in verse. The signatures of the king Suvarạnavarsha and his overlord Amoghavarsha appear at the end and are in distinotly different characters which are more akin to the Southern script than the Northern. The verses of this grant occur in other grants, particularly the Nausāri platest of the Gujarat Rashtrakūta prince Karkka I and also in the Kävi plates of the Gujarat Rashtrakūta prince Govinda. The weight of the plates including the seal is 9 lbs.
With regard to orthography the following are worthy of note : (i) the use of the gutteral nasal instead of anusrira; (ii) the almost invariable change of the visarga to 8 when followed by p; (iii) the doubling of d and dh in conjunction with a following y or v and (iv) the substitution of jihrämūliya for risarga in all cases when followed by k.
The object of the present inscription is to record the grant of the village Brāhmapapallika in the Mähishaka-rishaya of forty-two villages, which is bounded by the villages of Kavalõikā in the north, Likkavalli in the south, Nabada in the east and Dhadiyappa in the west. The date of the inscription is the full moon day of Vaišākha of the Saka year 746, Mahăvaihākhaparvan and probably corresponds to Sunday, the 17th April, 824 A. D. The Dutaka was Durgarāja and the name of the officer who drafted the order was Nārāyaṇa, the Sāndhivigrahika or the Minister of Peace and War. The grant was ratified by the Emperor Srimad-Amoghavarshadēva, son of Sri-Jagattungadöva. At the end of the inscription are given the sign manual of Karkkarāja the donor, as well as that of his overlord Amõghavarsha.
The present record refers itself to the reign of Karkka-Suvarnpavargha, son of Indra belonging to the Gujarat Branch of the Răshtrakūta family. Indrarāja, the brother of Govinda III, is here spoken of as becoming the lord of Läta which was given to him by Govinda,
1 J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, pp. 135 ff. • Ind, Ant., Vol. V, pp. 145 ff.

Page #105

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
According to Bühleri Lāta' corresponds to what is now known as Central and Southern Gujarat
the country between Māhi and Konkaņa, but he held from the traceable localities mentioned in the Kāvi and Barodā inscriptions that Lāta was confined in the 9th century to much narrower limits. But we know from the Nausāri plates that the Gujarāt Rāshtrakūtas ruled over a tract of country lying between the two rivers Mahi in the north and the Narmadā in the south.
Indraraja had two sons, namely, Karkkarāja and Govindarāja. Karkka had given several grants of land during his life time and four of them including the present have so far come to light, namely, the Barodā plates the Nausäri plates, the Surát plates and the present one which may be called for the sake of convenience as the Brāhmaṇapalli grant. The Barodă plates are dated in Saka 734, the Nausäri in Saka 738, the Surāt in Saka 743 and the Brahmanapalli in Saka 746. It appears, therefore, that Karkka &scended the throne sometime before Saka 734 and continued to rule till 746 or a little later. But from the above it cannot be assumed that Karkka's reign was entirely uneventful or even continuous, for in the Saka year 736 we find his younger brother Govindarīja giving away a village near Barodā as a bhūpāla showing that he ruled over Central Gujarät in the same year. The second grant? made by him is dated in Saka 749 or fourteen years later. Now, this gives rise to a chronological tangle which has not boen satisfactorily explained by any writer of Gujarat history up till now. The discovery of the present inscription which is the last in the Karkka series of grants, so far known, makes it all the more imperative to examine the question more thoroughly.
Two explanations of this unique circumstance may be offered. Several inscriptions of the Gujarat Branch of the Rashtrakūtas state that Karkka restored the kingdom of the Rashtrakūtas of Mänyakhēta from the hostile claimants and placed the rightful owner Amoghavarsha on the throne'. This event must have taken place sometime in 736 Saka (A. D. 814) because we find the name of Amõghavarsha mentioned in a charter of Saka 73841 which is perhaps the first during his rule so far obtained. Karkkarāja who was ruling over Gujarat naturally had to leave his own kingdom to assist Amoghavarsha of the main line of the Rashtrakūtas, and probably during his absence he directed bis younger brother to look after his dominions. He must have subBequently come back, and we find him issuing a second charter in the year Saka 7381. The inscriptions issued by his younger brother both in Saka 735 and 749 testify to his great devotion and loyalty towards his elder brother Karkkarājali,
The other explanation that can be offered in solution of the difficulty above referred to, is by assuming that the younger brother definitely became hostile in about 735 Saka towards his elder brother when he had not quite settled down and with the help of adventurers overthrew him by treachery. Karkka thus was obliged to go back to the south to seek the help of the Rashtrakūtas of the main line at Mänyakhēta. He must have there discovered a conspiracy to deprive the legitimate claimant Amöghavarsha from obtaining the throne, amongst his relatives. He naturally supported the rightful claimant and by his prowegs set him up on the ancestral throne, and as a mark of favour obtained from Amoghavarsha the necessary help to overthrow his
* Ind. Ahti, Vol. V, p. 145.
*J. B. B.R.A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 140, 11. 60-61. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, pp. 156 f.
.J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XX, pp. 131 ff. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 133 f.
• Torkhodo plates (above, Vol. III, pp. 63 ff.). *Kivi plates of Govindarāja, Ind. Ant., Vol. V, 144. Beec.9. Baroda plates of Dhruvarăja I, Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 199 f.
Ibid. ........ forange for at f erg SVT II # Dr. Altekar places this ovent between A. D. 817 and 821 (abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 188).-Ed.] 11 The Nausäri plates J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XX, p. 135. 11 Ibid. 1 [ Dr. Altekar also has come to a similar conclusion, above, p. 68.-Ed.]

Page #106

No. 13.
BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746.
brother Govindaraja who had unrighteously obtained the kingdom of Gujarat. Till we are in possession of further details it will be futile to draw any definite conclusions and the historians are left to judge for themselves which of the two alternatives will be more acceptable.
A third explanation that both the brothers Karkka and Govinda ruled at the same time is hardly admissible because in that case this fact would have been mentioned in the charters issued by both. Both these brothers give away land near about Barodā, and Vatapadraka is mentioned as either the principal village or a surrounding village in the charters attributed to both, and it is not possible that the kingdom of Gujarat should be so divided as to permit two brothers to rule at the same time over two different tracts.
Another point to which attention of historians may be drawn is the significance of the signs manual of the two kings Karkka and his overlord Amoghavarsha, for this has a direct bearing on the question of the relation between the Gujarat Branch of the Rishțrakūtas and the Răshtrakūtas of the main line of Mänyakhēţa. It may be noted in this connection that the Gujarāt Rashtrakūtas persistently call themselves as Mahāsāmantadhipati and sometimes as the ruler of the Lāļiya- or Lāçēsvara-mandala. But it is in the present inscription that we find the earliest example of the practice of putting in the joint signatures of the Samanta and his overlord. This proves beyond doubt that in so far as the present inscription is concerned, Karkka acknowledged the suzerainty of king Amoghavarsha of the main line. In the earliest inscription of Karkka which is dated Saka 734 there is the signature of Karkka but not of his overlord. In the next two inscriptions issued in Saka 738 and 743 there is also one signature of Karkka but no signature of the overlord who in these cases is Amoghavarsha. In the Tõrkhoda inscription of Saka 735 his brother Govindarāja calls himself a bhūpāla and Buddhavarasa as his Mahāsāmanta who was enjoying an estate called the Siharakkhi Twelve which was given to him by Govindaraja. No signature either of Govinda or Karkka or the overlord appears in the inscription. Though ostensibly a negative point, the omission of signatures in the grants issued by the Gujarat Rashtrakūtas from Saka 734 to 746 is nevertheless significant, particularly because in the grant under consideration the signature of the overlord makes its first appearance. Be it noted, however, that the name of the paramount sovereign does occur in inscriptions, though not the sign manual.
All the inscriptions issued by the Gujarāt Branch of the Rashtrakutas have a special topo. graphical interest for the State of Baroda, as most of the villages granted by the kings are situated in the Baroda State. It will be out of place here to take up all the inscriptions issued by the Gujarat Rashtrakūta kings and make an attempt to identify the villages mentioned therein, as this is clearly beyond the scope of this paper. I, therefore, propose to deal with the grants of the land specially made by Karkka in his inscriptions', so far available, and make an attempt to identify the places in order to correct some of the old inaccuracies. 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 158.
. Above, Vol. III, P. 53 ff. "I do not take into account the places mentioned in the Surat Platos, as according to the editor, Dr. Altekar, all these are situated in the Navasari District of the Baroda State. But these identifications are open to doubt since we feel that Karkka's territories were confined to the country situated between the Mahi and the Narmada. If we accept Dr. Altekar's identifications we shall have to conclude that Karkka extended his sway much boyond the Narmada so as to include Navasari within his kingdom. But for this, there is no evidence in the inscriptions of the Gujarat Rashtrakūtas except the doubtful identification of Nagasirika with Navasari, the river Puravi with Pūrni and the river Vaakiki with Vanki Creek 30 miles further south of Navasári. The village Ambapāçaka which is desoribed as contiguous to Nagasarika (Nagasarikl-pralibaddha) is identified with Amadpur which is on the other side of the Purni river at a distance of 5 miles. And I do not see any reason why the Vapi in given to the Jaina Achirya when the donor is 30 miles away from the place. Frankly, I have grave doubts as regards the correctness of these identifications, though I am not able to offer anything better. (See above, Vol. XXI, pp. 133 ff.) [Dr. Altekar says that in Gujarat fields are often known after the names of the wells irriga. ting them and henco Hiranyayoga.Dhäshu-väpi is the name of a field.-Ed.)

Page #107

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
The first records the grant of a village named as Vatapadraka also known as Vațapura which was included in the vishaya of Ankottaka consisting of eighty-four villages. The main village was bounded by villages Vaggháchchha in the north, Mahāsēnaka tank in the south, and the villages Jambuvāvikā in the east and Ankoţtaka in the west. For the history of Baroda the above grant is extremely valuable in as much as this is the earliest mention of the village of Vatapadraka which is now known as Barodā, the capital of the most enlightened House of the Gaekwads. Anköttaka and Jambuvāvikā have been identified by Fleet with the modern villages of Anküț and Jambuvā. Mr. (now Dr.) Altekar has identified the village of Vagghächchha with the modern village Vāghodiā.
The Nausārī plates: record the gift of two different villages to a Brāhman issued from the same place Khētaka. The first consists of a village included in the territory lying between the Māhi and the Narmadā, known as Samīpadraka which is bounded by the villages Dhahadva in the north, Chörundaka in the south, Gõlikā in the east and Bharthanaka in the west. The village Chörundaka has been identified with the modern village of Choranda, Bharthāņaka the modern Bharthana and Dhāhadva the modern Dhāvata in the Karjan tālukā in the Gaekwad's territories. If we take these three villages as the three boundaries we find that enclosed within there is no village in modern times which can be identified with either Samīpadraka or Gölikā wbich are, therefore, unidentifiable. The identification offered by Dr. Bhandarkar of Samīpadraka as Sondārn' does not seem to be reliable.
The second grant in the same inscription refers to the gift of a village in the District of Markaņikā, by name Sambandhi which is bounded by the villages Kästhāmaņdapa in the north, Brāhmanapallikā in the south, Sajjõdaka in the east and Karañjavasahiki in the west. Dr. Bhandarkar identifies the village Sajjõdaka with modern Sajod and Käşthamandapa with modern Mändwā both of which seem to be incorrect, because we have to look for their identification in the Sankhedā tāluk, and not in the Ankleswar tālukā as suggested by Dr. Bhandarkar. Mankanikā has to be identified with the well-known village of Mankņi in the Sankhedā tālukā of the Barodā State, Sambandhi with modern Samadhi, Kästhāmaņdapa with Kāthmāņdva, and Brāhmaṇapallikā with modern Bamrõli, all situated in the Sankhedā tāluka.
Of the localities mentioned in the present inscription the village Brāhmaṇapallikā should be distinguished from the village of the same name which is included in the Mankaņiká district, as here it forms a part of the Māhishaka district. The regular phonetic equivalent for Kavalõikā is Kõili or Köyali and this is the name of a modern village situated in the Barodā tāluka. Taking Kõili as the starting point and travelling south we reach a village named Båmangām which seems to be the village now representing the ancient village of Brāhmaṇapallikä in the district of Māhishaka. The other names, however, cannot now be identified."
TEXT.
First Plate. 1ों ' स वोव्याधसा धाम यवाभिकमळतं । हरच यस्य कान्तेन्दुकलया
F #*] gefeafafa
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 164.
* Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawid, p. 37. *J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XX, p. 147. Ibid., pp. 135 and 149.
In identifying the different villages named in the grants, I have received considerable help from my esteemed Eriend Mr. V. Y. Kashalkar who was formerly the Survey and Settlements Superintendent of the Government of Baroda.
• From the original plates and photographs
Expressed by a symbol.

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No. 13.]
BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746
2 रमुद्यतमण्डलायी ध्वस्तिबयबभिमुखो रणयर्वरोषु । भूपः चिबिधुरिवास्त(प्त)
दिगन्तकीर्तिम्गोविन्दराज 3 इति राजसु राजसिा(सिंह) [२] दृष्टा चमूमभिमुखीं सुभटाहासा
मुबामितं सपदि येन रणेषु नित्यं । 4 दष्टाधरण दधता मुकुटिं ललाटे खा कुलं च हृदयं च निजं च __सत्वं ॥[३] खो कराग्रामुखतच शोभा मा. 5 नो मनस्तः सममेव यस्य । महाहवे नाम निशम्य सद्यस्वयं रिपूणां
विगलत्यकाण्डे [*] तस्यात्म6 जो जगति विश्रुतदीर्घकोतिरािितहारिहरिविक्रमधामधारी । भूपत्रिविष्ट
[प] नृपानुवतिकतन्नः श्रीककरा7 ज इति गोत्रमणिबभूव ।[५] तस्य प्रभित्रकरटश्युतदानदन्ति । दन्तप्र
हाररुचिरोशिखितांसपीठः । 8 माप: क्षितौ क्षपितशत्रुरभूत्तनूजः सद्राष्ट्रकूटकनकादिरिवेन्द्रराजः [*] . तस्योपार्जितमहसस्त9 नयश्चत[रु*]दधिवलयमालिन्या[:*] । भोक्ता भुवः शतक्रतुसदृशः श्रीदन्ति
दुर्गराजोभूत् ॥[*] कांचीशकेरलनराधिपचोल10 पाण्यश्रीहर्षवघटविभेदविधानदई । कार्याटक बलमचिन्थमनेयमन्ये त्यैक्यि
शिरपि यः सहसा जि11 गाय ॥[८] भभूविभामग्टहीतनिभातशत्रमधान्तमप्रतिहताजमपतयनं । यो
वनमं सपदि दण्ड12 बलेन जित्वा राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतामवाप [*] पासतोविपुलोब(प)लाव
लिलसझोलोभिमालाजलादा13 प्रालयकलंकितामखशिखाजालातुषाराचला' [*] दापूर्खापरवारिराभिपुलिनप्रा.
तपसिहावधेर्येनेयं ज. 14 गती खविक्रमबलनकातपनीलता [१०] तस्मिन्दिवमयाते वनमराजे चतप्र
जाबाधः । श्रीकराजस्. 16 नमकीपतिः बौक्षणराजोभून [११] या सभुजपराक्रमनिःशेषोत्सादितारि
दिक्चक्रं । सरस्खेवावर्ष 18 चरितं बोलणराणस [१२] सभातरमप्रचारकारविकिरण ।
गोपि नभी निशि1 The danda is superfluous. Read danti-danten
! Readtad-delaat & pireod.
• Vinarga superduous.

Page #109

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL.xxn.
17 लं प्राप्टटकालायते स्पष्टं ॥[१३] दीनानाथप्रणयिषु यथेष्टचेष्टं समोहित.
मजन[*]। तत्क्षणम18 कालवर्षी वर्षति सातिनिर्ध्वपर्ण ॥[१४] राहप्पमात्मभुजजातबलावलेपमाजौ
विजित्य निशितासिल19 तापहारै' [] पालिध्वजावलिशभामचिरेण यो हि राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतां
ततान ॥[१५*] क्रोधादुखातख. 20 अमृततु(क)चिचयै समानं समन्तादाजावुत्तवैरिप्रकटगजघटाटोपसक्षोभदक्षं । 21 शौर्य त्यत्वारिवर्गो भयचकितवपुङ्कापि दृष्दैव सद्यो दोधातारिचक्रक्षयकर. मत(ग)
Second Plate: First Side. 22 मद्यस्य दोहण्डरूपं ॥[१६] पाता यश्चतुरम्बुराशिरशनालङ्कारभाजो मुवस्वय्याश्चापि
कतहिजामरभु(गुरुप्राज्याज्य23 पूजादरौं । दाता मानमृदग्रणीभ (गुं)णवतां योसौ थियो वल्लभो भोक्तुं
स्वर्गफलानि भूरितपसां स्थानं 24 जता(गा)मामरं [१७] येन खेतातपत्रहतरविकरवाततापात्सलीलं जन्मे (मे)
नासौरधलीधवलितशिरसा 23 वनमाख्यः सदाजी । श्रीमहोविन्दराजो जितजगदहिसणवैधव्यदक्षस्तस्यासी
मनुरेकः क्षण28 रणदलितारातिमत्तेभकुम्भः [१८] तस्यानुणः श्रोध्रुवराजनामा महानुभावोंप्र
हतप्रताप प्रसाधि27 ताशेषनरेन्द्रचक्रः क्रमेण बालावपुर्बभूव [१८] जाते यत्र च राष्ट्रकूट
तिलके सद्भूप 28 चूडामणो गुर्बी तुष्टिरथाखिलस्य जगतः सुखामिनि प्रत्यई [*] सत्यं
सत्यमिति प्रशासति स29 ति मामासमुद्रान्तिकामासौधर्मपरं गुणामृतनिधी सत्यव्रताधिष्ठिते ।[२०]
दृष्टोन्वहं योथिंज30 नाय सर्वं सर्वस्वमानन्दितबन्धुवर्ग प्रादावरुष्टो हरति स्म वता(गा).
प्राणान्यमा 31 स्यापि नितान्तवीर्यः [२१] रक्षता येन निःशेष चतुरभोधिसंयुतं । सन्धधम्र्मेण लोकानां.
• Road 'दः ।
* Read -praharaih I paleo.
• Road -varsgadlprālates

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No. 13,
BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746
83
32 खाता हुष्टि परा हदि [२२] हवामजो जगति सथितोरकोर्तिोधि
दराज इति गोत्रलला83 मभूतगामस्थागी परात्रामधनप्रकटप्रतापसन्तापिताहितजनो जनवडामोभून [२३]
पृथ्वी 34 पदम इति च प्रथितं यस्यापरं जगति नाम [*] यश चतुरुदबिसोमामेको
वसुधां वशे य(च)85 के ॥[२४] एकोप्यनेकरूपी यो ददृशे मेदवादिभिरिषामा । परपलज
सविमपारन्तरवदोर्ध्या 36 रणे रिमुभिः [२५] एको नितिरई रहीतशखा दमे परे बहको []
यो नैवंविधमकरोश्चित्तं स्वप्रेपि 37 किमुताजी ॥[२६] राज्याभिषेककसरभिषिच दतां राजाविराजपरमेखरतां
स्वपित्रा । अन्यै38 मीनापति[भि बहुभिः समेव स्तभादिभि नबसादबखुम्यमानां [२७]
एकोनेकनरेन्द्रहन्द39 महितान्यतान्समस्तानपि मोत्वातासिलताप्रहारविधुराबडा महासंयुगे ।
सरंमैमप्यच40 ला चकार पिलसत्सवामरयाहिणे । संसौदगुरुविप्रसवनहान्यूपभोत्या (म्या) भु. 41 पि(वि) ॥[२८] तपुत्रोत्र गतो(ते) नाकमाकम्पितरिपुद्रजे । श्रीमहाराजशख्यिः
स्थातो राजाम42 पहुणेः ॥[२९] पर्थिषु यथार्त्यतां यः समभोष्टफलाप्तिलधतोषेषु [*] हिं निमाय फ्य
Second Plate ; Second Side. 43 रमाममोघवर्षाभिधानस्य ॥[३०] राजाभूत्तत्पितव्यो रिपुभवविभवोडूत्यभावकहे.. तुलसीकानिन्द्रराजो गु44 पिपनिकरान्तश्चमत्कारकारो । रागादन्यान्व्युदस्य प्रकटितविनया यं नृपान्से
वमाना राजौरव चक्र 45 सकलकविजनोडीततष्यस्वभावं ॥[११] निर्वाणावाप्तिवाना(१)सहितहितजनोपा__ स्यमानाः सुबत्तं वृत्तं जि. 48 त्वान्यराज चरितमुदयवान्पर्वतो हिंसकेभ्यः । एकाकी हप्तवैरिस्खलनातिसर- प्रातिराज्येशशंकुोटी
1 Read bhutah I tyāgi.
*Superfluous.
• One pa is superfluous.

Page #111

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXI.
[VoL.XXII.
48
47 यं मण्डलं यस्तपन इव निजखामिदत्तं ररक्ष [१२*] यस्यानमारजयि
नरप्रियसाहसस्य मापालवेषफलमेव बभूव सैन्यं । मुसा च सर्वभुवनेश्वरमादिदेवं नावन्दतान्यममरेष्वपि
यो मनखी ॥[३३] श्रीकर्करा49 ज इति रक्षितगज्यभारः सारङ्कलस्य सनयो नयशालिशौर्य [1] स्तस्याभवहिम
वनन्दितबन्धुसाय॑ पात्यः । 50 सदेव धनुषि. प्रथमः शुचीनां [३४*] दानेन मानेन सदाजया वा शौर्येण
वीर्येण च कीपि भूप: [1] 61 एतेन तुस्थोस्ति न वैति कीर्तिः सकौतुका भ्राम्यति यस्य लोके ॥[३५*]
तेनेदमनिलविद्युच्चञ्चलमालोक्य 62 जीवितमसारं । क्षितिदानपरमपुण्य प्रवर्तितो धर्मदायोयं [३६] स च
समधिगताशेषमहा53 शब्दमहासामन्ताधिपतिसुवर्णवर्षयीकर्कराजदेवः सर्वानेव यथासंबल्यमानकाना. 54 ट्रपतिविषयपतिग्रामकूटायुक्तनियुताकाधिकारिकमहत्तगदोन्समनुदर्थयत्यस्तु 55 व: संविदितं । यथा मया मातापिचोरामनवेशिकामुभिवपुख्खयशोभिहाये।
कडिभरवा56 स्तव्य । वौण्डिन्यसगोत्र । वाजिसनेयसनाचारि ।' भदामोदरसुतनागकु
माराय । माहिषकहिचत्वा67 रिङ्गअतिवहब्राह्मणपशिकाभिधानग्रामो । यस्याघाटनानि पूर्वती । नावडग्रामो
दक्षिणतो लिवनी68 नामाऽपरतो धाडियप्पनामा प्रामः । उत्तरतकवलोकाभिधानग्रामः ।
एवमयं चतुराधाटनोपलक्षितः 59 सोद्गः सपरिकरः सदण्डदयापराधः सभूतवातप्रत्यायः सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिक:
सधान्यहिरस्य60 देयोचाटभटप्रवश्यः सर्वराजकीयानामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः पाचन्द्रागिक्षितिसरि
त्पर्बतसम61 कालीन पुत्रपौचान्वयक्रमीपभोत्य(ब) पूर्वप्रदत्तदेवनदायरहितोभ्यन्तरसिया श.
कापका
वैशाखपबाग
Rend-Haurya. I tanyad",
Superfluous

Page #112

SURVEY OP INDIA, CALCUTTA.
Ferraz 35 80 2086 1787 bet gan
PENCE
przeds
3
230VP9EUR
31
ESPLENGRE
BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA SUVARNNAVARSHA: SAKA 746.
DO
STU
SCALE: ABOUT THREE-QUARTERS.
489
Forge Soa re PPR Porn TEPËR You can do ficeerd partiere MESAFEBOREIGOU
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PREENBLAD
นกแอร์
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PROPIERES
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SECOND PLATE: SECOND SIDE.

Page #113

THIRD PLATE.
ਨੇ ਸੰਗਤ ਨੂੰ ਨਾਈਪ
੪1787 ਖਪਤ੩੦ 13922 J੫੫੪ਹਾਵੀ ੪ਵਾ ਲੈਣ- ਮੱਤ/uਪਾਮ ਤੇ ਏ ਵੀਟਨ ਨਾ ਨੇ ਖੁਲਾਰਚ ੧੫੦੪ ੪ ਕੁਆ? 3 34 38 ਪਉ ਗੁ ਰ ਉਪ ਕੁ ॥
ਪਉਮਰ ਕੰਮ ਵੀ ਨਾਮ ਰਖ 2018: ੧੩ਹਾ ਨਸਲ ਦੇ
ਪਹੈ ਤੇ ੪੪ਕ ਦਾ
ਹੀ
ਹੈow ਦੇ ਤਾਨਾਸ਼ਾਹ ਤੋਂ
ਆਏ ੪੩ਦੇ ਘਰ neece 6 ਤ ਵਰ ਤੇ ਬਲਵਾਨ ਵਰਤ

Page #114

No. 13.]
BRAHMANAPALLI GRANT OF KARKKA: SAKA 746
63 नावाद्योद(त)'कातिसर्गेण । बलिचस्वैखदेवाग्निहोत्रातिथिपंचमहायज्ञक्रियोत्स
पर्यणार्थं प्रति64 पादितो यतोस्योचितया ब्रह्मदायस्थित्या भुजतो भोजयतकषतकर्षयत प्रतिदिशती.
Third Plate. 65 वा न केनचित् परिपन्थना करणौया । तथागामिनृपतिभिरस्पइंश्यैरन्या
सामान्यभूमिदानफलमवेत्य 66 विद्युझोलान्यनित्यैवाणि तृणाग्रलग्नजलबिन्दुचंचलं च जीवितमाकलय्य स्वदा
यनिविशेषो67 यमस्मदायीनुमन्तव्य परिपालयितव्यच यश्चाज्ञानतिमिरपटलावृतमतिराच्छिन्द्यादा
च्छिद्य68 मानक वानुमोदेत । स पंचभिर्महापातकैरुपपातकैच संयुक्तः स्यादित्युक्तं
च भगवता वेद69 व्यासेन व्यासेन । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि खर्गे तिष्ठति भूमिदः [*] पाच्छेत्ता
चानुमन्ता च तान्येव 70 नरके वसेत् ।[३७] विन्ध्याटवोवी(व)तोयासु शुष्ककोटरघ(वा)सिनकृष्णाहयो
हि जायन्ते भूमिदानं हर71 न्ति ये [३८] अग्नेरपत्यं प्रथमं सुवर्ण भूवैष्णवो सूर्यसुताच गावो(व:) [*]
लोकत्रयं तेन भवद्धि दत्तं 72 यकाञ्चनं गां च महीं च दद्यात् ॥[३४] बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजभिः
सगरादिभिर्य (भिःय)स्य यस्य यदा भूमि73 स्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं [४०] यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रनानि
धर्मार्थयशस्कराणि । निम्माल्य74 वान्तप्रतिमानि तानि । को नाम साधु पुनराददीत [४१.] स्वदत्तां
परदत्तां वा यनाद्रक्ष न. 76 राधिप । महीं महिमा श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छेयोनुपालनं [४२"] इति कमलद
लाम्बुषिन्दुलोला थि76 यमनुचिस्य मनुष्यजीवितं च । प्रतिविमलमनोभिरात्मनीने हि पुरुषे पर
कीर्त77 यो विलोप्या : ॥४३"] इति ॥ दूतकोत्र श्रीदुर्गराजो(जः) । लिखितं च ।
साधिविहिकवीनारायण78 न ॥ मतम्मम श्रीजगत्तुङ्गदेवसुतस्य श्रीमदमोघवर्षदेवस्य यदु79 परि लिखितं ॥ मतम्मन श्रीमदिन्द्रराजसुतस्य श्रीकक्कैराजदेवस्य ।' 80 यदुपरि लिखितमिति ॥
Buperfluous.
• Danda superfiuous.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
No. 14.- TIRUVALANGADU INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II.
BY V. VENKATASUBBA AYYAR, B.A., MADRAS. This inscription is engraved on the east wall of the first prikāre of the Nataraja shrine in the Vatanārāyaņēśvara temple at Tiruvālangādu, a small station near Madras on the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway. It was copied in 1905, but in that year the inscription could not be copied in full as it was partially obstructed by later structural additions to the temple. In the subsequent renovation, most of the inscribed stones were lost so that only a portion of the record is now preserved in the temple. On account of its deroagad condition, its importance was not sufficiently recognised hitherto, but it now receives elucidation from two insoriptions copied at Pallavarāyanpottai' and Tirumayānam in the Tanjore district. It is of great value since it throws new light on the Chola, Pandya and Singhalese history in the third quarter of the 12th century A.D.
It is engraved in the Tamil language and script of the 12th century A.D. and is particularly free from orthographical errors.
The record is dated in the 12th year and 17th day of the reign of the Chola ling Rājakõsarivarman alias Rājādhirājadēva (II) and commences with the usual preamble beginning with the words kadal-Sülnda, etc. The object of the inscription is the grant of 10 vēli of land in Rājarājan-Palaiyaņār situated in Nep mahi-näda, a division of Acromoli ]devavaļanādu, free of taxes including antarāyam and pātam, to Vēdav pamudatyān Ammaiappan alias Annan Pallavarājan of Palatyanür, evidently for his services to the State in frustrating the hostile attempts of the Singhalese king Parakramabāhu against the Chala country.
This inscription is the only record so far hown that gives a detailed racount of the Singhalese activities in the war of the Pandyan succession, for which our mly source has hitherto been the Singhalese chronicle Mahāvamsa ; but this is biased in its version, especially as it does not give
No. 465 of 1905 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
? In the absence of the original inscribed stones, the impression preserved in the office of the Superinten. lent for Epigraphy, Madras, is the only record now available for this waluable inscription.
3 No. 433 of 1934 of the Madras Epigraphical collection ; vide also above, Vol. XXI, p. 184, where this inscription is published.
No. 281 of 1925 of the same collection. This is highly damaged and appears to be a duplicate copy of the present record.
As regards the initial date of this king there is some confusion. Prof. Kialhorn had fixed. It between 28th February and 30th March 1163 A.D. But a record from Nandalar (No. 371 of 1907), while giving astronomical details couples the 12th regnal year of the king with the cyclic year Hématamba which corresponded to A.D. 1177 (above, Vol. X, p. 127). In this case the regnal year intended must be 14th expired or 15th current and not 12 as cited in the record. This apparent difference in date is, curiously enough, reiterated in an inscription
cently copied in the Chittoor District (No. 209 of 1932), where the 19th regnal year of this king is also stated to be his 14th year. This would suggest that Rajadhiraja II was a crown prince for two years before he became king.
There are, however, three inscriptions of this king (Nos. 571 of 1907, 428 of 1912 and 19 of 1913) which point +0 A.D. 1166 as the initial year. From the Pallavarayanpettai inscription we know that Rajadhiraja II was crowned 4 years after his nomination. The initial date of his predecessor, Rajaraja 11, 1a 1146 A.D. and his highest regnal year is 19 (No. 411 of 1909). Rajaraja II must therefore have lived till 1164.85 A.D. The whole position may now be summed up as follows:
A.D. 1163 Rajadhiraja's nomination, A.D. 1164-65 Rajarāja's death and Rajadhinaja's succession,
A.D. 1166 Rajadhiraja's coronation.
Since both A.D. 1163 and 1166 work correctly as the initial year, it will be evident that Rajadhiraja II, in some of his records, counted his reign from the year of his nomination and in others from that of his coronation.

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TIRUVALANGADU INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II.
87
any reverses sustained by the Singhalese forces. The present epigraph, however, lays special emphasis on this point, and therefore as a corrective to the Mahāvamsa and as a record of contemporary events, it is a valuable document
It may be divided into two sections: in the first, the services to the country rendered by the Chola general Vēdavanamudaiyān Ammaiappan alias Annan Pallavarājan in counteracting the hostile attempts of the Singhalese king Parakramabāhu are detailed and in the other is registered a grant of land made to him.
The inscription refers to the Singhalese king Parakrambāhu in contempt as flattān. the record we learn that Parākramabāhu was hostile to the Chõļa kingdom from the beginning of his reign and in pursuance of this policy, he made the following three attemps which were successfully foiled by the Chola king - (a) When the war of the Pandyan succession broke out, Parākramabāhu espoused the
da use of Parākrama-Pandya, one of the claimants to the throne of Madura and also sent an army into the Pandya country which forced Kulasēkhara, the rival claimant to the throne, to flee from Madura and seek the help of the Chola king. The Chola army sent to his assistance deposed Vira-Pāņdya, the son of Parākrama-Pāņdya, who was set up on the Pandya throne by the Singhalese king Parākramabāhu, completely defeated the enemy's forces killing even their generals and finally
placed Kulasekhara on the throne of Madura.' (b) On the failure of this attempt Parākramabāhu reinforced his strongholds by despatch
ing forces into Oratturai, Pulaichchéri, Mātottam, Vallikāmam and Mattival and constructed ships for a naval attack. But the Chāļa king frustrated these measures with the assistance of Srivallabha, the nephew of Parakramabāhu, by carrying the
war into the enemy's territory and destroying a considerable portion thereof. (c) Parākramabāhu then tampered with the loyalty of Kulasēkhara-Pāņdye to his Chõļa
ally and won him over to his side. He could not however satisfy both the Pāņdya claimants at the same time. The Chola king, on the other hand, deposed the ungrateful Kulasēkhara and placed Vira-Pandya, the quondam ally of Parikrama
bāhu, on the throne of Madura. This inscription in narrating the first attempt of Parakramabahu (11. 12.18) corroborates the Mahāvansa in the main except the reverses sustained by the Singhalese forces. The details of the other two attempts (II. 18-36) are, however, new information
The present record raises an important issue about Srivallabha. His position is clearly explained in it. We know that his father Mānābharaṇa was a rival of Paräkrainabāhu for the overlordship of Geylon. Srivallabha also appears to have aspired for the Singhalese throne. In the protracted struggle for sovereignty Srivallabha was captured by the forces of Parakramebahu, but he subsequently seems to have escaped from his uncle custody and sought and obtained shelter under the Chöļa king. Parākramabāhu evidently resented this assistance and so commenced his campaign of hostility against the Chöļa kingdom. This persistent hostility of the Singhalese king is emphasised in our record in three places (11. 12, 18 and 29). Srivallabha is called the nephew (marumagan) of Parākramabāhu and is recognised in the inscription as the claimant to the Ilam country (Ila-ayatttikhun kadavarly 1. 21). It is also
1 The details given in this encounter are also corroborated by the Pellavarayanpettai record (above, Voi, XXI. pp. 180.) wherein, however, Annay Pallavarajan's part in the fight does not find mention.
Maharamsa Ch. 72, vv. 323-4.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
stated that he had already gone (munbe pondirunda 1.21), thus suggesting his previous arrival in South India, evidently as a refugee seeking shelter under the Chola and possibly also his assistance for the overthrow of Parākramabāhu. Therefore when his help was sought by the Chola king, he readily responded, so that if there was a chance he might gain the throne of Ceylon.
The part played by Srivallabha, in this connection, has hitherto been considered as that of a traitor. But if it is understood that he was fighting along with his father Mänäbharana for the Singhalese throne against Parikramabāhu, it will be evident that such a charge cannot be levelled against him.
In the rivalry between Vira-Pandya and Kulasēkhara for the throne of Madura, the Chola king first took up the cause of Kulasēkhara, but when the latter proved a traitor by allying himself with Parikramabāhu, he was deposed and Vira-Pandya was placed in his stead. Though the present record stops with the restoration of Vira-Pandya, now with Chēļa help, it is clear that he must also have rebelled soon after, for when Kulottunga-Chola III continued the war, be fought against Vira-Pandya and in favour of one Vikrama-Pandya whom he made the ruler of Madura.
It may be pointed out here that the new facts gleaned from this inscription, viz.--that Rajā. dhiraja took up the cause of Srivallabha against that of Parākramabāhu, that the Pandya king Kulasēkhara turned a traitor to the Chola king and that Vira-Pandya was again installed on the Pandya throne through Chola help raise the following fresh issues which in the present state of our knowledge cannot be satisfactorily explained :
Did the Chola king Räjädhiraja II actually send any help to Ceylon to assist Srivallabha in his struggle for sovereignty or did he only give shelter to him? Why was Vira-Pandya made the ruler of the Pandya kingdom and not Vikrama-Pandya after Kulasēkhara turned a traitor ? What was the relationship of Vikrama-Pandya to his predecessors and what were his claims to the Pandya throne ?
The territorial divisions, Jayaigondasdla-mandalam (1.8), Arumolidēva-Valanādu (1.36) and Noņmali-nālu (1. 36) are already known. Palaiyan ür, the native place of Vēdavanam-Udaiyān may be identified with the village of the same name in the Tiruttaņi taluk of the Chittoor district. This village must be distinguished from Rājarājan-Palaiyapūr? (1.36) in th: Tanjore district, where 10 vēli of land was granted to this Vēdavanamudaiyān. The village Elagam
1 Seo 4. R. on Epigraphy for 1906, para. 23.
* Why Kulasēkhara proved a traitor is not explained in the record. Probably he was entioed by Parikramsbahu.
His revolt is referred to in the historical introduction of Kulottunga-Chola III. See 8. 1. 1., Vol. III, Pp. 206ff.
• Vira-Pandya seems to have occupied the throne for a second time from about 1175-1182 A.D. Like his predecessor Kulasekhara he also fell an easy prey to the machinations of Parikramabahu and thus made himself the bitterest enemy of the Chola king kulottunga-Chola III. He made a desparate attempt along with his son to regain the Pandya throne till at last he lost his life in the battle at Nettür. Two records from Tribbuvanam in the Tanjore district (Nos. 191 and 192 of 1907) state that Kulottunga-Chola III who bore the title 'Pandyari' killed Vira-Pandya. See also A. R. on Epigraphy for 1908, para, 64, and 8. 1. 1., Vol. III, pp. 217-18.
• The Chola rulers played the role of 'king makers'. Kulasekhara, Vira-Pandya, and Vikrama-Pandya were successively made rulers of the Pandya country by the Chola sovereigns.
• The Tiruvalangadu plates of the Chla king Rajendra-chola I record the grant of this village to the Siva temple at Tiruvalangădu. In the Tlvdram this village is called Palaiyandr-Alangadu (...) Alang du or Tiruvalangadu near Palaiyanür. In one inscription Tiruvalangadu is said to be near Palaiyanür (8. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 134).
* This explains why the same inscription is found both at Tiruvilangadu (Chittoor district), the native place of Vedavapam-UQaiyan, and at Tirumayapam (Tanjore district) where the lands presented to him were situated.

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No. 14.]
TIRUVALANGADU INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II.
(1. 29) may be identified with Tiruvēdagam in the Madura taluk. The subjugation of this village is also mentioned in inscriptions of Kulõttunga-Chola III. The river Vellāru rises in the Vēlamalai to the west of the Pudukkottai State and falls into the Bay of Bengal to the north of Maņamēlkudi in the Tanjore district. Urātturai, Pulaichchēri, Matottam, Vallikāmam and Mattivāl have already been identified."
TEXT. 1 Svasti® éri [*] Kadal-sülnda Pär-mādaruń Kalai-mädarum adal-Sūlnda Põr-mā2 daruñ-Chir-mädarum ama[ r* ]ndu vala när-kadal-sūl puvi-olum på[x]-kadal-sū! pugal
para3 pp& adi-ugamāmepna=chchödi-mudi punaindaruliaru-samaiyamum sim-būda
mum ne4 riyil nipru pārippa=tTennavaruñ-Chēralarun Singaļarum mudalāya maņpavargal
tirai 5 sumandu vantiņdi-chchēvippa ūliūļi oru benkől elu-parum inid=aļippa-ch
chempon Vira-[si®)6 [onā]sa'nattu Ulagudai-mukkōkki]āpadigaļõdum virsirundaruliya Kov-Irāja-kēsari
- panmar -āņa 7 Tribhu'vanachchakkaravarttiga! srii-Irājādhirăjadēvarkku yandu panniraņdāvadu
nāļ nurraimbat8 tēlināl Tribhuvanachchakra'vatti Kõnēriņmaikoņdān Jayaňkondaçõla-maņdalattu
Mēn9 malaip-Palaiyanür-nāțțu=pPalaiyanür-udaiyar Tiruvālangädudaiyar köyilil dēva
kapmikku10 m brio-māhēsvarak-kangāņi-seyvårgaļukkum [1*] Palaiyanür-udaiyān Vēdavanamu
daiyān Ammaia11 ppaņ=āņa Appan Pallava[rājan Ilattāŋ Parākkiramabāku ālvāp-põdē
tudangi Solarājya'ttukku 12 (vi ]rõdams āy-i ]ruppaņa pala vadigaļāluñ be[yya-p]pārttu idukku upuppā
ga=pPāņdi-nättilē padai13 [yu)ravittu.......... [Kulasēkharaşaiyum Madu]raiyil niprum Velāgrukku
vadakaraiyilē po14 dappaņni[ na-padiyālē )..........'m seyyappārtta-idattu idukku-pparikāramāga
Kula 15 sēkhararkku (vēnduvanavuñ-cheydu : muda]ligalum padaigalum põgavittu
Ilattan padaiyaiyu
18. I. I., Vol. III, p. 210. * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 187. * Engraved in Grantha.
The letters raja and mară are engraved in Grantha.
The letters tribhu are in Grantha. • The letters Rajadhirajade are in Grantha.
rajya is engraved in Grantha. • The word vipaikkēdugalum may be inserted before seyyappártia.

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90
16 m
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
ippadaik ku-kkaraṇavar=āṇa]
tra1ya-dDandanā [ya* ]kkapum ulliṭṭā
Пla[nkapura-Da]ṇḍanāyakkaṇum
Jagat
17 raiyun-konru [Madurai- vasalile ivargal talaigalai] taippittu iv-vürile Kulasekhararaiyum puga-viṭṭu-chche
18 lla-nirka.......... ku virōdamay-iruppana seyya-ppärttu ivan tan podai19 nilaiyana Uratturai Pulaichcheri Mātōṭṭam Vallikāmam Maṭṭivāl ulliṭṭa Grgali padaigalu
[VOL. XXII.
20 m puguda-vittu padavukalufi cheyvikkira padi kēṭṭu idukku-pparikaramāga Ilattan maru-magaṇārāy Ila-rajya❜ttukkun.
21 kaḍavaray munbe pōndirunda Śivallavarai alaippittu ivarkku vēṇḍuvana. vuñ-cheydu ivaraiyum i
22 varudaně věnḍum vendum padaigalum paḍaigalum Uratturai Vallikämam Maṭṭival ulliṭṭa ürgalile pugaviṭṭu-pPulaichche
26 rakkay-kkaikkoṇḍaļavum
Ila-mapḍalattu-kkariya
23 ri Mātōṭṭam ullitta ürgalum alittu Ilattāniņavay iv-vurgalil nipra anaiga. Jun kai-kkon
24 du Ila-mandalattil kil-mēl irupadin kāda mērpadavun ten-vadal muppadin kāda mērpadavum alittu it
25 turaiyil ivan manichcharay-irundaril kolväraiyun-konru piḍipparaiyum piḍittu ivargalaiyum da
piḍitta āpaigaļum alaippittu ivan namakku-kkāṭṭi
Pandiyanar Kulasekharar
27 melläppadiyalum ivan aliya-chcheyvittapadikkum
tamakku munbu seyda
28 nanmaigaļum parādē Ilattaṇudane [sa2]mbandam-pannavum ivanum ivaru ȧ kūḍa-ninru Šola[rajya']ttuk
29 ku virōdamay-iruppana keyyavun-kaḍavadāga nichchayittu idukku uruppaga-pPodi-nattu lagattärilum marra-chch
30 amantarilum namakku chchervapaṭṭu ninrudan beygira Irajarajakkarkuḍiyarāyaṇum Irajaga mbira Anjukōt
31 tai-Nadajväpam ullittäri [Jungaigalil nigrum Veļļkrukka vadnarayi poda ppanni
32 Пakapuri-dDandanal ya Jkkanum Jagattra'ya-dDapḍanyakkanum ullitär talaigaliy Madurai-vāśalip taichoha
talai
1 The letter tra is engraved in Grantha. Engraved in Grantha.
33 galum väigi-ppōgaduvittu elli-ttimaigaļum beyyakkaḍavadiga-kkarudi-ohobeygirapadiyum Ilattān Kulasekharar-uda
The letters rajaraja are engraved in Grantha.
The letters rajaga are engraved in Grantha. The letters jagattra are engraved in Grantha.

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No. 14.]
34 D
TIRUVALANGADU INSCRIPTION OF RAJADHIRAJA II.
kūḍa ninru udavi-seygai sūtți ivaruḍan kkāṭṭiņa ōlaigaļum val atukkalum. valilyile iva Sarajyattukku virödamky-irukkaiyālē ivagal
sarvupaṭṭu-ni farkku
....
35 angu-ninrum pōkki munbē-piḍittu Maduraikku-kkāraṇavarāņa Pandiyar maganār Vira-[Pandiya dēvarai Madurai ... vālun kudiraiyālum venduvanavaiyirril namakku-chcho
TRANSLATION.
91
vara
.'padiyālum
Parakkirama
... i-vastu3
36 lli-chcheyyava oduvagavul-cheyvittu alladaṇa ivane migudippada nĕrndum cheydu surukki[na*] nä[ lai ]kkulle Madurai ... dēva-valanāṭṭu Nen
mali-nāṭṭu Irājaraja'p-Palaiyanurile padirru
37 vēli
nilam panniraṇḍāvadu mudal antarayam paṭṭam uṭpada iraiyiliy-aga iṭṭu ippadi Udaiyar Tiruvalangaḍudaiya .......Mūvēndavēļān -Ivai Nila. gangarayan eluttu | a
38 Ivai Dipattarayan eluttu Ivai Kanakarāja1n eluttu Ivai Malaiyappirāja"[n] eluttua Ivai Malava......
39 tu Ivai Villavarayan
eluttu
(Lines 1-5)
(Ll. 6-10). In the twelfth year and one hundred and fifty-seventh day (of the reign) of the king Rajakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rājādhirājadēva, while he was pleased to be seated along with (his queen) Ulagudai-mukkökkilānaḍaigaļ on the golden throne of heroes, (the following order was issued) to the devakanmi and Sri-mahēsvarakangani-seyvar of the temple of Uḍaiyar Tiruvalangaduḍaiyar at Palaiyanur in MenmalaipPalaiyanur-naḍu, a subdivision of Jayañgondasola-mandalam (under the royal seal) Tribhuvanachakravatti Kōnēriņmaikonḍān:
(LI. 11-17). Vēdavaṇamuḍaiyāṇ Ammaiappan alias Appan Pallavarājaṇ of Palaiyanur (acted thus):
When Parakramabahu of Ilam, from the time (he) assumed sovereignty acted inimically against the Chōla country by various means and as a part of this move, since he caused an army to enter the Pandya country..... and forced Kulasekhara also to flee from Madura to the north bank of the (river) Vellāru.. to counteract this (hostile) action, what. ever (assistance) was needed by Kulasekhara was given (by us, i.e., the Chōla king)
1 This portion is built in: before padiyalum' the letters ellap' may be inserted.
The gap may be filled up with the aid of the Tirumayanam inscription, with the words ' köyilil idakkadavadaga ivanukku nam cholli belangaļum venduväraiyum pogaviduvapavum [vittu].'
The letter stu is engraved in Grantha.
From the Tirumayanam inscription, a portion of this gap may be filled up with the words naippokki Vira-Pandyaevarai Maduraiyil pugavitta-padikkum ivanukku Arumoli'.
The letters rajaraja are engraved in Grantha. Engraved in Grantha.
7 The letter ja is engraved in Grantha.
For translation see above Vol. XXI, p. 191.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[Vol. XXII.
commanders (with) forces were despatched, the army of Ceylon (was destroyed) and its generals Lankāpura-Dandanayaka and Jagattraya-Dandanayaka put to death, their heads mounted on the gates of Madura, and thereafter) Kulasēkhara was allowed to enter this city (i.e., Madura).
(LI. 18-26).-When (affairs) stood thus ............ hearing (the report) that, with the intent of making another) hostile attempt (against the Chola country), this (Parākramabāhu) had assembled forces into his strongholds at Orätturai, Pulaichchēri, Mätöttam, Vallikāmam, Matti. väl and other places and was also constructing (a fleet of ships (therein), (we, in order) to ward off this danger), summoned Srivallabha the nephew of the Ceylonese (king) and a claimant to the kingdom of Ceylon and (who) had already arrived (here), did whatever was required for him (and) despatched him with the necessary forces to Orātturai, Vallikämam, Mattivāl and other villages (and) destroyed Pulaichchëri, Mātöttam and other villages, captured the elephants belonging to the king of Ceylon stationed in these places, laid waste in Ila-mandalam more than twenty kādam? (of land) from east to west and more than thirty kādam from south to north, killed in this place such of his subordinates as had to be killed and captured those who had to be captured This (Annan Pallavarājan) sent for these (captives) along with the booty and captured elephants and displayed (them) to us (and) thus (once again) frustrated in every way the efforts of the king) of Ila-mandalam.
(Ll. 27-33).—The Pāņdya Kulasēkhara disregarding the good done to him before (by us, i.e., the Chõļa king), entered into an alliance with the (king) of Ceylon, (and both) this king of Ceylon) and this (Kulasēkhara) decided to stand together and act against the interest of the Chola kingdom. As an evidence of this move, (they) drove from (their) places to the north bank of the nver) Vellāru, our alies at Elagam in the Pandya country like Rājarājakkarkudiyarāyan and Rājagambira Anjukáýtai-Nādāļvāņ and other feudatories who were assisting our cause and removed from the gates of Madura, the heads of Lankāpuri-Dandanayaka, JagattrayaDandanāyaka and others which had been pinned thereon, (and in this way) carried out the intent of working every kind of evil (to us, i.e., the Chõla king).
(LI. 34-39).-As the letters and presents sent to the adherents of Kulasēkhara by the king of Ceylon betokening assistance to the former, when intercepted) on the way (proved Kulasēkhara's) hostility to the Chola kingdom, we directed him (Annan Pallavarājan) to oust him (Kulasēkhara) from there (Madura) and to reinstate) in Madura Vira-Pāņdya, the son of ParākramaPandya who was from the beginning (another) claimant to the throne of Madura. (Further), we provided him (Annay Pallavarājan) with all the requisites and directed him to indent on us (when necessary) for funds and cavalry and to manage the other things himself; and as he had Bo carried out our intentions) within a short time and installed) Vira-Pandya (in) Madura, (we granted him), from the twelfth year, ten vēli of land in Rājarājan-Palaiyanür (situated) in Nepmali-nādu, & division of [ Arumoli]dēva-vaļanādu, made free of taxes including antarāyam and pättam (and commanded the engraving of the gift in the temple of) Udaiyar Tiruvālangădudaiy[ år ] ...... (This is the signature of) Müvēndavēļān L. This is the signature of Nilagangarayan 6. This is the signature of Dipattarayap 6. This is the signature of Kanakarājan L. This is the signature of Malaiyappirājan L. This [ is the signature of ] Malava ........... This is the signature of Villavarayan L.
Kadam is the Indian league measure about 10 miles in distance.

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No. 15.]
THE KHAMKHED PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRATAPASILA.
93
No. 15.—THE KHAMKHED PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRATAPASILA.
By PROFESSOR V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. This is a set of three copperplates discovered by a farmer while digging under a wall of his house at Khāmkhed or Khamgaon about 35 miles south-west of Mehkar in Berär. They reached the hands of Mr. Y. M. Kale, B.A., LL.B., M.L.C. of Buldānā, who kindly placed them at my disposal for editing.
The plates are strung on a circular ring 1.2" in thickness and 2.2" in diameter, passing through a hole about 1' in diameter in the centre of the top of each plate. The middle portion of the ring is flattened to contain a legend in two lines and the crude figure of a male deity sitting crosslegged, with a halo surrounding his face. The ends of the ring do not appear to have ever been soldered and were a little apart from each other when the plates reached me, so that the latter could be taken out with ease. This makes it doubtful if the ring belongs to the plates at all. The suspicion is strengthened by the fact that the legend on the ring, though incised in the same characters as the inscription on the plates, does not contain any of the names mentioned in the plates. The plates and the ring together weigh 74 tolas. Each plate measures 6.7" x 2.3". After the plates were incised, it appears it was discovered that the hole of the first plate was wrongly cut at the centre of the bottom. It was, therefore, closed with a piece of copper rivetted into it and another was made at the centre of the top. Some portion on the right hand side of the first three lines is illegible owing to the corrosion and cracking of the first plate. The first and third plates are inscribed on the inner side only and the second, which is thicker, on both the sides. The letters are well cut and do not show through on the reverse. The ends of the plates are raised into rims to protect the letters. Each side of the plates contains six lines except the second side of the second plate which has five lines only. The characters are of the nail-headed or acute-angled variety of the North Indian alphabet. The engraver has, in the first two lines, shown the wedges clearly. Later on they are replaced by short horizontal top-strokes. The inscription thus shows the transitional stage when the wedges at the top of letters were giving place to horizontal strokes which in course of time developed into the characteristic top-lipeg of the Nāgari alphabet. The size of letters varies from 1' on the first plate to .2" on the rest. The initial ā which is differentiated from a by a downward stroke attached to the middle of the right hand vertical line of a occurs in adinya (1.9) and achchhëtä (1. 16). The initial u which ha 8 & curve at the lower end occurs in uttaratah (1. 22) and uktam cha (1. 12). The medial a appears generally in the form of a downward stroke (cf. Sagar-ādibhiḥ 1. 13) but occasionally appears above the line (cf. rājānaiḥ 1. 13). The curve of the medial i often goes over the line to the left of the letter and, encircling it, appears again to the right, generally ending in a serif (cf. kinchs 1. 6). The medial u is shown in two ways-by lengthening the vertical stroke of the letter ending in a serif (cf. Yudhishthira 1. 17) and by means of a curve open to the left (cf. bhuktā l. 13). The medial ū also occurs in two ways—(1) with a curve at the base of a letter, the end of which is either curled or turned sharply upwards (cf. gavyūta 1. 7) and (2) with the sign for initial û ; (of. bhūmēh 1. 6). The mātrās for ai, o and au generally stand above the line. They appear curled in some cases (cf. Golamma 1. 10 and 8-ch-aitad 1. 12); k and a generally show & loop on the left (see, however, "kumāra 1. 8 and raksha l. 17, where k appears without a loop); 7 still appears in its old tripartite form (cf. rājānaiḥ 1. 13); 4 is flat at the top (cf. Isvarabhata l. 9); the basa
Tho seals of the Multai and Tivarkhēd plates are similarly formed (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 231, and above, Vol. XI, p. 276).
For similar, but later, mixture of wedges and straight top-strokes see the Vandi-Dindori plate of Govinda II (se Plate II (b), Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 160).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
stroke of is occasionally suppressed (see Parnnikagrāmo l. 21). The vertical stroke of ti generally on the left (cf. sēnāpati 1. 10). D shows a slight serif at the lower end, has a loop and y is generally bipartite (cf. yada l. 14). Again the right hand upstroke of the sub-script y is drawn up as far as the top line of the whole letter (cf. gavyuta 1. 7) and shows a slight wedge at the lower end, which has not yet developed into & tail (cf. purohita 1. 9). The superscript is generally placed above the line (cf. soargge l. 15) but it appears as a short horizontal stroke in combination with y (cf. sürya-grahanë l. 8). The characters thus resemble in a general way those of the Multās plates of 708-9 A.D. (see Bühler's-Indische Palaeographie, Plate IV, XX).
The language is incorrect Sanskrit. See, for instance, the wrong forms gräma for grāmas (1.8), pratipăditań for pratipăditavän (1. 9), rājānaih for rájabhih (1. 13). The rules of sandh have, in some cases, been neglected. The marks of punctuation are, in many cases, not used at all, or are used wrongly (cf. 11. 8 and 10). The final t is wrongly dropped in vase (1. 16) and dānā (1. 18). Except the imprecatory verses at the end, the whole inscription is in prose. As regards orthography we may note that the consonant following is generally reduplicated (cf. chaturddanta 1.3, and pūrvvasyān 1. 7). In some cases an anusvāra is used instead of a class nasal in the body of a word (cf. sampannaḥ 1. 3). V is used for b in Vrihaspatină (1. 12).
The object of the grant is to record the donation of the village Nandapura situated at a distance of only one gavyüta (about 4 miles) south-east of Parpnikhēța (also called Parņņikagrāma in l. 21) at the time of a solar eclipse. The donees were Sömasvämin, Shashthikumara, Nägabarman, Adityasarman and other Brahmins. The gift was made by DavanaDruhata (Drubhata?), the son of Utaragana who was the eldest brother of the reigning king Prastāpa*411a. As no information about the dynasty of these kings is given and no date is recorded in this charter, it is not possible to identify either Utaragana or his brother Pratāpabila and son Davana-Druhata. The names of some Kalachuri kings end in gana but it is not known if they were related to Utaragana mentioned in this charter. We can only say that the dynasty seems to have flourished in Berär in the beginning of the eighth century A.D. The use of the expression Samadhigata-pancha-maha-sabda and the absence of any suzerain's name in the present charter seem to indicate that it was at first a feudatory royal family and made itself independent in Berār, when the power of the early Chälukyas of Bädāmi declined in the beginning of the eighth century A.D.
Among the names of officers who are asked to note the present gift occur those of the Purokita Isvarabhatta, Nägammabhatra, the Bhögika (district officer) Govinda, the Srështhin Gölamma and the Senapati Durggahari. The grant was written by the last mentioned officer who describes himself as a bee issuing out of the lotus in the form of the foot of Govinda-Vishņu. He was, therefore, a devotee of Vishņu.
As for the geographical names occurring in this charter, Nandapura, the donated village, cannot be traced; its position is probably occupied by the present Khamkhód where the plates were found. Two of the villages that formed its boundary can be identified. Thus Parņņikhēta is probably Pāngarkhed about 15 miles to the north-west of Khamkhed and Vyāghraviraka is Väghor about a mile to its north-east. The distance between Pängarkhod (the modern representative of Parmnikhēta) and Khămkhod (which now occupies the site of
The names of some Brahmins are lost as some portion of the grant after Suryagrahane in l. 8 was omitted by the engraver. The latter part of one name (viz., Sarnma) appears after Stiryagrahare.
There princes are not otherwise known. Again, the plates do not contain even a regnal dato; the figure on the seal is crudely executed and its legend has no apparent connection with the plates. Though none of chose grounds is conclusive by itself, their combination casts suspicion on the genuineness of the record.

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2
6
8
10
12
THE KHAMKHED PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRATAPASILA.
N. P. Chakravarti.
REG. No. 3366 E'34-440.
Seal.
First Plate.
ময়
তিন বাপের বই প
Second Plate : First Side.
আপু -
বামপুর বাংলা। নমুনা সহিত্য মানববনা যা লোট করে যা যে কারনদিন আ জাবালু কাল থাক্যেই কারোর কালে ম্ম বাধ্যে বার করে হাজার টা একা অন্ধ বিয়ে nমস্ত কর্ম ষ্ট বীজ মগ্রহ পারেন যাতে মাংস না । এক এে
রেইনালের এ ঘ
বেলেগত্য দমাদুর ধ নজিমা
SCALE ACTUAL-SIZE.
6
10
12
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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Second Plate: Second Side.
14
ཞག》 ཞིབ་
| 4:། ཏyago ༦ཡངལ་ཤབ བ 14 # ན སྤྱི ཨ ན ཝ ༼ཝཾ 0:Stg62) ཨ1 ཚེ A ཙྪཚན མི ན#|:ཀ་ཏྭཱt ན ༧ཝན7 ༦ ཚོན་བྱ་ ༨ རྐོར་གz, ཏ <དསིv=fh
16
Third Plate.
18 ཊWགgzག་ཞེ.r༡ ལན་
༡༩-༢༥༢ (ns,ན་ za j@་ མ Q3ང། ( |:ཀྱི 11 20 cམམhཧྥམཚོpཤྲཱིམ7: གམོg.མ་ ༢ ཀེ
༩ཉམ21རྟོག སྐzམེད༢༥% ཏjp?མཚིམལ་པp%2 22 ཀ་ནི འོནzན :|:འnd ན ཚུ ཙ: དཀཱ ཙྪནོཞིག 22
དྷནཾ ན ss5:87 vཉིན@@དམའོ སྒྱུ ད་སྨན་གྱི

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No. 15.]
THE KHAMKHED PLATES OF THE TIME OF PRATAPASILA.
95
ancient Nandapura) is not one gavyūla (or four miles) as stated in the charter, but this mistake is probably due to the ignorance of the person who drafted the charter. The other villages cannot be identified.1
TEXT.t
The Seal. प(..)धम(म)कख(स्य)
First Plate. 1 मोम् स्वस्ति श्री: ॥"] समधिगतपंचमहाश[ब्द][:*] श्रु[व][र] श्री?) प्रकट*] करजदा(?)त[स*]
2 मस्तनृपतिलक्षणोपेत]:*] सकलगुणगणालं [क] तशरीर:*] . . [*][न्ति*]. [धैर्य[शौर्य]
3 [वि] नय[स]त्यशौचसंपन्नः अनेकच[त] इन्त[गजघटा].... [प्राप्त*] विजयः महारा*]ज: प्र[ताप*]4 शौलः तस्मि' [शास]ति वसुन्धरान्तस्यैव ज्येष्ठस्य [चातुः] उतरगणराज्ञः सूनुः दव5 नद्रुहट: [*] स च तत्पादपद्मीपजीवी तत: स्तत्परः स्वमिव पितरं मन्यमान:] 6 किञ्चिच्छे योभ्युदयमुद्दिश्य नास्ति भूमेः परं] दानमिति तत्वा
Second Plate ; First Side. 7 श्रीपण्ाि खेटस्य दक्षिणपूर्वस्यां दिशि गव्यतमा नन्दपुरं नाम 8 ग्राम(ग्राम) सूर्य ग्रहणे 1 शम: सोमवामिषष्ठिकुमारनागशर्मा9 भादिन्यशर्म 11 प्रमुखानां ब्राह्मणानां प्रतिपादितं । पुरोहित खरभट्ट10 नागम्मभट्ट ।। गोविन्दभोगिकगोलम्मवेष्ठिदुर्गहरिसेनापति 11 प्रभृतीनां श्रीकरणप्प्रत्यक्षं विदितमस्तु सर्वनृपतीनां मचाटभ12 टप्रवेशं सर्वेश्चैतधर्मशासनं परिपालनीयं [*] उक्तं च वृहस्प-18
Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 तिना [1] बहुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राजानै:17 सगरादिभिः [*] य[स्थ] य.
The accompanying plates have been prepared from excellent ink estampages kindly supplied by Mr. K. N. Dikshit, M.A., Superintendent, Archeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta.
t From the original plates. The second letter on the seal is illegible; the medial vowel seems to be u. Expressed by a symbol. [The reading from here to the end of the line is doubtful. The first two letters look like &-chatu.-Ed.]
About three letters are illegible here. [The reading is chaturddania which is also found in the inscrip. tions of the Vishnukundin rulers ; cf. above, Vols. IV, p. 196, and XI, p. 134.-Ed.)
[1 cannot make out the first three syllables of this name from the plate.-Ed.] 1Read तस्मिन. • Read उतरगणराजस्य
• The visarga is superfiuous, 1o Somo portion of the grant giving more names of Brahmins is dropped here. 11 Dunda not roquired.
12 The visarga is unnecessary. ___IRead पादियशम. "Read प्रतिपादितवान्.
1. The anusvāra is superfluous. Read zau. Read राजभिः.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXII.
14 स्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य . तस्य तदा फलं [*] उक्तं च भगवता वेदव्या15 सेन व्यासन [*] षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्ग तिष्ठति भूमिदः [] 16 पाच्छता चानुमन्ता च तन्येव नरके वसेत् ॥*] पुनरपि चोक्तं व्यासन [*] 17 स्वदत्ता परदत्तां वा यवादक्ष युधिष्ठिर [*] मही.
Third Plate. 18 महिमा श्रेष्ठ दाना(च्छे)योनुपालनं [*]1 एवं ज्ञात्वा यत्र19 तः परिपालनीयमिति [*] शिवमस्तु धर्माहिय ॥ चतुरोहा20 टसमसहा मस्य पूर्वस्यां दिशि व्याघ्रविरकं नाम ग्रामः । दक्षिणेन भ्रमश21 कं नाम ग्राम: । अपरतो(त:) श्रोपणिकग्रामो भवति [*] तस्य ग्रामस्य
मर्यादावही भ22 वति [*] उत्तरत: च्छो(को)बविरकग्रामः ॥ श्रीगोविन्दविष्णुचरणपंकजनिमां23 तेन भृङगेन दुर्गहरिसेनापतिना लिखितमिदं ताम्ब शासनमिति [*]
• TRANSLATION. (Lines 1-1200m. Hail! (There is) Maharaja Pra[tāpa]kfla who has attained Palichamahatabda, who is endowed with all the distinctive marks of royalty, whose person is decked with the multitude of all good qualities, who is possessed of tranquility, courage, bravery, modesty, truth and purity, who has attained victories with numerous four-tusked elephants ...... While he is ruling over the earth Davana-Druhata (Drubhata?), the son of his own eldest brother King Utaragana, who is dependent on his lotus-like feet, is devoted to him and is wholly engaged in (serving) him, who regards him as his own father and thinks that there is no higher gift than that of land for the attainment of any religious merit and good fortune, donates on (the occasion of a solar eclipse the village Nandapura (situated) at a distance of only one gavyata (4 miles) in the south-eastern direction of Sri-Parnikheta to Brahmins, the foremost of whom are-Sarman, Somasvamin, Shashthikumāra, Nagasarman and Adityasarman. Let it be known to the Purohita Isvarabhatta, Nāgammabhatta, the Bhögika Govinda, the freshthin Gülamma and the Senapati Durggahari at (our) Srikarana (record office) as also to all kings that this religious order, which prohibits the entry of chātas (courtiers) and bhatas (soldiers) (in the donated village), must be obeyed by all.
[LI. 12-18 contain three of the customary verses.]
Knowing this, this order should be obeyed. May there be well-being and increase of religious merit! This village which has the following) well-defined boundaries has the village Vyāghraviraka on the east, the village Bhrama aka on the south, Sri-Parņikagrāma which forms the boundary of the (donated) village on the west and Chhõbaviraka-grāma on the north. This copper edict was written (i.e., drafted) by the Sēnāpati Durggahari, who is a bee that has issued out of the lotus-like foot of Sri-Govinda-Vishnu.
1M-tre:-Anushkabh. a Rend पत्ता . • Real तान्येव. • Real समेतयामस्य. (The plate showa sambtahagramasya.-Ed.] • Read ताम • The names of some Brahmins are dropped here.

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No. 16.)
A SARADA INSCRIPTION FROM HUND.
97
No. 16.-A SARADA INSCRIPTION FROM HUND.
BY RAI BAHADUR DAYA RAM SAHNI, M.A., C.I.E. In April last Captain E. H. Cobb, I.A., Assistant Commissioner, Mardan, North-West Frontier Province, sent me an eye-copy of an inscription, engraved on a rectangular slab of white stone, which he had discovered in the foundations of an old wall at Hund on the bank of the River Indus on the occasion of his visit to that place in company with Mr. O. K. Caroe, C.I.E., Chief Secretary to the Government of the North-West Frontier Province, now Deputy Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign and Political Department. I have deciphered the in. scription from inked estampages secured through the good offices of the discoverer.
Hund is the modern name of Udabhāņda, the ancient capital of the Shāhi kings of Kabul from the 9th century A.D. till 1021 A.D. when this dynasty was extirpated by Mahmud of Ghazni. It was at Hund that Alexander the Great crossed the River Indus before he proceeded on his conquest of India and through which later invaders passed. The Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang visited this city in the 7th century A.D. and describes it as about 20 li, or just over three miles, in circuit and inhabited by rich and prosperous merchants. The site is now occupied by a small village surrounded by fortified walls of Muhammadan date with a perimeter of 1,400 yards. All round the village are extensive mounds marking the existence of important buildings of early date and coins of Indo-Greeks, Kushāns, Shāhi kings and the kings of Kashmir have been found here in large numbers. No excavations have been carried out among these remains, but when they are, they may be expected to yield valuable antiquities of all kinds.
So far only a few inscriptions in Särada characters have been noticed on this site. Two of these were found by Lt.-Col. Sir Alexander Burnes of the Hon'ble India Company's Service in the early forties of the last century and deciphered by Mr. James Prinsep. Another inscription in the same character was presented to my predecessor, Mr. H. Hargreaves, when he visited Hund in 1923-24. This inscription, according to Dr. Hirananda Sastri, dates from about the 10th century A.D. and records the construction of a Saiva temple. All the three inscriptions require proper treatment.
The stone slab on which the inscription discovered by Captain E. H. Cobb is engraved measures l' by 1' by 1'4' in thickness. The inscription consists of eight lines and is in a very good state of preservation. The characters are Sāradā of the 8th century A.D. and the language Sanskrit, which is not free from grammatical mistakes. The epigraph records the construction of a dévakula, i.e., 'statue shrine' or temple by a Mahārājri Sri-Kämēśvaridēvi and its consecration between Saturday, the 8th day of the dark fortnight of the month of Afvayuja in the year Samvat 168 and Thursday (?), the 12th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Ashādha in the year Samvat 169. The architect (navakarmapati) who supervised the construction, was Jayantarāja, son of Upendra. He was an Avantika or inhabitant of Avanti or Mālwā, and a Süryadvija. The panchakula was the Brāhmana, Sri-Pillaka, the son of Sri-Virāditya. The exact meaning of pańchakula is not known. In his article on the Siyadoni Stone Inscription, Professor Kielhorn defines this term as "an office apparently similar to the Marathi dy or de " or "an assembly of five " who manage affairs of a town. If this interpretation is correct, we should assume Pillaka of the inscription under discussion to have been the head or
1 J. A. 8. B., Vol. VI, 1837, pp. 876 seg. and Pl. XLVI. Abovo, Vol. I, pp. 166 and 170.

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foreman of an assembly of this nature. The Kayastha, who composed this inscription, was ŚriBhōgika, a Süryadvija, who was the son of Sri-Vihenda. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, following Sir Ramakrishna Bhandarkar1, suggests that this term Süryadvija may be taken in the sense of the Maga or Sakadvipi Brāhmaṇas who were the special priests of the Sun-god and are traditionally supposed to have sprung from the Sun. The era in which the dates of this inscription are recorded is not mentioned. I have, however, no doubt that these should be referred to the Harshakala era which began in the year 606 A.D. and was in ancient times in use in the Panjab, the United Provinces, Bihar and Orissa, Nepal, etc. If this assumption is correct, the years mentioned would be equivalent to 774 and 775 A.D.
In the above paragraph I have given the term devakula the alternative meaning of a 'statue shrine' on the analogy of the devakula of the Ikshvāku kings of Ayodhya in Bhasa's play called the Pratima-naṭakam. This gallery of the heroes of the Ikshvāku race differed from a divine temple in having neither the banner of a god nor the statues of door-keepers. It was open to visitors, but the statues enshrined in it were not to be bowed to. A structure of this nature was excavated in a mound near Mathura some 23 years ago. Another literary reference to a devakula occurs in the Mrichchhakatikam where, however, the precise character of the shrine is not quite clear. The earliest mention of such a structure in an inscription is that found in the inscription on the base of the headless statue of Vamatakshama (?) which was found in an ancient site at Mat near Mathura. This site also yielded other statues of Kushāņa kings, viz., one of Kanishka, a torso of the great Saka satrap Chashtana, etc.
TEXT
1 tafa? | महारानी श्रीकामेश्वरीदेव्या सत्क
2 देवकुले नवकर्मपति उपेन्द्रपुत्रजयन्तरा
3 ज अवन्तिको । सूर्यदिजः ॥ पंचकुल श्रीवीरादि4 त्यga श्रपिलकब्राह्मणः ॥ ॥ कायस्थ श्रीविहे5 reg utfum fer: + sfa 6 संवत् १६८० चाश्वयुजवति ८ शनौः अतो
दिना भारभ्य संवत् १५८ चावटपति १२ हो प
8 fast aar || | = |
No. 17. JETHWAI PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI; SAKA-SAMVAT 708.
BY PROFESSOR D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., PH.D. (HON.), CALCUTTA.
These plates were sent to me for decipherment by the late Mr. V. P. Bhandarkar when he was Huzur Private Secretary to His Highness the Maharaja Holkar. They were discovered some
1 Vaishnavism and Saivism, pp. 151ff. Expressed by a symbol.
[In 11. 6 and 7 the second digit of the year looks more like 5 than 6. But in neither case the date admits of verification from the particulars given in the inscription.-Ed.]
4 Perhaps shortened form of बृहस्पती.
The text as found in the inscription is retained without any corrections..

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A SARADA INSCRIPTION FROM HUND.
G
निका डर दिसे । इसका व पं.उले नये न म पनि उन्न्त कर या पुर। इसलिम मंसिर । पग र सी-पीस-मि१. मी (प.रु.१ लाता ज य र मावि
पु.३ मीम गिरु भया T IBE न ए 3.5 गुम य र पति र स ने जज सामुक मप 47 उम्रता पाउन
14.
6
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rea. No. 3370E'34-445.
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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thirty or thirty-five years ago in a small dilapidated fort on a hill near the village of Jethwai, about 8 miles west of Barwaha, in the Nimār district of the Indore State. One Babaji named Hirapuri, I am told, lighted upon them while digging into a brick and stone platform in the fort for materials for the construction of his house at Jethwai.
The plates are throe in number, each measuring 91." x 67". The middle one of these is thicker than the side ones. The edges of them are raised into rims to protect the writing. The plates are strung together on an oval ring with a diameter measuring between 24" and 3". On the left side of the plates, a round hole is bored for the ring, and the second plate seems to have been slightly damaged through this boring operation. To the back of the ring is fixed a circular seal with a diameter measuring 11". The seal bears the figure of Garuda. The inscription is engraved on the inner sides of the first and the third plate, and on both sides of the second. There are sixteen lines engraved on the first plate, sixteen lines on the first and seventeen liner on the second side of the second plate, and nineteen lines on the inner side of the third plate. The grant thus contains sixty-eight lines engraved in all.
The language in which the grant is written is Sanskrit throughout. The first thirty-five lines with part of the thirty-sixth, which set forth the genealogical account, line 40 and parts of lines 39 and 41 which contain a stanza descriptive of the transitoriness of human life, and lines 60-65, with parts of lines 59 and 66 which contain the benedictive and imprecatory verses are in verso and the rest in prose. The genealogical verses of the grant occur in one or other of the Rashtrakūța charters hitherto published, except two, namely, stanzas 21 and 24, which are found only in the Surat Plates of Karkkarāja. Stanza 21 contains mere stereotyped praise, but stanza 24 is historically important. The script used in this inscription is Nāgari, as is generally the case with the Rashtrakūta charters. As regards orthography, the consonants following are, as rule doubled, though indifference in this respect is noticeable in some cases, thus k and are doubled in Karkkarāja (1.7) and Kärnnātakaṁ (11. 10-11), but not in a-chandt-ārk-arnava (1. 53). The letter b is, as a rule, denoted by the sign for b, but also by the sign for u in a few cases, such as svalp-āmvu (1. 40), samvadkyamāna (1. 42) and so on. The anusvāra is changed to n and ñ in conjunction with a following * or ch, once, in dhvastin=nayan (1.2), and once in kulan-cha (1. 4). The visarga is changed to é in conjunction with a following é, onee in niśśēsham (1.33) though it is retained in nihkësháo (1. 16). N is used instead of the anusvāra once in rājasinhaḥ (1. 3). As regarda lexicography, lines 48-52 contain some words such as drorgarikā, vaha and so forth, the exact import of which is not known.
The inscription is one of Sila-mahādēvi, wife of the Rashtrakūta king Dhruva, or, as she is described in lines 37-39, Paramēsvari Parama-bhattārikā Śri-Silamakādēvi, the great queen of the Paramabhattāraka Mahäräjädhiraja Paramēśvara Dhārāvarsha, the illustrious Dhruvarājadē78 who meditated on the feet of the Paramabhattāraka Mahārājādhirāja Paramēśvara, the illustrioua Akālavarshadēva, i.e., his father Krishna I. She is described as the princess of the illustrious Vittarasa alias Vishņuvardhana who bore the epithet of Sarva-lok-äfraya, 'Support of the whole world'. The latter is doubtless Vishnuvardhana IV. of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty ruling at Vēngi. In his account of this dynasty J. F. Fleet says that he was son of Vijayāditya I. and reigned for thirty-six years from A.D. 764 to 799. He is called Vishnuvardhana in all inseriptions except one. In this last his name is given as Vishnurāja which is no doubt the Sanskrit form of Vittarasa. No reasonable doubt can thus be entertained as to Sila-mahādēvi being the daughter of the Eastern Chalukya king, Vishnuvardhana IV.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a village by Sila-mahādēvito two Brahmaņs. The village granted is Kölēpadra, situated in the district of Nāndipuradväri. The
1 See above, Vol. XXI, p. 142. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 100.

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boundaries of the village have been specified. One of the donees was Marachcha, son of Maradi. He was an adhvaryu and a religious student of the Kāņva-śākhā. His native place was Kurugōta, and he pertained to the Salankayana-götra. The other donee was Durgāditya, son of Bhaṭṭa Nārāyaṇa. He also was an adhvaryu, but was a religious student of the Madhyandinaśākhā. His native place was Nandipuradvārī. He was a member of the Community of Brahmans well versed in the four Vedas (chaturvidya-sāmānya) belonging to his place, and pertained to the Jātukarṇya-gōtra. The occasion of the grant was the eclipse of the sun, which occurred in the Saka year 708 expired on the Amavasya day of the dark half of the Asvayuja (Aévina). This corresponds to Wednesday, 27th September, A.D. 786, when there was a solar eclipse.
It will be seen that the donor of the grant is a queen. And what is noteworthy about it is that she grants a village and issues the charter without any formal sanction or approval being given by her husband, king Dhruvaraja. This gives rise to an interesting question about the polity of Ancient India. Instances are not unknown of grants being made by queens. We have thus the Naihati Plate of the Sena king Ballalasēna, recording and sanctioning the grant of a village by his mother Vilasadevi on the occasion of a solar eclipse. As Viläsadevi was the wife of Vijayasena who was then dead, one can easily understand why her grant had to be approved and sanctioned by her son Ballalasena who was then the living king. The case was different with Prabhavatigupta who issued the Poona Plates. She was the agramahishi of the Vākāṭaka king Rudrasena I. But when she issued the grant, she was Regent during the minority of her son Divākarasēna. This is, no doubt, an interesting item of information, because it shows that women could administer a kingdom when their sons were minors. But as she was practically the ruler, it is intelligible how she could issue a charter without sanction being accorded to it by an extraneous higher authority. Nevertheless, be it noted, the charter has a seal bearing not her own name, but that of her son, namely, Divakarasēna. Far more interesting perhaps are the grants of Tribhuvana-Mahādēvi and Dandi-Mahādēvi, both of the Kara family of Guhesvarapāṭaka. The first of these was the daughter of Rajamalla, a king of the south, and Queen of Lalitabhāradeva. After the death of her husband, the feudatory chieftains of the kingdom approached her with a request to accept the sovereignty come to her in course of succession, and cited the instance of Devi Gōsvamini who apparently belonged to the same family and who agreed to administer the kingdom under similar circumstances. And in compliance with their request, we are told, she ascended the lion-throne like Katyayani. The name of the other female ruler furnished by this dynasty is that of Daṇḍi-mahādēvi, who was the daughter of the Kara king Subhakara. That both Tribhuvana-mahadevi and Dandi-mahadevi were real rulers is proved by the charters they issued on their sole authority, and, above all, by the titles which they bore, namely, Paramabhaṭṭārikā Mahārājādhirājā Paramēšvari. The only difference between these two is that while Tribhuvana-mahadevi was married into the Kara family, Dandi-mahadevi was apparently a virgin of that family. Whether the latter could have continued to be the ruler if she had been married is a most interesting point of law with which, however, we are not here concerned. Suffice it to say, both of these queens were rulers in reality, and it is therefore no wonder if they could issue grants in their own names, with their own dates and seals and without any extraneous sanction. But what about Sila-mahādēvi, Queen of Dhruvaraja, who is the donor of
1 Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 15vff. Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 41f.
Another grant of Prabhavatigupta is known which she made when she was a hundred years old. Though the village was granted by her, the plates refer themselves to a regnal year of her third son, Pravarasana (D. R. Bhandarkar's List of North. Ind. Insers., No. 1706; J. P. A. 8. B., Vol. XX, pp. 58ff).
J. B.O. R. S., Vol. II, pp. 422-23, l. 16-20 Bhandarkar's List Nos. 1413, 1416 and 1906,

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our charter? She was neither a Regent during the minority of any one of her sons, nor an autonomous ruler. And yet she issues a grant on her own authority and without the approval of her husband, Dhruvaraja. This is rather a case which deserves further consideration. For an entirely different procedure seems to have been followed in the case of the Gahaḍavala family. It seems that Govindachandra of this dynasty had two paṭṭamahādēvi mahārājñās, one Nayanakēlidevi and the other Gōsaladevi, both paṭṭamahādēvis, apparently not at one and the same time. Both issue grants, Nayanakēlidēvi in V. 1176 and Gōsaladevi in V. 12081. But though the grants are surely made by them, they have been issued with the express approval of Govindachandra in spite of the fact that each one of them is a paṭṭamahādēvi and is described as samastarajaprakriyopētā which Kielhorn renders by "endowed with all royal prerogatives". Such was not, however, the case with Sila-mahādēvi whose titles paramèsvari paramabhaṭṭārikā do not seem to be empty and unmeaning. Because in the prose portion of the inscription which really sets forth the details of the grant, she herself issues orders to the officers concerned with the village granted. At the end of the record also, the Dutaka and the officer who drew up the document carry out their respective duties according to the orders, not of Dhruvaraja, but of Sila-mahādēvi. And further there is nothing in the draft of the charter which shows that any approval or sanction was ever accorded to the grant by Dhruvaraja. This shows that the highsounding royal titles which are coupled with her name are not an empty boast, but are a clear indication that she was a co-partner of her husband in the Rashtrakuta sovereignty. Two questions here arise: first, how could she be a co-partner of her husband in royal sovereignty, and, secondly, are there any more instances of this kind?
It is well known that in ancient times wife and husband were jointly concerned in all the affairs of the life, not excluding the administration of a kingdom, and that in process of time this co-right of woman fell into desuetude in North India, but continued to be recognised for a long time in South India. Thus when a member of a royal family was crowned king, he was originally crowned along with his wife. Two instances will here suffice. The Rāmāyaṇa describes the coronation of Rāma, and the following significant line appears in that connection: tataḥ sa prayato vriddho Vasishtho brāhmaṇaiḥ saha | Rāmam ratna-maye pithe sa-Sitam samnyavēsayat||. This shows that when Rama was crowned king, he was crowned not alone, but along with Sita. The coronation of another epic hero that is always uppermost in the mind of a Hindu is that of Yudhishthira, with reference to which the following verse occurs in the Mahabharata, upavēśya mahātmānam Krishnam cha Drupad-atmajām. This also shows clearly that Yudhishthira was crowned sovereign not alone, but jointly with Draupadi. If this kind of coronation has a meaning (and certainly it was originally not a mere formality), it must mean that both husband and wife were co-sharers of the sovereignty so conferred upon them. This alone can explain why in the charter issued by Sila-mahadevi there is no approval or sanction given to it by Dhruvaraja. Being crowned along with her husband, she had as much authority to issue the grant in her name as he had in his.
It may, however, be contended that this line of reasoning, spacious as it is, is not convincing, unless more instances can be adduced to show that husband and wife jointly shared the ruling authority. And luckily such instances are by no means unknown though, so far as I know, they come from South India. Attention may be drawn to the Bankapur Inscription of the time of the Chalukya Sōmēsvara I. when in Saka 977 the Kadamba chieftain Harikesarideva was administering the Banavasi twelve-thousand, we are told, not alone and by himself, but in company with his
1 Above, Vol. IV, pp. 108ff; Vol. V, pp. 117 f. Yuddha-Kanda, Sarga, 128, v. 59.
Banti-P, Sarga 40, v. 14 (Bengali Recension),

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wife Lachchaladēvi. Here is thus a clear instance of husband and wife jointly ruling over a province. If we, however, want to know whether, as a matter of fact, a crowned queen can issue a charter on her own authority, that instance is supplied by Vijaya-mahadēvi, wife of Chandrāditya who was the elder brother of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya I. of Badami. We have not one, but two, copper-plate grants issued by her. And these grants she has made independently and without reference to her husband or Vikramaditya I. This authority she must have derived from her position as mchishi or crowned queen, as she has actually been called, of Chandräditya. But this joint rule by husband and wife is not a phenomenon of the medieval period of Ancient India. We thus have another instance in Nāsik Cave Inscription No. 5 which contains an order to Sämaka (Syāmaka), the Officer at Govardhana, by Gautamiputra Satakarni of the Satavahana dynasty and the grant of a fresh plot of land in lieu of the old uncultivable one, to the Buddhist monks staying in his Cave. It is a regular deed of grant bristling with fiscal terms and containing at the end the name of the engraver and the dates of the original donation and the actual execution. But who issues this order to the Officer at Govardhana? Not Gautamiputra Satakarņi by him. self, but he and his wife together. This clearly shows that Gautamiputra and his wife were both co-partners in the Sātavāhana sovereignty. It will thus be seen that in ancient times both husband and wife had joint interest in the exercise of sovereignty and that they could issue a grant jointly or separately in his or her name without reference to the other party. It is worthy of note that all the instances here adduced whether of a queen exercising joint authority along with her husband, or of a queen acting as Regent during the minority of her son or of a princess ruling sole sovereign as a virgin or a widowed queen are supplied from the history of South India. Whether there was such law applicable to North India in historical times we do not know.
We will now proceed to the consideration of other matters arising from our plates. There are two grants which refer to the reign of Dhruvarāja. The latter of these is the one whose contents we are discussing and which is dated Saka 708. The earlier is the Pimpari Platese dated Saka 697. This last comes into conflict with the Dhulia grant of Karkarāja, son of this Dhruvarāja, because this inscription which is dated Saka 701 refers itself to the prosperous reign of Govindatāja II., though his younger brother Dhruvarāja, as we know from Pimpari Plates, was already ruling in Saka 697. K. B. Pathak, who has edited these Plates, therefore, declares the Dhulia grant to be a spurious record. I agree with Pathak in his conclusion, but not for the reasons he has alleged. His main contention is as follows. He invites our attention first to the passage:
ar ....... JUANEITÀ [l*] Feige: na teerajat) #91ghrat fafcacata:[:*] [*] nefsariaat [:*) EfT (PAT) Alagoana 1 ... ya ...... TARTETTU wafaa ..... FA
ufas Here the expression Acts , says Pathak, can only mean "by the command of Dhruvarāja". He therefore naturally asks : "how could Karkarāja order all his feudatories by the command of Dhruvarāja, in the prosperous reign of Govinda II., when Dhruva was not the reigning sovereign ?" But the expression ETUT need not necessarily mean" by the command of Dhruvarāja”. It may also mean “ by the command of Govindaraja". If the latter view is
1 Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 168, 171 (1.28), and 174. * Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 164, 11. 13-15; ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 46, . 16-18. . Above, Vol. VIII, p. 73. • Ibid., Vol. X, pp. 85ff. • Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 186, 11. 26-30.

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accepted, the objection raised by Pathak becomes null and void. His other objection, however, is more important though he has put it forth rather cryptically. In the quotation just given from the Dhulia grant, there is a stanza descriptive of Dhruva which begins with tasya-ānujak and which occurs in many Rashtrakūta records. But the last line of this stanza is not correctly worded, especially the initial part of it. It begins with chūdāmani instead of with kramēna as in the other Rāshtrakūta inscriptions. Besides, chūļāmani, as it is, causes & cæsura of the metre. And what is curious is that in the Rāshţrakūta charters where this stanza is given, it is followed by another beginning with jātē yatra cha. This stanza, however, contains the word chúļāmanau which was probably sticking to the memory of the scribe who was writing out the Dhulia grant and which unwittingly fell through his pen while he was writing the last line of the preceding stanza. It is thus plain that both the stanzas were known to the scribe who prepared the draft of the Dhulia grant. Now, it is a fact well-known to an epigraphist that in the Rashtrakūta charters there are certain verses which are peculiar to certain Rāshtrakūta kings. These verses could have been composed by the court panegyrist only when those kings were on the throne. The verses beginning with tasya-ānujaḥ and jātē yatra cha could thus have been composed only when Dhruvarāja was the king. And the question naturally arises : how could these verses which must have been composed during the reign of Dhruvarāja alone find a place in the Dhulia grant which refers itself to the reign of his predecessor ? The verse 2 etc., as pointed out by Pathak, describes Dhruva as a paramount sovereign. When Dhruva was thus a sovereign, no Rāshţrakūta record can refer itself to the reign of his predecessor Govindaraja II., as the Dhulia grant undoubtedly does. Secondly, unless we suppose that the Dhulia grant is a forgery, a chronological discrepancy must arise which we cannot get over. As indicated above, whereas the Pimpari Plates of Dhruva are dated Saka 697, his present plates are dated Saka 708. We thus obtain a period ranging between Saka 697 and 708 during which Dhruva reigned. And this period is disturbed if we consider the Dhulia grant as a genuine one. For if Govindarāja II. ceased to reign and was succeeded by his brother Dhruva about Saka 697, how could he be ruling again in Saka 701 as the Dhulia grant implies. Evidence thus points to the irresistible conclusion that the Dhulia grant is a spurious one.
The last date of their father Krishnaraja is Saka 694 supplied by the Bhandak Plates. And the earliest date known for Dhruva is, as we have seen, Saka 697 which is the date of his Pimpari charter. Govinda II. thus seems to have ruled between Saka 694 and 697. This is no doubt & brief reign, but we know the cause of it, namely, that he was ousted from his throne by his younger brother Dhruva. To ascertain how he came to be so ousted, we will here quote accounts from three different charters and then piece them together so as to give a whole and intelligent story. The Dēõli and Kashād grants of Krishna III. say that " sensual pleasures made Govindarāja Careless of the kingdom, and that, entrusting fully the universal sovereignty to his younger brother, Nirupama, he allowed his position as sovereign to become loose". The Daulatābād Plates of the Rashtrakūta Sankaragana record that " His younger brother was Nirupama, who, on per. ceiving him self-conceited, abandoned by (feudatory) princes, and even devoid of policy, assumed the royal authority placed in the hands of a person) other than one possessed of devotion for the predecessors, in order that the sovereignty might not deviate from the family". The Paithan Plates of Govinda III. furnish the following information in two stanzas." Although he (Govindatája) brought kings in numbers, hostile as they were, (such as) the ruler of Mālava and so forth joined by the lord of Kāñchi, the Ganga, and the prince) of Vēngi, he (Dhruvarāja) gave ruby
1 Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 123ff. * Ibid., Vol. V., p. 193, v. 10; Vol. IV, p. 282, v. 11. • Ibid., Vol. IX, p. 194 and pp. 198-7, v. 11. Ibid., Vol. III, p. 107, 11. 30-34.

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ornaments and a quantity of gold, and, over and above that, kept his mind unchanged towards (his) brother. Thereafter when, even after conciliation and other (remedies), Vallabha (Govinda) did not make peace, (Dhruvarāja), the great ruler, speedily vanquished him in a battle offered by the brother, expelled the enensies from the east and the north, and secured the sovereignty decorated with the insignia of the effulgent pālidhvaja ". If we now piece together these items of information, we arrive at the following conclusions: (1) Govinda II. entrusted the government of the kingdom to Dhruva, because he gave himself up to sensual pleasures ; (2) the consequence was that Dhruva became the sovereign ipso facto; (3) Govinda became alive to the danger of the situation and entrusted the government to another who apparently was not a Rashtrakūta in lineage; (4) Dhruva thereupon revolted, and Govinda, to protect himself, entered into an alliance with kings who were otherwise inimical to the Rashtrakūta family; and (5) Dhruva made overtures to Govinda by offering him gold and precious stones, but as the latter gave a battle, Dhruva fought, defeated his brother, and made himself supreme.
The kings with whom Govinda II. formed an alliance were, as we have seen above, the ruler of Mālava, the Ganga prince and the lord of Vēngi. In this connection we may take note of a verse about Dhruva which is an important one for the Rāshtrakūta history and which is verse 24 of our grant'. It says: “As (Dhruva) reduced to subjection forts (durga) which were the cream of the three worlds, augmented his fame by obstructing the continuity of the (lineal) flow of the Gangas and made his own the prosperity of (a ruler) whose exalted insignia was the bull, he, alone and in this world displayed the quality of Paramēśvara (Supreme Ruler) clearly and powerfully, just as Siva, by decorating Durgā who was the quintessence of the three worlds, augmenting his fame by obstructing the continuity of the flow of the Ganges, and accepting the lofty Bull (Nandi) as his badge and ashes (for his use), displayed the quality of Paramēbvara (Supreme God)". It is evident that this stanza is susceptible of double entendre. The mythological sense is clear enough. But so far as the historical sense is concerned, it supplies us with two facts of importance. The first is that Dhruva was a sworn enemy of the Gangas. This follows from the verses quoted from the Paithān Plates. The Ganga prince was actually one of the allies who had come to the help of Govinda when Dhruva was ousting him. It was therefore natural that Dhruva could never forgive the Ganga king. His hostilities with the Gangas have been referred to also in other Rashtrakūļa inscriptions. The second historical fact to be deduced from the same verse of our grant is that he made his own the prosperity of a ruler whose family insignia was the bull. Who could this prince be ? Obviously he could be no other than a prince of the (Eastern) Chālukya family of Vēngi who had the bull as their badge. And this prince again could be no other than his father-in-law, Vishņuvardhana IV. The latter was no doubt an ally of Dhruva when our grant was issued. But it could not have been so originally, for we know that like the Ganga prince, the Vengi also favoured Govinda II. and opposed Dhruva. Now Vishnuvardhana IV., the Chalukya ruler of Vengi, we have seen, ruled from A.D. 764 to 799, whereas Govinda II. from A.D. 772 to 775. Vishnuvardhana therefore must have been the ally of Govinda II. and adversary of Dhruva about 775. But it seems that after Govinda II. was finally ousted, Vishnuvardhana made alliance with Dhruva which was cemented by the latter marrying his daughter.
1 The suns verse occurs in the Surát Plates of Karkkarāja (v. 24) as stated above. Prof. A. 8. Altekar, who has edited them, however, interprets it differently.
(That the Eastern Chalukyas had boar as their hadge and not bull is clear from the expression vara-vardhaTaichhana foned in their inscriptions and the figure of a boar on the seals of many of the nopper plateinged by them. The reference here is probably to the Pallavn of Kinobi who had the bull as their emblem as is evidenced by their seals. We know from the Paithan plates that the Lord of Kifcbf was one of the kings with whom Gåvinda II. formed an alliance.--Ed.]

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No. 17.) JETHWAI PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVT. 105
TEXT.1
First Plate. 1 भी [1] स वोव्य(व्या)इधसा धाम यवाभिशमलं तं [0] हरच यस्य
क(का)न्तेन्दुकलया कमसंवतं [11"] 2 पासीहिषन्तिमिर' मुद्यतमण्डलायो ध्वस्तिबयबभिमुखो रणशरीषु [*] भूपः
शुचिबिधुरिवा3 दिगमा कोतिर्गोविन्दर(ग)ज इति राजसु राजसिकः ॥ 2*] हा चमूम... भिमुखीं सुभटाहाहसा मुबा4 मितं सपदि येन रणेषु नित्वं 10) दष्टाधरण दधता भुकुटि' सखाटे
खा कुलंच(च) उदयं च निजं च सत्व' [3] 6 खा करना मुखतच शोभ(भा) मानो मनस्तः सममेव यस्य । [म (ता)
हवे नम1 निय(1)म्य सद्यस्वयं रि6 पु(पू)णां विगलत्यकखें ॥ [4"] तस्यात्मजो जगति विश्रुतदीर्घकीर्तिरत
- ति हारिहरिविक्रमधमधरि" [*] भूपस्त (स्त्रि)वि7 टपतृपामुक्ततिः कृतः श्रीककराज इति गोषमणिबभूव । [5] तस्य
विभिनकरटच्युतदानदन्तिदन्तहर७ रचिरीमिखितांसपीठ: [*] अषः पितो" पितमधुरभूत्तनूज[:] सद्राष्ट्रकू
टकनकद्रि रिवेन्द्रराज: ॥[6] 9 तस्योपार्जितमहसस्तनयचतुरुदधिवक्षयमालिन्या: [*] भोक्ता भुवः शतक
तुसदृषः श्री10 दन्तिदुर्गरजोमुत् ॥[7"] काधीशकेरलनरधिप चोलपणा श्रीहर्षवष्वटविभेदविधा
. नदक्षं [*] कार्ण 11 टक बलमनत्य मजेयमन्यै स्वैः कियनिरपि यः सहसा जिगाय ॥[8"] पवित
भामरहित निभातश
1 From the original plates and impressions. • Expressed by a symbol. • Road तिमिर'.
• Read वास्तदिगन्त. • Read °टाहासा
1 Road बुकुटि. • Road सत्वम्
10 Read कराया URead काहे.
WRead राताति. "Road प्रहार
WRead चाप:" Road कनकाद्रि.
- Read सहमः M Road मराषिप.
* Read पाखा. Read चमनन
• Road प्रभू
• Road सिंह • Read खड़ग11 Road H. 14 Read Yurd. 17 Road fedt.
Rond राजोभूत. » Rond astet * Road महीत.

Page #139

106
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
12 स्त्रमश्रान्तमप्रतिहतन्त्र'मपतयनं [1] यो वनभं सपदि दण्डबलेन जित्वा
राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरता13 मवाप [*] भारीतोविपुलोपलावलिलसबीलोमिमालाजमादापालेयकलहिता
मलशिलाजा14 लात्तुषाराचलात् (0) आ पूर्बापरव(वा)रिराशिपू(पु)लिनप्रान्तप्रसिद्वावधे येनेयं
जगती खविक्रमबले15 नैकातपत्रा' कता ॥[10*] तस्मिन्दिवं प्र]या ते वनभराजे चतप्रजाबाधः []
श्रीककरानसूनुर्महीपतिः क16 ष्णराजोमूत्] [11] यस्य सभुजपरक्रम नि:() शेषोत्सादितारिदिक्कक्र 10)
कृष्णस्येवाकृष्णं चरितं
Second Plate ; First Side. 17 श्रीववरजस्य' ।[12*] समतुततरमप्रहहरेणूई रुहरविकिरणं [1] ग्रोभेपि
नभो निखिलं 18 प्राहदालायत स्पष्टं ।[13] दीनानाथप्रणयिषु यथेष्टचेष्ट समोहितमजसं 100
तत्क्षणमकालव19 षों वर्षति सर्वार्तिनिवपणं ।[14*] राहप्पमात्मभुजजातबलावलेपमाणो विजित्य
निशितासिलता20 प्रहारः [*] पालिध्वज वलिशुभामचिरेण यो हि राजाधिरानपरमेश्वरता'
ततान ॥[15] क्रोधादुत्खातख21 प्रस्तरुचिचयै समानं समंता जादुहत्तवैरिप्रकटगनघटाटोपसंचोभदछ ।)
शौर्य 23 स्कारिवा' भयचकितवपुः का[f]° दृदेव सद्यो दर्थमातारिचक्रक्षयकरम
गमद्यस' दोईण्ड23 (क)पं ॥[16] पाता यचतुरं()बुर(ग)शिरशनालंकारभाजो भुवस्त्रय्याश्चापि
तडिजामरगुरुप्राज्याज्यपु(पू)24 जादरः 10 द(दा)ता म(मा)नभृदनोंर्गुणवता योसौ थियो वनभो भोतं
स्वर्गफल(मा)नि भूरितप
1 Rond प्रतिहलाई • Read खभुजपराक्रम. 17 Read त सतान. - Read कापि.
• Road प्रसिद्धावधयें.. • Read राजस्थ. • Read समन्तादानात.
Read 'यस्य.
• Read पी. • Read °चना • Read वर्गों.

Page #140

No. 17.] JETHWAI PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI. 107
25 सा स्थानं जमा मामरं ॥ [17* ] येन खेतातपचप्रहतर विक स्त्राततापासलीलं जम्मे नासीरधूली
26 धवली (लि) तशिरसा वल्लभ (भा) ख्यः सदाजौ [1"] स श्रीगोविन्दराजो जितज-मदहित से वैधव्य हेतुस्त
27 स्यासीत्मतुरेका' चणरणदलित (ता) रातिमत्तेभकुम्भ: ॥ [18* ] तस्यानुजः श्रीधु (धु)वराजनामा मह (हा) नुभावो
28 प्रत प्रत (ता) प: [*] प्रसाधिताशेषनरेन्द्रचक्रः क्रमेण बलर्क वपुर्बभूव ॥[19*] जते यत्र च राष्ट्रकु (कू) ट
29 [ति ] लके सङ्गपचुटमणो' गुर्व्वी तुष्टिरथाखित्वस्य जगतः सुखामिनि प्रत्यहं [["] सत्यं सत्यमिति प्र
30 श(शा)सति सति मामासमुद्रान्तिकामासोद्धपरे गुण (णा) मृतनिधौ सत्यव्रता
धिष्ठिते ॥ [ 20* ] शशध
31 रकरनिकरनिभं यस्य
सुन्दरीनिव
32 है: ॥[21*] हृष्टोन्वहं योथि (र्थि) जनाय नित्यं सर्व्वखामानंन्दितबधुवर्ग:" [1*]
प्रदा प्ररुष्टो' हरति
Second Plate; Second Side.
प्राणान्यमस्य (स्या ) पि नितान्तवीय:' [ ॥22"] रक्षती (ता) येन चतुरंभोधिसंयुतं [*]
लोकाना ( नां) कृता तुष्टिः परा हृदि [ ॥23 * ] योसौ प्रसे(सा) धितजगत्र (च) यसारदुगो" गंगौ
35 घसन्ततिनिरोधविवृडनीत्तिः 2 [1*] "ग्रामोकृतोव्रतवृषाङ्कविभूतिरुश्चेष्यंत तंतान"
धगात् निश्शेष (षं)
34 राज्यं धर्म्मण
यशः सुरनगाग्रसानुस्यैः [*] परिगीयतेनुर ब्लैर्व्विदधर- '
33 स्म
परमेख
36 [र] तामिक: ।[ 24* ] तस्य परमभट्ट (हा) रकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीमदकाल37 [व] [देव] प (पा) दानुध्यातपरमभट्ट (हा) रकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरधार (रा)वर्ष
38 श्री ध्रुवराजदेवस्य महादेवी सर्व्वलोकाश्रयविष्णुवर्धनश्रीविट्टरसराजदु
1 Read 'कुनुरेकः
● Read जाते.
• Road रक्तैर्व्विद्याधर
● Road वेगात्.
11 Read if
13 Read
T
2 Read बालार्क.
• Read चडामयौ.
• Read सर्व्वखमानन्दितबन्धु
• Read
बी.
11 Road कोर्त्तिः.
14 Road व्यंक्तं ततान.
7 Read प्रादात्प्ररुष्टी.
10 Read धर्मोय.

Page #141

108
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. XXII.
39 हिता परमेश्वरी परमभारिका बौयौलमहादेवी ॥ तयेदमाशो40 तुणाचनवख्याम्वु(म्बु)वि(बि)मध्रुवमाकलय्य [1] जीवितं धर्मनिबबुद्ध्या
हिला41 तिदायोयमकारि भूरिः [0 25"] सा च धारावर्षीमहादेवी कुमली(लिनी) .
सर्व(ो)ने42 व यथासवध्यमानकाबाष्ट्रपतिविषयपतिग्रामकूटकन(नि)युतायुवाधि43 कार(रि)कमहत्तरादीन(न्) समादिशति [*] अस्तु वो विदितं यथा
मय(या) म(मा)तापि44 बोरामनरहेकामुभिकपुण्ययशोभिवइये श्रीकुरगोटवास्तव्यथा45 संकायनसगोत्र-प्रध्वयु-काखसब्रह्मच(चा)रि-ब्राह्मण-मारदि-सूनुमिमा रक्षः । 46 श्रीनान्दीप(पुोरहारीवास्तव्य-तचातुहिध स(सा)मान्य-जातूकण्यसगोत्र-मध्वयु'-माध्यन्दि47 नसब्रमचारि-बाधण-भट्टनारायण-सूनु-दुर्ग(ग्गा)दित्यः [*] पाद्या श्रीमवान्दोपु48 रहारी-दिषयन्तर्गतः' कोलव(प)दनामग्रामः यस्याघनानि पूहतः तटनम49 पवासाखहानियोयिसंगमञ्चरणिफालपामच
Third Plate. 50 दक्षिणतः निस्सोईकुण्डखावहाः निग्रदिपद्रनामश्च तत दोङ्गारिका च उखल
पद्ग्रामव 51 तहहच पथिमतः एखखपदी नाम नदिका तोरणपदनाम ग्राम झकरि
पटनिस्मोईसं52 गमः भद्रवटग्रामच उत्तरतो द्रोगरिका' नवग्रामच एत[दा]पानी पखषितः
सधन्धहिरखदेय 53 पचाटभटमावेश्य(श्यः) अखिलराजकीय(या)[नामहस्तप्रक्षेपणीयः पाचन्द्राळ
संवधितिसरित्यवंतसम54 कालीत(म.) भूमिछिद्रन्यायन" यकभूपासक[][ातीतसंव] मरयतसतके पषोत्तरका
पशबुजवणाम1 Read संबध्यमानकानाष्ट्र.
* Read चैहिका • Read अध्वर्यु • Read तचातुर्विद्य.
• Read जातूकW. • Read चाभ्यां
Read विषया.
s Read पूर्वत:. It is difficult to correct and punctuate the words from 24 to . Perhaps they may stand for तटन-अपना-सारबद्दा-निस्सीयि-संगभवरशिफालयामश्च. 1m Read तती.
Read 'नामा ग्रामी. 1 This seems to be the Sanskritised form of a GT in l. 50, and is probably the name of a river. The word döngara is found in other inacriptions also (cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 120, 11. 31 and 33). According to Kittel do igara or dongara means a hill', a steep rock. Possibly dongarika has been tised here in the sense of 'ahillock'.-Ed.] - Read सधान्धहिरण्यादयः. " Road भूमिच्छिद्र
" Read चष्टीत्तरकै.

Page #142

JETHWAI PLATES OF QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI; SAKA-SAMVAT 708.
iib.
लाए। MOTI) MILE पचाय Mतार
दिया हयातNI 34 Sasa वा मनकुत्ताधरायफलतापमान कालाहालपरगन्यायमरकथा 36 G! पद JULT काहायपानिपतावस
'६८वर) । पदेनरककिनारी वनवासाचा 38 तिमी मलालधारदार दाल
पूचिढ़ाया जातहानि पह140
दाययम कानीय सवारूपचकटू 42वामकेवमायामाहशामकुटकरायल142 ८
८ 44 नमन क
जावादायबग्मायन
रतापयशादाबला 44 काम कमायालादान 469वायाचिकान्तिनसयमावला 46
EMरापि HAMलरकसपनालयका 48ठमावासबायण गुह48
TITAमलरमा
Statistianitari
n
222
EMAILITPAT
परेवामनवमरपथमाला नाद का जी का पलवामपनावमा 20:ILGC कालीपm/gy" (चान्सामा 5. सत्यावर
23.ययावत चालल्यावर Tकि 15/शवारचाक्षाला कसपल पाया ठोरिठ) TAMROMरावल भनपचमाया करीAALIहिौठरेलाको नरके यहा सापक(3726
1 ) STRATIOETEच्यवसायमा सय र
निशा:यशतकाचदा दि. ८ तक के रिकतार सरल खतनिरिहा
राम सावउ नयादी तयार
दार-उका प्यार हेयर, लियाकारणार LATE.याय
र लगनशामान्य CATrna ITE
:कानदाकचारवाया लिए
तापक्षतता सघाउने उठादाविस रस
पिपिचर Ty: IOE पीपलवारण मृदायहर दाहाये इयर महामानवला कारा पर
168
SCALE: TWO-THIRDS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
N. P. Chakravarti. REG. No. 3373E36-425,

Page #143


Page #144

No. 17.) JETHWAI PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA QUEEN SILAMAHADEVI. 109
55 वास्थाया महत्वादित्यप्रापयति प[तिकति]सर्ग' बलिचस्वैश्वदेवाग्निहोत्र
पञ्चमायन 58 पक्रियोसर्पणाय प्रतिपादितः *] यतोनयोतिषणानयोः(डंबानयोः) भोजयतोः
__ प्रतिदिशतीवो ) न बनविल्यामधे प्रवत्तितव्य' [*] तप 67 मिभद्रनृपतिभिरस्माईश्रन्ये(न्)| स(सा)मान्य भूमिदानफचमवेत जसबु()दच
(च)चलं च जीवितमैचर्य58 कलय खदायमिबिशेषोयमवायः] पालयितव्यः [] यवानानती व्याच्छि.
द्याद(दा)विषमानं वानुमोद59 त स 'पञ्चभि महपतकेसापपा
विता] वेदव्यासन [] पष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि 60 वर्ग तिष्ठति भूमिद(द.) [] [पाच्रेत्ता चा]सुमन्ता च तान्येव नरव
वसत् ॥ 26"[ विध्या(व्या)टवोचतोयास राष्का61 कोटरवासिनः ।।"] आणाय[fr] पायन्ते भूमिदाय(य) परन्ति ये [॥ 27]
बहुभिर्वसुधा मुना राजमि(भिः) 82 सगर(ब)दिभिर्यस यत्र यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस तदा] पर [॥ 28"]
या)मीप दत्त(ता)नि पुरा नरेन्द्रर्द (दो)नानि धर्मर्त्यय-10 63 शस्कराणि [11] नि समाचमतिमानि [ता]नि को नाम स(सा): पुनरा
ददीत [29*] खदत्ता(at) परदत्ता(ता) वा यबाद84 च नराधिप [*] मही(सी) महीमता(at) बेड दानात् बेयोपालन" [0 30"]
ति बमदखापुयिन्दुलोबा" 86 प्र(वि)यमनुचिस्य मरावजीवित च "] पतिपिमलमनोभिरामनीन न
पुरुषः परकीर्तयो वि. 68 लोप्या(प्याः) [ 31"] पति धारावर्ष-चौरघुवीवनम"-महाद(१)वी-समादिह-बीमा
याषि-खय दूतक on लिखितं व(च) परमजायोजया" पासिनस्ताना] मासविविवाधिवतन"
68 भरापरणाबा वसुदेवेनेति पो [] 1 Rond "मावास्याबा
• Rand vषीदवाविवर्षक • Bond प्रवर्तितव्यं
• Rondayावा. TRoad पथमिहापावडीपपावje 'Rnds. * Road wit.
u Read on. Read on.
u Bandreी. "Road परने
Round wife
Bond महायची. 'Rand . • Rondarबी.
Read more Uload ची पूक्की.

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110
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII
No. 18.-KULIDIKKI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA NANDISVARAVARMAN.
BY V. VENKATASUBBA AIYAR, B.A., MADRAS. The subjoined inscription' is engraved on a hero stone fixed near the river Pälär at Kuļidikki in the Gudiyattam taluk of the North Arcot district. The stone is in a good state of preservation and the letters are engraved in archaic Tamil.
The language of the record is Tamil prose and it is particularly free from orthographical peculiarities.
A few words used in the inscription have a special significance. The word tiri (11. 8, 9) ordinarily means 'to wander'; but here it is used in the sense of 'to proceed'. The word Pallavaraiyan (1.5) is here used to denote the Pallava king.
The epigraph is dated in the 52nd year of Vijaya-Nandis varavarman and it records the death of Gangadiyaraiyar Kannādu Perungangar, the chief of Kapkāt tūr, who, at the instance of mamadi the Bäna king, fell on the day when the Pallava army marched against Perumånadigal' and destroyed (the fortress of) Ponkulikkottai.
At the outset it may be pointed out that, from the high regnal yeart quoted in the record the king may be identified with Nandivarman Pallavamalla. The record may, therefore, be assigned to the second half of the 8th century A.D.
The present inscription is important because it mentions a direct attack of the Pallava king Nandivarman (Pallavamalla) on the Western Gangas (Permānadi). The reason for the attack is not stated, but it is clear that the raid must have been undertaken to check the
* No. 154 of 1921 of the Madras Epigraphical collection.
* In No. 35 of 1922 this word is similarly used. Compare also the word 'Ilattaraiyan' to denote the king of Ceylon (8. 1. I., III, p. 232).
The term 'Perumânadiga!' is an honorific title generally applied to the Divine Being and in inscriptions it is also used to denote kings. According to a Ganga record (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nr. 35) the Pallavas bad thig title, but we find very few instances of its application to them, as for instance in No. 17 of 1899. It may probably be explained by the boast of the Western Ganga King Sripurusha who claims to have snatched this title from the king of Kanchi'. From the time of Sripurusha, it invariably denoted the Ganga rulers.
In the present record, this term is dubiously used. It might be interpreted as referring to Nandivarman himself, in which case, "Pallavaraiyan" (1. 5) would be some local chieftain who revolted against his overlord, when both Vanaraiyar and Gangadiyaraiyar rushed to the rescue of the Pallava sovereign. Considering the context in which the term is used, the proximity of the Gudiyattam taluk, where this inscription is found, to the Ganga territory and the political situations of the time, it seems better to take it as referring to Sripurusha.
There are only a few stone records of Pallavamalla which, from high regnal years, can be definitely attri. buted to him, viz.
(a) 8.1. I., Vol. I, No. 125, dated in the 47th year from Virifichipuram, (6) No. 10 of 1895, dated in the 50th year from Panchapandavamalai, (c) S. 1. 1., Vol. I, No. 108, dated in the 52nd year from Sadupperi, (c) Ibid., Vol. III, No. 42, dated in the 62nd year from Tiruvallam, (e) No. 666 of 1922, dated in the 65th year from Mahabalipuram and
(1) No. 14 of 1893, dated in the 8th year from Conjeeveram.
Some of the inscriptions of Nandivarman without the distinguishing titles Pallavamalla' and 'Tellarrerinda ' and with regnal years below 22 must remain unidentifiod, as they cannot be easily assigned to either the 2nd or 3rd king of that name.
Mr. K.V.Subrahmanya Aiyar has fixed the initial date of Pallavamalla at 696 A.D. (above, Vol. XXpp. 46 ff.); recently an attempt has been made to bring it down to 726 A.D. (Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. VIII, pp. 1 ff.).

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No. 18.]
KULIDIKKI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA NANDISVARAVARMAN.
growing power of the Gangas. Incidentally the record also mentions the relationship that existed among the three powers, viz., the Pallavas, Western Gangas and the Baņas who came into conflict with one another too frequently in the 8th century A.D.
111
For a clear understanding of the record, the position of these powers during this period must be understood.
Nandivarman Pallavamalla accepted the Pallava monarchy when quite young at a time when the Pallava dominion was threatened with destruction. He had to contend against Chitramaya, another aspirant to the Pallava throne. The Western Chalukyas who were the hereditary enemies of the Pallavas took this opportunity and, under Vikramaditya II, they even succeeded in capturing Kãñchi and driving Pallavamalla to the south, where again at Nandipura near Kumbhakōņam, the latter was besieged by a confederacy of Southern powers, from which his general Udayachandra saved him. Pallavamalla soon retrieved his position and established his power in the south also as is evidenced by his copper-plate records, nearly all of which come from the Tanjore district. He was attacked on all sides which necessitated his general Udayachandra to bestow the whole kingdom many times on the Pallava' monarch. The whole of his reign was crowded with military exploits as he came into conflict with all the neighbouring powers, viz., the Pandyas, Rashtrakutas, Eastern and Western Chalukyas and the Gangas. Here we are directly concerned with his relationship with the Gangas.
Regarding the Pallava-Ganga relationship, it may be pointed out that the Pallavas claimed overlordship over the Gangas by claiming to crown the Ganga kings. The Western Ganga kings Harivarman and Simhavarman or Madhava III were crowned by the Pallava monarchs Simhavarman and Skandavarman." When the Gangas were subdued by the Western Chalukyas," the former must have come into conflict with the Pallavas along with the Chalukyas, their overlords. Bhüvikrama, the elder brother of the Ganga king Sivamāra I., claims to have defeated the Pallava king in the battle of Vilanda and also to have captured the whole of the Pallava dominions. Probably as a result of this battle, Sivamāra I. claims to have kept in his charge two Pallava princes.7 When the Western Chalukyas were overthrown by the Rashtrakutas, the Gangas under Sripurusha tried to assert their power, but soon the Rashtrakutas and the Pallavas vindicated their claim for overlordship by claiming to crown Sivamara II Saigoṭṭa.
The contemporary of Pallavamalla on the Ganga throne at the time of our record was Sripurusha (725-788 A.D.) in whose time the Gangas tried to expand their dominions. He seems to have extended his conquests as far as Kulidikki where the present inscription is found.
1 Käsäkudi, Tandantōṭṭam, Patṭattālmangalam or Korrangudi plates; the Udaiyendiram plates alone do not belong to the Tanjore district.
S. I. I., Vol. II, p. 372.
This is said to have been performed in due form, i.e., according to customary rights (yatharham) (above, Vol. XIV, p. 333).
Above, Vol. XIV, p. 332.
A record of Vinayaditya, dated in 694 A. D., speaks of the Gangas as the hereditary servants of the Western Chalukyas (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 303).
Rice: Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, p. 37.
Ep. Carn., Vol. III, Md. 113.
Ibid., Vol. IX, N. 60. Though this is a spurious record, the late Dr. Fleet did not find any impossibility in the truth of the statement that the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III crowned Śivamāra II.
His inscriptions are also found at Oddanpatti in the Salem district (Nos. 211 and 212 of 1910 of the Madras Epigraphical collection).

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112
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
In fact a record from Humcha states that Sripurusha slew the valiant Käduvetti of Kanohi and appropriated to himself, from the Pallavas, the title Permānadi' which was from this time onwards exclusively used to denote the Gangas." Pallavamalla, however, did not keep quiet. The present inscription records one invasion against the Ganga king. In the Tandaptõttam plates, dated six years later, i.e., in his 58th year, Pallavamalla claims to have taken from him & neck ornament which contained in it the gem called Ugródaya. Sripurusha, therefore, seems to have given trouble to Pallavamalla till late in the latter's reign.
The Bana country, known as Perumbānappādi, lay to the west of the Andhra country between the Pallava and the Ganga kingdoms. In the beginning, the Bānas offered opposition to Pallava expansion, but in the Pallava-Ganga fights, they had to join one side or the other. They first became the subordinates of the Gangas. Dindigarar, & Bāņa king ruling over Kaļbappunādu, was a subordinate of Sripurusha. A stone inscription of the time of the Ganga prince Madhava Muttaraga at Talla palla refers to his expedition against Māvali-Vānarasa and to the battle of Köyättür, i.e., Laddigam in the Chittoor district. Though forced by circumstances to join the Gangas at times, the Bāņas generally threw in their lot with the Pallavas. At the time of our record we see that the Bāna king sided the Ganga' in checking the Pallava aggression. In this attack the Pallava king must have felt the necessity for creating a buffer state of the Bāņa territory, for we find within the next few years the Bāņa chiefs figuring as subordinates of the Pallavas and acting as the guardians of the frontier territory of their overlords. In our inscription the Bäna contemporary of Pallavamalla is merely called by the general title Vänaraiyar without giving his actual name. It is evident that he cannot be Vikramaditya I., the son-in-law of Prithivipati I., as he figures in the 17th year of Nandivarman III.10 We may identify him with Nandivarman, the historical founder of the Bana kingdom.11 Our record gives us to understand that this Vänaraiyar did not take an active part in checking the Pallava attack on Penkulikkottai, though it indicates his support of the Ganga cause. It will be seen from the present inscription that he stood in the relation of a
1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Nr. 35. Though this record is about three oonturies later than the time of Sripurusha and also contains some wrong statements, the adoption of the title 'Permadi'i.e., Perumdnadiga) by the West ern Ganga rulers is borne out by their records ; but the other statements made in it cannot be accepted as correct unless we get reliable evidence in support of them.
* It has been suggested that Paramokvaravarman II was the Pallava king slain on the battlefield at Vilardo. Though probable, we do not know much about this ruler to st.rm it.
The Ganga ohiofs seem to have adopted not only the title Permdnadi but also other titles of the Pallavaa as well. Vijaya-Narasimhavikramavarman and Vijays-Isvaravarman whose inscriptions are found at Bangavādi in the Kolar district, Kilmuttugur and Valur in the North Aroot district and Hanumantapuram in the Salem district and who have been taken as Pallavas or rather Ganga-Pallavas hitherto, must really be Ganga chiefs adopting Pallava titles. These chiets do not call themselves Pallarms and their inscriptions are in Vattoluttu characters which we do not find in Pallava records. From the elephant and hans figures (above, Vol. IV, p. 177), carved in relief on one of the slabs containing an inscription of Narasimhavikramavarman, Dr. Hultzach also ooncluded that Narasimhavarman was probably – Western Ganga chief (ibid.).
. 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 517, verbo 6. . Mysore Archeological Report for 1927, p. 100. • Ep. Carn., Vol. X, Bp. 13. This inscription is assigned by Ripe approximately to A.D. 725. In the battle of Soremati also tho Bapa chief sided the Ganga ruler (No. 543 of 1906).
The Banas figure as rabordinates of Pallavamalla, Danti, Nandi II and Nripatunga (abovo, Vol. XI, p. 235)
8.1. ., Vol. III, No. 47 and 48. 1. Ibid., p. 93.
11 Abovo, Vol. XVII, p. 3. This Bapa chiot must ovidently have been so called after the came of his Pallavs overlord Nandivarman (II).

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Page #149

6
10
12
KULIDIKKI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA NANDISVARAVARMAN.
N. P. Chakravarti.
Reg. No. 3365 E'34-445.
HO
OR
BRACA
1346 Kenn
SCALE: ONE SIXTH.
6
10
12
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

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No. 18.]
KULIDIKKI INSCRIPTION OF VIJAYA NANDISVARAVARMAN.
maternal uncle1 to the Ganga chief at Karkaṭṭur. After the storming of Penkulikkōṭṭai, the Bāņas must have been subdued completely by the Pallavas, as we find a Mahavali Vāṇaraiyar figuring as a subordinate in the 62nd year of Pallavamalla. Subsequently, we find the Bāņa chief ruling the Ganga six-thousand provinces also, which must evidently have been possible only with Pallava support. It will thus be seen that by storming the fortress of Penkulikköṭṭai, Pallavamalla was able to check the growing power of the Ganga king Sripurusha and also to subdue the Bāņas who from this time onwards accepted the overlordship of Pallavamalla and his successors.
The question why the death of Gangadiyaraiyar should be recorded in an inscription of his adversary the Pallava king Nandivarman is easily answered. After the siege, the village Penkulikkōṭṭai belonged to Nandivarmen and inscriptions of this place had necessarily to be put up in the name of its overlord.
From the fact that the Ganga chief of Karkaṭṭur is called Kannadu Perungangar, it may be inferred that his ancestors, like himself, died on battle field.
Of the places mentioned in the record, Karkaṭṭür may be identified with Kalakattür near Palamaner in the Chittoor district. This Kalakattur was in Puli-naḍu which was under the Banas, but was subsequently conquered by the Nolamba king under orders of the Ganga ruler. Pepkujikkottai may be identified with Kulidikki itself where the present inscription is found.
1 Sri [||]ko-Videya-Nandi
2 chchuraparumarku yāṇḍu
3 ambattiraṇḍāvadu
113
4 Perumapaḍigal měl
5 Pallavaraiyan padai van
6 du Pepkulikköṭṭai, a
7 litta ñāņu Väparai
8 yar mamaḍi tiriga enat
9 tirindu paṭṭar Karkat
10 tür-udaiya Gangadiyarai
11 yar Kappadu Perunga12 ǹgar [||]
TEXT.
TRANSLATION.
Prosperity! In the fifty-second year of (the reign of) king Viseya-Nandichchuraparumar, Gangadiyaraiyar Kannadu Perungangar, (the chief) of Karkattür died, (when) Vanaraiyar, (his) uncle (directed him) to proceed on the day (when) the Pallava (1) army marched against Perumanadigal and destroyed (the fortress of) Penkulikköṭṭai.
1 One would look for the term mamadi to precede the proper name Vaparatyar as in Allan Tikka, M Some vara, Aliya Ramariya etc. This word is so used in the present inscription that it might also open that Vanaraiyar was the 'unole of Perumanadigal, fe., Sripurusha himself.
8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 91.
Ep. Carn., Vol. X, p. VI.
• Madras Epigraphical Beport for 1918; pp. 90-91.

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114
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
No. 19.-THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 3571.
BY THE LATE PROF. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. The copper-plates on which the subjoined inscription is incised were discovered in 1915 in the village of Jesar, in the Bhāvnagar State of Käthjāwar. They were lent in 1916 to Mr. (now Dr.) D. R. Bhandarkar, then Superintendent, Archaeological Survey, Western Circle, and a preliminary account of this inscription, along with that of another grant of Milāditya III discovered in the same village, were published by that scholar.3
The record is incised on the inner side of two thick plates of copper measuring 1' 21" by 1' which are held together by a long ring of copper to which is attached an oval seal, of the same metal, with the legend, usually to be found on seals of grants of the Valabhi dynasty of Kathiawār, Sri-Bhatakka. There is a bull couchant in the upper part of the area of the seal separated from the legend by two lines. Another round hole is to be seen in each of the plates for another ring, which however is missing. There are altogether sixty-two lines of writing of which the first twenty-nine are to be found on the first plate and the remaining thirty-three on the second plate. The whole of the record, with the exception of the three imprecatory verses in the second plate, is in prose. The language of the record is Sanskrit, abounding with high flown phrases copied from earlier grants. Mistakes of the mason are common. Consonants with the superscript r are usually doubled. The upadhmāniya and jihvāmülīya are used very often in ligatures with the following consonants p and k respectively.
The alphabet of the inscription shows clear signs of southern influence, cf. the form of la in rain-ālamkara (1. 32). The base line of ha is suppressed. The place of the anusvāra is very often taken by n in ligatures, cf. ansa (1. 10) and vidhvansita (I. 19). Noteworthy also is the vowel è in eva (11. 25 and 44).
The first fortyfive lines of the record are devoted to the genealogy. As usual in grants issued by the later princes of the Valabhi dynasty, the names of the sons of Bhaṭārka are omitted and the first prince to be mentioned, after the founder of the house, is Guhasēna, the son of Dharapatta, who was the fourth son of Bhaţārka. Then in the order of succession comes his son Dharasēna II, his son Śīlāditya I, surnamed Dharmmāditya, his younger brother Kharagraha I, and his son Dharasēna III. The latter was followed on the throne by his younger brother Dhruvasēna II, surnamed Bālāditya and he was succeeded by his son Dharasēna IV. After this prince the succession devolved upon Dhruvagēna III, the son of pērabhata, who was the son of Silāditya I. Dhruvasēna IIL, was succeeded by his elder brother Kharagraha II, who again was followed on the throne by his elder brother Silāditya II's son Silāditya (III), the donor of the present grant. [The late Mr. R. D. Banerji read the date of this inscription as Sam 300 80 7 dvi-Pausha-ba 10. Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar also read the date ag Sarn 387 dvi-Pausha-ba 4. Both these, scholars, apparently depending on their reading of the date, attributed this inscription to Sīlāditya IV, the son and successor of Silāditya III. The genealogical portion of the inscription, however, stops with Sīlāditya III, but Banerji held the opinion that the portion introducing Siladitya IV, which is found in his own grants or those of his guccessors was omitted in this inscription'. I, however, read the date as Sam 300 50 7 dviPausha-ba 4 and would attribute the inscription to Silāditya III. The second numerical figure in the year is exactly similar to the figure for 50 found in the Lunsadi plates of Silāditya III.
See my note in paragraph 4.-Ed.) * Now edited above, Vol. XXI, pp. 210 f. *P. R. A. 8., W. C., 1915-16, p. 55, para, 10.
P. R. A. 8., W.O., 1915-16, p. 58, and List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1308. Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, pp. 308 f, and Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions of Kathyroar, etc., pp. 45 ff. and Pls.

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No. 19.)
THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 357.
115
Moreover, the donee of the present grant is evidently identical with that of Jesar plates of Silā. ditya of Valabhi Samvat 347, the difference being that he is here only mentioned as a Dikshita and his two names Saggala and Prakāśa found in the earlier Jesar plates have been omitted. It therefore appears that Silāditya III, made a second grant to the same person ten years after the first grant was issued. -Ed.]
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of: (1) a reservoir of water (vāpi) extending over twenty-five pădāvarttas of land from the royal domain land (rūjakiya) in the Madasarasthali in the village of Madasara in Surāsht[r*]a to a Brāhmaṇa who was a Dikshita and was the son of Sambadatta of the Vājasaneya-sākhā of the Yajurvēda and of the Kausika-götra and who had émigrated from Pushya-Sambapura. The boundaries of this gift were as follows: to the east Pāņdava-Khanda, to the south the prachihā known as the [Ka*]mpilikka Khundaka (?) belonging to Datka (Datta), to the west the field known as Sisagara and to the north the field of the householder (kutumbin) Sangilaka; (2) one hundred and four pūdāvarttas of land, in five pieces, situated in the northern boundary of the village). The first piece belonging to an extinct family measured sixteen pădāvarttas. The boundaries of this piece of land were : to the east the brahmadēya field of the Brāhmaṇa Anahaka, to the south the family land (?) of Chachcha and Mātrila, to the west the field called Madhavānaka and the Sagara (?) leading towards the village Kõratapadraka and to the north the field known as Pattiyānaka-durga kshēttra. The second piece measuring thirty pädāvarttas also originally belonged to a family then extinct. Its boundaries were : to the east, the brahmadēya field of the Brāhmaṇa Sankara, to the south the brahmadēya field of the Brāhmaṇa Anahaka, to the west the field of the householder (kutumbin) Bhötuka, to the north also the field of the same Brāhmaṇa Anahaka. The third piece measuring forty-three pādāvarttas was cultivated by Kikaka. Its boundaries were : to the cast the path going towards the village of Suptāvasadhi, to the south the brahmadēya field of the Brāhmaṇa Sangaka, to the west the fields known as Pattianaka and Mātristhāna, to the north the boundary of the village of Suptāvasadhi. The fourth piece was also under the cultivation of Kikaka and measured ten pādāvarttas. Its boundaries were to the east the public road, to the south the grāmaśikhara, to the west the prachchihā of the nobleman (kula putraka) Varuna, to the north the field belonging to Karkkaka. The fifth piece measuring five pādārarttas was also cultivated by Kikaka. Its boundaries were : to the east the brahmadiya field of the Brāhmaṇa Chamasa, to the south the brahmadēya field known as Dāsānaka, to the west the public road (rājaret!), to the north the brahmadēya field of the Brāhmaṇa Sankara. The Dutaka of the grant was the prince (Rāja puttra) Kharagraha and it was written by the Sandhirigrahādhikrita Dirira pati Mahāpratihāra Samanta Mammaka. The prince Kharagraha is mentioned in the Bhāvnagar plates of Silāditya III, of G. 356 and the Bhāvnagar plates of Silāditya IV, of G. 372, the Devan plates of G. 375 and the plates of G. 376. The date of the grant is the 4th day of the dark half of the second month of Pausha in the year 357 evidently of the Valabhi era and is equivalent to 675-76 A.D. The grant was issued from the victorious camp at Mēghavana, from which the Lunsaţi plates of Siladitya III, of the year 352 were also issued. I am unable to identify Madasara, Suptāvasadhi and other places mentioned in this record. I edit the inscription from the original plates which had been lent to me by the Bhavnagar Durbar for this purpose.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om' Svasti[ll] Vijayaskandha(ndhā)va(vā)rā[t*] Mēghavana-bā(vā)sa(sa käft* pra
sabha-pranat-amitrānām Maitrakāņām=atula-bala-sampanna-mandal-ābhöga-samsakta
prahāra-sata-labdha-pratāpāt pratāp-opanata-dāna1 Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 210 t. * Expressed by & symbol.

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116
[VOL. XXII.
2 män-ārjjav-ōpārjjit-änurāgād=anurakta-maula-bhritaḥl-érēņi-bal-äväpta-rajya-śriyah Paramamāhēsvaraḥ1-śrī-Bhaṭārkkād-avyavachchhinna-raja-vansan-mätä-pitri-charan-aravinda
prapati-pravidhau
3 tasha-kalmashab faisha(ta)vät-prabhțiti khadga-dvittya-pā(bā)hur-eva samada-para gaja-ghaṭa-sphōṭana-prakäsita-satva(ttva)-nikashas-tat-prabhava-prapat ārāti - chūḍā -
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
ratna-prabha-samsakta-pada-nakha-rasmi
4 samhati[*] sakala-smriti-pranita-märgga-samyat(k)-paripalana-prajā - hridaya-rañjananvarttha-raja-sabdo rupa-kanti-sthairyya-ga(ga)mbhiryya-buddhi-sampadbhi[h] Smara
sasank-adri(dri)raj-odadhi-t[ri*]dasaguru-Dhanë
5 san-atisayanaḥ saran-agat-abhaya-pradana-parataya triņavad-apast-asēsha-sva-käryyaphala[*] prärtthan-adhik-ärttha-prajā(da)n-anandita-vidvat-suhrit-pranayi-hridaya[b] padachar-iva
6 sakala-bhuvana-manḍal-abhoga-pramoda[h*] Paramama(mā)heśvaraḥ śrī-Guhasēnas tasya sutas-tat-pada-nakha-mayukha-santana-visṛita-Jahnavi-jal-augha-prakshalit-āsēshakalmashab
7 pranayi-data-sahaar-õpajivyamāna-sashpad-rüpa-lõbhäd-iv-äärita[b]
gamikair-ggunai[s*]-sahaja-sakti-siksha-visēsha-vismāpit-akhila-dhanurddhara[*] pra
thama-narapati
8 samatisṛishtṭānām-anupālayitä
dharmma-dāyānām=apākarttā
praj-õpaghata-kāriņām=
upaplavana[m*] darsayita Sri-Sarasvatyōr-ek-adhiväsasya samhat-aräti-paksha-Lakshmiparibhoga-daksha-vikramo vikramō'
9 vikram-[ö]pasa(sam)pra(pra)pta-vimala-partthiva-śrīḥ
12 kirtti[*]
sarabhasam-abhi
Paramama(m)hövars[b]
Dharasēnas tasya sutas-tat-pad-änudhyātaḥ sakala-jagad-änandan-äty-adbhuta-gunasamudaya-sthagita-samagra-dig-mamala samara-sata-vi
10 jaya-sobha-sana (na)tha-manḍal-agra-dyüti-bhabhu(su)ratar-an(m)sa-pith-ödüḍha-guru-manōratha-mahābhāraḥ sarvva-vidya-par-apara-vibhag-adhigama-dhi(vi)mala-matir-api sarvvataḥ subhashita-laven-api sukh-ōpa
11 pa(pa)daniya-paritosha[h*] samagra-lök-agadha-gambhiryya-hridayō-pi su-charit-ätisaya
adhigat-odagra
jan-adhirōhibhir-ase
suvyakta-parama-kalyana-svabhava[*]
dharmm-anuparōdh-oj (jj)valatarikrit-ärttha-sukha-sampad-upasēvā-niru(ru)dhaDharmmaditya-dvitiya-nāmā Paramamahēsvaraḥ tat-pád-nudhyātab avayam-Upendra-gu
13 run-eva gurup-aty-adaravata samabhiliashaniyam-api raja-lakshmim skandha-sakt[am*] parama-bhadra iva dhuryyas-tad-ajñā-sampadan-aika-rasat-aiv-odvahan khedasukha-ratibhyam-anāyāsi
14 ta-sat(tt)va-sampatti[h] prabhava-sampad-vasikŢita-nripati-sata-siro-ratna-chchhay-öpagt. par-āvajñ-abhimana-ras-analingita-manovrittiḥ dha-pada-pith(th)-pi
1 The visarga is superfluous.
Two dashes to the right of ga are superfluous.
Superduous.
Read din-mandalab.
* Read rasatay".
éri
khilibhūta-krita-yuga-nripati-patha-visōdhan
kath] parityajya prakhyata-pauru
15 sh-abhimanair-apy-aratibhir-anasadita-pratikri(kri)y-öpaya[*] amoda-vimala-guna-samhati-prasabha-vighatita-sakala-kali-vilassi(si) ta-gati[*]
kri-Sadityan-tasy-daujas
prapatim
krita-nikhila-bhuvan
nicha.

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No. 19.) THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 357.
117
16 shair=ddõsairl=anāmsisht-ātyunnata-hșidaya[h*) prakhyāta-paurush-Astra-kausal
Ātigayah(va)-gana-titha-vipaksha-kshitipati-lakshmi-gvayamgrāha-prakākita-vira-purusha)
(sha)-prathama-samkhy-adhigamah Paramamahēsvara[h] 17 sri-Kharagrahas-tasya tanayas tat-pādānuddhyātaḥ s akala-vidy-adhigama-vihita
nikhila-vidvaj-jana-manah-paritos(sh)-ātisaya[h*] sat(tt)va-sapā(sampa)dā tyag-anda
rygēna va(cha) vigat-anugandha(dha)n-asamühit-arāti. 18 paksha-manörath-aksha-bhanga[h*] samyag-upalakshit-anēka-bästra-kaushaläka...charita
gahvara-vibhāgõ=pi paramabhadra-prakpitfi(ti)r-aksitři(tri)ma-praśraya-vinaya-go(66) bha
vibhushana[h] samata(ra)-sata-jaya-patākā 19 harana-pratyal-odagra-bāhu-daņda-vidhvan(m)sita - nikhilaḥ(la) - pratipaksha-darpp-7dayaḥ
ava-dhanuh-prabhāva-paribhūt-āstra-kausal-abhimāna-sa kala-nfipati-mandal-abhinandita
säsana[h*] Paramamahēbvaraḥ sri20 Dharasēnas tasy-ánujas-tat-päda(d-a)nudhyātah Bach-charit-atibayita-sakala-pūrvv&
narapatir-ati-ddu(du)ssādhānām-api prasādhayit[a] vishayāņām mūrttimān=iva
purushakāraḥ parivșiddha-gun-anuräga-nirdbharah. 21 chitta-vșitta(tti)bhir-mManuriva svayam=abhyupapannah prakritibhir-adhigata-kala
kalāpah kāntimā[n*)=nirvfiti-hotur-akalankah kumuda-nātba[h*) prājya-pratāps
sthagita-dig-antā(ta)rāla-pradhvan(min) sita-dhvänta-rānsi(sih) satat-o. 22 t-o'dita-savitā praksitibhya[h*] para[m] pratyayam-artthavantam=ati-bahu-titha
prayöjan-anubandham-agama-paripurnna[m] vidadhanas-sandhi-vigraha-samāsa-ni
schaya-nipunaḥ sthānē=nuru(rūpem=ādēšan=dada[d*]-guna23 vriddhi-vidhāna-janita-samskāra[h*) sābhūnam rājja(jya)-Salāturiyas(ya)-tantrayõr-ubha
yõr-api nishņātaḥ praksishta-vikramo=pi karuņā-mşidu-hřidayaḥ śrutavān=apyragarvv[i*]
tal käntö=pi prasa (sa)mi sthira-sauhși[dayy]o-pini24 rasiti doshavatām=udaya-samaya-samupajanita-janat-anurāga-parivi(pi)hita-bhuvana
samartth[i*]ta-prathita-Balāditya-dvitiya-nāmã Paramamahēsvarah Sri-Dhruva
sõnas tasya Butas-tat-pada-kamala-pra25 năma-dharani-kashana-janita-kina-lañchhana-laláta-chandra-sa(ka)kala[h*1 bisu-bhāva ēva
bravana-nihita-maulitik-ālankāra-vibhram-āmala-sruta-visēsa pradāna-salila-kshālit
ågra-hast-aravindah kā(ka)nyāyā i. 26 va mșidu-kara-grahaņād=amandikțit-ānanda-vidhir=vvasundharayāk kārmmarmmu)kē
dhanurvvēda iva sammbhā(bhā)vit-āśēsha-lakshya-kalāpaḥ pranata-sämanta-mandal
ottam-[8*]nga-dhțita-chchūļā-ratnāyā(ya)māna-sā(6ā)sanaḥ Paramamāhēśvara. 27 Paramabhattāraka-Mahārājādhirāja-Paramēśvara-Chakravarttiḥ(rtti)-sri-Dharasēnas-tat
pitämaha-bhrätsi-sri-siladityasya Särngapāņër-iv-anga-janmano bhakti.
bandhur-fa*]vayava-kalpita-praṇatēr=ati-dhavalayā dūram tat-på28 d-aravinda-pravsittayā nakha-mani-rucha Mandākiny=ēva nityam=amalit-õttamăngs
dēšasy-Agastyasy=aiva rājarshēr=ddākshinyam=ātanvānasya prabala-dhavalimnā
yabasām va 29 layēna mandita-kakubhā nabhasi yāminipatēr=yvidambit-ākhanda-parivēša-mandalasya
payöda-śyāma-sikhara-chuchuka-ruchira-Sahya-Vindhya-stana-yugāyah
1 Read doshair * Road kala-loka* Road nirbbhara. • The second to is superfluous . Read sädhunan. • Read vislahas.

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118
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Second Plate.
30 kshitēḥ patyuḥ 'ri-Dōrabhaṭasy-änsa(nga)jaḥ
suchi-yas-ōnsuka-bhrita[h*] svaya[m*]vara-mālām=iva krita-parigrahaḥ sau(sau)ryya
31
m-apratihata-vyāpāram-anamita-prachanda-ripu-mandalam
mbamanah saradi prasabham-akrishṭa-silimukha-bāņāsan-āpādita-prasā32 dhanānām para bhuva[m] vidhi-vad-acharita-kara-grahaṇaḥ
pūrvvam-ēva
vividha
varṇn-oj(jj)valēna śrut-atisayen-ōdbhashita-śravanaḥ punaḥ punar-ukten-êva ratn-āla33 karen-Alankrita-śrōtra[b] paris phurat-kataka-vikata-kitapaksha-ratna-kiranam-avichchhinna-pradana-salila-nivah-avaseka-vilasan-nava-saival-ankuram-iv-agra-pāņi
34 m-udvahan=udhrita1-visala-ratna-valaya-jaladhi-vēlā-taṭāyamāna-bhuja - parisva(shva)ktavisvambharah Paramamahēsvaraḥ śri-Dhruvasenaḥ stasy-agrajjo-para-mahipatisparsa
35 dōsha-nāśana-dhiy=ēva lakshmyā svayam-atispashta-chēshtam-aslishṭ-anga-yashṭir= ati-ruchiratara-charita garima parikalita sakala-nara patir-atiprakrisht-anuraga rasa
37 pratapa-ploshit-dédaha-intru-vadda[]*]
gad-otkshipta-su(su)darsana-chakrah
krama-prasa
[VOL. XXII.
rabhasa-va
36 sikrita-pranata samasta-samanta-chakra-chchu(chu)ḍāmaņi - mayūkha khachita - charanakamala-yugalah prōddām-ōdāra-dörddand-dalita-dvishad-vargga-darppa[h] prasarppatpaiya[b]
prĕrita.
kahitipa-aamhatianuraginya rajya-triyam-arppayantyh
manḍal-agram=iv=āvala.
iva
pranayi-paksha-nikshipta-lakshmikahḥ parihrita-bala-kridō-nadhaßkrita-dvijātir-ēka-vi
38 dhita-dharitri-talō-nangīkṛita-jala-sayyō-pūrvva-purush-ōttamaḥ samyag-vyavasthapitā(ta)-varnn-aéram-achāraḥ
saksha[d]-dharmma pürvvair-apy-urvvīpatibhis
trishna-lava-lubdhai
39 r=yyany-apahṛitāni dēva-ba(bra)hma-dēyāna(ni) tēshām=apy-ati-sarala-manah-prasaram= utsankalan-anumōdanābhyam parimudita-tri(tri) bhuvan-abhinandit-ōchchhrit-otkrishṭa dhavala-dharmma
40 dhvaja-prakāśita-nija-vansō dēva-dvija-gurut(run)=prati yatharha-manaḥta3-pravarttitamah-öddrang-ādi-dana-vyasan-anupajāta-santōsh-ōpätt-ōdāra-kirtti-panti(parkti)-param
41 para-danturita-nikhila-dik-chakravālaḥ spashṭam-ēva yath-arttha[m*] Dharmmādityapara-nāmā paramamahēśvaraḥ śri-Kharagrahas-tasy=agrajanmanaḥ kumudashanḍa-śrī-vikāsi
1 Read -udvahan-dhrita.
Read senas tasy-āgrajö
* Read manās tat. Bhavnagar Plates read yatharham-anavarata-,
42 nya kalavatas-chandrikay=ēva kirtyā dhavalita-sakala-dig-mandalasya Aguru-vilipana-pinda-yamala-Vindhya-saila-vipala-payōdhar-äbhogāyā[b*]
khaudit. kahogyab
patyub
43 śrī-Siladityasya sūnur-nnava-pr[a]leya-kirana iva pratidita (na)-samvarddhamanakala-chakravālah kesar-indra-sisur-iva raja-lakshmim-achala-vanasthalim-iv-alan
kurvapah Sakhandi-kö
44 tana iva ruchima[ch*]-chuḍā-mandana[h*] prachanda-sakti-prabhavas-cha sarad-agamē (ma) iva pratapavan-ullasha (sa)t-padmaḥ samyuge vidalayan[n*]-ambhodharan=iva para-gajan-udaya eva tapana-bal-ata

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JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 357.
Second Plate.
ਰੋਧ 8 ਨc=ਬੈਲ 156357 37f s)6.
13 3 ਪ05 9 ਪਨ) ਦਾ 550-
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38 ਰੁਪch Rec5ਝ85 3ਣ ਨਾਲ ਨਾ : Rਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ 5 0 . 5 ਤੋਂ 7 ਨੂੰ 6 ਖੇxcuਉ ਦਾ ਹੁਣ ਤਕ 8 9 10 - 5 ਵਧੀਆਂ
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a
62
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Rts. No. 3371 E34 425.
SCALE: ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #157


Page #158

No. 19.] THE JESAR PLATES OF SILADITYA III: VALABHI SAMVAT 357. 119
vas=
45 pa iva sāmgrāmē mushṇā(shņa)nn-abhimukhānām-ayūkshi1 dvishata[m*] Paramamāhesvaraḥ śrī-Śiladityah kusali sarvvān=ēva samajñāpayaty=astu sa[m*]vidita[m*] yatha maya mata-pitrō346 8-puny-apyāyanāya Pushya-Sambapura-vinirggata-tach-chaturvvidya-sāmānya-Kusikasagōtra-Vajasaneyi-sapra (bra)hmachari-brāhmaṇa-Sambadatta-putra-brahmana Di47 kshitaya Surashteshu Maḍasara-sthalya Maḍasara-grāmē pūrvv-ōttara-simni rajakiyat-pañchavinśati-bhū-pädävartta-parisarā vapi yasya aghaṭanāni pūrvvataḥ
Pandava-khanda[h*]
48 dakshinataḥ datka(tta ?)-satka-mpilikka khuṇḍaka -samjñita-prachiha aparataḥ kshētraSisagaraḥ uttarataḥ kutumbi-Sangilaka-prakripta(shta)-pattiyēņaka-kshetram tatha uttara-simni pañcha-khaṇḍ-ava
49 sthitam chatur-uttara-bhu-pädävartta-sata-parimaņa-kshetram[*]
yatr-aika-khandam utsanna-kuṭumbika-shōḍaśa-bhū-pādāvartta-parimāņaṁ yasya purvvataḥ brāhmaṇa
Anahaka-satka-brahmadeya-kshetram dakshi
50 nataḥ Chachcha-Matrilayōs-satka-kōṭumba-kshetram aparataḥ Maḍhavanaka-kshetram Kōratapadraka-grumayayi sigara-cha uttarattab(tab) pattiyäpaka-durgga-kabétrasamjñita-kshetram[||*] dvitiya-khanda[m*] utsanna
51 kutumbikam=ēva trinśad-bhū-pādāvartta-parimāņaṁ sa(ya)sya pūrvvataḥ brāhmaṇaSankara-satka brahmadeya-kshetram dakshinataḥ brāhmaṇa-Anahaka-satka-brahmadeya-kshetram aparata[h*] kutumbi-Bhōṭuka
52 satka-kshetram uttarataḥ brāhmaṇa-Anahakasy-aiva satka-kshetram[*] tatha tri(tri) tiya-khandam Kikaka-prakrishṭam tri-chatvärinśad-bhū-pādā vartta-parimāṇa[m*] yasya pūrvvataḥ Suptāvasadhi-grama-yayi pantha[h*] dakshinataḥ
53 brāhmaṇa-Sangaka-satka-brahmadēya-kshetram aparataḥ pattianaka-kshetram M[*]tristhāna-kshetra[*] cha uttarataḥ Suptāvasadhi-grama-sima[*] chaturttha-khanda[m*] Kikaka-prakrishṭam-ēva dasa-bhū-pādāvartta-parima
54 namñ(pañ)-cha purvvataḥ
rajavartmā di(da)kshinata[h] grāma-sikharam aparataḥ kulaputraka-Varuna-satka-prachchiha uttarata[b] Karkkaka-satka-kshetram[*] tathā pañchama-khandam Kikkaka-prakrishṭam-ēva pañcha-bhu-pädāvartta
55 parimāṇaṁ yasya pūrvvataḥ brahmana-Chamasa-satka-brahmadeya-kshetram dakshinataḥ Dāsānaka-samjñita-brahmadeya-kshetram|| aparataḥ uttarataḥ brāhmaṇa-Sankara-satka-brahmadeya-kshetram[||*]
56 Evam-idam chatur-agha[ṭana]-visu(su)[d*]dham vapi-kshetram s-ōdranga[m*] ōparikara[m] sa-bhūta-väta-pratyaya[m*] sa-dhanya-hirany-adeyam sa-daśāpar[*]dha[m] s-otpadyam[*]na-vishṭika[m*] sarvva-rajakiyān[ā*]m-a
1 Read ayamshi.
The name of Siladitya IV has been omitted. [See ante, p. 114 and note 1.-Ed.]
Read pitroh puny-.
•Read Surashtrěshu.
rāja-vaṭṭā(rtmā)
57 hasta-prakshēpaṇiya[*] pūrvva-pratta-deva-brahmadēya-rahitam
nyayên-acha[n]dr-[ã*]rkk-ärnṇava-kshiti-sarit-parvvata-samakalina[ḥ*] anvaya-bhögya[*] udak-atisarggēna dharmma
58 dayō nri(ni)srishṭaḥ[*] yatō-sy-ochitaya brahma-deyam(ya)-sthitya bhuñjataḥ krishata[b] karshayata[h*] pradiśatō va na kaiśchid-vyāsēdhe varttitavyam= Agami-bhadra-ntipatibhir-apy-a[ema*]d-vañánjair-anyair-vvä
• Kha of khanda is written below the line and was added afterwards. Probably we have to read Kampi".
8
bhumi-chchhidraputra-pautr

Page #159

120
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII
59 anityäny=sigvaryyäny(ny)=astha(sthi)ram mānushyaṁ sāmānyañ=cha bhūmi-dāna
phalam=avagachchhadbhir-ayam-asmad-[d*] āyā=numantavyah paripālayitavyas=
ch=ēty=uktañ-chall Bahubhir=vvasudhā bhuktā rājabhi[h*Sagar-idibhiḥ[1 *] 60 yasya yasya yada bhūmis-tasya tasya ta[dā*] phala[m*0 Yanriha dāridrya-bhayan=
narēndraireddhanani dharmm-ayatanikțitāni[l*] nir[b]bhukta-mälya-pratimäni : tāni ko nāma sădhuḥ punar=ādadita[ll*) Shashti(shtim) 61 Varsha-sahasrāņi gvarggě tishţhati bhūmida[:*] achchhēttä сh=anumantä сhah(cha)
täny=ēva narakë vasēt || Dūtako=tra Rājaputra-Kharagrahah|ll"] 62 Likhitam-idam Sandhivigrahādhikțita-Divirapati Mabāpratihāra-Sāmanta-Mammakēn=
ēti | Sam 300 50 7 dvi-Pausha ba 4 [II*l Svahasto mama l
No. 20.-THE BAYANA INSCRIPTION OF CHITTRALEKHA: V. S. 1012.
BY THE LATE PROF. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. This inscription, which is being edited for the first time, was discovered by Carlleyle, one of the Assistants of the late Sir Alexander Cunningham, at Bayānā in the Bharatpur State. This place (lat. 77° 21' E., long. 26° 54') is now a junction on the broad gauge main line of the Bombay, Baroda and Central India Railway. It was a place of great importance in mediæval times and for some time was made the Imperial capital by Islam Shāh son of Sher Shah I. When Mr. Carlleyle saw this inscription for the first time, it was lying under one of the stone pillars of the balcony which surrounds the courtyard of the Ukhā Mandir at Bayānā. This Mandir is a late structure built about a century ago by a Thakur of the Bharatpur State, by converting a portion of the Masjid built in 720 A. H. by Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Shāh of the Khilji dynasty of Delhi. The inscription was found in the same position in 1885 by Fleet, and was referred to by him in his article on the Bayānā inscription of Vijayādhirāja dated V. 8. 1100. It continued there till I visited Bayana in 1918, when at my request Mr. C. C. Watson, I.C.S., C.L.E., then Political Agent for the Eastern Rajputana States, asked the Bharatpur Durbar to have the slab removed and it has since been placed in the compound of the Ukhā Mandir. The inscription is incised on a thick slab of yellow sandstone, quite different from the red sandstone used in the construction of the Ukha Masjid or the Ukhā Mandir and almost of all the ancient monuments at Bayană. The upper left corner of the inscription is broken and the letters on one-eighth of the entire slab towards the right have flaked off. With the exception of these two parts the rest of the record is in a tolerably good state of preservation. The flaking off of the right side of the slab makes all the lines incomplete and therefore difficult to decipher. The breaking off of the upper left eorner has made the beginning of the first five lines incomplete ; out of these lines again, the first three have lost more letters than the fourth and the fifth which have lost only ten and four syllables approximately.
The inscribed surface measures 3' 6" 1' 9" and the average height of letters is it". The slab bears twenty-five lines of writing which on the whole is very neatly done. As regards palacography, in many cases, the anusvāra is enclosed within a circle (cf. jagatām 1.4), while in other cases it is a plain dot (cf. vanéasya 1. 4). A peculiar form of tha is noticeable in lokanathah (1.7) where the upper part of the upper loop is open, which is usually closed in other instances, As for example, in prathitah (. 18) or prithu (L 22). The initial form of the short i is
* Cunningham, A. 9. R., Vol. VI, p. 50. 1 Ibid. Vol. XX, p. 72. Ind, Ant., Vol. XIV, pp. 9-14

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No. 20.)
THE BAYANA INSCRIPTION OF CHITTRALEKHA: V. S. 1012.
121
to be found in ity=ālöchya (1. 20), iva (1. 21), etc. The usual form of the palatal sa used in this inscription is the transitional form in which the curve in the upper part of the letter touches but does not coalesce with the vertical straight line which forms the left limb as in trimgaritäh (1. 11). Very often this curve does not touch the straight line on the left as in charudarsanah (1. 16) or Sripalēna (1. 25). As regards the orthographical peculiarities it might be stated that consonants under & superscript r are usually doubled (cf. sauryyao svargjë, sarvoéshu, 1. 3., etc.). Occasionally consonants with a subscript r are also doubled (cl. ttrālā in l. 8). The language of the record is Sanskrit and the whole inscription with the exception of a portion of the last line is written in verse.
After referring to the Moon, the lunar race, and Krishna the record speaks of the Sūrasons kings, in which clan was born a king named Phakka. The name of a king Phakka has been found in an undated inscription of circa eighth century A.D. on a pillar built into the inner wall of the main gate of the Chaurasi-Khamba Masjid at Kāmā or Kāmavana, in the Bharatpur State, which was discovered by Sir Alexander Cunningham and published by the late Pandit Bhagavan lal Indraji. The Kamavana record provides us with a genealogy of the Sūrasēna kings for seven generations. According to the Bayanā inscription, in the family of Phakka there was a king named Vappuka, who is styled 'an Indra on the earth' (1.9). His son was Rājayika, who married & lady named Sajjani of the Măyürika family. As mentioned in the Jodhpur in scription dated V. S. 894 (=A.D. 837), the Pratīhāra chief Bäuka defeated a chief named Mayūra from whom Sajjani appears to have been descended. Sajjani, who was the grand-mother of Chittralökhā, the donor of the present inscription, must have been living in the earlier part of the tenth century A.D., as the latter was a middle-aged matron in V. S. 1012, having four grown-up sons. The name of Rājayika's son is lost, but from 1. 13 we learn that he married : lady named Yasaskarl of the Pramāra family from whom was born Chittralēkhā (1. 14). Chittralēkhā was married to a chief named Mangalarāja, about whose descent no details are furnished. The person referred to in l. 16, whose name is lost, is probably the eldest son of Mangalarāja and Chittralēkhā. Fleet proposed to identify this Mangalarāja with the chief of that name of the Kachchha paghāta family, who is mentioned as the ancestor of the king Mahipāla in the Sasbahū temple inscription in Gwalior Fort dated V. S. 1150 (=1093-94 A.D.).* If this identification be accepted then the eldest son of Chittralekha, who is mentioned in l. 16 of the Bayāna inscription, is probably Kirttirāja, who succeeded his father. Three other sons of Chittralēkhā are mentioned in this record. The second was named Indrajit (1. 18), the third Lakshmanarāja and the fourth Chămundarāja (1. 19). The object of the inscription is mentioned in l. 20 whence we learn that Chittralēkhā caused to be built a temple of Vishņu and gave two villages named Gögra pura and Nāgapalli as well as certain fields in Hadhapalli to the deity (Chakrin). From 1. 23 we learn that three drammas were to be collected for the god (Särrigin) in the mandapikā of Sripatha and a similar sum in the mandapikā of Vusāvata. From the same line we also learn that a gift of one dramma was to be set apart for the god, probably whenever a horse was sold. It may also be that this sum was levied as octroi duty on overy horse-load of merchandise carried through the village precincts.
Almost all the geographical names mentioned in the record can be identified. Sripatha has been identified as Bayānä itself by the late Dr. J. F. Fleet. Though phonetically the ancient and modern names cannot be connected, there is some support for this identification as the same
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. X. Pp. 34-35. * Above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 95 ff. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 36. • Ind. An., Vol. XIV, p. 10.

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122
[VOL. XXII.
name has been found in another ancient stone inscription discovered at Bayānā, viz., the Bayānā Jain inscription of Vijayadhiraja of V. S. 1100 (=1044 A.D.). Vusavata is the modern market town of Bhoosawar in the Bharatpur State. Nagapalli is modern Nawali and Gōgrapura, Gogera, both situated in the same State (see Atlas Sheet No. 50 for Nawali and Cunningham's map in his Reports for Bhoosawar). Häḍhapalli is now situated in the adjoining State of Jaipur and is included in the district of Hindaun2 (see Atlas Sheet No. 50 S. E.). Gogera and Bhoosawar are situated in Tahsil Wair and Nawali is in the Bayanā Tahsil.
We also learn from the twenty-third line that Chittralekha was a queen (rajñi) and that her territories were included in the Empire of the Mahārājādhirāja Sri-Mahipala. No chief of this name, mentioned in Kielhorn's list of Northern Inscriptions, could have been reigning in 955 A.D. We find that in V. S. 1003 the suzerainty of the Gurjjara-Pratihāra king Mahendrapala II was acknowledged in Partabgarh in the southern part of the Mewar State. Again in V. S. 1016, the sway of Vijayapala, also of Kanauj, is acknowledged at Rajaur in the northern part of the Alwar State. The date of the Bayana inscription, V. S. 1012, falls between these two dates. The probability then is in favour of the fact that this Mahārājādhirāja Mahipāla, whose suzerainty was acknowledged in Bayana in 955 A.D., was a second prince of that name of the GurjjaraPratihara dynasty of Kanauj, who had come to the throne after Dēvapāladēva, mentioned in the Siyaḍōni record of V. S. 1005 and was succeeded shortly afterwards by Vijayapaladēva, mentioned in the Rajaur inscription of Mathanadeva. The date of the record is given in words in l. 24, as the Vikrama year 1012, Monday, the 12th day of the bright half of Magha which regularly corresponds to the 8th January, A.D. 955. The composer of the prasasti was a Brahmana named Sajjana. It was written by Śrisakti and incised by the goldsmith Sripāla. After the end of the record there is a supplementary verse mentioning the gift of a village named Aluvadraka on the occasion of a solar eclipse (ravigraha) by a person named Indrajit, who may be identical with the son of Chittralekha mentioned in 1. 18. The name of the donee is not legible. Probably this gift was also made to the same temple. I edit the inscription from the original stone.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TEXT.
[Metres :-Vv. 1, 3, 8, 12, 17, 28, 29, 31 and 34 Sardulavikridita; vv. 2, 6, 21, 25 and 43 Vasantatilaka; vv. 4, 5 (?), 11, 13, 15, 19, 20, 22, 27, 42 and 45 Anushṭubh; vv. 7, 9, 10, 16 and 18 Sragdhara; vv. 14, 24, 30, 32, 33, 35-40 and 44 Arya; v. 23 Upajati; v. 26 Indravajrā; v. 41 Giti.]
1 .....[*]--
--cha
2
mukhataḥ samjayatē sm-analaḥ | āsīd= dyauḥ śirasō [dhuri kahaya-bhya[ch-aparam] yas-ch-ainam pari -~-~
~~|| 1 ||*]
-----8
-[prithu]-pattra-sāraḥ śākha-sahasra-vinivärita-lõka-tāpaḥ | chandrat prabbita-phalado-jani raja-vathias-tung-pi mukta-vepathu-bhamga-sangaḥ | [2 || *}
1211
Pururavāḥ sa-vasatiḥ sauryyasya
(
Above, Vol. III, p. 266.
Ibid., Vol.I, p. 177.
———
Printed by the Survey of India in 1917.
Above, Vol. XIV, pp. 182-88.
- [chittar-lyēna rēmē samam jātō yattra rupasya cha [3] Va(Ba)bhūva Nahushō
yattra yen-asadya sur-endratam | Yam-adayaḥ surah svargge sarvvē....[ 4 ]..
1 Cunningham, A. S. R., Vol. VI, pl. t.
I am indebted for this information to the Resident at Jaipur.

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THE BAYANA INSCRIPTION OF CHITTRALEKHA: V. S. 1012.
123
..........stu sa[r]vvam=ama[m]galáth 'll [5 *Vamsasys tasya mahimā bhuvana
prasiddhaḥ kim varnnyatē sa bhagavañ=jagatań nivāsaḥ | Kans(ms)-ārir=ādipurushaḥ gvayam-eva janma jagraha yattra sura-dânava-vandit-amghriḥ || [
6 1] Vādham gādha --Uuuuuu- - - - - -----Ta-namya vaba)hubhir=api parair=mmärgganaih sriyamānāḥ | vamsēr(87)
tasminn-abhūvapn=adhika-kita-bhay-oddāyit-ārāti-kākā bhrātaḥ kim chapa-daņdā na hi sarala-matē bhūbhujaḥ Süra-sēnāḥ || [7 II*] Nētr-ånanda-karēņa kānta-vapushā
-- --- ----UU-U-UUU-(saubhā*16 gya-kolēna cha chandrēn=āpi kalamkinā nija-kulasy=ādyëna vandy-atmană lajjantē
khalu nishkalamka-charitã yê=dy=āpi kälē kalau 88 * Bhuktvā bhuktvă dharittrin chatur-udadhi-payah-prāvsitāṁ niḥsapatnām kritvå kritv-Asvamës dhān=niyata]
VUU- U- - - - - - - - - - 7 di]m-avani-bhujam gachchhatar punya-bhājam madhyē kāla-kramēna krasita-ripura
abhūt-Phakka-nämä narëndrah! [91] Vra(Bra)hm-Endr-Opēndra-Chandra-Draviņapati-Yamair=apy=ayam loka-nāthaḥ sārddham yoddhum samarthaḥ sakalam=api jagan= manyamānas-triņāya kēsēshy=ā[kramya]-UUUUUU--u-- - - - -
-- [La*]8 kshmir-bhaya-chakita-mana yat-kulē=pi sthir=ābhūt II 110* II) Göttre yattra pavitr.
åtwa watām tträtă dvishāṁ visha l vaba)bhūva Vappuko nama yasoráših pratápavān || [11 ||*] Sēvā-samnihitaiḥ surair=iva nfipai Rambh-Orvvasibhyām
samair=mmāniky-ābharaṇaiḥ surupa UU---~---[*]---u -u-uu 9 Iyabhair-fuchchaiharavah]-sannibhair=asvair-Indra ivmāparaḥ kshiti-talē yo djik-sahasram
vinā || (121*] Tasya Rājayiko jāto Jámadagnya iv=atmajaḥ raņē rājanya-mūrddhāno nirlūna yēna lilaya || [13 !I*] Mayurika-kula-bhlitām tēn=odhvā Sajjan=īti vikhyātām
[1].................[Hřida* ?)10 yąshu dvi[sham] bhūpaḥ sa[bhayējshu divā-nisam tishthann=api na samoprishto na
cha drishto bhayēna yah || [15 ] Na prākārairanna sāraih kari-turaga-narair=n= adribhistumga-brithgair=nn=āmbho-gambhira-garttair=jjala-vikala-bhuvam na sthalairnna drum-aughaih n=inyair=mmā[ya-purair-]-UUUUUU-- -- ---
- - - - 11 par pravi[sad=a]ri-puram nirddahad=v(b)ambhajach=cha || [1611*] Divyair=ābharan.
ănga-rāga-vasanaiḥ pushpais=cha éşimgāritāḥ sarvvattr=õtsava-gita-tarya-rasitairānanda-sändrāḥ prajah praty=&v(b)da vasudham cha sagya-saphalām=ālökya yo
vismitair=lõkairs-uv-UUU - - -0- -0-[l|17|*] -[jvā ?]12 la-mālisnõl=pi jvalita-huta-bhujo gharmma-kāle=ntarāläd-bhanga-vridāra vahantab
smrita-kula charitā vi(bi)bhyati [sm=ā ?]tta-sat(tt)vāḥ | dusht-ärushta-dvipēndra-sthitasubhata-kar-akränta-kunt-agra-raudram samgrāmam bhāvayanti pratiniyatavadham stri-sabhäm(bham) yē niku[mbhāḥ] || [18||*]........ - -..........U-u..
[*]...... 13 my(b)udha--..&-chandramă iva vai rukah(cha ?) [1911*1 Pramāra-kula-sambhūtā
sādhvi tēna mahātmanā | Yasaskar=īti vìkhyātā pariņita yako-rthinā || [2011] Tēn= Ādhipēna tanayā sa-nayā su-rūpā punya-priyā savinayā subha-lakshaņā cha tasya
........[sama ?*]14 jani Chittralēkha || [2111*] Tēna Margalarājēna sa bästr-artha-vidā satā sādhvi
bhrātfimati rājñā pariņītā priyamvadā || [22/1*1 Pativratām vīkshya kalau yugē tām lokaih krita-strishu mahā-satishu | Arundhati-Parvvata-raja-puttri-Lakshmi ?]U-- VỤ - -I28[*]...........

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII,
16 ..[tan-nāms grihn()ati nrināmbravanå[v=api ?] brinvantau galit-akhila-kalmashau
bhavata) || (2411) Sesho-pi bhūri-vadano na guņārsatadiyan saknoti vaktum=achirätkimu mādsiso=nyah | Manv-ādi-kirttita-manas=tu(?) su-kirtti y=aiva stri-dharmmam
-Abu UU-U- 112511*) -- --UU- - - - - 16 autoebhūt=priya-sat(tt)va-satyaḥ | asvētayad=yaḥ sva-yabah-prabhābhir-vra(bra)bmanda
madhyam vidhut-ari-chakrah || [26|*) Dilipa-Raghu-Rämäņām charitam châru-darsanah anukfitys prajānāṁ yo jagama priyatām vibhuḥ || [27||*] Akramya dru[ma]-samgin!
[dalita-) - -- - - - -- - - - - - 17 [tyakta-bhih] kasubikaḥ, chakr-ähva-dvitayāni yanti vibhidām praudha-kshap-alam
kaya yasy=&pēka-va(ba)l-augha-dhūli-patalair=āchchhäditë bhäsvati || [28][*] Dhāvantyä sakhi sambhramēņa galitā n-[@]grāhi kāmchi maya hard yasya samarppitas
tvaritaya tam na smarami sphutan ---UUU-UUU18 deuttărya bhagn-iamymahar böcbant-iti ripu-striyah gva-purato yat-sainik-odväsitah
[29]*] Indrajid=anu cha suto-bhūd=yasyāḥ samgrāma-lõlupaḥ prathitaḥ jitvā vaba)hu-bhūp-ëndrán upahasito Rävaņir=yēna | (3011) Saujanyasya nidhir-ddayalu
hridayah kalpa-drumo märgga[ņē) ---UU-U-UUU19 sat(tt)v-adhikah satya-gih su-prītiḥ pratipanna-pāļa na-vidhau chanda-dvishām=antakah
pirnn-ěndu-dyuti-subhra-bhūri-charito yo vidyay=ālamkitaḥ || [31][*] Tad-anu cha Lakshmaparijo jātas-tasyāḥ sutaḥ Pțithu-prakhyaḥ Chămundarāja-nămā
paschad=Bhim-adhikaḥ sva-gunaiḥ |(381) Kusuma..........(saubhā ?]20 gya-rupa-rājyāni muktiḥ svargga-nivāső na bhavanti vin=archcha[nam] Vishņāḥ
8811 Ity-alochya chiriya chåru-charitã sã Chittralekha sati sarvvam chamchalamAkalayya jagato rūpam vapur=jjivitam ! Vishņõh karayatē sma mandiram=idam
hēm-anda-chuda-mapi-vyalamv(b)-[ärddhaka)-danda- u --- (pa*]81 tük-akukaiņ || [34||*] Kēyūra-tåra-hārair=maņi-nūpura-kanaka-kamkan-ävalibhiḥ
kaladhauta-mēkhalábhirayāḥ kalpa-lată iv=ābhānti || [35!*) Yasām darśana-lõbhāns na kshapam=api Madhu-ripur=nnijām pratimam mumchati na cha Rambh-adyāḥ
wargga-strik samsmaraty-aldhuna) || (36||*] [Prativimvi bimbi)tā (?)) ...... [ni*). 12 rmmala-kapõla-phalakëshu | anubhavati [s-ērshya)-Lakshmi kalahan manyė smitalı
satatama || [37]*] Kuvalaya-dala-nayanábhiḥ prithu-jayhanābhiḥ sasānka-vadanabhih prekshanakam=&mganābhis-tabhiḥ siddham tayā dattam || [38]!*] GograpuraNigapallyau dvau grāmau Chakriņā tato dat(tt)vākshēsttrāņi Hadha
pallylm (?)............ 13 majsys || [391*] Dramma-ttritayam dattē prati-divasam Sripathă-stha-mandapikā!
apara ttrikam Vuelvata-maqdapika Särnginė satatam || [40][*] Prati-ghotakan cha dině drammo dēvasya bhagavató vihitaḥ ē sha kțită vyavasthā rajaya sriChittralekhaya bhaktya [4111*] Mahārājādhirājēna bri-Mahipala-bhubhuja......
14
Chashtbs)-mandale || [42] Yåvad-dadhäti vasudham sa-dharăm phan-indro yävaj
jalam cha vimalah marud-apayāyin I prälēyasaila dikhar-aksiti-chittra-charu tavad=vibhâta bhuvi harmmy&m=idam Murarēh || [4311*] Ekē varsha-sahasra dvidababhir-vyatsarair-yuto Māgbo dvādaśyām subhrāyām (pratishthitam
tad-dino I). .....[114411*1 Viprópa Sajjana-Dämnā virachită prakastih Karanika-Srilaktina likhitā Sripalēnmlarni suvarnpakarēna Bhadram=astu | Aluvadraka-namanam granam-ammi ravi-grabi Indrajid-dau- -..........0-u.. [1145117
%

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No. 20.)
THE BAYANA INSCRIPTION OF CHITTRALEKHA: V. 8. 1012.
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1.).......... From (his) mouth was born the fire and from the head the sky........
(V. 3.) From the moon sprang the royal family (tree) which had a thick foliage, had kept off the heat (or suffering) of the people through its thousand branches and was productive of much fruits (or good) and which, though high (or noble), was free from encountering shocks and breaking down (or fear and destruction).
(V. 3.) (In which family)...... rejoiced together and where was born Pururavas, the common abode of beauty and valour.
(V. 4.) Where was born Nahusha, whom when he obtained the kingship of the gods in heaven, all the gods, Yama and others........
(V. 5.) ...... (may remove ?) all evils.........
(V. 6.) The greatness of this family is well known throughout the world. What more to say, where the Lord of the creation (i.e., Vishnu) and the enemy of Kamsa, who is the refuge of all creatures and whose feet are worshipped (equally) by the gods and demons, himself took his birth.
(V. 7.) In that family were born (those) who were honoured by......and resorted to by numerous other supplicants, who made the crow-like enemies fly with their fear inoreased. O brother, were they the bows! No, simple minded (fool), they were the Sürasēns kings.
(V. 8.) Who, even today, in this Kali age, being of spotless character feel ashamed of the moon, the originator of their race on account of his having a stain though it has a beautiful forma pleasing to the eye......and is honoured (by people).
(V. 9.) In course of time, amongst the righteous kings who had passed away, each in his turn, after enjoying the earth extended to the four oceans and free from all enemies and perfotm ing the Horse-Sacrifice........ there was born a king named Phakka who had exterminated (lit thinned) his enemies.
(V. 10.) This lord of the people was able to fight even with Brahman, Indra, Upendra, the Moon, Kuvēra and Yama and regarded the whole earth (as contemptible) as a blade of grass. Dragged by hair, Lakshmi,.... with her mind struck with fear became settled in his family.
(V. 11.) In that family was born Vappuka who was a mass of fame and was powerful, whose soul was pure and who was the saviour of the good (but) was (like) poison to his enemies.
(V. 12.) Who, through having princes, who were like gods and who had come to him for (rendering service, through (women) adorned with diamonds and equalling Rambha and Urvall (in beauty)... and through horses that were like Uchchaiḥbravas-was like another Indra on the face of the earth ; (only he was) without his (Indra's) thousand eyes.
(V. 13.) To him was born a son (named) Rājayika who was like Jāmadagnya (Parasurima) inasmuch as he cut off the heads of warriors in battle with (perfect) ease.
(V. 14.) He having married the well-known Bajjan born in the Māyarika family.......
(V. 15.) The king, though residing day and night in the enemies' hearts possessed of fear, was neither touched nor (even) seen by that fear,
(V. 16.) (The king not daunted by) ramparts, nor by the army consisting of the best of elephants, horses and men, nor by hills with high peaks, nor by the deep ravines caused by the rush of) water, nor by land and forests of trees nor by phantom cities. ... .entering the city of the enemy, burning (it) and completely annihilating (it).
(V. 17.) (Whose, subjects, adorned with beautiful ornaments, perfumes and clothes and decked with flowers, were full of enjoyments everywhere through festivities, songs and sounds of drums. And every year seeing with wondering eyes that the earth was full of crops, who.....

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126
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIL
(V. 18.) Even (men) of strong character (), bearing the shame of defeat, feel frightened being reminded of the family of him who was unbearable like) the fire with a garland of flames during the hot season-those wieked demons (1) who look upon the battle-which is made fierce by the heads of spears held in the hands of the best of warriors soated on the wicked and angry elepbante-mlike an assembly of women.
(V. 19.) ...... like the moon in splendour.
(V. 20.) By that great soul, who wanted fame, was married the lady) named Yataskart, who was chaste and was born in the Premiera family.
(V. 21.) By that king was begotten on her (i.e. Yasaskarl).....a daughter (named) Chittrachild who was well-behaved, beautiful, fond of faouiring) morit, well-disciplined and auspicious.
(V. 22.) By that good king Mangalaraja who knew the proper interpretation of the Sāstras, she, who was devoted to her husband, who had brothers and who spoke plearently, was married.
(V. 23.) Seeing her devotectness to her husband, in the Kali age, the people (placed her) among women of the Krita ago who were great Satis (chaste women) like Arundhatr, the daughter of the mountain (i.e., Gauri) and Lakshmi.
(V. 24.) .... by uttering her name, even hearing (her name) the ears of men are rendered free from all sins.
(V. 25.) Kven Sesha, possessing many mouths, cannot speak of her qualities, quickly; how can one like myself (do 80) .... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
(V. 26.) .....(She) had 8 son to whom were dear energy and truth (and) who, having destroyed the circle of his enemies, brightened the interior of the universe by the rays of his fame
(V. 27.) This king of beautiful form, following the oonduct of Dilipa, Raghu and Rāme> obtained the love of his subjecta.
(V.. 28.) ...... The sun being covered by the mass of dust (raised by the feet) of the multitude of his armies, the owl.is without fear and the chakravika paire separate fearing that the night was far advanced.
(V. 29.) The wives of his enemies driven out of their own city by his soldiers thus lament: Q friend, while flying in confusion, my girdle which had dropped was not picked up by me; I do not remember distinctly the person to whom I entrusted my necklace....
(V. 30.) Her younger:son was Indrafit who was well-known, and eager for battles. Having conquered many kings the son of Rāvana (.e., Indrajit) was joered at by him.
(V. 31.) (He was the abode of civility, was kind reartent and was like a kalpa-druma (wishdying trees to the supplicants......, was full of energy and truthful, took & great delight in protecting them who had approached (him), and was like the god of death to rampant enemies. His numerous acts were white like the rays of the full moon and he was adorned with knowledge
(V. 32.) After him was born into her t'son med at manarafa, who was as celebrated 88 Prithu and after him another (son named) Chimundarāja who was greater than Bhima through his own qualities.
(V. 33.)...... good fortune, beauty, kingdom, emancipation and abode in heaven cannot be obtained without worshipping Vishnu.
(V. 34.) Having thought of this for a long time and having found out that everything on this earth (as well as) beauty, body (and) life aze transient, she, Chittralēkhā, the chaste and of esteemed character, caused to be made this temple of Vishnu with a orest-jewel shaped as a golden erg and which was....(adorned with ?).....and flags..
(V. 3.) (The girls) who with armleta, shining neoklaces, jewelled anklete and bracelete of gold, (and also) with the girdles of gold appear like(80 many) wishing-creepers (kalpa-latd).

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No. 21.)
THE GURG I INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA.
127
(V. 36.) Owing to the temptation of seeing them, the enemy of Madhu does not leave his own image even for a moment nor does he now remember the heavenly damsels like Rambha and others.
(V. 37.) They being reflected (?) in (his) pure cheeks, the smiling (Vishnu) always experiences the anger of the jealous Lakshmi.
(V. 38.) A show given by these ladies whose eyes were like the petals of lotus flowers, whose hips were heavy and whose faces were like the moon was also arranged by her.
(V. 39.) Having given to Vishņu the two villages Gögrapura and Nägapalli (she also gave) fields at Hadhapalli.
(V. 40.) Three drammas were given, every day, to the holder of the Sārnga bow (i.e., Vishņu) by the market-place at Sripathi and also another three by the market place at Vusăvaţa.
(V. 41.) A gift of one dramma per horse was fixed for the god, the lord. This arrangement was made by the queen, the illustrious Chittralēkhã, out of devotion.
(V. 42.) By the illustrious king, the Mahārājādhirāja Mahipāla......in Chashtha-mandala.
(V. 43.) As long as the lord of the snakes bears the earth along with the mountains, as long as there is pure water in the celestial river (i.e., the Ganges), so long may this temple of the enemy of Mura (i.e., Vishņu) which is (as high as) the peak of the Snowy Mountains (ie., the Himalaya) and which is conspicuous and beautiful, continue to shine on this earth.
(V. 44.) In the year one thousand increased by twelve years, on Monday (!) the twelfth day of the bright half of Magha was (this temple) dedicated.
Line 25. This eulogy was composed by the Brähmana named Sajjana, written by the Karanika Śrisakti (and) incised by the goldsmith Śripala. Let there be good (for all). Indrajit (gave) to him (i.e., the god Vishnu), the village of Aluvadraka on the occasion of a solar eclipse.......
No. 21.- THE GURGI INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA
BY THE LATE PROF. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. The słab on which this inscription is engraved was discovered about half a century ago, among the ruins of the great temple called Gurgaj, at Gurgi, a village about two miles due east of Rewah town, in the state of that name, in the Baghelkhand Agency of Central India. Gurgi is situated in lat. 81° 27' and long: 21° 30 (vide sheet No. XIII of the Rewah Topographical Survey, issued by the Survey of India in 1873). Though Rewah had been visited by older members of the Archeological Survey of India such as Sir Alexander Cunningham, Mr. J. D. M. Beglar and H. B. W. Garrick, this inscription has not been noticed by any one of them. It is now placed in the front wall of the palace at Rewah just below the Throne Room or Durbar Hall. Its existence was brought to my notice in April 1920 by Rai Bahadur Pandit Janaki Prasad M.A., LL.B., then Home Member of the Council of Regency of the Rewah State who also gave me information about its place of discovery.
1 Probably in person 35-88 we have a reference to the dancing girls (déus-dā zi) given to the tomple. • Mandapibia market plade (mandard in Gujarati and Marathi).
*[The text and translation of this inscription were published in Mr. Banerji's The Haihayas of Tripuri and their Monuments (Archæological Survey of India Memoir No. 23) pp. 122 ff., but as they contained a number of errors the inacription as revised by me is re-edited here.-Ed.]
*[Probably the stone inscription referred to by Beglar in Cunningham, A. S. R. Vol. XIII, p. 13, note 1, is identical with the present inscription.-Ed.)

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123
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXIL.
The inscribed slab measures about 4' 1" by 3' 4" and the average height of each letter is 3". The entire surface with the exception of about two inches at the top and six inches at the bottom is covered with writing. There are altogether forty-nine lines of writing on the slab. With the exception of the invocation at the beginning, the entire inscription is in verse. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and the record has, on the whole, been very carefully incised. Consonants with a subscript r are not doubled, but there are exceptions, e.g., tiridasa (1.3). Consonants with a superscript have been doubled in all cases. The characters of the inscription are similar to those of the Chandrehe inscription of Prabodhasiva of the Kalachuri year 724. The initial form of i consists of two dots placed side by side and a comma below them : cf., iva (11.7, 20) and ittham (1.13). Among consonants the following forms call for notice. There are two triangles in the lower part of kha one at the foot of each of the vertical lines, ct., akhila (1. 8). Two forms of tha have been used : the older form consisting of two spheres one over the other and the later form in which the upper loop has become open, cf., mithy=(1.3) and prathita (1. 15). An angle is present in the back of da in all cases, cf., jagad (1.2). The upper part of dha is undeveloped and the letter consists of a loop attached to the left side of a vertical straight line. An acute angle is also to be seen in the lower part of bha, cf., mahobhiḥ (1. 7). Ra is wedge. shaped, cf., ripu (1.3). In la there is only one curved line in the left limb of the letter instead of two as in later forms, c., pāla (1. 1). The palatal sa, in all cases, is of the transitional form, in which the right limb of the letter consists of a straight line which is not touched by the left limb. This left limb is formed of a curve shaped like the Roman letter 'S' with a triangle at the bottom, ct., treni (1. 1). The sign of avagraha has been used occasionally in this inscription, cf., tasy=āspade- 'gra (1. 30) and Mahendre='ruvudē (1. 31). The final form oft is to be found in abhūt (1. 38) and of min saiddhāntikānām (1.5) and dosham (1. 6). A peculiar form of the ligaturo kra is noticeable in akranda (1.2).
The inscription, so far as is left of it, is not dated and from its fragmentary nature it is difficult to say with certainty to the reign of which Kalachuri king it belonged. It falls into two different parts: the first part consisting of the spiritual genealogy of the ascetics of the Mattamayura clan and the second of a short account of the rulers of the Haihaya dynasty of Tripuri and the landed property belonging to the Saiva ascetics. In this respect the Gurgi inscription resembles the Bilhari inscription of the rulers of Chēdi.
The first two verses contain an invocation of Siva. In the third verse we are introduced to Madhumati an abode of the Saiddhāntikas and the clan of "mad-peacocks". The fourth verse also refers to this clan of Saiva ascetics. In this (religious) family of Saiva ascetics was an ascetic named Chůdāśiva. His disciple was called Prabhāvasiva. Yuvarājadēva I., son of Mugdhatunga (Prasiddhadhavala), having brought him to the Chēdi country), made him accept a monastery which was built at the cost of a large sum of money. His disciple Praśānta. siva is the most prominent figure in this inscription as well as in that found at Chandrehe. From verse 11 of the present record we learn that he had built a temple of Siva close to the palace built by Yuvarājadëva I. In addition to this temple he had dedicated images of Umā, Siva and Durgå (i.e., Ardhanarisvars), Kärttikėya (Shadānana), Gapapati and Sarasvati in the temples close to the palace (v. 12). This abbot also built for himself a retreat for meditation (tapah sthanakam) on the banks of the Sona, an account of which we also find in the Chandrehe inscription. He was succeeded by his disciple whose name cannot be read (v. 17). This disciple of Prasantasiva gave his place (as head of the monastery) to a younger brother disciple named Prabodhabiva (1.25).
Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 149 f. . Above, Vol. II, pp. 25 ff. *[I read the name as Isinasambbu.-Ed.]

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No. 21.]
THE GURGI INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA.
129
From the 26th line the record becomes almost entirely illegible with the exception of a few letters at the extreme right. Prabodhaśiva appears to be the abbot in whose time the inscription was incised. The object of the record was very probably to commemorate repairs to an object caused to be built by his spiritual preceptor (sva-srāmi-nirmmäpita- 1. 26) as well as some monument erected by himself (sat-karmma-nirmmāpitam l. 29). Verses 36-43 also seem to record certain grants made by Yuvarāja (II). The account of the rulers of the Haihaya dynasty probably began from v. 27 introducing the family of the moon to which the Kalachuris belonged. The last few words in l. 35 indicate the defeat of a Gurjara king, evidently a king of Kanauj. The Kokalladēva mentioned in l. 40 is probably the second king of that name who was the son and successor of Yuvarājadēva II. There is a reference to the defeat of a Gurjara ruler and a king of Gauda. The country of Vanavāsa and the lord(?) of Kuntala appear to have been mentioned in l. 42. These two countries are most probably mentioned in connection with the campaigns of Găngěyadēva, the son of Kökalla II. and the father of the great conqueror Karņa, whose conquest of the Kuntala country is mentioned in the Khairhā plates of his grandson Yasahkarņa. The mention of the campaigns of GängĒyadēva indicates that Prabodhasiva was alive in his reign and therefore the record is later in date than the Chandrehe inscription. The next five lines contain the property bestowed on the Saiva ascetics possibly by Yuvarājadēva I. who is mentioned in l. 47 and also by his surname Kēgūravarsha, in l. 43. In 1. 43 are mentioned SĀrasadollaka-which is identified by Rai Bahadur Pandit Janaki Prasad with modern Sahdol, a station on the Bilaspur-Katni section of the Bengal Nagpur Railway-Vakado. Ilaka and three other villages. In 1. 44 we have Abhirapalli, Kavacha-Kshētra and a third name Sarasvati which may be that of a village or of a river. In the next line a number of villages are mentioned of which the following only are legible: Sāmantapāțaka, Bhadvachiura, Tujumbā, Kukkudiya and Rajögrāma. It is stated in l. 47 that Karðdhaka, Brahmapuri, Nannēsvara-Kahātra and another village, the name of which is not clear, were given to the god Sõmanātha. The prasasti was composed by Madhu, the son of Trayivarddhans of the Bhāradvāja-gotra. It was written on the stone by Sivanāga the son of Avvoka and incised by the sutradhāra Madhava the son of Mahēsvara. I am unable to identify the localities mentioned and edit the record from the original stone which I examined on several occasions in 1920 and in
1921.
TEXT.
Metres :- vv. 1-5 and 16 Sragdhara; vv. 6-8, 12, 17, 20, 24, 26, 28, 30-33 and 35 Vasantatilakā; vv. 9-11, 13-15, 18, 19, 21-23, 25 and 27 Sārdülavikridita ; v. 29 and 34 Mālini; vv. 36-46 Anushțubh]. 1 Om ----- vāya || Länkā-[virēndra(!))-vā(bā)hu-vyatikara-chatula-[sphā]tik-adr.
indra-köți-érēņi-samghatta-vi(bi)bhyad-gaganachara-vara-chchhanna-dik-chakravālam
Above, Vol. XII, pp. 210 ff. The context does not give us any justification of bringing in Gängēgadēve. It shows, on the other hand, that the credit of the conqueste mentioned in verso 34 must go to Kokalladiva (II.) who is introduced in the verse immediately preceding it. Moreover, since both the Chandrebe inscription (973 A.D.) and the present record belong to the time of Prabodhagiva, it is very unlikely that he could flourish at the time of Gang@yadēva (1037 A.D.) also. It is more likely that the grants were made by Yuvarājadēva (II.), as indicated by . 43, probably towards the end of his reign and recorded at the time of his son Kökalla (II) who is mentioned as npipati in l. 41. If my surmise is correct then v. 34 gives us some new information about the achievements of Kökalla II. and v. 35 indicates that Yuvarājadēvs (II.) also bore the surname of Kéyüravarsha like his grandfather, Yuvarija (L.).-Ed.]
· Expressed by a symbol.

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130
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
L ---- () jagad-akita tad-akranda-ni[rhrä]da-ghora-svachchhandah sõ=dri-vási
maudam upachinutách-chandra-chūdā-mapir=vvaḥ || [11] Nandin=k=ēyam pravishţă.
(pshupati) uu u dövi-ti many[@] mitby=aitan=n=aami saany[a] uuuuuU -U--u
sa-I mugdbe tvad ripa-dhari ttridaśa-ripuradau driấyatām pätito=grē kēn=āstrēņ-ēti dē4 [vyd) ka[tu)-vachana-jitaḥ pätu mauni [Sivo] vaḥ [2 "1-- -- --
wuuuuuha snigdha-dhüma-prava(ba)ndha-pråravdh(bdh)-akāla-mēgh-7daya-mada
mudit-onnådi-nsityan-mayara & Daty=uohchaih a udha-jäla-jvalad anana-mani-[iyo]tishañ chakravällaih svar-llökam
vå hasanti jagati Madhumati dhama saiddhantikānām "# [3 * Pārvvē
yatrāvatirya vrata-niyata-mano-vrittayas-tāpas-èndrah bishyanam-dagarsuh Siva-matam-atanu vyasta-nihsēsba-dosham
yeahäm=ady-api kirttireddhavalayati sudhā-dhanta-kāntiḥ prasiddhā visvar
sampanna-vidva) ja 7 na kumuda-van-anandini chandrik-eva || [4 I Saivānām-anvayē sminn=ati-mahati
munir-mmănaniya muninám=ēnah-sushk-endhanānändava-dahana iva dyõtamānaira
mmabobhiḥ srimams-Chūdasivo-bhūd-Bhava-charana-yuga-dhyāna-võ(bo)dh-arddhi-lābha-prödbhūt
atyanta-subhra-ttribhuvana-bhavan-abhyantara-bhrānta-kirttiḥ || [5 IN) Tasy-akhila
kshitipati-pranat-ottamāåga-chuda9 maņi-dyuti-chay-archchita-pada-pathahl sishyo va(ba)bhūva bhuvana-traya-kirtta
niyah Srimat-Prabhāvasive-nåma-munir=manishi [6 Il] Aniya yam sahaja
vāsanayi nayajñaḥ bri-Mugdha10 tunga-tanayo Yuvarējad vaḥ satttyv-opakāra-bhavad-uttama-kirtti-hētõt=&grāhayan
=matham=ananta-dhana-pratishtham|| [7 *) Tasy=āmalēna tapasă che vivardha
måna-vidya-va(ba)lēna cha sama11 sta-jagat-pratitaḥ sishyaḥ prakāma-kamaniya-gun-aika-dhāma srimat-Praśāntasiva
nāma-munir-yva(bba)bhūva | [8 II*] Aksishtă chira-sanchitēna tapasi yasy=ānga
sang-õtsuka Lakshmir-bhoga12 parāňmukhasya Batatam nih srēyas-ākāṁkshaya ajñām prāpya par-opakāra-kritay?
tad-vallabhänām satäm sthänëshu sthiratām=avāpa vanit-ev-atyanta-Hatya-vrată
|| [911*] Tyagam stambham=i. 13 v=avalarv(b)ya vilasaj-jñān-amvumbu)-sēka-kriyām=āsūdya prasarat-tapā-val(ba)la
lite pratyanta-rakshā-kramah ittham yasya yas(s)o- mayaḥ sa vavridhe kūlēna
kalpa-durmo yēna vyāptam-idam prasa14 hya sakalam vra(bra)hmānda-bhāņd-odaram || [10 11*1 Yona Sri-Yuvarāja kārita
lasat-Kailasa-eping-õpama-prāsād-õttarataḥ Sumēru-sikhara-sparddhi prasiddham=
bhuvi | sadma sthāpitam-Isva15 reye sakale-trailökya-vismāpakam yat=svarggam vrajatas-tadiya-yaga(sa)saḥ sõpānas
märggåyatë | [11 M Yah pratyatishthipad-Umäm=Umayã cha miśram=isam
Shadānanamratha prathit-õru-kirttiḥ | 1.6 prāsāda-sex nihita-deva-gpihēslu vidvān=dvărē tatha Ganapatin-cha Sarasvatiñ=cha #
[12 ] Dah-öttirņņa-suvarnna-dana-lamita-dravy-arthi-särtha-sprihah siddha-sthanam=
achikarattad=aparam yah So17 pactir-õpaki yasmin=yoga-jushaḥ praviśya niyama-dhvast-antarāy-ādhayaḥ sāntāḥ
siddha-samadhayoachchha-matayo gachchhanti muktēļ padam [13 II*? Tirtha #thana-nishēvan-odyata-dhiyan

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No. 21.)
THE GURGI INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA.
191
18 m-atyante vibrantayö yasetat-käritava(vi)n-muniḥ sura-Berit-tirë tapah-sth&takam
yat-samsēvya Mahadvar-Irobohane-ratt Váránasi-Väsino manyantē bhava-sagaram
gurum=api kshinam 19 yathā (gõshpa]dam || [14 II") Asinadya jit-āsanasya vijano brit-padma-padhya-sthita
Sthāņu-dhyāna-nilina-nischala-manah-samvēdit-antar-mmudah jagmur-yasya dinäni
dāna-nirata20 --u-- [rthika?) tat(tt)va-jñāna vichaksbanaischa guņibhiḥ sarddham pariksha
kshamaih | 016 1* Tivr-azhbor-ambu-sathghā ive niratibay-olläsinaḥ svaih prabhavai[r]-yasy-antēvāsinoedhasatamasini
U pratyaharh) võ(68)dhaya ntah lekanläloka-dan-Opakpiti-parinamat-kirttayah samhbhrit-ajña-hobha-bhūbhrich-chhirðbhiḥ pravara-muni-janair-a[r]ohyamānāswoharanti
|| [16 !*] Tasy-abhava22 [t=]UUU-UU-U---ḥ samasta-kavi-purgava-gita-kirttiḥ | 6r-Isānasambhurs
akhil-ävadipāla-mauli-mālā-maņi-dyuti-piśamgita-păda-padmaḥ | [17 11* Ni[r]jjitya 23 vuru-UUU - Ubarv[v]-arthināmh yēna srir=gamitőpabhöga-padavi
dau]rggatya-duḥkha-chchhidā sad-vidyā-bhava-va(ba)ndhana-vyatikara-pradhvan(mn sa
karmma-kshama-vyäpär- ēti 24 [samagra-sam!) UU -U U - ||[18 !I"] Yö mädyat-kali-kāla-danti-dalana.
vyapara-pañehānanaḥ sriman-Mattamayura-vansa(vamsa)-tilako niņsēsha-vidya -
nidhiḥ vidvat-pa25 frshada) -U-UU --u--v-tasy)-ādēsha-gan-akarasya bhuvan.)--
-- -- || [19 !I*] Srimat-Pravo(bo)dhasiva-nama-nij-ánujasya sthanam sama[r*]pya viji- -U [1]
VUUUUU-- uuuuuu -- [1/20 ] [Yēna] tyāga-tapah-samadhi-nidhină sva-svāmi-nirmmāpita27 ---Uuu uuu -- -- -I --UU-UUUU -- --
-wa-siddhi-vábā)dhaka-bhi[y] -ollarghayanty=amva(mba)rē || [21 1*] Kū28 (pam]-UU-U uuu U-MU-[*]
uw-u [. a]rthi-nivahx[-să?]rtho-py-apūrvv-ēpaita. prājya-sva29 UU-U UUU- U- V[H 22 *] -www-u-uu-U- V
WU valla U gat-karmme-nimmāpitam 30 ---UU-u-uuu--- -- - - - - - - - - -
-[IF 23 ] - - ftad-anu?) wusul Jumat-ātmā tasy-aspadė='gra
س با
سعا - * T] - سدں-ب
سد سعد سعد دن میں اعمای
بسبب یاب
--[1124 ! ---uu-u-uuu-- Ma?]hēndre='tyvu(rbbu)de yasy-ochchais =cha U-U UUU-- -- - (
UU-U-UUU--- -- - ---UU-U UUU- -um=āsi]t-kshamah | [25 *] Sämantapāta39 kar www yāyu.
- VUUUUUU E1*] - - - w w
w uuuuwwinā[m] [26- *) En-ånk-anvaya. 34 uuuuuuuuuuuuu [1]
- uuw w wwww [gi]hītvå va(ba)lät-khyātam khaWo may have to restore w nipatikana * Restore as lokan(?).

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132
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
36 [dga*]u-u-uuu-- --- -[1127*] --u-uuu-uu-u-- --U
-uuu-uu-U-- [*] nirjjitya Gurjjara-patim 36 uu-u-- --U-UUv-uv--- [128 II*] Vuuuuu---
--u- uuuuuu--- -- -- [l *Juuparijana-rakshö37 --- -- vuu vuu--- -- ---[129 IN --u-vuu
vu-u----u-uuu-vu-u--[*] si[nanda)-mauli-mani38 -uv-u-- --u-uuv-uv-u--(1/30 ||*] --u-uuu-uu-V--
--u-uuu- parakramõ=bhūt [l *] chitrēzpi ya[l-li)39 khita-rūpam=evēkshya -- [vī]ra-vratāmuuu-uu-u-- || [31 Il*] -- ujā
vuu-uta vi[ra] -- --[ņa)-vikrama-nidhir=viparīta-mallaḥ | asin=nri40 pah kavi-kadamva(mba)-[ghanāya]māna ---Umuuu-uu-u[pa]ikaḥ 1
[32 M Tasmād=abhūd=uuu-dita-Pushpa[dhanvā?] --yamāņa-vapur=apra
tima-pratāpaḥ | Kokalla. 41 dēva-nfipatiḥ patir=uttamāsnām) --U-uuu-vu-u-- | [33]*] (Pra]vikati
[ba]ta-baktir-Gü[rjja] -- [Hi]m-Adrim jalanidhi-jala-durggam Gauda-rājo=dbise42 të nivasati Vanavāna Kuntala_ U-uu vuuU--- -- ---|| (34 II]
--u-uuu- ya-kirttaniya[m] puny-anvitāya munayē svayam=43 Ichchitayal --nam=ū(u)llikhita-[s&!) UU- --[Köya ravarsha-nfipatih u
---||[35 II] Pakka.. ..--[tax) tatka Sárasadollakam | Vakkadöllaka- Rajyau)44 chchvē(?)ko..... nä(?)sepundikā || (36 II] ..... ....U --u.. .. puram
[Khayallikāl] | [puram] Kalābhirapalli.. .. .. .. Sarasvati || (37 II*] [Etēshāṁ)
dvadasakañ=cha Kavacha-kshētram=ēva cha 46 Samantapätakab ch-aiva Vata.. .. -v [38 II*] .. .. .. [yata --yil sägana..
um=ity=api 1 Sa.... [Bha]dvachiură Tuju]mvä сha Ku[kku]diya || [ 39 II*]
Rajo-gråm-anvitā 46 Derētān=sāsanatvēna dattavan .. .. .. ..v[vēdā]nta-pāragāya gariyasē
[40 (18] [Puram] paura-jan-akirnnar (puraskāra(?)]-samastakam bhaktyā sama
r ppayāmāsa säsanatvē47 na bhüpatih || [41 M Karõdhakam Vra(Bra)hmapuri[m] si[chcha?)-kapõndikām
Nann-ekvara-kshētra]m=adāt Somanāthāya Sambhavē?] || [42 ] [Da]ttă sri
Yuvardjöna pälitä säntarair=nnsipaih akalpa48 sthāyini bhūyād=vrittih baiva-tapô-bhritām || [43 I] Bhäradvāj-anvaya-srimat-Trayi
varddhana-Dandanaḥ prasa(ba)(stim=akarot=] stutyo Madhur=madhuraya gira
[44 h) Alekhi lêkhakēn= yam=A49 vyoka-tanujanmana' aksharair=dfishadi spashtaih Sivanagēna dhimată || [451]
Utkirni sūtradhärēņa Ma[ho]ávara-sutēna cha Madhavanau na guņină Vi. syakarmmaņā || [46 ||*]
TRANSLATION. Om! [Salutation to Sival] II
(Verse 1.) Let the moon-crested (god Siva) dwelling on the mountain, whose own pleasure is rendered terrible by the sound of the lamentation (of the worldly beings ?), who made the world .........with the horizon of its quarters covered by the best of birds frightened by the clashing of the row of the peaks of the excellent crystal mountain shaken by the movement of arms of the hero (!) of Lanki-increase your joy.
Probably we havo to restore - Gurjar-Lid and Kuntal-Ead.

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No, 21.]
THE GURGI INSCRIPTION OF PRABODHASIVA.
133
(V. 2.) Nandin, who is the (lady) that has entered ... ? .... I think she is Dēvi. This is not true; I am not she ; (she is) another person...... You simple minded, he is an asura who has assumed your form. See how I have felled him before me and by what weapon. Let Siva who was (thus) silenced being conquered by the harsh(?) words of Dēvi, protect you.
(V. 3.) There is in this world, Madhumati, the abode of the Saiddhāntikas, where the peacocks dance and shriek with joy at the unseasonal rise of clouds formed by the mass of smoke ......and which is smiling (in derision) as it were, at the heaven through the mass of the rays of the big jewels shining on high in the rows of mansions.
(V. 4.) Where appeared the foremost of ascetics whose mind was restrained by vows and who taught the great doctrine of Siva which is devoid of all faults; whose well-known fame the aplendour of which was as white as if it had been) washed with nectar, whitens the universe even today like the rays of the moon gladdening the mass of kumuda flowers which were the prosperous and learned men.
(V. 5.) In this great family of Saivas was (born) the illustrious ascetic Chadāśiva who was honoured by sages and who in his shining glory was like the forest fire to the dry fuel of sin ; whose fame was exceedingly white having arisen out of the perfection of knowledge acquired through meditation on the feet of Bhava (Siva).
(V. 6.) His disciple was the sage, the illustrious Prabhāvasiva whose feet were wor. shipped by the rays of the crest jewels on the head of all the kings bowing (in reverence) and who was learned and famous in the three worlds.
(V. 7.) Having brought him out of a natural desire, Yuvarājadēva, the son of the illustrious Mugdhatunga, who was verged in polity, in order to gain good fame arising out of the welfare of (all) beings, made him accept a monastery which was established at an enormous expense.
(V. 8.) His disciple was the ascetic the illustrious Prasantasiva, who was famous in the whole world through his spotless austerities and force of learning which was (always) increasing and who was the sole abode of exceedingly good qualities.
(V. 9.) Attracted by (his) long accumulated austerities, Lakshmi, who was eager to have & bodily contact with him who was averse to pleasure on account of his desire of final emancipa. tion, received his order to do good to others and obtained fixity (i.e., became stationary), like a very devoted wife, in the houses of the good who were his (Prasantasiva's) friends.
(V. 10.) Having taken to charity as the supporting) pillar, having obtained the sprinkling of the water of shining knowledge, with all its tips protected by the increasing force of austerities grew his wish-yielding tree (kal padruma) which was his fame and which in time completely filled the vase-like interior of the universe.
(V. 11.) By him was established a temple of Siva (built) to the north of the palace which was built by the illustrious Yuvarājadēva and was like the shining peak of the Kailāsa mountain, which (temple) aspired to be as high as the peak of the Sumēru mountain, was famous on the earth, caused wonder in the three worlds and acted like a stair-case to his fame marching towards heaven.
(V. 12.) He, whose vast fame was well-known and who was learned, dedicated the images of Umā, Umā mixed with Siva (Hara-Gauri) and Shadānana in the temples adjacent to the palace as well as those of Sarasvati and Ganapati at the gate.
(V. 13.) He who had quenched all desires of hosts of supplicants by the gift of gold which had emerged (purified) from burning (i.e., sacrificial fire ?), built another abode for the Siddhas on the bank of the river Sona having entered which the Yögins who had exterminated anxieties caused by impediments through the performance of) vows, (who were) free from passions, who had attained success in meditation and whose mind was clear, acquire the position (fit) for (obtaining) emancipation.

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.
(V. 14.) He, the snge, for the absolute rest of those who had a mind to live in a holy place, built an abode (for performing) austerities on the banks of the divine river (Ganges), taking resort to which the inhabitants of Benares, devoted to the worship of Mahēsvara, think the ocean of existence, though vast, to be as small as the impression of a cow's foot (in the soil).
(V. 15.) Seated in a solitary place, he, who had won a mastery over (all) the postures of sitting (asana) and whose mind-devotedly fixed to the meditation of Siva (who was always present) inuide his lotus-like heart-possessed the inner satisfaction, passed his days in making gifta. ....in company of qualified men who were adepts in supreme knowledge and could stand the test.
(V. 16.) His disciples who shine in their own majesty bright like the mass of rays of the sun explaining....everyday to those who were in darkness(?) (as the sun removes the darkness) and whose fame is vast on account of the good done through the gift of sight (āloka) (as the sun gives light), roam about honoured by the best of sages whose orders are held (reverently) by the kings (bhubhrit) on their heads (as the sun is honoured by the summits of mountains which it beautifies).
(V. 17.) His (disciple) was the illustrious (Isinasambhu)......whose fame was sung by all principal poets, and whose lotus-like feet were reddened by the splendour of the jewels of the garlands on the crowns of all the kings.
(V. 18.) Having conquered........of all the supplicants by him, who was the remover of the misery of poverty, was placed the goddess of fortune (Sri) in a position to be enjoyed (by all); (he who was?) ............ in the matter of destroying the obstruction of the bondage of existence through true learning............
(V. 19.) He, who was a lion (pañchanana) in the act of subduing the rutting elephant of death in the shape of Kali age, who was the forehead mark (tilaka) of the illustrious Mattamaydre clan, who was the store house of perfect bearing, roho in the assembly of the learned........, of him who was the source of all the (good) qualities........
(V. 20.) He having given place to his younger brother (disciple) named Prabodhakiva......
(V. 21.) By him, who was the receptacle of charity, austerities and meditation (was buile & mathal near) the one built by his master (i.e., guru), which the............do not cross in the sky for fear of obstruction to their sucoess (or perfection).
(V. 22.) Also a woll(was dug by him)........ and also the host of supplicants (obtained!) ......an abundant... (even) of what was not desired before,
(V. 23.) ............caused to be built by (his) good works. (V. 24.) ......then the high-souled one......in his abode....... (V. 25.) ......on high on the Mahēndra or the Arbuda hills.. (V. 26.) Sämantapätaka............ Tv. 27.) (In) the family of the moon........(who) taking by force the famous sword....... (V. 28.)......... baving defeated the lord of the Gurjaras...... (V. 29.) ........the protection of the family.. (V. 30.) ..........the crest jewel...............
(V. 31.) ........ was born the valiant ......seeing, whose beauty even as drawn in a picture ....
(V. 32.) From him (was born)........ the king, the treasure house of valour, the terrible fighter, who was like....to the host of poets..
(V. 33.) From bim (was born) the king Kokalladēxa who was the lord of the good whe excelled the god of love, in physical (beauty) and, was of unequalled valour..........
1 Probably the damaged portion online refuse to the maths built by Prabodhalive which is also found in the Chandrebolaneription of Peabodhalil abowo, Vol. XXL p. 14. V. 16 Idi
[For reference to this well we also Chandrohe Inscription, v. 26.-Ed.]

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No. 22.)
MAHAKOSALA PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTARAJADEVA.
135
(V. 34.) The Gürjara (lord?) onters the Himalaya devoid of power and the lord of Gauda lies in the watery fort of the sea. There lives in Vanavåsa the lord() of Kuntala........
(V. 35.) The King Köyüravarsha (gave)...... to the ascetic who possessed merit and whom he had himself honoured ......
(Vv, 36-37.) (The villages) Pakka...., as well as Sarasadollaka, Vakkaçõllaka, Rajyauchchvēkõ(?),..,.,.nässpundikā,...... pura, Khayellik(?)......Abhitapalli......and Sarasvati.
(Vv, 38-40.) The twelfth part of these as well as the Kavacha-kshetra Samantapätaka and Vats....,.Bhadvachiura, Tujumvå and Kukkudiyā along with the village of Rajó (the king) gave by means of a grant to the great (asoetie) who was versed in the Vedāntas.
(V. 41.) The king made the grant with all honours and out of devotion to him (and also gane?) & city crowded with citizens.
(V. 42.) (He also) gave to the Sivs called Sömanātha, (the villages of) Karodhaka, Brahmapuri...... kapomikā and Nannisvara-kshetra.
(V. 43.) May this allowance (vritts) to the Saiva-ascetics granted by the illastrious Yuvarajadēva last till the end of kalpas, being protected by the future kings.
(V. 44.) The praigeworthy Madhu who was the son of the illustriots Trayivardhana of the Bharadvāja lineage, composed this eulogy with sweet words.
(V. 45.) This (prasasti) was written on stone with clear letters by the scribe, the intelligent Sivanāga, the son of Avvõka.
(V. 46.) (It was) incised by the engraver Mādhara....who was the son of Mahësvara, was gifted and was (as clever as) Visvakarmar.
No. 22.--THE MAHAKOSALA HISTORICAL SOCIETY'S PLATES OF MAHABHAVA
GUPTARAJADEVA.
By PANDIT LP, PANDEYA. In October 1992, this important charter was presented to the Maha-Kõula Historical Society, Bälpur (via Räigarh, District Bilaspur, C. P.), by a gentleman in whose family it had been lying for years. Definite information about its find-spot is lacking but it is said that the plates were discovered in a field in the course of digging.
This charter eonsists of three copper-plates each measuring about 8I" in length sad 4-2 in breadth which are strung on a big circular ring of the same metal. The ring is 4-2" in diameter to which is fixed a circular seal measuring 16" in diameter. On the seal'is engraved the figure of a stænding bull with two horns and a raised Kump facing the proper right. Above the figure of the bull is the mark of a crescent moon and below it the legend in two lines, which reads :-(1) Sri-Mahābhavagupta (2)rājadēvasya. The plates have no raised' rims and they with the ring and the seal weigh 120 tolas.
Of the three plates, the first is inscribed on the inner side only while the second and third plates bear writing on both sides. The first plate contains nine lines of writing, the second seven lines on each side and the third bas eleven lines on the inner and four lines on the outer side. The letters on both the sides of the second plate are comparatively big, each mensuring rd of an inch. In the inner side of the third plate the letters in the last five lines are smaller than those of the first six lines. The writing on the plates excepting a few lines on the first side of the third plate is in good preservation.
The characters belong to the acute angled ' type of the Northern script, attributable to the 7th and 8th centuries: A.D. The letters have been nicely and clearly engraved and the majority

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[VOL, XXII.
of them resemble those of the Sirpur stone inscription of the time of Mahäsivagupta. The language is Sanskrit and prose throughout with the exception of the imprecatory and benedictive verses.
As regards orthography," the following points may be noted The visarga is omitted in namah (1.1) and antahpāti (1.4); i is used for i in abhio(1, 13), Sagar-adibhih (1. 20), etc. ; b and u have not been distinguished. The rule of sandhi has been overlooked in yadi akshara (1. 36).
The exact date of the record cannot be verified from the details given in the inscription and the reading of the day of the fortnight is not certain, though it appears to be 6. Accepting this reading to be correct, the record is dated the 6th day of the dark half of Bhadrapada of the 11th regnal year of the M. P. P. Mahābhavaguptarājadēva, the forehead ornament of the Sõma family (Soma-kula-tilaka) and the Lord of Trikalinga. The charter records the grant of the Liñjira village in the neighbourhood of the Přithurā-bhukti to a Brāhmana who was the son of Chakradhara and belonged to the Kapishthala-gotra, Vagishthapravara and the Maitrāyani-6ākhā (of the Black Yajurvēda). The donee is simply called Bhatta in the inscription and it is not clear whether this was his name or the usual brahmanic title. He was an inhabitant of Ullakhēta and had originally emigrated from Madhura in the Mid-country (Madhya-desa). The gift was made on the Simha-sankranti and the record was issued from the victorious camp at Kisarakëlla. The writer of the charter was the Mahāsandhivigrahin Rudradatta, the son of Dēvadatts who had emigrated from Ayodhyapura. The usual device on the seal of the Sõmavamsi kings is the gaja-Lakshmi but in the present inscription the device is, as has been noticed above, different and is similar to that used in the inscriptions of the Early Ganga kings. Though the dates of the two known Mahābhavaguptas of the Sõmavam a have not been properly fixed, their personal or birth namee, viz., Janamējaya and Bhimaratha are usually found in their grants. But the grant under publication does not give such a name to the donor Mahabhavagupta. It is, therefore, not certain if he is to be identified with either of the Mahābhavaguptas already known or is an altogether different ruler of the family.
Of the geographical places mentioned in the grant Kisarakēllă may be identified with the village of Kesarkelā, about six miles to the east of Bolangir in the Patna State of Sambalpur District. The village Litjira may be identified with the village of the same name close to Baramakēlā in the Sarangarh Feudatory State. Přithură is the present day Pithoră in the Padampur tract, about 45 miles to the north-west from Sambalpur town. The distance between Pithora and the Liñjira village in the Sarangarh State is about 20 miles. These two are on the opposite banks of the Mahānadi, which flows through the borders of both the Sarangarh State and the Padampur tract, forming respectively their northern and southern boundary. Ayodhyāpura is to be identified with the modern Ayodhya in the Faizabad District of United Provinces. Ulakhöta may be the present Ulakhara village in the Sarangarh Feudatory State. It is about 20 miles to the west of Liñjira.
TEXT.
Pirst Plate. i esat THC: *Ifwaret af [*] farercatore atafanalfaura2 बटवात्परममावरमातापितपादानुष्यातमहाराजाधिरा
1 Above, Vol. XI, pp. 290 f. * This plina is mentioned in Payini, VIII-3-91.
From the original plates.
• Expromed by
symbol.

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int..
MAHA KOSALA HISTORICAL SOCIETY'S PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTARAJADEVA.
ii.b... Seal.
मिल प्रतिपदसिमा सानिलियर पारिरी सपा राय वासुस्पतिपि पाठपाललीया तवाय 18
TAIT पास किस्मता पनपा टा पारीदि रायसायरास विसरतमा तयार 20 लमारःरपल का पाररि पालियामा वाचनमाम्मरलाल पान दे समिट 22
घानिय मागायन सारा Actual size. ib. कमालगाया यदि किसाकल्लामा यात्रिनमा पित्य
तिम्मनाया नामाकाबलम 24 2 কব কানমলা প্রমাদিনযাযাবাসনদ । परम्पर परमं कयामकुल निलकाजलि नाविप
সর্দনান্দীপাবাননীযঃ সাপ্তাবে । 4
वाया गवगवा पलु भकभकाममा समास प पसारा रे पगलीपापबुरा रुताव पा मनटमकर तमायातिया पसाफ नाममा लिलिलिपामयाला अपवन पायक मि सतपा
पामराल परवाच्या 28 ___ 6टाकियायापासिक यातहल्साररान नाछी समा कायम कर पविलातायातमाशदीपराया। यतिपिरि नसटू द य नायवाट्या सिमाजवासोपविव
सामाठालून
तालतालपालदायारूगर 8सार परावलिपि र यातला सहा चापका
मालामाल पातागयाइयाटवारागमन
न तारन्तानलालालाचतामाबाशवान्यका करकमा सवय में त वरा परि परिकका
तपात वातातिलाधा हिसार
नारामारपरगायतमा वक ii.a.
iii.b. 10 पूलमायका यामप्रसाटो काट
माध्यम/RTRAधानतरपाल 1: पाचराकुल परत वाटनिचल्य कावामाना।
प्रकाशमान पायलिन वापस र मार लिबर पर मायले व पिकातव, 14 रेलया की कि तिल सालात लोपोत काप
मराट्याव टार मारपसार शानवेनात पीका पारिलायमि JANTA कान मालकाय रे सामरावतसाद 16मर्थनमा मा तपसिलमातम पदयामक
36
मकान
38
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE : ONE-HALF,
N. P. Chakravarti. REG. No. 3377535-425.

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No. 22.]
MAHAKOSALA PLATES OF MAHABHAVAGUPTARAJADEVA.
137
3 जपरमेश्वरपरमभहारकसीमकुमतिलकनिकलिकाधिप4 तिश्रीमहाभवगुप्तराजदेवः कुपती । पधुराभुत्यन्तःपा. । तिलिचिरपामे बा(बा)प्रणासम्पूज्य ततिनिवासिकुटुखि(म्बिनः समाः 6 हर्तुसविधार्नु(त)दडपाशिकचाटभटराजवल(क)मादौत्म(स)ोस(म)मा7 शापयति विदितमस्तु भवतां यथायाभिमनिधिः सोपनिधि8 सदयापराधी निषिचाटभटप्रवेयः सर्वीपरिक9 रिकर'करादानीसमेत(त:) सर्वपीड़ापरिवर्जितः कपि
Second Plate ; First Side. 10 हस(ख)गोचाय एका(वषिीवसिष्ठप्रवराय मैचायि(य)पीया11 खाध्यायिने मध्यदेममधुरविनिर्मात उजखेटवास्त12 व्यं' भष्मा(बा)अणाय चक्रधरसुताय सिा(सिंह)सद्धान्तौ माता13 पिबोरामनच पुन्धाभी(वाभिये सचिवहा(धा)रापुर:स14 रेष चन्द्रतारकाचितितलसमकाली(लम)पभोक्तांव(म)16 शासनाकरीवत्व प्रतिपादितोयमित्यवगत्व स18 मुचितमोगभागकरहिरसा(ज)कमुपनयजिभवतिः
Second Plate ; Second Side. 17 सुखेन प्रतिवस्तव्यमिति । भाविभित्र भूपती(ितिभि)र्मिगौ. 18 रवादमा(म)दनुरोधात्]ि वखदत्तिरिखानुपासनीया तथा चैव19 म्यव्यते धर्मशाख्ने । व(ब)इभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिः सग 20 रादौभि(दिभिः) [*] य(य)स्व यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा प. A सं [*] माभूः(भूदफलमा व: परदते(ते)ति पाधि(बि)व 10 सदा. 22 नारफलमानन्त्यम्परदत्ताचपावने [0] भूमि वः 23 प्रतिपडा(जाति या भूमी(मि)म्पयच्चती(ति) [1] उभी तो
Third Plate ; First Side. 24 पुन्य(ख)कर्माणो नी(नि)यतो स्वर्गगामी(मि)नो । पष्टिम्बर्ष25 सामाणी(णि) खने मीदति भूमौ(मि)द [i] पाचोवा(ता) चारमा 28 न्ता च तावे(न्य)व नरके वसेत् । सपर्वमेवामिवाम्भूमरप्य
• Bond vinirepgaliya Bond otatorydya
1 Road sarop-Oparibara.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
27 ईसकूल म्हर' तनरकमायाति यावदाइतसं (झ)वम् ॥
28 अमेरपत्यम्प्रथमं सुवर्ण व सूर्यसुताच गावो (व) [1]
29 दत्तास्त्रयस्तेन भवन्ति लोका यष्का नङ्गाच महीश्च दद्या
30
(सामान्यवन्धनमेतुन () पाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवडी:
(:) [i)
31 सर्व्वा नेता (भा) यी (वि) न: पाधि(घि) वेन्द्रा(न्"] कमलदलम्बु (म्बु) व (बि) न्दुलोला (लां) वितच [it] सक
32 इति
33 लमिदमुदाहृतच बुध्वा (बुवा) न हि पुरुषैः परकीर्तयो विलाप्य ( लोप्याः) ॥
प्रवर्द्धमा
[Vol. XXII.
न
24 नविजयराज्यसम्वत्सरे एकादशमे भाद्रपद दि]] दो (दि) [६] [1] महासखी(a) [व] ग्रह
1 Read = argulam | harananaratama
Probably it was intended to write Yak kanchana
भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः ॥
मनुष्यजी
श्री ( श्रियमनुचिन्त्य
Third Plate; Second Side.
35 चद्रदत्तेन देवदत्तस्य सुतेन पयोध्यापुर विनिर्मान
36 [ ( लिखितमिदं शासान (सनम्) | यदि पाचर परी (रि)स्वष्ट 37 मात्राहीनस्तु यद्धे (द्भवेत् ) [*] श्रान्तमरहमोविद्दास' कस्य न
38 वली (ति) मम ] |
The dandas are unnecessary.
Read yad aksharam or yady-aksharam
• Read -hinan-cha
Road Bahantum arhata vidodsivoaj.
'No. 349.
• No. 1239, pages 4.28-0
No. 23.DRAKSHARAMA INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA I 33RD YEAR.
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIFER, BA., COIMBATORE.
The publication of the texts of South Indian Inscriptions has placed before the student of ancient Indian history a mass of material which will serve to clear up doubtful points in the history of the various dynasties of the Dekhan. The inscription edited below is one such. It is engraved on a slab in the south wall of the Bhimesvara temple at Draksharama in the Ganjam district and is registered in the Madras epigraphical collection for 1893 as being on a third slab from the bottom between the third and the fourth pillars.' The text of it in Telugu script is given in the South-Indian Inscriptions, Volume IV. For the interesting historical information which it furnishes it is edited here.

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No. 23.J
DRAKSHARAMA INSCRIPTION OF KULOTTUNGA I.
As will be seen from the transcript, the inscription is not well preserved. The language employed is Sanskrit throughout and the alphabet Telugu. In several cases the writer uses the anuseara in place of the conjunct: see for instance Mandalamjeri (1.5). There are instances of the omission of (1) visarga, (2) rèpha and (3) anusvära. For (1), see dhara (1. 3), vishaya (1.5), abhi hita (1. 10); for (2), see dhamma (1, 6), kashann- (1. 9), kitti (1. 9) and hammyāya (1. 18); and for (3), see Gamga (1. 10) and tapasvina (1. 12). There are also few instances of needless doubling of consonants.
439
The inscription belongs to the time of the Chalukya-Chola king Kulottunga I, and is dated in the 33rd year of his reign (A.D. 1103). He is styled Samastabhuvanäsraya, Prithivivallabha, Maharajadhiraja, Paraméévara, Paramabhattaraka, Pandyakulantaka, Cholakulasekhara, Viramahendra, Vikramachōla, Rājarājëndra, Rajakesarivarman, and Tribhuvanachakravartin. All these epithets except the last three are not usually met with in his Tamil inscriptions but are found in some of his Telugu records.
The importance of the inscription consists in recording the military achievements of one of the king's chief officers variously named as Vaṇḍuvarāja, Pallavarāja, Tiruvaranga and the crest jewel of the Sudra family. He was the son of a certain Éirilango, a resident of Mandalañjöri in Tirunaraiyur-nadu a subdivision of Chōlamandalam. He is described as a good Vaishnava, the resort of the poor' and 'the abode of heroism.' By being devoted to the feet of Rajendra-Chōla, i.e., Kulottunga I., he obtained prosperity in the world and was the very sprout of the creeper, viz., his fame. At the command of the king he effected the conquest of the quarters, killed the enemies and espoused the goddess of heroism. Filling the battlefield with the blood of his foes, ploughing it with the hoofs of his war steeds, sowing therein the seeds of pearls issuing from the heads of elephants which were cut to pieces by his sword, he caused to grow his master's fame-creeper. He reduced to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, defeated the Ganga king, destroyed in battle Devendravarman and others, and planted a pillar of victory on the borders of the Odra country which was as it were the raising aloft of Rajendrachōla's fame.
The immediate object of the inscription is to register the facts (1) that this illustrious chief constructed with black granite a temple of Vishnu in the agrahāra village of Alavēli, making provision for its offerings, (2) that, for feeding five tapasvins, ten Brahmans, and five Vanakarmins in its vicinity he gave some lands at Ōlarappakkam (3) and that he provided also for offerings to the temple of Panchavati-Hari on the banks of the Godavari in Vēngi-mandalam. Reference is made in the damaged portion at the end of the inscription to a pavilion, probably erected by him, at Draksharama.
The proper import of the inscription can be well estimated with the help of the Tamil work Kalingattupparani of Jayangondan composed in the reign of Kulottunga I. The book says that the king, while he was yet a yuvaraja, led an expedition into the north and destroyed Chakkarakkōṭṭam (X, v. 23): then went to the south and was crowned there (ibid, v. 34). After removing the chaotic condition that was prevailing in that part of the land, he was conducting his rule with justice, pleasing himself by hunting on the banks of the Kāvēri. After some time he set out with all his paraphernalia for pariveṭṭai on the banks of the Pālāru (ibid, v. 47). reached Adigai where he worshipped the god Nataraja and proceeded to Kanchi. By the way, reference is made to his conquest of the Chera and Pandya kings (ibid, vv, 66-68). On an occasion when he was seated there in the chitramandapa on the western side of his palace, surrounded by his ministers Vandaiman-Tonḍaiman and others,-provincial chiefs (mandalikas) and kings waiting at his gate, it was reported to him that the king of the north Kalingas had failed to pay his tribute twice (i.e., for two years) (XI, vv. 3, 4, 16 and 27). On the emperor's ordering that the Kalinga country should be subdued and its king brought there, Vandainagar-arasan, who is variously

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called Karunākaran, Pallavarkon, and Valavaivēndan, (vv. 52-54) volunteered to undertake the invasion of the seven Kalingas, and, obtaining the king's permission, set out on his march (vv. 29-31). On the way, he successively crossed such rivers as the Pālāru, Popmugari, Peņņai, Pērāru, Gödāvari, Pampanadi, and Götamai (vv. 55-57). The fight that ensued was a severe one in which many were killed and wounded. "Invading Kalingam at the sea," says the book, “planting a pillar of victory, capturing elephants and treasure, Vandaiyarköp secured the grace of the feet of Abhaya of powerful army and sword (XII, v. 68)." The poem closes with an exhortation to sing the achievements of the king, viz., the defeat of the five Påndyas and the Chēra king, the tribute that was being brought from the north ; and also the fame of the cities Vandai, Mayilai and Mallai and of their chief, Tondaiyarvēndan who, capturing the elephants of the Kalingas, bestowed Kalingapparani on the king (XIII. v. 65). Verse 44 of Canto II (Kadaitirappu) states in unambiguous words that the king was at Käñchi while the chief led the expedition to Kalinga and reduced it.
It will be seen from this short summary of the Kalingattupparani that the account about the Kalinga war agrees with what is given in the inscription under publication. There does not appear to be any room for doubting that the chief referred to in the poem is identical with the one mentioned in the inscription and that the war described in both is the same. This being the case, the information furnished by the one is not only corroborated by the other but is greatly supplemented. The inscription gives the name of the chief as Vanduvarāja and Pallavarāja while the poem adds to these the names Karunakaran and Tondaimág, the latter being only a synonym of Pallavarāja. With Karunākara we may compare the epithet dina-nidhāna ēkah of the inscription. This work gives us the additional information that the chief was the lord of Vandai, Mallal and Mayilai and that he had invaded Ceylon. Both the book and the inscription declare that the chief invaded the Kalinga country at the command of the king, the former stating that the king was at Kāñchi while the chief successfully prosecuted the war and the latter adding that the chief reduced to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, defeated the Ganga in battle and destroyed Dēvēndravarman and others with the help of Kösala. Both the documents state that the chief set up a pillar of victory, the inscription specifying that it was on the borders of the Odra country.
The name Karuņākara Tondaimán is not unknown to inscriptions. In the Arulāla-Perumal temple at Conjeeveram, there is an inscription of the Chola king Kulõttunga I., dated in the 43rd year of his reign with the introduction pugal-mādu, registering a grant made by Alagiyamanavālapi-Mandaiyā vār, the wife (dēviyār) of Vēļā Karunākaran Tondaimán. Here it is stated that the chief was a native of Vandalañjēri in Tirunafaiyūr-nādu, a subdivision of Kulottungasolavalanādu in Chöļamandalam. The name of the donor and the temple to which the gift was made may be taken to show that Karuņākara Toņdainiān professed the Vaishnava creed while the title Vēļān is indicative of his being a Sūdra by caste and these facts are in accord with what is reported in the Drakshäräma inscription. Vandalañjēri is but a variant of Mandalañjēri and Vandai is perhaps connected with it. The subdivision to which the village belonged is the same in the two inscriptions and it may be noted that Tirunaraiyur and Vandalañjēri are places in the Kumbakonam taluk.
Having shown how the two documents Kalingattupparani and Drākshärama inscription refer to the same Kalinga war, we here take up the question regarding the date of this war, Before doing so, it may be useful to know if there was only one war with Kalinga or more. As the earliest notice of the conquest of Kalinga in the records of Kulõttunga I.-without any mention of the details connected with it occurs in & stone inscription dated in the 26th year of the reign corresponding to A.D. 1096 and as this is found repeated in the inscriptions of the

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30th year and after, one is strongly inclined to believe that this should have taken place in or a little before A.D. 109. Some of the inscriptions of the king dated in the 42nd and 45th years of his reign refer to an invasion of Kalinga in which the king himself is said to have left his throne, crossed the Vērgi-mandalam in the north, set fire to Kalinga, destroyed in battle a number of chiefs and took possession of the seven Kalingam." From the fact that the king himself is said here to have taken the lead in this war, and greater details are furnished regarding it than in the earlier records, it appears to be different from and later than the one already mentioned and may have to be assigned to A.D. 1111 or thereabout. But as the historical introductions of Kulottunga I. do not regularly record all his achievements, adding year by year the later conquests, as do those of the early Chõla kings, it will not be safe to assign these events to the years in which we find them noticed at present.
If the capture of Kalinga mentioned in the 26th year record (A.D. 1096) proves to be the one effected by the king himself, whether it is identical with or different from the Kalinga war described in detail in the 42nd and the 45th year inscriptions (A.D. 1111-14), the war celebrated in the Kalingattupparani and referred to in the Drākehārāma inscription has to be assigned to & much earlier date as will be seen from the sequel. In enumerating the achievements of Kulot. tunga I., Kalingattupparani speaks chiefly of his conquests of the Pandya and the Chēra, the capture of Sālai and the destruction of Viliñam with a passing reference to Navilai and Manalūr which were perhaps connected with his war against Kuntala. The book is quite positive about the king's stay at Kāñchi while the chief Vandaiyarkon, at his instance, invaded Kalinga, waged a deadly war, planted a pillar of victory there, returned with heaps of treasure and elephants and bestowed Kalinga pparani on him. The inscription under publication confirms this account in the main and adds a very important statement that he defeated Dēvēndravarman and others as we have already noted. Dēvēndravarman here referred to cannot be any other than the Eastern Ganga king Rājarāja I., who, according to the Vsihatködila grant, bore that surname and had his coronation performed in A.D. 1070, the very year in which Kulottunga was also crowned. His son and successor Chōdaganga, for all that we know about him, does not seem to have borne the surname Dévēndravarman but was Anantavarman which name, we may note, was assumed by all his successors. Dēvēndravarman Rājarāja I. reigned for 8 years, i.e., up to A.D. 1078. He was a supporter of the cause of Vijayāditya VII., for the Korni plates record that when Vijayāditya grew old and like the setting sun left Vēngi which was like the west and was about to sink in the ocean of troubles caused by the Cholas, Rājarāja of Kalinganagara, the refuge of the distressed, caused him to enjoy prosperity in that region. Here is evidence to show that Rājarāja was an enemy of his Chola contemporary who was none other than Kulottunga I. Thus the invasion of Kalinga, undertaken solely by the chief and minister Vanduvarāja-Pallavarāja, at the instance of king Kulõttunga I. as detailed in the Kalingattu pparani and the inscription under publication, must have taken place before A.D. 1078 and probably about A.D. 1076-7.
Now if there is any truth in the statement of the Kalingattupparani that the Kalinga king withheld the payment of tribute twice, it must have reference to a treaty or agreement probably
1 Kielhorn's Southern List, Nos. 777, 782 and 8.1.., Vol. III, No. 72.
2 No. 608 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1904 is dated in the 42nd year and No. 44 of the same collection for 1891 is dated in the 45th year of the reign of Kulottunga I. and have the same introduction
18.1. 1. (Texte), Vol. IV, No. 446 lines 22 to 27; the chiefs overcome in the war are here mentioned by name.
• C. P. No. 4 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1918-19.
His coronation took place in Saka 992, Jyēshtha, bu. 8 (= A.D. 1070, May 20) (4. R. on 8. I. Epigraphy 1918-19, p. 86) and that of his son Anantavarman Chodaganga in Saka 999 ( A.D. 1078) (Ind. Ant., vol. XVIII, p. 161ff).
. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 171.

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made between the Gatiga king Vajrahasta m., the father of Rajarkja I., and Virarăjëndra whom practically Kulottunga I. sticceeded. The Ranyikamari inscription of Virarijëndra clearly states that that king regained Vagi and Kalinga which were neglected by his two predecesors. In htle Tamil historical introductions, Verarijandra sotually claims to have driven the Chalukyus at Vijayavadai, i.e., Beswada, and crossing the seven Kalingas, and reaching the Mahendragiri, to have bestowed that country on Vijayaditya who, it is said, sought his refuge. This seems to have taken place in A.D. 1068. Further troubles arising in this quarter, Virarājandra, after his successful war in Ceylon in A.D. 1006 against Vijayabiha, is said to have sent a large army into Kalinga and to have detented the Chalukyus and their allies at Chakkarakkottam. It might be on this last occasion, i.e., immediately before Kulottunga's assumption of power, that the Kalingas were probably made to pay tribute to the Cholas.
To the student of Tamil literary history the inseription has no less an interest as it serves to determine the date of composition of the Kalingattupparapi which may be taken to be contemporaneous with the Kalinga war of Vapduvaraja With the help of a number of manuscripte, Mahavidvän K. Subbaraya Mudaliyar brought out an early edition of this work which is now qut of print. In it a well as in the edition of the late V. G. Suryanarayana Sastri published several years afterwards in 1898, vene 63 of Canto XI has at the end of the first line the words
adipan viram' which has been changed into Anantapanman in the recent edition of Mr. N. Gopala Iyer; and there is no alternative reading given for it. The difference is indeed very vital and one would certainly wish to know in this particular case of the introduction of a proper name, on which manuscript the reading Anantapanman' which is not found in the two earlier editions, is based and the age of that manusoript also. If indeed the name Anantapanman is found in a trustworthy early manuscript not available to Messrs. Mudaliyar and Sastri, it would be worth . congidoration. The Dråkshärima inscription shows, as we have seen already, that the date of the Kalings war must be earlier than A.D. 1078. And being conducted by the same minister of the king as is mentioned in the Kalingattupparapi, the introduction of the name Anantapanman in the poem, supposing that it sotually occurs in an early and trustworthy manuscript, oalls for an explanation. Besides, the following questions also naturally arise. Did Vaduvan ja conduct two war against Kalinga, both in the absence of the king, or only one! It two, WM.Ons waged against Davondravarman Rajaraja I. and the other against his son Anant*varman ! And does the Kalingathupparapi celebrate the latter, omitting the general's other sobiovement! And if only one, how does Anantavarman figure in the poem and Davēndra. varman in the inscription! It seems to me that the easiest way of getting over the difficulty is to suppose that while the war was actually waged in the reign of Dēvēndravarman, his son Anantavarman took an active part in it as we do find in many in tances. Among the numerous records of Anantavarman Chodaganga, there are several which furnish both the Saka and regnal years which work out for his accession A. D. 1074-5. This date, it will be observed, is three years earlier than the date given in the plates for the king's coronation. The difference has to be accounted for by supposing that Anantavarman was nominated for rulership in A. D. 1074-5 but was actually crowned in A. D. 1078. Since stone inscriptions generally count the regnal years of kings from the date of nomination, it is clear that during the first three years, i.e., in the period A. D. 1074-5 to 1078, he must have been co-regent with his father Dévēndravarman
1 Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 148, v. 77. • See above Vol. XXI, p. 243. * Ibid., p. 244 Nou. 246, 380, 386, 387, 388, 392 and 393 of the Madras epigraphical collection for 1896.

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Rājarāja I. and this is perhaps the reason why, in the large collection of his epigraphs, there is almost none dated in the first three years of his rule. The above fact shows further that, being associated with his father in the government of the country, he could well have figured in the Kalinga war referred to in the Draksharama inscription as having been waged against Devendra
varman.
The names of villages that occur in this inscription are Alavēli, Olarappakkam, and Drakshärāma. The last mentioned place is well known and I am unable to identify the first two.
TEXT.
1
2 prak-pratyag-dakship-ä[kā-vi]ja..
3 (dhara]*]
éri-Kulōttumgga1-Chōḍaḥ[||*]
143
Sri-Prithivi-vallabha-Mahārājādhiraja-Param(ávara]-[Paramabhaṇṭāraka-Ravi-kulatilaka-Chōla]-kula-sekhara-Pandya-kul-amtaka-[Samasta-rājāáraya-Raja]
4 rājēmdra-Viramahēmdra-Vikramachōda-Vijayābharaṇa-sri-Rājakēsarivarmmaņas-Tribhu
Chōdama
Svasti[*] Samastabhuvanäśraya
vanachakravartti-sri-Kulottu[mga-Chōdadēvasya] trayas-trimsatimē samvatsarē.....
5 dalam akhila-mahi-manḍanaṁ lasaj-jana-sevyam tasmin="Tirinarayûr-nāḍ-iti vishaya[h] sarva-sasya-so[bhi]tab tatr-asit-sukha-dhamani Mandalamjēri viśrutā lōkē punnāga-...............kāsti purī.
6 j-ēti rambh-adhyā [*] Tan-mukhyas-Siralamgov-ity=āsīt sach-chhüdra-puṁgavaḥ [*] satya-tyaga-daya-yukto Vaishnavõ dha[r]mma-vatsalaḥ[*] Tasy-atmajasTiruva]ramga-var-abhidhanas-sad-vaishnavo jagati dina-nidhana ēkaḥ [*] satya. Rājēmdra-Chōḍa-charan-asraya-[la]pdha"
srita-vira-lakshmi
Lakshmih [11*] Rajendra-Chōda-dharanipati-kirtti-valli-sat-pallavō 200 -llavarāja-nāmā [*]
pramukha-rajita-rajya-bāhuḥ'[*]
8 Kritvä dig-vijayan-nihatya cha ripun-Rājēmdra-Chōd-ājñayā vīra-śrī-lalanā-svayaṁvrita-patir-yyas-Chōda-chandraḥ prabhub [*] yat-prasthāpita-damti-(da) dana-salilaklinnam prabhōḥ pramganam tach-chhauryyam dvishatam kapala-ni
9 vaha gayamti vayu-cha(chchha)lat [*] Ka[r*]shann-asva-khurair-dvisham su-rudhirair -apurayann-ahava-kshetram tivra-kripāņa-kritta-radani-prönmukta-muktām kuran] uptva ki[r*]tti-latam vivardhayati yo Rajendra-Chōda-prabhōs-so-yam [Vandu]10 varaja ity-abhihita[b*] sach-chhüdra-chudamaniḥ11 [*] Bhasmikṛitya Kalimga-deśamakhilam nicjjitya Gamga[m*] rane bhan[k*]tvā Kōsala-khanḍavala-nivahair=[De] vēmdravarm-adikan [*] viraḥ Pallavarāja ity-abhihito Rajendra-Chōda-prabhōḥ kirtty-uttambham-iv-Ŏḍra-samdhishu jayastambham subha[m]
Metro: Vasantatilaka.
10 Motre: Särdalavikridita. 11.Matre: Sardaranda.
śrī-dvara-chamara-ghan-atapa-värap-aika-samkha-dhvaja
1 Read Kulottunga.
The letters in brackets are filled in with the help of other inscriptions of the king, e.g., No. 1248 of 9. I. I., Vol. IV, page 433.
Here and in what follows the writer uses anusvära for the conjunct.
Read Tirunaraiyur.
Read Sirilango.
"Read labdha.
Metre: Anushtubh.
Metre: Vasantatiia ki.

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11 Dyakshipat cu so-yarh sriman-Alavēly-agrahari nirmmay-alan-nila-pashana-baddham
ramyam harmmyam svaya kirtty-ankurabhath' bhumjan-visvam varttatë tasya Vishnoh [ll] Divyam [ru]pam bri-nivåsamh vichitram kritvå tattr-aiva
åkarðt-tat-pratishţärh [*] bhūmim 12 krīty=zsmai vyadād=atra bhaktyā gråmē dhimän=ēsha nity-amțitāya ||* Chakrē Brah.
mēsvar-õpārtē pamchānām cha tapasvinā[m*) 01*7 dasānām brāhmaṇānām cha panchänām Vänakarmmiņām [ll*j* Bhöktum tri[ n*]sat-khandikā-vrihi-bij
åvápa-kshētrān-Olardpaka-nämni [1*] grä[me] 13 --- dirāya -- krītvā prādāt-tat-kar-abhyamtarēņa' [11] Vērgi-mandala
mandanë pravila ---U--u--- lë prabhav=āpy=dsahya-duritā Gode(vari] tat-tatē [1*] Srimat-Pamchavați-Harēr-bBhagavató ha[r*]mmyâya --U........ rti-vishayẽ........... prādād-amritāya vidista]m=āchamdr-ārkkam || Sa
tu Guddavādi-vishayê...... 15 ....ma-yukta... mandapam....Diksharam' pur&-tra....tē (dha)nyair-vvadānyair
yutē kritvă Pallavaraja............. 16 tasmad-dharmo na hamtavyo rakshaniyo manishibhiḥ I Sva-dattām para-dattām vi yo
harēti(a) Vasumdharão [] shashtim varsha-sahasrani......jäya[të krimih] [11].. taḥ Vilēkhako Rajathdra-Chodacharyyah10[11*).
TRANSLATION. .victory of the eastern, western and southern quarters.....the glorious KulottungaChoda. Hail! In the thirty-third year of the reign) of Räjaksarivarman Tribhuvanachakravartin Kulottunga-Chodadēva, the resort of all the worlds, the lord of Fortune and the Earth. Mahäräjādhirāja, Paramèsvara, Paramabhaffäraka, the ornament of the solar race, the fore. most of the Chola family, the god of) death to the Pandya family, the refuge of all kings, (styled) Rajarajēndra, Viramahēndra, Vikrama-Choda and Vijayabharana..... Chodamandala (is) the ornament of the whole world and is the resort of illustrious men: therein is the division of Tirinaraiyar-nadu which is resplendent with all kinds of crops : in that (division), the resort of happiness, is the city of Mandalapjēri, well known in the world and (filled with 1). punnāga (trees). The chief of it was Sirilango, the foremost among the good Sidras, possessing the qualities of truthfulness, generosity and compassion, a Vaishnava and (one) devoted to dharma. His son, who bore the good name Tiruvaranga, was a good Vaishṇava, the sole resort of the poor in this world, the abode of the goddess of heroism.....and truth, and had obtained prosperity by being devoted to the feet of Rajendra-Choda. He, named (Palllavaraja, was the fino sprout of the croeper of fame of Rajendra-Choda, the lord of the earth...and was like the arm of the kingdom decorated with the insignia of royalty (*) such as the chamara, the parasof that werds off rain and heat, the oonch, the flag, eto. By the order of Rajendra-Choda, this chief Chodachandra effected the conquest of the quarters, killed the enemies and was voluntarily espoused as lord by the goddess of heroism. The courtyard of his master was made wet
Motre : Sardalavikridita. Rond asuburbhadi. • Motre : Salini. • Road pratiche.
Motre: Balint. • Metre : Anahtbl. Metro: Salini. Metro: Sardalavikridita. .Read Drakahardad. * The last two lines, which are found in the last on p. 429 of 8.1.1. Vol. IV, are not to the impronton

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UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTION OF PARANTAKA I.
with the ichor flowing from his marching elephants and the heaps of skulls of his enemies sang his heroism. He, who, ploughing the battlefield with the hoofs of his steeds, flooding it with the blood of his foes, sowing (therein) the seeds of pearls issuing from the heads of elephants cut to pieces by his sharp sword, caused to grow the creeper of fame of his master Rajendra-Chōḍa, is the crest jewel of the good Sudras, named [Vaṇḍu]varaja.
145
Reducing to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, subduing the Ganga (king) in battle and destroying the chiefs Devendravarman and others with the multitude of swords of Kōsala (i.e., with the help of the Kōsala army)1 this hero named Pallavaraja set up a fine pillar of victory on the borders of the Oḍra (country) as if raising aloft the fame of his lord Rajendra-Chōḍa. This illustrious chief constructing with black granite a beautiful temple to Vishnu in the agrahāra of Alavēli as if it were the plant of his fame, is now enjoying the universe. This wise person made an excellent image of Vishnu and set it up there and getting some land in this village gave it with devotion for the daily offerings of the god. And for feeding five tapasvins, ten Brahmaņas, and five Vänakarmins in the vicinity of the Brahmēsvara temple, he bought...........at the village of Ŏlarapakam (such an extent of) land that could be sown with thirty khandikas of seed paddy and gave it free of all taxes. (To provide) for offerings to the temple of the god Pamchavați-Hari on the bank of the Godavari whose swelling waters during floods run with unlimited force, and situated in the beautiful country of Vengimandala, he gave ......in......rti-vishaya to last as long as the sun and the moon. And Pallavaraja having made........pavilion....at the city of Draksharama in Guddavādi-vishaya filled with rich and generous persons..... Therefore (this) charity must not be destroyed but must be protected by the wise.
(The usual imprecation.)
Rājēndra-Chōḍācharya is the engraver.
No. 24.-UTTARAMALLUR INSCRIPTION OF PARANTAKA I.
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE.
In editing the South-Indian Inscriptions (Texts), Volume VI, I drew attention to the fact that some of the inscriptions of Uttaramallûr contained therein supply interesting references to the kind of autonomy prevailing in the Tamil country, supplementing, as they do, the information embodied in the two Uttaramallur inscriptions which describe the qualifications of members of village assemblies, the mode of election and the names of committees into which they were formed. One of the inscriptions that relates to the choosing of persons for testing the correctness (i.e., the fineness) of gold in current use in the village, is No. 295 of the said volume. This inscription is registered as No. 12 of the Madras epigraphical collection for 1898; and remarking on it, the late Dr. Hultzsch has noted Seems to contain rules regarding the exchange of gold'. A romanised text and translation of the inscription is given below.
I am indebted to Dr. N. P. Chakravarti for this translation of the phrase Kosala-khanda-vala-nivahaiḥ. He kindly suggested that khandavala might have been used in the vernacular sense of khadga formed on the analogy of Skt. karavala. If väla stands for bala, as v is often substituted for b, and khanda means a division of country, the phrase may be rendered "with the multitude of young men of the Kosala division". In either case, Kōsala appears to have been allied with the Chola. No such alliance is known. The Chōla king Viraräjëndra is said to have cut to pieces a certain Singan of Kōsala (above, Vol. XXI, p. 241). Perhaps Köasia continued since then to be on friendly terms with the Chōla.
See page 149.

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The record is in the Tamil language and alphabet and is well preserved like most of the other inscriptions found in the Vaikuntha-Perumal temple at Uttaramallür. Grantha letters are used in writing Sanskrit words. For instances, see svasti eri and sabhai in line 1, samañjasa, vyavasthai, vriddha and bāla in line 2, samvatsa in line 5 and vyavasthai, sabhai, madhyasta and dāsa in line 7.
There are a few words of lexical interest which may be noted here. These are Mädavidi, Sarkarappādi, samañjasa, parimāru and salirru. Of these, mādavidi means 'a street having storeyed buildings'. Sometimes it is found to be the name of a particular street. Generally, such streets surround the village temple and as their names indicate appear to have been the residence of wealthy and distinguished people. In the Tamil work Manimegalai, the term mādavidi actually occurs' and it is there described as 'the beautiful street of the actresses (nädaga-madandaiyar) containing storeyed buildings with gold-carvings (ādaga-chchey-vingimādam). From inscriptions, we learn that the construction of storeyed buildings and mansions was a privilege given only to a few and that such buildings were made of burnt bricks. Since the subjoined inscription states that the election by the people of Madavidi was for or from their cheri, it seems to denote particular quarter of the village where perhaps the privileged persons and wealthy people lived. As pädi, like cheri, is applied to denote a quarter of a big village or town, Sankarappādi has to be taken to mean another part of the same village resorted to by, or containing the residences of, a different class of people. In an inscription of Chidambaram, Sankarappadiyar figure as a separate class of inhabitants (kudigal) and are mentioned along with Vyāpärin (merchants), Vellalar (cultivators), Saliyar (dealers in cloth) and Pakinavar." The same inscription gives & second group distinctly called Kifkalanai including in it Tachchar (carpenters), Kollar (blacksmiths), Tattār (goldsmiths) and Koliyar. We 800 here that while the latter group embraced the artisan classes, the former combined together businessmen and other classes such as Vellälar and Sarkarappādiyār. Another inscription mentions a group of inhabitants specifically termed Purakkalanai which included in it Saliyar, Vänigar, Kaikkoļär (dealers in cloth), Senai-angādiyār and Koyil-angādiyar, i.e., shopkeepers of the military and of the palace or temple (quarters). We see that this group consisted only of merchants. The inclusion of Saliyar in this group of Purakkalanai, as well as in the first part of the previously cited inscription, and the fact that, like the other, this consisted chiefly of merchantmen may suggest that both the inscriptions refer to the same group of Purakkalanai. Though we do not know what the avocation of Sarkarappadiyar was, the inclusion of the class of Vellāļar among the kudiga! of the first inscription seems to point to its inclusion also of other classes of inhabitants than Purakkalanai which, according to the second inscription, appears to have consisted entirely of merchanta.
I would like to draw attention to three more references to Sankarappadiyar which seem to suggest that some of them at least were merchants who were members of the Nagare constitution and that these people had a corporate body. One of those references is in an inscriptions of Tirukkalukkupram dated in the 26th year (=A.D. 1044) of the reign of Rajadhiraja I. It
1 Canto IV, line 76. * Ibid., lines 61-2.
No. 223 of South Indian Inscription. (Texta). Vol. IV, 1.20 L The portion under reference ranem follow
Inda-kkupa[mo]nagaipurattu arida viyapårigalum vellälarum bankamppadiyirum faliyarum pertine varum allitta kudigalum tachohar kollar tattar kaliyar allitta kilkalapaigalum kopdu innivandam kandis adittavar beluttakkadavad-agavum.
No. 208 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1910. The text M M iollow
Ksikkölär bäliyar vänigar sopaiy-angadi köyil-angadi marrum epperpatta pura-kkalapaiyum atpathe maybe alla kudiyum pipbu örum kudiyum Orrikkondu tarikkadamai popkadamai marrun i-ppari kufom pola tai galum pala upädigaļum.
& 1. 1. (Texte), Vol. V, No. 465.

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records that the merchants that composed or constituted the Nagara of Tirukkalukkuoram alias Ulagalandasőlapuram sold a piece of land to be granted to the temple of Brahmisvara on the hill at the place and made it also tax-free. In mentioning these members, the names of two persons are given after the calling Vyāpāri, one appears with the calling Saliyan and two after the designation Sankarappādiyān. That all these were merchants is first stated in the inscription itself. From this it appears that in the composition of the Nagara constitution, besides those who were purely merchants by profession, there were others, such as Saliyar and Sankarappadiyar who were also merchants but were called by the class to which they belonged or the quarters which they occupied. The next reference is found in an early Chola inscription dated in the 3rd year and 215th day of the reign of a king (of whose name only Kesarivarman is preserved). It records that the Sankarappādiyār of Vadakkil-angadi (North bazar) quarter of Uttaramēru-chaturvēdimangalam, & rent-free village in the district of Kaliyur-kõttam gave & written document stating that they received 15 (kalanju) of gold from Sendan Ganapati alias Sūrasikhamani-Pallavaraiyan of Manpum-Perum-Paluvur in Kupra-kurram, a subdivision of Sola-nādu and agreed to supply one ulakku of oil daily, as long as the sun and the moon would last, for a sacred lamp which the donor had placed in the temple of TiruppulivalattuMahadeva. The phrases Vadakkil-angadi Sankarappādiyom eluttu, offi efuttitfu kudutton and chandirādityarar used in this inscription would suggest that there was a regularly constituted body of the people of Sankarappādi. Against the suggestion of a regularly constituted body, it may be said that a few of the Sankarappādi might as well have given such a joint undertaking. But in this case, it would be natural to expect the mention of their names and also the insertion of a clause to the effect that the agreement will be binding not only upon them. Relves but upon their descendants also. The Madras Museum plates of Parakësarivarman UttamaChola in reciting the contents of a vyavastha (standing order or regulation) made by the Nagara corporation of Kachchippēdu, i.e., Conjcevaram in the 18th year of the reign of Parantaka I ( A.D. 925) refers to the Sankarappadiyar of the three cheris (suburbs) of the village of Rana. jayappādi, Ekavirappādi and Vamana Sankarappādi and states that they received 20 kalanju of gold for the upkeep of a lamp in the temple. Here also one cannot but find a suggestion that the Sankarappadiyar of the three cheris should have had a corporate body which received tho amount.
All that we could) gather about the Sarkarappāļiyār from the references cited above is that they formed part of the kudi (inhabitants), that they were chiefly in big cities (Kanchipuram, Guņamēnagaipuram, Ulagalandasolapuram and Uttaramērür), that some of them at least, if not all, were merchants and took part in the transactions of the Nagara constitution which we find prevailing in such cities and that they had a corporate body among them.
The use of the word samañjasa in the phrase samañjasan-kāna leaves no doubt as to its meaning " to verify or test the correctness of". The personal noun formed from this word is samajitan which is inet with in some of the inscriptions of the Travancore State. In one of them the Samanjitan's duty is clearly stated to be verification of some items of expenses according to prescribed scales. As Samañjitan figures along with sabha and Tiruvadi, it appears that Samafijita and Tirucadi are the designations of particular offices in the sabha and it is not unlikely that they represent the secretary (Skt. Käryadarsi) and President. In this connection it is worthy of note that the transactions of the sabhā are mostly recorded by one individual who is called the madhyastan or kara natta. It is not unlikely that he also performed the duties of the
18. 1. I. (Texta), Vol. VI, No. 363. . Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. II, pp. 136 and 174. 3 Ibid, Vol III, pp. 50-51.

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accountant. He is bidden to do it at the command of another who is called in some cases sabhaiTiruvadi. As these two officials are stated to be in the assembly, there is not much doubt that they were at the same time members of the assembly and took part in their deliberations. The word parimāru is formed by adding the prefix pari to the verb māru to exchange'. It is generally used in the sense of serving. But in our inscription it has acquired the meaning in usage or current'. It will be noted how the prefix has altered the original meaning of the verb. Süirru is a compound word with a slight mistake in spelling. The proper form ought to be taburru' as suggested in the note under the text. It is composed of su?' (imprecation) and 'urru' (uttering or pronouncing).
The inscription is dated in the fifteenth year and fifty-fifth day of the reign of the Chōla king Parakesarivarman, who took Madura, i.e., Parantaka I. Its date is, therefore, A.D. 922. It registers a standing order (vyavastha) made by the members of the assembly (sabhā) of Uttarameru-chaturvedimangalam fixing the number of persons to be chosen for testing the correctness (i.e., fineness) of gold current in the village, the method of choosing them and the procedure to be followed by the persons so chosen in conducting their work. The inscription lays down that the people of Maḍavidi should write on palm-leaf (tickets) the names of persons that are capable of testing gold, from among the rate-payers of their quarter, who are neither very old nor infants, and put them in pots. From the names so entered and put in pots, four persons shall be chosen from their quarter. Two persons from the army and three persons from the Sankarappadi shall be chosen in the same manner. The nine persons so selected shall test gold by using the touch-stone and without partiality to any body. It is enjoined that they should hand over daily the wax used by them, without misappropriating any cut-gold, to the great men of the Tank Committee (eri-väriya-perumakkal), and, once in three months, appear before the great men of the Annual Committee (samvatsara-väriya-perumakkal) and make a declaration to the effect that if they had acted contrary to this stone inscription they shall (incur the curse of) living with hunger. The clause damaged at the end of the record seems to register that these nine persons shall receive individually 7 mañjādi of gold each month, perhaps as remuneration for their work.
The point that calls for special attention here is that the nine persons, selected for testing gold, did not form a committee at all, and should not, therefore, be confused with the Gold Committee1 Pon-väriyam of which mention is made in the two Uttaramallür inscriptions published in the Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for 1904. The texts of the two published records take particular care to use the word variyam-and this occurs more than once-to show that it was a committee that was formed, while in the inscription under publication the word vāriyam is studiously avoided in referring to persons selected for the testing of gold to indicate distinctly that the nine persons did not form a committee though the very record employs the words väriyam and perumakkal when it speaks of the Tank and Annual Committees. Again while the Gold Committee is not made dependent on or subordinate to any other body in the two published inscriptions of Uttaramallür, the epigraph now under publication makes the nine individuals submit to the authority of the great men of the Tank Committee and make them appear once in three months before the Annual Committee and take an oath of declaration. We have drawn special
1 The text relating to Gold Committee runs as follows:
A: Pañcha-vara-väriyattukkum pop-väriyattukkum muppadu kudumbilum muppadu kudav-ōlai ittu seriyal oruttarai-kkudav-ölai parittu pappiruvärilum aruvar pañcha-vara-väriyam ävad-agavum aruvar pon
väriyam-ävad-ägavum
B: Pañicha-vara-väriyattukkum pop-väriyattukku[m] muppadu=(k)kudumbilum kudav-ölaikku për titti muppadu vay-olai kattum puga ittu muppadu kudav-ölai parittu muppadilum panpirandu par parittu-kkolvad. agavum paritta panpirandilum aruvar pop-väriyam aravar pañcha-vara-väriyamum &vanav-igavum

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attention to the above, for the method of selection of persons by pot-tickets and the object of testing gold might be a temptation strong enough to infer that the nine persons formed into a committee-though the inscription does not warrant it--and to identify it with the one known to us from the two published inscriptions.
The inscription makes it sufficiently clear that the nine persons chosen for testing gold currency, whose monthly emoluments were fixed, were subordinate to the great men of the Tank Committee and rendered technical aid in the discharge of their duties.
TEXT. 1 Svasti eri [*] Madirai-konda kõ-pParakösaripanma[r*]kkul yandu padi
pandu? nāļaimbattandu$i-nnāļal Uttaramēru-chaturvvēdimangalattu
sabhaiyom emm-ūril parimārum 2 pon samañjasan=kāņbadarkku-chcheyda vya[va*]sthaiy-āvadu [ 1*] sālavum vrid.
dharum bālarum=a[i*]lādār irai-kkuļigaļil pop-kāņa-vallar-ena3 ppaduvārai nõkki Māļavidiyar kūdi=kkudav-õlai eludi=ppugavittu tanga! sēriyil
nālvarai=kkudav-õlaiyil põndārai=kkoļvad-agavum [*] i-pparisē sē[pai]yilum 4 iruvarai=kkoļvad-āgavum [1*] i-pparisēy Sankarappādiyilum mūvarai-kkol(v)vad-āga
vum [*] ivargal=ella-japattukkum=okka pop kāņbā[r*]gal-āgavum [1] parun
kallil uraiyādē 6 ponp-apindapaiyē uraippad-aga [1*] arxaikk-afraikku uraitta mejugu ēri-vāriya-ope
rumakka! kaikkē vetti mudal-äga vañjiyādē kuduppad-aga [*] mu-mmūpru
māsain põpavāre sam[va]tsara-vāriya6 pperumakkaļidaikkē seoru engal-urrada nãngal-eduttadanai nāļum bilā-lēkaippaļi
(pi]laikka eduttomayil pasittu vā]vom-enru solli=ch[chū]]-irrus viduyārgal-agavum
[1*] i-pparisu em7 m-ūril popo-edupp[**];kku vyavasthai seydom Uttaramēru-chchaturvvēdimangalattu
sabhaiyom [l*] ipparisu edu, ... Juvuk.... .rukku meyvērzu-vagai tingal=ēl-arai (mañ]jāļi pop peruvad-äga [*] idu [kuriyul-i]rundu . . . . . . . . . . madhyastap Sivadåsan Tiruvadigalop
TRANSLATION Hail! Prosperity! The following is the standing order made by us, (the members of the assembly of Uttaramēru-chaturvēdimangalam, on this the fifteenth year and fiftyfifth day of the reign of) king Parakēsarivarman, who took Madirai (i.e., Madura), for examining the correctness of gold current in our village :
The people of Mādavidi shall write on palm-leaves (the names of such of) the rate-payers, as are not very old or infants, and as could be called capable of testing gold, and put them into pots. From among those whose names had been so entered on palm-leaves and put into the pots, four persons shall be chosen from their cheri (i.e., quarter). In this (i.6., the aforesaid) manner, two persons shall be chosen from the army. In the same way, three persone shall be chosen from
1 The syllables Madirai-konda ko-pParakësaripanmakku are engraved in three lines below Svarti Srl * Read padinaindu. . Read aindu. Read darkku. Read-urru. • Reed edupparkku.

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Sankarappadi: These (i.e., the nine persons) shall test gold with impartiality towards all people. They shall not rub gold on big stones, but use only the touch-stone. (They) shall hand over daily, to the great men of the Tank Committee, the wax used in rubbing, without misappropriating (any of) the cut (pieces). On the expiry of every three months, (they) shall appear before the great mon of the Annual Committee and declaring the following) imprecation leave them : 'If against the orders contained in this stone inscription, we had misappropriated any (gold) that had been brought to and handled by us on any day, we shall (be cursed to) live with hanger (for ever)'. Thus, We, the members of the assembly of Uttaramēru-chaturvēdimangalam, made (this) standing order for testing gold in our village. In this manner, . . . . .. shall receive individually, every month, seven and a half mañjadi of gold. Being present in the sasembly, I, the madhyasta, Sivadåsan Tiruvadigal.... . . . . this.
No. 25.-IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA.
BY N. G. MAJUMDAR, M.A., INDIAN MUSEUM, CALCUTTA.
This copper-plate, which is edited here for the first time, belongs to Chaudhuri Mrityunjay Naruyan Praharaj, Zemindar of Irda in the Balasore District of Orissa, whose estate is at present under the Court of Wards. About the beginning of 1934, the plate was sent on loan from the Balasore Collectorate to Mr. W. V. Duke, M.A., the then Principal of the Ravenshaw College, Cuttack, who was requested to have its inscription deciphered and interpreted. In December 1934, when I was staying in Cuttack on leave, the plate was handed over to me for this purpose, with the consent of the present Principal Dr. B. K. Singh, by Professor Nirmal Chandra Banerji, M.A., of the College. I am grateful to Dr. Singh for the facilities afforded to me in the College laboratories in cleaning up the plate and taking photographs and estampages of it, and also to Professor Banerji for the ungrudging help I received from him in various ways. My thanks are further due to Rai Bahadur Radhacharan Das, Collector of Balasore, for permission to publish the inscription in the Epigraphia Indica. Unfortunately, I have not yet been able to ascertain the actual findspot of the record and the circumstances under which it was discovered. As it is, the document may be called after the place to which it now belongs, although, as internal evidence would show, it must have come originally from a locality in South-west Bengal.
This is a single sheet of copper, measuring 107" by 9.7". It is engraved with writing on both sides, and bears at the top a circular seal affixed by soldering. The seal, which has a diameter of 4.2", is divided into two semicircular panels: the upper one contains the Dharmachakra device, viz., & wheel between two couchant deer, and across the lower panel is the inscription friNayapaladēvasya, i.e., Of (King) Nayapăladēva', which is cut in bold relief. Similar Dhar machakra Beals are found also on the copper-plates of the Pāla and the Chandra kings of Bengal. But the way in which this seal is affixed is somewhat different. In the case of the Pala and Chandra plates, the lower portion of the seal comes into the writing and thereby causes a break in the middle of the first few lines on both the sides. But in the present plate the seal is fixed above the writing, so that it does not affect the arrangement of the text in any way. This seal again is not pointed at the top like those of the copper-plates of the Palas and the Chandras.
It contains altogether forty-nine lines of writing. The letters are engraved with care as far A8 line 31. But thereafter, the incision is done rather perfunctorily, the letters being as a rule formed by shallow strokes and not always completely made out. These circumstanees, as also
1 In L 40, it is called tamra-phali

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No. 25.] IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA.
the corroded condition of many of the letters, make the reading of the concluding part of the inscription at places hopelessly difficult. A triangular piece of the plate is missing from its edge, which appears to have been cut away by some sharp instrument. With this portion some three or four letters have completely disappeared; but it is possible to restore two of the missing letters with certainty. There are a few indistinct passages on the reverse, belonging to the donative verses, which I have failed to decipher; fortunately, these do not form any important parts of the docu
ment.
151
The characters of the inscription are Proto-Bengali, representing a stage midway between the Badal Pillar inscription of the time of Nārāyapapala' and the Bangarh grant of Mahipala I.' This is illustrated, for instance, by the forms of the letter sa. On the seal of the Irda plate, the letter occurring in the conjunct ári has clearly a loop joined to the right hand upright by means of a horizontal stroke, as is generally the case in the Bädal Pillar inscription. But in the rest of this record, the sa takes a more cursive appearance, in which the loop shows, in the majority of cases, a slight opening at the base. This form later leads on to the open type of sa of the Bangarh grant. The letter ja of our plate resembles the type occurring on the Bädal pillar. But in the Bangarh record its left curve is extended upwards, in which respect it approaches more to the modern Bengali form. Palæographically, the Irda copper-plate may be placed in the latter part of the 10th century A.D. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, the text being partly in prose and partly in verse. Lines 1, 18-21, 26-32 and 49 contain prose text; but it will be seen that the major part of the inscription is in metrical form. It contains in all thirty-two and a half verses, of which none except the usual donative ones occurs in any of the published records.
As regards orthography, the following points may be noted: the avagraha sign is often used and often omitted; the final t, n and s are indicated by an oblique stroke put below the individual letter, e.g., in ll. 25, 36 and 40; the anusvara invariably takes the place of final m; the dental nasal is substituted for anusvära in mimänsä in 1. 29; and single and double dandas are frequently used in the metrical portion of the text. As is usual in the inscriptions of this period, no distinction has been made between v and b in writing.
The inscription opens with salutation to the god Siva, although the seal itself bears a purely Buddhistic device. The first five verses give a description of Priyangu, the capital (rājadhani), from which place the document appears to have been issued. The subsequent verses introduce the family of the donor. First is mentioned King Rajyapala, a scion of the Kamboja race, whose queen was Bhagyadovi (vv. 6-8). She gave birth to a son Nārāyaṇapala who was a devotee of the god Vasudeva (v.13). Nārāyaṇapala had a younger brother Nayapala who gained ascendancy after him (vv. 14-15). Rajyapala is described as a saugata, i.e., a worshipper of the Buddha, and he, as well as his son Nayapala, has full imperial titles, viz., Paramèsvara, Paramabhattaraka and Mahārājādhirāja (11. 18-20). The object of the document is to record the gift of the village of Brihat-Chhattivannä, adjoining to Kanți, Sarhmäsha and Badakhanda, within the Dandabhukti mandala of the Varddhamana bhukli (11. 20-21). The various appurtenances and conditions of the property are related in vv. 18-21. The king gave it away on a navami day in the month of Karttika to the Pandita Asvatthasarmmas, who was born at Dröna but actually hailed from Kuntira. The donee was the great-grandson of Bhatta-Divakarasarmman, grandson of the upadhyaya Prabhakarasarmman and son of the upadhyaya Anukulamiéra. He belonged to the Vatsya gotra and the BharggavaChyavana-Aurvvya-Jamadagnya-Ahavana pravara, and was an adherent of the Chhandōga charapa and the Kauthuma sakcha (of the Samaveda; 11. 26-31). An enumeration of the officers
1 Ante, Vol. II, p. 160 and Plate. Ante, Vol. XIV, p. 324 and Plate.

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and persons of the royal household, who are expected to keep the document in force, is given in vv. 22-24. Vv. 25-31 and 33 are customary stanzas relating to land grants, while v. 32 makes & reference to the royal donor. Finally, in line 49, is mentioned the date of the gift, viz., the 2nd (?)' day of Kārttika, the regnal year 13.
The record is of much historical importance. Räjyapāla, Nārāyaṇapāla and Nayapāla are names well-known in the genealogy of the Pāla kings of Bengal, and Rajyapāla I. of this dynasty had also a queen Bhāgyadēvi, like the Rājyapāla of the present record. One is tempted, therefore, to identify the two Rajyapālas, but there are certain other facts that make this proposition quite unlikely. In the first place, the kings Nārāyaṇapāla and Nayapāla, sons of Rajyapāla, cannot be the same as those mentioned in the Pala records. The son and successor of Rajyapāla I. of the Pāla dynasty was Gopāla II, whose name appears in the Bangarh, Āmgachhi and Manahali plates. Secondly, Räjyapāla of this record has the epithet Kamboja-vamsa-tilaka, i.e., ' an ornament of the Kamboja clan'. In the Ramacharita of Sandhyākara Nandi, the Pālas are supposed to have descended from the Samudra-kula ', whatever that may mean, and in the Kamauli grant of Vaidyadēva they are represented as belonging to the Solar race (Mihirasya varsa). But nowhere has the Kamboja origin been attributed to the Pālas. The name-ending Päla' need not again mislead us, since there were several ruling families in Northern India in the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D. which had this appellation. The Indă copper-plate, therefore, introduces us to a new line of kings,who, judging from the characters of the inscription, should be referred to the second half of the tenth century. It evidently belongs to a time when the Pāla kingdom was in a state of turmoil and the rivals of the Palas were gradually asserting themselves.).
The only other inscription that speaks of a Kamboja king of Bengal is the one on a pillar from Băngarh Dinajpur District), now in the Mahārajā's palace at Dinājpur, which also on palæographic grounds can be assigned to the tenth century A.D.' It records the construction of a Siva temple (evidently at Bangarh) by & king of Gauda (Gauda-pati) whose name is not specified but who bears the epithet Kāmboj-anvayaja, i.e., born in the Kamboja line'. This family could not have made themselves masters of Gauda without ousting the Pālas, and it follows, therefore, that they held possession of the Pāla territories in Bengal for some time during the tenth century. This Kāmboja occupation is usually referred to the latter half of the century, that is to the period before the accession of Mahipala I. A passage of the Bangarh grant credits Mahipāla with having recovered his paternal or ancestral kingdom (pitryan rājyam) which had been anadhiksita, i.e., not taken possession of, and vilupta, i.e., lost. This passage, which is repeated also in the Amgachhi and Manahali grants, is supposed to bear allusion to the Kåmboja occupation of Bengal and its subsequent recovery by Mahipāla. The Kämbõja king of Gauda of the Dinajpur pillar inscription and the princes whose names appear in the Irdã copper-plate presumably represent one and the same family. From the evidence of the present record it is now clear that the Kämbojas seized not only North Bengal, but also the south-western portion of the province including
1 [See below p. 187, n 5.-Ed.)
Chands, J.P. A. 8. B., 1911, p. 619 and Gaudardjamala, p. 36. I agree with Dr. R. C. Majumdar (Vangaudai (in Bengalit, 1330 B.S., p. 250], that the expression Kuijara-ghafa varahina of the inscription is to be taken as an epithet of the Gaudapati and not as a chronogram.
It may also mon lost owing to non-occupation' (anadhikrita, i.e., anadhikarab). A. K. Maitra takes ang. dhikrita in the sense of anadhikari, i.e., turper, and compares the term adhikrita in Amara, II. 8.8 (Gaudalekhamala. p. 100.footnote), which, however, is a purely official designation and would not, with a na prefixed to it, yield this sense. The form anadhikrita could perhaps be supported as an instance of matvarthiya ach -anadhikritam. arva asti, like vibhakta bhratarah and pita gåvah of the Mahabhashya (under Panini, 3.4-87). But this appears to be somewhat far-fetched. In any case it follows that the kingdom prior to Mahipala's accession had passed into the hands of some other ruling family,

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IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA. 153
the Vardhamana bhukti. They had their capital at a place called Priyangu, which remains for the present unidentified.
But who were these Kambojas, and from where did they come? In the inscriptions of Asöka a Kamboja country is mentioned along with the Yöna which lay on the North-western frontier of India. The Kambojas are mentioned along with the Yavanas as north-western tribes in the Mahābhārata, and, as Grierson has shown, the Kāmbõjas spoke a language partly Indo-Aryan and partly Iranian. Their country had great reputation for horses, to which there are allusions in the Mahābhārata and in the Buddhist literature. This reputation must have reached even far off Eastern India, as is evident from the reference to the Kämbõja horses of Dēvapāla (Kambojëshu yēna vāji-yuvabhiḥ, etc.) in his Mungir and Nālandā grants. If horses could be brought into Bengal from the North-western frontier of India during the Pala period, it is not unreasonable to suppose that for trade and other purposes some adventurers could also have found their way into that province. No doubt it can be shown that there was a Kamboja on the North-eastern frontier as well. In the Tibetan work Pag-sam-jon-zang," there are references to both the Kambojas, and the eastern one is identified with the Lushai Hill tracts between Burma and Bengal. But the work belongs to a much later period, and there is nothing to show that the Kamboja of the North-eastern frontier was in existence as early as the tenth century A.D. It has been suggested by some scholars that the Kamboja invaders penetrated into Bengal from the north-east and that they belonged to & Mongolian stock which is now represented by the Köch tribe. There is, however, no sure evidence in favour of this supposition.
As regards the localities mentioned in the copper-plate, some remarks are necessary. Varddhamana bhukti, comprising the major portion of the Burdwan Division of Bengal, is already well-known from inscriptions. But the information, that it had a mandala called Daņdabhukti, is now furnished by the Irdā copper-plate for the first time. The Ramacharita mentions a certain ruler of Dandabhukti, named Jayasimha, who was an ally of King Rāmapāla of Bengal and defeated Karņakasari of Utkala, i.e., Orissa. R. D. Banerji' has observed that this conflict would not have been possible if Daņdabhukti were not situated in South-west Bengal. That Dandabhukti was included in the Vardhamāna bhukti lends support to this view and disposes of once for all the contention of H. P. Sastri and Krishnagwami Aiyangar who identify it with Bihār.
Dandabhukti appears also in the list of conquests of Rajendrachöla, in his famous Tirumalai inscription.10 Between 1012 and 1024 A.D., the Chāļa king proceeded towards Bengal from the South, taking the route along the eastern coast. The territories he conquered on the way seem to appear in the list in due geographical order. Thus we have Odda-vishaya (Orissa), Kösalai-nādu
1 J. R. A. 8., 1911, p. 802, and 1912, p. 255.
. On the Kämböja horses see J. R. A. 8., 1912, p. 256. For a detailed account of the Kämb5jas see B. C. Law, Some patriya Tribes of Ancient India, 1924, pp. 230-51.
• Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, Vol. I, pp. 308-9. Dr. Raychaudhuri is of opinion that the Kām. bojas came to Bengal from the north-West, like the Gurjjaras-ibid., p. 311, n. 1.
Ed. S. C. Das, Part I, pp. 4, 74 and Index, p. 10. I am obliged to Dr. P. C. Bagchi for having drawn my attention to these references.
Chanda, J. P. A. 8. B., 1911, p. 619. S. K. Chatterji thinks that the word Koch or Koch was derived from Kamboja.-Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, Part I, p. 69.
Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 94. Mem. A. 8. B., Vol. V, No. 3, p. 89. • Ramacharita, Introduction, p. 10:
Journal of Indian History, Vol. 2, 1922-23, p. 331. 1. Ante, Vol. IX. p. 233.

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Reverse. 26 bhūchchhidra-nyäyēna bhatta-bri-Divakarasarmmanaḥ prapautrāya upadhyāya-sri
Prabhākaragarmmanaḥ pau27 trāya upādhyāya-sri-Anukulamiérāņāṁ putrāya Dron-odbhava-Kuntira-vinirggatāya
Vātsya-sago28 trāya Bhārggava-Chyavana-Aurvvya-Jāmadagnya-Apnuvāna-pravarāya chChhandöga.
charaņāya Kauthuma-sākh-à29 dhyāyinē bhatta-putra-paņdita-bri-Asvatthasarmmaņē mīmānsä -vyäkaraņa-tarkka
vēda-vēdinē grā. 30 mõ=yam Yugădya[m) navamyām snātvā vidhivad=udaka-pūrvvakaṁ kritvā mātä
pitror=ātmanag=cha punya-ya[56]31 'bhivriddhayē bhagavantam Sankara-bhattārakam=uddisy=zemābhis-tämrasāsaniksitya
dattaḥ | Tad-[y-}* 32 pratyāyam samagram=asmai vidhēyatām gatvā käl-ochitam (dadānāh] sukhēna
• nivasath(t?)=eha Mahishi-yu33 varāja-mantriņaḥ saha ritvigbhir=a[tho] purðhitam | vu-uu-r=nniyōgino dha
rmmajñāms-cha 8834 [mam] pradësh[tri]bhiḥ || [22*] Adhyaksha-varggam=akhilaṁ karaņais-samētam *
sēnāpatiñ=cba saha sainika-samgha35 mukhyaiḥ [1*] dītān sa-gūdhapurushān saha man[tra]pālair=anyān=api kshiti
patēr=anujivinasucha || [23*] 36 Agāminā=pinçipatin=nija-tirtha-yuktan sē—na(?) vīkshati vadaty=anūšāsti ch=[āpi) 1
asmān samikshya 37 hara[no] cha nisa(sa)mya dosham dānam bhavadbhir=anupālyam-idam sad
aiva | [24] Asmän=pratisphuratiyas-cha vichara88 ņāyām dānān=mabān=atisayah paripāla[nē cha?]--u-uuu-um=atho na kimchit -
- v pālana39 m-apālanam=āhur=ēnaḥ || [25*] Bhūmim yaḥ pratigrihņāti yas=cha bhūmim pra
yachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmānau ni40 yatas(tar) svargga-gaminau || [26*] Yē brāhmaṇānām=a-yathå haranti pradēša-måtrāma
api bhūta-dhātrim purisha-kūpē pitfibhi41 9-samētās=të kalpa-köţir=api yapayanti !! [27*] Svadattām para-dattām=va yo
harēta vasundharām [i* ] 88 vishthāyām krimir-bhū. 42 tvā pitsibhis=saha pachyatē || [28*] Va(Ba)hubhirayvagudhi dattä räjabhis-Sagar.
adibhih y asya yasya yada bhümis-tasya 43 tanya tada phalamh || [29] Sarvvān=ētān bhāvinah pärtthiv-ëndran bhūyo bhūyah
prårtthayaty=ēsba Rämaḥ samanyo= 1 Read mimånad.
For this reading I am indebted to the editor. (Evidently the reference is to the Krilayugadi day which falls on Karttika fu 9. See L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeris, Vol. I, Pt. i, p. 59.-Ed.]
. After ta there is no space for more than two letters.
Danda unnecessary. . Probably the reading should be on thena. [I would read sarvvdn-adhichchhati, i.e., requiesta all.-Ed.]
. [The reading seems to be dandlaparan vv säramatho na kichi(t)d dharmmad=cha. After chi, I seems to have beeu written at first and then scored out.-Ed.]

Page #196

IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF NAYAPALADEVA.
Obverse.
KOREG
MARE AITERASराजमादाराला BACHEarthiतारमा विहार Islধকারকাজনৈরায় याज्ञान AREM पानाधविवाहाला या
मानिस बनायाजासावधाकामात लखमीदाबावराय समालबालिनतालियोग्य RESPागजमायालयावलायमान
पाया बायाबापतामहमयदया. मालकीमादियानमा
BURavडावासितामनायायालयान नायबादिवलीमवरदयामानानुकायावा
कामसिवाहिनीलालसातमालाधनसावा REAMJHAGANdस ससाकारभार मालालपोनस्या कामालावता
महापालिकामाला मायालयोनीमारकाजाकियायालरवालाश्यया
बरवासासोपारामामामालगुचवावविवस्वान महागालामा विवादमाजबाचिनियमापन दादरममा मनमायालयायवाशावरबादाम KARANG धवाइमाभदायायायायमापर (रका नामावताशावईनाकावा याकमल
लामा र दाइलाबामावललावदास
Aadiad
समानामसान
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
SCALE: TWO-THIRDS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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26
28
30
32
34
36
38
40
42
44
46
48
Reverse.
ग्रामिणायदा या काद्भवकी विवि तायवान्या गावरानडे बृहद्रमायाको म शायिनऐजी माजी गाझाल में बव चाया विदागारीमा कार्यर वामाग
विषयम
वनपति सायन विवादो सचिव नानिकतामाि तीन याद्यान वीज श्रमावानाः विवृष जाननाची तिने अभिया
म
थके
- इसहाय श्री त्यस
नगर
लायोदानाचा नाय यरिमन्यतरवैव बालन आव जगनपेमियोশ वो बहानामा यादसंगाना गावालगत व साल एकता संघाची मदत बाप का समासे विदा व यशवीर
शुनकः पाच নखूबा माया का मेलिन
मारवा
पानी ऐतिविधि गये। यो भूषवत माता मोडम मात्र या हार के बावजू फैमिली
BOHTOWT
26
28
30
32
34
36
38
40
42
44
46
48

Page #198

No. 26.)
IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA. 165
6 [laka*]histhira-vikrama-srir=asranta-dana-mahimā-mahita-prabhavaḥ kshmäpäla-mauli
chaya-chumbita-pāda-pithaḥ pri7 [thvi-pa*]tiḥ Prithur-abhūd=iha Rājyapalaḥ || [6] Srimato Rajyapalasya vēla
valaya-mēkhalām nishkanţakaman8 pāyam paripălayato bhuvam || [7] Sūnus-sunfita-väg=yasya janant jana-pajita
Srimati Bhagyadēviati dēvi-va 9 Himasailajā || [8] Yēna pāda-nakha-jyo[t]anā-jalēn=ālika-samasthitaḥ 1 prakshālita
vipakahāņām=asubh-ā[ksha). 10 ra-panktayaḥ || [9*] Darppa-jvarð virya-kandur-adhmānarh yêns månajam chi.
kitsitāni mahatā pratāpēn=aive vidvi. 11 sharh || [10] Bhuvam [yajī-ā]sino dēvă divar soma-sutas-tathal Vasanti npipe
yasmin=niyamēn=siva lokayõh (110 12 Nårācha-ruddha-nabhasām=ari-vähinīnām=aågait-chaturbhir-api jātum-ayitam-ājau
ēkah prasūnamaya-pa13 [wcha)-baras-tv-Anango yam jēshyat-iti kuta ova kathā-pravrittih! [12] Ba Väsu.
dēva-pād-āvja(hja)-pūjā-nirata-mānasaḥ [1] 14 bri-Närāyapapal-ākhyaḥ kalyāņi kshitipobhavat || [13*] Nārāyapasyalva Naro
mahātmā Samkarshaņasy-z15 va cha Sarngapāņih | Dharmmātmajasy=ēva Dhanañjay-bhūtwasy-inajah Srl
Nayapaladēvah || [14*1 Lavdh(bdh-ādayo 16 bhrāturwanantaram yah sriyam samāsādya durāsado='bhūt | Astämchalath chandra
masi prapannē divam vivasvän=i17 va gähamanah || [15*] Yēna dvishar na ganitāni mahā-va(ba)lani n-apekshinab!
parijano=pi nijaḥ samipē ! 18 ēkäkin aiva bhuja Mandara-mathyamānāl=lav(b)dhã samika-jaladhah Satako jaya
srih || [16*] Paramasaugato* ma19 härājādbirāja-paramēsvara-paramabhaçţărakah sri-Rajyapaladēva-păd-anudhyātaḥ pa
ramēsvara-parama20 bhattārakő(ka)-mahārājādhirājaḥ śrimān=Nayapaladēvaḥ kubali 6-Varddhamina
bhuktāv-antahpāti-Danda21 bhukti-mandalē Kanti-Sammāsha-Va(Badakhanda-pratívabadulha-VrkBerlhach
Chhattivannā-grāmē Karandir=vyavahāriņaḥ samath 22 krishakāmñ-ch-aiva' nivāsibhis-tathā [1*) dvija-puj-ādi-pūrvvam=idisaty-avagachchhantu
bhavanta idrisam || [17] Prasiddhayā parichchhi23.nnaḥ svayā simnā samantataḥ v āstu-kshētra-jalādhara-gartta-marg[ga-sama
nvitaḥ || [18] S-Oshar-ävashkara-sthäna-nivita-la24 vaņ-āka[ra]h sahakāra-madhūk-ādi-taru-shand-ādi-maņditaḥ || [19] Varjjitaḥ sarvva
pidābhir-8-châta-bhata-gõcha25 raḥ rāja-grābyēņa sárvvēņa pratyäyēna samanvitaḥ) [20*) Ba-hatta-ghatta-ad
tara -chandr-arkka-kshitim yavat | [21°T° 1 The right-hand Aourish of the ka is visible in the original; so the reading tilabad is certain. . Read astachalath.
. Read -apekshita. • Read -songata.
Rond -panamabhaffaraba. . Read bhulay-antabpati..
? Read kerishabathfach sind. The motre in the DMN
pada of this verso ia faulty. Road - dvaskara..
. This is only half of a verse

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[VOL. XXII.
Reverse. 26 bhūchchhidra-nyāyễna bhatta-sri-Divākarasarmmaṇaḥ prapautrāya upādhyāya-sri
Prabhākaragarmmanaḥ pau. 27 trāya upadhyāya-sri-Anukulamisranam putrāya Drop-odbhava-Kuntira-vinirggataya
Vätsya-sago28 trāya Bhārggava-Chyavana-Aurvvya-Jāmadagnya-Apnuvāna-pravarāya chChhandöga.
charaņāya Kauthuma-säkh-a29 dhyāyinē bhatta-putra-paņdita-sri-Asvatthasarmmaņē mimānsā"- vyakarana-tarkka
vēda-vēdinē grā30 mõ=yam Yugadyā[m) navamyām snātvā vidhivad=udaka-pūrvvakaṁ kritvā mātā.
pitror=ātmanag=cha punya-ya[56]31 'bhivriddhayz | bhagavantam Sankara-bhattārakam=uddiấy=āsmābhis-tāmraśāsaniksitya
dattaḥ Tad-[y:-)* 32 pratyāya samagram=asmai vidhéyatām gatvā kāl-ochitam [dadānāḥ] sukhēna
nivasath(t?)=ēha | Mahishi-yu33 varāja-mantriņaḥ saha pitvigbhir=a[tho] purõhitam 1 uu-uur=nniyogino dha
rmmajñāmg=cha 58 34 [mam] pradēsh[tri]bhiḥ || [22*] Adhyaksha-varggam=akhilaṁ karaņais=samētam
sēnāpatiñ=cha saha sainika-sangha35 mukhyaiḥ [1*] dītān sa-gūdhapurushān saha man[tra]pālair=anyān=api kshiti
patēr=anujivinas-cha || [23*] 36 Agāminõ=pinpipatīn=nija-tīrtha-yuktān sēna(?) vikshati vadaty=anūšāsti ch=[āpi] I
Asmān samikshya 37 hara[ņē) cha nisa(sa)mya dosham dānam bhavadbhir=anupālyam=idam sad=
aiva || [248] Asmān=pratisphurati yas-cha vichara38 nāyām dānān=mahān=atisayaḥ paripāla[nē chal]--u-uuu-um=atho na kimchit -
- U pālana39 m-apalanam-ähur-ēna) || [25*] Bhūmim yaḥ pratigpihņāti yagacha bhūmim pra
yachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmāņau ni40 yatas(tam) svargga-gāminau || [26*] Yē brāhmaṇānām=8-yathā haranti pradēsa-måtrām
a pi bhūta-dhātrim purisha-kūpē pitsibhi41 sesamētās=tē kalpa-kõţir=api yapayanti!! [27] Svadattām para-dattām=vā yo
harēta vasundharām [*] sa vishthayam kimirubhū. 42 tvä pitsibhis=saha pachyatē |[28*] Va(Ba)hubhir-vvasudhā dattā rājabhis=Sagar,
adibhiḥ yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya 43 tasya tadā phala || [29] Sarvvān=ētān bhāvinaḥ pārtthiv-ēndrān bhūyo bhūyaḥ
prätthayaty-esha Rāmaḥ säminyo= 1 Read mimätad.
For this reading I am indebted to the editor. Evidently the reference is to the Kritayugadi day which falls on Karttika m 9. Svo L. D. Swamikannu Pillai, Indian Ephemeria, Vol. I, Pt. 1, p. 50.-Ed.]
. After ta there is no space for more than two letters. . Danda unnecessary. Probably the reading should be mehena. [I would read arvan=adhichchhati, i.e., requests all.-Ed.]
The reading seems to be dandt=paran v a ram-atho na kinchi(t)d dharmmad=cha. After chi, i seems to have bowu written at first and then soored out. -Ed.]

Page #200

No. 25.)
IRDA COPPER-PLATE OF THE KAMBOJA KING NAYAPALADEVA. 157
44 yar dharmma-sētur=nļipāņām kālē kāle pälaniyo bhavadbhiḥ ! [30*] Iti kamala-dal
Imvu(mbu)-vindu-lõlām briyam=anu45 chintya manushya-jivitañ=cha | sakalam-idam=udāhfitañ=cha vuddha' na hi
purushaiḥ para-kirttayo vilöpyäḥ |[31] 46 Evam bhima-pä(pa)räkramo nara patir=v(b)rūtē vivichya svayam - - - U -V-va
hi kalau --- - - 47 vaḥ | dātuṁ n=ötsahatē mano yadi tadā=pyranyai[r=yad-asmā]drisair-dattam -uu
- sukpitinaḥ - - U48 -0-| [32*) Gām=ēkāṁ suvarņam=ēkar bhūmērzapy=arddham=angulam haram
narakam āpnöti yāvad=āhūta-samplavam !! [33*] 49 Samvat 13 [Kārtti]ka-dinē 2 (?)' anēna tāmra-phali 1 -jõ• anu ni [ll]
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om ! Salutation to Siva ! Welfare !
(V. 1.) Where the temples, as if tired in ascending up to the distant firmament, lick the clouds with the tips of the tongues of their fluttering banners.
(V. 2.) Where the mass of smoke, rising up to the sky from the fire of oblations, creates the illusion of cloud, the carrier' of Indra (who is) invoked in sacrifices. .
(V. 3.) Where the clouds, exhausted as it were, by bathing and drinking of water, rest over the golden rampart walls which are as resplendent as fire.
(V. 4.) Which bears crystal gateways, shining white, as if anointed with the glories of the king continuously flowing out through them.
(V. 5.) From that capital city of Priyangu, which is of wonderful wealth and increasing virtue, and is (the seat of) powerful and righteous kings
(V. 6.) Here flourished Rajyapala, an ornament of the Kamboja family, who was the very) Přithu, the lord of the earth. He (possessed) steadfast prowess and fortune, his majesty was heightened by the glory attained in ceaseless donation, and his foot-stool was kissed by the multitude of the heads of kings.
(Vv. 7-8.) To (that) illustrious Rajyapāla, ruling without obstacle or calamity over the earth girt by the sea-coast, (was born) a son whose mother (was) the illustrious Bhăgyadēvi; she was of gentle speech and worshipped by people, like the goddess who is the daughter of Himā. laya;
(V. 9.) Who (i.e., the son), by the water of moon-light emanating from the nails of his feet, washed away the syllables portending evil written on the foreheads of his enemies ;
1 Read buddhra. * Probable reading : freyas-sadhanam=ekam=eva hi Kalau danan (vidésháttu) vah. -Ed.) . After dattan we should perhaps read : tat-paripäland sukritinah (kurvva]nti - ddaran. • Read haran=.
There was probably no other numeral sign after 2. [I find two digits here and would read them as 18, The second numerical figure is clearly 8 as shown in the plate. In the first digit the soribe seems to have first engraved the symbol for 9, probably without thinking, as the grant was made on the 9th day, which he later corrected into 1. The reading cannot be 2 as the grant was made subsequent to that date. It is more likely that though the gift was made on the navami day, the plate in confirmation of this was aotually issued on the 18th.-Ed.] . The preceding letter has entirely disappeared.
The elephant of Indn.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
(V. 10.) Who, by dint of his great prowess, cured his enemies of the fever of arrogance, the itching of power and the swelling caused by pride.
(V. 11.) During the (rule) of that king, the sacrifice-devouring gods came down to dwell on earth and likewise the performers of Sõma sacrifices went up to live in heaven, according to the law (established) in the two worlds.
(V. 12.) Even the four-fold army (the four angas) of his enemies, who had filled the sky with their arrows, did not approach in battle to gain victory over him; how could then there be even a talk of the god of love (Ananga) defeating him-the god who is all alone and has only five arrows of flowers ?
(V. 13.) He, who was known as Nārāyapapala and had his mind devoted to the worship of the lotus-feet of Väsudēva, became the prosperous ruler of the earth.
(V. 14.) As the high-souled Nara is to Nārāyana, the holder of the Sarnga- bow (.e., Krishņa) is to Sarkarshana (i.e., Balarāma), and Dhanañjaya (i.e., Arjuna) is to the son of Dharma (i.e., Yudhishthira), so also was his younger brother Nayapāladēva (to himself).
(V. 15.) Having gained ascendancy after his brother and secured Fortume, he became anconquerable, just as when the moon has set; the sun rises in the sky (and becomes tmapproachable in its glow).
(V. 16.) Neither did he care for the mighty forces of his enemies, nor itid he depend on his own friends near him; he alone, churning the sea of battle by'his arm resembling Mount Mandara, obtained on a hundred occasions the fortune of victory.
(Ll. 18-21.) The Paramèsvara, Paramabhattāraka, Maharajadwraja, the illustrious Nayapāladēva, in good health, meditating on tke feet of the Mahārājādhiraja, Parametara, Paramabhattāraka Räjyapāladēva, the devout worshipper of Sugata, (i.e., the Buddha), in the village of Brihat-Chhattivannā adjoining to Kanti, Sarmisha and Badakhanda, within the Dapdabhukti mandala belonging to the Vardhamana bhukti--
(V. 17.) (He) is thus addressing the tradesmen together with the clerks, and the cultivators together with the householders (of the village), after having paid (due) respect to the Brāhmans: May it be known to you
(V. 18.) (This village) ---bounded on all sides by its own well-established limits, together with homestead and arable land, Water-courses, 'pita and paths; (V. 19.) together with hand which is barren and also where sweepings are thrown; including salt-mines, and adorned with groups of trees like mango, madhūka (Bassia latifolia), etc.;(V. 20.) exempted from all oppressione, not to be taken notice of by Chātas and Bhatas, and together with all the taxes due to the king ; (V. 21.) also with the markets, bathing places &nd-ferries, for as long as the sun, moon and the earth.endare
(Ll. 26, 29-31.) this village is granted by me according to the principle of Bhumichchhidra by means of a copper charter, in the name of the god Sankara-bhattāraka (i.e., Siva), after having bathed on the navami day commencing the (Kfita-)yuga, with the customary observance of the touching of water, for the increase of merit and fame of my parents and myself,
(Ll. 26-29.) to the Bhatsaputra, Pandita Asvatthafarmman, who was born in Dropa and emigrated from Kuptira, of the Vätsya götra and the Bbārggave-Chyavans-Aury.vydāmadagny Apnuvāna pravara, an adherent of the Chhändöga charana and a student of the Kruthuma Adithi (.e., of the Sámavēds), who le conversant with the Mimārsd philosophy, grammar, logic and the
There is here a play on the word anga.
* The expression ma-lara, and not sa-taru a previously read by me, occurs also in L 28 of the Ringunj copper-plate of Isvaraghoeba (Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. II, p. 164).

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Vēdas, and is the great-grandson of Bhata Divakarabarmman, grandson of the upādhyāya Prabhākarasarmman and son of the upādhyāya Anukulamisra. (Ll. 31-32.) So (you) should live here in happiness, having timely paid to this person) all the
dues as enjoined. (V. 22.) The queen (mahishi), the crown-prince (yuvarāja), the ministers (mantrin) and the priest (purohita) along with the ritviks. ......and the dharmajñas with the pradështris.
(V. 23.) All the heads (adhyaksha) of departments along with the clerks (karana), the commander-in-chief (8ēnāpati) along with the heads of military associations (sainika-sangha-mukhya), the ambassadors (duta) with the officers of the secret service (gūdha-purusha) and the political advisers (mantrapālas), as well as other subordinates of the king, as also the future kings engaged in their appropriate places-(all of them) he (i.e., the donor) sees......, addresses and orders -
(V. 24.) Having regard to us and also considering the blame attaching to the person who deprives a gift, this should always be protected by you.
(V. 25.) He who praises us in our consideration that the protection (of a gift) is much more glorious than the gift itself........
(Here follow vv. 26-31 which are some of the customary ones occurring in landgrants.)
(V. 32.) Thus says the mighty king after duly considering .......... if one does not feel encouraged in mind to make & grant ...
[Here occurs v. 33 which is again of the same group as vv. 26-31.] (L. 49.) The year 13, on the 2nd (?) day of Kārttika. By this, copper-plate 1.........
No. 26.--THE SARKHO PLATES OF RATNADEVA II OF THE (CHEDI) YEAR 880.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR. This set of two copper-plates was found in 1916 in a tank called Gadhia in Sarkho', a village near Jānjgir in the Bilaspur district, Chhattisgarh, C.P. Mr. Lochan Prasad Pandeya, Honorary Secretary of the then Chhattisgarh Gaurava Prachāraka Mandali (now Mahākosala Historical Society), came to know of them in 1925 and took immediate steps to acquire them for his Society. They are now in the possession of the Society at Bilaspur. Mr. Pandeya has published them in the Hindi Monthly Mädhuri of Lucknow (Vol. V, pp. 317-22). As the plates had not, however, been edited in any research journal, I requested my friend, Mr. W. G. Mandape, B.A., LL.B., Additional District and Sessions Judge at Bilāspur, to procure them for me. I feel highly obliged to him for doing so and to the Mahākõsala Historical Society for kindly permitting me to edit them.
They are two substantial plates measuring 13.5" in length, 8.6" in breadth and 1" in thickness. The first plate weighs 174 tolas and the second 18H4 totas. There is a hole .6" in diameter at the centre of the top of each plate for the ring which must have originally connected them. But no such ring or seal has yet been discovered. The edges of the plates are raised into rims for the protection of letters. There are 36 lines in all, 18 being inscribed on the inner side of each plate.
The class of officers called pradeshtri is referred to in the Arthasāstrs of Kautilya and may be identical with priderika of Abóka's inscriptions.-Bhandarkar, Asoka, 1925, pp. 54-55.
1 For the concluding letters anu ni, of. Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 149, n. 3. The figure 1 after 'copper. plate indicates that the charter consisted of only one sheet.
The namo appears Birko in the Degree Map 64 J.

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The letters on the first plate were not deeply engraved and have been somewhat damaged by rust. There are also depressions on its inscribed surface in some places. Still there is no uncertainty in its reading.
The characters are Dēvanāgari as in the other plates of the Kalachuri kings of Ratanpur and call for few remarks. The form for i is made up of two curves with a looped or a hooked end turned in opposite directions and placed one below the other (cf. iti in II. 9 and 16, iha in l. 20, imdörr, 1. 25, etc.); e has the form of a triangle with the base turned upwards (cf. évaṁ, 1. 30); the medial u is shown in two ways: (1) generally with a curve attached to the foot of the vertical stroke and turned to the left (cf. purushaḥ, 1.2, etc.) and (2) occasionally with a curve turned downwards and attached to the middle of the vertical stroke (cf. sruti, 1. 19). The medial e and 7 are shown in some cases by means of a prishthamātrā (cf. tad-anvaye and putro in l. 2); both the mātrās for medial ai and au are occasionally placed above the line (cf. =tasmai, 1. 25 and chandr-ārkkau, l. 27); in other cases one of them appears as a prishthamātrā (cf. sarvv-ādāyaih, 1. 25 and-sākshinau, 1. 27). Va and ba are not generally distinguished, e.g., vandhūn for bandhūn in 1. 8; in the case of the grammatical form babhüva (11.7, 21) and the conjunct bdh (of labdho in l. 17), however, ba is denoted by the sign for ma without its left hand loop'; the letters pa and ya are not properly distinguished in some cases (cf. tasya, 1. 21 and visarppati, 1. 30); 80 also cha and va (cf. ch=aiva, 1. 34). As regards orthography we might note that the dental sa is used for the palatal éa in such cases as -santoshit-3sam (for santoshit-éśam), l. 4, satrūn for satrün, 1. 11, and vice versá also, though rarely, as in sahasrēna for sahasrēna, 1.33; ya is used for ja in Vāyapēya, 1. 33, and possibly in Yanvavat-, 1. 18. The class nasal is occasionally used for anustāra as in -amva(ba)rasya, 1. 2; the consonant following is only in a few cases reduplicated (cf. Kārttaviryah, 11. 2-3, -tarkka-, 1. 17, etc.). The following orthographical mistakes may also be noted : kāṁnta for kānta, 1. 13 and tatvajno for tattvajño, 1. 23.
These plates were granted by Ratnadēva II., a Kalachuri king of Ratanpur in Chhattisgarh. The first eleven verses give his genealogy as in other plates of his dynasty. From Kärtavirya were descended the Haihayas. In their family was born Kókkala who had eighteen sons. The eldest of them became the ruler of Tripuri. He made his brothers lords of mandalas. In the family of a younger brother of these was born Kalingarāja who had a son named Kamalarāja. His son was Ratnarāja (I.) who married Nonallā. Their son was Pfithvidēva (I.) who had a son named Jäjalladöva (I.) by Rājalladēvi. Jājalladēva's son was Ratna
In the Amoda plates of Jajalladéva II. (above, Vol. XIX, pp. 209 ff.) and those of Prithvidēva II, (Ind. His. Quart., Vol. I, pp. 405 ff.) ba in such cases is shown by a letter closely resembling pa.
*This expression, which ocours in most of the charters of the kings of Ratanpur, seems to show that Kali. ngarāja was a remote descendant (and not a grandson) of Kokkals. The Ratanpur Inscription of Jäjalladēva II. (1114 A. D.) also distinctly says 'The family of a younger son of these produced in course of time (kramena) Kalingaraja'. If so, this Kokkals must be taken to be Kõkkala I. This view is corroborated by some inscriptions of the main dynasty at Tripuri. The Benares copper-plate inscription of Karna (1042 A. D.) describes ip Präkfit verse that Prasiddhadhavala, the son of Kõkkala I., took Páli to provide for the future great descendants of the family. The Bilhari stone inscription says that Mugdhatunga (who is identical with Prasiddhadhavala). the son of Kókkala I., took the country of Páli from the lord of Kosala. Pāli is probably the name of the country round the modern village Pali, 11 miles north of Ratanpur, where there are ruins of exquisitely carved temples (See Archological Survey Report for 1922-23, p. 51). It seems that these descendants of Kókkala I had their capital at Tummans. They seem to have lost the country in course of time. The Ratanpur inscription of Jajalladeva (1114 A. D.) says that Kalingarija selected Tummana as his capital is the place had previously been selected for the purpose by his ancestors.
It must, however, be noted that the description of Kokkela, given in the Amodi plates of Prithvidēva 1. (1079 A. D.), if historically true, would apply only to Kokkala II. as pointed out by Dr. N. P. Chakravarti (above, Vol. XXI, p. 161).

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dēva (II.) the donor of the present plates. As the description of these princes is merely conventional, no new historical information can be gleaned from it. The next sixteen verses give the genealogy of the donee Padmanābha. His great-grandfather Mahasõna, a Brāhmaṇa of the Vatsa-götra and five pravaras, hailed from Sonabhadra in the Madhyadēša (Middle Country) of the Bhāratavarsha (India). He had mastered all the Vēdas, Agamas as well as the six Šāstras. He observed a fast unto death for fifty days at the holy place (tirtha) Jämbavat. His son was Sömēsvara who had a son named Kulachandra. The latter's son was Padmanabha. Padmanabha was proficient in astronomy and knew two Siddhāntas. In the presence of all astronomers in the assembly of Ratnadēva he asserted that there would be a total lunar eclipse when three quarters of the night had passed and the moon was in the asterism Röhiņi on Thursday, the Paur. nimā (fifteenth tithi of the bright half) of Kārtika in the year 880. When the eclipse occurred at the predicted time, the king became pleased and donated the village Chimchătalāí situated in the maydala of Anarghavalli to Padmanābha. The record cloges with the usual imprecatory verses. The last verse states that the plates were engraved by Kirtidhara, the owner of the village Jamdēra in the same (province of) Anarghavalli.
Only one other set of plates issued by Ratnadēva II. has been discovered so far, viz., the Seorinarayan plates dated towards the close of the (Chēdi) year 878, recording the donation of the village Tiņēri in the Anarghavalli-vishaya to a Brāhmaṇa named Nārāyana. The present plates increase his reign by more than a year. Neither of these records contains any reference to Ratnadēva's victory over Chōdaganga, though it is frequently referred to with pride in the later records of this dynasty. This Chōdaganga must be identified with Anantavarman-Chödaganga, the well-known king of the Eastern Ganga dynasty, who came to the throne in A.D. 1078 and had a long reign of 70 or 75 years. We cannot, of course, necessarily infer from this that the victory was not gained before the Chēdi year 880 (A.D. 1128), for the records of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur are extremely meagre in references to historical events. The earliest reference to Ratnadēva II.'s victory over Chödaganga occurs in the Ratanpur stone inscription of the time of Prithvidēva II..7 dated Vikrama Samvat 1207 (A. D. 1149-1150). Prithividēva's own Amõdā plates (two sets, dated A. D. 1149 and 1154 respectively) make no reference to this brilliant victory of his father. The absence of any reference to it, therefore, in the present plates does not necessarily prove that the victory was not attained before A. D. 1128.
The exact year of this vietory cannot, however, be ascertained. The recently discovered plates of Pratāpamalla state that Ratnadēva defeated Chōdaganga and Gökarņa. The date of this
These are mentioned as Vatsa, Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnuvāna and Aurva in the Amoda plates of Jājalla. dēva II. ; above Vol. XIX, p. 209.
* See below text p. 165, note 3.
These were probably the Sürya-Siddhanta and the Brahmagupta-Siddhanta • Ind. His. Quart., Vol. IV, pp. 31 ff.
* See e.g., The Ratanpur inscription of Přithvidēva II. (above, Vol. I, 47 ff.); Seorinarayan ncsription (A. D. 1165) (P. R. A. &. W. C., 1904, pp. 52-3); Kharod inscription of Ratnadēva III. (1181-82 A. D.) (above, Vol. XXI, p. 159). The recently discovered plates of Pratapamalla (A. D. 1213-14), facsimiles of which have been kindly sent to me by Mr. L. P. Pandeya, also contain a reference to this victory.
* 8. I. 1., Vol. V, No. 1018.
Kielhorn first assumed this king to be Prithvidēva III. but later on morrected himself by saying that he should be identified with Prithvidēva II. (Supplement to Northern List, p. 17, f.n. 1), So Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's reading of the date (vit., V. S. 1207=A. D. 1149-1150) will have to be accepted, for we know that Prithvidēvs II. was ruling till 1154 A. D. at least (cf. his Amodā plates, second set, Ind. His. Quart., Vol. I, pp. 412 ff.). The recently discovered plates of Pratāpamalla (dated Chedi year 985= 1213-14 A, D.) state that Ratnadēva III. was succeeded by Prutā pamalla.

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event could be settled approximately if the latter king could be satisfactorily identified, But we have no means of doing so at present. We also do not know the reason of this war. From the Korni plates of Anantavarman Chödaganga dated Saka 1034 (A.D. 1113) we learn that he reinstated the king of Utkala who had been deposed. The name of his enemy has not been mentioned, but it is likely that he was Jājalladēva 1%., the ambitious father of Ratnadēva II., whose friendship was sought by the kings of Kaņauj and Jējābhuktika and who had defeated Sõmēsvara and made the rulers of Kõsala, Andhra, Khimidi, Vairāgara, etc., pay tribute. Jājalladēva seems to have tried to extend his empire in the cast by deposing the king of Utkala. The latter's cause was however espoused by Anantavarman-Chōdaganga who succeeded in reinstating him before A. D. 1113. This event must have occurred during the reign of Jājalladēva ; for his Ratanpur inscription was incised in the Chēdi year 866 (A.D. 1114). It is likely that this defeat of Chōdaganga occurred towards the end of his career, when he was engaged in making conquests in the north, west and south, and bringing the whole country lying between the Ganges and the Godāvari under his firm control as stated in an inscription dated A. D. 1135 at the Kūrmēšvara temple in the Ganjām District. It seems that this whirlwind campaign of Anantavarman-Chodaganga received a check in the west by the prowess of Ratnadēva II. The Malhär Stone inscription of the time of his grandson Jājalladēva II. describes him as 'a fierce cloud putting out the continuously raging flames of the enormous spreading fire of the valour of king Chodaganga'. The hostilities continued in the next generation also, for the Kharod inscription mentions that Ratnadēva's son Pțithvidēva II. defeated Chodaganga's son Jatēśvara alias Madhukāmārņava.?
It is also interesting to note the occasion for making the grant. It seems that the other astronomers of Ratnadēva's court were using older methods of astronomical calculations. Their predictions of eclipses were not accurate and did not, therefore, come true. Padmanābha, the grantee of the present plates, discovered the mistakes in the older methods and, making the neces
1 Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao has kindly drawn my attention to two records which mention a prince named Gokarna. The first of these was incised at the temple of Madhukēśvara in Kalinganagara in Saka 1013 (=109192 A. D.) and apparently mentions a king named Gökarna 'who was expert in the diksha of the extermination of the multitude of his foes'. It is, however, doubtful if this Gokarna oould be identified with the one mentioned in the plates of Pratapamalle : for, Jajalladeva I., the father of Ratnadeva II., was reigning in 1114 A. D. fsee his Ratanpur Inscription, above, Vol. I, pp. 32 f.). Even supposing that Ratnadeva came to the throne in the very next year and the battle with Chodaganga and Gokarna was fought in the same year (both of which suppositions are unwarranted), there would be difference of 24 years between the date of the above record and Ratna. dēva's victory over the Ganga king and Gokarna. The second insoription is at Gudiwāda in the Bimlipatam taluka of the Vizagapatam district. It refers to a grant by a certain Gokarnarăja who was a subordinate of Anantavar. man. Even if we suppose that this Anantavarman is identical with Chodaganga, it does not seem likely that a poet would refer to Ratnadēva's victory over Chodaganga and his feudatory in the same breath. Besides, the record is not useful for our purpose, as it is undated. The Kharod inscription (1.7) seems to mention Jatēśvara as associated with his father Chodaganga in this war. If so, Gokarna may have been another name of Jate vara. This would also make it probable that the battle was fought in the latter part of Chodaganga's reign. [There is nothing against the victory over the overlord and his feudatory or feudatories being mentioned together, cf. for example, the Tirumukkudal Insoription of Virarājēndra (above, Vol. XXI, p. 241) where his victory over Ahavamalla and his feudatories is described.--Ed.1
J. A. H. R. 8., Vol. I, pp. 106-124.
$ The Kharod inscription mentions Jājalladēva's vlotory over Bhujabala, the lord of Suvarnapura (madera Sonpur), who was evidently a feudatory of the king of Orissa.
. Above, Vol. I, pp. 32 ff. 88. 1. I., Vol. V, No. 1335; cf. J. A. H. B. 8., Vol. VII, p. 57.
Above, Vol. I, p. 39. * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 162

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sary bija-saṁskāras, correctly calculated the time of the particular lunar eclipse. The inscription gives full details of this eclipse, viz., that it occurred on Thursday at three-quarters of the night when the moon was in the asterism Rohini, on the Kārttika Paurạimă in the year 880. This date must evidently be referred to the Chēdi or Kalachuri era in which nearly all the inscriptions of the Ratanpur dynasty are dated. According to Diwan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillay's Indian Ephemeris the Kārttika Paurnima in A. D. 1128 (corresponding to the Kalachuri year 880) ended at 504 ghatikās (20 hours 10 minutes) after mean sunrise on 8th November. As stated in the present inscription, the week day was Thursday and the nakshatra Rõhiņi which began at 13 hours 30 minutes after mean sunrise. There was also a lunar eclipse on that day. According to Mr. K. L. Daftari of Nagpur who has kindly calculated for me the time of the eclipse, the moon was totally eclipsed between 48 ghatikās, 42 palas and 52 ghatikās and 54 palas after mean sunrise at Ratanpur. Three quarters of the night were over at Ratanpur at 52 ghatikās and 34 palas when, as shown above, the moon was totally eclipsed. The date and the time of the eclipse can thus be completely verified.
It would not be out of place to say here a few words about the engraver Kirtidhara. He is described in the present plates as the owner of Jamdēra. From the two sets of plates of Přithvidēva II. discovered at Amõdā and dated in the Chēdi years 900 (1149 A. D.) and 905 (1154 A. D.) respectively which were incised by Vatsarāja, son of Kirtidhara, we learn that the latter belonged to the Vāstavya family. Several members of this family were patronised by the royal house of Ratanpur. Thus the engraver of the earlier Ratanpur stone inscription of Jājalladēva I. (Chēdi year 866=1114 A. D.) whose name is lost, was born in the Vástavya family. The Ghotia plates of Prithvideva II. were also incised by Kirtidhara's son Vatsarāja. The latter's son Dharmarāja engraved the Amõdā plates of Jājalladēva II. (dated in the Chēdi year 912-1161 A. D.). This family produced some good poets also. Thus Dēvagana who composed the Ratanpur inscription of the time of Prithvidova II, and his father Ratnasimha who wrote the Malhar prasasti in the reign of Jājalladēva II., Chēdi year 919 (=1167-68 A. D.), were born in the same family and had considerable poetic talent.
As for the geographical names occurring in these plates Chimchătalai, the donated village, is probably Chichõlā (Long. 82-39, Lat. 22-10) on the left bank of the Hasdo in the Janjgir tahsil of Bilaspur. It is only about 8 miles N.E. of Sarkhổ. The district of Anarghavalli in which both Chimchātalai and Jamdēra were situated is roughly represented by the present Jānjgir tahsil. Soñabhadra from which the donee hailed cannot be satisfactorily
Mr. K. L. Daftari, a noted astronomer of Nagpur, conjectures that Padmanabha may have used for his caloulation the Rajamriganka a karana work ascribed to king Bhoja of Dhārā in which the bija-szi skära. seem to have been fixed after actual observation of planets. This work, though composed in Saka 964 (A. D. 1042), i.e., 86 years before the date of the present plates, may not have been known to the other astronomers of Ratnadēva's court. Padmanabha could, thereforo, score an easy victory over them (cf. Sh. B. Dikshit's History of Indian Astronomy (Marathi), second ed., p. 238).
Mr. L. P. Pandeya has kindly drawn my attention to this reference. R. B. Hiralal considered the plates to be spurious (Ind. Ant., Vol. LIV, p. 41). They seem to be an incorrect copy of the original plates made subsequently by an ignorant engraver. Hence the numerous lacune in the text. Mr. L. P. Pandeya suggests that the date of the original, misread by the ignorant copyist as 1000, may have been 900 of the Chēdi era (=1148 A. D.). This falls in the reign of Prithvidēva II. who, we know, was actually reigning till 1154 A. D. (Ind. His. Quirt Vol. I, pp. 405 ff.). If the plates had been spurious the details about the names of the engraver, his father and village would not have tallied. Even if it is a forgery, we need not reject all historical information in it (ef. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, p. 201).
The name of the engraver was not Chitrabhānu as R. B. Hiralal supposed (above, Vol. XIX, p. 210). The word Chitrabhanu, which occurs twice in the last verse, is used only to describe Dharmarāja. He was the Chitrabhānu (sun) to the lotus-bed in the form of the Vastavya family, and was also Chitrabhånu (fire) to the fuel in the form of the helpless warriors of the enemy.

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identified. It was situated in the well-known Madhyadēka or Middle Country. I know, however, no place named Sõnabhadra in the above territory. Jāmbavat where the great-grandfather of Padmanabha fasted himself to death was a tartha. It is perhaps identical with the Jambutirtha mentioned in the Padmapurāna,' where there was a Siva-linga called Jāmbavantēévara which was said to have been established by the lord of bears Jambavant who helped Sri Ramachandra From the context it appears to be somewhere in the vicinity of the river Svabhramati (modern Sabarmati). Jamēra the village which was owned by the engraver Kirtidhara is probably identical with Jondra (Lat. 82-21 and Long. 21-44) on the bank of the Seonāth river just outside the south-west limit of the Janjgir tahsil.
I edit the inscription from the original plates.
TEXT. [Metres : Vv. 1,9, 12, 13, 18 and 22-35Anushtubh; vv.2 and 6Upajati%Bv.3 Sragdhard%3B vv. 4, 10, 14, 17 and 19 Sārdülavikridita; vv. 5, 7, 8, 11 and 18 Vasantatilaka ; v. 16 Malini ; v. 20 Salini ; v. 21 Aryā.]
First Plate. 1 सिचिरस्तु प्रों नमो व्र(ब)मणे । निर्गणं व्यापकं नित्यं शिवं परमकारणम ।
भावनायं परं ज्योतिस्तस्मै समणे नमः ॥१॥ 2 यदेतदप्रेसरमम्व(म्ब)रस्य ज्योतिः स पूषा पुरुषः पुराणः । पथास्य पुची
__ मनुरादिराजस्तदन्वयभूवि कात3 वीर्यः ॥२॥ देवः श्रोकार्तवीर्यः शितिपतिरभवजूषणं भूतधाचा लीचिताद्रि
वि(बि)भ्यत्तुहिनगिरिसुताने(से). 4 षसन्तोषितेस(श)म् । दोहंडाकांड सेतुप्रतिगमितमहावारिशेवाप्रवाहव्याधूतच्यक्षपूजा.'
गुरुजनितरुष वर्ष यो 6 वर्व(बबं)ध ॥२॥ तहस(१)प्रभवा नरेंद्रपतयः ख्याता: चिती यास्तेषामन्च
यभूषणं रिपुमनोविन्यस्ततापानलः । धर्म6 ध्यानधनानुसंचितयशाः स(ग) स्व(ख)स्यता सौख्यकबेयासर्वगुणान्वितः समभव
स्वी(छी)मानसौ कोशलः ॥४॥ अष्टादयारिकरिकुंभविभंगसिंहाः पुचा बभूवुरतिसौ(मौर्यपराब तस्य । समाग्रजी वृपवर
स्त्रिपुरीश चाची(सी)से(च्छे)पांच मंडलपतीन्स
1 The hill where the well-known river Son, a tributary of the Ganges, takes its rise is called Bona bhadra Cf. "Tho Son rises near the Narbadi at Amarakantak in the Maikal range, the hill on which its nominal source is located being called Sönabhadra or more commonly Sonmuod", Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. XXIII, p. 76. Mr. K. N. Dikshit kindly writes to me that sopabhadra is probably the same as Sravanabhadra to which two Brihmapa donees of the Narwhal plates of Vakpati Mulija (V. 8. 1038) belonged. Like the donee of the present plates, both of them belonged to the Vatos-gotra and had five pravaraa. He thinks that sopabhadra might be somewhere in Bihar on the bank of the Sopa or Siqabbadra.
* 01. Padmapurana (Venkstadvars Proos ed., Uttarakhanda, Adhydya 160). [Skandapundna (nama od.. Arbudakhanda, Adhydya 60), places Jambutirtha in mount Arbuda.Ed.]
• Expressed by a symbol (cf. above, Vol. XVII, p. 862). • Expressed by the letters with a dot over it.

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SARKHO PLATES OF RATNADEVA II OF THE (CHEDI) YEAR 880.
First Plate.
तलावाला नियोग वापत निताविपचमकानगम्। नाव ग्राहा परमातम सदानमा यदेणेसन डियाति: स
/वास्यपुतामन्पामाइनरवायननावका 2 वध वन का किन पनि तवद्धधपतनमहानाहादिवितानाहाना सावितसमादा ईटा कोसततितमहातदिनवापवाद नातवाकपा नुरु नितनुपमावगाया14 ववव॥३॥ तस पत्न वानपठानक तोहित्यासघामवयनषलापमानातितामता पालवाद म्ना थानदनानुस चतयनासम्ममता से रवानाश सर्वगुणातितममनवन्नामानासाका कलाशाचा का6ि का कनातिनामिका वामनुसोतसातवाग नानपाएमाजलाल सचमउलपतीसह
का पवन तिघाम नल मा कल 58 पतपरिक पिता लागलावायाप्रवान प्रधान18 नाना नसला तम्मा पनि मेल की विकावाजातः सुतः क मनमाडका तपासाघमा प्रताप का वजनगादाता (
जक डावनानि विकासमा । सतना वरदाना डानमनपाडा वाम्बायकारकतुला 10 एना मायनम व तसा निर्मिनकामनीत घलानुवानातानहनामनामानानल्ला रवा प्रधान पास वाहतात या मतान पाइ) 889ीदावामनवह। जापवादवसम्मत समनवदाडल्लादनामुत 12
महनवा हि तापलः कल्पद्मश्रीफल सा घामविता चानमुमनसातील पिकेट कापस कान्वतमा गनाग ।। मदतोडा वादावापामा म उस कलाकाराल में उनकी कीमा समानसमस्रन नावित्रीशस किमा14
Sवमानवाहतो हामवासना नतीन विचासोनविननादतगाला त्रदिवपालामाकनाचतमुवममामशासखुन। 16वावासालनादानिय तसा सालननिर्यात पंचवसागा धमालपासतरशाला सगरमाथष 16
के कला कलापकुरालानिवासघावदागम काता उत्सममध्य नसजनतालबाट ५८13 पं.दास दहा नवावसमाय ना। 18कासन या चक्ताविपादिमु क्रमापान पुलावदानास हो। al8||२४॥ पुडानिवि सकलावन वदावारको नानावित 18
HOST काना निकड वन नि विकासमा घनमिनवानावानमा सजनवदाऊल्लवनामृत
Second Plate.
mainema
जिमनविसुदतिया काकाहरुसमा ठविनषली। सो मेन्टसमनवड वनसिहभातिसमक्त जालमविचामानी निरवावगुलामासिवा स काला र ने। कहाहिर गति बानुग्रहाता समसत्तरकुलर
समासूनिता || हामशालावा व यमायक वातासहसमना छ म पुण्या सामरख कमावम्मानपुण्ठावारपवाडया तिपिताजगुलाकरतिमान्य नववा मानावयाचा मानवलापसलमान की पानातानवताणायामना ।
वहया वाताहारासागरपारा महितासा सतवासावा पाहमिहिनापमगातनासीता विकाशवसकातडातादनगपत 2418कालिकामवावाहिएीनसमय मानव यामवायाची मुदतनानन्दनस्यामदासाड्या तिरदामग्रतःसर्वग्राममनुनागपुक24
सानीमा प्रनिशानदीदा किं कुर्वनायतदान सर्वा दायोदलेनकवला नादातुरनावाचावला के ग्राम बसा। 26/गनी कन्यादान ॥२०॥नपतिनतपन परवानामनुदवानी तातिनासानतावाव्रह्मवात्रयपातकातसयता नसमाला याचदा 26
की गठान धाव व पाताला कसा कापातावदवा तास चाहानामत महीपातशाहलासनावमवद्याशालाकयातिाहतका 28 देववत्पूडनी घास दानमाना ईनादितिः॥२३॥येत मनाहा सिनापयाचमाहार विधाकयीचा या चितशयामक्षकाननस्य 128
पाका पालान्।॥२४॥सरवत्तदासन व गतासवनवाहनमालूमि दानरमा चिहानि फूलबः पुरववारजावह निमुक्षनुकावाला 30 सामादित्तिा घसा घसा घ दानुलिस मा मतदाफलम॥२६ायतामुपतिनै सकृतिलविदुईसपना पवन मितदानसा
मोसम यो हति॥२० नजिगिशातियसमिप यह ताउलोतिपुलाकम्मरणी निघतोसमा भादो॥२॥ पूर्व 32 दवा हिडानी नीयतादक पुनरामही महीनृती र छुदाना छायाहि पालतम्॥२लास दत्ता एकदली वायाह कलवदनाम 32
सचिला गाममि तापिटना सहचान॥३०॥स्वामसहाजणवाघापघसातनकारपदावन्नामहोज । 34ति ॥३॥षावर्षसह या लिसा वसतिन मिदहमा नाचानुमन्नाचताना वन कदाइत्॥ ३२॥ ब्रस्बहुविध 34
जिन हम्म मरिनमा सीमाटmagm ति॥३३॥न वितविमित्ताह तामधषमुताविघामका कि नह। 36 निवाब पत्रपतिकम॥ ३४॥ तस्या मटा नवलाची मीकि सब समालनाबाबालालवा कलासाजनम्॥ ३57136
10
N. P. Chakravarti. Rea. No: 3387 E'35-445.
SCALE : ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OY INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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Page #210

No. 26.] THE SARKHO PLATES OF RATNADEVA II OF (CHEDI) YEAR 880.
165
8 चकार 4(ब)धन् ॥५॥ तेषामनू'जस्य कलिंगराजः प्रतापवक्षिपितारिराजः ।
जातोन्वये विष्टरिपुप्रवीरः प्रियान9 नांभोरुहपाळणेदुः ॥६॥ तस्मादपि प्रततनिर्मलकीर्त्तिकान्तो जातः सुतः कमल
राज इति प्रसिद्धः । यस्य प्रतापतर10 णावुदिते रजन्यो जातानि पंकजवनानि विकासभांजि ॥७॥ तेनाथ चंद्रवदनो
जनि रबराजी विखी(खो)पकारकरणार्जि11 सपुण्यभारः । येन खवा(बा)युगनिर्मितविक्रमेण नीतं यात्रिभुवन विनिहत्य
स(ग)चन् ॥८॥ नोनहाख्या प्रिया त.. 12 स्य शूरस्येव हि शूरता । तयोः सुतो नृपश्रेष्ठः पृथ्वोदेवो बभूव ॥८॥
पृथ्वोदेवसमुद्भवः समभवद्राजन्मदेवी(वी)सुतः शू. 13 रः सज्जनवांच्छि(छि)तार्थफलदः कल्पद्रुमः श्रीफलः । सर्वेषामुचितोर्चने सुमनसा
तीक्ष्णहिषवंटक: पस्य(श्य)वा(का)न्ततरांगना[ग]14 मदनो जाजलदेवो नृपः ॥१॥ तस्यात्मजः सकलकोसलमंडनश्रीः श्रोमान्समा
तसमस्त नराधिपत्रीः । सर्वधि[ती]16 खरसि(शिरोविहितांफिसवः सवाभता निधिरसी भुवि रवदेवः ॥११॥
लावादिवर्षाणां मध्ये भारतमुत्तमम् । मध्यदेस(श)स्तु स18 पापि सीणभद्रोस्ति या सः ॥१२॥ श्रीसोणभद्रनिर्यात: पंचा! वत्सगोचजः
म[]सोण रति ख्यातो बभूव हिजवंस(स)जः ॥१२॥ यः ष17 ईकलाकलापकुस(प)सी नि:से()षवेदागमज्ञाता (ब) असमः समस्तनमताल[धा दरः
सर्वदा । यः पंचास(च)दहानि चान्तसमये त्य18 मास(ग) यां(जा)व(ब) वत्तीर्थे प्राणविमुक्तिमाप निपुणो वेदान्तसिद्धान्तगः ॥१४॥
प्रनानिधिः पालवेदविदा वरिष्ठो नानाविधाव
Second Plate. 10 रविधानविन (श)चवु(बु)हिः । तस्यात्मजी दिजसमाजविभूषणश्रीः सोमेश्वरः समभ
पवनप्रतिः ॥१५॥ श्रुतिसमुचित20 पौलस्तत्व(च)विवागमार्मा निरवधिगुणरासि(शिासकल्यो(पी) जनेषु । हि
जगति मापानुपहाभ्यां समसदनु च कुल. The vowel of his lengthened for the sake of metro, Read firefowarfymo as in all other plates of the kings of Ratanpur.
The spoond letter of this word appears more like cha thạn va; but ua and cha appear almost like each other in this inngriptiop (ef. chaive, l. 84 infra) and other records of the period (cf. above, Vol. XIX, p. 75, 1. 23). Besides makes no senso. L therefore, propose to read atrama. Jis substituted for here as in बावर्षय 121,sivra.
. After ja suporfluggs danda was egraved and scored out.

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166
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXII.
A चंद्रस्तस्य सूनुर्बभूव ॥१६॥ प्रजामंगलवेश्मविस्मयकराभ्यास: समस्तागमे पुण्यात्मा
मखकर्मधर्मनिपुणः प्रावीण्यवान्ज्यो(क्यो)22 तिषि । तस्याशेषगुणाकरस्य मतिमारपुत्रः पवित्रात्मनो व्र(ब)याभ्यासनिवेशपस (श)
लमतिः श्रोपद्मनाभोभवत् ॥१७॥ य: सिद्धा23 तयं वेत्ति हीरासागरपारगः । संहितासा(शा) स्वतत्व(च)नी वाराहमिहिरोपमः
॥१८॥ तेनासो(शी)त्यधिकाष्टवत्सस्माते जाते दिने गो:पते24 : कार्तिक्यामथ रोहिणीभसमये रात्रश्च यामत्रये । श्रीमद्रबनरखरस्य सदसि ज्योति
बिदामग्रत: सव्वग्रासमनुष्णगोः प्रव25 दता तीर्णा प्रतिज्ञानदी ॥१८॥ इंदोर्मुक्तिं कुर्खतायं तदानीं सादायम्मंड.
लेनर्धवक्ष्या (क्याम्) [*] राजा तुष्टेनाथ चिंचानलाईग्रामस्तस्मै सा(शा)26 सनीतत्य दत्तः ॥२०॥ तपति न तपनः प्रखरी मादपि नो वाति शासने
तीव्रः । (ब)मखस्तेयपातकमतिम(श)यभीमं समालोच्य ॥२॥ चंद्रा27ौं गगने यावत्तपती लोकसाचिणौ। तावदव्याहतं स्याहानमतन्महीपतः ॥२२॥
विजाच नावमन्तव्यास्त्रैलोक्यस्थितिहतवः । 28 देववत्पूजनीयाश्च दानमानाचनादिभिः ॥२॥ यैः कृतः सर्वभक्षीनिरपेयय
महोदधिः । क्षयी चाप्यायित: मोमः को न नस्ये श्ये)29 अकोप्य तान् ॥२४॥ सं()खं भद्रासनं छ(क)चं गजास्त्र (ख)वरवाहनम् । भूमि:
दानस्य चिह्नानि फलं स्वर्ग: पुरंदर ॥२५॥ व(ब) हुभिर्वसुधा भुक्ता राज30 भि: समरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य सदा फलम् ॥२॥
यथाप्सु पतितं स(श)क तेलवि(बि)न्दुबिसीति । एवं भूमिकृतं दानं स31 स्ये सस्ये प्ररोहति ॥२७भूमिं यः प्रतिएडा(बा)ति यस्तु भूमि प्रयच्छति ।
उभौ तौ पुण्यकाणी नियतौ स्वगंगामिनौ ॥२८॥ पूर्व 32 दत्ता(तां) विजातीनां यत्नाद्रच पुरंदर । मही(हों) महीभृतां से(श्रेष्ठ दामाशेयो
हि पालनम् ॥२६॥ स्वदत्ता परदत्तां वा यो हरेत वसुंधराम् । 33 स विष्टायां क्वमि त्वा पितुभिः सह पच्यते ॥३०॥ अस्व (ख)मेधसहर(मे)ण
वाय(ज)पयस (शतेन च । गवां कोटिप्रदानेन भूमिहर्ता न सु(श)34 ध्यति ॥३१॥ षष्टि वषसहया(सासि वर्मे वसति भूमिदः । आच्छेत्ता चानु
मन्ता च सान्येव नरकं ब्रजेत् ॥३२॥ एष्टं दस हुतं चैव य
- Read विष्ठाया.

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No. 27.]
TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
167
35 त्किंचिद्धर्मसंचितम् । अहागुलन सोमाया हरणेन प्रणस्य (श्यति ॥३३॥ न
विषं विषमित्याहुब(ब्रह्मस्वं विषमुच्यते । विषमेकाकिनं - 36 fart a(a)ma grafy upon arrivarni staffiat: peit:
जंडरग्रामनाथीयं लिलखाक्षरसो(शो)भनम् ॥३५॥
No. 27.---TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II
By Prof. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
These plates were found some years ago at the Manganese mine of Tirodi, eight miles southcust of Katangi in the Bālāghāt District of the Central Provinces. Mr. T. A. Wellsted, Manager of the Manganese mines, Mansar, who is keenly interested in the history of the Vākāțakas, came to know of their existence in April 1934 and secured them with great difficulty from a Manganese contractor of Tirõdi. The plates have since been deposited in the Nāgpur Museum. I am obliged to Mr. Wellsted for permission to edit them.
They are four copper-plates, each measuring 7.7" by 3-8". The first and the fourth are inscribed on one side only and the other two on both the sides. Their ends are neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims; still, the inscription is in a perfect state of preservation. The last plate bears in five places marks of indents from the blows of a pickaxe. About 2.1" from the proper right margin, the plates have a roundish hole.4" in diameter for a circular ring to connect them. The ends of this ring, which is 3.3" in diameter, were flattened off so as to overlap and were joined with a pin. They were so secured when the plates were sent to the Nagpur Museum for cleaning and taking ink impressions. On this ring slides a small circular band about 7" broad and 3.8" in circumference, to which is secured with a rivet a flat circular copper seal 2.7" in diameter. The ring and the seal thus closely resemble those of the other plates of Pravarasēna II. The weight of the plates is 126 tolas and that of the ring, the band and the seal is 18] tolas.
The plates were slightly corroded when first found, but have since been cleaned by Mr. M. A. Saboor, Coin Expert of the Nāgpur Museum. Each inscribed side of the first two plates contains six lines, that of the third five lines and that of the fourth only four lines. The seal contains the legend inscribed in four lines. The letters are deeply cut, but do not show through on the reverse. The size of the letters varies from 25" to .4".
As in the other plates of Pravarasēna II., the characters are of the box-headed variety of the Central Indian alphabet. They closely resemble those of the Siwani plates of Pravarasēna II. and of the Riddhapur plates of his mother Prabhāvatiguptă. The boxes at the top of the letters are not scooped out bollow as in the Chammak plates, but appear in the form of small squares as in the other plates of Pravarasēna II. The letters i, b, and I and the subscript form of m -appear without a box at the top; cf. Vājapēya and BỊihaspati in l. 1 and amala-jala in l. 5. The box is not completely incised at the top of a few letters; see, for instance, n in atyanta 1. 7; chi in kënachi-1. 23; ya in yas-cha l. 24. The répha at the top of letters is, in some cases, shown with, and in others without, a box (cf. chaturvvaidya l. 19, Aptöryyāma 1. 1). The length of medial i is denoted either by a ringlet in the curve representing short i as in pramāni- 1. 29, or by another curve turned in the opposite direction as in trayovisa I. 31. Medial u is shown in three ways

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[VOL. XXII.
with the u sign (1) turned to the left, cf. -änugāmi 1. 23; (2) turned to the right, cf. bhuñjatō 1. 23 and (3) shown by a hook to the right bending downwards, cf. kuryyäma 1. 26. The mātrās for medial è, ai, ō and au are generally added at the top, but occasionally at the middle or even the foot of a consonant; cf. Asramedha 1. 2 and m-aiśvaryya 1. 15. The medial ō is shown in two ways (1) with a matra on each side of a consonant as in shoḍaśy- 1. 1, and (2) with a curve on the right side only, cf. bhuñjato 1. 23. The medial au is everywhere bipartite; cf. dauhitra and Gautamil. 5, etc. D and d are not clearly distinguished; cf. shoḍaśy- 1. 1 and samuditasya 1. 8; 90 also v and ch; cf. Brihaspatisava 11. 1-2; and chatur-Asva° 1. 2; t appears with a loop in -vastavya 1. 18 and datta[m] 1. 29; th is generally distinguished from dh by a ringlet on the base line; cf. thi in Prithivisena 1. 10 with dhi in Yudhishthira 1. 9; but contrast tha in Athervvāna 1. 18. Independent b which is distinguished from v appears in two forms: (1) the rectangular one as in paribädhä1. 25 and (2) that derived from p, cf. Brihaspati 1. 1; the subscript b is only in one place distinguished from v, viz., in Kosambakhanda 1. 17; but cf. ayur-bbala- 1. 15 and -udvahana- 1. 4. A vowel-less consonant is written in a smaller form below the line; cf. drishtam 1. 1 and samrat 1. 2. The visarga is denoted by two dots or hook-shaped lines; the former signify also a double mark of punctuation in ll. 13, 24, 26, etc. The completion of the record is indicated by a long horizontal stroke.
The language is Sanskrit. Except the legend on the seal and the usual imprecatory verse towards the close, the whole record is in prose. As regards orthography, we may note the absence of external samdhic and the use of short for long vowels in several places. Such orthographical mistakes as bhantikva for bhaktitva 1. 8, kënachivvyāghata for kenachid-vyäghāta 1. 23 are evidently due to the carelessness of the engraver. The visarga is wrongly dropped in gunai samuditasya 1. 8 and changed to cha in bhatach-chhatraś-cha 1. 14. The anusvāra appears superfluous after its change to a nasal in Vākāļakānāṁm-Mahārāja 1. 9, etc. The dental n is written for n in karunya 1. 7. Li is used instead of the vowel li in aklipt-opakliptaḥ 11. 22-23, and ri for the vowel ri in drishtam 1. 1 and dushkritam 1. 30. On the other hand ri occurs for ri in sarvvakriyabhiḥ 1. 24. The consonant following is reduplicated in some cases, e.g., ārjjava and sauryya 1. 7, abhivarddhamana 1. 8; similarly v coming after anusvära in sa[m*]vvatsare 1. 31. The consonant preceding y is reduplicated in Bhagiratthyamala 1. 5 and sarvv-addhyaksha 1. 13. The upadhmaniya occurs in 11. 10, 16 and 29. The final consonant is wrongly dropped in Narattangavāri-sthānā 1. 1, drādaśyā 1. 31, etc.
The plates were issued from the place Narattangaväri by Mahārāja Pravarasēna II. of the Väkäṭaka dynasty. Their date is recorded in words as the twelfth day of the dark fortnight of (the month) Magha in the twenty-third (regnal) year. Like almost all other complete Vākāṭaka plates1 they open with the word drishtam which must be taken, as was subsequently done by Kielhorn, to mean 'seen' and was evidently intended to signify the genuineness of the inscription. The genealogy of Pravarasena II. is copied almost verbatim from his previous plates, his maternal grandfather Chandragupta II, being called Devagupta as in the other records. The plates record the grant of the village Kosambakhaṇḍa to a Brāhmaṇa named Varupäryya of the Harkkari-götra and the Atharvaveda, who was a resident of Cha[m*]drapura' and proficient in the three Vedas. The donated village was bounded on the east by Jamali, on
1 The only exception is the Riddhapur plates of Prabhavatigupta. It does not appear in an odd Väkātaka plate which has recently come to my hands; but I have reason to think that, like the Balaghat plates of Prithivishēna, the inscription was left incomplete.
2 Above, Vol. IX, pp. 268-9.
The gotra is named Härkari in the Gotra-pravara-nibandha-kadamba (Lakshmi-Venkatesa Press, Bombay.
1917).
See below, Text, p. 172, note 20.

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TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
169
the south by Varddhamanaka, on the west by Mrigasima and on the north by Mallakapēdhaka. As the order is addressed to the officers and soldiers in the western division (aparapatta) of Bēnnākata, it is evident that the donated village was situated in it. The grant was written by the chief minister (Räjyādhikrita) Chamidāsa' himself.
We know that the Dudia plates of Pravarasēna II. were issued on the tenth day of the fourth fortnight of the rainy season in his twenty-third regnal year. If Kielhorn's view that the date refers to the bright half of the month Bhādrapada is accepted, the present charter, though issued in the same regnal year, would be later than the Dudia plates by about four months and a half. One other record of the Vākāțakas (viz., the incomplete Bālāghāt plates of Prithivishēna)' has been found in the Bālāghāt district. This is, however, the first inscription of Pravarasēna II. to be discovered so far to the east of his kingdom. As stated below, the donated village Kösambakhanda is to be identified with Kösambā about 6 miles to the south-west of Tirodi, the find-spot of the present plates in the same district. The present inscription shows, therefore, that the country under the direct rule of Pravarasēna II, extended to the east as far as South Kõsala (modern Chhattisgarh) and comprised the modern districts of Bālāghāt, Bhandara and Chanda of C. P. These districts were evidently included in ancient Vidarbha. In the Sanskrit play Malavikāgnimitra of Kálidāsa, who is now generally taken to be a contemporary of Pravarasēna II., the country of Vidarbha is shown to be divided by the river Varada (modern Wardhā). Bēnnäkata of the present plates seems to have been one of the districts of Eastern Vidarbha.
Almost all other charters? of Pravarasēna II, are issued from Pravarapura which was evidently his capital. The place Narattangavāri from which the present plates were issued seems, therefore, to be a holy place(tirtha) where he had gone to bathe in the month of Māgha and where he granted the present charter. The month of Mägha is specially praised in the Purinas as very sacred and various legends are narrated in them to evince the great merit of bathing at a holy place during that month. The eleventh day of the dark half of this month, when purnimanta, which is called Shattila ēkādasi and is observed as a fast-day, is highly glorified in the Padinapurāna 10 Pravarasēna may, therefore, have gone to the Narattangavāri tirtha to bathe on the Shattilā ēkādasi day and have made the present grant on the following day before breaking his fast. We may note in this connection that a similar grant was made by his mother Prabhāvatigupta" at the holy place of Ramagiri (modern Ramtek near Nagpur) on the twelfth day of the bright half of Kärttika, evidently after observing a fast on the preceding Prabodhini ēkādasi.12
[Or Navamidise, see below p. 174, n. 10.-Ed.) . Above, Vol. III, p. 262.
Above, Vol. III, p. 260.
• Kielhorn has evidently adopted the primanta scheme in calculating that date. The same is followed above. The interval between the two dates would be 54 months if the amania system is adopted in both the cases. * Above, Vol. IX, p. 267.
Cf. Malavikagnimitra, Act V, &l. 13. + The only exoeption is the Biwani Copper-plate Inscription of Pravarana II. (0. I. I., Vol. III, Pp. 243 ff.) in which, however, no place of issue is mentioned. The Patna Museum plate also, being the third plate of the set, does not naturally mention any place of issue.
Narattangaväri cannot be taken to be the site of his camp during a campaign; for there is no word like vāsakat added to it.
IMAGE foafer fafter I HIYOT Erdi arrituta Padmapurana (Venkatēsvara Press ed.), Uttarakhanda, Adhyâya 124, 6l. 64-5.
10 Ibid., Uttarakhanda, Adhyâya 43, blokas 5 ff.
11 Her Poona plates also, though issued from the then capital Nandivardhana, were granted on a similar Occasion.
13 This day is referred to by Kalidasa in his Méghadata (fl. 115).

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[VOL. XXII.
As the present grant was not made at the capital, the expression vaijayike dharmasthäne' at the victorious office of justice' which regularly occurs in all other charters of Pravarasëna II. issued from Pravarapura are omitted in the present plates. This grant was made by Pravarasēna II. for increasing his dharma (religious merit), life, strength and prosperity, for securing his wellbeing in this world and the next, as well as for augmenting the religious merit of his mother (mātuh puny-Opachayārttham). This last expression occurs in none of the complete charters of Pravarsēna II. As he mentions only his mother and not his father also, who was long since dead, it is likely that she was living at the time of the present grant and may have accompanied him to the holy place. From the description in her Riddhapur plates she seems to have been an old lady at the time of that grant which was made only four years before the issue of the present plates.
As for the geographical names that occur in these plates, Narattangavāri was probably a tirtha as suggested above. I know, however, of no place in C. P. and Berar, which exactly corresponds to this name. It may, however, be taken to mean Väri near Narattanga on the analogy of Nägapura-Nandivardhana (Nandivardhana near Nagpur) in the Deoli platest of the Rashtrakūta king Krishna III. In that case it can be identified with Wäri also called Bhairav. garh, now a deserted village, on the river Bān or Wän in the extreme north-west of the Akot Taluk (Akola District, Berār). It is only 18 miles to the west of the old fort of Narnālā, which probably represents ancient Narattanga, and is still regarded as a holy place. Kosambalhanda, the donated village, is evidently Kösambă (79-39 X 21:38) about 6 miles to the south-east of Tirodi where the plates were found. Bēnnākața was evidently a district comprising the territory round the modern village Beni, 38 miles to the east of Kosambā in the Gondia Tahsil of the Bhandāra Dietrict, which may have been its headquarters. The district seems to have been divided
1. The expression dharmāddhikarani which ocours in another connection in l. 26 is evidently a mistake for dharm-ådana-karane. See below, Text, p. 173, n. 18.
A similar expression mapuny-apyāyanarttham is found in both the Poona and Riddhapur plates of Pra. bhavatigupta.
Sagram phobala divarputnapauta I. 1), J. P. A.S.B. (N. S.), Vol. XX, p. 58.
Above, Vol. V, pp., 188 ff. Even now there are several suck place names ourrent in Berar, 6.g., Barsi Takli (Takli neno Bansi). As there are now, and were probably in ancient. Vidarbha, several villages named Wäri or Warkhēd, Narattanga may have been prefixed to define the position of the place intended..
5 See Akola District Gazetteer (1910), p. 395. At this place there are ruins of a fort called Bhairavgarh with an image of Kal Bhairava. It may be noted in this conneotion that an ancestor of Pravarasēna II. (viz., Rudrasena I.) was a devout worshipper of Svāmi-Mahābhairave. The writer in the Gazetteer identifies Wäri with ancient Varāhatirtha (Ibid., p. 382) but this identification does not seem to be correct. Varahatirtha was, no doubt, a very important tirtha on the Payoshội. It is highly praised in the Mahabharata (Vanaparvan, Adhyāya 88, 61. 6-9, Bombay ed.) which describes the visit of the Pandavas to it in the course of their tirthayātra (Adhyayas 120 and 121). But from the description given in the Payoshini-mahatmya, the Nalachampa [Nirnayasagar ed. (1903), p. 174] and other Sanskrit works it appears to be the source of the Payoshni (modern Pirmā) and must, therefore, be identified with Barakpur about a mile to the north-east of Bhainsdehi (77°38 X 21°39) in the Betul District of C. P. where the Payoshni takes its rise. The present Wari is far away from the source of the Payoshni. The Payoshni-mahatmya refers to the Bana river (on which Wari'is situated) as a tributary of the Payoshni bat makes no mention of a Varahatirtha on it.
• Bhöjakata of the Chammak plate is another district name ending in kata. The Mahabharata (Bombay ed.). Sabha parvan, Adhyaya 31, mentions both Bhojakata and Talakata as southern courrtries. In & 10-12 of that Adhyaya Sahadēva is said to have vanquished the lords of Bhūjakuts and Venátata. The latter is evidently, a mistake tor Vēņákata. In reply to my inquiry Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, General Editor of the Mahabharata whiob is. now. being published by the Bhandazkar Orientad.Resarch Institute Poona, kindly informs me that most of the Grantha Mss. collated at the Institute show either the variant Vēnnakata or Bēnnakata in the 12th Sloka of that Adhyāya.

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TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
into two parts by the river Waingange, the ancient Bennä. Kosamba which now represents ancient Kosambakhanda is only 20 miles from the Wainganga and was evidently included in the western division (aparapaṭṭa) of Bemakata. Of the villages that formed its boundary, only one can now be traced. Jamali which bounded it on the east is probably modern Jämuntola, 3 miles to the east of Kosamba. Chandrapura, where the donee was living is probably identical with Chandpur which lies only twelve miles to the south-east of Kosamba and contains an old fort." The other villages cannot be identified.
I edit the inscription from the original plates.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 द्रिष्टम् [*] नरत्तङ्गवारियाना [त्*] । बिटोमाप्तोर्य्यामोक्यषोडश्य [ति] रात्रवाअपेववृपतिस
2 वसाद्यस्क्रचतुरश्वमेधयाजिनः विष्णु (ष्णु) वृहसगोत्रस्य सम्राट' वाकाटकानान्महाराजश्री - 3 प्रवरमेनस्य चुनो मोयन्तखामिमहामेरयमस्य सभारकविधि
4 तशिवलिङ्गोद्दहन शिवसुपरितुष्टसमुत्पादितराजवंशानां पराक्रमाधिगत भागीमिविज्ञानान्तारशियाचा खचारायचीभवनाबदोश मोती
5 [त्या]]]
171
1 The river is called Vena in the Mahabharata (Sabhaparvan, Adhyaya 31), Padmapurana (Svarga Khanda, Adhyaya 38, . 30-22; Bombay ed.), Matsya-purana (Adhyaya 114, 1. 27-28) and Vanya in the Markandeyapurana (Adhyaya 57, 61. 24). Vēņva in the Vayupurana (Ad. 45, l. 102) and Vinna in the Karma (Ad. 47, 61.32) seem to be derived from Venys (See Pargiter's Tr. of the Markandpa-partna, p. 300). Binnä in Bönnäkata of the present plates and Bappa in Beņņā kārpara-bhāga of the Siwani plates are evidently corrupt forms of Sanskrit Venya and refer to the Waingangs. The Boppa-kärpara-bhaga of the Siwani plates seems to be a subdivision (bhaga) of Bennakata. It cannot be located in modern Berar. Fleet's suggestion that Kollapura in that charter is possibly Kolapoor twenty-one miles south of Elichpur' (C. I. I., Vol. III, p. 244) is manifestly impossible. Kholapur (for, that is its correct name) was founded by Kholeśvara, a well-known general of the Yadava king Simghapa. As stated in his Ambe inscription, it is on the bank of the Payoshini (Pürna); see G. H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaval History of the Deccan (Marathi), p. 64. I would identify Köllapura (in the Beppäkärpara bhaga) of the Siwani plates with modern Koolpa about 36 miles to the east of the Waingangs in the Amgaon Zamindari. Karañjaviraka which was a village (and not a river as supposed by Fleet) in its vicinity is represented by modern Karanja, a mile to the N.-E. of Koolpa. For viraka at the end of a village nethe see Vyaghraviraka in the Khamkhed plates (above, p. 96).
Kielhorn's suggestion about the identification of Chandrapura mentioned in the Dudia plates with the abovenamed Chandpur cannot be accepted; for, as he has himself admitted, none of the other villages (mentioned in those plates can be identified in its vicinity. That Chandrapura is probably identical with Chandar in the Amraoti district of Berar, as shown by R. B. Hiralal. (See his List of Inscriptions in C. P. and Berar, second ed. p. 93.)
The accompanying plates have been prepared from photographs kindly taken by Mr. M. A. Saboor of the Nagpur Museum.
Read
Here and in many places below, the rules of Sandhi have not been observed.
• Read सबाजी.
The box at the top of is not complete.
This sign of punctuation is saperfluous.
• Read
me. The box of ma is not connected with the vertical stroke of the letter.
10 Road मूभिषितानाम्: One other adjective दावमेधानभवजातानां which ooburs in all other pleton is omitted here.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
6 पुषस्य पुषस्य वाकाटकानामहाराजधिरुद्रसेनस्य सुनोः'
Second Plate ; Pirst Side. 7 पत्यन्तमाहवरस्य सत्यार्जवकारयामौर्यविक्रमनयविनयमाहात्म्यधिमत्व8 गसमन्तिम'धर्मविजयित्वमनोनेग्रवादिगु[:] समुदितख वर्षयतमभिवईमा
नकोसद साधनसन्तानपुषपौषिणः युधिष्ठिरहत्तेर्वाकाटकामा महा10 राजश्रीपथिविसेनस्य सुनो।] भगवतबापाणे प्रसादोपार्जितचीसमुदयस्थ 11 वाकाटकानाम्महाराजबीरुद्रसेनस्य सूनोः महाराजाधिराजबौदेवगुप्त12 सुतायो प्रभावतिगुप्तायामुपवस्व ।" वाकाटकानाम्पहा
Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 राजत्रि प्रवरसेनस्य वचना[व] । बाकटस्य पपरपो । पनमन्तवारमा
यचनियोग14 नियुत्ता पात्रासंचारिकुखपुषाधिछताः भटाच्या पाच व्युषितपूर्वमयानाया"ज्ञाप
यितव्याः [1] 16 विदितमस्तु वः पथहासाभिरामनो धाबु बर्थविहाय सामुषि16 तात्य मातु पुखीपचयार्थ जमच्या पपरपावें वईमामकब उत्तरपायें 17 अगसिमस्य पूर्वपा महकपटकस्य दधिपा कोयम्बखळ नाम प्रामः 18 चार चांद्र)पुरवतव्यपथा परि सगोचवणार्याय निवेदाय इत्ता 1 Road श्री.
Read mit:..The sabecript - is not complete. *Read चारण्य. Read the. None of the Vakataka plates discovered so far gives this expression correctly.
The engraver first inoised and then corrected it into . Read quacrafwas in the diwani and Dudia plates.
* The angraver seems to have wrongly joined the right hand horizontal stroke of the dagger of to the vertical stroked त्व.
'Road मैयादि. . The box-head of is not completely inolaed.
1. The axuadra is superfluous. 1 Road पुषिषषस्थ11 The anuandna in superfluous. 1. This sign of punctuation is superfluous. 16 Read . 1. It is difficult to say if this is a sign of Visarga or of double punotuation. It is raperfluou ta either ones. "Road भटाम्बाचाय. " Road विश्रुतपूर्वयाचय in the Siwanl and Chammak plates. - Read पोषय 10 The lower horizontal stroke of p is not engraved. # For other cases of the wrong omission of an antara see ofera L28 and g et meest ta 1.81 below.
" Read more. Instead of affixing the stroke denoting the length to the engraver wrongly priced it to the following letter.
" The gotra is named Harkari in the गोषप्रवरनिवञ्चकदम (published by the Venkatativura Prons). # This word is superfluous.

Page #218

8
10
12
14
16
18
da0,
c ཆབ་་ ཚབགད་ དབྷ 1 2ཥྭ ཤཤA0ic 3 སྦེཡྻཱཋ
iib.
TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
12400,
ག་ཟཤཔཟཞགཤབེ། ཤུ2 སྱེ22བླུ
[TYE• (QC (CL
jnu L57
ཌཋ22 ཕྲ 2252སྐཤཀཱཾགTསྔཤ་ཆ◓ཀརྴཞཱ གཟiཛཿ2ཨྰཿཨྰཿ དང་སྐུཤ ཏཿབྲ3 2ཤབྲའི་ཞཱ ཕྱག་ཤ2 ཁཞཕྱུ 1:ཞང པཎ དྷརཿ བོཞེZ
།ཏྲཱཏ་
མད།ཀབཤད། རྟག་བཤང་བཤག་པ 1337a111326a 22 1: ཤྩ བྷཾ པ ། :|:ཀ ཊི 7 13:།31 | ཤ 3 གྱིཤ3, 5 ༩+༢༠ གྱིག ཞོལའྲ69 སྭཱབྷཱ11ཌ2jཤ 10རྟ1།སྭཱཋ191126 fརྗེསྒྱུ2ཊུ211༐ ཤ"༢ ༢.5]ཞཱཏྭཾརྫr2210 བླང TEA༢༣ བྲ ཁ :11:|:ཁ ༣ ཤབ བཞེན ཨཱུ དེཝ 1:༡ ༧ ཁ+ 211ང
N. P. Chakravarti.
Rua., No. 3379 E'30, 4+5,
ཤུག་ཞན6311:3anR 2ihe3 ༢༐བྱ834:ཟ༐3ཞཱཤཱརའཞིཤཟླ ཏིམཀ
ངའི ཀྱིས དཐོབ་EHཞཤ
Et༩༽.
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24
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32

Page #219

Seal.
(588 agal
Feal 3 )
7yR0a
Actual size.

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No. 27. ]
TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
Third Plate; First Side.
19 अपूव्वदत्य।' ं उदकपूर्व्वमतिसृष्टः [1"] उचितांचास्य पूर्वराजानुमताचा (तांबा) तुवैद्यग्रामम
20 यदापरिहारान्वितराम: स्तद्यया चकरदायि: प्रभट जपावेश्य: अपारंपरगो[:] अष्यचिर' सन्दोह अचारासनचर्माद्वार: चलवन किरण के
21
22 णिखनकः सर्व्वविष्टिपरिहारपरिवृतः सनिधिः सोपनिधि [: *] सक्ति (क्ल) सो23 पक्ति (ल.) सः भचन्द्रादित्यकाशीयः पुत्रपौत्रानुगामी भुतो न केनचिव्याघात"
म:
4
Third Plate; Second Side.
24 कर्त्तव्यः सर्व्वक्त" याभिस्संरचितव्य परिवर्द्धयितव्यय ॥ य" श्वास्मच्छासनमग[ण] य25 मानस्स्वरूपामपि परिबाधात्कुर्य्यात्कारयित" वा तस्य ब्राह्म" "दितस्य सदण्डं निग्र26 हं कुर्य्याम ॥ अस्मि च धर्मादि ( धि ) " करणे प्रतीतानेकराजदत्तां संचीन्तन" परि 27 पालन" "तपुष्यानुकीर्तनपरिहारार्त्यच वर्तयामः संकल्पाभियोग" परा
21
28 [क्रमोपजिता (य) संम (मा नाना प्रापयामः ण्च तत्काल प्रभविष्णुगौरवा
1 Road अपूर्व्वदच्या.
The box-head of is not complete.
173
-
* The_Chammak_plates read चातुर्वैद्यग्राममय्यादान् (म्) and the Dadis plates चातुव्वैद्यग्राममर्यादापरिहारार्त्यन् (म्). The Poona plates have चातुर्विद्याग्रचारपरिहाराम्.
• Read वितरामस्तद्यथा.
• Road चकरदायी.
• Road अभटच्छात्रप्रवेश्य: The reading in the present plates. is however found in all the Vakataka plates discovered so far.
' Road चपुष्पचौरसन्दोह
Read fi as in the Chammak and Dudia plates. Only the Poona plates of Prabhavatiguptă read kinva in place of klinna. The Siwani and Riddhapur plates read klinea. An unpublished copper-plate found at Ramtek reads अलवयक्तिप्ती क्रेचिखनक.
16 The subscript is not completely engraved.
10 The subscript va is not completely engraved.
17 Read अमिंय.
• The visarga is not complete.
10 Read केनचिदृव्याघातः.
11 Read सर्व्वक्रियाभि-. The engraver has not completed the subscript va Again, he first wrote ka and afterwards changed it into kri.
13 The box-head of य is not completely engraved.
18 Read परिबाधां कुय्यात्.
14 Read कारयेद्दा.
18 The Chammak, Riddhapur and Dadis plates road धर्मादरकरणे. The Siwani plates read धर्माधिकरणे.
10 Road अतौतानेकराजदत्तसंचिन्तन
20 Read परिपालनं.
11 The engraver first wrote ka and then thought of changing it into kri.
21 Read कीर्त्तयाम:
* Road संकल्पाभियोगपराक्रमीपनितान्. The Riddhapur plates road संकल्पाधियोगपराक्रमोपशितान् and the Dudis plates संकल्पाभिशोधपराक्रमोपजितान्. Other Vakataka plates have nothing corresponding to this.
M Road एष्यत्काल'. The Siwani plates have एष्यन्तत्काल'. The Dudis plates read as in the pressnt text.

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174
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VoL.XXII.
Fourth Plate. 29 भ(क)विष्यान्विज्ञापयामः [*] व्यासगीतचाप मोक प्रमाणीकर्तव्यः [*]
स्वदत्ताम्पर30 दत्ताबा(म्बा) यी रेत वसुन्धरा [*]गवान्म ससहमस्ख। इन्सुरिति दुटिक' तं । 31 सावमरे बयोवीये । माधवासपचे हादश्या' । जात्रा 32 स्वयं राजाधिवतन चमि( वमिदासेन लिखित"मिति । .
The seal. 1 वाकाटकललामस्य । 2 (क)मप्राप्तचियश्रियम् [1]
राज] प्रवरसेनस्य ।। 4 शासनं रियुशासनम्" []
TRANSLATION.
The Plates. (Lines 1-13.) Seen. From the place Narattaiga-vari. By the order of the illustrions Maharāja Pravarasēna (II) of the Vakatakas who was born of Prabhavati gupta, the daughter of the illustrious Mgharajadhiraja Dāvagupta and who is the son of the illustrious Mahārāja Rudrasēna(II) of the Vakatakas,whosognized an abundance of progpority by the grace of the Divine (Lord) Chakrapani (Vishnu) (and) who was the son of the illustrious Maharaja Prithi vishapa (T) of the Valles, what was intensely devoted to the god) Mabekyan, whole was endowed with truthfulness, straightforwardness, compassion, heroism, valour, political wisdom, modesty, high-mindedness, intelligence, devotion to (worthy persons), and with the state of being a righteous conqueror, purity of mind and such other good qualities, whole had sons and grandBons and continuous supply of treasude and my whioh had been accumulating for hundred years, who conducted himself like Yudhishthird and who was the son of the illustrious Maha
IRead वसुश्वराम • Road अबो मत. • Thia sign of punotuation is superfiuoum. • Read दुखतम् • Rend संबहार. • Read योविंश * This sign of punctuation is superfluous. • Regd आदशाम • Read खयं.. 10 Rond
. The muading may bn Raguddhikrita-Nauamidhadna. Thin offialo apparently identical with Sendpaki Namidäss of the Dudia plate-Ed.)
1 Rond विवितेति । WRead नृपविय:1 This sign of punctuation is superfluous. "Metro-Amahfudin. "I..,Rudraaknail. WI.e, Prithivahitpat.. 19 %. Kantilig Arthaastra (corond ed. by Shana Stey), p. 382

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No. 27.]
TIRODI PLATES OF PRAVARASENA II.
175
tāja Rudrasēna (I) of the Vākāțakas, who was the son of Gautamiputra, who was intensely devoted to the god) Svāmi-Mahābhairava, who was the daughter's son of the illustrious Maharāja Bhavanāga of the Bhārasivas whose royal family was created by Siva who was greatly pleased by their) carrying the linga of Siva like a load placed on (their) shoulder and who were besprinkled on their head with the pure water of the (river) Bhāgirathi (Ganges) that had been acquired by their prowess, and whol was the son of the son of the illustrious Mahārāja Pravarasēna (I) of the Vākā takas, the Samrāt (Emperor) who performed Agnishtöma, Aptoryyāma, Ukthya, Shodasin, Atirätra, Vājapèya, Brihaspatisava, Sadyaskra and four Asvamëdhas and who was of the Vishnu vriddha-gotra.
(Lines 13-14)-Our officials of noble birth, who are employed by the order of the General Superintendent and who exercise their authority by (our) command, (our) soldiers and umbrella-bearers in the western division (aparapatta) of the district) Bënnäkața should be directed by the following command which is already well-known to them
(Lines 15-19)-Be it known to you that in order to increase our religious merit, life, power and prosperity, to secure our well-being in this world and the next and also to augment the religious merit of (our) mother, the village named Köśambakhanda which lies to the west of Jamali, to the north of Varddhamanaka, to the east of Mrigasima and to the south of Mallakapēdhaka is bestowed here with (a libation of water as a grant not previously made upon Varuņāryya of the Atharvavēda and the Harkkari-götra, who has (mastered) the three Vēdas and is a resident of Chäddha(? Chāṁdra)pura.
(Lines 19-26)-And we granto the following exemptions from restrictions as (are) "customary and (are) incident to a village belonging to Brahmins proficient in the four Vidyās, (as) approved by former kings, riz. (it is) not to pay taxes; (it is) not to be entered by soldiers and umbrellabearers; (it does) not'entitle (the State) to the customary cows and bulls;' (it does) not (also entitle it) to (the royalties on) flowers and milking, to pasturage, hides and charcoal, to the purchase and digging of salt and fermenting drugs; (it is) to be exempt from forced labour; (it carries) with it the right to hidden treasures and deposits, to major and minor taxes (klipta and upaklipta); (it
11.e., Rudras na I. This is how all previous editors and historians have taken these expressions. The construction in that one seems to be faulty; for Gautamiputrasya should have been placed aftor Pravarantasya sinoh and the word putranya following Gautamiputrasya should have been dropped. Again the epithet atyantasvami-Mahabhairava-bhaktasya should have followed dauhitrasya. (See the position of atyanta-mahestarasya below.) As the expressions stand, they seem to qualify Gautamiputrasya. But in that case the successor of Pravarasēna I. would be his great-grandson as Gautamiputra did not evidently come to the throne. (Note the absence of the expression Vakafakānām-maharajasya in his case.) Besides, there is no reason why the name of Pravansna's son should bave been omitted:
This Sarvidhyaksha seems to be the same as Rajyadhikrita mentioned at the end of this record. • Lit. who move about, etc.
I have followed Fleet in the translation of chhatras but they seem to correspond to the charas in later records and may be a class of irregalar soldiers.
See above, text, p. 172, note 20. . Lit. cenfer.
7 The right to demand the first calf of a cow is perhaps referred to here. The next three expressions exempt the grantee from certain taxes in kind which were paid to the State. Cf. Manusmriti, Adhyâya VII, . 130-132. There is no reason why these rights should be reserved for the villagers against the grante as supposed by Fleet (0.1. I., Vol. III, p. 242, ft. note 1).
• Kutilya Arthajästra (second ed. by Shama Sastry, P: 60) gives klipta in the sense of fixed assessment. The expresastot klipta and spakjupta correspond to the worms bhaga and bhoga which occur in the almost contemporary records of the kings of Barsbhaputs and sudranga and uparikara in those of later kings (cf. AltekarThe Rashtraktas and their Times, pp. 213-216). Klipta may therefore be taken to mean land tax and upallipta to 80 me petty taxes in kind.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
is) to be enjoyed as long as the sun and the moon (will endure); (it is) to follow the guccession of sons and son's sons. None should cause an obstruction while (the donee or his successor) is enjoying it. (This grant) should be protected and increased by all means. And whosoever, disregarding our command, shall himself cause or make others cause the slightest obstruction, upon him, when complained against by the Brāhmaṇas, we will inflict punishment and fine.
(Lines 26-29)- In showing thus (our) regard for religion we, in order to avoid mention of the meritorious deeds already done, do not refer to our care and protection of the grants of many past kings; (but) we issue this order to the kings of) the present who have been vanquished by our resolve, attack, (or) valour and make this request to the kings of the future out of regard for such as will be in power in times to come.
(Lines 29-32)—And the following verse sung by Vyása is to be regarded as an authority on this point :-Whosoever shall confiscate land that has been given by himself or another, incurs the sin of the slayer of a hundred thousand cows.
On the twelfth day of the dark fortnight of the month) Māgha, this order is written by the Chief Minister Chamidāsa himself.
The Seal. This is the enemy-chastizing command of King Pravarasēna, the ornament of the Vakatakas, who has attained royal fortune by inheritance.
No. 28.-TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES.
BY PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., D. LITT., BENARES. The accompanying copper plates, which are being published here for the first time, are two of the exhibits in the State Museum at Bhor, capital of Bhor State in Poona district. Nothing definite is known about their find-spots. But since the village granted in both the charters can be identified with a village about six miles to the east of Bhor, it is very likely that they may have been found not far from that town. Mēhērbān Srimant Babasaheb Pantsachiv, Rajasaheb of Bhor, very kindly handed over the plates to me for being published in the Epigraphia Indica.
BHOR STATE MUSEUM PLATES OF DHARAVARSHA DHRUVARAJA;
SAKA 702. The plates are three in number. The size of each plate is 8-7" by 4.9", thickness being about 12". The edges have been raised into rims in order to protect the characters engraved. At the centre of the left side of each plate, about 3" from the edge, there is a circular ring hole, about .7" in diameter, but the ring, which once held these plates together, has been lost along with the seal that had soldered its ends. The weight of the plates is 190 tolas.
The inscription is written on the inner sides of the first and third plates and on both the sides of the second. On the outer side of the first plate there are seven or eight letters scribbled at &
Here three types of feudatories seem to have been referred to, viz., (1) those who submitted to Pravarasēna when they came to know of his resolve to vanquish them; (2) those who submitted on being attacked and finally (3) such as had been conquered by valour.
[See p. 174, n. 10.-Ed.]

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No. 28.)
TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES.
177
much later period, resembling Marățhi characters of the 15th century. These are divided into two lines; the first of these seems to contain the word sāsanapatram and the second one dhapunya. It is clear that a subsequent owner of the plates has engraved these letters to enlighten his successors as to the contents of the document.
The mason has evenly distributed the contents of the record over the four sides at his disposal, each side having about 15 or 16 lines. The average number of letters per line is about 39.
The plates are in a fair state of preservation. The surface of the record is slightly damaged in a few places on the third plate, but the entire record is perfectly legible in the original. The engraving of individual letters is fairly good and rarely slipshod. The charter, however, was not revised and there are numerous examples of inadvertent omissions ; cf. tatā for latāna (1. 19), -sankhödaksham for-saṁkshobha-daksham (1. 20), gme for jagme and vinda-rāja for Govinda-rāja (1. 24), Mālašādayah for Mālavēšādayah (1. 29), etc. Even wrongly repeated letters or words are not crossed out; cf. -karakața for-karata (1. 7), -parāchya-parāchya for .parāchya (1. 31), etc.
The characters of the plates are Nāgari and are similar to those found in the Taļegāon plates of the donor's father and the Paithāņ plates of his son. The record contains no numerical figures ; the stop t occurs a few times (e.g., in lines 13, 56, 58, etc.), and is indicated by the normal form of the letter ta with a short horizontal line under it.
The language of the record is Sanskrit throughout. There are, however, a number of sandhi mistakes like bhüpafuchi- for bhūpas=suchi. (1.2), °t=sréyo for "ch-chhreyo (1. 61). The formal part of the record is in prose, the rest of it is in poetry with the exception of the opening letter om.
With respect to orthography, the following points may be noted. V is written throughout for b. In a conjunct of which r is the first member the second member is usually, but not invariably, doubled. A nasal is preferably indicated by an anusvāra even when followed by a dental; even m at the end of the verse or half-verse is usually indicated by an anusvāra.
The genealogical verges in this charter are already known to us from other copper plates of the dynasty. The genealogy commences with Govinda I, his father Indra Prichchhakarāja and grandfather Dantivarman, who figure in some other records, being passed over. As the charter was issued by Dhruva, a cousin of Dantidurga, within 25 years of the death of the latter, it naturally does not omit Dantidurga's name from the genealogy as is done in some other records. Some of the later records of the dynasty omit the name of Dantidurga and ascribe the overthrow of the Chalukyas to Krishňa I. The present charter, which is issued by a son of Krishņa I. himself, gives to Dantidurga alone the credit of overthrowing the Chalukyas. Probably neither of these statements is entirely correct. It is more probable that Kpishņa I. merely completed the work of his brilliant nephew Dantidurga. Documents like the Rädhanpur plates of Govinda III, which omitted the name of Dantidurga probably because he was a collateral, had no option but to ascribe the entire credit of the defeat of the Chalukyas to Krishna I. The real fact, however, was that the major portion of the work of annihilating the Chalukya prestige and power was done by Dantidurga ; his uncle Kšishna merely completed what his nephew had left unfinished.
The charter describes the specific exploits of Dantidurga in the usual way, but in the case of Krishna 1. the description of his bravery is general, the overthrow of Rähappa being the only
1 Ante, Vol. XIII, pp. 275 ff.
Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 105 ff. * E.g. Dabavatara cave insoription, A. 8. W. I., Vol. V, p. 87; Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I, ante, Vol. XVIII, pp. 235 ff.
* E.g. Käpadwanj grant of Krishna II, ante, Vol. I, pp. 52 ff.; Bagumri plates of Indra III., ante, Vol. IX,
Pp. 24 ff.
* Wani-Dindori and Rādhanpur plates of Govinda III, Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, pp. 157 f., ante, Vol. VI, pp. 242 ff.; Käpadwanj plates of Krishna II, eto.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
specific feat mentioned. Rāhappa was apparently a powerful ruler, for we are told that Kțishņa could assume the imperial title only after defeating him. It is a great pity that we should still be unable to identify this potentate.1
Vv. 21 and 22 of this charter, describing the war between the grantor and his elder brother Govinda II, occur only in one other charter, viz., the Paithāņ plates of Govinda III. Some important defects in the readings of v. 22 as given in that charter can be corrected with the help of the present grant. Dr. Kielhorn had restored with some hesitation the 2nd and 3rd pädas of this verse as follows:
[bhrāJour-dastta)-rane vijitya ta[ra]sā paschättato bhūya[tah (bhūyasaḥ ?) prachy odichya-fpJarachya-pāsya* (parān=vyapāsya ?) cha lasat-Päli-dhvajair-[bhu]shitam
The last word in the second pada of this verse in our charter is thüpatē, which has to be corrected into bhupatin.. Obviously bhüpatin and neither bküyataḥ nor bhūyasah is the word intended by the poet. The line so read now shows that Dhruva first defeated his brother and then attacked his allies afterwards. Our charter further shows that the real reading of the third line is intended to be prachy-odichya-parächya-yāmya-vilasat-Pálidhvajair-bhúshitam. To judge from his emendation and translation, Kielhorn seems to have been inclined to construe the opening words of this line with the kings defeated by Dhruva. It is however clear from the above reading that the compound describes the Pālidhvaja. Dr. Pathak has pointed out on the authority of the Adi-Purāna of Jinasena that the Palidhvaja consisted of four groups of 1,080 flags with particular signs arranged in the four quarters of the army. It can therefore be very fittingly described as glittering in the north and south and east and west as l. 3 of the present verse does in our charter.
When did the revolution take place which put Dhruva on the throne ? This question cannot be answered very confidently as yet. So long the earliest reference to the war between the two brothers was found in the Daulatābād plates of Sankaragana, issued in 793 A.D. So we could only say that the war took place sometime before 793 A.D. and after 772 A.D., the latest known date for Kțishņa I.? The present charter, issued early in January 781 A.D., now contains the earliest reference to this war. So we can conclude that the war was over by the end of 780 A.D. when Dhruva had succeeded in establishing himself firmly on the throne.
1 For possible conjectures on this point see Altekar, The Raslutrabūgas and their l'imes, p. 43. ? Ante, Vol. III, pp. 105 ff.
Kiclhorn's reading pasya is not justified by his own facsimile, which shows clearly that the correct reading in that plate also is yamya. The way in which the letters mya in nibamya and syà in tasy=ātmajo are written in 1. 6 of the Paithan plates will make it clear that we have to read yamya and not pasya there also.
[This correction is not necessary. The correct reading of this pada in the Paithan Plates is chaturddantarane......bhüpatch and the same reading is intended in the present grant also. The context shows that the term chaturddanta which occurs also in the inscriptions of Vishnukundin rulers and in the Khamkhed Plates of Pratapabila (above, p. 95) has been used in the sense of chaturanga-sena. I cannot trace the word in this sense in Sanskrit lexicons but Mr. N. L. Rao draws my attention to its use in this sense in the Kanarese Pampa-Bharata, a work of A.D. 941 by Pampa (Ch. XI, prose following verses 36 and 57), and Pampa Rāmāyana, a Jaina work of about 1100 A.D. by Nägachandra alias Abhinava Pampa (see Chs. IX, verse 12 and XIII, v. 06) and also in the following verse from an unpublished Kanarese inscription in the Bijapur Museum Atana rdjya-frige wiketanai-ene tanna bhuja.balar maritra.bufar chiturdda mta-bafaris vikhyatige Bhayila-champanafrayanadam il. This verse may then be translated as follows: When the Vallabha (i.e.. Govinda II) did not make peace through conciliatory measures then, the great and mighty lord (mahend vibhut, i.e., Dhruva) forthwith defeated him in a battle in which the army consisted of the four divisions and thereafter, obtained the entire sovereignty of the king, decorated with the emblems of Pálidhvajas glittering in the east, north, west and the south. This interpretation would show that there is no referenoe to the defeat of the allies of Govinda II. in this verbe as Prof. Altekar thinks.-Ed.] $ Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 104.
• Arte, Vol. IX, pp. 1956. *Supplied by the Bhandak plates, ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 121 .

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No. 28.]
How much earlier he had ascended the throne is a question, the answer of which is beset with difficulties. The Pimpari plates of Dhruva, issued in 775 A.D., mention Dhruva as the reigning emperor, but in the Dhulia plates; issued in December 779 A.D., we find Govinda II described as the reigning emperor, and a son of Dhruva making a land grant apparently with the authority of Govinda II. Can we get over the resulting chronological discrepancy by holding that the Dhulia plates are spurious? Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has recently drawn attention to one very important circumstance tending to show almost conclusively that the Dhulia plates are spurious. He points out that the composer of the Dhulia plates of Govinda II was well acquainted with the two verses beginning with Tasy-anujaḥ śrī-Dhruvarajanāmā and Jātē yatra cha Rashtrakuta-tilake, which describe Dhruva as the imperial ruler. He further points out that these verses could have been composed by the court panegyrist only when Dhruvaraja had become king. How could these verses', says he, which must have been composed during the reign of Dhruvaraja alone, find a place in the Dhulia grant which refers itself to the reign of his predecessor?'
6
TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES.
179
Under normal circumstances, this argument would have been quite decisive to prove that the Dhulia plates are spurious. But there are certain special circumstances which materially affect its cogency. From the Deōli and Karhad plates of Krishna III, we know that sensual pleasures made Govindaraja careless of the kingdom and that entrusting fully the universal sovereignty to his younger brother Nirupama, he allowed his position as sovereign to become loose. It is clear from this that while Dhruva was ostensibly governing the kingdom as regent for his elder brother, he was secretly trying to strengthen his position as the de facto sovereign. One of the steps to be taken for this purpose would be to issue land grants in his own name as the reigning emperor, ignoring his elder brother altogether. The issue of the Pimpari plates was a result of this policy of gradual and surrepticious usurpation. Since Dhruva was the de facto sovereign administering the kingdom for his brother, it is quite possible that not only the two verses beginning with Tasy-anujaḥ and Jātē yatra, but all the verses in the Pimpari plates describing the greatness of Dhruva as the emperor, could well have been composed by the court panegyrists of his faction as early as 775 A.D., when Govinda was only a sleeping emperor, facilitating the kingdom to slip into the hands of his brother, whom he had appointed regent.
Verse 11 of the Daulatābād plates states that Dhruva took over the administration entrusted to a stranger by his brother and assumed the royal authority in order that sovereignty may not deviate from the family. It would appear that Govinda soon saw through the game of Dhruva when inter alia he began to issue charters like the Pimpari plates in his own name. He removed him from the headship of the administration and entrusted it to some one else, who did not belong to the Imperial family. For a time Govinda seems to have asserted himself, and v. 21 of our charter shows that Dhruva thought it prudent to follow a policy of conciliation for some time. Apparently he offered outward submission and he and his son were confirmed as local governors. The Dhulia plates were issued by a son of Dhruva in 779 A.D. at a time when he thought it prudent not to openly flout the authority of his brother. Hence they mention Govinda as the reigning emperor, but at the same time contain a verse in eulogy of Dhruva.
Though outwardly at peace, the brothers were heading to an inevitable, war. From the Daulatabad plates (v. 11) we find that owing to his licentious habits Govinda's administration deteriorated and his feudatories rebelled against him. This offered a golden opportunity to Dhruva to rebel openly against his brother, ostensibly for the purpose, not of getting the throne for himself,
1 Ante, Vol. X, pp. 81 ff.
Ante, Vol. VIII, pp. 182 ff.
Above, pp. 102 f. I am indebted to Prof. Bhandarkar for kindly placing at my disposal a copy of the first proof of his paper.
Ante, Vol. V, p. 193, v. 10; Vol. IV, p. 282, v. 11.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
but of retaining the empire for the family. Govinda made an alliance with the kings of Malava, Kañchi, Vengi and Gangavaḍi. Dhruva was however a skilful general; 1. 2 of v. 22 of our charter shows that he first defeated Govinda before the latter could get help from his allies and then attacked and drove them out. The decisive battles of this war were very probably fought in the year 780 A.D. In 779 A.D. Dhruva was still recognising the sovereignty of Govinda as the Dhulia plates show. Before the beginning of January 781 A.D. he had defeated both his brother and the latter's allies as the present charter shows.1
180
We have seen already how the occurrence of the verse Tasy-anujaḥ in the Dhulia charter is not sufficient to pronounce it as spurious. It is no doubt carelessly written, but that circumstance alone is not sufficient to call it spurious, as pointed out by the late R. B. Venkayya, the then editor of the Epigraphia Indica. It is further to be noted that Makarasamkrānti did take place on the 10th tithi of the bright half of Pausha of Saka Samvat 701 expired, as the Dhulia charter asserts. Forged grants are rarely correct in the astronomisal details of their dates. Further, if the donee of the Dhulia plates had set out to get a forged charter, investing him with the ownership of the village Rakkhula, he would naturally have seen to it that the donor mentioned was a well-known king like Dhruva or Govinda III rather than an obscure prince like Karkka Pratapa sila, who never ascended the throne. As it is, we do not know the name of this son of Dhruva from any other source.
If we assume that the Dhulia plates are spurious and that Dhruva had ousted his brother as early as 775 A.D. (when the Pimpari plates were issued), the reign of Govinda will be of not more than three years. Nay, it may be even shorter, for his father Krishna I may well have ruled for some months after June 772 A.D., when the Bhāṇḍak plates were issued. Now during this short period of three years we shall have to assume that:
1. Krishna I ruled for some weeks or months, and then died.
2. Govinda II ascended the throne peacefully and himself governed for some time, during which period he defeated a king named Pārijāta and relieved (or perhaps devastated) the city or province of Govardhana (Daulatabad plates, v. 10).
3. He then appointed Dhruva as his regent who soon began to intrigue secretly against his brother (Karhad plates, v. 10).
4. Govinda then detected his brother's ambition and removed him from the headship of the administration, entrusting it to a stranger (Daulatābād plates, v. 11).
5. Dhruva then submitted for some time to his brother, seeking to win him over by peace
ful means (vv. 21-2 of this charter).
6. Govinda spurned aside these overtures and formed a confederacy with the kings of Vengi, Kanchi, Malava, and Gangavāḍī.
[But see p. 178, n. 4.-Ed.]
Ante, Vol. X, p. 82, n. 1.
Ante, Vol. VIII, p. 183, n. 2.
[The dates given in spurious records need not always be incorrect. But there are other considerations for declaring a record spurious (see Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, pp. 202 f.). In the case of the Dhulia plates, there is, first of all, the chronological difficulty; secondly, the name of the donor, viz., Karka Pratapaśile referred to as the son of Dhruva has not yet been verified from any other source; thirdly, the characters of the plates are indifferently formed and at least a few of them have forms which we find in the records of a later period. For example, the letters ja, tha, ba, etc., do not resemble those found in the grants of Dhruva or even Govinda III while they are similar to those occurring in the records of Amoghavarsha (Sanjan plates, above, Vol. XVIII, pp. 243 ff.) or Krishna III. (Deoli plates, above, Vol. V, pp. 192 ff.). All these points taken together with those already mentioned by Pathak and Bhandarkar, give rise to a suspicion about the genuineness of the Dhulia plates in spite of the argumente adduced by Prof. Altekar in favour of their genuineness.-Ed.]
Above, Vol. IX, p. 194 and note 1.

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No. 28.]
TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES.
181
7. The two brothers then openly fought with each other, and Dhruva got the throne after
defeating his brother (vv. 21-2 of the present charter). I think that three years is too short a period for these events to take place. And yet we shall have to suppose that they did take place during that short period if we are to assume that the Dhulia plates are spurious, and that Dhruva was already a full-fledged king, when the Pimpari plates were issued in 775 A.D. I have alredy shown how there is yet no satisfactory evidence to show that the Dhulia plates are spurious. We shall have therefore to conclude that (1) the Pimpari plates were issued by Dhruva when he was only a de facto and not a de jure emperor; (2) that he was later removed from the headship of administration when Govinda detected his treachery ; (3) that he then tried to win over his brother by conciliation, Dhulia plates being issued at a time when he thought it impolitic to openly flout the authority of his brother; (4) that no amicable settlement could be arrived at between the two brothers; and Govinda formed a confederacy against his brother which the latter defeated completely during the year 780 A.D.; (5) that Dhruva became a de jure emperor only towards the close of 780 A.D., our present charter being the first one known so far, to be issued by him as a de jure emperor.
The donee of this charter is Vāsudēvabhatta who was the son of Durgabhatta, and was famous for his proficiency in the interpretation of the Vēdas and Vidängas (särg-opāṁga-vēd-ārthatatva-vidushë). The present charter would show that Karhäda, which is the same as Karād in Satārā district, was a centre of scholarship where Vedic exegesis was also given attention to. Karād was undoubtedly a famous centre of education in the Rāshţrakūta period, for we find many of the donees of Rashtrakūta grants hailing from that town. This, for instance, is the case with the donees of the Samangad plates of Dantidurga," the present grant of Dhruva and the Sanjän charter of Amõghavarsha I.
The village granted to Väsudēvabhatta by this charter was Laghuvinga, bounded on the north, east, south and west by the Nirā river, Brimāla town, Layana-giri and Brihad-Vinga respectively. Laghu-Vinga is further stated to be situated in Srimāla-vishaya. Srimāla is obviously the same as Shirval, a large village in Bhor state, about 32 miles from Poona on the Poona-Satara road. Laghu-Vinga village seems to be either the same or a portion of the village Vinga; about 3 miles to the west of Shirva!. From the information kindly supplied to me by the Bhor government, and by Mr. R. S. Phadnis of Bhor, I find that Virga is bounded on the north, east, south and west by the Nīrā river, Shirval village, Nēņādi hill and Vadagaon respectively. The northern and eastern boundaries of Vinga are identical with those of LaghuVinga; Nēņādi hill also is clearly the same as Layaņa-giri, the present name being the vernacular form of Layanādri. The eastern slope of Nēņādi bill has several caves of the Buddhist type, majority, however, being now in a dilapidated condition. One of them still possesses a stūpa, about 12 feet in height. The caves are obviously earlier than our charter and were clearly the cause of the name which the bill bore in the 8th century. To the west of modern Vinga is the village Vadagaon. It is quite possible that this Vadagaon is BrihadVinga of our charter. The derivation of the name Vadagaon, a popular village name in Maharashtra, from the presence of a Vața tree in the village, is due to popular etymology. It would appear that Bțihad-Viuga in course of time came to be known simply as Brihad-grāma in contradistinction to Laghu-Vinga and was later changed into Vadagaon.
1 [The events occurring during this period have also been discussed by Prof. Bhandarkar where he has given different explanation (see above, pp. 103 f.). -Ed.)
Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, pp. 111 ff. . Ante, Vol. XVIII, pp. 236 ff.

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182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
TEXT. [Metres : Anushtubh, vv. 1,26-7,29,313; Vasantatilakd, vv.2,3,5,6,8,9,15%; Upajati, vv.4, 19%3B
Giti, v. 7; Sārdūlavikridita, vv. 10, 17, 20, 21, 22; Arya, vv. 11-14, 23, 25; Sragdharā, vv. 16, 18%B Indravajri, 24, 28, 30%3; Pushpitagra, v. 32.] .
First Plate. 1 ों [*] स वीव्याधसा धाम यं(यन्)नाभिकमल क्वत (तम्) [] हरव
यस्य का(का)तेंदुकलया कमलंकृतं(तम्) [१॥*] पासौद्धि(हिष2 तित्तिमिरमुद्यतमण्डलायो (ध्वस्तिं नयन(यब)भिमुखो रणयबगेषु [*] भूप
(पश)चिर्विवरिवास्त(प्त)दिगतकीति3 ोविंदराज रति राजसु राजसिंघ(ल.) [ २] दृष्टा चमून(म)भिमुखी
सुभहाट(टाह)हासामुना(वा)मितं सपदि येन रणे. 4 षु नित्यं [*] दष्टाधरण दधता भुकुटिं ललाटे खङ्गं कुलञ्च दयञ्च
निजच थ(स)त्व(त्त्वम्) [ ३॥"] खङ्गं कराया(ग्रा)न्मुखत6 च शोभा मानो मनस्तस(म)ममेव यस्य [*] महाहवे नाम नियम्य
सद्यखयं रिपूणां विमल त्यकाण्ड़े [४॥*] त. 6 स्यात्मनो जगति विश्रुतदीर्घकीर्तिराततिहारिहरिविक्रम[धाम"]धारी [*] भूपस्त्रि
विष्टपकता(नृपा)तुवति(तिः) कृत7 जः श्रीकर्कराज रति गोत्रमणिर्व(ब)भूव ।[
10] तस्यो(स्य) प्रार्मिन(प्रभित्र)क कट(वरट)च(चुतदानि(न)दंतिदंतप्रहारकधि8 रोलि(लिखितंय(तास)पोठः।] माप[:] चितौ क्षपितशचुरभूत(त्तनूजः सद्राष्ट्रकूट
कनकाह (दि)रिवेंद्रराण[n *] 9 तस्योपार्जितमहसस्तनयश्चतरदधिवलयमासिन्धा: ।"] भोक्ता भुवः शतक्रतुसदृशः
श्रौद(द) 10 तिदुर्गराजीभूत् ॥ *] काचीशकरलनराधिपचोर(ल)पाडवोहर्षवघटविभेद
विधामदच(चम्) [*] कर्णाटकं प(ब)लमचित्यम11 यमन् मन्ये)भू(भ)त्ये(त्ये:) कियविरपि यः सहसा जिगायः(य) [॥ ॥
भा(च)भूविभंगमगहीतनिशातशस्त्र (न)मत्रांतमप्रतिक12 सान्त्रमपैतयन(बम) [*] यो वस(ज)में थ(स)पदि दण्ड[*] लेन जित्वा राजा
धिराजय[*]मेखरतामबाप [e ] पा सेतीबिपुलो
1 The anusvara mark being shallow has not come out in the ink impression • There is a natural depression here on the plate surface which looks like an amudra mark. • There is a natural depression after ka which looks like a ra.
• The anu sira over is shifted to the right of the letter owing to its proper space being taken by the letter far above it.

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Bhor MUSEUM COPPER PLATES OF DHRUVA DHARAVARSHA.
22, १c att कि iPट /रेर टाल (अकादा 26 मामलटविलासरतुरयाKिER 2
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SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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2ab.
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Page #232

No. 28.]
TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES.
13 पलावलिलस[ज्ञो*]लोर्मिमालानलादाप्रालेयकलंकितामलशिलाजालात्तुषाराचलात् [[*]
पूर्वाप
14 स्वारशिपुलमा (न) प्रांत प्रसिधा (डा) वधेर्येनेयं जगति (तो) ख (ख) विक्रमव (ब) लेने कालपत्रक (ar) [ ॥ १० ॥ * ] तस्मिंदि (स्मिन्दि)
15 वं प्रयाते वल्लभराजे चतप्रजावा (बा)धः [*] श्रीकर्कराजसूनुर्ग्रहीपतिः कृष्णराजोभूत् । [ ११॥ *] यस्य
Second Plate; First Side.
16 स्वभुजपराक्रम निशे (श्शे षोच्छा (सा) दितारिदिक्चक्क ' [*] कृष्ण स्वकष्णं चरितं शृ (श्री) कृष्णराजस्य ॥ [ १२ ॥ *] शुभतुंगतुंगतुरगप्र
17 रेणु (णू) ई (ध्वं )रुध्ध (च) रविकिरधां (णम् ) [ 1*] ग्रौथेपि नभी निखिलं लायते स्पष्टं(ष्टम् ) ॥ [ १३ ॥ * ] दीनानाथप्रणयिषु यथेष्टचेष्टं स
18 मीहितमजश्र (स्रम्) [*] तत्क्षणम कालवर्ष (र्षे) वर्षति सर्व्वार्तिनिर्व्वपर्ण ( णम् ) [ ॥ १४॥ *]
राहम्पमात्मभुजजातव (ब) लावलेपमाजी विजि
183
19
त्य निशिताश्रि (सि) लतामह (हा ) है राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतां तता [न 20 प्रश्ट (स्व) तर चिचयै: (ये) र्भासमानं [ भ* ] दक्षं (चम् ) [ 1*] शौर्यं
21 ग्ग
[1] पालिड ( ध्व ) जावलिशुभामचिरेण यो हि ॥ १५॥ * ] क्रोधादुत्खातख
तादाजादु(बु) हृत (त्त) वैरिप्रकटगजघटाटोपसचो त्यक्ता (चा) रिव
भयचकित [व*]पु [:* ] कापि दृट्रैव सद्य (यो) दपध्माता रिचक्रचय करमगमद्यस्य
दोर्दण्ड (रू) पं (पम् ) [ ॥ १६ ॥ * | पाता यश्चतु
22 रं [बु* ] राशिरशनालंकारभाजो व्याज्यपूजादगे(रः) [1*]
23 तां योसौ यू ( श्रि ) यो वल्लभो (रम्) [ ॥ १७ ॥ *] येन 24 करव्राततापात्सलीलं [ज* ]ग्मे स श्री [गो* ]विंदराजो जितजग
25 दहितस्त्रेण वैधव्य हेतुः (तु) स्तस्यासी [त् *] सूनुरेकः
प्राहङ्का
भुवः स्त्रैय (वस्त्रय्या) चापि कृता (त) हिजामरगुरुः (ब) प्रादाता मानभृदग्रणीर्गुणव
भोतुं स्वर्गफलानि भूरितपसा स्थानं जगामामरश्वेतातपत्रप्रहत रवि
नाशी (सो) रधूलोधवलितशिरसा व्रज्ञभाख्यः सदाजा ॥(1)
क्षणरणदलितारातिमा (म) तेभकुंभ:
[ १८" ] तस्यानुज [: *] श्रीभुव
26 राजनामा महानुभावो प्रहतप्रताप [: 1"] प्रसाधिताशेष नरेंद्रचक्रं (क्रः) क्रमेण वा (बा)लावपू (पु) ( ) भूष [ ॥ १८ ॥ * ] जा (जा) ते यत्र च राष्ट्रकूटति
27 के सपचूडामणी गुर्वी तुष्टिरथाखिलस्य जगतः सुखामिनि प्रत्यहं (म्) [14] (स) त्यमिति प्रसा(शा) मति स
स ( स )
The anusudra mark being shallow has not come out in the ink impression.

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28 ति मामास(स)मुद्रांतिकामासीध(ड)मनपरे गुणामृतनिधौ सत्यव्रताधिष्टि(ष्ठि)ते
[॥ २०॥*] श्रीकाञ्चीपतिगांगवे(३)गिकयुता 29 ये मान्न वे"]शादयः प्राज्यानानयति स तां(तान) क्षितिभृतो यः प्रातिराज्यान
ति(पि) [*] माणिक्याभरणामि मनिचयं 30 यस्य प्रपद्योपरि (ख) येन प्रति तं तथापि न कृतं चेतोन्यथा मात
(रम्) [२१॥*] सामाद्यैरपि वल्लभो न हि यदा [धि*] व्य31 धातं त्तदा(तं तदा) चा(भ्रा)तुईत(त्त)रणे विजित्य तरसा पश्चात(त्त)तो भूप
ते (तीन) [*] प्राच्योदीचपराच्यपराच्य वाम्यविल्ल (ल) सत्पालिध्वजै32 भषितं चिऊर्यः परमेश्वरत्वमखिलं लभे महेन्ती (न्द्रो) विभुः [॥२२॥१) समधर
करनिकरनिभं यस्य यशः सुरन
Second Plate ; Second Side. 33 गाग्रसानुस्थ[ः ।"] परिगीयतेनुरक्तविद्याधरसुंदरोनि*]ष है[: ॥२३॥*] दृष्टोन्वहं
योर्थिजनाय सबै सर्वस्वमानंदितव(ब)34 धुवर्ग[: ।"] प्रादाबरुष्टो हरति स्म वेग(गात्) प्राणा[*] यमस्यावि(पि) नितांतविर्य
(दीर्यः) [॥ २४॥*] तेनेदममिलविद्युच(च)ञ्चलमव35 लोक्य जीवितमसार(रम्) [1] क्षितिदानपरमपुण्यं प्रवर्तितो व्र(ब)प्रदायोयं (यम्)
[॥२५॥*] स च परमभट्टारकमहा36 राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरपरमभट्टारकरीमद(द)प्रकालवर्षदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारक37 महाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरीधारावर्षश्रीध्रुवराजनाम[*] योनिरुपमदेव[:*] कुशली सर्जा
नेव य38 था[सं*]व(ब)ध्यमानक(कान) राष्ट्रपतिविषयपतिग्रामकूटायुक्ताका(क)नियुक्ताकाधिकारिक
महत्तरादी[*] समा39 दिशत्यस्तु वः संविदितं यथा श्रीनौरानदौसंगमसमावासितेन मया मातापित्री
रात्मन चैहिका40 मुस्मि(भि)कपुण्ययशोभिवध(च)ये करहाडवास्तव्यतचातुविद्यसामान्यगार्गसगोत्रव(ब)
1 The reading in the Paithan plates of Govinda III is ufu.
* The reading in the Paithap plates of Govinda III is a: The present reading is the better one. [Bat Bee above, p. 178, n.4.-Ed.]
पराच्य is wrongly repeated.
The reading of this letter is doubtful. The conjunct letter looks like it in the original. The Paithap plates reading is a t. [The correct reading in both the grants seems to be mahënð.-Ed.)
Ansvara mark has not come out here in the ink impression. Subscript is only partly visiblo. The hole of the ring has out ita lower portion.

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41 बच(च)सब(ब)प्रचारिणे दुग्ग(ग)भटपुषाय सांगोपांगवेदार्थतत्वविदुषे वासुदेवभट्टा42 य श्रीमालविषयांतर्गतलघुवि(वि)गनामा प्रामः तस्य चाघा(ट)नानि [*] पूर्वतः
श्रीमालपतन(त्तन) ह43 क्षिणत(तो) लयणगिरि[:"] पचिमतः (वृ)हडिंगकपामः उत्तरतः नौरा नाम
नदी [*] एवमयं चतुराधा44 टनोपलचिती ग्राम[:*] सोद्ग[:.] स(सी)परी(रि)करस(स)दण्डदमापराधस(स)भू
तोपा(तवा)तप्रत्यायसी(मो)त्पद्यमा45 नविष्टिक[:"] सधान्यहिर (र)न्या(स्था)देयो प(योs)चाटभटप्रवेश्यः सर्वराजकीयानामा
स्तप्रक्षेपणी48 य पाचंद्राविधितिसरित्पर्वतसमकालीन[:] पू(पु)चपौषान्वयक्रमीपभोग्य(ग्यः)
पूर्वप्रत्तदे47 ववा(ब)प्रदायरहितोभ्यंतरसिध्या(ख्या) भूमिच्छिद्रन्यायन सकपकालातीतसंवमरस(म)48 तेषु सप्तम वर्षहयाधिकेषु सिहाथ(र्थ)नानि संवत्सर माघसितरथसप्तम्यां म
Third Plate. 49 हापर्वणि व(ब)लिचस्वैश्वदेवाग्निहोचातिथिपञ्चमहायजयो मर्पणा() खावायो
दकातिसर्गेण 50 प्रतिपादितो(तः) [i] यतोस्यो 'उचितया ब्र(ब)प्रदायस्थित्या भुजतो भोजयत[:"]
वषतः कर्षयतः प्रतिदिशती वा न के51 चिदल्यापि परिपंथना कार्या [*] तथागामिभद्रपतिभिरमौर(र)न्यैर्वा खा(मा)
मान्यं भूमिदानफल52 मवेत्य विद्युलो(सो)लान्यनित्यैश्वर्याणि 'वणायलम्नजलवि(बि)दुचच्चतच जीवितमाकल
य(य्य) खदायनि53 विशेषीयमस्मदा(हा)योनुमंतव्यः प्रतिपाल (लयितव्यय [] यात्रानतिमिरपटला
तमतिराथि(च्छि)द्या54 दाच्छिद्यमान' वानुमोदेत स पञ्चभिमहापातकैसी(यो)पपातकेच संयुक्त[:"] स्था[*]
इत्युक्तच भगव
1 A natural depression on the plate surface here looks like an ansudra. .Anusvära, though clear on the plate has not come out in the impression.
Read क्रियी.. • This is superfluous after the prooeding sandhi.
This letter looks like a, but it is due to the slipping of the instrument to the right of a. .The letter is damaged. ' is damaged. 'Read स्वादिति। उतच.

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. 55 ता वेदव्यासन [1] यष्टि क्सहया(सा)पि स्वर्ने तिडति भूमिदः ।
चाच्छेता(ता) चानुमंता च तान्यै(न्ये)व नर56 रके वसेत् [॥२६॥*] विंध्याटवीख(व)तोयाम शुष्ककोटरवासिनः ।*] कृष्णाहयो
हि जायते भूमिदानं ए. 57 रंति ये [॥२७॥*] अग्नेरपत्यं प्रथम सुवणं' भूइँष्णवी सूर्यसुताच गावः [१]
लोकत्रयं तेन भवे58 धि(छि) दत्तं यः काञ्चनं गाच महिनीव दद्यात् ॥२८*] ब(ब)इभिर्वसुधा
भुक्ता राजभिः समरादिभिः।"] वस्त्र व59 स्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फल(लम्) [॥२८॥*] बानीह दता(त्ता)नि
वश मरदानानि धर्मार्थयबस्वाराणि [*] मिर्ग60 ल्यवांतप्रति[मानि*] तानि को नाम साधु[*] पुनराददीत [॥३०॥ वदता(त्तां).
परदत्ता का घनाद्रच परविप [{"] [मही*] मही61 मता(ता) चेष्ठ दामाखेच्छयोपरिणा(धम) [१] इति कमलदलाबु(म्बु)
वि(बि)दुलीला (वि)यमनुचि(चि)त्य मनुष्यजीवि62 तञ्च [*] प्रतिविमल[म*]नीभिरामनौनर्ण(न) हि पुरुष परकीर्तयो विलोप्या:
[॥३२॥*] श्रीनाग63 [प]राणकदूतकं लिखितं श्रीगौडसुतेन श्रीसाव(म)तेन ॥
B
THE BHOR STATE MUSEUM PLATES OF KHAMBHA II ; SAKA 4001.
The plates are three in number. The serial number of each plate in the set is engraved near the ring hole, a little away from the lines of the main record. The size of the plates, which is fairly viniform, is 7.8" X 4.2" and the thickness about 1". The edges have not been raised into rims. The plates were originally strung together by means of a ring passing through holes, about 5" in diameter, perforated at the centre of the left side, about 5" from the edge. The ends of the ring are soldered together by means of a seal which is bell-shaped, being l' in height and 1.2" in diameter. On the seal is superimposed the figure of a lion in the round crudely executed. The seal bears no inscription. At a subsequent unknown date the ring had been cut, but the seal and soldering are still intact. The weight of the plates along with the seal and the ring is 122 tolas ; the weight of the plates alone is 100 tolas.
The inscription is engraved on the inner side of the first and the last plates and on both the sides of the second. The engraving is throughout by the same hand. Each side has 11 lines of writing with the exception of the first side of the second plate, which has only 10. The last lines of the second side of the second plate and of the third plate are only about half of the normal length. The first line of the record has 33 letters including the four numerals%3; probably, discovering by computation that the space at his disposal permitted a greater spacing of letters, the mason went on gradually reducing the number of letters per line; from 1. 9 onwards we have on an average
1 This is uperfluous.

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only 22 letters per line. The last full line has however 31 letters; this was obviously done with & view to avoid the use of the outer side of the third plate.
The plates are in a fair state of preservation and the engraving of individual letters is fairly good. Only in a few cases can we detect carelessness, as for instance, in the case of dha in panchapradhānāḥ, 1. 15, tin kil-asit, l. 17 and the omission of two letters in v. 4.
The characters are Dēvanagari. Only a few letters like i, e, na, da, dha, and tri, differ from modern characters. The following palæographical points deserve notice: (1) Prishthamātrās occur in the case of medial ai and au; cf. paurnamāsyāṁ 1. 2, vairi l. 4, Tailappa 11. 19, 20, etc. In the case of medial e, the prishthamātrā occurs only in a few cases; cf. tēla 1. 9, yēna l. 21, Khambhëna l. 27; in the majority of cases a slanting line to the left going upwards is used to denote it. (2) The form of n in étasmin l. 11 is obviously due to the slipping of the instrument. (3) The medial ù is denoted by a loop open to the right, which is very much similar to the loop used to denote the medial ri; cf. sunuh 1. 20, pūrvam l. 26, with nripa l. 1 and vriddhi 1. 6. (4) The plates show two forms of ha; the unusual cursive one is to be seen certainly in simha l. 15, and possibly in väha () 1. 8. The numerical figures for 1 and 0 occur in the record itself and those of 1, 2, and 3 on its margin.
The following points deserve mention in connection with the orthography: (1) V is written throughout for 6. (2) Sa is throughout written for &. This is the case even in conjunct letters like sva (11. 3, 5, etc.), the only exceptions among the conjuncts being the letters sri (11. 14, 16) and scha (1. 4). (3) In a conjunct of which r is the first member the second letter is doubled only in a few cases; cf. paurnna° 1.2, -varggah 1. 21, sarvvān 1. 41. A nasal is preferably denoted by an anusvāra including even m at the end of a verse or half-verse; the cases where it is denoted by the nasal of the class of the following letter, as in mārtandar and gandan 1.4, Virga 11. 6 and 7, are few. (5) There are no punctuation marks at the end of prose sentences except in one case where we have two vertical strokes (1. 15). (6) Verses are not numbered and their punctuation is very irregular. All such irregularities have been noticed in footnotes, added to the text.
The language of the record is Sanskrit. Prākrit terms are however used in ll. 8 and 9 where taxes are enumerated. Case-endings of the names of ministers and their epithets are also in Prākrit, cf. māmalu, parabalu, pradhānu, 1. 13 and amätyu, 1. 14. The rules of sandhi have often been ignored especially in the portion having Prākrit endings. In the metrical portion the language is fairly correct, but not a single line of the prose portion is without syntactical anomalies. It is clear that the draftsman did not at all know how to write correct Sanskrit. The opening clause giving the date is awkward in construction and ungrammatical. In the sentence following, the writer intended apparently to have at the beginning a clause in the locative absolute like Khambhadēva-rājyē abhivardhamānē; but he wrongly put all the adjectives of Khambha-dēva in the accusa. tive case, perhaps under the wrong notion that these were meant to qualify rājyam in l. 6. The next sentence (ul. 7-10) is indeed unique in having neither the subject nor the predicate. Then follows a long sentence (11. 11-15) giving the names of the five ministers of the donor. Here we have such a plethora of epithets used in connection with these dignitaries that it becomes very difficult to discover the real names of the five ministers. In the concluding portion of the charter the word governed by dattam has no case-ending at all. Most of these mistakes are apparently the mistakes of the draftsman and not of the engraver.
The form of this charter is rather unique and calls for notice. Usually the copper-plates first give the genealogy of the donor, then mention his name along with the names of his officers, then describe the doneo and the object granted, and end by quoting the imprecatory verses. In this charter after the mention of the date, we have the description of the donor followed by the

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description of the grant. Then come the names of the five ministers of the donor followed by his own genealogy. Then come imprecatory verses, and at the fag-end of the charter we have the donees' names added like an after-thought.
The date of the charter is given at the beginning both in words and numerals. It was issued in the Saka year 1001 (elapsed), named Siddhārtha, on the full-moon day of the month of Jyēshtha which fell on a Saturday. The corresponding date according to the Christian era is Saturday the 18th of May 1079.
The donor of the present charter is so far unknown to us from any other record or reference. He belonged to a feudatory Chalukya family, ruling at Śrivalaya or modern Shirval, a large village in Bhor state, about 32 miles from Poona on the Poona-Satara road. The name of this ruler was Khambha, that of his father Tailappa, and of his grandfather Khambha again. It is clear that the family was ruling at Shirval for three generations only. No specific exploit is attributed to any of the members of this family in the genealogical description, which, as usual, speaks of their defeating the enemies, breaking the temples of elephants in the enemy phalanx, and winning fame pervading the three worlds. These rulers do not seem to have been of any consequence in the politics of the age. They were probably relatives of the Imperial Chalukya family ruling at Kalyani and were allowed to hold the territory round Shirval in the feudatory capacity. The name of the donor's father Tailappa and his surname Chālukya would support this conjecture.
Ll. 11-15 give the names of the five ministers who were holding office when the grant was given in 1079 A.D. The plethora of epithets here renders the task of giving their personal names rather difficult; but probably they were Kumāra Jēsingha, the prime minister, Chăchu the Sämanta or the revenue minister, Kontali Thākura the Amātya or the counsellor, Somanāthaiyā, the minister to the Queen Siriyadēvi (i.e., Sridevi), daughter of King Muñja, and Laiādaranāyaka, the minister to Queen Mahalādēvi.! It would appear that the Queens Sridevi and Mahalādēvi were taking active part in the administration of the little kingdom of Shirval. It may be pointed out that this was quite in consonance with the tradition of the Chalukya family to which the donor belonged. We have several other instances of Chalukya kings entrusting important administrative offices to their queens. Thus Akkādēvi, the elder sister of Jayasimha III was the governor of Kingukād seventy at least from 1022 to 1053 A.D.Maijaladēvi, one of the queens of Somēśvara I. was holding the important post of the governor of Banavasi twelve-thousand in 1054 A.D. Lakshmädēvi," the favourite queen of Vikramaditya VI, held several important posts in the administration including the governorship of the capital..
Queen Siriyādēvi is described as Muñjēya-mahāräni. The expression Muñjēga would suggest that she belonged to Muñja town or country, or was the daughter of king Muñja. The latter seems to have been the case. The Tidgundi inscription of Vikramaditya VI, dated 1082 A.D., refers to a Sinda feudatory of his, named Muñja, ruling in the vicinity of Bijāpur He was thus a
1 [Paricha-pradhana here, I think, should not be taken in the literal sense of the term. Probably it has been used in the context in the general sense of & 'royal council.' In this case the names and offices of the members constituting the council may have been follows: (1) Jēsingha or Jayasinha, the chief minister, (2) Jēkhambha or Jayastambba, & sähani, (3) Chachu, also a sahani, (4) Kotali or Kontali, the samanta, (5) Māmalu, a thakura, (6) Amaiya, the parabala (commander of the army), (7) Siddhamu, the minister, (8) Muñjéya, the pradhana, (9) Sõmanāthaiya, the minister of the chief queen Siriyadēvi or Sridevi and (10) Valaiya (*), the chief dandanayaka and attached to the queen Mahalādēvi.-Ed.]
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part i, p. 435. • Ibid., p. 440. . Ibid., p. 448. Ante, Vol. III, pp. 308 ff.

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contemporary of Khambha II, the grantor of this charter. The latter could therefore well have married a daughter of the former.
The village granted in this charter is Vinga which is described as a maha-sthāna or holy place. This is clearly the same village which was given 300 years before by Dhruva Dhārāvarsha to Vāsudēvabhatta, a learned Brāhmana of Karād, as we know from the charter A above. Line 27 shows that king Khambha only renewed the grant. Verse 5 naively observes that the village Vinga had been given to Brāhmaṇas as early as the time of Rāma. We may presume from this that since the time of Dhruva the village was not resumed by any of the succeeding rulers and figured as a brahmadēya village on the revenue records of successive governments.
Though the village continued to be a brahmadèya village, its ownership did not remain in the family of Väsudēvabhatta, the original donee. Curiously enough the names of the donees do not occur at all in that portion of the grant which describes the donation. The mistake is rectified by adding a postscript to the inscription which comes at the end of the imprecatory verses. The syntax of this important sentence is not free from doubt. It reads as follows: Sri-Kumbhadēvabhafta-Gangala-duvera(deva)-pramukha-Vinga-mahāsthāna-sarvanamasya-sāsanan Khambha-rājēna dattam. It is clear that we have to emend pramukha into pramukhebhyah and that Kumbhadēva and Gangaladēva received the charter as the leading personages among the donees. In other words, they did not receive the grant for themselves, but as representatives obviously of the Brāhmaṇa community of Vinga. Virga is described in the record as a maha-sthäna or holy place and seems to have been the seat of a learned Brāhmana settlement. King Khambha therefore might have granted the charter to the whole Brāhmaṇa settlement of the place. What then about the rights of the descendants of Vāsudēvabhatta ? The village Vinga is situated about 70 miles from Karid and one has to pass through the difficult Khandālā pass before one can reach it from the Karad side. In the old days when communications were rather difficult, Vasudevabhatta and his descendants must have found it difficult to manage their Vinga property from Karād. They may have, therefore, sold it to the Brāhmaṇa community of Vinga, who in turn may have induced the government of the day to make it tax-free.
The present charter transfers to the donees the village revenues along with the right to receive some customary perquisites probably from the village artisans. The precise nature of the latter cannot be made out owing to the difficulty of interpreting the terms used for the purpose in ll. 8 and 9.
TEXT. [Metres :-Indravajrā, v. 5, 6; Sārdūlavikridita, v. 4; Anushțubh, vv. 9, 10; Salini, v, 12;
U pajāti, vv. 1, 2, 3, 11 ; Rathoddhatā, vv. 7, 8.)
First Plate. i o afer [1] (u) CHATTE vaatfù pool kiemafe
हार्थसंवत्म[lf my interpretation (see p. 188 n. 1.) is correct, Muñjèys would only be the name of the pradhana and would have no connection with the queen Siriyadėvi and consequently with the Sinda chief Muñja of Bijapur.-Ed.)
(As the inscription does not give any particulars of the donees it is difficult to come to any such conclusion definitely. It may not be impossible that they belonged to the family of Väsudėvabhatta, the original donee, and there being a change in the ruling dynasty Khambha renewed the charter to them. Or this may be a trwah charter issued by the king to people not connected with the family of Visudėvabbatta for reasons not known. -Ed.]
From the original plates. • Expressed by a symbol. • The construction of the sentence should have been श्रीशकतृपकालातीत एकीत्तरसहले.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
2 रांतर्गतज्येष्ठपौर्णमास्यां स(श)निदिने पद्ये(ये)तस्मिन्काले समधिगमप(प)3 चमहास(शब्द(ब्द)महामण्डलेख(ख) "सिरिवलयपुरवराधीख(ख)रं चालु4 क्यकुलकमलमार्तण्डं वैरिदलगण्डं धर्मावतारं पु()रिचंद्रग5 णावतारं समस्तराजावलीविराजमानमहामण्डलेव(ख)रीखं. 6 भदेवराजविजयराज्यमुत्तरीत्तराभिधिप्रवईमाने वि7 महास्थानं हस्तीदकपु(पू)र्वकं समस्तदंण्डदोष8 सहितं पर्थार्थसंव(ब)चे(ई) सर्ववाहवारसुर्युतपे9 वरिलपुरलतेल(ला) दिमागली(लि)ककारुकदेणे एव10 मादिसमस पाचंद्रार्कप्रतिपालनीय [*] अगुंथितपुर्थि रा1 जद (M)नं [*] एतस्मिन् काले कुमाजेसिंघ' अमात्यकेसरि
Second Plate ; First Side. 12 साहणीजेखंभसाहणीचाचुसामंत्त(त)कोत लिठाकुरमा13 मलुपरव(च)लुपामयसमात्यसिचमुप्रधानुमुंजयमहारा14 औ(जौ)ीसिरियादेव्य(व्या) अमात्य सोमनाथैया राणीमहलाहेब(देव्या) 15 लैयादरनायकसिंह एते पंचप्रधाना: ॥ चालुक्यवस(2) वि16 तते पृथिव्यां खब्बा(बा)हुवीर्यार्जितराजस(श)व्द:(ब्द:) (1) देसे(शे) पुरा श्री. 17 वलयाभिधाने खंभाभिधानी नृपतिः किलासीत(त) [॥ १॥*] 18 परिंदमः पालयिता प्रजानां धर्मेण साक्षादिव ध19 र्मराजः । गुणैः प्रजारंजनतत्परोभूतैलप्य20 राजः किल तस्य पुत्रः ।। २॥*] तैलप्पसूनुः पुनरेव खंभः 21 प्रतापसंतापितस(श)त्रवर्ग: [*] पनकसो(सी) येन रणे रिपु(पू)
Second Plate ; Second Side. 98 णामानर्तितानीह कव(ब)न्धकानि [ *] मु(मूलपास्तमनस्विनीजनम
1 For the syntax of this sentence see the introduction. * There is a depression on the plate surface here which looks like an anusvira. * The constituent words in this big compound are difficult to separate or interpret. .There is sudden break here. The expression should have been समस्तपरिहारीपेतं. • Here should have come a verb like ददाति. •Read अकंठितपण्य.
In this sentence, sandhi rules have been disregarded. • What looks here like an anusvāra over is really a natural depression on the surface of the plate.
[The reading is dandanayaka-ainha. The preceding portion should probably be corrected as devya Valaiya seep. 186 n.l-Ed.]
1. There is a superfluous vertical line after the letter dha.

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TWO BHOR STATE MUSEUM COPPER PLATES.
191
23 न: कंदर्पदर्पस्फुरत्तेज:पुंजगियीणित'जगदीपप्रभामण्ड24 सः । सनाखं(ख)ण्डितवैरिपारणवटाकुंभस्यमुक्ताफाल: की25 ाक्रांतजगत्र(च)यो विजयते खंभः चितौकत्रियः [ ४॥"] रामादि28 दस किस पूर्वमासीक्षिदि महासानमिदं हिजामा(नाम्) ) 27 खंभेन राजा त पुनर्नमय दत्तं कृतं सा(मा)सनमेष28 मुसा ।। ५*] पमत्कुले यो भविता नरेन्द्रः पुष्पैरसूत्रन29 थितैः स दृष्टः । मत्सा(च्छा)सवादिस्यमिदं भवहिर्वाच(च्छ) वध30 में प्रतिपालयेति ।[4] पन्यदत्तमथवा स्वयं तं (बादाअ यमिह यस्तु पालयेत् । पामवंस(स)मखिलं समुदरकि(कीर्तिमानि32 ह परत्र पार्थिवः ।। ७॥]
Third Plate. 33 धर्म एष नृपतेः सनातनी यप्रसाध्यः खलु वैरिम (लम्) [*] पा34 सयत्यखिलमालमण्डल (ब)प्रदायसहितं नरेख(ख) [ ] स्वद36 सां परदत्तो वा थी हरेत वसुंध(ध)रो(राम) [1] पष्ठि(ष्टि) वर्षसहस्राणि 38 विष्ठायां जायते लमिः [neu] ब(बहुभिर्वसुधा भत्ता राजन्यः सगरा37 दिभिः [1] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिः तस्य तस्य तदा फल(लम्) [...]
निस38 मा दोषं हरणे महातं गुणं च मूमैरनुपालने' तु । 39 दत्तं नरेन्द्रः प्रतिपालनीयं से(थे)बो हि दानादनुपालन तु [११] सा40 मान्यीयं धर्मतत(१)पाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवद्भिः *] 41 सर्वानेतान्भागि(विनो भूमिपालान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामभ42 : १ ] बौकुंभ*]देवमहगंगलदुबैरप्रमुख विनमहास्थानसर्वनमस्यसा(मा)स43 नं खंभराजेन दत्तं(त्तम) [.] मङ्गलं महावीः [*]
1 Road जिताखिल• Read a farcitettfa: (Reading is correctly Khambhah kshitau kshatriyad.--Ed.)
There is a ruperfluous vertical line after da. 'Road भूमिस-- • Road निशम्य. • Read महान्तं.
The medial stroke is engraved in the wrong direction. • Read देव()प्रमुश्खेभ्यः

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192
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
No. 29.-MALA PLATES OF VIRASIMHADEVA: V. S. 1343.
By R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER. These two copper-plates, briefly noticed in the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for the year 1914-15 (p. 3, item 11), and now preserved in the Rajputana Museum, were found at a place called Mala about three miles from the village Baroda in the Dungarpur State in Räjputāna.
Each plate is engraved on one side only and has two ring holes. The first plate measuring 107" x 101" contains twenty-one lines of writing, while the second measuring 101" x 97" has eighteen.
The characters are Nägari of the fourteenth century A.D. The peculiar form of tta in svadattām, 1. 20, and -pradutta, 1. 24, may be noticed. The letters sam in samsāre (1. 18) and sva in svargga (1. 20) are not fully engraved.
The language is Sanskrit, and excepting the benedictory and imprecatory verses in 11. 13-23, the whole composition is in prose. The names of the witnesses are in vernacular (11. 28-36). Some dësi words are to be found in the record; for instance, pachhë vādaka (1. 11) meaning the back portion of a house; araharta, 1. 27 (Skt. araghata); nādu, 1. 27 (a small pond), bhäthi, 1. 28 (a kiln), phalihaka, 1. 37, also called phalā, phalsā, phalia meaning an entrance or gate and guyāda, 1. 38, (a compound or courtyard).
As regards orthography, consonants following a superscript sre sometimes doubled as in -hartta (1. 17), sarvvada (1. 25); etc., u and are not distinguished except perhaps in chiba (1. 34); & is used for 8 in sahasrena (1. 16) and -sahafrāni (1. 21) and vice versd in sudhyati (1. 17), nischalah (1. 18); sh occurs in place of kh in Vaisāsha (1. 1), Moshala (1. 28), lishitan (1. 39), etc., apparently due to the influence of the vernacular; anusvära is used for nasals in Gangā- (1. 6), chānumată (1. 15), etc., and also at the end of pādas; risarga is omitted in lines 11, 17, 21, 26, 37, etc., while sandhi is not observed in lines 6, 12, 14, etc. Other mistakes are pointed out in the transcript and the footnotes.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of Mahārājakula (Mahārāval) Sri-Virasimhadēva of Vatapadraka in Vāgada. The charter is dated Sunday, the 15th day of the dark halt of Vaišākha of the Samvatyear 1343 corresponding to the 13th April, 1287 A.D. It records (11. 2-12) that Mahārājakula Virasimhadēva granted one and a half halas. of land and a house with enclosures of land in its front and back at the village Māla in the district Katija (mod. Katiyor) to a Brāhmaṇa named Talhā son of Vayajā of the Bhāradvāja-götra for the spiritual welfare of Mahārājakula Dövapāladēva. The description of the gift is given in lines 26-28, after which the names of the witnesses are recorded (11. 28-36). The name of the Sūtradhāra is given as Bhisana in l. 35. Lines 36-38 mention the boundaries of the house. The last two lines record the name of the Dütaka as Sunaladēvi and that of the writer as Vikama (Vikrama) who is said to have acted under the verbal orders of the Panchasri Vāvana. Visala is spoken of as one, on whose authority the names of the witnesses were recorded.
As regards the persons mentioned in the inscription, Virasimhadēva evidently belonged to the Guhila family of Dungarpur. He was fifth in succession from Samantasimha, the founder
1 This samvat is 'qafe.
2 In some parts of Mewar, one hala of land was reckoned to be equivalent to several bighas of land. The practice of granting lands to Brahmans on the occasion of Sraddha (death anniversary) ceremony of forefathers was not uncommon among the rulers in old days. See the Paramára Yalvarman's grant dated Samvat 1192 in Id, A., Vol. XIX, p. 348,

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MALA PLATES OF VIRASIMHADEVA: V. S. 1343.
193
of the State and his earliest and latest known dates are Samvat 13431 and Samvat 1359(A.D. 1286 and 1302). He was thus a contemporary of Räval Samarasimha of Mewar, whose known dates range between Samvat 1330 and 1358 (A.D. 1273-1301). Mahārāval Dēvapāladēva (also known as Dedä or Dēdu) was the immediate predecessor of Virasimhadēva.
As to the places mentioned, Vägada was the old name of the modern Dungarpur State. Vatapadraka (now called Bapõdā) remained the capital of Vägada up to the period of Dungarasimha (the grandson of Virasimhadēva) in whose time the capital was transferred to Dungarpur 80 called after his name.
The date of the inscription weakens the contention of Colonel Tod, Major Erskine and other writers holding that the foundation of the Dungarpur State was laid by Māhapa or Rāhapa of Sisõdā.
According to the Kumbhalgarh inscription', dated Samvat 1517, Lakshmanasimha, a ruler of Sisõdā, fought in the battle of Chitor in 1303 A.D., and was thus the contemporary of Raval Ratnasimha of Mewar and probably of his father Samarasimha also as Ratnasimha ruled only for a year. Virasim hadēva of this record, we know, was a contemporary of Samarasimha. He must, therefore, have been a contemporary of Lakshmanasimha also. Now, Virasimhadēva was fifth in successten from Sämantasimha (the real founder of the State), while Lakshmaṇasimha was eleventh from Mähapa or Rahapa. It is, therefore, highly improbable that Māhapa, who goes as far back as eleven generations from Lakshmanasimha, should have founded the State. That it was Sämantasimha of Mewar who laid the foundation of the present Dungarpur State is supported not only by the Mount Abuo and the Kumbhalgarh inscriptions but also by the account of Muhnöt Nainsiło, the well-known historian of Märwär.
TEXT.11
First Plate. i ottan a 1982 to 113 d (C) "pu turer T1642468
AT[C]2 बकुलबीवि(वी)रसिंहदेवकल्याणविजयराज्ये तवियुक्तपंचवीवा
1 His parliest inscription is the present record, dated V.8. 1343. * This date is found in an unpublished inscription from Baroda; cf.
संवत् १३५८ वर्षे पाषाढदि १५ वागडवटपद्रके महाराजकुलबीवीरसिंहदवकल्याचविजयराज्ये . . . . . . माहवसुतज्यौतिवाचादित्य(व्या)स्थ(य) मंगहडयामं उदकेन प्रदन ।
His first and last inscriptions are dated V.8. 1330 and V.8. 1358 respectively. Vide, Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. XXI, p. 143 and Ind. Ant., Vol. LIII, p. 11, note 1.
• Gazetteer of the Dungarpur State by Major K. D. Erskine, Statistical table No. XXI. * Tod's Rajasthan (ed. W. Crooke), Vol. I, p. 304. • Gazetteer of the Dungarpur State, pp. 131-32. * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 279. 8 Tod's Rajasthan (ed. W. Crooke), Vol. I, p. 304, note 3. • Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 349. 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. LIII, p. 102. Cf. alao Muhnöt Nainsi's Khyata, p. 19. 1 From impressions.
Expressed by a symbol.
The stroke is redundant. 14 stands for face the dark fortnight of a lunar month'so that
is the 15th day of the dark half of the month, i.e., amätasya. On Sunday the tithi was fourteenth, but it lasted only for fifteen ghatis after which the tithi fifteenth, i.e., amavasyd fell, during which period the grant was made and the ceremony performed by Mahārāval Virasimhadēva. Among the Hindus it is generally the practice to perform Sraddha ceremony after 12 noon.

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3 वणरा खेतलप्रभृतिपंचकुलप्रतिपत्तौ ।" शासनपत्रमभिलिख्य
4 ते यथा ॥ इहैव पुण्यांभसि [ना]त्वा नलिनीदलगतजललवतरल
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
5 तरं जीवितमाकलय्य महाराजकुल [ श्री] वि (वी) र सिंहदेवेन धौतश्खेत
6 वाससी (सौ) परिधाय भगवंतं भवानीपतिं ई[व] रं परमया भक्त्या गंगादिती
7 र्थोदकेन संखाप्य श्रीखंडागुरुकर्पूरकस्तूरिकादिभिवि (वि) लेप्य जातीव
8 कुलराजचंपकशतपत्रिका हि (दि) भिर्विलेप्य यथाकृतपूजया परमधार्मि
9 केण भूत्वा महारा[ज*] कुलश्रीदेवपालदेवश्रेयसे भारद्वाजगोत्राय 10 [दोडी] ब्रा (ब्राह्म वयजापुत्राय ब्रा' (ब्रा) ताल्हाशर्मणे कतौजपथके माल11 ग्रामे भूमिहल १॥ साई इलैकस्य भूमि (मि: ।) गृह ( हं)
1. The stroke is redundant.
• Read साधक हलस्य.
[VOL. XXII.
वाडक
12 खलसहितं एतत शासनोदकपूर्वं धर्मेण संप्रदत्तं ॥ अतो दानापा-' 13 हारसंवं[धे] महर्षिप्रणीतानि स्मृतिवाक्यानि संति ॥ व (ब) हुभिर्वसुधा भु
14 का राजभिः सगरादिभिः । यस्य यस्य यदा भूम तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥१ 15 षप्टि (टिं) (घ) व (र्ष) संहत्रा (सा)णि स्वर्ये (में) तिष्ट (ष्ठ ) ति भूमिदः । प्राच्छेत्ता चानुमंता च तान्ये
16 व नरकं व्रजेत् ॥ २ तडागानां सहश्रे (से) ण अखमेधशतेन च । गवां को17 टिप्रदानेन भूमिहर्त्ता न सु (शु) द्ध्यति ॥३ चला लक्ष्मी' चला प्राणा' चलं जी - 18 वितयौवनं । चलाचले हि संसारे धर्म एको हि निस्च (ख) लः ॥४ भूमिं य: 19 प्रतिग्टह्णाति यस्तु भूमिं प्रयच्छति । उभौ तो पुण्यकर्माणी हा । ' वेतौ 20 स्व[र्ग ] गामिनौ ॥५ खदत्तां परदतां वा यो हरेस (च) वसुं21 [ध]रां । षप्टि (टिं) र्व (व) र्षसहश्रा (सा)णि विष्टा (ष्ठा) यां जायते कमि (मिः) ॥[२]
* Read एतच्छासनी' or 'सनी'.
• Road 'पहार सम्बन्धे.
Second Plate.
22 मम वंशचये चीणे' योन्यो राजा भविस्य (ष्य ) ति []
मम
23 तस्याहं करलग्नोस्मि न लोप्यं शासन (नम् ) ॥ इमानि महर्षि24 प्रणीतानि स्मृतिवाक्यानि श्रुत्वा अस्मत्प्रद [त्त]शासनमिहान्यैरपि
• Read भूमिस्तस्य.
• Read लक्ष्झोषला.
Read प्रायाचलं.
• Better read वंशे परिचीये,
१ पग्रेवाटक पछे

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MALA PLATES OF VIRASIMHADEVA : V. S. 1343.
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25 भाविभोंकि (क्त भिर्भूपालः सर्वदा पालनीयं किंतु केनापि कदाचि. 26 त् न लोपनीयं । भूमेळक्तिः । कजजामाग्रे(म्) वाटिकाया[:] पानीयसहि27 तात) चतुःसीमापर्यंतु' भरइंट' । तथा वीरूलक्षेत्र । तां घटीयासत्कनाडु 28 भाठिसहितु(त) चतुःसीमापर्यंत' । 'पत्र साक्षिः । पुरो मोषल ॥ जा 29 केशवादित्य । वा(ब्रा) सोमादीत । राजगु" सूदा । वड० लष (ख)मादीत ।
30 तोकमा । [ना]गपुरों' वामधू । मह सूमण । मह वीनडा । मई अवण ।
राउला
31 धार । राउ° धर्मदेव। राउ रमण | राउ लाप(ख)ण । "थेष्ठि पारस । मार32 ण । श्रेष्टि मीमा । सा हरसाण । मालगा14 दोडौं महं° केदा ।
मई ताल्हा [*] 33 मह जोला। मह राल्हण । म भो[वल] । मह भीमा । मह सादा । मई 115 34 [चौबा] । मह ल[]पड । डोहली वीजा [1] श्रोत्रि वावण । "पंडि°
वाल्हा । राई 35 बील्हण । राउ' रतन । "सूर्य भोसण । भिल' [ना]ठल । भि रालया ।
मेह भी38 मडा । मेह वेल्हा, सह पाघाट । एहस्व दक्षिणस्यां दिशि वा(बा) पामार
1 Read चतुम्झौमापर्यन्त .Read घरहर. • Read चैत्र • From here up to the middle of the line 36 the inscription is in vernacular,
Stands for gafsa, a priest. • Stands for जानी, • performer of यज्ञ, from Skt बानिक.
Stands for राजगुरु •Stands for वडवा, a record keeper. • Read ब्रा which stands for ब्राह्यचा,
Stands for महत्तम. 11 An epithet generally applied to persons of royal family or Brahmanas of high class. "A term applied to merchante. "Stands for साधु. 16 This term is not clear to me. 15 The stroke is redundant. 26 Stands for ditent, person who receives a land from a king for his maintenanoo.
Stands for श्रीचिय, * Stands for afegar.
"Stands for सूत्रधार, ** Stands for wife, a tribe.
Stands for मेहवा.

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37 rart fefu ameanfare । पूर्वस्यां दिशि राजमा[:] ।
पश्चिमा
35 यां दिशि गुवाड टू" देव्या'चीनलदेवि (बी) [*] पंचयों वाययमथेन ।' 30 शासनमिदं पंच चोकमेन सिथि(खि) कहू बीसलयब्देन वाचियः [*]
fafo(f)
No. 30.-ROPI PLATES OF PARAMARA DEVARAJA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1059.
BY SAHITYACHARYA PANDIT BISHESHWAR NATH REU.
This grant of Devaraja is in the possession of Audichya Brahmaņas of Ropsi or Ropi, a village 6 miles south-west of Bhinmal in the Jaswantpura District of Märwär. While touring in that District in 1920, I came across the grant and got it photographed for the Sardar Museum, Jodhpur. It has already been noticed by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar.
The grant contains two copper-plates inscribed on one side only. The plates, as far as I remember, measure about 9"x8" and have two holes through which are passed two plain rings. The first plate contains 11 and the second 12 lines of writing.
The characters of the grant are Nagari similar to those used in northern India in the tenth or eleventh century A.D. The language is Sanskrit and the clerical errors are remarkably few. The text is in prose throughout with the exception of one verse in ll. 21-23. At the end is found the signature of the donor. The orthography presents no special features.
The object of the plates is to record the grant of a field situated to the south of the city-wall (kōṭṭa) of Śrīmāla, the modern Bhinmal by the Mahārājādhiraja the illustrious Devaraja residing at Srimala to one Aurakacharya, the son of Chandasivacharya and the head of the temple of Siddhēśvaramahādēva at Kshamēmāthuna (Kshatmamathuka ?) on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. The boundaries of the land granted were as follows: to the east the land of the Brahmana Gōvinda, to the south the land of Vamana, the son of Durlabha, to the west the village belonging to the Mahāsāmanta Pūrṇachaṇḍa and to the north the land of the Brahmana Sridhara. The date of the record is the 15th day of the bright half of Magha (Vikrama) Samvat 1059 (=1002 A.D.)."
The witnesses were Matvāka the preceptor of Devaraja and Parnachanda. The grant was written by Suryaravi, the son of Nyasa.
Though no mention of the clan of donor Devaraja is found in the grant, yet on the basis of the year and the place given in it, we may assume that he was a Paramara' ruler of Abu whose
1 Stands for दूतक. '
* Omit. [Or read. Probably she was a lady of the royal family, if not one of the queens.-Ed.]
• Stands for पंचोली.
The stroke is redundant.
Stands for T, one of the two sects of the gut tribe.
See his List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 103, where he reads the year as Samvat 1069.
7 [The date is irregular. The full moon of Maghs fell on Thursday the 21st January when there was no lunar eclipse. The nearest lunar eclipse occurred on the full moon of Phalguna corresponding to Friday the 19th February. It is also not verifiable for Samvat 1059 current or Samvat 1069.-Ed.]
For the history of Paramara rulers please refer to my Bharata ke Prachina Rajavaméa, Vol. I, and Rājā Bhōja (both in Hindi).

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No. 30. ROPI PLATES OF PARAMARA DEVARAJA; VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1059.
second name was Mahipala and who succeeded his father Dharanivaraha, a ruler famous in the chronicle of Rajasthan. We give here a chhappaya often recited by bards in honour of Dharani
varāha :
मंडोवर सामंत हवो अजमेर सिहस्रव । गढ पुंगल गम व लोवे भांष भुष
ल्हपल्ह भरवह भोजराजा जालंधर । जोगराज घरघाट हवो हांसू पारक्षर |
नवकोटि किराड़ संगत विर पंवारकर घप्पिया ।
धरणीवराह घर भाइयां कोट बांट ज जूं किया
According to this, Dharṇīvaraha distributed the nine provinces of Mandör, Ajmer, Pungal, Lödravā, Abu, Jälōr, Dhat, Pärkar and Kiraḍū among his nine brothers. It is also said that owing to these nine chiefships Marwar has come to be known as "Navakōti Marwar." But there is very little truth in the above chhappaya1.
Devaraja's (Mahipala's) son and successor was Dhandhuka who was obliged to accept the allegiance of Sölanki ( Chalukya) Kumārapāla I, the ruler of Gujarat.
TEXT.
First Plate.
1 सिद्धम् [*] ॐ नमः शिवाय ॥ संवत् १[०] ५८ मा2 घ शुदि १५ अस्यां संवारमासपञ्चदि
3 वसपूर्व्वायां श्रौर' मालावस्थित महाराजा
4 धिराजश्री देवराजः स्वभुज्यमानविषये
5 धर्मदायन क्षेत्रशासन (मं) प्रयच्छति । यदि
6 व श्री २ मालीयकोहाद्दचिणदिग्भागे क्षेत्रं
7 ययाघाटनानि । पूर्व्वतो गोविन्दना (ब्रा) -
9 तसत्का भूसीमा ।
8 सल्ला भूसोमा । दक्षिणतो वामनदुमपश्चिमतो महासामन्तवीसह भूसीमा ।
10 पूर्वचण [पा) भय
11 उत्तरतः श्रीधरव्रा (ब्रा) प्रणचे [चे* ]ण भूसोमा [*]
197
Second Plate.
12 एवमेतचतुराध (घा) टनाभ्यंतर क्षेत्रं "
13 अस्माभिः सोमग्रहणे खात्वा त्रिलोकीगुरुं शंकर
1 See also Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, pp. 238 f.
Expressed by a symbol.
*The figure 2 is used to denote the repetition of ari.
• Danda unnecessary.

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14 मध्यर्ष मातापित्रीरामन पुस्खयेशोभिचय(2) 15 märt(at)
e SATSigaar waar afge 16 ufri [*] (M]Tarife i tufwata 17 J........ fratern a 18 new o rfo ofrdanti TRT19 च भाविभोक्तभिः । पत्र साक्षी श्रीदेवराजगुरुन्मत्वा20 : 9 He syg: 1 fafaa sifa. 21 या न्यासमुतन । यो यः पृथिव्या राजा हि ममा 22 online waufa RTS Herna med (#1) 23 fak() # FEET[:*) teatrore
No. 31-HATHI-BADA BRAHIMI INSCRIPTION AT NAGARI.
BY PROF. D. R. BHANDARKAR, CALCUTTA. During the cold season of 1934-36, Dr. Niranjan Prasad Chakravarti, Government Epigraphist for India, was on tour in North India. In the course of that tour he visited Nagari, eight miles north of Chitorgarh in the Udaipur State, and discovered a Brahmi inscription engraved on a mas sive slab of Hāthi-bāda containing the same text as the celebrated inscription from the Ghősündi well. This is one of the big slabs, says Dr. Chakravarti, in the inner side of the northern wall towards the right hand corner. The slab has a big crack in the middle, and parts of it have badly peeled off. The surface is very rough, and the letters have now become quite faint. Before the stone was cleaned, practically nothing but the letter play in the first line was visible. “No traces", he adds," of a third line, if there was any, can be found now."
It is impossible to congratulate sufficiently the Government Epigraphist upon this brilliant discovery. From the middle of November 1915 to the end of January 1916 I was myself at Nagari. During that period I carried on excavations at two places, one of which was Häthi-bādā, about half a mile east of the village. Häthi-bāda is an open rectangular enclosure 296' 10' long and 151' broad. Its walls were crowned with a coping stone, and were originally 9' 6" high. When the Mughal emperor, Akbar, came there to reduce Chitorgarh, he was encamped at Nagari and used this enclosure as his elephant-stable, on account of which it has since then been called Hathi-bādā. But surely it could not have been a structure of the Muhammadan period. The high massive dressed blocks of stone piled one upon another into this structure pointed to a period very much anterior to the Muhammadan. In this connection I was revolving in my mind an inscription, referred to above, which was originally stuck up in a well at Ghosündi, about 6 miles from Nagari, but which is now deposited in the Victoria Hall at Udaipur. It is well known that most of the stones used in the Ghösundi well, as in the archæological monuments at Chitorgash, were taken from Nagari, and looking to the massive nature of the block and the peculiar lamina
Danda annecessary. * The reading seems to be Kshamematend but its meaning is not clear. [To me the reading appears to be Keka.mahuki and may men at Kahatmamathuka' where the temple of the Mahadeva Siddhodvars seems to have been situated.-Ed.]
Read mad-ardhean cha or mama gore.
For a full desoription of those oxoavations, soe Menoin 4. 8. I., No. 4, pp. 1174; PRAS, Wo. 1916-16. PP 53-84.

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tions of the stone on which the inscription is engraved, little doubt was left in my mind as to its having originally pertained to this structure, whose stones exactly resembled it in these respects. The contents of the inscription pointed to the same inference. It speaks of the erection of a pūjāšilā-prākāra, or enclosure for worship stone, of Samkarshaņa and Vāsudēva. This description no doubt answered to the stone enclosure represented by Hāthi-bādā. But some more proof was wanted to show that the place enclosed by the Häthi-bādā was, as a matter of fact, dedicated to Vaishộava worship. And after a careful inspection I lighted upon a stone in one wall of the enclosure containing some characters of the seventh century A.D., which, though highly weatherworn, could be distinctly read as Sri-Vishnu-pādābhyām. This clearly showed that this Häthibādā was once a place for the worship of Vishnu. Nevertheless, it must be confessed that even then it was not quite certain, though highly probable, that the Ghosündi inscription originally belonged to the Häthi-bādā and that this structure was really the pūjā- Silā-prākāra of Samkarshaņa and Vāsudēva mentioned in that record. But this matter has now been placed beyond all doubt by the find of this new inscription by Dr. Chakravarti, which, as we shall shortly see, is but another copy of the text preserved in the Ghosūņdi epigraph but which to this day forms part of the Hāthibādā itself. The service thus rendered by the Government Epigraphist to the cause of history and archaeology can scarcely be overrated.
Before we treat of this record epigraphically, it is necessary to point out that there was also a third copy of this text which was for the first time recognised as such by the Government Epigraphist himself in his letter to me. During the touring season of 1915-16 when I was excavating at Nagari, I discovered a stray fragment of an inscription along with two others in the heart of the village which had been found on the boundary stone of Ghosūņdi and Bassi and which contained the words : [tē]na Sarvatātēna Asvamēdha-. This has been briefly described in a monograph of mine, entitled “The Archeological Remains and Excavations at Nagari and published in Memoirs A. S.I., Vol. IV, No. 4, p. 120, where I have also made the remark that " the form of its letters corresponds exactly with that of the Ghősündi epigraph." This happened in 1915-16. Eleven years thereafter the A. S.I., An. Rep., 1926-27 (p. 205) announces the discovery of Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar H. Ojha that during the year under report he recovered two of the missing portions of the well-known Ghosūņdi inscription. One of these, according to this Report "supplies the words 'Sarvatātēna Abramëdha,' which evidently form the end of the first line of the record and enable the initial letter of its second line to be restored as ya, and the whole expression as Sarvatātēna A évamëdhayājinā." The other fragment, continues the same Report,"containing the word sarvē svarābhyāṁ, Mr. Ojha says, is preserved in the Udayapur Museum, and supplies the missing portion of the second line of the same inscription." It thus seems that up till 1926-27 the first of these fragments continued to remain at Nagari, possibly just where I found it in 1915-16. Rai Bahadur Ojha evidently did not remember that the discovery of this fragment was first announced in the Memoir of the Archæological Survey of India referred to above. But what is strange is that he considered the two fragments as the missing portions of the well-known Ghosūņdi inscription. As remarked by me in the Memoir, as just stated, the form of the letters on these fragments no doubt corresponds exactly with that of the Ghősündi epigraph. But close observation will enable one to perceive not only that the draft of the fragments is written in an entirely different hand but also that their letters are of a slightly different size from those of the Ghosūņdi record. This blunder was repeated by Mr. R. R. Halder in his paper on the Ghosündi inscription, which is published in the Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 203, and, the text of which he tried to restore with the help of these fragments. It must, however, be said to the credit of both these scholars that they restored in the original text the words na Sarvatātēna A svamēdhao to their proper place, though they failed in regard to sarve svarā(bhyan

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as was expected. As remarked above, there was one text of the record which was engraved in three different places in the Hathi-bäḍā. When this structure began to fall into disrepair, one stone block containing the greater portion of one inscription was carried to and stuck up into the Ghōsündi well; two small fragments of another inscription taken as far as the boundary stone between Ghōsüṇḍi and Bassi; but the larger part of the third is in situ, that is, still forms part of the Hathi-bāḍā itself, this last being now brought to light by the Government Epigraphist, as stated above.
Let us now turn to the epigraphic details of each. We have observed that here we have one common text running through three different inscriptions-all, however, originally incised on the block slabs of the Hathi-bāḍā. The best preserved of these is that found in the Ghōsündi well and now removed to the Victoria Hall, Udaipur. Here not only is the greater portion of the record preserved, but its letters also remain in good condition. It was originally in three lines. The next best preserved record is that found by Dr. Chakravarti, and, though preserved in fragment, it yet remains part and parcel of the original building. It is in two lines, each containing naturally more words than those of the first record. Of this inscription practically as much has been preserved as of the first, though its letters are faint and weatherworn. Of the third record only two small fragments are so far known, as pointed out above. The first of these, which we shall call A, was first brought to the notice of the scholars by Kavi Raj Shyamal Das and transcribed in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LVI, Pt. I, pp. 77 ff., No. 1 and Pl. V. It was afterwards edited by me in Memoirs A. S. I., No. 4, p. 119, and by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal in Ep. Ind., Vol. XVI, pp. 25 ff. with the help of the estampages provided by me. The second of the three copies, which we shall call C, is being edited by me here for the first time according to the ink impression kindly supplied by the Government Epigraphist. Of the third copy, which we shall call B, only two fragments have been recovered. One of these was first noticed by me in Memoirs A. S. I., No. 4, p. 120. Both together were afterwards transcribed but erroneously considered to be part of the first copy, that is, of A by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar Ojha in A. S. I., An. Rep., 1926-27, p. 205 and thereafter by Mr. B. R. Halder in Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 203. All the three copies are now being edited here with a view to see whether and how far we can restore the original text.
The characters of these texts according to Bühler1 belong to an alphabet which "probably prevailed at least in the latter half of the 4th and in the 3rd century B.C." Mr. Jayaswal, however, seems to be right in observing that "the only thing that can be said with certainty is that the script is later than Asōka's time." The letters g, p, and v of our inscriptions are a clear proof of this. The top of g is not angular, and p and have not a round base as in the Asökan script. The only records with which the Hathi-bāḍā epigraphs can be profitably compared are the inscription of Heliodorus found at Besnagar and those of Bahasatimitra at Päbhosa. And a comparison will convince us that the Hathi-bāḍā records are perhaps slightly later than that of Besnagar, but decidedly earlier than those of Päbhosa. The top of g in the Besnagar inscription is as angular as that of Asōka's, but is almost round in the Hathi-bāḍa inscriptions. This shows that perhaps the Besnagar record is slightly prior to those of Hathi-bāḍā. On the other hand, the p, b, h, and I of the Päbhosa have cornered and flat bases, showing that these inscriptions are decidedly later than those of Hathi-bāḍā. All things considered, our epigraphs may be assigned to the beginning of the first century B.C.
1 Indian Paleography (trans. by Fleet), p. 32.
Above, Vol. XVI, p. 27.
A. 8. I., An. Rep., 1908-09, pp. 128-29, Pl. XLVI. Above, Vol. II, pp. 242 ff and Pls.

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Some other palæographic peculiarities of the Hathi-bādā inscriptions may also be noticed. In the case of the ligatures, the consonants are invariably placed below each other in their natural order somewhat unlike those of the Asöka edicts. Next, the cork-screw-liker is worthy of note, as in Asöka inscriptions. And further the superscript and subscript is also have been clearly distinguished one from the other. Thus the superscript r in Sankarshana- has been distinguished from the subscript r in -putrēna and -prākāro. This is a noteworthy fact, for it is conspicuous by its absence even in Asöka's inscriptions, though the words in which both the kinds of 78 occur are by no means few.
The language of our inscriptions is undoubtedly Sanskrit, and it is somewhat inexplicable why Prof. Lüders called it" a mixed dialect."i Probably he based his conclusion on the transcript of Kavi Raj Shyamal Das, which is far from being scrupulously correct and which is not supported by the photo-litho that accompanies his article. The only word, that is not quite Sanskrit, is bhagavabhyām, which, however, is a mistake of the engraver or the scribe for bhagavadbhyām. Besides, bhagavabhyām, even as it stands, is & dual which is never found in a Prakrit. It must therefore be looked upon as an inaccuracy of the scribe. Such inaccuracies are not infrequent in inscriptions, about the Sanskrit language of which there can be no doubt. The Häthi-bădă record is thus one of the two earliest which are couched in Sanskrit. The other epigraph in Sanskrit of this early period has been found at Ayodhya pertaining to Dhanadēva, son of Phalgudēva, a ruler of Kõsala: When J. F. Fleet was living, the earliest Sanskrit inscription then known was that of the Mahākshatrapa Rudradāman engraved on the celebrated rock at Junagadh. It is dated (Saka) 72=150 A.D. And further, as the inscriptions ranging between 300 B.C. and 100 A.D. were all up till then in a sort of Pāli closely allied to, and based upon, the vernacular, he and the late Prof. Rhys Davids maintained that the spoken language current up to 100 A.D. was practically Päli, and that the Sanskrit, or the bhäsha for which Pänini and Patañjali wrote, could not have been a vernacular during that time. On the other hand, Patañjali distinctly informs us that the language for which Pāņini wrote was the language of those fishtas or disciplined Brāhmaṇs who spoke it naturally and without any study of grammar.* This points to the unmistakable conclusion that up till circa 150 B.C., the time of Patañjali, the bhäsha or language for which Ashtādhyāyi was the grammar continued to be the actual speech of the disciplined Brāhmaṇs of Aryāvarta, which was no doubt the saṁskrita or polished form of the vernacular. All that was now required to leave no ground at all for scepticism was the actual find of inscriptions of this period which were couched in Sanskrit. This desideratum is now furnished by our record and also that of Ayodhyā just adverted to. No sceptic can possibly contend that they are not in Sanskrit, that is, in the bhāsha for which Pāṇini and Patañjali wrote or that they are not earlier than 150 A.D., the date of the Junagadh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman,
Our record is also important from the religious point of view. It speaks of the erection of a pūjä-bilā-prākāra by Gājāyana Sarvatāta, son of a lady of the Parāśara-gotra, for the gods Sarkarshaņa and Väsudēva. But what does & pūjā-sila-prākāra mean! It may mean "a stone enclosure round an object of worship” to distinguish it from enclosures surrounding, e.g., residential buildings. What are called railings round Buddhist Stūpas are really pūjā-tilā-prākāra though they are round and that of the Häthi-bādā rectangular. A similar expression is not unknown to us from an Asoka inscription. We refer here to silāvigadabhicha occurring in the Padariya or Rummindei pillar inscription.
List of Brahmi Inscrs. (above Vol. X, App.), No. 96. : J. B.O. R. 8., 1924, p. 203; above, Vol. XX, p. 57.
T. W. Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 151. .J.B.B. R. A. S., Vol. XVI, pp. 334 ff.; R. G. Bhandarkar's Wilson Philological Lectures, pp. 295-96.

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Silāvigadabhichā obviously Curresponds to the Sanskrit filā-vikața-bhittäni, a huge stone enclosure wall'.1 What Aśöka here wants to tell us is that he constructed this wall round the spot of Buddha's birth, which was already an object of worship and where he actually worshipped. The word vigada=vikata in this phrase, which signifies' stupendous' is noteworthy, and is no doubt significant of the huge massive blocks of which it must have been composed exactly as in the case of the Hathi-bādā. Hathi-bādā as a pājā-éilā-prākāra is therefore not of an unknown character. The Hathi-bādā enclosure and the railings of the Stūpas thus are all pūjā-Silā-prākāra, though they are of different shapes and are devoted to different worships. If any other instance of the pūjā-silā-prākāra round a Vaishnava object of worship is required, it is furnished by the railing which I unearthed round the representation of Väsudēva in front of the Khām Bābā during my excavations at Besnagar. Recently, however, Mr. J. C. Ghosh has suggested a new interpretation. He takes it to mean" a rampart (prākāra) for the stone object of worship (pājā-bila)”. This pūjā-silā according to him is a Sālagrāma or a black stone from the river Gandaki which is believed to be pervaded by the presence of Vishņu and is thus a sacred stone worshipped by the Vaishnavas. “Mention of it” says he " is found in the Mahābhārata, III, 8102. Amongst the varieties of them mentioned in the Purāņas, we find that one variety is called Sazkarşana and another Väsudēva (Agni-Purāna, XLVI)".. Now, it is perfectly true that there is one variety of Sālagrāma which is known as Sarkarshana and another as Väsudēva. But the real question is: to what early period is the worship of Sälagrāma traceable? It is, again, true that the Mahābhūrata makes mention of this worship. But what is unfortunate here is that as the Mahābhārata was put together in its final shape about the 6th century A.D., no statement contained in that epic can be taken with certitude as belonging to a period much prior to it. Worship of a Sālagrāma cannot thus be supposed to be prevalent much anterior to the 6th century A.D. and hardly ever in the 1st century B.C. to which period the Hathi-bādā inscriptions have to be assigned. The phrase pājā-bilā-prākāraḥ may be dissolved either as pājā-bilāyāḥ prākāraḥ, as Mr. Ghosh has done, or, as pūjāyāḥ śilā-prākāraḥ as others have done before him. But as there is no clear evidence as to the Salagrāma worship being in vogue as early as the 1st century B.C., it is perhaps safer to dissolve the compound word as others have done it. This agrees, as stated above, with the expression silā-vigada-bhicha, which occurs in an Asöka inscription. Of these last silā-bhichā regularly corresponds to sila-prākāra of the Hathi-bādā record, as also remarked above. Just as Asöka speaks of having constructed a stone enclosure wall round the place where Buddha was born, one Jātaka mentions the erection of an enclosing wall (prākāra) round Sambodhi, the place where Buddha attained to enlightenment. It is, therefore, no wonder if Sarvatāta similarly built an enclosure wall round the place where Samkarshana and Väsudēva were worshipped. But the question arises how were Samkarshana and Väsudēva worshipped here? In the western half of the Hathi-bādā I found, during my excavations there, the remains of a brick platform, which originally ran from east to west. If there was any shrine upon it, it may have been a wooden structure which has now completely disappeared. Not far from it in the western part of the wall was found by me the words sri-Vishnu-pädābhyām, in characters of the 7th century A.D.. It is true that at that time Vishnu alone was worshipped. But it is worthy of note that what of him was worshipped was not an image but the footprints. And as there is absolutely no evidence of the construction of a shrine on the brick platform, it seems that even in the 1st century B.C. Sankarshaņa and
?D. R. Bhandarkar's Asoka, pp. 375-76. ? A. 8. I., An. Rep., 1913-14, pp. 198-99, Pls. LVI (a) and LVII. : 1. H.Q., Vol. IX, p. 796. 4 Jal., Vol. IV, p. 236; D. R. Bhandarkar's Asoka, pp. 376-77.
Memoirs A. S. 1., No. 4, p. 130. • Ibid., p. 129.

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Page #253

HATHIBADA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION AT NAGARI.
Left half.
Right half.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE: ONE-FIFTH.
N. P. Chakravarti. Rea. No. 9400 E 35-425

Page #254

No. 31.)
MATHI-BADA BRAHMI INSCRIPTION AT NAGARI.
203
Vāsudēva were worshipped through their footprints. If this inference is correct, we may with Mr. Ghosh take the phrase püja-bilä präkära to mean" an enclosure wall round the stone objeot of worship." But the prija-bila does not here represent sālagráme stones as he takes it, but rather the footprints of the two brother gods carved in stone. In course of time. however, Sarkarshana lost hold of the popular imagination, and Vasudēva alone remained the obset of worship. This change of worship is noticeable even in that early period. Just as in the time of the Hathi-bāda record Samkarshana and Vasudeva were both worshipped, the celebrated Nănăghāt inscription of Satakarni opens with obeisance to both these divinities. On the other hand, the Besnagar pillar epigraph speaks of Vāsudēva alone and styles him dēva-dēva, 'god of gods!! The three inscrip tions belong to a period ranging between 135 and 35 B.C. And yet at this early period we find Vásudēva eclipsing and outliving his elder brother Samkarshana in popular worship. At Bes nagar, too, Vāsudēva was being worshipped when the Greek envoy Heliodorus came and erected the column. In front of the pillar the retaining walls of a high platform were unearthed, surrounded by a solid railing. On this platform, no doubt, Vāsudēva must have been worshipped. But here too not a trace of shrine could be found. It is not at all unlikely that here also what of Vasudēva was worshipped was, not his image, but his footprints.
Let us now place the three copies of the record side by side with a view to see what new facts are revealed to us and also to find out how far we can restore the original text. Of these the Ghosündi well text runs as follows:
A. 1 ......tēna Gājāyanēna P(ā)rāśarīputrēna Sa2 ..........[j]i[nā] bhagavabhyāṁ Sarkarshana-V[a]sudėvābhyā(m)
........ bhyām pūjāsilā-prākāro Nārāyaṇa-vāt(i)kā.
The two fragments found near the boundary between Ghosūņdi and Bassi may be transcribed as follows: 5
1 ........ (tr)(a)(na) Sarvatātēna Ab[v]amëdha...... 2 ........ sarvēsvarābh(yam).
The inscription engraved in the Hathi-bādā which was recently found by the Government Epigraphist reads as follows:
...vatsēna) (Gá]i(a)yan[ē]na P(a)r(āśarīpu)t(rē)ņa (Sa}(t){vatā]tēna Ab(vamē)[dhayā).
[]}(in.). 2 .........(pa)-V(ā)gudēvábh[y]/in) anihatā(bhyarh) 88/r)vlē)[b]va[r](á)bh(yarh) palik
Xi)l(a)-P[1]a[k]áró Nār[&]yana-vāt(i)[k](a). 1 Arch. Suro. West. Ind., Vol. V, p. 60, 1. 1. 14. 8. I., An. Rep., 1908-09, p. 128, (Text A), l. 1. • Ibid., 1913-14, pp. 204-05. • For plate see above, Vol. XVI, facing p. 25 and Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, facing p. 203. * For plate see Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, facing p. 203.

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[VOL. XXII.
If we now carefully study Inscriptions A and C, we notice that they are fragments only in so far as their initial portions are gone, that, in other words, no letter seems to have been lost at the end of any one of the lines. This is clear particularly in the case of A. There is enough or even more than enough space left after the termination of every one of its lines to show that no letters have been lost after the last letter read of these lines. Secondly, it is worthy of note that whereas A consists of three lines, C contains only two, and that as both A and C end exactly with the word Nārāyana-vātikā, we must take it that the original text ended with that word. Thirdly, if we compare A with C, it is by no means difficult to fill up the lacunae at the beginning of lines 2 and 3 of the former inscription, especially with the help of B. Thus line 2 of A must have commenced with (rvatātēna Aévamēdhayā)jină, etc. Similarly line 3 of A must have begun with (anihatābhyāna sarvēstarā)bhyān, etc. It will be seen that ines 2 and 3 of A have each lost nine letters. The inference is irresistible that the same number of letters, viz., nine, has been destroyed, preceding tēna, with which line 1 commences. Now, it deserves to be noticed that whereas line 1 of A begins with tēna, line 1 of C does with vat(ena). And it is not at all difficult to restore the word to (Bhāga)vatêng. Six initial letters only thus remain to be accounted for. And perhaps we shall not be far wide of the mark if we tentatively fill up the lacuna with Kärito-yan rājña. We may thus restore Inscription A and thereby also the original text as follows:
1 (Kärito-yam rājña Bhagava)tēna Gäjäyanēns Päräsariputrēna Sa2 (rvatātēna Abvamēdha-ya)jină bhagava[de]bhyām Samkarshana-Vāgudēvābhyām 3 (anihatábhyam sarvēsvara)bhyām pūjāsilā-prākāro Nārāyana-vātika.
TRANSLATION, (This) enclosing wall round the stone (object) of worship, called Närāyaṇa-vātikā (Compound) for the divinities Sarkarshana-Väsudēvs who are unconquered and are lords of all (has been caused to be made) by (the king) Sarvatata, a Gājāyana and son of (a lady) of the Parāśaragotra, who is a devotee of Bhagavat? (Vishnu) and has performed an Advamedha sacrifice.
Between Pāräsariputrēna and Sarvatātēna of the Text given above Mr. Halder reads sa....na. But this is & mistake, because C clearly shows that Pārāsariputrēna was followed immediately by Sarvatātēna. The mistake has arisen, because the two fragments comprising B have been taken by him to be the integral parts of A. That this is & misconception, pure and simple, has been pointed out above. The fragment na Sarvatātēng of B should thus be restored, not to sa....na Sarvatätena as he has done, but to (pārāsariputrē) na Sarvatätena. That this restoration is the correct one may be seen from the estampage of the fragment supplied by the Government Epigraphist which has a clear trace of tr(ë) immediately preceding pa, showing that this na is the ending syllable of Pārāsariputrēna. This sa....na of Mr. Halder has been conjecturally restored by Mr. Ghosh to Sušarmană, denoting & Kāņva prince of that name mentioned in the Purāņas. But this superstructure based on a bubble crashes with the bursting of the bubble.
The king who constructed the půjätila prākāra for Sarkarshana and Viaudēva was thus Gājāyana Pārāsariputra Sarvatata. The mere matronymic Pārāśariputra cannot show to which caste Sarvatāta belonged. But the patronymic Gājāyana by its very formation indicates, as has been pointed out by Mr. Jayagwal, that he was a Brāhman. It is true, as remarked by Mr. E. H.
It is very difficult to say how the term Bhagavata is to be understood hero. It may mean" a devotee of Bhagavat (Vishnu)" has been translated above or "a devotee of Bhagavata (viz., of Samkarshapa and Vasudeva).
IM. An, Vol. LỢI, P. 203 1. H. Q., Vol. IX, p. 798.

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No. 32.]
A CHOLA INSCRIPTION FROM UTTIRAMERUR.
205
Johnston that Gājāyans as a patronymic is unknown. But Mr. Ghosh has correctly observed that a name similar to Gājāyana is Gadāyana (with its variant Gödāyana) occurring in the MatsyaPurana as the name of an individual göra. And it is not at all improbable to say that Gādāyans is a slip of the scribe for Gājāyana. Whether Sarvatāta, again, is the proper name or an epithet of the king is somewhat doubtful. It bears, however, the plausibility of being an epithet.
But kings even in ancient times were sometimes better known by their epithets than by their individual names. Thus the Maurya emperor, Asoka, has styled himself Priyadarsin, which is an epithet, in all his inscriptions, except one; in this last alone he is known by his proper name, Asoka. And even though Sarvatāta is taken as an epithet as seems very likely, it need cause us no surprise. The question now arises, who could this Gājāyana Sarvatāta be? His records show that he lived in the first century B.C. His patronymic Gājāyana also shows that he was a Brāhmaṇ. And further we have to note, as Mr. Ghosh has told us, that Gādāyana which obviously is a mistake for Gājāyana is mentioned in the Matsya-Purāna as an individual götra falling under the Kānva division of the Angiras Gana. It thus appears that Sarvatáta was a Kāņva. And we know from the Puranas that after the Sungas the Kāņvas became the rulers of North India. The Kāņvas thus exercised supremacy in the first century B.C. Nothing therefore precludes us from supposing that Sarvatāta was a Kanva ruler. It is true that Sarvatāta is not found in the list of names, given by the Purāņas, of the Kāņva rulers. But as we have seen above, Sarvatāta is not a proper name, but rather an epithet. And it is not at all impossible that it was an epithet borne by one of the princes of this Brāhmaṇ dynasty.
No. 32.-A CHOLA INSCRIPTION FROM UTTIRAMERUR.
BY PROPESBOR K. A. NILAKANTA SASTRI, MADRAS. The inscription edited below has been noticed briefly in the Annual Report on South-Indian Epigraphy for 1923, Part II, paragraph 28. It is engraved on & stone slab built into the south wall of the Hanuman shrine in front of the Sundaravarada perumal temple, Uttiramērür. The inscription which fully covers the face of the slab occupies an area 13" x 37", and the average height of the letters is 1", the ligatures sometimes measuring up to 2" and more. Only eight lines of the inscription at the beginning are preserved, but it seems unlikely that the missing part extended over more than two or three lines. In any case, what is left of the inscription enables us to form an adequate idea of its purport and significance. I edit it from two impressions, one in my possession, the other supplied by the Superintendent for Epigraphy, Madras.
The inscription is dated in the 158th day of the ninth year of king Rājarājakēsarivarman, i.e. Rājarāja I, and thus belongs to A.D. 993-4, the reign of that king having commenced on some day in the month following the 25th June, 985 A.D. Paleographically, the inscription bears a very close resemblance to the other stone inscriptions of Rājarāja's reign, the alphabet being Tamil with the usual admixture of Grantha for Sanskrit words.
The language of the inscription is Tamil. The grammatical.construction of the main sentence of the vyavasthā is faulty; it seems to follow local colloquial usage, but the meaning is clear. Note
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. LXI, p. 204. No. 197 of 1923. Marked Peruma! Koil in the plan of Uttiramērår in my Studies in Cöla History and Administration.
Cf. Nos. 176 of 1908 and 298 of 1908 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection, . Above, Vol. IX, p. 217.

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206
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
particularly the changes from -enum to -enral in l. 4 and to enrum in 1.6. The form javasthai for vyavasthai, and the use of the verb pokkaruttal in the sense of answer for ' are noteworthy.
The object of the inscription is to record a decision (vyavastha) of the Mahasabhā of Uttiramēruchaturvēdimangalam, the best known of the village sabhās of the Chõļa period on account of the celebrated inscriptions of the reign of Parāntaka I. regulating its constitutional arrangements. The decision of the sabhā relates to the responsibility for the payment of fines (dandam) imposed on the members of different groups by different agencies. The groups liable to fines are enumerated thus : Brāhmaṇas, Sivabrāhmaṇas, Accountants, Merchants, Vellalar and any other castes (jātigal) (II. 4-6). The agencies that could levy fines were : the King's court (rājadvāram), the court of justice (danmāsanam), the revenue department (vars), and others (marruttanum). The decision is that for all fines levied only the particular caste or group to which the individual or individuals fined belonged should be held accountable for their proper payment.
The occasion for this decision is not explicitly stated. But it seems proper to assume that the Mahasabhā was responsible for securing the timely payments of fines by the villagers, that somehow the sanctions required to secure this began to fail them, and that consequently, they reached a method that made a powerful appeal to group-loyalty and enlisted the co-operation of the groups with the Mahāsabhā in the discharge of its responsibility. It will be noticed that the enumeration of the authorities levying the fine (dandam) and of the classes of persons liable to it, is illustrative and not exhaustive; 80 that even fines, if any, levied by the Mahasabhā itself would fall under the operation of this new vyavastha.
The mention of accountante, merchants and Vellalar among the groupe raises an interesting issue. Were these classes members of the Mahasabhā and did they take part in its deliberations? I think the answer to this question must be in the affirmative for two reasons. First, the meeting of the general assembly of the village is described as comprising everybody, young and old (ābālavriddharamaiya epperppatadum)', and there is no indication that it was an exclusively Brāhman assembly. Secondly, the various Chāla inscriptions which lay down special qualifications of property and education relate to the executive of the assembly indicated by such words as Vāriyam, Sabhämārrafijolludal, Kütam,' etc. The vyavastha recorded in our inscription must thus have had the approval of all the classes affected by it.
The Mäqür inscription of Māçanjadaiyan. (A. D. 800), it must be noted, lays down a high qualification in property and education not only for the vāriyam but for a person taking part in the general assembly, manrādutal, as well. And the Tiruchchendur inscription of Varaguna II shows that the system of village government that prevailed in the Pandya country in the ninth century was much the same as we find it in the Chola kingdom of the tenth century and later. We may assume either that the Mānür rule was an exception, or what seems more probable, that in course of time the exclusiveness of the sabhas broke down in part.
TEXT. 1 Svasti sri [l*] Kov-Irājardjakidaripaņmarkku yanda 9 nap 188 Utti2 ramēru-chchatuvvēditnangalattu Mahasabhaiyom Tulāvāra-brikāyil 8 mukamandapattē pagalk-kudiyirupdu Mabasabhaiyom seyda javasthaiyi-kvadu r[a]4 jadvāratt-ēpum danmāsanattenral Variyill-e-oral marruttāpum nammūril bra
R.y., 62 of 1898. * Above, p. 5. * Expressed by a symbol.
A tadbhava oi varastha.
* Studies in Chola History and Administration, pp. 82-84. • Abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 101. .Read-chaturvedi.

Page #258

SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE : ONE-FIFTH.
Ruo. No. 3902 E-35-425. N. P. Chakravarti.
8 th A HALOS
tata 8 ter m olecole new tamil til iontinuar Oleck l er ELE-1 -olenga kufika sehingga 9.
Det litrovitalistlimle lw't reg vikara po sa kanyang tida M otorizatie de a kshamisen lapsenizl&Pro Reelikim
erzin on Carolina Semjobrih mampos zakrelor elimu zis sati 3.rentes PACETO
Deeptimo Peco Teplálintaa lärlig puss
15
TES
A CHOLA INSCRIPTION FROM UTTIRAMERUR.

Page #259


Page #260

No. 33.]
AN UNFINISHED VAKATAKA PLATE FROM DRUG.
207
5 hmanar-[enral sivabhrahmanar-enral Kanakkar1-enral vyaparigal-en[ral*] Vellalar
6 (r)enral marrumm-eppērppaṭṭa jätigall-enrum avvava-jätigal paṭṭa danḍam avva[v]
7 are pōkkaruppär-(r)ägavum brāhmaṇarai iṭṭa dandam brāhmaṇarē pōkkaruppārga]-[a]
8 gavum sivabrāhmaṇarai iṭṭa danḍam sivabr[ā]hmaṇarē pōkkaṛuppārgal-āgavum kā[ņa]........
TRANSLATION.
(Ll. 1-3). Hail! Prosperity! On the 158th day in the ninth year of (the reign of) king Rājarājakēsaripanmar, we, the Mahasabha of Uttaramēru-chaturvēdimangalam, assembled by day in the mukhamandapa of the sacred temple of the tulābhāra2, and made the following resolution:
(Ll. 4-8). Whether at the gate of the royal palace, or at the court of justice or in the (department of) revenue, or elsewhere, the Brahmanas, Sivabrāhmaṇas, accountants, merchants, Veļļāļas and any other castes of our village, shall be themselves answerable for the fines laid on the respective castes, the Brahmaņas being answerable for the fines laid on Brāhmaṇas, the Sivabrāhmaṇas being answerable for the fines laid on Sivabrāhmaṇas,--
No. 33. AN UNFINISHED VAKATAKA PLATE FROM DRUG.
BY PROF. V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., NAGPUR.
This plate was discovered some years ago at Mohalla, the headquarters of the Panabaras Zamindari in the Drug District of C. P. An impression taken at the time by Mr. M. A. Saboor of the Nagpur Museum was sent to the late Rai Bahadur Hiralal. As it was only a single plate, not containing the complete genealogy or even the name of the donor, Rai Bahadur Hiralal did not naturally consider it of sufficient importance and it is not, therefore, included in his list of inscriptions of C. P. and Berar published in 1932. I came to know of its existence in January 1934, from a casual reference in his letter. I requested him to give me more details, but he could not recollect any except that it was in the possession of a Zamindar in the Drug district. Later on while turning up old papers, he found an old impression of it which he kindly sent me. As Rai Bahadur Hiralal had fortunately jotted down at the time the name of its owner, I requested Mr. B. A. Bambawale, I.C.S., Deputy Commissioner of Drug, to procure the plate for me. He traced it to one Akbar Khan, a petition-writer of Drug, who held it on behalf of Nagshah of Sārōli. In the course of inquiries made by Mr. Bambawale it was elicited that the plate was originally found at Mohalla by one Bisambhar Raut who sent it to Nagshah. But for Mr. Bambawale's keen interest and active help this unique plate would not have again come to light. It is now deposited in the Nagpur Museum.
This plate was intended to be the first of a set of three or four plates recording the charter of a Vākāṭaka king. It is inscribed only on one side. It measures 8" by 3.75" and weighs 19 tolas. It is only" in thickness and is thus the thinnest of all Väkāṭaka plates discovered so far. About 1.9" from the middle of the proper right margin there is a hole, '35" in diameter, for a ring intended to connect it with other plates of the set. But no such ring has been discovered so far. The size of the plate and the position of its hole show that it does not belong to the same set as the Patna Museum third plate of the Vākāṭaka king Pravarasena II edited by Prof. A. S. Altekar.
1 Read Kanakkar.
No doubt the Sundaravarada Perumal Kōyil.
*The Patna Museum plate is 7.25" by 4.2". About 1" from the centre there is a hole about-35" in diameter. J. B. O. R. 8., Vol. XIV, pp. 465 ff.

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208.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
The plate contains five lines only. The letters are very neatly cut and do not show through on the reverse, though the plate is very thin. The ends of the plate are neither fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims, still the inscription is in a perfect state of preservation.
As stated above, the plate records the charter of a Vākāțaka king and is, like most other plates of the Väkātakas, inscribed in the box-headed characters which were current in C. P. and Berăr from the fourth to the sixth century A.D. The boxes at the top of letters are not scooped out hollow, but appear like small squares as in many inscriptions of the Vākāțakas. The engraver has not engraved boxes at the top of the letters ja and la and, in some cases, ta, dha, and ga. The characters resemble, in a general way, those of the Riddhapur platest of Prabhāvatigupta and the Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman and call for few remarks. The medial ā, é and o are generally denoted by horizontal mätrās, bent downwards at the end, added generally at the top (cf. Padmapurät, 1.1) and in some cases, particularly in that of m, at the middle of letters (cf. mëdha and samtājah, I. 2). One of the two mātrās for ai is on the top (cf. Bhairava, 1. 3). The medial au is bipartite as in the cognate records of the Vākātakas. The medial i is denoted by & curve turned to the left on the top of a letter often forming a loop (cf. Siva, 1. 3), while its length is expressed by adding to it another and smaller curve turned in the opposite direction (cf. Sri-Pravarasenasya, I. 2). The medial u is shown either by lengthening the vertical to end in a serif (cf. supari-, L. 3) or by a curve turned to the right (cf. chatur., 1. 1). The letters a, ka and ra have ornamental curves at the lower ends of their verticals as in the Southern alphabet ; da has a round back and is not clearly distinguished from da (cf. dasāsvamēdha, 1.5 and Shodashy., 1.1); va is distinguished from ba which latter has a notch on its left; ma appears in a transitional cursive form with the lower box added to its left arm. Its other form with the box attached to the right vertical which is generally seen in the charters of Pravarasēna II does not appear in this record. The two forms appear side by side in the Riddhapur plates of Prabhāvatiguptā and Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman. The form of ma used in the present plate develops ultimately into that found in the charters of the kings of Sarabhapura as well as in those of Tivaradēva. The final é and m appear in a much reduced size and the latter has a looped base. The loop on the left side of ya has almost disappeared in two places (cf. Vājapēya, 1. 1 and Yājinaḥ, 1. 2). The right arm of la is longer than the left except in the case of li. The language is Sanskrit. As for orthography we bave to note the reduplication of the consonant following r, e.g., in Aptoryyāma, 1. 1; th is reduplicated before y in Uktthya (1.1) and Bhagiratthya (1. 4), the reduplicated letter being made unaspirate.
With the exception of the place of issue the record is identical, so far as it goes, with the initial portion of the charters of the Vākāțaka kings Pravarasēna II and Prithivishēņa II. It mentions by name only one prince of the dynasty, viz., Pravarasēna I, who assumed the Imperial title of Samrät and performed several Vēdic sacrifices. It then refers to his grandson who was & great devotee of Svāmi-Mahabhairava and who was the daughter's son of Bhavanäga the Mahārāja (of the family) of the Bhārasivas. The description of the Bhārasivas--their coronation with the water of the Ganges which they had obtained by their valour, and their performance of ten Afvamēdhasis given as in the other plates of the Vākāțakas. The record on the plate breaks off just before the mention of this grandson of Pravarasēna I, viz., Rudrasēna I. The plate purports to have been issued from Padmapura.
Here two questions present themselves :-(1) Was the inscription commenced on this plate finished or was the plate rejected for some reason or other! (2) Who was the king who intended to issne this charter? As for the first question, I am inclined to think that the inscription was 1J.P. A..B., Vol. XX, pp. 58 ff.
* Above, Vol. XIX, p. 100.

Page #262

No. 33.]
AN UNFINISHED VAKATAKA PLATE FROM DRUG.
209
never completed or, in any case, the present plate was rejected for some unknown reason. Nearly all the charters of the Vakatakas contain the word drishtam, with or without some word like siddham or svasti, at the beginning or in the margin. The only exceptions so far known are the Bālāghāt plates of Prithivishēņa II and the Riddhapura plates of Prabhāvatiguptā. Of these, the former is known to be an incomplete charter. In the case of the latter the word was probably not inserted for want of space. As in the Bāläghāt platas of Prithivishēna II there is in the present plate sufficient space for three letters in the beginning of the first line. If the record on the plate had been completed, the word drishtam would have been prefixed to it as in so many other records of the Väkātakas. The following remarks of Prof. Kielhorn about the Bālāghăț plates would equally apply to our plate--"I am convinced now that drishtam (and the Prakrit dittham of the Mayidavõlu and Hira badagalli plates) must really be taken in its ordinary sense of seen' and that it is similar to the modern true copy' or examined' of official letters or Government orders. Such a remark could, of course, have been affixed or prefixed to a document only when it was finished and it is missing here, because our grant was not completed." Another point to be noted in the case of the present plate is that it leaves space sufficient for five letters at the end of the last line. The word Gautamiputrasya which follows Bhavanaga-dauhitrasya in other Vākātaka records, could very well have been written in that space. In fact the engraver seems to have begun to incise the word; for faint traces of the top portion of the first syllable of that word can be noticed on the plate. That the engraver left so much space at the end seems to show that he received an order to stop before he could complete that line. Whether the record was inscribed on another set of plates cannot be determined at present.
Let us next try to answer the second question- Who was the king that intended to issue this charter ?' The general resemblance between the characters of the present plate and those of the Dudia and Riddhapur plates seem to indicate that it might be Pravarasēna II. But almost all the known complete charters of Pravarasēns II were issued from Pravarapura, & city which he himself seems to have founded and made his capital. It seems that Nandivardhana was the capital of the Vākāțakas before the time of Prayerasēna II; for the earliest grant of the dynasty discovered so far, viz., the Poona plates of the queen mother Prabhāvatiguptă, was issued from Nandivardhana.? So it was Pravarasēna II who shifted the capital from Nandivardhana to the newly founded city of Pravarapura. If he had intended to grant the present plate, Pravarapurs and not Padmapura, should have, in all probability, been the place of issue. Besides, the palæographical evidence detailed above seems to show that the present plate may be assigned to a slightly later date. Padmapura is not known to have been a holy place (tirtha); nor is a
1 Cf. the Chammak and Siwani plates of Pravarasēna II ; Fleet, 0.1.., Vol. III, Nos. 58 and 56. *Cf. the Dudia plates of Pravarasēna II, above, Vol. III, p. 268. • Cf. the Poona plates of Prabhāvatigupta, ibid., Vol. XV, p. 39. • Above, Vol. IX, pp. 267 ff.
Ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 268-269.
• The only exceptions are (1) the Siwani plates which, however, do not mention any place of issue and (2) the recently discovered Tirodi plates (above, pp. 171 ff.) which, as I have shown in my article on them, were probably issued from a holy place. In the case of the Patna Museum plate (J. B.O.R.S., Vol. XIV, p. 465) and the Ramtek plate (List of O. P. Inscriptions, Second Edition, p. 4), the first plates of their sets being missing, the place of insne is not known.
Rai Bahadur Hiralal has identified this place with Nagardhan 4 miles from Ramtek, but it is more likely to be Nändpur about 15 miles to the north of Ramtek where extensive ruins can still be seen and where two seals inscribed in characters of the 3rd and 4th centuries A.D. have been found. (See J. P. 4. 8. B., Vol. XXIX, pp. 159 ff.)
Mr. K. N. Dikshit has conjecturally identified this with Paynär in Wardha distriot where there is a high strong fort overlooking a river and considerable ruins (ibid., Vol. XXIX, p. 109).

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(VOL. XXII.
word like väsakāt added to it, showing that it was the site of the donor's camp. It seems, therefore, that Padmapura was the capital of a successor of Pravarasēna II who intended to issue this charter.
Let us next consider why the capital was shifted from Pravarapura. The Bāläghåț plates of Prithivishēņa II describe that king as one who had raised his sunker family. This expression has not been satisfactorily explained. It evidently refers to some foreign invasion in the reign of Přithivishēņa's father and Pravarasēna II's son, Narēndrasēns, when he was reduced to great straits. Who was this powerful enemy of the Vākāțakas? We should note in this connection that the Rithpur plates of Bhavattavarman which have been referred to a period falling between the end of the fifth and the first half of the sixth century were issued from Nandivardhana, which, as shown above, was formerly a capital of the Vākațākas. So Bhavattavarman must have occupied the western portion of the Vākātaka kingdom. The Vākāțakas in this emergency seem to have shifted their capital to Padmapura in the East where they had the support of their loyal feudatories, the kings of Kõsala (Chhattisgarh) and Mēkala (the region round the source of the Narmadā). An inscription of Bhavattavarman's successor has been discovered at Pödāgadh in the Jaypur Agency of the Vizagapatam district of the Madras Presidency, from which it appears that the Nalas suffered a great reverse after their initial success and their capital Pushkari was made desolate. It seems, therefore, likely that Prithivishēna II carried the war into the enemy's territory and regained his ancestral kingdom evidently with the help of his maternal grandfather the king of Kuntala and his feudatories of Kõsalā, Mēkalā and Mälava. His Bālāghāt plates were intended to be issued when he was encamped at Vēmbāra. No other plates of either Prithivishēna II or his successors have been discovered ; 80 we do not know the name of their capital. It seems likely that our present plate was intended to be issued either by Napāndrasēna or his son Prithivishēņa II from the then capital Padmapura. If so, Padmapura is the last known capital of the Väkātakas.
The mention of Padmapura in the present plate is also important from another point of view. The well-known Sanskrit dramatist Bhavabhūti, who ranks in Sanskrit literature next only to Kalidasa and flourished towards the close of the seventh century A.D., mentions Padmapura as his ancestral home. In one of his plays, the Mahaviracharita, Padmapura is stated to be in the Dakshiņāpatha, while in another, viz.; the Malati Madhava, it is mentioned as situated in Vidarbha. As no place named Padmapurs was known till now from any epigraphic record as
fuf* ?) weitus: TATATHATURTHER fafarave (above, Vol. IX, p. 271).
There is no ground for Prof. 8. K. Alyangar's conjecture that Napendrasēna allied himself with the Pushya: mitras and the Patumitras who rose in revolt against Skandagupta and was subsequently defeated by the latter (The Vakatakas in the History of India, p. 50). Mr. K.P. Jayagwal thinks that the Väkātāka family must have sunk along with the Guptas owing to Hun invasions (History of India, 150 A.D.-350 A.D., p. 102). But there are no traces of Hun coupation in the heart of the Vakataks kingdom, whereas we have clear evidence of the occupation of Nandivardhana by. Bhavattavarman of the Nala family who rose about that time.
* Above, VOL XIX, p. 100. • वीसलामकलामालवाधिपतिभिरभ्यर्षितमासनस्य प्रतापवानातिसमझा(प्रतापप्रच्चतारिशासनस्य) वाकाटकालाहाराक
zenu.... * Above, Vol. XXI, p. 153 Pushkari has not been identified. It may be identical with modern Barsur in the State of Baatar, C. P., which abeunds in ancient ruins. (See Gaspeteer of the Chattisgarh Feudatory States, P. 39.)
This place has not yet been identified. It is likely to be Bēmbal about 28 miles to the east of Chandi and 2 milos to the west of the Waanganga. This identification would further indicate that Prithivishēna II was on his way to the territory of the Nalas which lay further to the south-east, probably in the State of Bastar.

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No. 33.]
UNFINISHED VAKATAKA PLATE FROM DRUG.
situated in Berar, some scholars were inclined to take it as identical with Padmavati, the scene of Bhavabhuti's Malati-Madhava, which is now clearly shown to be Pawaya 25 miles north-east of Narwar in Gwalior State. The discovery of the present plate has settled this disputed point and proved incontrovertibly that Bhavabhuti was born in ancient Vidarbha. The Vākāṭaka kings were patrons of Vedic learning and performed many important Vedic sacrifices. It is no wonder, therefore, that we find such learned Mimamsakas as the ancestors of Bhavabhuti, who themselves performed such sacrifices as the Vajapēya, settled in Padmapura, where they must have received the patronage of the Vākāṭakas. After the decline of the Vākāṭakas, there were no great royal dynasties ruling in C. P. and Berar in the 7th and the beginning of the 8th century A.D. Bhavabhuti seems, therefore, to have gone to the north where he found a patron in Yasōvarman, the mighty king of Kanauj, as stated in the Rājatarangini.
211
We have seen above that Padmapura was situated in Vidarbha. From the Malavikāgnimitra of Kalidasa we learn that the river Wardha divided Vidarbha into two parts. Ancient Vidarbha, therefore, comprised not only modern Berar but also the Marathi districts of the Central Provinces, which, as I have shown elsewhere, were under the direct rule of the Vākāṭakas. As a matter of fact there is no village named Padmapura in modern Berar proper, while there are at least six villages of that name in the Chanda and Bhanḍārā districts of C. P. Of these Padampur, 2 miles from Amgaon, a station on the Bengal-Nagpur Railway, is probably the Padmapura of the present plate. As I have shown elsewhere the villages mentioned in the Siwani plates of Pravarasēna II can be identified in its vicinity. The village contains many ancient relics. When I visited the place during the Christmas of 1934, I found four finely carved but broken images of the Tirthankaras Pārsvanatha and Rishabhadeva, some others of Hindu gods like Vishnu and remains of two Mediaeval Hindu temples, such as fragments of massive stone pillars, a large lintel measuring 8' x 1'-7" x 1'-6" and bases of door-jambs, in the adjoining fields. No other Padampur in C. P. is reported to have such ancient relics. There are at present no Brahmin families in Padampur itself which is now a small village of 112 souls, but there are many Brahmins in the neighbourhood of Padampur. It is noteworthy that they follow the Taittiriya branch of the Black Yajurvēda to which Bhavabhuti's family belonged. I, therefore, feel no hesitation in concluding that Padampur in the Amgaon Zamindari of the Bhanḍārā district, C. P., was the last Vākāṭaka capital and. the ancestral home of Bhavabhuti.
xxxvi.
1 Cf. Dr. S. K. Belvalkar's Introduction to the Uttara-Ramacharita (Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. XXI), p. 2 A. S. R., for 1915-16, pp. 1-10.
• अति दक्षिणापथे पद्मपुरं नाम नगरम् । तत्र afefefer: काश्यपाश्चरणगुरवः पङ्क्तिपावनाः पश्चाप्रयो धृतव्रताः सोमपीथिन उदुम्बरनामानी ब्रह्मवादिनः प्रतिवसन्ति । तदामुष्यायणस्य तत्रभवतो वाजपेययानिनी महाकवेः पञ्चमः.... श्रीकण्ठपदलान्छनी भवभूतिर्नाम जातूकर्णीपुत्रः
(Mahaviracharita pp. 2-3,
ed. Oxford University Press).
Act V, st. 13.
s Above, p. 169.
Above, p. 171, footnote 1.
1 An old farmer of Padampur told me that one more image was taken to the Nagpur Museum about forty years ago. It cannot however be definitely identified there, as no accurate record of the findspots of images has been kept in the Museum and the provenance of many is not known. But from the dimensions of its stone prabhavali, which is still in situ at Padampur, the image seems to be identical with that of Siva (A.-22 in the Descriptive List of Exhibits in the Nagpur Museum) which is said to have come from Bhandārā' (district ?).
It may be noted in this connection that the Siwani plates of Pravarasens II which record the gift of the village Brahmapuraka in the neighbourhood of Padampur, were granted to a Brahmin of the Taittiriya-sakha.
....

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL.XXII.
TEXT. 1 पनपुरात् [1] पग्निष्टोमाप्तो•मोक्त्यवीडम्यतिराषवाजपेयवृपतिसवसाद्य- .
स्क्रचतुरख2 मेधयाजिनः' विष्णुवक्षसगोषसम्माज: वाकाटकानामहाराजश्रीप्रवरसेनस्य चनोः
सूनीः 3 अत्यन्तस्वामिमहाभैरवमतस्य सभारसविविशितशिवलिङ्गोहनशिवसुपरि4 तुष्टसमुत्पादितगजवंशानां परालमाधिगतभागिरथ्यमलजलमूर्धाभिषिक्तानाम् 6 दयाम्खमेधावत'चातानाधारशिवानामहाराजश्रीभवनागदौरियार
1 From the original plate. * There is a space of 7' sufficient for incising three letters before this word.
Here and in some places below the rules of sandhi have not been obeerved. • Road भागौरत्य्य. • Rond मूभिषिक्तानाम् • Read बमथ.
"There is a space of 1.3" left after this word. Faint traces of the top portion of plato.
letter can be seen on the

Page #266


Page #267

THE SEAL OF THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
ACTUAL SIZE ANCIENT TOWER AT NEGAPATAM. (FROM IND. ANT. Vol. VII).
THE TOWER AS 1 EXISTED IN 1846.
BRONZE IMAGE PRESENTED TO LORD SALIER IN 1868.
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI.
From photographs.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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No. 34.]
THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
No. 34. THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES (OF RAJARAJA I).
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE.
The Leiden University Museum in Holland preserves two sets of copper-plate charters of the Cholas of which the larger contains 21 leaves or plates and the smaller 3 leaves. These are popularly known as the Large and Small Leiden Grants. They were edited nearly half a century ago, i.e., in 1886 by Pandit Natesa Sastri and Burgess in Volume IV of the Archaeological Survey of Southern India. The provenance of the plates is not noticed by the authors: but regarding the larger set they say that it is engraved in Chōla-Grantha characters on 21 plates each measuring 14" by 5". They also note:-" The plates are held together by a massive ring bearing a seal about 4 in diameter with 16 knobs at about equal distances from each other round the margin. The central field contains, on the left, two fishes-the scales, fins, gills, eyes and mouth, of which are all clearly expressed; and on the right, an animal, seated dog-fashion, with its tail brought forward to touch the nearer of the fishes :--from the large tusk in its mouth, it is probably intended for a tiger-the Chōla symbol. Over it is a chhatra, with a chamara on each side, the handles resting on the heads of two small pillars resembling lamp-stands,-each stand having a cloth knotted round the middle of it. The tops of these resemble lamp flames. A well-raised circle, double below, surrounds all this; and outside it, in raised characters of the Chola-Grantha type, is the legend beginning at the bottom :
213
Iti Rajendra-Chōlasya Parakesarivarmmaṇaḥ rājarājanyamakuṭaśrēņi-ratnēshu śāsanam " The following additional information is found in the note recently received from Leiden, by Dr. Chakravarti, and kindly forwarded to me by him3:-"The plates are " in thickness. On the left side there is a hole (diameter 1") by means of which the plates are fastened to a massive copperring having an outward diameter of 13". The ring has a circular section with diameter of 3" and has been soldered into a cylindrical tube with raised rims. This tube, measuring 51" in length and 1" in section, contains a short inscription which contains the name Apaimangalam in Tamil. On the top of the tube there is a massive conical projection in the form of a lotus flower, with eight pointed leaves turned downward and sixteen pointed leaves turned upward. On the upper surface of this lotus is the seal" described above. The note further informs that "the writing has not been engraved: was written first on wax tablets and from these the copper-plates have been cast à cire perdue".
To the careful observations of Messrs. Burgess and Natesa Sastri I would only add that the inner one of the double line at the bottom of the raised circle is intended to denote the bow emblem of the Cheras whom the Chōlas had subdued, and that the legend requires slight emendation. Rajendra-Chōla's legend is given in two stone inscriptions published in the South-Indian Inscriptions (Texts), Volume V, and also in the seal of the Tiruvalangaḍu plates. With the help of their readings the legend on the seal of the Leiden plates given by Burgess and Natesa Sastri may be corrected into
Etad-Rajendra-Chōlasya Parakesarivarmmanaḥ [*] rājad-rājanya-makuta-érēņi-ratnēshu śāsanam [||*]
1 Pp. 204 ff.
[At my request Lt. Col. Th. van Erp of Rijks Ethnographisch Museum, Leiden, kindly sent, through the good offices of Prof. J. Ph. Vogel, excellent ink-impressions of the grant from which the facsimiles accompanying this article are prepared-Ed.]
General Nos. 578 and 579.
A. S. R., for 1903-04, p. 234.

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That this must be the reading is clear from the authors' own remarks that the symbol “ used for the first syllable of Rājēndra and for the third syllable of rājarājanya is quite different from that cmployed for ra elsewhere in the legend, being more like what one might expect to find for dra or pra." The photograph of the seal kindly sent by Lt. Col. Th. van Erp was examined by me in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India and found to agree with the reading given above. I may remark that there is no punctuation mark in the legend.
At the time the large Leiden plates were published, the account furnished in them formed the only authentic source for Chöla history and served to remove some of the misconceptions and wrong conjectures regarding a few of the members of the Chöļa family. The editors had correctly estimated the worth of the record when they said that it was the first Chola inscription yet translated containing much definite information respecting the dynasty, and must be regarded as of the greatest importance'. The genealogy it furnished superseded those published by Sewell in his Lists of Antiquities and formed an important basis for future investigations. Since the editing of these plates, a number of valuable Chõla records have been edited critically. Of these, the most important is the Tiruvalangadu grant discovered by me in 1906 and edited in the South Indian Inscriptions, Volume III. No less useful is the stone inscription of Virarājēndra found at Kanyakumäri by the late Gopinatha Rao and odited by me in the Travancore Archeological Series, Volume III. The Anbil plates of Sundara-Chõļa and the Madras Museum plates of Uttama-Chõļa, the former edited in the Epigraphia Indicat and the latter in the South Indian Inscriptions, are other important ones. Besides these epigraphical sources, there are a few Tamil historical texts which also aid the student in his study of the Chola history. These are the Kalingattupparani and the Kulottunga sõlanulā, first noticed by the late Kanakasabhai Pillai in the Indian Antiquary, Vikrama bölan-ulā, Rājarājasõlan-ulā and others, the texts of which had since been edited with care.
Considering the time of publication, it must be said that the inscription on the Leiden plates has been fairly well made out. But there are a few mistakes of the authors as well as of the printer which mar the text and distort the sense. They could be easily corrected without having recourse to the original, mainly with the help of the reading of other allied records. I noted down the mistakes when I took up its study seriously while editing the Kanyakumāri inscription in the Travancore Archeological Series nearly 15 years ago. On that occasion, I also revised the text of the Leiden plates, which on comparison with the impressions now kindly secured by the Government Epigraphist is found to agree. One of the serious defects in the previous edition of this inscription is the wrong arrangement of some of the plates. The plate marked there as “Fifteenth plate; second side" is really the fourteenth plate, second side. Similarly the plate marked "Fourteenth plate: second side" is in fact the fifteenth plate, second side. The inscription then reads through without any interruption; the regular order of the lines 284 to 316 given in the volume should be 284, 305 to 315, 295 to 304, 285 to 294 and 316.
While the published Sanskrit text is almost free from errors of transcription, the Tamil por. tion contains too many mistakes to be noticed here. The best way will be to give a correct version of the whole with proper division of words adding foot-notes wherever serious changes are effected. Most of the mistakes are simple ones due to taking ra for the length stroke from which it is hardly distinguishable or due to taking the basic consonant as the first combined consonant and vice
1 Vol. II, pp. 16+168. 2 See pages 283 to 489.
Pages 87 to 158. • Vol. XV, pp. 44-72. *Vol. III, pp. 264 ff.

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No. 34.1
THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
215
versa. In effect, the significance of some of the words has been altered or distorted and rendered meaningless. For instance karanattan has been read as kanattan (1. 356), Päkkaran has been read as Päkkän (1. 276), Peremapura as Perampura (1. 156), ulgum as ulakum (1. 285), virpidiyum as virapidiyum (1. 285), paya-kkallina as päykkallin (1. 236), Siriyān Kadamban as Siriyana kadamban (1. 244), etc. The formation of ta and na being almost similar, one has been mistaken for the other. For instance, the proper name Anaiyan has been read as apsiyada (1. 159). As lu is shaped almost like mu, the latter letter has been mistaken for the former, e.g., mätöļukku and nättölun (11. 173 and 174), for näṭṭomukku and näṭṭömun. The Granthe letter bha being similar to the conjunct tta, the former has been mistaken for the latter, e.g., Tammaḍistattan (1. 153) which must be Tammadi-Bhattan. Wrong division of words has sometimes resulted in distorting words and obscuring their sense. For instance, what has been read as brahmadeyamun-Kirakudi (1. 265f) ought to be brahmadeya-Mungirkudi, what has been read as peruttatoramangalum (11. 159-60) ought to be per-ttanton tāngalum (per tandontāngalum) and what has been taken as pal tēvavakai (1. 287) should be palad-evvagai. It is unnecessary to cite more instances as the mistakes are corrected in the revised text given below.
The impressions now obtained show that the inscription has been very neatly executed from beginning to end. It is in two sections. The first section is in the Sanskrit language and written in the Grantha alphabet. It contains 111 lines of writing and covers the obverse and reverse sides of five plates. Except the first plate, the rest are marked with the numerals 2 to 5 on the obverse sides, near the top of the ring hole, either to its left or right. These numerals are in smaller characters than the letters of the inscription.
The following orthographical peculiarities may be noted. The vowel a is represented by two separate symbols which could be easily mistaken for tara. The finals of consonants are indicated by a slight vertical stroke marked on the right top corner (for instances see yāvat in 1. 4 and pratāpavān in 1. 31), except in the case of m where it is marked on the top of the left side. The superscribed repha is denoted by a dot placed over the consonant (e.g., see särnginas in 1. 3 and Ravir-vvi in 1. 7). The length symbol is invariably separated from the letter to which it be longs. While kri (see Krishna in 1. 43, krita in l. 66f., kritya in l. 67), is represented by a hook turned to the right crossing ka, kri is shaped by bending, at the bottom, the vertical stroke of ka to the left (see chakra in 1. 52). There are many instances of the use of final m for anusvara; for example see sampatatbhis= in 1. 44, Sambhu in l. 69, dakshin-ambhō in 1. 69, sambhūtēna in 1. 80, sampanna in l. 101, and sambhavo in l. 103. While the medial short i is denoted by a concave curve marked over the latter, long i is denoted in two ways by having a closed loop at the beginning or end of the i curve. The u symbol is formed in three different ways: (1) In the case of most letters (n, p, m, y, etc.), it is indicated by the addition of a tube to the bottom of the letter: the long u in these letters is denoted by the further addition of a convex curve passing from the right of the letter to the left covering its lower portion. (2) In the case of letters like k and r, which have a tube-bottom, the u symbol is represented by the addition of a curve passing at the bottom of the letter with a slight bend on the right side: the long u in these letters is shown by a wavy line added to the letter at the middle of the right side. (3) In the case of t and &,, the u symbol is indicated by the addition of a hook at the bottom turned to the right. Tü and éu are not represented.
1 The lines quoted in this paragraph refer to the edition of the text by Burgess and Natesa Sastri.
On each side, the first plate contains 10 lines, the second 11 lines, and the third and the fourth 12 lines. While the obverse of the fifth plate has only 9 lines, the reverse of it contains 12 lines.

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The language and alphabet of the second section is Tamil, though Grantha letters are used in some words of Sanskrit origin. It contains 332 lines of writing and covers the obverse and reverse sides of sixteen plates. These plates are marked with the numerals 1 to 16 as in the Sanskrit portion. The omission of pulli or virāma, and the shaping of mu and Ju alike are the only points worthy of note.
Omission of letters are noticeable in grām (1. 49) for grāmam, vija (1. 67) for vijaya, samāhvah (L. 97) for samāhvayah, Jayangonbola (1. 108) for Jayangonda fola, in the Sanskrit portion; pünmai (1. 56) for pundamai, 'yüdattu (1. 126) for 'yüdaruttu, Kshatrifikha (1. 240) for Kshatriyabikha, brahmaden - (1. 212) for brahmadēyan-, Nannimanla (1.247) for Nannimangala, pisülndu (11. 232, 253, 268) for pidisülndu, and eludi (1. 234) for eļudinen in the Tamil portion.
Both the Sanskrit and the Tamil portions are in the script of the 11th century A.D. The writing of the Sanskrit section and the writing from the latter half of line 323 up to line 332 are alike, and seem to be somewhat in a different hand from the main Tamil section from lines 1 to 323 of the 16 Tamil plates.
We shall now notice the contents of the inscription. In the Sanskrit portion, the first verse is in praise of Vishnu' while the second is an invocation to the gods for the continuance of the Cho! family. Verses 3 and 4 introduce certain mythical ancestors of the solar family to which the Chēļas belonged. They are Manu' the son of Ahimakara (i.e., Sürya); his son Ikshvāku ; the virtuous Mändbātri. born in his family; his son Muchukunda; his son Valabha; and Sibi. born in his family. Of the last, the poet exclaims" who, excepting Vyasa, could extol the qualities of this king who protected his life only for the benefit of others!" (v. 5). The eponymous Chola' is
1 There are generally 10 lines on each face except on IIb, VIII, IXa and b, XIV. and XVa, which contain 11 lines each, and XV6, and XVIa, which have 13 lines each.
Verse 9 of Canto VIII of Kalingattupparami starts the mythical ancestry of the Cholas from Vishnu and car. ries it in regular succession through Brahman, Marichi, Kayapa, and Sūrys.
Verse 10 of Canto VIII of Kalingattupparani states that Ikahvaku was the son of Manu who was the son of Sürya. It refers to the rendering of justice by Mapu, to the astonishment of all, by holding the life of his own son as being no better than that of the calf overrun by the wheels of his car. The verse reads
Avv-Arukkap magan-agi Manu modini purand ariya-kadalanaiy ivinadu kapru-nigar-opr.
e-vvarukkamum viyappa murai-beyda kadaiyum Ikkuväguv-ivan-maindan-ena vånda parisum [lo]. It is interesting to note that the account of the Periyapurana of Manu rendering justice to & COW whose call ww run over by the car of his son, by running his own car over the latter, finds mention in an inscription of Vikrams.Chola found at Tiruvarur (No. 456 of 8. II.-Texte, Vol. V, pp. 174ff.). This gives some more details that are not found in the hagiology. Here it is stated that a cow having rung the bell put up at the gate (of the palace) of Manu, the king sent his minister (mantrin) Ubhaiyakulamalan of Palaiyur in Inga-nidu to know the cause of the ringing. On his reporting that a cow rang the bell, Manu oame out, saw the cow and her calf that lay dead, enquired and learnt, that the calf was run over by the car in which his son drove and considering his son's life as being equal to that of the calf, he ordered his minister to run a car over his son. The minister set out with a heavy heart and piercing his ears died. The dvdrapålas (i.e.. gate-keepers) informing the king of the happening, he felt sorry and himself ran the car over his son. At this juncture, the God showed His Grace by restoring to life the calf, the minister and the son of Manu. The king presented the call to the mother cow and set out for tapas with the minister, anointing the revived son in his place and appointing to the office of his minister, the minister's son named Sürya.
Before Mandhätā, the Kalingattuppara i introduces Purandara as being the son of Ikahvaku (VIII, v. 11.).
Mändhati and Muchukunds are described in verse 12. The former is described as making the fierce tiger and the deer drink together at the same ghaf.
In verse 13, Sibi is referred to only by his act of cutting his flesh from his body without the least agitation and entering the scales to equal the weight of the dove; and before him is mentioned one (i.e., Prithulakshu) who oarried the nectar arising from the churning of the ocean to the gods.
Speaking of Chole, the Kalingattupparani (verse 14) states that he formed the Cholamandala and that swa. dhiraja, i.e., Suraguru and others came in his line. The same verse also speaks of Rajakosarina and Parakesarin,

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then introduced as being born in his family (v. 6). It was after his name that the kings born in the family were called Chōlas. This is of importance in indicating that the name Chōla was first applied to a person, and then to the family, to the people and to the country. In this family was Rajakesarin and in the latter's family was Parakesarin (v. 7). It is stated that the names, or rather the titles, Rajakesarin and Parakesarin were borne alternately by kings born in the Chōla family (v. 8). Thus it is made clear that only ruling members of the line assumed the said titles and not the others. The next person mentioned as belonging to the family is Suraguru who acquired the name Mrityujit by conquering the god of death1 (v. 9). In his family was Vyaghrakētu whose descendant was Pañchapa (v. 10). From here, the information furnished in the plates relates to historical persons. King Karikala who is described as the god of death to his enemies, is said to have been born in his family. The fact noted about him is that he constructed embankments to the river Kävēri (v. 11). He seems to have won lasting fame by this deed. The composer of the Kanyakumari inscription draws special attention to the damage caused annually to the country by the river when it was in floods. The building of embankments to it not only alleviated the frequent sufferings of his subjects but turned the very source of evil into good and made the country grow in wealth and prosperity. And posterity never failed to mention with gratitude this noble act of the king. His renovation of the city of Kañchi, which as we know was the capital of the Pallavas from very early times, is recorded in the Tiruvalangaḍu plates. In these ways Karikala seems to have used the riches which he must have obtained by his successful fight with Trilochana-Pallava and the influence which he must have gained thereby. In the first of these works, Karikala was helped by several of the subjugated kings including Trilochana-Pallava.5 The date of Karikala has been taken to be the 5th century A.D. In Karikala's family was king Kochchanganṇan. He is described as the bee at the lotus feet of Sambhu (v. 12). While the story of Kochchangannan's previous birth as spider weaving cobwebs over the linga at Jambukēśvaram is detailed in the Periyapuranam and the Tiruvalangaḍu plates,? his building activities and devotion are referred to in the Deväāram. His victory in the battle of Kalumalam is fully described in the Kalavali. After him came kō-kKilli. A descendant of Killi was Vijayalaya (v. 13). While
1 Mrityujit is described in the Kalingattupparani (Canto VIII, v. 15) as " one who showed to Kala (i.e., the god of death) his way of conduct". In S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 417, n. 2, it has been pointed out that the poem evidently refers to Suraguru and Mrityujit as two different kings.
After Mrityujit, Vyaghrakētu and Pañchapa are the only two kings mentioned in the Leiden plates. The former is referred to in the Tiruvalangadu plates by his other name Chitraratha and it is stated that his bannercloth bore the emblem of the tiger. The Kalingattupparani evidently speaks of him when it refers to 'one who put in his flag Indra as the tiger'. Pañchapa is described in the Tamil poem as he who offered his blood to be drunk forcibly. The Kanyakumari inscription speaking of Pañchapa' states that he cut open five arteries of his body and fed with blood five Yakshas.
Tat-kule Kalikälö-bhút Kāvēri-tira-krin-nripah (above, Vol. VII, p. 153). Tasmin kule samabhavat Kalikala-Chölö virah Kavera-tanayan-taținim vidhätä (ibid, p. 150). Toludu mannarë karai-bey Ponni (Kalingattup. parani, VIII, v. 20).
South-Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, pp. 417f., v. 42.
Charana-sarōruha-vihita-vilochana-Trilochana-pramukh-äkhila-prithviévara-kārita-Kāvēri-tira (above, Vol. XI, p. 340, n. 2). Kavera-tanaya-[vel-o[1]lamghana-prašamana-pramukh-ady-anēk-āti saya-kärinab..... Karikalasya (Punyakumara plates, above, Vol. XI, p. 345).
Above, Vol. XI, p. 340.
"See S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 418, verse 43 and note 4. See v. 3 of Tirunavukkarasu's Devaram on Tiruchchaykkādu and his hymn on Tirunanipalli, verse 2; also Sundaramurttinäyanar's hymn on Tiruvavaḍudurai, verse 2. The Madakköyil at Tiruvaigel is said to have been constructed by Sengannan: see Jäänasambandar's hymn on that place.
K. V. S. Aiyer's Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, pp. 187 and 188, and also above, Vol. XI, p. 166, n. 6.

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[VOL. XXII.
the Kanyakumari inscription states that he constructed the town of Tañchapuri1 in the Chōla country, the Tiruvalangaḍu plates say that he captured that city and built the temple of Nisumbhasüdani in it. Since we know from the Sendalai pillar inscriptions that Tañchapuri was one of the principal cities of Perumbiḍugu-Muttaraiyan, who flourished immediately before the time of Vijayalaya, the conclusion is irresistible that the latter must have conquered the Muttaraiyan chief and wrested the town from his possession and made it his capital. As such the information furnished in the Kanyakumari inscription is not quite correct. And since we know from Vekär pāļayam plates that Nandivarman III, who was not far removed from Vijayalaya, had a certain Chōlamahārāja alias Kumarankusa as his ajñapti, it is not impossible that this Vijayalaya succeeded him and eventually made himself independent or paved the way for his son to raise the canopy of a dominion in Southern India. Of Aditya, the son of Vijayalaya (v. 14), much information is not given in the Leiden plates. But we know from other sources that he was a Rajakeéarivarman and had the name Kōdandarama,' that he was a great conqueror and knew no defeat, that he was on friendly terms with the Chera king Sthāņu Ravi' and the Western Ganga Prithvipati II,10 that he extended his territory into Tonḍai-nadu and killed or defeated the Pallava king Aparajita, that he acquired Kongu,11 that he built large temples to Siva on both banks of the Kāvēri and that he reigned from A.D. 870 to 907.10 Aditya's son was Parantaka (I.) (v. 15). He is said to have founded big towns, to have effected some conquests and to have covered with gold the temple of Indumauli, i.e., Šiva at Vyaghrägrahara (vv. 16-17). His achievements recorded in other places are the signal defeats inflicted on the Pandya Rajasimha, the acquisition of the Bāna kingdom and the bestowal of it on his ally the Western Ganga Prithvipati II, the conquest of Ceylon, 13 the overcoming of the Rashtrakuta Krishnaraja III in battle and the establishment 1 Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 155, v. 54.
28. I. I., Vol. III, p. 418, vv. 45, 46.
Above, Vol. XIII, pp. 134ff.
Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, p. 211. There are ample evidences of the rule of the Muttaraiyans in the Pudukkottai State and Tanjore and Trichinopoly Districts. See pages 138-39, above, Vol. XIII.
5 See S. I. I., Vol. II, p. 512, v. 26, and the Tamil portion which follows it. It is said that this Chōlamaharaja was called the heroic head jewel of the Chōla race, that the glory of his prowess was well known, that his liberality was that of Karna and that his conduct was upright.
Above, Vol. XV, p. 68, v. 17.
1 Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 155, v. 55.
Above, Vol. XV, p. 68, v. 18.
218
8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 221.
10 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 81ff.
11 Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, p. 213.
13 These are recorded in the Udayendiram plates of Prithvipati II (8. I. I., Vol. II, p. 387, vv. 9 and 10). The charter distinctly refers to two invasions of the Pandya country, in the earlier of which Parantaka I. defeated the Pandya king and captured his city, and in the later he not only defeated the Pandya but also slew an immense army despatched to his aid by the lord of Lanka. Paräntaka's first invasion of Madura may be placed in A.D. 910 when he assumed the title Madiraikonda'. The second invasion referred to above may be placed in about A.D. 918 which is the date of one of his inscriptions mentioning the battle of Velur in which it is also stated that Parantaka defeated the allied forces of Pandya and the king of Ceylon.
The
13 The earliest inscription that gives to Parantaka I., the epithet "Madiraiyum Ilamum konda" being dated in the 37th year of his reign, his conquest of Ceylon must be said to have taken place in or about A.D. 944. Tiravalangadu plates referring to this event state that "all the waters of the sea were not enough to quench the fire of the Chola king's anger, which consumed the enemies and which was put out only by the tears of the wives of the king of Simhala, cut and killed by the king's weapons " (S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 419, v. 52). The Kanyakumari insoription states that the name Simhalantaka was acquired by Parantaka I., by this achievement (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 155, v. 50).
14 Traw. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 155, v. 58. Parantaka's conquest of the Rashtrakuta Krishna III must have happoned before A. D. 944 which is the earliest date of Krishna III's records in the Tamil country subject to the rule of the Cholas (No. 375 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1909).

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of several agrahāras called after his name Viranarayana. The first over-seas invasion-which was to be continued long afterwards--was undertaken by him. He reigned for 48 years from A.D. 907 and paid great attention to the internal administration of his country. Verse 18 states that Paräntaka had three sons named Rajāditya, Gandarāditya and Ariñjaya. Of these, Rajaditya is said to have been the lord of the earth after Parāntaka I. had passed away (v. 19), and fighting with Krishnarāja, i.e., the Rashtrakūta king Krishna III, he is reported to have met with his end (v. 20). The incorrectness of the statement contained in verse 19 that Rājāditya became the lord of the earth after Parāntaka has been clearly shown on pages 82-83 of Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, where in a footnote, several records of Parantaka I., dated in regnal years corresponding to A.D. 947,948, 952 and 953 have been cited. Because the battle of Takkölam, in which Rājāditya lost his life, took place in A.D. 947 and is referred to in a record of A.D. 949, it is evident that he did not survivo his father, who lived and reigned, according to a recently discovered inscription dated in the 48th year, up to at least A.D. 955. From verses 21 and 22 we learn that Gapdarāditya reigned over the Chõļa dominion and founded a city after his name on the north bank of the Kāvēri,and passed away after a son named Madhurantaka had been born to him. The last statement is significant inasmuch as it indicates that Madhurāntaka was a child at the time of his father's demise. The next seven verses (vv. 23-29) state that Ariñjaya, his son Parantaka II who fought & sanguinary battle at a place named Chevūr* (v. 25), and the latter's son Aditya II who is said to have played sportively with Vira-Pāņdya while he was yet a youth (v. 28), ruled the kingdom in succession and that Madhurantaka succeeded Aditya II (v. 29). Thus, from the statements of the plates it is evident that the three kings Ariñjaya, Parāntaka II and Aditya II held the reins of government only during the minority of Madhurāntaka and gave him the kingdom when he came of age. Their reigns must accordingly have been short. That this was actually the case can be gathered from a consideration of the time of the rule of Uttama Chola. His stone inscriptions carry his reign to 16 years and one of them gives Kali 4083 as the equivalent of his 13th year. As such, his rule lasted from A.D. 969 to 985. Therefore, it is certain that the intervening kings between Parantaka I. to Madhurāntaka, omitting of course Rājāditya, who, as shown above, did not survive his father, must have reigned in the interval A.D. 955 to 970. Verses 30 to 34 speak of Rajäräja I., the successor of Uttama-Chöļa. He is said to have conquered the countries of Pandya, Tulu, Kerala and also Simhalindra and Satyä raya. The genealogy furnished in the present plates is given below in a tabular form for easy reference along with those supplied by the Tiruvālangāļu plates, the Anbil plates, and the Kanyākumāri inscription.
1 Ibid., v. 60.
1 Annual Report on Sowth-Indian Epigraphy for 1932, p. 49. . This place has been identified with Kandarādittam in the Trichinopoly District.
• In some inscriptions he claims to have driven the Pandys into the forest". The Kanyakumari record states that the quivering Pandya contemporary of his crossed the mountain and fled away. Sundara-Chota's general Parantakan Siriyavēļār, a KodumbäJür chief, is said to have lost his life in a battlefield in Ceylon in the 9th year of the king's reign (above, Vol. XII, p. 124, and note 3).
• A. R. on Epigraphy for 1908, p. 69.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
THE TABLE SHOWING THE ANCESTRY OF THE CHOLAS IN
The Tiruvalangada plates.
Anbil plates of Sundara
chola.
The Kanyakumari
inscription.
The Leiden plates.
Sun-Manu-Ikshviku Vishnu-Brahma-Marichi Brahma-Marichi-Kasyapa. Sun-Manu-Ikahvaku ... Vikukabi-Purajaya alias Kasyapa-Aryaman ... Vivasván-Manu-Ikshvaku- Mindhátri-MuchukundaKakutatha-Kakshivat. Mahivira ... Rudrajit. Vikukshikrava-Purajaya... Valabha ... Sibi ... Chola. Aryyamā ... Apalapratāpa Chandrajit-Ukinara-Sibi... Prithu ... Kuvalasva ... ... Vēna-Pfithu...Dhundhu
Chola.
Måndhätri ... Muchukunmára... Yuvanäeva-Män
da ... Harichandra ...
Rajakēsarin. dhätri-Muchukunda...
Sagara ... Bhagiraths ... Valabha-Prithuláksha- Seppi, Killi, eto. Rituparna... Dilīps ... Parthivachūdamani
Rama ... Chola.
Parakesarin. Dirgbabahu alias Chandrajit Sámkriti...Panchapa... Karikala, etc. Satyavrata alias Rudrajit
Rajakesarin. Suraguru alias Mrityujit. ...Ausinars Sibi...Marutta ... Dushyanta-Daushyanti Kõchohangappan: (built (Bharats)-Chola of Chol- temples for the lord of Parakesarin.
Vyaghrakēta. Varman.
Gauri in all countries,
v. 13). Räjakesarivarman of
Mrityujit.
Panchapa. Rajakesarin. Nallatikkop.
Virasens.
Karikala: (constructed Parakesarin.
embankments to the Valabha.
Kivéri).
Chitra or Vyaghrakētu. Chitraratha. Srikantha."
Köchchanganpäņ: (a Pushpaketu.
devotee of Sambhu). Chitráéva. Vijayalaya. Kétumals,
Ko-kKilli. Chitradhanvan: (brought Kavērakanyaka). Räjakesarin : (built large temples of stone to Siva
Samudrajit.
Vijayalaya. on both banks of che Buraguru alias Mrityujit.
Kávéri). Panchapa.
Aditya. Chitraratha alias Vira-Chola : (reduced MaVyágbrakētu. dhuri, married the daugh. Nfimrids. Parantaka I: (covered the ter of the Kerala king who
temple of Siva at Vyāghrawas also called Paluvet
grahara with gold). Narendrapati.
tarayar).
Manoratha.
Vasu (Uparichara).
Perunatkisli.
Arifichika: (married Kalyani, the daughter of the
Vaidumba king).
Visvajit.
Karikala.
village of the
a Räjiditya : (fought with Krishnaraja andGandarāditya :
-Ariñjaya. died in battle). after his name on (founded the bank Kā vēri).
Perunatkilli.
Sundara-Chöļa: (also called Rājakesarin and Parantaks; his virtuous rule and his martial glory described
in vv. 27-30).
Valabha.
Jagadēkamalla.
Kalikāla (Karikala): (renovated Kanchi with gold; constructed embankmente to the Kávēri).
Vyālabhayankara.
Madhurantaka.
1 The mythical ancestry of the Cholas as furnished in these sources is given at the beginning of each list before the eponymous Chola is mentioned. Hyphen after a name indicates son and successor and dota lineal descendant'.
* Tiruretumbür was called Srikantha-chaturvedimangalath.

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221
The Tiruvälangadu plates.
Anbil plates of Sundara
Chola
The Kaayakumari
inacription.
The Leiden plates
Köchchengannāņ ( spider in his previous birth ; devoted to Sambhu).
Vijayalaya : (construoted Parintaka II (fought . Tanohapurl in the Chola sanguinary battlo country).
Chévår) Aditya (L.) alias Ködandarāma: (killed the Pallava
king).
Vijayālaya :' (captured Tafichāpuri; consecrated Nisumbhasūdani). Adityavarman: (conquered in battle the Pallava Aparajita and took posaegsion of his country). Parantaka (I.): (defeated Pandya, Simhala; built a Dabhra-sabhā to Siva).
Parantaka (I.): (killed the Pandya king, destroyed Aditya (IH) alias Madhurs and acquired the Karikala: (fought witle title of Madhurantaka; Vira-Pandya). oonquered the unconquerable Krishnaraja and was famod 88 Vira-Chols; having killed the lords of Rajaraja I: (conquered the Simhala soquired the title Pandya, Tulu, Kerala, of Simhalántaka; estab- Simhalēndra and Satyalished agrahāras called Sraya; destroyed ships st after his other name Kandaļūr-Sala; captured Viranarayana). Vēngainadu, Cangapadi.
Nulam bapädi, Tadigaipadi.
Kudamalainadu, Kollam, Arindama Kalingam, and Ilam; and
removed the splendour of
the Beliyaa). Parantaka (II): (hearing of his advance the Pandya king Crossed the Madharantaka (Rajøndras mountain and fled).
Chola)
Rajaditys: (defeated Krishparaja and went
to heaven).
Gapdarāditya: (became king after his
father).
-Arindama: (became the best of kings).
Räjarij. (I.): (Satyakrays fled from the battlefield).
Parāntaka (II): (called a Manu and Sundara; on his death his queen Vänava mahādēvi committed
sati).
Madhurāntaka alias Rajondra-Chola: (conquered Kuntala, made Manyakhēts & playground for his armies ; had the kinge of Kulûts and Utkala alain and the chiefs of Kalinga and Vimea destroyed burnt Katäha).
Rajendra
dova.
the earth Aditya (II): (ruled after Parantaka (II); killed the
Påndya king in battle).
Arunmolivarman : (performed tula. bhāra; captured the town Vilindā; conquered the Pandya Amarabujanga and burnt the lord of Lankā; defeated Satyāáraya ; killed Andhra Bhima; conquered the country of Parafurāma, and subdued the kings of Gangs, Magadha, Aratta, Odda, Surashtra and Chalukya).
Rajadhiraja (set fire to Kalyanapura, and conquered Ahavamalla).
Kalinga, Veng
Vlrarājēndradēva alias Vira-Chola : (slew at Kūdalsangama the kings
1 After Aditya (LI), his paternal uncle Madhurantaka bore the burden of the earth and installed Araqmoli in the office of heir-apparent: his devotion to Siva is described

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229
The TravAlangidu plates.
Madhurantakaalias Utta
ma-Chōja, Rajendra Chola and Cholendrasimha: (conquest of the quarters with a powerful army: invasion of the South, the Pandya country and the-flight of the Pandya king to the Malaya hill; his son. Chala-Pandya lefs in charge of the kingdom; invasion of the Western region, crossing the Bahya and fighting with and defeating the lord of Kerala and leaving Chola-Pindya in obarge of the west also; entry into Kañahl and con quest of Jayasimha :
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Anbil plates of SundaraOhôja
The Kanyakumari insoription.
of the Mappate family; conquered the Vengi and the Kalinga countries; established brahmadeyas in the Chola, Tundira, Pandya, Gangavati and Kuluta countries; and saw the back of Ahavamalla three times).
[VOL. XXII.
The Leiden plates.
After tracing the pedigree of the Cholas the Sanskrit portion of the inscription states that king Rajaraja alias Rajakesarivarman gave in the 21st year of his reign the village of Apaimangalam to the lofty shrine of the Buddha in the Chalamanivarma-vihara, which the ruler of Sriwishaya and Kataha named Märavijayöttungavarman of the Sailendra family having the Makara crest, the son of Chalamanivarman, had erected in the name of his father at the delightful city of Nagapattana in Pattana-kürram, a sub-division of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu (11; 73-86) and that after Rajaraja had passed away, his son Madhurantaka caused a permanent edict to be made for the village granted by his father (vv. 35-36). The Sanskrit prasasti given in this inscription was composed by a Brahmana resident of Kottaiyar named Anentanarayana of the Vasishtha family (v. 39): it was ordered by the officer Tillaiyali of Käñchiväyll, otherwise known as Rajaraja-Müvändavel, to be neatly incised (vv. 40-42). On the direction of the lord of Kaṭaha and at the instance of Tuvaväravāņ Apukkap, the son of Sriman: Atikal (Adigal), the five artisans of the Bhovya family at Kanchipura, viz., Vasudeva alias Rajaraja-Mahacharya, Sriranga and Damodara, the two sons of Krishna, Krishna son of Vasudeva, and Purushottama, the son of Aravamrita incised the prasasti and affixed their signatures to it (vv. 43-48).
On this word, see note 1, p. 243 below.
*No. 227 of the Madras Epigraphical collection for 1921.
A word may now be said about the composer of the prasasti and the engravers of the grant. Since it is stated that this permanent edict was caused to be made by Madhurantaka (i.e., Rājān dra-Chola I,, the son of Rajaraja I., there is no doubt that the prasasti was composed during his reign by his court poet. The composer's name given in it is Anantanarayana and not Nandanarayana as Messrs. Burgess and Natesa Sastri have it. He was a Vasishtha.and a resident of Kottaiyür. The Tiruvalangaḍu grant, which was issued in the early part of the same reign, i.e., in the 6th or the 7th year. is said to have been drawn up by Narayana the son of Sarkara. The village of Kottaiyur, to which the composer of the prasasti in the Leiden plates belonged, is renowned as the birth place of Pavattabbatta-Somayajiyar, one of the Chola officers that conducted enquiries in temples. It is indentical with the village of that name in the Kumba

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konam Taluk of the Tanjore District. From date of the inscriptions of the place it is learnt that it was situated in Innambar-nadu'. While the Tiruvălangādu grant was incised by four persons, the 'Leiden plates were engraved by five. The proper names that ocour in both are Sriranga (Tiruvarangan) and Damodara, who were the sons of Krishona, and Purushottama the son of Arivamrita. While the Tiruvālangādu plates give the additional name Arāvamurta, the son of Krishna, the Leiden plates furnish the names Vāsudēva, son of Křishna, and his son Kșishna The attribute a-krishna-charita) Krishna-sambhavdepi mahdmatiḥ is given to Arāvamurta in the Tiruvālangādu plates, which distinctly state that Sriranga and Damodara were his younger brothers, whereas it is applied to Vāsudēva alias Rajarajapperácbariyan in the Leiden plates which mention Sriranga and Damodara immediately after him without specifying any relationship. The common application of the epithet cannot point to the identity of the individuals Väsudova and Arāvamurta. But it is not unlikely that both Vāsudēva and Arávampita were the elder brothers of Sriranga and Dämödare. The title Rajarajappērācharyyap borne by Väsudēva might have been granted by Rajaraja I. himself, during whose reign the gift recorded in the Leiden plates was actually made, though the document was finally insued in the reign of Rajendra-Chðla I. This grant might even be slightly earlier than the Tiruvalangadu grant issued in about the 6th year. In the Sanskrit portion, the word hovya is ased to denote the family (anavāya) of the persons that inoised the inscription on the plates and they are also called chitrakärinal. In mentioning their names in the Tamil portion which follows, the persons that incised the edict get the epithet Oviyachohittirakāri. It is thus made clear by the inscription itself that hovya is only a variant of the Tamil Oviya. The word oviyam occurs in the Tamil classical work Manimegalai in reference to a treatise called oviya-nül and this is made evident by the commentary of Adiyarkkunallar on Venirkādas of Silappadikäram. Thus, we are led to think that hovya or Oviya is not the proper name of a family or caste but is the name of a profession, and that profession, we know from the inscription, to be painting' (chittirakäri). This sense of the word oviya is clearly obtained from two other references in the Manimegalai and Jivakachintāmani.In the second reference, the commentator Nachohinärkkiniyar furnishes the synonym chittirakärar' for Oviyar, as in the Leiden plates. In this connection, it is also worth noting that ovu is used in the sense of " a painting" in Maduraikkästchi.. From what has been said above, it looks as if inscriptions were in the first instance painted on the materials, stone or metal, by painters, though the incising might have been left to be done by carvers on stone or metal. But it is not unlikely that both painting and carving were done by the same individuals; that is to say that lēkhakas knew both painting and carving.'
In the Tamil portion of this grant it is said that on the 92nd day after the 21st year of his reign, king Rājarāja, while he was in the pavilion, on the southern side of his palace called Rājāsrayan, erected in a suburb of Tañjāvūr, declared that the income of 8,943 kalam, 2 tuni, 1 kusuni, and 1 nāļi of paddy accruing from the payment of the assessment on 97 vēli, 2 ma, 11 kāni, 1 mundirigai, kil of three mā, three kāxi and one mundirigai and kil of half and 2 mă of land comprising the village of Agaimangalam,-including such as had ceased to be paļļich
1 No. 241 of the same collection for 1927.
Canto II, II. 30-31, which read mädaga-magalirkku nanganan vaputtav-Oviya-chchennul-urai-nair-khidat kaiyum.
• See 11. 23-26.
Canto 5, 1. 7. • Verne 102 of the Gandaruvatattaiyar-Hambagow.. • See 1. 365.
* This is evident from the use of the words bettinom, achariyar and chittiralari uod in connection with the writers of this document.

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chandas (i.e., grants made to Buddhist or Jain temples), and omitting such as had been excluded in survey,--should be given as & tax-free paļlichchanda to meet the requirements of the palli, i.e., the shrine of the Buddha in the Chūļamaņivarmavihāra which was being constructed by Chūļāmaņivarman, the king of Kadāram, at Nagapattanam in Pattapakūrram, & Bub-division of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanāļu. This oral order of the king was committed to writing by the official who generally writes down the royal orders, was signed by four persons who bore the designation tirumandiravõlai-nāyagam, i.e., Superintendents of Royal Writs, and was issued. In accordance with it, it was ordered to be entered in the accounts by the officials bearing the designation karumamārāyum, i.e., Secretary, and naduviruklum, i.e., arbitrators, Four officials of the tax department styled puravuvari and three others styled vari ppottagam (i.e., maintainers of tax registers) being present, the entry in the state registers was made. This done, arrangements were made for drawing up the deed of gift, giving it to the donee and effecting the necessary changes in the divisional or village accounts. For the ceremony of walking along the boundaries taking round a female elephant, pointing out the limits and marking them with stones and milk-bush, one official called kaņkāni-naduvitukkum, i.e., superintendent of arbitrators, four Bhattas and one puravuvari officer were nominated; and a royal order was issued to the nātār, i.e., the members of the Divisional Assembly stating that they should be present with the nominated persons, point out in detail the boundaries and draw up and give the deed of assignment to the donee (11. 49-50). On hearing the approach of the royal mandate, the administrative body of the division went in advance, and paying obeisance to the order, received it on their heads and acted as directed in the order. The deed drawn up by them is actually what is incised on plates I to XVI (Tamil portion), which, after reciting the contents of the royal order noted above, gives in detail the boundaries of the lands comprising the village of Agaimangalam which is the object of the grant, specifies the conditions to be observed by the donees and the privileges to be enjoyed by them and bears the signatures of the persons that were present at the time of its being drafted. The names of the officials of Rājarāja I. that figure in this inscription, their designations and the villages with district and subdivision, to which they belonged, are given in List A; and the names of the persons who signed the deed, with their official designations, and the sabha or ürār of villages on whose behalf they attested it, are given in List B.
Here king Rājarāja I. is surnamed Rājarājakësarivarman and is said to have cut off the ships at Kāndaļūr-Sālai, to have taken Vengai-nādu, Gangapādi, Nuļambapādi, Tadigaipāļi, Kudamalai-nādu, Kollam, Kalingam and Ilamandalam with the aid of his highly powerful and victorious army, and to have deprived the Seliyas of their splendour. In the numerous collection of stone inscriptions of Rājarāja I., Kandaļūr-Sālai sometimes occurs in the shortened form Sālai. That it was an important place in the Chēra kingdom is made clear from the epithet " ViraPandyan talaiyum Seralan Salaiyum Ilangaiyum konda" (who took the head of Vira-Pandys, the Sālai of the Chēra king and Lankā) applied to the Chõļa king Rājādhirāja I.'; and that it was a port town having a large number of ships is evident from the phrase " eñjalil vēlai-kelu Kandalur-Salari" occurring in the historical introduction of the same king in describing his campaign against the Chēras. As the destruction of the ships at Kandaļūr-Sālai is first recorded in Rājarāja's stone
1 A. R. of the Trav. Arch. Department for 1920-21, p. 65.
+ Though Salai and kalam mean also feeding house 'and' vessel' it seems improper to introduce this senso of the words in the phrase Salai-lam-arutta and to say that the Chola king caused the discontinuance of "the feoding house or boarding school of the Chēras " (Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, p. 3f.) for, it would turn one of the important military achievements of that king, on which he may be said to have prided himself by repeating it in his deeds of glory (i.c., the historical introduction), into an ignoble act which the king would hardly have allowed to be mentioned in his meykirti.

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inscriptions dated in the 10th year of his reign, it must have taken place in about A.D. 994. Though the epithet Kāndalur-Salai kalam-arutta is applied in most records to Rājarāja I., there is but a single inscription which states that the king" by ordering his army, effected the destruction of ships at Kandaļūr-Sālaia ". Vēngai-nādu is the country of the Eastern Chalukyas ; Gangapādi is the territory of the Western Gangas of Talakkad ; and Nuļambapādi is the province subjected to the rule of the Nolambas. Kudamalai-nādu occurs in the form Kudagumalai-năļu in one of the Mysore State inscriptions and may be the same as Coorg. But, it may also be interpreted as Malai-nāņu (i.e., the hill country) lying on the western side (kuda or kudagu). In this case, Malai-nādu or Kudamalai-pādu may be taken to represent the country of the Chēras. And it is worthy of note that some of the Tanjore inscriptions of Rājarāja I. state that he defeated the Chēra king (Chēraman) and the Pāņdyas in Malai-nādu and presented the booty obtained there to the temple of Rājarājēsvara which he built at Tañjāvür.. The conquests of the places mentioned above are registered in the king's records dated between the 12th and the 14th years as having been effected with the help of his highly powerful and victorious army. Thus between A.D. 997 and 998 Rājarāja seems to have overcome the Western Gangas, the Nolambas, the chief of the Coorg province or the Chēras, and the Eastern Chalukyas. Inscriptions dated between the years 14 and 15 (A.D. 998-999) add Kollam and Kalingam to the king's conquests. Bearing the name Kollam there were two places on the West coast. They had the distinguishing epithets Kurakkēņi and Pandalāyani. The former is Quilon, a station in the Shencotta-Trivandrum line of the South Indian Railway, and the other is Pandalāyani near Quilandy, a station in the Mangalore line of the same Railway. Both appear to have been cities of considerable importance in early times. According to the Kottayam plates of the Chēra king Sthāņu Ravi, a contemporary and ally of the Chola sovereign Rājakēsarivarman Aditya I. (A.D. 870-907), a Christian Church-the earliest that is known from lithic records—was built at Kurakkēņi-Kollam, which was subject to the immediate rule of the Vēnādu Chief Aiyanadigal-Tiruvadi and his heir-apparent Rāma. Tiruvadi. The Vēņādu Chiefs are often called Kõlambhädbības from the fact that they were the lords of Kõlambha, i.e., Quilon.' Pandalāyani-Kollam or Kõlam is said to have been made the capital of a kingdom by Rāmaghața-Mūshikēšvara. The chiefs of this place are called in lithic records Irāmakuta-Müvar'. If Kollam referred to as having been captured by Rājarāja I, in his historical introduction is Kurakkēni-Kollam, i.e., Quilon, he must have got it from the chief of Vēņādu after deteating him, and if it is Pandalāyani-Kollam, he must have wrested it from Irāmakuţa-Mūvar. Both these chiefs were subordinate to the Chēra king. Probably, referring to the conquest of the Chēras herein noted as having been effected by the army of Rājarāja I., the Tiruvālangādu grant says that the commandant of the king captured the town of Viļinda whose moat was the sea, whose extensive ramparts were glorious and high, (and) which was impregnable to the enemy warriors, thus omitting Kollam but mentioning Viliñam (S. 1. 1., Vol. III, p. 421, v. 79). The Sēpur inscription of Rājarāja I., which is somewhat differently worded from the rest, states that the Chōļa sovereign conquered the haughty kings of Kollam, Kolladēsam and Koduu.
1 No. 121 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1923.
Ep. carn., Vol. III, Tn. 122. • Kielhorn's Southern List, Nos. 704 and 764. • Seo Tanjore temple inscription mentioning this conquest. . See J. R. A. 8., 1922, p. 172. • Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. II, pp. 63 and 70.
A. R. of the Trav. Arch. Department for 1920-21, P. 54, para. 29J. R. A. 8., 1922, p. 10. A, R. # South Indian Epigraphy for 1930, Part II, para, 418.

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gölth (Crangapore) and that the kings of the sea (kadal-aroitar) waited on him. Here must be Doted one other event, which seems to have taken place in the king's 14th year of reign (A.D. 998) and which seems to have furnished the king with the grandiloquent epithet tomelil valor uliyu ella yöndum tolustaga vilangum yande Seliyaraiattēdu-kol meaning that " in the very year of his growing prosperity when he became the object of adoration in all quarters, he took away the splendour of the Seliyas (i.e., the Pandyas)". This event was eonsidered to be of much prime importance that it was ever afterwards inseparably associated with his title and name in all his later inscriptions and the epithet bodily removed to the end of the introduction giving place to the mention of later additional conquests before it. It is not unlikely that the king himself was engaged in the fight against the Pandyas and secured such unqualified success which gave him the permanent epithet while the additional conquests effected by the army were inserted before the phrase Hindiral venri tandär-kondu.' An exact parallel to this may be found in the epithet Sopadu kondu Mudikondasolapurattu virbhishekam panniy-aruliya, which was similarly associated with the name of Märavarman Sundars-Pandya I., and taken to the end of his introduction giving his later conquests an earlier place. The Sapür inscription adds that the Chola sovereign destroyed Madura, i.e., the capital of the Pandyas and places that event before the conquests of Kollam, Kolladēsam and Cranganore. Speaking of the Pandya conquest the Tiruvālangadu grant says that when Rajaraja I. set out to conquer the South, the moon as if to afford protection to the Pandya king born in his family, became the white parasol of the invader; and records also that Amarabhujanga was seized. The last item of conquest mentioned in the Leiden plates is ffamandalam, i.e., the province of Ceylon. This was affected with the help of the army. Pero haps Rājarāja himselt did not go to Ceylon. As the event is mentioned for the first time in the historical introduction of the 16th year, it has to be placed in A.D. 1001. Quite in agreement with the stone inscriptions that it was the highly victorious army which effected the conquest of this item also, the Tiruvālangādu grant registers the event in these words :-" This terrible General of that (king Arunmolivarian) crossed the ocean by ships and burnt the Lord of Lanka (Ceylon) ”.
Since no additional conquests are recorded in Rajaraja's inscriptions from the 16th to the 20th years and since the Annexation of Rattapādi 7 lakhs is noticed in the inscriptions of the
1st year and after, it seems that the invasion against the Western Chālukya country took place in some part of the 21st tegnal year of the king (A.D. 1008). As the Leiden plates are also dated in the 21st year and 92nd day and as they do not mention Rattapädi 71 lakhs, it is evident that. the conquest w&s effected in the latter part of A.D. 1005, after the date of this grant, i.e., after the 92nd day of the 21st year of reign. The greatness of Rājarāja I. as a conqueror is evident from the fact that he was able to bring under subjection not only the rulers of almost all the provinces of South India but also the king of Ceylon. It would thus appear that Rājarăja I. was the greatest Sovereign of the day, greater than any of his predecessors and had a high claim for imperial honours. However much the valour of this king and the conditions that were prevailing in the various
Madras.Epigraphical Report for 1912, Part II, pars. 29. * The 16th year inscriptions of Rajaraja I., add llam to the list of conquests effeoted with the help of the army and this is inserted before tindiral and the epithet takneliltaken after it. In the records of the 21st year and later, another conquest effected with the help of the areny, viz., that of the Western Chalukys country or Rattapadi 77 lakhs, is mentioned. We find it also similarly entered after Ilam and the opithet of the king taken to the end of the introduction.
See above, Vol. VI, p. 302.
Madras Epigraphical Report for 1912, Part II, para. 22. . 8. I. I., Vol. III, p. 421, vy. 77-78. • Ibid., v. 80. Madras Rpigraphical Report for 1802, par. 6.

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provisaces of the Deccan in his day might have contributed to the success of his arms (in his vast sobame of conquests), credit must necessarily be given to the highly powerful army " with whose aid he is expressly stated in hundreds of inscriptions to have effected the enlargement of his dominions.
A word about the conditions of the various states of the Deocan may not be out of place here. In fact it is necessary to know them to understand what opportunities presented themselves to Bajar ja L and how be availed himself of them. During the period when Rajaraja I was heir apparent, which according to the Tiruvālasgādu grant covered the reign of Uttama-Chola (A.D. 970-985), there reigned over the Pandya country & king named Vira-Pandya who boasts of " having taken the head of the Chöja king" . As opposed to this, more than one ruler of the Southern provinces, who could be regarded as his contemporaries, have assumed the title “who took the head of Vira-Pandya". One of these latter was the Chola king Aditya II alias Karikāla and about him the grant under publication states that though a young boy he played sportively, with Vtrar Pandya'. Others are the Kodumbāļur chief Vikramakēseri and Pärthivēndravarman', both of whom appear to have been the Chola king's allies. From this it can be safely said that there were hard fights between the parties. In some of these, Vira-Pandya must have been successful and in others his opponents. In ascertaining the actual truth in such a matter, the places of die tribution of their inscriptions may be regarded as a sure test of their claims. This seems to be in favour of neither party. So far, we have not come across any inscriptions of Vira Pandya in the Chola country. Nor have we any record of his opponents in the Pandya territory, as we do find, in the case of Parantaka I. and Rajaraja I. The struggle between the Cholas and the Pandya was a hard and continuous one. It commenced in the reign of Chola Parantaka I. against RajaBirtha-Pandya and his ally the king of Ceylon and was continued ever afterwards. Parāntaka II alias Sundara-Chõla is said to have driven the Påndya into the forest; and of his general Parän takan Siriyavēlār it is reported that he gave up his life in a battle in Ceylon. Aditya Karikāla's claim to have conquered Vira-Pandya has just been noted. Rājarāja I. had to renew the struggle and his success was better than that of his predecessors. The numerous inscriptions of his found all over the Påndya country .e., Madura and Tinnevelly districts-testify to the fact that his overlordship W88 acknowledged in that quarter. Even the very name of the territory was changed into Rajaraja-Pändinädu'. For this continuance of hatred between the Cholas and Pāndyne there were good grounds. From the time when the ancient Choles ceased to be a maling power and lost their hold of their ancient possessions in Trichinopoly and Tanjore districts and until Vijay&laya started a new line at Tanjore, their original home was oocupied by the Pandyas an the one side sad the Pallavas on the other, and there were severe fights between theme two power themselves. To wrest back from the new inoumbente the kingdom, which had become theirs by long enjoyment and whioh they would not easily yield, led the Cholas to be continually at was with the Pandyas.
While this was the case with the kingdoms in the extreme south of the Peninsula, the stata of affairs in the countries of Verg, Kalinga and Retta, , the dominion of the Rashtrakūtas WM
18.1. I., Vol. II, p. 420, v. 70. . Nos. 163 of 1894 and 65 of 1896, which are dated in the 4+2nd year and 18+4th year of this king.
See below, p. 241, verse. 28. Stone insoriptions of Parakesarivarman " who took the head of VirsPlodya" have been attributed to this king.
Fletorical Sketches of Ancient Dekhox, pp. 336.236 See above note 4, p. 219.
See his inscription at Apaimalai near Madura pablished in 8. 1. 1.. Vol. II, p. 239, No. 106 sleo No. 119 pf 1905.
See Madras Epigraphical Collections No. 408 of 1006. 70 of 1907, 802 and 618 of 1919

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anything but satisfactory. In the last quarter of the 10th century A.D., these countries were thrown into confusion, being torn by internal dissensions, and were subjected to wars and counter wars bringing in their train all the evils of an unsettled life, reducing to the position of subordinates the dynasties that wielded once an extensive power and enjoyed high prosperity, and resulting in the deposition of rightful heirs, affording scope for rising into prominence of families which held but subordinate and feudatory positions and leaving some of the legitimate rulers to seek the aid of others to regain their lost position and country. The years 972-5 were highly eventful in the history of these countries. In A.D. 972-3, Siyaka Harsha, the Paramāra king of Malwa, it is said, gained a victory over the Rashtrakuta Khōṭṭiga and the latter's capital Manyakheta, ie., Malkhed, was plundered and pillaged either by him or by his successor Muñja1. This was followed by the rising of the Western Chalukya Taila II, who, in A.D. 973-4 overthrew Khōṭṭiga's successor Kakkala and acquired the fortunes of the Rashtrakutas, leaving the once flourishing Ratta rule to remain only in the memory of the people. At the very time when the Rashtrakuta rule was wiped out, the Vengi country, deprived of its legitimate ruler by the deposition of Danarpava, was experiencing a feverish desire to obtain a suitable lord and, it is said, it was only assuaged after 27 years, by the appearance of Chalukya-Chandra, i.e., Saktivarman. The earlier opinion as regards the interregnum in the Vengi country was that it was caused by the Chōlas. Dr. Burnell, speaking of this period, said that it was a period of anarchy and suggested that it should be attributed to a Chōla invasion; and Dr. Fleet suspected that the Vengi country must have been conquered by the Cholas but considered that the claim of the Chōla king Rajaraja I. to have conquered Yengi was merely an honorary one based on some previous king's conquests, as that scholar was under the impression that Rajaraja's reign began in A. D. 1003 or 1004. That the country of Vengi, though deprived of its legitimate ruler Dānārņava, was not subject to anarchy is established by the rule of Badapa, Tala and others belonging to the collateral line of the Eastern Chalukyas; and that the claim of Rajaraja I. to have conquered Vengi was only honorary and must be based on a prior Chōla ruler's conquest is disproved by the fact that none of the predecessors claims it. On the other hand, the fact that Danarnava ruled for the short period of 3 years (970-972-3) and the evidence of the Conjeeveram inscription, that he killed (or defeated) Kämärnava, who must be no other than his contemporary the Eastern Ganga king Kämärṇava IV (A.D. 950-980) might be reasonably taken to show that the latter made a counter invasion of the Eastern Chalukya dominion and brought about Dänarnava's deposition. The accession of Saktivarman, the son of Dänarnava, to the Vengi throne immediately following Rajaraja's invasion suggests that the very object of the invasion might have been to secure the country to its rightful owner and was probably undertaken on behalf of the deposed Dänārņava.
Here it may be remarked that the Sanskrit portion of the inscription on the Leiden plates, which contains the prasasti of the Chōla family, was composed later than the Tamil portion and during the time of Madhurantaka, the son and successor of the donor, i.e., the Chōla king Rajaraja I. The prasasti seems to have been added on as a learned preface to the matter of fact Tamil portion which, as stated already, sets forth in detail everything relating to the grant of the village of Apaimangalam to the palli in the Chūlāmaṇivarma-vihara at Nagapaṭṭanam. While according to the Tamil portion the vihara was in the course of construction by Chulāmaņivarman, the chief of Kaḍāram, at the time of the grant, i.e., the 21st year of the reign of the Chōla king Rajaraja I. (A.D. 1005), the Sanskrit introduction states that it was built by Maravijayōttungavarman, the son of Chūlāmaņivarman, in the name of the latter. This apparent discrepancy
1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 225 f.
Ibid., Vol. III, p. 269; Vol. IV (Nilgund Inser.), p. 206; and Vol. XII, pp. 311 f.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 272.
Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 29 ff. For paritalla (p. 34, 1. 48) read parisulla.

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may be explained by saying that the construction of the Chūļāmaņivarma-vihāra was undertaken by the Kaţāha king Chūļāmaņivarman himself in about the 21st year of the reign of Rājarāja I. but was completed by Chūļāmaņivarman's son Māravijayottungavarman in the reign of Rājaraja's son Rājēndra-Chöja I. The number of years taken for the building of the vihāra which is not less than 9 and the munificent grant made to it by Rājarāja I. of the entire income from the village of Anaimangalam amounting to 8943 and odd kalam of paddy for a year for the upkeep of the palli in it, speaks to the loftiness of the structure which in the words of the praśasti writer is said to have lowered Kanakagiri, i.e., Mount Mēru. In connection with this building we may note the following observation of Sir W. Elliot made in 1878
“Till within the last few years there was to be seen on the Coromandel coast, between one and two miles to the north of Negapatam, a tall weather-beaten tower, affording a useful landmark to vessels passing up and down the coast. It went by various names, as the Puduveligopuram, the old pagoda, Chinese pagoda (Valentyn mentions it Pagood China in 1725) and in the map of the Trignometrical survey (sheet 79) it stands as the Jeyna (Jaina) pagoda. But save in name it has nothing in common with Hindu or Mahommedan architecture, either in form or in ornament. Tradition is silent as to its origin or purpose, and although it has been the subject of frequent speculations, no satisfactory theory has been formed to account for it.” In 1846 Sir W. Elliot saw it. He describes : "I found it to be a somewhat four sided tower of three stories, constructed of bricks closely fitted together without cement, the first and second stories divided by corniced mouldings, with an opening for a door or window in the middle of each side. At the top of the lowest story were marks in the wall showing where the floor of the second had been fixed. The top was open. The base of the ground story was worn at the angles, from collision with passers-by and cattle, but the structure was solid and firm. No trace of sculpture or inscription was visible." (Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 224.)
The history of its disappearance is shortly this - The Jesuits expelled from Pondichery settled in its vicinity and applied for permission in 1859 to dismantle it. Captain Oakes, the District Engineer, recommended its demolition stating it to be an old ruin, crumbling to decay and not deserving the name of an ancient monument, as it had neither sculpture nor inscription. Sir W. Elliot protested against it and the Governor deferred final orders until he saw it himself. Meanwhile Sir W. Elliot left India. Sir Charles Trevelyn went to Negapatam, was not impressed with its high antiquity, thought that expenditure on it was a waste of public money, did not concur in the recommendation for demolition but directed its being fenced round with an enclosure to secure its safety and at the same time ordered photographs of it to be taken. These orders were not carried out. In 1867 the Jesuits renewed their petition, the Chief Engineer recommended repairs and the tower was allowed to stand. He added "there is no doubt that it is used as a landmark for vessels approaching the Negapatam road-stead" and the Master Attendant of the port had expressed the opinion that "the native population objected to its removal". Then came the final order (28th August 1867): “The Governor in Council is pleased to sanction the removal of the old tower at Negapatam by the officers of St. Joseph's College, at their own expense, and the appropriation of the available material to such school building purposes as they appear to have in contemplation". Sometime after, Lord Napier visiting Negapatam was presented with a bronze image found in the excavation connected with the college.
The construction of the Chūlāmanivarma-vihāra and the palli in it, to which the grant of the village of Anaimangalam, registered in these plates, was made, is referred to in lines 6-7, 13-15, and 200-1 and in all these places, the building is said to be in the course of construction by Kadarattaraiyan, and not even once as having been built. In the first of the references given above, Kadārattaraiyan is also called Chūļāmaņivarman. King Rājarāja I. gave his oral order on the

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92nd day after the 21st year of his reign that the grant should have effect from that very year. After the due observance of all the formalities, which took full two years and seventy-two days, the deed was finally drawn up and presented on the 163rd day after his 23rd year (1.322f.). It is only from the later Sanskrit introduction, composed during the reign of Rajendra-Chola L., that we learn that Kadarattaraiyan was not a mere local chief but was a member of the Sailendra family and the lord of the country of Sri-Vishaya and that he was ruling over Kataha and had the Makara crest. Now the question arises as to how Chūļāmapivarman, the lord of Sri-Vishaya and the ruler of Kaṭaha or Kadaram, came to erect a big vihara for the Buddha at Negapatam in the heart of the distant Chola dominion and how the powerful Chola king came to grant the entire revenues of a village for the upkeep of a palli in it. It is a significant fact that the historical introduction of the Chōla king as detailed in these plates does not mention Katäha, i.e., Kaḍāram or Sri-Vishaya. And therefore the inscription leaves us entirely in the dark as to what kind of relationship existed between Kaḍärattaraiyan (i.e., the lord of Kataha) and the Chola king Rajaraja I. Nor are we given to understand the circumstances under which the grant was made, i.e., whether it was done at the request of the Kataha ruler or on the Chōla king's own initiative. But for the somewhat later Sanskrit introduction, any one, reading only the Tamil original grant, might be led to think that Kaḍārattaraiyan must have been a local chief of affluence and subordinate to the Chōla king. Now, for aught we know, Rajaraja I. was tolerant of all religious creeds prevalent in his dominion, though his special leaning was towards Saivism. In this connection, his construction of the Brihadiévara temple, called Rajarajeévara after his name, at his capital Tanjore, and the immense gifts made to it from the treasures which he had acquired as booty in the conquests of the Chera and the Pandya kings in Malai-nadu and the Chalukya king Satyaáraya, and his assumption of the significant surname Sivapadasekhara, are worth remembering. Rajaraja I, was no mean monarch. It was he that for the first time in the annals of the Chōlas maintained a large standing army which consisted of 900,000 men and which is spoken of in his inscriptions as "highly powerful and victorious". The power of his arms, as we have seen already, was felt in India from Kalinga in the north to the southern cape and beyond the seas in Ceylon; but no mention is made of Kataha, From the conquest of Kataba described in detail in the records of the 16th year onwards of the reign of Rajendra-Chōla I, we learn that it was a kingdom of considerable importance and contained many strongly fortified places such as SriVijaya, i.e., Sri-Vishaya of the Leiden plates, Pannai, Malaiyur, Mäyirudingam, Ilämuridada, Ilangasōka, Pappala, Mēvilimbangam, Vilaippandür, Takkōla, Madamalingam, Nakkavāram, etc. As such, if Rajaraja I. had really conquered Katäha, it would certainly have found mention in his historical introductions. The ommission seems to indicate that he did not conquer it. On the other hand the fact that Kaḍärattaraiyan was enabled to commence the construction of a monumental Buddhist vihara at Negapatam in the Chola country in the 21st year of Rajaraja I. and that the latter assigned the revenues of a village for the upkeep of a shrine in it might lead one to infer that the Kataba ruler must have made a successful invasion of the Chola country. This is, however, negatived for the reason that the inscription is not issued in the name of the Kaṭaha ruler but in the name of the Chōla king. Can it not therefore be said that the Kataha ruler was on friendly terms with the mighty Chola king and obtained his permission to build the vihdra in question and that the latter made endowments to a palli in it, which, as we know from the smaller Leiden plates, was called Rajarajapperumballi after the name of the Chōla king?
One other observation may be made with regard to the connection of the Buddhists with Negapatam. In the traditional account of Tirumangai-Alvär, who is described in the Guruparampard as a tendatory of the Chola king of his day, it is stated that. he once went to Nagapattanam, got inside the Buddha temple at the place, carried away the gold image that was

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA 1.
231
enshrined within it and melting the same utilised the amount in building walls and other structures in the Ranganathe temple at Srirangam. If there is any truth in this, it would show that long prior to the construction of the Chūlāmapivarma-vihāra, s.e., before the beginning of the 9th century, Negapatam was renowned as a Buddhist centre and had in it & Bauddha monument. We do not know if the vihāra that was erected in the days of Räjarāja I., was a now one or was only the renewal of the old monument.
The order of the king granting the village of Apaimangalam was addressed to the nättär (the Divisional Assembly), the brahmadēya-kilavar (i.e., the head men of the brahmadēyas), the ürgalilar (i.e., the body of ur) of dēvadānas, palsichchandas, kanimurrüfft and vettippēru and to the nagaras. It will be shown below that in carrying out this order, men of several brahmadēyat and the urär of several villages, dēvadanas and vettippēru actually took part. It is to be noted that this order, though addressed to all these bodies of men, was in the first instance received by the nätfär only and was executed by all as required. The nätfär appear to have had a better standing than the rest and the others were all subject to their administrative control. Here are four distinct asemblies, viz., (1) the assembly of the division (nādu), (2) the assembly of the ür, (8) the assembly relating to the brahmad yas, i.e., the sabhās, and (4) the nagara by which is perhaps meant the body of merchants. What is meant by a brahmad@ya, devadäna, or pallichchanda is generally well known. They refer respectively to villages or lands granted to Brāhmaṇas, Hindu temples, and Jaina or Buddhist shrines. The significance of kani-murrütfu is not so plain. The word kani is used in ancient Tami) works to denote the person or persons that announce to the king the time of day or night. They are also called nāfigaikkanakkar or kadigaiyart. It is not unlikely that their services were paid for by grants of lands or villages as other services were Murrüftu may be taken to mean " complete yield". This sense of the word is obtained from its usage in reference to a piece of land granted to a temple in the text of an inscription from Kilappaluvürt where we find the phrase " i-nnilam ufudu payir-ērri murrüffum konduvandhu tirumurrattu aļappadagavum ". The use of the word murrüffu after the group dēvadana pallichchanda-kani seems to indicate that in the case of lands of villages granted to temples, Buddhist or Jaina shrines, and to the announcers of time to the king, the entire produce without any incidental deductions should be made over to the respective donees. It is not unlikely that we meet with phrases like devadāna-murrüffu, pallichchanda-murrüffu, and kani-murrüffu. The separation of brahmaděyas from the group is perhaps due to the fact that they had assemblies of their own called sabhas, different, of course, from the assembly of the ür, as we see it in this very inscription. That a particular village might have had more than one assembly according to its constitution could also be gathered from the circumstance that Kadambanür had both the sabha and the ürür and one person on behalf of each of these assemblies signed the deed in respect of that village.
The transactions of the nadu, the sabha and the ur are usually recorded by the command of those bodies, by persons who bore the official designatione Madhyastha, Karanattan and the like. The functions of these individuals were perhaps similar to those of the secretaries of regularly constituted associations. Sometimes, we find that the order to these individuals is given by a single member instead of by the body collectively. This member is designated by the term Tiruvadigaļ. In all likelihood Tiruvadigal meant the President of the assembly. In this connection it is particularly worthy of note that he is stated to be one of the members constituting the body. This is made evident from the wording of an inscription of Rājarāja 1.), viz., sabhaiyullirundu sabhai-t Tiruvadi panippa efudin an ivvür madhyasthan Mantrikulóttaman magan Karppagap
1 Soo Jivakachintamani, v. 2733, and Sulappadipuram, Indirao 1. 49. * No. 678 of 8. I. I., Vol. V. .No. 34 of 8. I. I., Vol. VII.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
piriyanen. Since the Secretary is called the madhyastha of the village, it may be even said that he was the accountant of the village and had a function in the assembly. In List B (p. 237, below), the official Kunavan Nandi alias Alankarapriyan occurs thrice (Nos. 4, 15 and 16), firstly as the madhyastha of the sabha of Mungirkudi secondly as the karanattan-madhyastha of the sabha of Pirambil and lastly as the karnattan-madhyastha of the urar of Kadambanguḍi. If all these refer to a single individual, it would show that one could hold the position of a karana or madhyastha of several villages. Perhaps the three villages Müngirkuḍi, Pirambil and Kadambanguḍi were close to one another.
From a number of inscriptions, we see clearly that the sabha and the ur were transacting their business independently. Though this was the case, they appear to have been completely subject to the orders of the king which they implicitly carried out. In this connection we may draw attention to the fact that the grant of the village of Anaimangalam, registered in the Leiden plates, was first made by the king without any reference to these bodies and was even entered in the State accounts, and the bodies were only required to give effect to it. Another point to note is, that as occasion required, the State deputed one or more persons to co-operate with the local bodies in the conduct of their business. Thus, in the matter of marking the boundaries of the village and drawing up the deed of gift, no less than six persons-all State officials, one being a naduvirukkum, one puravuvari and four Bhattas-were nominated. In fact it was one of these officials that actually drew up the deed of gift: it is worthy of note that he was not even a resident of any of the villages of the division of Paṭṭana-kürram.
From List B it will be seen that the assemblies of no less than 26 villages took part in going round the boundaries of Apaimangalam whose revenues were assigned by the Chōla king Rājarāja I. to the Bauddha shrine at Nagapaṭṭanam. Like Anaimangalam, these villages were also situated in the sub-division Paṭṭana-kurram of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanādu. Many of them bear the names given in the inscription even at the present day. Ten of these villages, viz., (1) Kadambaṇur, (2) Naranamangalam, (3) Mungirkuḍi, (4) Sannamangalam, (5) Koṭṭārakkuḍi, (6) Nannimangalam, (7) Poruvanur, (8) Pirambil, (9) Uvarkkudi, and (10) Tiruk. kannangudi were administered by sabhās; except (4) and (10), the rest are expressly called brahmadeyas. Of the remaining places, fourteen, viz., (1) Narimanram, (2) Sattamangalam, (3) Kövür, (4) Uttür, (5) Alangudi, (6) Turaiyur, (7) Kadambanguḍi, (8) Sendamangalam, (9) Kurralam, (10) Tirunavür, (11) Muñjikkuḍi, (12) Kadambavalavaṭkai, (13) Palan-Korrangudi and (14) Venkiḍangil were under the control of the administrative bodies of the ürär: it is worthy of note that none of these fourteen villages is called a brahmadeya. In the case of two other villages, viz., Vēlangudi and Siru-Sendamangalam, neither the sabhā nor the urar is mentioned. But as regards the latter, there is the possibility of its having been subject to the authority of the urar of Sendamangalam of which it must have formed part. It is not known why the assemblies of Sivalaiykuḍi (1. 103) and Nallurchcheri (1. 163) which, according to the boundaries given, were in the outskirts of Apaimangalam do not figure among the signatories.
The ceremony of circumambulating the granted village, fixing its limits and marking the latter with stones and milk-bush, was performed by the members of the assemblies of the sabha or the urar of the abovenamed twenty-six villages, at whose bidding and on whose behalf an official or two invariably signed the document. Besides these, on behalf of the other two villages two persons signed the deed. Anaimangalam itself contributed two individuals for the purpose. Of these, one, a Vellala by caste, rode on the back of an elephant, pointed out the boundaries and signed the document, while the other a Brahman also attested it. The four Bhattas who were nominated by the Government to co-operate with the representatives of the several divisions of the district in this matter, did so and affixed their signatures to the deed which they helped to be drawn up and given to the donee.

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The officials who signed the deed at the command of the sabha or the urar are variously called madhyasthan, karaṇattan, vetkovan, karanattan-vētkovan or karanattan-madhyasthan.
The deed evidencing the gift, by the king, of the village of Anaimangalam, drawn up as aforesaid in accordance with the royal order issued to the naṭṭār of Paṭṭana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanaḍu, conveying in due form the revenues of the village to the donees, stipulates the conditions (vyavastha) to be observed by, and specifies the privileges (parihāras) conferred on, the said donees, i.e., the authorities of the Bauddha vihara at Nagapaṭṭanam. It is interesting to note that the word parihara has been defined by such an early authority as Kautilya, in his Arthasästra, in the following words :
Jäter visesheshu purēshu ch-aiva grāmēshu dēśēshu cha teshu teshu anugrahō yō nripatēr= nidēsāt taj-jñaḥ parihāra iti vyavasyēt ||1
That favour, which by the command of the king has been bestowed on special castes, cities, villages or countries, is called a parihara by one who knows it. From the use of the words parihāra and anugraha as synonyms, it can be gathered that the king refrained from taking the incomes due to him and favoured the donees with their gift.
The conditions for the enjoyment of the grant stated in this inscription are:
(1) When fresh channels have to be dug, they shall be so done as to admit of an easy flow of water. With their aid, the lands of the village shall be irrigated. After the fields are irrigated, the waste or the excess water shall be collected and led away.
(2) Water passing in the existing channels for irrigating the lands of this village shall be allowed to do so as usual and the excess water shall, consistently with the prevailing custom, be collected. And none shall be permitted to cut any branch channels from them, to dam them across, to put up small picottahs or to bale out their water in baskets.
By these two clauses, the donees are given the sole right to the use of the existing irrigation channels and the privilege of opening fresh channels for irrigation in such a way as to admit of an easy flow of water.
(3) Good water (intended for drinking) shall not be used for common purposes, but that water may be dammed and made to irrigate lands.
This clause prevents the contamination of the sources of water intended for drinking purposes. The sanitary effect of it needs no saying.
(4) Mansions and big buildings shall be constructed with burnt bricks only.
This condition is perhaps intended to secure safety and permanency to stately edifices and to prevent their collapse and consequent loss arising from the use of bad materials such as unburnt bricks.
(5) Large wells shall be sunk.
This is possibly to afford facilities for irrigating dry lands that have no access to the existing irrigation channels.
(6) Cocoanut trees shall be planted in groves.
(7) Damanaka, maruvu, iruvēli, sembaga, sengalunir, mango, jack, areca-palms, kodi (perhaps vines or betel creepers) and such other useful plants of various descriptions shall be grown.
These two clauses seem to afford facilities for availing to the fullest extent the resources of the village and to add to its wealth and beauty.
(8) Big oil-presses shall be installed.
(9) The irrigation channels passing through the lands of this village to other villages in the outskirts shall be permitted to flow without any impediment by the donee; and similarly also (10) The channels passing through outside villages to irrigate the lands of this village shall be allowed to flow uninterrupted by the people of the outlying villages.
1 Dr. Shama Sastri's second ed., p. 73.

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The object of the last two clauses is perhaps to secure peace and harmony among the people of the adjacent villages and to safeguard their rights.
The next clause (11) prohibits the Ilavas from climbing the palmyra and cocoanut trees, posBibly for tapping them for toddy : and the last clause (12) allows the use of big drums and ornamental arches by influential or aristocratie families living in the village and accustomed to have them by tradition or by family suffrage. The clause is indirectly meant to secure non interference by the donees of the rights of privileged persons.
Subject to the above conditions the donees are given the parihäras, i.e., the privilege of realising and enjoying all such incomes as nādāschil, ürāțchi, vaffināli, pidänäfi, kannälakkanam, vannarappărai, ku sakkānam, nirküli, ilaikkulam, tarippudavai, taragu, tatārappăttam, idaippādtam, ättukkirai, nallā, nallerudu, nādukāval, üdupökku, virpidi, vālamañjādi, ulgu, odakkūli, manrupādu, mavirai, tiyeri, ilampūtchi, küttikāls, etc., which the donor, i.e., the king had the right to realise. The inscription states that these incomes shall not hereafter be claimed by the king but that they shall go to the donees.
After the deed had been completed, the following five persons, who were probably Royal officers of high standing, set their signatures to it (last plate : second side)
(1) Araiyan Arumoli alias Rājēndrasola-Pallavaraiyan, the headman of Nadār in Tiraimūrnādu, a sub-division of Uyyakkondār-valanādu (ll. 323-25).
(2) Krishnan Raman alias Rājēndrabóla-Brahmamārāyan of Kēraļāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam in Vennādu, & sub-division of Uyyakkoņdār-valanādu (11. 325-27).
(3) frāyiravan Pallavayan alias Uttamaśāla Pallavaraiyan of Araisūr in Pāmbuņi-kūrram, a sub-division of Nittavinoda-valanādu (ll. 327-9).
(4) Dvēdaigomapurattu Damodara-Bhattan of Kadalanguļi in Kurukkai-nādu, & sub-division of Rājēndrasimha-valanādu (11. 329-30).
(5) Araiyan Sikandap alias Mipavan-Mūvēndavēlān, the headman of Kurumbil in Ambarnādu, & sub-division of Uyyakkoņdār-valanādu (11. 330-32).
In these names, it is particularly worthy of note that Nos. (2) and (3), i.e., Krishnan Raman and Irāyiravan Pallavayan, who bore the titles Mummadisola Brahmamahārāyan and Mummadibola Poéan respectively in the body of the Tamil document (lines 191., 21-22, 52 and 53) probably after the surname Mummadibola borne by Rājarāja I., had their titles changed into Rajēndrabola Brahmamērāyan and Uttamasola Pallavaraiyan when they affixed their signatures at the end of the document (see lines 325-7 and 327-9). The altered titles take after the names of Rājēndra-Chola I. and indicate that when these persons affixed their signatures king Rājēndra Chola I. had assumed regal powers. It will thus be seen that this is in accordance with the paleographical indications noted on page 17.
Irāyira van, Pallavayag, with the surname Mummadisola-Põban, figures in & number of inscriptions of Rājarāja I. of varying dates and is styled one of the Perundanam (of the king). His connection with the temple at Tiruvallam in the North Arcot District is known from the inscriptions of that place. The village Araisūr, whence he hailed, is stated to have been situated in the Chola country (Sola-nādu) and to have belonged to the sub-division Pämbunikurram on the southern bank (of the Kávērī).
For the significance of these terme see pp. 343 t. of my Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan.
This word may be interpreted a quarter (panamt)" to be paid by the dancing women (kutt). It has not to be mistaken for kuttukból which occurs in other records and means default'.
Nos. 208 to 210, 218, 219 and 238 of the Madrus Epigraphical Collection for 1921. No. 216 of the same

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235
Kadalangudi in Kurukkai-nadu, a sub-division of Rajendrasimha-valanādu, to which the officer Dämödara-Bhattan belonged, was also called Vidēlvidugu-chaturvēdimangalam and Gangaikondasola-chaturvēdimangalam and contained in it the village of Tiru-Vēlvikudi now called Tiruvilakkudio in the Mayavaram Taluk of the Tanjore District. Though several inscriptions state that this Kadalangudi, surnamed Vidēlvidugu-chaturvēdimangalam and Gangaikondaśāla-chaturvēdimangalam, was situated in Kurukkai-nadu, two records mention it as being in Nallāgrūr-nādu. That Rājēndrasimha-valanādu was also in the Chola country (S0lamandalam) is known from an inscription of Sengunram in the North Arcot District.
LIST A.
Designation.
Name of person.
Village.
Sub-division.
District.
Lines.
Do.
ΓΑΠΩ.
Do.
Olai-eļudum or Man-Amudan Tirttakaran Vilattūr Avūr-kuram Nittavinoda 17, 18, 50. dira-olai
valanādu. Olai-nayagan or Man- Krishnan Rāmag alias Kēralántaka. Vennadu . Uyyakkondar- 19-20, 52, dira-olai-nayagan Mummadibola-Brahma- chaturvēdi.
Valanādu. 325-327. maharayan
mangalam. Irāyiravay Pailavayap Araisūr Pambuni-kūr- Nittavinoda- 21-22, 53, alias Mummadisola
valanadu. 327-29. Polan Vēlän Uttamahdlap alias Paruttikkudi Nopmali-nadu Arumolidēva. 22, 23, 64, Madurantaks-Mūvēnda
valanādu. vēlāp Karumamarayum Aruray Aravanaiyan alias
25, 314. Parākramafóla-Mūvēndavēlap Tattan Sendan alias
26, 314. Sembiyan-Mūvēndavē. län Arungupramudaiyāŋ Måp.
27. poran Porkäri Pilangan PAJūralias Karkudi Tirunaraiyur. Kshatriya. 29, 30, 312. Mipavan-Mūvēndavēlän
nādu.
sikhāmaņi.
valanādu. Sankaranarayana Aran- Vanganagar. Purangaram. Arumolideva- 30-31.
bai-nadu. Valanadu. $6lavēlān
318. Korramangalamudaiyap
312. Tēva kudaiyap Araibūrudaiyay
315.
1 No. 121 of the same collection for 1926. * No. 143 of the same. • No. 108 of the same.
No. 120 of the same. • Nos. 121 and 135 of the same. • No. 149 of 1921.

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236
Designation.
Naduvirukkum
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Puravuvari
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Varippottagam
Do.
VarippottagaKanakku. Variyilidu
Mugavetti
Do.
Do.
Do.
Paffolai
Do.
Do.
Do.
Bhatta
ÅÅÅ
Do.
Do.
Do.
Name of person.
Korran Porkari
3ürriyan Tevadi
Tēvan Sättan
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Parameévara-Bhatta-sar- Pullamangavakratuyajin Damodara-Bhattap
lam. Kadalangudi.
Tammadi-Bhattap
Veppainallür
Tiyambaka-Bhattap
Padalai
Püvatta-Bhattan
Kottaiyur
Kilinallär
Kalumalam.
Anaiyan Talikkulavan
Kodandan Senan
Ilavadigal Nallaran
Karpagan Solai
Kumaran Arangan
Singan Venkadan
Mādēvan Būmi
Tāli Viraáōlan Kilvay Kanavadi
Mundan Arangan
Saiyadan Amalan
Tattan Sikittan
Peruman Ambalattādi Sikandan Dövag
Mäkälan Arifiji
Nakkan Mandagavan
LIST A-contd.
Pärkkulattu bha-Bhattap
Village. Sub-division.
Paluvür
Kallikudi
Alangudi
Püdamangalam
Alattür
Sat
Paruttiyür
Uruvär
Parpana- Tirunallär
Do
Do.
Pêrêmapurattu VennaiyaBhattay Dvědaigömapurattu Nan- Viranärāyaṇa- Kara-nāḍu diévara-Bhattap
Türpil Sridhara-Bhattan
chaturvedi. mangalam. Sri-Tungamangalam
alias Abhi
mapa
bhushana
chaturvedi
mangalam.
Vēlā-nādu
Tirunaraiyür. nāḍu.
District.
..
:::::::::::::
Kshatriyasikhamanivalanādu. Do. Rajendrasimha-valanādu. Kshatriyasikhamanivalanāḍu.
[VOL. XXII.
Lines.
27, 28, 315.
28, 329-330.
32, 42.
32.
313.
33.
33, 34.
34.
35, 48, 206-7.
316.
317.
317f.
36.
36, 318.
320.
320f.
319.
319.
319.
319f.
321.
321.
322.
322.
44, 45, 304-5.
46, 307f.
46-7, 309-10.
42-44, 301.

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LIST B.
No.
Name of person.
Designation.
sabhi or ūrär.
Village.
Lines.
Kadambapūr (brah- 2128.
maddya). Do.
213f. Nāraṇamangalam 2168. (brahmadéya).
Vélangudi 220. Mūngirkudi (brah-223f.
madeya). Narimapram 225f.
1 Muppattiruvap Yajñan Madhyasthan
sabha alias Karpagādityap Nārāyaṇap Damodaran Vaikhanasa
Trăr 2 IrunurruvanUttaman Madhyasthani sabha
alias Brahmamanga
lyan 3 Närāyanan Orri 4 Kunavan Nandi alias Madhyasthan
sabha Alankārapriyap Aimbattiruvap Vidēlvi. Do.
urar dugan Ediray Sättan alias vekovan
Do. Nānúrruvapperungővel 7 Durukkap Kamudap Karanattdi-Madhyasthan sabha Orap Chandrasekharan
Do. alias Brahmaman
galyap Aiyyap Alуур Nakkap Mo!
Do. Kannap Alankarapriyan
sabha
Sättamangalam
230f.
233-35.
Sannamangalam Kottarakkudi (brahmadêya).
237ff.
indr
244f.
Kővür
240ff. Uttur Nappimang alam 247€.
(brahmadéya). Poruvanar (brah. 251-53. madeya). Alanguļi
2054.
Mädēvap Orap
Karamatian-Vefkovan
Do.
Arar
Do.
Turaiyür
258-9.
Käbyapap Süryyap Aran Karapatan
gap Bhäradvāji Tirutti Do.
Vaikundap Kupavap Nandi alias Karapattan-Madhyasthan Alankára priyan
Do. Orip Aiyyap
Madhyasthan Etti Valafijuliyap Sangap
sabha
Do.
indr Do
2696.
Andr
Dévap Crap
Chaturmukhap Arangap 21 Mânägan Narayanap
Karanatldp-Valbovan Madhyasthan Karanattan-vulovan
Pirambil (brahma, 261-62.
deya). Kadambanguļi 263f. Sendamangalam 266f. Siru-Sēndamanga
lam. Kursālam
272-3. Tirunāvūr
275-6. Uvarkkudi (brahma-278-80.
deya). Muñijikudi 292-3. Tirukkannangudi 286-7.
Do.
sabha
Andr
Mānāgap Kannap 23 Atiramar Irabattunālvan
alias Muppúrruvay
DoDo.
sabha

Page #293

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
LIST B-contd.
No.
Name of person.
Designation.
sabha or ürir.
Village.
Lino.
Karapatlan-Madyasthan
úrar
Do
Do.
Oráp Crap
Do. 26 | Crip Nakkap 27 Aritap siriya Kadambap
Do.
Kadambavalavätkai 290-91. Palankorraigadi 234-95. Venkidangil 297-98. Åpaimangalam 300. (brahmadêya ).
TEXT.
Sanskrit Portion. Metres - Anushțubh, v. 7, 8, 11, 14, 23, 26, 27, 35-37, 40-45, 47 and 48 ; Mālabhārini, v. 32; Mandākrāntā, vv. 12, 21, 30 and 39; Mañjubhāshini, v. 13; Praharshini, v.9; Rathoddhată, v. 10 : Ruchiră, v. 24; Särdulavikridita, vv. 1, 4, 18, 19 and 33. Sragdharā, vv. 2, 3,20 : Upajati, vv. 5, 6, 15, 17, 22, 28, 34, 38 and 46; Vamsasthā, v. 29; Vasantatilakā, vv. 16, 25 and 31.
First Plate; First Side. 1 Svasti Sri || 6L
Lakshmi-pina-payodhara-dvaya-tați-kā&mira-park-amkită 2 bhrāmyan-Mandara-turga-spimga-kashana-bhrājishpu-hēm-amgadāḥ £l*] rakshanto
ha3 rinila-nila-vapusho lōka-trayam Sārngiņas=sārng-ady-äyudha-sõbhina4 febriyam=alam pushṇantu võ bābava) [1] Yavat Kailasa-bailē 5 viharati bhagavān= Indumaulis=8y8-dēvyi yavat kehir-amburāsau 6 Harir=ahi-sayanē yoga-nidrān=tanoti [*] yāvad-dbvāntan=nitāntam vyapa7 nayati Ravir=vvisva-lõk-aika-dipastāvat pāyād-apayid-ayam-akhi. 8 la-mahi-mandalañ=Chõla-vamsaḥ 11[28] Asid=ādyo npipāņām=Manur=Ahimakarād
visva9 18k-aika-nētrād=Ikshvakugætat-tanūjõ=jani nfipa-makuța-brēni-lidh-amghri-pi10 thah [1] Māndhātā Dhātri-kalpo guna-nidhir-abhavat-tat-kulē bhūmipālo yo Lo
First Plate ; Second Side. 11 kālāka-bail-āvadhi vidhivad=imăm pălayāmāsa bhūmim ||[3] Rāj=asin=Muchukunda
ity=812 bhihitas-tasy-ätmajo viryyavāms-tat-putro. Valabho-jani kshitipatiḥ kshatr-aika13 chūdāmaṇiḥ [18] tad-vamsē Sibir=ity=abēsha-jagati prakhyatarkitttir=nnfipag-brimän
ävirabhūd=814 Aēsla-ntipati vrát-archichit-amghri-dvayaḥ ||(4*) Par-arttha-samrakshita-jivitasya tasy
The puuetuation mark, which consists of double vertical strokes, wems to have been omitted at first and then inserted between bhdmim and Raja.

Page #294

THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
SANSKRIT PORTION.
| y
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22
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1 8, த்தும். இதன் காரக பதாதி பிரியதர்சி. நவாப வது வஜ இத கலவரத்திலத ஜா) 24 ப சக8 Ms :சாக துலா ராகவன் கைகள்
ரீதிர்வது * 8"ரெண 1583வத y 26 ஆதெy | பத8287082113125பெது
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28 (100): பண82ல்பக வவவவதன் இந்த ரேஜைதய 30 ஒரு தொகைக்கா : 29இததில் 385 பவர்-- 2/30
தாதா சாத்தாத்துகNைTATISF)
N, P. Chakravarti. Rrs. No. 3910 E'35-425.
SCALE : ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTIL

Page #295

ii,. 32 தாவால்வப்துயர்ஜா 23
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வரவம் பஜதாவவால்வொதர8 873மணர 36 3818368
பாவலர் போதாதாவான் 36 150த்பது
பது தான் தனதர்வதே 38 வதாதேவன்
ராஜ்தே காட் தாதித்ததஜாததுை 38 உதயதேவாதயாவாராதாதி882 40 32NDARயாதெத்த பாதவெYS 2 40
162122வoodred25 பாணாயாத ஜார்ஜாதம் 422 தேதவதாந:உதிர்ஜாத்ராரதவதியர்: 42
iii,a. - இதG f]
த த816 ஐ.73ஜத 44 திலகாக 323
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835: காபஜாயல் 52 8-4. வயோ 2வண்ததா518- உ. 22 மாத க
தாதா T2He 54
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- 2
2
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Page #296

No. 34)
THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
239
15 ti-gabhira-gunasya rajtab [1*] Vyasam kavinām-fishubham vibaya k wa guņā. 16 p=Varanayitura samartthaḥ ||5*] Tad-vamba-virākara-purppaehandro. nidhiḥ kaka.
nām=817 janishta Cholah [1*] yad-varsa-ját: yad-upajñam-va Chol-abhidhanan-dadhati
kehitīsāḥ [68] 18 Tato jit-akhil-arāti rājāafd-Rajeart [*] tataḥ para-pura-ddhvathsa-pard bhat 19 Parakõsari [7*) Rājakësarino nāma Parakösariņõrgya cha [*] svå-vaxda-janma
nām 80 räjñām=ījš=äsit parivrittitaḥ 14[8*] Tad-vanhe Suragurur-asta-vairi-varggð kājēn
dro
Second Plate ; First Side. 21 Ravi-kula-kotur-Ivirkeit [1*) yo jitvā raņa-bhuvi Mrityum-apy=ajayyan-dushpräpām=
alabha22 ta Msityujit-samākhyām [9*) Vyaghraköturabhavat-tad-anvayê vairi-vă[ra]ņa
mrigadhi. 23 po npipaḥ [l*] Panchapo=jani tad-anvayê bali partthivõ=rtthi-jana-kalpapāda24 paḥ ||[10*] Ari-kalo mabīpālab Kartkalastad-anvayi [l*) ávirāsid=asau chakra
Ka25 vēri-tira-bandhanam [11] Kochcharkappin-abhavad-akhila-kahmadhip-årādhit
amghri. . 26 rævvambē tasya prathite-mahima Sambhu-päd-abja-bhrimgaḥ [1*] Kokki-srfpati27 ramala-dhir=anvaväyê tadiyê bhūpālo+bhūd=akhila-apipati-ázēni-chū28 d-archchit-&mghriḥ 1[12*) VijayalayO=jani tad-anvaya jayi vijit-akhil-āvani-talo
ma29 hábalah [*] pranaman-nfipēndra-makuta-sthala-skhalan-mapi-rashi-rañjita-pad
ambuja-dvayaḥ ||[13*] 31 Adityo bhūbhfitas-tasmād=udagād=amita-dyutiḥ [1*] dhvast-ārāti-mahipala-ddhvānta
cha.
31 kraḥ pratāpavân
tasma
{[14*)
Ananta-ratna-prakar-aika-vāsād=udara-sattvādeudiyāya
Second Plate ; Second Side. 32 t [l*] Parantako visva-hitāya rājā Rāj=&va dugdh-ambunidhaḥ kaläbhiḥ 1[15]
A-Chakra 33 vāļam=avanih sa vijitya sarvvām rakshan sukhôna Kali-kala-tam-thkumāli [17
grā. 84 mān=nivēsya vividhān=mahato yabbbhisabubhrichakära sarad-abhra-nibhair=ddig
antan ||[16*] 85 Sva-bā[hu* )-vi(I)ryy-avajit-akhil-ābā-mukh-Opanit-amala-hitakēna [10] Samåvping36 E-mandiram-Induımaulêr=vVyāghrägrahārši Ravi-vashba-kötub 1017*) Tasyrakésha
1.&
1 The length of gand poems to have been insorted afterwarde.

Page #297

240
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
37 rēndra-vandita-pada-dvandvasya putrās=trayas-trē-agni-dyutayo=bhavan=narapatë 38 s-Sutrāma-tulya-sriyah [1*] Rājāditya iti kshitau nigaditas=sri-Gaņdarāditya ity=u
39 kt-Oriñjaya ity=abēsha-jagati khyāt-abhidhāno baliM[18*] Samrakshya kahitim
amburā. 40 si-rabanān=dharmm-ānuyātē divam yātē tatra Parāntakē para-bala-ddhvama-aika
dakshe 41 nripe 11 bhūpäl-ävali-mauli-lidha-charana-dvandvas-tadiy=ätmajo Rājāditya i42 ti srutassa balavān=āsīd=avanyāḥ patiḥ [19*) Rājādityas=s& viro Ravi-kula
tilakaḥ
Third Plate ; First Side. 43 Kfishparājarn! 88-sainya samkshobhy=ākshõbhyam=ājau nija-nisita-sarai44 =sampatat(a)bhis-samantät [l*) näg-ēndra-skandha-vartti vidalita-hridayas=tan-nisat
éshu-pātai45 =āruhy=ochchair=vvimānan=tribhuvana-mahito vira-lõkañ=jagāma [20*) Rājādity? 46 gurapura-vadhū-vaktra-pamkēruhānam prītim karttum gatavati mahätējasi kshmā. 47 m=asēshām [18] virõ=rakshat kshapita-sakal-arāti-sändr-andhakāro 48 bhrātā tasya prathita-mahima Gandarādityavarmmā [216] Utpädya putram
Madhurāntak49 khyam Kavēra-kany-öttara-tīra-bhūmau [l*] grā[ma*]m=mahāntañ-cha nijēna nämnā
pa50 ratra-bētossa divan-jagama [22] Tasmin-divam gato dēvē sasāsa AA51 kalim=mahim [*] Arifjayo=ri-bhūpāla-vana-dāvānalo bali [23*] Ariñjayād=
aja52 ni Purantak-opamaḥ Parantakan para-ntipa-chakra-marddanaḥ [1*] apālayaj=
jalanidbi-me. 53 khalām=mahim sukhēna yonija-guna-rañjita-prajaḥ [24*) Chēvūra-nāmanis
purē 54 nija-chāru-chapa-mukt-ātifāta-sara-rāsi-nirantar-āsaḥ [1*) sāt-āsi-bhinna-ripu-danti
Third Plate ; Second Side. 55 girindra"-niryyad-rakt-āpagā bahuvidhā niravarttayat sah [25*] Karikāl-ānya
nāmā36 nam=Adityam=ndapipadat [1*) Rājarājañ=cha rājēndro Ravi-vamsa-sikhă-manim
||[26] 67 Suraloka-paritrāņa-parē tasmin Parāntakē [l*) naraloka-paritrāṇam=A
1 The é sign of rē is at the end of the previous line. . After ja the length sign has been entered and erased. • The letter t is entered in the next lino. • There is something like & virama mark on the left top of mma. . After ma in nimani, the length sign has been entered and erased. • After ta in multäti, & length sign has been entered and erand. 7 Read gir-indra

Page #298

No. 34.]
THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
241
58 dityo vidhivad=vyadhāt [27*) Sa Vira-Pandyana sa-hēlam=ājau chikrīdha(da)
bālo 59 Manu-vamsa-dīpaḥ [l*] matamgajēn=ēva mad-otkațēna mpigēndra-sābū(vo) ba60 la-garvvitēna ||[28] Divar gati tatra naradhip-adhipě sa Gandáraditya-su61 ton mahā-bhujaḥ [l*] apălayad=vāridhio-měkhalām=mabīm=Mahēndra-kirtti62 r=mMadhurāntako npipa) ||[29] Tasmin=yātē Tridaga-nilayan=trātum=urvvīpat
indre 63 viro vibva-kshiti-pati-lasan-mauli-līdh-amghri-pīķhah [l*] doshņā Sēsh-õraga-pa64 ti-tanu-bri-mushā Rājarajo gurvvim=urvvi-dhuram=udavahach=Chola-vamba-pradipah
||[30*) Ji. 65 två 88 Pāņdya-D(T)uļu-Kerala-Simhaļēndra-Satyāóray-ādi-npipatir=n'nija-bāhu-viryyāt
66 dāya tat-kari-turamgama-ratna-rāshtrāṇy=āsādas=āpiyasasādhavali-chakāra. ||[31*) Kți
Fourth Plate ; First Side. 67 ta-dig-vija[ya*]s=sa Räjarājaḥ karadīksitya mahīpatin-asëshăn [l*) nyavasato sva
purē sukhan=nri68 ?pēndras-tridivē lõka-namaskpito yath=Endra) ||[32*] A bailād=ahimāmśu-janma
mahi69 tād=ā dakshiņ-ambhõnidhēr=ã ch=Ast-ähvaya-parvvatät giripatēr=ā Sambhune
ādhi70 shthitāt [l*) rājāno nija-vamsa-rakshana-pară bhoktuñ=cha bhögän=bahūn=nītyā Nitya71 vinoda-pāda-kamala-dvandvam samāsibriyan |[33*] Yatassa rājā nija-pā72 da-bhājāṁ räjñām=udāro bahudh=āšrayo=bhūt [1*) ataḥ prithivyām=amita73 prabhāvam Rājāsrayan=tan=nigadanti santaḥ ![34] So=yamrakhila-kalā-kalapa74 pārāvāra pāradsiv=āśēsha-nfipa-chakra-chāru-chāmikara-kiriţa-kõți-gha75 ţit-ānēka-māņikya-marichi-puñja-puñjarīksita-pāda-pītho Rajarajo Rājakõsart76 varmmā sva-sāmrājye-varshē ēkavimśatitamē nikhila-dharani-tilakāyamānē Ksha77 Priya-bikhamani-valanādu-nämni mahati janapada-nivaho Pattana-kkurra-nämni
janapa78 dē-nēka-sura-sadana-satra-prap-ārām-ābhirāmē vividha-saudha10-rāji-rājamānē Na
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 79 gipattanē nija-mati-vibhava-vijita-Suraguruņā budha-jana-kamala-vana-marichimālin=.1 Read Gandarāditya. The length of ri seems to have been omitted at first and then inserted wrongly before
instead of after it. * The é sign of to is at the end of the previous line. . Road väridhi. . Read aripatin=nija..
After chakära, a visarga has been entered And erased. • The letters vasat are written over an erasure. * The é sign of pê is incised at the end of the previous line. . Read täd..
From this line, Tamil characters are interspersed with Grantha. 10 The words vividha-saudha are written over az ormuro, After dha, length atzoko has been ernsod.

Page #299

242
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
80 rtthi-jana-kalpapidapena Sandra-vaihsa-sambhūtēna Srivishay-adbipati
81 nă
Makara-ddhvajen-&dhigata-sakala1-nāja-vidyasya
Katah-adhipatyam-atanvatā
Chula
82 manivarmmanaḥ patrēna śri-Maravijayo1ttushgavarmmanā nirmmipitam-adha
83 rikita-Kanakagiri-samunnati-vibhavam-atiramaniyañ-Chülämapivarmma-vihāram
adhiva
84 sata Buddhaya tasminnēva janapada-nivahe Paṭṭapa-kkürra-namni janapa
85 dé karipi parikramaņa-vispaahţa-almi-chatushṭayam-Aqaimazhgal-äbbi
86 dhānam grāmam-adat || Itthan-dēvēna dattasya sva-pitra chakravarttinā [1*] grāmasy-asya ga
87 te tasmin-devabhūyam-mahaujasi [35] Tat-simhasanam-arüḍhas-tat-putro Madhuräntakaḥ [1]
88 sasanam sasvatan-dhiman kārayitv=adisa[n]=nripah [36] Seshō-sēshām-mahirh yava
89 d-dhatte-sesh-drag-esvaraḥ [1] stheyat-tavan-viharo-yam vibhavēna sa90 havanau ||[37] 85-yath
pra'
[VOL. XXII.
Katah-ädhipati[r]-ggupänän-nivasa-bhūmir-mmahita
Fifth Plate; First Side.
91 bhāvaḥ [*] agaminah prärtthayate narendran dharmmam sad=ēmam-mama rakshat=ēti ||[38] Grāmē
92 ramy jagati mahita Kottayur-abhidhanë Lakshmi-dhämany-ajani vimale yö
Vasishth
93 änvaväye [1] sat-sarisäv! vimala-charit Onantanäräyan-Akhyas-sō
94 yan-dhiman-arachayad-imam-agrajanma prasastim [39] Tasya ra
95 jño mahith sarvvän-dharmmana parirakahatah [*] ajayyasya
yaj-janma-bhür-abhūtu
96 jit-abesha-ripu-bhüpala-sambateḥ [40] Mahadhikari(1)
97 matimärha-Tillayali-samahvaya*]
[*]
sva-pitur-3nnāmā
vāyil-i
98 ti árutaḥ [41*] Yo Rajaraja-Müvēndavēļ-iti
gād-i
99 dam so ya
sasanam säddhv-akarayat [42*] || ||
The sign of jo is written at the end of the previous line..
20 Read makim.
11 Read abhüd-bh@mau.
The letters siddhakara seem to have been entered over an erasure.
bhūmau Kiñohi
prathito bhuvi [*] tan-niyo.
1 After sabala, a letter has been entered and rubbed out.
The letter yo in vijayo is a correction
• The letter rand is a correction.
4 Read giri..
The letters tasminne are written over an erasure.
The sign of te is at the end of the previous line.
"The last letter pra is a correction.
The proper name seems to be Anantandrayana and not Nandanarayana as Mesars. Burgess and Natesa
Sastri have taken.

Page #300

THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (II)
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N. P. Chakravarti. Reo.No.3910 E35-425.
SCALE : ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #301

10,6.
100 பேதையேதயராசார உவோதயா 53*தாத ஜsic
இதனை போக்கனாக காலரைங்கம் கோகா 102 122
இப்பவாபசாரத:
24 தேமரைக்கா 187 13786யாநாம்த படம்
136 -
போது 104 தவரு. தை
DIETNE அதியராது பாட்37:3 *
2008லத்தினமாலை 108
பத்து பியாசேககமயணைராஜராஜ 110 டவர
வங்கத்னககரதுமலரறுபதைத்து 110 SEE 5 தமமை
poem
-1.Net
TAMIL PORTION.
ப -தானமானரையகவான் 35 2 பபான்காரத்துதல் அஜதெயாக்கலாத்தொதுபரன் 2
ததத்தண்பூபாலபபதரகரலமத்தாதலராசதம். 4 த.மாயாண்டு + பத்தொன்பது தொண்ணரன தY4 த3J9ம் மொள்ளா ஜயதிலகத்ரத்தில் மணமக 6 ததும்SIP
போத்தன் தைலமன்பத்யைகள் 6 மண்வாதாரம் காத்து தாம்பட்த்ைதுத தேதினது 8 மண்பாத்தப்பன் பெணம்3பத்தத்துக்காதவரமன் 8
பட்டருகந்தது தன்மயகல்பனன் பாததமரJFyரபது 10 ம் தேதல்தரிதிலன்தொணணுரரமுயரனரயா சரன்யாகர் 10
வேதனை கனத்து வேரமன்)
கககய பலm இகைவைலவரைத3 தலதானை | 12 தததககவகைதாகாரமுலாத்தள் பூதியவா
21வதுப்பனகர்தததைகெபா 14 - கதைகளாமன்
2வத்துபவைக்கரோதாதயSைTU, தெனாவதழுத பொப்பாத்தரையல்வாதரவத்தது) 16 ாெதரமளா வலத்ம தழுது பதித்த மேதாத வாக 18 காத்தான்ததாகவதைத்ததைரத்த்தாழைத் திளைத்தம் 18 20 தரவகமையயாகத்த
ணைகரளத்த அத 20 பாவத்துகளை மனனமபெகராமனுமந்தர்

Page #302

No. 34.)
THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
243
Fifth Plate ; Second Side. 100 Kaţăh-adhipatës-tasya níyögāt-Tuvavüravan [*] Anukka iti vikhyātas-brimão
Atikal--ātmajaḥ 1[43*) OL 101 Vinito guņa-sampannas=svāmi karya-hitỏ rataḥ [1] sākanam tähvatam-idam=achikarad
udāra-dhiḥ [44] OL 102 Rājarāja-mahācharyyo Vāsudēv-āpar-ābvayah [*] a-krishna-charitaḥ Kpi103 shņa-sambhavõ=pi mahāmatiḥ [45*) Sriramga-Damodara-nāmadhēyau Krishn
atma104 jau Krishna-pad-ābja-bhrimgau [*] Krishn-ābhidhāno=pi cha Vāsude105 Va-barirajo niraja-chāru-nētraḥ [46] Arāvampita-putras-cha Purusho106 ttama-sa[m*]jñitaḥ [*] sparddhamāno=kshara-nyasē Chitraguptēna chitraguḥ
||[47*] 107 Hovy-anyavāya-tilakāḥ Kāñchipura-samutbhavāh. (*) prašastim=ēnām=ali108 khan pañch-aitē chitrakāriņaḥ [48*] 1-ésāsanam veţținom Jayankon[da]60109 la-maņdalattu sri-Kāñchipurattu oviya-chchitrakäri Krishộan Väsudēvan-äņa
Rājarāja-ppe110 rāchāryyaņēpum Krishnan Tiruvaranganum Krishnan Dämõdiranum Väsudēvan
Krishnanum 111 Arávamirdu "Purushottam'apnum! || 61 116
Tamf Portion.
Pirst Plate; First Side. 1 Svasti sri [l*] 6. Könēriņmaikondan Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanāţto2 pPattana-kkūrrattu nättärkkum brahmadêya-kkilavarkkum dēvadāna-ppalli3 chchanda-kkani-murrüttu-vettappērt-ūrgaļilārkkum nagarangalilārkkum 4 namakku yandu irubatt-oprāvadu nal tonnürr-irandinal B Tañjāvũreppurambadi maligai Räjäsrayanil tepkkil mandabat6 tu nām irukka=kKidāratt-araiyan Chūlāmaņipanman Kshatriyasikha7 maņi-vaļanāțţu=pPattana-kküfrattu Nägapattanattu eduppikkiora Chūļā8 manipanma-vibārattuppaļļikku vēndum nivandattukku Kshatrisya"]sikhāmaņi-va9 lanăţțu=pPattana-kkūrrattu Anaimangalam pallichchandam irangal=uļpada ala10 ndapadi ningal nikki nilap toņņürr-ēlēy-irandu-mă mukkāņiy=araikka
1 Abhikala is the reading given in Volume IV of Archæological Survey of South India. As the letter bh is quite differently shaped from there is no doubt that the proper name here given is briman Afika (Adikal) and not Abhikala.
. Read samudbhavih. * The reading given in the A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 208 is Aravamirtuvum. The additional vum is clearly mistake. There is no trace of it in the plate. If vum is retained, there would be six names, but there must be only five for it is stated in line 108 parich-aitt chitralarinal. Moreover, what is required is a double name like Krishnan Yaoudēvan, eto, in which the first component indioates the name of the father In fact we have it stated in verne 47, that this individual's name was Purushottama and that he was the son of Aniawita.
• The letter puis corrected frona pi. . Read mapum.
• The reading of A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, (p. 208, 1. 114) ia murrurwd. It is evidently a mistake. The plato ends only murit which is also found in other inscriptions

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244
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
First Plate ; Second Side. 11 ni mandiriģai=kkil-müpru-mā mukkāņi mundirigai-hkil ariyēg-irao12 Ju-mävinäl irai kattipa kāņikkadap nella eņņāyirattuttollāyi13 rattu närpattu mu-kkalapē iru-tūpi=kkurui oru-näliyum Kadāratt-araiyan . 14 Kshatriyasikhamani-valanāțţu=pPattapa-kkūrrattu Nagapattanatt-eduppi15 kkipra Chūlāmaņipanma-vihārattu-ppaħikku iruppad-āga yandu irubat16 toprāvadu-mudal pallichchanda-isai-iliy-äga variyil=ittu-kkudukka17 v-epra nam bolla nam õlai eludum Nittavinoda-valanäţtu A. 18 vũr-kkúrrattu Vilattūr-kilavan Amudan Tirttakaran eluttiņālum nam 0 19 lai-niyakan Uyyakkondar-valanāțţu Veņņāţtu=kKēralānta[ka*)-chohaturvvē20 dimangalattu Krishnan Irāmap-āņa Mummadibola-Brahmamahārāyanum Nitta
Secund Plate; First Side. 21 vinoda-valanāțțu=pPāmbuņi-kkūrfattu Arsibūr-udaiyān frāyiravan Palla.' 22 vayan-āna "Mummadikāļa-Polanum Arumolidēva-vaļanāttu Nenmali-nāțţu=pParu23 ttikkudaiyān Vēļāp=Uttamasőlan-apa Madurāntaka-Mūvēndavēlānum 24 oppinälum pukka nan=tīţtippadiye variyil=ittu-kkolgav=enru 25 nam karumam-ārāyum Arūrap Aravanaiyāp-āņa Parākkiramasõja-Mūvē26 ndavēlāpum Tattan Sēndan-āņa Sembiyap-Müvēndavēlāpu27 m Arungunram-udaiyan Mäpperan Popkäriyum naduvirukkum Pulla 28 mangalattu=pParamēsvara-Bhatta-Sarvvakratuyājiyum Kadalanguļi-tTämödara-Bhat
tanu29 m nam karumam-ārāyum Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanāțţu=tTirunaraiyūr-nāttu=kKar
kudai30 yān Pisangan Pāļūr-āpa Mipava - Mūvēndavēļānuim Arumolidēva-valanāțțu
Second Plate ; Second Side. 31 pPurangarambai-nāțţu Vanganagar-udaiyān Sankaranārāyanan-Aranganum naduvi32 rukkum Vennainallūr=tTammadi-Battaqum Pašalai=tTiyambaka-Battanum $o33 la=ppuravuvari=kKijinallūr-ki]avan Koiran Popkāriyum Kaļumalam-udai. 34 yān Sürriyan Tēvadiyum Paluvūr-udaiyān Tēvap Sattanum 35 Kalsikkudaiyān Anaiyan Taļikkulavaṇum varippottagam sa36 ttapūr-udaiyan Kumarap-Aranganum Paruttiyur-kilavap Singap Ve37 ņkādanum irundu yāņdu irubatt-oprāvadu nāļ toņņūr-&38 riņāl paļļichchandam iraiy-iliy-åga varifyi*]l=ittu-kkudutta tatiga=ņāţtu=pPattapa39 kkūrrattu Anaimangalam aļandapadi ningal nikki nilap tonpūrr-840 lēy=irandu-mā=kkāņiy=araikkāņi mundirigai=kkil-mūnru-mā mukkāņi
* Read Brahmamaha
* Pallavayan has been taken as Pallava[rai*lyan by inserting rai, in A. 8. of 8. 1., Vol. IV, p. 200. As there is not a single place where Pallavaraiyan ooours, the proper name Pallavayan needs no correction.
mma in Mummadi is written over an erasuri The letters vavala in deva-vala are damaged.

Page #304

THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (III).
ii,a.
26ாதபபடித்
தன் 22 பயாைககொ 15தமது கடும் தரதமைல்தான் 22
ரேக பலைரானுத்தமமைதாலைதுாத்தபெத்தவொரகை 24 ம
காதிமைமைல்கு கடுதா ெ24 மகாரா
காதைவானரமனைபராக தரம் IPg ஆதOாதை ததன சொத்தரவைமரியழைத்தல் 26 25வனாக
பயைபபெர்னuெsTay 28 ம் தலத்துப் போகட்பததுஜ்யமாலங்கதைதாமாதரம் 28
மத்தமாயவரமண்யரேதாருத்தித்தரைJIGாதாதா 30 பாகைபைஜாமைவைபைத்தபென்மைமெடுதளை 30
ii,.
| DETAIபாககாயானதாதாராயண
'' 32 கமலத்தம்மப்டனுமாதமாக
32 42வர் காமவன்கொரராபாதகாயOD PO 34 பனகாரியம் தமழ் கலையானதைத்தனும் orgonzarsi
14யனத கொளவனுமாத்தகமரா 36 தரையை
மன்மையாக இ
தனை 36 ரவமாதம்
பேதாதகத்துளே 74 38 தலைGாத்தமாலியாத வரன்காதகைப்பன் 38 | fந்தத0112த்தலாட்டிததாத் திசைதா22 மெ மானாவாதான்
படழ தாளகக கமழுனமாழத்தார் 40 A COாதுவானதாகந்தான்
42 பக்கைலகலலாதம்மத்
இதயது வரன் 42 பதாருக்கதரையாகந்து தம் தலமதையானத்தை 44 305கலத்த்தது பலவந்தமானைரும் துருத்தி Jy) 44 TTAத்த ரபகபதாடையும்
மதத்துவானான் 46 பாகைகளில்வ வளதாருகார்தாருத்தலை ]]) 146 1 266 தல்க
லத்து வாதகொம்புத்துத்தாமையா 48 களககணை மனத கருமைபெத்ததடுதது 48
தம் 3களாதிரைலெலகெரித்ததழுத்தும் ரகைக்த்துதல்ல 50 களள்யம் தரகர6 237 2ல்செகயொத்ததயென்னுமலாக்கத்தால் மாதா 50 R மோததாகிம்க
ளாகத்தானதெதிலைடிமந்தாரை
SCALE : ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OP INDIA, CALCUTTA
N.P. Cliakravarti. REs. No. 3910 E'35-425.

Page #305

52 நவதில்னவா மமைமயா ஐ82ரரரவமனை
பாதின் பைலகயரனமமிசமபொசனுமாகத்திக்கலம் 54 வெவானுத்தமாசா515933 தரததலவர்
வம்பப்தவமதிமதளபாபலதார 56 தலை
ரிலாம்பூவாம்மனததொளாதுத்த 56 JJல கவும்
த்விவலதுகாப5 58 மைப்பாய தலகாப்பதம்லதாக தொல்ல 58
கடிமண்டபுகழுகாமமலைத்தவரைத்தன் 60 ' 16காருதலைன்னா 27NOVாயாண்டு பாது 60 21 Car
? வாத்ச கா
D
in,a.
62 நா gaNானாஜ ராஜம் பரகவரபததொலைத்த 62
Pததிக்ககமாகத் திக்குது பாதைகளத்துசெதைதொழுது 64 பதித்தாலமெல பத்து தடித்துப்பாலாக்குதலாலதொத்தா லலு 64
மகாலயது தச பொலசெயத்திலத்துத்தாதெல்லாம் 66 சவரமன் உள் காதப்பகைாந்த்துதல் நாமெவலலss
தத:33ன் லத்துத்த மகாபாதகாத தமெந்தது 68 தொகனுைம்
பாப்புதையுணண்யெனதுமலத்தாற்கும் மதைரினனுட்டுப்பெலல்லாமத் தொக்கபெரயானை 70 துாகததொதினனும்புகையணவையனடைநிலத்துத் மெத்தம்
ைைம மாதினைம் புஸ்புணனாதனDEFால்லை
ir,b.
72. HTAMI தாகமருன
. லGUNகரைவாக தககதராமபகமெராமான 74 3தாதாவததைகதோ மக தபரமாகச் ம
ரகதவு. அலைrer காமெனைமர் 76 வாவதாகவும்
AS Teasaii யார் மனதை மவாதில்வட்டார பதிலாகமா மனதில் 78. 1 0aa
-
காலை தகாததாக ஆமாதம் எல்லா மதராமைதை வெளள 80 கதவாலாமாங்க மொ மததைராகாததொரி
ெெதமைககதைவசியமெனOதல் 32627
ATTசானா

Page #306

No. 34.]
THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
2015
41 mundirigai kil-araiyèg-irandu-mävum [pidi] sūlndu pidagai nadappi[p*Ipad-agaw kkapkāņi nadu.
Third Plate; First Side. 42 virukkum Vennainallür=tTammadi-Bhattapaiyum' Battan Kshatriyalikhamani.
V&48 fanāttu=tTirunaraiyür-nåttu eri-Tungamangalam-āga Abhimanabhushana-okclus
turvvē. 44 dimangalattu=tTūrpil Sridhara-Bhattanaiyum i-ppăţgu Vēļā-nāţtu=tTirunellü45 Pārkkulattu=pParpanāba Bhattapaiyum ivy-ür Pērēmapurattu Venpaiya46 Bhattapaiyum Rājēndrasimha-valanttu Kāra-năţtuuttaniyür Sri-Viranārāya47 ņa-chchaturvvēdimangalattu "Dvēdaigomapupattu Nandīśvara-Bhattanaiyum pura
vuva48 ri Kallikkudaiyan Anaiyan? Talikku avanaiyum pērattandon-ta49 ngaļum ivargalodu nioru ellai terittu=ppiļi bū]ndu pidāgai nadandu kallu50 n=kalliyum nätti afavõlai be[y*]du põlettagav=eppum vābagattāl mandira61 võlai Vilattür-kilavan Amudap Tirttakaran eluttipälum mandiravõlai nā.
Third Plate; Second Side. 62 yakap Krishnan Irāmap-ana Mummadikāla-Brahmamahārāyanum Araisūr-udski
yap [1] 53 rayiravar Pallavayap-āņa Mummadisõla-Pobanum Paruttikkudaiyan 54 Vēläp=Uttamasjan-āna Madurāntaka-Müvēndavél. 56 pum oppinālum (*) Tiru-magal pola=pperu-[ni]la-chchelviyu56 netaakkēy=urimai pūn[da*]mai mana-kkola=kKāndalar67 chchālai kalam-aputt-aruļi Vēngai-nādun=Gangapädiyu[m] Nu58 Jambapāļiyun=Tadigaipādiyun=Kudamalai-nādu:=Kollamun-Kali. 59 ngamum en-disai puga! tara Tla-maņdalamun=ti[*-diral-vepri-ttan. 60 dag=konda tapp-elil vaļar ūliyul-ellä yāņdun=to-1
1 This word is omitted in A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 209, text-line 152.
* This word has been incorrectly read a kafukkum in the above. The official designation naduvirukkum of VennainallaratTammadibhaffan actually cours in text line 142 f. on the same page.
• This word has been incorrectly read as ttaffanaiyum in the A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 209, text-line 153.
• The Tamil letters naba are written in smaller characters than the rest and ba appears as a convex ourve. The traces show that the Granths letter bha was originally written and then erased. The reading given in the A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, p. 209, text-line 156 is Parapa (-la).
5 The reading of this word given in A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, is Perampura in line 166 and Perempura in lipo 448 which are clearly inadmisible.
• The reading in A. 8. of 8. I., Vol. IV, is (Duenda(t)- Jkompuramu:
This word has been wrongly read as agaiyida in text-line 169 of A. 8. of 8. 1., Vol. IV, p. 209. Read per tandom: Bee, above p. 215.
. Without inserting y, we may read sidu which is but the colloquial form of beydu. Bat as the inscription GBR beydue later on (11. 204 and 206), it is preferable to have here also the grammatically correct form
10 Pottaga seems to be the contraction of pöga and taga. 11 The sign of is entered at the end of the previous lino. 11 The letters in this line are larger in size than those in the other lines. 45 There is space for the length of to at the commencement of the next line, but it is not written

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246
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
nättöbepru
1 lutega riladgnm panday Saliyatai-ttēdu kol bi-kv-I.
Fourth Plate; First Side, 68 räjarājakēnarivarmmar-apa Srl-Rājarajadēvaku yandu irubatt-onrāvadu 68 mukku-tturumugam vark [1] ndipomuntirumagadəkandu edir-elunda
toludu vå64 nigiettatai-mét vaittu=ppidi sāļndit pidāgai nadandu elai tepittu kallu86 -kalliyu[m*] nātti aravõlai beyda nilattukku-kkilpark-ellai Kshatri66 yasikhāmaņi-valanāțţu=pPattana-kkürrattu=kKövüt mēl-ellai[*] 67 Kövür-ttachcha=pilattukkum Kõvür=kKāvidiy-odaikku[m] mërkun[] 68 terk-ippum ivv-ūr=pPugaiyunniy=epnum milattkku me 69 pkum [l *) terk-ippum ivv-ellaiyê kilakku nõkki=ppöy i-pnilat70 tukku terkaippum Pugaiyuņniy-eppum nilattukku mērkum [l*) te71 rk-ipnum mērk-ippum Pngaiyuņnikku=ppäyum väykkälin mēlaiy-&
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 72 raikkalil nätrakkālāga wikidanda siru-Varambukku vadakkum [*] innum ivv.
arai73 kkälilēy mērku nårrukkal-&ga attiekkidanda kifu-varambukku mērkum [l*) innum 74 i-nnāfrukkälukkey terku varamb-aga átti-kkidanda Varambukku vadakkum [1]
innu75 m ivv-araikkälin mēl-varambukku mērkum [1*) ippum ivv-araikka76 lip terkil=pPugaiyuņniy-araikkālukku mërkum [l*] ippum ida77 # teşkil Kõvūr=kkusava-nilan oru-måv-araikku mörkum [19) idap terkil 78 oru-māv-araikku mārkum [1*) idap terkil daiyil naduvukkuætterkum [] in 79 fum i-kKövür ellaikku mērkum [1*] terk-ippum Kövür vollblan A80 raisūr. Mariyadi oru-măvukku mörkum (*) idap terki dai naduvukkuetterkum [1]
81 vv-odaiyē ten-kilakku nõkki=ppöy mērs. Pallaväykkäl ivv-8.
Fifth Plate; First Side. 82 daikkēy viļunda idattukku mērkum [l*) inpum mēr-Pallaväykkālip ten. 83 karaikku=tterkum Kövür Mēlpallattu mēl-varambukku mërkum (1") ivv-ur Mê 84 lpallattu veļļālap Ujāppali Pakkaran araikkalil vada-varambukku va85 dakku[m] [l*) ivv-araikkälin mēlai ādaiyin naduvukkum vellalan Pa86 ramëśvaran Naraiyūr araikkalukku mërkum [*] ivv-Odaiyin nadu.
The letters milellai, written at the end of this line, are in bigger oharacters.
The letter du almost encircles the previous letter in naduvuklou. * The ai sign of rai is written at the end of the previous line. Before di in Mariyadi the letter has been entered and erased.
The letters rpa in mérpafla are written over an erasure. • The reading given in A. 8. of 8. 1., Vol. IV, text-lines 195 and 276 in Uruppali-ppåklart. The plate clearly reads rå, not ru. It being a double name it has to be read a given in our text.
The letter du almost enoireles the previous letter.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (IV).
1,d.
வேட்கை
82 - மழதததத பொறறைபனர கால்னகென் 82
கந்ததாக கமலத்துNைSOR OTH 84 சாளத்தாகபபோக தைதரல்லரம்புத்தா 84
PASUU தம் 16N)தைத்தமரொரனன 86 6மவானளாககதலுார் ராமான்கரை 86 தர்.மெத்தமுதிக "OCTOT"ன்ன
தாக 88 தாதததகடு 2177(சகெடுப50)32ளக
ததெழ் 88 | 3 0 காத ததகOே
- SUரென 90 - 855 குதித்து த
U TTதார 90 | - 565 - "3 Page #309

ri,.
112 துமாலவெலக கடித்தபயொள கானர் தயாரயபலழுரைகழல் 112
பலாக்கொத்திடும் லேமோதாமாதம் ஈந்தமலயான 114 | 2ளயெதினனும்டியயெலலாக்கர்கானைமரயொதாகை 114
தெயலக தொகைகைத்தனமாக வெள்ளாள் 116|a5. கா தேகமாக்னதெனவாட்பொலலல 116
தாதென gே35 ஐவயமாதைலத்தினடுத்ன பாமா 118 பந்த னுத்துதல் தாகம்கேனுதர் மகிமா மனுைமாயா 118
ஜை மதிலத்தரகயவாகம்மலலாத தொகாசெரை 120 அழகே யொ பைலாமல லேயான் தலத்துக்கு கிழத்தமம் - 120 பலவோ தோமெரா பரத கழS 2 உகாமல்
cii,a. 122 காவனனும் மேயுத்த ரனலைத்திசைவரட்டாத்திரத்தமடுதலை 122 21-டெடமெதெJJாதை
தகர ெசதைவவசுவயெனமொப்ப 124 த.யெம் படகக் கக்க செனநாவவொடாததாமுகாமவரா uெ 124
கதெரிகரன் எதாவரவணபவகவத்துத்துப்பாயத்தலாஜை 126 ஜனவரயார்
நெடுவாயாகாலத்து கரைததெயெர் 126
அதது ஓவயத்துர்வால்வயெனதும் ரவுத்தி 128 மேவரமயாக -தசம்வ ராத்திரள பதிமுத்தாத்தனர். 128
(துதிவயாயாமத்தில் 22வத்துத்தளரைளாரெயெைதன்ன 130 பெயுதந்ததெனக்கரகொக்சேவரனநதாைது கமத்ததொத்தியும் 130
காதேதியுமதெனாலாகாததெரரமதாத்மதா மாமா
rii,.
132 பாதுகதிரவரமனுதரியாமதானுமாவாவமைதுதவந்த 132
வயத்து கரையானகம்பனழமை மாவினாடிரம்புக்குத்தியாகும் 134 பாததெலசெயினதென் பெயாழத்ததைராத வரவைரத்தைதத்தொகம் 134
தாபதத்துவவயப் பலவானாலாது 136 கலை யே
மதராசவன்
பாகவத்துவுதொ 136 மாரசிவாயா மெவரன் வதைலத்தலைவரமடைரை தரத்த 138 தாமாத்தாதது காரியம் மாத்த்தாதமதரத்தக்தரவாதயம் 138
- காலியான தவத்தாமவரம்புக்குத்திராக்மாயவரமபேயட காதொரா 140 பாதைகளபாயாளமை புதினதெனகய பததெனதளராதந்தோகார 140
பெ மாவாவை வேலாமாமராலத்து தாயைாதெதானடானர்

Page #310

No. 34.]
THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA 1.
247
87 vukku mërkum [*] Kõvar vellalap- Aiyyåfan Šēndan araikkälin 88 kottattu ivv-odaikkē mērkum [i*) ivv-araikkalukkuettepku89 m [*] Mēlpalla-nilattin kottattu ivv-ādaikkēy mērkum [1*) ivv-890 dail Erivațţi-vāykkālukkēy vilunda idattuku mörkum [*] ivv-Erivațți-väykka91 lukkē mērkum ( ") ipnum ivv-Erivațţi-väykkālukkēy tejkum (") ivv-E
Fifth Plate; Second Side. 92 rivaţti-väykkālukkē mērkum [ll*] Teņpārk-ellai ivv-Erivaţți-va93 ykkālukku vadakkum [*] ivv-Erivațți-väykkālē mērku nõkki=chche94 pru i-vväykkālaiy.üdafuttu=ttep-karaikkēy=ēri terk-inpu. 95 m ivv-Açaimangalattu brahmadēyattu=ppadugai vēli nila. 96 ttin mēl-ellaiye senru te[n].madalāy=kkidanda ödaik. 97 ku mērkum [I*] ivv-ellaiyē [tjerku nõkki=chchepru mērkki. 98 ppum ivv-odaikkēy vadakkum [l*) innum ivv-ödaikku 99 vadakku nõkkiy=Epivatti-vāykkālu[k]kēy=urf-adapku kilakkum [*] ivv-Erivaţti100 vāykkālaiy=ūdaputtu vada-karaiyĒy=ēji i-vväykkālip vada-karaiyēa 101 mērku nõkki=chchepru i-vvāykkālukku vadakkum [*] ivv-ellaiyēy
Sixth Plate; First Side. 102 mērka nokki-chchenru i-vväykkāl tãn kidandavāra mērku nõkki i-ppăttu-p103 Pattana-kkūrrattu brahmadēvam Sivalaiykudiyil nilap nāņ-māvil vada-varam
bęy-ur104 ru i-vvarambē mērku nõkki=chchepru ivv-ellaikku vadakkum [1*] ivv-ellai. 105 yo mērku nõkki=chchepru Palavilapp-āņa ādaiyĒy=urtu ivv-ellai106 kku vadakkum [11*] Mēlpāļk-ellai vadakku nõkki Nāțțuppõkkuuttalai107 VĀyer vettappērrukku=kkilakkum [*] vadakk-inpum inpāțţu=pPatta108 Da-kkur[r*Jattu Muñjikuļi nilattiņ kil-ellaiy-āņa ādaiyēý=urru-iv109 v-6daiyip naduvēy vadakku nõkki=chchepru ivv-odaiy=ulppada ivv-o110 daikkuukkilakkum (1) ivv-odai tāp kidandavärēy vadakku nõkki i-mMuñjiku111 di nilamēy=ufru i-mMuñjikudikku=kkil-ellaiy-āņa ādaiyėy-urru vadakk-in
Sixth Plate; Second Side. 112 pum ivv-ellaikku=kkilakkum [l*) ivv-ādai tān kipandavārēy pala mudokkum-u113 dongi vadakku nökki i-mMuñjikudi nilamēy=urru i-mMuñjikudikku=kki]-ellaiy-apa 114 Odaiye vadakk-ippum ivv-ellaikku-klalakk-ippum ivv-odai tăş ki. 116 dandavårêy vadakku nokki-chchepru idanai vittu i-mMuñjikuţi vellala116 Irāman Govindan nanmävio tep-varambēgaufru ivv-ellaiyè va
* The ai sign of dat ie wetten at the end of the previour Hoe.
1. Roadstupalay, . At the end of lixo 100 and at the beginning of line 101 there is unwrittet poe for one or two lettertx not alour # some letters were written and erased, •The Inlign of W ontered at the end of the previous Lab Read de Xudokios mad wadongi are perhaps mistaken for mudalks and mudang.

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248
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXIF.
117 dakku nõkki=chcheppui-m Muñjikudi bgahmadēgam-āna nilattip tep-varambő118 yuru idapukkuætterkum. [**] idapukkey kilakkum [1*] ippum i-mMuñjikudi 119 brahmad@yam nilattukoy vadakkum 11*1 ivy-ellaiyő vadakku nökki-chchepru 120 Muñjikudi velläp-vagai-klal-ellaiy-āpa nilattukku=kkilakkum [*] iv. 121 V-ellaiye vadakku nõkkirchchenru vada-mērku nõkki Muñjikudi därimaya
Seventh Plate; First Side. 122 kkal-eppum nilamēy=urru i-ppilattin kil-varambukku=kkilakkum [1*] idan vada123 varambēy mērku nõkki-chehepru vada-varambukku vadakku[ml] i-chcheyin
mēlai-pp124 raiyōdai vadakku nõkki=chchepru ivv-odaikku=kkilakkum [1] ivv-odaiye vada 125 kku nõkki-chchepru ivv-Apaimangalattukku=ppāya-kkallipal Rāja126 rajap-väykkālēy=urru i-vväykkālaiy=ūda[ru]ttu vada-karaikkēy=ēri 127 ivv-Apaimangalattu brahmadēyattu=kKālavāy-eppum nilatti128 kil-varambukku=kkilakkum [*] vadakku nõkki=chchepru[m] kilakku nõkki=chche129 ru[m] ivv-Apaimangalattu brahmadēyattu=kKilāp' Kiļān kār-cheyin ten-va130 rambēy-urruettep-kilakku nõkki=chchepru idipipru vada-kilakku nõkkiyum 131 kilakku nõkkiyum bepra ellaikku=tterkum kilakkum [*] idap vada-varambēy
Seventh Plate; Second Side. 132 vada-mērku nokki=chchepru idanukku vadakkum [l*] innum ivv-Awaimangalattu 138 brahmadēyattu Aritan Siriyip Kaçambap mūpru-māvin kil-varambukku=kkilakkum [11*]
134 depārk-ellai i-chcheyip tep-varambēy kilakku nõkki=chchepru idanukkuætterku136 m [l] i-nnáttu=pPattana-kkūrrattu brahmaděyam Pirambil Kottidal-āna nilat136 tip ellaiyềy kilakku nõkki=chchepru ivv-Apaimangalattu brahmadēya137 ttu Vāchchiyan Paramēbvarap Pūvan nilattin mēl-varambey urf-adapku=t138 terkum [*] innilattukkėy mērkun=terkum kilakkum [1] i-nnāțțu brahmadēyam 139 Pirambil Kottidal-āpa nilattip. kil-varambukku=kkilakkum [1*] i-vvarambēy vadakku
nökki-eh140 chepru Vilapp-eppum arrin tep-karaiyĒy-urruettep-karaikku=tterkum (1) i-kkarai141 yêt kilakku nõkki-chchepru ivv-Apaimangalattu Mahādēvar dēvadāņam-āņa o
Eighth Plate; First Side. 142 ru-măv-araiyin mēl-varambēy-urru i-vvarambukku mērkum [l*) i-vvarambēy terku 143 nokki ittēvar dövadapam-aga Mullivaravaiyin mol-varambėy-urru i 144 varambukku mërkum [l*] i-vvarambē tepku nõkkiyun=kilakku nõkkiyuñ-cho145 bra i-ttēvar kuļaměy=ufru i-ttēvar kulattukku=ppäyum vāykka1 The reading paykkallin given in A. 8. of 8.1., Vol. IV, is due to the mistake of taking ya and na. for y and
In so doing, the sense is obscured. 1A lotter has been entered and erased after -kki. .The letters beyw of beyour are written over an erasure After ye, a letter be been entered and erased. Than proper name may also be road Muffiedrai.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (V).
ridi,a.
14
வயல பாமரது பாமபுரதமரகஇரபெயதொது 142 தொகாதிபாதபதபைரழை ளன்பாமைன் மெலழ பெY) 144 கருமாதயோமடுபதொ தொகை படித்த நாதவேளுகை 144 இததை
மொரது தலைகளத்துகாயமலரயகம் ல்லாம்
9- இதர தொகர் செனது கதை தெவதாகைதி: 146 பதிகாலதை
-த்தலைமலபாம்பால்மரமத்தணதகலான 148 தெனOUR
- + தொகவமைத்தததொத்மாத 148 தயாதெல்தானமானவமமாகப்புரம் மாவிலைமலரமடித்தம், கமலையா 150 மானேதெனபாமபெயர்ந்தபொது வாதை மாதகாதரருமதோக 150
தெயாதானத்தகாண்பலைதலைமபொைததொரிரோ
viii,. 152 - - காவியத்த தை தமஓப்பத்து பயததரலின மெல்கரையே? 152
தோத்திரரெனப விளபயோரதரக்கதித்தமயைவிளா 154 55வகளாககவாத்தாபப்ப கைாதரத்து தெயழித்த 154 unya
போதியவெலUNGAவதாக 156 கடிக்காது
பலசன் தேனுகககமகாததொத மனை 156 வருவிழ
* தாத்தயமத்தம வெல 158வத்ததா தாகி விளப்பு கெட்டது விலாதுத்தென 158
50 கதையொததென்மாயெ-தோசைவரனபனையை 160 வைரமயக்கரதைத்ன மொயாமா கததைகக 160
12 பககவான் திகைதியெல்வாமாகககாக்க 162 பைப2.19ா --
ரத்து 162
is,a.
தலவாசாமயாய யாதாத்ததெந்த 164 -'- A படுக்கையடிக்கடுகனனததாதெ 164
--27012024 பாத்துகொனதெனபாமரததடுதல் 166 3.170'மகாதொரர் தெதைலகானது பாதைசாலைத்துாதா 166 ஆத்தொகம்
வளத்த்த்பேதானதெல் லல்லுடிதலன் 168)
Rayாத மக்கதை கேளழப் கொல்ல மார563 168
தம்மாணவர [43 கருப்பொதரச பழாமலை 170 பைட் ககளதததவததைமெழபர் 170
நாடகாழாக்கங்கண்ட்டியல் ததர்பாருமல்கைலக 172 1927 டிந்தும் திருப்தகையறையைேபலபாள ததென் 172
தமபதி 3- 35யோருதி வேத
N. P. Chakravarti. Res. No. 3910 E'35-425.
8CALE : ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

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ix,b.
174 மலர் ததுரும் பெரிய பதவடிந்த கவனததும மணலை 174
உரைத்தாராளைமம்மா மீத்திக்கரைமழான தலபெர 176 பதபடுப்
பினைலததாக கேதார ரெயத்தாலத்த்திப் 176 ரதாம்பா
புமவியம்பெபதாக மான்ல த்தக்க 178 பரமபரலது லெகமெளை திரப்பயலும்
178 தரதவ மலர் A ல ன லோதரதந்தத்த்த 180 பிலது தலை
கடித்தம்பனைபபாள இராைதகம6 180 ததர்க3னென்ரபெத விமாசெயயாததாகலம்ன்ன ளதது 182 133படுபதுதாடெலமாதைபெருக்கதாக 5 | 182 5 1.9 P கணதம்பதயதாக நகரதங்கததாத்தன்
OSTS லேவிய கெணபகம்ரூதகம்
மேயவாககம 184
8,a.
-
-
-
-
,
.
- 186 5. - -
- - 3
( பபா படுபாம் '1-4மயரயங்கரலகளவமனை யோட்ம தாதம்புர 188 வந்தாருபா5 துசியக்கா பரபரபககரலதளமான பேரம்
14ம பககதிதம்பரம் 190 வெரரபபதத்த கத்தசைக்கவா
லாகமUதாகர் 190 பணபபையன்
தயும்ெேபாதபபெராட7277JJIKIT 192 யமகளா ரயும்விதரழியும் தாதரமய பதாலைக்கான ழான ரப்பரா 192
பெருசத்தானழத்தரகாவியமல் காலழுசாப்பு கை . SAராப்பா 194 பேரருகரையுதவுவாதவலPT244 194
x,b.
சதமரை பிரியுமபாலமாக சாயும் வகையும்மரை பரமன் 196 விரைய தியரி மம்புயபாத்திதாளமளன்டகம் - 196
ணப்பாடுதாம்பத் பகோனதல்198 தயல் நவகாசவமகப் பொராம்2 -P198
பொடுாைலை பதராரணமையோரயத் தித்தரைடி 200 பதப்பகனக சர்த்து தரதபாத்துக்க பரத்தயை
200 கதைகளாம்
பேமைவிபத்தாயவள்தாபனத 202 ரயிலியாத்துக்குத்தானடைவாமை தலமனைத்த 24 202
எப யானா பி பத்தொன்பகத்தல் பாகத்தரங்கத்தக 204 " நான்பு போல செய்தது தவதரடர்ட் சயாம் 204

Page #314

No. 34.]
THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
249
146 lip mēl-varambē terku nõkki-chchepru i-ttēvar dēvadānan-Ka147 navadikāl-āņa nilattiņ mēl-varambukku mērkum [1*] -Kaņavadikālāņa 148 ten-varambêy kilakku nõkki=chchengu i-vvarambukkuætterkum [1*] it149 tēvar dēvadāpam-aya Melukkuppuram oru-måvip měl-varambukku mērkum [[*] ivv-oru150 māvin ten-Varambēy kilakku nõkki-chchenru i-vvarambukku=tteskum [*] i-tte151 var dēvardānam mukkāņiyin tep-varambey kilakku nõkki=chcheyru Pat
Eighth Plate, Second Side. 152 tal-vāykkālēy=urr-adasku=tterkum [*] i-pPattal-vāykkāliņ mēl-karaiyē va153 dakku nõkki=chchenru Viļappēy=urr=adasku=kkilakkum [*] i-v Viļappaiy=ūdaru154 ttu vada-karaikkēy=ēri innāțțu=pPattana-kkūfrattu brahmadēya[m*] Mūngir155 kudiy-ellaiyey=urru ivv-ellaiye vadakku nökkiyun156 kilakku nõkkiyuñ=chepru idapukku=kkilakkun=terkum [1*] ip157 num i-mMūngirkudi nilattukkēy mërkum (*) ivv-ellaiyē 158 terku nõkki Vilappukkēy=ursu Vilappaiy-ūdasuttuætten 159 karaikkēy=ēpi=tten-karaiyē kilakku nõkki-chchenrui-nnātņu=kKõvū160 r-kKanavadimayakkal-āņa nilattin mēl-varambēy=urr=adaku=tterkum [1*] ikka161 navadimayakkal-apa nilattip mēl-varambukku mërkum [1*] i-kKanavadimayakka162 lin tep-varambey kilakku nõkki-chchepru i-nnāțţu-[pPatta]na-kkūrrattu
Ninth Plate; First Side. 163 brahmadēya[m*] Nallūrchchērikku=ppäyum vāykkālaiy=usr=adajku=tterkum [l*) i-v164 vāykkālin ten-karaiyēy kilakku nõkki=chchen(o)ru innāțţu=kKõvūr 165 velļāļan Urāppali Pākkaran=oru-măvin ten-Varambēy=urru itten166 varambēy kilakku nõkki-chchepru Kõvür mup=rudangiga tachchan-nılattukkĒy=u167 Fr=adarkuætteskum [11*] Aga ivv-isaitta peru-näpg-ellaiyilum=agappatta nir-nilaņu168 m punseyum úrum ur-irukkai[yu*]n=kulamum Sri-köyilgaļum parai-chchëri169 yun-kammān-śēriyuñ=chudukādum peruvad-āgavum [1*] ivv-ūrmanaiyum ma170 pai-ppadappaiyun-kadaisyu Ju-kadai-tteruvum manrun=kapru-měy-palun-ku171 ļamui=kottagāramuň=kidanguň=kēņiyum purrun=terriyun=kādum pīļiligaiyun=[ka]172 Jarum uvarum árum ár-idu-padugaiyum odaiyum udaippum min-payil-pallamun-tēp-pa173 yil podumbu®[m*] mē[l*]-nõkkiya maramum kil-nõkkiya kinarum ullittu nir pūsi ne
Ninth Plate ; Second Side. 174 dum-paramb=erindu udumb='ādiy-amai tavalndad=evvagai - ppattadum uņņilan=0175 liv-inri=kkārāņmai mīyātchiyu[m] migudi=kkuraiyum=ulladanga ippadi perrada176 ku=pperra vyavasthai [11*] i-ppilattukku nirkk-indavāru väykkäl kutti-p
1 The reading brahmad@yamun-Kirakudi in A. S. of 8. I., Vol. IV (1.265, p. 212) is a mistake. That the name of the village is Mungirkudi is evident from line 157.
* The letters lap are written in smaller characters after erasing a letter which was probably la.
The letters mbu are faintly marked over an erasure. • The letters after bodi and gai are written over au erasure. • This is a variant of isaindao or iyainda.

Page #315

250
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
[VOL. XXII.
177 payttavum varavum viḍavum peruvad ägavum [*] i-ppilattukku178 ppayum väykkälgal menadai nir payavum väravum peruva
179 d-agavum [*] i-vväykkälga anniyar kurang-aruttu=kkuttavum 180 vilang-aḍaikkavad-kerrettam pappavut-küḍai-at-ipaikkavam
181 perādad1-agavuñ-chennir-ppoduviņai seyyadad-agavum [*] appir-aḍaittu-ppå182 chcha-pperuvad-Agavuñ-chu‡‡-öttä mida mājīgaiy-edukka-pperuvad-Agavun183 turavu-kinaru ilichcha-pperuvad-agavun-kāvu teng-iḍa=pperuvad-agavun-damana[ka]184 mu[m] maruvum-iruvēliyuñ-chenbagamuñ-chengalunirum mavum palāvun-kamugum papai
peru
Tenth Plate; First Side.
185 yun-koḍiyum-ullitta pall-uruvil payan-maram-iḍavun-nadavum peruvad-agavum [*]
186 ñ-chekk-iḍa-pperuvad-agavum [*] ivv-ür nilattaiy-üdaruttu-ppurav-ūrgalukku=ppōy 187 nir payum vāykkālgaļ mēṇaḍai nir payavum varavum peruvad-agavum [*] purav-ür ni188 lattūḍu pōndu ivvür nilattukku-ppāyum vāykkālgaļ mēṇa
189 dai nir payavum varavum peruvad-agavum [*] ivv-ur-iṭṭa tengum panaiyum i190 lavar-era-pperadad-agavun-tan kudikk-erra-vannam muraiśum muppaḍi-ttō191 rapa[mu]m nätta-pperuvad-igavam [*] ippadi perradarku-pperra pariharan-nhi192 yum ürāṭchiyum vaṭṭi-naliyum pida-nāliyun-kaņṇāla-kkāṇamum vanņāra-ppārai193 yun-kusa-kkanamun-nir-kkuliyum
ilai-kkulamun-tari-ppuḍavaiyun-taragun-taṭṭār
ppaṭṭa
194 mum iḍai-ppāṭṭamum=āṭṭukk-iraiyu[m] nallavun-nallerudun=nāḍu-kāvalum ūḍupō
Tenth Plate; Second Side.
195 kkum virpiḍiyum valamañjāḍiyum ulgum3 ōḍa-kkuliyum manṛupāḍum mā196 viraiyun-tiyeriyum ilam-pütchiyum kütti-kālum ullittu-kko-ttoṭṭ-un197 pappälad-evvagaippaṭṭadun-kō=kkollādēy pallichchanda ttukkē-4 198 y peruvad-agavum [*] ippadi perra vyavasthaiyum pariharamum 199 perra i-nnilan kārāņmai miyaṭchiyu[m] migudi-kkuraimaiyum=uļļa. 200 danga-pPaṭṭana-kkürrattu Nagapaṭṭanattu-kKadaratt-araiyan eduppi201 kkiura Chajimaṇipapma vihārattu-ppallikku-ppallichchandam-i
202 raiy-iliy-aga-kkuḍutta i-npāṭṭu Anaimangalam pallichchanda irangal-u203 Ipada yandu irubatt-opravadu-mudal pidi sundu piḍāgai naḍandu kallu204 n-kalliyu[m*] naṭṭi aravōlai seydu kuḍuttom Kshatriyasikhämaņi-va
Eleventh Plate; First Side.
205 Janāṭṭu-pPaṭṭapa-kkūrrattu nāṭṭām nāṭṭārōḍum uḍa-pinru piḍi śūļndu piḍāgai nadandu
kal
206 lan-kalliyu[m] natți aravõlai seydu kuḍutten puravuvari Kallikkuḍaiyan Anaiyar
1The sign of pe is marked at the end of the previous line.
Insert y before chcha and road paychcha.
For a note on these words see above, p. 215.
The k of ke is written at the beginning of the next line.

Page #316

THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (VI).
2,0.
OST"பதட்டத்து மறைநரகத்தக்கது 206 வங்காளதேவாலாயத் தந்த தழையதளத்தமான கலை 206
தளகர்ளாவனைவையென்னைத் ததெரைமடுமாதலம்மா 208 9.
1 5 எதி -- பொது உடலைமடை TTமனவைரல 208 'ததந்தால்
னை ஒபாமாமாநிலத்தில் வளரானைதான்புத 210 தன்னியை கைழை ததென்தமUCCEPதும் தைத்து 210 வரலசெய
தாக்தகாமாக வாமணராகா(கை 212 நத்தஜாதவாயேனூRADITIU82 - 212
உபைத்தக்ரபகாத்தகபொறையன்வரைதா நனாமதத்தாரை 214 TG பவானதாாய -31TS
26யவள்தாத
214
ai,.
216
ப-- 20-
5250 UNO தருதம் 216 28 நான் பாதாடப் பகைத்ததுலUDT 2
பலத்து தயா18-ன்துதலதைதம்தான் 2 218 2ம் நகயொன்லையெனவனழ ததெதைOSUPது 218
6 தத்த தெவைமன்நார்மோனகர் 220 தத பல
இUUUTATITUபொ 220 வரு கனவு உனழத் தெரை மப கழுத்தும்ானகத்து 222 பாலையெதுாருததமாயூதியவரமண மதாருரைரா 222 தகதொழ பத க
யா காந்திரைண மன 224 உதயான அலங்காவனன வன்வன் கத்தேரைம் 224
rii,a பத்தாலைநவெர்.தொடா 226 கவிலைபாடுப்பான்காக்தாமனரத்து 76172
226 தவனை32782ஜைமாத் தவேளைவொரவன்னதுறை 228 ழை தென
மலப்பதிகாரத்துவாத ரத 212 228 இவதாதது,
மவித்யாவாமன் வலதாகாந்தன் 230 பாத்தமங்கலதகாவரம் 2811சொல்வதைவனைல் 230
வெவை - ததாசைாத்த்தராைதுலயெ தொடுவார் 232 - அன்பையெனவமைத்தென்தமரப்கேமதுரகதத்து 232
aro செவதுதவதாமத்து வருவாயைரப்பதைரரா 234 துத்யமதம்வைத்துாயாம் தயாாரெல் 234
N, P. Chakravarti. REG. No. 3910 E'36-425.
8CALE :ONE-HALF.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA,

Page #317

rii,h. ayாஸ்துவது தனது தேனைத்தாவைபையனம் 236 ததென்றும் இப்படித்தபித்தகர ரெயதுட்தத 236 மாவ81221 பாதைாரந்தது 2 தொமதாக்கு 238 இதயம்
சாத்தானை டைனாரைத்திரவாதரன் 238 Tag35 வான் பையமைழைத்தெமைக்குடி 240 பேரளர்த்து
59 972லசெய்தருக்களை மிதிவ8231) 240 31SuPage #318

No. 34.]
THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
251
207 Taļikkulavaņēprivadymepp=elutt-eprum [*] ivv-Anaimangalam pidi sūln. 208 du pidāgai nadakkirapõdu äpaiy=ēri i-[n]tāttärõdum uda-pintzellai 209 terittu-kkattipip ivy-Apaimangalatt-irukkum vellalan Ko Put210 tapēn-ivaiy-eppueluttrenrum [*] ippadi pidi sūndu pidāgai nadandu 211 aravölai beydu. kuduttom Kshatriyasikhämani-valanättu=pPattana-kkü. 212 irattu brahmadēs ya *]Kadambapūr sabhaiyom ivargal solla ivv-ür maddhyasthan
Muppattiru213 van Yajñan-åna Karpagādittanēp=ivaiy=epp-elutt eprum i-kKadambanūrār bo214 lla ivv-ür Vaikhänased Närāyaṇap Damodarapēp=ivaiy=epo-elutt-en
Eleventh Plate ; Second Side. 215 rum [18] ippadi pidägai nadandu piļi būļndu aravõlai seydu kuduttom 216 Kshatriyasikhāmapi-valanāțţu=pPattapa-kkūrrattu brahmadēyam Nāraṇams217 ngalattu sabhaiyom ivv-ür maddhyastan. Irunārruvan Uttaman-āņa Bra218 hmamangalyaņēp=ivaiy=epp-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi sūļndu afavo219 lai beydu kuduttom Kshatriya ikhāmaņi-valanāțţu=pPattana-kku220 rrattu Vēlangudi Vēlargudaiyan Nārāyaṇap Orriyēp 221 jvaiy=epp=elutt-eprum [*] ippadi piļi bū]ndu piļāgai nadandu &222 savõlai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhāmapi-vaļanāțţu=pPattapa-kkūrra223 ttu brahmad@ya[m*] Mūngirkudi sabhaiyom ivv-ür maddhyastap. Kunava-Na224 ndiy-apa Alarkārappiriyanēp=ivaiy=epp-elutteprum (1") ip
Twelfth Plate ; First Side. 225 padi pidi balndu pidägai nadandu apavõlai beydu kuduttom Kshatriyaśikha. 226 maņi-vaļanáttu=pPattada-kkūgrattu Narimanrattu ūrām ür[ä*]r solla elu227 dipēn ivv-ür maddhyastan! Aimbattiruvan Vidēlviųugagēn ivai en. 228 p-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi piļi būļndu piļāgai nadandu aravõlai 229 beydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanāțţu=pPattana-kkūrrattu=ch230 Chättamangalatt=ūrom ürar solla eludipēņ ivv-ür Vē231 kkovann-Edirap Battan-āņa Nänurruvapperungövēļā. 232 nēņ=ivaiy=epn=elutt-eprum [l*] ippadi pisdi*) sūļndu pidāgai nadandu apa233 võlai beydu kuduttöm Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanāțţu=pPattana-kkūfrat234 tu brahmadēyam Sannamangalattu sabhaiyom sabhaiyār solla eludi[nēn*]
Twelfth Plate ; Second Side. 235 ivv-irakkaraṇattāŋ maddhyastap? Durukkan Kamudapep ivaiy=epn=elu236. tt-enrum [1] ippadi piļi būļndu pidāgai nadandu afavõlai beydu kudutto237 m Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanāţtu=pPattana-kkūrrattu brahmadēyam Kottarakkudi sa238 bhaiyom ivv-ūr=kkaranattan maddhyastap? Uran Chandirasēkharan-ana 239 Brahmamangalynēn ivaiy-epp-elutt-eprum [1*] ippadi pidi sūIndu
1 Read than . Read Trür.

Page #319

252
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
240 piḍagai naḍandu aravõlai seydu kuḍuttom Kshatriya*ikhamani-vala241 nattu-pPattana-kkürrattu-kKövür üröm ürar solla eli(lu)dinen 242 ivv-ur-kkaraṇattāṇ maddhyastan Aiyyan-Aiyyanen-ivaiy-enn-elutt-e243 nrum [*] ippadi pidi sülndu piḍagai nadandu aravõlai seydu kuḍuttom Kahatri244 yasikhamani-valanaṭṭu-pPaṭṭana-kkürrattu Uttür ürōm ürar solla[v]e
Thirteenth Plate; First Side.
245 ludiņen ivv-ur-kkarapattan maddhyastan Nakkan Mulliyen-ivaiy-en246 p-elutt-egrum [*] ippadi pidi sülndu pidagai nadandu aravōlai seydu kudut247 tōm Kshatriyasikhamaņi-valanāṭṭu-pPattana-kkürrattu brahmadēyam Nanniman[ga*} 248 lattu sabhaiyöm sabhaiyar solla ivv-ür-kkaraṇattan maddhyastan1
249 Kannan Alankarappiriyapen-ivai-enn-elutt-enrum [*] i
250 ppadi pidi sulndu piḍagai nadandu aravōlai seydu kuḍuttom Kshatriya251 sikhamani-valanaṭṭu-pPaṭṭana-kkurrattu brahmadēyam Poruvanur sabhai252 yōm sabhaiyar solla eludinen ivv-ür-kkaraṇattān Vēṭkōva
253
Mädevan Uranen-ivaiy-enn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pildi*] sülndu piḍā254 gai naḍandu apavõlai beydu kuḍuttöm Kshatriyakikhāmaņi-valanīṭṭu-pPaṭṭaga
Thirteenth Plate; Second Side.
255 kkūrrattu Alanguḍi üröm ür[ä*]r solla eludinen ivv-ur-kkaraṇattāṇ Kā256 syapan Süryya(ya')n-Aranganen ivai enn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi piḍi sülndu pi257 dagai naḍandu aravōlai seydu kuḍuttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanāṭṭu-pPaṭṭana-kku258 rrattu-tTuraiyür üröm ür[ä*]r solla eludiņen ivv-ür-kkaraṇatta
259
Bharadvāji Tiritti Vaikundan elutt-enrum [*] ippadi piḍi śūļndu piḍā260 gai naḍandu aravōlai seydu kuḍuttom Kshatriyaśikhamani-valanaṭṭu-[pPat]
261 taṇa-kkürṛattu brahmadeyam Pirambil sabhaiyom ivv-ür-kkaraṇatt[a*]n maddhya262 athap Kunavao Nandiy-ina Alaikärappiriyanto ivaly-eng-elutt-eoru
263 m [*] ippadi piḍi śūļndu piḍāgai naḍandu aravōlai seydu kuḍuttom Kadambankuḍiy
ūrō
264 m ür[*]r solla eludinen ivv-ur-kkaraṇattan maddhyasthan Kunava[n*] Nandiy-ana
Ala
Fourteenth Plate; First Side.
265
kārappiriyanen ivaienn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi sülndu piḍāgai naḍandu ara266 vōlai śeydu kuḍuttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanaṭṭu-pPaṭṭana-kkūrrattu Sēndaman267 galattu ūrōm urar solla eludinen ivv-ur maddhyasthan Urān Aiyyanē
268 p-ivai enn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pi[di*] śūlndu piḍāgai naḍandu aravōlai śe269 ydu kujuttöm Kahatriyasikhāmagi-vaļanāṭṭu-pPaṭṭaṇa-kkürṛa[ttu"]-chChiruchchendsmanga
270 lattu Eṭṭi Valañjuliyan Sanganen ivai enn-elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi śūl271 ndu piḍāgai naḍandu atavōlai seydu kuḍuttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanāṭṭu=
1 Read "sthan,
* Read ürür.
The bh of bhai is entered at the commencement of the next line.
4 This letter is superfluous.

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I. (VII).
rio,a. |--பானன்பானவனடி தனத
த த தன் 266 பாலசெயது இருதாத மாலதியவாமன் -பமாகைாரத்து ரத்தம் 266
லத்துவம உரா ராலல்கெுனருளைரான ஜக்மேன 268 பைாவைழைததெரைமதத்தாததாயாலல 268 தத்ருகடுதாமா
யெதிவாகண்வாதாருப்படாதரா 36 ததமது 270 லத்துாவல
சியரை கல்லைதாவாலானதாகரை பிாேதம் 270 ைேகக்காபொலதெவதாருததொமாவதிகாவாராதா 272 கைத்தாததுத்த தலத்தாலாம் ராபொலலாழுதினைன்ஜாகாணத்தான 272
பென்பனவத்யடைமாவனளை பானவழைததெரைமடு தடித்தும் 274 - தத்தாதாமாதகயாவாதாரும2274
அதை கைக்குதம் மேனனதன
cin,b. காடத்துதததுA272ரனரலகானை
2 276 13 துட் களை கசகலைவைழைததென மலை
5 276 PAத து 4பொ.யதுகருதரொமக் தாவரமண் 278 பகதது 2வதியம்20த்துசியாக 278 ழெ தானை
வெபு சாகாசெத்தாகாரமாகை 280 17வலைனை
மைனழததொபமாகதம் 280 (53து 4
கயதசததொத கலாம் 282 (7 வாகைத்தரத்தருகே லம
282 ழெ த'அனைத4ககாலாகதவைகைவமைதாககைளை 284 ஒன்ைைாலைத்தெரைமட்டம்3தாகை தத - 284 வெ 20/
ததமககவழிவாமனரானகக நாத
286
288
தொமாத்தமாக தன்னை
290
r,a 286 பாணலையோமாயமாலதிகளையான சயை தொவன தாமபைபததுதானனை எவைவைழைத்தெனது
ம2 ஆழ்தகேது தலா தெகடு - தொமந்தியாவண் பனாருடன் 290 கூநரதது நம்ப - அலகை பவாமாராரசெNUழதனென தகரண்த்த
1822 வாராடுனனன பன்வாட 292 ததெனது
232 காத்து போதைத்துபொல ரய கருததோம .சிவரமணாருகை தந்த | ர ர பக்தராக உம்பம் 13லல தினவைகான
18ன் 71னாவைல பாவைழைதலதாரம0025 296 ததகதத தததத ததரம் தவம்
292
294
296
SERVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.
SCALE:ONE-HALF.
N. P. Chalrararti. Rea. No. 3910 E'36-425.

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To,b.
| டத்ததுவெண்காரா/57Pன்பது 298 நாகைன2711356 கரைசமைதகைமைUTIX50g 298
-<>தது.2014யெதுசாததொமைராபத்துga 300 மத்த கதையாகைம்னென்னவானதைதெரைமதHN 300
பதிதை விதம் தந்தவொலைசெயதகெனதே 302 விருததி, தது வேதம் கரையூர் தெயஇது தமது காத்து 302
(மன்மையனஅத்தமை 304 இதை கேதே
தவ தடுதினரBN
304 தா'?31தததபபாாததுமானUைTC) 306 வழைததெவையிரு
124தைகேது புகவாகரத்த ரைந்து 306
கக கியவ8210131இலவபுரத்து இy 12 ைெளையெவைனககனதULTo தை 308 23தே துக்கல்ய 350தஜைதவில் SDn
308)
ri,a. 310 மாதபபர் பெத்தவதாகமத்துதவாளை 310
மனவமைத்தொக்ைததபொப்யெயிலை ருர்காளகவதை தங்காமார் 312 ம் ேழைத் தயளாமைகோதரமகலாமோனுமதெபதைளாம்3 312
குபார்க்கால்கத்தாடுமாது னும்தொ யாபடிவத்தனுமாம் 314
மாருமெழத்தவரானுமாமயனழவைத்தபெளரனுமP.314 மனுதா
(பாகைமடாளம் பதலத்தாவரம்(INS 316 வய ஜய
லலயடா ஆலபகாயானதொதணவைரனனும் 316 தம் காலழ e
ளையான்களளாரனும் ஆலத்தூராளயாதைபக 31865மயவேரிபடு
பாததாமபத்தியாதிபன் பதனபெகைமை 318 தயகமலரயகணபதியமழணனதகரையை தமைலனுமதத்தன 320
பொத்ததாகக்கதைவடையேமரியில்ரு25ம் 320 தைப்பெழமைபாலபொமானாலதாமத்தனகை 322 322 கன ன யமத்கான் மண்பன்மாகாந்துழன்322
Toi,5. தந்துவதுழனத்தால் பால்தாக்கத்தத ஒவையைககொண்டார் 324 7ாருத்தினாஜகதாகமானளவனாமொயானராஜ 324
பெபலலனாயவைத்துயெவாகாண ராவ்ளாரூபென்ஜம் 326 ககொனாத ஆத
மொகலத்துத் தினாபனைஜெருசொ 326 மாயனுக
நம்தம்தவிகாதவன தாருபாம்புண்க்கராக 328 பாதாள
cardபைல்லவயனைதாமலலா 328 வணக்கம்
கம்பராஜர் No ரவண் தாரு தாதுக்கைதுருந்து 330
தாதகொமடந்தது 21007212னுதாபகருமாதவததொண4 330 "1 தாமபாதாழுதுலேகிமான்ராயன கணணைனேவளg 332 தலவள உத்தமதாக !
332

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
253
272 pPattana-kkürrattu-kKurtālatb=ūröm ūrār solla 9ludinēn ivv-ūr=kkaranatap: 273 Vētkovan Dēvap Uranēp=ivai epp=elutt-enrum [*] ippadi pidi sülndu pada 274 gai nadandu afavālai seydu kuļuttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanāțțu=pPatti--
Fourteenth Plate ; Second Side. 275 pa-kkürrattu=tTirunāvür üröm ürär solla eludiņēn ivv-ür maddhyasthe276 n Sadurmugan=Ara[n]gattēn=ivai epp=elutt-eprum [*] ippadi pidi sūļndu 277 pidāgai nadandu aravõlai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valapāt278 tu=pPattana-kkürrattu brahmadėyam Uvarkkudi sabhaiyöm sabhaiyār so279 lla eludiņēn ivv-ūr=kkaraņāttān Vētkõvan Mānāga[n] N. 280 årāyananēnwivai epp-elutt-enrum [1*] ippadi pidi süļndu pi281 dāgai nadandu aravõlai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhāma282 ni-valanāţtu=pPattana-kkūrrattu Muñjikuļi ūröm ürār 60283 lla eludipèp ivv-ūr=kkaraṇattāp Vētkovan Mänägan Kanna284 pēp=ivai epp=eļutteprum [1*] ippadi piļi sāļndu piļāgai nadandu a285 favõlai beydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanāţtu=pPattana-kkürrattu Ti
Fifteenth Plate ; First Side. 286 rukkaņņaňkuļi sabhaiyām sabhaiyar Sollav=eludiņēn ivv-ūr=kkaranat287 tāp Vētkõvap Atirāmap Irubattunālvan-āgiya Mungurruvaņē288 p=ivai enp=elutt-enrum [1*] ippadi pidi sūļndu piļāgai nadandu afavõlai 289 seydu. kuduttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanāţtu=pPattana-k290 kūrrattu Kadambavalavāțkai ūrom ürār bolla eludiņēn i291 vv-ūr=kkaranattan maddhyasthan Urāp=Urāņēm=ivai eon=elu292 tt=enrum [*] ippadi piļi sūļndu piļāgai nadandu aravölai seydu 293 kuduttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanāţtu=pPattana-kkürrattu= 294 PPāļarkortarkuļi ūrām ūrār solla eludinēn ivv-ūr=kkaranatta295 maddhyasthan Urāņ=ūrāņēņ=ivai epn=elutt=enrum [l*] ippadi piļi sāļn296 du pidāgai nadandu afavõlai seydu kuduttom Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanāttu
Fifteenth Plate ; Second Side. 297 pPattana.kkūrsattu Veņkidangil ūrām ür[ä*]r solla eludiņēn ivv-ūr=kkara298 ņattān maddhyasthan Ürā[n*) Nakkaņēņ=ivai enn=eļutt-enrum [*] i-ppadi pidi sūļndu 299 pidāgai nadandu aravõlai seydu kuduttom ivv-Anaimangalattu brahmade300 yattu Aritan Siriyān Kadambanēņ=ivai epn=eļutt=eprum i-pparisu2-bBattā301 y ninru pidi nadappittu aravõlai seyvittēn Kshatriyasikhāma302 ni-valanättuæt Tirunaraiyūr-nātu brahmadēyam Sri-Tungamangalattu 303 Tūrpil Sridhara-Bhattaņēņ=ivaiy=enn=eļutt-enrum [i*] ippadi Bhattā[y*] 304 nipru pidi naďappittu afavõlai seyvittên Kshatriyaśikhāmaņi-vala305 nāțţu Vēļā-nātņu=tTirunallūr-pPārkuļattu=pParpanābha-Bhattanēn=ivai en306 preluttenrum [1*] i-pparisu Bhattāy nipru (pidi*] nadappittu aravõlai seyvittén Ksha307 triyalikhāmaņi-valanõttu Vēlā-năttu=tTirunallür Pērēmapurattu Ven1 This word is generally written Paffa.
* Delete b.

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254
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
308 ņaiya-Bhattaņēn=ivaiy=epp=eļutt-eprum [l*) i-pparibu Bhattāy nipru pi309 di nadappittu aravõlai beyvittēn Rājēndrasimha-vaļanāțțu Sri-Viranā
Sixteenth Plate; First Side. 310 rāyaṇa-chchaturvvēdimangalattu Dvēdaigomapurattu Nandīsvara-Bhattaņēp=ivai 311 epp-elutt-enrum [1*] pugunda afavõlaippadiyē variyil=ittu=kkolgav=epru nan=
karumam=ārā312 yum Minava - Mūvēndavēlānum Koramangalamudaiyāpum Tēvapkudaiyanum na313 duvirukkur=Kadalanguļi-dDāmādara-Bhattanum Kottaiyūr=pPūvatta-Bhattanum nar
karum&314 m-ārāyum Paräkramasõla-Mūvēndavēļānum Sembiyan-Mūvēndavēlāņum Sõļavē315 lāpum Araisūr-udaiyānum naduvirukkum Puļļamangalattu Paramēsvara-Bhatta-sarvva316 kratuyājiyun-cholla=ppuravuvari Alargudaiyán Ködandan Sēnanum Pū317 damangalamudaiyan Ilavadiga! Nallaranum Alattūr-udaiya Kappagan318 Cholaiyum varippottagam Paruttiyūr-kilavan Singan Venkādanum 319 mugaveţti Kilvãy Kaņavadiyum Muņqaņ=Aranganuñ=Chaiyadan-Amalanum Tattan 320 Sikitanum varippottaga-kkaņakku Mādēvan Bumiyum variyilidu Uruvür-udaiya321 Tāli Virasolanum pattēlai Perumāņ=Ambalattādiyum Sikandan Dovanum 322 Mākāļap=Ariñjiyum Nakkan Mandagavaņum irundu yandu irubattu-müprāva
Sixteenth Plate ; Second Side. 323 du na nurr-apubattu-müprināl variyil-ittu-kkuduttadu || Ivail Uyyakkoņdār324 vaļanāțţu=tTiraimūr-näţtu Naďár-kilāp Araiyan Arumoliy-āņa Rājē325 ndrasola=pPallavaraiyan eluttu || Uyyakkoņdār-vaļanāțţu Veņņāțţu= 326 kKēralantaka-chchaturvvēdimangalattu Krishņap Rāmap-ana Räjëndrabőla327 Brahmamār[ä*Jyaņukkum okkum | Nittavinoda-vaļanāţtu=pPāmbuņi-kkūrrat328 (tu*] Araisūr-udaiyān frāyiravan Pallavayan-āņa Uttamagola-pPallava329 raiyaņukkum okkum | Rājēndrasimha-vaļanāttu=kKuçukkai-nāțţu=kKa330 dalangudi Dvēdaigomapurattu Damodara-Bhattaqukkum okkum || Uyyakkonda331 r-vaļanāţtu Ambar-nāțțu Kurumbil-kilan Araiyan Sikandan-āņa Minavan Mūvē332 ndavēļānukkum okkum | 62 |
TRANSLATION.
Sanskrit portion. (L. 1) Hail! Prosperity !
(V. 1) May the arms of Sarngin (ie., Vishnu) of the harinila-blue body, which are resplendent with gärnga and other weapons, which are marked with the käsmira ointment (smeared) on the surface of Lakshmi's two round breasts, whose golden bracelets glitter as they rub against the high summits of the whirling Mandara (mountain), (and) which protect the three worlds, increase greatly your prosperity !
From this word onwards the writing is slightly different and the letters are more deeply cut. This portion might belong to the time of Rajendra-Chola I., while the previous portion might have been written at the time of Rajaraja L

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THE LARGER LEIDEN PLATES OF RAJARAJA I.
255
(V. 2) As long as the moon-crested deity (t.e. Siva) sports with his consort on the Kailasa mountain, as long as Hari (Vishnu) performs meditative sleep (yoga-nidra) on the serpent couch in the milk-ocean, and as long as the sun, the sole light of all the worlds, dispels the dense darkness of the world, so long, may the Chola family protect from danger the circle of the whole earth.
(V. 3) From the Sun (Ahimakara), the sole eye of the whole world, was (born) Manu the first of kings; (then) was born his son Ikshvāku, whose footstool was licked by rows of diadems of kings. In his family was (born) king Mandhātri, who was a storehouse of virtues, who was equal to Dhātri (Brahman) and who justly ruled this earth (extending) as far as the Lōkālōka mountain.
(V. 4) His son was the heroic king named Muchukunda. As his son was born king Valabha who was the sole erest jewel of the Kshatra (i.e. the Kshatriya race). In his family was born the illustrious king, who was widely renowned throughout the world as Sibi and whose two feet were worshipped by the whole host of kings.
(V. 5) Who, excepting Vyasa, the best among poets, is able to describe the qualities of that profoundly virtuous king who preserved his own life (only) for the benefit of others?
(V. 6) As a full moon to the ocean of that family, was born (king) Chola, who was the repository of all arts (kala) (just as the fullmoon is the repository of the sixteen kalas) and the kings born in whose family bore the name Chōla after his name.
(V. 7) Then came king Rajakēsarin, who conquered all (his) enemies. After him came Parakesarin, who was bent on destroying the towns of hostile kings.
(V. 8) The name of Rajakesarin and (that) of this Parakesarin became alternately the order of kings born in their family.
(V. 9) In that family was born the lord of kings, Suraguru, who destroyed all (his) enemies, who was the standard of the Solar race, (and) who, having conquered in the battle-field even the unconquerable Mrityu, acquired the unattainable epithet Mrityujit.
(V. 10) In his family was born king Vyaghrakētu, who was a lion (as it were) to the elephants -(his) enemies. In that race was born the strong king Pañchapa (who was) the Kalpa-tree to (bis) supplicants.
(V. 11) King Karikala, (the god of) Death to his enemies, was born in that family. This (king) constructed embankments to the Kāvēri (river).
(V. 12) In his family was (born) Kochchamkaṛṇān of well established fame, the bee at the lotus-feet of Sambhu (Siva), (and one) whose feet were worshipped by all kings. In his family (there) was king Kökkilli of clear intellect, the lord of prosperity, whose feet were worshipped by the crests of the whole host of kings.
(V. 13) In that family was born the victorious Vijayalaya of great strength, who conquered the entire surface of the earth (and) whose two lotus-like feet were brightened by the lustre of gems emanating from the region of the diadems of prime kings that prostrated before him.
(V. 14) From that king (also mountain) came forth Aditya (also Sun) of great splendour, who possessed (mighty) powers (also heat) and destroyed the dense darkness, i.e., enemies.
(V. 15) From him, who was the sole abode of countless heaps of gems (and) who possessed enormous strength, rose for the benefit of the world, king Parantaka with full glory, just as the moon does with all his rays, to give pleasure to the world, from the milk-ocean (which contains within it countless gems and huge aquatic animals).
(V. 16) Having conquered the earth right up to the Chakravāļa (mountain and) protected the whole (of it) with peace, that sun to the darkness, i.e. the Kali age, founded various big towns

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
(and) brightened the ends of the quarters with (hin) fame which was as (white as the clouds of the autumn (sarad).
(V. 17) With the pure gold brought from all the quarters which were subdued by the prowess of his own arm, this banner of the solar race (i.e., Parāntaka) covered the mansion of Indumauli (Siva) at Vyāghrägrahāra (i.e., Chidambaram).
(V. 18) To that king, whose two feet were worshipped by all the rulers of men, were born three sons prosperous as Sutrāman (Indra) and resplendent as the three fires, the (one) called Rājaditya in this world, (another) named the glorious Gandarāditya (and the third) Ariñjaya, the valorous, whose name was famous throughout the world.
(V. 19) When king Parāntaka, who was pre-eminent in destroying the armies of (his) enemies (and) who was a follower of dharma, had gone to heaven after having protected the earth girdled by the ocean, there was) his son known as Rājāditya, who was strong, (and) whose two feet were rubbed by the crests of hosts of kings : he became the lord of the earth.
(V. 20) That heroic Rājāditya, the ornament of the solar race having agitated in battle, the imperturbable Krishnarāja along with his army, with his sharp arrows falling in all directions, while (seated) on the back of an excellant elephant, had his heart split by the thrusts of his (i.e. Krishnarāja's) sharp arrows and mounting a celestial car went to the world of heroes (viraloka) praised by the three worlds.
(V. 21) When Rājāditya (or the sun among kings) of great prowess (or splendour) had gone to give pleasure to the lotus-faces of heavenly damsels, his heroic brother of wide-spread fame, (named) Gançarādityavarmman, protected the whole earth dispelling the dense darkness, (viz.) all (his) enemies.
(V. 22) Having got a son named Madhurāntaka and (having founded) a big village after his own name in the country on the north bank of the river) Kavērakanyā (ie. Kāvēri), he (Gandarāditya) went to heaven for achieving the objects of (that) other world.
(V. 23) When that lord had gone to heaven, the heroic Ariñjaya, a very conflagration in (consuming) the forest of enemy kings, ruled the whole earth.
(V. 24) From Ariñjaya was born Parāntaka, (who was) equal (in prowess) to the destroyer of the three) cities (i.e. Siva), (who was) the crusher of the circle of enemy kings, (and) who, (causing his) subjects to be pleased by his good qualities, peacefully ruled the earth girdled by the ocean.
(V. 25) At the city named Chēvūra, he (Parantaka) had the quarters filled with heaps of sharp and pointed arrows sent forth from his beautiful bow and caused to flow manifold rivers of blood springing from the high mountains, i.e. the enemies' elephants cut asunder by (his) sharp sword.
(V. 26) This lord of kings (rājēndra) begot two sons), Aditya, otherwise called Karikala and Rājarāja, the head-jewel of the solar race.
(V. 27) When that Parantaka directed his attention to protect the world of gods (i.e., died). Aditya justly carried out the protection of the world of men.
(V. 28) That young boy (Aditya), the light of the family of Manu, played sportively in battle with Vira-Pāņdya, just as a lion's cub (does) with a rutting mad elephant proud of its) strength.
(V. 29) When that chief of kings went to heaven, the son of Gandarāditya, (.e.) king Madhurāntaka, he, of powerful arms and famous as Mahendra (Indra), protected the earth which had the ocean for its girdle.
(V. 30) When that chief of the rulers of the earth passed away to protect the abode of the gode, the heroic Rajaraja, the light of the Chola race, whose footstool was licked (i.e. rubbed)

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by the glittering crests of all kinge, bore the heavy burden of the earth on bis arm which was sur. passing the lustre of the body of Sēsha, the lord of serpents.
(V. 31) Conquering the kings of the Pāņdya, Tuļu and Kēraļa (countries and) Simhaļēndra and Satyāśraya and others by the power of his arm and taking possession of their elephants, horses, gems, and kingdoms, he caused to glow all the ten quarters with (his) fame.
(V. 32) Having accomplished the conquest of the regions and made all kings tributary, that lord of kings, Rājarāja, lived happily in his town, honoured by (his) people, just as Indra, worshipped by the world, was in heaven
(V. 33) As far as the mountain which has the glory of bringing forth the Sun, as far as the Southern ocean, as far as the mountain named Asta and as far as the lord of mountains (ie., the Himālaya) occupied by Sambhu (Siva), the kings that were concerned in the protection of their own families sagaciously sought refuge in the pair of lotus-feet of Nityavinõda, in order to enjoy many pleasures.
(V. 34) Because that sovereign was liberal to, (and) in many ways the refuge of, the kings that sought his feet, the good men in this earth call him Rājāśraya of boundless magnanimity.
(11. 73 to 86) He, this Rājakēsarivarman Räjarāja, who had seen the other shore of the ocean of the collection of all sciences, whose foot-stool was made yellow by the cluster of rays (emanating) from many a gem set on the borders of the beautiful gold diadems worn by the entire circle of kings, gave, in the twenty-first year of his universal sovereignty,
to the Buddha residing in the surpassingly beautiful Chūlāmaņivarma-vihāra, of (such) high loftiness (as had) belittled the Kanakagiri (i.e. Mēru), which had been built-in the name of his father, by the glorious Māravijayottungavarman, who, by the greatness of his wisdom, had conquered the teacher of the gods, who was the sun to the lotus-forest (viz.) the learned men, who was the Kalpa-tree to supplicants, who was born in the Sailēndra family, who was the lord of the Sri-Vishaya (country), who was conducting the rule of Kațāha, who had the Makara crest, (and) who was the son of Chūļāmaộivarman that had mastered all state-craft-at Nägipattana, delightful (on account of) many a temple, rest-house, water-shed, and pleasure garden and brilliant with arrays of various kinds of mansions, situated) in the division called Pattanakūrra (included) in the big group of districts named Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-va!anādu, which was the forehead-mark of the whole earth,
the village named Apaimangalam (which had its) four boundaries defined by the circumambulation of the female elephant and (which was situated) in the division called Pattana-kurra (included) in the same group of districts (as had been named above).
(Vv. 35-36) When that powerful (Rājarāja) had obtained divinity, his wise son, king Madhurāntaka, who ascended on his throne, caused an enduring edict (to be made) for this village, which had thus been granted by his father, the king-emperor, and ordered thus -
(V. 37) As long as Sēsha, the lord of all serpents, holds the entire earth, so long may this vihära last in (this) world with its endowment.
(V. 38) This lord of Katāba of great valour, the abode of virtues, thus prays to all future kings :
"Protect (ye) for ever this my charity."
(V. 39) In the delightful village called Kottaiyūr, famed in this world, that intelligent Brāhman of stainless character named Anantanārāyana, the follower of the wise, born in the spotless family of Vasishtha, which was the abode of prosperity, composed this pra fasti.
(Vv. 40-42) Of that king who was justly protecting the entire earth, who was invincible and who had subdued the whole host of hostile kings, the chief officer was the wise person called Tilla

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yāļi, whose birth place in this earth was known as Kārchivāyil and who was known in the world as Räjarāja-Mūvēndavél : At bis (i.e. the king's) injunction, he caused this edict to be neatly executed.
(Vv. 43-44) At the direction of that lord of Katāha, Sriman Atikal's son, who was well known as Tuvavüravan Aņukka, who was modest, endowed with virtues, devoted to his master's concerns and of generous mind, caused to be made this lasting edict.
(Vv. 45-48) The most intelligent Räjarāja-Mahachārya, otherwise called Väsudēva, who, though born of Krishna, was not of black (krishna) conduct; the two sons of Krishna, called Sriranga and Damodara, who were the bees (as it were) at the lotus-feet of Krishna ; and also the son of Vāsudēva, named Kțishna, who had beautiful lotus-like eyes : and the son of Arāvamrita, called Purushottama, of excellent speech (?), who was vying with Chitragupta in stamping (i.e. engraving) letters-these five artista, who were the forehead-marks of the Hõvya family and born in Kanchipura, wrote this eulogy.
(11. 108f.) This edict was incised by us, the engraving sculptors of the prosperous (city of Kanchipura in Jayangondachöjamandalam, viz., Krishnan Väsudēvan alias Rājarajappëracharyan, Krishnan Tiruvarangan, Krishņaş Dāmādarap, Väsudēvan Kșishṇap and Ārāvamirdu Purushottaman.
Tamil portion. (1.1) Hail! Prosperity! (This is the order of) Kõnērioniaikoņdān (issued) to the nātțăr (i.e., the members of the Divisional Assembly) of Pattapa-kūrram, a sub-division in Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanādu, the headmen of brahmaděyas, the representatives of the ur in devadānas, pallichchanda, kanimurruflu and vettippēru (villages) and the nagarangaļilar (i.e., the body of merchants).
(1. 4) In the twenty-first year and ninety-second day of our (reign) when we were in the pavilion to the south of the palace of Räjährayan (situated) outside Tañjāvūr, we having declared that, in order to meet the necessary requiremente of the palli (attached to the Chüļāmanivarma-vihara which is being built by the Kidāra king Chūlāmaņivarman at Nāgapattanam in Pattana-kurram (a sub-division) of Kshatriyalikhāmaņi-valanādu, the income of eight thousand nine hundred and forty-three kalam, two tani, (one) kuruni and one nāli of paddy accruing from the payment of land assessment on ninety-seven (vēli), two mã, one and a half kāni, one mundirigai; kil (i.e. 1/320) of three mā, three käni, and one mundirigai and kil (i.e. 1/320) of half and two mä of land, inclusive of those that had ceased to be pallichchanda and exclusive of those that had been removed in survey, which formed the village of Anaimangalamh in Pattana-kurram (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamaņi-vaļanādu shall be entered in the (retenue) register as a tax-free palichchanda from the twentyfirst year of our reign) and the taxes paid over to the palli in the Chūļāmaņivarma-vihāra which (as aforesaid) is being erected by the Kadara king at Nagapattanam in Pattana-kurram (a subdivision) of Kshatriyasikbāmaņi-valanādu, (this) our order was written by Amudap Tirttakaran, the beadman of Viļattur in Avūr-kurram (a sub-division) of Nittavinoda-vaļanādu, who writes our orders, signed by the superintendents of our writs (viz.,) Krishnan Råman alias MummadicholaBrahmamārāyan of Keraļāntaka-chaturvēdimangalam in Veņņādu (a sub-division) of Uyyakkondar-valanādu, Irāyiravan Pallavayan alias Mummadichõla Pošan, (a native) of Araisūr in Pambunikūrram (a sub-division) of Nittavinoda-valanādu and Vélān Uttamachölan alias Maduråntaka Müvēndavēļān (a native) of Paruttikkuļi in Nenmali-nādu (a sub-division) of Arumolidēva-vaļanādu, and was issued : and in accordance with it, it was ordered to be entered in the accounts by our Secretaries Aruran Aravanaiyān alias Parākramachõla-Mavēndavēļān, Tattan Sēndan alias Sembiyan-Müvēndavēlān (and) Mäppēran Popkāri (a native) of Arunkupram, the arbitrators Paramēsvara-Bhatta-Sarvakratuyājin of Pullamangalam and Dāmõdata-Bhattan of Kadalangudi, our

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Secretaries Pisangan Palür alias Minavan-Mūvēndavēlāp of Karkudi in Tirunaraiyur-nädu (a subdivision) of Kshatriyasikhämani-valanādu, and Sankaranarayanan Arangan of Vanganagar in Purangarambai-nādu (a sub-division) of Arumolidēva-vaļanadu, and the arbitrators Tammadi. Bhattan of Vennainallūr and Tiyambaga-Bhattan of Pabalai.
(1. 33) The Puravurari (officers) Korran Porkāri, the headman of Kilinallür, Sürriyan Tēvadi (a native) of Kalumalam, Tēvan Sättap (a native) of Paluvur and Anaiyap Taļikkulavan (a native) of Kaļļikkudi, the varippattagam (ie. officers in charge of Tax registers) Kumarap Arangan (a native) of Sāttapūr and Singan Venkādan, the headman of Paruttiyūr, being present, Apaimangalam in Pattaņa kūrram (a sub-division) of their district, comprising of ninety-seven (vēla), two mā, one and a half kāni, one mundirigai, kil (i.e. 1/320) of three mā, three kāņi and one mundirigai and kil i.e. 1/320) of half, and two mā of land, after deducting those that had been removed in survey, was entered in the revenue register as a tax-free palsichchandam on the ninetysixth day of the (said) twenty-first year.
(1. 41) We furnished the names of the following persons) for going round the hamlets accompanying the female elephant -
Our officer) Kankāni-naduvirukkum Tammadi-Bhattan of Vennainallur and the Bhattas (vit.) Sridhara-Bhattan of Tūrpil residing at Sri-Tungamangalam alias Abhimanabhushana-chaturvēdimangalam in Tirunaraiyūr-nādu (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanādu, Pappanā. bha-Bhattan of Pärkkulam (residing at) Tirunallür in Vēļānādu (a sub-division) of the same nūdu, Vennaiya-Bhattan of Pērēmapuram (residing) in the same village and Nandiśvara-Bhattan of Dvēdaigomapuram (residing) at Sri-Viranārāyana-chaturvēdimangalam, a free village in Käranādu (a sub-division) of Rājēndrasimha valanādu and the Puravuvari (officer) Aņaiyan TalikkuJavan (a resident) of Kallikkudi.
(1. 49) A royal order (tirumugam) embodying the above and with the words ".it behoves you also to be with these persons, to point out the boundaries, to go round the hamlets accompanied by a female elephant, to set up (boundary) stones and milk-bush and to draw up and give the deed of gift," having been sent to us, the năttom (the assembly of the district), in the writing of the Royal scribe (mandiravolai) Amudan Tirttakaran, the headmen of Vilattūr, and with the signatures of the Superintendents of Royal Writs (tirumandiravolai-nāyakam) Krishnan Raman alias Mummadisola-Brahmamärāyan, İräyiravay Pallavayan alias Mummadisola-Posan (a resident) of Araiśür and Vēlän Uttamasolan alias Madurāntaka-Müvēndavēlän (a resident) of Paruttikudi, in the twenty-first year (of the reign) of the glorious king Rājaräjakesarivarman alias Rājarājadēva, who having conceived in his mind that, like the goddess Lakshmi, the great goddess of the Earth had become his own, was pleased to destroy the ships at Kāndaļūr-Sālai, took, with the aid of his highly powerful and victorious army, Vērgai-nadu, Gangapädi, Nuļambapädi, Tadigaipādi, Kudamalai-nādu, Kollam, Kalingam and the province of Ilam (i.e. Ceylon), famous in the eight quarters, and who carried away the splendour of the Sēliyas (i.e. the Pandyas) in the year of his acquiring excessive glory fit for being praised till the end of time, we, the nāxom (i.e., the assembly of the district), seeing it (i.e. the order) being brought, respectfully advanced (towards) received and carried (it) on our heads and accompanying the female elephant, walked round the hamlets, set up (boundary) stones and milk-bush and drew up and gave the deed of gift.
(1. 65) The eastern boundary of the land (thus granted) forms the western boundary of Kövür in Pattana-kūrram (a sub-division) of Kshatriyaśikhāmaņi-valanādu; (it is) to the west of the land of the carpenter of Kõvür and of the (stream) Kāvidi-odai of Kõvūr; further south (it is) to the west of the field called Pugaiyunni (belonging to the same village ; further south, proceed. ing in an easterly direction on the same boundary and further south of the same field, (it is) to the west of the field called Pugaiyunni; further south and further west, it is) to the north of the

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small ridge (which had been) converted into a nursery (and made to form part) of the one-eighth (vēli of land lying) to the west of the channel irrigating the (land called) Pugaiyuņņi ; further, (it is) to the west of the said small ridge which had been converted into a nursery at the western side of this one-eighth (vēli); further still, (it is) to the north of the ridge made on the southern side of the same nursery; further on, (it is) to the west of the western ridge of this one-eighth (vēli); further, it is) to the west of the one-eighth (rēli) of Pugaiyumni (Lying) on the southern side of the said one-eighth (vēli); further south of this, (it is) to the west of the one ma and a half of land belonging to the potter of Kövür; on the south of this (land), (it is), to the west of the one ma and a half (of land); on the south of this, (it is) to the south of the middle of the stream; further on, (it is) to the west of the boundary of this (village of) Kõvūr; further south, (it is) to the west of the one mā of land of Araisūr Mariyādi, a Vellāļa of Kõvür; on the south of this, (it is) to the south of the middle of the stream; going in a south-easterly direction along this stream, (it lies) to the west of the spot at which the western Pallavāykkāl falls into this very stream; further on, (it is) to the south of the southern bank of the western Pallavāykkāl and to the west of the western ridge of the land called) Mēlpallam of Kõvür; (further), it is to the north of the northern ridge of the one-eighth (vēli of land) of the Vellala Urappali Päkkaran in Mélpallam of this village :-(it is also) to the west of the middle of the stream at the western side of this same one-eighth (vēli) and of the one-eighth (vēli ol land) of the Velļāļa Paramēbvaran Naraiyūr; (it is) to the west of the middle of this stream; (further, it is) to the west of this game stream which forms the boundary(?) (kottam) of the one-eighth (vēli of land) of Aiyyåran Sēndan, a Velläļa of Kõvür; (it is also) to the south of the same one-eighth (cēli of land); (further, it is) to the west of this stream at the boundary() (kottam) of the land (called) Mēlpallam ; and (also) to the west of the spot at which this stream falls into the channel) Erivatti-väykkäl and to the west of this Erivaţti-vāykkāl; further, (it is) to the south of this Erivatti-väykkäl and to the west of this Erivatti-väykkäl.
(1. 92) The southern boundary is to the north of this Erivaţți-väykkäl; and going in a westerly direction along this Erivatti-vāykkal, crossing the same channel and getting up (its) southern bank, and going further south along the western boundary of the (one) vēli of padugai land belonging to the brahmadeya of this (village of ) Anaimangalam, (it lies) to the west of the stream which (here) lies in the direction of south-north; going then in a southerly direction along this (same) boundary, (and proceeding) further west, (it is) to the north of the same stream; again (going) in a northerly direction along the said stream and reaching this Erivatti-väykkāl, (it is) to the east of it; crossing the Erivatti-vāykkäl and getting up its north bank and proceeding (then) in a westerly direction along the north bank of this channel, (st lies) to the north of the channel ; passing in a westerly direction along this boundary, and then in a westerly direction in the course of the stream, and reaching the northern ridge of the four mă of land in Sivaļaiykudi, a brahmadēya of Pattana-kūrram in this nādłu, and (then) passing along the same ridge in a westerly direction, it lies) to the north of this boundary : proceeding in a westerly direction along the same boundary and reaching the stream (called) Palaviļappu, (it lies) to the north of this boundary.
(1. 106) The western boundary is to the east of the vettappēru (granted to the men in charge of) the head sluice of the Nattuppökku-(channel) which runs in a northerly direction; going further north and reaching the stream which forms the eastern boundary of the lands of the village of) Muiñjikudi in Pattana-kurram of the same district and going then in a northerly direction along the middle of the same stream as it lay, (it lies) to the east of this stream, and includes the stream also; proceeding thence in a northerly direction along the stream, as it lay, till reaching the lands of the same (village of) Muñjikudi, and reaching also the stream which formed the eastern boundary of this Muñjikudi, and proceeding further north, (it is) to the east of the same boundary; going through the several turnings of the stream as it lay and then passing in a northerly direc

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tion till reaching the lands of this Muñjikudi (village), and proceeding further north of the stream which forms the eastern boundary of the same village of Muñjikudi and further to the east of the same boundary, and going then in a northerly direction along this stream as it lay, and leaving this (stream) and reaching the southern ridge of the four mă of land (belonging to) Rāman Govindan, a Veļļāļa of this Muñjikuļi and passing (then) in a northerly direction along the same boundary and reaching the southern ridge of the lands which formed the brahmadeya of this (same) Muñji. kudi, (it lies) to the south of it and also to the east of it; further on (it lies) to the north of the lands (belonging to the brahmadzyn of the said Muñjikudi; going then in a northerly direction along the same boundary, (it lies) to the east of the land forming the eastern boundary of the holding of the Vellalas (vellan-vagai) of the said Muñjikudi; going then in a northerly direction along the same boundary, and then in a north-westerly direction till reaching the field called Odārimayakkal in Muñjikuļi, (it lies) to the east of the eastern ridge of the said field; going in a westerly direction along the northern ridge of the same field, (it lies) to the north of the northern ridge; going in & northerly direction along the (stream of) Papaiyōdai on the western side of the same field, (it lies) to the east of the same stream; going then in a northerly direction along the same stream till reaching the channel called Rājarājap-vāykkāl which was dug out to irrigate the lands of this (village of) Apaimangalam and then crossing this channel and getting up its northern bank, (it lies) to the east of the eastern ridge of the field called Kalaväy in the brahmadēya of this (village of) Anaimangalam; going in a northerly direction and (then) in an easterly direction and reaching the southern ridge of the quarter (vēli) of land of Kilap Kilän in the brahmadiya of this Apaimangalam, and passing (again) in a south-easterly direction, it lies) to the south and east of the boundary which proceeds from this (ridge) in north-easterly and easterly directions; going (then) in a north-westerly direction along the northern ridge of the same, (it lies) to the north of this (line); further, (it lies) to the east of the eastern ridge of the three mä (of land) of Aritap Siriyan Kadamban in the brahmadeya of this (village of) Apaimangalam.
(1. 134) Proceeding in an easterly direction along the southern ridge of this (land), the northern boundary is to the south of this (field); proceeding in an easterly direction along the boundary of the land called Koţtidal in the brahmadēya (village of) Pirambil in Pattana-kūrtam, (a sub-division) of the said district (of Kshatriyasikhāmani-valanādu) till reaching the western ridge of the land of Váchchiyan Paramēśvaran Pūvan in the brahmad ya of the said Anaimajigalam, (it lies) to the south of it; (it also lies) to the west, south and east of the said land; (it is) also to the east of the eastern ridge of the land called Kotidal in the brohmadeya (village of) Pirambil in the above said nādu ; proceeding in a northerly direction along the same ridge and reaching the southern bank of the river called Vilappu, (it lies) to the south of its southern bank; proceeding in an easterly direction along this bank and reaching the western ridge of the one ma and a half (of land) in the dēvadāna of (the god) Mahādēva of this (village of) Anaimangalam, (it lies) to the west of this ridge; proceeding in a southerly direction along the same ridge and reaching the western ridge of (the field of) Mullivaravai which is (also) a dévadāna of the same god, (it lies) to the west of that ridge; proceeding (then) in southern and eastern directions along the same ridge and reaching the tank of this god, and then going in a southerly direction along the western bank of the channel feeding the said tank of this god, (st lies) to the west of the western ridge of the field called Kanavadi-kāl which is also a dévadāna of the above mentined) god; proceeding (then) in an easterly direction along the southern ridge of this KanavadiJral, (it lies) to the south of this ridge; (it is also) to the west of the western ridge of the one mi of the dēvadāna land called Meļukkuppuram" (belonging to this god; proceeding in an easterly
Assignments made for meeting the expenses of supplying oil for the anointing of images of gode and for oloaning the courtyards of temples are called Majubbuppuran.

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direction along the southern ridge of this one ma, (it lies) to the south of this ridge; proceeding (then) in an easterly direction along the southern ridge of the three käni of the deadāna land of (i.e., belonging to this god and reaching the Pattal-channel, (it lies) to the south of it; proceeding (further) in a northerly direction along the western bank of the said Pattal-channel till reaching the (river called) Vilappu, (it lies) to the east of it; crossing the said Vilappu and getting up its northern bank and arriving at the boundary of Mūngirkudi which is a brahmaděya of Pattapa-kurram in the same district and then proceeding in northern and eastern directions along that boundary, (it lies) to the east and south of it; further on, it is) to the west of the lands of this Mungirkudi; proceeding in a southerly direction along the said boundary till reaching the river) Vilappu, crossing the Vilappu and getting up its southern bank and then proceeding in an easterly direction along the southern bank and reaching the western ridge of the land called Kanavadimayakkal (situated) in Kõvür of this nādu, (it lies) to the south of it; (it lies also) to the west of the western ridge of this land (viz.), Kanavadimayakkal ; proceeding in an easterly direction along the southern ridge of this land (viz.), Kanavadimayakkal and reaching the channel irrigating Nallurchēri, a brahmadeya of Pattana-kurram of this district (it lies) to the south; proceeding then in an easterly direction along the southern bank of the said channel till reaching the southern ridge of the one mă of land (belonging to) Urāppali Pakkaran, a Vel]āļa of Kövür in the same district and then going in an easterly direction of this southern ridge and reaching the carpenter's land in Kövür where the boundary originally commenced, (it lies) to the south.
(1. 167) The donee shall have possession of the wet lands, dry lands, the village, villagesite, ponds, sacred temples, the quarters of the Paraiyas, the quarters of the artisans and the burning grounds included within the four great boundaries thus described.
(1. 169) The following are the conditions to be observed in thus taking possession of this village inclusive of kärānmai and miyāțchi (rights) with its excess and deficiency in measure ment including in it the houses, house-sites, shops, the bazaar street, assembly grounds, waste lands set apart for grazing calves, ponds, koţtagăram (i.e., kraals or palaces), valleys and wells, ant-hills, terri, forests, pidiligai, barren lands and brackish lands, rivers, arable lands near rivers, streams, breaches, pits containing fish, gardens with their honey (produce), trees growing up and wells sunk down, without excluding any of the existing lands covered with water or rolled by the harrow or where the ingrana runs or the tortoise crawls.
(1 176) Channels shall be dug (so ax) to irrigate the lands of the village; and their waste water shall be collected in canals and led away. Existing water courses over channels irrigating these lands shall be allowed to flow and their waste water shall be collected and led away. It is not permissible for others to cut branches, dam them across, put up small picottabs or bale water in baskets. Good (i.e., drinking) water shall not be used for common purposes; but it may be dammed and made to irrigate (lands). Mansions and large edifices shall be built of burnt tiles (i.e., bricks). Large wells shall be sunk. Coconut trees shall be planted in groves. Damanaka, maruvu, iruréli, denbagam, sengalunir, mango, jack, sreca-palm, palmyra, kodi and other useful trees of various descriptions shall be sown and planted. A big oil-press shall be set up. (Such of) the irrigation channels as are cut through the lands of this village and (made to pass to outlying villages shall be permitted to flow over and be collected. (Similarly also), the channels cut through the lands of the outlying villages (and made to pass into this village for the irrigation of lands shall be permitted to flow over and be collected. Ilaras shall not be permitted to climb the palmyra and coconut trees planted (on the borders) of this village. Big drums and ornamental arches in three rows shall be allowed for families, according to traditions.
(1. 191) On receiving the lands as aforesaid, the privileges conferred are as follows: nädātchi (fee for the administration of the distriot), trd!chi (fee for the administration of the

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village), vattināļi (i.e., one nāfi of grain on each basket), pidānāļi, kannālakānam (i.e., fee of one kānam of gold received on every marriage occasion), vannārappārai (i.e., fee on washerman's stones), ku sakkānam (i.e., fee of one kāpam paid by every potter), water-cess, ilai-kūlam, tarippudavai (i.e., fee of one cloth on each loom), the fee on brokers, fee on goldsmiths, fee on shepherds, āţtukkirai (i.e., fee for keeping flocks of sheep), good cow and good bull, nādukāval (i.e., fee for the watch of the district), üdupokku, virpidi, vālamañjādi, ulgu, Odakküli (i.e., fee on ferries), tolls, manrupādu (i.e., fee raised for assembly), măvirai, tīyeri, ifampūtchi, küttikäl and such other fees, as the king could levy and enjoy, shall not henceforth be received by the king but shall be taken by the authorities of this payi.
(1. 198) For this land, inclusive of its kārārmai and mīyāțchi (rights), with all excess and deficiency in measurements and including (such) lands as had ceased to be pallichchanda, forming the village of Anaimangalam (situated) in this district, which had been granted (subject to) the conditions and privileges (specified) above, as a tax-free pallichchanda to the palli in the Chūļāmaņivarma-vihāra which is being built by the Kadāra king at Nagapattanam in Pattanakūrram, we, the nātrom (i.e., the members of the Divisional Assembly) of the said) Pattanakurram in Kshatriyasikbämani-valanādu, accompanying the female elephant, circumambulated the hamlets, planted (boundary) stones and milk-bush, drew up and presented the gift deed (to hare effect) from the twenty-first year (of the king's reign). I, Aņaiyap Talikkuļavan, (a resident) of Kallikkuļi (and) a puravurari (officer), being present with the representatives of the districts while accompanying the female elephant and circumambulating the hamlets, planting (boundary) stones and milk-bush, drew up and gave the deed of gift: and this is my signature.
(1 207) When the nättär were accompanying the she-elephant and circumambulating the hamlets of this Apaimangalam, I, Kon Puttan, & Velläļa, residing at this Aņaimangalam, mounted the elephant, was present with them and showed the boundaries clearly : and this is my signature.
(1. 210) In this manner, we, the members of the assembly of Kadambaşūr, a brahmadēva of Pattapa-ktirfam in Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At their bidding, I, Muppattiruvap Yajñan alias Karpagādittap, the arbitrator of this village, have signed this): and this is my signature. At the bidding of the inhabitants of this Kadambapūr, I, Nārāyaṇap Dāmodaran, a Vaikhānasa of this village, (have signed this): and this is my signature.
(1. 215) In this manner, we, the members of the assembly of Nāraṇamangalam, & brah. madeya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanādu, circumambulated the hamlets accompanying the she-elephant, and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Irunārruvan Uttaman alias Brahmamangalyan, the arbitrator of this village, (have signed this): and this is my signature.
(1. 218) In this manner, we, (the ürār of Vēlangudi ?), accompanied the she-elephant and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Vēlangudaiyān Nārāyanan Orri of Vēlangudi in Pattanakūrram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyalikhāmaņi-vaļanādu (have signed this): and this is my signature. . (1. 221) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Müngirkuļi, a brahmadēya of Pattapa-kurram in Kshatriyasikhāmani-vaļanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Kunava-Nandi alias Alankārapriyan, the arbitrator of this village, (have signed this): and this is my signature.
(1. 224) In the said manner, we, the ürār of Narimanram in Pattana-kūrram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmapi-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets

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and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Aimbattiruvap Videlvidugan, the arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 228) In the said manner, we, the ürār of Sättamangalam in Pattapa-kūgram, (a subdivision) of Kshatriyabikhāmaņi-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Vētkovan Edirap Sattan alias Nānārruvapperungovēļāp of this village have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 232) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Sannamangalam, & brahmadeya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhămaņi-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly, I, Durukkan Kamudan, the accountant-arbitrator of this village have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 236) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Kottarakkudi, a brahmadeya of Pattana-kūrram in Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Oran Chandrasēkharan alias Brahmamangalyan, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed this): and this is my signature.
(1 239) In the said manner, we, the ürār of Kövür in Pattana-küfram, (a sub-division of Kshatriyasikhāmani-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Aiyyan Aiyyan, the account ant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 243) In the said manner, we, the irar of Uttür in Pattana-kūrram, (a sub-division of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Nakkan Mulli, the accountantarbitrator of this village have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 246) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Nappimangalam, a brahmadēva of Pattapa-kurram in Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly, I, Kannan Alankarapriyap, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, (have signed this) : and this is my signature.
(1 249) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Poruvanūr, a brahmaděya of Pattana-kūrram in Kshatriya ikhāmani-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly I, VækovaMādēvap Orap, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 253) In the said manner, we, the ürār of Alanguļi in Pattana-kūfram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyabikhāmani-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamleta and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Käsyapan Sūryyan Arangan, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 256) In the said manner, we, the ürār of Turaiyūr in Pattana-kūrram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmani-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Tiritti Vaikundan of the Bharadvāja-(gðtra), the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and (this is my)signature.
(1 259) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Pirambil, a brahmadiya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhamani-valanādu, accompanied the sho-elephant, circumambulated the bamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Kunavar Nandi alias Alankih rapriyan, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed this): and this is my signature.

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(L. 263) In the said manner, we, the ürāt of Kadambangadi, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Kunavan Nandi alias Alankārapriyan, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1 265) In the said manner, we, the ürār of Sēndamangalam in Pattapa-kūrram, (a subdivision) of Kshatriyasikhämani-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urāt, 1, Oran Aiyap, the arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 268) In the said manner, we, (the urăr of Siruchchendamangalam !), accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets, and drew up and gave the deed of the gift. I, Etti Valañjuliyan Sangan of Siruchchendamangalam in Pattapa-kurram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanādu, (have signed this): and this is my signature.
(1. 270) In the said manner, we, the drār of Kurrälam in Pattana-kūrram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanadu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Vētkovan Dévap Oran, the accountant of this village, have signed (thus): and this is my signature.
(1.273) In the said manner, we, the urār of Tirunāvür in Pattapa-kūrram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-va!anādı, accompanied the sbe-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Chaturmukhan Arangan, the arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 276) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Uvarkkudi, a brahmadēya of Pattana-kurram in Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumAmbulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly, 1. V ētkövan Mänägan Nārāyanan, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 280) In the said manner, we, the ürār of Muñjikudi in Pattana-kūrram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyaśikhamani-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the urăr, I, Vēļkovan Mänāgan Kannan, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 284) In the said manner, we, the members of the assembly of Tirukkannangudi in Pattana-kūrram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the assembly, I, Vētkovan Atiraman Irubattunālvan alias Munnurruvan, the accountant of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 288) In the said manner, we, the crār of Kadambavalavāțkai in Pattana-kūrram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmani-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Orān Orān, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 292) In the said manner, we, the urăr of Pāļaňkorrangudi in Pattapa-kūrram, (a subdivision of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the ürār, I, Oran Orān, the accountant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.
(1. 295) In the said manner, we, the ürār of Veņkidangil in Pattana-kūgram, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanādu, accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. At the bidding of the irar, I, Orāŋ Nakkan, the account. Ant-arbitrator of this village, have signed (this): and this is my signature.

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(1. 298) In the said manner, we, (the members of the assembly of Anaimangalam ?), accompanied the she-elephant, circumambulated the hamlets and drew up and gave the deed of gift. I, Aritan Siriyan Kadamban, (a resident) of this brahmadeya of Apaimangalam, (have signed this): and this is my signature.
(1. 300) In the said manner, I, Türpil Sridhara-Bhaṭṭan, (a resident) of Sri-Tungamangalam, a brahmadeya in Tirunaraiyur-nadu, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhamani-vajanāḍu, (in the capacity) of a Bhatta, caused the she-elephant to circumambulate (the hamlets) and got the deed of gift to be drawn up. This is my signature.
(1. 303) In the said manner, I, Parpanabha-Bhaṭṭan of Pärkkulam, (residing) at Tirunallur in Vēļā-nāḍu, (in the capacity) of a Bhatta, caused the she-elephant to circumambulate (the hamlets) and got the deed of gift to be drawn up and given. This is my signature.
(1. 306) In the said manner, I, Vennaiya-Bhaṭṭan of Pērēmapuram (residing) at Tirunallur in Vēļā-nādu, (a sub-division) of Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-valanādu, (in the capacity) of a Bhatta, caused the she-elephant to circumambulate (the hamlets) and got the deed of gift to be drawn up and given. This is my signature.
(1. 308) In the said manner, I, Nandisvara-Bhaṭṭan of Dvēdaigōmapuram (residing) at Sri-Viranarayana-chaturvedimangalam in Rajendrasimha-valanadu, (in the capacity) of a Bhaṭṭa, caused the she-elephant to circumambulate (the hamlets) and got the deed of gift to be drawn up and given. This is my signature.
(1.311) Our (ie., the Royal) Secretaries (viz.) Miņavan Mūvēndavēļān, Korramangalamu. daiyan and Devankuḍaiyan; the arbitrators (viz.) Damodara-Bhaṭṭan of Kaḍalangudi and Puvatta-Bhaṭṭan of Koṭṭaiyur; our Secretaries (viz.) Parakramasōļa-Müvēndavēļān, Sembiyan Mūvēndavēļān, Sōlavēļān and Araiśurudaiyan, and the arbitrator Paramesvara-Bhaṭṭa-Sarvakratuyajin of Puļļamangalam, having ordered that (the necessary) entries may be made in the Revenue Registers in accordance with the deed that was thus signed and issued; the puravuvari (officers) (viz.) Kodandan Senan of Alanguḍi, Ilavaḍigal Nallaran residing at Pūdamangalam and Karpagan Sōlai residing at Alattur, the varippottagam (i.e., officer in charge of Revenue Registers) (viz.) Singan Venkaḍan, the headman of Paruttiyur, the mugaveții (officers) (viz.) Kilvay-Kaṇavadi, Mundan Arangan, Saiyadan Amalan, Tattan Sikiṭṭan (ie., Sri-Krishna), the varippottagakkanakku (i.e., the accountant in charge of the Revenue Registers) Mādēvan Būmi, the variyiliḍu (i.e., the officer who makes entries in Revenue Registers) Tāli Viraśōlan, a resident of Uruvur, and the pattolai (keepers of Royal writs) (viz.) Peruman Ambalattāḍi, Sikandag (i.e., Srikantha) Devan, Mākālan Ariñji, and Nakkan Mandagavan, being present, entries were made in the Revenue Registers and the deed was given (to the donee) on the one hundred and sixty-third day of the twenty-third regnal year.
(1. 323) This is the signature of Araiyan Arumoli alias Rajendrasōla-Pallavaraiyan, the beadman of Nadar in Tiraimur-nāḍu, (a sub-division) of Uyyakkoṇḍār-valanādu.
(1. 325) (This is) approved by Krishnan Raman alias Rajendrasōla-Brahmamārāyaṇ of Kēraļāntaka-chaturvedimangalam in Veņņādu, (a sub-division) of Uyyakkoṇḍār-valanāḍu.
(1. 327) (This is) approved by Irayiravan Pallavayan alias Uttamasōla-Pallavaraiyan, a resi dent of Araisür in Pambuņi-kürram, (a sub-division) of Nittavinōda-valanaḍu.
(1. 329) (This is) approved by Damodara-Bhattan of Dvedaigōmapuram, (a resident) of Kadalangudi in Kurukkai-nādu, (a sub-division) of Rajendrasiṁba-vaļanāḍu.
(1. 330) (This is) approved by Araiyan Sikandan (Srikantha) alias Mīņavan Mūvēndavēļāņ, the headman of Kurumbil in Ambar-nadu, (a sub-division) of Uyyakkondar-valanādu.

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No. 35.---THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES (OF KULOTTUNGA I).
BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., COIMBATORE. The inscription edited below is engraved on & set of throe copper-plates now preserved in the Leiden University Museum in Holland. It was once published without plates in the Arch@o. logical Survey of South India, Volume IV, pp. 224 ff., by Burgess and Natesa Sastri as early as 1886. Though the text of the inscription had been fairly well made out, the translation given in the volume requires to be largely amended. It is also considered desirable to give facsimile plates of the inscription. Dr. N. P. Chakravarti, the Government Epigraphist for India, very kindly obtained from the Museum authorities in Leiden one set of excellent rubbings of the inscription and a photograph of the seal and placed them at my disposal for study and publication in the Epigraphia Indica.
The three plates each of which measures 14-8 inches by 5-3 inches—that form this set, are held together by a strong ring bearing a large seal very similar to the one on the Larger Leiden Plates. The following is the reading of the legend on this seal by Burgess and Natesa Sastri :
Sri-Kulõttunga-Chõlasya Rājakësarivarmaṇaḥ
punyam kehānisvara-sabhā-chūdā-ratnāyā(ya) sāganam The editors note:“ whether through mistake on the part of the engraver or from want of room to get the whole inscription into the one line round the circumference, is uncertain, but the syllables- ļasya Rājakësarivarmanah are inserted below aga-Cho and punyam kshoạiśvara between which they must be read, and this, together with the peculiar forms of some of the letters, makes the legend difficult to decipher". The fact that the legend runs round the circular seal and has the syllables lasya, etc., engraved below in a second line is a clear indication that what is written below forms the end of the legend. And since it is certain that Sri-Kulöttunga-Cho must precede the portion contained in the second line, the commencement, i.e., the first half of the verse forming the legend is Punyam kshönisvara-sabha-chudā-ratnāyā sāsanam. In this legend, the compound kshönisvara-sabhā-chudā-ratnaya has been translated as "to the crest jewel of the assembly of earth-rulers" by Messrs. Burgess and Natesa Sastri.There is no doubt that the engraver had made some mistake here as had been supposed by these scholars. It seems to me, however, that the compound must have specific reference to the sangha of the Buddhist church (palli) erected at Nagapattanam by king Chūdāmaņivarman of Katāba. Sabhā in the legend is no doubt a synonym of sangha : and the term ratna, which is often applied to the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha, the sole resorts of the Buddhists, is highly suggestive of and favourable to connecting sabha with the Buddhist shrine and creed. There is yet another suggestion contained in the terms used in the same compound : chudāratna may be taken to stand for chūdāmaņi, perhaps & contracted form of Chudāmanivarma-vihāra, which was the name of the Buddhist monument called after its royal founder Chūdāmaņivarman : but the intervening position of the word sabhā between kshönisvara and chūdāraina makes the interpretation difficult. Had the word sabha with the appropriate termination been used at the end of the compound, it would have been quite easy to interpret the word into "to the sangha of the vihara erected by) king Chūdāmaņivarman" which, it seems, was intended to be conveyed by the legend. In fact the inscription on the plates as will be pointed out in the sequel, tells us clearly that the ambassadors from the king of
[The impressions of this inscription also were very kindly prepared by Lt. Col. Th. van Erp of Rijks-Ethnographisch Museum, Leiden, at the request of Prof. J. Ph. Vogel -Ed.]

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Katäha requested king Kulõttunga-Chola to have a copper-plate issued in favour of the sangha of the palli of Chūdamanivarma-vihāra. We have instances of edicts with opening verses of this nature.
The inscription is written in the Tamil language and alphabet throughout : but Grantha Jetters are used here and there where words of Sanskrit origin occur. For instance see si and sa in minincsa (1. 3), ja and nma (1. 3), sri (1. 4), rāja (1. 5), Räjëntra (1. 6), Räjarāja (1.7), dëshai (1.8), tämra-sāsana (1. 10), Rajavidyadhara-bri-samanta and Abhimanottunga-bri-samanta (11. 10-11), Räjavallabha (I. 12), prasāda (1. 13), Rājarāja (1. 14), brahmade (1. 18), brahma (1. 28), Vijayarā. jentra (1. 31), fri-Sailendra-Chūļāmanivarmma-vihāra (11. 39-40), Mahadeva (1. 42), santuvigriha and Rajao (1.49), and Raje(1. 50).
Unlike the plates of the Sanskrit and Tamil portions of the Larger Leiden set, the plates of this set are not numbered. The only orthographical peculiarities worth noting are: (1) the use of the vowels in some rare places where consonants are needed, e.g., kāņiālarai (11. 9, 38) and (2) the formation of u in cases of tu, nu, nu, lū, etc., by the addition of the length (vertical stroke) sign to their short. The inscription is not quite well worded and there are possibilities of engraver's mistakes.
The inscription which is dated in the 20th year of the reign of the Chola king Rajakēkarivarman alias Kulottunga-Chola I, commences with the historical introduction pugal-mādu vilanga, which refers in general terms to the king's conquest of the Chēra (Villavar), Pāņdya (Minavar), Vikkalan, i.e., Vikramaditya VI and Singanan, i.e., Jayasimha. It records that, while the king was resting on the reclining seat (palli-ppidam) called Kalingarājan in the bathing hall of his palace at Ayirattali alias Ahavamallakulakālapuram, two messengers (dütar) of the king of Kudaram, named Rajavidyadhara-bri-samanta and Abhimanottunga-sri-samanta, petitioned to him that the village granted free from the payment of taxes including antarāya, viraśēshai, panmai-pandai-vetti, kundāli and sungamērā, as paffichchanda for meeting the requirements of the shrines of Rajendraçõlapperumpalli and Rajarajapperumpalli which were constructed by the king of Kadāram at Solakulavallipattanam in Pattapa-kurram, a sub-division of Geyamāņikka-valanādu, may be entered in a copper-plate document and issued in favour of the Sangattar of the palli. The messengers also prayed that the Kāniyāļars of the paļlichchanda lands may be removed and the lands be left entirely in the charge of the palli and that this fact may also be noted in the same copper-plate deed. Accordingly, a royal order was issued to the adhikarin named RājēndrasingaMüvēndavējā, that he, in conjunction with the sandhivigrahin Rāja vallabha-Pallavaraiyan, should draw up a copper-plate deed to that effect. After giving a list of the paļlichchandas belonging to Rajarajapperumpalli, their situation, extent, kāņikkadan, and nichchayitta-nellu, the inscription states that (1) the taxes or incomes in money and kind have been assigned to meet the requirements of the monastery and that (2) the previous owners who were holding the lands of these paļļichchanda villages have now been removed and the same have been vested solely with the Sangattar of the monastery. The details furnished about the paļļichchanda villages are given in a separate table. Further, the inscription furnishes the under-mentioned boundaries of the monastery and its gurroundings (palli-nilai and paļļi-viļāgam) and states that the total extent covered by them was 314 véli, 2 ma and 1 mundirigai -
Eastern boundary--to the west of the sea-shore inclusive of the sand-hill in it; Southern boundary-to the north of the well called Pugaiyunpi-kinaru; to the north of the
land belonging to the temple of Tiruvirattānamudaiya-Mahādēva situated to the
west of the said well; and to the north of the line passing westwards from the north Nos. 136, 100, 764, 768-7 of the 8. I. I. (Texts), Vol. V.

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bank of the channel dug by Paravaikkulattu-Märāyan and reaching the high road
to Kāraikkal; Western boundary---to the east of the said high road to Kärsikkal; Northern boundary--to the south of the boundary of the lands in Vada-Kāda pāļi of sõla
kulavallipattanam. The inscription concludes by saying that the royal order had thus been carried out and that, on the direction of the sandhivigrahin Rajavallabha-Pallavaraiyan and the adhikarin Räjēndrakinga-Müvēndavölän, this copper-plate charter was written by Nilaiyudaiya-Panaiyan Nigarilisõlan Madhurāntakag, one of the Vikkiramābaraṇatterinda-Valangai-Vēļaikkāpas of Uçkõdi.
Serial No.
Village.
Division in which situated.
Extent in vēli, Kanikkadan in
mā, kāņi kalam, kuruni and mundirigai. and nali.
Nichchayitta.
nellu kalam.
1
97-2-11
8,943-9-3
4,500
124
400
560
Do.
2,779-4-4
1,800
274-37
106
10,600-9-6
Anaimangalam . . Pattana-kurram in Geya.
manikka-valanādu. Brahmadêya in Apsimet
Do. galam. Mufijikudi . . . Amur . . . . Tiruvárür-kurram . . Vadakudi alias Naqalar . Als-nädu. . . Ki-Chandirappadi . . Pälaiyur brahmadēya Puttakkudi . . . Kurambar-nadu in Jayan
gonda sola-valanādu. Udayamirttändanallür . Idaikkaļi-nadu. . .
5,850 2.840
701-41
6,514-5-1
Do.
1,012-5
10-2-11-1 kil. 601
1,500
1,000 8,720-4-4
87
6,107
3-3
135-3-3
78-5
Of the villages noted above, whose revenues had been assigned to the palli Anaimangalam. Amür. Vadakudi and Palaiyur are in the list of villages of the Negapatam Taluk of the Tanjore District (Madras Presidency) and Muñjikudi, which, according to the Lar ger Leiden plates, formed the South-western boundary of Āpaimangalam, must also be in the same Taluk.
The historical introduction of Kulottunga's inscriptions commences in different ways. One of them found in his earlier epigraphs begins with the words tirumanni, vilangum and records that with the sole aid of his arm and sword, he captured herds of elephants at Vayiragaram (Wairagadh in the Chanda District of the Central Provinces), received tribute from Dhārāvarsha of the Chakkarakotta (country) and brought the earth under his parasol. In these epigraphs, which are dated up to the 4th year of reign, the king is styled Rājakësarivarman alias Räjëndra-Chõladēva. Another insoription dated in the 6th year of his reign commences with the words pu-melarivai. The majority of his other records, dated between the 6th and 49th years, have either (1) the introduction pugal-Minda-punari, which gives a detailed account of the king's achievements, or (2) pugal-madu-uslangawhich refers in general terms to his victory of the Chēra, Pandya, and Vikramaditya VI and Simhapa, i.e., Jayasimha. The late Dr. Hultzsch has dealt with the events of the reign of Kulõttunga as could be gathered from the Vikramānkadēvacharita of Bilhana.
18.1. 1. (Texts), Vol. VII, No. 392. • Ibid., No. 137. • No. 813 of 8. I. 1. (Texta), Vol. IV, Noa. 874 and 786 of Vol. VII.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
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the Kalingattupparani of Jayangondān, the copper-plate grants of the later Eastern Chalukya kings and the inscriptions of his reign and has also attempted to reconcile the discrepancies found in them. The following are categorically the events of his reign :(1) While heir-apparent, he captured herds of elephants at Vayiragaram and defeated
Dhārāvarsha of the Chakkarakötta country. (2) In or before the 5th year, he defeated the king of Kuntala, crowned himself as the king
of the Chāļa country and decapitated an unnamed king of the south, (3) An eleventh year record adds that he drove Vikkalap from Nangili by way of Manalūr
to the Tungabhadrā river and conquered Gangamandalam and Singanam. Some
inscriptions substitute Aļatti for Manalür and Kongapam for Singanam. (4) An inscription of the 14th year states that Kulõttunga put the five Pandyas to flight
and subdued the western portion of their country including the gulf of Mappár, the Podiya mountain, Cape Comorin and Kõttāru.' He is reported also to have limited the boundary of the Pandya country, to have placed garrisons in the strategically important places of the newly acquired territory, and to have conquered
Kudamalai-nädu. (5) The conquest of the Kalinga country is noticed in the inscriptions of the 20th, 42nd
and 45th years of the king's reign. As the inscriptions of Kulottunga I., unlike those of Räjarāja I., Rājēndrachöla I., and others, do not mention the conquests effected by the king in the order in which they occurred the later inscriptions often omitting the earlier achievements - it is difficult to determine with their aid the actual date of occurrence of the events.
About Rājakësarivarman Kulottunga's acquisition of the Chõļa dominions & word may now be said. It will be easy to follow the events if we have before us the pedigree of the Chõlas from Räjarāja I., and that of the Eastern Chālukyas from Saktivarman downwards, for it was during the reigns of the kings that followed them, the two families were closely knit together by marriage ties. The following table represents the relationship between the various members of the two families -
Rājarāja I.
Rajēndra-Chola I.
Kundavai m. Vimalāditya, younger brother of
Sakti Farman.
Rajadhi rāja I.
Rajendra-
dēva.
Virarăjen-
dra.
Ammang m. Räjarija.
Madhurāntaki m. Rajendra-chõla II, i.e., Kulõttonga I
Kundavai. The earliest Chāļa king that interfered in the politics of the Eastern Chalukya country was Rājarāja I. From his inscriptions it is seen that he conquered Vēngi in the 14th year of his reign (=A.D. 999-1000). That it resulted in placing Saktivarman alias Chāļukya-Chandra on the Eastern Chalukya throne is evident from the fact that the latter's accession took place in that
1 See Klelhorn's Southern List No. 761. * 8.1, 1., Vol. III, p. 174. . 3. I. I., Vol. III, p. 144.
See Kielhorn's Southern List Nos. 777, 782; 8.1. I., Vol. III, No. 72; and Madras Epigraphical collection for 1891, No. 44 (S. 1. 1. (Texts), Vol. IV, No. 445), and the same for 1904, No. 608.
58. I. I. (Texts), Vol. VII, No. 739

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very year. This is known from the Ranastipündi grant of Vimaladitya, the son and successor of Saktivarman, which places the coronation of that king on Thursday 10th May, A.D. 1011, and states that Saktivarman ruled for 12 years before him. Of Vimaladitya's son Rajaraja I. (of the Eastern Chalukya family), the Korumelli plates state that his coronation fell on Thursday, 16th August, A.D. 1022 and the Teki plates add that he ruled for forty-one years. His younger brother was Vijayaditya VII. And since it is said that after Rajarāja I., VishnuvardhanaVijayaditya ruled for fifteen years, the latter has been assigned to the period A.D. 1063-1077 by Dr. Fleet. There are three inscriptions at Draksharama of a certain Vishnuvardhana ranging in date from the 3rd to the 13th year and furnishing Saka equivalents which work out for the king's initial year A.D. 1061-2. These inscriptions may have to be attributed to Vijayaditya VII, as there was no other Vishnuvardhana at the time, Kulottunga being distinctly styled Saptama Vishnuvardhana. It appears that Vijayaditya VII ruled till A.D. 1077. We have three copper-plate charters of the reign of Vijayaditya which state that he succeeded to the throne on the death of his elder brother Rajaraja. There is no room to suspect that Vijayaditya's succession was disputed. Further, a consideration of the facts, that Rajaraja was crowned in A.D. 1022 and reigned for 41 years, that Vijayaditya counted his regnal years, as shown above, from A.D. 1061-2, coupled with the fact that Rajendra alias Kulottunga I., son of Rājarāja, actually assumed regal powers only from A.D. 1070, i.e., several years after the demise of his father and reigned for the long period of nearly 50 years, i.e., till A.D. 1119-20, leads to the irresistible conclusion that Rajendra must have been in his teens 60 years prior to the end of his reign; and establishes also the necessity for the succession of Vijayaditya after Räjarajas and his quiet succession to the throne of Vengi, as reported in the plates, confirm this conclusion. The dissension between Vijayaditya and Rajendra, if any, must have arisen only subsequent to the death of Rajaraja, perhaps when Rajendra came of age.
From what has been said above, it will be seen that the Eastern Chalukya dominion was subject to the rule of the successive kings Saktivarman, Vimaladitya, Rājarāja and Vijayaditya without any break from A.D. 999-1000 to A.D 1077. For aught we know, Vijayaditya was not a powerful monarch and his rule was not peaceful. Ever since the Chōla king Rājarāja I. interfered in the politics of the Eastern Chalukyas and, putting an end to the interregnum, placed Saktivarman on the throne of Vengi, that country seems to have practically become a principality subject to the authority of the Cholas; and the Chōla kings appear to have cemented their relationship with the Eastern Chalukyas by ties of marriages. The policy followed by Rajarāja I. and Rajendra-Chōla I. towards the newly acquired country of Vengi, was neglected by the latter's sons Rajadhirāja I. and Rajendradeva, but was resumed by Viraräjëndra. This is referr to in the Kanyakumari inscription in the following terms®:
"The Vengi and Kalinga countries which had come in the family of the Chōlas fr
genera
tions having been left uncared for by his (Virarajendra's) two brother and having
1 Above, Vol. XXI, p. 31. Ibid., and Vol. VI, pp. 349-51.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 50.
Above, Vol. VI, p. 336.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 283.
S. I. I. (Texts), Vol. IV, Nos. 1011, 1012 and 1013.
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1925, p. 77 and the same for 1914, p. 86.
The pretty long reign of Rajaraja for 41 years and the actual longer reign of Rajendra for 50 years after an interval of several years making up a total of more than 91 years for the reigns of father and son are worth noting.
Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 57, v. 77.

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been encroached upon by powerful enemies, the glorious king Vallabha-Vallabha, i.e., Virarājēndra, conquered these highly powerful foes, leaving only those that were frightened, and ruled over the country."
From the inscriptions of Virarajendra we further learn that he conferred the country of Vengi on Vijayaditya and protected him. If these facts are borne in mind, it will be easy to see why, when Vikramaditya VI invaded the Eastern Chalukya dominion, Virarājēndra marched against him and his brother and defeated them in many a battle in the Vengi country. Even subsequently Vijayaditya's position in the Vengi country was not secure for it is said that the Eastern Ganga king Rājarāja I., the refuge of the distressed, made Vijayaditya, when he was about to sink in the ocean of troubles caused by the Cholas, to enjoy prosperity by the support which he afforded him.1
Speaking of the support given by Virarajendra to Vijayaditya, Dr. Hultzsch correctly suggested that the relations between uncle and nephew, i.e., Kulottunga and Vijayaditya were not so entirely amicable as the panegyrical account of the Chellur grant would make us believe, but that Kulottunga tried to oust his uncle. This suggestion gains ground by the explicit statement of the plates that the troubles of Vijayaditya were caused by the Cholas who, during the reign of the Eastern Ganga king Rājarāja (A.D, 1070-78), were ruled by none other than Kulottunga I.
From the facts noticed above, it will be plain that Vijayaditya actually reigned over the Vengi country from A.D. 1063 to A.D. 1077, his cause being supported by the Chōla king Virarājēndra in the earlier years and by the Eastern Ganga king Rājarāja in later days. It is also certain that the disturbances in Vengi during the rule of Vijayaditya were on the one hand caused by the invasion of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI and on the other by the attempt of Kulottunga to oust him.
We shall now see if Kulottunga had any position in the Chōla country which he eventually succeeded in getting. The Tamil poem Kalingattupparani indeed states that the queen of Gangaikonda-Chōla, i.e., Rajendra-Chōla I., taking up the child of her daughter and observing the marks on his body, exclaimed that he was fit to be her son and to protect the Solar race. From this a theory of adoption of Kulottunga by the queen of Rajendra-Chōla I. had been started. That this theory has no foundation whatsoever on facts but had been newly invented to give a locus standi to Kulottunga after he had actually obtained the Chōla throne, will be evident from the sequel. Even the panegyrists that wrote the accounts of the copper-plates issued during his reign, in referring to the accession of Vijayaditya which took place already in A.D. 1061-2, speak as if Kulottunga had a claim in the Chōla dominions, when they say that Kulottunga being desirous of the Chōla kingdom, suffered his uncle Vijayaditya to become the ruler of Vengi, himself holding a second rank in the kingdom, viz., that of the yuvaraja or the heir-apparentship. That this is a garbled version of facts will be evident to anyone. We fail to see how the acceptance of the overlordship of Vengi would have interfered with his right, if any, of the Chōla dominion. On the other hand, had he been made the ruler of Vengi in the first instance, he would have been in a better position subsequently to push his claim for the Chōla throne.
That there was no need for adoption by the queen of Rajendra-Chōla I. of her daughter's son is clear from the facts that Rajendra-Chōla I. had several sons. The Tiruvalangāḍu plates say that this king appointed his son Chōla-Pandya to protect the Pandya and Kerala countries. The Kanyakumari inscription adds that "like unto a sacrifice having three fires, there were born
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, p. 171.
2 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1892, p. 5.
Canto X, vv. 3 to 6.
48. I. I., Vol. I, pp. 59-60.
8 I. I., Vol. III, p. 423, vv. 93 and 99.

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to Rājēndra-Chola I. three sons, of whom the first was Rājādhirāja I".1 Rājēndradēva and Virarājēndra are distinctly called Rajadhiraja's younger brothers;' and they succeeded to the Chola throne one after another.
A careful examination of the lowest and the highest regnal years of the inscriptions of the successive Chöļa kings Räjöndra-Chöļa I., Rājādhirāja I., Rājëndradëva, and Virarājëndra as well as the results of the calculation of the astronomical details furnished in many of them establishes :(1) that Rajendra Chola I. counted his regnal years from A.D. 1011, though his actual
rule began in A.D. 1014-154 and lasted till A.D. 1044, and that he installed his
eldest son Rājādhirāja I. heir-apparent in A.D. 1018; (2) that Rājādhirāja I. counted his regnal years from A.D. 10186 though his rule actually
began in A.D. 1044' and lasted till A.D. 1053-48 and that in his turn he
installed his younger brother Rājēndradēva as his heir-apparent in A.D. 1052 ; (3) that Rājēndradēva counted his regnal years from A.D. 1052° though his rule actually
began in A.D.1054 and lasted till A.D. 106510 and that he installed his next younger
brother Virarājēndra as his heir-apparent in A.D. 1062 ; and (4) that Virarājēndra counted his regnal years from A.D. 106211 though his rule actually
began in A.D. 1064-5 and lasted till A.D. 1069.12 Besides the above named kings there were also two others who, as the inscriptions left by them prove, had actually ruled over the Chola dominions, even though it be for short periods only. These are Rājakēsarivarman Rajamahēndradēva and Parakēsarivarman Adhirājēndra. The inscriptions of the first so far found, are dated in the 2nd and 3rd years 18 while those of the Becond, which are somewhat more numerous, are also dated in the 2nd and 3rd years.14
As Rājakēsarivarman Rājamahēndra claims to have defeated Ahavamalla at Mudarkāru and gained victory over Jayasimha who commanded his forces, it looks pretty certain that he must have reigned after Rājēndradēva. Since he and Virarājēndrs are both styled Räjakësarivarman, they may be considered to have ruled conjointly, for otherwise Virarājēndra should have borne the title Parakësari and not Rājakēsari as he is actually called in all his records. Since one of the
1 Trav. Arch. Series, Vol. III, p. 157, v. 73. * Tid., vv. 74-76.
. Above, Vol. VII, p. 7. It has been shown that the reign was counted from a date between the 26th November A.D. 1011 and the 7th July 1012.
"The earliest year found in his inscriptions is the 3rd. $ Anntal Report on Epigraphy for 1915-16, p. 118, para. 14.
• Above, Vol. VII, p. 7. The reign is determined to count from a date between 15th March and 3rd December A.D. 1018.
* The earliest year found for him in inscriptions is the 26th.
* The latest known date is the 36th year. See No. 262 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1921, where the king is called Rājakēsarivarman alias Vijayarājēndradēvs which was another name for Rājādhiraja I.
Above, Vol. VII, p. 7. His reign is determined to have commenced approximately on the 28th May A.D. 1052.
10 Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1927-28, No. 63, which is dated in the 11th year of the king's reign. His earliest inscription is of the 2nd year.
11 The commencement of his reign is determined to have fallen between the 11th September A.D. 1062 and the 10th September A.D. 1063.
1. The earliest date known for him is the 2nd year and the latest 8th. See 8. 1. I., Vol. V, No. 976 and Vol. III, No. 57.
13 8. I. I., Vol. II, No. 56 and Vol. VII, No. 743. 14 No. 123 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1926 and 8. I. I., Vol. II, No. 57. 15 See text of No. 743 of 8. I. I. (Texts), Vol. VII.

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inscriptions of Adhirajendra refers to some transactions made in the 8th year of Virarājëndra, Dr. Hultzsch has correctly placed him between Virarajendra and Kulottunga I. We may suppose that his actual rule over the Chōla dominion commenced in the later part of his 2nd year when perhaps Virarājëndra died, and this must have taken place in A.D. 1069. As his Tiruvallam inscription is dated in the 200th day of his 3rd regnal year, he must have had charge of the Chōla territory for very nearly a year. Another inscription of this king found at Kuhur, dated in this very year, is also very interesting as it tells us that in the latter part of that year there was some concern about the king's health for the recovery of which provision was made for the recital of the sacred hymns (tiruppadigam) in the temple of Mambalamudaiya-Mahadeva at the village. Perhaps the disease could not be cured and proved fatal. Two other epigraphs of the king3 inform us that the village Sengēņi and Aḍaiyur were under the rule of chiefs who bore the title Karikalachōla, which was one of the surnames of Adhirajendra's father Virarājëndra who must have bestowed it on them. That the rule of the predecessor of Kulottunga I. was recognised even in Ceylon, which was then a province of the Chōlas, is proved by the inscriptions found in the island. From what has been said above, it would be seen that there was absolutely no need for any adoption from A.D. 1044 till the demise of Virarajendra. It may also be added that, there are no indications in Chōla inscriptions of the period A.D. 1040-1069 that Kulottunga I. was ever adopted for succession to the Chōla throne.
Now as to the contents of the inscription. Lines 1-13 form the preamble, lines 13-38, the document proper, and lines 39-48 furnish the boundaries of the lands comprised in the pallinilai and pallivilagam, while what follows is the concluding portion. In the preamble, two pallis, named Rajendrasōlapperumpalli and Rajarajapperumpalli, are mentioned as having been built by the king of Kadaram in Solakulavallipaṭṭanam in Paṭṭana-kurram, a subdivision of Geyamāņikka-valanādu. It is stated that the ambassadors of the king of Kaḍāram made the request that the Pallichchanda villages of these two may be entered in a copper-plate deed, the previous Kaniyalars removed and the lands vested with the Sangattar of the palli. The document proper enumerates only the Pallichchandas of Rajarajapperumpalli; and there is no mention of Rajendrasōlapperumpalli at all. We are not sure if the word Rajendrasolapperumpallikkum has been omitted after eḍuppitta in line 14. If it had been, the villages given must have belonged to both the pallis. In lines 16 and 38, this copper-plate document is said to have been issued in favour of the Sangattar of the palli erected by the king of Kadaram and in line 39 Rajarajapperumpalli, which must have been a shrine in the vihara, figures as the surname of failendraChudamanivarma-vihara itself. While this is the case here, the grant registered in the Tamil portion of the Larger Leiden Plates is said to have been made for the requirements of the palli in the Chuḍāmaṇivarma-vihara which was then being constructed at Nagapattanara in Paṭṭapakurram of Kshatriyasikhamani-valanādu by Chudamanivarman, the king of Kadaram' the Sanskrit portion, however, stating that "the Vihara was built by Maravijayõtt ungavarman in the name of his father Chudamanivarman". On account of the substitution of the names Sõjakulavallipaṭṭanam and Geyamanikka-valanaḍu in the Smaller set for Nagapattanam and Kshatriyasikhämani-valanādu of the Larger Leiden Plates, and also on account of the other differences noted above as regards the palli referred to in either set, a doubt may reasonably arise as to the identity of the donee in the two sets. But the fact that the village of Apaimangalam with its total extent of 97 vēli, 2 ma and odd and kāņikkadan 8943 kalam, which is exactly the grant made in the
18. I. I., Vol. III, No. 57.
2 No. 280 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1917.
33. I. I. (Texts), Vol. VII, Nos. 854 and 884. In the later history of the Cholas the chiefs of the villages Sengepi and Adaiyur play an important part.

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275
Larger Leiden Plates, figures as the first item of the Payichchandas belonging to Rājarājapperumpalli in the Smaller set, proves definitely the identity of the donees of the two sets. Therefore it must be regarded that Sõlakulavallipattanam and Geysmänikka-valanadu are but the altered names of Nägapattanam and Kshatriyalikhamani-valanādu respectively.
Of the terms that occur in the inscription, kānikkadan, kāniyālan, nichchayitta-nellu and Sangattar deserve to be noticed. Kānikkadar is made of kāņi -lands and kadan-duty, and may be taken to mean "the assessment payable on lands to the king ". From the occurrence of this word in the Larger Leiden Plates in this very sense with respect to the total quantity of income from the entire extent of lands in the village of Agaimangalam and the repetition of the term and the quantity in our plates, the meaning suggested above seems to be decisive. Kaniyalar means literally " the persons that manage lands" and may be taken to refer to the men employed by the State to lease its lands for purposes of cultivation, to afford facilities to farmers by way of irrigation, etc., and to see to the realisation of rents or assessments. The term nichchayitta-nellu is rarely met with in inscriptions. In this record, which relates to an application made to the king to terminate the functioning of the kaniyalar and to transfer the lands from their possession and management to the authorities of the Buddhist monasteries for being dealt with directly by them, there is evidently some further gain to be derived by the monasteries in the proposed change, to wit the rights and privileges which the kāniyālar might have had. Perhaps the term nichchayitta-nellu stands for the quantity of paddy settled to be paid by the cultivating tenants to the kaniyalar to meet the cost of affording facilities, etc., and for their remuneration for performing the function as middlemen between the State and the tenants.
It is not unlikely that the term Sangattar of the palli has the same significance as the Paņmāhēgvaras (or Māhēśvaras) of Siva temples and Sri-Vaishnavas of Vishņu temples. In many inscriptions we meet with the clauses “idu Panmānēsvarar rakshai", "idu Sri-Vaishnavar rakshai". In the case of grants of Buddhist or Jaina shrines the above clauses would be altered into "idu paļlickChangattar rakshai." The translation of these clauses into “This shall be under the protection of all the Māhēsvaras or Sri-Vaishnavas or the Sangattar or others of the monastery" may not make clear whether by the terms Paņmāhēsvaras, Sri-Vaishṇavas and Sangattar individuals belonging to the respective sects are meant or whether they have any particular reference to regularly constituted bodies of men drawn from the said sects in accordance with set rules as in the case of the Sabhā or other constituted bodies and having concern with the management of the properties of the temple or other institutions with which they are associated. Judging from the single fact that the objects of the grants had to be fulfilled daily or at specified occasions, not for a fixed number of years only, but perpetually " as long as the Moon and the Sun last" as the inscriptions put it, in the manner stipulated by the donors, it can be said that the recipients who undertook to effect them could not have been a chance collection of individuals but could only have been responsible members of regularly constituted bodies whose duties were to accept such gifts and to execute the will of the donors. In this connection a few more facts contained in some of the inscriptions are worth noting. It is stated that the donations made have to be maintained as a whole, undiminished for ever and that the expenses involved in fulfilling the objects of the grants have to be met only from the incomes. It is unnecessary to say that on the part of the recipients, the safe investments of the endowments and the timely realisation of interests and the utilising of the latter without default for the specified purposes involve a very high responsibility and considerable amount of work. Here again we are obliged to think that the recipients must only be members of regularly constituted committees wielding influence and authority and not mere chance colleotions of individuals. Unless this be the case, it is impossible to perceive how costly gifts of lands, villages and the

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276
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
like intended to meet the cost of perpetual charities would have been left with them by kings and private individuals and how the donors would have been assured of the fulfilment of their objects. A few inscriptions insert & penal clause stating that in cases of default the Papmāhēbvaras shall levy or cause to be levied a fine on the defaulters, to be paid to the Dharmāsana or the king of the day. From this also the irresistible conclusion is that the Papmāhëávaras in the case of the Siva temples, Sri-Vaishnavas in the case of Vishnu temples and the Sangattar in the case of the Buddhist and Jaina temples must have been regularly constituted bodies meant for or invested with the authority of keeping proper accounts of grants, enforcing the regular conduet of the objects and punishing or causing to be punished any one making infringements in the undertaking
TEXT.
Pirst Plate. 1 Pugal-mādu viļanga Jaya-mādu virumba Nila-magal nilava Malar-magal pu[na]ra
urimaiyir-chiranda mani-mudi su% di Villavar kulai-tara Mipavar nilai-keda Vikkalar Singañar mēl-kadal påya-ttikk
anaittunitan sakkara naďāt3 ti virasinnäsanattu=bBuvaņamuluduļaiyālodum virrirund=aruļiya kov-Irājakēkari
panmar-āņa chakka4 ravarttiga! bri-Kulõttunga-Chöļadēvarkku yandu irupad-āvadu Ayirattaliy-apa Ahava
mallakulakālapuratta köyilin=uļļālettirumañjana-sālaiyil palli[p*]pidam Kālingarājapil elund
aruļi irukka Kidārat6 taraiyan Geyamāņikka-valanāttu=pPattaya-kkürrattu Sõjakulavalli-pattanattu edappitta
Rējēntraśő7 la-pperum-paļļikkum Rājarāja-pperum-palikkum (p)pallichchandam-āņa ürga! palam
badiy=antarāyamum vira8 teshaiyum paņmai-pandai-vettiyum kundāl[ilyum' bunga-mērāmum ullittaņav
ellam tavirn9 damaikkum mupbu pallichchandanga! kaniy-udaiya kapi-āļarai-ttavira i
ppalli-chchangattarkkē kāņi10 yagapperramaikkum támra-sāsaņam panpi-ttara vēndum-enru Kidkrattare diyar
dütap? Rājavi. 21 dyadhara-bri-samantapum Abhimanottunga-bri-sāmantanum vinnappam beyys
ippadi sandhivigrahi
Read anaith Read with sanattu. . Read Rajendra . Read chandam-m in 11. 9 and 15.
The -wign of li morges in the bottom curve of low of paffiklum in the provious line. Read pügajaran Boro de looks like durs as the sign of length is separated from du. The letter at the end of the word is entered in smaller character at the right bottom of

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THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I.
このとは可などいない 2ンションがあります。
子
です ちなみに「おいおいてあるのかな ななえのおかしいのか分かりがあるのである山のおいで」 それであるのみでの1から1.38mのスーパーについてのがあたっては 6なのでいいのである。 パーカーキタックみたいなものがいいです
お
いしいみんなのクチンの中から おいしいですし
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あららめてはいかなああ込んでいたいのはなしするなんてある本店までの 10本にいるのにおいしいいいいいいが、あうことので、 ああすみはるか
27001さんはあまりいないのですのみで300 うなんていうあたりはないの B ASERIES で す か ?
いいのに21ある」、180723の不る各年の201210351) スイスイおもしネス1本ですっているTAKTSのすたさんまのまんこに nuroさんのわいいいいいいいっているスンのあの子が多いのがあり
ません。 でもあり子のチンにいってなんのネクネス」の2つのるなあ」。20120-001
ii,a.
160っていないのがいいのあなたにはあるのはムスリーで100
みちからできてもらいまシー33がいいかなとあるのです 18あおいク2本のスマーバーしているあなたのライスがいいのにメイク2010
りするかなあかいカップルシースセックコックあ いまいちわかるーい日はあいにくのすいすいませ ! ! 「Tるならこの1年のみ UVsTimerのでありあまおうのおしあっています。 カフのお出するのが、
かしえてあるので 、本来はいるのかなーあるある」
「キスしているのではないのでクラシックスリのいい311-22 ああ」
いるというのがいやいているいるいうのは本 「あーるにするある
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33412A10.まわないので1001 0492~2本あずにいる ようですが、こちらのイー 30 不いいでネネちていないみのあるものがあるであるこちら
i0
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は るみさんの作品は10003.googaway」といいます」 34にある
あ るていのとではいるのですがいろいろいろ 3234 230810000-12:31:37 36 2014 .04.い
や すく2年の14の方がいいのですが136
N. P. CHAKRAVARTI. Res. No.393436-425.
SCALE : FOUR-TENTHS.
SURVEY OF INDIA, CALCUTTA.

Page #347

நடயகரன் முரைத்த கயன 36 தத்தராககைகான
Faகடன்
52178 இருமத்தொஸ்மத்தும் 22துராமக ஓதியவெறஐயாசண்ட வரத்திரும்பரதிநில்யு(உபர விள உடம ரையில் படபடாம் மாதர்கலைங்கே தட்ட்டிருகுறாத்ம் இவர்க தத்வடக்கும்ஓதனமத்து-பரஉைத்தரதகர யன தலலவித்ததுகதல்படதனராம5ாண 44 கதிதூரள் சடக்கமாமலபாலதுஅத்தகத்திறதி டாததையலைசôடிருவல்லிபட்டாதது. இலம்வடநாடன் பரமாலயாகதாதரும137,
234
38
42
46
48
50
52
この
பின்.
iii,b.
ை
ஸ்ருதிருடப்பட்டதிலபம்பபத் தானழத்தராலறுகுைடாழகதி சை3துவுக புைைடப டயபடித்து கடைப்பாட ஆதுட்ட்டபடர் அளவு காதருை வருமததைரம்தப்பட்ாகிய உருமசு காயங்மிந்தருவித்திரமாம்ஐயாத்கரமிடும் அவந்தது தாஜனயுமபத்து மதவகபபவிகள் 112வல்லவப்பலவனு S41151 கசக மலவந்தாற்ராமரலலபத்தது எழுதி எனட14) திருமரமானதலதரிக்குவப்பப் பகைபத
மரகரல்
மெகமது எததானற்றாைழுததுப
Actual size.
Seal.
From a photograph.
38
40
42
44
46
48
50
52

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No. 35.]
THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I.
277
12 Räjavallabha-pPallavaraiyanõdun-kūda irundu tāmra-bāsanam panni-kkudukkav
enru adikäri13 ga! Rājēntrasinga-Mūvēndavēļārkku=ttirumugam prasādañ=cheyd-aruli Varas
ttämra-śāsanañ=cheydapaļi [1*] Kaļāratta14 raiyan Geyamāņikka-valanāļķu Pattaņa-kkūrrattu Solakulavalli-pattanattu edup
pitta Rājarāja-[p*]perum-pa[l*]]i15 kku palļichchandam Geyamāņikka-vaļanāţtu=pPattapa-kkürrattu A paimangalam
nilan=toņņārr-ēlēt iran
Second Plate; First Side. 16 du-mă=kkāņi arai-kkāņiyum muộbudaiya kāņi-āļarait-ttavira i-ppalli-chchat
gattärkkē kaniy-agavum idu kāņi-kkadan nellu 17 enn-āyirattutto]ļäyirattu närpattu mu-kkalanē iru-tūņi-kkuruņi mu-gnāliyiņāl
nichchayitta nellu "nāl-āyirat 18 t=riññürru=kkalamum Apaimangalattu: brahmadēyam nilam pappiranda muk
käliņāl nellu nānūrru=kkala19 m nichchayitta nellu aiññārru-arupadin kalamum i-nyáttu Muñjikudi
nilam irubatt-ēlē mukkale mukkani & 20 rai-kkāņiyigāk kāņi-kkadan nellu iraņd-ayiratt-elu-narré-elubatt-opbadin ka[la]n[@]
tūņi 21 nă-nāļi nichchayitta nella Xyiratt-empūrtu?=kkalamum [1*] Tiruvārür-kkūrrattu
Amūr nila22 m nūstājē māgāņiyil kani-kkadan nellu="ppadināyirattaru-nurru-kkalana
iru-tūņi=k. 23 kufuņi aru-nāļi [ni]chchayitta nellu siyy-āyiratt-ennürn-aimpadin kalamum [1*]
Ala-nāt24 ţu Vadakudiy-āna Nāņalūt nilam elupada mukkal nag-māv=araiyipal
kāņi-kkadar ne25 llu är-āyirattaiññārr-orupattu näg-kalanē sin-kuruņi oru-nāļi nichchayitta
nellu irand-a26 yiratt-eņņārru 10nārppadiş-kalamum [1*] innāttu=kKilchchandirappādi nilam patta
irandu-mākkāņi 27 arai-kkāņi mundirigai kil-mukkālipālkāni-kkadag nellu Xyiratt-orubatto
iru-kalanēli ain-kuguniyum (1) i-pni
1 Read Rajendra. * The engraver seems to have, in the first instance, omitted the word paffiklu and then inserted it in mallor
characters (pali at the end of 1. 14 and klos at the beginning of l. 15). • The roof reais entered below the line in small characters. • Read liniyalarai. * The r of re has been inserted in small character between e and ju. • The length of tú is unconnected with tu. * The length of D is separated from u. • The length of ni is separated from .
Canoel the first p. 10 Read dopadi. 1 land som to be a correction

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878
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
28 tu=pPālaiyūs brahmaděyam nilam arupadşi mukkāliņāl nellu Syira
kkalam nichchayitta nellu äyiratt-ai29 ññürru kalamum [*] Jayangondakõla-vaļanāțțu=kKurumbūr-nāttu=pPuttakkuļi nilam
enbatt-ējēs 30 kālipal kāņi-kkada nellu enn-ayiratt-eļu-nurr-irupadin-kalanētaņi nā-nāļi nichchayitta nellu s
Second Plate ; Second Side. 31 'är-āyirattuoru-nūr=eļu kalamum Vijayarājēntrasõlab-valanäţtu Idaikkaļi-nāt32 ţu Udaivamā[r*]ttāņdanallür nilam mūgrē mūpru-măvipal nellu nurru33 muppatt-ain-kalanē mu-kkuruņi mu-ppaliidu punbēy varisaippadi iraia 84 kkattu=ttiruvāymoļindaruļipapadi nellu elupatt-eņ=kalan(n)ęy air=kuruņi 35 idil i-ppallikku=ppādiyum ivv-ūrgaļil pala pättangal ullitta antarāya36 mum papmai-panda-vettiyum utpada-kkadava kābum nellum i-ppallik
Third Plate; First Side. 37 ku vēndum nivantangaļukku iruppad-aga iraiy-ili ittamaikkum 1*1 i-ppa!!i
chchandanga! mup38 budaiya kāņi-ālarni'ttavira-kkudi nikki i-ppalļi-chchavgattārkka kāņiy.
aga kuņuttom=eprum 89 Geyamānikka-valanāțfu=pPattana-kkūstattu=chChölakulavallipattanattu Sri-Sailēndra
Chūdāmaņiva40 mma-viharam-apa Rajarajapperumpallikku=ppalli-nilaiyum palli-vilagamum utpa[t]ta
ellei kil41 pārk-elai kadar-karaiyil manar-kupr=utpada mērkum (*) teppārkk-ellai Pugai42 unio-kkinarrukku vadakkum idap mērkku Tiruvirattānamudaiya- Mahādēvar
nilattu43 kku vadakkum idaņ mērku=pParavaikkuļattu-Mārāyan kalluvitta kusattil
vadakarai mērku no44 kki Kärsikkär-pperuvaliy=ufa vadakkum [] mēlpārk-ellai Karaikkar-pperuvalikku
kkilakkum (*) 45 vadapārk-ellai soļakulavallipattanattu nilam Vada-Kadappadi ellaikku=ttepkum [1] āga i-D
Third Plate ; Second Side. 46 ping-ellaikk=utppattato nilam muppatt-opro mukkale irandu-mă mundiri
gai idu anI The letter is inserted below pa.
Bapalalt had been entered first and t and e inserted after in small character. • The initial lottor a had also been entered at the end of the previous lice. Canoel one of the d'u. • The letter ka is a correction from some other letter. . Read Vijayarajendra. "The syllables budaiyo have been read as padaiy tn 4, 8.of 8. I. * Read biniyalarai. *The letter kka is written as a group, perhape man after thought, by raising the top stroke of bare . Read yuoni. 10 Rood wpaftae

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No. 35.]
THE SMALLER LEIDEN PLATES OF KULOTTUNGA I.
279
47 tarayamum p anmai-panda-vettiyum marrum epperppattidum u ţpade i.
ppallikkē iraiy-i48 li kuduttöm [l*] ippadi beydu kudukkav-entu tiruväymolindaruļiettiru-mugam
prasādañ=cheydaru49 i vandadu [*] tāmra-bāsanam paņni=kkudukkaveenru santuvigrihagali Raja.
vallava-pPallavaraiyarum &50 dikäriga! Rājēndirasinga-Mūvēndavēļārum solla i-ttämra-bisanam oludi61 nền Utkködi Vikkiramäbarana-tterinda-(vala) Valangai'vēlaikkararil Nilai
udaiya-Pa[ņai]. 62 yan Nigarilisõlan Madurāptakapën ivaien oluttu ill
TRANSLATION. (Lines 1 to 13) In the 20th year of the reign of) king Räjakësarivarman alias the emperor Śri-Kulöttunga-Chöladeva, who was pleased to be seated along with his queen) Bhuvanamulududaiya! on his lion throne, wearing the excellent crown of gems belonging to the family), his disc of authority (i.e., sway) extending in all directions, the goddess of fame (growing in) excellence, the goddess of victory becoming desirous, the goddess of the earth (becoming) bright and the goddess on the (lotus) flower (i.e., Lakshmi) espousing (him), the Villavar (i.e., the Chēra) becoming shattered, the Minavar (i.e., the Pandya) becoming disestablished, and Vikkalan (i.e., Vikramāditya VI) and Singañan (i.e., Jayasimha) plunging into the Western ocean,
when he was pleased to rest on the reclining couch (pallippidam) called Kāhingarājan in the bathing hall within the palace at Ayirattaļi alias Ahavamallakulakālapuram, the ambassadors of the king of Kadaram named Rzjavidyādhara-Sri-Sämanta and Abhimanottunga-SriSamanta having made the request that,
for having been exempted from the payment of the customary taxes) inclusive of antarāyam, vīraśēshai, panmai-pandai-vetti, kundāli, and fungamērā, (all) the villages which were the pallichchandas of Rājēndraśölapperumpalli and Rājaräjapperumpalli constructed by the king of Kadāram at Solakulavallippattanam in Pattaņa-kkūrram (a sub-division) of Geyamāņikkavalanādu, for removing the old kāniyālars who were holding the kānis of the pallichchandas and for investing the Sangattar of the palli with these lands,
a copper-plate charter may be made and given,
a royal order having been issued (with the approval of the king) to the adhiakārin Rājēndrasinga-Mūvēndavēļār that (he) in conjunction with the sandhivigrahin Räjavallabha-Pallavaraiyan should draw up a copper-plate charter to this effect,
the following is the copper-plate charter drawn up in pursuance of this order :
(LI. 13-35) Ninety-seven (veli), two mā and one kāni and a half of land comprising Apaimangalam in Pattapa-kurram, & subdivision of Geysmāņikka-valanādu, which formed the paļļichchanda of Rājarājapperumpalli, erected at $olakulavallipattanam in Pattapa-kūrram, a subdivision of Geyamāņikka-vaļanādu, have been removed from the possession of its old tenants and made the kani of the Sangattar of the said palli. The kānikkadan on this land is eight thousand nine hundred and forty-three kalam, two tuni, one kuruni and three nāļi of paddy: and the nichchayitla-nellu on it is four thousand and five hundred kalam of paddy;
1 Read sandhivigrahigal. The i-sign has been inserted on gr instead of on h. The 4. 8. of 8. 1. adopts the correct reading in the text itself.
The reading given in the A. 8. of 8. I. is pala pala vagai which gives no sense. • The lettersi Nilai-daiya-Panas- at the end of this line are in smaller characters, the last letter being faintly engraved in the margin. The A. 8. of 8. 1. has nalai.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
(the känikkadan) on lands measuring twelve and three-fourths (vēli) in the brahmaděya of Anaimangalam is four hundred kalam of paddy : its nichchayitta nellu is five hundred and sixty kalam.
The kāņikkadan on twenty-seven and three-fourths (vēli), three kāņi and a half of land in Muñjikudi of this nādu is two thousand seven landead and seventy-nine kalam, (one) tüni and four näli of paddy: its nichchayitta-nellu is one thousand and eight hundred kalam.
The Kānikkadan on one hundred and six (vēli) and one-sixteenth of land in Amūr situated in Tiruvārūr-kūrram is ten thousand and six hundred kalam, two tuni, one kuruni and six näli of paddy : its nichchayitta-nellu is five thousand eight hundred and fifty kalam.
The kāņikkadan on seventy and three-fourths (vēli), four mā and a half of land in Vadakudi alias Nānalür situated in Alanādu is six thousand five hundred and fourteen kalam, five kuruni and (one) nāli of paddy : its nichchayitta-nellu is two thousand eight hundred and forty kalam.
The känikkadan on ten (vël), two mä, one kāņi and a half, one mundirigai, and kil threefourths of land in Kil-Chandirappādi of this nādu is one thousand and twelve kalam and five kuruni of paddy, and on sixty (vēli) and three-fourths of land in the brahmadëya of Palaiyür of this sama nādu is one thousand kalam of paddy : their nichchayitta-nellu is one thousand five hundred
kalam.
The kāņikkadan on eighty-seven and one-fourth (vēli) of land in Puttakkuļi of Kufumbūrnādu in Jayangondabola-valanādu is eight thousand geven hundred and twenty kalam, one tuni, and four nāļi of paddy: its nichchayitta-nellu is six thousand one hundred and seven kalam.
The paddy (income) on three (vēli) and three ma of land in Udayamärtāndanallur of Idaikkalinádu in Vijayarājēndraśõla-valanādu is one hundred and thirty-five kalam, three kuruņi and three näli. The royal order fixing the income on this, according to the prevailing rate for dry lands, is seventy-eight kalam and five kuruni of paddy. Half of this shall be for this palli.
(LI. 35-40) The several incomes of money and paddy inclusive of antarāyam, panmai-panda vetri, etc., arising from the above said villages have been assigned, free from taxes, to meet the expenses of this palli. Also, the pallichchandas have been freed from their previous kāniyālars, have their tenants removed and have been given by us to the Sangattār of this palli as their kāņi. The boundaries of the site and the surrounding ground of the glorious Bailēndra-Chūdāmanivarma-vihara alias Rājarājapperumpalli at Solakulavallipattanam in Pattana. kūrram, (a subdivision) of Geyamāņikka-vaļanādu are :
(LI. 40-52) The eastern boundary is to the west of Sand-hill on the sea-shore.
The southern boundary is to the north of the well called Pugaiyunni and also to the north of the land belonging to the Tiruvirattānamudaiya-Mahādēva situated to the west of this (i.e., the above said well) as well as to the west of the high road to Kāraikkäl which proceeds westward from the north bank of the tank dug out by Mārāyan at Paravaikkuļam to the west of this (i.e., the land of the Mahädēva).
The western boundary is to the east of the high road to Karaikkal.
The northern boundary is to the south of the boundary of the land called Vada-Kādappādi in Solakulavallipattanam.
The land situated within these four boundaries measure thirty-one and three-fourths veli, two mā and one mundirigai in extent. And this land has also been given by us free of all taxes to this paļli inclusive of the antarāyam, panmai-panda-vetti and all other (päffams). This has been made in accordance with the royal order issued to us embodying the declaration of the king.

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No. 36.]
NOTE ON SAILENDRA KINGS MENTIONED IN LEIDEN PLATES.
281
On the direction of the sandhivigrahin Rajavallabha Pallavaraiyan and the adhikarin Rājēndrasinga-Mūvēndavēlān, this copper-(plate) edict was written by the Nilaiyudaiya-Panaiyani Nigariliśőlap Madhurantakan,. one of the Vikramābharapa-terinda-Valangai-Vēlaikkaras of Uțkkodi : this is my signature.
No. 36.--NOTE ON THE SAILENDRA KINGS MENTIONED IN THE LEIDEN PLATES.
BY PROFESSOR R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., Ph.D., DACCA. The Larger Leiden Plates of Rājarāja I contain references to two Sailēndra kings, viz., Chū. ļāmanivarman and his son Sri-Māravijayottungavarman. The Sailēndra dynasty is known to have ruled over Malay Peninsula and Java towards the close of the eighth century A.D. An inscription found at Ligord in Malay Peninsula refers to a Sailēndra king named Sri-Mahārāja, and he had, perhaps, also the personal name Vishnu. There is internal evidence to show that this inscription is somewhat later than A.D. 775. An inscription found at Kalasan, in Java, dated A.D. 778, refers to the building of a temple of Tārā by Mahārāja Panamkarana, the ornament of the Sailēndra dynasty. The temple is undoubtedly the famous Chandi Kalasan, one of the finest temples in Java. Another inscription found at Keluraks, in the neighbourhood of the same locality, mentions a Sailēndra king Sri-Sangrāma-Dhanamjaya and refers to the setting up of an image of Manjusri by the royal preceptor Kumāraghosha, a resident of Gauda (Gaudi-dvīpaguru).
Arab writers, from the ninth century onwards, refer to the empire of Zābag or Zābaj, ruled over by the Mahārāja. There is no doubt that under this name they refer to the empire of the Sailēndras, which now extended over nearly the whole of Malayasia (Malay Archipelago and Malay Peninsula), including the famous kingdom of Sri-Vijaya in Sumatra. There are reasons to believe that for some time this empire also exercised some sort of suzerainty over Kāmboja (Cambodia) and Champā (Annam).
There can be hardly any doubt that the empire of the Sailēndras, referred to as Zābag by Arab writers, is the same as the kingdom of San-fo-ts'i, referred to in the Chinese Annals from the tenth century onwards.
The Chinese annals refer to no less than twelve embassies sent from San-fo-ts'i to China during the tenth century A.D. The first two embassies during the eleventh century A.D. are
The expression Nilaiyuāaiya-Panciynd might indicate a "profession, office or calling ". Its exact meaning is not clear to me and it is therefore left untranslated.
Much has been recently written in French and Dutch journals and books about the Sailendras. The fol. lowing note is intended merely to give a very brief outline of their history so far as it is necessary to elucidate the Leiden Plates. For fuller discussion of their history and reference to recent authorities the reader may consult the following articles of mine :-(1) Les Rois Sailendra de Suvarnadvipa, B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XXXIII, pp. 121. 141. (2) The Sailendra Empire, Journal of the Greater India Society, Vol. 1, pp. 11-27. (3) The struggle between the Sailēndras and the Cholas, Ibid., pp. 71-91. (4) Decline and Fall of the Sailēndta Empire, Ibid., Vol. II, Pp. 12-24. Reference may also be made to the following article by Dr. G. Coedès -15) On the origin of the Sailēndras of Indonesia, Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 61-70.
• B.E.F.E.O., Vol. XVIII, 6, App. 1, PP. 29ff.; J.A.S.B., Letters, Vol. I (1935), pp. 20ff. • T. B. G., Vol. 68 (1928), pp. 57ff. . Ibid., pp. 1ff.
• The Arab and Chinese accounts are collected by Ferrand, J. A., 11-XX, pp. Iff. They are also quoted in articles Nos. 1-4 mentioned in f. n. 2 abovo.

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of special interest from the point of view of this inscription, and we therefore give short details of them on the authority of the History of the Sung Dynasty.
"In the year 1003 A.D., the king Sseu-li-chu-ia-wu-ni-fo-ma-tiao-hua sent two envoys to bring tribute."
"In the year 1008 A.D., the king Sseu-li-ma-lo-p'i sent three envoys to present tribute."
Dr. Coedès was the first to point out1 that the first royal name is a Chinese rendering of ŚrīChulamanivarman, and the second is equivalent to Sri-Maravi......, the first part of the name of his successor Sri-Maravijayōttungavarman, referred to in the Larger Leiden Plates. This identification has been universally accepted, and has served to clear up the history of the Sailendras in many respects.
The Larger Plates refer to the Sailendra kings as follows:
(1) Sailendra-vamsa-sambhutēna Śrivishay-adhipatinā
[VOL. XXII.
(Sanskrit portion 11. 80-81).
(2-3) Katah-adhipati (Ibid., 11.90, 100).
(4) Kidāratt-araiyan (Tamil portion 1.6).
(5-6) Kadaratt-araiyan (Ibid., 11.13, 200).
Katah-adhipatyam=ātanvatā......
It would thus appear that the Sailendra kings are referred to as kings of Kațaha, Kaḍāra, or Kiḍāra, these three being variants of the same place-name. This place has been identified with Keddah in the Malay Peninsula.
Now, in the first passage the king is also called lord of Sri-Vishaya, which is no doubt the same as Sri-Vijaya, a kingdom in Sumatra which, as we have noted above, was included in the empire of the Sailendras. The expression immediately following viz., Katah-adhipatyam= atanvată means, in my opinion, who extended the suzerainty (i.e., the kingdom) of Katäha'. The learned Editor of the Plates has translated the passage as "who was conducting the rule of Kaṭaha". But the primary meaning of the Sanskrit root 'tan' is to spread', 'extend' etc., and I see no reason to reject it in this case.
If we accept the normal meaning of the expression, and remember that in all other cases, five in number, the king is simply referred to as king of Kaṭāha (var. Kaḍāra, Kiḍāra), no doubt remains that the Sailendras, according at least to the writers of this inscription, were originally rulers of Kataha, and then extended their suzerainty over Śrī-Vijaya.
The great importance of this point will be obvious to any one who is familiar with the current controversy about the original home-land of the Sailendras. Dr. Coedès first suggested that the Sailendras were originally rulers of Sri-Vijaya, and this view was subsequently regarded as an established fact. Some time ago I demonstrated the weakness of the reasoning on which this theory was based, and Dr. Coedès has now freely accepted my view. He states that it is impossible, according to sound methods, to affirm that before the 11th century the kings of SriVijaya belonged to the Sailendra dynasty or that they reigned at Sri-Vijaya'
1 B. E. F. E. O., Vol. XVIII, 6, p. 7.
This is the general view. Recently Dr. H. G. Quaritch Wales has suggested that Sri-Vijaya might be the name of a kingdom in Malay Peninsula itself. He has drawn attention to the fact that "one of the most important ancient sites in the northern part of the Malay Peninsula is still called C'aiya (i.e., Jaya, a shortened form of Vijaya; and not far to the south is situated Sri-Vijaya Hill)". Indian Art and Letters, Vol. IX, p. 4.
See articles mentioned in p. 281, n. 2. That the Sailendras ruled over Sri-Vijaya as early as the tenth century.A.D. is proved by Arab records, if we regard Zabag as denoting the Sailendra empire. To this extent, Dr. Coedès' statement requires modification.

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No. 36.]
NOTE ON SAILENDRA KINGS MENTIONED IN LEIDEN PLATES.
283
As noted above, the evidence of the Leiden Plates fully supports the view that the Sailēndra kings were rulers of Kaţāha or Kadāra (var. Kidāra) and subsequently extended their suzerainty over Sri-Vijaya.
The Chinese references to the two embassies from San-fo-ts'i quoted above, taken along with the data supplied by the Plates, leave no doubt that king Chūlāmanivarman died sumetime between A.D. 1005 and 1008. The fact that although the formal grant in the Tamil portion was drawn up in the 23rd year of Rājarāja I, yet mention is only made of Chūlāmapivarman and not his son, might be taken to indicate that the former died in A.D. 1007-8. But this is somewhat problematical. In any case Chūlāmanivarman died shortly after A.D. 1005 and this explains the discrepancy noted by the Editor on pp. 228-29 above. It is obvious that soon after the Grant was made in A.D. 1005 by Rajarāja I, and while the construction of the Vihāra was still in progress, king Chūlāmaņivarman died, and the work begun by him was completed by his son and successor.
The learned Editor has discussed at length the problem how the ruler of Kaţāha came to erect a Buddhist Vibära at Negapatam in the heart of the distant Chõla dominion, and how the powerful Chola king came to grant the entire revenues of a village for the upkeep of a palli in it' (p. 230 above).
The early history of the Sailēndras and the Nalanda Charter of Dēvapäls of the year 391 offer an easy solution to this problem.
It is most likely that the Sailēndra dynasty originally migrated from India; there is at least no doubt that they kept up an intimate intercourse with India and received their religious in piration from this country. We learn from Hiuen Tsang and I-tsing that even as early as the seventh century A.D. there was a regular religious intercourse between India and Malayasia. The Kelurak inscription, mentioned above, shows that the guru or preceptor of the Sailēndra kings in A.D. 778, was a resident of Gauda (Bengal). About the middle of the ninth century A.D. the Sailēndra king established a Vihāra at Nälanda, and at his request king Dēvapāla of Bengal granted five villages for its upkeep. The Leiden Plates obviously describe a transaction which is exactly similar to what we find in the NālandĀ Charter of Dēvapäla, and, as in this charter, the villages must have been granted by Rājarāja at the request of the Sailēndra king. In the smaller Leiden Plates also, we find that at the express request of the king of Kidāra, communicated by his envoys, the Chola king Kulõttunga exempted these villages from taxes. In the Larger Leiden Plates there is no express mention of this request, but such a request must be presumed, not only on the above analogies, but also from verse 38 of the Sanskrit portion which may be rendered into English as follows: “This lord of Kaţāhs......thus prays to all future kings :- protect (ye) for ever this my charity". The reference to the grant as my charity can only be taken to mean that it was at his request, and on his behalf, that the village was granted by the Chõļa king. The two persons who composed and executed the edict are mentioned in vv. 39-42, and it is not clear whether their master (tasya rājno s.e., ' of that king'), mentioned in v. 40, refers to the Chola king or king of Kaţäha. But the verses 43-44 definitely say that on the direction of that lord of Kaţāba, Tuvavūravāp Aņukkan caused to be made (this)
1 Above Vol. XVII, p. 310. The Editor of this inscription has added some notes on the evasivo race of the Bailēndras" (p. 312). But they are neither adequate nor sourate. His statement that the Sailendras ruled over Sumatra and Java in the seventh century A.D. (p. 313) is not warranted by any evidence known to me. His other remarks need not be disoussed here in detail, but the readers are referred to the articles mentioned in p.si 2.2 for a general review of the subject. I may note that he pointed out the reeemblance between the rola Charter and the Leiden Plates, and took the word 'atenpata ' in this inscription in the senso in wbiak Ikan token it.

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[VOL. XXII.
lasting edict'. As the composers and engravers are separately mentioned by name, it is not clear what exact part this person played. But it proves that the lord of Katäha was an interested party in the transaction.
The learned Editor has discussed at length various possible relations, friendly or hostile, between the Chola king and the ruler of Kaţāha at the time of the grant (p. 230 above). There can be no doubt that the relatiou of the Sailendras and Choļas was friendly, not only at the time when the grant was first made, but also when the deed was actually executed, early in the reign of Rajendra Chola. But soon hostility broke out, and there was a prolonged warfare between the two. The first reference to this hostility is contained in the Tiruvālangãdu plates dated in the sixth year of Rājēndra Chõļa. From these we learn that the Chõļa army crossed the seas and conquered Kataha. The Malur inscription of Rājēndra Chola, dated in the thirteenth year, gives a detailed account of his conquest of Kadāra and various dominions included in the Sailēndra empire. These details are repeated in other charters of Rajendra Chola dated in the 19th, 22nd, 23rd, and 27th years of his reign, and some other inscriptions represent him as burning Katäha and ruling over Kadāra. There is thus clear evidence that Rājēndra Chola conquered the Sailēndra empire in or before his 13th regnal year, and that hostilities had probably begun as early as the sixth year. The views of the learned Editor of the Plates that the conquest of Kaţāha is described in detail in the records of the 16th year onwards (p. 230) does not appear to be accurate.
The war between the two kingdoms continued during the reigns of Vira-Rajēndra and Kulõttunga. The former is said to have conquered the kingdom of Kadira, but he gave it back to its king who worshipped his feet."
But the smaller Leiden Plates show that peace and amity were again established between the two powers by A.D. 1089-90. As already stated above, these Plates inform us that at the request of the king of Kidāra, communicated by his envoys Rājavidyadhara Samanta and Abhimanottunga Sämanta, Kulottunga exempted from taxes the village granted by the Larger Leiden Plates. Thus diplomatic relations were again established, and friendly feelings revived, after a struggle of more than half a century during the interval between the two Leiden Charters.
In conclusion, we may refer to a point on which these Plates throw interesting light. Line 81 of the Sanskrit portion refers to the king of Kaţāha as Makara-dhvaja'. Makara, which is a conventional representation of an animal with the body of a fish and the head of an elephant. forms one of the most well-known decorative ornaments in Javanese architecture. The adoption of Makara as the emblem of royal banner by the Sailendras may explain its frequent occurrence in Javanese architecture.
The reliability of the inscription, in this respect, has been doubted. I have fully discussed this point in the article No. 3 mentioned in p. 281 n. 2.
18. 1. I., Vol. III, Part II, p. 202. This inscription, among others, disproves the statement of the Editor of the Nalanda Charter that " in the documenta, known at present, these Sailendras or the rulers of Sri-Vijaya are nowhere mentioned as the foudatories of the Cholas". (Above, Vol. XVII, p. 313).

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No. 37.]
CHIRAVA INSCRIPTION OF SAMARASIMHA ; SAMVAT 1330.
285
No. 37.-CHIRAVA INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SAMARASIMHA OF MEWAR;
(VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1330
BY R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER. This inscription was first edited in the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. XXI, pp. 155 ff. without any notes on historical persons and places mentioned thereiu. In order to bring out the importance of the inscription historically, I re-edit it in English from an ink-impression kindly placed at my disposal by Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar H. Ojha of Ajmer.
The stone containing this inscription is now fixed outside the door of a new temple at Chiravā, a village situated about eight miles to the north of Udaipur in Mewār.
The record consists of thirty-six lines of writing, which cover a space of about 1' 9"x1'8". The characters are Nāgari of the fourteenth century A.D., common in Rājputāna during that period.
The language is Sanskrit and excepting a few words in the beginning and the date at the end, the whole inscription is in verse.
The inscription commences with the usual eulogy of the god Yögësvara and the goddess Yögēgvari (Vv. 1-2). Verse 3 says that in ancient times there was the king Bappaka in the family of the sons of Guhila (i.e., Guhilot clan). After many kings came Padmasimha, who was like a jewel among men (V. 4). Verse 5 speaks of his son Jaitrasimha, who was like the wind of destruction to other great kings. In verse 6, we are informed that neither the kings of Mālava (Mālwā), Gurjara (Gujarat), Mārava (Mārwar) and Jāngala, nor the ruler of the mlēchchhas (Muhammadans) could humble his pride. His (Jaitrasimha's) son was Tējaħsimha, a devotee of Siva, whose son was Samarasimha, an exceedingly brave and dutiful king then living (Vv. 7-9). The text then turns to another family, which rendered conspicuous services to the kings of Mewär. Verses 9-12 state that in the Tāmțarada family, there was a man named Uddharana who being able to protect the good and punish the wicked was made the Talāraksha of Nāgadrahapura (Nägda) by the king Mathanasimha, and who had eight sons, the eldest of whom was Yogarāja who in turn was made the Talāra in the same city by the king Padmasimha. His (Yögarāja's) younger brother was Ratabhū, whose son was Kēlhaņa. Kēlhana's son was Udayi, whose son was Karmaņa (Vv. 13-14). Yogaraja had four sons, namely, Pamarāja, Mahendra, Champaka and Kshēma, of whom Pamarāja was killed fighting with the army of Suratrāņa (Sultan) near Bhūtālā, while Nāgadrahapura was destroyed (Vv. 15-16). Verse 17 speaks of Mahēndra having three sons named Bālā (Bālāka), Ahlādana and Vayaja. Bālāka's son was Pēthāka, whose son was Samanta, a worshipper of Vishnu (V. 18). In verse 19 we are told that while Köţtadaka was being taken and a battle with Rāņā Tribhuvana was being fought, Bälāka was killed fighting in front of the king Jaitrasimha. His clever wife Bhõli, being unable to bear the pains of separation of her husband, became sati (V. 20). Champaka had a son named Rajasimha who had a son called Ramasimha whose son was Bhachumda (V. 21). Verse 22 informs us that, through the favour of the king Jaitrasimha, Kshēma secured the post of Talāraksha of Chitrakūța (Chitor). From his guileless wife Hirū he had a son named Ratna, who was killed along with Bhimasimha in a battle fought at the foot of the fortress of Chitor. Ratna's son was Lala and brother was Madana. The latter proved his valour in the battlefield of Utthùņaka, while fighting with Parchalugudika Jaitramalla in the cause of the king Jēsala (Vv. 23-28). Verse 29 says that Bhimasimha's son Rājasimha on being made a minister, paid him (Madana) much respect. Through the favour of the king Samarasimha, he (Madana) succeeded his father in the post of Talāraksha of Chitor, where he worshipped Siva in the temple of Tribhuvananārāyana built by the king Bhoja (Vv. 30-31). Madana's son was Möhana (V x2). The

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text of the record again changes here and describes the village Chiraküpa (i.e., Chiravā where the inscription is found). Verses 34-40 tell us that, surrounded by hills and beautiful sights, the village Chiraküpa is situated near Nāgahrada and was given as a gift by the king Padmasimha to Yögarāja serving in his army. The latter built there the temples of Yögesvara and Yogēšvari, which were restored later on by Madana, who granted some land near the lake Kälēlāya (Kalēlā) for the maintenance of those temples. Another beautiful temple of Vishņu called Uddharaṇasvāini had formerly been built there by Uddharana (V. 37). In verses 41-42, Vayarāka, Pātāka, Munda, Bhuvana, Tēja, Sämanta, Ariyaputra, Madana and their descendants are urged to preserve the grant fully. Then follows the description of the Jain Acharyas, who flourished at that place (Chitor). Verse 44 says that there was at the head of the Pāśupata seet Sivarasi, who possessed many good qualities and worshipped the (god) Ekalinga. After him Bhadrēśvarasūri of the Chaitra-gachchha, Dēvabhadrasūri, Siddhasēnasūri, Jinēsvarasüri, his pupil Vijayasimhasüri, Bhuvanachamdragūri, his pupil Ratnaprabhasūri, then living, followed in succession (Vv. 45-47). The last-named was highly honoured by Visvaladēva and Tējahsimha, and composed this prasasti at Chitor (V. 48). The name of the writer of this record is given as Pārsvachamdra, who was the pupil of Ratnaprabhasūri, while that of the engraver was Kēlisimha, son of Padmasimha. Dēlhana was the artisan, who did other things connected with it (Vv. 49-50). At the end, the date is given as
Friday), the first day of the bright half of Kārttika, Samvat 1330, corresponding to Friday, the 13th October 1273 A.D
As regards the persons mentioned in the inscription, the name Bappaka (V. 3), which seems to be a personal title and not an individual name, refers to the Guhila ruler of Mewar, also known as Bappa, Vappaka, Bashpa, Bappāka, Bāppa, Bāpā, etc. In the inscription of Naravāhana, dated V. S. 1028 (A.D. 971) he is said to be like a moon among the kings of the Guhila family and a jewel on this earth. He is said to have ruled for some time at Nägdā, the old capital of Mewar and then taken the fortress of Chitor from the Mori king Māna. The inscription dated V. S. 770 (A.D. 713) shows that Chitor was in the possession of the Mori dynasty till that year, so that Bappaka (Bāpā) must have taken it after that date. According to the Ekalinga Mähätmya. also called Ekalinga Purāna of the time of Rāņa Rayamala, he is said to have abdicated in favour of his son in V. S. 810 (A.D. 753).40 This shows that he was the master of Chitor for about 40 years from V. S. 770 to 810 (A.D. 713-763). The accession of Bāpā, according to Col. Tod, also falls within this period. 11
This date of Bāpā helps in his identification. In the inscriptions of Rånapur, Abuls and Chitor, dated Samvat 1496, 1342 and 1331 respectively in which the genealogy of the Mewar
Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 347, verse 10. J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XXII, p. 166. • Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 118, verse 17.
Ibid., p. 141. Inscription, dated V. 8. 1667 of the time of Maharani Rayamala of Mewar.
. ETCHYTATOUETytu: HPEN Rkalinga Mahatmya (Manuscript, dated V. 8. 1738) of the time of Maharani Kumbhakarna of Mewăr.
• Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 123. "J. B. B. R. A. 8., Vol. XXII, p. 166. * Tod's Rajasthan (Ed. Crooke), Vol. I, p. 266. Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1917-18,
P. 3.
. Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. II, p. 919, Appendix No. 3. 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 190. 11 Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 269. 11 An. Rep. A. 8. 1., 1907-8, p. 214, 1. Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 347. * Cunningham A. 8. R., Vol. XXIII, plate XX, v. 3.

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No. 37.]
CHIRAVA INSCRIPTION OF SAMARASIMHA; SAMVAT 1330.
rulers is not complete) he is designated as father of Guhila which is evidently wrong. In the Kumbhalgarh1 inscription, dated V. S. 1517 he is placed fifth from Guhila which seems also to be wrong, for in the Aṭapur inscription, dated Samvat 1034 which is earlier than the Kumbhalgarh inscription and in which the genealogy of the early rulers of Mewar is complete and correct, this (fifth) place is occupied by Sila, although there is no mention of the name of Bäpä in it. Thus Sila of the Atapur inscription is Bappa of the Kumbhalgarh inscription, so that Bappa or Bapa may be identified with Sila (Siladitya). But, the discovery of Siläditya's inscription, dated V. S. 703, and of his son Aparajita, dated V. S. 718, annuls this identification of Bapa with Sila; there being a difference of about 70 years between this date of Sila and that of Bapa specified above. In the Atapur inscription, after Aparajita, come the names of Mahendra, Kalabhōja and Khumana in succession. In Rajputānā Khumana is said to be the son of Bapa, i.e., Bāpā was the father of Khumana and hence he is to be identified with Kalabhōja, who is mentioned in all the above-named inscriptions. The date of Bapa according to this assumption will not differ much from that of Kalabhōja, if an average rule of 25 years be assigned to each of the preceding rulers Aparajita and Mahendra (II).
Jaitrasimha (V. 5) was one of the most powerful kings of Mewar. He is also known by the names Jayatala. Jayasimha, Jayatasimha and Jaitsi.10 His name is not mentioned by Col. Tod in his Rajasthan. He was the grand-father of Samarasimha, to whose time the present record belongs. He fought many battles with the Sultans of Delhi, Gujarat, Malwa and the rulers of Marwar, Jangala and Sind." The inscriptions of his time show that he ruled at least for 39 years. Tējaḥsimha (V. 7) was the son and successor of Jaitrasimha and ascended the throne between Samvat 13091 and 131713 (A.D. 1253 and 1261). During his time Mewar seems to have been attacked by Visaladeva, the Baghela Rānā of Dhölkä, who afterwards became the ruler of Gujarat.14 He died between Samvat 1324 and 1330 (A.D. 1267 and 1273). Much is already known about Samarasimha (V. 8), who succeeded his father Tējaḥsimha about Samvat 1330 (A.D. 1273). He seems to have protected Gujarat when it was attacked by the Muhammadans (Sultan of Delhi, most probably Ghyasuddin Balban, A.D. 1265-1287). He also protected the Mewar country when Ulugh Khan, the younger brother of 'Alauddin, started from Delhi for Gujarat.17 The inscriptions of his time range from Samvat 1330 to 135818 (A.D. 1274 to 1301). There is nothing worth mentioning about Padmasimha (V. 4) and Mathanasimha (V. 10) except that they followed in succession on the throne of Mewar and were the father and grand-father respectively of Raval
1 Noted in PRAS, WC, 1905-06, p. 61, No. 2214.
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 187.
Above, Vol. XX, P. 97.
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 31.
Ind. Ant., Vol. LIX, p. 165, notes 26 and 27. Also Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 250, n. 2.
He has been identified with Khōmāna I (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 190).
"Hammiramadamardana of Jayasimhasüri, p. 27.
Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1924-25, p. 2, No. III. Ibid., p. 2, No. II.
10 In bardic chronicles.
11 Ind. Ant., Vol. LVII, pp. 31-33.
13 This is the date of the last manuscript of Jaitrasimha's time.
13 This is the date of the first manuscript of Tejahsimha's time.
287
14 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 210, plate I, 1. 4 and Vol. LIX, p. 166.
15 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, p. 350, V. 46.
16 Edward Thomas, The Pathan Kings of Delhi, p. 7.
17 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVI, pp. 194-95.
18 An. Rep. Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1920-21, p. 4, No. VIII.

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Jaitrasimha of Mewār, who is mentioned in verse 5 of this record, and who is called Jēsala in v. 28 of the same.
Rāņā Tribhuvana (V. 19) was-the king of Gujarat after Bhimadēva II and was the contem. porary of Räval Jaitrasimha of Mewar.
Bhimasimba (V. 26) appears to have been the minister of Jaitrasimha and was killed in the fight, most probably fought between Tējahsimha of Mewar and Visaladēva of Gujarat.
Suratrāpa (V. 16) refers to the Sultan Shamsu'ddin Altamsh of Delhi, who had attacked Mewār and destroyed Nägda, its old capital.
Jaitramalla (V. 28) was the Paramāra king Jayatungidēva of Malwä.
Bhojaraja (V. 31) was evidently the Paramára king Bhöjadēva of Mälwa. He lived for sometime at Chitor and built there a temple of Siva, which is now called Advadji or Mökalji's temple.
Tribhuvananārāyana (V. 31) was the name of the temple as well as the title of the king Bhoja who built it. It was also called Bhojasvāmijagati.'
Visvaladēva (V. 48) was evidently Visaladēva, the younger son of Viradhavala, the Bäghēla ruler of Dhõlkā. He became the Rāņā after the death of his father in Samvat 1294 (A.D. 1238) and in Samvat 1300 (A.D. 1243) usurped the throne of Gujarāt after deposing its ruler Tribnuvana (Tribhuvana päla) referred to in v. 19 of this inscription.
As to the places mentioned in this record, Chiraküpa (V. 34) is the present village of Chiravā, about 8 miles north of Udaipur. Nāgadraha or Nāgahrada (Vv. 10 and 12 respectively) is now called Nägdā and was the old Capital of Mewar. Bhatalà (V. 16) is a village about twelve miles from Nägdā. Kotfadaka (V. 19) is the village of Köträ, one of the military stations in Mewar. Utthüņaka (V. 28) is the village of Arthūņā in the Bānswära State in Rājputāna
TEXT. Metres :-Vv. 10, 11, 16, 17, 19, 20, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 42, 44, 45, 47 and 48 Aryā; vv. 9, 12, 13, 14,15, 18, 22, 25, 32, 37, 49, 50 and 51 Anushțubh; vv. 1, 4, 5, 6, 26, 34 and 36 Upajāti; vy. 7, 38, 39, 40 and 43 Sardalavikridita ; vv. 41 and 46 Giti ; v. 2 Indravajrā ; v.3 Vaitāliya; V. 8 Mālini; v. 21 Rathoddhatā; v. 24 Vasantatilakā and v. 35 Indravarsā. 1 सिद्धम् ॥ श्रीं नमः श्रीमहादेवाय ॥ श्रीयोगराजखरनामधेयो देवो वृषांकः स
शिवाय वोस्तु । स्तुत: सदा यः प्रमदाप्रसत्रः किं किं प्रभुत्वं न ददाति
2 १ योगेश्वरी वो भवतु प्रसवा देवी स्वभावानवमप्रभावा । षीसंसाधनलीन
चित्तोगींद्रवंदरभिवंदितांतिः ॥२ गुहिलांगजवंशजः पुरा चितिपा3 लोत्र बभूव बप्पकः । प्रथमः परिपंथिपार्थिवध्वजिनीध्वंसनलालसाशयः ॥२ व(ब)
वतीतषु महीखरेषु श्रीपञ्चसिंहः पुरुषोत्तमोभूत् । सांगाद्यं यमवाप्य ल1 Ind. Ant., Vol. LVII, p. 33.
His son Rajasimha was also made a minister, as is clear from v. 29 of this record. • Ind. Ant., Vol. LIX, p. 166. • Ibid., Vol. LVII, p. 32.
Ibid., Vol. LVII, p. 33. • Ibid., Vol. LIX, p. 163-4. 1 An. Rep. Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, 1920-21, p. 4.
Duff's Chronology, p. 189. • Expressed by a symbol.

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4 क्ष्मीस्तस्थौ विहायास्थिरतां सहोत्यां ॥४ श्रीजैन सिंहस्तनुजोस्य जातोभिजातिभूभृत्यलयानिलाभः । सर्व्वत्र येन स्फुरता न केषां चित्तानि कंपं गमितानि
289
5 सद्यः ॥५ न मालवीयेन न गौर्जरेण न मारवेशेन न जांगलन । म्लेच्छाधिनाथेन कदापि मानो म्लानिं न निन्येवनिपस्य यस्य ॥६ तेज: सिंह इलापति:
6 समभवत्तस्यात्मजन्मा चिचक्ररुचिराचारो चूडार्थने ॥
नयी चातुर्योच्छ्रयवंचिताच्युतवधूवं चप्रपंचीञ्चयः । विचारांचितं चित्तं न्यंचितचापलं च
चंचचंद्रमरी
रचयन् श्रीचंद्र
7 ७ तदनु च तनुजन्मा तस्य कल्याणजन्मा जयति समरसिंहः शत्रुसंहारसिंहः । क्षितिपतिरतिशूरचंद्ररुक्कीर्त्तिपूर: स्वहितविहितकर्मा व (बु) समम् ॥८ इतथ ॥
जात
8 ष्टांटर ज्ञातौ पूर्वमुवरणाभिधः । पुमानुमाप्रियोपास्ति संपत्रशुभवैभवः ॥ यं दुष्ट शिष्टशिक्षणरक्षणदक्ष त्वतस्तलारक्षं । श्रीमयनसिंह नृपतिश्चकार नागद्रह दंगे ॥ १०
9 अष्टावस्य विशिष्टाः पुत्रा अभवन्विवेकसुपवित्रा: । तेषु व ( ब ) भूव प्रथमः प्रथितयशा योगराज इति ॥११ श्रीपद्मसिंहभूपालाद्योगराजस्तलारतां । नागदपुरे पौरप्री
प्राप
10 तिप्रदायकः ॥ १२ बभूवावरजस्तस्य रसभूरिति विश्रुतः । केव्हल स्तनयोमुष्य मुख्यः पौरुषशालिनां ॥१३ उदयीत्याख्यया ख्यातस्तत्सुतो विततोदयी । अभूज्जातस्तु तत्पुत्रः कर्मण:
11
सङ्घ शर्मणः ॥१४ योगराजस्य चत्वारश्चतुरा जज्ञिरेंगजाः पमराजो महेंद्रोथ चंपकः चेम इत्यमी ॥१५ नागद्रहपुरभंगे समं सुरत्राण सैनिकैर्युड्डा । भूतालाहटकूटे
12 पमराज: पंचतां प्राप ॥१६ वा (बा) लाहादनवयजा महेंद्रतनुजास्त्रयस्त्वजायंत । नयविनयपरपराजयजातलया विहितदीनदयाः ॥ १७ बालाकस्यांगज जात: पेक्षाको विं
13 लस[]लः । सुतोभूत्तस्य सामंतोऽनंतोपास्तौ कृतोद्यमः ॥ १८ बालाकः कोह[ड क ग्रहणे श्रीजेनसिंहन्तृपपुरतः । त्रिभुवनराणकयुद्धे जगाम युड्डा परं लोकं ॥ १८ तहि

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14 रहमसहमाना भोयपि नाबादिमा विदग्धानां । दग्ध्वा दहने देहं तद्भार्या
तमन्वगमत् ॥२. चंपकस्य सुरभः स्वभावती राजसिंह इति नंदनोभवत् । रामसिंहमथ स प्रमूत
16 वान् सोजनिष्ट च भचुंडमंगजं ॥२१ क्षेमस्तु निर्मितक्षेमचित्रकूटे तलारतां । रानः
श्रीजैवसिंहस्य प्रसादादापदुत्तमात्. ॥२२ होरुरिति प्रसिद्धा प्रतिषिद्धार्तातिदुर्मतिरभूञ्च ।
16 जाया तस्यामायाजायत तनुजस्तयो रखः ॥२३ रखानि संति सगुणानि बहन्यपौड
ख्यातानि यस्तदधिको विदधे तु धाचा । पंस्वाधिरोपणगुणन गरौयसोचे रवः स के
17 न समतां समुपैति शुकः ॥२४ रखस्य सूनुरन्धनप्राप्तमानोस्ति मानिषु । लाला
नामा घनस्थामा प्रवराचारचौचवान् ॥२५ विक्रांतर समरथ रखः सपत्नसंहार
18 छतप्रयवः । श्रीचित्रकूटस्य तलाटिकायां श्रीभीमसिंहन समं ममार ॥२६ रखा
नुजोस्ति रुचिराचारप्रख्यातधीरसुविचारः । मदनः प्रसनवदनः सततं तदुष्टज
19 नकदमः(न:) ॥२७ यः सौखिसलकार्यभवदुःस्थूणकरणांगणे प्रारन् । पंचलगुडिकेन
समं प्रकटबलो चमन ॥२८ श्रीभीमसिंहपुषः प्राधान्यं प्राप्य राजसिं
20 हो यं । बहुमेने नकध्यं प्राक्प्रतिपर्व दधदये ॥२८ श्रीचित्रकूटदुई
तलारतां यः पिटकमायाता । श्रीसमरसिंहराजप्रसादतः प्राप नि:पाप: ॥३. श्रीभोज
21 राजरचितत्रिभुवननारायणाख्यदेवरहे । यो विरचयति म सदा शिवपरिचयां स्व
शिवलिप्सुः ॥३१ मोहनो नाम यस्यास्ति नंदनी विनयी नयी । बालोपि पापि
22 कर्मभ्यः साशंकः शूकम(व)त्तया ॥३२ सविकारः शिववैरी यदस्ति विदितः पुरातनो
मदनः । निर्व(वि): शिवभोरमुष्थ तेनोपमा मातः ॥२ तब नागदस
1 Seema to be the title of Jaitramalla,
Read निष्पाप:.

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2 91
-
---
-
23 निधान पदे पदे प्राज्यलसविधाने । पामः सुभूमीमति चीरकूपनामास्त्यदी
षामलमोरकूपः ॥४ तयाधिपत्येन धनाप्तिशालिना प्राप प्रसाद गुहिलामअचनः । श्रीप
24 प्रसिंहचितिपादुपासिताबायोगराजः किल विप्रवेषात् ॥३५ स योगराजः प्रथम
पृथु श्रीरकाण्यत्तत्र पवित्रचित्तः । श्रीयोगराजश्वरदेवगई योगेखरौदेव28 गृहेण युक्तं ॥३६ पूर्व मुहरणेनेहोहरणखामिशांगि(शाङ्गि)गः । इयं विधापितं रम्यं
पूर्वजोहरणार्थिना ॥३७ ज्ञात्वा सत्वरगत्वरं जगदिदं सर्व गणेभ्यः सतां
पर्यालीच्य वि28 शेषतश्च विषमं पापं तलारवलं । धर्मे धूर्जटिपूजनप्रतिके नित्यं मनो न्यस्त
वानात्मानं मदनश्चिकीर्षुरमल जन्मन्यमुभिबपि ॥३८ प्रमहोत्रमहत्तमेन शिथ(व)
7 योर्यस्मादमू कारिती प्रासादो ननु योगराज इति विख्यातिन पुण्यात्मना । मातु
र्वप्रथात्मनश्च मदनो वंहीयस श्रेयसे लक्ष्यालंकत उद्दधार तदिमावाजन्म
28 शुधाचयः ॥१८ वाले लायसरोवरस्य रुचिर पश्चानवे गोचरे केदारी मदनो ददौ
प्रमुदितो हो हो विभज्य स्वयं । दुर्गानुत्तरचित्रकूटनगरस्थः क्षेमहीरू29 सुतो भवेद्यार्थमवद्यमोचनमना देवाय देव्यायपि ॥४० वयराकः पाताको मंडो
भुवणोथ तेजसामंती । परियापुत्रो मदनस्त्विदमभिधैः पालनीयमिदमखिलं ॥ 30 ४१ भाविभिगत इंश्यैरन्यैरपि रक्ष्यमात्मपुण्याय । विश्वं विनश्यदेतद्धर्मस्थानादिक
वस्त २ यावच्चंद्रविरोचनो विलसतो लोकप्रकाशोद्यती तावहेवग्रहहयं विज
31 यतामितमदामास्पदं । उर्त्तास्य च नंदतु प्रमदवाबमायादनुग्राग्रणीरन्येप्यस्य सनाभयो
गतभया भूयासुरुत्पाततः ॥४३ पाशुपततपस्विपतिः श्रीशिवराशि: सशौल]
32 गुणराशि: । आराधितैकलिंगोधिष्ठाताचास्ति निष्ठावान ॥४४ श्रीचैत्रगच्छगगने
तारकबुधकविकलावतां निलये । श्रीभद्रेश्वरसूरिर्गुरुरुदगाविष्कवरणांगः [४५] 33 श्रीदेवभद्रसूरिस्तदनु श्रौसिधर्मनसूरिरथ । अजनि जिनेश्वरसूरिस्तच्छिष्यो विजयसिंह
सूरिच ॥४६ श्रीभुवनचंद्रसूरिस्तत्प भूदभूतदंभमलः । श्रीरत्नप्रभसूरि
मां
34 स्तस्य विनयोस्ति मुनिरव ॥४७ श्रीमदिखलदेवश्रौतजःसिंहराजकतपूजः । स
'प्रशस्तिमगेदिर बचिर्ग चित्रकूटस्थः ॥४८ शिष्योमुष्यालिख[भ]

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35 ख्यो वैदुष्येण विभूषितः । पार्षचंद्र बम विहहर्यवालिशालिनीं ॥४८ पद्म
सिंहसुतः कैलिसिंहोमूमुञ्चकार च । स्थानत्र देल्हण: शिल्यौ कमांत[रम]- .
36 काण्यत् ॥५. यावदिखसरस्यस्मिन्नस्ति रामश्रि पुष्करं । राजहंसयुतं तावत् प्रशस्तिनंद
तादियं ॥५१ मंवत् १३३० वर्षे कार्तिकशुदि प्रतिपदि शुक्र] [1]

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INDEX. By B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., PH.D.
[The figures refer to pages ; 1. after a figure to footnotes and add. to additions. The following other abbreviations are also used :-ca.capital; ch.=chief; ci.=city; co.-country; com.composer; di.district or division; do.-ditto; dy.dynasty: E. Eastern ; engr.=engraver; ep.epithet; f. female; k.king: I. - locality; m.=male; mo.mountain ; myth.mythic or mythological; #.name; N.Northern; off.office; 9.-queen; ri.=river ; 8.=Southern ; 8.a.=same as ; sur.=surname; te.=temple; tit.=title; vi.=village ; W =Western.)
PAGE
Abu, mo., .
PAGE Adityafarman, donee, . . 94, 95 & n., 96 Adityasēna, k. of Magadha, . . . . 18 Adiyārkkunallar, commentator, . . 223 Advadji, te., . . . . . . 288 Afghanistan,
an, . . . . . . 14 Aganın, . . . . . 161, 165, 166 Agaraju, k., . .
.
. .
. . . .
35
. Agastya, sage, . . . . . 117 Agastyakonda, vi., . . . . . 43 Agnihotra, mahayajia,. . . . 85, 109, 185 Agnimitra or Agnimitranaka, ch.. . . 35 Agnipurana, work, . . . . . - 202 Agnishtöma, sacrifice,. . .19, 171, 175, 212 agrahara,. . . 20, 21, 61, 139, 144, 219, 221 agramahishi, chief queen', . . . 100 agre-uxelnra, cf. pachhe-vridaka, : : : 194 Ahavain Ja, sur. of W. Chalukya k. Sõmēsvara
162 n., 221, 222, 273 Ahavamallakulakālapuram, 8. a. Ayirattali vi., 268,
276, 279 Ahimakara, myth. k., . . . 216, 238, 255 Ahladana, m., . . . . . 285, 289 ai, initial, . . . . ai, medial, . . . 93, 160, 168, 187, 208 Aimbattiruvay Vidēlvidugan, m., 237, 251, 264 Aiyanaligal-Tiruvadi, Vērādu ch.,
225 Aiyyag Aiyyan, m., . . . 237, 252, 264 Aiyyāraḥ śēndan, m., . . . . 247, 260 Ajmēr, . . . . . . . 197 Ajñapti, off., . . . . . . 218 djñāsarchärin, off... . . . . 172 Akālavarsha I., Gujarat Rashtrakūta k., 66, 68, 69,
•
a, initial, . . .
. . 208, 215 à, initial, . .
. . . 93 d, medial, . .
. 2, 6, 93, 208 a-bhata-chchhatra-prāvēsya, privilege, 173 & n. Abhaya, k., . . . . . . 140 Abhimāṇabhūshana-chaturvēdimangalam, 8. a.
Tungamangalam vi., . , 236, 245, 259 Abhimanottunga-brisamanta, envoy, 268, 276, 279,
284 Abhinava-Pampa, 8. a. Nāgachandra,. .178 n. Abhirapalli, vi, . . . . 129, 132, 135 abhyantara-siddhi,
. . 84, 185
. 57, 196 Aba, province, . .
. . 197 Abu Inscription of V. S. 1342 a-char-âsana-charm-ängāra, privilege, . . 173 a-châta-bhafa-gôchara, do., . . . . a-chäfa-bhata-pravēša, do., . . . a-chäfa-bhala-pravēsya, do., . . .
185 a-chäfa-bhafa-prāvēšya, do., . . . 23, 108 Adaiyūr, vi.. . .
. . 274 do n. Adhika, 8. a. Rajaraja Adhikan,. . . 43 Adhikarika, off., . . . . 84, 108, 184 Adhikëndra, 8. a. Rajarāja Adhikan, Adhikarin, off., .
268, 269, 277, 279, 281 Adhikësa, 8. a. Rajaraja Adhikan, Adhikrita, off.,. .
. . . . . 152 n. Adhirājēndradēva, Chola k., . . 273, 274 adhvaryu, . . . . . . 100, 108 adhyaksha, head of department', . , 156, 159 Adigai, vi... .
• 139 Adigaiman, ch., . . . . . . 42, 43 Adigal, s.a. Atikal, . . . . 222 Adipurana, work, .
. . 28, 178 Aditya I, Chola k., 218, 220, 221, 225, 239, 255 Aditya II, Chola k., 219, 221 & n., 227, 240, 241,
256
286
74
Akálavarsha, sur. of Krishna I, 82, 99, 106, 107,
183, 184 a-kara-däyin, privilege, . . . . 173 Akbar, Mughal emperor,
. . 198 Akkadēvi, q. . . . . . . 188 Alagiyamaņavālani-Mandaiyalvār, 4.,. 140

Page #365

294
PAGE
Ala-nādu, di., 269, 277, 280 Alangudi, vi., 232, 236, 237, 252, 254, 264, 266 Alankarapriyan, s.a. Kunavan Nandi, 232, 237, 251, 252, 263, 264, 265
270
236, 254, 266 287 173 & n. 139, 143, 144, 145
Alatti, vi.,. Alattür, vi.,
Alauddin, .
a-lavana-klinna-kreni-khanaka, privilege,
Alavéli, vi.,
Alberuni's India, work,
37 n.
Albirūni, author,
37, 38
Alexander the Great, Macedonian k., 33 & n., 97
Allahabad Pillar Inscription,
31, 35, 38, 58.
alphabets :
Acute-angled,.
Arrow-head, s. a. Bhaikshuki,
Balbödh,
Bengali,
Bhaikshuki,
Box-headed,
Brähml, Chōla-Grantha,
Devanagari,
Greek,.
Gupta,
Gurumukhi,
Kanarese,
Kharōshthi,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
93, 135
37, 38
6
5
37, 28
4, 15, 17, 18, 167, 208 1, 4n., 5, 30, 38, 198 213 66, 160, 187 38
Eastern Nagari, Grantha, 6, 39, 89 m., 90 m., 91 m., 146, 205, 215, 216, 241 m., 245 m., 268
13 38
5 65
11, 12, 13, 14 38 177
Kushana (Brahmi), . Marathi,
Telugu,.
Valabhi,
Vatteluttu,
Wedge-headed, s. a. Bhaikshuki, Western Gupta,
•
•
.
Mōdi,
Nägari, Nail-headed, Old-kanarese,.
Pallava-Grantha,
Paushkarasādiya,
Proto-Bengāli,
Proto-Devanagari, Sarada,.
Shell or Sankha,
4,30
Tamil, 6, 39, 86, 110, 146, 205, 213, 214, 216,
241 m., 245 m., 268
.
.5, 38, 54, 93, 99, 177, 192, 196, 285
18, 93 65, 76 n. 27
.
.
.
4
151
64, 65 n.
38, 97
.
.
•
138, 139
. 64, 77
6, 7, 112 n.
37
38
•
Aluvadraka, vi., Alwar, state, Amă, M.,
amacha, s. a. amatya,
Amadpur, a. a. Ambāpātaka vi., Amaiya, m.,
amanta,
Amarabhujanga, Pandya k.,
Amarakantak, I.,
amatya, minister',
amatyu, 8. a. amatya, Ambalavanasvamin, te.,
Amara (kosha), work,
Amaravati Inscription of Buddharakshita,
Ambāpāṭaka, vi.,
Ambar-nādu, di.,
[VOL. XXII.
Ambe Inscription, Amgachhi Plate,. Amgaon, vi.,
PAGE
122, 124, 127
122
195
36
79 *. 188 n., 190 169. 221, 226
Anarghavalli, di.,
Anbil Plates of Sundara-Chola,
.
.
Ambasamudram, vi.,
Ambasamudram Inscription of Varaguna
Pandya,
164 n.
. 152 n.
6, 7 & n., 8
171. 152 211
Ammanga, Chalukya q.,
270
Amoda Plates of Jajalladeva II, 160 n., 161 n., 163
Amoda Plates of Prithvidēva I,
100.
Amoda Plates of Prithvidēva II, 160, 161, 163 Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakuta k., 21 m., 65, 67, 68, 69, 73, 77, 78 & ., 79, 83, 85, 177 m., 180 n.,
181
Amudan Tirttakaran, m., Amür, vi.,. Apahaka, m., Anahilapataka, ca., Anaimalai Inscription,
235, 244, 245, 258, 250 269, 277, 280 115, 119 -57. 6, 7 & n., 9 Anaimalai Inscription of Rajaraja I, . 227 n. Apaimangalam, vi., 213, 222, 223, 224, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233, 238, 242, 243, 244, 247, 248, 250, 251, 253, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 263, 266, 269, 274, 275, 277, 279, 280 Anaiyan Talikkulavan, m.,236, 244, 245, 251, 259, 263 Analapratāpa, myth. k., 220 Anantanarayana, com., 222, 242 & m., 257 Anantavarman-Chodaganga, Ganga k.,
141 &., 142, 161, 162 & n.
161, 163, 166, 167
214, 219, 220, 221,
222
.
34
30, 188, 190 187, 190
5 79. 234, 254, 266
9
.
.
Andhra, co., 21 m., 33, 55, 58, 60, 62, 112, 162 Andhra-Bhima, k.
Angāradyut, s.a. Agaraju,
Angiras Gana,
221 35 206

Page #366

INDEX.
PAGE Ankottaka, di., . . . . . . 80 Ankottaka, us.. . . . . . . 80 Ankát, s. 4. Ankofaka vi., . . . . 80 Annam, . . . .
. . 281 Annavaram Inscription of Vikram&ditya, 28 %. Annual Committee, . . . . 148, 150 antardyam, tax, 54, 86, 91, 92, 268, 276, 278, 279, 280 Antarl, , . . . . . . . 14 Anukulamisra, ., . . . 181, 186, 169 anuloma inter-caste marriage, .
36 anwavara, . . . . . 66, 77, 120 anusvira, changed into class nasal, . . 99 ansvara, omitted, . .
139, 172 n. anuaire, superfluous, 16, 22 *., 23 n., 168, 172 n. aww.sudra, used for class nasal, 94, 98 96., 139, 143 r.,
160, 177, 187, 192 anusvära, used for final m... 181, 177, 187, 192 Aparajita, Pallava k., . . . . 218, 221 Aparajita's Insoription of V. 8.718 . i 287 a-parampara-go-balivarda, privilege, . 173 apara-patta, W. di.', .
169, 171, 172, 175 Apastamba Srautasitra, work, . . . 34 A piðryāma, sacrifice, 167, 171, 176, 208, 212 a.pushpa-kshira-sandoha, privilege, 173 &#. Arab, . . . . . 281 & n., 282 *. araghalja, . .
. . . 192 arahafta, . .
.
195 . Ara Kharðshthi Inscription,
. . 12 Arsikor, vi., 234, 235, 244, 245, 246, 284, 288, 289,
260, 266 Araibār Mariyadi, m., . . . . 246, 260 Araiburudaiyag, m., . Araiyan Arumoļi, m., . . . 234, 264, 266 Araiyan Sikandan, 11., . , 234, 264, 266 Araiyan Viradamudichchåp, M., . . . 60, 54 arámami papale, pleasure-house on the hill', 31, 36 Arang Plates uf Maha-Jayaraja, . . 16 Aratta, co., . . . . . Arāvamirdu, . a., Arāvamrita, . 243 & n., 258 Aravamrita, m., . . . 222, 223, 248, 268 Arāvamurta, s. a. Arávamrita, . . . Arbuda, 8. 4. mo. Abu, 55, 60, 62, 63 n., 131, 134 Ardhanartávara, 8. a. god Siva, . . 128 Arixchika, Chola k., . . . . Arindama, 8. a. Chola k. Ariðjaya, . . 221 Arišjaya, Chola k., . , 219, 220, 240, 256 Aritay Siriyān Kadamban, M., 238, 248, 253, 261,
206 Ariyaputra, m., . . . . . 286, 291 Arjuna, epic hero,
• 61 & *.., 63, 156
PAGE Arjunavarman, Paramära k., , . 59 Arrian, author, . . . . . . Artha datra, 6. a. Kaufaliya Arthasüstra, 2, 159 ..
174 1., 175 r., 233 Arthūpa, vi.. . . . . . . 288 Aruláln-Perumal Inscription of Kulottunga I, 140 Arumolidēvavalanādu, di., 88, 88, 91 & 1., 92, 235,
244, 258, 259 Arundhati, Vasishtha's wife,. . 123, 126 Arungupramudaiyap Mäpperan Porkäri, m., 236,
244, 268 Arupmolivarman, Choja k., . 221 & n., 226 Aruray Aravapaiyap, ..., . . 235, 244, 258 Aryaman, myth. k., . . . . . 220 Aryavarta,. . . . . . 201 abesha-mahababda, . . . . . 74, 84 Ashadadi samvat, . . . . 192 ». Ashadhaka, vi., . .
. . 10, 22 Ashfadhyay, work, .
. . 201 Aboks, Maurya k., 1, 3, 31, 153, 159 ., 200, 201,
202, 205 Asoud, vi.. . . . . . . 22 Górayalinga, . . . . . . 53 Afvamedha, sacrifios, 19, 20, 123, 125, 168, 171 &
M., 176, 194, 199, 203, 204, 208, 219 Afvatthaman, com... . . . 59, 62, 63 Alvatthalarman, dones, . . 181, 156, 158 Asvibhati, m.,. . . . . . 32 Atapur Inscription of V. 8. 1034 . . 287 Atharvara, .
. . 179 & A Atikal, ., .
222, 243 & *., 258 Atiraman Irubattunālvan, m.. . 237, 283, 265 Atindira, sacrifice, , . i 171, 176, 212 Atithi, mahayajla . . 85, 109 add., 185 atiydyika, 4. a. dtyayiba, . . . 2, 3 affukkirai, tax,. . . . . 234, 263 Atyantamdhibvara, tit., . . 172, 174 atyayika, 'distress', . . au, medial, . 16, 93, 160, 168, 187, 208 Aurak oharya, donec, . . . . 196, 198 Auktnars sibi, myth. k., . . . . 220 avagraha, sign, . . . . . 66, 128, 18) Avalokita, m., . . Avanti, .. a. Malana co., . . .
97 Avantika, inhabitant of Avanti, . . 97, 98 Avar-karram, di.. . . . 288, 244, 268 Avvoka, m., . . . . 129, 132, 136 Ayirattali, wi., 40, 41, 45, 46, 51 & #., 268, 276, 279 Ayodhyl, ca., . . . . . 98, 136, 138 Ayodhyl Inscription of Dhanadova, . 201
221

Page #367

896
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
TAGE
Ayukta or Ayuktaka, off,.
.
84, 184
b. . . . 38, 160 & ., 167, 200, 208 b, subscript. . . . . . 168 Badakhanda, v.,
. 151, 165, 158 Badal Pillar Inscription, . . . . Badami, 4. a. Vatapi ca., . 27 de 1, 102 Badami Rock Inscription of Narasith havarman, 27 Badapa, E. Chalukya k. .
. . . 228 Baghēla, clar . . . . . 287, 288 Bagumra Grant of Dhruva, . 65 7., 67, 69 Bagumrå Grant of Krishna. . 68, 69, 70 Bagamra Platos of Indra III, . . .177 . Bahasatimitra,. . . . . . 200 Bala or. Balaka, m., . . . 285, 289 Baláditya, . a. Valabhi k. Dhruvasna II, 114, 117 Balaghat Plates of Prithivishēņa II, 17, 168 1., 169,
209, 210 Balärjuna, Somarami k. of Korala,
19 Balarams, god,. .
. . 158 Bali, . . .
. . 68 . Bali, mahayajia, .
. .85, 109, 185 Ballale, Hoysala prince, . . . 58, 59 Ballklasēna, Sena k., . . . 100 Bämangam, .. a. Brahmanapalliki vi., . 80 bamhana, s. a. Brahmana or brahmanya, 32, 33 Bāmröll, 8. a. Brahmanapallikā vi. of Mankani
• 80 Băn, ri, , , ,
. . 170 Bana, co., . .
. . . 112 Bana, dy., 48, 51 & n., 110, 111, 112 & 1., 113, 218 Bapa, ri., . . .
. . 170 . Banavasi, co.. .
. . 55 Banavasi twelve-thousand, co.,
101, 188 Bāngarh, ti.. . . . . Bangarh Grant of Mahipala I, . . 181, 152 Bangarh Pillar Inscription, . . . 162 Bangavādi Ganga Inscriptions,. . .112... Bankāpur Inscription, . . . . 101 Banpur Plates of Dandimsbådēvi, . 39. Bäpi, Bappa, Bippa, Bappaks or Bappáka, Guhila k., .
285, 286, 287, 288 Barkhpur, vi...
. . . 170 n. Bårdpaal, ca. . . . . . Baroda, vi.. .
192, 193 & n. Baroda, state,
77, 78, 79, 80 Baroda Plates of Dhruva, 06, 67, 68, 69 & n.,
78 n. Baroda Plates of Karka, .
. 78 Barsi-Takli, vi., ... . . . . 170 .
PAGE Barsur, vi.,
. . . . .
.
. . 210 m. Bashpa, 8. a. Bapa,
bapa,
. . . . . . 286 Bassi, vi., . . . 199, 200, 203 Bastar, state, . . . . . 210 n. Bauddha, sect., . .
. . 60 n. Baudhayana Srautasútra, work, . . 34 Bauka, Pratihara ch., . . . . 121 Bayanā, ci., . . . . 120, 121, 122 Bayana Jain Insoription of Vijayadhiräja, 120, 122 Beerj, ch., . . . . Bögram, l. . . . . Begram Kharoanthi Inscription,. . . Belur Taluk Inscription, Bembal, vi.. . . . . . 210 n. Benares, . . . . . . . 134 Benares Copper-Plate of Karna, . . . 160 n. Beni, vi.. . . . . . . Bênni, ri.. . .
. 171 & . Bēņņā, ri.. . . . . . . 171 n. Bēnnä-kärpara-bhaga, di.,. . . . . 171 n. Bennākata, di., 169, 170 & 1., 171 & n., 172, 175 Besnagar, vi., .
.
200, 202, 203 Besnagar Inscription of Heliodorua, 200, 203 bh, . . . . . . . 54, 128 bha, form, confused with tta, . . 215 Bhachumda, ., . . . 285, 290 Bhadra, I., . . . . . . 2, 3 Bhadravata, vi.
. . . . 108 Bhadrësvarasūri, acharya,. . . 286, 291 Bhadvachiură, vi. . . . 129, 132, 135 bhaga, lax, . . .
. 175 n. Bhagavat, 8. a. god Balarima, . . .204 . Bhagavat, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . 204 & n. Bhagavat, .. a. the Buddha,. .
11 Bhagavata, tit... . . .
204 & 1. Bhagiratha, myth. k., . . . . . 220 Bhagirathi, .. a. Gangā ri., 188, 171 & n., 175, 208,
212 & . Bhagyadovt, Kamboja q., , 151, 162, 156, 157 Bhagyadevi, Pala . . . . . . 152 Bhairava, sect. . . . . .00 . Bhairavagarh, vi.. . . . . 170 & n. Bhals, . a. Bhadra,. . Bhalla, do., . . Bhandak, ca., . .
. 17, 18 Bhandak Plates, . . 103, 178 n., 180 Bhandari, di.,. . Bhaja, dy. .
. . . 39. Bhanu, s. a.god Sarya, . Bhanugupta, Guptas k., . . . . 17

Page #368

INDEX.
297
121, 122
.
.
.
.
.
PAGE Bhäradvāji Tiritti Vaikundan, m., 237, 252, 264 Bhārasiva, dy., . . . 171, 175, 208, 212 Bharata, myth. k., . . . . . 220 Bhäratavarsha, India',
161, 165 Bharatpur, state, .
. 120, Bharaut Tõraņa Pillar Inscription, Bharga, 8. a. god biva, . Bharthanā, 8. a. Bharthanaka vi.. . Bharthanaka, vi.. . . . Khāsa, author, . . Bhata, off.,
137, 172, 173 & n. Bhatakka, 8. a. Valabhi k. Bhatarka, . . 114 Bhatārka, Valabhi k., . . . . 114, 116 bhathi, kiln',
192, 195 Bhatta, tit., 100, 108, 136, 137, 151, 156, 169, 189,
191, 224, 232, 236, 245, 253, 254, 259, 266 Bhattachārya, sect.. . .
. . 50 n. Bhattaka, tit., . . . . 23 Bhattaputra, tit. .
. . 156, 158 Bhattāraka, tit. of god,
75, 156, 158 Bhatfaraka, tit. of k.,. . .
20 n., 29 Bhava, 8. a. god Siva, . . . . 130, 133 Bhavabhūti, author, , . . 210, 211 & n. Bhavadēva, Sõmavamói k. of Kõsala,
18 Bhavaniga, Bharativa k.. 171, 175, 208, 209, 212 Bhavattavarman, Nala k., 16, 17, 29, 208, 210 & n. Bhavnagar Plates of Sllāditya III, 115, 118 n. Bhavnagar Plates of Srlāditya IV, . . 115 Bhikshu-samgha, of Sindhu-vishaya, . 75 Bhila (Bhila or Bhil), tribe, . . 195 & n. Bhilsă, l... . . .
. . 35 Bhima I., Chaulukya k., . . • 55, 56, 57 Bhima, epic hero, . . . .
.
124, 126 Bhima mēhatā, m., . . . . . 195 Bhimi &reshthin, m., . . . . 195 Bhimadá, m., . . . . . . 195 Bhimadeva II, k. of Gujarat,
. . . 288 Bhimaratha, 8. a. Maha-Bhavagupta III, Bhimasimha, minister,
285, 288, 290 Bhimēsvara, te., .
. 138 Bhinmal, vi., . . .
196, 197 Bhisana, m., . .
192, 195 bôga, tax, . .
. . .175 n. bhoga-bhaga, .
. . 23, 137 Bhögika, m., . .
. . 98 Bhogika, off.. .
. . 94, 95, 96 Bhoja, Paramära k... 55, 56, 57, 60, 62, 163 .,
285, 288, 290 Bhoja I., Pratihara k... . . . . 69 Bhöjakata, di., . . . . . . 170 n.
PAGE Bhojasvamijagati, te., Bhojnagar, ci... . . . . . 57 Bholi, f. . . . . . . 285, 290 Bhoosawar, vi., . . . . . . . 122 Bhor, state, . .
176, 181, 186, 188 Hem . . . . . 115, 119 Bhovala, m.,
: .
195 Bhövya, family, . . . . . 222 Bhramasaka, vi. . . . . . 96 bhuchchhidra-nyaya, . . . . . 156 Bhujabala, k. of Suvarnapura, . . .162 n. bhukti, territorial division, . 151, 153, 155, 158 bhūmichchhidra-nyāya,. . Bhūtāli, vi.. . . . . 285, 288, 289 Bhutayajña, sacrifice, . . . . 50 n. Bhuvanamulududaiyā), Chola q.. . 276, 279 Bhuvaga,m., .
. . . 286, 291 Bhuvanachandrabūri, acharya . . 286, 291 Bhüvikrama, W. Ganga prince,. . . bigha, land measure, . .
192 n. Bihar, . . . . . . . 38 Bilhana, author, . . . . 55 1., 269 Bilhana, m., . . . . . . . 195 Bilhari Inscription, .
128, 160 n. Bimarān Kharoshthi Inscription, . . 12 Bimbisāra, Maurya k., boar, emblem on seal,. . . 24, 104 n. Botad Plates of Dhruvasēna II, . . 18 n. Brahmă or Brahman, god, 11, 61, 63, 123, 125,
216 n., 220 brahmadaya, .
. 84, 85, 185 brahmadiya, 8, 9, 11, 115, 118, 119, 189, 215, 216,
222, 231, 232, 237, 238, 243, 247, 248, 249 & n., 251, 252, 253, 258, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265,
266, 269, 277, 278, 280 brahmadéya-kilavar, . . . . . 231 Brahmaguptasiddhanta, work, . . . 161 n. Brahmamangalyan, 8. a. Irundrruvan Utta
man, . . . . . 237, 251, 263 Brahmamangalyan, 8. a. Oran Chandrabókharan,
237, 264 Brāhmana, caste, . . . 32, 33, 34, 36 Brāhmanapallikä, vi.. . . . . 77, 80, 84 Brāhmanapallikä, vi. of Mankaņika di.. . 80 Brahmanic Caves, . . . . . 31 brahmanya, .
. . . . 32, 33 Brahmapüraka, vi.. .
. . .211 n. Brahmapuri, vi., . . 129, 132, 135 brahmarshi, Brahamana sage', . . . 33 Brahmayajña, sacrifice, .
. . 50#. Brahmēsvara, te., . . . . 144. 145

Page #369

298
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
PAGE Brahmiávara, te., . . . . . 147 Bribadisvara, te., . . . . Brihad-Vinga, vi.. . . . . 181, 185 Brihaspati, preceptor of gods, . . . 95 Brihaspatisava, sacrifice, . 171, 175, 212 Brihat-Chhattivannā, vi., . 181, 184, 155, 158 Buddha, the 11, 12, 13, 37, 67, 75, 161, 1569., 158, 202, 222, 224, 230, 231, 232, 233, 242, 257,
267 Buddhadhishthana, . .
. . Buddbarakshita, wpåsaba, . . . Buddhavarase, ch.. . Buddhism, . . Buddhist Caves, . . Budhapriya, teacher,. . . bull, emblem on seal, .
104 & n., 114, 135 Bundelkhand, . . . . 65
78
C'aiya, (Jaya), . . . . . . 282 n. Cambodia, . .
. . . 281 Cape Comorin,
. , 270 Ceylon, 28, 51 7., 87, 88, 92, 140, 142, 218 & n.,
219 *., 226, 227, 230, 259, 274 Ceylonese, 3. a. Singhalese . . . . 92 ch, . . . . . . 38, 160, 167, 168 Chachcha, 71. .
. . 116, 119 Chachu, m., . .
. 188 & n., 190 Chachu, s. a. Chanchu, Chaddhapurs, vi.. . . . . 172, 175 Chabamāna, dy... . . . . 56 Chaitra-gachchha,
286, 291 Chaitya,' worship hall',
. . . 31, 36 Chakkarakotta, co., .
139, 142, 269, 270 Chakradhara, ., .
. . 136, 137 Chakradurga, ca., . . . 68, 68, 60, 62 Ohakrakota, 8. a. Chakradurga, . . 58 & *. Chakrapani, 8. . god Vishnu, . . 172, 174 Chakravala, mo. . . . .
239, 255 Chakravartin, tit., . . . 117, 242, 276 Chakrin, e.a. god Vishņu, . . . 121, 124 Chalukya, army, . . . . . 27 n. Chalukya, co., . . . . 27 & *., 28 Chalukya, E. dy., 20, 58, 99, 101, 102, 104 & 1.,
111, 142, 221, 226, 228, 230, 270, 271, 272 Chalukya, feudatory family, . . . 188, 190 Chilukya, W. dy., 24, 27 & 1., 28 & *., 65, 66, 68,
59, 94, 111 & 1., 177, 188, 226 & ., 228, 272 Chalukya-Chandra, 6. a. Saktivarman, 228, 270 Chalukya-chola, dy. . . . . . 139
PAGB chamara, auspicious sign, . . . . 53. chamara, emblem on seal,
. 213 Chamasa, m., . . . . . 115, 119 Chămdrapura, vi.. . . . . 172 Chamidāsa, minister, . . ; 169, 174, 176 Chammak Plates of Pravarasena II, 167, 170 .,
172 .., 173 ., 209 n. Champa, 4. a. Annam, . . . . 281 Champaka, m., . . . 285, 289, 290 Chamundarāja, ch., . . 121, 124, 126 Chanchu, I., . . . chanda, s. a. chandra, . . Chanda, di., . .
. .. 211 Chanda, vi., .
. . . 210 n. Chandagupta, &. a. Maurya k. Chandragupta, 3 Chandalladēvi, q.. . . . . . 39 Chandakivächärya, 7., . . 196, 198 Chapdi Kalasan, ke.,
. . . 281 Chandpur, vi., . . . . 171 &n. Chandra, dy., . .
39., 150 Chandra, Moon symbol referring to Chandra
gupta Maurya. . . . . . 3 Chandrāditya, W. Chalukya k.,
. 102 Chandragupta, k., . . . . . 21 m. Chandragupta, Maurya k., . . . . $ Chandragupta, Somavarit . of Kaala, 18, 19 Chandragupta II, Gupta k., . . 18, 168 Chandrajit, . a. myth. k. Dirghabahu, 220 Chandrapura, vi.. . . . . . 171 n. Chandrăvati, 9., . . . . . . 21 n. Chandrehe, wi., .
. . . 128 Chandrehe Inscription of Prabodhakiva, 128,
9., 134 *. Chandur, ti., .
. . . . 171 *. Chåpotkata, dy.. . . . . . 69 Charaniphala, ti., . . . . . Charu, mahayajia, • .
. 85, 109, 185 Chashtana, Sala Satrap. . . . . . 98 Chashthamandala, di... .
124, 127 Chata, off., . . .
. . 137, 175 chatur-anga-send, . . . . . 178 n. chaturddanta, . . . . 95 n., 178 *. Chaturmukhan Arangan, m., . 237, 253, 265 Chaturvaidya-grama, . .
173 & n. Chaturvidyagrahara,. . . . . 173 n. Chaturvidya-samanya,. . 100, 108, 119, 184 Chaulukya, dy., .
. . . 55, 56, 57 Chauriai Khamba Masjid, at Kama, . 121 Chodi, co., . .
. . . 128 Chellor Grant, .
. . . . 272

Page #370

INDEX.
299
Pags Chola, dy. 8 & n., 26, 27 & n., 28, 40 & #., 41, 42,
43, 44 & *., 45 n., 51 & n., 52, 53, 55, 72, 81, 86, 87, 88 & 1., 89, 90, 91, 92, 106, 140, 141, 142, 144, 145 1., 147, 148, 182, 205, 206, 213, 214, 216 & 1., 217 & n., 218 n., 219, 220 & 1., 222, 224 1., 225, 226, 227, 228, 230, 232, 234, 238, 241, 265, 266, 267, 268, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274
& n., 276, 279, 281 n., 283, 284 & n. Chola (or Chölavarman), k., eponymous of Chofa dy..
216 & ., 220 & 1., 239, 256 Cholakulabékbara, sur. of Kulottunga I, 139, 143 Cholamahirija, Chola prince, . 218 & 1. Chola-Pandya, Chola prince, Chola-Pandya, Pandya k.,. . .
. 222 Cholapati, tit., . . Chölöndrasitha, 8. a. Rājēndra-Chols, . 222 Cholika-vishaya, Chola Province', . . 27*. Choranda, .. a. Chorundaka vi., . 80 Chorundaka, vi.. . .
. . 80 Chadakiva, Saiva ascetic, . 128, 130, 133 Challmapivarman, Sailendra k., 222, 224, 228, 229,
230, 242, 243, 257, 258, 267, 274, 281, 282, 283 Chalāmapivarma-vihara, 222, 224, 228, 229, 231,
242, 243, 244, 260, 267, 268, 263, 267, 268, 274,
.
272
40, 47, 52
278, 280
PAGE Chenab, ri,
. . 33 Chendalür Plates of Sarvalókä raya . 28 . Chengama, vi.. . . . . . 43 Chora, dy., 40 & n., 139, 140, 141, 213, 218, 224 & n.,
225, 230, 268, 269, 279 cheri, . . . . . 146, 147, 149 Cheri-Godadi Cave, at Silahară,. . . 30 Chört-Gõdadi Cave Inscription,
30, 31, 36 Chēvūr, vi.. . . . 219, 221, 240, 256 Chhandöga, charana,. . . 161, 156, 158 Chhätim, see Chhattivannā, . . . 154 Chhatina, 3. a. Brihat-Chhattivannā vi.. . 154 Chhätnā, 8. a. Chhattivanná vi.. . . 154 chhatra, emblem on seal, . . . . 213 chhatra, . .
172 & 15., 173 & n., 175 n. Chhattivannā, vi.. . . . . 154 Chhobaviraka, wi.. . . . . . 96 Chiba, m., . . .
. . 192, 195 Chichola, u., .
. . . 163 Chidambaram,
& n., 45, 51, 148, 256 Chikkulla Plates of Madhavavarman,
21 . Childa, vi., . Ohimchåtalat, ti.. . .
. 161, 163, 166 China, . . . . . . . 281 Chinese,. . .
281 n., 282, 283 Chinese Annals, .
. : . 281 Chirakāps, vi., . . . 286, 288, 291 Chirava, o. a. vi. Chiraküps,. . 285, 286, 288 Chitor or Chitorgarh, ca.,. 193, 198, 285, 286, 288 Chitor Inscription of V. 8. 1331, . . . 286 Chitra, s. a. Chola k. Vyāghrakētu, . . 220 Chitrabhanu, sun', 'fire', mistaken for the
personal name of an engr. . .168 n. Chitradhanvan, Chola k., . . . . 220 Chitragupta, . . .
. . . . 223, 243 & . Chitrakūta, ca., . . . . . 286, 290 Chitralekha, Q. 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127 Chitramiya, Pallava ch., . . . . 111 Chitraratha, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Chitraraths, 8. a. Chola k. Suraguru, . . 217 . Chitraratha, s. a. Chola k. Vyågbrakētu,... 220 Chitráéva, Chola k., .
. 220 chittirabirar, . . . . .
223 chithirakari, . .
223 & . Chodachandra, 3. a. Vanduvardja, . . 144 Chodaganga, 3. a. Anantavarman-Chodagangs, 161,
162 & n. Chola (or Cholamandala), co., 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 61,
86, 87, 139, 140, 143, 144, 216 s., 234, 235
.
195
Chullandaraks, vi.. . . . . Chyavana, m.,. . . . . Ct-Arutón, L. in W. Jana, Conjeevaram, . . Conjeeveram Inscription, . Conjooveram Inscription of Pallavamalla,
147
110 .
.
243
de . . . 12, 30, 38, 94, 128, 168, 208
. . . . . . . 16, 168, 187, 208 dabhra-sabha, . . . . . . 221 Dahims, family, .
. . . 60, 61, 63 Daivayajsia, sacrifice, Dak Chowrs, clams . Dakshina Kobal, co... . . . . 164 Dakshinăpatha, . . . . 31, 210, 211 . Dakshina-Radhi, co., .
. 164 Dakshindyana,
. . 24, 25, 26, 20 Damafarman, .. . . . . . 20 Damodars, engr. . . 222, 223, 243, 268 Damodara, M., . . . . . . 84 Damodara Bhattan, , 234, 235, 236, 244, 254, 258,
266
Dånarnava, Ganga k.. . danda, 'fine', . . Dandabhukti, di.,
. . . . 228 . . . . 208 . 181, 163, 164, 165, 166

Page #371

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
PAGE Dandandyaka, off. . . 86, 188 n., 190 n. Dandapātika, of
. . . 137 Dandimahadevi, Bluma-Kara q.) 39 7., 100 danmasanam (dharmaaanoncourt of Justice', 206 Dantan, 3.. Dandabhukti, . .
. 154 Danti, Pallava L., . . . . . 112 r. Dantidurga, Gujarat Rashtrabufa k... 65 n.., 72 Dantidurga, Rashfraküfa k., 67, 81, 105, 177, 181,
182 Dantidurga's Grant, . . . . . 65 n. Dantivarman, Gujarat Rashfrakūta prince, 69, 70 Dantivarman, Rashfrabüfa k., . , 67, 177 Dantivarman, sa Gujarat Raahtrakufa k. Dantidurga,
. 66, 68, 69, 70 Dasänaka, field, . . . . . 115, 119 Dadavatära Cave Inscription, . . .177 n. Datta, m., . . . . . . 115, 119 Daulatābād Plates of Sankaragana, 103, 178, 179,
180 Dacebyanti, .. a. myth. k. Bharata,
220 Davana-Druhsta, prince, . . . 94, 95, 96 dave, &. a. dravya. . . . . 2 days, lunar :bright fortnight :
. . . . . . 286, 292 7th,. . . .
. . 185 9th,. . . 151, 156 & n., 167 16. 10th,. . . . . . 180 12th,. . . . 97, 98, 122, 124, 127 15th (full-moon), 20, 24, 28, 29, 77, 84, 161, 163,
188, 190, 193 n., 196 & ., 197 dark fortnight :
4th, . . . . . 114, 115, 120 6th, . . . . . . 136, 138 8th, . . .
. . . 97, 98 10th,. .
. . 114 12th,. .
. 168, 174, 176 15th (new-moon), 100, 108, 109, 192, 193 & n. days of the month :
2nd, . . . . 16, 23, 162, 167, 159 6th, . . . . . . . 15
РАав days of the week : Sunday,
192, 193 & . Monday, . . . .
. 122, 124, 127 Thursday, 97, 98, 161, 103, 166, 1967). Friday, . . . . . 196 N., 286, 292
Saturday, . . . 25, 26, 97, 98, 188, 190 Dayyamdinne, vi.. . . . . . 24 Dayyamdinne Plates of Vinayaditya, 25, 26 Doda, .. a. Mahärával Dövapåladeva,. 193 Dedu, .. a. Mahärával Dévapäladova,. 193 Delhana, .. . . . . . 286, 292 Deo Bårnårk Inscription, . . . . 18 Delt Grant of Krishna III, 103, 170, 179, 180 n. Dérabhata, Valabhi k.Dhruvasons III's father, 114,
118 Devabhadrasări, acharya,. . . 286, 291 dēvadana, 54, 231, 243, 248, 249, 258, 261, 262 dvadasi, . . . . .
31, 12 Dévadatta, .,
. . 136, 138 divadāya,. . . . . 75, 84, 185 Dövadova, 8. 4. god Vishnu, . . . . 203 devadega,
. . . 118, 119 Devadinna, banker,
. 31 Dėvagans, com.. . . . . . 163 Dévagupta, .. a. Chandragupta II., 18, 168, 172, 174 Dēvagupta, k. of Magadha, . . . . 18 devakami, . . . 45, 53, 89, 91 devakula 'statue shrine' or 'temple'; . 97, 98 Devali Plates of laditya IV, . . . 115 Devan Oran, m., . . . 237, 263, 265 Dēvapala, Pala, k., . . . . 153, 283 Dévapiladova, Guhila k. of Dungarpur, 192, 193 Dēvapaladëva, Gurjara-Prasthara k., . . 122 Dēvarija, Paramara k. of Abu,. 196, 197, 198 Devaram, work . . . 40 n., 52 1., 217 & n. Dévavarman, Vishnubundin k.,. . .19, 20 Devendravarman, Ganga k., 139, 140, 141, 143, 145 Dövöndravarman Rajaraja I., Ganga k., 141, 142, 143 Dévt, s. d. goddess Parvati,. . . 130, 133 Dévi-Gösvimint, Kara q. . . . . 100 dg, form of-
. . . . dh,. . . . . 128, 168, 187, 208 dh, doubled before v or y, . . . . 77 Dhadayāsaha, vi, . . . . 66, 71, 75 Dhadiyappa, vi... . . . . . 77, 84 Dhabadva, vi., . . . . . Dhaivata, suara, . . . . . 50 n. Dhavabhūti, k., . . . . . 35 Dhanadēvs, k., . .
. . 201 Dhanajaya, .. . epic hero Arjuna, 155, 158
.
.
.
days of the reign
. 92nd, . . 96th, . . 167th, . . J58th, . . 163rd, . . 374th, . . 469th, . .
. . 148, 149
223, 226, 230, 268 . . 244, 259 . . 8A, 89, 91 . 205, 206, 207 . . 230, 254 . . 45, 49, 53 . . 9, 11
.
.

Page #372

Dhandhuka, Paramāra k. of Abu, Dhară, ca.,.
Dhārada, m.,
PAGE
197
55, 56 & n., 57, 58 & n., 163 n.
195
Dharaṇīvaraha, Paramāra k. of Abu, Dharapatta, Valabhi k.,
Dharasēna II, Valabhi k.,
Dharasena III, Valabhi, k., .
Dharasēna IV, Valabhi k.,
Dhärä (varsha), k.,
dharma,
dharma-chakra, emblem on seal,
dharmadaya,
.
58 n., 269, 270 Dharavarsha, sur. of Dhruva II, .66, 74 Dharavarsha, sur. of Rashtrakuta k. Dhruva, 99, 107,
108, 109, 176, 184, 189 9, 11, 144, 158, 170, 194 150 116, 119, 197
dharm-adhikarana,
Dharmadēva, m.,
Dharmaditya, s. a. Valabhi k. Kharagraha Dharmaditya, 8. a. Valabhi k. Siladitya I, dharmajña,
Dilipa, myth. k.,.
Dinajpur, vi.,
Dindigarar, Bana k., Dinta, com.,
.
•
170 n., 173 & n.
195
•
II, 118
114, 116 156, 159
Dharmapriya, monk,
Dharmapuri, 8. a. Tagadai ca.,
15 43 163 & n. 190
Dharmaraja, engr.,
Dharmaraja, s. a. god Yama,
Dharmaraja, s. a. Sailōdbhava k. Manabhita, 21 n.
dharmäsana,
276
dharmasasana, s. a. tāmrasāsana,
Dharmasastra,
95 137 155
Dharmatmaja, 8. a. epic hero Yudhishthira,
Dhatri, s.a. god Brahman,
Dhavata, s.a. Dhahadva vi.,
238, 255 80 287, 288
Dholka, co.,
Dhruva, Rashtrakuta k., 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 107, 176, 177, 178 & n., 179, 180 & n., 181, 183, 184 Dhruva I., Gujarat Rashtrakuta k. 65, 68 & n., 69, 70, 72, 78 n., 82 Dhruva II, Gujarat Rashtrakuta k., 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, & n., 71, 73, 74, 76 Dhruvasena II, Valabhi k., . 18 n., 114, 117 Dhruvasena III, Valabhi k., 114, 118 Dhulia Grant of Karka, 102, 103, 179, 180 & n., 181 Dhundesa, 8. a. Dhadayasaha vi.,. 71 220 115, 119
Dhundumāra, myth. k., Dikshita,.
124, 126, 220
152
112
76
91, 92
220
Dipattarayan, m., Dirghabahu, myth. k.,.
INDEX.
197
114
114, 116
114, 117
114, 117
•
.
PAGE 209
dittham (drishtam), Diväkaraéarman, m.,
Diväkarasēna, Vakataka k., Divirapati, off.,
dōhaliya, dōngarika,.
151, 156, 159 100 115, 120 195 108 & n. 55, 58, 59, 60, 62 53. double-fish, auspicious sign, Draksharama, vi., 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144 & n., 145
Dōrasamudra, I.,
Draksharama Inscription of Kulottunga I, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143 Draksharama Inscription of Vishnuvardhana,. 271 dramma, coin,. Draupadi, epic heroine, dravya,
121, 124, 127
101
1, 2
2 209 99, 108
151, 156, 158 207 Drupadātmajā, s. a. epic heroine Draupadi, 101 Dudia Plates of Pravarasena II, 18, 169, 171 m., 172 n., 173 n., 174 m., 209 & n. Dungarasimha, Guhila k. of Dungarpur,
193 193
192, 193 128
Dravyapala, off.,
drishtam,
drōgarika, see dōngarikā,
Drōņa, vi.,
Drug, di.,.
ē, initial,
ĕ, medial,
eclipses
lunar,
solar,
.
Dungarpur, ca.,.
Dungarpur, state,.
181, 185
100, 108
Durga, 8. a. goddess Parvati, Durgabhatta, m., Durgaditya, donee, Durgahari, m., Durgarāja, m., Durlabha, m.,
94, 95, 96
77, 85 196, 197 Durlabha III, Chahamana k., 56 Durukkan Kamudan, m., 237, 251, 264 Durvāsā Cave, at Silaharā, 30 Durvasa Cave Inscription, 30, 31, 36 Düsasarman, donee, . 24, 29 Dushyanta, myth. k., 220 duta or dutaka, 68, 69, 70, 76, 77, 85, 101, 109, 115, 120, 156, 159, 186, 196 m., 268, 276 dvarapala, door-keeper', 216. Dvědaigōmapuram, vi., 234, 236, 245, 254, 259, 266 dvijätidaya, 8. a. brahmadaya,
108
E
.
•
.
301
.
•
12, 114, 160, 187 2, 160, 168, 187, 191 m., 208
20, 21 & n., 161, 163, 196 & n., 197
94, 95, 96, 100, 109, 122, 124, 127

Page #373

302
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
PAGE Ediran Sattan, m., . . . 237, 251, 264 eba-bamhana, ep. of Satavahana Satakarni, . 32 Balinga, 8. a.god Siva, . . . 286, 291 Ekalinga Mähatmya or Ekalinga Purana, work,
286 & n. Ekavirappādi, . . . . . 147 Elagam, vi.. . . . . . 88, 90, 92 elephant, emblem,
. . . 112 n. Elini, Kerala k., . .
. .
. 43 $n. Eran, vi.,. . . .
. . 17 Eran Inscription of G. E. 191,
17 eras : Chedi,.
159, 161, 163, 166 Harshakala, Kalachuri, 8. a. Chedi, Kali, . . . .
PAGS Gangaikonda-Chöļa, .. a. Chola k. Rájëndra
chols I, . . . . . . . 272 Gangaikondabola-chaturvedimangalam, 6. a.
Kadalangudi vi... . . . . 235 Gangaladeva, donee, . .
. 189, 191 Gangamandalam, Co. . . . . . 270 Gangapadi, co., 180, 221, 222, 224, 225, 245, 259 Ganga six-thousand, province, . . . 113 Ganga Udayaditya, general, . . . 56 Gangavādi, see Gangapadi, . . . . .. Gangavati, see Gangapadi, . . . . .. Ganges, Ti., 71, 104, 134, 162, 164 n., 175,
208
Málava,.
. . . Old Saka, . Saka, 21 n., 24, 25 & n., 26, 29, 42., 43 #., 64, 86, 75, 77, 78, 79, 80, 84, 98, 100, 102, 103,
108, 176, 180, 185, 186, 189 Valabht,
. . . . . 114, 115 Vikrama, 122, 192, 193 & n., 196 & 7., 197,
286, 292 Ereyanga, Hoysala k., , . . 58, 58 & n. fri-variya-perumakkal, tank committee', 148, 149 Etti Valañjuliyan Sangan, m., 237, 252, 266
F finhed, emblem on seal, . . . . 213 flag, auspicious sign, . . . . . 53 r.
Gangěyadēva, Haihaya k.,. . . 129 &#. Gangpur, state, . . . . . . 17 Ganjam Plates of Dandimahadevi, . . Ganjam Plates of the Time of Sasanka, 21 Gärgi, götra-th., . . . . . 32 Gärgiputra, metronymic of Visvadēva,
35 Garuda, emblem on seal, . . . 64, 77, 99 Gauda, co.,
129, 132, 135, 152, 281, 283 Gauda, m., , .
. . 186 Gaudapati, sur. of Kamboja k., . . 162 & n. Gaudarajamälä, work, . . . . . 152 . Gatidavaho, mork, . . Gaudi-dvipa-guru, ep. of Kumaraghosha, . 281 Gaupti, . . .
• 35 Gauptiputra, 8. a. Goliputa, . . . . 34, 35 Gaurl, 8. a. goddess Parvati, . . 126, 220 Jaurjaru, 'k. of Gurjara' . . . 289 Gautami, gõlra-., . . . . . 32 Gautam Balakri, Satavahana q., . . 33 Gautamiputra, metronymic of Satavahana k.
Satakarni, . . . . . 32, 33, 102 Gautamiputra, Väkdfaka prinee, 171, 175 & n.,
209 gaoyuta, land measure, . , 93, 94, 95, 96 Gaya Image Inscription in Bhaikahukt Lipi,
37 & ., 38 Geyamanikka-valanādu, di.. . 268, 289, 274,
275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 gh, . . . .
. . . 16, 30 Gbazni, co., . . . . 97 Ghorband, ri., . . . . . Ghönandi, vi., . . . . 198, 199, 200, 203 Ghönündi Brähmi Inscription, 198, 199, 203 Ghotis Plates of Prithvidēva II,. . 163 Ghyāgudin Balban, Sultan of Delhi Girnar Rock Edict IV of Asoka,. . . 31 Gödävarl, ri., , 20; 58, 139, 140, 144, 145. 162
200, 208 Gadvál Plates of Vikramaditya I, 26, 27 n., 28 Gübadavāla, dy. . . . . . . . 101 gaja-Lakshmi, emblem on seal, . . . 136 Gjayana, . . .
. 201, 203, 204 Anpapati, god,. . . . 128, 130, Gandaki, ri, . . . . . . 202 Gandaraditya, Chola k., , 219, 220, 221, 240,
241 & n., 256 Gandaruwatattaiyar-Ilambagam, work,. .223 n. Gandhara, mara, . . . . . 50 n. Ganga, dy., . 43, 103, 104, 107, 110 & n.,
111 & 1., 112 & n., 113, 136, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 161, 162 n., 184, 218, 221, 225,
228, 272 Ganga, s. a. ri. Ganges, . . 107, 192, 194 Hangadiyatniyar Kannada Perungangar, W.
Ganda ch.. . . . . 110 & 1., 113

Page #374

INDEX.
9A3
.
.
.
PAGE Gogera, vi., .
122 Gögrapura, vi., . .
121, 124, 127 Gökarna, ch. . .
• 161, 162 . Gölamme, m., .
, 93, 94, 95, 96 Gölasinghe, . a. Sõlasingha, . Gold Committee,
. . 148 Golikā, vi.. .
. . 80 Gomdi, götra-., Gordiputa, metronymic of Buddharakshita, Gôndala, Paramara ch., . . Gooty Inscription of Vinayāditya, Gopala II, Påla k., . . Goperāja, ch., . . . Gord, I., . . . . Gõsaladevi, Gähadavila q... Gota. . . . . . . . 34 Gotama, 8. G. the Buddha,. Götamai, ri., .
. . Gotiputa, metronymic of Āgaraju, . . 34, 35 Gotiputra, metronymic of Agnimitranaka, 35 götras :
Atri, . . . . . . . 31 Atrēya, .
. . . 24, 29 Bharadvaja or Bharadvaje, 31, 129, 132, 135,
192, 194, 237, 252, 264 Bhrigu, . .
. . . . 31, 32 Chhāgari,
. . . 34 Gādāyana, .
. 205 Gājāyana,
201, 203, 204, 205 Garga, . . .
. . . 184 Gárgyāyana,. .
. . . 24, 29 Gautama, . .
. . . 20 Godāyana,
205 Götama,
. . 20 Harkari or Härkari,. 168 & n., 172 & n., 175 J6wdkarạye, • •
. . 100, 108 Kanvs,. . .
. . 205 Kapishthala,. . . . . 136, 137 Kābyapa, .
33, 34, 35, 211 .. Kaundinya..
. . . 32, 84 Kausika,
24, 29, 115, 119 Mathara, Parkkara,
. . 16, 23, 201, 204 Balankäyana,
. . 100, 108 Vachha, 8. a. Vatea,
. . . 31, 36 Vesishtha, . .
31, 222, 242, 257 Vatsa, V&tes or Våtsya,. . 30, 31, 32, 151,
156, 158, 161, 165 Vishnuvriddha, . . . 171, 175, 212 Götra pravaranibandhakadamba, work, 31 ., 168 .,
172 ..
PAGE Govardhana, L., . . . . . Govardhana, te.. . . . .8&th, Govinda, m., . . . . . 94, 95, 96 Govinda, m., . . . . . 196, 197 Govinda, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . . 94, 96 Govinda I, Rashtrakūta k., 67, 71, 81, 105, 177,
182 Govinda 11, Rashtrakūta k., . 82, 102, 103, 104 & n.,
107, 177, 178 & ., 179, 180, 183 Govinda III, Rashfrakūta k., 21. ., 67, 68, 72, 73, 77, 78 & n., 79, 83, 103, 111 n., 177 & n.,
180 & n., 184 n. Govindachandra, Gähadapāla k., . . 101 Govindavarman, Vishnukundin k., . . 19 Gramakūtāyukta, off., . . . 84, 108, 184 gråmatikhara, . . . . . 115, 119 Guddavādi, di.,
. . 20, 144, 145 Güdhapurusha, off., . . . 158, 159 Gudiwāda Inscription, . . . . 162 n. Guhasēna, Valabhi k., . . . 114, 116 Guhēsvarapātaka, ca., . . . 100 Guhila, dy. of Dungarpur, . . . 192 Guhila, . a. Guhilot clan of Mewar, 285, 286,
287, 288 Guhilot, clan of Mewar, . .
. 285 Gujarat, co., . 56, 57, 58, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71,
77, 78, 79 & 11., 197, 285, 287, 288 Gumbheer, ch. of Gord, . . . . 57 Gurda, family, . .
. . . 34 Gunabhara, 8. a. Vasudēva com., . . . 109 Gunamēnagaipuram, vi., . . . . Gunarija, m., . . .
. . 59, 61, 63 Gupta, dy. . . .4 & n., 5, 18, 35, 210 R. Gupta, race, . . . . . . 34, 35 Gurgaj, te., , .
. . . 127 Gurgi, vi., . . .
. . . 127 Gurjara, co., . .
. 46, 50, 285 Gurjara or Görjara, dy., . 55, 67 & ., 60, 62,
63 *., 129, 182, 134, 136 Gurjara or Görjara, people, . . . 87, 74, 163 Gurjara-Pratthāra, dy.. . . . . 122 Gurjara-Prathārs, empire, . . . . 69 Garjarida, . . .
. . 132 .. Guruparampara, work, . . . 230 Guta, . . . . . gutta, o. a. gupta, . . . guyada, 'courtyard', . . . . 192, 196
|
.
.
.
.
. 12, 64, 114, 187 200

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
PAGE Hádá-ji, . . .
. . 32 Hadda Kharðshthi Inscription of the year 28, 12 Hadhapalli, vi., . . . 121, 122, 124, 127 Haihaya, s. a. Kalachuri dy. 127 n., 128, 129,
160, 164 hala, land measure, . . . 192 & 11., 194 Haļebid, 8. a. Dorasamudra, . . . 58 Hammiramadamardana, work. . . . 2871. hamsa, emblem, . . . . . . 112 n. Hanuman, te., . . . . . . 205 Hara, 8. a. god Siva, . . . . 71, 105, 182 Hara-Gaurl, 8. a. Ardhanārisvara, . . 133 Haraha Stone Inscription of Maukhari Sürya
Varman, . . . . . . 19 Hari, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . 238, 255 Harihar Grant of Vinayaditya, . . 24, 25, 26 Harikēsaridēva, Kadamba ch., . . . 101 Harischandra, myth. k.. . . . : 220 Harishēņa, Vakafaka k., . . . 21 n... 22 Harivarman, W. Ganga, k., . . . Harsha, k., . . . . 72, 81, 105, 182 Harshagupta, Sõmavamsi k. of Kõsala, . . 18 Hasdo, ri., . . . . . . 163 Hashtnagar Pedestal Kharoshthi Inscription, 12 hithi-bāda, elephant-stable', . 198, 199, 200,
201, 202, 203 Häthi-bādā Brāhmi Inscription at Nagarl, 198,
201, 202, 203 Häthigumpha Inscription of Kharavela, 28 n. Heliodorus, Greek, . . . . 200, 203 Himadri, . a. Himalaya mo.. . . . 132 Himalaya, mo., . . . . 127, 135, 157, 257 Himasailajā, 8. a. goddess Parvati, . 155 Hirahadagalli Plates, . . . . . 209 Hiranyayoga-Dhashu-väpi, field, . . 79 n. Hirü, f.
. . 285, 290, 291 Wigen Tsang or Hiuen Taiang, Chinese pilgrim,
see also Yuan Chwang, . . . 27, 283 house, symbol, . . . Hovya, see Bhovya,
223, 243, 258 Hoysaļa, dy. . . . 44, 56, 57, 58 Hoysala Narasimha I.'s Inscription, . . 59 Humcha Inscription, . . . . . 112 Hun, tribe, . . .
. . 210 ». Hund, a. a. Udabhāņda ca., . Huvishka, Kushana k., . . . . 12
PAGE i, medial,. . . . 5, 6, 16, 187, 208, 215 i, used for i, . . . . . . 136 Idaikaji-nādu, di., . . 269, 278, 280 idaippaffam, tax, . . . . . 234 Ikshvāku, dy. of Ayodhya,. . . . 98 Ikshvaku, dy of South India,
33, 34, 36 Ikshváku, myth. k., . : 216 & n., 220, 238,
255 ilaikkülam, tax, . . . . 234, 263 Ilam, 8. a. Ceylon, 87, 90, 91, 221, 226 & 1.,
245, 259 Ila-mandalam, 8. a. Ceylon, . . 90, 92, 224 Ilampüfchi, tax, . . . . . 234, 263 Ilămuridēsa, . . . . . 230 Ilangabóka, I., . . . . . . 230 Ilangökkudi, vi., Ilattan, s. a. Singhalese k. Parikramabihu, 87, 89,
90 Ilattaraiyan, k. of Ceylon', . .110 . Ilava, caste, . . .
. . 234 Iļavadiga! Naļļāran, m., . . 236, 254, 266 llävarsha, co., . . .
. .
. . 166 Indo-Greek, . . . . . . 97 Indra, god, 11, 40, 46, 51, 121, 123, 125, 157
& n., 217 n., 241, 256, 257 Indra or Indra Prichchhakarāja, Rashtrakūta
k., . . . . . . 67, 177 Indra III, Rashfralcuta k., . . . .177 n. Indrabala, Sõmavamit k. of Kösala, . 18 Indrajit, ch., . . . 121, 122, 124, 126, 127 Indrajit, Rävana's son, . . . . 126 Indraraja, Rāshtrakūta k., . 73, 77, 78, 81, 85, 105,
182
Indravarman, Vishnukundin k.,,
19, 20 & 1., 21
&
7.
Indumauli, 8. a. god Siva, • . 218, 238, 239, 256 Indus, ri., . . . . . . . 33, 97 Inga-nadu, di., .
. . 216 n. Innambar-pidu, di.,. . . . . 223 Ipur Plates of Madhavavarman, . 19 n., 20 n., 21.,
22 Irāmakuta-Müvara, . . . . 225 Irāyiravan Pallavayan, m.. . 234, 235, 244,
245, 254, 258, 259, 266 Irda, vi.. . . . . . . . 150 Trdi Copper-Plate of Kamboja Nayapäladova,
160, 161, 162, 163 Irunurruvan Uttaman, m.. . 237, 251, 263 Isa, .. a. god Siva, . . . , 130, 164 ibai, kind of Tamil composition, . , . 50 n. Isänadēva, Somavarii k. of Kosala, . . 18
.
i, initial, i. medial,
. .
. .
. 6, 120, 128, 160, 187 .5, 6, 7, 93, 187, 208, 215

Page #376

INDEX.
305
PAGE 128 n., 131, 134
. : 19 . . 120
. .
Ibānasambhu, Saiva ascetic, Ilānavarman, Maukhari k., . Islām Shāh, Khilji k., . Isvara 8. a. god Siva, Isvarabhatta, m., . . Isvarapõtavarman, Pallava k., I-tsing, Chinese pilgrim, . iyal, kind of Tamil composition,
. .
93, 94, 95, 96 . . . 283
45, 50 & n.
j, . . . 30, 38, 93, 151, 167, 180 n., 208 Jagaddēva, Paramāra k., 54, 55, 56, 57 & n.,
58, 59 & n., 60, 61, 62, 63 Jagadēkamalla, Chola k., . . . . 220 Jagattraya-Dandanāyaka, Singhalese general,
90, 92 Jagattungadēva, Rashtrakūta k., . . . 77, 85 Jaggayyapota Inscriptions of the Ikahvikus, 33 Jahnavi, 8. a. Gangā ri., . . . . 116 Jaina, sect. . . . . . . 50 n. Jaina Caves, . . . . . . 31 Jain-Acharyas, .
. . . 286 Jainad, vi.. . .
. . . 54, 59 Jaitramalla, 8. a. Paramāra k. Jayatungidēva,
285, 288, 290 & n. Jaitrasimha Guhila k., 285, 287 & n., 288, 289, 290 Jaitsi, 8. a. Guhila k. Jaitrasimha, . . 287 Jājalladēva I, Kalachuri k., 160 & n., 163, 165 Jājalldēva II, Kalachuri k., . . 160, 165 Jälor, province, . . . . . . 197 Jāmadagnya, 8. a. Parasurama, . : 123, 125 Jamali, vi.,
. . 168, 171, 172, 175 Jámbani, vi. . .
. . .154 n. Jämbavant, epic hero,
. . . 164 Jāmbavantēsvara, te.,
. . . 164 Jámbavat, L., . . . . 161, 164, 166 Jambhala, god,.
. Jambu, l. in W. Java, Jambukēsvaram, vi., . .
. . 217 Jambutirtha, I., . . .
164 Jambuvā or Jambuvāvikā, vi., . . 80 Jardēra, vi., . .
161, 163, 164, 167 Jämuntolā, vi.,. . .
. . 171 Janamējaya, 8. a. Mahā-Bhavagupta II, 136 Jananátha, 8. a. Paramāra Jayasinha, . 55, 56 &n. Janardana, 4. a. god Vishnu, . . . 44 Jāngala, co., . . . . 285, 287, 289 jäni (yajñita), . . . . . . 195 n. Janjgir, di., . . . . . 163, 164 Jatakas, work,. . .
. 202 ..
Jațăvarman Kulasekhara I, Pandya k., Jatëkvara, Ganga k., . . . 162 & 1h. Jatilavarman, Pandya k., . . . . 7 Jätäkarniputra, 8. a. poet Bhavabhati, 211 . Jaulit Kharoshthi Inscription,
. 12 Java, . . . . . . 281, 283 . Javanese, . .
. .
. . . . 284 Jayadratha-Dandanátha, Singhalese General,. 43 Jayangondān, author, . . . . 139, 270 Jayangondabóla-mandalam, di., 88, 89, 91, 243,
258 Jayangondasõla-valanādu, di. . 269, 278, 280 Jayantarāja, m., . . . . . 97, 98 Jayasimha, k. of Dandabhukti, . . 153 Jayasimha, s. a. Quhila k. Jsitrasimha, . .287 Jayasimha, W. Chalukya k.,
222, 268, 269,
273, 279 Jayasimha, Paramära k., 55, 56, 57 m., 58, 60,
63 & . Jayasimha, a. a. Jayasimha-Siddharāja, 57 & 1. Jayasimha, 3. a. Jēsingha, . . . . 188 . Jayasimha I., E. Chalukya k. . . 20, 21 & n. Jayasimba III, Chalukya k., . . . 188 Jayasinhha-Siddharāja, Chaulukya k... 67 and . Jayasimhasūri, author, . . . . 287 n. Jayastambha, 8. a. Jēkhambha,. . .188 n. Jayatala or Jayatasimha, 8. a. Guhila k.
Jaitrasimha,. . . . . 287 Jayatungidēva, Paramára k. of Malw?, 288 Jayavitāla, n. of k. Pürnavarman's elephant, . 6n. Jējābhuktika, . . . . . . 162 Jejūri Plates of Vinayāditya, 25, 26, 29 & n. Jēkhambha, . . . . . 188 n., 190 Jēsala, 3. a. Guhila k. Jaitrasimha, 285, 288, 290 Jesar, vi., . . . . . . . 114 Jesar Plates of Siladitya III, . . . Jēsingha, minister, . . . 188 & n., 190 Jethwai, vi.. . . . . . . 98, 99 jihvamūliya, Jinasena, author,
Nor) . . . . . 28, 178 Jinēsvarasūri, acharya, . . 286, 291 Jivakachintamani, work, . . .223, 231 n. jivita, . . . .
. 45, 50, 54 Jodhpur Insoription of V. S. 894, . . 121 Jögimära Cave, at Ramgarb, . . . 31 Joja, m., . . . . . . . Jondra, vi.. . . . . . . 164 Jug Dev, 8. a. Paramára k. Jagaddēva, 66, 67 Jumna, ri.,
. . . 71 Junagadh Rook Inscription of Rudradiman, 201 Jura Inscription of Krishna, . . A6
.
37

Page #377

306
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
PAGE
PAGE Kalēlā or Kälslaya, lake, . . . 286, 291 Kali, age, 45, 50, 123, 125, 126, 131, 134, 187
& n., 239, 265 Kalidasa, author, . 31, 169 & 1., 210, 211 Kalikāla, 8. a. Chola k. Karikāla, . . 217 ., 220 Kalinga, co., 45, 50, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143,
145, 221, 222, 224, 225, 227, 230, 245, 270, 271 Kalinganagara, ca., . . . . 141, 162 n. Kalingapparani, eulogy, . . . 140, 141 Kalingarāja, Kalachuri k., . . 160 & ., 166 Kalingarājan, seat, . . . 268, 276, 279 Kalingattupparani, work, 139, 140, 141, 142,
214, 216 n., 217 7., 270, 272 Kaliyur-köttam, di... . . . . 147 Kaļļikudi, vi.. . 238, 244, 245, 250, 259, 263 kal padruma, 126, 130, 133, 165, 239, 265, 267 Kalumalam, vi., . , 217, 236, 244, 269 Kalyanapura, I., . . . . . 221 Kalyani, ca., .
55, 56, 58, 188 Kalyani, Chola 9., . . . . . 220 Kämā, vi.. . . . . . . 121 Kamalaraja, Kalachuri k.,. .
160, 166 Kämämnava, E. Ganga k., , . . 228 Kamauli Grant of Vaidyadeva, . '162 Kamavana, 8. a. Kami vi., . . . Kāmavana Inscription, . . . . 121 Kambayanallar, vi., . . . . . 43 Kamboja, co., . . . . . . 153 Kamboja, dy. . . 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 167 Kamboja, tribe, . . . . 33, 163 & . Kamboja, &. a. Cambodia,. . . . 281 Kāmboja borses, . . . . 153 d . Kaměsvarfdēvi, q.
1. 9
. .
. . .
. 97, 98 Kampilikka khundaka, . . . 115, 119 Kämpilya, monk. . . . • 66, 67, 76 Kampilya, tirtha, . . . 66, 67, 71, 76 Kamsári, o. a.god Vishnu,. . • 123, 126 Kanakagiri, .. a. mo. Mēru, . . 229, 242, 267 Kanakarājan. . . . . . 91, 92 kapaklar, 'accountants', . • 207 & . Kanauj, ca. . . 122, 129, 162, 311 Kanavadikal, field, . . . 249, 261, 262 Kapavadimayakkal, field,. . . 248, 262 Kirchi or Kachlpur, ., 26, 27 de n., 72, 81, 103, 104 n.., 105, 110 ., 111, 112, 139, 140, 141,
147, 180, 182, 184, 217, 220, 222, 243, 268 Kigchiváyil, i.. . . . 222, 242, 268 Kandalar-Balai, 1., 221, 224, 225, 246, 200 Kandar dittam, w., . . . . . 219. Kanheri Cave Insoription,.
32
, . . . . . . 1, 6, 38, 93, 208 Kábul, . . . . . . . 97 kachcham,' resolution', . . 8 & n., 10, 11 Kachchhapaghate, dy., . . . . 121 Kachchipēdu, &. a. Conjeevaram,. . 147 Kadalangudi, vi., 234, 235, 236, 244, 254, 258,
266 kadam, land measure,. . . 90, 92 & n. Kadamba, dy., . . . . . 101 Kadambangudi, vi... 232, 238, 244, 262, 265 Kadambanür, vi.. . 231, 232, 237, 251, 263 Kadambavalavätkai, vi.. . 232, 238, 263, 265 Kadapha, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 Kadaphes, &. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 Kaďára, 8. a. Katāba co., 224, 228, 229, 230, 243, 244, 250, 258, 263, 268, 274, 277, 279, 282,
283, 284 Kadava, 8. a. Pallava,
. . . . 43, 45 Kaddibhara, vi.. Kadphises, . .
. .
. . . 13 Kadük, tribe. . . . . . . 196 n. Kadavetti, ch., . .
. . 112 kaikköļār, . . .
. 146 Kailāsa, mo., . .
130, 133, 238, 255 Kaira, 4. a. Srikhētaks
. . . 66, 71 Kaitabha, demon destroyed by Vishnu, . . 45 Kakkala, Rashtrakūta k., .
• . 228 Kakshivat, myth. k.,. .
. 220 Kakutstha, 5. a. myth. k. Purañjaya,
220 Kals, 8. a. god Yama, . .
. 217. Kalábhirapalli, vi., . . . . 132 Kalabhoja, Guhila, k.,. .
. 287 Kalachuri, dy., . 55, 57, 94, 128, 129, 160, 161, 163 Kaladi, tri., . . . 45, 49, 53 Kalakattär, vi, . . . . . 113 Kalakkad, vi... . . . . 9 Kalakkādu, v., . . Kalakkuļi, vi., . Kalakkudinkidu, di...
• 9, 11 kalam, measure of capacity, 223, 229, 258, 274, 277,
278, 279, 280 Kalamukha, sect.,
. . . . 50 . lalarju, weight, . . . . . 147 Kalasan, vi., . .
. . 281 Kalavali, work, .
. . 217 Kalavky, field,. .
248, 261 Kalbappunada, co.,. .
• 112 Ka Bhairava, deity, . . . . . 170 m.
121
9
.......

Page #378

INDEX
307
bani,
995
.
PAGE
. 231 kani, land measure, 223, 243, 244, 258, 259, 261,
269, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 kanimurrüttu, . .
231, 243, 258 Kanishka, Kushana k., . . . : 98 Kanishka Casket Kharðshthi Inscription, 12 kaniyalar, . 268, 274, 275, 278 & n., 277 & *.,
278 & W., 279 Kankāņinaduvirukkum, off. . . 224, 269 kannālakkānam, tax,. .
234, 263 Kannan Alankära priyan, m.,
237, 252, 264 Kannanur, 8. a. Vikramapura, . Kannasarman, donee, . . . . . 24, 29 Kanni, 8. a. Kanyakumari, . . . 46,61 kanikkadaş. 268, 269, 274, 276, 277, 278, 279,
280 kanni-kavalan, ep. of Pandya k., . . .51 n. Käntāragrama, di.. .
. .
66, 67, 71, 74 Kanti, vi.. . . . . . 151, 155, 158 Kāņva, dy. . . . . . 204, 205 Kanyakumari, 8. a. Cape Comorin, . . 51 Kanyākumāri Inscription of Virarājöndra, 142, 214, 217 de 1., 218 & 1., 219 de 1., 220, 221,
222, 272 Kapa, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 Käpadwanj Grant of Krishna II,. . .177 n. Kaphsa, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 Kapisā, ca., Kāpiea, of Kapión', . . Käpist, ca.,
. Käplia, s. a. Kāmpilya tirtha, Kappisa, of Kapisa', . Kars, dy., . .
. . . . 100 Kara, I., . . . . . . .
37 Karad, vi., . . . . . 181, 189 Kåraikkal, ti.,. . . 269, 278, 280 Karana, off. . . . 155, 156, 159, 232, 252 Kara-nadu, di.,. . . . 236, 245, 259 Karanattan, off
147, 231, 233, 252, 253 Karanattan-Madhyaatha, off. . 232, 233, 237,
238, 252, 253 Karanattan-Vetkovan, off. . . . 233, 237 Karanika, off... . . . . 124, 127 Karañjavasahikā, vi., . .
. . 80 Karañjaviraka, vi.. . . . . . 171 n. käranmai, . . . .
262, 263 Karavandapuram, vi., .
. 9 Karhāda, vi.. . . . . 181, 184 Karhāl Grant of Krishna III, 103, 179, 180 Karikala, .. a. Chola k. Aditya II, 221, 227, 240,
256
PAGE Karikäla-Chöla, Chola k., .28 n., 217, 220, 239, 256 Karikālachola, sur. of Chõla k. Adhirājēndra, 274 Karikalachola, tit., . . . . . 274 Karka, Rashtrakūta k., . . 81, 182, 183 Karka, Gujarat Rashtrakūta k., 65, 67, 68, 69, 70 & n., 72, 73, 76, 77, 78, 79, 84, 85, 90,
102, 104 8., 106 Karkaka, m., . . . . . 116, 119 Karka Pratápabila, Rashtrakūta k.. . 180 &n. Kaskättür, vi., . . . .
• 110, 113 Kaskudi, vi.. . . . . 235, 244, 259 Kärle Cave Inscription, . . . . 32 Kärle Lion Column Inscription, . . . Karmapa, m... .
285, 289 Karpa, Chaulukya k., . . . . . 56, 58 Kama, epic hero, . .
. 218 .. Karpa, Haihaya k., . .
129 Karna, k., . . . .
56, 61, 62 Karna, Kalachuri k., . . . . 55, 160 n. Karnakesarin, k. of Utlala, . . . . 153 Karnāli, vi., . .
. . 71 Karnata or Karpatak, co.,. . . 45, 65 Karnāta or Karņātaka, people, 55, 56, 58, 88 n.,
72, 99, 106, 182 Karnūl Grant of Vinayāditya, . . . 25, 26 Karõdhaka, vi.,
.
129, 132, 135 Karpagādityan, 8. a. Muppattiruvan Yajian,
287, 251, 263 Karpagan Solai, m.,.
226, 254, 266 Kärttavirya, myth. I., .
. . 160, 164 Kirttikėya, god, . ,
. . 128 Karumamárāyum, off.,
. 224, 235 Karuņākaran, 8. a. Vanduvaraja, . karuni, measure of capacity, 277, 278, 279, 280 Karuvānallar, vi., . . . Karuvür Inscription, . . . . . 55 karyadarsi, . . .
. .
. 147 Kasa, 8. a. Kadphises, Kāsākuļi Pallava Grant, . . . 27 n., 111 n. Käsapagota, patronymic of a Buddhist teacher, 35, 36 Kashmir . . . . . . . 97 Käshthāmandapa, vi.. . . . 80 Kassa, s. a. Kadphises, kabu, coin, . . . 8, 10, 11 Kasyapa, sage,. .
. . 216 11., 220 Kāsyapan Süryyan Arangan, m., 237, 252, 284 Katäha, co., 221, 222, 229, 230, 242, 243, 267,
258, 267, 268, 282, 283, 284 Katargām, s. a. Kāntāragrāma, . . . 66, 67 Kathiāwår, . . . . . . 114 Käthmåndvä, o. a. Käsbthāmaņdapa vi. . 80
13
20

Page #379

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
:
120
PAGE Katija, di.,
192, 194 Katiyor, di., .
192 Katea, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . 13 n. Katyāyani, . a. goddess Pārvati, . . . 100 Kaajă, road, . . .
. . . 195 Kaunti, 3. a. Koti,
. . : 35 Kausikiputra, metronymic of Nagadatta, 32 Kaufaliya Arthafästra, work, 1, 3, 174 n., 175 n. Kautilya, author, 33, 159 n., 174 n., 175 h,
233 Kiu-t 'ien, 8. a. Kadphises, . . . . Kautiputra, 8. a. Kotiputa, . . . . 35 Kavachakshetra, vi.,.
129, 132, 135 Kavalõikā, vi.,.
. 77, 80, 84 Kavarikā, vi... . . . . 71, 75 Kavēra-kanyaka, 8. a. ri. Kāvērl,
220, 256 Kavēra-tanayā, 8. a. ri. Kávēri,. . .217 n. Kāvēri, ri., . 51, 139, 217 de n., 219, 220, 234,
239, 255 Kävidiy-odai, ri.,
. . .. 246, 259 Kävi Grant of Govinda, . 67, 68, 77, 78 & n. Kayastha, . . . .
. . . 98 Kayattāṇkuruchohi, vi.. . . 48, 49, 50, 54 Kědá, ., . . .
. . . 195 Keddah, 8. a. Katāba co., . . . . 282 Kölhana, m., . .
285, 289 Kēlisimha, engr., .
286, 292 Kelurak, vi., . .
281 Kelurak Inscription, . . . . 281, 283 Kērala, co. 43 de n.., 45 ., 72, 81, 105, 182,
219, 221, 222, 241, 257 Kērala, dy., 26, 27 de 1., 28, 56, 220, 272 Keralántaka-chaturvedimangalam, wi., . 234, 235,
244, 254, 258, 266 Kesarin, tit., . .
. . . . 17 . Kesarivarman, Chola k., . . . . 147 Kesarkel, vi., . ,
. 136 Kēkavaditya, m., . Kötumāla, Chõla k. .
. . 220 Kévig, Ti., . Kêyüravarsha, sur. of Haihaya k. Yuvarija
dēva I., . . . . 129, de n., 132, Köyüravarsha, sur. of Haihaya k. Yuvarijadéva II., . . . 129 de 1., 132, 135
. . 16, 30, 64, 128 Khadgaröna, m... . . . . . 109 Khairba Platee of Yasahkarna, . . . 129 Khóm Baba, ... • • . . . 202 Khambha I, Chalukya ch... . . 188, 190 Khambha JJ, Chalukya ch., . 186, 187, 188, 189
de n., 190, 191 den.
PAGE Khamgaon, 3. a. Khamkhod vi., . . . 93 Khámkhed, ti., .
. . . . 93, 94 Khámkhod Plates of Pratāpasila, 171 n., 178 n. Khandgiri, I., . . khandika, measure of capacity, .
144, 145 Kharagraha I., Valabhi k., . . . 114, 117 Kharagraha II, do. . . . . 114, 118 Kharagraha, Valabhi prince,. . . 115, 120 Khåravela, k., . . . . . 28 n. Kharod Inscription of Ratnadēva III, 161 16., 162 n. khatiya, 8. a. Kshatriya, . . . . 33 khatiya-dapa-mana-madana, ep. of Satavi. hana Satakarni, . .
. . . 32 Khathroi, 8. a. Kshattri, Khatri, s. a. Kshattri, . Khayellikā, vi., . . . . Khetaka, vi.. . .
• 80 Khētala, m., . .
. . 194 Khilji, dy. . . Khimidi, co., . . .
• 162 Khóläpur, vi. .
. 171 . Khõlēsvare, general, . . . . 171 *. Khomāna 1, Quhila k.,
. . . 287. Khottiga, Rashtrakūta k., .. i Khumāna, Guhila k.,
. . . . 287 Khyata, work, . . . . . . 193 n. Kidara, s. a. Katäha co., . 243, 258, 278, 282,
283, 284 Kikaka, m., . . . . . 116, 119 kil, land measure 223, 244, 258, 269, 277, 280 Kilág Kilāp, ., .
. .
. . 248, 261 Kilappaluvur Inscription,. .
231 Kil-Chandirappadi, vi., . . 269, 277, 280 ki kalapai, . . . . . . 146 K1j-körra, di., . . . . . . 50, 54 Killi, Chola k., . . . . 217, 220 Kilinallür, vi., . . .
236, 244, 259 Kilmuttagür Ganga Inscriptions,. .112 n. Kl]váy Kanavadi, m., .
236, 254, 266 Kil-Vomba-nadu, di...
. .
. . 45, 49, 53 Kinnara, see Sina, . . . . . 45, 60 Kinsukād seventy, di.
. . . 188 Kirado, province, . . . . . 197 Kirtidhara, engr.,
161, 163, 164, 167 Kirtikaumudi, work, . . . . .57 1. Kirttirāja, Kachchhapaghata ch., . . . 121 Kisarakëllā, l. . .
. . : 136 Kistna, ri.. .
. . : 55, 58. klipta, . . .
175 de n. Koob, tribe . .
. . 153 de n.
30

Page #380

INDEX.
309
.
.
35
Rovaru, buy
.
.
.
.
.
.
270
200,
PAGE Kochchangannan, Chola k., 217, 220, 221, 239, 255 Ködandan Sēņan, m., . , 236, 254, 266 Ködandarāma, 8. a. Chola k., Aditya I, 218, 221 Kodumbāļūr, . . . . 219 n., 227 Ködungölür, 8. a. Cranganore,
225, 226 Koili, 8. a. Kavalõikā vi., . . . . 80 Kõkkalla I, Kalachuri k., , . 160 d. 1., 164 Kokkalla II, do.. . 129 de n., 132, 134, 160 n. KO-kkilli, 8. a. Chola k. Killi, 217, 220, 239, 255 Kõlam, 8. a. Kollam,. . . .
• 225 Kolambha, 8. a. Quilon, .
. . . 225 Kolambhādhisas, ' Venädu chiefs ', . 225 Kölāpadra, vi.,. .
. . 99, 108 Kolapoor, vi.. .
. .171 n. koliyar, . .
. . 146 Kollam, co., . 221, 224, 225, 226, 245, 259 Kollapura, vi., . . . . .171 n. kollar, Koluman Inscription, . .
. . 42 n. Komaralingam Inscription, . . . . 42 n. Kondedda Plates of Dharmarāja-Mänabhita, 21 n. Konērinmaikondan, ep. of Chola k. Rājarāja
I,. . . . . . , 243, 258 Konērinmaikondan, ep. of 8. Kongu k. Vira
räjëndra, . . . . 42 n. Konganam, co., . . . . . . 270 Kongu, co., . . 42 do n., 43, 47, 48, 52
& n., 218 Kongu-chola, dy., . . . Konkaņa, co., . .
45, 50, 78 Kon Puttan, m., . . . .
251, 263 Kontali, minister,
188 d n. Kooplā, vi,
. . . 171 1. Kopparam Plates of Pulikēsin II, . . 28 n. Köratapadraka, vi., . . . . 115, 119 Korui Plates, . . . . . 141, 162 Korramangalamudaiyán, m., . 235, 264, 266 Korrangudi Inscription of Pallavamalla, 111 n. Korran Porkāri, m.,. . . 236, 244, 259 Korumelli Plates, . . . . . 271 Kosala, co., 2, 3, 17 & 1., 20, 21 n., 45, 50, 140, 143, 145 de n., 160 n., 162, 165, 169, 201,
210 de n. Kobaleinadu, s. a. Dakshina Kösala, . 154 Kosambi, s. a. Kolambakhanda vi., 169, 170, 171 Kolambakhanda, vi., 168, 170, 171, 172, 175 koshth-agara, store-house,
. . 1 Kota, clan, . . . . . . 35, 36 Kotali, &. a. Köntali, . . . . 188 n., 190 kothagala, 4. a. köshth-agara, . . . 1, 2
PAGE Koti, Kotiputa, metronymic of a Buddhist teacher, 35 Kötră, vi., . . . . . . 288 Köttadaka, vi.,
. . 285, 288, 289 koffagāram, . .
. . . 262 Kottaiyūr, vi... 222, 236, 242, 254, 257, 266 Kottārakkuļi, vi.. . . 232, 237, 251, 264 Köttāru, I., . . Kottayam Plates of Chēra Sthāņu Ravi, . 225 Kottidal, field . . . . . 248, 261 Köttūra, ca., . . . . . . 31 Kövūr, vi.. . 232, 237, 246, 247, 249, 252, 259,
260, 262, 264 Köyali, 8. a. Kavalõikā vi., . . . 80 Köyáttúr, vi., . . . . . . 112 köyil-angadiyar, . . . . . 146 kra, form of : : : . . 128 krishaka, 'cultivator', . . . . 155 & n. Krishna, engr., . . . 222, 223, 243, 258 Krishna, m., . . 222, 223, 243 de n., 258 Krishna, 8. a. epic hero Yudhishthira, . 101 Krishna, 8. a. god Vishnu, 121, 158, 183, 243, 258 Krishna I, Rashtrakufa k., . 69, 81, 99, 103, 108,
177, 178, 180, 183 Krishna II, do...
. . . . 67, 69 Krishna II, Gujarat Rashtrakūta k., 69, 70, 72 Krishna III, Rashfrakūta k., 65, 170, 179, 180 n.,
215, 218 de n., 219, 220, 221, 240, 256 Krishna-Akālavarsha, 8. a. Gujarat Rashtra.
kūta k. Krishna II, . . . 69, 70, 71 Krishnan Raman, m., . 234, 235, 244, 245,
254, 258, 259, 266 Krita, age, . . .
116, 123, 126, 158 Kritayugādi-navami, tithi, . . . . 156 n. ksh, form of Kshamāmāthuna, vi., . . . 196, 198 n. Kshatmamāthuka, vi.,
196, 198 n. Kshatra, 8. a. Kshatriya caste, . 238, 255 Kshatriya, caste, . . 32, 33, 34, 36, 255 Kshatriya, 8. a. Kshattri, . . . . 33 Kshatriyasikhāmaņi-vaļanādu, di.. . 222, 224,
232, 233, 235, 236, 241, 243, 244, 245, 246, 250, 251, 252, 253, 257, 258, 259, 261, 263, 264, 265,
266, 274, 275 Kshattri, tribe, . . . . . . 33 Kshēma, m.,
285, 289, 290, 291 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k.. . 20 Kudagumalai-nādu, 8. a. Kudamalai-nādu,. 225 Kūdalasamgama, I., . . . . . 221 Kudamalainādu, co., 221, 224, 225, 246, 259, 270

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
PAGE Kurnool Plates of Vikramaditya I., . . 29 Kūrmēsvara Temple Inscription,. . . 162 Kurralam, vi.. . . . 232, 237, 253, 265 Kurram Casket Kharoshthi Inscription : 12 Kurugota, vi.. . . . . 100, 108 Kurukkai-nádu, di.,.
234, 235, 254, 268 Kurukulattaraiyan, 8. a. Göran Uyyanirraduvän. . . . .
. . 50, 54 Kurumbil, vi., . . .
234, 254, 266 Kurumbür-nadu, di., .
269, 278, 280 kuruni, measure of capacity,
223, 244, 258 kusakkanam, tax,
. 234, 263 Kushana, dy.. . . .
12, 13, 97, 98 Kütäyukta, off., . . . . . 84 kütti,' dancing women', . . . .234 n. küttikal, tax, . . . . . 234, 263 kuttukkal, 'default', . . . . . 234 n. kutumbin, 'householder', . . . 115, 119 Kuvaläsva, myth. k., . . . . . 220
PAGE Kudopali Plates of Maha-Bhavagupta II., . 18 Kühür Inscription, . .
. . 274 Kujala Kadphises,
. 13 Kukkidiyā, ti., . .
. 129, 132, 135 Kulachandra,
161, 165, 166 Kulaputra, . .
. . . 172 kulaputraka, nobleman', . . . 115, 119 Kulasēkhara, ch. . . . . 43 Kulasekhara, Pandya k., 87, 88 & n., 89, 90,
92 Kulidikki, I., . . . . 110, 111, 113 Kulottunga I., Chalukya-Chola k., 138, 139, 140,
141 de n., 142, 143, 144 Kulottunga I., Chola k., . 71., 40 n., 140, 267,
268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274, 276, 279, 283, 284 Kulottunga III, Chola k., 41, 42, 43 7., 44, 88
de n., 89 Kulottunga Chola I., 8. a. E. Chalukya Ra.
jendra II, . . . . 55, 58 d. Kulottungabölan-ula, work, . . . 214 Kulottungasõlavalanadu, di,
. . . 140 Kulüta, co., . .
. . 221, 222 Kumara, tit., . . .
. . . 188 Kumāraghosha, monk, . . . • 281 Kumaran Arangan, m., . . 236, 244, 259 Kumāränkuśa, . a. Cholamahārāja, . . 218 Kumārapāla I, Solanki k. of Gujarat,. . 197 Kumbhadēva, donee, . . . . 189, 191 Kumbhakarpa, Maharānå of Mewar. 286n. Kumbhalgarh Inscription of V. S. 1517, 193, 289 Kumhrar Pillar, . . . . 3 dn. Kunavan Nandi, m., 232, 237, 251, 252, 263,
264, 265 Kunavi, tribe. . . . . . . 196 n. kundäli, tax, . . . . 268, 276, 279 Kundavai, Chalukya princess, . . 270 Kundavai, Chalukya q. . . . 270 Kuijaraghatávarsha, ep. of Gaudapati, . . 152 n. Kunra-kurram, vi.,
. . 147 Kunta, . . .
. 35 Kuntala, co., 57, 129, 132, 135, 141, 210, 221,
270 Kuntalēša, . . . . . . 132 n. Kunti, Yadava clan,
. 35 Kunti, wife of Pandu, . . . : 35 Kuntibhoja, Yadava k.,
. 35 Kuntira, vi., . .
151, 158, 158 Kurakkēņikollam, co. . . . . 225 Karin Pallava Grant,
. 27 . Karmapuruna, work, . . . . . 171 n.
L 1, . . . 16, 38, 114, 128, 167, 200, 208 Lachchaladevi, Kadamba . . . . 102 Laddigam, vi. . . . . . 43, 112 Lādna Inscription of Sadharana, . . . Laghu-Vinga, vi.. . .
181, 185 Lahuada, m., . . .
. 195 Laiadaraniyaka, minister, . . . 188, 190 Lakhamadita, m., . . . 195 Lakhana, m., . . . . . . 195 lakshana, 'auspicious mark', . Lakshmadeva, 4. a. Paramara Jagaddēva, 57 Lakshmanarāja, ch.,.
121, 124, 126 Lakshmanasimha, k. of Sisõda, . . . 193 Lakshmēsvara Inscription of Vinayaditya, 25, 26 Lakshmi, emblem on seal, . . .15, 17, 136 Lakshmi, goddess, 17, 63, 116, 118, 123, 124,
125, 126, 127, 130,-133, 238, 254, 259, 279 Lakshmidevi, 9. . . . . . 188 Lakshmivallabha, ep. of Rashtrakufa k. Amo
ghavarsha I., . . . . . . 69 Lālā, m., .
. . . . 285, 290 Laläta Kesarl Gumpha, at Khandgiri,. 4 Lalitabhiradeva, Kara k., . . . . 100 lamp, auspicious sign, . . . . 53 n. languages -
Avesta, . . . Bhishi, s. a. Sanskrit, . . . 201 Iranian, . . . . . . . 14 Kanarese, . . . . . . 65

Page #382

INDEX
311
PAGE
.
.
97
.
.
215
PAGE languages contd.
Marāthi, Mixed dialect, .
. . . 201 North-Western Prā rit, . . . . 13, 14 Pali, . . . .
. 201 Pashto, . . . . . . . 14 n. Prakrit, . . . . 32, 46 n., 187, 201, 209 Saka, . . . . . . . 13 Sanskrit, 7, 8, 13, 14 n., 16, 24, 38, 39, 43,
66, 77, 94, 97, 99, 114, 121, 128, 136, 139, 146, 151, 168, 177, 187, 192, 196, 201, 205, 208, 215,
216, 268, 285 Sogdian,
14 n. Tamil 7, 8, 39, 43, 44, 46 n., 86, 110, 146, 205,
216, 223, 268 Lankā, . . . 129, 132, 218 n., 221, 224, 226 Lankápura-Dandanātha, Singhalese general, . 43 Lankapura-Dandanayaka, Singhalese general, 90, 92 Larger Leiden Plates (of Rājarāja I), 40 1., 213,
214, 217 W., 218, 220, 221, 222, 223, 226, 227, 228, 230, 232, 267, 268, 269, 274, 275, 281 d .,
282, 283 dn. Lāta, co., . . . . . 686., 77, 78 Lātēsvaramandala, 4. a. Lata co., , . 79 Lätiyamandala, 8. a. Läta co.. .
79, 83 LĀtür, I., . . . . . . . 65 n. layana, residence for monks',
. 31 Layaņādri, mno., . .
• 181 Layanagiri, mo.,
181, 185 lēkhaka, * acribe!,
132, 223 li, used for ļi, . . Ligor, I., . . .
. 281 Likkavalli, ri., . .
. 77, 8+ Lingatadāgikā, ri.. .
. 71, 75 Liñjira, vi.. . .
136, 137 lion, emblem on seal, . . . . 186 lipi, 'script', . . . . . Lokālóka, mo.,. . . . 238, 255 Lõkāyata, sect,. .
. : 30. Lolärka, minister of Paramāra k. Jagaddova, 59, 61.
m, subscript. . . . . . . 167 m, used for anusvira, . . må, land measure, , 223, 243, 244, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 268, 269, 274, 277, 278,
279, 280 machchunanar, brother-in-law'. . . 43 Madakköyil, te., . . . . .217 . Madamalingam, l., . . . . . 230 Madana, m., . . 285, 286, 290, 291 Madasara, vi.. . . .
. . 115, 119 Madasarasthali, di., .
. . 115, 119 Mãdavarājar, 8.a. Vēdanūrudaiyan Araiyan
Sivallavan, . . . . . . 50, 54 Madaridi, streets having storeyed buildings',
146, 148, 149, 150 Maddāpi, ri., .
. , 67, 71, 74 Mādhariputra, metronymic of a Satavahana k., 32 Madhava, engr., . . . 129, 132, 135 Madhava III, 8. a. W. Ganga k. Simhavarman, 111 Madhava Muttarasa, W. Ganga prince, . 112 Madhavanaka, field,. . . . 115, 119 Madhavavarman, I., Vishnukundin k., 19 & 1.,
20, 21 and n., 22 Madhavavarman II., do., . . 19, 20, 21 n. Madhu, com. . . . . 129, 132, 135 Madha, m., . . . . . . 195 Madhukamārnava, 8. a. Ganga k. Jatēsvara,. 162 Madhukesvara, te., . . . . . 162 n. Madhukesrara Temple Inscription. . . 162 n. Madhumati, ci., . . . . 128, 130, 133 Madhura, ri., .
. 136, 137 Madhuri. #. a. Madura ca.,. .
220 Madhurantaka. Chola k., 219, 220, 221 & n.,
228, 240, 241, 256 Madhuratanka, . a. Chõla k. Parantaka I, . 221 Madhurantaka, 8. a. Rājēndra-Chöla, 221, 222,
257 Madhurāntaki, Chalukya q., . . . 270 Madhuripu, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . 124, 127 Madhyadeen, Middle Country', . 136, 137, 161,
164, 165 Madhyama, erara, . . . . . 50 n. madhyasta, , 147, 148, 231, 232, 233, 237, 251,
252, 253 Madimi kovda, ep. of Chola k. Parantaka I,. 218 n. Madiraiyun Iamum-konda, do... . . 218 m. Mad-peacock, 6. a. Mattamayura secl,. . 128 Madras Museum Grant of Jatilsvarman, 7&n. Madras Museum Plates of Parakēkarivarman
Uttama-Chola. . . . . 147, 214
168
63
looking-glass, auspicious sign, . . 131. lp, Kharoshthi, form of , . . . . . 13 lu, form, confused with mu, . . .13. 216 Lunar race, . . . 27 7., 121, 129. 134 Lunsadi Plates of Siladitya 1II, . 114, 115 lupadakha, 8. a. rūpadaksha, . . .31 . Lushai Hill tracts, 8. a. Kambõjn co., . . 53
M
m, . m, final,
. .
. .
1, 5, 12, 16, 30, 38, 93.08 65, 66, 128, 168, 208, 215
.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
PAGE
.
80
.
.
.
.
33, 201
PAGE Madura, cu., 42, 43, 45, 48, 52 & n., 87, 88 & 1., 89,
90, 92, 148, 149 & n., 218 7., 226, 227 Maduraikkanchi, work, . . . . 223 Mudurintaka-Mavēndavēlān, . a. Vēļán
Uttamaðlan.. . 235, 244, 245, 258, 259 Maga, see Süryadvija, . . . . . 98 Magada, 8. a. Magadha,
43, 46, 50 Magadha, co.,
3, 18, 19 & n., 38, 39 n., 221 Magha-enāta, . . . . . 169 n. Mahabalipuram Inscription of Pallavamalla, . 110 n. Mahabharata, epic, 101, 163, 170 7., 171 m., 202 Mahabhahaya, work, . . . . 152 n. Maha-Bhavagupta II., Sõmavari k. of Kösala, 18 Mahi-Bhavaguptarājadēva, Somavarsi k. of
Trikalinga, . . . . 135, 136, 137 Mahābhoja, til.. . . Mahadeva, .. a. pod Siva, 248, 261, 268, 280, 285 mahadevi, queen', . . . 107, 108, 109 Mahadhikarin, of. . .
. . 242 Maha-Jayaraja, Sarabhapura k., . , 15, 16 Mahakõsala, co., . .
. . .
. . 19 Mahakshatrapa, tit., . . Mahalādēvi, q. . . . . 188 & n., 190 Mahamandalesvara, tit., . • 190 Mahāmata, . a. Mahamätra, Mahamätra, off. .
. . 2, 3 Mahaņa, m., , .
- 195 Mahānadi, ri,. .
. 22, 136 Māhapa, Guhila k. of Dungarpur . . 193 Mahapratihara, off., . . . 115, 120 Maha-Pravararaja, Sarabhapura k., 15, 16, 17, 22 Mahārāja, 8. a. Sailendra k. Sri Mahāraje, . 281 Mahārāja, tit., 19, 20, 7., 95, 96, 168, 171, 172, 174,
175 & n., 208, 210 n., 212, 281 Mahiräjādhiraja, tit., 18, 29, 99, 107, 117, 122, 124, 127, 138, 139, 143, 144, 151, 155, 158, 172, 174,
184, 196, 197 Maharājādhiraja, lit., . . Maharajakula, tit. . . 192, 193 & n., 194 Mahārajñi, tit., .
97, 98, 101, 190 Maharani, tit., . . . . . 286n. Maharashtra, co., . . . . . 65 Maharathi, tit... . .
. . 34, 35 Mahārāval, tit. . . 192, 193 & n. mahasabha, . . 8, 9, 11, 206, 207 Mahasamanta, lit., . . . 79, 196, 197 Mahasimantadhipati, tit.,
74, 79 Mahasandhivigrahadhikrita, off. . . . 109 Mahasandhivigrahakshapafaladhipati, off. 76 Mahdoandhivigrahika, ff. . . . . 138
Mahasandhivigrahin, off. . . . . 136 Mahisēnaka, tank, . Mahasenapati, tit., . ,
. . 34 Maha-Sivagupta, Somavari k. of Trikalinga, 136 Maha-Sivagupta Balärjuna, 8. a. BalArjuna, 18, 19 Mahasõna, m.,. .
. . 161, 165 Mahästhana, holy place', . . 189, 190, 191 Mahästhan Stone, 3. a. Mauryan Brahmi
Inscription of Mahästhān, . . . 1,3 Maha-Sudēvarāja, Sarabhapura k., 15, 16, 17, 22 Mahätalavara, tit. . . . . . 34 Mahattama, off.. . . . . . 195 n. Mahattara, off., . . . . 84, 108, 184 Mähava, M.,
. 193 n. Mahāvai ākha, parvan,
. . 77, 84 Mahävali-Vāṇaraiyar, Bana k., . . . 113 Mahavamsa, work . . 28, 43, 86, 87 & n. Mahavira, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Mahaviracharita, work, . . . 210, 211. Mahavishņu, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . 8 n. Mahäviharayatana, see vihara, . . . 75 Mahendra (II), Guhila k., . . . 287 Mahendra m., .
. . .
. 285, 289 Mahendra, mo., . . . . 131, 134, 142 Mahēndra, 8. a. god Indra,. . . 241, 256 Mahēndrapāla II, Gurjara-Pratihara k., 122 Mahendravarman, Pallava k., . . . 26 Mahondu, m., .
. . 59, 61, 63 Mahesvara, 8. a.god Siva, . . 131, 134, 174 Mahesvara, 8. a. Panmähesvara, . . 276 mahesvara kangānifeyvár, . . . 89, 91 Māhi, ri., . . . . . 78, 79 n., 80 Mahipala, ch., . .
. . . 39 Mahipüla, Gurjara-Pratihara k., 122, 124, 127 Mahlpāla, Kachchhapaghata k., .
121 Mahlpāla, 8. a. Paramara k. Dēvaraja of Abü, 197 Mahipala I, Pala k.,. . . 151, 152 & n. Māhishaka, di., . . . . . 77, 80, 84 mahishi, 'queen', . . . 102, 156, 169 Mahmud of Ghaznl, . . . . mahôddranga, . . . . . . 118 Maikal, mo. . . . . . . 164 . Maisaladēvi, q., . .
. . 188 Maitraka, dy., . .
. . 115 Mäkälan Ariñji, m.. .
236, 264, 266 makara, emblem,
222, 230, 242, 257, 284 måla, elevated ground',
* ground, . . . . 31 Mäla, I., . . . . . . 192, 194 Malabar, co., . . . . . 58 & n. Malaga, . . . . . . 196

Page #384

INDEX.
313
ΡΑΟΣ Manavasiti-Kadā (Mänavastti-kataka), I., . 2, 3 Mañchannabhattāraka, Vishnukundin k., 19, 20 Mandala, territorial division, , 151, 153, 154,
155, 158, 160, 161, 164, 166 Mandalañjēri, vi.. . . . 139, 143, 144 mandalika, . . .
. 53, 139 mandapa, . . . . . . . 54, 57 mandapika, market place', 121, 124, 127 *. Mandara, mo..
. 155, 158, 238, 254 mandaro, ' market place', . . . . 127 n. Mandhātri, myth k., . , 216 & n., 220, 238,
265 Mandira-olai, off.,
.
. 235, 259 Mandira-olai-nayagan, off., . , 235, 259 Mandör, province, . . . . . Mändwa, vi., .
. . Mangalarāja, Kachchhapaghata ch., 121, 123,
281
PAGE Malaha, 8. a. Malapa, . . . . . 58 n. Malahara, ca., . .
55, 58 & n., 62 Malaharakshönisa, 8. a. Malaparol-ganda, 58 n. Malai-nādu, co., . . . . Malaiyappirājan, m., . .
. 91, 92 Malaiyūr, l., .
. . . . 230 Malapa, tribe. . . . . . . Malaparol-ganda, Hoysala tit., . . 58 n. Malatimadhava, work, . . . . 210, 211 Mālava, co., 54, 55, 56, 58, 59 & 1., 103, 104,
177, 180, 184, 193 n., 210 & 1., 285 Malava, m., . . . . . . 91, 92 Malava!ļi Pillar Inscription in Monumental
Prākrit, . . . . . . . 32 Malavarāyan, premier, ..
45, 50, 54 Malavarāyan, 8. a. Sankaran Alagiyaperumal, 45,
49, 50, 53, 54 Malavariyan, seat . . . . . 45, 53 Malavikāgnimitra, work, , , 169 & 1., 211 Malaviya, 'k. of Mälava,' . . . . 289 Māla vyadevi, Paramara princess, . . . 59 Malaya, mo., . . .
20, 222 Malay Archipelago,
. . . 281 Malayasia, . .
. . 281, 283 Malay Peninsula,
. 281, 282 & n. Malēpādu Plates of Punyakumāra, . . 28 Malhär Stone Inscription of Jājalladēva II, 162, 163 Mālkhöd, 8. a. Mänyakhëta ca... 65, 68, 228 Mallai, ci., . . . . . . 140 Mallaka pēdhaka, vi., . . . 169, 172, 175 Mallinátha, commentator,
. : 31 Malur Inscription of Rajendra-Chöļa,
284 Mäļuva, 8. a. Mālava, . . . . 45, 50 Malwa, s. a. Mālava co., 57, 97, 228, 285, 287, 288 mamadi, uncle' . . . 110, 113 & n. Måmalu, off. (?). . . . 187, 188 n., 190 Māmalu, m., . .
. 188 n., 190 Mamine Dheri Pedestal Inscription,
12, 14 Mangahada, vi.. . . . .
: . 193 n. Mammaka, com.. .
. 115, 120 Māna, Mori k.,.
. . 288 Mänäbharana, Singhalese k., . Maonurana, Singhalese k..
. . 87, 88 Mänabhita, Sailódhava k.. . :
• 21 n. - Mānāgan Kannan, m., .
237, 253, 265 Mānågan Nārāyanan, m.,. . 237, 253, 265 Manahali Plate, . .
. . . 152 Manalür, vi.. . . . . . 141, 270 Mānamätra, Sarabhapura, k.,
. 16, 22 Māṇanilainallur, vi... .
8, 9, 11 Mänavamma, 8. 4. Sinhala Mänavamma, 27, 28
&#.
Manimangala, vi., . . . 27 Manimangalam Inscription, . . . Manimēgalai, work, . . .
146, 223 man jadi, weight, .
148, 149, 150 Manjusri, bodhisattva, . Mankaņikā, di., . .
80 Mänkņi, vi.. . . . . . . 80 Mannār, gulf,. .
270 Männäta, family,
222 Mannum-Perum-Paluvur, vi.,
147 Manoratha, Chola k., . . . .
. .
220 manrupādu, tax, . . .
234, 263 mantra-brāhmaṇa, . .
. 9, 11 Mantrapala, off.. .
. . 158, 159 mantrin,' minister', . . 156, 159, 216 N. Manu, myth. k.,
216 & ., 220, 238, 241,
255, 256 Manu, 8. a. Chola k. Parantaka II, . . 221 Manu, sage,
46, 51, 117, 124, 164 Mānür, vi.,
. . . 5, 9, 206 Månür Inscription of Mārafijadaiyan, . 7 & n., 206 Manushayajia, sacrifice, . .
. 60. Manu Smriti, work, . . . 33, 175 ». Mänyakhēta, ca. . . . 78, 79, 221, 228 Marachcha, donee, . . . , 100, 108 Māradi, m., . . . . . 100, 108 Marañjadaiyan, Pandya k., 5, 6, 7 & 7., 9, 11,
206 Märava, 8. a. Marwār, . . . 285 Märavarman Sundara-Pandya I., Pandya k., 39, 41,
42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 52 n., 63. 928 Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II, do... 13
..
.

Page #385

314
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
PAGE Mēlpallam, field,
246, 247, 260 Melukkuppuram field,
249, 261 & n. Mēnamātura, vi.,
. . . 27 Mēşmalaip-Palaiyanür-nādu, di., . . 89, 91 Meru, mo.,
40, 47, 50, 51, 229, 257 Mērutunga, author, . . . 55 r., 57 metres
Agaval, . . . . . Anushţubh,. 22 ., 59, 71, 96 n., 122, 129,
143 n., 144 1., 154, 164, 174 n., 182, 189, 238,
288
PAGE Märavarman Vikrama-Pandya, do.. . . 43 Mararēsa, K. of Marava', . . . . 289 Miravijayottungavarman, Sailendra k., 222, 228,
229, 242, 257, 274, 281, 282 Märāyan, ., . .
. 269, 278, 280 Marddakäri, m., . . . . . . 24, 29 Marichi, sage, . .
216 n., 220 Markandeyapurana, work, . . . . 171 n. Marudā pagā, 8. a. Ganga ri.. . . . 124 Marutta, myth. k., . .
. 220 Märwar, state,.
193, 196, 197, 285, 287 maryada-parihara, . . . 173 & n. Mat, I., . . . Matha, . . . . . 43, 134 & . Mathanadēva, k., . . . . . 122 Mathanasimha, Gukila k.,
285, 287, 289 Mathariputra, metronymic of an Ikahviku k., 34 Mathula, 8. a. Mathura, Mathuliya, vi., . . . Mathura, ci.. . . . . Mathura, I., . .
. . . 2, 98 Måtottam, vi., . . . 87, 89, 90, 92 matră, sign for medial vowel ', . . 2, 5, 208 Mátrila, m., . . .
. . 115, 119 Matristhāna, field, .
115, 119 Matsyapurana, work, .
. 171 n., 205 Mattamayūra, sect, .
128, 131, 134 Mattival, vi., .
.
87, 89, 90, 92 Matvāka, m.. . . . . . 196, 198 Maudgala.family, .
. . 31 Maudgali, götra-., .
. . 32 Maudgaliputra, metronymic of Müladēva, 30, 31 Maukhari, dy... . . . . . 19 Maurya, dy. . . . .
1, 2, 3, 205 Mávali-Vāņarasa, Bana ch., . . . 112 Mivali-Vänarayan, . .
. . 51. Måvirada, sect,
. . . 50 n. mavirai, faz, . .
234, 263 Mayāvāda, sect,
• 50 n. Mayidavolu Plates,
. . 209 Mayilai, ci.,
• 140 Máyiruqingam, I., .
230 Mayura, ch., .
121 Mäyürika, family,
121, 123, 125 Mēdāvan Bumi, m.,.
236, 254, 266 Mödávan Uran, m.. .
237, 252, 264 Méghadüta, work, .
. 31, 169 n. Moghavana, I., . . . . . . 115 Mehata, tit.,
. .195 . Mekali, C., . .
210 &n.
Arya, . . . . 71, 122, 164, 182, 288 Chhappaya,. Giti, . . .
. . . 71, 122, 182, 288 Indravajra, . . 71, 122, 154, 182, 189, 288 Indravamba, .
. . . 71, 288 Malabhårini,. .
. . . . 238 Mālini,
. . 129, 164, 288 Mandákranta,
. . 59, 238 Mañjubhashini,
. . . 238 Praharshini,. .
. . 238 Prithvi,
. . . . 71 Pushpitägra,. . . . 71, 154, 182 Rathoddhata, . . . 189, 238, 288 Ruchira, . . . . . . 238 Salini, . . . 71, 144 1., 154, 164, 189 Sārdülavikridita, . 59, 71, 122, 129, 143 n.,
144 n., 154, 164, 182, 189, 238, 288 Sragdharā, 59, 71, 122, 129, 164, 182, 238 Upajāti, 59, 71, 122, 154, 164, 182, 189, 238, 288 Vaitaliya, . . . . . 154, 288 Varhastha,. . . . . . 238 Vasantatilaka, 23 ., 71, 122, 129, 143 n.,
134, 164, 182, 238, 288 Merilimbangam, l., . . . . . 230 Mewar, state, 122, 192 n., 193, 285, 286 & *., 287, 288 Mihira, 8. a. Pratihara Bhoja I., . . . 69 Milalai-karram, di.,. . . . 45, 50, 54 Mimamsā, sāstra, . . . . 156,158 Mimamsā, sect, . . . . . 50 n. miman saka,
. . . . 211 Mişavan, 8. a. Pandya, . 40 n., 48, 53, 268,
276, 279 Miņavan-Mūvēndavēlān, 4. a. Araiyan
Sikandan, . . . . 234, 254, 266 Miŋavan-Mûvēndavēlān, 8. a. Pitangan Pafür, 235,
244, 259, 266 Mindhold, 8. a. Maddapi ri. . . . 67
. . . . . 262, 263 Mléchchhas, Muhammadans', . 285, 289

Page #386

INDEX
315
PAGE Mo, abbreriation for Moriya i. e. Maurya, . 3 Mödāma, I., . . . . . . 2, 3 Mogaliputa, 8. a. Maudgalīputra, . . . 31, 36 Möhalla, ri.. . .
.
. 207 Möhana, m., . . . . . 285, 290 Mökalji, te.. . . . . . . 288 Mongolian stock, .
• . 153 months :
Ashādha, . . 24, 26, 29, 97, 98, 193 n. Ashādha (Adhika),
. . . . 24, 25 Ashādha (Nija), . . . . 24, 25 Asvayuja, . . . . 97, 98, 100, 108 Bhādrapada, . . . 13 Dvi-Pausha, • .
114, 115, 120 Jyēahtha,
. . 188, 190 Kärttika,
26, 151, 152, 156 n., 157, 159,
161, 163, 166, 169, 286, 292 Māgha,. 26, 122, 124, 127, 168, 169, 174, 176,
185, 196 & n., 197 Märgasiras or Märgasirsha, 15, 16, 23, 66,
75 Pausha, . . .
. 66, 180 Phālguna, .
20, 21 & n., 196 n. Vaišākha, . . . 77, 84, 192, 193 Mori, dy.. . . . . . . . 286 Moriya, 8. a. Maurya dy.. . Moshala, priest,
. . 192, 195 Mount Abu Inscription, . . . . 193 Msichchhakatika, work,
. . 98 Mrigasima, vi.. . . . .
169, 172, 175 Mrityu, 8. a. god Yama, . . . 239, 255 Mrityujit, 8. a. Chola k. Suraguru, 217 & n.,
220, 239, 255 nu, form, confused with fu, . , 215, 216 Muchukunda, myth. k., .216 & n., 220, 238, 255 Mudāma, I., . .
. . 2 n., 3 Mudarkāru, vi.. . . . . . 273 Mudgala, family, . . . : 31 Mudikodnaśőlapuram, 8. a. Ayirattali, . 40 n., 44,
45, 49, 53, 226 Mugavetti, off.,.
.
. 236, 266 Mugdhatunga, Haihaya k., . . 128, 130, 133 Mugdhatunga, 8. a. Prasiddhadhavala, . . 160 n. Mughal, dy., . . . . . . 198 Muhnõt Nainsi, author, . . . 193 & n. mukha, face', 'gate', . . . . . 31. mukhamandapa, . . . . 206, 207 Müladēva, minister,
. 30, 31, 32, 36 Mūlasthanamudaiya-Paramasvāmin, te., . 43 Mullinādu, di.,
. . 9, 49, 50, 54
PACE Mullivaravai, field, . . . . 248, 261 Mullivävai, 8. a. Mulțivaravai, . . 248n. Multāi Plates, . . . . . 93 n., 94 Mummadisola, 8. a. Chola k. Rājarāja I, : 234 Mummadisola Brahmamahārāyan, 8. a. Krish
nan Rāman, 234, 235, 244, 245, 258, 259 Mummadisolanallur, 8 a. Vetchiyūr, 45, 50, 54 Mummadisola Pēšan, 8. a. Irāyiravan Palla
vayan,. , 234, 235, 244, 245, 258, 259 Munda, m., . . . . . 286, 291 Mundan Arangan, m., . . 236, 254, 266 mundirigai, land measure. . 223, 244, 258, 259,
268, 269, 277, 278 Mungir Grant of Dévapāla, . . . . 153 Mūngirkuļi, ri., 232, 237, 249 & n., 251, 262
263 Muñja, Paramāra, k., . . . . 164 n., 228 Muñja, Sinda ch., . . . . 188, 189 n. Muñjēya, m., . . . 188 n., 189 n., 190 Muñjèya-mahärāni, sur. of q. Siriyadevi, . 188 Muñjikkudi, vi... 232, 237, 247, 248, 263, 260,
261, 265, 269, 277, 280 Munnarruvan, 8. a. Atirå man Irubattunal.
van, . . . . . 237, 253, 265 Mupparasan, ch., . . . . . 56 Muppattiruvan Yajñag, m.
237, 251, 263 Murāri, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . . 124, 127 murasa (or muraja), auspicious sign,
53 n. Murruttu, . . . . . . 231, 243 & n. Mushika, co., . . . . . . 28 Musikanagara, vi.. . . . . . 28 n. Muttaraiyan, . . . . . 218 &n. Mūvēndavēlān, m., . . . . . 91, 92 Mysore State Inscription, . . . . 225
N
1, . . . 16, 30, 38, 94, 151, 167, 187, 215 n, final, . . . . . . . 215 n, used for anusvāra, . . . . 114, 151 1, used for 7 . . . . . 168 h, used for anusvāra, 77, 99, 116, 118, 119
. . . . 38 . . . . . . 4, 5, 38, 94, 167
Nachchinārkkiņiyar, author, . Nachirāja, author, . . . nädagam, kind of Tamil composition, Nadar, vi.. . . nädachi, tax, . . . .
. . 223 . . 59
• 50 n. 234, 264, 266 . 234, 262

Page #387

316
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
PAGE Nädhala, m., .
195 nádu, pond', .
. 192 nadu, territorial division,
. 231 nadu kaval, tax,.
234, 263 Naduvirukkum, off. , 224, 232, 236, 245 & n.,
254, 259 Näga, dy., . . . . .
. 58 Nāgabhata, Pratihara k., . . . . 21 n. Nāgachandra, author, . . . . . 178 n. Någadatta, m.. . . . . . 32 Nāgadrahapura or Nägahradapura, ca., 285, 286,
288, 289, 290 Nágakumāra, donee,
. . Nāgammabhatta, m., . . . . 94, 95, 96 Nāgapalli, vi. .
121, 122, 124, 127 Någaparāņaka, m., . . . . 186 Nagapattana, ci.. . 222, 224, 228, 230, 232,
233, 243, 244, 250, 258, 263, 267, 274, 275 nagara, merchant', . . . 231, 243, 258 Nagarahara, ci., . . . . . . Nägardhan, vi. . . . . . 209 n. Nagari, vi.
198, 199 Nagarjunikonda Inscriptions of the Ikshvikus, 33 Någasärikā, vi.. . . . . . 79 n. Nägasarman, donee,. . . . 94, 95, 96 Nagávalóka, k., . . . . . . 68 n. Nagdā, cu., . . . 285, 286, 288 Nāgipattana, ci., .
. . 241, 257 Nagpur, . . .
. . . 59 Nāgpur-Nandivardhana, vi., . . . 170 Nagpur Stone Inscription,. . . 56, 57, 59 Nahusha, myth. k., . .
• 122, 125 Naihāți Plate of Ballālasēna, . 100 Nakkan Mandagavan, m...
236, 254, 266 Nakkan Mulli, m., .
237, 252, 264 Nakkavāram, . .
. . 230 Nala, co.,. . .
. . 29 Nala, dy., . . . . . 29, 210 &n. Nalachampū, work,
170 n. Nālandā, l.,
.
. . 38 11., 283 Nalanda Grant of Dēvapala, • 163, 283 & n.,
284 Naļavidi-vishaya, di., . . . 24, 29 nāļi, measure of capacity, 223, 244, 258, 263,
277, 278, 279, 280 nalla, tax, . . .
. . . 234 Nallárfür-nādu, di., . . . : 235 Nallatikon, Chola k... . . . . 220 nallerudu, lax, . .
. 234 Nallorchcheri, vi.. .
232, 249, 262
PAGE namasya,.
. . . . . .
. *
. 191 Namidāsa, general, .
· 174 n. Nānāghāt Inscription of Satakarņi, . 203 Nāņalür, 8. a. Vadakudi vi., . 269, 277, 280 Nanda, family,. . . . Nandalar Inscription, . . . . . 86 n. Nandanārāyaṇa, com., . . . 222, 242 n. Nandapura, vi.,
• , 94, 95, 96 nandi, see also bull, emblem on seal, . . 104 Nandin, • • • . . . 130, 133 Nandipura, vi., . .
. . 111 Nandipuradvāri, di.,. . . . 99, 108 Nandlavara-Bhattan, m., . 236, 246, 254, 259,
266 Nandivardhana, ca.,. . 169 n., 209, 210 &n. Nandivarman, Bāna k., . .
. 112 Nandivarman, 3.a. Nandivarman-Pallava.
malla, . . . . . 110 n., 113 Nandivarman III, Pallara k., . 112 & n., 218 Nandivarman-Pallavamalla, Pallava k., 110, 111 Nändpur, vi., . . . . . . 209 n. Nangili, L., . . . . . . 270 Nannadēva, Sõmavamsi k. of Kõsala,. 18 Nannēsvarakshētra, vi., .
129, 132, 135 Nannimangalam, vi., . . 232, 237, 252, 264 Nānürruvapperungövēl, 8. a. Ediran sättan, 237,
251, 264 Nara, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . , 155, 158 Nāraṇamangalam, vi.. . 232, 237, 251, 264 Narasimha I, Hoysala k., .
59 Narasimha II, do.. . . . . . 44 Narasimhavarman I., Pallava k., 26, 27 & n., 28n. Narattanga, vi.. . . . 170 & n. Narattangavāri, l., 168, 169 & n., 170, 171,
174 Naravahana's Inscription of V. 8. 1028, 286 Naravarman, Paramára k.,
. . . 56, 57 Nārāyana, com.,
. . . 77, 85 Nārāyana, com., Närāyaṇa, donec, . . . . . 161 Nārāyana, M.,
. . 100, 108 Nārāyana, 8. 4. god Vishņu, Nārāyanan Damodaran, m.. . 237, 251, 263 Nārāyanan, Orri, m., .
237, 251, 263 Nārāyanapala, Kamboja k.. . 151, 152, 155,
158 Nārāyanapāla, Pāla k., . . . 161, 162 Nārāyaṇa-vātikā, . . . - 203, 204 Narbadā, a. a. Narmada ri., . . narendranka, engraving on weapons and
armours for the use of soldiers', . 3

Page #388

INDEX
317
102
PAGE Narendrapati, Chöga k., .
. . 220 Narēndrasena, Vabafaka k., . 17, 210 & *. Narimanram, w., . . 232, 287, 261, 263 Narmada, ri..., 71, 74 &#., 78, 79 n., 80, 210 Narnāla, ti.. . .
. 170 Narwär, vi.. .
. . . 211 Nasik Cave Inscription No. 8, . . . Nasik Cave Inscriptions, Násik Cave Inscription No. 2,
. 32, 83 Nataraja, 8. a, god Siva, . . 41, 51, 130 natika, (naperika), grandeon', . . 31, 36 wäffar, . 224, 231, 233, 243, 268, 263 mäpfom, district assembly', . . . 259, 263 Nattuppökku, channel, . . . 247, 260 Naugrăm Kharoshthi Inscription,
12 Nausirt Plates of Karka, 85; 77, 78 & *., 80 Nāvada, u., . . . . . 77, 84 Navagrama, vi., . .
. 108 navakarmapati, architect', . . . 07, 48 Navakoti Marwår, . . Navamidias, minider, . Navasst, .. a. Nawaari si. Navilai, w., . Nawali, ui. . Nayanakëlidevi, Cahadaolo . . . Nayapala, Kamboja k., . 180, 161, 163,
PAGE Nityavinoda, .. a. Chola k. Rájardija I,. 241, 357 wiwariana, land measure, . . . . 24, 29 Nivina Plates of Dharmaraja-Manabhita, 21. Niya Kharishthi Documente, . 12, 13, 14 Niyuktaba, of... . . . 84, 108, 184 Nolamba, dy.. . . . . . 113, 225 Nõnalla, Kalachuri . . . . 100, 188 non-Vedio metronymio,
. . 36 Nřimrida, Chola k.. . : Nripatunga, Pallapa k. . . . . . 113 . Nulambapädi, co.. . 221, 224, 225, 246, 200 numerals, sign or symbol:
. . . . . . . 187 . . . 187 n., 150 & n., 187, 216 • . 16, 76, 167 & #., 187, 215, 216 . . . 16, 167, 187, 216, 216
120, 215, 216 . . 31 m., 215, 216 . . . . 216
. 120, 216
. 157 m., 216 . . . . . . 167., 216
. . . . . 114, 120 300, . . . Nysal, m.,
. . . .
. . . . 196, 198
son
. 79.
Nayapala, Pala k., . . . Negapatam, . . . 229, 230, 231, 283 Nelliyappar, te., . . . . . . Nenadi, mo., . .
. . . 181 Nenmali-nadu, di.. . 86, 86, 91, 92, 236, 244,
258, 250 Nettar, tri.,
. . : 88. nichchayittanellu, . 268, 269, 276, 277, 278,
279, 280 Niduperra Grant of Jayasinha L., . . 28 . Nigradi padre, wi.. . . . . . 108 Nilagangarayan. . . . . . 91, 92 Nilaiyudaiya-Panaiyap Nigarilla, Madhu rantakan, com.. .
TO, 280, 281 & ». Nilgund Inscription of Amoghavarsha I., 60 Nimbäditya, god, . . . . 59, 61, 63 Niră, ris. . . . . 181, 184, 185 nirlil, tax, . . . . . . 234 Nirupama, Räekpraküpa k.,
103, 179, 184 Nishida, swara,. . .
- 50. riskiddha-chäfa-bhafa-praceka, privilege . 137 Nitumbhaslidant, te., . . . 218, 221 Nittavinode-valanidu, di, 234, 235, 244, 254,
208, 206
7, medial, . . . . 98, 160, 168, 208 odakhil, loc . . . . 234, 263 Odda, co., . .
. . 221 Oddanpatti Inseription of Pallavamalla 111 n. Oddavishaye, Orissa, . . .
. .
. 188 Odra, co., . . . . . 130, 140, 143 Oloi-eudum, off. . . . . Olai-niyagax, off., .
235, 250 Olarippikkam, w., . . Onk, symbol for 22, 71, 80, 96, 98, 106, 100,
116, 129, 136, 164, 182, 189, 193 Oodayadit, .. a. Paramäng k. Udayaditya, 56, 57 Oriana, . . . . . . . 162 #. Orang, ri., . . . .
. . 71 otanta,' the soaring on high', . . . 38. Otantapurl, .. a. Bihar, . . . 38&*. oviya, . . . .
923 & . Oviyachchittirabdri . .
223, 243 Oviyanal, work, . . . . Oviyar, 1. a. chithirakirar, . . Ovu, painting' . .
. 223

Page #389

318
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
PAGE
.
.
P. . . . . 5, 12, 16, 30, 38, 160, 200 Pabhosk Inscription of Bahasatimitra,
200 pachhé-vădaka, 'back portion of a house', 192, 194 pädal, see also isai, . . .
45, 50 n. Padampur, ei.,
211 & n. Padariya Pillar Inscription of Aboka, . pådávarta, land measure,
115, 119 Padhamaktana, vi., . . . . . 71, 75 pädi, . . . . . . . 146 Padmanabha, donee, 161, 162, 163 n., 164, 166 Padmapura, ca., . 208, 209, 210, 211 & n.,
.
201
212
.
281
PAGE Pallavarayanpöttai Inscription, 86 & 7., 87 . Pallavarkön, 8. a. Vanduvarăja,. . 140 Pallaväykkäl, ri., . .
. 246, 260 palli, 224, 228, 229, 230, 250, 258, 263, 267, 268, 269, 274, 275, 276, 277 & n., 278, 279,
280, 283 pallichchanda,
223, 224, 231, 243, 244, 250, 258, 259, 263, 268, 274, 275, 276, 277,
278, 279, 280 Paluvur, vi.. . . . . 236, 244, 259 Pamarája, m.. . . . . . 285, 289 Pămbuni-kkürram, di.. . 234, 235, 244, 254,
258, 266 pancha, see panchakula, . . . . 97 panchäita, see panchakula, . . . 97 panchakula, assembly of five', . . . 97, 98 Panchalagudika, ep. of Paramara k., Jaitra
nalla. . . . . . . 285, 29 Pampa, author, . . . . . . 178 n. Pampa-Bharata, work, . . . . 178 n. Pampanadi, ri.,
. . 140 Pampa-Ramayana, work . . . . 178 n. panam, coin., .
. . . 234 ». Panamkarana, Sailendra k., panatika (pranaptrika or praraptrika), great grandson', . . .
. . 31, 36 Panchågni, ep., . . . . . . 211 . panchakula, . . . . . 194 Pachama, stara,
. . . . 50 n. pancha-mahapataka, . . . 76, 85, 109, 185 pancha-mahasabda, . . . 94, 95, 96, 190 pancha-mahayajña, . . . 86, 109, 185 Pafchpa, Chola k., .
217 & 1., 220, 239,
255 Pafichapa davamalai Inscription of Pallava.
malla, . . . . . . . 110. Pancha-pradhana, 'royal council', . 188 n., 190 Päßicharātra, sect, . . . . 50 n. add. ranchder, 1H. . . . . 192, 193, 196 Panchayati-Hari, .. a. god Vishnu, 139, 144, 145 Pancholt, tit.. . . . . . . 196 n. Pandalayani-Kollam, co., . . . . 225 Pandavas, . . . .
. . 170 n. Pandavakhanda, ti.,. .
115, 119 Pandita, tit., . . 151, 156, 158, 195 *. Pāndu, epic hero,
. . . 35 Påndya, co., . . . . . 43, 44, 206 Pandya, dy., . 8, 26, 27 & n., 28, 40 &
11., 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 51 & 1., 52 & 1., 53, 72, 81, 86, 87, 88 & 11., 89, 90, 91 & *., 92, 106, 111, 139, 140, 141, 144, 182, 206, 218 & n., 219 & n., 221, 222, 225, 226, 227, 230, 241, 257, 259, 268, 269,
270, 272, 279
Pāla, dy., .
.
Padmapurana, work,, 164 & 1., 169 & n., 171 n. Padmasimha, Guhila k.. . 285, 286, 287, 288,
289, 291 Padmasimha, m., Padmavati, Lolarka's wife, . . 59, 61, 63 Padmavati, vi., . . . . . . 211 păduka, 'foot prints', . . . . 4, 5 Paduvanvā, vi., .
. . . .154 n. Pag Sam Jon Zang, Tibetan work, Pāhārpur Copper-plate Inscription, . . 38 Paithan Plates of Govinda III, 103, 104 & n.,
177, 178 & n., 184 n. Pakka, vi.. . . .
. . 132, 135
39 ., 150, 152, 153 Palaiyanür, vi., .
88, 88 & n., 89, 91 Palaiyanur-Alangadu, ri., .
88 n. Palaiyaru, vi., . . Palaiyur, vi.. . . . 216 n., 269, 278, 280 Pälankkorrangudi, vi., . 232, 238, 253, 265 Palár, ri., .
. . . 110 Päläru, ri.,
.
. . 139, 140 Paläsbani, vi., . . . . . . 154 n. Palhava, tribe,
. . . . 33 Pali, co., . .
. . . . 160. Páli, vi., , .
. . . 160 n. pålidhvaja, 72, 82, 104, 106, 178 & n., 183,
184 Pallava, dy.
26, 27 & n., 28 & N., 40 n., 45, 46, 50, 104 n., 110 & #., 111, 112 &
n., 113, 217, 218, 221, 227 Pallavamalla, 8. a. Nandivarman-Pallava.
malla, . . . 110 ., 111, 112 & 1., 113 Pallavaraiyag, ch., . . . . 110 11., 113 Pallawargiyan, 'Pallava k.'
110, 113 Pallavarija, 8. a. Vanduvarāja,. 139, 140, 141,
143, 144, 145 Pallevarājan, 8. a. Araiyan Viradamudich.
chap. . . . . . . 50, 54
.

Page #390

INDEX.
319
.
.
230
PAGE Pandyakulantaka, ep. of Kulõttunga I,. 139, 143 Pandyari, ep. of Chola k. Kulõttunga III, 88 . Pāngarkhed, ri., .
. . . 94 Panini, awthor, . . 26 n., 136 7., 152 1., 201 Panjabir, ri., . . . Powmdhërara,.
.
. .
. 275, 276 Pasmai-pandai-reffi, taz, 268, 276, 278, 279,
280 Pannai, I., Pappala, I.,
. . . 230 Parabala, Rashtrakata ch., . . .68 . Parabalu, . . .
• 187, 188 R., 190 Paraiya, caste,. . . . . 262 Paraiyodai, ri... .
. . . 261 Parakimarin, Chola tit., . 213, 216 n., 217, 220,
239, 273 Parakesarivarman, Chola k.,
220, 227 n.,
239, 255 Parakësarivarman, sur. of Chõla k. Parantaka
. . . . . 148, 149 & n. Parakesarivarman, our. of 8. Kongn k. Vira
Chola, . . . . . . . 12. Parikramabāhu, Singhalese k., 86, 87, 88 & n.,
89, 91, 92 Parākrama-Pandya, Pandya k... 43, 87, 91, 92 Parikramaböla-Māvēndavēlān... a. Ariran
Aravanaiyan,. . . 235, 244, 254, 258, 268 Paramabhagavata, lit. . . . . 22 Paramabhaffäraka, tit.,
99, 107, 117, 137, 139, 143, 144, 151, 155 & n., 158, 184 Paramabhaffariki, tit.,
99, 100, 101, 108 Paramamaketuara, tit.. . 20 m., 116, 117, 118,
119, 136 Paramara, dy... 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 192 n., 196
& n., 228, 288 Paramardin, 8. a. Vikramaditya VI, . . 57 Paramasangata, til.. . . . . . 155 Parametara, tit.. . 29, 99, 106, 107, 117, 137, 139, 143, 144, 151, 155, 158, 182,
183, 184 Paramēsvara-Bhatta-sarvakratuyājin, th., 236, 244,
254, 258, 266 Paramëdvaran Naraiyur, ., . . 246, 260 Paramebvaravarman, Pallava k., . . 26, 28 Paramëkvara varman II, do. . . . 112. Paramëtvari, tit.. . 99, 100, 101, 108, 109 paramopásika, f. lay worshipper'; . 39 parani, poetical composition,
44, 53 & n. Parantaka I, Chola k., . 40 *., 44, 145, 147, 148, 208, 218 & R., 219, 220, 221, 227, 239,
240, 255, 256
PAGE Parantaka II, do. . . 219, 221, 227, 240, 256 Parantaka, 6. a. Sundara-Chola, . . . 220 Parantakan Siriyavēlár, general, .219 .. 227 Parantaka-Viranårāyana Sadaiyan,
7n. Parasa, m., . . . . . . 195 Pāråsaripatra, 8. a. Sarvatāta, . . 203, 204 Parasurama, . . . . . 125 Parasurama, k., . .
. . 221 Paravaikkuļam, vi...
Ikkulam, .. . . . 269, 278, 280 parihara, privilege', . , 173 & 1., 233, 234 Pärijäta, k.,
. . . . 180 parimau, . .
. . 146, 148, 149 Pariyala, ri., . . . . . . 27 Pārkar, prorince, . . . . . 197 Pärkkulam, vi., . . 236, 245, 253, 259, 266 Parnnikagrams, vi., . . . . . 94, 96 Parnpikhēta, 8. a. Pamnikagrāma ri., . 94, 95, 96 Parpanābha-Bhattan, m... 236, 245, 253, 259,
266 Pärávachandra, writer, . . . 286, 292 Parávanátha, Tirthanbara, . . . Partabgarh, ci., . . .
. 129 Parthivachūdāmani, myth. k.,
• 220 Parthivēndravarman, ch., . . . 227 Paruttikudi, vi.. . . 235, 244, 245, 258 Paruttiyūr, ri., . . 238, 244, 254, 259, 266 Parvatarajaputri, 8. a. goddess Pārvati, 123, 126 Parvati, goddess, . . Pasalai, vi.. . . . . 236, 244, 259 Pabupata, sect . . . . 50 n., 286, 291 Pabupati, 8. a. god Siva,
. . 130 Pataka, I., . . . . . 286, 299 Patanjali, author,
. . 201 pathaka, territorial division, . . . . 194 Pathari Pillar Inscription, Pathrón, 6. a. Padhamaétana vi.. . Patns, . . . . . . . Patya, atate, . . Patna Glass seal, . Patna Museum Plate of Pravarasena II, 207, 209 . Patna Museum Plates, . . . . 169 N. Patoda Grant of Vinayaditya, .
26. Pattal, channel, . . . . . 249, 262 paffam, tax, . . . . 86, 91, 92, 280 paffamahädēvi, chief queen', . . . 101 Pattana-karram, di... 222, 224, 232, 233, 241,
242, 243, 244, 246, 247, 249, 250, 251, 262, 263, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 268,
269, 274, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Pattattālmangalam Inscription of Pallava
malle, . . . . . . .

Page #391

320
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. XXII.
PAGE Pattianaka, field, . . . . 115, 119 paffinavar, .
. . . 146 Pattiyaņakadurga, fteld,
. 115, 119 Pattiyenaka, feld, . . . . Parslai, off. . . .
236, 254, 286 Patumitrs, dy... . .
. . . 210 *. PavẢI, , ,
. . . 200 Pawaya, vi.,
. . . 211 Payõshni, ri., .
170 m., 171 .. Payoshimahatmya, work,
. . . 170. Peluvēttarayar, Këraļa k.,
. . 220 Penganga. . . . .
. . 50 Penkulikottai, vi., .
110, 112, 113 Pennai, Ti., . Përáru, ri., . .
. . 140 Pērēmapuram, vi.. . 236, 245, 263, 260, 266 Periyapurana, work, . . . 218 n., 217 Permadi, 8. a. Perumanadigal, . . . 112 . perumakkal, . .
. : 148 Perumal, te., . . . . . . 205 n. Peruma! Vira-Chola, 8. 4. 8. Kongu k. Vira.
Chola, . . . . . . 43 Permånadi, 8. a. Perumanadigal, 110, 112 & n. Perumånadigal, W. Ganga til., 110 & #., 112, n.,
113 & n. Peruman Ambalattādi, m.,
236, 264, 266 Perumbânappadi, 8. a. Bana co., .
112 Perumbidugu-Muttaraiyan, . . . 218 Perunatkisli, Chola k., Perundanam, . . . . . . Peruñjinga, Pallava k. . . . . 44, 45 Pērür, vi...
. . 52. Pathaka, m.,
285, 289 Phakka, Sürasena k., .
121, 123, 125 phala, phalid, phalihaka or phalad, gate', . 192 Phalgudēva, k.,. .
. 201 Phanindra, 8. a. Sesha, Phoolbunnee, vi.,
. . . 184 n. pi, Kharöshthi, form of . . 12, 13, 14 pidanali, tar, .
.. . 234, 263 pidiligai,.
. . . . 262 Pillaks, ,
. . 97, 98 Pimpari Plates of Dhruvs, 102, 103, 179, 180,
prachiha,
PAGE Podagadh, vi,
. . 210 Podagadh Inscription of Skandavarman, 20 Podiya, mo.. . . . . . . Ponmugari, ni.. . . . . . Ponnamaravati, vi.. . 40, 41, 45, 47, 51 & . Ponni, .. a. ri. Kávěrk
48, 51, 217. pon-viriyam, 'gold committee!, .
148 Poona Plates of Prabhavatigupta, 18, 100,
169 n., 170 R., 209 & m. Poruvanur, i.,
. 232, 237, 252, 264 Prabandhachintamani, work, . 55 1.., 57. Prabhakarabarmen, ... . . 151, 156, 159 Prabhasa, ti., .
. .
71 prabhavali, nimbus . . . . . 211 . Prabhivakiva, Saiva ancedie,
128, 130, 133 Prabhāvatigupta, Vakifaka g.). 18, 21 ., 100 & n., 167, 168 n., 169, 172, 173 ., 174, 208,
209 &. Prabhutavarsha, Rashfrakufa k.. . . 102 Prabodhakiva, Saiva cacchie, . 127, 128, 129
& n., 131, 134 & n. Prabödhini ikada., tithi,
. . . . . 115, 119 Praddahtri, off., . . . . 156, 159 & . Pradskila, off,
. . . . 159 *. pradhana,
. . . 188 N., 189 . Pradhānu, . . . . . 187, 190 pråkdra, 'rampart', .
. . . 202 Präkritaprababa, work, . . . 154 Pramira, .. a. Paramara, 60, 62, 121, 123, 126 Prasannamätra, Sarabhapura k., 15, 16, 17 & n. Prasantakiva, Saiva ascetic, . . 128, 130, 133 prasasti, eulogy', . 122, 124, 129, 132, 136,
163, 222, 228, 229, 242, 243, 257, 280, 291, 292 Prasiddhadhavala, 8. a. Haihaya k. Mugdha
tunga, .. . . . . . . 128 Prasiddhadhavala, Kalachuri k.,. . .160 . Pratapamalls, do., . 161 & n., 162 . Pratäpailla, k., . . 93, 94, 95, 96, 178 x. Prathara, dy... . . . . 69, 121 pratiloma inter-casto marriage, . . 38 Pratimandtaka, work,. . . pratyaya,. .
. . . . 155, 156 pravaras Bbärgava-Chyavans-Aurvys-Jámadagnya
Apnuvans, . . . . 151, 156, 158 Kidyapa-Avataara-Naidhruvs, . . : 34 Vasishtha, . . . . . 136, 137 Vata-Bhargava-Chyavana-Åpnuvine
Aurva, . . . . . . 161 m.
.
.
.
124
181
Pisgalam, work, . . . . Pirambil, vi.. . 232, 237, 248, 262, 261, 264, 265 Pisangan Palär, ., . . . 235, 244, 269 Pitamaha, 6. a. god Brahman, . . 61 Pithori, W., . . . . . 136 Piriyajña, aprifice, . . . . 50.

Page #392

INDEX
321
PAGE Pravarapurs, ea.. . 17, 169, 170, 209, 210 Pravararaja, 8. a. Maba-Pravararája,
17, 22 Pravarasöns I, Valdifaba k., 171, 175 & n., 203, 212 Pravarasöna II, do.. . 16, 17, 18, 100 ., 167, 168, 169 & W., 170 & *., 172, 174, 170 &n., 207,
208, 209 & n., 210, 211 &n. prekshanaka, show ', . andmor . . . .
124 prishthamåtrå,
. . 160, 187 Prithivipati I, W. Ganga k., .
112 Prithivishēņa I, Vakitaka k., . . 172, 174 Prithivishēņa II, do., . 17, 168 , 160, 208, 209,
210 &n. Prithivivallabh, ep. of Räshfraküla k. Amogha
varsha I, . . . . . . 09 Prithivivallabha, ep. of W. Chalukya Vinaya. ditya. . . . . . .
29 Prithivivallabha, sur. of Kulottunga I, 139, 143 Prithu, myth. k., . . 124, 126, 155, 157, 220 Prithulaksha, myth. k., . . . . 216 n. Prithurabhukti, di., . . . . 136, 137 Prithvidēva I, Kalachuri k., , 160 & n., 165 Prithvideva II, do.. . 160 n., 161 & *., 162,
163 & n. Prithvidēva, III, do., .
. . 161 n. Prithvipati II, W. Ganga k.,
. 218 & n. Prithviraja vijaya, work,
. . 56 n. Prithvivallabha, ep. of Rashtrakufa k. Dhruva, 109 Prithvivallabha, 8. a. Gujarat Rashtrakula k.
Govinda III, . . . . . Priyadarsin, ep. of Maurya Asöka, . . 205 Priyangu, ca.,
. 151, 153, 154, 157 Ptolemy, author, . . . . . 33 Pūdamangalam, vi.. . . . 236, 254, 256 Pudukkottai, state, .
40 n., 218 n. Puduveligopuram, 8. a. Cholamanivarmavihara,. . .
. . . 229 Pugaiyunni, field, . . . . 259, 260 Pugaiyunni-Kinaru, well, . . , 268, 278 pūjasila, . . . .
202, 203 pilja-bila präkära,
199, 201, 202, 203, 204 Pulaichcheri, vi..
. 87, 89, 90, 92 Pulikodin II, W. Chalukya k. . . 20, 27, 28 Puliyor, . a. Chidambaram, . 40 & #., 41, 46,
46, 51 Paliyuyartton, 8. a. Chole, Pullamangalam, vi.,, 236, 244, 254, 268, 286 puwi, dot', . . . . . 6 & 1. pulli, omitted, .
. . 216 Pulombůru, w., . . Pulombūru Plates of L. Chalukya Jayasinha
I, . . . 20, 21 & *.
PAGE Pulombaru Plates of Madhavavarman, 19 n., 20,
21 n., 22 Pupal-nadu, co., .
. 48, 52 Pangal, province, . . .
: 197 Punganür, vi.. . . Punyakumira, Chola k.,
28 & . Punyakumara Plates, . . . . . 217. purakkalanai, . .
• 146 Purananüru, work, . . . . 51. Puranas, works, . . . 202, 204, 205 Purandara, 8. a. god Indra, . . . . 166 Purandara, mytk. k.,. . . . . 216 n. Purandarasvämin, donee, .
. 16, 23 Purangarambai-nädu, di.,
236, 244, 250 Purajaya, myth. k.. . . . . 220 Purantaka, 8. a. god Siva, . . . . 240 Purapporulvenbāmålai, work . 48 n., 51 . Pärăvi, ri., . . . . 71, 75, 79 . Purarwari, off... 224, 232, 236, 244, 260, 263, 268 Puri Plates of Mädbavavarman-Sainyabhita
II, Parna, ri., . .
. . . . 45 n. Pārņā, s. a. Payoshni ri.. . 170 n., 171 m. Pārņi, 8. a. Parivi ri.. . . . 71, 79. Purnachanda, n., . . . . 196, 197 pürna-kumbha, auspicious sign, . . 53 n. Purņavarman, k. of W. Java, . . . 4,5 purnimanta, . . . . . 169 & n. purohita, priest',
34, 94, 95, 96, 156, 159,
195 n. Pururavas, epic hero,. . . . 122, 125 Purushottama, engr., 222, 223, 243 & n., 268 Purvadēta, . . . . . . 37 pūrv-Agraharika, former owner of the donated
village', . . . . . . . 20 Pushkarasādi, originator of Paushbarasidiya
script, . . . Pushkaravati, ca., .
. . . 12 Pashkarävati Kharoshthi Inscription, . . 12 Pushkarl, ca. . . . . . 210 &n. Pushpakētu, Chola k., .
. . 220 Pushyamitra, dy. . . . . .210 1. Pushya-Sämbapura, vi., . .
. .
115, 119 Pattakkudi, vi.. . . . . 269, 278, 280 Pavatta-Bhattan, ". . . . 236, 254, 266 Pavattabhatta-Somayajiyār, m., . . . 222
.
20
Quilon, . . . . . Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah, Khilji
. .
. .
225 120

Page #393

322
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vos. XXII.
PAGE
PAGE
1, . . .7 ., 38, 65, 94, 128, 208, 214 T, doubling of consonant after ,.
. 16, 24, 55, 56, 94, 99, 114, 121, 128, 160, 168, 177,
192, 208 r, doubling of consonent before . 121, 128 7, subscript, . . . .
5, 201 T, superscript, . . 5, 94, 167, 201, 215 T, superscript, omitted,
. . 139
Radhanpur Plates of Govinda III, 177 & #. Raghu, myth. k. .
. . 124, 126 Rāhapa, 8. a. Mabapa. . . . . 193 Rábappa, k., , . 72, 82, 106, 177, 178, 183 Rāj, ch., . . . Rāja, til., . . . . 19, 20 n., 56, 57 rājadhani, capital, . . . 151, 154 Rajadhirdja, tit. . . . . 106, 182, 183 Rājādhiraja I, Chola k. . 146, 221, 270,
271, 273 & R. Rājādhiraja II, do.. . . 86 & n., 88, 89, 91 Rājāditya, do. . . 219, 220, 221, 240, 256 raja-dvira, king's court', . . . . 206 Rajagambira Arijukköttai Nẵdälvăn, . 90, 92 raja-grähy-sarva-pratyāya-samanvita, privi
lege, . . . . . . . 155 rājaguru,.
. . . . 193 n. Rajakesarin, Chola tit., 216 n., 217, 218, 220,
239, 255, 267, 273 & n., 276 Räjakēsarin, 8. a. Chola k., Kulottunga I, . 267,
268, 269, 270, 276, 279 Räjakēsarin, 8. a. Sundara-Chola,
220 Rājakësarivarman, Chola k., 220, 222, 225,
239, 241, 256 Rājakësarivarman, s. a. Chola k. Räjarija I.. 257 Räjakësarivarman, s. a. Chola k. Rajadhiraja
II, . . . . . 86, 89, 91 Rājakēsarivarman, sur. of 8. Kongu k. Virarijendra,
42 n. Rajakesarivarman, sur. of Kulottunga I, . 139,
143, 144 Rajalladevi, Kalachuri q- . . . 160, 165 Rajamahendradēva, Chola k., .
273 Rajamalla, k., . . . . . Rājamayan, ch., . . Rajamrigan kakarana, work, . . . 103 n. rājan, moon', . . . . . . 239 rájanka, brand on royal animals'. . . 3 Rājā Phool, ch. of Bhojnagar, . . 57
rajputra, prince'. . . . . 115, 120 Räjarāja 1, Chola k., 205, 213, 219, 221,
222, 223, 224, 225, 226, & *., 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 234, 240, 241, 246, 248, 254 r., 256, 257,
259, 270, 271, 281, 283 Rajarāja II, do.. . . . . . 86 . Räjaraja III, do.,
. 41, 42, 44 Rajaraja, E. Chalukya k.. . 55, 270, 271 Rājarkja I. Ganga k., . 141, 142, 272 Rajaraja Adhikan, ch., . . . . 43 Rajarajachaturvēdimangalem, vi.. . 39, 49,
50, 54 Rajarajakësarivarman, .. a. Chola k. Kuld.
ttunga I, . . . . . 40 N. Rajarajakesariverman, 3. a. Chola k. Rajaraja I,
205, 206, 207, 224, 248 Rājarājakkaskudiyarayan,. . . 90, 92 Rajaraja Mahacharya, 8. a. Vasudeva engr., 222,
243, 258 Rajaraja-Müvēndavēl, 8. a. Kāñchivayil ei.. 222,
242, 258 Rajarajan-Palaiyanür, vi., . . 86, 88, 91, 92 Rajaraja-Pāndinādu, co. . . . 227 Räjarājappērācharya, 4. a. Vasudēva engr., 223,
243, 258 Rajarajapperumpalli, te.. . 230, 288, 274,
275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Rajarajastlam-ul, scork, . .
214 Rajarajendra, sur. of Kulottunga I, 139, 143,
144 Rājarājēsvara, te., . .
225, 230 rajarshi, sage-like king'. . . . . 33 Rajasekhara, author, . . Rājasimha, m., . . . . 285, 290 Rajasinha, minister,. . 285, 288n., 290 Rājasimha, Părulya k.,
. . . 218 Räjäsraya, 8. a. Chola k. Rajaraja 1, 241, 257 Rajasrayan, palace, . . 223, 243, 258 Rajatarangini, soork, . . .
211 Räjaur, ca.. . . . . . . 122 Rajaur Inscription of Mathanadēva, . 122 Rajavallabha, off.. . . . . . 137 Rajavallabhs-Pallavaraiyan, minister, 268, 269,
277, 279, 281 rajavartman, public road', . . . 119 räjavalta, see rajavartman,. . . 115, 119 Rajavidyadhara-brisamanta, envoy, : 268, 276,
279, 284 Räjayika, Sarasina k. . . 121, 123, 125 Räjëndra-Chola I, Chola k., 270, 272, 273
56

Page #394

INDEX.
323
PAGE
PAGE
Rajēndra-Chola II, s. a. Chola k. Kulöttunga I,. . .
. . 269, 270, 271 Rajendra-Chola, 3. q. Räjarāja I,. 213, 214, 229,
230 Rajendradéva, Chola k., . 270, 271, 273 Rajendrasimha-valanādu, di.. . 234, 235, 236,
245, 254, 259, 266 Rajendrakinga-Mavēndavēlän, .. . 268,
269, 277, 279, 281 Rajendrabóla-Brahmamārāyap, . a. Krishnan
Raman, . . . . . 234, 254, 286 Rajendraböla-Pallavaraiyan, 8. a. Araiyan Aru.
moli. . . . . . 234, 254, 266 Rijöndrasölapperumpalli, te., 268, 274, 276,
279, 280 Rajendra II, E. Chalukya k., , . . 55 Rajendra-Chodáchärya, engr., . , 144, 145 Rajēndra-Chols, 8. a. Chola k., Madhurāntaka, 221 Rajendra-Chola, 8. a. Kulõttunga I, . 139, 143,
144, 145 Rājêndra-Chola I., Chola, k, .51 9., 153, 221,
222, 254 n., 284 Rajendradēva, Chola k., . . . . 221 Rajgir, vi., . . .
. . 4,5 Rajim Plates of Tivaradēva, 17 and n., 18, 21). rajni,' queen', . . . . 39 & n., 122 Rajögrāma, vi.,
. 129, 132, 135 Rajputână, . . . . . . 65 Räjyadhikrita, off.,
169, 174 & n., 175 n. Rajyapala, Kamboja k., . 151, 152, 165,
R&ma-Tiruvadi, Vēnādu ch., . . . 225 Катараа, еріс, . . . . . 101 Rambha, nymph, . , 123, 124, 125, 127 Rāmgarh, I., . . . . . . 31 Ramganj Copper-Plate of Isvaraghosha, 158 *. Ramtek, 8. a. Rāmagiri, , . . 169, 173 n. Rämtek, vi.. . . . . . 4, 209 n. Rämtek Plate, . . . . . 209 m. Rånå, til., . . • 39 1., 285, 286, 288 Raņabhañja, Bhanja k. . . . . 39 . Ranajayappādi, . . .
. . 147 Ranaka, tit.. .
. 39 & n., 289 Raņakësarin, Sõmavansi k. of Kõsala, . . 18 Ranakesarin, sur. of Sõmavansi k. Bhavadēva, 18 Rāņapur Inscription of V. S. 1496, . . Raņarasika, sur. of Chalukya Vikramaditya I, Ranastipundi Grant of Vimalāditya, . . Ränavat-ji, . . . . . . * Ranganatha, te., . . . . 231 Räni, til.,
. rāsktra, 'sub-division,
. . 16 Rashtrakūta, dy. . . 64, 65, 67, 68 & 1.,
89, 70, 72, 77, 78, 79 & n., 81, 82, 98, 99, 101, 103, 104, 105, 107, 111 & n., 170, 179, 181, 182,
183, 218 & n., 219, 227, 228 Rashtrakūta, empire, . . . . Rashtrapati, off. . . . 84, 108, 184 Rasikasamjivini, work, .. . . . 59 Räs Mak, work, . . . . 56 & *. Ratabhū, m., . . . . . 285, 289 Ratana, ., . . . . . Ratanpur, ca., . .
160 & n., 161,
163 Ratanpur Inscription of Jājalladēva II, 160 n.,
162 & n., 163 Ratanpur Inscription of Prithvidēva II, 161 . Ratanpur Inscription of Prithvidēva II's Time
161, 163 Ratha-sapkımi, tithi, . . . . . 185 Ratna, m., . . . . . . 285, 290 ratna, 8. a. Budhist tri-ratnu : Buddha,
Dharma and Sangha, . . . . 267 Ratnadēva II, Kalachuri k., 159, 160, 161,
162 & n., 163 n., 165, 166 Ratnadēva III, do.. . . . . 161 n. Ratnaprabhasūri, acharya,. . . 286, 291 Ratnarāja I, kalachuri k.,. . . 160, 165 Ratnasimha, com.. . . . . . 183 Ratnasimha, Mewar ch., . . . 193 Ratta, co., . . . .. . 227, 228
Rajyapala, Palu k., . . Rajyapāla I, Pala k., . Rajyauchchvēko...., vi... Rakkula, vi.,
. Rālhana, h... . . Ralhuya, 1., .
.
. 195 Rama, epic hero, . 101, 124, 126, 156,
189, 191, 220 Råmabhadra, 8. a. epic hero Rāma, 76, 138 Ramachandra, 8. a. epic hero Rama, . . 164 Ramacharita, work, . . 152, 153 & 11., 154 n. Råmaghata-Müshikekvara, k., . . . 225 Ramagiri, mo., . . . . . . 109 Ramana, 14., . . .
. 195 Rāmap Govindag, 14., .
247, 261 Ramapala, k. of Bengal .
• 153 Ramapunyavallabha, com., .
24, 29 Råmasimha, me.. . .
285, 290 Råmatirtham Plates of Indravarman,
20 n.

Page #395

324
Rattapadi 7 lakhs, co.,
Roula, tit.,
Raval, tit.,.
Ravana, Rakshasa,
Ravani, Ravana's son Indrajit,
Ravikula, solar race',
"
Ravikulatilaka, sur. of Kulottunga I,
Ravivamsa, solar race',
Rayamala, ch. of Mewar, Reva, s. a. Narmada ri.,
Rewah, ca.,
Rewah, state,
ri, used for r,
ri, used for ri,
ri, medial,.
Rindhuwul, Paramāra prince, Rishabha, svara, Rishabhanatha, Tirthankara, Rithapur Plates of Bhavattavarman,
Rituparna, myth. k.,
ritvij.
Rohini, nakshatra,
Bopi, vi.,
Ropsi, vi.,.
ri, used for ri,
Riddhapur Plates of Prabhavatigupta and
Pravarasēna II,
•
Rudradaman, Mahakshatrapa,
Rudradatta, minister,
Rudrajit, s. a. myth. k. Satyavrata,
Rudrasarman, dones,
Rudraéarman, m.,
Rudrasena I, Vabjaka k.,
Rudrasena II, do.,
Rammindei Pillar Inscription of Asoka,
ripa, 'banking',
ripadaksha, banker',
8, need for 6, 6,
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
16, 18, 21., 167, 168. 170 & n., 173 m., 208, 209
56, 57 50 n. 211
16, 17, 29, 208, 210 220 156, 159 25, 26, 161, 163 196 196
33, 201 136, 138
220
20
20
100, 170 m., 172,
175 & n.
•
172, 174 & 201 . 31 x. 31
8
PAGE
226 & n. 195
193, 287, 288 126, 164
124 239, 240 143
239, 240
286 & n.
164 127
4 m., 127
16 16, 168 16, 187 168
.
á, used for 8,
á, used for sh.,
Sabarmati, s. a. Svabhramati ri., sabha,
•
16, 151
16, 55, 100, 187, 192
5, 12, 165, 121, 128, 151, 180 n.,
208
100, 192 16 104
8, 9, 11, 147, 148, 149, 206, 224, 231, 232, 233, 237, 238, 251, 252, 253, 275
PAGE
267
84, 119, 185
195 7.
75, 84, 185 119, 137 84, 108 108., 119, 185
33 . 110 m. 171, 175, 212 115, 119 23, 76, 85, 95, 109, 120, 137, 156, 166, 186, 191, 194, 220 115 170. 188n., 190
155 129 117, 222 128, 130, 133
Sahya, mo., Saiddhantika, sect, Sailendra, dy., 222, 230, 242, 257, 268, 274, 278, 280, 281 and n., 282 and
., 283 and .,
284 and ".
Sabha, s. a. Buddhist Sangha sa-bhūta-vita-pratyaya, privilege, Sada, m., Sadaiyamaran..
sa-danda-das-aparadha, privilege, sa-das-aparidha, privilege, sa-dhanya-hiranya-deya, privilege, sa-dhanya-hirany-adeya, privilege,. Sadharana, Kshatriya,
Sadupperi Inscription of Pallavamalla, Sadyaskra, sacrifice,
Sagara, Sagara, myth. k.,
Saggaja, donce, Sahadeva, Pandava, epic hero, Sahani, tit., sa-hatta-ghatta-salara, privilege, Sahdol, vi.,
•
Sailōdbhava, dy., Sainikasamghamukhya, off., Salva, seci,
Saiva ascetics, Saivism,
Saiyadan Amalan, m.,
Sajjana, com.,
Sajjani, Serasena q., Sajjōdaka, vi.,
Sajod, vi., Saka, tribe,
Sakadvipi, see Süryadvija,
Sakambharf, ca.,
sākās :
[VOL. XXII.
Bahvricha,
Kanva,.
Kaathuma, Madhyandina,
Maitriyani,
Taittiriya, Vājasaneyi, Sakkarapapinallur, vi., sa-klipta, privilege, Sakra, s. a. god Indra, aakshin, witness',
"
Saktivarman, E. Chobakya .,
21. 156, 159
.
50m. 128, 129, 130, 133, 135
230 236, 254, 266
122, 124, 127
121, 123, 125
80 80 33, 98
98 56
.
.
.
184, 185 100, 108 151, 156, 156
100, 108 136, 137
20, 211 & n. 16, 23, 84, 115, 119
45, 50, 54 173 106
195, 196, 198 228, 270, 271

Page #396

INDEX
325
PAGE
.
146
109
Salagrama, . .
202, 213 Salai, si... . Salai, 6. a. Kända är kälai,.
224 & n. Salaturiya, tantra,
. 117 Baliyar, . . . . Samadhf 2. a. Sambandht wi.,
80 Samahariri, off. . . Sämaka, 1. a. Syāmaka, . Samalavarman, k., of R. Bengal, . . . 50 Sämangnd Plates of Dantidurgt, . .
• 181 samajana,
. . . . 146, 147, 140 samarjitan, . . . . . . 147 omania, feudatory,' . <3, 70, 116, 118, 180, 186,
188 de #., 190 Samanta, m., . . .
285, 286, 289, 291 Samantapätaka, vi... . 129, 131, 132, 134,
138 Samantasimha, Guhila k. of Dungarpur, 192, 193 Samarmimba, Mewar ch., 193, 285, 287, 280, 290 Samastabhuvanädraya, ww. of Kulottunga I,. . . . .
189, 143 samanta-danda daha rahita, privilege, . 100 samaya,' sect', . . .
30 . Sambadatta, m., . . .
116, 119 Bambandhi, vi., . .
. 80 Bambhu, ... god Siva, . 132, 217, 221, 241,
256, 257 Sarnbödhi, . .
. . . 202 sarigha tribe,' . Samidata, k., . . Samipadraka, vi., . Bankara, m., . . Bankaricbärya, admin, . Bamkarshana, &. a. 'god Balarlma, 155, 158, 199,
201, 202, 203, 204 d . sankrantis Dakshiņāyana, . .
. .
25 d ., 28 Dhanush,
. . 06, 76 Makarn,
. . . 180 . . . . . . 136, 137 Bamkriti, myth. k., .
. . . 220 Sammkeha, ni.. . . 151, 155, 158 Samrit, (Somnaj) tit., . . 168, 171 & *., 175,
208, 212 Bamudragupta, Grupla k. . . 31, 35, 38, 58m. Samudrajit, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Samudrakuln, *. a. Pala dy. . . . 152 samudrika lakahana, me bolasa. . sameinamarija-perwmakkal, aswal com
mite', . . . . . . 148, 140
ΡΑΟΥ sandhi, not observed, . . 7, 24, 94, 136, 108,
192, 212n. Kandhi, wrong. . . . . 66, 177 Sandhivigrahadhikrita, off. . . . 115, 120 Sandhivigrahika, off., . .
77,85 Sandhivigrahin, off, . . 268, 269, 276, 279
& *., 281 Sandhyakara Naack, author, . . . 163 Son-fo-ta'i, .. a. Zabag, .
281, 283 Sangka, m., . . • 118, 119
prih, 208, 274, 276, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Sangho, Dudullist monks' order', 267, 268 Sangilaks, ..., . . . . . 115, 119 Sangrama-Dhonathjaya, Sailendra ... 381 *-nidhi, privilege, . . . 23, 137, 173 Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarsha I. 211., 68, 60,
177., 1806., 181 Sankar, M... . . .
. 115, 110 Sankars, ... god sive, . . 166, 168, 197 Sankaradigvijaya, work, . . . 451. Sankarngapa, maisha bapa, . 108, 178 Sankarap-Alagiyaperumal, premier, 45, 49, 53 Sankaranarayapan Aradgan, m... 236, 244, 209 Sankarappadi, . . . 146, 147, 148, 140 Sankarappadiglr, . . . . 146, 147 Bankaratalkort, . a. Lingutadagika bi., 71 Bannamangalam, w., . . . . 232, 237, 251, Sannidhdtri, off. . . . . . 137 Ad-parikara, privilege, noe -paribora,. . 84 Saptaparpa, see Chhattivanni, . . 104 Sarabhagarh, . . . Bara bhapur, ., . . 16, 17 & 16., 21
176m., 208 Sarabharkja, ., . . . . . . 17 Sarabhavaram, vi.. . . . . . 17.. Sarangadh Plates of Maha-Sadava, .
* Sarangarh, ale .
. . 136 Sarsaa ollaka, ti,
129, 132, 136 Sarasvati, goddess, . . 116, 128, 120, 132 Sarasvati, Ti., . . . 71, 129, 132, 186 Sarasvati, vi., . . . , 119, 132, 136 Barbhon, a. a. Srbhavana W. . . Sarkh8, ex., . .
. 160, 169 Bärngapåpi, ... god Vishnu, . 117, 166 Barngin, . a. yod Vishnu, 121, 316, 238, 261, 301 Barva, Rashfrakkijah.. . . . 78.83 Sareddhyakala, o.. . . . . 172, 175 m Sarvaldkitraya, R. Cholubya k. . . 28 .. Sarvaldkiáraya, s. a. I. Ohaba .. Vlahpo.
vardhace IV, . . . . . 90, 107

Page #397

326
sarva-namasya-bisana, sarva-pida-parivarjita, privilege, sarva-pida-varjita, privilege,. Sarvasarman (Atreya), dones, Sarvasarman (Gärgyāyaṇa), donee, Sarvatata, Käsea k.,..
baasanapatra,
Sasanka, k.,
Sasbahü Temple Inscription,
Sastra,
Satakarni, Satavahana k.,
Satavahana, dy.,
sati,.
Satrap, tit.,
199, 201, 203, 204,
20,5 173
sarva-vishli-parihara-parikrita, privilege, sarv-oparikara-kar-adana-samita, privilege, . 137
basana, deed', .
196, 242, 243 177, 194 21 n. 121
126, 161, 166
33, 102, 203 32, 33, 102 285
98
39 n.
Satrubhanja, Bhanja k., Sattamangalam, vi., Sättanür, vi.,
232, 237, 251, 264
236, 244, 259
219, 221, 230, 241, 257
Satyaéraya, Chalukya k., Satyavrata, myth. k., saugata, Buddhist devotee', Savasti, s. a. ca. Srävasti,
220 151 2 54
sch, form of,.
221, 224, 226, 246, 259
Seliya, a. a. Pandya, Sembiya, s. a. Chöja, 46, 50, 51 Sembiyan-Müvendavolay, s. a. Tattan Sendap, 235,
244, 254, 258, 266 39 T., 100 146
94, 95, 96, 156, 159, 174 n. 218 232, 237, 252, 265 147 274 & n. 235 220 225, 226
164
161 &. 51. 9
124, 126, 241, 242,
257 45, 50, 54 16
128, 130, 133
Sēna, dy.,
senai-ang diyir,. Senapati, off.,
Sendalai Pillar Inscription, . Sendamangalam, vi., Sendan Ganapati, m.,. Śēngēņi, vi.,
-Sengupram Inscription, Senni, Chola k...
Sepür Inscription of Rajaraja I, Seonath, ri.,
Seorinarayan Plates of Ratnadova II,
Seri-valavan,
Sōrmādēvi, vi., Sesha, serpent,
.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Savvirukkai-nādu, di.,
sh,..
ah, used for kh,
Shadanana, s. a. god Kärttikeya,
PAGE
189, 191
137
155
24, 29 24, 29
.
•
.
+
•
•
Shadja, svara,
Shāhānushahi, tit.,
Shahbazgarhi Kharoshthi Inscriptions,.. Shabi, dy. of Kabul,
Shamsu'ddin Altamah, Sultan of Delhi Shashthikumāra, donee,
Shat-lila-ēkādasi, tithi, Sher Shah I, Khilji k., Shirval, vi.,
shy, form of Shodasin, sacrifice, Shōlavandän, vi., Sibi, myth. k., siddham, symbol for - Siddhamu, minister,
Siddhanta, astra, Siddhapura, vi.,.
Siddharaja, Chaulukya k.. Siddhasõnasäri, acharya, siddha-sthāna,
.
Siddhesvaramahādēva, te., siddhir aslu, symbol for -, . Sidh Raj Jesingh Dev, k. of Gujarat, Siharakkhi Twelve, di.,
Sikandan Devan,
Sikhandikētana, s. a. god Karttikeya, Sila or Siladitya, Gukila k., Siladitya I, Valabhi k., Ślläditya II, do.,
Śladitya III, do., Śladitya IV, do.,
Siladitya's Inscription of V. S. 703, silagaha, s. a. bilägriha, silägriha rock mansion', Silahara, I.
Silahari Cave Inscriptions,. Silamahādēvi, Rashtrakuta q.,
Simhajëndra, Sizhhapa, s. a. Jayasimha,
[VOL. XXII.
288
54
94, 95, 96 169 120 181, 188 171, 175, 206, 212 43 216&., 220, 238, 255 197, 288 188 *., 190 161, 166
71 57
286, 201 130, 133
196, 199 & n.
164 57
79
236, 254, 266
118 287
114, 116, 117
.
•
.
.
Silappadikaram, work, bila vigadabhicha, bila-vikata-thittäni Silpa-lipi, art-writing' or method of writing' Simhghana, Yadava k., Sinhala, a. a. Ceylon,.
Sishhala Manavamma, k, of Ceylon, Sinhalantaka, ep. of Chola k. Parantaka I,
PAGE
50. 58.
114, 118 114, 115, 119 114, 115
•
13
97
287 30, 31, 36 30 30, 31 4. 98, 99, 100, 101, 108 223, 231 я. 201, 202 202
monogrammatic
3 171. .218., 221 27, 28 & *. 218., 221
219, 221, 241, 257 289

Page #398

INDEX.
327
PAGE Simhavarman, Pallaws k.,. Sithararman, W. Ganga k., . . . 111 Sins, 8. a. China,
45 1. Sind, . . . . .
287 Binda, dy.. . . .
. 188, 189 n.
. Sindhu, co., .
. . . 75 Singala, . a. Sinhala or Ceylon, . . . 45, 50 Singan, ch., . .
. . 145 . Singanam, co.,. . . . . 270 Singanan, 8. a. Jayasimha,. 268, 276, 279 Singan Venkādan, 1., 236, 244, 254, 259, 266 Singhalese, people, . . . 86, 87, 88 Signamagür Grants,. . . . 7 Sinnamauar Platos, (Bigger), . 51 n., 52 n. Sinnamanür Plates, (Smaller), . . 617., 52 . Sirilango, m., . . . 139, 143 & n., 144 Sirivalaya, 8. a. Śrivalaya ca.. . . . 190 Siriyadovi, q. . . . 188 & n., 189 7., 190 Sirko, 8. a. Sarkhổ vi., .
159 *. Sirpur, 8. 4. Sripura,. . . . 1771. Sirpur, s. a. Sripura,. . . 18, 19, 22 Sirpur Stone Inscription, . . . . 136 Sirpur Stone Inscription of the Time of Maha Sivagupta Balärjuna, .
. 19, 21 Sirpar Teluple Inscription of Tivaradera's
Grand-nephew, . . . . 21 n. Sirupānitruppadai, work,
. 51 n. Siru-Sendamangalai, vi... 232, 237, 252, 265 Sisagara, field, . . . . . 115, 119 Sisodi, state, . . . Sita, epic heroine. . . . . . 101 Sitabaldi Pillar Inscription, . . . . 59 Sitäbēngă Cave, at Ramgarh Sitämidi Cave, at Silahari, . .
30 Sitamadi Cave Inscription, . . . 30, 31, 36 Siva, god . , 21 ., 40 & 1., 52, 61, 62, 63, 128
130, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 151, 152, 154, 157, 158, 164, 171, 175, 208, 211 & n., 212, 218, 220, 221, & 16., 254, 255, 256, 275, 278, 285, 288, 290,
PAGE Sivamita, ., . .
. . 30, 31, 38 Sivamitra, 3. a. Sivamita, . . . . 31 Sivanaga, scribe, . . . 129, 132, 135 Sivanardi, m.,.
31, 36 Sivānandi, 8. a. Sivānardi, .
. . 31 Sivapadasēkhara, Sur. of Chla k. Rajaraja I, 230 Sivarāśi, acharya, . . . . 286, 291 Sivakarman, donee, . . . . 20, 21 Siwani Plates of Vākāțaka Pravarasēna II, 16, 167,
169 n., 171 n., 172 n., 173 n., 209 n., 211 & n. Styaqonl Record of V. S. 1005,. . 122 Siyaconi Stone Inscription, . . . • 97 Siyaka Harsha, Paramára k. . . . 228 Skandagupta, Gupta k., . Skandapurana, work, . . . . 164 n. Skandavarman, k. . . .
. . 29 Skandavarman, Pallava k...
. . 111 Smaller Leiden Plates (of Kulottunga) I, 207, 274,
275, 283, 284 Sinriti, kistra, . . . . . . 194 8-odranga, privilege, . . . 75, 84, 110, 185 Sohgaura, vi.. . . . . . . 1 Sohgaura Place, . . . . . 1,3 Sokkaņār, god, . . . . . 45, 49, 53 Solakuļavallipattayam, vi., 268, 269, 274, 275,
276, 277, 278, 279, 280 Solanki (Chalukya) dy. . . . . 197 Sola-nadu, co., . . . . . 147, 234 Solan Silamban, ch... . . . . 43 Solar race, 33, 144, 152, 216, 255, 256, 272 Solasingha, engr., . Solavėlan, m., . . .
235, 254, 266 Solunkhoe, 8. a. Solanki dy.. . . . 56 Somidita, ., . . . . . . 195 Sómakala, dy. of Trikalinga, . . 136, 137 Somanätha, s. 4. god Siva, . 129, 132, 135 Somanathaiya, minister,. . 188 & n., 190 Somapithin, ep., .
. . . 211 n. Somasvimin, donee, . . . . 94, 95, 96 Somavatha, see Somakula, . . . 135 Sõnavatnsi kings of Bhandak, Sõmavarisi kings of Kosala . 17, 18, 21 N. Sömavansi kings of Sripura, Sõmayüjin,
. : 109 Someávara, author, . . . . 56 n., 57. isomesvara, k., . . . . . . 162 Sūmēsvara, m., . . . . 161, 163 Söncávara I, W. Chalukya k., 55, 56, 101, 189 Sömūévara Il, do. . . . . 56.88 Sömesvara-tirtha, . . .
71, 78
23
201
. .
Siva, *. a. goddess Pārvati, Sivabrahmana', . . . Sivadisan Tiruvadigal, m., . Sivadata, m., . . . Sivaslatta, . a. Sivadata, Sivalaikudi, vi., . . . Sivamare I, W. Ganga k., . Sivamära II, Saigotta, do.. .
. . . .
. . 206, 207
149, 150
31, 36 . : 31 232, 247, 260 . . 111 . 111 & .

Page #399

328
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. XXII.
Рю.
183
ungs
PAGE Son, 1. a. Sóņa ri.,
164 n.
Sriranga, mgr.,. . . 12, 13, 143, 368 kone, ri., . . . . . . 104 *.
Srirangam, . . . . . . 44 Sons, ri., .
. 128, 130, 133 Śrtrangam, di... . .
. , #31 Sopabbadra, .. a. Sopa n., . .
164.
Srisakti, scribe,. . . 122, 194, 191 Soña bhadra, vi.. 161, 162, 164 & n., 165 Sri. Vaishrana,. .
376, 376 Sönādu, 8. a. Chola co. . . 40, 47, 49
Brtvalaya, ca... . . . . 188, 190 Sõnad u konda, ep. of Maravarman Sundara
Srfvallabha, Shinghaken t.. . . 87, 88, 90, 93 Pāņdya I, . . . . . 41, 226
Srt-Vijaya, Mo., . . . . . 382 . Sõnadu-rafangi, do... . . . . 42
Srivijayo, .. a. Arvishays co., PO, 281, 282, & *., Sonari Stapa Casket Inkeription, . . . 35
283, 284 . Sondárn, vi., . . . .
. 80
Brivishaya, co.,. . .m, 130, 242, 257, 288 Sönmunda, 6. a. Bopabbades vi., . .
brötriya, . . . . . . . 195 Sonpur, &. a. Suvarnapers ca., . . 162 n.
Sruti, s. a. Vida, . . . . . 165 --Opallipla, privilege, . . . .
Boot-M-chu-la-wu-ni-fo-ma-webm, . a. Set. 8-Opanidhi, privilege,. . . , 137, 173 Chulmanivarman . . #-Õparikara, privilege,. . . 78, 119, 186
foru-di-ma-lo-p'i, .. a. Sot Wheejay Sorab Grant of Vinayaditya, . . 4, 26, 80
varman) . . .
. .
. 499 Söran Uyyanirraduvão, ... . . 30, 54 1, form of- . . Sora-Yaļavan, . .
81 .
Sthalamaidemya, work, . Soremati, ... . .
112».
Sthånu, 8. d. god Siva, s-dahar-dvaskara-salama-wielio-lovan-akara,
Sthapu, . a. god Siva,
. . 131 privilege, . . . . . 155
Sthanu Ravi, China ..
. 218, 295 $-tpad yamana-vishib, privilepe, 84, 110, 185
Sthiramati, monk . . . . 67 & ... 75 Srautasítra, word . . . . .
Surtrajya, co., . . . . . 28. Sravana-Belgola Inscription, . , * & *.
Subhakara, Kara .,'.
. 100 Sravanabhadra, s. a.Sora bhadra vi., . 104 Sada, m.,. . .
. . 196 Bråvasti, ca. . . . . . 1, 2, 3 Sadrs, conte, . .
130, 140, 143, 144, 145 Srishlhin, banker', . . . 94, 95, 96, 195
Sugata, 8. a. the Buddha, . . . 71, 158 Sri, s. e. goddess Lakshmi, 17, 116, 131, 134
Sehilä, ei.. . . . . . . 71, 75 Sribhavana, vi.. . . . . . . 88
flirt, 1. a. o rr., . . . 146, 148 Sridevt, s. a. Siriyadēvi 9.,. . . 188 & *. Sultans of Delhi, Gujardt and Malwi,. 987 Sridhara, m., . . . ... 196, 197
. 148 Sridhara-Bhattan, m., 136, 245, 283, 250, 206
Samana, M., . . .
. .
. .
. 195 Srikantha, Chola k.,. .
Sumatra,. . .
. .
. 281, 282, 283 ... Srikantha, ep. of poet Bhavabhati,
211 m. Saméru, mo., . .
. . 130, 133 Srikantha-Chaturvedimangalam, .. a. Tiruver.
Summer solatice, . . . . . 24 umbar vi. . . . .
220 .
Sun, . . . . . . . . 220 árikarana, record ofice', . .
95, 96
Sānaladēvi, 9., . . . . . 192, 196 Śrtkhēnaka, . a. Srikhőtaka L.,
71, 74
Sunétra, 8. a. god Indra, . . . 164 Srtkhataka, I., . . . . .
. 68, 71 Sundara, *. a. Chola k. Parantaka II,
221 Śr-Maharaja, Sailendra k., ..
• 281
Sundara-chola, 214, 219 n., 220, 221, 222, 227 Selmåla, ci., . . .
181, 185
Sundaramürtti-Nayanar, author, 40 n., 217 *. Srimäla, di. . . .
181, 183
Sundaravarada Perumal, te. . 206, 207 R. Srimāla, vi.. .
196, 197
Sung, Chinese dy., Sripāla, engr. . . . 122, 124, 127
Sunga, dy. . . . . . 35, 205 Sriparvata, mo...
Sangi, Mahindu's wife .
69, 61, 63 Sriparvala-sthalamáhamya, work, . . .21 .
hungaméra, lax . • 208, 276, 279 Bripathi, ti.. . .
121, 124, 127
Baptávaadhi, vi., . . . 118, 119 Supura, ed., . . · 16, 17 & »., 22
Suridhirkja, 1. a. Chola k. Suraguru, .216 . Sriparuha, W. Ganga . 110 ., 111, 112 & n.,
Bursguru, Chola k., 216 *., 217 and n., 290, 230, 256 113 & R.!

Page #400

INDEX.
329
PAGE Suraguru, 8. a. Brihaspati, . . . 241 Süramira, vi.. . . . . . . 27 Surasarit, 8. a. Gangā ri. . Süragēna, clan,. . . . 2, 121, 123, 123 Surashtra, co.,
. 115, 119, 221 Surashtra, tribe, . .
. 33 Süraśikhamani-Pallavaraiyan, 8. a. Sendan
Ganapati, . . . . . . 147 SurathOtsava, work, . . . . . 56n. Surat Plates of Karks, . 78, 79 .., 99, 104 %. Suratrana, 8. a. Saltān Shamsuddin Altamah of Delhi, . .
. . 285, 288, 289 Suravira, Paramira ch. .
. . . 56 Sürriyan Tévadi, n., . .
. .
236, 244, 259 Sürya, god. . .
. 59, 62 Surya, M., . . .
216 . Sürya, myth. k., . .
• 216 & n. Süryadvija, class, . .
97, 98 Süryaravi, com. . .
196, 198 Süryasiddhanta, work,
. . 161 . Süryavarmari, k. of Magadha, . 18, 19 and . Süryavarman, Maukhari k.,
. . . 19 Sukarman, Kanoa k.,. . . Sutanuka, deadasi, . . 31 Sütradhára, mason', . . 129, 132, 192, 195 n. Sutriman, 8. a. god Indra,. . . 240, 256 Suvarnadvipa,. . . . . 281 *. swarpakara, goldsmith', .
. . . 124 Suvarnapura, C., . . . . 162 16. Suvarnarökha, ri.,..
... 154 Suvarna varahs, 8. a. Gujarat Rashfrabia k.
Karka,. . . . . . 77, 84 fra, form of- . . . . . 54 Svabhramati, ri., . . Svámidatta, k. of Koüra,
. 31 Svāmidatta, 4. a. Samidata,
• '30, 31 Svämi-Mahabhairava, deity, 170 n., 171, 176 and .,
208, 212 svara, musical note', . . . .50 1. Syamaka, ch., . . . . . . 102
PAGS Tagara, ri., .
. . . Tails It, W. Chalukya k... . . . 228 Tailappa, Chalukya ch., . . 187, 188, 190 Takkaņalādam, 1. a. Dakshina Radha, . . 154 Takkola, I., . . . . . . Takkolam, vi., . . . . . . 219 Tāla, E. Chalukya k.,. .
228 Tālāksta, di., . . . . . 170 %. Talakkad, os., . . . . 225 T'alara or Takirakaha, of... .285, 289, 290, 291 Talegaon Platee. . . . . 177 Talha, M., . . . . .
. . .
. 195
. Talha or Talbajarman, dones, . . 192, 194 Tali Virabolan, 1., . .
• 236, 254, 266 Tallapalla, vi.. . . .
. . . 112 Tāmbraus, vi., . . . . . . 27 Tamil, co., . . . 27, 44, 145, 218 ». Tammadi.Bhattan, n., 238, 244, 245 and n.,
259 tamraphali, copper-plate' . 150 n., 157 tamra-sasana,copper grant', 23, 96, 137, 156, 268,
276, 277, 278,279 T&mtarada, family, . . . . Tañohapurl, S. a. Tanjore . . 218, 221 Tandabhukti, .. a. Daşdabhukti, . . . 154 Taplantöttam Inseription of Pallavamalla, 111 .,
204
112
Tañjai, os... a. Tanjore, . 40, 45, 46, 51 and ». Tsījávar, 6. a. Tanjore, . 223, 225, 243, 958 Tanjore, . . . . . 40, 45, 51, 230 Tanjore Inscription of Rajaraja , . . 225 Tanjore Temple Inscription, . . 225. Tank Committee, . . . 148, 149, 150 tapasvin, ascetio' . . . 139, 144 Täri, goddes, . . . . . . 281 karagu, lax,
. 234 tarippudavai, do.. .
234, 203 Tarka, sistra, .
• 156, 165 Tárumā, 4. a. Tarimanagara, Tärnanegara, ca. in W. Jona, Tattan Senday, .. .
235, 244, 268 Tattan Sikattan, M.,
236, 254, 200 tatar, . . . . . . . 146 taftarappan, lax, . . . . . 234 Taxila Plate, . . . . . . 14 Tēja, 7., . .
. . 296, 291 Tējaheimha, Gulila k., 286, 286, 287 & *. 288, 289,
291 Teki Plster, .
• 271 Telangana, Co., . . . . . . 66
, 4, final,
т
12, 16, 30, 94, 168, 215 16, 66, 128, 151, 177, 208, 215
.
Tachchar, . . . Tadangan pichchirrte, vi., Tadignipadi, co., . Tagadai, ca., . Tagadür, &. a. T'ayadai,
. .
. 30, 54 221, 224, 245, 259
,
.
.
42, 43.

Page #401

330
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
43
29
•
262
.
.
195
PAGE Telings, co.. .
45, 50 Teflàrrerinda, sur, of Nandivarmau Pallava
110 n. Tegkarai, vi.. . . . . Ten-Tagadai, 8. a. Tagadai,
43 Tër (Thairns), ti., . terri, . . . Tēva kudaiyag, m.,. . 235, 254, 266 Tevan Sattan, m.. .
236, 244, 259 Tēvuram, wurk, see also Diviram, . 88 n. th, . . . .
13, 128, 168, 180 n. thabbha, 'pillar! . . . . . 37. Tbsirkedda, vi., . . . . . . 29 Thakura, bit., . .
. 188 & 11., 190 Thakurdiya, vi., . . . 15, 22 thpÀ, Kharöshthi, form of -, . . 13 Tidgundi,Inscription of Vikramaditya VI, . 189 tiger, emblem on banner, .
217 m. tiger, emblem on 8'01, . . . . . 213 Tigwan, vi., Tikama, m., . . . Tillai, .. a. Puliyur,
. . 40 n. Tillaiyali, m., . . 222, 242, 257, 258 Tipëri, vi.
. . 161 Tinnevelly, . .
. 39, 227 Tirsimürpádu, di.,
.
234, 254, 266 Tirodi, I., . .
167, 169, 170 Tirodi Plates of Pravarasēns II, . . 209 . Tirthankaras, . .
. . 211 Tiruchcháykkādu,
. . 217. Tiruchchendür Inscription, . . .
8, 206 Tirugókarņam, vi., . . . .
40 . Tirukkalukkagram, vi., . . . 146, 147 Tirukkannangudi, vi., . 232, 237, 253, 265 Tirumalai, ci., . . . Tirumalai Inscription of Rājēndrachola, 153, 154 Tirumalli-nadu, di., . . . 45, 50, 54 Tirumandiravolainayajam, off.. . . 224, 259 Tirumangai-Alvar, ch., . . . . 230 Tirumayānam, ti., , . . 88 n. Tirumayanam Inscription, . . . 86, 91 m. Tirun ukkndal Inscription of Virarajëndra, 162 . Tirunallar, n., . 236, 245, 253, 259, 266 Pirunanipalli, . . . . . 217 . Truna saiyūrnādu, di., 139, 140, 143, 144, 236,
236, 244, 245, 253, 259, 266 Tiruvivukkaraso, anchor, . .
217 m. Tirupavūr, .,. . 232, 237, 253, 265 Tirunelveli, 8. a. Tinnevelly, . . 45, 49, 53 Tirunelveli-Udaiyar, te., . . 45, 49, 6B
PAGE Tirupparangu yram Stone Inscription, 7& . Tiruppārkadal Inscription, . . . Tiruppulivalattu-Mahadeva, te., . . . 147 Tiruvadi, . . . . . . 147 Tiruvarligal, . .
. . 231 Tiruvaigal, vi...
. 217. Tiruvlaudurai, vi.. . Tiruvälanılurai-Udaiyar, te., . . . 43 Tiruvalangadu, vi.. . . . 86, 88 ., 89, 91 Tiruvalangādu Grant, . . . . 40 n. Tiruvalatgādu Plates of Rajčudra-Chola I., . , 88 n., 213, 214, 217 & 1., 218 & 9., 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 225, 226,
227, 272, 284 Tiruvaliam, vi., . . . . . . 234 Tiruvallain Inscription, . . . . 274 Tiruvallam Inscription of Pallavamalla 110 n. Tiruvaranga, 4. a. Vanduvarāja, 139, 143 & n., 144 Tiruvarangan, 4. 1. Sriranga enr. 233, 243, 258 Tiruvarur Inscription of Vikrama-chõla, 216 1. Tiruvarur kurram, di., , : 269, 277, 280 Tiruvivadudurai, . . . . 217 m. Tiruvédagain, vi., . ..
. . 89 Tiru-Velvikudi, vi., .
- 235 Tiruvengadu Inscription, . . . . 55 Tiruvcrumbur, vi.. .
. . 220 A. Tiruvilakkudi, . a. Tira-Velvikudi vi.,
235 Tiruvirattanamudaiya Mahadeva, te... 268, 278,
280 Tikaimugan, 8. d. god Brahman,. . . 46 Tivaradeva, Nomarni k. of Kösala, 17 & n., 18,
19, 21 & 1., 22, 208 Tivarkhód Plater, . . . . . 93 n. Tiyambaka-Bhattan, . . . 236, 244, 259 Tiyaveni, 3. a. Trivēni, . . . . 2 tiyeri, tax .
. . 234, 263 Tovarobodu Grant of Vinayaditya, 25, 26, 29 Tondaimán, .. a,Vanduvaräja, . . 140 Tondai-mandulam, co., . . 27 Tondainādu, . . . . Tondaiyarvéadan, ch., . . . 140 Took-Toda, 1., . . .
• 56 Toranspadra, vi.. . . . . 108 Törkbede Plates of Govinda, 68 11., 78 n., 79 Lotti, elephant-goal', auspicious sign, . . 53 n. Trairajyr, . . . . . 27, 28 & n. Trairajya, con . . , 27, 28 & n. Trairajya-Phullava, . .
. . 27 Trayivardhana, 11., . . . 129, 132, 135 tree, symbol, . . . . . 3

Page #402

INDEX
331
PAGE
u, initial,. u, medial, 1, medial,
. . .
. . . . 93 6, 93, 160, 167, 168, 208, 215 . . . 6, 16, 93, 187,
215, 268
Ubhaiyakulāmalan, minister, .. . 216 n. UchchaiņSravas, Indra's horse, . , 123, 125 Udabhāņda, ca., . . .
. 97 Udaiyendiram Inscription of Pallavamalla, 111 . Udärimayakkal, field, . . . , 248, 261 Udayachandra, general, . . . . 111 l'dayāditya, Hoysala prince, . . 58, 59 Udayāditya, Paramara ch., 56, 57, 58, 59, 60 Udayāditya, Paramāra k., 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61,
62, 63
PAGE Tribhuvana or Tribhuvanapala, A. of Gujarat, 285,
288, 289 Tribhuvanachakravartin, sur. of Kulottunga I.,
. 139, 143, 144 Tribhuwanachakravartin, tit., of S. Kongu k.
Virarājēndra, . . . . . . 42 n. Tribhuranachakraratti Kõnërimmai-Kondan,
tit. of Choja k. Rājādhirāja II, . 89, 91 Tribhuvana-Mahādēvi. Kara q.,. . . 100 Tribhuvanam Inscriptions, . . . 88 . Tribhuvananārāyana, te.. . : 285, 288, 290 Tribhuranananar iyawa, tit. of Paramare Bhoja, 288 Trikalinga, co.,. . . . . 136, 137 Trikata, mo.. . . . . . . 20 Trilocbana-Pallava, Pallara k., . . 28 n., 217). Tripurl, ca. . . . 127 n., 128, 160 & n.,
164 Trivandrum Museum Stone Inseription, 7 & n. Trivara, Somarani k. of Kõsala, . . 21 N. Trivaranagara, ca.. . .
19 Trivida, . . . .
172 Trivēni. l., .
2 3 Tryaksha, s. a. gol Sira, tta, form, confused with bha, tu, Kharðshthi, form of . Tudi-rishtra, 8. a. Tunda-rashtra, . 16. 22 Tuhinagiri, 8. a. Himālava mo... . . 164 Tujumba, ri... . . . . 129, 132, 133 tulābhāra, gift. . . . . . . 221 Tulābhāra, &. a. Surdarararada Peruma!
. . 206, 207 Tulu, co... .
. 219, 221, 241, 257 Tammāņā, ca.. : : . . 100 n. Tunda, ri. . .
22 & n. Tunda-rashtra, di.. . . . 22 & *. Tundira, co., . .
. 292 Tundiraka-bhulti, di., . Tandra, ri.. . . Tundragaon, ri.. . Tudri, ri.. . . Tungabhadri, Ti., Tungamangalam. ri., 236, 245, 253, 259, 260 tīni, measure of capacity, 223, 238, 277, 278, 279,
280 Taraiyar, ri., .
. 232, 237, 252, 267 Turpil, ri. . . 236, 245, 253, 259, 266 Turaruraran Anukkan, m.. . 202, 243, 258 Turarurarin, Anukkan, . . . 283
12
2111.
37, 38
120
l'da vamārttándanallür, vi., . , 269, 278, 280 Udayana, Somawan si k. of Kaala, .
18 Udayatäri, J. (1), . . . . 31. 36 Udayēndiram Plates of Prithvipati II, 218 .
dayi, m., . . . . . 285, 289 Uddandapura, 8. a. Bihär
. Uddharapa, m., . . . 285, 286, 289, 291 Uddharaasvami, te., . .
286, 291 udranga, fax, . .
175. t'dumbara, 1., . . Udunpur, ri., . . ūdu pokku, tar,. .
231, 263 Ugrödaya, gem, . . . . . . 112 Ukhala pudra, ti.,
. . . . 108 Ukhalapadri, ri.. .
. 108 Ukha Mandir, te., . . L'Ithya, sacrifice, . . 171, 175, 208, 212 llacbala, ri., . . . . . . 29 Clagalandasõlapuram, ri., . . . . 147 Ulaga mulududaivāļ, Påndyn 9. 44, 49, 53 t'lagudai-mukkökkilanadigal, 9., . 89, 91 l'lakhara, vi., . ulaklu, measure of capacity, .
147 Usehal, ri.,
24, 29 ulgu. far,. . . . . . 234, 263 Ulla kheta, ri..
. . 136, 137 ulud inkudi, . Ulugh Khan, . . Umā, s. a. goddess Pärvati. . 129, 130, 133 Unu-and-Isa, 8. a. Ardhanartsrare, . : 130 Uma and Sira, s. a. Ardhsuarlsvars, . . 133 upadk måniya,. . . . 77 add., 114, 168 upadhynya, teacher', . . . 151, 156, 159
.
287

Page #403

332
upaklipta, upapātaka,
Uparichara, a. a. Chola k., Vasu, uparikara, tax,
upisaka, Buddhist lay worshipper'
upavēdas :
Arthavěda,
Ayurveda,
Dhanurvēda,
Gandharvaveda,
Upendra, m.,
Upendra, s. a. god Vishan, ür,
Uraiyür,
Uran Aiyyan, m.,
Uran Chandrasekharan, m., Urandai, ca., 8. a. Uraiyur,. Uran Nakkan, m., Urān Urān, m. of Kadambavala-vatkai,
Uran Oran, m. of Palankorrangudi, Urappali, Pakkaran, m.,. úrar, s. a. sabha,
Argalilär,.
Uruvar, vi.,
Urval, nymph,
Gräfchi, tax,
Urátturai, vi.,
Uren Inscriptions in Bhaikshuki Lipi,
Vabavadata's Cave Inscription,
Unara, myth. k.,
Utaragana, prince,
Utkala, s. a. Orissa,
Utkōdi, vi.,
PAGE
175 & n.
76, 85, 109, 185 220 175 n. 34
40, 45, 46, 51 & n. 238, 253, 265 238, 253, 265 238, 253, 265 246, 249, 260, 262 224, 231, 232, 233, 237, 251 & n., 252 & n., 253, 263, 264, 265 234, 262 87, 89, 90, 92 37 231, 243 236, 254, 266 123, 125 30 220
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
50 n. 50 n.
50 ., 117 50 n. 97, 98
116, 123, 125
231, 232 40, 45, 51 237, 252 237, 251, 264
Pallavayan,
Uttaramallar, vi., Uttaramĕru-Chaturvedimangalam, vi.,
I.,..
Uttara-Radha, co.,
Uttararamacharita, work,
Utthanaka, vi.,
Uttiraladam, s. a. Uttara-Radha,
Uttiramerur, vi.,
Uttar, vi...
Uttama-Chola, Chola k., Uttamaéola Pallavaraiyan, s. a. Irayiravan
•
94, 95 & m., 96 153, 162, 221 269, 279, 281
214, 219, 222, 227
Uttaramörür, vi., Uttaramērür Inscription of Chola Parantaka
234, 254, 266 145, 146, 148
147, 148, 149, 150, 206, 207 8 & n.
.
8&. 154 211 m.
285, 288, 290
154 205&n.
232, 237, 252, 264
.
PAGR
Uvarkkudi, vi.,. 232, 237, 253, 265 Uyyakkondär valanādu, Zi.,. 234, 235, 244, 254, 258, 266
v,
v, doubled after anusvära, v, used for b,
.
v, wrong doubling of-, Vachchiyan Paraméévaran Püvaḥ, m. Vadagaon, vi.,
Vada-Kadanpādi, vi.,. Vadakkil-angādi, Vadakudi, vi.,
vadava, record keeper', Vadavalli, vi.,
Vagada, s. a. Dungarpur state, Vagghachchha, vi..
Väghäditya, donee,
Vaghodia, s. a. Vagghachchha vi., Vāghor, vi., vaka,
Vaidumba, dy., vajayika-dharma-sthāna,
of justice', Vaikhanasa, Vaikuntha-Perumāļ, te., Vairāgara, co., Vaishnava, sect,
5, 30, 160, 168, 200, 208 168
55, 66, 99, 136, 151, 160, 168, 177, 187, 192 7, 16 248, 261 181 269, 278, 280 147
269, 277, 280
195. 71, 75
192, 193 & n. 80 1937. 80 94
99, 108 220
Vaisvadeva, mahāyajña, Vaisya, caste, Vaivaavat, myth. k., Vajapēya, sacrifice,
170 237, 251, 263 146 162
139, 140, 143, 144, 199,
202 85, 109, 185 34 220
167, 171, 175, 208, 211 & n., 212
142 12
72, 81, 105, 182 129, 132, 135
4, 16, 17, 18, 21m.,
22, 100, 167, 168 & n., 169, 171, 172 & n., 173 n., 174, 175 & m., 176, 207, 208, 209, 210 & n., 211, 212 164n. 216, 220, 238, 255 18, & n., 76, 114 47 & n., 52
188 m., 190 & n. 234, 263
140
[VOL. XXII.
victorious office
Vajrahasta III, Ganga k., Vajrapani, attendant of the Buddha, Vajrata, k., Vakaḍōllaka, vi., Väkäṭaka, dy.,
Väkpati Muñja, Paramāra k., Valabha, myth. k.,
Valabhi, ca.,
Valagiri, mo., Valaiya, m., vālamañjādi, tax,
Valavaivendan, s. a. Vanduvarāja,
.

Page #404

INDEX
333
. . .
. .
. .
. .
PAGE
55 131
Viran, . . . Vārānasl, ci., . . Vararuchi, author, Vardhamanabhukti, di..
154
Vardhamanaka, vi,, . vari,' revenue department', . Väri, vi., . . . Varippottaga-Kanakku, off., Varippottagam, off., .
. 151, 163, 166,
158 169, 172, 175 . . . 206 .
170 236, 254, 266 224, 236, 244, 259,
288
väriyam, . . . . 8, 10, 11 and 1. väriyam, committee,' . . . . . 148 råriyar, . . .
. . . 8 Variyilidu, off.. .
. 236, 266 Varman, dy of Magadha,
19 and n., 39n. Varuna, m., . . . . 116, 119 Varunarya, donee,
. 168, 172, 176 Väsata. q. of Somavarns k. Harshagupta, 18, 19 Vasishtha, aage, . . . 60, 62, 101 Våsishthi, götra-n., .
. : 32 Väsishthiputra, melronymic of an Ikahvaku k., 34 Väsishthiputra, metronymic of a Satavahana
-
140
PAGE Valavan, 6. a. Chola,
40, 46, 47, 49,
51 and 2., 53 Valha, m., . . . . . . 195 Vallabha, ep. of Rashtrakufa ch. Parabala, 68n. Vallabha, 8. a. Amoghavarsha I,. . 68, 69
and n., 72, 74, 81, 106, 107, 182, 183 Vallabha, 8. a. Govinda II, . . 104, 106, 1781.,
184 Vallabha-Vallabha, 8. a. Chola k. Virarajendra 272 Vallikamam, vi.. . .
. 87, 89, 90, 92 Valod, . a. Vadavalli vi., . . . 71 Vima, sect, . .
. . . 50n. Vamana, m., . . • . 196, 197 Vimana Sankarappadi, . . 147 Vamstakshama,
. . . 98 Vanagiri, &. a. Válagiri, . . . 47n. udnakarmin, . .
. 139, 144, 145 Vanaraiyar, Bana k.',
110n., 112, 113
and R. Vänavaşmahadevi, Choja q., .
221 Vänavannadu, di., . . Vanaviss, co., . . . . 129, 132, 135 Vandai, ci.. . . . . . Vandaimān-Tondaiman, minister,
139 Vandainagar-aralan, . . . . . 139 Vandaiyarkon, . . . . . 140, 141 Vandalažjēri, 8. a. Mandalajēri vi., . 140 Vandi-Dindori Plates of Govinda III, 93n. Vanduvarija, general, . . 139, 140, 141, 142,
143, 145 Vangaladēsa, E. Bengal, . . . . . . 154 Vanganagar, vi.. .
235, 244, 259 udrigar, . . .
. . 146 Vanki Creek, sve Vankildri, . 797. Vankiki, ri.. . . . . . . 70n. vannārapparai, taz, .
234, 263 Vāpi, vi.?, . . . . . . . 79n. väpi, reservoir of water', . . . 116, 119 Vappaka, 8. a. Båpa, etc., .
: 286 Vappuka, Sūrasena k. . 121, 123, 125 Varada, ri., .
.
. .
. 169 varada-mudra, . . . Varaguna II, Pandya k., . . . 206 Varaguna-Mahārāja, 8. a. Varaguna-Päņdya, 7, 8 Varaguna-Pāņdya, Pandya k., .
• 8,7 Varagupavarman, . . . .
7n. vanäha, see boar, emblem on seal,. . 104n. Vårahamihira, author, .
. . 166 Varahatirtha, . . .
170n. Vårahiputra, metronymic of Atvibhuti, . . 32
Vástavya, family, . . . 163 and n. vastu-kahätra-jaladhara-gartia-marga-samanai
ta, privilege, . . . . . . 155 Vasu, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Vasudeva, com.,. . . . . 109 Vasudeva, engr., . . 222, 223, 243 and ..,
258 Vasudeva, m., . . 222, 223, 243, 268 Väsudēva, 8. a. god Vishnu, . . 151, 156, 158,
199, 201, 202, 203, 204 and ». Väsudovabhatta, dones, . 181, 185, 189 and . Vatanarayanēkvara, te., .
. . 86 Vatapadraka, ul., . . . . 79, 80 Vatapadraka, vi.. . 192, 193 and . Vätapi, ca., . .
• 27 and . Vatapi-konda, ep. of Pallava Narasimhavar
man, . . . . . . . 27 Vatapura, 8. a. Vatapadraka, . , . 80 Våtiya, ... . . . . . våtödariya, privilege, .. Vatsarāja, engr., . Vâtel, götra-po.. .
. . 32 Vátalputra, metronymic of Dhanabhuti, . 36 vaffinali, taz, . . . . . . 234, 263 Vävans, m., . . 192, 193, 194, 196, 196 Vayaju, ., . . . . . 285, 289

Page #405

334
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. XXII.
PAGE Vayajā, m., .
. . . . . 192, 194 Vayaráka, fin.
286, 291 Vayiragaram, w., .
269, 270 Vayupurana, work,
171n. Vida, . . 10, 11, 45, 50, 51, 63n., 100, 156,
159, 161, 165, 168, 172, 175, 181, 185 vedas sve also wpavidas) - Atharvavēda,
50%., 168, 175 Rigvēde,
. 50n. Samavēda, . . . .
50., 151, 168 Yajurvēda, . .
16, 50n., 115 Yajurvēda (Black),
. 136, 211 Vedangas, . .
. 181, 185 Vedanta, sastra, . . . 132, 135, 166 Vedanurudaiyan Araiyan Sivallavan:m. 50, 54 Vodavanamudaiyan Ammaiappan, donce, 86, 87,
88 and 1., 91, 92 Vedavyāsa, 8. a. sage Vyāsa. 29, 76, 85, 96,
109, 186 Vedic götras, . . . .
32, 34, 35 Vedic gólta-names, . . . : 32 Vedic metronymios,. .
32, 34 Vēlamalai, mo... .
. 89 Velä-nädu, di... . 236, 245, 253, 259 266 Vēlangudi, vi.. . . . 232, 237, 251, 263 Velán Karunakaran Tondaimán, 8. a. Vandu.
varāja,. . . . . . . 140 Vélån Uttamaáðlan, .. . . 235, 244, 245,
258, 259 Vēlhã, in.. . . . . . . . 195 pēli, land measure, . . 53, 54, 86, 88, 91, 92,
223, 244, 258, 259, 260,
268, 269, 274, 279, 280 Vellala, caste, , 232, 247, 260, 261, 262, 263 velalar, cultivators'. . , 146, 206, 207 Volláru, ri.. . . . . 89, 90, 91, 92 Vélür, vi.,
. . . 218n. Vēlur Ganga Inscriptions,
112n. Vēlärpälaiyam Pallava Grant, . Valorpālayam Plates, . . . . . 218 Vélvikudi Grant of Jatilavarman, 6, 7 and #. Vēļvikudi Plates, .
. . 51n. Vēmbára, vi.. . . Vēna, myth. k., . .
. . 220 Vēni, ri., . . . . . .
171n. Vēnadu, . . . Vēnakata, di.,. .
. . 170n. Vēņátata, di... ..
. . . 170. Vångai, &. a. Võngi,
. 66 Vengainādu, 3. a. Veng co.,
56, 221, 224, 225, 248, 259
PAON Vēngl, co.,.
55, 56n., 58, 99, 103, 104, 139, 141, 142. 144, 145, 180, 221, 222, 227, 228,
270, 271, 272 Vēngika, k. of Vengi, . . . . . 184 Venkidangil, vi.. . . 232, 238, 253, 265 Vennadu, di., . . 234, 235, 244, 254, 258,
266 Vennainallür, vi.. . 236, 244, 245 and 1., 259 Vennaiya Bhattan, m.,
236, 245, 253, 254,
259, 266 Vēnnakata, di.,.
. . . 170n. Vēnvā, ri..
. 171n. Venya, Ti. .
171n. Vetohiyür, vi.,
45, 50, 54 Vētkovan, off. 233, 237, 251, 252, 253, 264,
265 reftippēru, . . . . 231, 248, 258,
231, 243, 258, 260 Vidarbha, co.. . . . 169, 170n., 210, 211 Viddhamlabhanjika, work, . . . 20n. Vidēlvidugu-chaturvedimangalam, 8. u. ka:
dalangudi vi., . . . . . . 235 Vidugädalagivān, 8. a. Vidugädalagiya-Peru
mál. . . . Vidugädalagiya-Peruma), ch., . . . 42 Vidugadan, s. a. Vidugädalagiva-Perumal. . 42 Vidyaranya, author, . . . . . 45. rihara, 'Buddhist monastery', . 66, 228, 229,
230, 231, 233, 242, 257, 267, 274, 283 Vihenda, m., . . .
. . 98 Vijā, I., . . . . . . 195 Vijaya, 8. a. Srivijaya co. . . 282n. Vijayabahu, k. of Ceylon, . . . . 142 Vijayabharana, sur. of Kulõttunga I, 143, 144 Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k., . . 99 Vijayaditya VII, E. Chalukya k., . 55, 141, 142,
271, 272 Vijaya-Isvaravarman, W. Ganga k.. . 112n. Vijayalaya, Chõla k., . . 217, 218, 220, 221,
227, 239 Vijaya-mahadevi, Chalukya q., .
102 Vijaya-Nandisvaravarman, 8. a. Pallara k.
Nandivarman-Pallavamalla, . . 110, 113 Vijaya-Narasiibavikramavarman, W. Ganga
. . . . . . 112n. Vijayapäla, Gurjara-Pratihara k.. . . . 122 Vijayarajëndradēva, 8. a. Chõla k. Rajadhira
ja I, . . . . Vijayarājēndraśõla-valanadu, di.. . 278, 280 Vijayasena, Sēna k., . . . . . 100 Vijayasinhasūri, acharya, . . 286, 291
.
.
210
273n.

Page #406

INDEX.
335
PAGE
PAGE Vindhya, mo.. . 76, 85, 109, 117, 118, 186 Vinga, v., . . . 181, 187, 189, 190, 191 Vinna, ri., . . . . . . 171n. Vira-Ballāla, . a. Ballāla,.
. . 59 Vira-chola, Chola k.,. . . . 220, 221 Vira-chola, S. Kongu k., . Virachola-Lankösvaradēva, 8. a. Solan Silam
ban. . . . . . . . 43 Viradhavala, Baghela ch. of Dholka,
288 Viraditya, ., . . . . . 97, 98 virama,'aign of multe consonant', . . 5, 65, 66 Viramahendra, sur. of Kulottunga I, 139, 143,
42, 43
144
289
Vijayavadi, 8. a. Bezwada,. . . 55, 142 Vikama (Vikrama), com.. . . . . 192 Vikkala, . . . . . . 46, 50 Vikkalan, 8. a. W. Chalukya Vikramaditya VI,
268, 270, 276, 279 Vikkiramābaraṇatterinda-Valangai-Velaikka
rae, . . . . 269, 279, 281 Vikrama-chola k., . .
216n. Vikrama-chola, 8. Kongu k., Vikramachöle, sur. of Kulottunga I, . 139, 143,
144 Vikramādilya I., Bana k...
. . . 112 Vikramadilya I., W. Chalukya k.
26, 27,
28 and 1., 29, 102 Vikramaditya II, do. . . . . . 111 Vikramaditya VI, do. . . 55, 56, 57, 58, 69,
188, 268, 269, 272, 279 Vikramahendra, Vishnubundin k., Vikramakësarin, Kodumbalur ch., Vikramankacharita, work, . . 55., 66n. Vikramankadēvacharita, work, . Vikrama-Pandya, Pandya k., . 88 and n. Vikramapura, ca. . . . . . 44 Vikramasblam-ula, work, .
. . 214 Vikramöndravarman 1, Vishnukundin k., . 19,
20 and n., 21n. Vikramondravarman II, do. . 19, 20 and n. 21 Vikukshi, myth. k., . . . . . Vikukshisvara, myth. k.,
. . . 220 Vilaippandür, I., . . Vilanda, . . . Vilappu, ri.. . .
248, 249, 261, 262 Vilarde, vi., .
. . 112n. Vilisadevi, Sena q.. .
. . . 100 Vilattar, ti.. . . . 285, 244, 245, 258,
259 viltkhaka, engraver', .
144 Viļifäm, vi.. . Viliam, ci., . Viļinda, ci., .
. . . 225 Viļinda, vi., .
. . . 221 Villava, . . .
. . 46, 50 Villavaş, 8. a. Chēra, . . 40n., 268, 276, 279 Villavarāyan, m.,
91, 92 Vimaladitya, . Chaluleya k., . . 270, 271 Vimsa, co., Vinada, m., . . . . . . 195 Vinayāditya, 6. a. Vinayaditya-Satyasraya 25,
26, 27 and 1., 28 and n., 29, 111n. Vinayaditya-Satyakraya, W. Chalukya k., 24, 29
Viranarayana, vi, . . . . 219, 221 Viranarayana-chaturvēdimangalam, vi., 236,
245, 264, 269, 266 Vira-Pāņdya, Pandya k., .
7., 87, 88 and ., 91, and 1., 92, 219, 221, 224, 227 and n.,
241, 256 Virarajendra, Chola k., 55, 58n., 142, 146 n., 162n.,
214, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 284 Virarājēndra, 8. Kongu k.,. . 42 and ., 43 Virarājēndradēva, 8. a. Vira-chola, . 221 Virasina, Choja k., . . . . . 220 virastshai, tar, . . . , 268, 276, 279 Virasimhadeva, Guhila k. of Dungarpur, 192,
193 and n., 194 Vira-Sömēsvara, Hoysala k., . . . 44 Virifichipuram Inscription of Pallavamalla 110n. virpidi, fax,
. . . . 234, 263 Virula, field, . . . . . . 195 Visala, m., . . . . . 192, 196 Vissladova, Baghela Rani of Dholka,. 287, 288 visarga, . . . . . 5, 168, 172n. visarga, changed into jihvamiliya,
77 visarga, changed into sibilant, . . . 99 visarga, changed into upadhmaniya, . . 77 visarga, omitted, . . 136, 139, 168, 192 visarga, euperfluous, . . 16, 227., 96n., 118n. vishaya, territorial division, . . . 181, 181 Vishayapati, off. . . . 84, 108, 184 Vishnu, god. . . 4, 8, 211., 51, 52 and ., 60, 62, 94, 96, 121, 124, 125, 126, 127, 139, 144, 174, 199, 202, 204 and 1., 211, 216 and ..
220, 264, 265, 275, 276, 285, 286 Vishnu, 8. a. Hoyaala Vishnuvardhana, . 59 Vishnu, 8. a. Sailendra k., BM-Mahärája, 281 Vishpukundin, dy., . . 19, 96n., 178n. Vishnupurára, work, . . . , 28 and . Vishnurāja, a.a. E. Chalukya & Vishnuvardh
ana IV, . . . . 99
225

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336
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XXII.
PAGE
YAdave, rare
PAGE Vishnuvardhana, Hoysala prince, .
. . : 35 Vishnuvardhana, 8. a. E. Chalukya k. Vijaya
Yajñaralkya Smriti, worki . . .68 . ditya VII, . . . . . .
yajfika, . . .
196. Vishnuvardhana, 8. a. Kubja-Vishnuvardhana
Yakshas, .
217 R. Vishnuvardhana IV, E. Chalukya k., . .
Yama, yol, . . . . 59, 122, 125 Vishnuvardhana-Vijayāditya, 3. a. E. Chalu.
Yasal karna, Haihaya k., . . . . 129 kya k. Vijayaditya VII, . . . . 271
Yasaskarl, Sūraséna q.,
121, 123, 126 Viévadēva, k., . . . .
35 Yasovarman, k. of Kananj, . . . , 211 Visvajit, Chola k., . . . . . 220 Yasovarman, Paramara k., . . . 57, 192. Vibvakarman, divine architect,
132, 135 Yaudbeya, tribe. . . . . . 33 Visvaladova, 8. a. Baghēla ch. Visaladora, 286, 288, Yavana, trihe, . . . . . 33, 153
291
Yavanika, 8. a. Eļini, Vigvamitra, aage, . . . . 60, 62
years of the cycle :Viftarsen, 4. a. E. Chalukya k. Vishnuvardhana
Hémalamba, . .
. . 86 . IV, . . . . 99, 107
Sarvadhirin,. . Vrihatkodil Grant, .
. . 141 Siddharth, .. . . . 185, 188, 189 Vusavata, vi., .
. 121, 122, 124, 127 years of the reigu Vyäghrägrahāra, 6. a. Puliyūr. 40n., 218, 220,
3rd,
. •
. 16, 23 239, 256 5th,
. . . . . . 26 Vyāghrakëtu, Cholu k., . 217 and 1., 239, 255
Ytb, . . .
. 26, 205, 206, 207 Vyāghrapuri, 8. a. Puliyor, . . . 40n. 10th, . .
. . . . 26 Vyághraviraka, vi.. . . . 94, 96, 171. 11th,
• 25, 26, 136, 138 Vyakarana, sastra, . . . . . 156 12th, . . 24, 25, 26, 29, 86, 89, 91, 92 Vyölabhayankara, Chola k., .i
220 13th,
. . . . 152, 157, 159 Vyamuktabravanojjvala, 8. a. Vidugädalagiya
14th, . . . . . 25., 26 Perumal, . . . . . . 42
15tb, . . . . . 148, 149 vyäparin, merchant', . . . 146, 147, 207
20th,. . .
45, 49, 53, 54, 268, 279 Vyāsa, sage, . . 23, 29, 76, 85, 96, 165,
21x, . 222, 223, 226, 228, 229, 230, 241. 174, 176, 216, 239, 255
244, 267, 268, 269, 263 Vyavahärin, ofl. . . . . . 156
23rd, . . .
168, 174, 230, 264, 266 vyavastha or vyavasthai,' resolution' 7, 8, 9, 33rd, . . . . 138, 139, 143, 144 11, 147, 148, 149, 205, 206, 233 351h, . . . . . .
9, 11 52nd, . . . . . 110, 113 Yögarāja, 7.,
. Waghela, 8. a. Bågbela clan, .
56
. 285, 286, 289, 291 .
Yögarkjavara, 4. u. god Siva . . Wainganga, ri.,.
288, 291 .171 and 1., 210 *. . Yögekvara, . u. yod Siva, ,
. . 269 Wairagadh, 4. a. Vayirigaram vi.,
286, 286
Yögekvari, . a. goddess Parvati, 285, 286, 288, 291 Wan, .. a. Ban s., . . . . . 170
Yona, co., . 177 n.
. .
. . Wpl-Dindori Plates of Govinda III,
153
Yuan Chwany, 8. a. Hinen Triang, Wardak Kharðahtht Inscription, . . .
67, 97 12
Yudbiphthira, epic hero, 23, 96, 101, 158, 168, 172, Wardha, 8. a. Varadari.. . . . 189, 211 Wäri, vi., . .
.
. . . 170 and ..
Yugadinarami, see Krilayujadi, . . 156 Warkbed, vi. . . . . . 170 *. Yuvanāáva, myth. k., . .
. . 220 Wima or Wina Kad phians,
. 13, 14 yuvaroja, "heir apparent', 70 and n., 139, 156, 160,
272, 289
Yuvarājadeva I, Haihaya k., Xatbroi, 3. Q. Khathrai,
128, 129 and n., 130, . .
33 ,
133 Yuvaraja II, do., . . 129 and n., 132, 135 .
Yuvatimāla, place-1., . . 6, 7, 12, 16, 94, 160, 167, 208
. . ,
. , 31, 39
Z ), sabecript, . . . y ved for 1. . .
. 1601
Zābag, empire of the Sailēudra, 281, 282 R. Yadave, clan, . . .
. 171 *.
Zābaj, do. . . . . ... 281
174
31.
.
94
MGIPC-51-II-10-88-9-8-38-260.

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